Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology [4 ed.] 1492528927, 9781492528920

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Table of contents :
Title Page
Copyright Page
Dedication
Contents
Preface
Part I: Introduction to Sport and Exercise Psychology
Chapter 1: The Nature of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Psychology
Chapter 2: Research Approaches in the Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Field
Chapter 3: Applied Sport and Exercise or Physical Activity Psychology
Part II: Individual Differences in Behavior
Chapter 4: Self-Perception in Sport and Exercise
Chapter 5: Self-Presentation Concerns in Physical Activity and Sport
Chapter 6: Perfectionism in Competitive Sport
Part III: Socioenvironmental Factors
Chapter 7: Family Influences on Active Free Play and Youth Sport
Chapter 8: Peers and Psychological Experiences in Physical Activity Settings
Chapter 9: Leadership in Physical Activity Contexts
Chapter 10: Group Dynamics in Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Contexts
Part IV: Behavior and Performance
Chapter 11: Moral Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity
Chapter 12: Performance Anxiety, Arousal, and Coping in Sport
Chapter 13: Anticipation in Sport
Chapter 14: Exergames to Enhance Physical Activity and Performance
Part V: Motivated Behavior
Chapter 15: Achievement Goals in Sport and Physical Activity
Chapter 16: Self-Determination-Based Theories of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Motivation
Chapter 17: Developmentally Based Perspectives on Motivated Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity Contexts
Chapter 18: Public Health Perspectives on Motivation and Behavior Change in Physical Activity
Part VI: Health
Chapter 19: Physical Activity and Mental Health in the Era of Evidence-Based Medicine
Chapter 20: Disability, Physical Activity, and Psychological Well-Being
Chapter 21: Sports Medicine Psychology
Chapter 22: Athlete Burnout in Competitive Sport
Chapter 23: Physical Activity and Self-Management of Chronic Disease
Part VII: Lifespan and Developmental Issues
Chapter 24: Physical Activity and Cognition
Chapter 25: Youth Talent Development in Sport
Chapter 26: Positive Youth Development Through Physical Activity
Index
Contributors
About the Editors
Blank Page
Blank Page
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Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology Fourth Edition

Thelma S. Horn, PhD Miami University

Alan L. Smith, PhD Michigan State University

Editors

HUMAN KINETICS

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Horn, Thelma S., 1949- editor. | Smith, Alan L., 1968- editor. Title: Advances in sport and exercise psychology / Thelma S. Horn, Alan L. Smith, editors. Other titles: Advances in sport psychology. Description: Fourth edition. | Champaign, IL : Human Kinetics, [2019] | Preceded by Advances in sport psychology / Thelma S. Horn, editor. 3rd ed. c2008. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017061427 (print) | LCCN 2017060802 (ebook) | ISBN 9781492559658 (e-book) | ISBN 9781492528920 (print) Subjects: | MESH: Sports--psychology | Exercise--psychology | Physical Fitness--psychology | Achievement | Goals | Sports Medicine Classification: LCC GV706.4 (print) | LCC GV706.4 (ebook) | NLM QT 260 | DDC 796.01--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017061427 ISBN: 978-1-4925-2892-0 (print) Copyright © 2019 by Thelma S. Horn and Alan L. Smith Copyright © 2008, 2002, 1992 by Human Kinetics, Inc. All rights reserved. Except for use in a review, the reproduction or utilization of this work in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including xerography, photocopying, and recording, and in any information storage and retrieval system, is forbidden without the written permission of the publisher. This book is a revised edition of Advances in Sport Psychology, Third Edition, published in 2008 by Human Kinetics. The web addresses cited in this text were current as of October 2017, unless otherwise noted. Acquisitions Editor: Bridget Melton Developmental Editor: Judy Park Managing Editors: Stephanie M. Ebersohl and Kirsten E. Keller Copyeditor: Bob Replinger Indexer: Nan N. Badgett Permissions Manager: Dalene Reeder Graphic Designer: Dawn Sills Cover Designer: Keri Evans Cover Design Associate: Susan Rothermel Allen Photograph (cover): Getty Images/Photo Alto/Milena Boniek and Getty Images/WIN-Initiative Photo Asset Manager: Laura Fitch Photo Production Manager: Jason Allen Senior Art Manager: Kelly Hendren Illustrations: © Human Kinetics, unless otherwise noted Printer: Sheridan Books Printed in the United States of America  10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 The paper in this book is certified under a sustainable forestry program. Human Kinetics P.O. Box 5076 Champaign, IL 61825-5076 Website: www.HumanKinetics.com In the United States, email [email protected] or call 800-747-4457. In Canada, email [email protected]. In the United Kingdom/Europe, email [email protected]. For information about Human Kinetics’ coverage in other areas of the world, please visit our website: www.HumanKinetics.com E6768

To the memory of my father, Jerald John Sternberg, whose life ended much too soon. Although he had only an eighth-grade education, my father’s lifelong interest in reading and learning is something I can only hope I have inherited. And to the future promise and potential of my daughters, Jocelyn Lou and Karolyn Sternberg Horn. Their interest in, passion for, and enjoyment of sports of all sorts have continually refueled my desire to study the sporting world within which they play. Thelma S. Horn To the memory of my parents, Carol and Lyle, and my great-aunt, Betty, who left this world during the completion of this project. I miss them dearly. Yet they left much behind that brings me comfort: the many lessons, encouragements, laughs, and acts of kindness and love that I reflect upon daily. Alan L. Smith

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Contents Preface xi

PART I

Introduction to Sport and Exercise Psychology

1

Chapter 1

The Nature of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Psychology . . . . . . . . 3 Robert C. Eklund and Peter R.E. Crocker

Defining Sport and Exercise Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Disciplinary Links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 History of Sport and Exercise Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Professional Competencies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Knowledge Translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Technology in Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Chapter 2

Research Approaches in the Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Field . . 17 Martin S. Hagger and Brett Smith

Quantitative Research Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Qualitative Research Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mixed-Method Research Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter 3

18 26 30 30 32 33

Applied Sport and Exercise or Physical Activity Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Krista J. Munroe-Chandler and Michelle D. Guerrero

Defining the Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Psychological Skills Training . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Emerging Research Constructs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

38 40 44 47 48 49

PART II

Individual Differences in Behavior

55

Chapter 4

Self-Perception in Sport and Exercise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Catherine M. Sabiston, Jenna D. Gilchrist, and Jennifer Brunet

Self-Esteem and Self-Concept . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Additional Self-System Constructs in Physical Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

58 64 67 70 70 v

vi  Contents

Chapter 5

Self-Presentation Concerns in Physical Activity and Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Jennifer Brunet and Catherine M. Sabiston

Self-Presentation Origins and Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Self-Presentation Tactics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Measurement of Self-Presentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Self-Presentation in Sport and Physical Activity Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter 6

79 82 84 86 90 91 91

Perfectionism in Competitive Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Howard K. Hall

Debating the Meaning of Perfectionism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Measurement and Classification of Perfectionism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Influence of Perfectionism in Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110

PART III

Socioenvironmental Factors

115

Chapter 7

Family Influences on Active Free Play and Youth Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Nicholas L. Holt, Shannon Pynn, Kurtis Pankow, Kacey C. Neely, Valerie Carson, and Meghan Ingstrup

Definitions of Key Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Foundational Theories and Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Family Influence on Active Free Play . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Family Influence on Youth Sport Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theoretically Driven Research Examining Parental Influence in Youth Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter 8

118 118 120 123 125 125 127 128

Peers and Psychological Experiences in Physical Activity Settings . . . . . 133 Alan L. Smith, Kathleen T. Mellano, and Sarah Ullrich-French

Conceptualization of Peers in Physical Activity Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theoretical Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research on Peers in Physical Activity Settings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter 9

134 135 137 143 145 145

Leadership in Physical Activity Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Mark R. Beauchamp, Ben Jackson, and Todd M. Loughead

Major Theoretical Frameworks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Athlete Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . An Integrated Framework for Leadership in Physical Activity Settings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

152 161 162 164 166 166

Contents  vii

Chapter 10 Group Dynamics in Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Contexts . . . . . 171 Mark Eys and M. Blair Evans

Relevancy of Group Dynamics Across Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Frameworks for Group Dynamics in Physical Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Critical Components of Group Dynamics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

PART IV

Behavior and Performance

172 173 174 182 184 184

189

Chapter 11 Moral Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Ian D. Boardley

Structural Development Versus Social Cognitive Perspectives on Moral Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Individual-Difference Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Contextual Influences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Consequences of Moral Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Contemporary Moral Behavior Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

192 193 199 200 201 203 204 205

Chapter 12 Performance Anxiety, Arousal, and Coping in Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Rich Neil and Tim Woodman

Defining and Operationalizing Anxiety, Arousal, and Coping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Models and Theories of Anxiety, Arousal, and Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Coping Behaviors of Anxious Sport Performers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

212 214 219 222 223 223

Chapter 13 Anticipation in Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 A. Mark Williams, Colm P. Murphy, David P. Broadbent, and Christopher M. Janelle

Key Perceptual-Cognitive Skills Underpinning Anticipation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dynamic Interaction Among Perceptual-Cognitive Skills . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Developing Anticipation and Facilitating Skill Acquisition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

230 234 237 241 242 242

Chapter 14 Exergames to Enhance Physical Activity and Performance . . . . . . . . . . . 247 Deborah L. Feltz and Stephen Samendinger

Exergame Modalities and Usage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Increasing Physical Activity and Performance Through Exergames . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

248 251 256 258 258

viii  Contents

PART V

Motivated Behavior

263

Chapter 15 Achievement Goals in Sport and Physical Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 Richard J. Keegan

History of Achievement Goal Theories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nature of Scientific Advancement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Attitudes That Enable Scientific Advancement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Codependence of Theories and Questionnaires . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

266 272 274 275 276 283 284

Chapter 16 Self-Determination-Based Theories of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Motivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 Martyn Standage, Thomas Curran, and Peter C. Rouse

Self-Determination Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . SDT-Related Extensions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

290 298 302 304 304

Chapter 17 Developmentally Based Perspectives on Motivated Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313 Thelma S. Horn and Jocelyn L. Newton

Theories on Motivated Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity Settings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Perceptions of Competence or Ability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Perceptions of Personal Autonomy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Motivational Orientation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Perceptions of Performance Control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

314 316 319 321 322 323 326 327

Chapter 18 Public Health Perspectives on Motivation and Behavior Change in Physical Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 Stuart J.H. Biddle and Ineke Vergeer

Psychological Correlates of Physical Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Individual Participation Motives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theories of Physical Activity Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Behavior Change Wheel and COM-B Frameworks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Habits and Nudging in Behavior Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

335 336 337 342 343 345 346 347

Contents  ix

PART VI

Health 351

Chapter 19 Physical Activity and Mental Health in the Era of Evidence-Based Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 353 Panteleimon Ekkekakis

A 50-Year Chronicle of Contrasting Views . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appeal and Shortcomings of Evidence-Based Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Depression as an Illustrative Case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

354 357 360 366 366 367

Chapter 20 Disability, Physical Activity, and Psychological Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . 375 Jeffrey J. Martin

Athletic Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Personality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wounded Warriors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

376 379 381 383 384 384

Chapter 21 Sports Medicine Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 387 Diane M. Wiese-Bjornstal, Andrew C. White, Kristin N. Wood, and Hayley C. Russell

Preinjury Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Postinjury Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Psychological Interventions in Sports Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Refereneces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

388 391 397 399 400 401

Chapter 22 Athlete Burnout in Competitive Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409 Alan L. Smith, Christine E. Pacewicz, and Thomas D. Raedeke

Defining and Measuring Burnout . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theoretical Perspectives on Burnout . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recent Research on Athlete Burnout . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

410 411 415 418 421 421

Chapter 23 Physical Activity and Self-Management of Chronic Disease . . . . . . . . . . 425 Nancy Gyurcsik, Christopher Shields, Miranda A. Cary, and Lawrence R. Brawley

Physical Activity as a Primary and Tertiary Prevention Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Role of Health Care Providers in Chronic Disease Self-Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Knowledge, Skills, and Strategies for Self-Regulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Physical Activity and Psychological Aspects of Behavior Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

426 427 427 428 435 438 438

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PART VII Lifespan and Developmental Issues

445

Chapter 24 Physical Activity and Cognition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 447 Jennifer L. Etnier and Yu-Kai Chang

Theories for the Effects of Physical Activity on Cognition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Physical Activity and Cognition in the General Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Physical Activity and Cognition in Special Populations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mechanisms of the Effects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

448 451 454 455 456 459 460

Chapter 25 Youth Talent Development in Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 467 Jean Côté, Veronica Allan, Jennifer Turnnidge, Matthew Vierimaa, and M. Blair Evans

Developmental Systems in Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Interest and Talent Development in Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

468 470 478 480 480

Chapter 26 Positive Youth Development Through Physical Activity: Progress, Puzzles, and Promise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 483 Maureen R. Weiss

Historical Foundations of PYD in Youth Sport Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theoretical Perspectives Underlying the PYD Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Progress in Applying PYD to the Physical Activity Domain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Exemplar PA-PYD Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Research Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Index 503 About the Editors  512 Contributors 513

484 485 486 489 492 497 497

Preface

I

n its most generic sense, physical activity psychology can be defined as the psychological study of human behavior across a range of physical activity settings. A close examination of the available literature in the field suggests that sport and exercise psychologists are particularly interested in the variation that occurs in the behavior of people in such contexts. This topic includes the variation between individuals in the same situation as well as the variation that occurs in the behavior of the same individual across situations. To illustrate variation between individuals, consider the case of two athletes from the same team who are both performing in a crucial athletic contest (e.g., a league, state, or regional championship). Despite the fact that both athletes are performing in the same or similar context, their behavior in this situation may differ. That is, they may vary considerably in anxiety, confidence, motivation, and actual performance. Equally as interesting to sport and exercise psychologists is the variation in behavior that occurs when an individual moves from one situation to another. For example, exercise psychologists have consistently noted that the amount of commitment that an individual exerciser experiences depends at least partly on the situation (e.g., group versus individual exercise context, partner versus solo activity, virtual setting or real life). Similarly, a middle school physical education student may exhibit a high level of motivation in a soccer-based unit but be considerably less motivated to achieve in a conditioning-focused unit. Or a person who coaches both cross country and track and field teams at the same high school may exhibit significantly different leadership styles and behaviors in the two sporting contexts. To explain such behavioral variation, sport and exercise psychologists have identified and examined a number of factors that can be categorized as either individual difference factors or socioenvironmental factors. Individual difference factors can be relatively stable traits, dispositions, or characteristics of the individual—such as age, trait anxiety, motivational orientation, self-esteem, or other personality characteristics—or differences that exist between people in their subjective

appraisals of the world around them and the events that occur in that world. Sport and exercise psychologists have used these individual difference variables in an effort to explain and predict the behavior of individual participants in physical activity contexts. Sport and exercise psychologists have also found that factors within the physical activity or broader social environment can affect the participants’ behavior. Specifically, characteristics of the sport or physical activity group (e.g., size, cohesion, composition) and the behaviors of group leaders (e.g., coach or peer leaders, personal trainers) have been found to affect the behavior of the group members. Similarly, significant others in the physical activity participants’ social environment (e.g., parents, siblings, teammates, friends) can exert a strong influence on the behavior and affective reactions of the participants. In addition, the sociocultural or sociopolitical context (e.g., perceived gender appropriateness of activity) can determine or strongly affect not only the observable behaviors of individual athletes, coaches, exercisers, and others in the physical activity environment but also their attitudes, beliefs, cognitions, and orientations. Although much of the research in sport and exercise psychology has examined individual differences and socioenvironmental factors separately, it has long been believed that behavior is driven by the interaction of features of the individual with that individual’s situation. Indeed, recent consensus in the field suggests that these two entities exert an interactional effect. This text showcases our present understanding of the complexity of behavior that occurs in physical activity settings and how such understanding can be harnessed to the benefit of performance and well-being. The first edition of this text, Advances in Sport Psychology, was published in 1992 with the express purpose of summarizing the state of knowledge on research in sport psychology. That first edition contained 13 chapters and was divided into four parts. The second edition (published a decade later in 2002) was expanded to 17 chapters to reflect the proliferation of topics in the field but was still focused ­ sychology. The third predominantly on sport p

xi

xii  Preface

edition was published in 2008 and contained 17 chapters, divided into four parts, and was published under the same global purpose: to summarize the current state of knowledge in sport psychology and to provide cogent directions for future work. The fourth edition of this text was written to provide a comprehensive and up-to-date review of the major issues that are of current research interest— not only in sport psychology but also in the psychology of exercise and other physical activity settings. As a result, the title of the text has been expanded from Advances in Sport Psychology to Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology. Similar to previous editions, this fourth text combines discussion and critical analysis of the current state of knowledge in each topical area with recommendations concerning future research directions. The text is primarily directed toward graduate students enrolled in research-oriented sport, exercise, or physical activity–based psychology courses and toward those currently conducting research in any of these scholarly areas. Although the book is not intended to serve as a how-to text for practicing sport psychologists or to provide information oriented only toward the enhancement of sport performance or the promotion of exercise, the individual chapters should be useful to current or future practitioners who need to understand the factors that affect the behavior of physical activity performers before they can hope to effect behavioral change. Given the significant changes to the scope of this fourth edition (as indicated in the title), the content of the individual chapters and the organization of the text as a whole have been significantly revised. The number of chapters in this edition has been increased to a total of 26, and these are divided into seven parts. The three chapters in part I provide a comprehensive overview of the field of sport and exercise psychology (e.g., definitions, history of the field, international perspectives, current controversies, epistemological approaches, research methodologies, applied research and practices). The three chapters composing part II examine characteristics of individuals (i.e., individual difference factors) that can affect their behavior and psychosocial well-being in sport, exercise, and physical activity contexts. These characteristics include global, domain-specific, and situation-specific self-perceptions; self-presentation concerns; and perfectionism. In part III, four chapters discuss selected socioenvironmental factors that impinge on participants’ behavior and psychosocial well-being in sport and physical activity contexts. The first two of these chapters discuss the influence of family and

peers, while the third reviews the research literature on the effects exerted by different types of leaders (e.g., coaches, exercise leaders, teachers). The remaining chapter in this part of the book addresses group factors (e.g., sport teams, exercise groups, social influences, collective group efficacy). In part IV, the focus is on select psychological factors that can affect behavior and performance in sport and physical activity settings. Individual chapters provide a discussion of morality, anxiety, anticipation, and the current use of exergames and virtual partners to enhance performance and behavior in sport, exercise, and physical activity contexts. The four chapters of part V provide discussion concerning the major (and more current) motivational models and theories that have been developed to explain individuals’ motivated behavior in sport, exercise, and physical activity contexts. Specifically, individual chapters in this section focus on achievement goal theories, self-determination conceptual frameworks, developmentally based theories of motivation, and public health–based models of motivation. The five chapters in part VI address the linkage between physical activity and health. Individual chapters focus on physical activity and mental health, injury and rehabilitation, athlete burnout, and sport and physical activity in selected populations (e.g., people with physical disabilities, chronic disease). Finally, the three chapters in part VII examine concepts related to lifespan and developmental issues. Individual chapters discuss the research pertaining to physical activity and cognitive abilities (e.g., the effects of physical activity on children with ADHD, exercise and age-related cognitive decrements), the development of sport talent and expertise (stages of play and skill development), and positive youth development through sport and physical activity participation. The substantial revision effort in this fourth edition results in a significantly different text from the previous three editions—not only in terms of chapter topics and foci but also in terms of the chapter authors. This appropriately reflects the theoretical and empirical advances that have occurred within the last decade in the sport, exercise, and physical activity psychology field. We enlisted an internationally leading group of authors representing a broad range of expertise in generating this revision. Despite the breadth of chapter topics represented in this edited text, an attempt was made to use a consistent format. Each chapter begins with an abstract that provides a summary of the content. This is followed by a brief introduction to the topic area, including definitions of terms, an explanation

Preface  xiii

of the scope of the chapter, and a clear outline of the sections of the chapter. In the main body of each chapter, the author or authors provide a brief overview of the early research and theory, followed by a more comprehensive discussion of current research issues, along with a synthesis of the state of knowledge in the area. Finally, a section of each chapter is devoted to a discussion of the gaps that remain in our knowledge base on the topic as well as suggestions for future research. The production of a textbook of this depth and breadth requires the coordinated efforts of a number of people. I wish at this time to recognize the major contributors. First, I would like to welcome (and recognize the contributions of) my coeditor, Al Smith. The choice to expand this fourth edition beyond the competitive sport context and to include other physical activity contexts was not taken lightly. Much thought and effort went into the process of deciding the specific chapter topics and the foci of the seven sections of the book. This process was made considerably easier through the addition of a coeditor. I (Thelma Horn) was the sole editor for the first three editions of the text, but it became clear to me that the expansion of the focus of this fourth edition as well as the addition of a number of new topics, authors, and sections would require the expertise of a coeditor. My first choice was Al Smith, who has been a chapter coauthor for both the second and third editions of the text. Given the research work he has completed and published in the sport, exercise, and physical activity contexts, I anticipated that he would be very helpful in constructing this new edition and in carrying out the work associated with producing such a product. I am happy to report that it was a very effective partnership and one that I hope to continue in the future. Second, we, the coeditors of this fourth edition, want to acknowledge the contributions of the support team at Human Kinetics. Three individuals warrant specific mention. Myles Schrag and Bridget Melton were the acquisitions editors for this text. In this role, they both provided the technical, administrative, and organizational support needed to get the fourth edition of the text from conceptualization to the publication stage. Their technical assistance as well as their social support were greatly appreciated. Judy Park, the developmental editor of this text, also provided considerable expertise in ensuring that each chapter followed a consistent format, was structured to maximize readers’ ability to follow the authors’ points, and was written in a clear and understandable, yet scholarly, style. Al

and I are so grateful for the assistance we received from the people at Human Kinetics that allowed us to get our ideas for the book from vision to an actual document. Of course, we also need to acknowledge the contributions of the authors who wrote the individual chapters for this text. A few authors (Deborah Feltz, Maureen Weiss, and Larry Brawley) have been with me (Thelma Horn) since the first edition of this text. I appreciate their continuing loyalty to the field and their ongoing contributions to this text, which in all three cases involved writing within a new topic area. Notably, however, this fourth edition includes a whole new cadre of primary authors. These authors include Robert Eklund, Peter Crocker, Martin Hagger, Brett Smith, Krista Munroe-Chandler, Catherine Sabiston, Jennifer Brunet, Howard Hall, Nicholas Holt, Mark Beauchamp, Mark Eys, Ian Boardley, Rich Neil, Tim Woodman, Mark Williams, Richard Keegan, Martyn Standage, Stuart Biddle, Panteleimon Ekkekakis, Jeff Martin, Diane Wiese-Bjornstal, Nancy Gyurcsik, Jennifer Etnier, and Jean Côté, each of whom agreed to take on the task of being a lead author for a chapter new to this edition of the text. In addition, a very large number of new coauthors were recruited to assist in writing each of the chapters. We are grateful for the enthusiastic and expert participation of this broad group of authors in producing the substantially transformed current edition of this text. From our perspective as the book’s coeditors, the 58 authors and coauthors represented in this text are, or will likely soon be, some of the most prolific researchers and scholars in our field. Despite their extremely busy schedules, these 58 individuals invested considerable time and effort in writing and rewriting their chapters. As several of them noted, condensing the research and theory that has been accumulated in each particular topic area into a reasonable manuscript length was not an easy task. In addition, each author was specifically requested to go beyond writing a summary of the available research and theory in order to provide a critical review of what we currently know and an outline of where we need to go in the future. In summary, the overall idea in writing the individual chapters for this book was to push the boundaries that have defined and have, in many cases, limited our field since its inception. This task was certainly formidable, but each author accomplished this with distinction. In soliciting authors for the individual chapters in the previous three editions of this text, I naturally generated many persuasive arguments for

xiv  Preface

­ articipation. The one that was consistently the p most successful in persuading the participants was the one that appealed to the authors’ commitment to the field of sport and exercise psychology. Our experience was similar for this fourth edition. Therefore, Al and I are convinced that each author’s primary motivation in writing her or his chapter for this edition was to advance the field and, per-

haps more important, to stimulate the interest and enthusiasm of current and future researchers. Our hope then is that this text will be of value to our readers not only in furthering their understanding of the field but also in motivating continued research work of quality. May our passion for sport, exercise, and physical activity psychology continue to burn brightly!

PART

I

Introduction to Sport and Exercise Psychology Despite the early work of such individuals as Coleman Griffith, Norman Triplett, and Dorothy Yates (see the history provided by Eklund and Crocker in chapter 1), sport and exercise psychology as an area of academic research within the sport sciences did not really begin in earnest until the mid-1960s. The field has grown considerably, becoming fully international in scope and accomplishing much over the last six decades. As noted in the preface, this edition has been expanded to include research not only in the sport context but also in the broader physical activity context (e.g., exercise, leisure, rehabilitation). This expansion is but a reflection of the changes that have occurred within the scholarly field. Given such significant changes, it seems particularly appropriate for this text to begin with three chapters that provide an overview of the area of study known as physical activity psychology. In chapter 1, Robert Eklund and Peter Crocker describe the nature of sport, exercise, and physical activity psychology. They begin this overview by

conceptually positioning the term physical activity psychology as the broadest label for the field and then identifying sport and exercise psychology as two important subareas, each relating to a particular type of human movement. This explanation of the conceptual foundation of the field is followed by a section comparing and contrasting the various definitions of sport and exercise psychology, based on perspectives from major scientific and professional practice organizations. The chapter ends with a section on current issues in the field and challenges related to research as well as practice. In chapter 2, Martin Hagger and Brett Smith examine three types of research approaches that are central to researchers in sport and exercise psychology: quantitative designs, qualitative designs, and combined, or mixed-method, approaches. Within each of the three sections, the authors identify issues that are important for ensuring that the results of the research accurately reflect the phenomenon under study. They also provide examples of research studies that illustrate each

1

2  Part I

approach, and they identify limitations to each approach, along with suggestions as to how such limitations may be minimized. The authors also identify critical issues that need to be considered as the field moves forward. In chapter 3, Krista Munroe-Chandler and Michelle Guerrero provide readers with an overview of the applied nature of sport and exercise psychology. They begin by pointing out that the field includes both a research component and a more applied component. They then describe the practitioners who work in the applied setting and outline the responsibilities, ethical concerns, and training for these practitioners. This is followed by an exploration of the research component of applied sport psychology. Munroe-Chandler and

Guerrero discuss several psychological strategies (e.g., self-talk, imagery, goal setting) that are frequently used in the applied setting, with their effectiveness examined through applied research studies conducted in competitive sport as well as in exercise or physical activity settings. This is followed by a review of some contemporary research and applied constructs. The chapter closes with the identification of some gaps that exist in the applied field, along with recommendations for future work. Collectively, the three chapters in this part of the book provide an introduction to, and overview of, sport and exercise psychology as a field of diverse scholarship and as a practical or applied discipline. The part I chapters establish a foundation for the topical chapters that follow.

1 The Nature of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Psychology Robert C. Eklund, PhD  Peter R.E. Crocker, PhD

Abstract This chapter focuses on providing information on the nature of sport, exercise, and physical activity psychology as a backdrop for understanding advances in specific areas of research that are presented in this textbook. We begin by conceptually situating physical activity psychology as the broadest label of psychological endeavor relating to human movement. We then identify sport psychology and exercise psychology as subareas relating to specific types of human movement. Definitions of sport and exercise psychology from major scientific and professional practice organizations are subsequently highlighted. Their commonalities and differences are considered to reveal both the focus and breadth of the field, and to underscore evident underlying preferences, tensions, and sensitivities. The psychology of sport, exercise, and physical activity has been shaped by two parent disciplines—kinesiology and psychology. Both have been tremendously important. The connections to kinesiology have ensured that sport and exercise psychology remains grounded in scholarship on human movement, whereas psychology has exerted a stronger influence on the nature of research and professional practice activity. Observations on the period predating the emergence of a recognizable academic field of inquiry and professional practice are provided for context to draw historical links to current manifestations of research and practice activity. Finally, current issues and challenges in the field are discussed relating to research and professional practice competencies, knowledge translation, and responsible and ethical use of the Internet and social media in the field.

3

4   Eklund and Crocker

H

istorically, the term sport psychology has been defined as the study and application of knowledge of psychological aspects of human movement, even though the broader and more inclusive label physical activity psychology might be more apt (Gill & Reifsteck, 2014). Presently, however, the labels sport psychology and exercise psychology are regularly employed to make finer distinctions regarding scholarly contributions to both the knowledge base and professional practice contributions. Such distinctions are based on the notion that important differences exist across the two physical activity subcategories (Eklund & Tenenbaum, 2014). Sport psychology, for example, tends to be focused on psychological factors that are relevant to participation in competitive rule-governed physical activities involving athleticism or physical skill. Exercise psychology, by contrast, tends to be focused on psychological factors implicated in participation in regimented programs of physical activity to improve or maintain health-related physical fitness. Despite these distinctions, sport psychology and exercise psychology are closely interrelated fields of scientific study and professional practice, if only because of their shared history and their primary interest in human movement and physical activity (Gill & Reifsteck, 2014). The broader label of physical activity psychology remains relevant, however, because the categories sport and exercise do not encompass the entirety of human movement possibilities that might be of interest to researchers and practitioners. As one example, people engaging in recreational physical activity, with little or no regard for considerations of competition or fitness, also hold interest for scientific study in psychology. The primary purpose of this chapter is to provide a backdrop for understanding the advances in specific areas of research that are detailed in subsequent chapters in this text. We begin with comments on definitions employed to characterize the field. In the second section, we provide a brief overview of the history of the field, and we end the chapter with some observations regarding current issues and challenges. Interested readers should also see commentaries of greater depth that provide a characterization of the field (e.g., Wylleman, Harwood, Elbe, Reints, & de Caluwe, 2009) or that include discussion of related historical matters (e.g., Gill & Reifsteck, 2014; Gill, 1995; Kornspan, 2012; Landers, 1995; Seiler & Wylleman, 2009; Weiss & Gill, 2005; Wiggins, 1984). So, in this chapter, we focus on the provision of contextual information and discussion of issues and challenges that we see

as having evolved or emerged since the previous edition of this text (Horn, 2008).

Defining Sport and Exercise Psychology Definitions of sport and exercise psychology abound in the extant literature (Kontos & Feltz, 1988). Although some commonality is evident across most definitions, the variation across them is not entirely trivial. It is worth considering a few selected definitions provided by organizations active in sport and exercise psychology to explore the matter. First, the American Psychological Association’s Society for Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology answers the question “What is exercise psychology and sport psychology?” by indicating Exercise psychology and sport psychology involve the scientific study of the psychological factors that are associated with participation and performance in sport, exercise and other types of physical activity. Sport psychologists are interested in two main areas: (a) helping athletes use psychological principles to achieve optimal mental health and to improve performance (performance enhancement) and (b) understanding how participation in sport, exercise and physical activity affects an individual’s psychological development, health and well-being throughout the lifespan. APA Division 47, 2016, paragraph 1

The Association of Applied Sport Psychology provides a second definition worthy of consideration, albeit one that is somewhat more narrowly focused—perhaps reflecting its primary organizational focus on “applied sport and exercise psychology”: Applied sport and exercise psychology involves extending theory and research into the field to educate coaches, athletes, parents, exercisers, fitness professionals, and athletic trainers about the psychological aspects of their sport or activity. A primary goal of professionals in applied sport and exercise psychology is to facilitate optimal involvement, performance, and enjoyment in sport and exercise. AASP Definition, 2016, paragraph 1

The British Psychological Society (BPS), as a third example, approached the matter with a preamble that established psychology as “the scientific study of the mind and how it dictates and influences behaviour, from communication and memory to

The Nature of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Psychology   5

thought and emotion” (2017b). Characterization of various areas of psychological practice represented by the Society in the United Kingdom—one of which is the Division of Sport and Exercise Psychology (DSEP)—occurs elsewhere by reference to their clientele bases (British Psychological Society, 2017b). DSEP is identified as a single area of practice (British Psychological Society, 2017a) but then characterized as involving two areas of practice (i.e., sport psychology, exercise psychology) with some practitioners working in both: Sport psychologists aim to work with, and improve the performance of both elite athletes and amateur participants in both team and individual sports. Exercise psychology is primarily concerned with the application of psychology to increase exercise participation and motivational levels in the general public. Some psychologists work in both fields [emphasis added]. British Psychological Society, 2017a

As a final example, the European Federation of Sport Psychology has a relatively longstanding 1995 position statement addressing “What is sport psychology?” that remains current and indicates that Sport psychology is concerned with the psychological foundations, processes and consequences of the psychological regulation of sport-related activities of one or several persons acting as the subject(s) of the activity. The focus may be on behaviour or on different psychological dimensions of human behaviour, i.e. affective, cognitive, motivational or sensori-motor dimensions. The physical activity can take place in competitive, educational, recreational, preventative and rehabilitation settings and includes health-related exercise. Subjects are all persons involved in the different sport and exercise settings [emphasis added], e.g. athletes, coaches, officials, teachers, physiotherapists, parents, spectators etc. FEPSAC, 2016, p. 1

Additional definitions of sport and exercise psychology exist in the literature, but the definitions provided by APA Division 47, AASP, BPS DSEP, and FEPSAC provide an adequate basis for comment because the commonalities, as well as the differences, that are evident across the sources are quite revealing. The commonalities provide a sense of the overall focus and breadth of sport and exercise psychology at present, whereas the differences unmask some underlying preferences, tensions, and sensitivities. First, scholars in sport and exercise psychology generally prefer to posi-

tion the field as being scientific in nature. Second, although areas within physical activity psychology tend to be regarded as intimately interrelated, sport psychology and exercise psychology, as the most prominent examples, should not be regarded as one and the same thing. This sentiment becomes even more obvious when considering other extant definitions specific to exercise psychology (e.g., Rejeski & Brawley, 1988) or “applied” sport psychology (e.g., Anderson, Miles, Mahoney, & Robinson, 2002) that make the distinctions more emphatically evident. Third, the highlighted definitions collectively make apparent that sport and exercise psychology spans both research and professional practice roles. Less explicitly evident in the definitions provided, although certainly implicated in their supporting commentaries, are related tensions about regulation of professional practice in the field—an ongoing drama played out across the globe with nontrivial implications for practitioners and service recipients—that also have substantial implications for educational preparation of professionals for careers as scientists or professional practitioners. This matter is addressed more substantively later in this chapter. The variation in available definitions may also indicate underlying identity struggles in the field. The differences, at least in part, are grounded in efforts to differentiate and define niches of focus within the psychology of physical activity to provide clarity for colleagues and the broader world. This tendency appears to match, to some degree, McFee’s (2004) suggestion that, philosophically, a definition should be individually necessary and jointly sufficient for understanding and recognition, and that definitions provide a powerful method to aid recognition by affording the enumeration of contrasts. The question arising for consideration is whether the array of definitions evident in the literature serves as a facilitator or an impediment for researchers and practitioners in the psychology of physical activity. With this in mind, the array of definitions should be the subject of constructive criticism, further consideration, and perhaps further refinement. As an example, we agree with Wylleman et al.’s (2009) assertion that the label applied sport psychology involves unnecessary redundancy (i.e., a pleonasm) because the simple act of making sport the focus of psychological inquiry or practice is already, in itself, inherently an application of psychology. The utility of making the pleonastic distinction is a matter worthy of consideration if only because it may signal more about struggles with identity (Wylleman et al.,

6   Eklund and Crocker

2009) than serve to define a specific niche in the field. In any event, understanding of the nature of the psychology of physical activity, and perhaps the associated underlying identity issues, can be enhanced by consideration of its placement relative to other disciplines and subdisciplines.

Disciplinary Links The psychology of physical activity has existing and historical disciplinary links to both kinesiology (i.e., an academic discipline focused on the study of physical activity and its influence on health, society, and quality of life; American Kinesiology Association, 2015) and psychology (i.e., the scientific study of behavior and mental processes; Gerrig & Zimbardo, 2002). The sidebar Areas of Specialization in Kinesiology and Psychology presents an alphabetical listing of areas of specialization within kinesiology alongside areas of professional practice in psychology as compiled from, respectively, commentaries provided by the National Academy of Kinesiology (2016) and the British Psychological Society (2017b). Although not exhaustive or definitive, the listings highlight the psychology of physical activity as being subsumed within two parent disciplines. Even so, it is fair to say that the study of sport or exercise psychology has more often been nurtured at universities in disciplinary academic units focused on kinesiology than in disciplinary academic units focused on psychology. Despite this positioning, both parent disciplines have had

influence on research on the psychology of physical activity. The bases of human movement are not only psychological in nature but also biomechanical, physiological, developmental, sociological, and so on. Therefore, knowledge from a variety of subdisciplines in kinesiology has been implicated in research on the psychology of physical activity over time. Even so, as discussed later in this chapter, an extensive reliance on evidence and theorizing from disciplinary areas of psychology is evident in sport and exercise psychology research. We now turn to a brief historical overview to add further context to the psychology of physical activity.

History of Sport and Exercise Psychology Our comments on the history of the psychology of physical activity are not intended to be definitive or exhaustive, but rather to provide some context and a few defining events for understanding the emergence of the recognized academic area. More exhaustive commentaries should be considered by readers interested in perspectives extending beyond our observations and into the maturational progression of the established field (e.g., Gill & Reifsteck, 2014; Gould & Voelker, 2014; Kornspan, 2012; Seiler & Wylleman, 2009; Vealey, 2006). It is perhaps unsurprising that concerns have been aired about some earlier historiographical accounts available in the extant literature that relate to the relative

Areas of Specialization in Kinesiology and Psychology Psychology • Clinical psychology • Counseling psychology • Educational psychology • Forensic psychology • Health psychology • Neuropsychology • Occupational psychology • Research and academic psychology • Sport and exercise psychology

Kinesiology • Biomechanics • Exercise physiology • History of physical activity • Measurement of physical activity • Motor development • Motor learning and control • Philosophy of physical activity • Physical activity and public health • Physical education pedagogy • Psychology of physical activity • Sociology of physical activity • Sport management • Sports medicine

The Nature of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Psychology   7

absence or acknowledgment of historical events and developments beyond North America (e.g., Seiler & Wylleman, 2009) and about the contributions made by women (e.g., Gill, 1995; Vealey, 2006). Those identified concerns were not unfounded, and commentaries emerging more recently have increasingly become more well rounded and balanced. More progress remains to be made, but gradually the historical picture is being filled in. Classical antiquity is typically used as a starting point in historical commentaries on sport and exercise psychology. It is appealing on various accounts to link modern-day sport and exercise psychology back to the ancient Olympic Games and philosophical ponderings of ancient Greek or Roman scholars (e.g., Hippocrates’ famous dictum mens sana in corpore sano—a sound mind in a sound body). But the link is tenuous at best because the next major timeline entry typically occurs in the 1850 to 1860 period, relative to the founding of psychology as a science through the contributions of Gustave Fechner and Wilhelm Wundt. This later linkage is probably more foundational if only because psychology is typically regarded as a parent discipline for the field—but, of course, that makes the history of sport and exercise psychology far less than thousands of years old! The reputed first sport psychology experiment (a foundational moment also shared in many historical accounts of social psychology) is often identified as being Norman Triplett’s (1898) evaluation of the social dynamogeny hypothesis that emanated from his observations on the performance of cyclists. Perhaps unsurprisingly, claims about this experiment being the first have been disputed—and not groundlessly (e.g., Seiler & Wylleman, 2009; Stroebe, 2012)—but it is fair to say that a great deal of subsequent research on social facilitation topics has been inspired by his report. Of course, Max Ringelmann’s efforts on individual productivity and group size (now termed social loafing) have also had a substantial influence on research in both sport and social psychology—whether or not recognized as being conducted first but published after Triplett (Stroebe, 2012). Focusing on Triplett (or other potential individuals), however, is probably too restrictive of a view of nascent sport psychology research activity in the period because, as noted by Seiler and Wylleman (2009, p. 404), there were a “considerable number of [sport-psychology-related] publications appearing between 1894 and 1900” by authors in Germany, France, Italy and Hungary. More important than questions about who was first is the fact that research interest in what we now

characterize as sport psychology topics appeared subsequent to the founding of the parent discipline of psychology and, moreover, that by the turn of the 19th century, some research publications resulting from that interest can be identified. The early years of the 20th century in Europe also featured other gestational developments (e.g., conferences focused on sport psychology) that might arguably have served to coalesce and consolidate an identifiable field at an earlier point than occurred had World War I not interrupted the possibility (Seiler & Wylleman, 2009). Despite the developmental interruption incurred by World War I, the initial decade of the inter– World War period featured a variety of important developments foreshadowing today’s vibrant field (Seiler & Wylleman, 2009). As examples, identifiable laboratories for sport-psychology-related research appeared in various locations (e.g., Germany, Soviet Union, United States) as well as topically focused courses at universities. Coleman Griffith’s efforts at the University of Illinois are often lauded as foreshadowing what sport psychology would become in the future. As described by Vealey (2006), he founded the Research in Athletics Laboratory at the University of Illinois in 1925, published about 25 sport-psychology-related papers, served as a sport psychology educator and consultant, and wrote arguably the first two major textbooks in the field (Psychology of Coaching, 1926; Psychology and Athletics, 1928). Laboratories in the Soviet Union and Germany predated Griffith’s laboratory and university courses (Seiler & Wylleman, 2009), so initial claims by North American authors that he was the “father of sport psychology” are now delimited to “in North America.” Nonetheless, Griffith’s contributions were nontrivial, and in some ways his efforts as an administrator at the University of Illinois to reinstitute the Sport Psychology Lab in 1951 after its depression-era closure in 1932 might be regarded as one of his more important services to the future of the field in North America (Kornspan, 2012). The closure of Griffith’s lab in 1932 was but a single sport-psychology-related consequence of the problems faced worldwide during the later depression-wracked years of inter–World War period and subsequently during World War II and its immediate aftermath. For the most part, research on the psychology of physical activity was simply not a priority during those years (Seiler & Wylleman, 2009). Some research (e.g., on psychomotor coordination) and applied practice areas, however, did not go dormant during that period but instead were

8   Eklund and Crocker

refocused on military and aviation applications. As one example of activity during that period, Dorothy Yates developed interventions for boxers that were offered to aviators and athletes in a 1942 psychology course at San Jose State University—to some subsequent acclaim in letters of testament received from aviators flying in World War II (Vealey, 2006). In this light, present-day efforts to use sport psychology to advance military training and performance (e.g., Arthur, Fitzwater, Hardy, Beattie, & Bell, 2015; Ward, Farrow, Harris, Williams, Eccles, & Ericsson, 2008) are simply the continuation of a legacy—as is the Association of Applied Sport Psychology special interest group in military performance (AASP Military Performance SIG, 2016). Given this historical sport psychology–military nexus, perhaps the claim in an APA Division 47 website document that “the largest employer of people [in the U.S.] with applied sport psychology training is the United States Army Comprehensive Soldier Fitness—Performance and Resilience Enhancement Program” (Portenga et al., n.d., p. 13) is not too surprising. In any event, the seeds of sport psychology–military involvements can be traced back to events occurring during inter–World War and World War II periods. As the “more vital problems” of the world (Seiler & Wylleman, 2009) started to subside after World War II, interests from earlier in the century on psychological aspects of physical activity were rekindled or refocused away from wartime applications. This shift made sport (and exercise)

psychology possible as it now exists. A nascent but amorphous field started to emerge during that period—one that is still growing and developing. As a sense of normalcy returned to the world, convergences from relatively isolated activities within and between countries emerged, resulting in the creation of scholarly societies and, subsequently, journals for sport psychology that provided avenues for the expansion and sharing of research and scholarship. The progression was sometimes halting and often uncertain, but the successive widespread integration of coursework into degree programs at universities, primarily in kinesiology academic units, provided institutional anchors for the subdiscipline as well as avenues for graduate training. That progression is encapsulated in timelines of emergence for scholarly organizations (table 1.1) and journals (table 1.2). Sport psychology is an area of scientific research and professional practice that has not only developed over the years but also expanded substantially. Consideration of the sidebar AASP Special Interest Groups provides an illustration of the breadth of interests in this expansion. Perhaps more fundamentally, however, Lavallee, Kremer, Moran, and Williams (2012) suggested that the expansion is exemplified in the widespread augmentation of “and exercise” in many, if not most, sport psychology texts and journals, as well as in the fourth edition of this text. Returning to a theme in our introductory comments, the histories of sport psychology

Table 1.1  Sport and Exercise Psychology Organizations and Founding Dates Organization

Acronym

Established

International Society of Sport Psychology

ISSP

1965

British Society of Sport Psychology

BSSP

1967

North American Society for the Psychology of Sport and Physical Activity

NASPSPA

1967

Canadian Society for Psychomotor Learning and Sport Psychology

SCAPPS

1969

European Federation of Sport Psychology

FEPSAC

1969

Japanese Society of Sport Psychology

n/a

1973

Israeli Society for Sport Psychology and Sociology

n/a

1974

Hellenic Society of Sport Psychology

n/a

1978

British Association of Sport and Exercise Sciencea

BASES

1984

Association for Applied Sport Psychologyb

AASP

1986

American Psychological Association Division 47

APA Div. 47

1987

Australian Psychological Societyc

APS

1988

Asian-South Pacific Association of Sport Psychology

ASPASP

1989

British Psychological Society Division of Sport and Exercise Psychology

BPS DSEP

2004

a

Including sport psychology

b

Formerly the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology

c

Included sport psychology as a specialization

The Nature of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Psychology   9

Table 1.2  Journals Focused on the Publication of Sport and Exercise Psychology Journal name

Society affiliation

Established

International Journal of Sport Psychology

Formerly ISSP

1970

Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology

NASPSPA

1979

The Sport Psychologist

n/a

1987

Journal of Applied Sport Psychology

AASP

1989

Psychology of Sport and Exercise

FEPSAC

2000

International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology

ISSP

2003

Sport and Exercise Psychology Review

BPS

2005

Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology

n/a

2007

International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology

n/a

2008

Journal of Sport Psychology in Action

AASP

2010

Frontiers of Movement Science and Sport Psychology

n/a

2010

Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology

APA Div. 47

2012

AASP Special Interest Groups • Adaptive Sport and Physical Activity • Anger and Violence in Sport • Business Ownership in Sport Psychology • Coaching Science • College/University Counseling Center • Eating Disorders • Exercise Psychology and Wellness • Fencing • Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender, and Intersex • International Olympic Sport Psychology • Media in Sport • Military Performance

• Performance Consulting in Collegiate Sport • Performance Psychophysiology and Biofeedback • Performance Excellence • Positive Psychology for Sport and Exercise • Positive Youth Development Through Physical Activity • Psychology of Sport Injury • Race and Ethnicity In Sport • Soccer • Teaching Sport and Exercise Psychology • Women in Sports • Youth Sport

www.appliedsportpsych.org

and exercise psychology are intimately intertwined (Gill & Reifsteck, 2014; Gould & Voelker, 2014) even though someone could mistakenly believe that their evolutionary paths were distinct. As a further example of the broadening of the field, the title of the new APA journal, Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology, highlights that the field has also expanded to embrace performance psychology—although many would suggest that the title is more a matter of making finer distinctions than being something new. In summary, the psychology of physical activity has grown immensely over time as a field of scientific inquiry and professional practice. The rate of growth has accelerated greatly over recent

decades. Whether or not the present manifestation of the field is precisely what was envisioned by its pioneers is debatable, but their vision certainly provided impetus to its present trajectory. This growth, however, has been accompanied by unfolding issues and challenges, some of which we outline in the following sections.

Professional Competencies The competencies considered necessary or essential for researchers and service professionals to possess have proved to be major and longstanding issues in sport and exercise psychology (see Fletcher & Maher, 2013; Tenenbaum, Lidor, Papaianou &

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­ amulski, 2003; Wylleman, Harwood, Elbe, Reints S & de Caluwé, 2009). Establishing clear standards related to the knowledge requirements on theory, measurement, and practice standards has implications for developing effective and efficient educational and training programs in universities. Determining competencies, however, has always been controversial, perhaps especially in applied sport psychology but increasingly so in all areas related to sport and exercise (see Andersen, Van Raalte, & Brewer, 2000; Collins, Burke, Martindale, & Cruickshank, 2015; Ryba, Stambulova, Si, & Schinke, 2013). To address all issues is beyond the scope of this chapter, and the interested reader is directed to the papers cited. We focus primarily on the university training of researchers and service professionals. In an ISSP positon stand, Tenenbaum and colleagues (2003) proposed a conceptual scheme for competencies that represented areas covering both research and professional practice relative to both knowledge base and practice standards. General areas relating theories, research tools, measurement and statistics, and ethics were covered in the knowledge-based standards. Practice standards addressed capacities relating to interventions and communications. More important than the specific outlined details is the fact that the depth and breadth of conceptual scheme, as acknowledged by the authors, was such that no individual could meet all the competencies in all areas of the standards. In North America, Europe, the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand, researchers and service professionals follow two primary educational tracks: sport sciences and psychology (McCullagh, Noble, & Portenga, 2014; Wylleman et al., 2009). This setup will influence the choice of undergraduate and graduate degree programs. Many undergraduate students inquire whether they should obtain a psychology degree, a sport science degree with a minor in psychology, or a double degree in psychology and sport science. What about graduate school? Each track offers advantages. At the undergraduate level, psychology students receive educational experiences across a variety of psychological fields such as personality-social, developmental, health, clinical and counseling, experimental, and neural-biological. This broad-based education is likely to increase awareness of the complexities of human functioning. In contrast, sport science students often obtain broad-based educational training on exercise physiology, biomechanics, anatomy, growth and development, health, social-cultural studies, and a few specialized courses in sport and

exercise psychology. Does this relatively limited exposure to psychological knowledge limit sport science students’ thinking and understanding of the potential intricacies of psychology in sport and exercise settings? The answer to this question is not obvious. Clearly, a double degree, which might not be practicable, would maximally benefit students because such educational experiences would cover many different knowledge competencies. The selection of a graduate program is likely to have a greater effect on the development of competencies related to research and professional practice. In Australia, North America, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere, many sport science programs have a strong research emphasis. Faculty members are charged with obtaining research grants, conducting high-quality research, and producing high-caliber research papers describing the findings of those research efforts. Graduate students in these programs are, therefore, often well trained on theory and research methodology and are oriented toward production of research output. Students in these programs can be overwhelmed with learning not only the theoretical models but also utilizing sophisticated assessment and analysis techniques in both quantitative and qualitative methods. For graduating PhD students, future employment in universities typically requires knowledge of advanced analytic procedures such as multivariate analysis, structural equation modeling, and latent growth modeling (Biddle et al., 2001; Ntoumanis et al., 2015). Students using qualitative methods also must be aware of the tremendous growth in the field of methods such as thematic analysis, grounded theory, ethnography, interpretative phenomenological analysis, and narrative analysis (Culver, Gilbert, & Sparkes, 2012; Sparkes & Smith, 2014). With much of the research in sport and exercise psychology being driven by evaluation of theoretical models, relatively little consideration is given to professional development (Tod & Lavallee, 2011). Sport science programs differ widely in the number of required courses (primarily driven by individual universities’ funding formulas). Sport and exercise psychology students are likely to have access to a limited number of courses oriented toward professional practice. Therefore, relatively few of these students receive coursework that meaningfully addresses competencies in, as examples, career counseling, cognitive behavioral therapy, behavior modification, family-system therapy, and other intervention techniques. Students in sport science programs may be more likely to receive some training in such areas as performance enhancement

The Nature of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Psychology   11

techniques, exercise behavioral change, motivation, and possibly skills related to personal development. Although these skills are recognized by scholarly professional bodies (e.g., AASP, Canadian Sport Psychology Association) for various forms of certification, they are considered inadequate by many professional licensing boards. On this basis alone, Tod and Lavallee’s (2011) argument that many graduate students in sport psychology are receiving inadequate professional training is difficult to dismiss. In contrast, accredited counseling and clinical programs have a stronger emphasis on professional competencies. At the master’s level, basic coursework often includes ethics, interviewing skills, counseling theory, group counseling, counseling for specific groups (family, adolescents, adults), assessment, and career programming. In most cases programs also include supervised field placements and internships. Doctoral training in these programs involves more comprehensive training in specific areas of counseling, advanced intervention techniques, assessment, research methods and analysis, and supervised internships. Students graduating from these programs typically apply for registration as a licensed psychologist. Unfortunately, many counseling psychology students will not take specific courses in sport sciences, including sport and exercise psychology, or even the general area of performance psychology. Furthermore, given the high demands of many counseling psychology programs, only with difficulty can these students build knowledge competencies in other areas of psychology that could facilitate their work with clients in sport and exercise settings. Nevertheless, training in counseling psychology and the affiliated area of clinical psychology allows students to acquire a set of professional competencies that are recognized by professional boards and health care systems. Most writings on competencies related to research and professional practice in sport and exercise psychology focus on sport psychology, especially for professional practice. If we consider knowledge base standards, sport psychology and exercise psychology are likely to overlap considerably given their substantial interrelationships (Gill & Reifsteck, 2014). This correspondence might also be true for professional practice standards (Hayes & Smith, 1995). Researchers in exercise psychology will likely require greater knowledge in exercise physiology and neural-physiological processes to investigate such issues related to exercise dose response, biomarkers of wellness, and physiological mechanisms that mediate relationships between

exercise and wellness. There is also an empirical literature that is specific to exercise psychology (see Ekkekakis, 2013). Yet little attention has been paid to the specific competencies or levels of expertise required by professionals working with exercise clients. Considering that exercise psychology is growing rapidly in many countries, professional practice issues require additional thoughtful consideration and debate among professionals in the field.

Knowledge Translation A series of intricately related issues connect research and professional practice competencies to continuing education, professional development, knowledge translation, and evidence-based practice. A major gulf exists in health care between what we know and what we do (Davis et al., 2003). The same case can be made in sport and exercise psychology. The field is influenced by knowledge developments across many fields, including, but not limited to, psychology, education, medicine, sport sciences, sociology, and cultural studies. In many cases systematic knowledge is not translated to potential consumers in a way that can enhance effective evidence-based practice. How can we facilitate this process to keep researchers and professional service providers informed? Surprisingly, few well-developed writings by scholars in sport and exercise psychology exist on how to close the gap between knowledge and practice. Professional organizations in sport and exercise psychology have recognized that continuing education (CE) and professional development (CP) are key processes for researchers and practitioners (see AASP Continuing Education Committee, 2016; APA Division 47 Education Committee, 2016). Both CE and CP are typically targeted at professionals after initial postgraduate education. Many psychological licensing boards as well as certification boards require psychologists to obtain CE credits after licensing or certification. Professional development, although not required, involves developing skills outside typical university training and includes such aspects as financial training, business management, engagement with community organizations, and developing social, research, and professional support systems (see Davis et al., 2003; Hayes & Smith, 1996). We can easily reach the false conclusion that the gap between research evidence and professional practice exists only because professional service providers are not keeping abreast of recent theoretical and intervention developments. Bridging the gap

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goes beyond CE and CP to involve knowledge translation. This dynamic and iterative process includes all generators and users of knowledge to promote ethical evidence-based application. It involves synthesis, dissemination, exchange, and application of knowledge. Unlike CE and CP, knowledge translation targets all potential contributors in the system, including researchers, professional service providers, students, clients, policy makers, athletes, coaches, parents, and administrators (Davis et al., 2003; Graham et al., 2006). Many major granting agencies are strongly encouraging knowledge translation as a necessary part of research. For example, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research has adopted Graham and colleagues’ (2006) knowledge translation model called knowledge to action. A key aspect of the model is that users of knowledge are actively involved in the process to determine whether their needs are being met. This interaction between knowledge users and knowledge generators can produce beneficial learning for both groups (Straus, Tetroe & Graham, 2007). Effective knowledge translation in sport and exercise psychology will require a concerted effort by professional and research bodies, as well as universities. Some in the field have attempted to develop knowledge transfer strategies (KTS). These strategies could include requiring delivery of postgraduate university courses in KTS, requiring KTS competence as part of certification or licensing, asking keynote speakers at scholarly conferences to provide evidence for their practices, having scholars write guidelines of evidence-based best practices in accessible language for the lay reader, and promoting journals that address knowledge translation in sport and exercise psychology. Professional scholarly organizations have increasingly committed to providing resources that provide evidence-based information for athletes, coaches, parents, and exercisers (see AASP Professional Resources, 2016), but the field also needs research that evaluates the effectiveness of knowledge translation. We should be worried that such research will reaffirm the findings of Reade and colleagues (2008), who reported that Canadian Interuniversity Sport (CIS) coaches ranked sport scientists and their research publications very low as a source of sport science information. The Association for Applied Sport Psychology sponsors the Journal of Sport Psychology in Action (JSPA), a journal that has the potential to be an effective vehicle for knowledge translation.  Although never using the term knowledge translation in its scope, JSPA does state that it

provides psychology practitioners involved in the sport industry with sound information that is immediately applicable to their work. The journal also provides sport psychologists with useful and sensible informed guidance that will make a difference in the way they practice. (paragraph 1, JSPA, n.d.) Over the first six volumes (2010–2015) the journal has published many articles that do address the application of sport psychology. Surprisingly, however, none of the published articles specifically addressed the complexities of knowledge translation and the use of KTS in sport and exercise psychology or the need for research that evaluates the effectiveness of knowledge translation efforts. A key feature of effective knowledge translation is that it leads to evidence-based practice. Both the APA and Canadian Psychological Association (CPA) state that evidence-based practice in psychology involves integrating best available research evidence with clinical expertise to inform decision making and service delivery (APA, 2016; CPA, 2012). This process encompasses a clear consideration of client characteristics, cultural background, and treatment preferences. Professional service providers need to engage in practices that maximize benefits and minimize harm to their clients. Nevertheless, evidence-based practice is complex and poses serious challenges because sport and exercise clients in modern societies are increasingly diverse in terms of age, ethnicity, religion, culture practices, and sexual orientation. This recognition of diversity brings us full circle back to the competencies required by physical activity psychology researchers and practitioners. Emerging theoretical, research, and professional practice frameworks are critically challenging the traditional ethnocentric ways of knowing in sport and exercise psychology. Writers are advocating new ways of thinking about and doing both research and practice based on a critical analysis of epistemological and ontological assumptions, as well as research methodologies, rooted in disciplines such as cultural studies, sociology, and feminist theory (Gill, 2001; Kauer & Krane, 2011; McGannon & Smith, 2015; Ram, Starek, & Johnson, 2004; Ryba & Wright, 2005). These scholarly movements have led to the development of position statements on culturally competent research and practice in sport and exercise psychology (see Ryba et al., 2013 for details). A key aspect of diversity is based on the understanding that there is no universal client or research participant and that people

The Nature of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Psychology   13

exist in sociocultural contexts that shape how they view themselves and others (Ryba et al., 2013). Such viewpoints will likely have a significant influence on the knowledge translation process.

Technology in Practice A key matter in sport and exercise psychology is the responsible and ethical usage of the Internet and social media for teaching, research, and professional practice (Watson, Lubker, Zakrajsek, & Quartiroli, 2012). The last 40 years have been witness to massive and dynamic technological and communication changes that affect every aspect of personal and professional lives. The Internet involves the interconnection of computer networks using both hardwired and wireless systems. But such a viewpoint is limiting, because the Internet might be best thought of as an umbrella term that includes all the technologies, communication devices, capacities, and social spaces that allow people to send or exchange information through electronic means (AoIR, 2012). Most sport and exercise psychology professionals are aware of the use of the World Wide Web and some of the popular social media sites. But social media is exploding with the development of numerous communication forms that can be clustered into various categories, including blogging, social networking, social bookmarking, video sharing, photo sharing, presentation sharing, professional networking, and podcasting (see www.onbloggingwell.com for more details). This communication revolution poses many challenges. Internet-related technologies offer myriad benefits to sport and exercise psychology. These benefits include increasing awareness and access to knowledge and services; allowing rapid communication with students, clients, and collaborators; increasing efficiency in data collection and analysis; improving teaching effectiveness; creating new revenue generation; and enhancing continuing educational and professional development (Vandelanotte, Spathonis, Eakin, & Owen, 2007; Watson et al., 2012). Many universities now offer online courses, and some universities deliver online graduate programs in sport and exercise psychology. AASP identifies university sites that allow students and professionals to complete courses that fulfill specific competency requirements for AASP-certified consultants (AASP Online Courses, 2016). Researchers are increasingly aware of online technologies that facilitate participant recruitment and the secure collection, storage, and transmission of data. Several publications have also addressed the potential for using online-related

technologies to enhance professional practice in psychology-related areas (Watson, Tenenbaum, Libor, & Alfermann, 2001; Zizzi & Perna, 2002). Despite the potential tremendous payoffs of the Internet and social media for sport and exercise psychology, many concerns require careful consideration. These concerns include intellectual property and copyright issues; confidentiality; professional competency; integrity in online relationships; equality of access; informed consent; ethical recruitment of clients and participants; secure collection, storage, and transmission of information; legal and regulatory matters; Internet and social media skills; evidence of quality and effectiveness of services; and maintenance of professional roles (AoIR, 2012, McKee & Porter, 2009; Taylor, McMinn, Bufford & Chang, 2010; Watson et al., 2012; Watson et al., 2001). Another need is to separate professional and personal social media sites. To a large extent, universities and colleges provide guidelines and establish review boards that help regulate the ethical use of the Internet for teaching and research purposes. Professional practice is another matter. Professional regulatory bodies place the onus of responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the professional. Dr. Stephen Behnke, then director of APA’s Ethics Office, stated that APA’s ethics codes can help guide online professional practice because these codes govern all professional activities and communications (Martin, 2010). Nonetheless, many interesting and complicating challenges have been identified. For example, professionals need to consider the laws and regulations of not only the locale of the professional but also the locale of the client (American Counseling Association, 2014). Furthermore, because the Internet is unregulated, little can stop people from offering dubious services to unsuspecting clients. Several publications provide thoughtful treatment of the challenges relevant to the ethical use of the Internet and social media for teaching, research, and practice (e.g., AoIR, 2012; Beetham & Sharpe, 2013; Taylor et al., 2010; Watson et al., 2012).

Summary In this chapter we presented information on the nature of sport, exercise, and physical activity psychology to provide a backdrop for u ­ nderstanding advances in specific areas of research that are presented in following chapters in this text. We have conceptually situated physical activity psychology as the broadest label of psychological endeavor relating to human movement and identified sport

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psychology and exercise psychology as subareas relating to specific types of human movement. Consideration of commonalities and differences in definitions provided by major sport and exercise psychology organizations was presented to reveal both the focus and breadth of the field and underlying preferences (i.e., to be situated as a part of science), tensions (distinction between sport psychology and exercise psychology; regulation of professional practice), and sensitivities (identity issues). The nature of the field is shaped by having two parent disciplines. Although kinesiology has been tremendously important to the growth of the field and in connecting its scholars with a human movement basis, research and practice has been more strongly influenced by psychology. The brief history that we provided was largely focused on the period predating the emergence of a recognizable academic field of sport and exercise psychology to draw historical links to current manifestations of activity (e.g., the sport psychology–military nexus). Finally, we focused on current issues and challenges in the field related to research and professional practice competencies, knowledge translation, and responsible and ethical use of Internet and social media in the field. In short, significant challenges exist for the scientist-practitioner model of graduate training in sport and exercise psychology and the possibilities presented by modern technology. The extent to which these challenges are surmountable and will change the field remains to be seen.

American Counseling Association. (2014). 2014 ACA code of ethics. www.counseling.org/docs/ethics/2014aca-code-of-ethics.pdf?sfvrsn=4 American Kinesiology Association. (2015). Position statement #2: AKA clarifies the definition of kinesiology. www .americankinesiology.org/white-papers/white-papers Andersen , M.B., Van Raalte, J.L., & Brewer, B.W. (2000). When sport psychology consultants and graduate students are impaired: Ethical and legal issues in training and supervision. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 12, 134–150. Anderson, A.G., Miles, A., Mahoney, C., & Robinson, P. (2002). Evaluating the effectiveness of applied sport psychology practice: Making the case for a case study approach. The Sport Psychologist, 16, 432-453. AoIR. (2012). Ethical decision-making and Internet research. Recommendations from the AoIR Ethics Working Committee (version 2.0). http://aoir.org/reports/ethics2. pdf APA. (2016). Policy statement on evidence-based practice in psychology.  www.apa.org/practice/guidelines/evidence-based-statement.aspx APA Division 47. (2016). What is exercise psychology and sport psychology? www.apadivisions.org/division-47/ about/resources/what-is.aspx APA Division 47 Education Committee. (2016). Education Committee.  www.apadivisions.org/division-47/leadership/committees/education/ Arthur, C.A., Fitzwater, J., Hardy, L., Beattie, S.J., & Bell, J. (2015). Development and validation of a military training mental toughness inventory, Military Psychology, 27(4), 232–241.

We thank Vista Beasley for her contributions in facilitating our efforts in preparing this chapter.

Beetham, H., & Sharpe, R. (2013). Rethinking pedagogy for a digital age: Designing for 21st century learning. New York, NY: Routledge.

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2 Research Approaches in the Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Field Martin S. Hagger, PhD  Brett Smith, PhD

Abstract Sport and exercise psychology is an evidence-based discipline. Practitioners rely on knowledge generated in research studies to ensure that their practice is effective and efficient. Researchers in sport and exercise psychology must adopt stringent methodological standards. This chapter outlines the research approaches adopted by researchers in sport and exercise psychology, including the two major methodological approaches, labeled quantitative and qualitative, as well as the combined, or mixed-method, approach. The section on quantitative approaches highlights the important issues of sampling, measurement replication and converging evidence, and validity and reliability. The typical research designs adopted in quantitative approaches are defined and discussed. Research synthesis and meta-analysis are also highlighted as a means to summarize quantitative findings. A final section discusses controversial issues in research methods, including the lack of experimental and intervention designs and the replication “crisis.” The section on qualitative designs initially outlines the importance of an interpretivist approach and the way in which it influences the identification of research questions, study design, sampling and data, and the validity and generalizability of research findings. Several methodological traditions in qualitative designs are outlined: grounded theory, phenomenological approaches, community-based participatory action research, and narrative inquiry. Typical and more novel qualitative data collection methods are identified and discussed, including face-to-face, one-to-one, and focus group interviews, mobile and online interviews, and autophotographic methods. Thematic analysis as the traditional means to analyze qualitative data is outlined, as are innovative approaches such as autoethnographies and ethnodrama. The advantages of the growing trend of adopting mixed-method approaches to studying phenomena in sport and exercise psychology are discussed. Finally, recommendations for best research practice in conducting research in sport and exercise psychology using quantitative, qualitative, and mixed-method research approaches are provided.

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ike those in all disciplines in psychology, sport and exercise psychologists are primarily interested in behavior. Developing an understanding of the psychological factors, or constructs, that are related to behavioral phenomena is, therefore, paramount for sport and exercise psychologists. Sport psychologists, for example, are principally interested in what constructs and conditions lead to optimal performance in athletes, whereas exercise psychologists want to understand the factors related to increased engagement in, and adherence to, physical activity to promote better health. As applied practitioners, sport and exercise psychologists rely on evidence generated through research, which provides essential knowledge on effective practices and strategies in behavioral phenomena in the field. And as an empirical discipline, knowledge in sport and exercise psychology is built up through systematic investigations that pose and respond to research questions in the field. Like researchers in all areas of science, sport and exercise psychologists observe phenomena, develop ideas, or theories, about how those phenomena might work, design and conduct investigations, or studies, to test key questions, or hypotheses, relating to those theories through systematic observation in sport and exercise contexts, analyze data on those observations, and draw conclusions based on the ideas or research questions. A single study alone does not provide definitive evidence to support a question or hypothesis because a single study is unlikely to encompass all the complexity and conditions that affect a particular phenomenon. Instead, knowledge is built up over time and through the accumulation of converging evidence. Researchers in sport and exercise psychology, therefore, need to design and conduct studies that are optimally effective in addressing the key question, or hypothesis. They want to select the appropriate method and design to ensure that each study will be fit for purpose in testing the predictions or exploring the phenomenon in question. The purpose of this chapter is to outline the methodological approaches that sport and exercise psychologists have adopted to generate knowledge and answer research questions. Our review is divided into three major categories based on the methodological approaches used in the research literature. These include quantitative (e.g., experimental, intervention, correlational or survey, systematic reviews, and meta-analyses), qualitative (e.g., interviews, focus groups, ethnographies, autobiographies), and mixed-method approaches. Within each methodological section, we provide examples

of research that illustrate the approach and serve as templates for the design of future research studies. We also outline the potential limitations of each approach and provide suggestions about how they may be counteracted or minimized.

Quantitative Research Approaches Quantitative research designs are the dominant methodological form in sport and exercise psychology. The quantitative approach is synonymous with the “scientific” approach advocated by empiricists and research philosophers (e.g., Lakatos, 1978; Meehl, 1990; Popper, 1959), in which knowledge is generated through the posing of a hypothesis, or idea, about a behavioral phenomenon and then testing that idea against observation based on the principle of falsification. Researchers develop theories, identify hypotheses derived from those theories, and then collect observations, or data, using relevant or valid measures to establish whether their hypotheses can be supported (confirmed) or rejected (falsified). The strength of a theory or hypothesis depends on the quality of the observations and on the frequency with which observations have supported the hypothesis. A series of null or disconfirmed findings may make a scientist reevaluate and revise the theory. It is through this process of evidence-based consensus and revision that theories are revised and modified and knowledge progresses (Biddle, Hagger, Chatzisarantis, & Lippke, 2007). Theories in sport and exercise psychology are not infallible; nor are they set in stone. Rather, they are essentially living systems that evolve, change, and become more elaborate as new research and evidence becomes known. In the following sections of this chapter, several issues or topics relevant to quantitative research approaches are identified and discussed, including issues relating to sampling, measurement, replication and converging evidence, and validity and reliability.

Sample Issues Quantitative approaches rely on data collected from and tested with research participants that represent a target population (e.g., athletes, sedentary people). Given that collecting data from all people in a given population would not generally be feasible, quantitative researchers must select a sample of participants that adequately represents

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the target population. The closer the sample reflects the population, the more able the researchers will be to infer that their findings likely reflect the true effect within the population (i.e., the study findings can be generalized to the population as a whole). Researchers may employ sophisticated sampling strategies (e.g., random selection, stratification, or oversampling among particular groups) so that the characteristics of the sample closely represent those of the target population. To do this, researchers need to know the characteristics of the population so that they can strategically recruit participants reflecting that population. A sport psychologist, for example, studying high school basketball players would need to know the characteristics of the entire population (e.g., age range and gender distribution, income and education level of their parents, level of experience) and would aim to recruit participants that reflect the overall population levels. This task presents a considerable challenge, and researchers often do not have the access or resources to recruit the appropriate sample. Thus, they may recruit participants based on some, but not all, of the criteria that define the population of interest. Therefore, results must be interpreted in light of the fact that the sample may not closely reflect the population of interest. In this instance, converging evidence from studies that test the same research question or hypothesis across multiple samples that overall represent population of interest may allow for better inference of generalizability.

Measurement Issues Another important feature of quantitative designs is the need to use valid and reliable measures of the constructs or variables of interest (Hagger, 2014). In quantitative research, two types of measure are typically used: measures of psychological constructs and measures of behavior and behavioral outcomes. Psychological constructs are generally measured through self-report surveys that include questions or items relating to the construct of interest and asking participants to provide a response to the question using a graduated scale. The scales usually have a fixed range (e.g., between 1 and 7), the scale values represent a degree of agreement or affirmation with the question or item, and the points on the scale are assumed to have an interval quality (i.e., the difference between each of the points is equal). The use of scaled survey items or questions to measure psychological constructs has a long history in psychology based on the assumption that people can reliably report their internal states

if the questions are developed to tap the construct of interest. Although psychological constructs can also be measured by other means such as evaluations or proxy measures from others (e.g., coaches, parents), self-reports are the most prevalent. Measures of behavior or behaviorally based outcomes can also be measured by self-report, and survey measures have been validated to do so (e.g., self-report measures of physical activity across a specified period). Although such measures have been shown to be valid against more objective measures, they are subject to bias such as the inability of the individual to recall his or her behavior or the provision of socially desirable responses (i.e., the person provides the response that he or she believes corresponds with the researcher’s aim). Thus, the adoption of measures of behavior that do not rely on self-report are advocated because they provide tests that are less susceptible to bias. Examples include accelerometers to measure physical activity and proxy measures that serve as an indirect indicator of such behavior (e.g., gym attendance to measure physical activity level or number of yellow cards received by sport participants as an indicator of antisocial behavior).

Replication and Converging Evidence As with all evidence-based disciplines, knowledge about phenomena in any area of psychology is built up through a number of studies confirming a particular effect. In fact, replication is a foundation stone on which knowledge is built. Replication provides confirmatory evidence that tests of a particular effect have not arisen by chance and ensures that the approach and method used to test the effect of interest produces similar findings across contexts and populations (Thompson, 1994), thus providing support that the effect is robust. The notion of replication is closely related to that of reproducibility. Reproducibility reflects the extent to which an experiment can be followed by researchers independent of those who conducted the original research. Published research articles in sport and exercise psychology should, therefore, provide comprehensive descriptions of the study methods so that others can reproduce the study accurately and possibly replicate the effects. Stanovich (2009) advocates the principle of converging evidence to evaluate the worth of evidence in psychology. Multiple studies provide robust evidence for the existence of an effect if they converge on the same conclusion or finding. In the context of developing an evidence base for

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an effect, converging evidence usually refers to a number of independent studies that adopt different methodological approaches to test the effect and then arrive at the same conclusions. As we shall see in the next section, studies of phenomena in sport and exercise psychology can adopt multiple methods and study designs to study the same effect and, to the extent that these studies provide support for a particular effect, the body of work lends robust support for the effect according to the principle of converging evidence.

Validity and Reliability Although replicating a particular finding may ostensibly provide converging evidence for the robustness of a particular effect, results should also be evaluated in light of the quality of the measures used to tap the psychological and behavioral constructs of interest. In other words, an effect might be replicable, but if the measures used were flawed in some way, questions might arise about the value of the reproduced effect. The measures need to be sufficiently precise and accurate in measuring the construct of interest. In other words, measures have to measure what they are supposed to and be fit for purpose. This concept is known as validity, and much attention is paid to validity within experimental psychology (Bagozzi, 1981). Various forms of validity are relevant to sport and exercise psychology: face, construct, concurrent, predictive, and nomological validity (see table 2.1 for definitions of each type and suggested methods to support them). These forms of validity are essen-

tial to research quality, and researchers in sport and exercise psychology must provide evidence to support the validity of their measures, either by analyzing their own data or by citing previous supporting research (see Tenenbaum, Eklund, & Kamata, 2012 for a detailed treatment of validity issues in sport and exercise psychology). Confirming the validity of measures of psychological constructs enables researchers to test hypotheses accurately and minimize the noise in their data. Another important means to evaluate the quality of research in sport and exercise psychology is the reliability of measures. A measure is considered reliable if it measures a particular construct or variable consistently over time and across contexts. If a particular instrument produced inconsistent measurements, then a researcher could not draw reliable conclusions when using it. Any variability in measures due to the social context or other variable of interest would probably be lost because of the variability attributed to this measurement error. Researchers must therefore demonstrate that their measure is reliable. They can do this in many ways, including test-retest reliability and tests of the internal consistency of survey or self-report measures of psychological constructs (e.g., generating alpha reliability coefficients). Although reliability and validity are often mentioned in the same sentence, they are independent features of measures in sport and exercise psychology. Although a measure may be found to be reliable, it may not be valid. In fact, the measure may still be measuring the wrong thing reliably!

Table 2.1  Forms of Validity and Methods to Support Them Type of validity

Definition or explanation

Methods used to confirm or support validity

Face validity

Evaluation of whether measures appear to reflect the psychological construct of interest accurately

Obtaining consensus from experts in the area who are told the purpose of the measure and asked to provide opinions about whether the measure reflects that purpose

Construct validity

Reflects whether the components of a measure (e.g., item in a questionnaire) capture the essence of the construct of interest

Evaluating whether responses to the instrument tend to cluster about a single construct in analyses testing relationships between the different components (e.g., factor analysis)

Concurrent validity

Tests whether a measure of interest is related to measures of like constructs

Examining tests of relations between the measure of interest and similar measures (e.g., correlations)

Predictive validity

Reflects whether a construct of interest is associated with a behavior or an outcome to which it should be theoretically related

Evaluating whether the construct of interest follows theoretically predictable patterns of relations with key related constructs or outcomes (e.g., using multiple regression)

Nomological validity

Closely related to predictive validity, reflecting whether a measure is related to multiple constructs within a theoretically defined network or pattern of relations

Testing whether the construct of interest follows a specified pattern of relations or differences with multiple variables within a nomological network

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Research Designs Within the sport and exercise research literature, a variety of research designs have been used. These can be classified into groups or categories that include experimental, intervention, correlation or survey designs, and research synthesis or meta-analytic approaches. These designs are described in the following sections.

Experimental Designs Experimental methods are central to the empirical scientific method because they focus directly on changing or manipulating factors, or variables, to examine their causal effect on outcomes. In an experiment, the researcher systematically manipulates a variable or variables of interest while keeping all other extraneous variables constant and then measures changes in an outcome or outcomes of interest (usually behavior) as a result of the manipulation. The advantage of an experiment is the careful control of the conditions under which the experiment is carried out, thus permitting researchers to isolate the effect of interest. The researcher must, therefore, maintain strict control of experimental conditions to minimize confounding influences of extraneous variables. One way of doing this is to conduct the experiment in an extremely controlled environment free of external distractions or stimuli (e.g., a laboratory). The manipulated variables are called independent variables, and they represent the key factor or factors (e.g., psychological constructs, conditions, training methods) that the researcher predicts will affect the target behavioral or outcome variables (also known as the dependent variable or variables). Dependent variables often center on

measures of performance (e.g., time spent on a task) but can also be measures of psychological responses (e.g., scaled measures of attitudes or beliefs). Another strength of the experimental method is that it permits researchers to examine causal relationships between variables. Sport and exercise psychologists are often interested in how one variable (often a psychological construct) causes an outcome (often some measure of behavior or variable that reflects behavior). Consistent with the scientific method and empirical approach, the researcher should specify an effect or relationship between the independent and dependent variables as a hypothesis derived from psychological theory. This aspect is one of the key advantages of the experimental method; it provides the most effective means to demonstrate a causal effect by systematically changing one variable and observing change in another while controlling for other variables. In some designs, other variables (e.g., identified as extraneous ones) may be measured so that the researcher can examine if and how the effects of the independent variable on the outcome variable are changed as a consequence of the extraneous ones. This approach, known as a test of interaction or moderation, is important because it provides an indication of specific conditions that might magnify or diminish the hypothesized effect. The researcher can therefore be more specific regarding the conditions or contexts in which the effect holds and modify her or his hypothesis or theory accordingly. Experimental designs adopted by researchers in sport and exercise psychology are illustrated in the sidebar Types of Experimental Design. A key challenge in the design of any experiment is the potential for the researcher to cause

Types of Experimental Design Various types of experimental designs are available to researchers. A full-factorial design tests the effect of independent variables on behavior or outcomes in a single experiment. The defining feature of the full-factorial design is that the experimental condition reflects the presence or existence of the independent variable of interest, whereas the control or comparison condition reflects the absence of that variable. Comparing the observation or measure of the behavior or outcome-dependent variable across the two conditions constitutes the test of the hypothesis. The independent variable may have two or more levels, reflecting the types of comparisons in which the researcher is interested. The researcher also needs to decide whether the different levels of the independent variable will reflect different groups of participants (a between-participants design) or whether all participants will receive all levels (a within-participants design), or a combination of the two (a mixed design). Alternatively, a researcher many adopt a quasi-experimental design in which naturally occurring differences between groups on a variable of interest allow the researcher to examine the effect of that variable on a dependent measure. For example, a researcher investigating the effects of a rule change, such as banning a particular class of substances, on a key outcome, such as athletes’ attitudes toward doping in sport, before and after the program, would constitute a quasi-experimental design.

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an unintentional influence on the responses of the study participants. How can a researcher prevent biasing the outcome of an experiment? The answer is through blinding. As the term implies, blinding procedures mean that the researcher designs the experiment so that he or she is unaware of, or “blind” to, the experimental manipulations that participants receive. This method is used to control for the possibility that the researcher’s expectations might unwittingly affect the participants’ responses. In practice, implementing this method can be a challenge because experimental manipulations in sport and exercise psychology may be quite elaborate, which would make it difficult to conceal the experimental condition of each participant. This difficulty can possibly be overcome by employing other researchers (or data collectors) who are unaware of the true purpose of the experiment to conduct key aspects of the experiment (e.g., administration of the manipulations and

tasks to participants), thus preserving a lack of bias in the obtained results. Examples of experiments in the sport and exercise domains are illustrated in the sidebar Experiments in Sport and Exercise Psychology.

Intervention Designs Interventions share many of the defining features of experimental designs in that they aim to evaluate the effectiveness of a treatment, training, or behavioral strategy on selected outcomes. Like experimental designs, they involve the systematic administration of the treatment to a sample of participants and an evaluation of the effect of the treatment on a target outcome or dependent variable. The prototypical form of an intervention is the randomized controlled trial, or RCT, which had its origins in medical and pharmaceutical research and has the design features of a control or comparison group and randomization to conditions

Experiments in Sport and Exercise Psychology A classic experiment in sport and exercise psychology that provides a good illustration of key features of the design was conducted by Weinberg, Gould, and Jackson (1979). Weinberg et al. examined the effects of self-efficacy on sport performance using a novel motor task to minimize the effects of experience. They proposed that positive feedback gained from successfully doing the task would increase sport participants’ confidence and increase their motivation toward doing the task in the future. Bogus feedback was used to manipulate participants’ success on the task, regardless of their performance. Participants were assigned to either a high self-efficacy condition, in which they were provided with positive feedback emphasizing their successful performance, or a low self-efficacy position, in which they were provided with negative feedback emphasizing poor performance. The researchers also included gender as an additional condition to control for sex differences. The experiment used a full between-participants design, meaning that each condition was administered to separate groups of participants. Results indicated that participants in the high self-efficacy condition performed better on the second leg-extension task than those in the low self-efficacy conditions. Gender did not affect the results, meaning that both male and female participants were similarly affected by the feedback. Weinberg et al.’s experiment paved the way for many other experiments that tested the effects of self-efficacy on sport performance as well as other experimental research that tested the predictions of social cognitive theory in sport and exercise contexts. In another good example of an experimental design, Martin Ginis and Bray (2011) examined the effect of self-control on exercise intensity and actual future behavior. In particular, they explored the effect of reducing people’s self-control on exercise behavior using a laboratory experiment. They randomly assigned half of the participants to a high self-control condition in which they engaged in a demanding task that required them to suppress their impulses and, therefore, demanded their self-control. The remaining half of the participants were assigned to the control condition in which they engaged in a task that did not require self-control. All participants then completed a 10-min cycling task on a stationary bike (cycle ergometer), and they were given the option to increase or decrease the intensity. Participants also self-reported their intention to exercise in the next 8 weeks. The researchers then contacted the participants again 8 weeks later to get self-report measures of physical activity. Results indicated that participants assigned to the high self-control condition did less work on the cycling task, reported lower intentions to exercise in the following weeks, and reported doing less physical activity at follow-up relative to participants in the no-depletion condition. This research provides good evidence for the importance of self-control in influencing physical activity and is an excellent example of a laboratory-based experiment that also demonstrates effects in a real-world setting by measuring physical activity outside the lab.

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in common with experimental designs. A number of different types of RCT exist, but these are the most common. Other designs are also used, such as pre- and postintervention designs in which the researcher takes baseline measures of the target outcome variable or variables of interest at a given point in time followed by the administration of the treatment. Changes in the outcome variable are evaluated at a subsequent point in time and compared with baseline values with no control group. Although pre- and postintervention designs produce useful data that is informative of changes in the outcomes because of the intervention over time, RCTs are often viewed as providing the most robust means to evaluate intervention effects and thus are identified as high quality in intervention quality assessments. There are two main differences between an RCT and an experimental design. First, intervention designs are likely to have less strict control over extraneous variables. Because interventions are often carried out in real-world contexts outside a laboratory, participants are more likely to be exposed to extraneous variables in the environment and context that may change the dependent variable or even interact with the intervention, potentially leading to bias in the evaluation of its effect. Strictly speaking, an intervention could have the same level of stringency as an experiment, and some researchers refer to their designs as field experiments that aim to replicate as closely as possible the strict control over the manipulations and the context found in experiments conducted in a laboratory. Second, interventions differ from experiments in the level of stringency over the

manipulations. Many interventions tend to focus on treatments that are likely to have effects on multiple dependent variables and change multiple mediators. Interventions, therefore, tend to be broader in their expected effects than experiments. Again, the extent to which an intervention has effects on multiple outcomes and mediators varies from study to study, and some interventions aim to change a single outcome or a very narrow set of related outcomes and individual mediators. In this case, if an RCT design is used, such interventions are closely aligned with experiments. Interventions, therefore, differ from experiments in degree rather than kind. Key features of intervention designs are illustrated in Chatzisarantis and Hagger’s (2009) intervention study (see the sidebar Interventions in Sport and Exercise Psychology). Critical to intervention designs is the need to include adequate procedures to evaluate their effectiveness, to test for mechanisms and process, and to ensure high methodological quality. Central to tests of effectiveness is the need to adopt appropriate measures of key outcome or dependent variables. Researchers need to be aware of the same considerations as experimental designs when selecting target outcome variables and identifying appropriate measures. For behavioral outcomes, objective measures of actual behavior or proxy measures are considered high quality and likely provide the most appropriate means to test the effectiveness of the intervention. Researchers also need to consider how their intervention works (e.g., what factors are responsible for changes in the outcome variables). These mediating variables are likely to be psychological factors that are changed

Interventions in Sport and Exercise Psychology Chatzisarantis and Hagger (2009) report an intervention study that provides an apt illustration of the features of this research design applied in a sport and exercise psychology context. Chatzisarantis and Hagger developed a schoolbased intervention to promote autonomous or intrinsic motivation in high school children toward physical activity in school and actual physical activity outside school. The researchers developed an autonomy supportive training program (cf., Koka & Hagger, 2010) to train physical education (PE) teachers in key behaviors that foster autonomous motivation (e.g., providing choice, acknowledging conflict, providing meaningful rationales and practice, providing positive feedback, avoiding controlling language). High school physical education teachers in the experimental group received a two-week autonomy supportive training, and those assigned to the control group received instruction on promoting physical activity using neutral language. After the training program, the teachers continued to teach their classes for a further 4 weeks after which the motivation and extracurricular physical activity of the children in their classes were measured using self-reports. Results indicated that the intervention led to significant increases in the children’s motivation toward physical activity in school and outside school. Furthermore, the effects of the intervention on physical activity outside school were mediated by autonomous motivation and intentions, providing support for the hypothesis that the intervention was making changes in the theory-based psychological factors.

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because of the intervention and reflect the process by which the intervention effects changes in outcomes. Such process evaluations are important because they provide researchers with information on how the intervention works, enable subsequent refinement and replication efforts, and facilitate the development of interventions that are optimally effective. Researchers also need to put checks in place to ensure that the intervention is carried out in the manner specified, known as intervention fidelity. For example, if the intervention is delivered by a practitioner (e.g., a coach or an exercise specialist), the researcher could conduct a series of observations of the practitioner delivering the intervention and evaluate whether the practitioner has provided the salient information, or displayed the salient behaviors, outlined in the intervention method. The fidelity checks are highly dependent on the clear specification of the intervention itself, and the researcher needs to ensure that all the required information and steps are outlined in an intervention manual or protocol before the intervention begins. Additionally, the researcher needs to ensure that any practitioner involved in delivering the intervention is trained or familiarized with the protocol before the intervention begins (Michie et al., 2012).

Correlational Designs An alternative method adopted by sport and exercise psychologists to investigate effects in social contexts is to adopt a correlational design. A number of correlational designs exist. Prominent among these are cross-sectional survey designs in which the researcher administers a questionnaire containing validated measures of a number of constructs of interest to a sample and then uses the data to test hypotheses by examining the patterns of relationships among the constructs. Researchers undertake extensive development work before conducting research by using surveys to ensure that the survey measures are valid and reliable. The process of survey development is described in detail in the sidebar How Psychologists Develop Surveys. The advantage of adopting a correlational survey design is that it is relatively easy to conduct because it does not require the elaborate designs and manipulations of conditions used in experimental or intervention research. But this design has a substantive disadvantage in that it puts limits on the extent to which the researcher can infer causality. Even though psychological theory may dictate that a particular variable will influence or “cause” another, the data from a cross-sectional survey really reflect only a snapshot of an individ-

How Psychologists Develop Surveys As with all psychological research, the measures used must be valid and reliable (see table 2.1) and researchers typically undergo extensive development work to ensure that their surveys are fit for purpose. The surveys adopted by sport and exercise psychologists contain carefully developed questionnaires that include questions, or items, specifically designed to capture a psychological construct of interest. Questionnaires are usually developed using classical test theory in which questions are specifically designed to capture the “essence” of the psychological construct of interest (Nunnally & Bernstein, 1994). The construct itself does not exist; it is an unobserved entity that must be inferred based on people’s responses to questions that incorporate the defining characteristics of the constructs. For example, suppose a researcher wants to measure people’s attitudes toward performance-enhancing drugs in sport. She or he must know the features of attitudes and identify the important aspects that comprise attitudes toward performance-enhancing drugs in sport (e.g., Chan, Hardcastle, et al., 2015; Lentillon-Kaestner, Hagger, & Hardcastle, 2011; Lucidi et al., 2008). This step is frequently accomplished through the use of open-ended questions administered to a small sample to elicit those aspects. Based on a content analysis of the responses to the elicitation questionnaire, items are developed that capture attitudes toward performance-enhancing drugs in sport. The questionnaire can then be administered to a larger sample. Responses are quantified on measurement scales that enable participants to rate their degree of agreement with each item. The data can then be subjected to sophisticated statistical analyses, such as factor analysis, to establish whether people tend to respond to the items in a consistent manner. This process will provide evidence that the set of items is sufficiently representative of the construct of interest. Of course, a researcher does not have to go through this rigorous questionnaire-validation process every time he or she wishes to measure a psychological construct because a vast array of published measures of various attitudinal constructs is available. Thus, researchers are often able to select or adapt the appropriate measure for use in their surveys.

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ual’s responses to the measures of the constructs of interest at that particular point in time (Biddle et al., 2007). The data contain no information about whether a change in one variable causes a change in another. Such cross-sectional survey data is therefore said to be correlational in nature, and, as a consequence, the researcher does not know whether one variable causes the other, whether the cause is in the opposite direction, or whether the variables affect each other in a reciprocal way, a third possibility. Therefore, although research using cross-sectional survey designs will provide a test of whether two variables are related, it cannot address or resolve the pattern of causation in that relationship. Survey-based studies can also adopt a longitudinal design by collecting survey measures at two or more points in time with initial (baseline) and subsequent (follow-up) data from the same sample of participants. Responses to the survey items across the time points are then matched and compared. The value of the time gap is to provide a better understanding of the nature of a relationship. For example, if a researcher was interested in the link between attitudes and exercise behavior, a correlation between a measure of attitudes and a measure of behavior taken concurrently in a cross-sectional study provides only a limited test of the relationship because a behavioral measure will typically reflect behavior at that specific point in time, and is, in effect, a measure of past behavior. If behavior is measured after a time gap, then it reflects behavior that had occurred since the measure of attitude. The study is therefore able to evaluate whether attitude can explain variation in subsequent behavior. Even with this time lag, however, tests of the effects do not provide an effective evaluation of the causal link between the variables because the variables are still snapshot measures of people’s perceptions at a particular time and do not take into account any changes in the variables that might have occurred since they were measured. For example, new information may come to light that leads to changes in attitudes after measurement, but the survey measures do not account for these changes (Gollob & Reichardt, 1987). The two types of longitudinal design are prospective and panel. In prospective designs, the measures at the different time points differ. The hypothetical study in which measures of attitudes and behavior were administered at two points in time is an example of a prospective study. A panel design is somewhat more sophisticated in that measures of

all variables are administered at both points in time. Extending this design to the previous hypothetical study, the researcher would measure both attitudes and behavior at the first point in time and then measure the behavior at a second point in time. This design is much more powerful because it provides better scope to establish the direction of an effect (Hertzog & Nesselroade, 1987). The design permits relationships to be computed between attitudes measured at the first time point and behavior measured at the second time point as well as the reverse effects. The size of the effect for the relationships provides data on the strength and directionality of the effect. It would also provide information to test the hypothesis that the relationship between the variables was reciprocal. The panel design also enables the researcher to control for changes in the variables over time by studying the relationship of a variable with itself over time. Any effect of a variable on another can therefore be evaluated in light of whether that variable had changed between the times of measurement. In this way, the panel design can model longitudinal change, but it must be stressed that this is a change in a variable over time and not a change in a variable because of the manipulation of the variable that ostensibly causes it, as would happen in an experiment (Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2016; Hagger, Chatzisarantis, Biddle, & Orbell, 2001; Sarrazin, Vallerand, Guillet, Pelletier, & Cury, 2002). Aside from the inference of causality, survey designs have other problems, including characteristics inherent in survey methods such as social desirability and response acquiescence. One of the problems inherent in survey methods is that people tend to provide responses that they think the experimenter desires. Therefore, rather than true responses, a person’s scores on the questionnaire items may be biased. Ironically, this issue is a psychological phenomenon in itself. People tend to complete questionnaires in the implied presence of the researcher, which will influence their behavior. Researchers therefore design questionnaires and studies to minimize social desirability, such as by emphasizing to participants that their responses will be anonymous and that there are no correct or incorrect responses. Measures of social desirability can be administered to provide a check on whether respondents tend to answer questionnaire items in a socially desirable manner (Reynolds, 1982). Response acquiescence reflects the extent to which responding to items on a questionnaire subsequently affects responses on other items on

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a questionnaire. Because questionnaires often contain many items measuring a multitude of constructs, this problem could lead to systematic bias in questionnaire responses. Researchers therefore suggest arranging the order of items in the questionnaires accordingly to minimize the bias (Chan, Ivarsson, et al., 2015). A final problem is associated with response burden and questionnaire fatigue. Completing multi-item surveys can be fatiguing and can lead to bias in questionnaire research. Providing participants with regular breaks or filler tasks may help minimize this problem.

Research Synthesis and Meta-Analysis Knowledge of effects in sport and exercise psychology is developed over time based on the converging evidence from multiple studies. Researchers are, therefore, often interested in quantifying the strength of a particular effect that has been measured or tested in multiple studies. Although a cursory glance at the weight of evidence for some tests may appear consistent across studies, in some cases there is considerable variability in the effect size. Researchers may look at the weight of the evidence through the number of statistically significant tests of the effect, but that, too, is inadequate because some studies may not be conducted on samples that are sufficiently large to find the effect even though the effect may be a real one (e.g., a type II error). Meta-analysis is a powerful analytic tool that a researcher uses to synthesize research findings while correcting for sources of methodological bias (Hunter & Schmidt, 2004; Rosenthal & DiMatteo, 2001). This method is extremely valuable to researchers because it may provide useful information about whether the effect is a true or real one in the population and, most important, the extent to which the effect may vary across important extraneous variables (e.g., sample characteristics, contexts, and psychological factors, known as moderators). A meta-analysis focuses on estimating the size of the effect of interest, which could be the effect of an independent variable on a dependent variable, such as a manipulation in an experiment or intervention, or a relationship between two variables. In a meta-analysis, the researcher seeks to identify all possible tests of a particular effect across studies and synthesize them into a single averaged test of the effect. Unlike primary research in sport and exercise psychology, the unit of analysis in meta-analysis is the research study providing the test of the effect. Furthermore, meta-analysis is not concerned with the statistical

significance, because statistical significance of an effect depends on a number of factors, including the size of the effect and, critically, the sample size. In meta-analysis, studies with larger sample sizes are considered more representative given that their sample is closer to the population sample size. Meta-analysts, therefore, correct the effect sizes of each study included in the analysis by weighting it by its sample size before averaging. Weighting by sample size means that the researcher gives greater weight to studies with larger sample size because they are likely to be closer to an estimate of the real population effect size. The outcome, therefore, is an averaged corrected estimate of the effect across studies that better reflects the true effect size based on the data available. The analysis also provides the distribution or variability in the effect size represented by the confidence intervals of the averaged corrected effect size. This information is essential for the researcher to establish whether the effect across studies is homogenous, that is, the variability observed across studies is largely due to methodological factors, or heterogeneous, that is, substantial variability remains after correction. In such cases, the researcher should investigate the potential of other factors that caused that variability (i.e., search for moderators). In such cases a researcher would see whether groups of studies or tests of the effect of interest differ on a variable or set of variables that would, conceptually or theoretically, influence the effect. Such moderators could be design features of the study such as the types of measure used to capture the dependent variable (e.g., objective vs. self-report) or the type of design used (e.g., experimental vs. correlational), or could be theoretical such as research that used different types of intervention or manipulation. Examples of application of meta-analysis in sport and exercise psychology research are illustrated in the sidebar Meta-Analytic Research in Sport and Exercise Psychology.

Qualitative Research Approaches Qualitative research focuses on the ways people interpret and make sense of their experiences and the world in which they live (Smith & Sparkes, 2016b). Qualitative designs focus on understanding meaning, such as what a sporting injury means to an athlete or the meaning that postpartum women give to physical activity. But qualitative researchers rarely believe that they can objectively find the truth

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Meta-Analytic Research in Sport and Exercise Psychology The use of meta-analysis to make sense of findings in sport and exercise psychology has proliferated in recent years (Hagger, 2006). Meta-analytic studies not only have been aimed at resolving inconsistencies in important effects across research in sport and exercise psychology but also have provided researchers with the opportunity to test the effects of potential moderators that may influence the findings and test theoretical predictions (Hagger, Chan, Protogerou, & Chatzisarantis, 2016). In the area of sport psychology, Hatzigeorgiadis et al.’s (2011) meta-analysis of self-talk interventions to promote better performance is a good example of an application of meta-analysis. The researchers found a medium to large effect of self-talk on sport performance, but that the effect had a high level of variability that was not attributable to sampling error; in other words, the effect size was heterogeneous. The researchers found that training was an important moderator of the effect, such that studies in which the participants had received some sort of training on self-talk reported stronger effects of self-talk on sport performance than studies on participants that received no training. In an exercise context, Bélanger-Gravel et al.’s (2013) meta-analysis of interventions using a planning technique known as implementation intentions, or “if-then” plan, in promoting physical activity provides a good example. The researchers found a small to medium effect of “if-then” planning on physical activity behavior. The overall effect size was also found to be highly variable, and moderator analyses were found to be more effective in student and clinical samples (e.g., cardiac, orthopedic rehabilitation), but they found no differences for study design and length of time between the intervention and the follow-up measure of physical activity behavior. Both meta-analyses were highly influential in providing detail on the effectiveness of the interventions on behavioral outcomes and the circumstances that determine the strength of the effect. They illustrate the potential of meta-analysis to synthesize research findings to inform practice.

of meaning through the application of method. Nor do they think that the reality of psychological phenomena can be discovered independent of human ways of knowing it. Instead of being subject to the assumptions of positivist or neorealist traditions on knowledge and evidence, qualitative research is more often informed by interpretivism of some form (e.g., social constructionism). Interpretivism assumes that there are multiple mind-dependent realities (ontological relativism) and that knowledge is constructed and subjective (epistemological constructionism). These assumptions have important implications for the identification of research questions, study design, sampling and data collection, data analysis, reporting of results, and the validity and generalizability of findings. For example, rather than seeking statistical generalizability, as in quantitative research, qualitative researchers often seek different types of generalizability. This outcome might include naturalistic generalizability, which occurs when research results provide people with a vicarious experience that resonates with readers who are in similar situations or know of people like the participants. Validity is also treated differently in qualitative research (Burke, 2016). Rather than import forms of validity from quantitative research and seek to mimic what is done to achieve valid results, criteria for judging the quality of qualitative research are drawn from an ongoing list of characterizing

traits (Sparkes & Smith, 2009). Such criteria might include the substantive theoretical contribution of the research, width (evidence provided), and an audit trail in which colleagues, acting as “critical friends,” independently scrutinize data collection to encourage reflection on, and exploration of, alternative explanations and interpretations as these emerged in relation to the data. Additional examples of criteria that researchers might choose to judge the quality of research, as part of an ongoing list, can be found in Smith and Caddick (2012) and Burke (2016).

Qualitative Traditions Various approaches fall under the umbrella of qualitative research. For example, some qualitative researchers in sport and exercise psychology use a variant of a grounded theory approach to generate theory from data, rather than impose theory on data (see Holt, 2016). Qualitative researchers might also use the tradition of ethnography. This approach involves immersing oneself in a culture for a significant period (often years) to gain an understanding of the culture of a particular group from the perspective of the group members (see Krane & Baird, 2005). Phenomenological research is another option for qualitative researchers. Among its various forms are transcendental or descriptive, existentialist, and empirical phenomenology (see

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Allen-Collinson, 2016). Perhaps the most popular form of phenomenological research in sport and exercise psychology at present is interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA; J. Smith, 2016). IPA is a qualitative approach that draws on phenomenology to examine cases of personal lived experience and, moving from case to case, requires the researcher to make sense of the participant making sense of a particular phenomenon (e.g., mental toughness or an exercise intervention). Despite the diversity, what each phenomenological approach aims to do is examine ideographically lived experience and study things as they present themselves to, and are perceived in, consciousness. Community-based participatory action research is a further tradition. What distinguishes it from the other traditions is that the researcher works with, not on, people in the community to deliver useful solutions to problems that communities themselves originally identified (Schinke & Blodgett, 2016; Schinke, McGannon, & Smith, 2013). Another qualitative tradition is narrative inquiry. Narrative inquiry is concerned with gathering stories that people tell and analyzing these stories through a type of narrative analysis (B. Smith, 2016). Stories are considered vital to focus on for several reasons. People are storytelling creatures who communicate and make sense of their lives through narratives that society and culture provide (Papathomas, 2016). Thus, analyzing stories that people tell can reveal a great deal about meaning making and the sociocultural landscapes that shape their lives. In addition, echoing classic formulations of philosophical speech-act theory, stories are not passive but do things. Stories act on, in, and for the audience (“us”), affecting our emotions, thoughts, attitudes, and actions. As such, stories become an important resource to help understand the meaning of experience. They affect what people think, how people act, and why they do certain things while avoiding others. Furthermore, recently in sport and exercise psychology it has been argued that stories are useful for communicating research and can be important in the process of knowledge translation and generating influence (Kay, 2016; Smith, Tomasone, Latimer-Cheung, & Martin Ginis, 2015). Examples of narrative research in sport and exercise can be found in Busanich, McGannon, and Schinke’s (2016) work on disordered eating and Papathomas, Williams, and Smith’s (2015) narrative study of physical activity participation among disabled people. Another example can be found in Fasting and Sand’s (2015) work on sexual harassment in sport.

Collecting and Analyzing Qualitative Data The interview is the most widely used qualitative data collection method in sport and exercise psychology. To help collect data, researchers use a preplanned interview guide that contains a range of carefully created and arranged open-ended questions to ask the participant (for a practical how-to interview, see Smith & Sparkes, 2016a). Interviewing in qualitative research typically involves the use of semistructured interviews or unstructured interviewing. In practice, interviewing often operates on a continuum, moving between being relatively semistructured to relatively unstructured as talk ebbs and flows over time. A lthough the inter viewing process of ten takes place in a one-to-one fashion (between the researcher and the participant), another option is focus group interviewing. Focus groups involve multiple participants at the same time. Ideally, a study has at least three focus groups, each containing between 4 and 10 participants. The prime reason for using focus groups is that this type of interviewing can stimulate talk and different views through interactions among group participants. The researcher takes on the role of moderator whose task is to create a supportive atmosphere in which interaction occurs between participants so that the expression of personal, multiple, and sometimes conflicting viewpoints on the topic of focus are elicited (Sparkes & Smith, 2014). This point is important because too often the interactions that occur between group members are disregarded in the analysis and reporting of data in research using focus groups in sport and exercise psychology. Specifically, the published article often includes no trace of the interactions that occurred between the group participants to produce what is presented in the final report. One minimum way to remedy this deficiency is to include detail of how one person’s talk helped shape what another person said. An example of this can be found in the study on parental stressors in professional youth football by Harwood, Drew, and Knight (2010). Most typically, one-to-one and focus groups interviews are done face to face within an indoor space chosen by the participant or the researcher (e.g., the participant’s home or a dedicated interview room at a university). Interviews can also be conducted through other mediums and in other places. Although rarely used in sport and exercise psychology, these methods include mobile interviews and online interviews. The mobile interview,

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also referred to as the go-along or walk-along interview, is a means of interviewing participants as they move through space (Smith & Sparkes, 2016a). Rather than two or more people sitting down in one inside space as is often done when conducting a face-to-face interview, in mobile interviewing the researcher interviews the participant as they move together through contextually meaningful spaces that either the participant or researcher chooses. When they are in the spaces, the participant walks or wheels the researcher through the space, and, by asking questions and observing, the researcher examines the participant’s practices and interpretations within a place of interest. Mobile interviewing can provide multisensorial data (Sparkes, 2016). Another strength is that, as shown in the work by Bell, Phoenix, Lovell, and Wheeler (2015) in a physical activity context and Palmer (2016) in a sport performance context, the mobile interview can provide highly contextualized understandings of behavior, emotion, and feeling. Online interviews refer to interviews conducted using computer-mediated communication. Such interviews, sometimes referred to as e-interviews, are used primarily to gather data virtually or digitally through the Internet (Bundon, 2016). For example, conducted in accordance with ethical guidelines, researchers may interview people using text messaging, immersive virtual games or worlds, video conferencing that has the ability to see people, and web conference meeting spaces that allow text, video conference, and visual interactions with shared applications, documents, or virtual whiteboards (Salmons, 2015). Although online interviews are typically divided into two main types according to the ability to send, receive, and respond to messages at the same time (i.e., synchronous communication) or at different times (i.e., asynchronous communication), we can now talk of online interviews as moving between synchronicity (i.e., focused real-time dialogue), synchronous (i.e., exchange in real time), near-synchronous (i.e., near-immediate post and response), and asynchronous communication (i.e., time lapses between message and response). Although a researcher can never assume that people will have the technology available to participate and will have to forgo the subtleties of body language that may not be captured in some online interviewing, this type of interview can be useful to choose when participants are geographically dispersed, hard to reach, or located in settings where the physical presence of a researcher would not be allowed. Online interviews are also a good choice when dealing with sensitive

subjects, because the participant may be more willing to discuss personal matters and emotions. As noted previously, interviews are the dominant way to collect qualitative data in research on sport and exercise psychology. But researchers might also consider other data collection methods that would allow a more complete understanding of the complexity of people’s lives. For example, researchers in sport and exercise have occasionally used or advocated the use of observation (Smith, Bundon, & Best, 2016), media (Oghene, McGannon, Schinke, Watson, & Quartiroli, 2015), autobiographies (Sparkes & Stewart, 2016), diaries (Day, 2016), and vignettes (Blodgett, Schinke, Smith, Peltier, & Pheasant, 2011). Another way to collect data is through visual methods, such as autophotography (Phoenix & Rich, 2016). Autophotography, sometimes called photovoice, refers to a method in which the participants take photographs that represent their senses of self, emotions, or, for example, who they are in relation to a given phenomenon or topic (e.g., “What self-compassion in sport means to me”). The photographs produced can be used as data in their own right, which means that the researcher can analyze each photograph taken. Alternatively, as in the work by Strachan and Davies (2015) on positive youth development in sport, photographs can be used as a photo-elicitation device. This method involves using the photographs that participants have taken to elicit additional information, deeper thoughts, and more immediate feelings about a certain topic. Just as multiple traditions and data collection strategies have been used, a qualitative researcher might analyze qualitative data in various ways. Methods include an analysis of data based on phenomenology (Ravn, 2016; J. Smith, 2016), grounded theory (Holt, 2016), narrative inquiry (B. Smith, 2016), critical discourse work (McGannon, 2016), and conversation analytic research (LeCouteur & Cosh, 2016). Another analysis, which has become popular within sport and exercise psychology, is known as a thematic analysis. As described in an updated version of this analysis by Braun, Clarke, and Weate (2016), a thematic analysis is a method that researchers use to identify patterns (i.e., themes) within data. The analysis involves several phases: 1. Familiarization 2. Initial code generation 3. Searching for and identifying themes 4. Reviewing themes

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5. Defining and naming themes 6. Writing up In addition to using these types of analyses, researchers in sport and exercise psychology have begun to explore the idea that writing is a method of analysis (Sparkes & Smith, 2014). For example, researchers might legitimately make sense of sport and exercise now in a variety of ways through creative nonfiction (Smith, McGannon, & Williams, 2015), autoethnographies (McGannon & Smith, 2015), and ethnodrama (McMahon, 2016). As shown in the work on the effect of doping in sport by Erickson, Backhouse, and Carless (2016), creative nonfiction is a genre of representation in which the researcher tells a story that is grounded in research data and draws on literary conventions. Broadly speaking, autoethnographies refer to a highly personalized form of qualitative research in which researchers tell stories that are based on their own lived experiences and interactions with others within social contexts, relating the personal to the cultural in the process and product. As used in the work by Cassidy, Kidman, and Dudfield (2015) on coach development, ethnodrama is the analytical practice of turning collected data into a theoretical script. Numerous benefits of doing creative nonfiction, autoethnographic research, or ethnodrama have been identified. These advantages include the ability to capture, weave together, and communicate a wide range of theories in one text, translate research in highly accessible ways to diverse audiences, and produce personal and social change.

Mixed-Method Research Approaches Researchers have only recently recognized the value of integrating different approaches to provide robust, rich, and converging evidence for a specific phenomenon or effect in sport and exercise psychology. In many instances, researchers have used mixed methods from within a particular category of methods, such as the use of survey and experimental methods in a similar study to test a given effect. But when researchers refer to mixed-method designs, they usually mean the adoption of both qualitative and quantitative designs in the same study. Perhaps not surprisingly, few researchers have adopted methods from each of these traditions given the divergent underlying research philosophies and foci, as well as the historic tensions

between researchers in these disciplines, both of whom tend to cite flaws and limitations in each other’s methods rather than see the potential complementarity of each to understanding their research question (Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2011). But there are increasing instances of research studies that have adopted both qualitative and quantitative methods to understand phenomena and processes in sport and exercise psychology. The advantage of the mixed-method approach lies in its diversity and potential to shed light on the processes and mechanisms involved when trying to make sense and meaning of phenomena in sport and exercise psychology. Qualitative approaches enable researchers to identify and explore key experiential aspects of the subject in detail and perspective, and the quantitative approach allows the researcher to explore specific aspects of the phenomenon in a controlled, systematic manner. Mixed-method approaches require considerable time investment in planning the course of the research, a clear vision of how each aspect will be informative of the question at hand, and a commitment to the principle of converging evidence. Good examples of mixed-method research include using qualitative approaches to provide rich, in-depth, experiential data on the meaning of particular constructs or ideas in sport and exercise contexts and using that data to inform the development of psychological measures that are subsequently administered to a larger sample using a survey design (cf., Hagger et al., 2001). In the future, as highlighted by Sparkes (2015) and Gibson (2016), researchers need to attend more carefully to the epistemological and ontological assumptions that underpin all research and then identify how these can be coherently and respectfully operated within a mixed-methods study. Because research validity and generalizability are conceptualized differently in qualitative research than they are in quantitative research, future mixed-methods researchers will need to attend to how the different ideas on validity and generalizability can be appreciated and used productively, rather than eliminated or ignored.

Future Research Recommendations Methodological issues are often the subject of substantial debate in psychology. In previous sections of this chapter, we have identified a number of controversies in the use of various methods and suggested possible solutions. But two remaining

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issues warrant special attention given their potential to influence research practice and the integrity of evidence in sport and exercise psychology, and psychology in general. These are identified and discussed in the following sections.

and experiments that will provide an evidence base of the strategies that practitioners may use to change the psychological factors related to behavior and, as a consequence, actual outcomes that are desirable in sport and exercise contexts.

Experimental and Intervention Designs

Replication Crisis

The dominance of correlational designs in sport and exercise psychology reflects a proliferation of interest in research in the discipline and has provided a large body of evidence on the correlates of behavioral phenomena in sport and exercise psychology. The number of interventions and experimental studies in the field has also increased, but the number adopting those designs is, by comparison, much smaller. The main reason for this disparity is likely the substantive costs and resources needed to develop, implement, and evaluate interventions and experiments relative to survey designs that tend to be less resource intensive. As outlined earlier, however, survey designs have shortcomings when it comes to the inference of causal effects in the field. Although correlational data informs on possible related factors, these designs do not model changes in salient outcomes, particularly behavior relevant to effective performance in sport and uptake and maintenance of physical activity. Therefore, many of the psychological factors that account for variance in sport performance and physical activity behavior have not been manipulated and their effects on outcomes have not been studied systematically. The correlations imply that changes in the variable will lead to a change in the behavior, but the evidence is insufficient to draw such a conclusion. For example, other unmeasured variables may be responsible for the relationship. Furthermore, researchers may have ideas on the strategies and manipulations that might be used to change the psychological variables found to be correlated with key outcomes in sport and exercise psychology, but without a systematic test the researcher will be unable to conclude that the strategies will be effective in changing behavior. In fact, the process of designing interventions that match strategies that may lead to changes in sport performance, physical activity behavior, and other salient outcomes is essential not only to the development of research that examines the effectiveness of those strategies but also to the development of good practice that uses evidence and theory as a basis for psychological interventions in the field. Researchers in sport and exercise psychology, therefore, need to consider conducting well-designed interventions

The subject of replication of results in psychology has received considerable attention. Researchers have reported difficulty in replicating some major effects that, until recently, were important contributions to the field and considered robust. Examples include experiments on precognition (Bem, 2011), social priming (Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996), and ego depletion (Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Muraven, & Tice, 1998). Each of these effects has been subject to large-scale experiments using the same or similar methods to those used by the original experiments, but each replication revealed that the effect was far smaller than originally reported or even no different from zero (Galak, LeBoeuf, Nelson, & Simmons, 2012; Hagger, Chatzisarantis, et al., 2016; Harris, Coburn, Rohrer, & Pashler, 2013). As a consequence of these high-profile cases, researchers in psychology have expressed concerns over the robustness of research findings in psychology and have highlighted some of the typical practices in the collection, analysis, and reporting of data in the field that may have contributed to the crisis of confidence in psychological research (Open Science Collaboration, 2012; Pashler & Harris, 2012; Pashler & Wagenmakers, 2012; Spellman, 2012). For example, chance findings and selective reporting of studies may have been responsible for effects that have proved difficult to replicate. Researchers may have unwittingly reported effects that fit with their paradigm and suppressed those that did not. The researchers were not necessarily obscuring findings; rather, they may have attributed their null findings to other problems such as methodological flaws. The result has been improbably large effects in experimental tests of hypotheses, much larger than would be expected for the sample sizes collected. Other practices that have been noted as problematic and that have contributed to replication problems include “p-hacking” in which researchers tend to be selective in the data and analyses they report so as to highlight statistically significant results. The problem is confounded by journal editors and peer reviewers who tend to favor statistically significant results and prioritize novelty over methodological rigor. Overall, researchers in the open science movement have called for drastic

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action to improve the robustness and confidence in research in psychological research (Giner-Sorolla, 2016; Open Science Collaboration, 2015), and such action must apply to all areas of psychology, including sport and exercise psychology. Recommendations to improve the quality of data in psychology and to reduce problems with replication include • preregistration of research studies, • precise reporting of methods, • making data widely available to the research community, • ensuring that data are sufficiently powered, and • publication of rigorously designed and executed studies that focus on replication of effects, including those with null findings. Study preregistration is a relatively new practice in psychology, although it has been occurring in the medical sciences for some years. The idea is that researchers publish their precise hypotheses and study protocol including all dependent variables, predictions, and proposed analyses with a centrally managed open-access registry before the research is conducted. The goal is to prevent p-hacking and post hoc searches for statistically significant findings. Post hoc analyses are still possible, but the researcher has to label them as such because they deviate from the registered protocol. In addition, calls have also been made to ensure accurate reporting of manipulations and intervention methods so that subsequent researchers can replicate findings. Similarly, requiring raw data to be posted on a commonly managed repository for others to scrutinize and conduct secondary analyses is important to ensure transparency and for researchers to conduct additional checks on the data if necessary. Researchers have also been advised to use sample sizes that are sufficiently large so that they have adequate power to test the effect of interest and so that the sample more closely represents the population. Finally, researchers need to be confident that null findings from research studies that were well conducted and that used a sufficiently large sample will be publishable, because such studies (despite the null finding) also make a valuable contribution to knowledge. Many of these practices have begun to be implemented by researchers in psychology with trial and study registrations advocated in some psychology journals. Registries now exist for researchers to register their hypotheses and protocol, and some journals even offer the

opportunity to researchers to have their research proposal and protocol peer reviewed and accepted for publication before data are collected, ensuring that the research will be published regardless of the results. Currently, these practices are the exception, but they likely will become increasingly common and may, in time, become the norm. Researchers in sport and exercise psychology should consider these steps to maximize the integrity of their research and the robustness of their findings. This way, researchers in the field will be ahead of the game as the science of sport and exercise psychology moves toward more stringent standards in research quality. Finally, teachers, research mentors, and supervisors have an obligation to ensure that new practices of conducting research and greater transparency are communicated to student researchers. This approach will ensure that the new practices become the norm and that students will gain full understanding of research integrity and open science.

Summary The aim of this chapter was to provide an overview of the approaches used by researchers in sport, exercise, and physical activity psychology to develop a knowledge base for understanding phenomena in sport and exercise psychology and to provide evidence to inform the practice of sport and exercise psychology. We have outlined the major methodological approaches that have been adopted in sport and exercise psychology and subsumed them under the headings of quantitative (e.g., experimental, intervention, survey designs) and qualitative (e.g., ethnography, focus groups, interviews) approaches. For each methodological approach, we discussed its prevalence, key features, contributions, and controversies, and we provided recommendations for future research. Clearly, the diversity of methods adopted to study sport and exercise psychology is a strength of the discipline, and sport and exercise psychologists have been at the forefront of adopting the most innovative methods to provide high-quality evidence, particularly through research conducted in the field, to inform practice. But research methods used in the field still have limitations, including a preponderance of survey designs and fewer studies that adopt experimental, intervention, and qualitative approaches. Better practices are needed to maximize replicability and ensure the transparency and openness of study findings for researchers and practitioners.

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Pashler, H., & Wagenmakers, E.J. (2012). Editors’ introduction to the special section on replicability in psychological science: A crisis of confidence? Perspectives on Psychological Science, 7, 528–530. Phoenix, C., & Rich., E. (2016). Visual research methods. In B. Smith & A.C. Sparkes (Eds.), Routledge handbook of qualitative research methods in sport and exercise (pp. 139–151). London, UK: Routledge. Popper, K. (1959). The logic of science. London, UK: Hutchinson. Ravn, S. (2016). Phenomenological analysis in sport and exercise. In B. Smith & A.C. Sparkes (Eds.), Routledge handbook of qualitative research methods in sport and exercise (pp. 206–218). London, UK: Routledge. Reynolds, W.M. (1982). Development of reliable and valid short forms of the Marlowe-Crowne social desirability scale. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 38, 119–125. Rosenthal, R., & DiMatteo, M.R. (2001). Meta-analysis: Recent developments in quantitative methods for literature reviews. Annual Review of Psychology, 52, 59–82. Salmons, J. (2015). Qualitative online interviews. London, UK: Sage. Sarrazin, P., Vallerand, R.J., Guillet, E., Pelletier, L.G., & Cury, F. (2002). Motivation and dropout in female handballers: A 21-month prospective study. European Journal of Social Psychology, 32, 395–418. Schinke, R.J., & Blodgett, A.T. (2016). Embarking on community based participatory action research: A methodology that emerges from (and in) communities. In B. Smith & A.C. Sparkes (Eds.), Routledge handbook of qualitative research in sport and exercise (pp. 88–99). London, UK: Routledge. Schinke, R.J., McGannon, K.R., & Smith, B. (2013). Expanding the sport and physical activity research landscape through community scholarship: Introduction. Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, 5, 287–290. Smith, B. (2016). Narrative analysis. In E. Lyons & A. Coyle (Eds.), Analysing qualitative data in psychology (pp. 202–221). London, UK: Sage. Smith, B., Bundon, A., & Best, M. (2016). Disability sport and activist identities: A qualitative study of narratives of activism among elite athletes’ with impairment. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 26, 139–148.

Smith, B., & Sparkes, A.C. (2016b). Introduction: An invitation to qualitative research. In B. Smith & A.C. Sparkes (Eds.), Routledge handbook of qualitative research methods in sport and exercise (pp. 1–7). London, UK: Routledge. Smith, B., Tomasone, J.R., Latimer-Cheung, A.E., & Martin Ginis, K.A. (2015). Narrative as a knowledge translation tool for facilitating impact: Translating physical activity knowledge to disabled people and health professionals. Health Psychology, 34, 303–313. Smith, J. (2016). Interpretative phenomenological analysis in sport and exercise: Getting at experience. In B. Smith & A.C. Sparkes (Eds.), Routledge handbook of qualitative research methods in sport and exercise (pp. 219–229). London, UK: Routledge. Sparkes, A.C. (2015). Developing mixed methods research in sport and exercise psychology: Critical reflections on five points of controversy. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 16, Part 3, 49–59. Sparkes, A.C. (2016). Researching the senses in sport and exercise. In B. Smith & A.C. Sparkes (Eds.), Routledge handbook of qualitative research methods in sport and exercise (pp. 343–354). London, UK: Routledge. Sparkes, A.C., & Smith, B. (2009). Judging the quality of qualitative inquiry: Criteriology and relativism in action. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 10, 491–497. Sparkes, A.C., & Smith, B. (2014). Qualitative research methods in sport, exercise and health. From process to product. London, UK: Routledge. Sparkes, A.C., & Stewart, C. (2016). Taking sporting autobiographies seriously as an analytical and pedagogical resource in sport, exercise and health. Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, 8, 113–130. Spellman, B.A. (2012). Introduction to the special section: Sizes of our science. Data, data, everywhere . . . especially in my file drawer: Introduction to the special section. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 7, 58–59. Stanovich, K.E. (2009). Avoiding the Einstein syndrome: The importance of converging evidence. In K.E. Stanovich (Ed.), How to think straight about psychology (pp. 121–146). Harlow, UK: Pearson Education. Strachan, L., & Davies, K. (2015). Click! Using photo elicitation to explore youth experiences and positive

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youth development in sport. Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, 7, 170–191. Thompson, B. (1994). The pivotal role of replication in psychological research: Empirically evaluating the replicability of sample results. Journal of Personality, 62, 157–176.

Tenenbaum, G., Eklund, R., & Kamata, A. (Eds.). (2012). Measurement in sport and exercise psychology. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Weinberg, R.S., Gould, D., & Jackson, A. (1979). Expectations and performance: An empirical test of Bandura’s self-efficacy theory. Journal of Sport Psychology, 1, 320–331.

3 Applied Sport and Exercise or Physical Activity Psychology Krista J. Munroe-Chandler, PhD  Michelle D. Guerrero, MHK

Abstract Sport and exercise or physical activity psychology is an applied discipline with extensive scientific activity as well as the application of scholarly knowledge to practice. The purpose of this chapter is to provide an overview of this applied discipline. In particular, we identify the people who deliver sport and exercise or physical activity psychology to clients and the psychological strategies most often used with athletes and exercisers. Then, we identify emerging constructs as well as noted gaps in the field of applied sport and exercise or physical activity psychology. To highlight the established and emerging research surrounding applied practice, we focus our attention on self-talk, imagery, goal setting, and arousal regulation, as well as self-compassion, mindfulness, and mental toughness, respectively. After overviewing this work, we highlight important future directions for enhancing sport and exercise or physical activity practice.

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S

ince the inception of the field of sport and exercise or physical activity psychology, interest has focused on both the research and applied components. Applied sport (and exercise or physical activity) psychology is differentiated as 1. the practice of applied sport (and exercise or physical activity) psychology and 2. the research of applied sport (and exercise or physical activity) psychology. Some have noted that the goal of applied practice is to improve client performance (Moore & Gardner, 2011), whereas the goal of applied research is to generate theory-based knowledge and to respond systematically to applied problems (McCullagh, 1998). More specific to the former point, and from a more holistic view, the general field of applied practice is largely focused on the application of theories, principles, and techniques from psychology to enable change in clients, thus resulting in enhanced performance, improved quality of their experience, and personal growth of the client (Vealey, 1994). The focus of this chapter is to identify and link the extensive research literature with the practice of sport and exercise or physical activity psychology. This chapter contains four main sections. In the first section, we define the practice of sport and exercise or physical activity and discuss important considerations for a practitioner working with clients. In the second section, we offer a broad overview of the established research evidence supporting the utility of a set of psychological strategies in both sport and exercise or physical activity settings. The third section discusses emerging research in the areas of applied sport and exercise or physical activity psychology. The fourth section identifies noted gaps in the existing literature and provides suggestions for advancing sport and exercise or physical activity practice. We conclude the chapter with a brief summary of the key takeaway points.

Defining the Practice The field of sport and exercise or physical activity psychology includes both a research and an applied component. In this first section of the chapter, we identify and discuss several elements that are relevant to the practitioner when working in the field.

Practitioners According to the Association for Applied Sport Psychology (AASP, n.d.), “A primary goal of professionals in applied sport and exercise psychology

is to facilitate optimal involvement, performance, and enjoyment in sport and exercise.” Further, AASP defines sport and exercise or physical activity psychology practitioners as those who are trained in sport and exercise and who are not licensed psychologists or counselors; those known as sport and exercise psychology consultants or mental coaches; those who provide individual or group counseling focused on performance-related issues.

The title sport and exercise or physical activity psychology practitioner is used throughout this chapter as an all-encompassing title given the various educational paths in which these individuals are trained (sport science, counseling, clinical psychology, or medicine). This title is not to be confused with the title sport and exercise or physical activity psychologist because the latter infers that the person is licensed by a psychological association (e.g., American Psychological Association) and is legally protected. Although both practitioners and psychologists focus on the enhancement of performance and the teaching of psychological strategies, the clinical sport and exercise or physical activity psychologist has the ability to go well beyond this scope (e.g., marital issues, addictions, mental disorders). Accordingly, the ethical issues faced by sport and exercise or physical activity psychology practitioners may differ from those who practice more traditional psychology (Brown & Cogan, 2006). For example, sport and exercise or physical activity psychology practitioners may meet a client in a hotel or fitness club lobby, on the bus, or on the practice field. They may eat dinner with coaches and athletes, carry equipment to the field, help with timing on a pool deck, and fill water bottles. These activities are not often done by clinical psychologists. Regardless of the title, however, both practitioners and psychologists are similarly bound by ethical guidelines. Although not an exhaustive list, ethical issues such as confidentiality, consent, maintaining boundaries when working in nontraditional clinical settings, and competency are important to the practitioner. Despite the multiple roles often assumed by the sport and exercise or physical activity psychology practitioner (e.g., coach, timer), professional boundaries are to be maintained. Andersen, Van Raalte, and Brewer (2001) outline various cues that may indicate a practitioner who is overstepping his or her professional boundaries. Some of those cues include lingering emotional reaction to the person’s successes or disappointments, name dropping to a

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colleague, and finding reasons to meet more frequently with the client. Brown and Cogan (2006) discussed the importance of maintaining boundaries. They noted the frequent occurrences that sport psychology practitioners have with atypical ethical dilemmas (e.g., eating with the team, staying in the same hotel as the athletes). Given that some situations are unavoidable in the sport domain, Brown and Cogan suggest focusing on the importance of knowing how to handle those situations. Extending beyond boundaries could negatively affect the clients’ performance, personal growth, and quality of their experience. In instances when issues are beyond the scope of a person’s practice, referrals are necessary. When referring clients, two questions should be asked (Stainback, Moncier, & Taylor, 2007): 1. Do I have the knowledge to provide the necessary intervention? 2. Do I have the skills to provide the necessary intervention? Developing a referral network is a dynamic process that may encompass a team of professionals who are experienced in working with the clients and who are licensed or accredited to do so. National Sport Organizations (e.g., Swimming Canada) often have a myriad of experts, including athletic trainers, massage therapists, coaches, physiologists, nutritionists, primary care physicians, and applied sport psychology practitioners. But anyone working as a sole practitioner with his or her own business needs to develop a personal network of experts to provide adequately for her or his clients. Several studies have examined the ethical beliefs and behaviors of sport and exercise or physical activity psychology practitioners (Etzel, Watson, & Zizzi, 2004; Petitpas, Brewer, Rivera, & Van Raalte, 1994), and a special issue in the journal Ethics and

Behavior was devoted entirely to ethics in sport and exercise psychology (Etzel & Watson, 2006). Two governing bodies for the applied practice of sport and exercise or physical activity psychology in North America are the Canadian Sport Psychology Association (CSPA) and AASP. Both organizations highlight the ethical guidelines on professional conduct of a practitioner (for more information see CSPA, www.cspa-acps.ca/ethics, and AASP, www .appliedsportpsych.org/about/ethics/).

Training and Effectiveness Organizations such as AASP, CSPA, and the International Society of Sport Psychology (ISSP) have established criteria for certification and the duties and competencies of a sport psychology practitioner (see the sidebar AASP Certification Criteria Examples). Although much of the research on effective practitioners has been conducted with the athlete as the client, these competencies are arguably also applicable to the exercise and physical activity area. Despite what may be viewed as a narrow scope of practice, practitioners working with clients do more than teach positive thinking, arousal management through deep breathing, or the proper use of imagery. Although these cognitive behavioral techniques do help clients, many other duties and competencies are involved in the effective practice of applied sport and exercise or physical activity psychology (Tod & Andersen, 2005). In an attempt to increase the understanding of the components of an effective practitioner, 30 elitelevel athletes were interviewed (Anderson, Miles, Mahoney, & Robinson, 2002). Key themes for the practitioner included being personable, delivering good practical service, being a good communicator, having knowledge and experience about sport and sport psychology, exhibiting professional skills (e.g., approachable, perceptive), and being honest and

AASP Certification Criteria Examples The following present a summary of criteria for candidates with a PhD degree. For full criteria see the AASP website at www.appliedsportpsych.org/certified-consultants/become-a-certified-consultant/. Educational Requirements Professional ethics and standards; skills and techniques within sport and exercise; cognitive affective bases of behavior Mentored Experience Minimum of 400 hr of mentored experience spent in preparation and delivery of sport psychology or performance enhancement services

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trustworthy. Several of these themes speak to the importance of the relationship between the client and the practitioner. Research consistently shows that the personality of practitioners and their ability to develop a working relationship with their clients have a profound influence on practice (Andersen, 2000; Poczwardowski, Sherman, & Henschen, 1998).

Evaluation A coach’s lack of confidence in the practitioner and perceived lack of practitioner effectiveness results in negative attitudes toward this service (Wrisberg, Loberg, Simpson, Withycombe, & Reed, 2010). Thus, the effectiveness of the practitioner is paramount in the relationship between the coach and the practitioner (and the athlete and the practitioner), and as such, appropriate evaluation tools are necessary. One means by which to evaluate a practitioner’s effectiveness is the Consultant Evaluation Form (CEF, Partington & Orlick, 1987). The CEF has been used regularly in practice and is recognized as a valuable and appropriate means of evaluating practitioners (Poczwardowski et al., 1998). The CSPA also provides a client appraisal form on its website in which the client (e.g., athlete) as well as the coach can complete an assessment of the practitioner. An evaluation of practitioner effectiveness could also be undertaken by the practitioners themselves. One way of achieving this is to become more self-aware through reflective practice. Anderson, Knowles, and Gilbourne (2004) define reflective practice as adopting an approach to practice that requires practitioners to be open and questioning. Many practitioners have advocated the use of reflection in their own evaluation of their practices (e.g., Anderson et al., 2004; Cropley, Miles, Hanton, & Niven, 2007). Further, the British Association of Sport and Exercise Sciences (BASES) has made reflective practice a requirement for professional qualifications (www.bases.org.uk). Through reflective practice, practitioners identify areas for improvement and change but can also explore best practices. A practitioner’s ongoing self-reflection may facilitate the understanding of his or her personal and professional philosophy approaches to practice (Poczwardowski, Sherman, & Ravizza, 2004).

Approaches to Psychological Skills Training The approaches used in the applied practice of sport and exercise or physical activity psychology have been varied, but cognitive behavioral and

humanistic approaches are most often employed (Cropley et al., 2007). Behavior change that stems from psychological skills training (PST) as a model of practice emphasizes personal growth from learning about and developing psychological skills. PST is defined as a “systematic and consistent practice of mental or psychological skills for the purpose of enhancing performance, increasing enjoyment, or achieving a greater sport and physical activity self-satisfaction” (Weinberg & Gould, 2007, p. 250). As noted in the literature, however, PST might result in a dangerously narrow approach to the practice (Thompson, 1998). Other approaches such as the application of a feminist (Gill, 1994) or cultural perspective (Ryba, Stambulova, Si, & Schinke, 2013) to applied sport psychology practice has emerged throughout the literature. Drawing on the counseling and psychotherapy literature, Poczwardowski et al. (2004) have suggested that eclecticism, or developing a unique approach to working with clients, is another legitimate approach to enact behavior change. Perhaps this type of eclectic approach can help move clients beyond just an improved mental game by addressing other issues that may affect their behavior.

Psychological Skills Training A role for many applied sport and exercise or physical activity psychology practitioners is education with a focus on strategy development. The education and development of psychological strategies often takes the form of PST programs, a collection of stress management and cognitive behavioral techniques. Programs are based on the assumption that a person’s thoughts and feelings can impede peak performance and, likewise, that certain mental strategies, used effectively, can enhance optimal performance (Hays, 1995). In this section, we present a brief overview of the psychological strategies that are frequently applied in sport and exercise or physical activity settings and that have received research attention. The strategies implemented in both sport and exercise or physical activity settings include self-talk, imagery, goal setting, and arousal regulation. Specific to exercise or physical activity, however, one type of counseling technique that will be addressed is motivational interviewing. A substantial amount of evidence indicates the effectiveness of psychological strategies that athletes can use to improve, or maintain, their athletic performance. Although these results are promising, the implementation and evaluation of PST programs is certainly not limited to the sport

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context. Some have noted that the application of psychological interventions in the exercise domain is often overlooked (Hall, Duncan, & McKay, 2014). Yet emerging work shows clear applicability to exercise and physical activity promotion. As with physical skills, the aforementioned psychological strategies require systematic practice. Often, PST programs involve a variety of strategies. This packaged approach to the delivery and study of psychological strategies is appealing to performers and researchers alike, given the multiple strategies required for success. A concern with the packaged approach, however, is the uncertainty around the sequence in which strategies should develop and how the strategies interact with each other to provide an additive effect toward improved performance (Thelwell, 2008). Regardless of the individual or packaged approach to PST, interventions with athletes must be grounded in scientific evidence (Thelwell, 2008).

Self-Talk Self-talk is defined as verbalizations or statements directed to the self that are multidimensional and dynamic and serve both instructional and motivational purposes (Hardy, 2006). Research shows that instructional self-talk can improve sport performance (Landin & Hebert, 1999; Theodarakis, Weinberg, Natsis, Douma, & Kazakas, 2000) and that motivational self-talk can benefit endurance, strength, and other forms of motor performance (e.g., Chang, Ho, Lu, Ou, Song, & Gill, 2014; Hamilton, Scott, & MacDougall, 2007; Hatzigeorgidis & Theodorakis, 2004; Ming & Martin, 1996). A recent review found that motivational self-talk generally had a stronger positive influence on the performance of gross motor skills than instructional self-talk did, and the opposite was true for the performance of precision-based tasks (Tod, Hardy, & Oliver, 2011). Six self-talk dimensions can be used as a guide when developing a self-talk intervention for athletes: valence (positive or negative), verbalization (overt or covert), self-determination (assigned or freely chosen), directional interpretation (motivating or demotivating), directional intensity (not at all or very much so), and frequency (often or never; Hardy, 2006). Athletes should practice positive self-talk (Tod et al., 2011), and they should freely choose to do so, because this is believed to have a greater motivational influence than assigned selftalk (Hardy, 2006). Finally, given that research has found that successful athletes use more self-talk than unsuccessful athletes do (Mahoney & Avener,

1977), athletes are encouraged to use frequent selftalk. With respect to an athlete’s verbalization of self-talk, research has yet to determine whether overt or covert verbalization is more effective for performance (Hardy, 2006). Although few empirical studies have investigated self-talk in the exercise domain, the concept that exercisers, similar to their athlete counterparts, could reap the benefits of self-talk has been proposed by several researchers. Anshel (2006) noted that exercisers could benefit greatly from self-talk because it builds confidence, which in turn increases effort and exertion. He also noted that using self-talk could potentially lead to greater concentration and enjoyment. Similarly, Hall et al. (2014) argued that self-talk might be advantageous for exercisers through its influence on variables such as attentional focus, informational processing, motivation, and self-efficacy. Some research has shown encouraging findings for the influence of self-talk on endurance performance. Specifically, self-talk has been shown to reduce perceived effort and increase endurance performance (Blanchfield, Hardy, De Morree, Staiano, & Marcora, 2014) as well as increase work output (Hamilton et al., 2007). Self-talk use is influenced by the age of exercisers (Gammage, Hardy, & Hall, 2001; O’Brien Cousins & Gillis, 2005), the specific time during the workout (Gammage et al., 2001), and the intensity of exercise (Schomer & Connolly, 2002). More research is needed to determine the effectiveness of self-talk in exercise, but preliminary findings appear to show that frequent and nonfrequent exercisers could benefit from using this psychological technique.

Imagery In its most basic form, imagery is defined as the creation and re-creation of experiences in the mind (Vealey & Greenleaf, 2010). Researchers and athletes alike have long been interested in imagery and its effect on performance. Most of the recent imagery research has stemmed from Paivio’s (1985) analytic model, which suggests that imagery has cognitive and motivational functions that operate on either a specific or a general level. Later, Hall, Mack, Paivio, and Hausenblas (1998) identified five functions of imagery: cognitive specific (images related to specific sport skills), cognitive general (images related to sport strategies and routines), motivational specific (images associated with goal attainment), motivational general mastery (images associated with mental toughness and confidence), and motivational general arousal (images linked to arousal and stress).

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Numerous studies conducted in a wide variety of contexts have shown that the use of cognitive specific imagery is advantageous for the learning and performance of motor skills (see Driskell, Copper, & Moran, 1994, for a review). Several studies have revealed that cognitive general imagery is related to several sport-related variables, including confidence, self-efficacy, and cohesion in team sports (see Westlund, Pope, & Tobin, 2012, for review). But a limited number of studies have examined the effects of cognitive general imagery on performance, and these studies have led to equivocal findings (Westlund et al., 2012). In terms of goal-oriented images, research has revealed that motivational specific imagery is related to athletes’ achievement goals, confidence, and self-efficacy and has improved golfers’ sport performance (see Cumming & Ramsey, 2009, for review). Motivational general mastery imagery has been found to improve self-efficacy and predict mental toughness and self-confidence in athletes (Mattie & Munroe-Chandler, 2012; Munroe-Chandler, Hall, & Fishburne, 2008; O, Munroe-Chandler, Hall, & Hall, 2014). Lastly, with respect to motivational general arousal imagery, images of the emotions associated with competitive performance (e.g., anger, anxiety, excitement, fear, pressure, psyched up) are related to increased levels of state anxiety (Strachan & Munroe-Chandler, 2006), whereas images of performing in a relaxed and calm state are related to decreased levels of state anxiety (Murphy, Woolfolk, & Budney, 1988). Based on extensive empirical work on imagery in sport, imagery recommendations for athletes include the following: 1. Images should be positive rather than negative (Hall, 2001). 2. Athletes should be in a good mood when using imagery (Gregg, Hall, & Hanton, 2007). 3. Athletes need to be encouraged to use imagery when such use is typically less frequent, such as in the off-season and early competitive season (Munroe, Hall, Simms, & Weinberg, 1998). 4. Less-skilled athletes need to be encouraged to use imagery (Hall, 2001). 5. Athletes of all ages should be encouraged to use imagery interventions (Munroe-Chandler, Hall, Fishburne, & Strachan, 2007). 6. Slow-motion imagery is best employed when the goal is to enhance the learning, development, review, or refinement of skills and strategies (O & Munroe-Chandler, 2008).

7. The function of imagery employed should align with the athlete’s desired outcome (Martin, Moritz, & Hall, 1999). Two decades of research have explored the usefulness, importance, and application of imagery in exercise. Similar to self-talk, exercise imagery use is influenced by the age of exerciser (Kim & Giacobbi, 2009), the specific time during the workout (Hausenblas, Hall, Rodgers, & Munroe, 1999), and the status of the exerciser (e.g., regular vs. irregular; Hall, Rodgers, Wilson, & Norman, 2010). With respect to the status of the exerciser, frequent exercisers were found to use imagery more often than less-frequent exercisers did and to use imagery for appearance reasons (e.g., imagine being leaner) most, followed by technique (e.g., imagine correct form and position), and energy (e.g., imagine feeling energized; Gammage, Hall, & Rodgers, 2000). Intervention studies have revealed that across a diverse range of populations, imagery has been found to increase task, coping, and scheduling self-efficacy (Duncan, Rodgers, Hall, & Wilson, 2011); barrier self-efficacy (Weibull, Cumming, Cooley, Williams, & Burns, 2015); self-determined motivation (Duncan, Hall, Wilson, & Rodgers, 2012; Guerrero, Tobin, Munroe-Chandler, & Hall, 2015); revitalization and postexercise valence (Stanley & Cumming, 2010); implicit attitudes toward exercise (Markland, Hall, Duncan, & Simatovic, 2015); leisure-time exercise behaviors (Kim, Newton, Sachs, Giacobbi, & Glutting, 2011); levels of physical activity (Guerrero et al., 2015). Together, these findings support imagery as a useful psychological strategy for increasing exercise behavior and exercise-related cognitions.

Goal Setting A goal is defined as “what an individual is trying to accomplish; it is the object or aim of an action” (Locke, Shaw, Saari, & Latham, 1981, p. 126). Goal setting is one of the most frequently used performance enhancement techniques (Burton & Weiss, 2008). Athletes can set three types of goals, and they should incorporate all three into a goal-setting program (Filby, Maynard, & Graydon, 1999): performance goals (improving and attaining personal performance standards), process goals (specific behaviors that an athlete must engage in throughout a performance), and outcome goals (social comparison and competitive results). Setting multiple-goal strategies provides the athlete a significant advantage when compared with setting a single-goal strategy (Filby et al., 1999).

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The positive effect of goal setting on performance is a robust finding in sport (Burton, Naylor, & Holiday, 2001; Kingston & Wilson, 2009; Weinberg, 1994). This conclusion has been substantiated in a variety of tasks and populations as well as in both laboratory and field settings. Besides influencing athlete performance, realistic goals help athletes manage stress and remain optimistic when faced with adversity (Burton & Weiss, 2008). Further, team goal setting can be an effective team-building tool for enhancing group cohesion (Senécal, Loughead, & Bloom, 2008). Although goal setting is one of the most extensively employed and supported interventions in sport psychology, athletes themselves rate goals as being only moderately effective (Burton et al., 2001). Athletes likely make this judgment because they are not certain how to set goals effectively. Therefore, they require the assistance of a sport psychology practitioner or other informed support person (e.g., coach). Based on extant evidence, the following guidelines are recommended: 1. Goals should be moderately difficult (Kyllo & Landers, 1995). 2. Process goals should be flexible and serve as an initial step to achieving performance and outcome goals (Kingston & Wilson, 2009). 3. Short- and long-term goals should be set to maintain motivation over time (Weinberg, Butt, & Knight, 2001). 4. Athletes who are members of a team should set both individual and team goals (Locke & Latham, 1990). Similarly, findings from a number of research studies have shown that goal setting is an effective strategy for enhancing physical activity behaviors in both adults (Pearson, 2012) and adolescents (Shilts, Horowitz, & Townsend, 2009). In a recent systematic review and meta-analysis, the effectiveness of multicomponent goal-setting interventions in promoting physical activity behavior was noted, and a number of noteworthy findings through modera-

tion analyses were revealed (McEwan et al., 2016). For example, significant positive effects of goal setting on physical activity emerged irrespective of numerous factors, including delivery modality (e.g., in-person vs. with technology), intervention duration (e.g., 1 week vs. 1 year), research setting (e.g., home vs. fitness facility), goal specificity (e.g., specific, such as reaching 10,000 steps per day vs. vague, such as becoming more active), and person prescribing the goal (e.g., participants themselves vs. interventionists). Goal-setting interventions were found to be most effective when goals were set in relation to daily physical activity or a combination of daily and weekly physical activity, rather than in relation only to weekly physical activity. Lastly, the results showed that to maximize the effects of goal setting on physical activity behaviors, interventions should provide participants with feedback regarding their performance, appropriate task strategies, and behavior-contingent rewards (McEwan et al., 2016).

Arousal Regulation Arousal regulation encompasses a compilation of techniques aimed either to enhance (“psyching up”) or to reduce (“psyching down”) an athlete’s or exerciser’s arousal level. Some sports require the athlete to be calm and relaxed (e.g., pistol shooting), whereas others require a more highly aroused state (e.g., weightlifting). Performance fluctuations in sport are often the result of being over- or underaroused relative to the contextual demands. Empirical work shows that arousal regulation can be as important to performance as technical skill and tactical decision making (Jensen, Roman, Shaft, & Wrisberg, 2013). Given the strong relationship between arousal and performance, it is not surprising that athletes use arousal regulation techniques. In table 3.1, we have outlined various techniques to reduce or increase arousal that have been identified in the literature through either descriptive or experimental research. The effectiveness of these techniques,

Table 3.1  Techniques to Reduce or Increase Arousal Techniques to reduce arousal

Techniques to increase arousal

Breathing (Robazza, Bortoli, & Nougier, 1998)

Pep talks, bulletin boards, and precompetition workouts (cf. Munroe-Chandler & Hall, 2016)

Progressive muscle relaxation (Hashim, Hanafi, & Yusof, 2011)

Verbal cues and self-talk (Hatzigeorgiadis et al., 2007)

Meditation and hypnosis (Pates, Oliver, & Maynard, 2001)

Breathing (Whelan, Epkins, & Meyers, 1999)

Autogenic training (Spigolon & Annalisa, 1985)

Imagery (Cumming, Olphin, & Law, 2007)

Biofeedback (Daniels & Landers, 1981)

Music (Terry & Karageorghis, 2011)

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however, depends on an athlete’s ability to recognize arousal level, identify what constitutes optimal arousal, and learn to regulate arousal. A sport psychology practitioner can facilitate this capacity by attending to the following evidence-based guidelines. As in the sport context, not all forms of exercise require the same level of arousal (e.g., yoga vs. high-intensity interval training). A substantial amount of research has investigated the effects of psyching up on various types of exercise performance (i.e., maximal strength, muscular endurance, and power; Tod & McGuigan, 2006). Among the studies that have been conducted, researchers have employed various psyching up strategies, including self-talk, self-efficacy statements, imagery, focused attention, preparatory arousal, and self-selected psyching up strategy. Overall, the results reveal that psyching up may help untrained or novice participants improve their maximal strength and muscular endurance during simple dynamic tasks (e.g., leg extension and bench press; Tod & McGuigan, 2006). In a more recent study, martial artists who performed a kiap (an exhalation of air in the form of a yell or grunt) during a handgrip strength test did significantly better than those who did not perform a kiap (Welch & Tschampl, 2012). No research, to our knowledge, has examined the effect of psyching down on exercise performance or exercise-related cognitions. But techniques for reducing arousal in sport (e.g., breathing, progressive relaxation, autogenic training, and meditation) can certainly be employed by frequent and nonfrequent exercisers and may lead to similar benefits (e.g., reduced anxiety). Of course, only experimental studies will determine the effectiveness of such techniques in the exercise domain.

Motivational Interviewing Besides teaching people psychological strategies, practitioners have also used counseling interventions with their clients. Motivational interviewing (MI; Miller & Rollnick, 2009) is one type of coun-

seling intervention (see the sidebar Motivational Interviewing Rapport) and has been shown to be a promising framework for enhancing lifestyle behavioral changes. Practitioners employ four key elements of MI with their clients to facilitate behavior change: 1. Express empathy (demonstrate understanding and acceptance to the client) 2. Develop discrepancies (identify gaps between the client’s current and desired behaviors) 3. Roll with resistance (avoid confrontation by responding to the client’s resistance with reflective statements) 4. Support self-efficacy (demonstrate belief that the client has the ability to change) A growing body of research supports the utility of MI in a variety of health domains. In a recent review, people who received MI reported higher diet and exercise-related self-efficacy, increased physical activity, and decreased weight than those who did not receive MI (Martin & McNeil, 2009). Similar outcomes of MI have also been noted with people living with type 1 or type 2 diabetes (Martin & McNeil, 2009). Furthermore, MI interventions appear to increase physical activity participation in people with chronic health conditions (O’Halloran et al., 2014) and adolescents who are obese (Gourlan, Sarrazin, & Trouilloud, 2013).

Emerging Research Constructs Self-compassion, mindfulness, and mental toughness are novel constructs that are beginning to be examined within the applied sport and exercise or physical activity psychology literature. In the following section, we provide a brief description of these constructs, followed by a review of the extant research that has attempted to answer specific questions related to each.

Motivational Interviewing Rapport One way to build rapport between the practitioner and the client is motivational interviewing, defined as “a collaborative, goal-oriented method of communication with particular attention to the language of change. It is intended to strengthen personal motivation for and commitment to a specific goal by eliciting and exploring an individual’s own arguments for change” (Miller & Rollnick, 2009, p. 137).

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The recent growing body of research on self-compassion, mindfulness, and mental toughness is promising. The development of self-compassion can potentially help athletes cope with negative cognitions and emotions during difficult events, whereas for exercisers, self-compassion might act as a buffer against the negative effects of self-conscious emotions and body dissatisfaction. Furthermore, practicing mindfulness may have a positive effect on performance in athletes and on health-related behaviors and cognitions in nonathletes. Lastly, adopting a mentally tough mind-set could have positive effects on sport performance and exercise behavior. The findings from the studies discussed in the following sections shed light on the important role these novel, fresh constructs may have on the psychological well-being of both athletes and exercisers.

Self-Compassion Self-compassion has been defined as “being touched by and open to one’s own suffering, not avoiding or disconnecting from it, generating the desire to alleviate one’s suffering and to heal oneself with kindness” (Neff, 2003, p. 87). Self-compassion has three basic components: self-kindness, common humanity, and mindfulness (Neff, 2003). Self-kindness involves being accepting and understanding to oneself during times of personal failures, adversity, and pain, rather than being highly judgmental and harsh. Common humanity is the perception that one’s experiences are shared by all humans rather than isolating and separating. Lastly, mindfulness involves being aware of one’s painful thoughts and feelings rather than avoiding, repressing, or overidentifying with them. Self-compassion has been identified as a healthier conceptualization of the self as compared with self-esteem. Self-compassion is premised on self-acceptance, whereas self-esteem is based on social comparison and self-evaluation (Neff, 2003). Thus, people in pursuit of high self-esteem are more likely to put others down or perceive others as worse off so that they feel more favorably about themselves (Neff, 2003). Being self-compassionate allows people to experience positive cognitions and emotions about themselves without the need for self-deprecation and self-enhancement. Sport and exercise settings offer ample opportunity to engage in social comparison and self-evaluation. Thus, it is not surprising that researchers have begun to highlight the potential advantages of practicing self-compassion in such contexts. An examination of the effectiveness of a 1-week

self-compassion intervention in a group of female varsity athletes found that the intervention led to significantly higher levels of self-compassion and lower levels of state self-criticism, state rumination, and concerns over mistakes in women who received the intervention, compared with a control group (Mosewich, Crocker, Kowalski, & DeLongis, 2013). Other studies in sport and exercise psychology have examined the relationship between self-compassion and self-conscious emotions (e.g., shame and guilt). In a study with young female athletes, self-compassion was negatively related to shame proneness, guilt-free shame proneness, fear of failure, and fear of negative evaluation (Mosewich, Kowalski, Sabiston, Sedgwick, & Tracy, 2011). Albertson, Neff, and Dill-Shackleford (2015) found that women who completed self-compassion meditation for 3 weeks reported greater increases in self-compassion and body appreciation and greater reductions in body shame, body dissatisfaction, and contingent self-worth based on appearance than did their control group peers. Future research should examine the link between self-compassion and athletic performance in athletes.

Mindfulness The concept of mindfulness has garnered much attention among sport and exercise or physical activity psychology researchers and practitioners. Mindfulness has been defined as “paying attention in a particular way: on purpose, in the present moment, and nonjudgmentally” (Kabat-Zinn, 1994, p. 4). The foundation of mindfulness is premised on a different perspective than traditional PST models, which aim to achieve enhanced performance by controlling one’s emotions, cognitions, and physiological sensations (Gardner & Moore, 2012). Mindfulness requires an individual to connect with internal and external states in a nonjudgmental and accepting fashion, without attempting to change the states’ form and frequency (Gardner & Moore, 2012). Mindfulness-based interventions in sport have adopted one of two approaches. The first is Gardner and Moore’s (2007) mindfulness-acceptance-commitment (MAC) approach, which emphasizes mindful attention, accepting internal states, and commitment to achieving valued goals. Since its development, a number of empirical studies have provided support for the efficacy of the MAC approach. For example, a nonrandomized trial conducted with female collegiate athletes found that those who received MAC training reported improvements in both self and coach ratings of

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athletic performance, compared with those with no intervention (Wolanin, 2005). Additionally, a large randomized controlled trial with college athletes showed that those in the MAC condition, compared to the PST condition, demonstrated a significant increase in athletic performance, along with self-reports of mindfulness awareness and attention, experiential acceptance, and overall flow (Lutkenhouse, Gardner, & Moore, 2007). Other mindfulness-based interventions that did not explicitly adopt MAC protocols but were theoretically and procedurally similar to MAC have reported significant improvements in athletic performance (Bernier, Thienot, Codron, & Fournier, 2009) and dimensions of flow (Aherne, Moran, & Lonsdale, 2011). The second approach in cultivating mindfulness in athletes is mindful sport performance enhancement (MSPE; Kaufman, Glass, & Arnkoff, 2009). MSPE targets mindfulness with exercises such as sitting meditation, body scan, mindful yoga, and walking meditation. Using a sample of recreational long-distance runners, participants who attended 4 weeks of MSPE workshops reported fewer organizational demands (an aspect of perfectionism) compared with participants in the waitlist group (De Petrillo, Kaufman, Glass, & Arnkoff, 2009). MSPE with golfers and archers found that their state flow increased over time (Kaufman et al., 2009). Recently, a 1-year follow-up of the participants who attended De Petrillo et al. and Kaufman et al.’s (2009) MSPE workshops showed that trait mindfulness increased for all athletes from pretest to follow-up (Thompson, Kaufman, De Petrillo, Glass, & Arnkoff, 2011). Athletes also showed a significant decrease in task-related worries, task-irrelevant thoughts (aspects of thought disruption), and sport anxiety. Additionally, although the quantitative data in the original studies (De Petrillo et al., 2009; Kaufman et al., 2009) showed no improvements in athletes’ performance, results from Thompson et al.’s (2011) study revealed performance improvements for both runners and golfers. Correlational research has shown that mindfulness is positively associated with exercise maintenance (Loucks, Britton, Howe, Eaton, & Buka, 2015) and negatively associated with body mass index (Moor, Scott, & McIntosh, 2013). Other studies have found that higher levels of mindfulness are related to greater levels of moderate and vigorous physical activity, exercise self-efficacy, fruit and vegetable intake, dietary self-efficacy, and lower levels of fat intake (Gilbert & Waltz, 2010) as well as lower odds of being overweight and obese for women and lower

odds of being obese for men (Camilleri, Méjean, Bellisle, Hercberg, & Péneau, 2015). Research has examined the effectiveness of mindfulness-based interventions in clinical populations and to a lesser extent in nonclinical populations. In a recent systematic review and meta-analysis, mindfulness-based therapies were found to result in a significant reduction of symptoms of anxiety and depression among cancer patients and survivors (Piet, Würtzen, & Zachariae, 2012). In another systematic review and meta-analysis, Vollestad, Nielsen, and Nielsen (2011) examined the utility of mindfulness- and acceptance-based interventions for patients suffering from anxiety disorders. Results from their study showed that mindfulnessand acceptance-based interventions were associated with substantial reductions in symptoms of anxiety and in comorbid depressive symptoms, both at posttreatment and follow-up. Additionally, a systematic review provided evidence for the application of mindfulness-based interventions as a treatment for various eating disorders, including anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge eating (Wanden-Berghe, Sanz-Valero, & Wanden-Berge, 2011). Although these findings are not specific to sport and exercise or physical activity settings, they do provide some evidence that mindfulness-based interventions might have similar, positive effects with populations such as athletes and exercisers. For example, eliciting mindfulness in athletes might lead to lower risks of eating disorders. Alternatively, mindfulness-based interventions might be effective in helping frequent and nonfrequent exercisers reduce their social physique anxiety. Preliminary support for the applicability of mindfulness in physical activity domains can be gleaned through the work of Bryan, Zipp, and Parasher (2012), in which a 10-week yoga intervention with a mindfulness component had a positive influence on exercise adherence in a sample of sedentary adults. Future experimental research should examine the effects of mindfulness in an exercise setting.

Mental Toughness Mental toughness is a term regularly used by coaches, athletes, and practitioners. In a recent study, Gucciardi, Hanton, Gordon, Mallett, and Temby (2015) defined mental toughness as “a personal capacity to produce consistently high levels of subjective (e.g., personal goals or strivings) or objective performance (e.g., sales, race time, GPA) despite everyday challenges and stressors as well

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as significant adversities” (p. 28). In addition to providing a guiding definition, Gucciardi et al. conducted a series of studies across various achievement contexts (e.g., sport and education) and found that mental toughness • may be better understood as a unidimensional construct (vs. multidimensional); • is positively associated with performance, goal progress, and thriving during stressful situations; and • can change depending on contextual or social factors. Cross-sectional research shows that athletes’ perceptions of autonomy-supportive coach behaviors were indirectly associated with mental toughness through psychological needs satisfaction (Mahoney, Gucciardi, Ntoumanis, & Mallet, 2014). Experimental research has examined the effect of two different PST programs on young male Australian football players’ mental toughness (Gucciardi, Gordon, & Dimmock, 2009). Australian football players were divided into one of three groups: a general PST group, a mental toughness training group, or a control group. Both the PST group and the mental toughness group reported significant improvements in mental toughness, flow, and resilience. In another study, cricket players who received mental toughness training over a 2-year period reported higher scores on mental toughness and performance compared with those who did not receive the intervention (Bell, Hardy, & Beattie, 2013). To date, only two studies have examined mental toughness in an exercise setting. One showed that adolescents who achieved current physical activity recommendations reported higher levels of mental toughness (Gerber et al., 2012). The other used phenomenological interviews to ask qualified and experienced exercise leaders, as well as regular exercisers, about their perceptions and experiences of mental toughness (Crust, Swann, Allen-Collinson, Breckon, & Weinberg, 2014). Ten general dimensions were identified as important to mental toughness in the exercise domain: motivation to achieve, goals and sense of purpose, focus, reinforcement from hard work or sweating and aching, commitment, overcommitment, learning and growth orientation, resiliency, control over emotions and stability, and challenge appraisal. Overall, addressing some of these components of exercise mental toughness may be helpful in eliciting exercise maintenance and adherence.

Future Research Recommendations Throughout this chapter we have presented the vast research findings pertaining to the application of sport and exercise or physical activity psychology. Yet, despite the progress made, some gaps in the literature remain. We now present several areas where we believe future research may wish to focus. These include measurement and evaluation of psychological strategies, knowledge translation, diverse populations, and technology-mediated practice. Typically, psychological strategies are measured with questionnaires. Problems with subjective measures are consistently noted in the literature (e.g., validity and reliability). In 1998, Strean noted the need for effective evaluation (measurement) in applied sport psychology. We argue that this need is mirrored in applied exercise or physical activity psychology. In the years since Strean’s suggestion, the need remains. Both the knowledge of and attitude toward the psychological strategies are necessary measures. Indeed, interventions cannot be successful if the client has not improved his or her knowledge of the said psychological strategies. Additionally, some measurement of the client’s adherence to the use of the psychological strategies is valuable. As noted by Anderson et al. (2002), if the client is not using the strategy, the intervention will likely be ineffective. A systematic evaluation of the PST program, using a variety of tools (subjective and objective) is highly recommended for work in the applied setting. Knowledge translation is a dynamic process involving the dissemination, exchange, and application of knowledge and is therefore fundamental in the field of applied sport and exercise or physical activity psychology. Given that most successful interventions are derived from sound theory and evidence, we need to bridge the gap between theory and application. Anshel (2012) advocated for more field-based studies to strengthen the link between theory and practice. In addition, further elaboration on existing theories is necessary to improve understanding of client behavior, thus allowing for rigorous testing and more effective interventions. Indeed, the practice and research of applied sport and exercise or physical activity psychology has evolved over the years. Several journals now focus on advancing thought, theory, and research on applied aspects of sport and exercise or physical activity psychology (e.g., Journal of Applied Sport

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Psychology, Sport Psychology in Action, The Sport Psychologist). These outlets effectively reach the academic community, but more can be done to inform the nonacademic community such as coaches (e.g., workshops), athletes (e.g., blogs), fitness centers (e.g., brochures), and policy makers (e.g., community partnerships). Applied sport psychology has generally targeted elite able-bodied athletes, but the field needs to expand its application to other populations. Given the effectiveness of PST with athletes and exercisers, similar research should continue to evolve with populations such as those in cardiac rehabilitation programs, elderly, pregnant women, and those with mental and physical disabilities. Further, Anshel (2012) predicted that youth sport participants, and their parents, would be a population of interest for applied sport psychology practitioners and researchers. Well-planned psychological skill programs (such as positive youth development; e.g., Gould & Carson, 2011) provide an opportunity to encourage the psychological development of youth athletes within the sport environment. Through the transfer of psychological strategies that youth learn in sport, personal growth in other areas of life (e.g., school) can be attained. The importance of parent education in the delivery of these psychological strategies to youth athletes was further noted (Weinberg, Neff, & Jurica, 2012). Given the role that parents play in the development of their child’s sport skills, educating the parents is a logical step toward enhancing their support for the program. Cultural diversity is integral to sport and exercise or physical activity psychology, yet it is rarely addressed in the literature. Ryba et al. (2013), in their ISSP position stand, noted the changing landscape of sport and physical activity. Contemporary sport and exercise or physical activity psychology is multicultural. As such, researchers and practitioners should be culturally competent. A revision of the approach may be the result: One which stresses the diversity and complexity of sport and exercise participants’ behaviours and motivations through an enhanced understanding that their experiences are always contextually contained within socially and culturally available resources to make sense of the surrounding reality, including who they are and how they relate to others. Ryba et al., 2013, p. 124

One way that a practitioner may become more culturally understanding is to learn about the world in which the client behaves. This goal could be achieved through education, observation, and com-

munication with the client. Further, as mentioned previously, practitioners who expand their services to reach a broader community will no doubt become more culturally competent. A final area for future direction is technology-mediated practice. Recently we have seen applied sport psychology services delivered online. The importance of online services is that clients have greater access to PST. No longer is PST only for elite funded athletes. Athletes with a disability or those who are nonelite, recreational, or remotely located can now reap the same benefits. The use of technology in applied practice is not exclusive to the sport domain. Practitioners working with clients to enhance their physical activity participation might consider employing similar technology-based modalities successfully noted in sport. For instance, Weinberg et al. (2012) describe an online platform focusing on mental training for athletes. Through PowerPoint presentations, interviews with sport psychology professionals, simulation training, and coach and parent education programs, this online mental training tool can reach the masses at a cost far less than that for extended one-on-one sessions. Practitioners could also use social media platforms, such as Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram, to provide services to their clients. This type of technology is especially relevant to the youth population given the high rate of cellphone ownership. Similarly, the explosion of cellphone applications (“apps”) targeting mental skills training and fitness and health behaviors are avenues worth exploring. Future research should determine whether the use of these technologies is effective. See chapter 14 for more information on the use of technology in sport and exercise or physical activity settings.

Summary Throughout this chapter, we have provided the reader with an overview of research supporting practice in sport and exercise or physical activity psychology. Besides identifying key components of an effective practitioner, we have synthesized the literature regarding the traditional psychological strategies often reported (i.e., self-talk, imagery, goal setting, and arousal regulation). Because of the dynamic nature of research, we have identified several emerging areas in our field (i.e., self-compassion, mindfulness, and mental toughness) as well as gaps in the literature; thus providing direction for both scholars and practitioners. We have attempted to provide a clearer understanding of the issues facing applied sport and exer-

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cise or physical activity psychology researchers and practitioners. Specifically, our chapter highlights the following: 1. Ethical issues and competencies are important to practitioners even though they often work in nontraditional clinical settings. 2. Clients and coaches need to evaluate the practitioner’s effectiveness. Further, the practitioner should use reflective practice as a way to self-evaluate. 3. In both the applied sport and exercise or physical activity settings, the psychological strategies often researched and taught include self-talk, imagery, goal setting, and arousal regulation. Specific to the exercise or physical activity setting is motivational interviewing, a type of counseling intervention. 4. Applied practitioners are teaching self-compassion and mindfulness to their clients. Further, the growth of research surrounding mental toughness should lead to more effective practices with athletes and exercisers. 5. Areas in need of additional research include measurement and evaluation of psychological strategies (both subjective and objective), knowledge translation from research to practice with a far broader reach than just academics, expansion of the application of sport and exercise or physical activity psychology to other populations, and the importance and effectiveness of technology-mediated practice.

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PART

II Individual Differences in Behavior A major focus of early sport psychology research was on the identification of particular characteristics of individuals that could explain and predict sport and physical activity behavior. Such individual-difference factors were defined as consisting of relatively stable traits, dispositions, or characteristics of individuals. More recently, however, researchers have emphasized differences between people in their subjective appraisals of the world around them. These appraisals may be somewhat less stable in nature than the aforementioned traits and dispositions, but the research reveals significant variability between individuals in the ways they process, analyze, interpret, and evaluate events that occur in physical activity environments. Furthermore, such interindividual variability in subjective appraisal processes has been linked to subsequent differences in the performance and behavior of physical activity participants. The three chapters contained in part II of this text examine the theoretical frameworks and research studies addressing the relationship between

selected individual-difference factors and individuals’ subsequent behaviors, attitudes, values, perceptions, and psychoemotional responses in physical activity contexts. Chapter 4 by Catherine Sabiston, Jenna Gilchrist, and Jennifer Brunet opens this section, focusing on individuals’ perceptions of their own traits, beliefs, roles, identities, and self-descriptions in sport and physical activity contexts. These self-perceptions can have important implications in physical activity contexts. The chapter authors begin by reviewing the research and theory on the broadest constructs of the self— self-esteem and self-concept—with a particular focus on how these self-perceptions are related to physical activity. As part of this review, the authors provide a summary of, and commentary on, several related but also competing theories on the relationship between these broad constructs and individuals’ behaviors across contexts. They then review self-system constructs that have been examined within the physical activity psychology field, including physical self-discrepancies, exercise

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and athletic identity, self-schemata, and possible selves. Despite the relatively consistent interest in self-perceptions among researchers in the field across the past several decades, there are a number of limitations to the knowledge base. Thus, the authors end their chapter by providing directives for future research as well as practice. Jennifer Brunet and Catherine Sabiston again collaborate to coauthor chapter 5, which focuses on self-presentation, a process that occurs when people try to monitor and regulate the impressions of them that others form. Their chapter begins by defining the self-presentation construct and reviewing theoretical frameworks and models that have been used to investigate it within sport, exercise, and other physical activity contexts. They then share specific tactics that individuals attempt to use to manage other people’s impressions of them in physical activity settings. An important dimension to research in this area is the way in which the construct is measured or assessed. Therefore, Brunet and Sabiston review the instruments that have been developed and used for this purpose. Following this critical discussion, they provide an overview of the research literature and then identify important knowledge gaps, along with questions or issues that warrant further attention. In chapter 6, Howard Hall provides a current and critical perspective on perfectionism. He defines

the construct as a “complex multidimensional personality characteristic that reflects an irrational way of thinking about achievement.” Over the course of the chapter, Hall challenges the dualistic conception of perfectionism that is often advanced and suggests that perfectionism is best seen as a source of vulnerability that can lead to negative consequences (e.g., performance debilitation, burnout, maladaptive psychological processes) for sport performers. The chapter provides readers with a review of the theoretical and empirical research that has been conducted to date, especially within the competitive sport setting. Importantly, it also offers a critique of this knowledge base along with suggestions for future research that could help resolve issues surrounding the hypothesized dual nature of perfectionism. Although the three chapters in part II are written from the perspective that individual-difference factors can serve as predictors of sport and exercise behavior, the authors clearly recognize that such factors must be considered along with situational or contextual factors for an adequate understanding of sport behavior. Thus, the three chapters in part II complement the four chapters in part III that focus on socioenvironmental factors. The overriding theme of the collection of chapters is that an interactional approach to the study of behavior in physical activity contexts is essential to advancing knowledge and practice.

4 Self-Perception in Sport and Exercise Catherine M. Sabiston, PhD  Jenna D. Gilchrist, MA  Jennifer Brunet, PhD

Abstract Self-perceptions can be defined as the way that people think about their traits, beliefs, roles, identities, and descriptions. In this chapter, we present an overview of existing work on the multidimensional and hierarchical structure of the self. Within the context of sport and exercise, the physical self and related physical self-perceptions are the primary focus of attention. Specifically, sport and exercise situations provide opportunity for the development and evaluation of the self and a forum for the physical self to be on display and judged by others. Competing theories exploring the development of the self and the way in which the self relates to outcomes such as physical activity are discussed. An integrative perspective is presented pertaining to the associations within the self-perception system and the way in which the self relates to engagement in, or avoidance of, physical activity. Limitations of existing work are highlighted throughout the chapter, and suggestions for future research are identified and discussed to inform theory, research, and practice.

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elf-perceptions can generally be defined as the way that people think about themselves—their traits, beliefs, roles, identities, and descriptions (Leary & Tangney, 2003). As implied by this definition, self-perception infers an ability for reflexive thinking that is important for people as they interpret their social, physical, and emotional circumstances and regulate their behaviors (Leary & Tangney, 2003). Furthermore, people’s sense of self is defined not only by their knowledge of themselves (i.e., self-awareness) and reflection of that knowledge (i.e., self-reflexivity) but also by their interactions with others. The processes that people use in the development of their self-perceptions include self-comparison (e.g., comparing actions and behaviors with current personal standards or across time), social comparison (e.g., comparing actions and behaviors with those of significant or relevant others), and evaluations from significant others such as positive and negative feedback from peers, family, coaches, trainers, and teachers (Harter, 2012; Stets & Burke, 2003). Together, these processes lead to the development of a multidimensional self-concept. Topics related to the development, structure, and role of self-perceptions have been the focus of much research in sport and exercise contexts. The relevance of the self in sport and exercise should not be surprising given that the fundamental features that define and shape the self, including self-awareness and comparison and feedback, are made salient in these contexts (Sabiston, Pila, Pinsonnault-Bilodeau, & Cox, 2014). Much of the research on the self has centered on developing an understanding of the content and structure of the self-system. Within the sport and exercise psychology field, researchers have also examined whether participation in physical activity enhances people’s self-perceptions and whether people who have positive self-perceptions are more apt to participate in physical activity. The primary purpose of this chapter is to provide a review of the theoretical and empirical research of the main constructs related to the self that are studied in physical activity contexts. The broadest constructs of the self (e.g., self-esteem and self-concept) and relationships to physical activity are first presented. In the second section of this chapter, additional components of the self-system within the sport and exercise psychology field are reviewed, such as physical self-discrepancies, athletic identity, self-schemata, and possible selves. In the final section of the chapter, limitations of the current work and directions for future research are discussed.

Self-Esteem and Self-Concept Self-esteem can be defined as the evaluative feeling that a person has about him- or herself. This relatively broad construct has been explored from multiple perspectives such as explicit self-esteem (conscious, controlled, and reflective self-appraisals), implicit self-esteem (a predisposition to evaluate oneself in a spontaneous and unconscious yet automatic way; Greenwald & Banaji, 1995), stable and true self-esteem (intrapsychic feelings of personal worth and autonomy), and unstable and contingent self-esteem (based on outcomes and achievement and inter- or intrapersonal standards; Deci & Ryan, 1995). Although self-esteem has commonly been studied as the way that an individual thinks about her or his own value or worth as a person (i.e., self-worth), self-concept is broadly defined as a person’s self-description based on her or his experiences and interpretations of the environment (Shavelson, Hubner, & Stanton, 1976). The main difference between self-esteem and self-concept is that self-esteem takes into account how people feel about their sense of self, whereas self-concept focuses more on how a person describes himself or herself. One other term that has been used in the literature to refer to a person’s sense of self is self-efficacy. Self-efficacy describes people’s beliefs in their capabilities to organize and execute actions needed to produce specific outcomes (Bandura, 1997). In this way, self-efficacy is not a reflective description or evaluation of the self but rather a more situation-specific self-assessment of perceived ability. Although self-esteem, self-concept, and self-efficacy have often been studied as either interchangeable or unitary constructs, these self-perceptions clearly function in complementary yet unique ways and yield distinct outcomes related to health, well-being, achievement, and relationships. To examine antecedents and outcomes of people’s self-perceptions, a variety of theoretical frameworks have been proposed. The most enduring of these models have been those that incorporate multidimensional or hierarchical structures of the self. These models are briefly reviewed in the following section.

Multidimensional and Hierarchical Self-Structure Early models of the self were primarily unidimensional (e.g., one self-concept representing

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the entirety of the person’s roles, responsibilities, beliefs, and feelings). But prominent work by self-concept theorists, including Coopersmith (1967) and Fitts (1965), demonstrated that the self is multidimensional in nature and composed of a number of domain-specific self-concepts that have roots in social connections and relationships (i.e., social or relational self), education and pedagogy (i.e., academic self), work and employment (i.e., employment self), morality (i.e., moral self), and physical functioning and appearance (i.e., physical self). The multidimensional nature of the self has received considerable support (Hattie & Fletcher, 2005; Marsh & Craven, 2006) (see figure 4.1 for an example). In addition to having a multidimensional nature, the self-concept has a hierarchical structure that can be described as a sort of layering of self-perceptions within a person’s self-concept and self-esteem (Sonstroem, 1976). Specifically, global self-esteem is the top layer; it sits at the apex of the self-perception hierarchy, and the multiple domain-specific self-concepts (e.g., social, academic, physical) are situated under this global overarching entity. Each of these domain-specific self-concepts is then defined by a number of subdomain self-perceptions. For example, the social self-concept might be defined as having perceptions of relationships with parents and peers, as well as perceptions of social connections with teammates. The academic self-concept is driven by self-perceptions of math, linguistics, and art (among other academic topics). And of most relevance to sport and exercise psychology, the physical self-concept is tied to self-perceptions that are broadly related to what the body can do (e.g., sport competence, endurance, strength) and what the body looks like (e.g., body fat, appearance). These physical self-perceptions

are considered subdomain levels, and, with greater differentiation and specificity, these subdomains are further conceptualized into facets (e.g., sport competence in softball) and subfacets (e.g., throwing a ball). An example of the hierarchical structure of the physical self is presented in figure 4.2. A more complete discussion and detail regarding the development and testing of these theoretical models has been provided by others (see reviews by Crocker, Kowalksi, & Hadd [2008]; Fox [1997]; Marsh & Cheng [2012]).

Measurement of Physical Self-Concept Consistent with the development of the multidimensional theories, researchers have also designed and tested instruments to measure constructs of the self. In particular, four main measurement tools have been developed to assess the multidimensional nature of physical self-concept. The Physical Self-Perception Profile (PSPP; Fox & Corbin, 1989) was developed with data collected from university students. It assesses body attractiveness, sport competence, physical strength, and sport conditioning subdomains of the physical self. In the PSPP, global physical self-worth can also be assessed. The Children/Youth Physical Self-Perception Profile (CY-PSPP; Whitehead, 1995) was designed for younger samples to assess global self-worth and physical self-worth along with subdomain measures of sport or athletic competence, strength competence, adequacy of physical condition, and body attractiveness. The Physical Self-Description Questionnaire (PSDQ; Marsh, Richards, Johnson, & Roche, 1994) was developed initially using samples of adolescents and comprised items assessing appearance, body fat, physical activity, endurance and fitness, sports competence, coordination, strength, flexibility,

Self-concept

Social self-concept

Academic self-concept

Employment self-concept

Figure 4.1  The multidimensional structure of the self. Based on Shavelson, Hubner, and Stanton (1976).

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Moral self-concept

Physical self-concept

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Physical self-worth

Appearance self-perceptions

Body shape self-perceptions

Conditioning self-perceptions

Strength self-perceptions

Facial perceptions

Weight perceptions

Aerobic perceptions

Leg-strength perceptions

Figure 4.2  The hierarchical structure of the physical self. Based on Shavelson, Hubner, and Stanton (1976).

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and health subdomains of the physical self. The PSDQ also measures global perceptions of physical self-concept and self-esteem. The fourth tool is a measure specific to athletes and has been termed the Elite Athlete Self-Description Questionnaire (EASDQ; Marsh, Hey, Johnson, & Perry, 1997). This instrument includes items that assess an elite athlete’s perceptions related to overall performance (e.g., skill, body, aerobic fitness, anaerobic fitness, and mental competence). All four of these physical self-measures have been translated into a number of languages, and shorter versions of the PSPP and the PSDQ have been developed (Maïano, Morin, & Mascret, 2015; Marsh, Martin, & Jackson, 2010; Tomás, Marsh, González-Romá, Valls, & Nagengast, 2014; Vlachopoulos, Leptokaridou, & Fox, 2014). Further details on the measures, response options, and psychometric evidence are presented elsewhere (see Lindwall, Rennemark, Halling, Berglund, & Hassmén, 2007; Sabiston, Whitehead, & Eklund, 2012; Wilson, Mack, & Sabiston, 2012).

Bottom-Up and Top-Down Approaches to the Self Although the physical self-perceptual system is specified as hierarchical (Fox & Corbin, 1989), little consensus has emerged about whether a hierarchical structure exists and, if it does, on the particular direction of influence (Hattie & Fletcher, 2005; Kowalski, Crocker, Kowalski, Chad, & Humbert, 2003). Those who argue for a hierarchical structure suggest that global self-constructs (i.e., those residing at the top of the model such as self-worth pre-

sented in figure 4.2) are more stable (or trait-like), whereas self-constructs are expected to become less stable (and more transient) as one descends the hierarchy toward situational constructs such as perceptions of fatness presented as subsumed under body shape self-perceptions (Shavelson et al., 1976). These general perspectives can be described within bottom-up and top-down approaches to the self. Horizontal effects are also possible such that specific self-perceptions and self-concepts are most affected by previous levels of the same self-perceptions (see further detail and examples in the sidebar Approaches to the Self System).

Linking Physical Activity and Self-Esteem The bottom-up and top-down approaches offer frameworks for understanding the association between physical activity and constructs related to the self. Overall, few unique theoretical integrations explain these associations, yet constructs related to the self are often integral to, or included as adjuncts in, motivation and behavior change theories. The research on these various approaches is summarized in the following paragraphs.

Skill Development Hypothesis The exercise and self-esteem model (EXSEM; Sonstroem & Morgan, 1989) is an example of a skill development hypothesis (i.e., bottom-up approach) whereby physical activity participation is proposed to influence global self-esteem by affecting contex-

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Approaches to the Self System Bottom-Up Approach to the Self In adopting a hierarchical view, researchers have proposed a bottom-up approach whereby contextual and situational aspects affect the self-perceptions at higher levels of the hierarchy (Sonstroem & Morgan, 1989). For example, a physical activity intervention would be designed to improve lower-level self-perceptions such as competence in strength or perceptions of body fat. In turn, improvement in these self-perceptions are hypothesized to improve physical self-concept, and ultimately, global self-esteem. This pathway from behavior to self-esteem has also been labeled the skill development hypothesis (Marsh, 1990; Sonstroem, 1997). Top-Down Approach to the Self Other researchers have proposed a top-down influence whereby global aspects of the self (e.g., global self-esteem, global self-concept) affect aspects of the self at lower levels (Brown, 1993). Using this top-down perspective, an intervention could aim to improve global self-esteem because this upgrading would then lead to improvement in the lower-level contextual aspects of the self (e.g., perceived competence in one or more domains), which in turn should have an effect on situational aspects of the self (e.g., increases in physical activity). This top-down approach has also been labeled the self-enhancement hypothesis (Marsh, 1990; Sonstroem, 1997). Horizontal Approach to the Self Evidence also suggests that the effects of developing self-perceptions (or self-concept or self-esteem) are simply reflected in past self-perceptions. These more stable features of the self are defined as horizontal effects (Crocker et al., 2003; Kowalski et al., 2003; Marsh & Yeung, 1998). Specifically, self-perceptions reported at one point in time exert a highly influential effect on the same self-perceptions measured at later time points, and these effects are stronger than relationships to other self-perceptions or behavior.

tual aspects of the self. Within the EXSEM, physical activity behavior is proposed to change physical outcomes (e.g., muscular strength, aerobic conditioning), which then enhances perceptions of physical activity self-efficacy and self-perceptions such as sport competence, conditioning, and strength. Following the presentation of these self-perceptions (as illustrated in figure 4.2), increases in these self-perceptions are then expected to result in higher physical self-concept and, ultimately, higher self-esteem (Sonstroem, Harlow, & Josephs, 1994; Sonstroem, 1997). Of importance to understanding the EXSEM tenets, physical activity self-efficacy relates to judgments of a particular skill or ability in a specific situation (e.g., successfully making a free throw shot in basketball), whereas perceptions of competence are more general judgments (e.g., perception that one is good at sports). Physical competence perceptions are directly related to physical self-concept and self-esteem but are also proposed to have an effect through physical acceptance (i.e., the extent to which a person accepts his or her physical strengths and weaknesses or satisfaction). In this way, physical competence and physical self-acceptance are both amenable to change through physical activity, and both alter global sense of self.

Support for the general tenets of the EXSEM has been demonstrated in samples ranging from children and adolescents to older adults. In a physical activity (walking or yoga) randomized control trial (RCT) conducted with middle-aged women, one of the findings presented by Elavsky and McAuley (2007) was that improvements in physical condition and strength self-perceptions were related to improvements in global self-esteem. In a follow-up to this study, Elavsky (2010) reported additional findings consistent with the bottom-up hypothesis. Increases in physical condition and attractive body self-perceptions were significantly associated with increases in physical self-worth and global self-esteem. In an exercise RCT among older adults over 65 years (Awick, Ehlers, Fanning, Phillips, Wojcicki, Mackenzie, et al., 2016), those assigned to a workout DVD used in the home experienced greater self-efficacy and physical conditioning self-perceptions, and these were the strongest predictors of self-esteem during the 6-month intervention and 6-month follow-up period. Evidence also supports the general associations within the EXSEM among youth samples. In schoolaged children, Slutzky and Simpkins (2009) found that team sport participation predicted sport competence perceptions and improved self-esteem as mea-

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sured 1 year later. Other researchers have also found sport participation to be predictive of self-esteem among youth (Barber, Eccles, & Stone, 2001; Findlay & Bowker, 2009; Fredricks & Eccles, 2006; Slutzky & Simpkins, 2009). In a 6-month randomized control trial using a resistance-training intervention for overweight and obese adolescent males, Schranz, Tomkinson, Parletta, Petkov, and Olds (2014) found a moderate to large effect of exercise engagement on trained participants’ exercise self-efficacy, resistance-training confidence, self-esteem, and strength relative to the control group. Schmidt, Blum, Valkanover, and Conzelmann (2015) report further support for the hierarchical nature of the EXSEM and for the skill development hypothesis in that physical self-concept mediated the relationship between motor ability and self-esteem in children. In this study, social acceptance was also a significant mediator among boys but not girls. Overall, then, there appears to be general support for the bottom-up perspective that is characteristic of the EXSEM. Specifically, engagement in physical activity programs has been shown to effect change in participants’ contextual perceptions, which in turn result in changes at the higher levels of the self-perceptual system. Despite these positive findings, a few caveats should be noted. The effect of physical activity on self-esteem is small to moderate, in line with the conclusions of meta-analyses examining the association between physical activity and self-esteem (Babic et al., 2014; Spence, McGannon & Poon, 2005). Also, some evidence indicates that self-efficacy and changes in physical activity outcomes (e.g., fitness) co-occur at the same time rather than in a sequential or hierarchical manner (Babic et al., 2014; Dishman et al., 2006; McAuley, Blissmer, Katula, Duncan, and Mihalko, 2000; McAuley et al., 2005). Finally, few researchers have examined the EXSEM with the inclusion of the physical acceptance construct. As such, there is limited evidence of the strength and direction of effects between physical self-perceptions, physical acceptance, and self-concept. More research is needed to establish support for the hierarchical bottom-up links specified in the EXSEM.

Self-Enhancement Hypothesis In contrast to the bottom-up directional effect, the self-enhancement hypothesis proposes a top-down effect by suggesting that more global aspects of the self influence more specific self-perceptions that then influence outcomes such as physical activity. The research to support this effect has primarily focused on the relationship between perceptions of

competence and physical activity behavior (Fox & Wilson, 2008) and has been largely modeled within theories of motivation (e.g., competence motivation [Harter, 1978]; self-efficacy [Bandura, 1997]; self-determination [Deci & Ryan, 2002]; expectancy-value [Eccles & Wigfield, 2002]). In a top-down model perspective, people are hypothesized to be highly motivated to engage in tasks and behaviors in which they can demonstrate their abilities and in which they feel capable of achievement (e.g., Harter, 2012). For example, a person who reports high self-esteem and high perceptions of competence in the sport domain would be likely to seek out opportunities for participation in such activities. Although evidence suggests that people who report greater perceptions of competence and self-efficacy engage in more physical activity (Babic et al., 2014; Bauman et al., 2012), providing support for the self-enhancement perspective, most of the research has been cross-sectional in nature. As such, although theoretically grounded to test the top-down effect in principal, the study design cannot preclude the possibility of support for the skill development perspective. Longitudinal and experimental evidence is needed to confirm directional effects. Lindwall, Asci, and Crocker (2014) found some support for the self-enhancement hypothesis in supplementary analyses with longitudinal data exploring associations of change in self-esteem, physical self-perceptions, and physical activity. Specifically, people who had greater self-esteem were more likely to engage in physical activity, and there was no evidence that greater participation in physical activity enhanced people’s self-esteem. Further support for the unidirectional relationship between self-esteem and physical activity has been noted in prospective studies with multiple time points. Lemoyne, Valois, and Guay (2015) recruited a sample of college students to examine reciprocal relationships between multiple types of physical activity (cardiovascular exercise, sport participation, and weight training) and self-perceptions of endurance, sport competence, strength, and bodily attractiveness. Measures were taken 3 months apart. The self-enhancement hypothesis was supported in that higher perceptions of competence in a given dimension (e.g., sports competence) were associated with higher participation in the corresponding physical activity behavior (e.g., playing sports), and weaker associations were found across domains (e.g., between perceived sports competence and the behavior of lifting weights). Although their work was not directly related to physical activity behavior, Garn and

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Shen (2015) reported a unidirectional relationship between physical self-concept and psychological need satisfaction in exercise among undergraduate students participating in exercise classes over the course of one semester. Findings provide support for the self-enhancement hypothesis in that physical self-concept may be best situated as an antecedent of physical activity rather than an outcome. Finally, evidence supports the self-enhancement approach among primary school youth. Specifically, measures of body fat self-perceptions, physical self-concept, and school-based moderate to vigorous physical activity were taken at the beginning and end of a school year, and body fat perceptions predicted future physical self-concept and physical activity (Garn et al., 2016). The authors suggest that these self-enhancing effects can be used to foster health and well-being among youth in a school setting. In spite of the evidence presented in the preceding studies, longitudinal evidence offers ambiguous support for either top-down or bottom-up approaches. For example, Elavsky (2010) tested the competing models with a sample of middle-aged

women and found support for both directional effects. Wagnsson, Lindwall, and Gustafsson (2014) also found support for both the skill development and self-enhancement models in a sample of schoolaged children. Overall, more research is needed to test competing approaches using longitudinal and experimental designs in people across the lifespan. Taken together, research offers considerable information on the relationship between physical activity and people’s overall perceptions and evaluations of themselves that is often framed within the multidimensional and hierarchical models of the self. Several other self-oriented constructs, however, provide context to physical activity beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors. These constructs, as well as the ones previously discussed, are illustrated in figure 4.3. This figure is not a model to be tested; rather, it provides a heuristic depiction of the breadth of constructs making up the overall self-system. In the following sections of this chapter, the research corresponding to the self-perceptual system constructs of physical self-discrepancies, exercise and athletic identity, physical activity

Self-esteem

Physical self-concept

Physical self-perceptions

Self-schemata

Exerciser schematic

Ability competence

Appearance competence

Selfdiscrepancies

Nonexerciser schematic

Strength

Body size

Actual

Endurance

Body shape

Ideal

Aschematic Ought

Physical activity

Figure 4.3  An illustration of the physical self-system in connection with physical activity. E6768/Horn/F04.03/565533/mh-R2

Identity

Possible selves

Exercise

Feared

Athletic

Hoped for

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self-definition, exercise self-schemata, and possible selves is reviewed. The initial understanding of these additional constructs is primarily the result of more recent research and theory extension in sport and exercise psychology.

Self-esteem and self-concept are arguably the primary foundations for all constructs related to the self. The additional self-system constructs that are discussed in the following sections have unique operationalizations, features of stability and specificity, theoretical foundations, and behavioral, affective, and cognitive antecedents and consequences. As is discussed in the next several sections, many of these self-constructs have been, and can be, explored within existing theories of motivation and achievement to facilitate understanding of their association with physical activity participation, persistence, and effort.

motivational regulations that are outlined in the organismic integration theory of self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2002, 2008). Agreements among physical self-perceptions (e.g., a person reporting that her or his actual and ideal perceptions of physical strength were congruent) were correlated with more autonomous motivation and physical activity, whereas greater discrepancies among physical self-perceptions predicted greater extrinsic motivation and lower physical activity. Overall, the results from this study show a connection between physical self-discrepancies and physical activity and further demonstrate the value of integrating motivation or behavior change theories into the study of the physical self and related constructs. With the development of the Physical Self-Discrepancy Scale (Brunet et al., 2012) and advances in measurement and methodologies used to assess discrepancies more generally (see Cafri, van den Berg, & Brannick, 2010; Morin, Scalas, & Marsh, 2015), researchers in sport and exercise psychology are encouraged to explore the associations between physical self-discrepancies and behavior.

Physical Self-Discrepancies

Exercise and Athletic Identity

Higgins (1987) introduced the notion of self-discrepancies by suggesting that people hold two self-perspectives (other and self) and three types of beliefs:

Identities are integral components of self-concept and are often challenging to discern in practice (Brettschneider & Heim, 1997; Stryker, 1987; Stryker & Burke, 2000). Researchers have defined identity as unique and distinctive self-descriptions situated in the context of a particular role such as the role of an exerciser or athlete (Anderson & Cychosz, 1995; Brettschneider & Heim, 1997; Brewer, Van Raalte, & Linder, 1993; Cardinal & Cardinal, 1997; Hardcastle & Taylor, 2005; Strachan, Woodgate, Brawley, & Tse, 2005; Whaley & Ebbeck, 2002). Similar to the development of self-concept, identity is through one’s interactions with others and by self- and other evaluations and comparisons. The result is a clearly delineated and important self-definition that is meaningful and to which the person is committed (Anderson & Cychosz, 1995; Brettschneider & Heim, 1997). Based on identity theory (Burke, 2006; Stryker, 1987; Stryker & Burke, 2000), identity salience (e.g., “running is important to my identity as a runner”) will lead to behavioral choices (e.g., go for a long run) that are in accordance with the expectations attached to that identity. Identity congruent behavior, defined as behaviors that match a person’s identity, leads to positive affective states and increased confidence for the behavior (Stryker & Burke, 2000). Alternatively, incongruent behavior (e.g., an athlete

Additional Self-System Constructs in Physical Activity

• who they actually are (i.e., actual self), • who they would like to be (i.e., ideal self), and • who they should be (i.e., ought self). The ideal and ought selves correspond to self-evaluative standards or self-guides, whereas the actual self is a current self-evaluation. An actual–ideal discrepancy occurs when people perceive that their current state is discrepant from their ideal state (e.g., “I am not strong, but I would ideally like to be strong”). An actual–ought discrepancy occurs when people perceive that their current state is discrepant from the state they feel they should be (e.g., “I am not strong, but I should be strong”). These self-discrepancies result in specific emotional and motivational states that, in turn, may trigger self-regulatory behaviors such as physical activity aimed at decreasing the discrepancy between the self-state and self-guides (Higgins, 1987). In a study with a sample of young women, Brunet and colleagues (Brunet, Sabiston, Castonguay, Ferguson, & Bessette, 2012) examined the association between physical self-discrepancies and physical activity behavior both directly and as mediated by

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who identifies as a soccer player who doesn’t go to practice) leads to negative emotions, and this affective state is thought to motivate changes to the situation (e.g., engage in the congruent behavior) to reduce the mismatch (Burke, 2006). In sport and exercise psychology, researchers have identified separate identities that are important aspects of a person’s self-concept: exerciser identity and athletic identity.

Exercise Identity The exerciser identity helps gives meaning and salience to past exercise behavior and directs future behavior (Anderson & Cychosz, 1995; Anderson, Cychosz, & Franke, 1998). Hence, it offers potential utility for understanding exercise adherence and maintenance (Miller, Ogletree, & Welshimer, 2002; Strachan et al., 2005). Exercise identity in people has been positively associated with their exercise behavior (e.g., number of exercise sessions per week, minutes of exercise per session, intensity levels, levels of perceived exertion, and exercise intentions) (Anderson & Cychosz, 1994, 1995; Anderson, Cychosz, & Franke, 2001; Strachan & Brawley, 2008) as well as with injury tolerance (Lantz, Rhea, & Mesnier, 2004) and fitness markers such as muscular endurance and maximum oxygen uptake (Anderson et al., 1998).

Athletic Identity Athletic identity is the degree to which a person invests in his or her role as an athlete (Brewer et al., 1993), and it serves a role in self-enhancement and self-protection in particular during career transitions, team selection, and sport participation continuance (Grove, Fish, & Eklund, 2004; Lavallee, Gordon, & Grove, 1997; Munroe, Estabrooks, Dennis, and Carron, 1999). Athletic identity is associated with a number of positive outcomes, including a strong sense of self, enhanced performance, and increased commitment to sport (Brewer et al., 1993; Horton & Mack, 2000; Porat, Lufi, & Tenenbaum, 1989). But researchers have reported that maintaining an exclusive athletic identity (an identity based solely on the athlete role) may also be associated with a host of negative outcomes, including illness, identity foreclosure, and overall social and emotional adjustment issues as athletes transition out of sport (Beamon, 2012; Good, Brewer, Petipas, Van Raalte, & Mahar, 1993; Sparkes, 2000; Warriner & Lavallee, 2008). Maintaining an exclusive athlete identity may preclude the exploration of other identity salient roles (e.g., student iden-

tity). This challenge intensifies when athletes face career-ending injuries, get cut from teams, or age out of their sport. The loss of identity or sense of self is experienced as highly traumatic, and athletes report difficulty adapting to contexts outside sport (Lavallee & Robinson, 2007; Sparkes, 1998; Warriner & Lavallee, 2008). As with other research focused on self-constructs, the bulk of existing literature examining athlete (and exercise) identity has sampled primarily adolescent and college-aged elite athletes. Older adults may come to internalize existing societal attitudes around aging and physical activity and consequently avoid engaging in exercise or athletics altogether (Baker, Fraser-Thomas, Dionigi, & Horton, 2010). The traditional lack of alternative narratives for older adults may prevent them from exploring sport and exercise (the physical domain) as important to their identity. Thus, this topic is an important direction for future research.

Exerciser Self-Schemata Exerciser self-schemata are underlying cognitive systems about the self that are a result of experience and reflected appraisal (Kendzierski, 1988, 1990). For example, a person’s experiences associated with exercise (e.g., thoughts, feelings, motor and autonomic responses to exercise) would constitute her or his exercise self-schema because those experiences are stored in long-term memory (Kendzierski, 1988, 1990). Three predominant types of people have been identified, and each type is based on the importance and descriptiveness of the person’s self-schema. The first type includes exerciser schematics (i.e., people who consider the attribute of exercising to be extremely descriptive and important to their sense of self). The second group consists of nonexerciser schematics (i.e., people who do not describe themselves in terms of exercise attributes but consider exercising to be important). Members of the third group are identified as aschematics (people who do not consider exercise attributes extremely descriptive or extremely important to self-image). Some people cannot be classified into a group based on either the importance or descriptiveness of their self-schema (Kendzierski, 1990; Markus, 1977). The presence of a self-schema for a behavior is important to future participation in that activity (Cross & Markus, 1994). According to Kendzierski (1988), schemata act as impetus to initiate an exercise program and enhance motivation to continue to exercise. As with many self-constructs, the behavioral outcomes of

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schemata are often explored within established frameworks of motivation and behavior such as the theory of planned behavior and social cognitive theory (Estabrooks & Courneya, 1997; Kendzierski, 1990, 1994; Yin & Boyd, 2000). Exerciser self-schema may also mediate the intention to behavior relationship (Banting, Dimmock, & Lay, 2009). Nonetheless, research exploring the relationship between exerciser self-schema and physical activity behavior has consistently revealed a positive direct association within college-aged and adult samples. Specifically, exerciser schematics participate in more activities, exercise more frequently, report past experiences with exercise, report greater self-efficacy and more intention and commitment to exercise, and set more appropriate goals as compared with nonexerciser schematics and aschematics (Estabrooks & Courneya, 1997; Kendzierski & Sheffield, 2000; Kendzierski, 1988; Kendzierski, Sheffield, & Morganstein, 2002; Sheeran & Orbell, 2000; Yin & Boyd, 2000). In addition, health promotion messages may be less effective for aschematics and nonexerciser schematics because exerciser schematics may have an attentional bias for exercise-related words (Berry, 2006; Kendzierski, 1990). As the research studies cited in the previous paragraph show, the three groups (exercise schematics, nonexerciser schematics, aschematic) do appear to differ in various exercise-related cognitions, affects, and behaviors. Nonetheless, in most studies, a group of people (usually 18 to 45%) do not meet any exerciser self-schema criteria (Berry, 2006; Estabrooks & Courneya, 1997; Kendzierski, 1988, 1990; Yin & Boyd, 2000). One possibility would be to combine these people with the aschematics and nonexerciser schematic groups to form a reclassified group of “no exerciser self-schematics” (e.g., Kendzierski et al., 2002). Future work is certainly needed to understand the group of people who do not have an exerciser schema and the resulting implications for sport and exercise psychology research and practice.

Possible Selves Possible selves are self-schemata subcomponents (Markus & Nurius, 1987) that are future-oriented self-perceptions. They include both positive and hoped-for selves (e.g., the attractive, fit self) and negative or feared selves (e.g., the self as failure, the unhealthy self). Possible selves are mental representations that may include plans and behavioral

control strategies for achieving goals (Aloise-Young, Hennigan, & Leong, 2001; Whaley & Redding, 2001). As such, they may serve as incentives for future behavior in the way that they represent the self to be approached or avoided (Oyserman & Markus, 1990). Based on Markus and Nurius’ (1986) proposition, the desired or hoped-for self and the feared possible self organize, provide meaning, and direct cognition and behavior toward (in the case of the hoped-for self) or away from (in the case of the feared self) the pursuit of the end-state. Within larger frameworks of motivation that are frequently used in sport and exercise psychology, possible selves lead to feelings of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1997), effectance and competence (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002; Harter, 1978), and control (Carver & Scheier, 1982), as well as physical activity. The area of physical self-related possible selves has yet to be extensively researched. Nonetheless, initial studies in this area have shown potential value for the field. Whaley (2003), for example, found that inactive women had more hoped-for and feared selves for body image and lower physical activity participation as compared with exercising women. In an interesting study with aging athletes, Phoenix, Faulker, and Sparkes (2005) found that the narratives told by masters athletes run counter to the prevailing assumptions about what it means to be old and to negotiate an aging body and reframe accomplishment and success (Dionigi, Horton, & Bellamy, 2011; Phoenix & Smith, 2011). Such narrative maps may influence the ways in which young athletes and inactive peers relate to their own future and possible selves (Phoenix et al., 2005). Thus, by providing a preview of what is possible, masters athletes have the potential to shape the possible selves and actions of younger people and peers. A possible selves manipulation was used among college-aged students to change exercise behavior (Ouellette, Hessling, Gibbons, Reis-Bergan, & Gerrard, 2005). Specifically, scenarios about future-oriented selves in exercise were read and actual behavior was measured before and following the manipulation. People who were concerned with their future selves were influenced by the possible selves manipulation, and they increased their exercise behavior over the 4 weeks of the study. The study also focused on prototypes, which are current self-descriptors rather than future-oriented images (Ouellette et al., 2005). The findings generally suggest that design interventions can be focused on physical activity possible selves.

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Future Research Recommendations As is evident from the research summarized in previous sections of this chapter, tremendous advancement has occurred in the study of the self-system, specifically physical self-processes, over the last few decades. Consistent findings support the multidimensional structure of the self, and, at least to this point, research supports the bidirectional nature of the relationship between physical activity experiences and the overall constructs of self-concept and self-esteem. Furthermore, many physical self-concept constructs are receiving increasing attention for their relationships to physical activity. Across all research findings, self-esteem and related constructs have been found to be important to people’s development, functioning, and well-being. Nonetheless, this area of research has a number of limitations. Thus, further work is needed. The following directives for future research and practice should be considered.

Diversification of Study Samples and Study Design Although sociodemographic factors (e.g., sex, age, culture and ethnicity, development and cognition) have been found to affect a person’s self-concept (Asçi, Eklund, Whitehead, Kirazci, & Koca, 2005; Biddle & Armstrong, 1992; Cross & Gore, 2003; Hagger, Biddle, Chow, Stambulova, & Kavussanu, 2003; Harter, 2012; Marsh & Yeung, 1998; Whitehead & Corbin, 1997), some of the main limitations evident in the sport and exercise psychology research on the self-system center on the lack of sample diversity. Conclusions have been based on small samples of participants with heterogeneous characteristics. Most studies have focused on samples representing small age ranges and either males or (more predominantly) females. Few have included people of divergent cultures and ethnicities. Greater consideration must be given to how these and other participant characteristics (e.g., weight status, illness history) affect people’s sense of self. Besides the need for more diversified samples to be included in research on the self-system, study designs need to be expanded to incorporate experimental and intervention work. These interventions may be developed using hypotheses related to self-enhancement and skill development,

or they may be based on other constructs related to the self, such as possible selves, identities, and self-schemata. Drawing from the broader domains of psychology, intervention strategies such as psycho-education, biofeedback, desensitization, and cognitive dissonance training may be valuable in sport, exercise, and clinical settings (Sabiston et al., 2014).

Self-Esteem Threats and Self-Enhancement Strategies An understudied yet likely tenable theory is the “individual importance hypothesis,” whereby self-esteem is seen as a function of a person’s perceived competence in relation to his or her perceived importance of each competence (Harter, 1986; Lindwall, Asçi, Palmeira, Fox, & Hagger, 2011). The ascription of low importance to self-domains in which people hold low levels of perceived competence has been termed discounting, and it acts as a self-enhancement strategy to support higher levels of self-esteem (Fox, 1997; Harter, 1986). When perceptions of importance cannot be discounted in areas of low competence, discrepancies between importance and competence may negatively influence self-esteem. For example, a young adult who perceives that he has low competence in sport activities such as dribbling a basketball can still have high self-esteem if he discounts the value of such activities (i.e., if he believes that competence in basketball dribbling is not important). If, however, he cannot discount the importance of sport competence, then his low perception of his abilities in sport will be detrimental to his overall self-esteem. Alternatively, he may be highly competent in kinesiology-related academic courses yet not perceive these courses as important. This example of a devaluation strategy also protects his self-esteem. Substantial debate has occurred about the validity of this discounting hypothesis (Lindwall et al., 2011; Scalas, Morin, Marsh, & Nagengast, 2014). Thus, more research is needed to explore this issue further. Other strategies that people use to protect or enhance their self-esteem are also highly tied to importance and competence perceptions yet are rarely studied comprehensively or simultaneously. First, people may use self-presentation strategies to portray a desirable image to others (Leary, 1995). For example, they can say things or act in a manner that ­ hysically gives others the impression that they are p

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fit or physically competent. Second, people may use self-handicapping techniques by attributing success to ability and failures to luck and lack of control (Blaine & Crocker, 1993). Third, people may make downward social comparisons (e.g., compare themselves with others who are perceived worse based on certain characteristics, behaviors, or attributes; Taylor & Lobel, 1989) to protect themselves from threats associated with failure (Tice & Baumeister, 1990). Fourth, Leary (2005) also proposes the sociometer perspective to describe self-esteem as a gauge of social effectiveness and in particular the acceptance and rejection from others. Finally, frame of reference effects could be associated with enhanced or threatened self-esteem. The match between a person’s competence and the social context is important in the development of self-concept because self-judgments are made against internal (own) and external (others) frames of reference (see Marsh, Morin, & Parker, 2015; Nagengast & Marsh, 2012). For example, positive self-concept is developed when people make positive social comparisons and have positive assessment of their self-perceived capability. Taken together, these diverse potential self-enhancement or protection strategies require further attention to understand the contexts in which they are most useful and productive and the potential unique outcomes pertaining to the self.

Inclusive Test of Model Tenets An argument could be made that the EXSEM is the only model that has been specifically developed to understand the effects of physical activity on self-concept and self-esteem. Considerable research has been done using the model, yet the physical acceptance construct is rarely included or is operationalized as unique constructs such as self-compassion (Kowalski & Ferguson, 2014). Self-compassion is an extension of compassion that is directed toward one’s self during times of failure or inadequacy (Neff, 2003) and is composed of self-kindness, common humanity, and mindfulness. In this way, self-compassion has been discussed as positive and unconditional self-regard that may be related to physical acceptance. One of the challenges of incorporating self-compassion within the EXSEM is the distinction with self-esteem. Broadly, self-compassion does not relate self-affect to self-appraisals and therefore the worth, or value, piece of self-esteem is not part of self-compassion. Emerging research among athletes has demonstrated unique associations between self-constructs, affect, and behavior with self-esteem and self-compassion (Ferguson, Kowalski,

Mack, & Sabiston, 2014; Mosewich, Kowalski, Sabiston, Sedgwick, & Tracy, 2011). Thus, theoretical and practical value may result from continued research in this area to test competing or complementary models linking physical activity to self-esteem with the incorporation of physical acceptance and related constructs such as self-compassion.

Sedentary Behavior and Physical Self-Concept This chapter has focused on reviewing research on self-constructs as they relate to engagement in physical activity. Recent research, however, has demonstrated utility in distinguishing between physical activity behavior and sedentary behavior, in which one is not simply the inverse of the other and both lead to distinct health and well-being outcomes (Ekelund, Steene-Johannessen, Brown, Fagerland, Owen, Powell, et al., 2016; Faulkner & Biddle, 2013; Tremblay et al., 2011). Given recent insight into the association between sedentary behavior and self-esteem (Owen, Healy, Mathews, & Dunstan, 2010; Tremblay et al., 2011), the relationship between sedentary behavior and physical self-concept and related self-perceptions should also be considered. Initial research in this area has demonstrated inverse relationships between sedentary behavior and moderate to vigorous physical activity behavior on self-worth and perceptions of sport competence, physical conditioning, and physical strength among adolescent females in a cross-sectional study of self-report perceptions and behaviors (Webb, Benjamin, Gammon, McKee, & Biddle, 2013). Researchers tested the relationship between sedentary behavior and physical self-perceptions and the role of physical activity in mediating the relationships. In their findings, Webb and colleagues (2013) reported that higher sedentary behavior was related to lower perceptions of sport competence, physical conditioning, and strength. Only the latter relationship was mediated by physical activity. These results offer preliminary evidence of the potential value of teasing out the relationships between physical activity and sedentary behavior and the physical self-perception constructs. In line with the growing literature on sedentary behavior, researchers are encouraged to explore the associations between sedentary behaviors and the physical self.

Stability and Variation in Self-Concept The majority of extant research examining relationships between self-esteem, physical self-concept, and physical self-perceptions has been cross-­

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sectional in nature and has primarily focused on between-person differences. Another way to assess this relationship is by using within-person analyses (examining changes that occur within people over time). Although studies using this approach are emerging in the literature (e.g., Lindwall et al., 2014; Noordstar, van der Net, Jak, Helders, & Jongmans, 2016; Raustorp & Lindwall, 2015), more sophisticated study designs and analytic techniques that allow researchers to investigate questions pertaining to the stability and variation of self-esteem and the physical-self are needed (see, for example, arguments by Lindwall et al., 2014). Specifically, results from existing within-person change studies have certainly advanced our understanding of the physical self-system with a focus on the stability of the self over relatively longer periods (i.e., years). In contrast, it is also important to consider intraindividual variability, a term that refers to changes that occur more rapidly, occur over shorter periods, and are reversible. This distinction is important to highlight because most of the within-person research presented within this chapter has examined intraindividual change in self-concept whereas intraindividual variability has received relatively little attention (Amorose, 2001; Fortes, Ninot, & Delignières, 2004). Investigations of within-person variability are characterized by repeated measures using a micro time scale (e.g., seconds, hours, days, weeks) rather than a macro time scale, which proceeds at a much slower scale (e.g., years, decades). Multiple-time-scale designs (see Ram et al. [2014] for an example) are useful for examining change and variability because they support investigations of both slower (change) and faster (variability) processes examined simultaneously. Researchers interested in self-concept variability should also consider the difference between dynamic characteristics as compared with dynamic processes. Specifically, questions concerning a person’s inherent capacity for change refer to the dynamic characteristics of self-concept (Ram & Gerstorf, 2009). For example, we might ask how labile a person’s

self-concept is. People whose self-concept fluctuates are said to have a highly labile self-concept. Moreover, such changes are unstructured in relation to time. Thus, investigations of dynamic characteristics are focused on the possible range of experiences, not necessarily with the progression of self-concept over time. Researchers may adopt a multivariate approach and examine how such lability of self-concept is related to variation in other important outcomes. Moreover, between-person differences in dynamic characteristics can also be computed (e.g., differences in self-concept lability as a function of age or gender). Dynamic processes, on the other hand, reflect time-structured intraindividual variability whereby systematic changes occur in the construct of interest. That is, dynamic processes are necessarily time structured in terms of their changes (e.g., maintaining stability across time). Control theory (Carver & Scheier, 1982) may provide a theoretical basis for tests of dynamic processes (see the sidebar Control Theory). In sum, the increasing ability to monitor people’s behavior and experiences as they unfold in real time through the use of intensive methods such as experience sampling presents an opportunity to address Lindwall et al.’s (2014) call for increased research on the stability and variation of self-esteem and the physical self. Thus, this topic should be a clear direction for further study.

Operationalization and Differentiation of the Self-System Constructs As alluded to throughout this chapter, it is at times difficult to differentiate self-concept and self-esteem, identity and self-definition, and self-schema and possible selves. Many of these terms are used interchangeably and often remain indistinguishable in research reports. Furthermore, physical self-perception constructs such as body image and body self-esteem also confound the general understanding of terminology distinctions that may stall advancements in the area. Leary and Tangney (2003, 2011) also identify the challenges and confusion

Control Theory A central tenet of control theory posits that people who receive feedback indicating that they are not meeting their current goals will subsequently revise their behavior to get back on track. For example, if a person training for a race does not feel proud of her or his abilities after going for a training run, this feedback (low pride) may lead to expending increased effort during the following training session (i.e., the idea of returning to equilibrium). Alternatively, if a person feels proud of his or her abilities, this feedback may signal agreement between a current state and a goal state and suggest that increased effort in the future is not needed.

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that emanated from the use of so many self terms. At this point in the research and theory, we do not know whether constructs like physical self-concept, physical self-worth, exercise or athletic identity, and exerciser schemata can be subsumed within a broader integrated theory. And if they can be, which theory could or should be used? A new nomological network? An existing theoretical framework? The logical choice may relate to physical activity behavior motivation and engagement models that focus on perceptions of competence. For example, many measures of physical self-concept and self-esteem (e.g., Fox & Corbin, 1989; Marsh et al., 1994) target competence perceptions, which are important predictors of behavior in theories such as self-determination (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2008; Ryan & Deci, 2000), competence motivation (Harter, 1985), and expectancy-value (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002). Furthermore, most studies linking physical self-concept constructs to physical activity have integrated theoretical frameworks. A formalization of this approach may be helpful, including the possibilities of 1. conducting meta-analyses exploring the strength of the effects of physical activity interventions on multiple constructs of the self; 2. qualitatively exploring grounded theory to understand the self-constructs with people of different ages, ethnicities, sexes, and other prominent personal characteristics; or 3. collecting experimental evidence on the effects of different types, doses, and intensities of physical activity on the self-constructs.

Summary In closing, this chapter summarized research on the self with an emphasis on recent developments in the field of sport and exercise psychology. Much of this work has focused on the structure of the self, so recent developments in psychological theorizing have been integrated to highlight the enduring scientific and practical value of exploring the self in physical activity contexts. Limitations of existing work and suggestions for future directions are highlighted with the hope of providing a more nuanced understanding of the ways in which the self-system is integrated in the promotion of physical activity and offering directives for further research. The self is one of the most studied constructs in the social sciences, yet some suggest it is also the least well understood (Leary & Tangney, 2003). Continued

research in this area is warranted, especially in contexts related to sport and exercise because these are the main forums for the self being developed and on display.

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5 Self-Presentation Concerns in Physical Activity and Sport Jennifer Brunet, PhD  Catherine M. Sabiston, PhD

Abstract Self-presentation, a process that occurs when people actively try to monitor and regulate the impressions others form of them, is relevant to understanding people’s behavior and performance in physical activity and sport contexts. It also has broad implications for understanding people’s well-being in these contexts because people’s well-being may suffer when they find inconsistency between their desired impressions and the actual impressions that others may have formed of them. Several years of research support these contentions. In this chapter, we provide a review of the research and theory on the topic of self-presentations in sport and physical activity contexts. We begin by defining the construct itself and discussing models that have been used to guide the research process. We then note that people can use various tactics to create desired impressions, and we discuss and provide examples of some of these tactics. Following this section, we look more closely at the measures that have been developed and used to assess self-presentation in physical activity and sport contexts. Then, we review the research focused on self-presentation in physical activity and sport contexts. Specifically, we explore the extent to which people’s behavior, performance, and well-being are associated with self-presentation. We conclude the chapter by noting important gaps in the current knowledge base and identifying particular questions or issues that warrant further attention.

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When an individual appears in the presence of others, there will usually be some reason for him to mobilize his activity so that it will convey an impression to others which it is in his interests to convey. Goffman, 1959

S

elf-presentation is a ubiquitous aspect of social life because people are generally motivated to make good impressions. Physical activity and sport contexts provide a strong backdrop for studying the phenomenon of self-presentation because many people try to portray themselves as physically attractive, fit, and competent. Particularly in Westernized societies, they may do so because active persons are generally presumed to be fitter, kinder, happier, neater, more intelligent, sociable, and friendly. They are also generally presumed to be self-confident, have good self-control, and be hard workers. Correspondingly, many wish to avoid giving others the impression of being physically inactive because inactive persons are believed to possess less of these desired physical and personality attributes (Lindwall & Martin Ginis, 2006). For the most part, people attempt to make positive impressions on others to gain social approval or avoid social disapproval. The possibility of obtaining rewards might also motivate people to consider the impressions they make on others because these impressions can have a substantial effect on their career success, productivity, social relationships, and other valued outcomes. Thus, self-presentation often serves as the basis for people’s goals and behaviors. Self-presentation (used synonymously with impression management) refers to the efforts that people exert to control or manipulate how they are perceived and evaluated by others (Schlenker, 1980). Leary and Kowalski (1990) described self-­ presentation as the “process by which individuals attempt to control the impressions others form of them” (p. 34). The degree to which self-presentation is a conscious or subconscious process can vary (Leary, 1992; Schlenker & Weigold, 1992). In some situations, self-presentation is done consciously whereby people actively monitor or regulate the impressions others form of them (i.e., self-­presentation requires some deliberate modification of behavior to make a desired impression). In other situations, self-­presentation takes place more on a subconscious level because information is conveyed to others using familiar, well-learned, and habitual patterns of behaviors. Accordingly, self-presentation in these situations may not require much conscious attention.

In physical activity and sport contexts, people may adopt self-presentation intrapersonal goals (e.g., wanting to appear physically attractive, good looking, physically fit, and competent to others) or interpersonal goals (e.g., wanting to appear warm, caring, kind, supportive, compassionate, and likable). Several reasons govern these self-presentation goals. These can be instrumental such that people want to influence others and gain rewards like being given more responsibility, becoming team captain, or reaching starter status. These can also be social such that people want to gain approval from others, build friendships, and get assistance from others. To this end, self-presentation generally involves selectively presenting personal attributes that will help create the desired impression or communicate the attributes to others, while selectively omitting those that are not conducive to the desired impression (Leary, 1992; Schlenker & Leary, 1982). In this sense, people can be motivated to manage impressions for image enhancement (i.e., by trying to improve others’ positive evaluation) or for image protection (i.e., by trying to protect their public image from negative evaluations and trying to avoid making undesirable impressions). In social situations, most people are at least acutely aware of being observed by others. Thus, self-presentation occurs in most, if not all, social situations. Not surprisingly, then, self-presentation has been studied in a number of contexts such as leadership, social media use, social interactions, health behaviors, organizational management, and job performance. In this chapter, we focus on self-presentation as it occurs in physical activity and sport contexts. The primary purpose of this chapter is to provide a summary and critical review of the overall topic of self-presentation as it applies to the degree to which people monitor and control the impressions others form of them in physical activity and sport contexts. We begin with a general overview of the construct of self-presentation. This section includes a summary of its historical roots and conceptual models that researchers have used to examine self-presentation issues in physical activity and sport contexts. We also consider the various ways in which self-presentation has been measured in the field. In the second section of this chapter, we present a current and critical review of selected studies on self-presentation as they relate to physical activity and sport. Finally, in the third section of the chapter, we identify limitations that currently exist in the field and draw on these to make some recommendations for future research on self-presentation within physical activity and sport contexts.

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Self-Presentation Origins and Models The study of self-presentation had its beginning in the 20th century as shown in the work of several sociologists and social psychologists (Baumeister, 1982; Cooley, 1902; Goffman, 1959; Jones, 1964; Mead, 1934; Schlenker, 1980; Schlenker & Leary, 1982; Schneider, 1969). For instance, Goffman (1959) argued that people are performers whose main goal is to manage their social interactions and construct a self-identity. He claimed that even mundane social behaviors are designed to show a person in a favorable manner. Stimulated by Goffman’s (1959) philosophies, Jones and Pittman (1982) focused on the self-presentation tactics people use to help them create, maintain, protect, or alter their image in the eyes of others. Following the introduction of the construct itself, several models were developed to provide a framework for the examination of self-presentation in various contexts, including physical activity and sport contexts. Two of the more prominent models are described in the following sections.

Two-Component Model of Self-Presentation One model of self-presentation that has been used by many physical activity and sport psychology researchers was developed by Leary and Kowalski (1990). Leary and Kowalski theorized that self-presentation involves a mix of motivation to make a particular impression and the selection of strategies needed to make that impression. Accordingly, Leary and Kowalski differentiate between two discrete sets of self-presentation processes in their two-component model of self-presentation, namely impression motivation and impression construction. Impression motivation refers to the degree to which people are motivated to control how others perceive them in a particular social encounter. For example, one athlete might have interest in being perceived as likable by others, whereas another athlete might have interest in being perceived as highly competent. Impression construction involves deciding which impression to convey to others and the particular strategies in which people engage to create this impression. So for the athlete that wants to be perceived as likable, he or she might compliment teammates or do favors for teammates (e.g., offer to drive them home after practice), whereas the second

athlete (who wants to be perceived as highly competent) might routinely boast about recent successful performances. Leary and Kowalski argue that considering these two processes can lead to better understanding about why people wish to create certain impressions and what strategies or behaviors they might choose to use to convey these desired impressions. Besides specifying the two components of self-presentation, Leary and Kowalski (1990) also identified several factors that can influence when people are most likely to engage actively in the self-presentation process. As shown in figure 5.1, they stipulate that impression motivation will be elevated if people • believe that the impressions others form of them will help them achieve a desired goal such as social approval (i.e., high goal-relevance of impressions); • place a high value on their desired goals; and • perceive that the discrepancy between their desired and current image is considerable. Thus, Leary and Kowalski propose that impression construction is influenced by • how people see themselves (i.e., self-concept), • how they would like to be perceived by others (i.e., desired or undesired identity images), • their social expectations for the image to be presented (i.e., role constraints), • the target audience’s values, and • the discrepancy between how people are currently viewed by others and how they want to be viewed by others (i.e., current or potential social images). In essence, the impressions that people decide to convey to others and the particular strategies used are a function of a mix of dispositional and situational factors. Despite the popularity of Leary and Kowalski’s (1990) model of self-presentation and its potential value to understanding self-presentation, little research has been conducted to develop and test hypotheses from the model that might explain self-presentation as it occurs in physical activity and sport contexts. Thus, much works remains to be done to offer empirical support for the two-component model. One possibility for future research would be to generate new insight into the structure of self-presentation. Although impression motivation and impression construction are conceptually

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Self-presentation

Impression motivation

Impression construction

Goal-relevance of impressions

Self-concept

Value of desired goals

Desired and undesired identity images

Discrepancy between desired and current image

Role constraints

Target’s values

Current or potential social image

Figure 5.1  A two-component model of self-presentation. Adapted from Leary and Kowalski (1990).

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distinct, they may not be mutually exclusive. As such, researchers could further examine the structure of self-presentation to determine whether self-presentation would be best represented by a combination of specific (i.e., impression motivation, impression construction) and general self-presentation processes (i.e., general tendency to monitor and regulate impressions) and understand how they might modulate one another. Another way that the two-component model could be used is as a predictive model to examine the unique and joint effects of the eight factors Leary and Kowalski propose as factors affecting self-presentation on the specific and general self-presentation processes. A third application for the two-component model is as a framework for changing self-presentation under circumstances where constantly striving to monitor and regulate the impressions others form has detrimental effects on people’s behavior, performance, and well-being. Specifically, the two-component model could be used to determine which factors should be targeted to change self-presentation. At minimum, empirical testing of the two-component

model is long overdue to establish its usefulness in relation to self-presentation.

2 × 2 Model of Self-Presentation Motives More recently, Howle, Dimmock, Whipp, and Jackson (2015) proposed a more complex model for examining the interplay between different reasons that motivate people to regulate the impressions that others form of them in physical activity contexts (e.g., exercise, physical education). Specifically, the model endorses the multidimensional structure of self-presentation, but it presents an expanded view of impression motivation. Although it focuses on impression motivation only, the development of the 2 × 2 model of self-presentation is significant because it offers a means of moving beyond the examination of impression motivation generally and instead offers the ability to focus on the unique and joint effects of different dimensions of impression motivation. It also offers a number of theoretically driven expectations regarding the outcomes of each

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dimension of impression motivation and thus has the potential to contribute to the understanding of how self-presentation can contribute to a range of positive and negative outcomes in physical activity contexts. One of the hallmarks of the 2 × 2 model of self-presentation is the introduction of four dimensions of impression motivation that can coexist to varying degrees within each person (see figure 5.2). Subsumed under the established acquisitive-protective motives (Arkin, 1981) and agentic-communal motives (Bakan, 1966) paradigms, Howle et al. (2015) stipulated that acquisitive-agentic motives, acquisitive-communal motives, protective-agentic motives, and protective-communal motives represent the four dimensions of impression motivation. They suggest that acquisitive-agentic motives capture those aspects of self-presentation associated with a person’s concerns over obtaining social approval in terms of others’ perceptions of their physical qualities and task ability, whereas acquisitive-communal motives represent a person’s focus on gaining social approval in terms of others’ perceptions of their interpersonal qualities. In terms of protective motives, Howle et al. (2015) suggest that protective-agentic motives represent a person’s focus on avoiding social disapproval regarding others’ perceptions of their physical qualities and task ability, whereas protective-communal motives

represent a person’s focus on avoiding social disapproval regarding others’ perceptions of their interpersonal qualities. Additionally, Howle et al. (2015) contended that the four dimensions of impression motivation have different (or opposite) relationships with outcomes. Specifically, using prior theory (Elliot & Church, 1997; Elliot, Gable, & Mapes, 2006), they suggested that people who adopt more acquisitive motives should engage in more assertive self-presentation acts (e.g., self-promotion), approach-oriented behavior (e.g., being socially proactive and persistent), and task-related engagement and effort (e.g., greater physical activity). As an example, people who are motivated to have others admire them for their physical activities (i.e., acquisitive-agentic motive) may exert greater effort and persistence while executing physical tasks, whereas people who are motivated to have others view them as friendly (i.e., acquisitive-communal motive) may show greater enthusiasm and enjoyment. In contrast, people who adopt more protective motives should engage in avoidant and defensive self-presentation acts (e.g., social withdrawal and self-handicapping), and avoid group-based activities (or physical activity altogether). People who are motivated to avoid having others view them as an incompetent exerciser (i.e., protective-agentic motive) may withdraw

Be viewed as athletic, fit, and physically competent

Be viewed as friendly, helpful, and likable

Acquisitiveagentic motives

Acquisitivecommunal motives

Protectiveagentic motives

Protectivecommunal motives

Desire to avoid being seen as physically incompetent or athletically inferior

Desire to avoid being seen as offensive, unfriendly, or unlikable

Figure 5.2  2 × 2 model of self-presentation. Adapted from Howle et al. (2015).

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or give up easily on physical tasks, whereas people who are motivated to have others view them as someone who is unkind (i.e., protective-communal motive) may take self-blame for poor performance or be more passive. Because the 2 × 2 model of self-presentation has only recently been published, few studies have been done to determine its value to the study of self-presentation in physical activity contexts (Howle, Dimmock, & Jackson, 2016; Howle et al., 2015). Further, and perhaps more important, there is some reason to believe the outcomes that were specified to be associated with acquisitive-agentic, acquisitive-communal, protective-agentic, and protective-communal motives, which were put forward based on prior theory (Elliot & Church, 1997; Elliot et al., 2006), might need to be reconsidered. This reappraisal is needed because the four different dimensions of impression motivation were associated with variables of theoretical and applied interest (e.g., impression motivation, impression construction, social anxiety, social and achievement goals, efficacy beliefs, and behavioral and emotional engagement) in ways that are not consistent with the links hypothesized by Howle et al. (2015). Consequently, more research is needed before conclusions regarding the value of the 2 × 2 model of self-presentation for predicting outcomes can be drawn. Furthermore, research is needed to determine the validity of the model in regards to the understanding of self-presentation as it occurs in sport contexts.

Self-Presentation Tactics As specified by Leary and Kowalski (1990), one of the main reasons that people are motivated to manage impressions is to obtain valued and desirable outcomes. Beyond these general motives, however, Jones and Pittman (1982) proposed five main reasons that people are motivated to manage impressions: ingratiation, self-promotion, exemplification, intimidation, and supplication. Whatever the reasons that people have to manage impressions within social situations, a variety of tactics to do so have been identified (see table 5.1). Within physical activity and sport contexts, people might use any or all of the verbal or nonverbal tactics presented in table 5.1 to manage impression. In the case of verbal tactics, people make statements about their personal attributes, traits, motives, intentions, or accomplishments. Most often, these self-relevant statements are positive. That is, people make positive verbal statements to draw others’ attention toward their positive attributes, traits, motives, intentions, or accomplishments. For example, an athlete may tell his new teammates that he won a gold medal at the Olympic Games. Another example is a young woman who tells her coworkers that she went to the gym three times during the past week. At the same time, people might also omit giving information to others to steer their attention away from their negative attributes, traits, motives, intentions, or accomplishments. In the case of the Olympic ath-

Self-Presentation Can Be Harmful Just as self-presentation can influence physical activity and sport behavior, concerns with creating, maintaining, or restoring a positive impression can lead people to engage in health-damaging behaviors, such as dieting, disordered eating behavior, and smoking (Leary et al., 1994). Self-presentation has been used to inform and enrich researchers’ understanding of various health behaviors besides physical activity (Gomes, Martins, & Silva, 2011; Lamarche & Gammage, 2010; Mack, Strong, Kowalski, & Crocker, 2007; Martin Ginis & Leary, 2004; Martin & Leary, 2001; Martin, Leary, & O’Brien, 2001). For example, focusing on eating behavior, Mack et al. (2007) found self-presentation motivation to be higher among women who were at risk of developing an eating disorder as compared with women who were not considered at risk for an eating disorder. Martin, Leary, and colleagues (Martin & Leary, 2001; Martin et al., 2001) investigated the relationship between self-presentation motives and various risky health behaviors (i.e., smoking, drinking, exercising, dieting, and using drugs) among adolescents and college freshmen. In one study, they found that 75% of freshman students performed at least one of the 10 risky health behaviors, specifically because of self-presentation reasons, within the first 3 months of starting college (Martin & Leary, 2001). Conversely, self-presentation concern has also been shown to facilitate people’s attempts to quit health-damaging behaviors, such as alcohol consumption and use of tobacco and other drugs (Leary et al., 1994). Taken together, these studies and reviews demonstrate the complex influence of self-presentation across different health behaviors and different populations.

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Table 5.1  Self-Presentation Reasons and Example Tactics to Achieve Desired Impressions Self-­ presentation reason

Desired impression

Ingratiation

Likable

• Do favors for others. • Offer to do something for someone that you are not required to do. • Give compliments. • Agree with others’ ideas. • Listen to others’ problems even if uninterested.

Self-promotion

Competent

• Promote engagement in certain activities. • Make people aware of accomplishments. • Let others know you have a reputation for being competent. • Omit mentioning defeats. • Do more than is necessary to appear superior. • Make best characteristics salient to others.

Exemplification

Morally worthy or honest

• Present as honest, disciplined, self-sacrificing. • Arrive early or stay late to look dedicated. • Act like a role model. • Volunteer to help.

Intimidation

Tough, powerful, or ruthless

• Try to lead others. • Yell at others. • Threaten others. • Let others know you can control things that matter to them. • Insult or put down others. • Try to embarrass someone in front of others.

Supplication

Helpless

• Intentionally do poorer than you are capable of. • Act as if you need assistance. • Downplay accomplishments. • Emphasize weaknesses.

Example tactics

lete, he might not tell his new teammates that he lost every competition since the Olympics. Similarly, the young woman might not tell her coworkers that she had not been to the gym the month before. Self-presentation tactics can also be nonverbal. For example, people might engage in physical activity with others to convey the impression of being physically active. People might display their achievements and possessions to influence other people’s impressions of them. They might post pictures of themselves on Facebook after winning a race, display trophies in visible locations, or wear a letterman (sports) jacket as a visual cue of a

national champion. Doing so might potentially elicit compliments from others. Likewise, people might use expressive behaviors such as smiling, crying, and frowning to help make a certain impression, especially in regards to their emotional state. For example, a soccer player might smile after missing a soccer goal to give the impression that she or he is not affected by missing the goal. Alternatively, the player might cry to show that she or he is affected. The self-presentation tactics presented in table 5.1 can be either assertive or defensive. Assertive tactics refer to tactics wherein people actively try to construct a positive image and prompt interpersonal liking by presenting or communicating their positive attributes, traits, motives, intentions, or accomplishments to others. Thus, such tactics could be regarded as entitlement, self-promotion, enhancements, and ingratiation. Defensive tactics are tactics used to protect or repair one’s image (e.g., provide excuses, apologies, and justifications). Many defensive tactics could be compared with self-handicapping tactics, which people commonly use to manage impressions. Self-handicapping refers to any action taken to excuse (or externalize) failure and to accept credit for (or internalize) success (Shepperd & Arkin, 1990). Self-handicapping, however, is mainly motivated by the desire to reduce the probability that others will hold negative perceptions of a person’s poor performance. According to Leary and Shepperd (1986), people can engage in two types of self-handicapping: behavioral and self-reported. Behavioral self-handicapping refers to actions that people take to construct impediments that would be expected to reduce the odds of performing well on a task, thus providing people with a plausible excuse should they fail. Examples would be to withhold effort while performing or to assist a competitor during a performance. Self-reported handicapping, on the other hand, refers to instances when people make claims that some handicapping conditions exist but then do not proactively take action to set up handicaps (Snyder & Smith, 1982). An example of this type of self-handicapping is claiming that one was ill and thus did not perform as well as expected. Despite the widespread recognition that most people engage in self-presentation at one point or another, we know little about when specifically people consciously use self-presentation tactics to convey a favorable impression in physical activity and sport contexts. The influence of individual difference variables on the use of self-presentation tactics and the effectiveness of different types of

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self-presentation tactics is also not well known. Possibly, underlying individual differences promote or impede the use of specific self-presentation tactics. Indeed, Leary and Kowalski (1990) suggest that the way in which people see themselves (e.g., somewhat athletic), the way in which they would like to be perceived by others (e.g., physically fit), their social expectations for the image to be presented (e.g., expect to gain social approval), target audiences’ values (e.g., value physically active people), and the discrepancy between how they are currently viewed by others and how they want to be viewed by others would influence which self-presentation tactics they choose to use (e.g., consider themselves slightly physically active but want to be viewed as a very active person). Additionally, other dispositional characteristics (e.g., personality traits, locus of control, gender, age) and situational factors (e.g., setting, audience) could affect which self-presentation tactics are used. Therefore, gaining a better understanding of when and why people use different self-presentation tactics in physical activity and sport contexts requires greater consideration of people’s dispositional characteristics and situational factors. Another issue that has been largely ignored in physical activity and sport contexts is how successful the various self-presentation tactics are. Undoubtedly, people can try to give the impression that they are physically active by telling others they just completed a spin class, but sharing this information with others may or may not be effective in changing other people’s impression of them as an active person. Moreover, some evidence suggests that self-handicapping can lead others to form negative impressions (Levesque, Lowe, & Mendenhall, 2001; Luginbuhl & Palmer, 1991). Luginbuhl and Palmer (1991) reported that awareness of a self-imposed handicap made observers less likely to attribute athletes’ poor performance to a lack of ability but more likely to make more negative attributions about athletes’ personal character. Similarly, whereas people often use self-presentation tactics to create a favorable impression, observers may interpret the use of certain self-presentation tactics negatively. For example, a basketball player might show off dribbling skills in the hopes that doing so will lead to some desired inference about personal qualities, but others might judge the player’s personality rather than analyze the skill level (i.e., perceive that this behavior reflects arrogance). If this assumption is correct, it follows that we should not assume that self-presentation tactics always lead to intended desirable impressions. Rather, they could lead to unanticipated, unwelcome, and undesirable

impressions. Self-presentation tactics may also reflect preexisting perceptions that others have of the person trying to make the impression. If people have decided that the basketball player mentioned in the example is arrogant, they might interpret the player’s demonstration of dribbling skills as another example of self-promotion. Alternatively, if people have pegged the basketball player as a competent player who will play professionally, they may decide that this behavior is another example of competence. Thus, for the same tactic, different people on the receiving end may form different interpretations. In addition, the relative effectiveness of the various self-presentation tactics has not been investigated in sufficient detail to enable a judgment to be made about the most effective tactics. For example, researchers cannot determine whether wearing exercise attire is as effective in making others believe that one is a physically active person as is engaging in physical activity with others on a regular basis. This question cannot be answered because, in most studies, the overall frequency of self-presentation tactics has been assessed, which makes it impossible to isolate the effectiveness of each specific tactic or group of tactics (i.e., verbal, nonverbal, assertive, protective, self-handicapping). Presumably, the tendency by researchers to use an overall frequency score is due to issues related to the assessment of self-presentation, which are discussed in the next section.

Measurement of Self-Presentation Instruments that can be used to obtain valid and reliable scores of the construct of self-presentation are necessary to enable researchers to • document the frequency and distribution of self-presentation in various populations; • determine the frequency, intensity, and duration of physical activity and sport participation needed to influence self-presentation related outcomes; • identify environmental, physical, and psychosocial factors that influence self-presentation; • monitor changes in self-presentation across the lifespan; or • evaluate the effectiveness of self-presentation interventions that are designed to influence physical activity and sport outcomes (e.g., behavior, performance).

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Several questionnaires have been developed and used by researchers to understand self-presentation in physical activity and sport contexts. Six of these questionnaires are described in the following paragraphs: 1. Self-Presentation in Exercise Questionnaire (SPEQ) 2. Self-Presentation Motives for Physical Activity Questionnaire (SMPAQ) 3. Self-Presentation in Sport Questionnaire (SPSQ) 4. Competitive Self-Presentation Concerns Inventory (CSPCI) 5. Physical Activity and Sport Anxiety Scale (PASAS) 6. Impression Motivation in Sport Questionnaire (IMSP) Conroy, Motl, and Hall (2000) developed the Self-Presentation in Exercise Questionnaire (SPEQ) to assess individuals’ tendencies to self-present themselves as exercisers (i.e., fit, healthy, and active). The SPEQ was based on Leary and Kowalski’s (1990) two-component model of self-presentation and thus includes two subscales. The first is an impression motivation subscale that assesses a person’s motivation to be perceived as an exerciser, and the second is an impression construction subscale that assesses the degree to which people use a specific set of strategies to convey such impressions. The latter deals with verbal and nonverbal tactics. Guided by experts’ opinions and statistical testing, Conroy and colleagues proposed the 11-item SPEQ and provided evidence of reliability and validity. They also demonstrated that scores from the SPEQ were associated with theoretically relevant constructs (e.g., physical self-presentation confidence, social physique anxiety [SPA], body surveillance, perceived physical ability). But some concerns have been raised regarding the SPEQ (Conroy et al., 2000) because some statistical testing has failed to support the validity of its scores (see, for example, Conroy & Motl, 2003; Gammage, Hall, Prapavessis, Maddison, Haase, & Martin, 2004; Lindwall, 2005). Consequently, researchers have resorted to deleting items to improve the reliability and validity of scores, resulting in the use of shorter versions of this questionnaire. Despite seeing some improvement in the psychometric properties of these shorter versions, a continuing problem exists with regard to the impression construction subscale. Specifically, as Gammage, Hall, Prapavessis, Maddison, Haase, and

Martin (2004) noted, the impression construction subscale assesses only a few strategies that people can use to create the impression that they are fit, healthy, and active. But many other strategies could be considered. Thus, further refinements of the SPEQ are warranted because the various versions of this questionnaire still lack content validity (i.e., scales do not measure all facets of impression construction). Clearly, an important step in this regard would be to develop and test additional items to help establish that the SPEQ is a sound measure of self-presentation tendencies in physical activity contexts. In response to the continuing measurement concerns with the SPEQ (Conroy et al., 2000), Howle et al. (2015) recently developed another self-presentation measure that coincides with their 2 × 2 model of self-presentation. It is known as the Self-Presentation Motives for Physical Activity Questionnaire (SMPAQ). In contrast to the SPEQ, which assesses general impression motivation tendencies and impression construction, the SMPAQ measures the four context-specific self-presentation motives in physical activity contexts (i.e., exercise, physical education) that are delineated in the 2 × 2 model (i.e., acquisitive-agentic, acquisitive-communal, protective-agentic, protective-communal motives). Howle et al. administered the SMPAQ to a sample of group exercise class participants as well as high school students. Analyses of these data revealed that all items in each subscale address the same underlying concept and that scores on the SMPAQ were correlated with scores on other measures thought to assess similar or related concepts such as impression motivation and construction, social anxiety, social and achievement goals, efficacy beliefs, and engagement, supporting the reliability and convergent validity of SMPAQ scores. But because they found that SMPAQ scores were correlated with scores on measures meant to measure different concepts, further statistical testing is needed to continue the evaluation of the psychometric quality of the SMPAQ. The Self-Presentation in Sport Questionnaire (SPSQ; Wilson & Eklund, 1998), the Competitive Self-Presentation Concerns Inventory (CSPCI; Williams, Hudson, & Lawson, 1999), and the Physical Activity and Sport Anxiety Scale (PASAS; Norton, Hope, & Weeks, 2004) have been developed to assess self-presentation concerns in sport contexts. The SPSQ taps into people’s concerns regarding • performance or composure inadequacies, • appearance of fatigue or lack of energy,

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• physical appearance, and • appearance of being perceived as athletically untalented. A sample item from the SPSQ is “During competition I worry that other people may perceive me as appearing nervous under pressure.” Similarly, the CSPCI assesses people’s concerns regarding • others’ impressions, • fear of appearing incompetent, • fear of appearing unable to cope with pressure, and • concern over current form. A sample item from the CSPCI is “When competing I am concerned with others seeing me make mistakes.” The PASAS assesses social fear and avoidance of physical activity and sport situations. Two scoring procedures are proposed: One involves calculating all 16 items, and the other involves summing physical activity and sports items separately. Sample items from the PASAS that represent social fear and avoidance of physical activity and sport situations, respectively, are “Sometimes I think I am too concerned with what other people think about my performance while exercising/working out,” and “I am usually worried about what kind of impression I make while playing sports.” Unfortunately, little work has been done to test the psychometric properties of the SPSQ, the CSPCI, or the PASAS. Therefore, additional testing is warranted to ensure that these questionnaires can be used to answer research questions pertaining to self-presentation concerns in sport contexts. Because the SPSQ (Wilson & Eklund, 1998), the CSPCI (Williams et al., 1999), and the PASAS (Norton et al., 2004) were created to assess self-presentation concerns in sport contexts (but not impression motivation or impression construction), Payne and colleagues developed the Impression Motivation in Sport Questionnaire (IMSP; Payne, Hudson, Akehurst, & Ntoumanis, 2013) to measure athletes’ self-presentation motives. They proposed a 15-item, multidimensional scale that assesses the extent to which respondents are motivated to use self-presentation to achieve four distinct interpersonal objectives: • self-development (e.g., “I am motivated to create a good impression because I wish to be respected by my teammates”), • social identity development (e.g., “I am motivated to create an impression of an athlete who is fair and a good sport”),

• avoidance of negative outcomes (e.g., “I am motivated to create a good impression on my coach, so that he/she doesn’t demote me”), and • avoidance of damaging impressions (e.g., “I am motivated to create an impression to avoid embarrassment”). As with the CSPCI (Williams et al., 1999), the SPSQ (Wilson & Eklund, 1998), and the PASAS (Norton et al., 2004), research is still needed to evaluate the quality of the IMSP. Irrespective of these measurement challenges regarding self-presentation, a body of research has provided some interesting and relevant information on self-presentation within physical activity and sport contexts. Several reviews of this research have been published (see, for example, Hausenblas, Brewer, & Van Raalte, 2004; Martin Ginis & Leary, 2004; Martin Ginis, Lindwall, & Prapavessis, 2007). In the following section of this chapter, the results of this knowledge base are summarized generally, and more current or unique topics are highlighted in detail.

Self-Presentation in Sport and Physical Activity Contexts The often public nature of physical activity and sport raises the possibility that people’s behaviors will be driven, in part, by a desire to manage the impressions that others form of them. Self-presentation—a multidimensional construct—is clearly relevant to understanding people’s behavior, performance, and well-being in physical activity and sport contexts. A large number of studies have been published that examine self-presentation in physical activity and sport contexts. Most of these studies were conducted within specific contexts (e.g., physical activity, sport) and examined links between self-presentational constructs and a range of outcomes. As such, rather large gaps in the knowledge base hinder understanding of self-presentation in these contexts. The results are summarized in the following sections.

Self-Presentation and Physical Activity In physical activity contexts, many researchers have focused on understanding a potential association between self-presentation and physical activity (Brunet, Sabiston, & Gaudreau, 2014; Gammage, Hall, & Martin Ginis, 2004; Longbottom, Grove, & Dimmock, 2012; Thogersen-Ntoumani & Ntouma-

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nis, 2007). This research is generally based on the notion that people’s motives to engage in physical activity often mirror self-presentation motives, namely the desire to improve or maintain physical appearance and to obtain or preserve a desired social identity (Ingledew & Sullivan, 2002). Thus, it seems that many people view physical activity as a means to alter their physical appearance (e.g., regulate weight, tone muscles, improve fitness) or to develop a fit, healthy, strong, physically competent, or athletic image, which together reflect self-presentation intentions. From this perspective, we may be led to believe that people who report high self-presentation are more likely to engage in physical activity. Some research supports this proposition in that higher levels of impression motivation have been associated with more physical activity (Brunet et al., 2014; Conroy et al., 2000; Lindwall, 2005). For example, Conroy et al. (2000) explored this link in a sample of college students and found that greater impression motivation was positively associated with a higher number of self-reported days per week of exercise, and greater impression construction was associated with a higher percentage of time spent exercising. Similarly, in a study with university students, Lindwall (2005) demonstrated that higher impression motivation and impression construction were associated with greater exercise frequency and duration. Besides being associated with physical activity, self-presentation is associated with people’s physical activity motivation (Leary, Tchividjian, & Kraxberger, 1999), activity choice (Sadalla, Linder, & Jenkins, 1988), location and social context preferences (Leary, 1992; Spink, 1992), level of effort (Boutcher, Fleischer-Curtian, & Gines, 1988; Rhea, Landers, Alvar, & Arent, 2003), and affective responses to physical activity (Focht & Hausenblas, 2003; Frederick & Morrison, 1996). Despite the consistency in findings across the studies cited in the previous paragraph, note that the associations between self-presentation and physical activity have typically been weak and have varied considerably depending on which measure was used to assess physical activity. Furthermore, some researchers have reported nonsignificant associations between self-presentation and physical activity. For example, one study found that low-frequency exercisers (i.e., those who exercised once or twice per week) and high-frequency exercisers (i.e., those who exercised three or more times per week) did not differ significantly on their reported levels of impression motivation (Gammage, Hall, & Martin Ginis, 2004). Thus, although many people

may engage in physical activity for self-presentation reasons, self-presentation may also discourage people from participating in physical activity if they are concerned about their ability to convey an attractive image in front of others, which may lead to lower levels of physical activity and eventual drop out. This idea would be in line with Leary’s (1992) suggestion that people who are concerned about being perceived as incompetent, unfit, or unskilled might avoid physical activity because participation could highlight their undesired attributes. Extrapolating from this proposition, self-presentation can have either positive or negative effects on physical activity. Further research on these divergent paths is certainly needed.

Self-Presentation, Self-Presentation Efficacy, and Physical Activity Considering that self-presentation has the potential to affect participation in physical activity either positively or negatively, it is necessary to consider factors that might help in determining which outcome will occur. Drawing on social cognitive theory (SCT; Bandura, 2004), researchers have suggested that self-presentation might have a different influence on people’s participation in physical activity depending on whether they believe that they have the ability to create a desirable impression (Brunet & Sabiston, 2011b; Gammage, Hall, & Martin Ginis, 2004; McAuley, Bane, & Mihalko, 1995; Woodgate, Martin Ginis, & Sinden, 2003). As a result, the concept of self-presentation efficacy has gained increasing attention because it may influence whether or not people engage in physical activity. Self-presentation efficacy reflects the perceived probability of successfully conveying the desired impressions to others (Leary, 1983). Maddux, Norton, and Leary (1988) extended Leary’s (1983) view of self-presentation efficacy by suggesting that it consists of three beliefs, namely self-presentation efficacy expectancy (i.e., the belief that the person is capable of conveying a desired impression or performing the desired behavior), self-presentational outcome expectancy (i.e., the belief that the conveyed impression and behaviors will lead to the desired outcome), and self-presentational outcome value (i.e., importance placed on the outcome). Self-presentation and self-presentation efficacy may interact to determine people’s tendency to engage in or avoid physical activity. Presumably, people will engage in physical activity as a self-presentation strategy only if they have high self-presentation motives and high self-presentation efficacy.

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To test this proposition, Gammage, Hall, and Martin Ginis (2004) developed the Self-Presentation Efficacy Scale (SPES), an instrument that can be used to assess people’s perceived probability of successfully conveying their desired impressions to others. The SPES is a 15-item questionnaire that measures the three facets of self-presentation efficacy for exercise as outlined by Maddux et al. (1988). An example self-presentation efficacy expectancy item is “How confident are you that other people will think that you are in good shape?” An example self-presentational outcome expectancy item is “By exercising regularly, other people will see that that my body looks fit and toned.” An example self-presentational outcome value item is “I place a lot of value on being known as someone who is in good shape.” Using the SPES, Gammage and colleagues found that low-frequency and high-frequency female exercisers did not differ significantly on their reported levels of impression motivation. High-frequency exercisers, however, reported stronger perceptions in their ability to convey the desired impression and placed more importance on portraying the desired impression than females who exercised less frequently. These findings suggest that levels of self-presentation efficacy may determine whether impression motivation translates to engagement in or avoidance of physical activity.

Social Physique Anxiety and Physical Activity A considerable amount of research in the physical activity context has focused on the construct of social physique anxiety (SPA). SPA, defined as the anxiety that people experience when they perceive that others are negatively evaluating their physique or appearance (Hart, Leary, & Rejeski, 1989), is clearly rooted in the process of self-presentation. Researchers investigating the links between SPA and physical activity motivation have generally found that people who report higher levels of SPA participate in physical activity for self-presentation motives (e.g., manage appearance, control weight, tone body), whereas people who report lower levels of SPA participate in physical activity for non-self-presentation reasons (e.g., health, pleasure; Crawford & Eklund, 1994; Frederick & Morrison, 1996; Gillison, Standage, & Skevington, 2006; Markland & Ingledew, 1997; Sabiston, Crocker, & Munroe-Chandler, 2005; Strong, Martin Ginis, Mack, & Wilson, 2006).

The direct relationship between SPA and physical activity behavior has also been examined, but the research has yielded equivocal results suggesting that SPA could be either be a motivator or a deterrent to engagement in physical activity. For example, Frederick and Morrison (1996) found that university fitness center participants who reported higher levels of SPA engaged in exercise more often than those who had lower levels of SPA. Eklund and Crawford (1994) found no significant relationship between SPA and physical activity behavior (i.e., number of days per week, minutes per day exercised, minutes per week exercised) among college-aged women. In contrast, Lantz, Hardy, and Ainsworth (1997) showed that adults who reported higher levels of SPA were less likely to engage in physical activity. Similarly, Ransdell, Wells, Manore, Swan, and Corbin (1998) found that older, postmenopausal women who reported higher SPA engaged in less leisure-time physical activity. Also among older women, Woodgate et al. (2003) found that SPA was a significant negative correlate of physical activity. Finally, Brunet and Sabiston (2009) reported that higher scores of SPA were associated with lower levels of physical activity in a sample of young women and men. These studies collectively show the complexity of the association between SPA and physical activity and highlight the need to consider moderating or mediating variables to further our understanding of the association.

Self-Presentation and Sport Given that sport contexts can be classified as social settings where athletes of all levels interact on a regular basis with one another, coaches, and fans, a number of studies have been conducted to explore self-presentation in sport contexts (Howle & Eklund, 2013; Lorimer, 2006; McGowan, Prapavessis, & Wesch, 2008; Mesagno, Harvey, & Janelle, 2011; Podlog et al., 2013; Prapavessis, Grove, & Eklund, 2004). To begin with, self-presentation might influence the particular sport in which people choose to participate. One reason is that athletes within certain sports (e.g., racers, tennis players, basketball players) are rated more positively than others (e.g., bowlers) in terms of athleticism and attractiveness. Thus, people may be more likely to choose to participate in a sport that allows them to make a desirable impression. In addition, people may be sensitive to the gender-based stereotypes of certain sports (Koivula, 2001). Sports have become stereotyped as masculine, feminine, or gender neu-

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tral (Koivula, 1995). Accordingly, people may prefer gender-congruent sports to avoid being negatively judged by others for engaging in gender-incongruent sports. This idea is in line with the proposition suggested by Leary (1992) that people will select activities that are consistent with their roles, values, or social norms. Self-presentation can also affect athletes when they are involved in sport. Athletes’ fear of being negatively evaluated by coaches, other athletes, spectators, and the media can help to improve their sport performance or hinder it (Prapavessis et al., 2004). Athletes may push themselves harder during practice or competition to impress others. This extra effort can subsequently enhance others’ impression of them if performance improves. Alternatively, in response to self-presentation concerns, some athletes may decrease their level of effort. By doing so, they protect themselves against the risk of public humiliation because any performance failure would be attributed to a lack of effort rather than to a lack of ability. Self-presentation can hinder performance for other reasons. Athletes have concerns about their physical appearance, performance or composure inadequacies, appearing fatigued, or appearing athletically untalented (Williams et al., 1999; Wilson & Eklund, 1998). In turn, these self-presentation concerns can lead to choking and substandard performance (Mesagno et al., 2011). Researchers have also shown that self-presentation concerns can increase performance anxiety (Bray, Martin, & Widmeyer, 2000; Hudson & Williams, 2001; James & Collins, 1997; Lorimer, 2006). In one study, James and Collins (1997) found that self-presentation concerns were one of eight general dimensions related to sources of competitive anxiety. In another study, Bray et al. (2000) reported that performance-specific

evaluative concerns were associated with cognitive state anxiety, whereas general, nonperformance evaluative concerns were associated with somatic state anxiety. Because choking and anxiety can negatively affect sport performance, these studies indicate that self-presentation concerns are relevant to sport contexts. Indeed, Mesagno et al. (2011) provided clear evidence that self-presentation concerns decrease performance outcomes in sport. In summary, although some evidence suggests that the effect of self-presentation on performance may be positive in nature, the bulk of the evidence supports a negative influence. Finally, self-presentation concerns can also lead athletes to engage in behaviors that enhance the impressions that others form of them but that may threaten their physical well-being (e.g., failing to wear protective gear, avoiding medical attention when injured, using performance-enhancing drugs like steroids, diuretics, and creatine; Leary, Tchividijian, & Kraxberger, 1994; Martin Ginis & Leary, 2004). For example, some athletes may be inclined to take steroids to make their muscles bigger and stronger to maximize the favorable impression by boosting their appearance and performance. This practice is troubling because steroids come with serious physical side effects (e.g., severe acne, liver abnormalities and tumors, high blood pressure). In other instances, when athletes believe that their image is threatened, they may engage in defensive, reactive, or protective behaviors (e.g., rationalizing their failures, generating excuses for failure) to escape negative evaluations. Clearly, more research is needed at this point to understand to what extent and in which ways self-presentation leads to high-risk behaviors in physical activity and sport contexts.

Controlling Self-Presentation Owing to the potential negative effect of self-presentation, an important topic is how people’s motivation to monitor and control the impressions others form of them can be managed. In certain physical activity and sport situations, various stimuli in the environment such as the presence of mirrors and the presence of others can increase the perceived evaluative threat of the environments and, in turn, arouse self-presentation concerns. This effect has been shown in previous studies (Focht & Hausenblas, 2003; Gammage, Hall, Prapavessis, Maddison, Haase, & Martin Ginis, 2004; Katula, McAuley, Mihalko, & Bane, 1998; Martin Ginis, Latimer, & Jung, 2003; Raedeke, Focht, & Scales, 2007). Thus, although physical activity and sport facilities often have mirrors to allow people to observe their technique, altering the physical environment may help to reduce self-presentation concerns. From the results of prior studies (Bray, Millen, Eidsness, & Leuzinger, 2005; Martin & Fox, 2001; Raedeke et al., 2007), the characteristics of the physical activity leader (e.g., gender, clothing, leadership style, physical appearance) are also important to consider when trying to limit negative manifestations of self-presentation.

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Future Research Recommendations First, relatively few of the research studies in this area have been underpinned by theory. Certainly, this shortcoming may be explained by the lack of theoretical models relating to self-presentation as it occurs in physical activity and sport contexts (Martin Ginis et al., 2007). As evidence of this, the theoretically based studies on self-presentation in physical activity and sport contexts (e.g., Brunet & Sabiston, 2009, 2011b; Gammage, Hall, & Martin Ginis, 2004; Latimer & Martin Ginis, 2005; McAuley, Marquez, Jerome, Blissmer, & Katula, 2002; Thogersen-Ntoumani & Ntoumanis, 2007; Woodgate et al., 2003) have depended on theories from other literature sources, such as the theory of planned behavior (TPB; Ajzen, 1991), SCT (Bandura, 2004), and self-determination theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 1985). Given the evidence that constructs embedded within these theories have been associated with broad measures of self-presentation, these theories may be valuable to advance the understanding of antecedents and outcomes of self-presentation in physical activity contexts. Nevertheless, we also encourage the development or specification of a self-presentation model that offers formalized hypotheses regarding the antecedents of self-presentation, the structure of self-presentation, and the unique and joint effects of impression motivation and impression construction on a wide range of outcomes in physical activity and sport contexts. A second limitation relates to study design. Most of the studies conducted to date have used correlational study designs to offer support for the hypothesized links between self-presentation and a variety of outcome variables that are of theoretical and practical relevance. Correlational study designs, however, cannot establish whether a causal link exists and in what direction it lies. On one hand, we have reason to believe that self-presentation influences physical activity and sport outcomes. On the other hand, participation in physical activity and sport may elicit changes in the self-presentation process (Pearson, Hall, & Gammage, 2013). Thus, more experimentally based studies are necessary to test whether reciprocal and causal relationships exist between self-presentation and physical activity and sport outcomes. Few longitudinal studies include the use of more than two measurement occasions. Consequently, to this point, self-presentation patterns have not been thoroughly examined over time. Many researchers in this area have postulated that

self-presentation remains stable over time. Correspondingly, most self-presentation questionnaires were designed to assess dispositional self-presentation. But there is no persuasive evidence confirming or disconfirming the stability of impression motivation and impression construction in the general population (see Brunet et al., 2014 for evidence in breast cancer survivors). In recent years, some researchers have argued for a more state-like approach (Brunet & Sabiston, 2011a; Brunet et al., 2014; Howle et al., 2015) and have suggested that the effort that people exert to control or manipulate how others perceive and evaluate them could fluctuate across time and situations. Preliminary support exists for the notion that self-presentation may vary on the basis of situational factors such as whether the setting is a same-sex environment (Kruisselbrink, Dodge, Swanburg, & MacLeod, 2004), whether others are present (Carron, Burke, & Prapavessis, 2004; Rhea et al., 2003), and whether mirrors and large windows are present (Hausenblas et al., 2004). The combined results of these studies appear to be incompatible with the notion that self-presentation is a trait characteristic. Given the important theoretical and practical implications of this issue, additional research investigating both stable and variable aspects of self-presentation, as well as the relative contribution of trait versus state self-presentation as determinants of physical activity and sport appears warranted. Third, based on Howle et al.’s (2015) work showing that people have different self-presentation motives, researchers should move beyond studying impression motivation generally (i.e., using a composite score) and examine the specific impressions that people wish to make when investigating antecedents and outcomes of impression motivation. Note that the four dimensions of impression motivation proposed by Howle et al. were based on existing research paradigms. To validate these four dimensions, additional evidence using different methods (e.g., qualitative studies) is needed to confirm or add to the proposed dimensions. The same level of specificity should be followed with impression construction because we do not know the relative effectiveness of different self-presentation tactics. For example, the relative effectiveness of verbal self-presentation tactics may be trivial compared with the effectiveness of nonverbal self-presentation tactics (or vice versa). In this line of research, another interesting approach would be to examine factors that lead people to use verbal or nonverbal self-presentation tactics. In other words, the influence of dispositional and situational factors

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on impression motivation and on the use of self-presentation tactics should be explored. Fourth, many of the studies that have examined the relationship between self-presentation and physical activity have used college or university student samples (e.g., Conroy et al., 2000; Gammage, Hall, Prapavessis, Maddison, Haase, & Martin, 2004; Lindwall, 2005) and have primarily focused on female samples. Thus, current findings may lack generalizability to other populations. Indeed, only a few studies have investigated the associations between self-presentation and physical activity in diverse populations, such as breast cancer survivors (e.g., Brunet & Sabiston, 2011b; Brunet et al., 2014), overweight women (e.g., Pearson et al., 2013), and older adults (e.g., McAuley et al., 2002; Woodgate et al., 2003), and none have compared the predicted values across different populations to confirm whether the patterns are different or similar. More of these types of research studies are needed. Last, some of the difficulty in advancing the understanding of self-presentation in physical activity and sport contexts is due to measurement issues. Thus, more work is needed to develop and validate questionnaires that are designed to assess self-presentation across a range of physical activity and sport contexts. Ultimately, these questionnaires would serve as an impetus to advance knowledge on self-presentation in these contexts.

Summary Self-presentation research has a long tradition in physical activity and sport contexts. We expect that work in this area will continue to grow. Indeed, over the past few decades, researchers have made progress in understanding self-presentation and its relevance in physical activity and sport. They have established that it is relevant not only to behavior in these contexts but also to people’s affect and cognitions. Several areas, however, could benefit from further or more rigorous investigation. In an effort to move the field forward and gain a better understanding of self-presentation in physical activity and sport contexts, a fundamental issue for researchers to address is the lack of a theory of self-presentation. Following this, more work is needed to examine various mediators and moderators that will contribute to a better understanding of the circumstances under which self-presentation will be associated with the development and maintenance of positive (or negative) affective, cognitive, and behavioral outcomes and to explain how

self-presentation influences physical activity and sport outcomes. Another primary need for the field involves establishing appropriate questionnaires to assess self-presentation in physical activity and sport contexts. Although the SPEQ has dominated the literature over the past 15 years, we believe that increasing attention will be paid to other measures such as the SMPAQ or alternative measures. Finally, we hope to see greater use of longitudinal and experimental study designs in future research to determine how self-presentation evolves and develops over time, to establish how self-presentation affects physical activity and sport outcomes (or vice versa), and to identify the causal mechanisms that link self-presentation to outcomes. Given that self-presentation is omnipresent in physical activity and sport contexts, the next decade of research will likely yield important knowledge on the topic.

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6 Perfectionism in Competitive Sport Howard K. Hall, PhD

Abstract Recently, claims have been made that multidimensional perfectionism exhibits a dual nature because the two higher-order dimensions, which many consider to reflect the construct most accurately, tend to be associated with either positive or negative outcomes. This chapter seeks to challenge arguments that have been put forward to support the dual nature of perfectionism. It begins by explaining that perfectionism is a complex multidimensional personality characteristic that reflects an irrational way of thinking about achievement. It argues that although perfectionism may energize motivation and bring about exceptional accomplishments, under adverse conditions it is likely to trigger dysfunctional cognition that may contribute to performance impairment and emotional distress. The discussion suggests that perfectionism is best thought of as a source of vulnerability in sport participants. The chapter reflects on the apparent paradoxical effects of the personality characteristic and challenges arguments put forward to suggest that it is best considered as two higher-order dimensions reflecting different core components. It also refutes ideas that perfectionism may manifest in either adaptive or maladaptive forms. The chapter argues that rather than consisting of two unrelated dimensions, perfectionism comprises multiple core-defining qualities, all of which must be exhibited to depict the characteristic accurately. The chapter further challenges whether perfectionism is capable of evoking universally adaptive qualities that will facilitate either sustained performance or psychological well-being in athletes performing at any level. The chapter presents a critical evaluation of the emerging research base in sport to explain what is known about the influence of perfectionism and why it is likely to render athletes psychologically vulnerable. Finally, it suggests some new research directions that have the potential to offer further challenge to arguments put forward in support of the dual nature of perfectionism.

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erfectionism is considered a personality characteristic that reflects compulsive striving for flawlessness. It manifests as both a cognitive and behavioral commitment to excessively high and frequently unrealistic goals, recurrent thoughts about goal achievement, and a tendency to engage in harsh, excessively critical self-evaluation (Flett & Hewitt, 2002; Frost, Marten, Lahart, & Rosenblate, 1990; Stoeber, 2011). Perfectionism is believed to have an important influence on motivational processes in athletes, and it is through these processes that it is considered to have an indirect effect on sport performance (Stoeber, 2012; Hall, 2016). The performance enhancement effects of perfectionism undoubtedly occur because of its capacity to energize people to strive compulsively to reach extraordinarily high performance standards, employ behavioral strategies that promote sustained achievement striving, and adopt a mind-set that reflects an enduring commitment to exceptionally demanding goals (Hall, Hill, & Appleton, 2012; Hill, 2016). In a 2002 study, Gould, Dieffenbach, and Moffett noted that these characteristics appeared to be common among Olympians, thus concluding that perfectionism may be an inherent feature of elite sport performers. Certainly, there is indisputable evidence to confirm that the motivational qualities of perfectionism can and do lead to successful goal-accomplishment and contribute to numerous positive performance-related outcomes (Jowett, Mallinson, & Hill, 2016). In contrast, however, evidence also shows that the performance-related cognition and harsh self-critical evaluation reflective of perfectionism elicits a wide variety of outcomes that may undermine motivation, disrupt performance, and diminish both psychological well-being and physical health (Sirois & Molnar, 2015). The seemingly paradoxical effects of perfectionism have been noted by numerous sport researchers (e.g., Flett & Hewitt, 2005, 2014, 2016; Gotwals, Stoeber, Dunn, & Stoll, 2012; Hall & Hill, 2012; Hall, 2016; Stoeber, 2011), and these effects remain a source of considerable debate in the field. On one side of this argument is a view that despite its ability to energize achievement striving and bring about positive outcomes, perfectionism ought to be considered a multidimensional characteristic that will invariably render people psychologically vulnerable. The suggestion is that perfectionistic thinking always carries the potential to distort performance appraisal, undermine self-worth, and disrupt the motivational processes that sustain achievement striving (Flett & Hewitt, 2016; Hall, 2013, 2016).

Conversely, others argue that vulnerability should not be considered an inevitable consequence of perfectionism because the psychological construct has been found to exhibit a hierarchical structure, comprising two higher-order dimensions that reveal differential associations with various cognitive, affective, and behavioral outcomes (Jowett et al., 2016; Stoeber & Otto, 2006). These associations emerge because each of the dimensions is underpinned by a distinct and fundamentally different constellation of core perfectionism qualities that regulate perfectionistic thought. As a result, this approach maintains that a focus on either perfectionistic striving or perfectionistic concerns will act either to sustain or to undermine adaptive motivation, thus illustrating the dual nature of perfectionism (Stoeber, 2011, 2012). Recently, however, researchers have questioned whether either conceptual rationale or empirical evidence is sufficient to claim that perfectionism, with its distinctive tendency to energize compulsive striving and evoke excessively critical self-evaluation, is capable of sustaining a pattern of achievement striving that promotes adaptive motivation and fosters psychological well-being, especially when people encounter adversity (Flett & Hewitt, 2016; Hall, 2016). The primary purpose of this chapter is to examine the evidence in support of the dual nature of perfectionism by conducting a critical review of the theoretical and empirical research that has been conducted to date. The chapter begins with a summary and analysis of differing perspectives regarding the construct of perfectionism and then provides a conceptual challenge to recent arguments that support the dual nature of perfectionism (Stoeber, 2011, 2012). Next, the chapter offers a review of the research that has examined how perfectionism affects those performing in competitive sport. This review critically examines the strength of empirical evidence in support of competing views about the nature and influence of the construct. Finally, the chapter concludes by offering specific directions for future research that may help to resolve current differences of opinion.

Debating the Meaning of Perfectionism The debate about whether perfectionism may be seen to have enduring positive consequences or reflect a latent source of vulnerability emanates from longstanding disagreement among research-

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ers about whether all the core-defining qualities of this disposition are germane when suggesting that people exhibit this personality characteristic (see Hall, Hill, & Appleton, 2012, for a review). The disagreement centers on whether people must display both a tendency for compulsive striving and harsh self-critical appraisal, or whether either tendency is, in isolation, sufficient to denote perfectionism. Understanding the nature of this debate will enable readers to comprehend the seemingly contradictory literature about the influence of perfectionism in sport.

Perfectionism as a Dual Construct Those arguing in support of the dual nature of perfectionism favor a view that perfectionism may be represented by two explicit dimensions. These are labeled as perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic concerns (Stoeber, 2011, 2012; Stoeber & Madigan, 2016), and they are considered to reflect distinctly different approaches to the processing of achievement information. Thus, they result in contrasting outcomes. The first dimension, perfectionistic strivings, is largely considered an energizing factor. It leads people to impose exceptionally high standards on themselves and to attain nothing less than perfection. Although it is maintained that self-critical evaluation remains a defining feature of perfectionistic strivings, evidence to support this view appears sparse beyond the variance it shares with perfectionistic concerns. Moreover, little evidence exists to demonstrate that harsh critical analysis features prominently in the performance appraisals of those who appear high in this dimension and low in perfectionistic concerns. This view implies that rather than being indicative of perfectionism, the construct of perfectionistic strivings reflects qualities such as diligence, industry, and perseverance and suggests that it may be more conceptually aligned with adaptive personality characteristics such as conscientiousness (Flett & Hewitt, 2016). Furthermore, when striving brings about a perception of achievement, those high in this dimension probably have little reason to engage in an attributional search or harsh critical analysis, regardless of the degree to which they also endorse perfectionistic concerns. Therefore, in the absence of harsh self-critical appraisal, perfectionistic strivings is believed to bring about seemingly adaptive patterns of motivation that promote success (Sirois & Molnar, 2015). In contrast, the second dimension, perfectionistic concerns, reflects a tendency to engage in harsh

self-deprecating appraisal processes that delineate it as a form of psychological maladjustment (see table 6.1). It captures a person’s irrational concerns about making mistakes, worries about discrepant performance, fears about receiving negative evaluations from those whose opinion is valued, and a tendency to react negatively to imperfection (Stoeber & Madigan, 2016). Stoeber (2011, 2012) has argued that only by differentiating perfectionistic strivings from perfectionistic concerns does it become possible to recognize the dual nature of perfectionism, in which the psychological processes originating from this characteristic reflect either an instrumental source of achievement and adaptive motivation or a pervasive source of psychological dysfunction. Attempting to understand how perfectionism influences motivational processes, performance outcomes, and psychological well-being by differentiating the two dimensions is controversial, however, because the approach neither satisfactorily acknowledges the overlapping nature of the two dimensions nor recognizes the fact that, when asked to speak about the significance of perfectionism, athletes exhibiting this personality characteristic appear to make no differentiation between the two dimensions. Rather, they indicate that perfectionism has a pervasive influence that not only contributes to positive performance effects but also gives rise to debilitating patterns of cognition, affect, and behavior (Wilkinson, 2008; Pendleton, 2012). This viewpoint suggests that the two dimensions do not function in isolation but seem to operate in tandem to regulate the psychological processes governing behavior. Moreover, while recognizing that perfectionism has important energizing qualities, these athletes seldom report that it is responsible for enhanced psychological well-being. Instead, they see the personality characteristic as an inescapable burden that they are reluctant to change and that they must tolerate because of the instrumental role they believe that it plays in the fulfilment of sporting aspirations. Table 6.1  Two Dimensions of Perfectionism Dimension

Factors

Outcome

Perfectionistic strivings

• Energizing • High standards • Self-critical ­evaluation

Adaptive patterns of motivation

Perfectionistic ­concerns

• Fear producing Psychological • Irrational concerns ­maladjustment • Harsh self-­deprecating ­evaluation

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Recent empirical evidence to support these anecdotal claims has emerged in research by Hill, Witcher, Gotwals, and Leyland (2015), who captured what might be considered the essence of perfectionism through the voices of self-identified perfectionists who were also high-level performers. What emerged consistently from the participants’ transcripts was that perfectionism led to the pursuit of exceptionally high performance standards. All spoke about how their compulsive striving frequently led to success and how they perceived this pattern of behavior to be necessary for the fulfilment of potential as either international athletes or professional performing artists. Yet alongside the considerable performance success they encountered, all recognized the psychological strain of being a perfectionist, citing a range of undesirable outcomes with which they attempted to cope. These included incessant performance-related anxiety, fear of failure, the fleeting nature of confidence, insecurity and self-doubt, guilt, ruminative thoughts, dissatisfaction with life, poor interpersonal relations, and the sacrificing of normal everyday experiences. Experiencing these outcomes is hardly reflective of what most motivational theorists would consider adaptive motivation. When enjoyment and performance satisfaction occur in perfectionistic people, it tends to be short lived. For some, such as Karen Kain, the former Canadian prima ballerina, performance satisfaction was so rare that over a 25-year career, she was able to recount only a dozen times when she was truly satisfied with her performance, which indicated that she felt undeserving of the accolades and applause that she received (Kain, Godfrey, & Doob, 1994). These findings demonstrate that when perfectionism is considered to reflect both heightened achievement striving and harsh self-critical appraisal, the associated pattern of cognition, affect, and behavior bears little resemblance to that which is indicative of adaptive forms of achievement striving. Instead, it appears to engender a focus on the demonstration of competence, in which falling short of desired goals in personally salient domains not only brings into question one’s ability but also threaten one’s sense of self and thus elevates the potential for experiencing psychological debilitation. The evidence gleaned from athletes who exhibit the cognitive and behavioral characteristics that meet the definition of perfectionism supplied earlier suggests that although they may be essential components of perfectionism, neither perfectionistic strivings nor perfectionistic concerns is, in isola-

tion, sufficient to represent the personality characteristic accurately. Consequently, perfectionism seems to reflect the combined influence of these dimensions. Under these circumstances, perfectionism can be considered a vulnerability factor that, in the absence of sufficient personal resources to provide resilience against perceived threats to self, may act to undermine an athlete’s psychological and physical well-being, regardless of any successful outcomes resulting from its energizing qualities (Flett & Hewitt, 2005, 2014, 2016; Hall, 2016).

Perfectionism as a Psychological Vulnerability The singular basis for differentiating between perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic concerns appears to be that the strategy avoids an exclusive focus on negative characteristics, processes, and outcomes and that it enables the strength and diversity of the positive effects of perfectionism to be recognized (Stoeber, 2011). Flett and Hewitt (2014, 2016) have challenged this rationale and suggested that, in fact, this strategy is likely to obscure our understanding of the influence of perfectionism in sport. They argue that by adopting this approach people tend to misinterpret research findings and paint a considerably more positive picture of perfectionism than may be warranted by the evidence. A perusal of the empirical research concerned with perfectionism in sport verifies that opinions differ widely on the effects of perfectionism. This disagreement perhaps emanates from a conceptual divergence regarding what constitutes perfectionism, a failure to recognize inherent weaknesses in methodological approaches adopted, and, on occasion, questionable interpretation of research findings. For example, in group-centered research, data sets often include large numbers of people who are classified as perfectionists only by virtue of the fact that they claim to be in pursuit of exceptionally high standards, and it is these people who exhibit seemingly adaptive patterns of motivation and behavior (Hall, 2016). But these individuals generally don’t exhibit the harsh self-critical tendencies that most definitions of perfectionism consider a necessary core quality. The inclusion of these people thus tends to distort the true picture of the long-term consequences of perfectionism for those performing in sport. Evidence to support a lack of harsh self-critical appraisal when achievement striving unequivocally reflects the pursuit of high standards was reported in a study by Blasberg, Hewitt, Flett, Sherry, and Chen (2016). Their find-

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ings indicated that it was only the pursuit of perfectionistic standards and not the act of striving to reach high standards that was associated with a pattern of maladaptive interpersonal attitudes and stress, thereby demonstrating that incorporating harsh self-critical tendencies into the measurement of perfectionism changes the nature of the construct completely. Further methodological concerns are evident in variable-centered research, in which it is apparent that investigators often perform inferential analyses on disaggregated components of multidimensional perfectionism (e.g., high personal standards, perfectionistic strivings). Individually, however, these components reflect necessary, but altogether insufficient, qualities to represent the characteristic of perfectionism. Thus, the reporting of positive relationships from these analyses is often mistakenly considered as evidence that in certain guises, perfectionism manifests as a broadly adaptive personality characteristic (e.g., Gould Udry, Tuffey, & Loehr, 1996; Stoeber, 2011). The reported associations provide little more than an illusion that perfectionism underpins adaptive achievement striving, and the illusion becomes further magnified when shared variance with perfectionistic concerns is statistically removed (e.g., Stoeber, Stoll, Pescheck, & Otto 2008). Statistically eliminating shared variance with self-critical dimensions of the personality characteristic from inferential analyses about the effects of perfectionism raises significant concerns about what the residual construct of perfectionistic strivings may represent (Hall, Hill, & Appleton, 2012; Hill, 2014). The illusion that perfectionism gives rise to sustained patterns of adaptive achievement striving has been further reinforced because a significant body of research in sport has relied on a cross-sectional, correlational approach to examine the influence of this personality characteristic. Because data in

variable-centered research are frequently amassed from achievement contexts that appear to pose little in the way of existential threat to vulnerable people, it can be argued that we know little about whether perfectionism can sustain adaptive achievement striving when challenge, failure, and threat are experienced (Flett & Hewitt 2016; Hall; 2016; Hill 2014). Nor do we know whether factors such as perceived goal achievement, high perceived competence, a mastery orientation, or a growth mind-set are sufficient to provide sustained psychological resilience against what Flett and Hewitt (2005, 2014) term the perils of perfectionism (see the sidebar Response to Unfavorable Outcomes). The core defining features of perfectionism reflect an extreme and irrational form of thinking and behavior, which has its roots in a distorted view of what constitutes achievement, and it is this aspect that gives rise to potentially debilitating patterns of motivation and achievement striving. For a perfectionist, demonstrating competence through either developmental or comparative processes in the way that many high achievers do is not sufficient. Instead, perfectionists seem to ascribe further instrumental significance that gives distinct meaning to achievement. Perfectionistic people engage in the pursuit of exceedingly high goals not because the motivational process is imbued with intrinsic appeal, but because it provides a means to gain valued attributes such as social acceptance, recognition, or a sense of personal value. Moreover, perfectionists often aspire to reach idealized standards that not only lie beyond current levels of capability but also have little basis in reality (Pacht, 1984). They are energized to strive relentlessly to meet these illusory standards because they believe that their achievement will fulfil necessary criteria against which self-worth can be gauged (Burns, 1980).

Response to Unfavorable Outcomes Flett and Hewitt (2016) have recently argued that irrespective of the degree to which people endorse either perfectionistic strivings or perfectionistic concerns, it is the customary manner by which perfectionistic people respond to unfavorable outcomes that will determine whether perfectionism has the capacity to sustain achievement striving and cultivate an optimistic response to challenge or to give rise to significant performance impairment and psychological distress. Unfortunately, at an empirical level we know little about the way in which perfectionistic people respond to these challenges in sport. At a conceptual level, however, we do have some understanding about how individuals are predicted to respond, and this illustrates why perfectionism will tend to render individuals vulnerable when they face adversity. These predictions are grounded in the multidimensional nature of the construct in which the core defining features not only indicate what people are striving to achieve but also explain why they are so motivated.

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The fact that self-worth is perceived to be entirely contingent on achievement leads perfectionists to inflate the value of attainment, which further promotes compulsive goal striving. Although these conditions make it improbable enough for perfectionists to compare favorably against such exacting standards, a sense of accomplishment is rendered even less likely by the tendency for perfectionists to polarize success and failure into a rigid dichotomy that results in the finest of margins separating the two outcomes. Therefore, any attempts that fall just short of meeting requisite standards will be perceived as failure, so discrepancies of any kind will likely be met with both harsh self-censure and condemnation (Flett & Hewitt, 2002; Hall et al., 2012). Clearly, this belief provides perfectionists with little scope for error, which engenders not only a heightened concern about making mistakes but also a tendency to overgeneralize perceived failures beyond the context in which they occur so that even minor flaws or setbacks contribute to a pervasive negative experience (Frost et al., 1990). Perfectionists thus become preoccupied with their shortcomings rather than their achievements, and when this fixation is combined with ruminative concerns about the perceived consequences of failure, it undermines efficacy regarding whether performance, preparation, or effort is sufficient to meet exacting standards or whether tasks have been satisfactorily completed (Greenspon, 2014). This generalized sense of doubt is thought to contribute further to compulsive striving as people attempt to compensate for perceived inadequacy (Frost et al., 1990). Covington (1992) refers to individuals who exhibit this pattern of cognition and behavior as overstrivers, and he considers that what lies behind their compulsive striving for success is the avoidance of the many negative consequences of failure. Because of the combined influence of these core qualities, perfectionists are rendered psychologically vulnerable when faced with adversity. Despite experiencing negative consequences, they will often continue to strive compulsively, however, because they fail to recognize the irrational nature of the thought processes that underpin their behavior.

Measurement and Classification of Perfectionism The core qualities of perfectionism that are described in the previous section reflect characteristic features of the multidimensional disposition of perfectionism, and they are represented in various commonly used instruments that claim to assess this personality characteristic in sport (see Stoeber & Madigan, 2016, for a review of perfectionism measures). Instruments such as the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS-F) by Frost et al. (1990) and derivatives created for sport such as the Sport Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (SMPS) (Dunn, Causgrove Dunn, Gotwals, Vallance, Craft, & Syrotuik, 2006) capture both its energizing and its self-critical features in separate subscales, and these are frequently aggregated to form a total perfectionism score that represents the degree of perfectionism exhibited by a person (see table 6.2). In contrast, the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS-H) developed by Hewitt and Flett (1991) incorporates the various core, defining qualities into three subscales, each of which captures the nature of perfectionism but reflects variation in either the source or direction of perfectionistic behavior. Although the three dimensions of the MPS-H (self-oriented, socially prescribed, and other-oriented perfectionism) are each considered to measure potentially debilitating forms of perfectionism, the MPS-F assesses a combination of energizing and behavioral components, interpersonal antecedents, and self-critical dimensions that individually may be associated with either adaptive or maladaptive outcomes. Frost and colleagues (1990) have stressed, however, that it is the dimension reflecting concern about mistakes rather than the pursuit of high personal standards that represents the central component of the personality characteristic. The significance of this conclusion presents a strong conceptual challenge to notions of perfectionism having dual purpose because it means that the

Table 6.2  Self-Report Scales of Perfectionism Scale

Measures

Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS-F)

Six subscales: concern over mistakes, high personal standards, parental expectations, parental criticism, doubts about actions, and organization; total perfectionism score

Sport Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (SMPS)

Six subscales: concern over mistakes, personal standards, doubts about actions, perceived pressure from both parent and coaches, organization; total perfectionism score

Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS-H)

Three subscale scores: self-oriented, socially prescribed, and other-oriented perfectionism

Perfectionism in Competitive Sport   101

main feature of perfectionistic striving (the active pursuit of high personal standards), while necessary, is insufficient to constitute perfectionism. It also lends credence to arguments put forward by Hall and colleagues (Hall, Jowett, & Hill, 2014) that the core qualities of perfectionism can neither be disregarded nor disaggregated without profoundly altering the fundamental nature of the personality characteristic. Heuristic models that attempt to explain what constitutes perfectionism, such as the two-component model (Alden, Ryder, & Mellings, 2002), reflect similar thinking and suggest that perfectionism requires people to exhibit a combination of both high performance expectations and extreme maladaptive self-appraisal. Moreover, Alden et al. argue that in the absence of maladaptive self-appraisal, people will not exhibit perfectionism, but will demonstrate a high achievement orientation and, in the absence of high performance expectations, will exhibit either self-deprecation or self-acceptance. But other heuristic models that disaggregate core components (Parker, 1997; Rice & Ashby, 2007; Gaudreau & Thompson, 2010) appear more consistent with Stoeber’s (2011, 2012) thinking. For example, the tripartite model (Parker, 1997; Rice & Ashby, 2007) suggests that anyone striving to achieve high personal standards may exhibit perfectionism and that whether it is adaptive or not will be determined by the degree to which the person exhibits evaluative concerns. The most recent heuristic model, which Gaudreau and Thompson (2010) labeled the 2 × 2 model, disaggregates the dimensions further and claims that perfectionism can manifest as either pure personal standards perfectionism (PSP), pure evaluative concerns perfectionism (ECP), or a combination of both, suggesting that a person doesn’t necessarily need to pursue standards of any kind to be considered a perfectionist. See figure 6.1 for a comparison of the three models. The problem with both the tripartite and the 2 × 2 model is that perfectionism can be ascribed to people who score high on a single measured dimension, as well as to those who exhibit all core defining qualities. The 2 × 2 model thus implies that the majority of any sample will exhibit perfectionism of some type, rather than conveying a more realistic picture that only a small proportion of a sample will exhibit perfectionism because they display all the necessary core qualities of the personality characteristic. If perfectionism is to be understood as an individual difference variable, then the specific characteristic must be distinct from, rather than congruent with, other character-

istics such as conscientiousness at one end of the spectrum and neuroticism at the other. Because the 2 × 2 model proposes that PSP and ECP sit at either end of an adaptive–maladaptive spectrum, claims have been made to suggest that the positive consequences of PSP may provide a buffer against any negative effects generated by ECP (Gaudreau, 2012). This idea implies that the goal-setting process will offer direct protection against debilitating cognition. Resilience, however, is not a direct consequence of goal setting, and PSP is thus unlikely to offset the negative consequences of ECP. Perceived success that results from the energizing effects of perfectionism may build efficacy that may in turn provide resilience, but even this may be insufficient to prevent athletes from engaging in harsh self-critical appraisal when self-worth is threatened by falling short of desired standards. In summary, although opinions vary about the nature of perfectionism, strong conceptual arguments support the view that perfectionism is best understood as a vulnerability factor for sport participants. We must further recognize that although empirical data may show that perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic concerns have distinctive correlates (Jowett, Mallinson, & Hill, 2016), this association does not necessarily contradict the conclusion that perfectionism is a latent source of vulnerability. Although perfectionism comprises qualities that individually may give rise to both positive and negative outcomes, finding evidence in support of such associations does not, in isolation, uphold claims that perfectionism has a dual function. Credible alternative explanations may support the findings, and those seeking to understand the influence of perfectionism in sport must not only be cognizant of these but also be aware that failure to consider them might simply perpetuate the illusion that perfectionism may be universally adaptive. To make sense of the empirical literature concerned with perfectionism in sport, we have to consider these important factors in the interpretation of available evidence: • The approach to perfectionism that has been adopted • The degree to which the measurement of perfectionism is consistent with the commonly accepted definition and whether it makes attempts to integrate or disaggregate the core features of the construct • Whether a group-centered or variable-centered approach has been taken

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Perfectionism

Self-acceptance

Self-deprecation

Performance expectations

Achievement oriented

a

Maladaptive self-appraisal

Adapted by permission from L.E. Alden, A.G. Ryder, and T.M.B. Mellings, Perfectionism in the Context of Social Fears: Toward a Two-Component Model. In Perfectionism: E6768/Horn/F06.01a/578855/mh-R1 Theory, Research and Treatment, edited by G. L. Flett and P.L. Hewitt (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2002), 273-292.

High

High

Personal standards perfectionism

Unhealthy perfectionists

Perfectionistic strivings

Healthy perfectionists

Nonperfectionists

Low b

High Perfectionistic concerns

Adapted by permission from J. Stoeber and K. Otto, “Positive Conceptions of Perfectionism: Approaches, Evidence, Challenges,” Personality and Social Psychology Review 10, no. 4 (2006): 295-319.

E6768/Horn/F06.01b/578856/mh-R1

Pure personal standards perfectionism

Mixed perfectionism

Nonperfectionism

Pure evaluative concerns perfectionism

Low c

High Evaluative concerns perfectionism

Adapted from Personality and Individual Differences, vol 52(1), P. Gaudreau, “A methodological note on the interactive and main effects of dualistic personality dimensions: An example using the 2×2 model ofE6768/Horn/F06.01c/578857/mh-R1 perfectionism,” pgs. 26-31, Copyright 2012, with permission from Elsevier.

Figure 6.1  Models of perfectionism: (a) two-component model, (b) tripartite model, and (c) 2 × 2 model. Peak performance may be a consequence of striving for perfection, but psychological debilitation is always likely when striving for perfection is combined with harsh self-critical evaluation. That is, perfectionism will always render individuals psychologically vulnerable.

• Whether the analytical strategy attempts to partial out shared variance between perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic concerns • Whether the methodology adopted is appropriate to test the degree to which perfectionism is a vulnerability factor

• The environment in which perfectionism is being measured and whether this setting is a salient domain in which to achieve • The point in time when data were collected • Whether the research design was correlational, longitudinal, experimental, observa-

Perfectionism in Competitive Sport   103

tional, or nonexperimental, because all are important factors to consider in the interpretation of available evidence Given the considerable variability in methodological approaches that have been adopted in sport research and the disparity in the quality of the measures that have been employed, all those interested in this area must carefully scrutinize the empirical findings from research that is attempting to understand the influence of perfectionism in sport.

Influence of Perfectionism in Sport Although anecdotal reports indicate that perfectionism is a common feature of high-performing athletes, we have little detailed knowledge about the prevalence of this characteristic in sport participants. The personality characteristic and the thought processes it evokes are, however, a concern for those working with both established and developing athletes, because sport is an achievement domain where perfectionism is reported to be particularly salient for performers of any level (Dunn, Gotwals, & Causgrove Dunn, 2005). An overview of the research that has been conducted to examine the effects of perfectionism on those performing in sport contexts is provided in the following sections.

Perfectionism and Performance Although case studies of elite athletes (Gustaffson, Hassmen, Kentta, & Johansson, 2008) and qualitative research on high-achieving performers (Hill et al., 2015) suggest that perfectionism has apparent performance effects, few empirical tests have been conducted to date, and it remains unknown whether perfectionism is itself capable of sustaining performance. As with goal-setting research (Locke & Latham, 1990, 2007), any performance effects are likely indirect and strongly influenced by constructs that either mediate or moderate the relationship between perfectionism and performance. For example, Stoeber, Uphill, and Hotham (2009) found that in two studies examining perfectionism in triathletes, performance was positively associated with the pursuit of high personal standards and that the relationship was mediated by a combination of high performance-approach and low performance-avoidance goals, a pattern known to reflect high perceived competence. Although Stoeber et al. (2009) also reported that concern about

mistakes was unrelated to race performance, this aspect of perfectionism was found to account for 36% of behavioral variance in personal standards. This shared variance is important because it speaks directly to the vulnerability issue. Although the sample of triathletes in this study appeared efficacious at the time of assessment, a pattern of repeated perceived failure and a reduction in efficacy would possibly render concern about mistakes more salient and any positive performance effects of perfectionism unlikely. Indeed, when efficacy (personal best) was controlled in a follow-up study, perfectionism dimensions were found to have no influence on race performance. In a further study examining the degree to which perfectionism was associated with performance in basketball, Stoll, Lau, and Stoeber (2008) found that striving for perfection was associated with higher performance on a number of trials of a novel task, whereas negative reactions to imperfection were associated with lower performance only on trial 1. Scrutiny of the data reveals, however, that because the majority of participants improved their performance over time, unsurprisingly, negative reactions to imperfectionism demonstrated no association with performance beyond that found on the first trial. If this improvement was perceived to be success, participants would have little reason to engage in harsh critical appraisal of performance. In a recent study investigating the influence of perfectionism on team performance (Hill, Stoeber, Brown, & Appleton, 2014), a measure of team perfectionism (a derivative of other-oriented perfectionism) emerged as a predictor of team rowing performance. Although the finding is intriguing, some other psychological construct probably mediated this relationship, because it makes little conceptual sense that performance is enhanced because of either holding high expectations of other crewmembers or responding to their performance with harsh critical evaluation. Demanding that colleagues meet lofty standards will itself be insufficient to induce the requisite performance level if they don’t possess sufficient ability. Thus, along with an individual belief that one’s team members are competent, a sense of collective efficacy is probably a key mediator in this case. The limited empirical work conducted in this area appears to show that variables that help to sustain investment in perfectionistic striving and prevent a focus on perfectionistic concerns will contribute to enhanced performance. But when little is available to provide resilience against the harsh self-critical appraisal that comes about from

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perceived failure to meet desired goals, evidence indicates that even those dimensions of perfectionism that reflect perfectionistic strivings will initiate a process that will undermine performance. For example, Anshel and Mansouri (2004) found that after receiving negative feedback on a contrived motor task, the performance of those high in various dimensions of perfectionism deteriorated. Similarly, after receiving failure information on two consecutive trials of an endurance-cycling task, Hill, Hall, Duda, and Appleton (2011) found that all participants reduced performance following initial failure and that those high in self-oriented perfectionism reported greater perceived threat, lower satisfaction, and a reduction in effort on a subsequent trial compared with those who were low in self-oriented perfectionism. The research of Hill et al. suggests that for those high in perfectionism, a single failure may be all it takes to initiate a debilitating pattern of cognition that gives rise to further performance impairment and considerable distress. Similar levels of acute performance debilitation have been noted in other research with athletes participating in meaningful contexts. For example, in a study of elite-level golfers, Hill, Hanton, Matthews, and Fleming (2010) noted that a combination of perceived performance discrepancy and self-critical appraisal was sufficient to bring about cognitive distraction and an acute deterioration in performance. Moreover, athletes such as these, who place high value on accomplishment and whose performance requires the production of fine motor skill, often report suffering from a debilitating condition known as “the yips.” This condition represents acute deterioration in the ability to perform fine motor movement, and a recent study found that the pursuit of high standards in conjunction with concern about making mistakes significantly increased the probability of experiencing the yips in golfers, cricketers and darts participants (Roberts, Rotheram, Maynard, Thomas, & Woodman, 2013). From the relatively small number of studies that have examined how perfectionism influences performance, we might safely conclude that perfectionism has the capacity to energize achievement striving and, in the absence of adversity, to have a positive influence on performance. We might further postulate that the same mediating mechanisms that explain the performance effects of goal setting (Locke & Latham, 1990) might be applied to illustrate why perfectionism has the capacity to bring about performance effects. But emerging evidence suggests that under adverse conditions, when participants experience performance difficulties or

failure, these mechanisms may become severed, thereby undermining the process of achievement striving and detracting from performance. Because the standards by which perfectionistic athletes evaluate success tend to be both exceedingly high and inflexible, perfectionism will increase the likelihood that performance outcomes will be perceived to be discrepant from desired goals. The probability that these athletes perceive that they are falling short is further increased if they consider it necessary to achieve standards that they perceive others may hold for them and over which they have little control. Only when goal achievement is perceived to be under an athlete’s personal control, when ability is sufficient to sustain satisfactory levels of achievement, or when athletes have developed sufficient resilience to prevent negative reactions to failure, will falling short of desired standards have little more than benign consequences for perfectionists. In the absence of some form of resilience, however, the combined effect of a persistent devotion to challenging goals and recurrent performance difficulty is an enduring perception of goal blockage, which points toward perfectionism as being a critical antecedent of disaffection, distress (Madigan, Stoeber, & Passfield, 2016), and eventual athlete burnout (Lemyre, Hall, & Roberts, 2008; Hall et al., 2012; Hall, 2013).

Perfectionism and Burnout A number of studies have confirmed that various self-critical forms of perfectionism appear to contribute to increasing levels of athlete burnout (Appleton, Hall, & Hill, 2009; Chen, Kee, Chen, & Tsai, 2008; Hill, 2013; Ho, Appleton, Cumming, & Duda, 2015; Lemyre, et al., 2008). Research has demonstrated that the association between perfectionism and burnout is largely indirect and mediated by factors such as low unconditional self-acceptance (Hill, Hall, Appleton, & Kozub, 2008) and validation seeking (Hill, Hall, Appleton, and Murray, 2010). Because self-worth is contingent on successful achievement, perfectionists become susceptible to experiencing burnout when perceived worth is brought into question. But we need to recognize that those endorsing different dimensions of perfectionism attach importance to subtly different contingencies of worth and that these differences may determine the nature and extent of the aversive consequences necessary to elicit burnout. For example, socially prescribed perfectionism has been found to be associated with contingencies of worth that are based on both outperforming

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others and gaining the approval of others, whereas self-oriented perfectionism is associated with worth gained from outperforming others and demonstrating competence. Given that socially prescribed perfectionism is consistently associated with athlete burnout, when the fulfilment of contingencies requires the opinion of others, and thus appears to lie outside an individual’s control, burnout becomes more likely (Hill, Hall, & Appleton 2010). Self-critical forms of perfectionism have also been found to elicit avoidant forms of coping, which may themselves contribute to burnout by encouraging the use of strategies such as disengagement and denial that amplify a sense of reduced accomplishment and a cynical attitude toward one’s sport (Hill, Hall, & Appleton, 2010). As a result, perfectionism may not only encourage the employment of naive strategies aimed at protecting self-worth but also deter the use of adaptive strategies that have the potential to help people manage adversity. Under adverse conditions, self-critical forms of perfectionism give rise to ruminative self-focused attention and appear to play an important role in the onset of athlete burnout. For example, Hill and Appleton (2011) have reported that perfectionistic cognitions explain variance in burnout beyond that predicted by dispositional perfectionism. More recently, Donachie, Hall, Hill, and Gabriel (2016) have found that following midseason performance, and in anticipation of the next performance, perfectionistic cognitions explain variance in emotions such as anxiety, dejection, and anger beyond that predicted by dispositional perfectionism. The rumination process seems to contribute to burnout because perfectionistic cognitions become a source of distraction, undermine a task focus, and bring to the fore a preoccupation with perceived inadequacies. Although further research is necessary to ascertain the precise role that rumination might play in the onset of athlete burnout, a reasonable speculation is that this internal dialogue contributes to the burnout process when athletes experience adverse conditions. Strong evidence already suggests that self-critical perfectionism contributes to athlete burnout when basic needs are thwarted (Mallinson & Hill, 2011; Jowett et al., 2016), when motivational regulation is introjected or external (Jowett et al., 2013; Madigan, Stoeber, & Passfield, in press), or when athletes feel helpless (Hill & Appleton, 2011), but only by examining the dynamic nature of the harsh self-critical appraisal processes can sport psychologists understand how perfectionism becomes corrosive, undermines achievement striving, and contributes to burnout.

Although it has consistently emerged that dimensions of perfectionism that typically inform perfectionistic strivings (SOP, self-oriented perfectionism, the pursuit of exceedingly high personal standards and the employment of a harsh self-critical style in response to goal striving) demonstrate either no linear relationship or an inverse relationship with athlete burnout, Hall (2016) has suggested that this is perhaps to be expected because the vulnerability of those high in perfectionistic strivings will be exposed only when performance is discrepant, relevant contingencies of worth are challenged (see Hill et al., 2011), and these athletes face recurrent adversity. Madigan, Stoeber, and Passfield (2015, 2016) have recently put forward an alternative explanation, suggesting that perfectionistic strivings does not have a positive association with athlete burnout because the characteristic may offer protection against the consequences of harsh self-critical evaluation. But it is difficult to comprehend why the pursuit of self-imposed high standards would itself offer protection against the onset of burnout. It seems more likely that the performance-related outcomes that emerge from perfectionistic strivings give the appearance that motivation is adaptive. With this focus, people are unlikely to feel vulnerable if they are fulfilling personal standards. Moreover, because success is not contingent on approval from others, people perceive a greater sense of personal control over the standards they are seeking to achieve. Providing that self-worth is not jeopardized by outcomes that bring ability into question, the motivational processes elicited by perfectionistic strivings are unlikely to initiate debilitating cognition. For this reason, this form of perfectionism may give the illusion that it has a buffering effect against burnout. But because burnout is brought about through both unmet needs and unfulfilled expectations (Gold & Roth, 1993), protection against burnout will last only as long as successful goal accomplishment is perceived. When athletes experience performance difficulties and encounter repeated failure, vulnerability will become evident in those exhibiting perfectionistic strivings. Dropping out is not an option because deciding to disengage from a situation where the athlete has invested considerable resources only serves to undermine self-definition. Under conditions when competence is repeatedly brought into question, the illusion of buffering fades and burnout becomes a likely outcome. Indirect support for this argument can be found by examining the group-centered research described by Gotwals

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(2011). He found evidence that when the perfectionism profiles of athletes included strong doubts about action, burnout symptoms became elevated. Another clue about why perfectionistic strivings may render athletes vulnerable to burnout comes from research by Curran, Hill, Jowett, and Mallinson (2014), who reported that self-oriented perfectionism, a component of perfectionistic strivings, is positively associated with both harmonious and obsessive passion. This pattern of association suggests that, like those endorsing perfectionistic concerns, people high in self-oriented perfectionism have a propensity to seek out the approval of others to bolster self-worth. This contingency renders them vulnerable in adverse conditions, thereby increasing the likelihood of burnout.

Perfectionism and Mental Health Although burnout is a particularly corrosive outcome to which perfectionistic athletes may be susceptible, few studies have examined the broader consequences of perfectionism, in particular how it may influence the psychological well-being of athletes. But one recent study adopted cluster analysis to group athletes into profiles that reflected both well-being and stress (Lundquist & Raglin, 2015). Although perfectionistic strivings was equivalent across all profiles, suggesting that athletes were similarly energized to achieve across three cluster groupings, elevated levels of perfectionistic concerns were reported only in the lower well-being–highstress cluster, alongside lower need satisfaction, higher need dissatisfaction, and a lower mastery climate. This finding further demonstrates that it is in combination with perfectionistic concerns that perfectionistic strivings becomes problematic and that perfectionistic strivings does not itself appear to buffer against psychological debilitation when perfectionistic concerns are salient, the environment emphasizes the comparative demonstration of ability, and the person’s psychological needs are not being met. Sport research into the psychological well-being of athletes is now beginning to explore how perfectionism might influence outcomes that go beyond performance-related disaffection and burnout. This research is in response to calls for greater consideration to be given to personal and environmental factors that may interact to undermine the mental health of athletes at critical points during their career (Nixdorf, Frank, Hautzinger, & Beckmann, 2013; Nixdorf, Frank, & Beckmann, 2016; Junge & Feddermann-Demont, 2016). Although the clinical

psychology literature has established that perfectionism contributes significantly to depression (Hewitt & Flett, 1991, 1993), it is an underresearched area in sport. But the need to examine this outcome is important. Although no sport research has yet identified that depression in athletic contexts may be linked to perfectionism, anecdotal reports of irrational perfectionistic thinking before the suicide of Robert Enke, the German national goalkeeper, and the attempted suicide of Babak Rafati, the German Bundesliga referee, point to perfectionism being a critical antecedent of the depression from which both individuals suffered. Recent research by Smith, Hill, and Hall (2016) that screened elite football academy athletes for depressive symptoms has found evidence to suggest that over 25% of athletes in the study were experiencing mild to moderate symptoms of depression and that 15% exhibited symptoms that suggested the possibility of major depression. Moreover, socially prescribed perfectionism was found to be a significant predictor of depression, and these symptoms appear to be further associated with perceived performance difficulties and burnout arising from identity as an elite athlete being brought into question. When perfectionism first manifests in sport performers, it is unlikely to trigger symptoms of severe anxiety, depression, or suicide ideation. Because perfectionism reflects a form of irrational thinking and is considered to be internalized through the process of social learning, its first manifestations are more likely to be observed as mildly debilitating rather than severely dysfunctional or pathological patterns of cognition, affect, and behavior. But as the personality characteristic emerges and the sporting environment becomes a salient context for achievement and the establishment of identity, evidence of its consequences will become more apparent. Although these consequences don’t require clinical intervention for most athletes, growing evidence in the sport psychology literature indicates that the personality characteristic gives rise to a range of potentially debilitating cognitive, emotional, and behavioral outcomes that are indicative of maladaptive psychological processes that may significantly undermine the sporting experience.

Perfectionism and Maladaptive Psychological Processes A summary of this research by Hall, Hill, and Appleton (2012) has identified that one source of psychological debilitation may result from the combination of achievement goals that perfectionistic athletes

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endorse, because these contribute to distorted views concerning the meaning of achievement. Some sport research has confirmed that the pattern of dispositional achievement goals that seems to underpin perfectionism reflects a combination of strong ego goals and either moderate or weak task goals (Dunn et al., 2002; Hall, Kerr, & Matthews, 1998). The salience of ego goals is important, because they reflect either approach or avoidance behavior depending on the level of ability perceived by the athlete (Duda & Hall, 2001; Nicholls, 1989). That is, competent people will usually seek to demonstrate comparative ability, whereas those lacking in competence seek to avoid demonstrating comparative inability (Midgeley, Kaplan, & Middleton, 2001). Recent studies that have examined the relationship between perfectionism and contextual goals have found that perfectionism seems to be potentially more debilitating when avoidance goals are endorsed. For example, research by Stoeber and colleagues (Stoeber, Stoll, Pescheck, & Otto, 2008; Stoeber, Stoll, Salmi, & Tiikkaja, 2009) reports that perfectionistic concerns seems to be underpinned by a combination of performance approach goals, performance avoidance goals, and mastery avoidance goals. Further research by Hall, Hill, and Jowett (2010) found that a similar pattern of achievement goals also underpins both SOP and SPP (socially prescribed perfectionism, the pursuit of exceedingly high standards that a person perceives that others whose opinions he or she values expect the person to achieve, in conjunction with an irrational belief that these important people will respond to the person’s efforts with harsh critical appraisal) in athletes. They reported that self-oriented perfectionism in athletes was associated not only with a combination of mastery and performance approach goals but also with both mastery and performance avoidance goals. Further, socially prescribed perfectionism was found to exhibit a similar pattern but was unrelated to mastery approach goals. The findings from variable-centered research are confirmed in group-centered research. For example, Gucciardi, Mahoney, Jalleh, Donovan, and Parkes (2012) recently demonstrated that those high in both personal standards and concern about mistakes endorse a combination of both approach and avoidance goals. What should be noted from all these studies is that the potential for debilitation seems to be present even in those whose behavior is governed by perfectionistic strivings, because the performance approach goals that characterize this form of achievement striving are known to transform into avoidance goals when failure is perceived,

and these goals will encourage people to focus on strategies to protect self-worth. Performance avoidance goals reflect a pattern of motivation that is governed predominantly by fear of failure (Elliot & Dweck, 2005). Evidence from a small number of studies shows that when perfectionism is characterized by both high personal standards and harsh self-critical appraisal, achievement striving appears to be underpinned by fears of failure (Sager & Stoeber, 2009; Gucciardi et al., 2012). As a result it may evoke debilitating imagery concerned with failure and its consequences (Nordin-Bates, Cumming, Aways, & Sharp, 2011). Perfectionism of this type has also been found to elicit motivationally maladaptive attributions when athletes appraise performance. That is, perfectionists demonstrate a tendency to make internal causal attributions for failure (Anshel & Mansouri, 2005) and external attributions for success (Stoeber & Becker, 2008). Although it contributes to irrational thought, perfectionism that incorporates both striving for high standards and harsh self-critical appraisal has also been found to be associated with various negative emotions in athletes. Specifically, it has been found to be positively associated with trait (Frost & Henderson, 1991) and state anxiety (Hall, Kerr, & Matthews, 1998; Koivula, Hassmann, & Fallby, 2002; Stoeber, Otto, Pescheck, Becker, & Stoll 2007, as well as a tendency to perceive that anxiety will have debilitating effects on performance (Martinent & Ferrand, 2007). This itself may be a consequence of lower confidence and a propensity to appraise sporting performance as a threat to self-worth in those who express high evaluative concerns (Crocker, Gaudreau, Mosevich, & Kljajic, 2014). Following perceived poor performance or failure, Gotwals and Spencer-Cavaliere (2014) report that it is common for perfectionistic athletes to feel embarrassed, to be ashamed that they have let others down, and to demonstrate anger and frustration by arguing with others. The expression of anger has been noted by others (Dunn, Gotwals, Causgrove Dunn, & Syrotuik, 2006; Vallance, Dunn, and Causgrove Dunn, 2006), who have found that perfectionism in athletes is associated with a disposition to experience unprovoked anger reactions, the expression of angry feelings that involve frustration, and angry reactions to mistakes. A similar pattern was confirmed by Hall, Hill, Appleton, and Ariano (2009), who also found that socially prescribed perfectionism was associated with anger rumination, revenge planning, and feelings of displaced aggression toward other athletes, demonstrating

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that the irrational thought processes exhibited by perfectionistic athletes have the potential to give rise not only to negative emotions but also perhaps to more sinister behaviors that run counter to traditional sporting values. The tendency for perfectionism to underpin maladaptive cognition and induce negative emotions because of harsh self-critical appraisal suggests that this characteristic may predispose people to cope poorly with adversity. Limited evidence seems to confirm this notion, suggesting that perfectionism is associated with the employment of a number of potentially debilitating strategies. For example, athletes exhibiting evaluative concerns perfectionism and those high in socially prescribed perfectionism were found to endorse avoidant coping in their attempts to manage adversity (Crocker et al., 2014; Hill et al., 2010), whereas behavioral disengagement was employed by athletes whose profile included the pursuit of high standards and harsh critical appraisal (Dunn, Causgrove Dunn, Gamache, & Holt, 2014). Mouratidis and Michou (2011) have suggested that perfectionism may lead to a diminished sense of being able to cope with adversity because it heightens concerns about self-validation and increases perceptions of controlled motivation, thus reducing the ability to use effective (e.g., problem-focused) coping strategies for fear that selfworth could be undermined by their employment. Although the body of sport research on perfectionism from which to draw firm conclusions is limited and may be characterized by methodological inconsistency in both its conceptualization and measurement, evidence is more than sufficient to suggest that when perfectionism reflects both heightened achievement striving and harsh self-critical appraisal, there is little to support the idea that perfectionism has a dual function. When perfectionism reflects all necessary and sufficient components, it energizes striving that may bring about performance effects, but it renders athletes vulnerable because of the way they appraise performance outcomes against rigid and extreme achievement criteria that define self-worth.

Future Research Recommendations Although some may offer a legitimate challenge to these conclusions, it is only by designing further empirical research to test these assertions that our understanding of how perfectionism influences those performing in competitive sport will advance.

To this end, I wish to make two recommendations for future research. The first is that we seek to refine our methodological paradigm to capture the various psychological processes that are grounded in our theoretical understanding of the construct. To date, much of the research concerning perfectionism in sport and physical activity contexts has employed cross-sectional designs. Clearly, however, the field would benefit considerably from the employment of longitudinal research designs because this approach would permit the tracking of emergent psychological processes resulting from either the effects of repeated perceived failure or the experience of ongoing performance difficulties. Hall (2016) has argued that designs of this type would make it possible to test the vulnerability hypothesis and examine any changes in the motivational processes of perfectionistic athletes when appraisals reveal that performance is repeatedly discrepant from ideals. But this research must be conducted in ecologically valid contexts where achievement is not only personally meaningful to the athlete but also relevant to his or her identity. Unlike in contrived contexts where failure appears to result in swift withdrawal of investment (e.g., Hill et al., 2011), perceived failure in meaningful contexts will enable researchers to understand evolving patterns of perfectionistic reactivity because even following prolonged difficulties, people will find it hard to extricate themselves from activities to which they have committed significant personal resources and in which success contributes to self-definition (Hall et al., 1998). Flett and Hewitt (2016) have proposed similar views on what they believe to be the essential direction of future research. They have called for the systematic investigation of perfectionistic reactivity, suggesting that only by examining the cognitive, affective, and behavioral consequences of this response style when athletes are exposed to adverse situations will it become possible to distinguish between those who are perfectionists and those who strive for excellence. In the same way that researchers examining achievement goals have argued that the potentially debilitating effects of endorsing an ego orientation are revealed only under conditions where the demonstration of superior ability is not possible, or where comparative incompetence is exposed, Flett and Hewitt have identified a range of potentially challenging or threatening situations that they consider will either perpetuate or magnify stress responses in perfectionists. They argue that testing the patterns of cognition, affect, and behavior that are evoked

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when faced with adversity in these situations is a priority if knowledge in this area is to advance and provide an empirically based challenge to the notion of perfectionism as a dual process. Although longitudinal survey methodologies will help to advance knowledge, this particular methodological paradigm may not be best suited to understanding the dynamic nature of the appraisal process and its consequences, all of which may be triggered either in anticipation of performance or at any point afterward. Currently, we have no suitable quantitative paradigm that will enable us to capture the details of harsh critical appraisal processes in real time. Researchers should therefore consider employing mixed methodologies that will permit the recording of any debilitative change in outcome measures, alongside the retrospective gathering of information about the self-critical appraisal processes that may occur at any time before or after performance. The second recommendation for future research is that we begin to test the degree to which the potentially debilitating influence of perfectionism may be moderated. Because Flett and Hewitt (2005, 2014, 2016) have argued that perfectionists may be able to develop resilience against the perils of perfectionism, future research must begin to test the degree to which qualities such as high self-efficacy, a task-oriented approach to coping, a low ego orientation, a growth mind-set, a tendency to employ adaptive disengagement following setbacks, and so on may be sufficient to sustain achievement striving in perfectionists and prevent them being guided by irrational thought and dysfunctional attitudes when they encounter recurrent performance difficulties. Researchers also need to begin to examine the influence of different achievement environments on the development of perfectionism, because if perfectionism is predominantly a socially learned characteristic, it may be either strengthened or weakened by interaction with important social agents such as parents (Appleton, Hall, & Hill, 2010, 2011; Gustafsson, Hill, Sterling, & Wagnsson, in press; Sapieja, Dunn, & Holt, 2011), coaches, teachers, and teammates. It might be argued that learning and performing for any length of time in an empowering coaching environment (Appleton & Duda, 2016; Appleton, Ntoumanis, Quested, Viladrich, & Duda , 2016) may encourage the employment of rational appraisal processes that will, over time, reduce the probability that athletes will employ perfectionistic cognitions and other dysfunctional strategies that reinforce the core irrational beliefs and attitudes underpinning dispositional perfec-

tionism. Testing the moderating effects of empowering environments and other sources of resilience that might be facilitated by coaches, teachers, and sport psychologists is clearly warranted, because if successful, such growth-oriented approaches can be delivered within the sporting environment and may reduce the need for more clinically oriented interventions with individual athletes.

Summary This chapter has drawn on a range of conceptual, methodological, and empirical evidence to challenge recent claims that perfectionism exhibits a dual nature in sport. The apparent basis for these claims is a growing sport psychology literature that reports that divergent outcomes are associated with two higher-order dimensions of perfectionism that have been labeled perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic concerns. Note, however, that although each of these superordinate dimensions appears to be designated as a different form of perfectionism (Stoeber & Gaudreau, 2017), each reflects different core-defining features of the personality characteristic, and thus, in isolation, each may be insufficient to reflect a disposition that is defined by both compulsive striving to achieve excessively high standards and harsh self-critical appraisal. It should come as no surprise to find, however, that when perfectionistic strivings is disaggregated from perfectionistic concerns, this particular dimension of perfectionism demonstrates an association with an array of broadly constructive outcomes, because conceptually, it underpins adaptive energizing qualities rather than a maladaptive pattern of achievement related cognition and behavior that will render people vulnerable. Moreover, attempts to establish perfectionistic strivings as distinct from perfectionistic concerns by removing shared variance from dependent variables (DV) makes little conceptual sense if the aim is to understand the effects of the broader construct. The variance that is removed from the DV is associated with harsh self-critical appraisal and, according to Frost and others (Frost et al., 1991), is not only central to the definition of the perfectionism construct but also renders perfectionism distinct from adaptive achievement striving (e.g., a mastery orientation). The fact that it is possible to partial out shared variance statistically does not mean that it is always conceptually or methodologically appropriate to do so, nor does it mean that the results of the analyses employing this strategy will enable us

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to obtain better answers to questions about how perfectionism influences achievement behavior in sport. Consequently, it may not be unreasonable to conclude that research attempting to partial out shared variance does little to enhance our understanding of perfectionism in sport because this research assumes that perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic concerns represent two different forms of perfectionism, and it fails to recognize that the conceptual and empirical overlap between perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic concerns helps define the construct. It is clear from both anecdotal and empirical evidence that when considered in combination, the two higher-order dimensions not only reflect perfectionism more accurately but also provide us with opportunities to examine the complexity of its influence, about which we currently know little. To address this gap in our understanding, future research in sport must begin to examine how perfectionism influences achievement-related cognition, affect, and behavior when athletes are faced with adversity. Testing whether the energizing component of the construct will provide resilience against the inevitable harsh, self-critical appraisal that will result from experiencing adversity will provide much needed insight. In the meantime, it behooves researchers to scrutinize the divergent findings reported in the extant sporting literature and consider whether legitimate alternative explanations should first be investigated before drawing the conclusion that perfectionism exhibits a dual nature.

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Mallinson, S., & Hill, A.P. (2011). The relationship between multidimensional perfectionism and psychological need thwarting in junior sports participants. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 12, 676–684. Martinent, G., & Ferrand, C. (2007). A cluster analysis of precompetitive anxiety: Relationship with perfectionism and trait anxiety. Personality and Individual Differences, 43, 1676–1686. Midgley, C., Kaplan, A., & Middleton, M. (2001). Performance-approach goals: Good for what, for whom, under what circumstances, and at what cost? Journal of Educational Psychology, 93, 77–86. Mouratidis, A., & Michou, A. (2011). Perfectionism, self-determined motivation and coping among adolescent athletes. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 12, 355–367. Nicholls, J.G. (1989). The competitive ethos and democratic education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Nixdorf, I., Frank, R., & Beckmann, J. (2016). Comparison of athletes’ proneness to depressive symptoms in individual and team sports: Research on psychological mediators in junior elite athletes. Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 893. Nixdorf, I., Frank, R., Hautzinger, M., & Beckmann, J. (2013). Prevalence of depressive symptoms in and correlating variables among German elite athletes. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 7, 313–326. Nordin-Bates, S.M., Cumming, J., Aways, D., & Sharp, L. (2011). Imagining yourself dancing to perfection? Correlates of perfectionism among ballet and contemporary dancers. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 5 58–76. Pacht, A.J. (1984). Reflections on perfection. American Psychologist, 39, 386–390. Parker, W.D. (1997). An empirical typology of perfectionism in academically talented children. American Educational Research Journal, 34, 545–562. Pendleton, V. (2012). Between the lines: My autobiography. London, UK: Harpersport.

Smith, E., Hill, A.P., & Hall, H.K. (2016). The relationship between perfectionism, depressive symptoms and burnout in academy footballers. Paper presented at the 3rd Perfectionism Network Meeting, University of Kent, England. Stoeber, J. (2011). The dual nature of perfectionism in sports: Relations with emotion, motivation and performance. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 4, 128–145. Stoeber, J. (2012). Perfectionism and performance. In S. Murphy (Ed.), Oxford handbook of sport and performance psychology (pp. 294–306). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Stoeber, J., & Becker, C. (2008). Perfectionism, achievement motives, and attribution of success and failure in female soccer players. International Journal of Psychology, 43, 980–987. Stoeber, J., & Gaudreau, P. (2017). The advantages of partialling perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic concerns: Critical issues and recommendations. Personality and Individual Differences, 104, 379–386. Stoeber, J., & Madigan, D.J. (2016). Measuring perfectionism in sport, dance and exercise: review, critique and recommendations. In A.P. Hill (Ed.), The psychology of perfectionism in sport, dance and exercise (pp. 31–56). London, UK: Routledge. Stoeber, J., & Otto, K. (2006). Positive conceptions of perfectionism: Approaches, evidence and challenges. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 10, 295–319. Stoeber, J., Otto, K., Pesheck, E., Becker, C., & Stoll, O. (2007). Perfectionism and competitive anxiety in athletes: Differentiating striving for perfection and negative reactions to imperfection. Personality and Individual Differences, 42, 959–969. Stoeber, J., Stoll, O., Pesheck, E., & Otto, K. (2008). Perfectionism and goal orientations in athletes: Relations with approach and avoidance orientations in mastery

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Stoll, O., Lau, A., & Stoeber, J. (2008). Perfectionism and performance in a new basketball training task: Does striving for perfection enhance or undermine performance? Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 9, 620–629. Vallance, J.K.H., Dunn, J.G.H., & Causgrove Dunn, J.L. (2006). Perfectionism, anger, and situation criticality in competitive youth ice hockey. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 28, 383–406. Wilkinson, J. (2008). Tackling life. London, UK: Headline.

PART

III Socioenvironmental Factors The three chapters presented in part II of this text identified and discussed the relationships between selected individual-difference factors and the behavior and psychosocial reactions of individuals in sport, exercise, and other physical activity contexts. The collective research and theory reviewed in those chapters demonstrate the importance of psychological characteristics of individual participants. But it is also apparent that behaviors and reactions cannot be completely understood without an accompanying analysis of the context within which the person lives and within which the physical activity behavior occurs. Thus, accounting for socioenvironmental and sociocultural influences will allow more accurate and complete interpretation of individuals’ physical activity behaviors. Physical activity involvement across the lifespan takes place within various social contexts. Thus, influential social agents within these contexts affect the psychological outcomes of physical activity participation. Such social agents include teammates, peers, siblings, coaches, exercise leaders, group leaders, and parents. The chapters in part III highlight the roles that these significant others play and present a socioenvironmental perspective on the behavior of people in sport and physical activity contexts.

Part III begins with chapter 7, in which Nicholas Holt and his coauthors review current research and theory on the influence of the family on the active free play of children and on their involvement in youth sport activities. The chapter authors begin by documenting the decline in active unstructured free play that has occurred, particularly in some parts of the world. In contrast, the popularity of youth sport activities has only shown slight declines over the past generation. To explore the reasons for these historical and contemporary trends, Holt and his coauthors offer an overview of some foundational theories that have been used to study parenting in relation to children’s and adolescents’ physical activity and sport participation. They explore research regarding family influences on active free play and youth sport, including an examination of the limited research addressing siblings in the family context. Similar to other chapters in this text, the authors end by identifying some key gaps in the knowledge base and making recommendations for future research work. In chapter 8, Alan Smith, Kathleen Mellano, and Sarah Ullrich-French examine the role that peers play in psychological experiences within physical activity settings. They address the unique position of this type of social agent in physical activity

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settings by first looking at how peers are conceptualized by researchers and discussing levels of analysis (individual, interaction, relationship, group) for studying peer influence. Smith and his coauthors present theoretical perspectives that have guided peer research and then proceed to summarize empirical work on peer relationships in sport, relation-inferred self-efficacy, peer motivational climate, and peers and physical activity behavior. They share key knowledge gaps and the associated future research directions that could meaningfully advance knowledge and practice in this emerging area of work within sport and exercise psychology. Specifically, they encourage researchers to integrate peers with other social agents in their examinations of psychological experiences of physical activity participants. They encourage the integration of knowledge on peer and group dynamics and the development of peer-based physical activity intervention strategies, among other suggestions. In addressing these research directions, the authors believe that there is an opportunity to inform the promotion of positive social relationships and adaptive physical activity outcomes. In chapter 9, Mark Beauchamp, Ben Jackson, and Todd Loughead focus on a specific aspect of the physical activity group environment—the behavior of group leaders (e.g., coaches, peer leaders, exercise leaders, physical education teachers). In offering this focused view of leaders, the authors cover some of the influential conceptual frameworks that have been used to examine leadership within sport, exercise, and other physical activity settings. Given the proliferation of theories in this area (and the adaptation of theories from other disciplines), Beauchamp and his coauthors present a much-needed identification of commonalities and discrepancies across frameworks. This enables understanding of the antecedents of leader behaviors, the mediating psychological mechanisms that explain how leader behavior has the capacity or potential to affect followers, and the moderators that explain when, how, and why certain leader behaviors are more or less effective. Along the way, the authors introduce some newer terms into the literature on effective

leadership, yielding an especially current discussion and analysis. They end the chapter by noting gaps in what we know and providing the reader with ideas for future leadership research. Finally, in chapter 10, Mark Eys and Blair Evans explore the actions, processes, and changes that occur with groups as they are formed and as they function across a range of physical activity contexts. As these authors note, the importance or impact of the group was initially examined in the sport psychology research literature as primarily occurring within formal team sport contexts in which interindividual member cooperation was important to successful performance (e.g., volleyball, soccer, hockey). However, current views of group dynamics suggest that the group is also important in informal contexts (e.g., fitness classes, running groups) as well as in individual sport settings (e.g., tennis, track). Eys and Evans follow this discussion with an overview of key theoretical frameworks used to explain group dynamics. They then examine the research literature conducted on some critical components of group dynamics: home advantage, member roles, norms, group cohesion, and group processes. As Eys and Evans note at the end of their chapter, “Much has been learned over the past several decades about group dynamics in sport, exercise, and physical activity contexts. Clearly, however, the need to build on this foundation continues.” To that end, the authors conclude their chapter by highlighting key knowledge limitations and offering recommendations for future research. As was noted in the preface, the research focus in the early years of the field of sport psychology was primarily on the relationship between individual-difference variables and sport performance and behavior. Sport and exercise psychology researchers quickly recognized, however, the value of incorporating socioenvironmental factors into their work. As the research cited in this part of the book shows, this more inclusive focus has advanced understanding of individuals’ behaviors and psychosocial responses in the broader physical activity context, particularly when such social factors are examined in combination with individual-difference variables.

7 Family Influences on Active Free Play and Youth Sport Nicholas L. Holt, PhD  Shannon Pynn, BPE  Kurtis Pankow, BSc    Kacey C. Neely, PhD  Valerie Carson, PhD  Meghan Ingstrup, MA

Abstract The purpose of this chapter is to examine family influences on children’s and adolescents’ engagement in physical activity. We primarily focus on parental influence on active free play (AFP) and youth sport participation. After defining key terms (e.g., childhood, adolescence, physical activity, AFP, sport), several foundational theories that depict parental influence on children’s motivation and affective outcomes are briefly reviewed. We then focus on the current state of research evidence with regard to family influences on AFP and youth sport. This review includes research on physical activity in the early years (from birth to approximately 4 years old) and key issues associated with the decline of AFP during childhood. We discuss the role of parents, the good parenting ideal, and the role of grandparents in relation to children’s AFP. Next, we focus on research examining parents’ influence on youth sport participation, also commenting on the role of siblings. Finally, we turn to critical future directions for advancing the knowledge base in this area, including targeting parents as agents of change, creating studies that examine parenting styles and strategies over time, and intervening to promote AFP and overall physical activity.

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ndisputable evidence shows that regular physical activity has physical, mental, social, and emotional benefits for children and adolescents (Biddle & Asare, 2011). The more physical activity that occurs, the greater the health benefits are (Janssen & LeBlanc, 2010). On the other hand, low levels of physical activity are associated with a range of health problems (Tremblay et al., 2011). A decline in physical activity from childhood to adulthood is also a predictor of adult obesity (Dwyer et al., 2009), and almost 80% of obese children become obese adults (Whitaker, Wright, Pepe, Seidel, & Dietz, 1997). Therefore, engaging children and adolescents in various forms of physical activity is critical. Most children and adolescents from many so-called WEIRD (Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic) countries do not engage in sufficient levels of physical activity (e.g., Kalman et al., 2015). For example, in Canada, only 4% of girls and 9% of boys meet Canadian physical activity guidelines (i.e., to accumulate 1 hr of daily moderate to vigorous physical activity; Colley et al., 2011). Yet, despite low levels of overall physical activity, it has been estimated that between 60% and 76% of Canadian youth aged 3 to 19 years regularly participate in youth sport (Canadian Fitness and Lifestyle Research Institute, 2015). Although participation in youth sport has declined slightly over the past generation in many countries, it remains popular (see Holt & Knight, 2014, for a review). These trends highlight two important and related issues. First, it is important to gain better understandings of how to promote unstructured physical activity (e.g., active free play; AFP) among children. Second, it is necessary to study ways in which children’s and adolescents’ involvement in structured physical activity (e.g., youth sport) can be enhanced. The overall purpose of this chapter is to examine family influences on children’s and adolescents’ engagement in physical activity. We examine these issues with a particular focus on the influence of parents on AFP and youth sport participation. In the first section we define some key terms. Then we briefly review foundational and historically important theories that have been used to study parenting. We then go on to summarize the current state of knowledge in terms of research examining AFP and youth sport, respectively. Finally, we consider critical issues for future research.

Definitions of Key Terms In this chapter we use the term youth to refer generally to children and adolescents. More specifically,

we define childhood as the first decade of life and adolescence as the second decade of life (Steinberg, 2013). As necessary, we make further distinctions between different stages of childhood and adolescence (e.g., the early years of childhood is defined as the period from birth to approximately 4 years old). We use physical activity as an umbrella term that refers to any bodily movement produced by the skeletal muscles that requires energy expenditure (Caspersen, Powell, & Christenson, 1985). One form of physical activity is AFP, which is a specific type of physically active play defined as spontaneous and voluntary activities that take place outdoors with minimal or no adult control (Lee et al., 2015; Pellegrini & Smith, 1998). Examples of AFP include running, climbing, chasing, and informal games (but not organized sport). AFP may also include active transportation, such as walking or cycling to play areas (Carver, Timperio, & Crawford, 2008). We define sport as a regulated form of organized physical activity that involves a contest between two or more participants for the purpose of determining a winner by fair and ethical means (Sport Canada, 2009). Such contests may be in the form of a game, match, race, or other competitive event. Sport requires neuromuscular skills, a degree of difficulty, risk, and effort. Although youth sport occurs at various levels (e.g., recreation, club or representative, elite), by our definition youth sport must include an element of competition. The competitive nature of sport implies the need for coaches (usually adults).

Foundational Theories  and Models The role of parents in socializing their children is a key feature of several historically important theories that have been used in sport and exercise psychology. Here, we briefly discuss some of these theories (see Weiss & Ferrer-Caja, 2002, for a more complete review). These theories have most frequently been used in the study of achievement settings—including youth sport—but several may also provide a useful basis for understanding parental influence on physical activity in general and AFP specifically.

Expectancy-Value Theory Eccles and colleagues’ (Eccles [Parsons] et al., 1983; Eccles & Harold, 1991) expectancy-value theory was originally introduced as a theory of parental influence on gender socialization. Eccles and her colleagues proposed that children’s behavioral choices

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are based on their expectations for success in a given task and the importance or value they place on the task. The value that children attribute to a task is thought to depend on their interest in or enjoyment of an activity, the perceived importance of being good at an activity, the perceived usefulness of an activity to achieve short- or long-term goals, and the perceived cost of involvement in an activity. As key socializing agents in childhood, parents play a critical role in influencing the development of children’s task values, expectations for success, and behaviors or activities (Wigfield & Eccles, 1992).

Competence Motivation Theory Harter’s (1978) competence motivation theory includes antecedents and correlates of children’s motivation. More specifically, social agents’ feedback, experiences, and perceived control over the outcome are proposed to influence children’s perceptions of competence. These perceptions of competence are, in turn, proposed to influence children’s affective outcomes and motivation to persist at an activity (Harter, 1992). Parents who are positive role models and provide positive reinforcement and feedback following successful mastery attempts enhance children’s perceptions of competence and motivation (Babkes & Weiss, 1999). On the other hand, if children perceive disapproval from their parents following mastery attempts, their perceptions of competence, motivation, and positive affect may decline (see also chapter 17 in this volume for more detail on this theory and its developmental applications).

Achievement Motivation Theory In Nicholls’ (1984) achievement motivation theory, individuals’ goals (to demonstrate competence or avoid demonstrating low ability in achievement domains) are predicted to influence behaviors. Competence may be perceived in relation to individuals’ own task mastery (i.e., self-referenced perceptions of competence) or normative reference standards (i.e., other-referenced perceptions of competence). People who seek to demonstrate competence in relation to others can be labeled as ego involved, whereas people who seek to demonstrate competence in relation to their own task mastery can be labelled as task involved. Ames (1992) further asserted that individuals’ perceptions of the motivational climate were important for predicting psychological and behavioral responses. Researchers generally define two types of motivational

climate. A mastery climate reflects task goals, and a performance climate reflects ego goals (Blumenfeld, 1992; Harwood, Keegan, Smith, & Raine, 2015). Parents who provide support in relation to their children’s effort demonstrate a mastery climate and are likely to encourage their children to be task involved (Harwood, Spray, & Keegan, 2008). Additionally, parents who themselves are task involved tend to have children who are task involved, whereas parents who are ego involved are likely to have children who are ego involved (Biddle, Wang, Kavussanu, & Spray, 2003).

Parenting Styles Typology Baumrind’s (1978, 1989) work on parenting styles has been particularly influential in the developmental psychology literature. She originally proposed a threefold typology of parenting styles. Authoritarian parents try to shape and control their children’s behavior through placing high maturity demands (e.g., expectations for achievement) on their children and not tolerating inappropriate behavior. Permissive parents are warm and ready to allow children independence. They make few maturity demands on their children, tolerate inappropriate behavior, and rarely engage in the use of punishment. Authoritative parents attempt to guide; they may place high maturity demands on their children and foster maturity demands through “induction” (i.e., discussing and explaining their rationale). They provide clear rules and boundaries when necessary but also encourage their children to be independent within these rules and boundaries. Compared with permissive styles, the authoritative parenting style has been associated with positive child-level outcomes in achievement settings, including increased school engagement, grade point averages, perceptions of competence, and intrinsic motivation at school (Pomerantz, Grolnick, & Price, 2005; Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, & Darling, 1992). Durkin (1995) suggested three reasons why authoritative parenting styles are associated with positive outcomes. First, authoritative parents provide a high level of emotional security. Second, authoritative parents provide children with explanations for their actions. Third, authoritative parents have bidirectional communication with their children. Note that Baumrind’s (1978, 1989) approach to parenting styles has been criticized by researchers since its introduction. For example, Lewis (1981) noted that these types of parenting are primarily distinguished on dimensions of parental authority and control, and it is not clear why strong external

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control would lead children to internalize parents’ values. Furthermore, as with any typology, substantial overlap may be present between different parenting styles (e.g., a parent placed in one style may use some of the features associated with another style). Therefore, putting parents in a particular typology of parenting style may represent a best fit rather than an absolute distinction between styles (Holt & Knight, 2014). Additionally, in two-parent households, the parents may not adopt the same parenting style, highlighting a methodological challenge for researchers in distinguishing the influence of mixed parenting styles (Holt, Tamminen, Black, Mandigo, & Fox, 2009).

Integrative Contextual Model of Parenting Darling and Steinberg’s (1993) integrative contextual model of parenting is useful for understanding more about parents’ influence on child development. This model includes parenting styles and strategies but moves beyond previous classification work by placing parenting within a more complete integrative model. Darling and Steinberg proposed that parents’ goals and values toward socializing their children are critical determinants of parenting behavior. These socialization goals and values include parents’ expectations for their children to acquire specific skills and behaviors (e.g., manners, social skills) and more global qualities (e.g., curiosity, critical thinking, independence). Parents convey their socialization goals through parenting styles and parenting practices (Darling & Steinberg, 1993). Parenting styles are general approaches to parenting that are conveyed through more specific parenting practices. Parenting styles are broad and pervasive across a range of situations, whereas parenting practices are more context specific. Hence, parenting practices have a direct effect on children’s development and behaviors and are the mechanisms by which parents help their children attain the parents’ socialization goals. Parenting styles, on the other hand, have an indirect effect on children’s development and behaviors. More specifically, parenting styles alter the parents’ capacity to socialize their children by changing the effectiveness of parenting practices.

Ecological Model of Active Free Play Lee et al. (2015) recently put forward an ecological model of factors that influence children’s AFP based on a meta-synthesis of 46 qualitative studies.

Drawing on Bronfenbrenner’s (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998) ecological systems theory, the Lee et al. model considers factors that influence children’s AFP ranging from more proximal to more distal factors. They also proposed a series of reciprocal relationships between factors at different levels of social ecology. Children are located at the center of the model, and their personal characteristics (e.g., age, competence, gender) moderate their opportunities to engage in AFP. The next (most proximal) ecological influence is parents, who set limits on the extent to which children can engage in AFP. The parent level is influenced by neighborhood-level factors (e.g., such as the absence of children to play with in a neighborhood). According to Lee et al. (2015), parent and neighborhood level factors are influenced by broader societal changes. For instance, parents’ supervision activities are influenced by what is considered good or bad parenting in modern society. The perception that it is socially unacceptable for parents to allow children to roam free limits children’s engagement in outdoor play to when their parents are available to supervise. Further, a reduced sense of community in today’s society, such as not knowing the neighbors and having available fewer organized community events, influences how parents view the safety of their neighborhood, thus influencing how often they let their children play outdoors. Hence, parents are influenced by factors at various levels of social ecology. Simultaneously, parents’ actions influence these factors reciprocally. For instance, if parents restrict their children’s freedom to spend time outdoors, fewer children are present to play within a neighborhood, further restricting parents’ willingness to let their children go out and play. Such social traps (Carver et al., 2008) reduce the number of people outdoors and presumably reduce a sense of community and social cohesion in neighborhoods. This model highlights, therefore, the need to consider the reciprocal nature of factors at multiple levels of social ecology to generate further understandings of children’s AFP.

Family Influence on Active Free Play Active free play is a major contributor to children’s overall health and development. For instance, time spent playing outdoors is associated with increased physical activity (Burdette, Whitaker, & Daniels, 2004) and reduced obesity (Cleland et al., 2008). Exposure to natural outdoor environments is asso-

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ciated with reduced experience of symptoms and impairments tied to cardiovascular, respiratory, neurological, and digestive diseases (e.g., Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005; Taylor & Kuo, 2009; Wells & Evans, 2003) and reduced depression and anxiety (Maas et al., 2009). Further, AFP is important for healthy cognitive and social development because it provides children with opportunities to learn how to work in groups, share, negotiate, resolve conflicts, and develop self-advocacy skills (Ginsburg, 2007). Despite these well-documented benefits, a significant decline in children’s involvement in AFP has occurred. The shift toward inactive indoor lifestyles contributes to chronic conditions such as obesity, asthma, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and vitamin D deficiency. All these conditions have increased in North America in the past few decades (Mithal et al., 2009; Perrin, Bloom, & Gortmaker, 2007). The decline of AFP is a trend across numerous countries (Carver et al., 2008; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997; Wen, Kite, Merom, & Rissel, 2009; Witten, Kearns, Carroll, Asiasiga, & Tava’e, 2013). For instance, Sturm (2005) documented that between 1981 and 1997 in the United States, the amount of time spent in AFP decreased by 138 min per week among children 3 to 12 years old. Sixty percent of parents of English children aged 8 to 11 years old recalled that they played outdoors more often than their children did (Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). A study of 830 mothers of children 2 to 12 years of age from the United States showed that 85% thought that, compared with their own childhood, their children spent less time playing outdoors and more time engaged in indoor activities, such as watching television and playing computer games (Clements, 2004). Further, data from an international study showed that mothers from 16 countries thought a reduction in AFP was “eroding childhood” (Singer, Singer, D’Agostino, & DeLong, 2009).

Physical Activity in Early Childhood Researchers have started paying more attention to understanding physical activity in the earliest years of a child’s life (from birth to 4 years old). Physical activity during the early years is important for healthy growth and development (Timmons et al., 2012). Levels of physical activity during the early years also predict physical activity in adulthood (Jones, Hinkley, Okely, & Salmon, 2013). Physical activity guidelines for the early years have been presented in several countries, including the United States (National Association for Sport and Physical

Education, 2009), the United Kingdom (Start Active Stay Active, 2011), Australia (Department of Health and Ageing [DHA], 2011), and Canada (Tremblay et al., 2012). Three of the four guidelines recommended at least 180 minutes of physical activity per day of any intensity for toddlers (1 to 2 years old) and preschoolers (3 to 4 years old; DHA, 2011; Start Active Stay Active, 2011; Tremblay et al., 2012). The major difference between physical activity guidelines for the early years (compared with those for childhood and adolescence) is the intensity of physical activity. That is, physical activity in the early years is not specified as needing to be moderate to vigorous. A recent survey from Canada showed that 70% of 3- to 4-year-olds participated in at least 180 min of physical activity of any intensity daily (ParticipACTION, 2015). Note, however, that (even when objective measures of physical activity are used) prevalence estimates vary widely depending on the methods (e.g., cut points) used to assess physical activity (Hnatiuk, Salmon, Hinkley, Okely, & Trost, 2014). Hence, knowledge of physical activity levels during the early years is far from complete. Parents play an important role in physical activity promotion during the early years given that very young children are highly dependent on their parents (Vaughn, Hales, & Ward, 2013). The behaviors of modeling and support have been the most commonly assessed parental correlates of physical activity in the early years (Xu, Wen, & Rissel, 2015). Parental modeling encompasses the process of children learning by observing and imitating their parents (Bandura, 1986). Parental modeling, however, is typically assessed only with a crude measure of parental physical activity (Yao & Rhodes, 2015). Parental support includes several dimensions that can be classified as tangible (e.g., watching, coactivity, transportation) and intangible (e.g., providing physical activity advice and encouragement; Beets, Cardinal, & Alderman, 2010). Consistent associations between higher parental modeling, higher parental support, and higher physical activity in children during the early years have been observed, and the largest effect sizes are reported for parental support (Yao & Rhodes, 2015).

The Good Parenting Ideal and Active Free Play As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic

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safety and “stranger danger” concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms. The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that “good parents” perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults’ areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children’s areas. We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date. Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than

are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child’s gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents’ gender and children’s gender) shape parents’ influences on AFP. Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children’s engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation. In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting: • “Helicopter parents” who try to solve all of their children’s problems and protect them from all dangers • “Little emperor” parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave • “Tiger moms” who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children • Parents who practice “concerted cultivation” by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities. Results of Janssen’s (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States. Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and

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Practical Applications for Promoting Active Free Play Parents’ safety concerns limit their willingness to let their children spend time outdoors and therefore contribute to the overall low levels of AFP that children engage in. To help alleviate some of these concerns and promote AFP, parents should • encourage their children to spend more time outdoors, • encourage social connectivity in neighborhoods (e.g., neighbors knowing each other) and have children play in groups, • take time to get to know the neighborhood and identify potential places for children to play, and • establish rules and boundaries with their children to create safe play areas.

hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children’s AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.

Family Influence on Youth Sport Participation Children begin to participate in organized sport earlier than they did in the past (Coakley, 2011). One survey showed that 84% of Canadian children aged 5 to 10 years old participated in organized sport at least once a week (Canadian Fitness and Lifestyle Research Institute, 2011). Another survey from Australia showed that participation in organized sport and dance among 5- to 8-year-olds increased from 57% in 2000 to 65% in 2009 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2009). Increased youth sport participation comes with demands on parents. Parents invest substantial amounts of time, money, and energy to support their children’s sport participation. They pay registration fees, take time off work to transport children to practices and games, and, in many cases, coach, manage, or referee (Kirk et al., 1997). In this sense parents can be viewed as the purchasers of youth sport experiences for their children (Green & Chalip, 1998). As a result, youth sport programs must not only cater to the needs of children and adolescents but also satisfy parents’ expectations for the experiences being purchased.

Parental Influence A large body of research shows that parents influence their children’s sport participation in both positive and negative ways. Parental support,

including providing praise and encouragement, has been associated with increased enjoyment among children who play sport (e.g., Fraser-Thomas & Côté, 2009; Leff & Hoyle, 1995; McCarthy, Jones, & Clark-Carter, 2008). Perceptions of positive parental attitudes toward sport participation and performances also contribute to the development of children’s perceived competence, self-confidence, and intrinsic motivation to play and continue in sport (Babkes & Weiss, 1999; Ullrich-French & Smith, 2006; Wuerth, Lee, & Alfermann, 2004). Parents can also help their children develop skills to cope with the demands of youth sport (Tamminen & Holt, 2012), and they play important roles in helping their offspring achieve sporting success, specifically by providing emotional and tangible support (Côté, 1999; Wolfenden & Holt, 2005). On the other hand, excessive parental pressure and expectations have been associated with a range of negative outcomes, including elevated precompetitive anxiety, reduced self-esteem, and reduced self-confidence (Collins & Barber, 2005; Gould, Tuffey, Udry, & Loehr, 1996; Leff & Hoyle, 1995; Reeves, Nicholls, & McKenna, 2009). In addition, excessive parental pressure and expectations have also been associated with children’s burning out or dropping out of sport (Butcher, Linder, & Johns, 2002; Gould et al., 1996). Finally, parental interference with coaching can negatively influence children’s long-term sporting development (Knight & Harwood, 2009). The motives underpinning parents’ behaviors in youth sport are not well understood. Research has shown, however, that a range of contextual factors, such as children’s performances and parents’ social interactions, influence parents’ experiences and behaviors in youth sport (Dorsch, Smith, & McDonough, 2015; Holt, Tamminen, Black, Sehn, & Wall, 2008). In a recent survey of 773 U.S. parents, 93.8% reported that they had become angry at a

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sport event, most frequently because they perceived that someone (coaches, other parents, or athletes) acted in an unfair, unjust, or uncaring manner toward their child (Omli & LaVoi, 2012). In another U.S. study, parents with a high control orientation (a desire to control and be directive regarding behaviors) reported enhanced ego defensiveness, anger, and displays of aggression at youth sport competitions (Goldstein & Iso-Ahola, 2008). Studies in youth sport have also demonstrated that being a sport parent can be stressful. Stressors arise from concerns over game outcomes, time and financial demands, coaches, and balancing children’s schooling with sport (Harwood, Drew, & Knight, 2010; Harwood & Knight, 2009b). The types of stressors experienced by parents change as their children progress through sport (Harwood & Knight, 2009a) and the ways in which parents appraise and cope with stressors may have implications for parenting styles and practices. For instance, research shows that parents who report high levels of general life stress engage in more punitive and controlling actions toward their children than parents who report less general life stress (Bonds, Gondoli, Sturge-Apple, & Salem, 2002; Crnic & Low, 2002; Deater-Deckard, 1998).

Sibling Influence Within the family unit, siblings can also influence children’s and adolescents’ engagement in youth sport. Although a vast amount of research has not been done in this area, and current findings are

by no means conclusive, some interesting results have been reported. For example, compared with older siblings (e.g., firstborns), younger siblings may be more likely to play “dangerous” sports (e.g., football, ice hockey, rugby, boxing, bobsleigh; Sulloway & Zweigenhaft, 2010) and reach more elite levels of sport (Hopwood, Farrow, MacMahon, & Baker, 2015). Older siblings may have a positive influence through acting as work ethic role models in and outside sport (Côté, 1999). For example, older siblings can be competitors within the family unit, which may motivate athletes to beat their sibling counterpart and perform well in the presence of family and friends (Davis & Meyer, 2008). But sibling influence is complex and may not always be supportive (Blazo, Czech, Carson, & Dees, 2014). In a study with Olympic champions, siblings were found to influence development by teasing, through sibling rivalry, and by providing critiques of performance. Yet, in this study, siblings also helped to instill positive and healthy values and attitudes (Gould, Dieffenbach, & Moffet, 2002). Additionally, Blazo et al. (2014) found that although siblings influenced sport participation, the sibling relationship could also be influenced by sport. The common interest and prolonged time spent together in sport may allow the sibling relationship to continue as the siblings grow older and possibly increase in strength. Given siblings’ potential influence on socialization and development, sibling influence on youth sport participation (as well as AFP) warrants further investigation.

Practical Applications for Optimal Parenting in Youth Sport Optimal parental involvement is a process that is unique to each child and occurs over an extended time. Achieving optimal involvement is largely based on parents working to understand and enhance their child’s sport journey. In practical settings, coaches and sport psychologists can encourage parents to do the following: • Share and communicate their goals for sport participation. The absence of shared goals may create problems (e.g., if a child wants to play sport just for fun while parents hope that their child will become good enough to earn a college scholarship). Parents and children need to discuss their goals for sport participation regularly, because these goals may change over time. • Create an understanding emotional climate. Parents can create an understanding environment by maintaining a strong parent-coach relationship, engaging in independent learning about their child’s sport, keeping sport in perspective, and focusing on the multiple benefits of sport participation. • Engage in enhancing parenting practices. Parents should communicate with their child regarding their needs, understand their child’s perceptions of parental behaviors, read and react to situations, foster independence, hold their child accountable for behavior, and enjoy the experience of being at competitions. Knight & Holt, 2014.

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Theoretically Driven Research Examining Parental Influence in Youth Sport The foundational theories discussed earlier have been used extensively to study parenting in youth sport. For example, in applying and extending the expectancy-value theory to youth sport, Fredricks and Eccles (2004) suggested that parents fulfill three crucial roles: provider, interpreter, and role model. Parents provide youth sport experiences by transporting their children to practices and matches, paying registration fees, and supporting their children at competitions. Parents interpret their children’s sporting involvement by communicating beliefs and values about performance and success. As role models, parents influence children’s attitudes and involvement in sport by, for example, displaying positive attitudes toward winning and losing. Note that this theory does not specify or predict the nature of parents’ involvement in youth sport (Holt et al., 2008). In fact, Fredricks and Eccles (2004) themselves noted that “much more attention needs to focus on unpacking the constructs of parental involvement, encouragement, and support in the athletic context” (p. 157). Using Harter’s (1978) competence motivation theory, Babkes and Weiss (1999) found that children who reported high perceptions of their own competence, sport enjoyment, and intrinsic motivation had parents who were positive role models of sport behavior, gave positive feedback following performances, and had positive beliefs about their children’s competence in sport. Nicholls’ (1984) achievement goal and Ames’ (1992) motivational climate theories have been widely used in the youth sport literature. For instance, research shows that parents who provide positive feedback when their children win and negative feedback when they lose may promote ego involvement. Alternatively, parents who provide support in relation to their children’s effort, as opposed to performance outcomes, are likely to encourage their children to be task involved (see Harwood et al., 2015; Harwood et al, 2008). Only a handful of studies have examined Baumrind’s (1978, 1989) parenting styles in youth sport. To date, authoritative styles have been associated with positive outcomes. In a cross-sectional Finnish study, Juntumaa, Keskivaara, and Punamäki (2005) showed that authoritative parenting was associated with high levels of task- or mastery-ori-

ented behavior and low levels of norm-breaking behavior among 14- to 16-year-old hockey players. In another cross-sectional study, Sapieja, Dunn, and Holt (2011) found that, among early adolescent soccer players from Canada, healthy perfectionists reported significantly higher perceptions of maternal and paternal authoritativeness than unhealthy perfectionists and nonperfectionists. In a qualitative study, Holt, Tamminen, Black, Mandigo, and Fox (2009) found that Canadian parents who supported their children’s autonomy were able to read their children’s mood and had open bidirectional communication with them in soccer. Darling and Steinberg’s (1993) model provided the basis for a grounded theory of optimal parenting involvement in youth tennis (Holt & Knight, 2014; see the sidebar Optimal Parenting in Youth Sport). The grounded theory was built around the core category of “understanding and enhancing your child’s tennis journey.” This core category was further underpinned by three subcategories. The first subcategory was parents and children having shared goals for their children’s involvement in tennis. The second subcategory was an understanding emotional climate, which accounted for the need for parents to seek to foster an environment in which children perceived that parents understand their experience. The final subcategory was enhanced parenting practices at competitions, which referred to specific behaviors that parents should display in relation to tennis competitions.

Future Research Recommendations Key gaps and critical future directions for advancing the knowledge base in the role of family influences on active free play and youth sport include targeting parents as agents of change, creating studies that examine parenting styles and strategies over time, studying physical activity in younger age groups, and directing interventions to promote AFP and overall physical activity.

Parents as Agents of Change A critical need is to understand ways in which children’s and adolescents’ involvement in AFP and youth sport can be promoted and enhanced. One means to this end is to draw from other fields of research. An interesting development in the pediatric weight management literature has been the creation of parent-based interventions, referred to

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as “parents as agents of change” (PAC) approaches (e.g., Ball et al., 2012). Clinical trials have demonstrated the value of PAC interventions in facilitating weight management and lifestyle changes in children and parents (e.g., Boutelle, Cafri, & Crow, 2011; Epstein, Paluch, Roemmich, & Beecher, 2007). Such PAC interventions may provide guidance for creating novel studies to examine parental influences on AFP and youth sport. But an important goal is to understand parent–child relationships and who takes primary responsibility for lifestyle changes to provide insights into how best to target and engage families (Faith et al., 2012). In a recent study, we examined ways in which parents and children made lifestyle changes during a PAC intervention (Holt et al., 2015). Based on interviews with members of 10 families pre-, during, and postintervention, three approaches to making change were identified. In some families, parents primarily assumed responsibility for making lifestyle changes. In other families, children were primarily responsible. Finally, in some families, parents and children shared responsibility for lifestyle changes. These results suggest that consistency between the general parenting style at home (reflected by who took responsibility for lifestyle change) and specific parenting strategies used to effect change is important.

Understanding Parenting Styles and Practices As the findings from the PAC qualitative study (Holt et al., 2015) indicated and as models of parenting predict, parents convey their socialization goals through parenting styles and parenting practices (Darling & Steinberg, 1993). Recall that parenting styles are broad and pervasive across a range of situations, whereas parenting practices are more context specific. A gap in the existing literature is that it is unclear how parenting styles and practices change over the life course. The same criticism can be applied to the study of parenting styles and practices in relation to AFP and youth sport. In particular, little is known about how different types of parenting styles and practices influence child outcomes in sport at different stages of development (Holt & Knight, 2014). In the future, we would like to see more studies that include measures of parenting styles and parenting practices in relation to AFP and youth sport over time. Such research will help to create a platform for the delivery of PAC-style interventions tailored to the types of relationships

that exist between parents and their children at different stages of the life course (or, in the context of sport, at different stages of a sporting career). Another need is for greater understanding of variations in parenting styles and practices over time with regard to gender and ethnicity. For example, one cross-sectional Swiss study showed that perceived parenting styles differed by gender among youth sport participants; females report significantly higher perceptions of positive parenting styles than males do (Brand et al., 2011). Other studies (in nonsport contexts) show that the relationship between authoritative parenting and positive outcomes is not consistent across families from different ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds (Blair & Qian, 1998; Jackson, Henriksen, & Foshee, 1998). Studies in AFP and youth sport examining how parenting styles vary by gender, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status over time will make important contributions to the literature.

Physical Activity in the Early Years Limited research has looked at parental rules, parental perceptions, parenting styles, and parental self-efficacy to support or model physical activity during the early years of life (Xu et al., 2015). Furthermore, most physical activity research on the early years has focused on preschool children, and limited available evidence exists on parental correlates of infants’ and toddlers’ physical activity (Hnatiuk, Salmon, Campbell, Ridgers, & Hesketh, 2013). Clearly, there is a need for more research examining parental influences on the physical activity of infants and toddlers. Longitudinal studies are needed to examine how these relationships change as children grow and develop. Studies should be guided by relevant theory (such as those reviewed earlier) to inform family-centered interventions to promote physical activity in the early years. Again, PAC interventions may offer a valuable framework for studies targeted at improving physical activity in the early years given that children are heavily dependent on their parents at this time.

Increasing Active Free Play Looking more specifically at AFP, research is needed to examine ways in which children’s engagement in AFP can be increased (see the sidebar Promoting Active Free Play). Given that research suggests that declining AFP is a result of parents’ safety concerns, interventions designed to increase social connections in neighborhoods offer a promising

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avenue for future research (Lee et al., 2015). For instance, research has shown that putting more “eyes on where children play” (including neighbors and other parents looking out for children and children playing in groups so that there is safety in numbers) may help create social connections in neighborhoods and alleviate parents’ safety concerns (Holt, Lee, Millar, & Spence, 2015). We also agree that more emphasis on promoting AFP outdoors is needed in children’s health care (McCurdy, Winterbottom, Mehta, & Roberts, 2010). The ecological model of AFP (Lee et al., 2015) may be useful for examining how and why parental anxieties about safety have increased over recent generations. The evidence suggests that parents are more concerned about their children’s safety than they were in the past, yet levels of crime are declining in most developed countries (see Lee et al., 2015, for a review). Parents’ anxieties are likely linked to multiple ecological factors (e.g., from parents’ views about how competent or streetwise their children are to more distal factors like their understanding of the supervisory expectations of good parenting in modern society). Furthermore, because of factors like poor air quality and the threat of luring children on the Internet, the family home may contain more dangers than the outdoors does (Tremblay et al., 2015). By ascertaining more precise understandings of how and why parents’ attitudes to AFP have changed, along with the influence of grandparents, researchers may be in a better position to create much-needed interventions to promote AFP. Finally, researchers have suggested that children’s voices should be given more weight in decisions about the provision of play opportunities in their communities (e.g., Ferré, Guitart, & Ferret, 2006; Gearin & Kahle, 2006). This idea is important because children and adults report different preferences for the provision of play spaces. For instance, children see play spaces almost anywhere (Glenn, Knight, Holt, & Spence, 2013), whereas parents tend to have a more constrained view of play and often focus on specific types of fixed equipment in playgrounds (e.g., Tucker, Gilliland, & Irwin, 2007). Furthermore, studies have shown that children are less concerned with risk and safety than their parents are (Thomson & Philo, 2004). Hence, there is a need to establish better understandings of what children want in play areas and to provide opportunities for their voices to be heard and their needs to be addressed. Hearing children’s voices will also help inform the creation of child-friendly interventions to promote AFP.

Summary In this chapter we have examined family influences on children’s and adolescents’ engagement in physical activity, focusing particularly on parental influence on AFP and youth sport. A strong evidence base is in place, yet a great deal of scope exists for future research in these areas. Theoretically driven research, informed by other fields of study and using a range of methodologies, is needed to advance the evidence base. To summarize, this chapter offers several key takeaway messages: • Children’s and adolescents’ engagement in various forms of physical activity must increase. • Parents exert a great deal of influence over their children’s engagement in all forms of physical activity. • More research examining the influence of parenting styles and practices on all forms of physical activity is needed, and particular attention should be given to how parenting styles and practices influence children’s behaviors over time. • The early years of life is a vitally important time for physical activity, but research in this area remains limited. • Parents can possibly be targeted as agents of change to influence children’s behaviors in various forms of physical activity. • Another need is to find ways to revive children’s engagement in AFP. Community-based initiatives to promote social connectivity may be particularly useful in this regard. The decline in physical activity among children and adolescents is clearly an important public health concern. There is a pressing need to find ways to promote various forms of physical activity among children and adolescents (including children in the earliest years of life). Given that parents have a tremendous influence on their children’s engagement in physical activity and that parents themselves stand to benefit from physical activity, interventions targeted at parents offer a fruitful direction for future research. But the need remains for additional fundamental research to examine the correlates and determinants of parental influence on physical activity during the early years, AFP during childhood, and youth sport participation during childhood and adolescence.

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8 Peers and Psychological Experiences in Physical Activity Settings Alan L. Smith, PhD  Kathleen T. Mellano, MS  Sarah Ullrich-French, PhD

Abstract As competitors, teammates, exercise partners, and coactors or spectators, peers are a notable presence within physical activity settings. Although research activity on peers in physical activity settings is not as extensive as that on other social agents, such as coaches, interest in peers has been developing within the sport and exercise psychology literature. Peers hold a unique social position that enables them to contribute to performance, motivation, and well-being of athletes, exercisers, and other movers. In this chapter, we offer an overview of conceptual perspectives and empirical efforts that directly pertain to peers in physical activity settings. We start by providing the general conceptualization of peers in physical activity settings, sharing the breadth of peer-based constructs that can be explored, and discussing levels of conceptualization (individual, interaction, relationship, group) for studying peers. We then share theoretical perspectives that have given shape to the literature on peers in physical activity settings. A synopsis of empirical work on peers follows, focusing on peer relationships in sport, relation-inferred self-efficacy, peer motivational climate, and peers and physical activity behavior. In the last primary section, we highlight critical knowledge gaps on peers in physical activity settings and share suggestions for future research that will fill these gaps. In particular, we advocate for work on peers in the broader social context of physical activity, the integration of peer and group dynamics research, and peer-based physical activity intervention, as well as some promising emerging areas. We believe that attention to these research topics will benefit knowledge and practice, helping to contribute to more meaningful, high-quality experiences within sport, exercise, and other physical activity settings.

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hysical activity settings such as sport, physical education, and various exercise contexts are inherently social and can engage a broad range of peers such as teammates, competitors, spectators, fellow students, partners, and coactors. Moreover, a person’s engagement in physical activity contexts can be catalyzed by social motives, interest in identifying with certain others, and desire to project a particular image. Peers therefore are not only ubiquitous in physical activity settings but also have much potential to contribute to the psychological experiences of athletes and other movers. In light of this potential, sport and exercise psychologists have pursued research on a variety of peer-based questions, and some areas of work have received sustained attention. Although the amount of work in this area is much less than the amount of work on other social agents such as coaches or parents, our understanding of peers in physical activity settings has advanced meaningfully from these growing efforts. In this chapter we define peers, offer a brief justification for attending to peers in physical activity settings, overview various types of peer constructs that are explored in the sport and exercise psychology literature, and discuss levels of conceptualization (individual, interaction, relationship, group) for studying peers. We additionally discuss key theoretical frameworks that inform peer-based research, such as the interpersonal theory of psychiatry (Sullivan, 1953), social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1986) and other theories. We then summarize key research on peers in physical activity settings. Because the constraints of this chapter do not allow an exhaustive literature review, we focus on selected topics that offer coherence and potential for continued attention. In line with the extant literature we predominantly focus on youth-oriented research, but we also draw from adult work where appropriate. Lastly, we assess selected knowledge gaps about peers in physical activity settings. Filling these gaps offers potential for understanding how to increase the quality and meaningfulness of physical activity experiences.

Conceptualization of Peers in Physical Activity Research In the sport and exercise psychology literature, peers are typically conceptualized as same- or near-age cohorts such as teammates, classmates, or friends, owing to the fact that most investigations are delimited to a particular developmental group

such as high school athletes, middle school physical education students, and so forth (Smith, 2007). Emphasis of typical definitions, however, is on equivalent standing, rank, or power; thus, members of a beginner’s adult exercise class may be considered peers even if of vastly different ages. Similarly, athletes of equivalent abilities could be considered peers despite a notable difference in experience or age. Note as well that athletes of discrepant abilities might not be considered peers despite similar age and experience, even within a specific team. Thus, how a researcher conceptualizes peers will be closely tied to the research question of interest, and ideally, even if it is not common practice, the researcher would directly communicate this conceptualization. Peers are among many social agents within physical activity contexts, and therefore we should consider why sport and exercise psychologists would want to study them. There are several justifications, considering both how peers matter within physical activity settings and how physical activity involvement matters to peer relationships. With respect to the former, opportunities to affiliate and interact with peers are important motives for participation in sport and other physical activity settings (Allender, Cowburn, & Foster, 2006; Weiss & Petlichkoff, 1989). In addition, youth-based research suggests that peers serve as an important source of physical competence information through comparative and evaluative processes (Horn, 2004). With respect to how physical activity matters to peer functioning, physical activity involvement provides opportunity to be with, cooperate with, and compete against peers. Accordingly, physical activity settings can potentially be constructed in ways that foster positive peer relationships (Smith, 2007; chapter 26). Thus, several reasons support considering peers in more depth as we seek a better understanding of psychological aspects of physical activity participation. An array of peer constructs has been examined in sport and exercise psychology research. These constructs sometimes are employed in investigations that directly address peer dynamics in physical activity settings, and other times are used within a broader research aim (e.g., determinants of physical activity behavior). Smith and McDonough (2008) assembled this array of constructs into three general categories. The first was referred to as peer group constructs because of their emphasis on the peer group in physical activity settings. Example constructs include the peer network or connections of an aspiring exerciser, acceptance by teammates (i.e., peer acceptance), overt disliking by fellow

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physical education classmates (i.e., peer rejection), and social support from peers within and outside the focal physical activity setting. The second pertained to specific peers in the physical activity setting. Example constructs include friendship, characteristics of friends, and the quality of a specific friendship with respect to features such as loyalty, closeness, and other dimensions. Peer modeling also falls within this category, in which observation of specific peers can result in learning skills and forming thoughts and emotions surrounding physical activity. The final category was labeled peer referenced, representing broader social goals or concerns. Examples include the possession of social goals (e.g., for admiration, for affiliation), a person’s desire to manage the impression made on others, and views on the expectations of others and the value placed on those expectations (i.e., subjective norm). Altogether, this span of peerbased constructs highlights the complexity and potential of research and practice that focuses on peers in physical activity settings. Peers comprise nested levels of social complexity and are understood best when considering multiple levels of analysis. Rubin, Bukowski, and Parker (2006) outline a peer relationships framework that suggests that dispositional characteristics and social orientation of the individual interact and are nested in progressively greater levels of social complexity. The most fundamental level is that of interaction, characterized by short-term behavioral exchanges between peers that can take a variety of forms. Such interactions are often nested within and shaped by historical exchanges among actors, reflecting a higher-level relationship. Lastly, a group consists of a web of relationships and can both shape and be shaped by other levels of this social system. As an example, integrating a new member into an existing team reflects the interweaving of individual characteristics, specific interactions (e.g., how a team leader engages with the new member), relationships (e.g., replacement of an existing relationship on the team with the new member), and group dynamics (e.g., whether the team divides into cliques). Although challenging to accomplish in a given physical activity investigation, capturing multiple levels of social complexity is valuable when researching peers. Holt, Black, Tamminen, Fox, and Mandigo (2008) demonstrate this in the context of girls’ youth soccer. Through extensive immersion in this context and interview methods, they uncovered categories specific to these levels of social complexity: integrating new members into peer group structure (interaction), interactions

with “different” types of peers (interaction), dealing with peer conflict (relationship), emergence of peer leaders and a social hierarchy (group), and learning to work as a team (group). Their data demonstrated interconnections among levels of social complexity, highlighting the nested structure of the levels. This finding reinforces the view that best understanding of peers in physical activity contexts will necessitate moving beyond reliance on the individual level of analysis and dependence on measures of individual perceptions of peers (Smith, 2003). Careful consideration of these conceptual issues will benefit future research and understanding of peers in physical activity settings. Additional benefit will be derived from using theory that addresses or accounts for social functioning. The next section presents selected theoretical perspectives that feature in the sport and exercise psychology literature on peers.

Theoretical Perspectives Considerable research on peers in physical activity settings is theory informed. Peer constructs employed in the work are drawn from theory, although the work is not necessarily designed to test theory. As an example, much work on peer relationships in sport emphasizes peer acceptance or friendship constructs drawn from Sullivan’s (1953) interpersonal theory of psychiatry but is not designed to test specific propositions of that perspective. Other work is more explicitly designed to test theory, although this objective is less common in physical activity research. Examples include the use of peer variables to represent core social constructs in testing motivation theory (e.g., Smith, 1999; Vazou, Ntoumanis, & Duda, 2006). Either way, outlining selected theoretical perspectives that guide peer-based research in physical activity settings is valuable. In this section, we share key perspectives that drive contemporary research in this area.

Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry The interpersonal theory of psychiatry (Sullivan, 1953) has been influential in the study of peers. This perspective on psychosocial development outlines interpersonal processes from infancy through adolescence and suggests that maladaptive relationships with others during these periods can result in later challenges in adulthood. One of the most influential aspects of this perspective has been the specification of both the peer group and specific

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friendships as contributing to development. Both help young people shift from egocentrism to a more mature perspective in which the self is understood in relation to others. This social accommodation is fostered through interactions with others. During the early elementary years, popularity or peer acceptance shapes how individuals come to form views on authority figures, competition, compromise, and exclusion. In the later elementary years, a need for interpersonal intimacy forms that fuels interest in the development of same-sex friendships. Friendships serve needs for validation and offer opportunity to accommodate the needs of a peer. This process helps form the foundation for romantic relationships later in development. Because both the broader peer group and friendships are considered essential to successful development, many developmental psychology and sport and exercise psychology studies have focused on one, the other, or both of these peer constructs. Considering both simultaneously has advantages that are discussed later in this chapter. In physical activity settings we would expect the most adaptive social, affective, cognitive, and behavioral outcomes when participants feel accepted by the group and validated by specific peers (Smith & McDonough, 2008). Relationships, motivation, and physical activity behavior itself theoretically would be optimized when these relationship systems function well.

Social Cognitive Theory In Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory, social agents are considered an important component of a person’s environment, which along with personal factors and behavior make up a system of triadic reciprocity. These three components mutually affect one another to shape learning and behavioral outcomes. Social learning processes such as reinforcement and modeling (learning through observing the behavior of others) are outlined in this perspective. Within peer-based physical activity research, reinforcement is commonly operationalized as perceived social support or encouragement from peers to be active. The operationalization of modeling is typically somewhat indirect, focusing on the perceived activity levels of peers or friends (Smith & McDonough, 2008). These constructs are among the core sources of self-efficacy, which is an individual’s belief in being able to execute behaviors needed to produce certain performance outcomes (Bandura, 1986, 1997). Self-efficacy influences choices, effort, and persistence, and therefore is a key motivational variable in physical activity

settings. Lent and Lopez (2002) offer an expanded tripartite view of efficacy beliefs when interest is in interpersonal relationships, one that considers not only self-efficacy but also other-efficacy (views of the efficacy of another) and relation-inferred self-efficacy (RISE; belief about how another views one’s own capability). This approach is well matched to peer-based work and is revisited later in this chapter.

Additional Perspectives Several other conceptual frameworks are well suited to advancing knowledge on peers. For example, achievement goal perspectives (e.g., Nicholls, 1984, 1989; see chapter 15) direct attention to the goals that people pursue in achievement contexts and the way in which definitions of success, individual orientations, and the prevailing climate shape a person’s present involvement. Particular interest has been directed to motivational climate (Ames, 1992), which reflects the expectation and reward structure that significant others reinforce. Generally, climates where normative success and outperforming others are promoted can introduce motivational challenges as compared with climates where mastery, improvement, and cooperation are promoted. Peers can meaningfully contribute to the motivational climate, a topic that is detailed later in this chapter. Other motivational perspectives are amenable to peer work as well. For example, self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000; see chapter 16) articulates competence, autonomy, and relatedness as fundamental needs that must be met for people to have adaptive and sustainable forms of motivation. Peers inherently contribute to relatedness but also can shape competence and autonomy perceptions. Similarly, Harter’s (1978, 1981, 1987) competence motivation theory and perspective on self-worth point to significant others in the formation of competence and control perceptions, affect, and ultimately adaptive motivation. Considered together, these motivational perspectives suggest that peers can undergird motivation and therefore sustained and energetic engagement in physical activity settings. Beyond these perspectives, processes surrounding how people attempt to control the impressions that others form of them, known as impression management (Leary & Kowalski, 1990), are certainly relevant with respect to peers and within physical activity settings (Leary, 1992; Smith, 2007). Physical activity settings often involve public display of physical coordination and capability, reveal the

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physique, and foster social comparisons that can heighten a person’s attentiveness to what others think. More globally, physical activity researchers have drawn from ecological perspectives that specify individuals to be embedded within progressively layered and nested systems (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998; Spence & Lee, 2003; Welk, 1999). That is, physical activity behaviors will stem from the interface of individual characteristics, social interactions, and broader social and environmental systems. Peers are important both in direct social interactions with physical activity participants and in reinforcing broader social structures that can encourage or discourage certain thoughts, feelings, and actions in physical activity settings. Considered collectively, the various theoretical perspectives that have been employed in peer research in physical activity settings span the relatively specific, with clearly articulated constructs and testable propositions, to the more general or heuristic. In the next section we review selected empirical research on peers in physical activity settings, much of which draws from (explicitly or not) the perspectives described earlier.

Research on Peers in Physical Activity Settings The amount of research specifically designed to address peers in physical activity contexts is modest, yet it has broadened in scope in recent years and is poised to accelerate over the next decade. In this section we share areas of work that have received systematic or extended attention and are bringing shape to the knowledge base. We first look at research predominantly in the youth sport setting that has focused on peer relationships, specifically on peer acceptance and friendship. We then review work on relation-inferred self-efficacy (RISE), peer motivational climate in sport, and research addressing peers and physical activity behavior, respectively. Although we cannot review the full span of peer-based research within this chapter, these predominant lines of work have meaningfully advanced understanding of peers in physical activity settings and provide a critical foundation for future research and practical advances.

Peer Relationships in Sport Extensive early work on youth sport participation motives has established that social affiliation and being with friends are among the top reasons

given for sport involvement (Weiss & Amorose, 2008). Considering that the nature, expectations, and outcomes of peer relationships can vary by social setting and the composition of the peer group (Hartup, 1996; Sheridan, Buhs, & Warnes, 2003; Zarbatany, Ghesquiere, & Mohr, 1992), there is a basis for sport-contextualized examinations of peer acceptance and friendship. Sport psychology researchers have predominantly examined peer relationships in the sport setting with respect to peer group acceptance and friendship (see Smith, 2007; Weiss & Stuntz, 2004 for reviews). As noted earlier, emphasis on acceptance and friendship can be traced to the influence of Sullivan’s (1953) conceptual perspective. We offer a brief overview of extant empirical work on these peer relationships constructs, highlighting a selection of both early and recent efforts in these areas. Early efforts exploring youth beliefs about the value of sport showed sport capability to be viewed as a meaningful source of social currency (Smith, 2007). Indeed, physical competence and peer acceptance are closely intertwined (Evans & Roberts, 1987; Ommundsen, Gundersen, & Mjaavatn, 2010; Weiss & Duncan, 1992), and young people view being good at sports as an important and a desired route to gaining popularity (Buchanan, Blankenbaker, & Cotten, 1976; Chase & Dummer, 1992). In Chase and Dummer’s (1992) investigation, this preference was unsurprisingly stronger for boys than girls. Yet, both boys and girls rated appearance and sports among their top two most important pathways to popularity, and the importance was greater for those in sixth grade than those in fourth grade. Thus, as young people move toward middle school and adolescence, importance of the sport domain intensifies with respect to popularity. In a follow-up study by Chase and Machida (2011) that contained a more diverse sample of children in the fourth to seventh grades, the importance of sport to girls remained consistent with the 1992 study but the importance to boys declined somewhat, possibly reflecting alternative activities and opportunities to status among peers (e.g., being good at video games). Although tracking trends in young peoples’ views on gaining popularity will continue to be important, and some variability can be expected over time, being competent in the sport arena appears to be among the salient pathways to acceptance and status among peers. Moving from popularity or acceptance generally to acceptance within the sport context itself, athlete perceptions of peer acceptance in sport tie to important markers of motivation and well-being.

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For example, in adolescent soccer players, peer acceptance and markers of positive friendship in soccer were positively associated with adaptive responses on goal orientation, motivational climate, and perfectionism measures (Ommundsen, Roberts, Lemyre, & Miller, 2005). Moreover, an examination of a large-scale longitudinal data set on adolescent health showed peer acceptance to partially mediate the relationship between sport participation and global self-esteem (Daniels & Leaper, 2006). Other work has shown greater peer acceptance to associate with more adaptive sport-related affect, lower self-presentational concerns, and greater psychological needs, self-determined motivation, and sport continuation (Gardner, Magee, & Vella, 2017; Riley & Smith, 2011; Smith, Ullrich-French, Walker, & Hurley, 2006; Ullrich-French & Smith, 2006, 2009). Although predominantly cross-sectional and nonexperimental, the extant work surrounding peer acceptance in sport suggests that this peer construct is central to understanding the sport experience. Research suggests that examining peer group acceptance alongside friendship may be especially effective in generating understanding of how peers shape motivational and other outcomes in sport (Smith et al., 2006). Friendship can be considered from various perspectives, including whether or not someone has friends, who those friends are, and the quality of friendships as expressed in various support dimensions (see Hartup, 1996; Weiss & Stuntz, 2004). Focus in the sport psychology literature has been on the quality of friendships and is informed by seminal qualitative and related measurement work. Specifically, Weiss, Smith, and Theeboom (1996) interviewed youth ages 8 to 16 years about their best sport friendships. Twelve dimensions reflecting positive features of sport friendship emerged from the interviews: companionship, pleasant play/ association, self-esteem enhancement, help and guidance, prosocial behavior, intimacy, loyalty, things in common, attractive personal qualities, emotional support, absence of conflicts, and conflict resolution. The participants also expressed four negative dimensions of sport friendships, specifically conflict, unattractive personal qualities, betrayal, and being inaccessible. These dimensions were qualified as being experienced sometimes or infrequently, yet were important in sport friendships. Aside from emotional support, which was more frequently cited by girls than boys, the qualitative features of friendship were equally represented by sex. Some age differences emerged as well, reflecting friendship becoming more

nuanced in adolescence. Later efforts to produce a survey measure of friendship quality by Weiss and Smith (1999, 2002) showed dimensions to whittle and merge to six in total. Self-esteem enhancement and supportiveness, loyalty and intimacy, things in common, companionship and pleasant play, and conflict resolution represented positive friendship quality. Conflict represented negative friendship quality. Their measure has been used in empirical efforts that explore the association of sport friendship quality with various markers of motivation and well-being. Initial research on sport friendship quality showed age and gender differences with respect to scores on some dimensions (Weiss & Smith, 2002). These differences have not been explored intensively, and often the positive friendship quality dimensions are collapsed and conflict is used as a distinct marker of negative friendship quality (e.g., Smith et al., 2006). Girls usually score higher than boys on positive friendship quality, which parallels work in school or developmental contexts (Weiss & Smith, 2002). Associations of friendship quality with markers of motivation and well-being, however, tend to be consistent across girls and boys. Weiss and Smith (2002) found several positive markers of sport friendship quality to contribute in a positive direction to multivariate prediction of sport enjoyment and commitment. Other work has shown positive sport friendship quality to associate in adaptive directions with sport enjoyment, perceived teammate relatedness, perceived competence, selfworth, and self-determined motivation (Kipp & Weiss, 2013; McDonough & Crocker, 2005; Smith et al., 2006). Direct associations are sometimes less robust than those found with peer acceptance, and in some studies friendship variables do not predict well-being markers (e.g., Kipp & Weiss, 2015; Shapiro & Martin, 2014). Peer acceptance appears to be more salient than friendship quality when these peer constructs are treated as independent or parallel predictors of outcomes. When considered in combination, however, friendship emerges as uniquely meaningful (see Smith et al., 2006; Ullrich-French & Smith, 2006). As a final point, conflict findings in quantitative studies of sport friendship quality have not been as robust as the positive friendship quality findings. This outcome could reflect the focus of such studies largely on positive markers of motivation and well-being, the need for a more comprehensive measure of conflict as experienced in sport friendships, or the need to consider conflict in combination with the capacity of friends to resolve conflict.

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Conflict is a natural feature of even best friendships in the sport context. Considering that sport involves engagement with a range of people, friends or not, and often involves high expectations, intensive training, and setbacks, conflict is naturally salient in this setting and viewed as having affective, cognitive, and behavioral manifestations (Paradis, Carron, & Martin, 2014; Partridge & Knapp, 2016). Barki and Hartwick (2004) propose a two-dimensional interpersonal conflict framework with conflict viewed, first, as possessing the properties of disagreement, negative emotion, and interference. Second, conflict is viewed as either stemming from the task that brings people together or the interpersonal relationship context itself. This framework aligns with observations of athletes (Holt, Knight, & Zukiwski, 2012; Paradis et al., 2014) and suggests that effective conflict management will involve prevention efforts and attention to both the task demands and interpersonal features of the sport setting. Holt and colleagues (2012) interviewed university-level female team sport athletes about teammate conflict and what strategies might be useful in managing such conflict. Their data showed conflict to occur regularly and to be a normal feature of team involvement. Performance conflict pertained to playing time and to practice and competition concerns, whereas relationship conflict was characterized by interpersonal disputes/disagreements and conflicting personalities. Among the ways that athletes believed conflict could be managed, team building early in the season and addressing conflict early when it occurs were important. In addition, mediation from third parties, preferably senior players and captains, and structured team meetings guided by someone like a sport psychologist was viewed as potentially helpful. These findings were shared within the context of the athletes stating their preference not to have to deal with conflict. Accordingly, the authors view the development of conflict resolution skills in athletes as a critical consideration for practitioners. Along with the findings on peer acceptance and positive friendship quality in sport, this work enriches our understanding of peer relationships in competitive sport contexts and contributes to the emerging foundation for understanding peers in physical activity contexts.

Relation-Inferred Self-Efficacy A core motivational construct that has emerged in the peer literature reflects the development of self-perceptions specifically within close relationships, or relationships in which partners have

mutual influence. Relation-inferred self-efficacy (RISE) refers to a person’s inferences about a significant other’s confidence in that person’s ability (Lent & Lopez, 2002), and this construct has been examined within sport and physical education contexts. Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory provides the framework that highlights the processes by which the development and revision of self-efficacy beliefs emerge within interpersonal contexts. For example, children learn to label competencies and deficits by observing others and from the consequences of their own actions, including through interactions with others. As children mature, social comparison processes become an important reference point in the development of their efficacy standards. Aligned with a social constructionist view that human perceptions are largely the product of social processes (Burr, 2015), Lent and Lopez expand on Bandura’s original conceptualization of efficacy beliefs to address more thoroughly the specific relational components inherent in the processes of developing self-efficacy. Lent and Lopez (2002) suggest that within interpersonal contexts three relational efficacy beliefs should be considered: self-efficacy, other-efficacy, and RISE. RISE is the least understood component within this tripartite perspective, whereas self-efficacy, or beliefs about one’s own capabilities, has the strongest literature base (see Feltz, Short, & Sullivan, 2008). Self-efficacy beliefs are often developed within relational contexts. For example, an athlete experiencing a performance slump and lacking confidence may look to a teammate’s beliefs in her or his ability in order to regain confidence. In this situation, objective performance feedback is proposed to be mediated through interactions with and perceptions about significant others. RISE reflects the perceived beliefs that a relational partner holds about one’s capabilities—“how my partner sees me” (Lent & Lopez, 2002, p. 268). In relational contexts, self-efficacy exists alongside a complex and dynamic interplay between RISE and other-efficacy (beliefs about the capabilities of one’s relationship partner). Such beliefs are imbedded within a relationship dynamic and rely on the interpretation of sometimes-ambiguous social cues (Bandura, 1997). Therefore, taking a tripartite perspective has the potential to enhance understanding of both relationships and emerging individual beliefs and behaviors. Sport and organized physical activity are rich social contexts to examine RISE and other-efficacy beliefs. In both sport dyadic relational contexts (Jackson, Knapp, & Beauchamp, 2008, 2009) and

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youth recreational sport (Saville et al., 2014), qualitative data support RISE perceptions and social persuasion as distinct, serving independent functions in the development of self-beliefs. Specifically, social persuasion reflects direct efficacy-relevant feedback, whereas RISE represents a meta-cognitive process through which a person interprets the underlying meaning of social cues. The tripartite perspective of relational efficacy beliefs has support (e.g., Jackson, Grove, Beauchamp, 2010; Jackson, Whipp, Chua, Pengelley, & Beauchamp, 2012; Saville et al., 2014), although largely within hierarchical relationships (e.g., coach, instructor relationships). Although not framed specifically within a tripartite or relational efficacy perspective, interviews of elite athlete dyads by Wickwire, Bloom, and Loughead (2004) exemplified the relational basis well: “I have to take into consideration what my strengths are, what my partner’s strengths are, what his weaknesses are, and come up with the best way to set up our team for that game” (p. 389). Yet another athlete stated, “If you don’t believe in your partner, you cannot win. . . . I think believing in your partner is more important than believing in yourself” (p. 390). This work reinforces the value of examining relational dynamics in sport. Jackson and colleagues (2008) more explicitly explored the tripartite model of relational efficacy through qualitative interviews with elite athlete partners from dyadic sports. Emerging themes supported Lent and Lopez’s (2002) tripartite conceptualization. Key antecedents of RISE reported by athletes included perceptions of the self (e.g., self-efficacy, motivation), the partner (e.g., affective state), and the dyad (e.g., past mastery achievements as a dyad). Both intrapersonal (self-efficacy, performance, affect, motivation) and interpersonal (relationship persistence intentions, relationship termination, relationship satisfaction) consequences of RISE were also reported. The complexity of interpersonal dynamics also revealed potential ways in which RISE perceptions might either enhance or diminish motivation. Therefore, moderating factors such as relationship dynamics likely influence relational efficacy beliefs. The structure of a dyad, including whether role interdependence is present, is important to consider when examining dyads (Wageman, 2001). For example, one study examined how performance of cheerleaders completing a paired stunt task differed depending on roles, task difficulty, and self-, other-, and collective efficacy beliefs (Habeeb, Eklund, & Coffee, 2017). When an athlete was in a high-­dependence role, the partner was found to be

a source of efficacy beliefs. This finding complements other work showing that both higher other-efficacy and RISE inferences about one’s partner predict higher self-efficacy beliefs of the perceiver and that other-efficacy beliefs additionally predict relationship satisfaction (Jackson, Beauchamp, & Knapp, 2007). Partner effects also emerged, in which self-efficacy beliefs in one partner predicted higher partner commitment to remaining with the relationship. An important finding was that RISE was not predictive of relationships with outcomes of satisfaction and commitment and could reflect RISE perceptions not accurately matching partner reports. Distorted interpretations of one’s partner are expected, and accuracy may differ based on the level of mutual dependence, status, and power (Lent & Lopez, 2002). Therefore, important differences may emerge between a peer relationship and a more hierarchically based (e.g., coach–athlete) relationship. Such structural characteristics of a dyad should be considered in how peers may shape efficacy beliefs. Peer relationships exist within a broader peer climate beyond dyads. Accordingly, RISE has been considered as emerging not only from a single target “other” but also as the perception of a generalized aggregate of a group’s confidence in one’s ability (Gairns, Whipp, & Jackson, 2015; Jackson, Gucciardi, Lonsdale, Whipp, & Dimmock, 2014). Extending from an interpersonal level to the group level, generalized peer RISE beliefs uniquely predict individual motivation-related outcomes in sport and physical activity settings as well as group-based intentions for sport continuation with a particular team. Thus, the collective work on RISE suggests that perceptions of how one’s partner in a close dyadic relationship feels about one’s ability, and of how one’s peer group feels about one’s ability, are salient to psychological experiences in physical activity. Further research attention to RISE within dyads and the broader peer climate will benefit understanding of both relationship-based and motivational outcomes in sport and physical activity settings.

Peer Motivational Climate According to achievement goal theory perspectives (Ames, 1992; Nicholls, 1984, 1989), motivation to demonstrate ability stems from the interaction of personal characteristics and unique features of the achievement setting that serve as the basis for judging competence and defining success and failure. The motivational climate reinforced by significant

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others is a salient feature of the youth sport context that contributes to motivated behaviors. Motivational climate refers to perceptions of situational goal structures reinforced by significant others that encourage a particular goal orientation and that at a given point in time induce a goal involvement state (Ames, 1992; Roberts, Treasure, & Conroy, 2007). Two climate types have been identified. The task-involving climate encourages self-referenced forms of ability, effort, and improvement, and the ego-involving climate fosters social comparison and emphasizes normative ability (Ames, 1992). Perceptions of motivational climate have been examined in the physical education and youth sport settings with a focus predominantly on coach and teacher influence (Harwood, Keegan, Smith, & Raine, 2015; Ntoumanis & Biddle, 1999). Peers can also be reasonably expected to play a critical role in the creation and maintenance of particular motivational climates. Vazou, Ntoumanis, and Duda (2005) sought to address the lack of knowledge on the peer motivational climate in their seminal sport-based work that entailed in-depth individual interviews and focus groups with 30 individual- and team-sport athletes, ages 12 to 16 years. Interviews consisted of two major components. First, participants were asked to expand on how and when their teammates put them (or other members on the team) in situations promoting task and ego goal states. Next, participants were asked a series of open-ended questions regarding the influence of teammates on their motivation and vice versa. Content analysis of the transcribed interviews yielded 11 dimensions that explained the influence of peers in transmitting task-involving and ego-involving climate cues within a team. These dimensions were improvement, equal treatment, relatedness support, mistakes, cooperation, effort, intrateam competition, normative ability, autonomy support, evaluation of competence, and intrateam conflict. A number of the dimensions aligned with earlier coach motivational climate research, but others were unique. This finding suggested that peer motivational climate may be a distinct feature of the youth sport setting, an observation reinforced in later youth sport and elite sport research (e.g., Keegan, Harwood, Spray, & Lavallee, 2009, 2014). This qualitative effort informed the development of a measure of peer motivational climate perceptions that includes five unique dimensions that define the task- and ego-involving climates created by teammates (Ntoumanis & Vazou, 2005). Specifically, the task-involving climate is made up of improvement, relatedness support, and effort

dimensions. Improvement refers to encouraging and providing feedback for teammates to improve. Relatedness support is the fostering and facilitation of the feeling of belonging and being part of a group as well as the creation of a friendly team atmosphere. Lastly, effort represents the importance of exerting effort and trying one’s hardest (Vazou et al., 2005). In contrast, the ego-involving climate is defined by intrateam competition and ability and intrateam conflict dimensions. Intrateam competition and ability is the promotion of competition and comparison among team members, whereas intrateam conflict involves exhibiting negative and unsupportive behaviors (e.g., blaming each other for poor performance, laughing at teammates) that are not directly related to competing with others (Ntoumanis, Vazou, & Duda, 2007). The creation of this measure clarified the conceptual landscape of peer motivational climate and paved the way for future quantitative research. Early studies have explored the comparative role of peer- and coach-created motivational climate in shaping sport experiences. For example, peer task-involving climate has been shown to uniquely predict physical self-worth and to account for a portion of the variance in sport enjoyment over and above the coach-created climate (Vazou et al., 2006). Other work has shown both peer and coach motivational climate to predict team cohesion and sport satisfaction over time (García-Calvo et al., 2014), suggesting that peer climate contributes to the quality of a sport experience throughout a season beyond coach-created climate contributions. Research comparing climate types (e.g., coach versus peer) does not claim one as more influential than another, but rather suggests that multiple social agents serve to shape motivational climate. The peer task-involving climate appears to associate with adaptive motivation and well-being outcomes in sport. Specifically, higher task-involving climate perceptions have been linked to higher levels of sport enjoyment, self-worth, and sport commitment, as well as lower anxiety levels (Vazou et al., 2006). Further, this climate type has been related to greater team cohesion (García-Calvo et al., 2014; McLaren, Newland, Eys, & Newton, 2016), empathic concern (Ettekal, Ferris, Batanova, & Syer, 2016), and prosocial attitudes (Ntoumanis, Taylor, & Thøgersen-Ntoumani, 2012), as well as greater basic psychological needs satisfaction, intrinsic motivation, and sport persistence (Jõesaar, Hein, & Hagger, 2011, 2012), and lower athlete burnout perceptions (Ntoumanis et al., 2012; Smith, Gustafsson, & Hassmén, 2010). A higher perception

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of ­ego-involving climate in Vazou and colleagues’ (2006) study was related to higher levels of maladaptive motivational outcomes. But this climate type did not predict anxiety, which is inconsistent with previous coach-created climate literature (Harwood et al., 2015). Following this initial finding, work has shown the peer ego-involving climate to be related to greater perceptions of negative sport behaviors (Davies, Babkes Stellino, Nichols, & Coleman, 2015), athlete burnout perceptions (Smith et al., 2010), and antisocial attitudes in sport (Ntoumanis et al., 2012), as well as less self-determined motivation (Hein & Jõesaar, 2015). This early research suggests that further examination of the peer motivational climate offers promise for advancing knowledge on social dynamics in sport and the motivation and well-being of participants in physical activity settings.

Peers and Physical Activity Behavior Researchers have explored a range of peer constructs in assessing possible peer influence on physical activity behavior (see Efrat, 2009; Fitzgerald, Fitzgerald, & Aherne, 2012; Smith & McDonough, 2008). Drawn from the social cognitive theory tradition (Bandura, 1986), peer support and peer modeling have been frequently examined. Peer support represents reinforcement for activity in the form of encouragement, helping, praise, spectating, coparticipating, and any other form of supportive behavior from peers or friends. Generally, findings show peer support to associate with physical activity behavior, whether in studies with a broad range of potential physical activity determinants (Sallis, Taylor, Dowda, Freedson, & Pate, 2002; Taylor, Sallis, Dowda, Freedson, Eason, & Pate, 2002) or with a more specific focus on social contributors to physical activity (Beets, Vogel, Forlaw, Pitetti, & Cardinal, 2006; Duncan, Duncan, & Strycker, 2005; Robbins, Stommel, & Hamel, 2008; Springer, Kelder, & Hoelscher, 2006). Further aligned with social cognitive theory, research has found peer support to be positively associated with self-efficacy for overcoming barriers to activity and resisting competing activities (Beets, Pitetti, & Forlaw, 2007). Thus, supportive peers can reinforce physical activity behavior while fostering confidence to manage challenges that interfere with persistent physical activity involvement. Importantly, developmental and sex changes in peer support may be salient and warrant careful consideration. For example, in a 5-year longitudinal study of Scottish adolescent youth from the last year

of primary school through the 4th year of secondary school, peer support declined across the period and did so more steeply for girls (Kirby, Levin, & Inchley, 2011). Of note, however, is that greater peer support was associated with greater physical activity across the time span. Although nuances may be tied to sex and age, and not all studies show a relationship between peer support and physical activity, the weight of evidence appears to suggest that peer support meaningfully benefits physical activity behavior. Peer modeling is typically operationalized as the activity levels of proximal peers or friends, which is assumed to be observed by a person such that physical activity is encouraged. Sometimes peer modeling is considered a form of peer support (Fitzgerald et al., 2012) or is combined with peer support into a global peer influences construct (Sabiston & Crocker, 2008). This combined representation is helpful within complex designs, yet evidence suggests that support and modeling offer distinct or interactive contributions to physical activity. For example, work has found that friend activity level (modeling) more strongly predicts physical activity when combined with greater peer support (Vilhjalmsson & Thorlindsson, 1998). This consideration is important for future peer-based research. When possible, researchers should distinguish peer variables and explore them in combination, not simply in parallel, in physical activity studies. With respect to findings specific to modeling, recent reviews suggest that most studies show a positive association between a person’s own physical activity and the physical activity of friends (Maturo & Cunningham, 2013; Sawka, McCormack, Nettel-Aguirre, Hawe, & Doyle-Baker, 2013). As examples, an early study of Norwegian seventh-grade students showed peer modeling to predict leisure-time physical activity (Anderssen & Wold, 1992), and a study of Canadian adolescents showed that a higher proportion of active close friends was associated with greater likelihood of meeting physical activity guidelines (Sawka et al., 2014). As pointed out elsewhere (Smith & McDonough, 2008), some studies do not support a link between peer modeling and physical activity. This result may stem from measurement shortcomings such as lack of precision in assessing peer activity behavior and identification of the focal peer (e.g., friend versus peers in one’s grade). Also likely important is that the focal peers be sufficiently available or present. Greater intensity of physical activity is reported when peers or close friends are present (Salvy et al., 2008), and the presence of a friend increases physical activity

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motivation and behavior (Barkley et al., 2014; Salvy et al., 2009). Indeed, young people report that the availability of same-age peers with common interests in their neighborhood is important for engaging in physical activity (Smith, Troped, McDonough, & DeFreese, 2015). The quality of peer relationships as reflected in peer group acceptance and positive friendship quality may influence physical activity. As suggested by Vilhjalmsson and Thorlindsson’s (1998) finding that modeling relates to physical activity behavior when combined with support, peers may be more influential when they treat a person well and establish a meaningful interpersonal connection. Indeed, perceived peer acceptance and friendship positively associate with physical education and physical activity motivation (Cox, Duncheon, & McDavid, 2009; Cox & Ullrich-French, 2010; Smith, 1999). Alternatively, being poorly treated by peers may undermine physical activity. Some work has been conducted on peer victimization, in which a person receives aggressive peer interactions, focusing on weight-related criticism or overweight youth. This work shows that such negative peer exchanges predict greater barriers to physical activity and less physical activity behavior (Gray, Janicke, Ingerski, & Silverstein, 2008; Storch et al., 2007). Other work shows that general difficulties with peers, reflected in exclusion and keeping to oneself, associates with less physical activity behavior (Sebire et al., 2011). Yet being able to cope with weight-related criticism in productive, problem-focused ways may buffer such negative social effects (Faith, Leone, Ayers, Heo, & Pietrobelli, 2002). Thus, any peer-based physical activity promotion efforts may benefit from both fostering positive peer connections and helping people manage negative interactions in the physical activity setting.

Future Research Recommendations To gain better understanding of how peers shape the psychological experiences of athletes and physical activity participants, addressing specific knowledge gaps will be valuable. In this section we encourage attention to issues pertaining to peers in the broader social context of physical activity, integration of the peer and group dynamics research areas, peerbased physical activity intervention, and other emerging research topics tied to peers in physical activity settings. We believe that such efforts will not only benefit scholarly knowledge but also hold

promise to offer practical knowledge that enhances the quality of physical activity involvement.

Peers in the Broader Social Context of Physical Activity A key gap in our understanding of peers in physical activity settings is how peers integrate with other social agents in shaping motivation and well-being. Peers are a component of the physical activity context that also can involve instructors, coaches, parents, spectators, and others. Although research efforts designed to understand social contributors to physical activity outcomes often include assessments for multiple types of social agents, the dominant research strategies are to amalgamate social constructs or to examine them in parallel to determine the relative “importance” of respective social agents (Smith & McDonough, 2008). These approaches neglect the potential integration of social influences, whereby people reconcile support by some social agents for being active alongside interference by other agents. Moreover, this collection of social agents operates within settings that vary in competitiveness or professionalization, adaptive or challenging built environments, and so forth. As noted earlier in this chapter, ecological perspectives specify that physical activity outcomes will stem from the interface of individual characteristics, social interactions, and broader social and environmental systems (Spence & Lee, 2003; Welk, 1999). Future work should deliberately speak to this interface. Strategies for capturing the integration of possible social influences in physical activity research include examining the predictive value of interaction terms in statistical models or using person-centered approaches to uncover profiles of social relationships and their salience to outcomes of interest. For example, Ullrich-French and Smith (2006) explored perceptions of parent-child relationship quality, friendship quality, and peer acceptance in youth soccer players. They found that combinations of social variables predicted enjoyment, perceived competence, and self-determined motivation for soccer, such that relatively higher values on two or three of the social variables was necessary for more adaptive motivation-related outcomes. Cox and Ullrich-French (2010) used a profiling approach in examining peer acceptance, friendship quality, and teacher support in seventh- and eighth-grade physical education students. Along with uniform profiles of relatively lower or higher perceptions of the social constructs, respectively, they observed a mixed profile characterized

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by relatively positive peer relationships along with relatively low teacher support. The mixed profile in some cases tied with motivation-related outcomes similar to the uniformly positive social profile and in other cases with outcomes more like the weaker social profile. Together these studies suggest that in some circumstances positive relationships with one type of social agent (e.g., peers) can buffer against weaker relationships with another type of social agent (e.g., teacher). In other circumstances, relationships with multiple social agents must be going well to yield best motivational outcomes. Research that untangles these circumstances and enriches our understanding of the more comprehensive social context of physical activity would meaningfully benefit knowledge.

Integration of Peer and Group Dynamics Research For decades well-established research activity has been ongoing in the area of group dynamics in physical activity settings (see chapter 10), and more recently an emerging literature has focused on peers, as described in the present chapter. Yet relatively little integration of these research areas has occurred to date within the sport and exercise psychology literature. This circumstance is surprising in light of their natural connection and conceptual overlap. As noted earlier in this chapter, peers comprise nested levels of social complexity and considering multiple levels of analysis will be valuable in understanding peers in physical activity settings (Holt et al., 2008; Rubin et al., 2006). Some recent studies have pulled together constructs traditionally used in the respective research areas, such as exploring how constructs like peer-motivational climate or peer leadership tie to group cohesion in sport (McLaren et al., 2016; Price & Weiss, 2011). Moreover, chapter 10 outlines how greater use of multilevel analytic approaches and social network analysis, which enable simultaneous consideration of multiple levels of the social context, can offer meaningful advancements to knowledge. We encourage an acceleration of efforts to bring together these areas of work in ways that advance understanding of the social dynamics of sport, exercise, and other physical activity settings.

Peer-Based Physical Activity Intervention In light of the research evidence described within this chapter about peers being notable motivational agents in physical activity settings, developing and

assessing the effectiveness of peer-based interventions for physical activity promotion appear to have value. Initial efforts suggest that strategies incorporating peer tutoring or mentoring, peer modeling, and social skills development may help increase physical activity behavior (Horne, Hardman, Lowe, & Rowlands, 2009; Jelalian & Mehlenbeck, 2002; Spencer, Bower, Kirk, & Friesen, 2014). In a systematic review of 10 studies, predominantly using adult participants, those reporting within-group analyses showed peer-delivered interventions to yield increases in physical activity (Martin Ginis, Nigg, & Smith, 2013). Moreover, the interventions were equally effective as interventions delivered by professionals. Considering the work to date, much promise appears to be offered by constructing, evaluating, and optimizing peer-based physical activity interventions. A notable shortcoming of peer-based physical activity intervention work to date is that most studies do not assess social cognitive variables that may explain intervention effects (Martin Ginis et al., 2013). Theory-driven research that offers proposed mechanisms for intervention effects is needed, and researchers must go to the effort of measuring the proposed mechanism variables and performing proper mediation testing. Self-efficacy, self-determined motivation, perceptions of acceptance and friendship quality, and other variables may explain how peer-delivered or peer-targeted interventions result in successful (or not) promotion of physical activity behavior. Accordingly, these constructs should be assessed when evaluating intervention efficacy and effectiveness. Attention to the promotion of positive peer relationships is scant in this research area, although some recommendations can be drawn from the literature reviewed earlier in this chapter (see the sidebar Promoting Positive Peer Relationships). Building on these recommendations, future intervention work has the potential to produce meaningful advances in knowledge and practice efforts.

Emerging Research Topics We have focused on areas of persistent activity and influence with respect to the study of peers in physical activity settings and have identified core knowledge gaps that merit future research attention. Other noteworthy and emerging areas of research warrant mention as well, owing to their potential to enrich understanding of how peers contribute to psychological experiences in sport, physical education, and other physical activity settings. For example, an emerging construct that can enrich the knowledge

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Promoting Positive Peer Relationships Critical to administering meaningful physical activity experiences and to executing peer-based physical activity interventions is the cultivation of positive peer relationships. Beyond the mere presence of peers, relationships that are supportive and that function well will yield the best motivation and well-being outcomes. Based on the extant literature, strategies for promoting positive peer relationships include fostering a task-involving motivational climate, providing cooperative learning opportunities and interdependent goals, providing autonomy and voice to the group, creating space for informal interactions and relationship building, communicating shared interests and challenges, modeling regard for others and being reliable, and helping movers improve their physical skills through direct instruction and collaborative learning (Smith & Delli Paoli, 2018). Managing conflict and negative treatment from peers is also important. Strategies include early team building, maintaining open communication lines, addressing conflicts early when they arise, providing structure for group discussions, empowering third parties to mediate conflicts, and encouraging personal responsibility to mitigate avoidance behavior that is common in the face of conflict (Holt et al., 2012). Many of these strategies reinforce one another, which can create momentum for positive peer interactions and other important outcomes in physical activity settings.

base is peer athletic reputation, which reflects the aggregate view of one’s peers with respect to her or his athletic ability (Howle et al., 2016). This construct helps capture reputational features of peer dynamics and will complement other peer relationships constructs in school-based studies of peers and physical activity. Another example is recent work exploring physical activity as a strategy for managing the outcomes associated with negative peer experiences such as social exclusion (Delli Paoli, Smith, & Pontifex, 2017). Future work in this arena may produce recommendations for using physical activity to cope effectively with social challenges. Many additional areas of consideration will enrich the knowledge base, including intensified pursuit of peer-focused research that is longitudinal and informed by developmental theory (Weiss & Stuntz, 2004), is conducted in disability sport (Martin, 2018), considers various moderators (Smith, 2007), and incorporates multiple levels of social complexity (Holt et al., 2008). Although a comprehensive account of knowledge gaps and promising research directions cannot be provided here, this sampling highlights the tremendous opportunity to conduct meaningful work that addresses the psychological experiences of athletes, exercisers, physical education students, and other movers.

Summary In considering the role that social agents play in psychological processes in physical activity settings, peers warrant special attention. They hold a unique position within the broader set of social actors in sport, exercise, and other movement

domains and both theory and empirical work point to their developmental and psychological salience. Recent efforts on peer relationships in sport, RISE, peer motivational climate, and peers and physical activity behavior address a range of peer constructs, suggest that peers are critical to motivation and well-being, and contribute to our understanding of the social context of physical activity. We see value in cultivating emerging areas of work, such as that on social exclusion and physical activity, and in filling current knowledge gaps. Particularly important areas to address include the manner in which the assortment of peers and other social actors in physical activity settings collectively affect movers, the integration of peer and group dynamics knowledge within sport and exercise psychology, ways to generate efficacious peer-based physical activity intervention strategies, and the relative salience and role of peers across the developmental lifespan. Advancing knowledge in these areas will help us understand how to optimize social relationships in physical activity settings and how to leverage peers in promoting quality physical activity.

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9 Leadership in Physical Activity Contexts Mark R. Beauchamp, PhD  Ben Jackson, PhD  Todd M. Loughead, PhD

Abstract The importance of effective leadership in physical activity contexts cannot be overstated. On sport teams, coaches’ displays of leadership directly influence athlete growth and development, along with shaping the psychological climate that exists among athletes and their ability to achieve their goals. It is not only coaches who display leadership; athletes often fill formal and informal leadership roles as well. Similarly, in health promotion contexts, the capacity of those such as physical education teachers and exercise instructors to display effective leadership can play a major role in encouraging people across the age spectrum to adopt and sustain active lifestyles. The overall objective of this chapter is to provide an overview of the most prominent and influential frameworks that have been used to understand leadership within sport, exercise, and other physical activity settings. We identify both commonalities and discrepancies across these frameworks and in so doing present an evidence-based integrated framework that explains (a) the antecedents of various leadership behaviors, (b) mediating psychological mechanisms that explain how leaders affect the achievement outcomes of others (e.g., athletes, exercisers, students), and (c) moderators that explain the boundary conditions of various leadership behaviors. In drawing from this integrative framework and extant knowledge base, we highlight implications for intervention (by targeting evidence-based antecedents of effective leadership) as well as gaps in knowledge, and provide an overview of some important areas for future research. These areas include efforts to test the efficacy of leadership interventions in sport using high-quality experimental designs, the role of understudied individual difference factors that might act as important determinants of leadership (e.g., emotional intelligence), and newer conceptualizations of leadership (e.g., authentic, ethical, and abusive leadership) in physical activity settings.

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eadership is concerned with the behavioral processes through which one person influences a group of others toward attaining a specific set of objectives or goals (Northouse, 2016). Regardless of whether one is interested in how coaches and team leaders foster athlete engagement, how physical education teachers empower children to be active, or how instructors inspire exercisers to become and stay active, each circumstance is exemplified by a process of leadership whereby one person influences others to obtain some given outcome. For hundreds of years, scholars and philosophers have been interested in leaders (the person) and leadership (the behavior). For example, early writers such as Aristotle and Plato wrote about the importance of personal ethics and character as contributing to effective leadership. As the field of psychology started to take shape in the late 1800s, the widely acknowledged father of American psychology, William James (1890), highlighted that leadership clearly matters and should be studied. Over the course of the 20th century a wide range of perspectives began to emerge about the origins of effective leadership and the question of whether leaders are born or made; that is, is leadership shaped by nature or nurture? Similarly, if leadership is important, then what leadership behaviors are most likely to facilitate achievement outcomes among others? Although the scope of this chapter precludes the inclusion of an extended historical overview, it is fair to say that the evolution and development of leadership research in sport and exercise psychology mirrored its development within other fields of psychology, particularly organizational psychology. Specifically, after the Second World War, Stogdill (1948) published an influential review paper concluding that situational and contextual factors are much more likely to be implicated in predicting successful leadership than are personality factors. As a result, a number of leadership frameworks such as those developed by Fielder (Fiedler, Hartman, & Rudin, 1952; Fiedler 1967) and House (1971, 1996) emerged and gained considerable traction within organizational psychology, which emphasized the important contribution of situational and contextual factors. In particular, House’s path-goal theory provided the foundational basis for Chelladurai’s (1990, 2007; Chelladurai & Saleh, 1978) multidimensional model of leadership (MML), which in turn became the most widely used framework for understanding leadership in sport settings. When considered against this large body of research (within both organizational and sport settings) that sought to examine situational and contextual constraints

implicated in effective leadership (especially between the 1950s to 1980s), the past two decades of research within organizational psychology has revealed a reemergence of interest in personality factors and leadership. This focus is likely due to widespread recognition of the five-factor model of personality (Digman, 1990), as well as meta-analytic evidence linking various personality traits to both leader emergence as well as indices of leadership effectiveness (Judge, Bono, Illies, & Gerhardt, 2002). As interest in understanding links between personality and leadership within organizational settings has reemerged, this has mirrored a recent growth in research on leadership and personality in sport contexts (Jackson, Dimmock, Gucciardi, & Grove, 2011). We begin this chapter by providing a broad overview of the major theoretical frameworks that have guided leadership research in physical activity settings, along with a synopsis of empirical evidence associated with each of these frameworks. Although these different models are unique and distinct in many respects, they share a number of complementary features (with complementary empirical findings). Thus, in the second section of this chapter, we draw from these different frameworks to present a theory-driven evidence-informed integrative framework for understanding and studying leadership in sport. We draw from this integrative model (and the extant knowledge base) to highlight several pertinent gaps in the literature as well as directions for future research.

Major Theoretical Frameworks We begin this section with an overview of Chelladurai’s (1990, 2007) MML, which highlights the contribution of both personal and situational factors in shaping leadership behaviors. This model also points to how leadership behaviors might be related to salient outcomes such as athlete satisfaction and performance. We discuss research based on this model and highlight limitations of this framework. We subsequently cover research that has applied Bass’ (1985; Bass & Avolio, 1994; Bass & Riggio, 2006) full range model of leadership to physical activity contexts, including both sport and school-based physical education settings. Several motivational (Dweck, 1999; Mageau & Vallerand, 2003) and social cognitive (e.g., Ames & Archer, 1988; Feltz, Chase, Moritz, & Sullivan, 1999; Lent & Lopez, 2002) frameworks have been applied to examine the effects of leadership and coaching behaviors in physical activity settings,

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providing important insight into the psychological mechanisms (mediators) through which leader behaviors influence salient cognitive, affective, and behavioral outcomes among athletes, exercisers, and students. We provide an overview of these frameworks, as well as others that have focused explicitly on coach-athlete relationships (Jowett, 2007) and work that has examined peer leadership (Loughead, Hardy, & Eys, 2006) in sport.

Multidimensional Model of Leadership The MML was developed by Chelladurai (1990, 2007; Chelladurai & Saleh, 1978) as a multicomponent path model, in which situational, athlete, and leader characteristics were theorized to contribute to the types of behaviors used by coaches (see box 5 of figure 9.1) in their interactions with athletes, which in turn contribute to two key measures of leader effectiveness, namely athlete satisfaction and athlete performance (see box 7). Besides providing this direct effect (linking box 5 to 7), Chelladurai also contended that both athlete satisfaction and performance were predicated on the extent to which those actual behaviors align with those behaviors required of the coach (box 4), as well as those coach behaviors that were preferred by the athletes (box 6) under his or her charge. Chelladurai referred to this latter contention as a congruency hypothesis.

Situational characteristics

Leader characteristics

Member characteristics

(1)

(2)

(3)

With respect to these required, preferred, and actual leadership behaviors, Chelladurai (1990, 2007) recognized the complex interplay that results from both personal and environmental factors in both shaping what coaches do (i.e., behaviors) as well as their effects on their athletes. Specifically, he proposed that situational factors (box 1) such as competitive level (elite versus recreational), team norms, cultural factors, and team structure often set the parameters for the behaviors required of a given coach (box 4) but also (to a lesser extent; Chelladurai, 2013) contribute to those behaviors preferred by athletes (box 6). According to the MML, athletes’ personal characteristics such as their own personalities and developmental levels (box 3) shape athletes’ preferences (box 6) but also (to a lesser extent; Chelladurai, 2013) play a role in contributing to those behaviors required of the coach (box 4). Finally, the actual behaviors used by the coach (box 5) were posited within the MML to be affected by (a) the coaches’ own personal characteristics (box 2) (e.g., personality traits, previous coaching experience), (b) the requirements of the organization and preferences of the athletes (as highlighted earlier vis-à-vis the congruency hypothesis), and (c) through a feedback loop that is derived from the level of athlete satisfaction and the performance accomplishments of the group (links from box 7 to 5).

Required behavior

Actual behavior

Preferred behavior

(4)

(5)

Member satisfaction

(7)

Group performance

(6)

Figure 9.1  Multidimensional model of leadership. The paths denoted by solid lines reflect paths that were described by Chelladurai (2007, 2013) as having stronger relationships when compared with those denoted by dotted lines. Note, however, that Chelladurai (2007) did not make explicit (in relation to the figure) why solid and dotted lines were used, but through examination of his writing it is E6768/Horn/F09.01/565535/mh-R2 evident that these paths (reflecting differential effects) were implied. Reprinted by permission from P. Chelladurai, Leadership in Sports. In Handbook of Sport Psychology, 3rd. ed., edited by G. Tenenbaum & R.C. Eklund (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 2007), 117.

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Chelladurai and Saleh (1980) developed the Leadership Scale for Sports (LSS) as a means to test the core tenets of the MML. This measure assesses five leadership behaviors, namely the use of autocratic behavior, democratic behavior, positive feedback, social support, as well as training and instruction. An extensive amount of research has tested the core tenets of the MML (Chelladurai, 2013). The dimensions of positive feedback, social support, democratic leadership, and training and instruction tend to be associated with improved athlete satisfaction, and autocratic leadership tends to be associated with lower levels of athlete satisfaction (Chelladurai, 2007). The empirical evidence linking coach behaviors (as operationalized by the LSS) to athlete performance, however, has been less compelling (Chelladurai, 1990, 2007). In a similar regard, empirical support for the congruency hypothesis has not been forthcoming (cf. Riemer & Toon, 2001). On the one hand, this lack of evidence might reflect deficiencies in measurement and that it may be premature to conclude the lack of a substantive effect in this regard (see Riemer & Toon, 2001, for a discussion); on the other hand, it may be that in spite of the intuitive appeal for a congruency effect such a hypothesis is simply not supported by the data. Indeed, it may be that what athletes say they want of their coach (i.e., preferred behavior) does not necessarily align with what is best for them (i.e., actual behaviors). When the extant research base on the MML is taken in concert, several points are noteworthy. First, a substantive contribution of the MML relates to the broad recognition that leadership behaviors are shaped by a range of personal and environmental factors. Second, the model recognizes that leadership behaviors have the potential to have a substantive effect on athletes’ psychological and behavioral responses. Although it should be recognized that the model is complex and that several of the hypothesized paths have yet to be sufficiently tested using robust designs, this model (and its operationalization in the form of the LSS) possesses some notable limitations that prevent a full understanding of the effects of leadership behaviors on salient athlete outcomes in sport. One limitation of this framework corresponds to the range of behaviors that are conceptualized and operationalized within the LSS. The MML is now almost 40 years old, and although the five leadership dimensions subsumed within the LSS provided a useful starting point for testing the basic tenets of this model, recent advances in leadership science point to the utility of a range of behavioral dimensions that were

not subsumed within the LSS. These leadership behaviors are discussed in the following section. A second limitation of the MML corresponds to the fact that it does not conceptualize and explicate the mechanisms (i.e., psychological mediators) through which leadership behaviors might bring about improved achievement outcomes among athletes. Next, we highlight complementary, but distinct, theoretical frameworks that have sought to explain to a much greater extent the psychological processes through which coaches (and other leaders in the physical activity domain) are able to foster improved engagement and achievement-related outcomes.

Transformational Leadership and the Full Range Model A notable leadership framework that originated in organizational psychology but has received increased traction within sport and exercise psychology is the full range model of leadership developed by Bass and colleagues (Bass, 1985, 1997; Bass & Riggio, 2006). Within this model, a range of leadership behaviors are considered to exist along a continuum from least to most effective. At the least effective end, laissez-faire leadership involves behaviors that reflect avoidance, disengagement, and failing to intervene even in pressing circumstances. This form of leadership has been described by some as non-leadership (Barling, Christie, & Hoption, 2010). Beyond laissez-faire leadership, Bass conceptualized transactional leadership as a form of leadership characterized by a series of exchanges designed to get followers (e.g., employees, athletes) to comply with the leaders’ expectations. Specifically, transactional leadership involves use of rewards and recognition (comparable to the dimension of positive feedback within the MML) as well as compliance-maximizing behaviors (corrective actions, monitoring). Although Bass recognized that the provision of positive feedback and corrective actions provided a basis for successful leadership, to get the best out of others, leaders need to supplement these transactional behaviors with what he termed transformational leadership behaviors. In describing this hypothesis, he referred to this as an “augmentation effect” (Bass, 1998, p. 5). In its broadest sense, transformational leadership involves actions that transcend the leaders’ own self-interests, whereby they empower, inspire, and support others to reach higher levels of achievement (Bass & Riggio, 2006). Bass considered transformational leadership to be composed of four conceptu-

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ally distinct but related subdimensions that include idealized influence, inspirational motivation, individualized consideration, and intellectual stimulation (Bass, 1998; Bass & Riggio, 2006). Transformational leadership has been studied across multiple domains of human functioning (business, employment unions, medicine, education, and sport), and from 1980 to 2007 it was reported to receive more research attention than any other theory of leadership (Barling et al., 2010). In the physical activity domain, research has examined the nature and effects of transformational leadership with regard to coaching behaviors (Rowald, 2006), peer leadership in the form of captaincy of sport teams (Callow, Smith, Hardy, Arthur, & Hardy, 2009), exercise instructors’ use of leadership (Beauchamp, Welch, & Hulley, 2007), parents’ use of transformational leadership to support child physical activity and healthy eating (Morton, Wilson, Perlmutter, & Beauchamp, 2012), and physical education teachers’ behaviors in relation to supporting student engagement outcomes (Beauchamp et al., 2014). Research within the context of martial arts (Rowold, 2006) provided support for the hypothesized augmentation effect (cf. Bass, 1998) in a study conducted with 186 martial arts students and their coaches from 20 clubs in Germany. In particular, Rowold found that displays of transformational leadership explained unique variance beyond that of transactional leadership in predicting four measures of leader effectiveness, namely athlete extra effort, satisfaction with the coach, perceptions of coaching effectiveness, and frequency of training sessions attended by the athletes. In a study conducted with Canadian university sport teams, Charbonneau, Barling, and Kelloway (2001) found that athlete ratings of coach transformational leadership were related to higher coach ratings of athletes’ performance levels. Additionally, the relationship between coach transformational leadership and athlete performance was mediated by athlete intrinsic motivation. This finding points to a potential psychological mechanism through which coaches might influence athlete achievement and suggests that when coaches make use of transformational leadership their athletes tend to feel a greater sense of internalized motivation toward the sport (i.e., perform for the joy and pleasure inherent within the activity) and as a result perform at higher levels. Beyond the prediction of performance outcomes, the growing literature on transformational leadership within the physical activity domain points toward a number of psychological mechanisms through which coaches and other physical activity

leaders are able to influence those being led (athletes, exercisers, students). For example, research by Callow et al. (2009) found that when captains of ultimate Frisbee teams exhibited transformational leadership, their teams displayed higher levels of group cohesion. In another study with Canadian youth ice-hockey players, Tucker, Turner, Barling, and McEvoy (2010) found that when coaches displayed transformational leadership in their interactions with their players, those players engaged in fewer on-ice transgressions (i.e., penalty minutes). Specifically, a cross-level mediated model, controlling for prior levels of player aggression, showed team-level aggression to mediate the relationship between coach transformational leadership and player aggression. This finding suggests that coaches (through displays of transformational leadership) are able to develop prosocial motivational climates whereby athletes engage in fewer rule-breaking actions. In the context of school-based physical education, displays of transformational leadership by teachers (also referred to as transformational teaching; Beauchamp & Morton, 2011) have been found to prospectively relate to improved engagement in within-class activities, as well as leisure time physical activity by adolescents (Beauchamp et al., 2014). In the study by Beauchamp and colleagues, involving 2,948 adolescents from 133 classes, the relations between transformational teaching and within-class and leisure-time physical activity behaviors were mediated by student self-determined motivation. Similarly, studies have also found that displays of transformational teaching are related to the satisfaction of students’ basic psychological needs (Wilson et al., 2012) as well as elevated levels of self-efficacy (Bourne et al., 2015). In a distinct line of work, research that has sought to examine parent transformational leadership behaviors has similarly found that when parents make use of these behaviors (idealized influence, inspirational motivation, individualized influence, intellectual stimulation), their adolescent children tend to report greater self-regulatory capabilities to engage in health-enhancing physical activity (Morton et al., 2011) as well as greater leisure-time physical activity pursuits (Morton et al., 2012). Although the majority of transformational leadership research in physical activity settings has examined the downstream effects of transformational leadership (i.e., consequences), some work also points to the potential antecedents, or sources, of transformational leadership. Consistent with Chelladurai’s (1990, 2007) notion that leader-

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ship behaviors are shaped by both personal and environmental factors, work in the sport domain and beyond has sought to identify some of the underlying personal and contextual factors that might contribute to people displaying higher levels of transformational leadership. Such research gets at the heart of the question posed at the beginning of this chapter—that is, are leaders born or made? In an attempt to examine the potential socializing effects of parents in shaping the use of leadership behaviors by their children, Zacharatos, Barling, and Kelloway (2000) looked to examine the relationship between parents’ use of transformational leadership (transformational parenting) and adolescent athletes’ displays of those same behaviors. In this study, the extent to which fathers (but not mothers) interacted with their child through displays of transformational parenting was associated with adolescents also displaying these behaviors when interacting with their peers within sport settings (even after controlling for athletic skill levels). Those athletes who were rated as displaying higher levels of transformational leadership (as rated by themselves, their coach, and peers) were in turn rated as being more effective, satisfying, and effort-evoking by their peers and coaches. Although the study by Zacharatos et al. (2000) points to the potential role of environmental factors more generally and socializing agents (in this case, parents) in particular, to influence young people’s use of leadership, a growing number of studies point to the fact that transformational leadership can be taught. Most of this work has been conducted within organizational settings (Avolio, Reichard, Hannah, Walumbwa, & Chan, 2009), although some work demonstrates that physical education teachers can be taught to use transformational leadership in supporting physical activity engagement among adolescents (Beauchamp, Barling, & Morton, 2011). Balanced against this body of work showing the contribution of early socialization experiences and formalized training to transformational leadership, recent evidence from the field of behavioral genetics also points to the potential contribution of hereditary factors. In particular, data from the Minnesota Twin Registry involving female twins (214 identical and 178 fraternal) establishes that transformational leadership behaviors can be partly explained by genetic factors (Chaturvedi, Arvey, Zhang, & Christoforou, 2011). Although such behavioral genetics investigations have yet to be conducted within physical activity settings, consideration of the findings that parental behaviors, genetic factors, and intervention effects explain significant

variance in the use of transformational leadership suggests that both nature and nurture contribute to (transformational) leadership. As a final note about transformational leadership, recent work also points to the importance of considering followership when examining the effects of leader behaviors. Followership is concerned with examining potential boundary conditions (i.e., moderators) related to the effects of leadership, in particular how people with different personal qualities (i.e., individual differences) might respond in different ways to particular leadership behaviors. One study that sheds light on this question was the investigation by Arthur, Woodman, Ong, Hardy, and Ntoumanis (2011) involving individual and team-sport athletes and their coaches from the Singapore Sports Academy. Athletes who displayed high levels of narcissism (a trait in which people exaggerate their talents and accomplishments and have an inflated sense of their own self-importance) responded markedly differently to displays of transformational leadership than did athletes who scored lower on this trait. Specifically, when coaches were reported to emphasize teamwork and group goals as displays of transformational leadership, those athletes that scored higher in narcissism put in less effort than did those who scored lower in this trait. Arthur and colleagues reasoned that by promoting higher-level goals that emphasize teamwork and group achievement, narcissists will be much less likely to experience opportunities for individual self-enhancement and personal glory and thus would be less likely to contribute to the good of the team. In sum, although research on followership has been notably limited, when considered in relation to leadership in sport and physical activity settings, the results of this study point to the importance of considering individual differences in responding to specific leadership behaviors. Indeed, such a line of inquiry represents a highly promising direction for future research.

Motivational Models of Leadership Although the research on transformational leadership points to the potential for coaches and teachers to foster internalized or self-determined forms of motivation (cf. Beauchamp et al., 2014; Charbonneau et al., 2001) a complementary, but distinct, body of research has examined some of the motivational processes through which those concerned with physical activity engagement can foster improved motivation among others. Specifically, within the context of self-determination theory,

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Ryan and Deci (2002) provide compelling evidence for the existence of three basic psychological needs that must be satisfied for more self-determined forms of motivation to result (see also chapter 16). These include the needs to feel competent, autonomous, and socially connected to others in the form of relatedness. Indeed, of direct relevance to this chapter, these needs have been found to support physical activity as well as a diverse array of health-enhancing behaviors in a range of contexts (Ng et al., 2012). Thus, although some research (Wilson et al., 2012) has looked at the extent to which transformational teaching is related to the satisfaction of students’ psychological needs in a more global or omnibus sense, work by Mageau and Vallerand (2003) provides a more nuanced, but complementary, insight into how each of these psychological needs might be targeted. Within their motivational model of coach–athlete relationships, Mageau and Vallerand (2003) conceptualize three types of coach behavior. These include (a) autonomy-supportive behavior, which reflects actions designed to foster athlete volition and choice, (b) enabling involvement, which reflects coaching behaviors designed to maximize the quality of social connections (i.e., relatedness) between coach and athlete, and (c) the provision of structure through coaching, which reflects behaviors designed to maximize athlete competence. Research conducted within coaching (Conroy & Coatsworth, 2009), physical education (Cheon & Reeve, 2013), and exercise settings (Moustaka, Vlachopoulos, Kabitsis, & Theodorakis, 2012) has provided evidence that emphasizes the importance of providing athletes, students, and exercisers with volition and choice. For example, middle-aged women receiving an 8-week autonomy-supportive exercise intervention subsequently displayed improved motivation and vitality, as well as improved program attendance, when compared with those within a control condition (Moustaka et al., 2012). Similarly, considerable research shows coach involvement and high-quality coach–athlete relationships to support athlete growth and achievement (Jowett, 2007). Finally, an extensive body of literature exists in the context of sport and physical activity settings, as well as in other life contexts, supporting the importance of structuring the environment to maximize opportunities for personal mastery and notions of personal competence (of self-efficacy). Indeed, when athletes believe in their capabilities to accomplish given tasks, they tend to perform better (Moritz, Feltz, Fahrbach, & Mack, 2000). Similarly, when people are more con-

fident in their capabilities to be physically active, they tend to persist and adhere to a greater extent (Woodgate, Brawley, & Weston, 2005). When taken together, the growing literature on self-determination clearly points to the importance of behaviors that are designed to bolster athletes’, exercisers’, and students’ needs for autonomy, relatedness, and competence. A separate but complementary body of work corresponds to the contribution of a cluster of achievement goal theories that emerged in the 1980s (Dweck, 1986, 1999; Nicholls, 1984, 1989). The broad tenet of these approaches is that the quality of a person’s motivation is shaped by the way in which that person evaluates her or his own sense of competence. For example, Nicholls suggested that a person’s sense of competence can be appraised by virtue of displaying self-referent personal improvement or personal mastery (in a state he referred to as task-involvement) or can be appraised by virtue of norm-referent comparisons with others (in a state he referred to as ego-involvement). A critical aspect of Nicholls’ achievement goal theory was that these goal states are affected both by aspects of a person’s personality along with features embedded within the social environment. Specifically, and because of various early childhood experiences, Nichols contended that people develop goal orientations that reflect their tendency to adopt either task-involving or ego-involving goals in various achievement settings. In a similar regard, Dweck contended that people have a propensity to be either entity theorists and conceive the world (and their place within the world) as fixed and uncontrollable or as incremental theorists whereby they consider themselves and the world about them as more malleable and open to change. According to Dweck, entity theorists are more likely to endorse ego (norm-referenced) goals related to outperforming others, whereas incremental theorists are more likely to entertain self-referent goals based on personal improvement. Balanced against the contribution of these dispositional goal orientations, the frameworks of both Nicholls (1984) and Dweck (1986) acknowledged the contribution of environmental factors to buffer and potentially interact with those personal characteristics in shaping a person’s motivation. Specifically, Dweck and Leggett (1988) noted that “Dispositions are seen as individual difference variables that determine the a priori probability of adopting a particular goal and displaying a particular behavioral pattern, and situational factors are seen as potentially altering these probabilities” (p. 269). From an achievement goal theory perspective,

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a large body of research has sought to examine the effects of motivational climates, created by coaches and parents, that endorse either task-involving or ego-involving goals (O’Rourke, Smith, Smoll, & Cumming, 2014). This research emerged from the work of Ames (1992), who contended that when coaches and teachers develop motivational climates that endorse self-referent improvement and learning (i.e., mastery) rather than normative comparisons (i.e., emphasis on winning), then people will tend to respond with greater task involvement, more adaptive emotional responses, and greater achievement (see chapter 15). For example, research has found that when sport teams operate within task-involving (or mastery) climates, they tend to experience stronger beliefs in their collective capabilities (Magyar, Feltz, & Simpson, 2004). In sum, this body of research clearly emphasizes that coaches and teachers should develop motivational climates that emphasize the importance of personal improvement and mastery.

Coach–Athlete Relationship Quality For over a decade, a sustained stream of sport-based research has centered on examining leadership effectiveness by understanding the dyadic relationships that coaches form with their athletes. The primary goals of researchers in this area have been to (a) define and assess coach–athlete relationship quality, (b) explore how harmonious coach–athlete relationships develop, and (c) identify the consequences that stem from one’s involvement in a high- (or low-) quality relationship. Much of the research into coach–athlete (i.e., one-on-one) relationships in sport has been conducted using a conceptual model developed by Jowett and colleagues (see Jowett, 2007; Jowett & Poczwardowski, 2007), known as the 3+1C framework. The initial 3C model—as operationalized by Jowett and Ntoumanis (2004) and the predecessor to the 3+1C model—incorporates athletes’ and coaches’ perceptions of closeness, commitment, and complementarity. Closeness refers to a person’s perception of the emotional and affective connection that exists within the relationship, commitment represents a person’s desire to maintain the relationship, and complementarity relates to the perception that the person engages in friendly, supportive, and reciprocal behaviors. Within the 3C model, these concepts were broadly designed to capture the supportive emotions (i.e., closeness), cognitions (i.e., commitment), and behaviors (i.e., complementarity) that help bind relationship members to one another.

The additional +1C component of the model relates to the notion of co-orientation between dyad members (see Jowett & Poczwardowski, 2007) and originated out of the distinct types of perceptions that exist in social interactions (see Laing, Phillipson, & Lee, 1966; Levesque, 1997). First, social exchanges encourage the development of an array of direct perceptions, which reflect individuals’ perceptions of their own emotions (e.g., closeness, “I like my coach”), thoughts (e.g., commitment, “I am committed to my coach”), or behaviors (e.g., complementarity, “When I am coached by my coach, I am ready to do my best”). Additionally, people develop meta-perceptions, which refer to their estimations regarding another’s perceptions or state. Accordingly, by incorporating this perspective into the 3C model, it also became possible to assess dyad members’ meta-perceptions regarding closeness (e.g., “My coach likes me”), commitment (e.g., “My coach is committed to me”), and complementarity (e.g., “My coach is ready to do his or her best”). Jowett and Poczwardowski (2007) contended that when people report congruent relationship appraisals and were on the same page (i.e., were co-oriented), this circumstance can exert positive effects on both athlete and coach functioning as well as relationship quality. Moreover, they encouraged the assessment of different components of co-orientation, including assumed similarity (i.e., does an athlete believe that her or his coach views the relationship in the same way that the athlete does?), actual similarity (i.e., do members of a coach–athlete dyad view each other in the same way?), and empathic accuracy (i.e., are dyad members able to appraise the other person’s perceptions accurately?). Limited attempts have been made to examine co-orientation within coach–athlete exchanges (e.g., Jowett & Clark-Carter, 2006), but an established body of work has charted how athletes’ closeness, commitment, and complementarity perceptions align with personal and team-related outcomes. The findings indicate that the fostering of positive 3C perceptions among athletes by their coaches may serve to directly or indirectly support adaptive outcomes, including enhanced collective efficacy (Hampson & Jowett, 2014), task cohesion (Jowett & Chaundy, 2004), satisfaction (e.g., Jowett, Shanmugam, & Caccoulis, 2012), well-being (Lafrenière, Jowett, Vallerand, Donahue, & Lorimer, 2008), developmental experiences (Vella, Oades, & Crowe, 2013), and reduced burnout symptoms (IsoardGautheur, Trouilloud, Gustafsson, & Guillet-Descas, 2016) among athletes. If high-quality relationships with coaches are able to support athletes’ training

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experiences and competitive goals, then effective leadership may rely, in part, on coaches’ abilities to foster closeness, commitment, and complementarity with their athletes. Practical strategies for fostering the coach–athlete relationship appear in the sidebar Enhancing Coach–Athlete Relationship Quality.

Efficacy Considerations: Modeling and Transmitting Confidence Self-efficacy refers to a person’s belief in his or her capabilities (Bandura, 1997). In the physical activity domain, self-efficacy has consistently been found to be related to improvements in sport performance (Moritz et al., 2000) and physical activity adherence (McAuley & Blissmer, 2000). In this section we provide a brief synopsis of the literature that has examined the efficacy beliefs held by coaches and exercise instructors, as well as the ways in which these social agents promote the efficacy beliefs of others (i.e., athletes, exercisers).

Coaches’ Confidence in Their Own Abilities Rooted in established teacher efficacy frameworks (e.g., Denham & Michael, 1981; Fuller, Wood, Rapport, & Dornbusch, 1982), Feltz and colleagues (Feltz et al., 1999) forwarded a conceptual model for the study of coaches’ self-efficacy beliefs (i.e., coaching efficacy). Defined as “the extent to which coaches believe they have the capacity to affect the learning and performance of their athletes” (Feltz, et al., 1999, p.765), coaching efficacy was proposed to consist of four subdimensions underlying a global total coaching efficacy construct. Specifically, Feltz and colleagues (1999) theorized that coaching efficacy is represented by coaches’ confidence in their abilities to (a) coach during competition and affect successful performance (i.e., game strategy efficacy), (b) support the psychological states of their athletes (i.e., motivation efficacy), (c) maintain

instructional and diagnostic skills (i.e., technique efficacy), and (d) foster athletes’ personal development and positive attitudes (i.e., character-building efficacy). Note as well that an additional dimension reflecting coaches’ confidence in their ability to prepare their athletes physically for competition (termed physical conditioning efficacy) was later added (see Myers, Feltz, Chase, Reckase, & Hancock, 2008), although this component has not always been incorporated in recent assessments of coaching efficacy. Consistent with self-efficacy theory (Bandura, 1997) and guided by the athlete self-efficacy literature (see Feltz, Short, & Sullivan, 2008), Feltz and colleagues (1999) contended that highly self-efficacious coaches display adaptive instructional methods and a positive attitude toward their role. Research has shown that high-efficacy coaches, as compared with their low-efficacy counterparts, provide more social support (e.g., Sullivan, Paquette, Holt, & Bloom, 2012), report greater commitment to their role (e.g., Kent & Sullivan, 2003; Sullivan & Kent, 2003), and use more effective instructional behavior, such as the provision of efficacy-enhancing behaviors and positive feedback (e.g., Myers, Vargas-Tonsing, & Feltz, 2005; Sullivan & Kent, 2003). In addition to these intrapersonal outcomes for the coach, Feltz and colleagues posited that coaches’ efficacy beliefs may also engender positive responses among their athletes. For example, higher levels of coaching efficacy have been positively correlated with athletes’ collective efficacy judgments (Vargas-Tonsing, Warners, & Feltz, 2003), as well as with elevated athlete performance and satisfaction with their coach (Myers et al., 2005). Research into coach–athlete relationship processes has demonstrated that coach efficacy beliefs may shape athlete outcomes, at least in part, through interpersonal appraisals that athletes form about their coaches. For example, Jackson and

Enhancing Coach–Athlete Relationship Quality In light of evidence for high-quality coach–athlete relationships facilitating adaptive athlete outcomes, from a practical perspective coaches are encouraged to focus on promoting cooperation, individual effort, and equal recognition, as well as to cater to athletes’ needs for autonomy (e.g., providing choice and rationale). For example, athletes could be actively involved in decision-making processes (with regard to training, strategies, and competition) and, in the context of team sports, the management structure of the team (see Hodge et al., 2014). Coaches also are encouraged to communicate their positive relationship perceptions with athletes, given that athlete appraisals of coach relationship perceptions (i.e., athletes’ 3C metaperceptions) align positively with athlete satisfaction (e.g., Lorimer & Jowett, 2009; Jowett, 2009). This goal can be accomplished by providing feedback (catching athletes doing the right thing) and simply by letting them know how well they are performing.

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Beauchamp (2010) reported that elite athletes experienced greater motivation and self-efficacy, as well as more positive relationship outcomes (e.g., relationship satisfaction and commitment, attentiveness to their coach), when they estimated (rightly or wrongly) that their coach believed strongly in their own ability (i.e., when they believed that their coach was highly self-efficacious). These findings indicate that athletes filter their coaches’ verbal and nonverbal cues to arrive at an estimation of how (self-) confident their coach is (e.g., “My coach seems really confident in herself at the moment . . .”) and that this appraisal may act as a perceptual mechanism that reinforces athlete functioning (“. . . and that makes me feel more confident about what I’m doing”). In sum, the work in this area illustrates that in addition to driving coach behavior, self-efficacious coaches may also activate desirable outcomes for athletes because athletes believe that they are working under a highly confident coach. In light of the research just reviewed, it is important to outline the ways in which coaches derive confidence in their ability. Within their original model, Feltz et al. (1999) identified a number of antecedent variables that might contribute to coaches’ efficacy beliefs, including their experience, career winning percentage, and the perceived ability of their team. Subsequent studies have provided support for these antecedents (e.g., vis-à-vis team ability, winning percentage, coaching experience; Kavussanu, Boardley, Jutkiewicz, Vincent, & Ring, 2008; Myers et al., 2005), as well as evidence of additional sources of coaching efficacy, including one’s personal competing experience (Chase, Feltz, Hayashi, & Helper, 2005; Sullivan, Gee, & Feltz, 2006), the use of visualization techniques (Short, Smiley, & Ross-Stewart, 2005), perceptions of support from players (Chase et al., 2005) and the community (Myers et al., 2005), and participation in coach education programs (Malete & Feltz, 2000; Sullivan et al., 2012). Although some of these sources cannot be readily manipulated through intervention (e.g., competing and coaching experience), others are more malleable and offer promise for those seeking to promote coaching efficacy beliefs through training and coach development initiatives (e.g., coach education, visualization, player and community support).

Coaches’ Promotion of Confidence in Others Besides believing in their own capabilities, effective leaders are also mindful (and capable) of promoting confidence among others. In particular, a growing body of research in sport and exercise settings

points toward two relational efficacy constructs that skilled coaches or instructors may be able to foster among their athletes and exercisers. These constructs are referred to as other-efficacy (or proxy efficacy) and relation-inferred self-efficacy (see Lent & Lopez, 2002). Other-efficacy reflects the degree of confidence that one person has in another’s capabilities (e.g., an athlete’s confidence in his or her coach’s ability), and proxy efficacy is considered a specific type of other-efficacy that has been studied in situations in which one person relies on another’s help in regulating or maintaining a course of action (e.g., rehabilitation relationships between therapist and client). Nonetheless, studies testing the predictive effects of other-efficacy and proxy efficacy, as well as related work focusing on athlete perceptions of coaching competency (Myers, Beauchamp, & Chase, 2011), have demonstrated that when athletes or exercisers believe that they are working under a highly capable leader, this belief may promote greater self-efficacy and motivation, along with more positive interpersonal exchanges (Jackson, Grove, & Beauchamp, 2010). In a similar regard, when leaders believe in their followers’ capabilities (when coaches believe in their athletes), this belief has been found to have notable transmission effects for followers. For example, in a recent experimental study involving basketball teams, Fransen, Haslam, et al. (2015) demonstrated that when (confederate) athlete leaders displayed greater confidence in their team, a contagion effect resulted, whereby team members became more confident in themselves, and that this effect was partially mediated by improvements in team identification. In addition, when leaders expressed high team confidence, team members’ performance increased during the experiment, but when leaders expressed low confidence, team members’ performance decreased. Methods for modifying other-efficacy beliefs have to date received limited attention using controlled experimental (or intervention-based) designs. But evidence indicates that certain sources underlie favorable other-efficacy (and proxy efficacy) perceptions. Having conducted interviews with members of elite coach–athlete relationships, Jackson, Knapp, and Beauchamp (2009) reported that athletes were confident in their coach when, among other things, their coach appeared to be highly motivated, adopted an autonomy-supportive coaching style, and provided them with sufficient contact time. Similar findings have been reported in the few experimental manipulations that have been conducted with the aim of bolstering proxy

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efficacy perceptions. Bray and colleagues (Bray, Gyurcsik, Martin-Ginis, & Culos-Reed, 2004), for example, demonstrated that relative to exercise class attendees who received neutral instruction, those who received enriched (i.e., encouraging, attentive, interactive) instruction reported greater confidence in their instructor’s capabilities (see also Bray, Saville, & Brawley, 2013). Also, Priebe, Flora, Ferguson, and Anderson (2012) showed that novice exercisers responded with heightened proxy efficacy regarding an exercise instructor when they were informed that the instructor was highly recommended, had a successful track record, and created a fun in-class environment (relative to neutral descriptive information about the instructor). With this in mind, one coach- or instructor-focused approach for supporting athlete or exerciser motivation, confidence, and well-being might be to implement instructional strategies that are designed to enhance athlete or exerciser confidence in the coach’s or instructor’s ability. Such methods might include providing autonomy support and encouragement, overtly displaying enthusiasm and motivation, emphasizing fun, and making time for the athlete or exerciser. The second relational efficacy construct pertinent to this discussion, namely relation-inferred self-efficacy (or RISE), refers to one person’s estimation of another’s confidence in one’s ability. For instance, RISE would reflect an athlete’s estimation of how confident her or his coach is in her or his (i.e., the athlete’s) ability (e.g., “My coach seems to really believe in me”). Lent and Lopez (2002) asserted that when people believe that a credible authority figure (such as a coach) is confident in their ability, this belief reinforces their perception

of their own capabilities, stimulates motivation, and buffers against stress. Robust empirical evidence for these effects has yet to be established, but support has been consistent for the role of RISE beliefs with respect to perceivers’ confidence in their own ability (e.g., Jackson et al., 2009; Saville & Bray, 2016). In light of these findings, it may be beneficial to encourage leaders in sport and exercise settings to overtly transmit their confidence in their athletes’ or clients’ ability, with the goal of affirming their RISE appraisals (see the sidebar Relation-Inferred Self-Efficacy). Taken together, recent research suggests that efficacy beliefs are important in leadership contexts and offers some insight into leader strategies that may bolster others’ relevant efficacy judgments.

Athlete Leadership The overwhelming majority of leadership research within sport psychology has focused on the coach (Loughead et al., 2006). Some recent research, however, has focused on leadership of an athlete or group of athletes who attempt to influence others within the team to achieve a common goal (e.g., Loughead & Hardy, 2005; Vincer & Loughead, 2010). This work can be categorized into three general areas that include the characteristics of athlete leaders, the quantity of athlete leaders within teams, and the leadership behaviors exhibited by athlete leaders. Characteristics of athlete leadership can be considered with regard to either formal (e.g., team captain) or informal (e.g., veteran player) leadership roles within a given team (e.g., Loughead et al., 2006). These athlete leaders either self-rate or are rated by their teammates and coaches as

Relation-Inferred Self-Efficacy Practical insight into how to bolster relation-inferred self-efficacy (RISE) beliefs has been provided within both elite and youth sport contexts. Athletes in Jackson et al.’s (2009) investigation inferred that their coaches believed strongly in their ability when the coach displayed inclusive, positive, encouraging feedback and when he or she set challenging goals for the athlete. These findings have been largely mirrored in youth sport contexts; athletes who were interviewed by Saville et al. (2014) described a relatively consistent set of verbal (e.g., encouragement, efficacy-building statements) and nonverbal (e.g., focused attention, challenging opportunities) RISE-relevant signals from their coaches. Saville and Bray (2016) also recently operationalized a measure of RISE-relevant coaching behaviors within youth sport settings (e.g., “My coach tells me that he believes I can do well,” “My coach works with me one on one so that I can improve my weaker skills”). They revealed that the frequency of detecting RISE-relevant signals by athletes was positively related to athletes’ estimations of their coach’s confidence in the athletes’ abilities. Guided by these (limited) findings, coaches and instructors may be able to transmit confidence to their athletes by tailoring their feedback and behavior to promote more favorable RISE perceptions.

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being skilled performers (e.g., Yukelson, Weinberg, Richardson, & Jackson, 1983), have some level of expertise playing their sport (Loughead et al., 2006), and play central positions (Glenn & Horn, 1993). Lastly, athlete leaders are typically liked by their teammates (Tropp & Landers, 1979) and exhibit a strong internal locus of control (Yukelson et al., 1983). More recent research disentangles the relative importance of the various task, motivational, social, and external (i.e., demands related to the media, sponsors, and club management) functions that athlete leaders typically perform (Fransen, Van Puyenbroeck, et al., 2015). Specifically, Fransen, Van Puyenbroeck, et al. found that the extent to which athletes felt connected with their leader proved most salient in relation to measures of leader quality. That is, to be viewed as an effective leader, teammates had to feel closely connected to that leader. Another line of research has examined the quantity or proportion of athlete leaders present within sport teams. The research findings from this line of inquiry have shown that leadership from athletes is a shared activity within teams and that all team members have the opportunity to participate in the leadership of their team depending on the requirements of the situation and the experience and capacities of the athletes involved (Fransen, Vanbeselaere, De Cuyper, Vande Broek, & Boen, 2014; Loughead & Hardy, 2005). For instance, using open-ended questions, Crozier, Loughead, and Munroe-Chandler (2013) asked intercollegiate athletes to indicate what constitutes the ideal number of formal and informal athlete leaders on a given team. Participants responded that over 85% of athletes on a team should assume a leadership role for optimal team functioning. The third line of research in this area has sought to examine the various leadership behaviors of athlete leaders. Using the LSS (Chelladurai & Saleh, 1980), Loughead and Hardy (2005) examined whether athlete leaders and coaches differed on the amount of leadership behaviors provided to their teams. The results demonstrated that coaches used more training, instruction, and autocratic behavior compared with athlete leaders. Athlete leaders, however, exhibited more social support, positive feedback, and democratic behavior than did coaches. With regard to the correlates of athlete leadership, the athlete leader behaviors of training and instruction, social support, positive feedback, and democratic behavior have been found to be positively associated with task and social cohesion (Paradis & Loughead, 2012; Vincer & Loughead, 2010) and athlete satisfaction (Paradis & Loughead,

2012). As highlighted previously, when athlete leaders display confidence in their teammates, their assurance can drive a contagion effect whereby their teammates become more confident (Fransen, Haslam, et al., 2015). Similarly, when team captains display higher levels of transformational leadership, greater group cohesion can result, mediated by the team’s improved communication processes (Smith, Arthur, Hardy, Callow, & Williams, 2013). In sum, the results from these various studies clearly indicate that athlete leaders use a variety of leadership behaviors and that these behaviors are positively related to both individual and team-level outcomes.

An Integrated Framework for Leadership in Physical Activity Settings As is evident from previous sections of this chapter, a diverse range of approaches has been applied to the study of leadership within physical activity settings. Considered in concert, many of these approaches clearly share complementary components that collectively shed important light on the nature of effective teamwork in physical activity settings. In this section, we draw from this extant knowledge base to present an integrated framework for leadership in physical activity settings. This model is presented in figure 9.2. Consistent with research on transformational leadership (Bass & Riggio, 2006), the MML (Chelladurai, 2007; 2013), social cognitive models (Bandura, 1997, Feltz et al., 1999; Lent & Lopez, 2002), and personality approaches to leadership (Judge et al., 2002), considerable evidence exists to support the contention that leadership behaviors are shaped by both personal (box 1) and situational (box 2) factors. For example, compelling evidence exists that genetic or hereditary factors (personal factors, box 1) explain unique variance in measures of transformational leadership (Chaturvedi et al., 2011). Similarly, the results of a prominent meta-analysis show that personality factors are associated with measures of both leader emergence and leader effectiveness. Specifically, Judge and colleagues (2002) found that across several contexts (including sport), higher extraversion, greater conscientiousness, more openness to experience, and lower neuroticism were found to be related to people being appointed into leadership roles as well as measures of leader effectiveness. In each case, extraversion demonstrated the strongest relationship with both

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(5) Athlete personal characteristics

(1) Leader personal characteristics

(3) Leader behaviors

(4) Athlete psychological mediators

(6) Athlete and team behavioral achievement outcomes

(2) Environmental and contextual factors

Figure 9.2  Integrated model of leadership in physical activity settings.

outcome measures. Interestingly, a meta-analysis by Besides these personal antecedents of leaderE6768/Horn/F09.02/565536/mh-R2 Eagly, Johannesen-Schmidt, and van Engen (2003) ship behaviors (genetics, personality, gender), points to the importance of considering gender as compelling evidence also indicates that leadership an additional individual difference factor. Specifibehaviors are influenced by various social and cally, in this meta-analysis, women were found to environmental factors (box 2). These include the display higher levels of transformational leadership influence of formal training interventions as well than men, and men were also more likely to display as other social agents, such as parents, within more less effective leadership in the form of transactional naturalistic settings. For example, as highlighted and laissez-faire styles. Although the effects sizes earlier, a growing body of evidence now supports (i.e., differences) were small, this finding is notethe fact that transformational leadership behaviors worthy, because these transformational leadership can be developed through intervention, such as behaviors have been implicated in the prediction through the provision of professional development of leadership effectiveness across life contexts workshops (Avolio et al., 2009; Beauchamp et al., (including sport). Notably, men are often selected 2011). In a similar regard, research conducted from for leadership positions (in sport, as across other an achievement goal theory perspective found that achievement contexts), and this finding points to coaches could be trained to make greater use of the utility of considering the leadership behaviors task-focused (rather than ego-endorsing) coachof women that might be superior to those of men in ing behaviors (Smith, Smoll, & Cumming, 2007). supporting performance outcomes among followers Besides the effects of these formalized training (e.g., athletes). Finally, and highlighted earlier, a initiatives, research also points to the socializing number of individual psychological factors can effects of various social agents, such as parents, operate as salient antecedents of various leaderas well as the role of cultural factors. For examship behaviors. For example, work from a social ple, research by Zacharatos et al. (2000) indicated cognitive theory perspective has found that when that parents appear to play a critical role in their coaches are more confident in their own capabilities children’s displays of leadership. Specifically, in (high coaching efficacy), they tend to make greater the context of youth sport, children tend to exhibit use of effective instructional behaviors, including the same leadership behaviors that are modeled efforts to bolster their athletes’ own efficacy beliefs by their parents. Finally, some evidence suggests as well as provide positive feedback (e.g., Myers, that cultural factors affect displays of leadership. Vargas-Tonsing, & Feltz, 2005). As a recent example, Hodge, Henry, and Smith

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(2014) describe the shared leadership behaviors of a world-class rugby team (New Zealand All Blacks) that developed (involving both coaches and athletes) because of a long-standing cultural heritage embraced by the team. In terms of those leadership behaviors (box 3) most likely to result in improvements in athlete, student, and exerciser achievement, research (highlighted earlier in this chapter) points to the importance of transformational leadership behaviors (Bass & Riggio, 2006), behaviors that target the basic psychological needs of those being led (e.g., autonomy support, structure, involvement) (Mageau & Vallerand, 2003; Ryan & Deci, 2002), efforts that maximize the quality of relationships between coaches and athletes (Jowett, 2007), displays of confidence in others’ capabilities (by an efficacy transmission effect) (Lent & Lopez, 2002), and the creation of motivational climates that target self-referent improvement rather than norm-referent comparisons (Ames, 1992). With regard to how leadership behaviors affect athlete or team outcomes, our integrated model reflects a range of individual- and group-level psychological mediators (i.e., mechanisms; box 4) that have been found to explain the relations between leader behaviors and athlete and team achievement. Examples of individual-level mediators include improvements in psychological need satisfaction (Ng et al., 2012; Wilson et al., 2012), self-determined motivation (Charbonneau et al., 2001; Moustaka et al., 2012), self- and relational-efficacy beliefs (Beauchamp et al., 2014; Jackson et al., 2009), and perceptions of improved relationship quality (Lafrenière, Jowett, Vallerand, & Carbonneau, 2011). Examples of group-level (i.e., shared) psychological mechanisms include improved perceptions of team identification (Fransen, Haslam, et al., 2015), group cohesion (Callow et al., 2009), and collective efficacy (Hampson & Jowett, 2014; Vargas-Tonsing et al., 2003). Although an extensive amount of research in sport and physical activity settings has examined mechanisms (i.e., mediators) through which leadership behaviors might account for (or explain) athlete achievement outcomes, some (albeit limited) research has also examined potential moderators, or boundary conditions, that potentially buffer (or enhance) the effects of leadership behaviors in physical activity settings (box 5). One study that nicely illustrates this effect shows that athletes with higher levels of narcissism respond quite differently to displays of transformational leadership than do athletes who score lower on this trait (Arthur et al.,

2011). In a more recent study, Benson, Hardy, and Eys (2015) examined prototypical characteristics of ideal followership (active independent thought, ability to process self-related information accurately, collective orientation, and relational transparency) within the context of high-performing sport teams. This study nicely illustrated the circumstances when leaders are more likely to support the utility of proactive followership. In sum, the results of these studies suggest that the effects of leadership behaviors on athlete outcomes may well depend on (i.e., interact with) the personal qualities of athletes, exercisers, and students. Across the diverse physical activity contexts covered within this chapter (sport, physical education, exercise), achievement outcomes (box 6) derived from various leadership behaviors have been operationalized in a range of ways. When taken together, however, what is evident from the foregoing research is that when coaches, teachers, and exercise instructors make use of the behaviors subsumed within box 3, achievement outcomes tend to improve. These outcomes include improvements in student engagement (Wilson et al., 2012), more within-class as well as leisure-time physical activity among adolescents (Beauchamp et al., 2014), improved exercise class attendance among adults (Moustaka et al., 2012; Rowold, 2006; Woodgate et al., 2005), and indeed better athletic performances (Charbonneau et al., 2001). In sum, we certainly recognize that each of the elements subsumed within our integrated model is reflected in the various theories and models covered earlier in the chapter. By presenting a parsimonious framework that includes input variables (personal and situational antecedents of leadership behaviors), mediating mechanisms, and boundary conditions, we hope that this framework might be useful in guiding evidence-based qualitative, observational, longitudinal, and experimental studies concerned with maximizing our understanding of leadership within the physical activity domain.

Future Research Recommendations Balanced against the accumulation of research over the past two decades on the nature of leadership within physical activity contexts, a number of gaps remain in our knowledge base. Therefore, several important avenues are open to be investigated by future research. The purpose of this section is to highlight some of these gaps and opportunities.

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One major deficit in the current knowledge base corresponds to the paucity of leadership intervention studies within the physical activity domain that have used high-quality experimental research designs. Some randomized controlled trials have been conducted that test the efficacy of teacher development interventions in school-based physical education settings. These studies include interventions designed to support the development of transformational leadership (Beauchamp et al., 2011), autonomy-support (Cheon & Reeve, 2013; Cheon, Reeve, & Moon, 2012; Fenner, Straker, Davis, & Hagger, 2013), as well as interpersonally involving instructional practices (Sparks, Lonsdale, Dimmock, & Jackson, 2017). In the exercise domain, a few controlled experimental studies illustrate the viability and utility of similar autonomy-supportive exercise instructor interventions (e.g., Moustaka et al., 2012). In the context of a peer-leadership intervention involving sixth-grade students, the results of a recent controlled intervention study tested the efficacy of a Presidential Active Lifestyle Award program and revealed improvements in health-enhancing physical activity among adolescents (Barr-Anderson et al., 2012). Nevertheless, in spite of the pervasiveness of coach education training programs and initiatives, few coach-development programs have been evaluated using controlled experimental designs. To illustrate, Langan, Blake, and Lonsdale (2013) conducted a systematic review of coach education interventions that focused on the development of coach interpersonal behaviors. Only four studies were included that used some form of control group compared with an intervention condition. One of these studies focused on developing a mastery approach to coaching (Smith et al., 2007), which resulted in fostering a team mastery climate whereby the athletes’ subsequent ego orientation decreased and mastery orientation increased. The three other intervention studies were based on coach effectiveness training (Smith, Smoll, & Curtis, 1979). These interventions produced mixed effects, including a reduction in anxiety among athletes (Smith, Smoll, & Barnett, 1995) but a failure to increase athlete self-esteem or reduce athlete fear of failure (Coatsworth & Conroy, 2006; Conroy & Coatsworth, 2004). In a more recent systematic review, Evans, McGuckin, Gainforth, Bruner, and Côté (2015) investigated the extent that coach intervention programs reported on internal and external validity using a RE-AIM approach (Glasgow, Vogt, Boles, 1999; reach, effectiveness or efficacy, adoption, implementation, and maintenance). The

17 studies included in the review used a small number of theories or frameworks that guided the interventions (e.g., achievement goal theory, transformational leadership theory, autonomy-supportive coaching). Most of the studies focused on the effectiveness component of RE-AIM, and almost all the studies overlooked the maintenance component. Given this result, Evans et al. (2015) recommend that future intervention studies should contain an assessment of each of the RE-AIM components. A second gap in knowledge, and a direction for further research, concerns individual difference factors that might act as important determinants of leadership, in the form of leadership potential. For example, although some research indicates that personality traits such as extraversion might be associated with measures of leadership effectiveness (Judge et al., 2002), other individual difference factors might contribute to the development of effective leadership. One such factor is emotional intelligence, which reflects a person’s ability to perceive, use, understand, and manage one’s own and others’ emotions (Mayer & Salovey, 1997). In one of the few studies to examine this concept in sport, Hwang, Feltz, and Lee (2013) assessed emotional intelligence among a sample of more than 300 high school basketball head coaches. They observed that coaches’ self-reported emotional intelligence was positively associated with their coaching efficacy and feedback or instructional behaviors. In a similar study focusing on physical activity group leaders, Magyar et al. (2007) also demonstrated positive associations between aspects of emotional intelligence and leader efficacy. Chan and Mallett (2011) contended that the study of emotionally intelligent leadership may have implications for understanding, among other things, coach–athlete relationship quality, communication patterns, coach effectiveness, conflict resolution, and player or team efficacy and performance states. Finally, evidence outside sport and exercise suggests that emotional intelligence may be teachable (e.g., Brackett & Caruso, 2005). Contingent on the findings of work suggested earlier, it would be fascinating to explore methods for, and implications of, emotional intelligence training among sport and exercise leaders. A third worthwhile area for future research would be to examine additional styles or forms of leadership beyond those highlighted in this chapter. As one example, recent work within the field of organizational psychology has sought to examine the contributions of authentic (Gardner, Cogliser, Davis, & Dickens, 2011) and ethical (Brown, Treviño, & Harrison, 2005) leadership. Although both have

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similarities with transformational leadership, they are also posited to reflect different dimensions of leadership. In a similar vein, although the majority of leadership research within both organizational and sport psychology has sought to examine aspects of good leadership, future research that examines the dark side of leadership would certainly be encouraged. In a recent study, Carleton and colleagues (2016) examined the effects of abusive coach leadership within the context of professional sport. They found that over the course of athletes’ careers, abusive coach behaviors were prospectively related to displays of athlete aggression and reductions in task performance within the National Basketball Association (NBA). Additional research on the effects of abusive (and other forms of bad) leadership would certainly appear worthwhile.

Summary As is evident from the review contained in this chapter, the study of leadership within the field of sport and exercise psychology has a rich history that not only points to the pervasiveness of leadership within sport, exercise, and physical activity settings but also emphasizes the importance of understanding the very nature of leadership, its consequences, and those antecedent variables that contribute to effective leadership. The accumulated evidence points to the contributions of both nature and nurture variables to leadership behaviors used by various social agents in the broader physical activity domain. This body of research also points to the ability of coaches, teachers, and exercise instructors to have direct and indirect influence on various achievement outcomes among athletes, students, and exercisers. Nevertheless, gaps in our current state of knowledge remain. In particular, future research is encouraged that examines the effects of leadership-based interventions using high-quality experimental designs, additional individual difference factors (genetics, emotional intelligence) that contribute to displays of adaptive leadership behaviors, and newer conceptions of leadership within the physical activity domain (e.g., authentic, ethical, and abusive leadership).

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10 Group Dynamics in Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Contexts Mark Eys, PhD  M. Blair Evans, PhD

Abstract The present chapter focuses on group dynamics, or the study of “the actions, processes, and changes that occur within and between groups” (Forsyth, 2014, p. 2) in sport and exercise settings. Group dynamics can be observed across a range of contexts, such as during a well-executed passing play among basketball players leading to an easy layup, an exercise instructor motivating a row of stationary cyclists, or figure skaters negotiating the shared time of their coach during practice. Group scenarios like these incorporate some degree of interdependence, interaction, and social influence among the group members. This chapter begins with discussion of the relevancy of group dynamics across contexts (e.g., team sport, individual sport, exercise classes). Next is a presentation of two frameworks that can be used to categorize important variables. Specific variables within the construct of group dynamics (e.g., home advantage, roles, norms, coordination, communication, cohesion, and team building) are then targeted for more in-depth discussion. Finally, the chapter ends with the identification of future research directions that may advance our understanding of group dynamics within and across physical activity contexts.

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D

uring the late summer of 2015, the Canadian men’s basketball program made a strong push for Olympic qualification with an exciting young lineup composed of professional players from various teams competing in the NBA and European leagues. Clearly, when national programs of this nature include athletes who are brought together for a relatively limited period, the group environment must develop rapidly despite numerous challenges. In this situation, the coaching staff and athletes were able to unite around their goal in a short time. As one player, Anthony Bennett, described, It’s a great group of guys, every day just fun to be around. . . . .Just learning different personalities— West coast, East coast, different teams, overseas, it’s a good feeling. Everybody comes in . . . and we click. I can say it’s pretty much a family. Koreen, 2015, para. 14.

This team-sport example is what typically comes to mind when discussing physical activity groups in action. But groups are found across a range of physical activity contexts (e.g., exercise classes, informal running groups), and the challenges inherent in effectively bringing individuals together can be diverse. For example, Muylwyk (2004) described a sea-kayaking excursion in which the six participants differed in experience and skill level. When conditions deteriorated because of high winds, one of the members fell dangerously behind. Muylwyk recollected, While waiting, we discussed the idea that a group’s tempo should be determined by the slowest paddler. . . . When at last Dave made it to shore, he threw his paddle on the rocks, yelled at us, and proceeded to stay away from the rest of the group. Muylwyk, 2004 (para. 5)

These short examples illustrate many of the issues (e.g., member characteristics, the group’s environment, cohesion, communication, conflict) that are examined through the study of groups or, in other words, group dynamics. The objectives of this area of inquiry, shared among psychology subdisciplines such as social, organizational, and sport and exercise, were described by Cartwright and Zander (1968) as focusing on “advancing knowledge about the nature of groups, the laws of their development, and their interrelationships with individuals, other groups, and larger institutions” (p. 7). More recently, Forsyth (2014) succinctly defined group dynamics as the study of “the actions,

processes, and changes that occur within and between groups” (p. 2). In the past several decades, understanding of group dynamics within physical activity contexts has advanced considerably. The objective of this chapter is to provide an overview of the extant research while highlighting pertinent issues for future consideration. Specifically, we begin by making a case for the relevancy of group dynamics across many physical activity contexts. Next, we provide brief summaries of frameworks that have been developed to understand group processes, and we examine in more depth some of the critical components that are receiving research attention. Finally, we conclude with suggestions for future research. We note that what is covered in this chapter does not represent the totality, or depth, of information available regarding group dynamics in physical activity. Texts devoted to this topic within sport and exercise (e.g., Beauchamp & Eys, 2014; Carron & Eys, 2012), as well as group dynamics more generally (e.g., Forsyth, 2014), cover much larger territory. Furthermore, we avoid replication with information found in previous chapters of the current text. In particular, the leadership provided by coaches, exercise instructors, physical educators, and peers is a critical construct within the group dynamics literature. But these topics are covered in chapters 8 and 9 and thus are not discussed in this chapter. Finally, a wide array of psychological concepts have relevance for group dynamics (e.g., personality, emotions, social identity, and personal growth) but are not explored within this chapter. In summary, we restrict our attention to the group’s environment, structure, cohesion, and processes.

Relevancy of Group Dynamics Across Contexts Considering the historical roots of research and intervention involving sport group dynamics, an implicit presumption is that group processes are most pertinent where true groups exist. Indeed, a precedent was established early in sport and exercise research (e.g., Carron & Chelladurai, 1981) that group dynamics are most relevant on teams whose members must cooperate during group performances and are closely bound by traits that represent groupness (e.g., common fate, mutual benefit, social structure, group processes, and self-categorization; see Spink, Wilson, & Priebe, 2010). Logically, then, the rich group setting of team sport provides fertile ground for studying groups because members

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cooperate during performance and represent many of the core elements of belonging to a group. With this in mind, much of our current understanding of sport group dynamics was generated through studies featuring competitive team sports in early adulthood or late adolescence (e.g., 18 to 30 years of age; Eys, Lougheed, Bray, & Carron, 2009). More recently, however, research studies have shown that meaningful group experiences can be found in many physical activity settings, such as fitness classes and running groups (Burke, Carron, Eys, Ntoumanis, & Estabrooks, 2006). For example, when exercisers rated their fitness groups higher on the essential features of groupness, they also reported greater attendance and more frequent exercise bouts (Spink et al., 2010). This finding is interesting. Whereas affiliations between members of fitness classes or facilities may involve weak social ties rather than group bonds, exercise programs and activity leaders have opportunities to integrate group processes in their programs (e.g., requiring cooperation among members or developing a team name). Positive experiences in these settings can, in turn, elicit potent exercise motivation. Therefore, group-centered motives should be considered as potential active ingredients in physical activity promotion (Estabrooks, Harden, & Burke, 2012). As noted earlier in this section, much of the early research on group dynamics within the sport setting focused primarily on team sports (e.g., football, hockey). More recent research, however, indicates that teammate interactions are a vital aspect of some individual-sport athletes’ competitive lives as well (Evans, Eys, & Wolf, 2013), even though individual-sport athletes are seldom required to cooperate during performances. This finding suggests the potential for individual-sport teams to involve other forms of interdependence, whereby teammates contribute to shared objectives (e.g., team titles) or depend on shared resources (e.g., coaches, training facilities, equipment), and may even engage in competition against one another (Evans, Eys, & Bruner, 2012). Taken from this perspective, individual sport provides a unique research setting because involvement can range from being completely solitary to participating in a collective, team-focused experience. Considering these varying streams of research, group dynamics are evident in virtually all contexts related to physical activity—even in groups whose members customarily have few observable ties that bind them. Note, however, that group dynamics will vary as a function of the context. Whereas members in one type of group might face social structures

pulling them together, others may face imposing competitive structures that serve to push them apart. Such variability from one group to another provides an opportunity to adopt an integrative approach that involves studying group dynamics across many contexts—providing contrasts across different forms of groups that will allow contemporary researchers to ask an array of novel questions. In the following section of this chapter, an overview is provided of two frameworks that can be used to understand the variety of topics housed under the general umbrella of group dynamics.

Frameworks for Group Dynamics in Physical Activity Several theoretical frameworks have been proposed to understand group dynamics within physical activity. The broadest framework is provided by Carron and Eys (2012) to situate the numerous concepts examined in this field. As figure 10.1 illustrates, the attributes of group members and the group’s environment are proposed to underpin important structural aspects of the group, the unity of its members (i.e., group cohesion), and group processes. Outcomes that arise are relevant at both the individual and group level. In regard to specific components of the Carron and Eys (2012) framework, member attributes refer to the skills that individuals bring to the group, as well as their personalities, experiences, and physical attributes (to list just a few attributes). Carron and Eys suggest that these attributes need to be considered not only in terms of how much they are present in a group but also whether variability and compatibility is sufficient (or excessive). Features of the group environment that have been considered include the size of the group as well as territoriality (e.g., whether a team plays home or away). From a structural standpoint, the number and quality of leaders in the group, status hierarchies, the provision and execution of role responsibilities, and the type and degree of adherence to normative values provide the foundation for ongoing group perceptions (e.g., cohesion) and processes (e.g., communication, conflict, and coordination). Finally, the dynamics of the group will influence both group (e.g., performance, ongoing stability, and so on) and individual outcomes (e.g., satisfaction, retention, individual performance, and so on). The Carron and Eys (2012) framework provides an inclusive perspective on group dynamics across many contexts within the sport and physical

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Member attributes

Individual outcomes

Group structure

Group cohesion

Group processes

Team outcomes

Group environment

Figure 10.1  A conceptual framework of group dynamics in sport. Reprinted from A. V. Carron and M. A. Eys, Group dynamics in sport, 4th ed., (FIT: Morgantown, WV, 2012), 20. Used with permission from the publisher.

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a­ ctivity field. Recently, more specific frameworks have been developed that focus on important subcomponents to guide group research. McEwan and Beauchamp (2014), for example, developed a framework for examining the concept of teamwork. Specifically, these researchers suggested that individual (e.g., group member attributes), team (e.g., group size), and external (e.g., organizational resources) inputs affect individual and team outputs through a series of mediating teamwork behaviors. Some of the teamwork behaviors are proposed to target the maintenance of the group (e.g., through reducing conflict), whereas others focus on performance issues. McEwan and Beauchamp outlined that performance-­related behaviors are dedicated to • preparation (e.g., goal setting and other analytical activities), • execution (e.g., communication and coordination), • evaluation (e.g., monitoring activities assessing actual performance versus initial objectives), and • adjustment (e.g., developing strategies to overcome obstacles or challenges). As a final component of this framework, perceptions of cohesion and collective efficacy are thought to be emergent states that influence and are influenced by the previously mentioned behaviors.

In all, these frameworks allow greater understanding of the complexity of group dynamics and the breadth of topics that can be considered in this field. Thus, they certainly can be, and already have been, used to examine group processes across many different contexts.

Critical Components of Group Dynamics In this section, we use figure 10.1 to explore recent research that has been conducted on targeted variables related to the group’s environment (e.g., home advantage), structure (e.g., roles, norms), cohesion, and processes (e.g., coordination, communication, and team building).

Group Environment Although several contextual variables (e.g., group size, cultural backdrop) are of interest with respect to the group’s environment, the effect of game location remains one of the most discussed both in the popular media and within sport psychology research. For example, in reference to the playoff aspirations of the 2015 Toronto Blue Jays professional baseball team, general manager Alex Anthopoulos noted, “Home field for us with the environment we have at that stadium . . . everybody

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across the league is talking about what an unbelievable environment it is, to have a dome, playing conditions . . . it’s a big advantage for us” (Whyno, 2015, para. 16). Courneya and Carron (1992) generally defined the home advantage as the tendency for home teams to win over 50% of games played. This tendency is incredibly consistent; evidence stretches back well over 100 years in professional sport. Pollard and Pollard (2005) reported that the winning percentage of professional sport teams (e.g., baseball, American football, hockey, basketball, and soccer) throughout much of the 1900s ranged from 56.9% to 67.4% and decreased only slightly when examined between the years 1998 and 2002 (53.7% to 61.0%). Although this advantage appears to be present in many sports (including some individual sports; Bray & Carron, 1993; Jones, 2013) and for both men and women (Pollard & Gómez, 2014), soccer tends to display the greatest home advantage over time. Jamieson (2010) speculated that having a shorter season (making each game relatively more important), greater crowd density, and more raucous fan behavior may account for the stronger home advantage in soccer. The ongoing interest in the home advantage has spurred many research studies as well as much speculation regarding why such a phenomenon exists. Carron, Loughead, and Bray (2005) reviewed home advantage research and generated a framework that encompassed the findings. In general, their framework identifies several game location factors that have the potential to influence psychological and behavioral states of the major actors within sport (i.e., athletes, coaches, officials) and, thus, ultimately to influence performance outcomes. One game location factor pertains to characteristics of the crowd. For example, the supportive nature of a home audience has been related to the performance advantage (Boudreaux, Sanders, & Walia, in press) as has greater crowd size and density (Nevill, Newell, & Gale, 1996; Schwartz & Barsky, 1977). A second factor pertains to the learning advantage that may be present for home teams (i.e., athletes playing at home may understand the playing surface better than opposing players). As possible evidence for this factor, both Pollard (2002) and Loughead, Carron, Bray, and Kim (2003) found that the home advantage was slightly lower after professional teams moved facilities and, in the latter study, that this decrease was more pronounced for higher-quality teams. The remaining two game location factors, effects of travel and rule variations, also have research support. With respect to the former, Goumas (2014) provided evidence that the home advantage becomes

more pronounced as the number of time zones traveled increases for the opposition. In the case of rule variations, Courneya and Carron (1990) did not find support for the notion that batting last was advantageous to home teams in slow-pitch softball, but Liardi and Carron (2011) did show that face-offs were won more often by home teams in professional hockey (home teams are allowed final personnel changes, and theoretically better matchups, during stoppages in play). But in the hockey example, the advantage in the face-off circle did not translate to team performance success. The preceding discussion represents a relatively cursory overview of home advantage research, and certainly the relationships are much more nuanced than space allows us to describe. Furthermore, alternative explanations over and above specific game location factors may account for a portion of the advantage for the home team. In an excellent summary of the research on this topic, Allen and Jones (2014) also note evolutionary (i.e., opponents entering one’s territory evokes a natural protective response) and, relatedly, physiological explanations (i.e., increased testosterone; Carré, Muir, Belanger, & Putnam, 2006) that could account for different behaviors at home versus away contexts. Furthermore, conditions under which playing at home could manifest poorer performance represent additional twists on a popular topic (Allen & Jones). Clearly, this topic remains a relevant and interesting area of research for future work.

Group Structure Carron and Eys (2012; see figure 10.1) highlight the range of topics related to a group’s structure, including its physical (i.e., individual positions) and psychological structures (i.e., roles, norms, status, and leadership). In the following sections, we briefly summarize literature pertaining to roles and norms, because they have received recent attention from researchers in sport psychology. As noted previously, those interested in issues pertaining to leadership are directed to chapters 8 and 9 of this book.

Roles As noted in the introductory section of this chapter, several structural components provide the foundation for sport and exercise groups. Among these components, properly distributing, transmitting, and executing role responsibilities represent important practices. Roles refer to the expected patterns of behavior for individuals who occupy specific positions in the group (Biddle & Thomas, 1966).

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Athletes are often defined by the roles they occupy, and these roles can be focused on task aspects of the group (e.g., on-court leadership provided by a captain) or on maintaining harmony among group members (e.g., a social organizer). Furthermore, group member roles can arise either through formal means (e.g., a coach assigns specific responsibilities to an athlete) or through more informal mechanisms (e.g., athletes gravitate toward particular roles because of personality characteristics or interactions with other group members). In an exploration of the nature and transmission of role responsibilities in sport contexts, Benson, Surya, and Eys (2014) found some intersections between role type and development. For example, specialized task roles were predominantly conveyed by formal means by the coach, whereas auxiliary task (e.g., “energy players”) and social roles tended to arise through the informal process. Furthermore, leadership responsibilities and expectations were derived through both formal and informal pathways. The majority of previous research in sport has focused on formal roles, probably for good reason. These types of roles are more overt and are intended to provide positive contributions to the group. Thus, comprehending how these responsibilities are developed and transmitted is easier. For example, Kahn, Wolfe, Quinn, Snoek, and Rosenthal (1964) highlighted a typical role episode that is useful in thinking about how role expectations are transmitted. This role episode, when translated to sport (Eys, Carron, Beauchamp, & Bray, 2005), is composed of five events that occur when coaches communicate role responsibilities to an athlete. First, coaches develop expectations for each group member based on team needs and individual characteristics. Role pressure (i.e., the second event) is exerted by coaches and is subsequently experienced by the athletes (i.e., the third event). The fourth event is represented by the responses of the athlete to the role pressure she or he is receiving, and actual overt responses (e.g., role performance) at the fifth event are interpreted by the coach. In contrast, although athletes readily identify informal roles within their groups, how coaches and teammates communicate and develop these types of roles is appreciably less clear. Cope, Eys, Beauchamp, Schinke, and Bosselut (2011) identified several sport-oriented informal roles, including mentors, verbal and nonverbal leaders, social conveners, comedians, sparkplugs, cancers or bad apples, and distractors. Research in organizational psychology suggests that the emergence of informal roles can serve positive and negative functions.

As it pertains to the former, several informal roles may emerge to fill gaps in group structure (e.g., a void in leadership). In contrast, negative informal roles (e.g., a team cancer; Cope, Eys, Schinke, & Bosselut, 2010) function to disrupt the group and resist its formal structure (Hare, 1994; Homans, 1950). Interesting research questions remain with respect to understanding how these informal roles develop as well as how to nurture or manage the role occupants. Role-related research in sport has focused on athletes’ cognitive, affective, and behavioral responses to role pressures. These responses include perceptions of role clarity, efficacy, satisfaction, conflict, and acceptance (see the example in the sidebar The Importance of Accepting Role Responsibilities), as well as role performance. For example, role clarity refers to the degree to which athletes understand what is required of them within the team. Beauchamp, Bray, Eys, and Carron (2002) suggested that athletes need to understand • the general scope of their responsibilities, • the specific behaviors necessary to fulfill their responsibilities, • the way in which they will be evaluated with respect to role performance, and • the consequences of not fulfilling their role expectations. Initial research on this topic highlighted the importance of such understanding to athlete satisfaction (Eys, Carron, Bray, & Beauchamp, 2003), competitive state anxiety (Beauchamp, Bray, Eys, & Carron, 2003), and role efficacy (Beauchamp et al., 2002).

Norms The preceding discussion pertaining to roles highlights the expectations that people hold for specific individuals. When extended to the group level, expectations for the standards of behavior of all members are referred to as norms. These group norms exist for several reasons (Cialdini, Reno, & Kallgren, 1990). First, they serve as descriptive information regarding what behaviors are considered appropriate (i.e., descriptive norms) and the relative degree to which they will receive approval versus disapproval from other group members (i.e., injunctive norms; Cialdini et al., 1990). Furthermore, norms also serve to integrate the team (Kiesler & Kiesler, 1969), because those who conform to the group’s expectations will be more likely to be accepted as members and less likely to detract from group functioning.

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The Importance of Accepting Role Responsibilities Although athletes hold many perceptions regarding their role responsibilities, role acceptance (i.e., “the degree to which an athlete is willing to fulfill the role responsibilities expected of him/her”; Benson, Eys, Surya, Dawson, & Schneider, 2013, p. 273) is projected by academics and the popular media to be among the most critical with respect to group functioning (Carron & Eys, 2012). As an example, Sunderland A.F.C. (Premier League football team) manager Paolo Di Canio was asked to comment on the feasibility of successfully combining two high-profile players (i.e., Jozy Altidore and Steven Fletcher) who occupy the same position for the club: “I have to work in a psychological way,” Di Canio said, almost whispering. “Both probably are thinking that they’re the main man up front.” . . . But the Italian [coach], looking my way in a calm manner, thinks they need to accept their roles in order for the partnership to pay dividends. . . . It seems as if the Altidore-Fletcher combo is a work in progress, but Di Canio believes it can flourish and produce the goals Sunderland need to move up the Premier League standings. Prince-Wright, 2013, para. 5, 14, and 16.

Within sport, norms have been described within several contexts, including practices or training sessions, competitions, off-season training, and social situations (Munroe, Estabrooks, Dennis, & Carron, 1999; Prapavessis & Carron, 1997). These expectations also revolved around themes such as norms for effort, social support, punctuality, respect, attendance, interpersonal communication, and attitude. Recent research by Spink, Crozier, and Robinson (2013) found that youth athletes reported exerting more individual effort when they perceived stronger descriptive normative information. Further, Bruner, Carreau, Wilson, and Penney (2014) reported that males, as well as females participating in contact sports, had lower normative expectations within their teams compared with other types of female sport participants. Thus, perceptions of group norms may vary based on gender and type of sport. Norms are also salient within physical activity or exercise settings. Investigators using the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1985) as their underlying theoretical framework often consider normative beliefs and the subsequent strength of the subjective norm (i.e., people’s ultimate perceptions of the pressures from others to engage in physical activity) as a precursor to behavioral intentions to exercise (Symons Downs & Hausenblas, 2005). Generally, perceptions of the subjective norm are weaker predictors of exercise intentions than individual attitudes toward physical activity, although researchers do find that perceptions of the subjective norm are positively related to exercise intentions (Dean, Farrell, Kelley, Taylor, & Rhodes, 2006). The importance of norms in an exercise context was further reinforced by the findings of Priebe and Spink (2012, 2014). Their work demonstrated

that exercisers’ perceptions of descriptive norms pertaining to physical activity behaviors (i.e., how other people are behaving) positively predicted their own adherence and effort.

Group Cohesion Interactions between teammates and group members are complex and continually changing. Group members may feel united and engage meaningfully with one another at one point in time and, later, feel ambivalent about being within the group and struggle to cooperate. Group cohesion represents members’ perceptions of this ongoing flow of group interactions and is specifically defined as a “dynamic process which is reflected in the tendency for a group to stick together and remain united in the pursuit of its instrumental objectives and/or for the satisfaction of member affective needs” (Carron, Brawley, & Widmeyer, 1998, p. 213). Through several decades of research, group cohesion has been linked to an array of individual and group variables and is a benchmark construct for gauging members’ ongoing perceptions of their group. Figure 10.1 illustrates the significance attributed to cohesion, because it is a central concept for understanding and describing groups. Furthermore, cohesion is the most common group characteristic targeted in efforts to develop effective groups (see Bruner, Eys, Beauchamp, & Côté, 2013). As such, it is difficult to understate the influence that the current conceptualization of cohesion has had on group dynamics research. The preceding definition supports many ways of assessing and conceptualizing sport and exercise group cohesion, although the most widely

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cited model was developed by Carron, Widmeyer, and Brawley (1985). By studying individual group members’ perceptions of group behaviors and their relationships with teammates, Carron et al. (1985) distinguished cohesion in two important ways. First, perceptions about the extent of closeness and cooperation within the group as a whole (i.e., group integration) were distinguished from members’ evaluations of how appealing the group is to them (i.e., attractions to the group). Second, cohesion perceptions relating to team tasks during practice and competition were distinguished from perceptions of the social realm. These distinctions combine to generate four dimensions of group cohesion: individual attractions to the group—task; individual attractions to the group—social; group integration—task; and group integration—social. Although some disadvantages of high group cohesion have been noted (see Hardy, Eys, & Carron, 2005), the bulk of evidence supports the numerous positive group and individual outcomes that emerge when people believe that their team or group is a cohesive unit. For example, a meta-analysis conducted by Carron, Colman, Wheeler, and Stevens (2002) aggregated effects across a large number of studies and revealed a moderate to large positive relationship between sport team cohesion and performance. Beyond performance, group cohesion influences individual affect and motivation. Research shows that athletes at recreational and elite levels derive more satisfaction from sport when they belong to cohesive teams (Riemer & Chelladurai, 1998) and that they are more likely to return to their team in subsequent years (Spink, Wilson, & Odnokon, 2010). In exercise groups, perceptions of task cohesion in particular have been linked to adherence and motivation (Carron, Hausenblas, & Mack, 1996). Considering these benefits, researchers have identified constructs that help predict cohesiveness (e.g., group size; Widmeyer, Brawley, & Carron, 1990) and established a broader understanding of how group cohesion relates to other group components such as role ambiguity or conflict among members (e.g., Leo, González-Ponce, Sánchez-Miguel, Ivarsson, & García-Calvo, 2015). Contemporary researchers have extended our understanding of cohesion in both applied and theoretical directions. As one example, quantitative evidence that the cohesion-to-performance link was stronger among female sport teams (i.e., Carron et al., 2002) prompted Eys et al. (2015) to explore gender differences in group cohesion through interviews with sport coaches. Although

coaches believed that cohesion was vital in both male and female teams, they thought that it held a particularly strong bearing within female teams and developed unique strategies to elicit cohesion perceptions in female teams as a means of promoting performance (Eys et al.). Whereas these findings provide impetus to examine the forces (i.e., social, cultural, and evolutionary) that shape the nature of cohesion in male and female teams from a theoretical perspective, other findings demonstrate the application of group cohesion to promote positive outcomes. For example, the advent of child and youth cohesion measures (e.g., Eys et al., 2009; Martin, Carron, Eys, & Loughead, 2012) provides opportunities to study how groups affect youth development. Notably, youth who belong to cohesive sport teams report a greater number of positive developmental experiences (e.g., developing social skills; Bruner, Eys, Wilson, & Côté, 2014) and treat teammates in more positive and caring ways (e.g., Fry & Gano-Overway, 2010). Furthermore, cohesion can be promoted among young athletes when coaches support a task-related motivational climate (McLaren, Eys, & Murray, 2015). By reflecting on theoretical elements that shape cohesion and applying cohesion to form groups that promote vital outcomes, group cohesion may continue to be a central concept in group dynamics research.

Group Processes Ultimately, where the group is situated (e.g., home versus away; exercise class or outdoors), who the members are, the degree to which there is structural stability, and the amount of task or social cohesion will all contribute to the operations of the group (see figure 10.1). Several processes are necessary for achieving positive individual and group outcomes, including the appropriate balance between cooperative and competitive behaviors of group members, common goal striving, creation of team-enhancing attributional strategies, coordination, and communication (Carron & Eys, 2012). In the present chapter, we briefly highlight the latter two processes as well as the broader objective of team building.

Coordination Steiner (1972) highlighted that a group’s actual productivity is the result of its potential productivity (achieved through the accumulation of resources/ talent) minus its process losses. Process losses, in this case, refer to decrements in motivation (e.g., social loafing) or coordination. Eccles and Tran Turner (2014) defined coordination as “arranging

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members’ actions so that, when they are combined, they are in suitable relation for the most effective result” (p. 241). At the heart of coordination is the degree to which individual group members share in some common knowledge about what each person should do and when they should do it. Eccles and Tenenbaum (2004) proposed that shared knowledge is important not only for performance (i.e., in-process coordination) but also at time points both before and after performance (preprocess and postprocess coordination). Important preprocess activities included planning (e.g., development of tactics and strategies for an upcoming game), deriving common goals and objectives, and allocating appropriate roles for all group members. As was discussed earlier in the case of role development, these tasks can be challenging. Communicating clear role information and convincing group members to accept a variety of roles within the group yield a variety of cognitive, affective, and behavioral responses. The postprocess coordinative activities predominantly serve evaluative functions (Eccles & Tenenbaum, 2004). In sport, examples include postgame video analysis and debriefing sessions among players and coaches. In exercise contexts, instructors may seek feedback from class members regarding the setup of the class and their approach in getting everyone motivated. These postprocess evaluations also serve to inform future preprocess activities, which will all have an effect on how coordinated a group is during its execution of the task. Finally, we also note that the coordination activities discussed briefly in this section closely map onto behaviors highlighted by McEwan and Beauchamp (2014) within their framework of teamwork and team effectiveness. In fact, coordinative activities are listed as behaviors targeted toward the execution of team performance. Furthermore, these frameworks share the implicit understanding that communication among group members is fundamental to coordination (i.e., across the phases of pre-, in-, postprocess coordination). To reflect further on this link, communication is discussed briefly in the subsequent section.

Communication Verbal and nonverbal interactions among members are fundamental processes in groups, and the resulting information that is shared and received helps facilitate task and social objectives. Research in sport and exercise psychology has attempted to address several issues related to communication. In some cases, researchers have focused strictly

on intragroup communication among athletes. For example, Sullivan and Feltz (2003) developed a questionnaire (i.e., Scale for Effective Communication in Sports Teams) that assesses communication practices that • are positive and negative with respect to conflict resolution, • promote acceptance and inclusion of group members, and • enhance a sense of distinctiveness within the team. Research conducted with this questionnaire demonstrated positive relationships between intrateam communication and both cohesion (Sullivan & Feltz) and role clarity (Cunningham & Eys, 2007). As a final example, Lausic, Razon, and Tenenbaum (2015) coded and analyzed the verbal communications made between doubles tennis partners, as well as each person’s sensitivity to nonverbal cues. They found that more successful partnerships employed less non-task-related communication and greater use of statements that were encouraging, action oriented, and geared toward planning for subsequent play. The importance of appropriate ongoing communication during the in-process phase with a larger team size (i.e., netball) has also been demonstrated (LeCouteur & Feo, 2011). Researchers have also focused attention on communication between formal leaders and followers. Clearly, coaches communicate extensively with their athletes regarding a number of objectives, including instruction, feedback, strategy, and motivation (Mouchet, Harvey, & Light, 2014). In a similar vein, exercise class instructors need to communicate effectively to participants in terms of advising, instructing, listening, demonstrating, and providing social support (Hancox, Quested, Thørgersen-Ntoumani, & Ntoumanis, 2015). The sidebar Communication Among Teammates highlights practical considerations for communicating effectively within sport groups.

Team Building Given the strength of the research supporting the value of cohesion, a logical application is to develop strategies that can be used within sport and exercise settings to ensure that athletes and exercisers have opportunities to experience positive group effects. Such strategies are often referred to as team building (e.g., Brawley & Paskevich, 1997). Despite taking many forms, the strategies used to build groups share a similar foundation, because they were

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Communication Among Teammates Being an effective communicator can be challenging. Eccles and Tran (2012) provided several communication tips: • Use multiple sensory modes (e.g., verbal and written). • Employ redundancy (e.g., follow up instructions with group discussion). • Use enduring representation (e.g., playbooks create a permanent reference for players). • Explain the underlying reason why a play is used. • Promote better listening skills. • Encourage questions. • Ensure understanding. Beyond these suggestions, the cultural background of the participants should be considered, because cultures vary in regard to what constitutes appropriate and respectful communication (Schinke, McGannon, Parham, & Lane, 2012). Finally, social media affords creative opportunities to augment the frequency and creativity of communication practices if used appropriately (Forrest & Bruner, 2015).

• derived from approaches originally designed to improve workplace groups and • closely aligned with literature on sport group cohesion (Bruner et al., 2013). In general, group members exposed to team building report that their sport and exercise groups develop enhanced cohesion (e.g., Bruner & Spink, 2010; Dunn & Holt, 2004; Newin, Bloom, & Loughead, 2008; Pain & Harwood, 2009; Sénécal, Loughead, & Bloom, 2008; Spink & Carron, 1993; Watson, Martin Ginis, & Spink, 2004). In particular, the positive influences of team building on cohesion within sport teams have been verified through the results of a meta-analysis (Martin, Carron, & Burke, 2009). Beyond cohesion, outcomes experienced by individual athletes following team building include improvement in performance, confidence, and satisfaction (see Martin et al., 2009). These results are consistent with exercise interventions designed using group dynamics principles. Participants report increased perceptions of cohesion, along with individual outcomes like improved satisfaction and increased attendance (e.g., Bruner & Spink, 2010; Watson et al., 2004; see Burke et al., 2006). The team-building approach developed by Spink, Carron, and Prapavessis (Prapavessis, Carron, & Spink, 1996; Spink & Carron, 1993) is noteworthy because it is built on a conceptual framework describing group cohesion as an output influenced by three categories of group characteristics that can each be promoted using unique strategies. Specifically, the approaches used to shape the group environment (e.g., improving group distinctiveness and monitoring group size) are distinct from those used

to promote group structure (e.g., designing norms and assigning individual roles) and positive group processes (e.g., developing collective goals and requiring cooperation). Another vital component of this team-building approach is that a specialist (i.e., researcher) works alongside existing group leaders through four stages: 1. An introductory stage focusing on the rationale and importance of team building 2. A conceptual stage when the intervention approach is outlined 3. A practical stage when the leader (with support from the specialist) designs the intervention 4. An intervention stage when the strategies are implemented Ultimately, evidence indicates that this process can facilitate cohesion and, in turn, promote desirable outcomes such as exercise group attendance (Prapavessis et al., 1996; Spink & Carron, 1993). L o ok i n g b e yond t h i s mo de l, nu me rou s team-building approaches in sport and exercise show overlap as well as distinct elements (e.g., Dunn & Holt, 2004; Newin et al., 2008; Pain & Harwood, 2009). Figure 10.2 depicts four core features that distinguish team-building approaches. First, interventions differ according to the involvement of the specialist (e.g., researcher or consultant), ranging from indirect approaches as described earlier in which interventionists interact only with the group’s leaders (e.g., Spink & Carron, 1993) to direct interventions when the specialist works directly with group members (e.g., Yukelson, 1997). Second,

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Involvement of specialist

Group characteristics targeted

Indirect: Specialist works with group leader, providing education and developing strategies for the leader to apply with the group

Direct: Specialist working directly with group

Group environment (e.g., distinctiveness and togetherness) Group structure (e.g., role clarity, leadership, group norms) Group processes (e.g., cooperation, communication)

Engineering (architecture) Type of strategies used to engage group

Temporal distribution

Guiding

Interacting

Single time point versus the Lifespan of a group

Figure 10.2  Framework depicting four features of team-building intervention implementation. Within the figure, differences between interventions are reflected in the way that the specialist is involved with the group, the group characteristics that are targeted, the way E6768/Horn/F10.02/565538/mh-R2 that group members are engaged, and the temporal distribution of team building.

team building may differ according to the targeted group characteristics. Whereas broad approaches may equally target group structures, environments, and processes, others may target specific components (e.g., exercise group composition; Beauchamp et al., 2015). Third, team-building strategies may engage the group in different ways, ranging from engineering the structures surrounding the group (e.g., creating a team name, creating shared outcomes, creating individual roles), to generating meaningful interactions among members (e.g.,

disclosing personal experiences, adventure-based cooperation), or guiding members through a process of education (e.g., education and generating goals with a team). Finally, team building differs according to its temporal nature. Whereas certain interventions take place at single and potentially crucial points in time (e.g., Dunn & Holt, 2004), approaches aligned with Spink and Carron’s (1993) framework are conceptualized (and encouraged) as processes integrated throughout the lifespan of a group.

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The nature and diversity of the process of team building has broadened substantially in recent years. For example, group exercise interventions have expanded to include varied populations, such as workplace fitness programs (Dishman, DeJoy, Wilson, & Vandenberg, 2009) and postnatal exercise groups (Cramp & Brawley, 2006), to use cohesion as a mechanism to improve physical activity behavior. In one case, the Spink and Carron (1993) approach was integrated within a large-scale community intervention initiative that was titled Walk Your Heart to Health (Izumi et al., 2015). In this initiative, group leaders facilitated a walking intervention that included embedded group dynamics concepts. The initiative was particularly notable because it was conducted in existing community contexts (e.g., faith-based groups) that supported lasting social interactions. Because of the community context, social cohesion (as opposed to task cohesion) facilitated participation in the intervention. Team building has even been applied in the online realm, whereby in-person exercise classes with university undergraduates were supplemented with team-building strategies conducted over social media (Forrest & Bruner, 2015). Team-building interventions have also diversified to adopt unique goals and theories. Focusing on a preventative function, Johnson and Chin (2015) provided a commentary of how team building was used during the orientation and socialization of new sport team members with the goal of limiting harmful hazing rites. Regarding the adoption of distinct theories, Beauchamp et al. (2015) published an intervention protocol for an exercise group intervention for older adults grounded within self-categorization theory. Beauchamp et al. (2015) highlighted that future work with this protocol will contrast exercise groups composed of similar ages or groups composed of similar ages and genders to study whether they improve group and individual outcomes compared with groups composed of varied ages and genders. At this point, then, numerous other theories besides those that focus on group cohesion may be important to consider when developing effective group interventions (Estabrooks et al., 2012). Moving forward, defining what is (and is not) team building will also be important. As one example, widely disseminated coach education workshops that are designed on the basis of achievement goal and motivation theories to improve youth sport experiences (e.g., Smith, Smoll, & Curtis, 1979; Duda, 2013) can shape group-related perceptions and facilitate group cohesion on youth sport teams

(McLaren et al., 2015). Whereas this example provides evidence that the family of team-building interventions could expand to include a number of different approaches and goals, signs also indicate that the team-building literature is diverging. Notably, exercise researchers have introduced the term group-dynamics-based exercise interventions (Estabrooks et al., 2012) to describe interventions that treat the group as the agent of change for the promotion of exercise behavior. A gap emerged between these interventions and team building, in part because they are adopted in a broader range of group settings (e.g., ranging from cohesive exercise groups to large communities) and as such may apply group elements to promote physical activity in ways that extend beyond existing team-building models (e.g., Spink & Carron, 1993). Finally, it is important to design interventions that can be evaluated and applied in the public realm. Whereas the evaluation of team building continues to be a challenge (Bruner & Spink, 2010), rigorous intervention protocols are being conducted with exercise groups (i.e., randomized controlled trials: Dishman et al., 2009). In future research, Estabrooks et al. (2012) recommended measuring potential causal mechanisms of group interventions and conducting appropriate mediation analyses to identify whether they explain intervention effects on group members. As a further consideration, Harden, Burke, Haile, and Estabrooks (2015) called for researchers to develop interventions that have the greatest potential to be translated in broader group settings. Although team-building studies are often designed with a priority on intervention effectiveness, team-building interventions need to have the potential to reach representative samples and to be adopted and maintained over time within organizations (Harden et al., 2015). With this focus on providing evidence that team building is both effective and scalable, research will continue to generate innovative intervention approaches into the future.

Future Research Recommendations Much has been learned over the past several decades about group dynamics in sport, exercise, and physical activity contexts. Clearly, however, the need to build on this foundation continues. As Eys and Spink (2016) noted, the study of group dynamics in our field is “still in its adolescence in many areas” (p. 572), and researchers are encouraged to reflect

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on research questions that can be examined across three generations (Zanna & Fazio, 1982). These include first-generation (e.g., describing general relationships among variables), second-generation (e.g., moderators), and mechanistic third-generation questions (e.g., mediators). The types of questions that are pursued should be consistent with our stage of understanding about any particular variable. As an example of first-generation research, early work on the concept of role acceptance and commitment has focused on description (Benson et al., 2013), but future work should provide clarity with respect to measurement and confirm proposed relationships with key antecedents (e.g., quality of coach communication) and outcomes (e.g., retention or attrition). But in the case of a construct such as cohesion, which has primarily been examined using first-generation research questions, future researchers should study the boundary conditions and mechanisms of relationships to obtain a more nuanced understanding of its importance and to generate better intervention strategies down the road. Fu r t her more, i mpor ta nt a nd i nterest i n g group-oriented research questions (for each generation) can be derived by examining areas of study beyond the subdiscipline of sport and exercise psychology (e.g., social psychology, organizational psychology). As an example, Benson, Evans, and Eys (in press) recently used organizational socialization theorizing (Van Maanen & Schein, 1979) to examine the processes undertaken to integrate new group members within sport teams. This work introduced a relevant novel framework from a different discipline (organizational psychology) to understand an ongoing challenge in sport and exercise psychology. The study of groups also provides unique and exciting challenges with respect to our available choice of methods, analyses, and contexts. In the preceding sections of this chapter, the studies that were reviewed varied greatly with respect to the approaches used by the researchers. These included correlational (e.g., Eys et al., 2003), meta-analytic (e.g., Carron et al., 2002), qualitative (e.g., Benson et al., 2013), content review (e.g., McEwan & Beauchamp, 2014), measurement (e.g., Martin et al., 2012), and observational studies (Mouchet et al., 2014). For future research, investigators need to keep in mind the nested nature of datasets that are typically obtained in sport (e.g., athletes within teams) and exercise studies (e.g., participants within classes or repeated measures nested within participants). Multilevel analyses are increasingly

being used for a variety of research questions in the field of sport and exercise psychology (e.g., Myers, Beauchamp, & Chase, 2011) and allow targeted hypotheses to be tested regarding potential individual and group effects. Finally, team sports have often been the common target for group dynamics research in physical activity. As stated throughout this chapter, however, many opportunities are available to consider social influences and group variables within formal and informal exercise environments, as well as in counterintuitive contexts like individual sports. Another possibility for advancing knowledge of group dynamics would be to study the complex network of connections that exist among group members. Although social network analysis entails seeing groups through unique theoretical lenses (e.g., theories about the importance of group structure; Borgatti & Foster, 2003), many avenues can generate network data in sport and exercise groups. Indeed, this suggestion is not novel. Nixon (1992) noted the potential to use social network analysis to understand the social influences that shape athletes’ decisions about whether to play with injuries. Although studying the personal networks of unrelated individual participants as outlined by Nixon (i.e., ego networks) is possible, the likely goal of group dynamics research is to conduct whole network analyses. To generate a network where most or all members of a group contribute to the network structure, data could be collected by surveys asking group members to describe relationships with others, such as asking athletes to indicate links with teammates that are positive (i.e., friendships) or negative (i.e., enmities). On the other hand, networks can be composed using observation (e.g., using video to identify interactions among players) or even archival data (e.g., exercise group members having similar attendance patterns). Indeed, countless potential network structures can be identified in a given group and in turn explored using social network analysis (see Borgatti, Everett, & Johnson, 2013; see the sidebar How Can Social Network Analysis Be Applied to Study Sport and Exercise Groups?). A final suggestion links directly to the focus and title of the present chapter: group dynamics. Over the past three decades, significant questions have arisen about whether researchers have actually examined group variables from a dynamic perspective (i.e., identifying what group phenomena change and how change happens over time; Cronin, Weingart, & Todorova, 2011; McGrath, Arrow, & Berdahl, 2000). This critique can certainly be applied

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How Can Social Network Analysis Be Applied to Study Sport and Exercise Groups? Although this chapter makes a compelling case for studying whole network structures, the levels at which research questions are asked should be considered (Borgatti et al., 2013). The lowest level is the dyadic level, which involves studying whether connections among two given group members can be predicted using characteristics of one (or both) members. For example, at the dyadic level, a plausible question to ask is whether stronger relationships form among people of the same age or tenure within the group. The next level is the “node” level of analysis, which involves calculating values that attribute a relative term to each group member based on his or her position within the group. A common node-level variable is centrality, which can be assessed using varying statistics that represent the structural prominence of a single group member (e.g., the extent to which a person is directly or indirectly connected with all other group members; Borgatti & Foster, 2003). For example, a valuable issue to consider is whether running group members who are most central develop stronger positive running cognitions. Finally, if enough groups are collected to make meaningful comparisons, entire groups could be contrasted with one another according to their network characteristics, such as cohesiveness (e.g., maximal ties among members) or shape (e.g., a core–periphery structure; Borgatti & Foster, 2003).

to sport and exercise research. For example, do we understand the development of cohesion across an athletic season? Can we communicate, with any confidence, the interplay (i.e., the reciprocal influence) over time between dynamic individual characteristics and emergent group properties? Cronin and colleagues outline the issues and challenges related to truly understanding group dynamics and offer several suggestions (e.g., greater focus on longitudinal research) worthy of strong consideration for future sport and exercise research.

Summary Groups are pervasive within physical activity contexts, including team sports, individual sports, and exercise environments. This fact necessitates a greater understanding of all the moving parts that influence individual and group outcomes. The study of group dynamics, a field currently in its adolescence (Eys & Spink, 2016), offers many contributions to this end. Researchers have focused on issues related to the amount, variability, and compatibility of member characteristics, as well as the group’s environment, structure, cohesion, and processes. These advances have presented a clearer picture of how we can create groups that are effective with respect to achieving their objectives and allow for the performance and retention of group members. Many opportunities remain to expand on our current knowledge, move beyond description and seek to explain the boundary conditions and mechanisms of relationships, employ creative approaches to understanding group variables, and

provide a solid foundation for testing and employing intervention strategies that are practical for coaches and athletes.

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PART

IV Behavior and Performance This section of the text focuses on several dimensions of behavior and performance in sport and physical activity settings. The chapters in this section differ from those in parts II and III by more strongly emphasizing the performance outcomes and behavioral outcomes of individual differences and socioenvironmental factors. All chapter authors in this section recognize the influence of individual difference and socioenvironmental factors but concentrate on the examination of the performance and behavioral manifestations of psychosocial processes in sport and physical activity contexts. Part IV begins with chapter 11, written by Ian Boardley to review current research and theory on moral behavior in sport and physical activity contexts. The chapter defines moral behavior as a “collective term capturing a range of purposeful behaviors with potential positive or negative consequences for others.” This definition highlights the value of examining both prosocial as well as antisocial behaviors within physical activity settings. Boardley begins by providing a historical overview of the research and theory on moral behavior. He then critically reviews the empirical research conducted since 2011, emphasizing the influence of individual-difference and contextual variables

as well as the documented consequences of moral behavior. Following this summary, Boardley identifies some existing research limitations and the associated future research directions in this area. In his summary, he correctly notes that “sport and physical activity represent contexts with considerable potential for desirable and undesirable moral behavior.” He ends by suggesting that researchers embrace new methodologies and theories as well as conduct work in a wider range of sport and physical activity populations. In chapter 12, Rich Neil and Tim Woodman examine the extensive research and theoretical knowledge base on the topics of anxiety, arousal, and coping and how these specifically relate to sport performance. This is a longtime area of interest within sport psychology, in both research and practice. The authors begin by defining and explaining the terms anxiety, arousal, and coping. This is followed by an overview (and critique) of the frameworks and theories that have been used to study these constructs in the sport setting. Neil and Woodman identify concepts that can enhance our understanding of why individuals may or may not cope well under conditions of high anxiety and arousal. Based on this critical review, they

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recommend directions for future research that have the potential to fill crucial gaps in understanding. In chapter 13, Mark Williams, Colm Murphy, David Broadbent, and Christopher Janelle focus on a topic that is new to this edition of the text by examining the growing base of research on anticipation in sport. In the first section of this chapter, the authors identify some key perceptual-cognitive skills and processes that underlie anticipation and explain how these skills—postural cue utilization, visual search, familiarity detection, and probability assignment—have been examined empirically. This section includes a summary of the research evidence to show differences between skilled and less-skilled performers in their anticipation abilities. In the second section, Williams and his coauthors discuss how training programs have been employed to facilitate the development of key anticipation skills in performers. The chapter ends with a discussion of the limitations in what we currently know, followed by recommendations for future research. Although the primary focus in this chapter is on anticipation as it occurs in sport contexts, the authors point out the potential for this body of knowledge to inform other applied domains in which decisions must be made in unpredictable, dynamic environments.

Finally, in chapter 14, Deborah Feltz and Stephen Samendinger examine a topic that is relatively new to physical activity psychology: the use of exercise video games or virtual-reality enhanced exercise as techniques to enhance motivation and performance. They identify exergames as physical activities that are technology driven and that require physical exertion in order to play the game. As the authors note, the popularity of exergames for individuals across the lifespan has increased over the past several years. They provide a summary of the current state of knowledge on this topic as well as the conceptual approaches (e.g., goal setting, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics) that have been used to design and test the effectiveness of particular types of exergames. Feltz and Samendinger suggest that contemporary research on this topic appears to focus on group dynamics approaches. Thus, they examine issues in this area and provide suggestions for future research. They end by drawing on theory and research to identify key elements that exergame designers need to incorporate into their program features to enhance the popular appeal of the games while also promoting the health goals that can be obtained through the use of such games.

11 Moral Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity Ian D. Boardley, PhD

Abstract As social contexts with the potential to affect others’ rights and well-being, sport and physical activity represent milieus highly relevant to moral behavior. This chapter opens with a review of recent research investigating moral behavior within sport and physical activity contexts, with a significant focus on prosocial and antisocial behavior. Following subsections detailing studies centered on individual-difference influences on, contextual concomitants of, and consequences of moral behavior, the review concludes with an overview and discussion of the main implications and issues arising from this body of work. Next, limitations in current knowledge are considered, critically analyzing major shortfalls in our understanding of moral behavior in sport and physical activity. In the final section, a range of original and inventive future research directions are proposed to help inspire and direct future research on sport and physical activity morality.

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iven that sport and physical activity frequently involve social interaction, few would argue against their inherent capacity to facilitate the development of desirable moral virtues (e.g., honesty, empathy, responsibility). But with almost-daily media headlines centered on topics such as cheating and aggression in sport, and use of performance-enhancing drugs in sport and exercise, sport and physical activity can apparently also lead to undesirable moral outcomes. Accordingly, the preceding decades have seen a progressive increase in theoretical and empirical work aimed at explaining the psychosocial processes that may lead to both desirable and undesirable moral outcomes in sport and physical activity. Previous reviews of empirical work relevant to morality in sport and physical activity demonstrate two clear and important research trends during the early part of the current millennium (see Boardley & Kavussanu, 2011; Kavussanu, 2007, 2008, 2012; Shields & Bredemeier, 2007; Weiss, Smith, & Stuntz, 2008). First, they document a move away from research solely focused on undesirable moral outcomes (e.g., legitimacy of injurious acts; Bredemeier, 1985) to work that considers both desirable and undesirable aspects of morality (e.g., prosocial and antisocial behavior; Kavussanu, 2006). Second, they illustrate a progression away from a predominant focus on moral cognition (e.g., Bredemeier & Shields, 1984) to one centered on moral action (e.g., Kavussanu & Boardley, 2009). With this in mind, contemporary sport and physical activity morality research has emphasized the importance of understanding psychosocial factors relevant to desirable and undesirable moral behavior. Therefore, a primary aim of the current chapter is to present a comprehensive and critical review of empirical work relevant to this topic published since the aforementioned reviews were conducted. The chapter begins with an identification and examination of contemporary research topics within the moral behavior literature. These focus on individual-difference variables, contextual influences, and consequences of moral behavior. Based on the results of this review, the second section of this chapter discusses significant limitations that exist with regard to the current knowledge base. Here, the need for further evolution of theory, continued methodological advancements, increased research in nonsport physical activity contexts, and more research with children and early adolescents is discussed. Finally, in the third section, a series of novel and potentially significant future research directions are proposed. These topics include investigating the relative influence of automatic

versus deliberate psychological processes, studying potential interactions between cognition and emotion, and examining the role of moral reasoning and consideration of cultural influences on moral behavior in sport and physical activity.

Structural Development Versus Social Cognitive Perspectives on Moral Behavior Although some adopted a social-learning perspective (e.g., Mugno & Feltz, 1985; Smith, 1974, 1975, 1979), the majority of researchers investigating morality in sport and physical activity during the latter part of the previous century grounded their work in structural-developmental theories (e.g., Bredemeier, 1985, 1995; Bredemeier & Shields, 1984). More recently, the volume of work adopting such approaches has decreased, and social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1991, 1999) has become the more prevalent theoretical framework for research in this area. Given the focus on contemporary research in the current review, an important first step is to consider some of the implications of this shift in dominant theoretical framework. First, whereas structural developmental theories highlight the importance of moral reasoning as an indicator of moral development (e.g., Kohlberg, 1984; Haan, 1983), social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1991, 1999) considers moral behavior to be more important. Although Bandura (1991) acknowledges that development of moral reasoning abilities is an important aspect of moral development, he also argues that higher levels of moral reasoning can just as easily be used to rationalize immoral conduct as they can be to reason against it. As a result, studies grounded in social-learning theory tend to assess moral behavior as an indicator of moral functioning. Another key distinction between the two approaches is the amount of importance they place on intention. Whereas structural developmental theorists (e.g., Kohlberg, 1984) consider the perpetrator’s intentions to be fundamental in determining the morality of an action, Bandura (1991) deemphasizes the importance of intention. In his opinion, although intention should be apparent in the social labeling of a behavior, it should never be the defining characteristic. Instead, the consequences of the action for others should be a defining factor, because people experience the consequences of an action regardless of the actor’s stated intention. Such a view corresponds with Turiel (1983), who suggests that behaviors that have

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implications for the rights and well-being of others are those that belong to the field of morality. A final factor that distinguishes social cognitive theory from structural developmental approaches is that it considers dual aspects of morality (Bandura, 1999). One aspect—inhibitive morality—represents the power to refrain from acting inhumanely, whereas the other—proactive morality—denotes the power to act humanely. Whereas structural developmental theories focus primarily on the reasoning of detrimental behavior (i.e., inhibitive morality), social cognitive theory suggests that both aspects need to be considered if we are to gain a complete understanding of morality. The behavioral focus of the present review reflects the volume of work investigating moral action in contemporary sport and physical activity morality research, and is consistent with the key characteristics of social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1991, 1999) outlined earlier. Thus, moral behavior in sport and physical activity is defined presently as a collective term capturing a range of purposeful behaviors with potential positive or negative consequences for others (see Kavussanu & Boardley, 2012). Reflecting the dual aspects of morality, research investigating proactive and inhibitive morality is reviewed; prosocial behavior represents proactive morality and antisocial behavior expresses inhibitive morality. Prosocial behavior represents intentional behavior aiming to help or benefit another individual or group (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998). Examples from sport and physical activity include helping an injured opponent or providing encouragement to another exerciser. In contrast, antisocial behavior is characterized by deliberate

behavior intended to harm or disadvantage another (Sage, Kavussanu, & Duda, 2006). Examples from sport and physical activity include trying to injure an opponent or making disparaging remarks about another exerciser’s appearance. Numerous methodological approaches have been used to assess moral behavior in sport and physical activity, and being aware of these is important. To assist with this, brief descriptions of the most commonly used approaches are presented in table 11.1, along with the major strengths and weaknesses associated with each approach. The interested reader is directed to Kavussanu and Boardley (2012) for a comprehensive discussion of this topic. In the following sections empirical research relevant to moral behavior in sport and physical activity published from 2011 onward is critically reviewed, divided into topics on individual-difference variables, contextual influences, and outcomes of moral behavior. The aim here is to identify and review studies that highlight the major contributions made by, and topic areas covered in, contemporary research.

Individual-Difference Variables Past research supports the potential influence of a wide range of individual-difference variables on moral behavior in sport and physical activity (see Kavussanu, 2012; Weiss et al., 2008). In the subsections that follow, contemporary empirical research investigating the relevance of the following individual-difference factors is reviewed: moral disengagement (MD), achievement goals, motivation type,

Table 11.1  Approaches to Measuring Moral Behavior Methodological approach

Brief description

Main strengths

Main limitations

Self-report questionnaires (e.g., Kavussanu & Boardley, 2009)

Questionnaire-based self-reported behavior frequency

Convenient; quick; can cover a wide range of behaviors

Socially desirable responding; assesses reported behavior, not actual behavior

Self-report scenarios (e.g., Kavussanu & Ring, 2016)

Scenario-based self-reported behavior frequency

Includes contextual information

Specific narrow range of behaviors; assesses reported behavior, not actual behavior

Coach or teacher ratings (e.g., Horrocks, 1979)

Questionnaire-based assessments of players’ aggression or behavior

Avoids socially desirable responding; can cover a wide range of behaviors

Preexisting biases may influence ratings

Behavioral observation (e.g., Sheldon & Aimar, 2001)

Behavioral coding of aggressive, prosocial, or antisocial behavior from video recordings

Reliable and objective assessment of actual behavior

Labor intensive; time consuming; doesn’t capture verbal behaviors effectively; difficult to assess individual players

Fouls and penalties (e.g., Gee & Leith, 2007)

Using official statistics on fouls or penalties as indicators of aggression

Availability of data; ease of repeated assessments

Not all penalties or fouls are for aggressive acts; officials may make errors or be influenced by preexisting biases

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attitudes, sportspersonship orientations, empathy, passion, moral identity, and social identity. Research on moral behavior in sport and physical activity continues to investigate a wide range of individual-difference variables. Of these, MD has been the most frequently investigated in recent work; qualitative and quantitative research links MD with on-field (i.e., antisocial and prosocial behavior) and off-field (i.e., PED use) moral behavior in sport and exercise. Additionally, achievement goals and motivation type have been meaningfully linked with on-field and off-field moral behavior, whereas other constructs have been associated with on-field (i.e., empathy, passion, moral identity, and social identity) or off-field (i.e., attitudes, sportspersonship orientations) conduct.

Moral Disengagement Moral disengagement is a collective term for a series of eight psychosocial mechanisms (Bandura, 1991; see table 11.2 for definitions and examples of MD in sport and physical activity) that operate through • cognitive reconstrual of harmful behaviors into benign ones, • diminishment of personal responsibility for damaging behavior, • downplaying of the injurious effects of transgressions, or • blaming the victims of harmful conduct or distorting the victims’ character.

Increased MD is linked with anticipation of a weakened emotional response (e.g., guilt) following transgressions, and it is through this blunting of negative emotional responses normally associated with harmful conduct that MD facilitates harmful behavior (Bandura, 1991). In addition, MD is thought to be a weak negative predictor of prosocial behavior, because increased MD is linked with weakened self-regulatory processes that facilitate positive social behaviors such as empathy (Bandura, 1999). Building on previous work (see Boardley & Kavussanu, 2011 for a review), researchers have recently employed both quantitative and qualitative approaches to investigate MD in sport. Quantitative work has demonstrated strong positive links between MD and antisocial behavior in team-sport athletes from Australia and the United Kingdom (Boardley & Jackson, 2012), team- and individual-sport athletes from New Zealand (Hodge & Lonsdale, 2011; Hodge & Gucciardi, 2015), national- and regional-level soccer and ice-hockey players from Switzerland (Traclet, Moret, Ohl, & Clémence, 2015), and disabled and able-bodied U.K. team-sport athletes (Kavussanu, Ring, & Kavanagh, 2014). This latter study found that disabled athletes reported less frequent antisocial behavior and lower MD than able-bodied athletes did and that group differences in antisocial behavior were mediated by group differences in MD. Further, MD has been shown to be a moderate positive predictor of susceptibility to performance-enhancing drug (PED) use in team-

Table 11.2  Mechanisms of Moral Disengagement Mechanism

Definition

Example

Moral justification

Cognitive reconstrual of harmful acts into noble ones by portraying it as facilitating a valued social or moral purpose

Threatening an opponent to protect a teammate

Euphemistic labeling

Selective use of language that cognitively disguises culpable acts as less harmful

Referring to cheating as “bending the rules”

Advantageous comparison

Comparing damaging behaviors with more reprehensible acts to make them appear less harmful

Comparing doping to use of class A drugs

Diffusion of responsibility

Absolving personal responsibility for transgressive behavior and its consequences through group action or collective decision making

Claiming that doping is not cheating because “everyone does it”

Displacement of responsibility

Minimizing individual accountability for detrimental conduct by perceiving it to be the result of implicit or explicit social pressures

Suggesting that cheating occurred because of pressure from the coach

Distortion of consequences

Avoiding or cognitively minimizing harm caused by one’s reprehensible actions

Downplaying the seriousness of injuries inflicted on an opponent

Dehumanization

Depriving the victim of harmful behavior of human qualities and/or attributing animalistic qualities to him or her

Suggesting that foul play is OK because the recipient has been acting like an animal

Attribution of blame

Perceiving to have been driven to detrimental conduct through forcible provocation by one’s victim

Being offensive about an exerciser’s appearance and claiming she brought it on herself by wearing revealing clothing

Based on Bandura (1991).

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and individual-sport athletes from New Zealand (Hodge, Hargreaves, Gerrard, & Lonsdale, 2013) and reported PED use in high school students from Italy (Lucidi, Zelli & Mallia, 2013). Collectively, the findings from these studies support the contention that MD weakens inhibitive morality in sport and physical activity. In two studies, Stanger, Kavussanu, Boardley, and Ring (2013) investigated whether the effects of MD on antisocial behavior were mediated by reduced guilt. The first cross-sectional study demonstrated that guilt partially mediated a strong positive effect of MD on antisocial behavior toward opponents in university team-sport athletes. The second study showed that experimental manipulation of attribution of blame (a specific MD mechanism; see table 11.2) increased participants’ reported likelihood to act antisocially, partially mediated by anticipated guilt. In contrast to its links with antisocial behavior, MD has shown inconsistent associations with prosocial behavior in sport research. For instance, Boardley and Jackson (2012) found MD to be a weak negative predictor of prosocial behavior toward teammates in athletes from Australia and the United Kingdom. But no such effect was identified in teamand individual-sport athletes from New Zealand (Hodge & Lonsdale, 2011; Hodge & Gucciardi, 2015). Similarly, although Hodge and Gucciardi (2015) found MD to be a negative predictor of prosocial behavior toward opponents in developmental and elite team- and individual-sport athletes from New Zealand, this effect was not detected in team- and individual-sport athletes from the same country competing across a range of competitive levels (Hodge & Lonsdale, 2011). Apparently, then, the relationships between MD and prosocial behavior are not as strong or as consistent as those for MD and antisocial behavior. The existence of moral (e.g., helping others) and amoral (e.g., enhanced self-presentation) motivations for prosocial acts (e.g., Carlo, Knight, McGinley, Zamboanga, & Jarvis, 2010) may explain the inconsistent links between MD and such behavior. Qualitative approaches also continue to be used to investigate MD and immoral conduct in sport and physical activity. For example, using stimulated-recall interviews with regional-level French male soccer players, Traclet, Romand, Moret, and Kavussanu (2011) identified displacement of responsibility and moral justification as frequently used mechanisms when players explained their antisocial behavior. Qualitative approaches have also been used to investigate MD and PED use in team- and individual-sport athletes (Boardley, Grix, & Harkin,

2015; Engelberg, Moston, & Skinner, 2015). Semistructured interviews with admitted PED users provided strong evidence that athletes consistently use MD when explaining their reasons for using PEDs; advantageous comparison, displacement and diffusion of responsibility, and distortion of consequences are the commonly used MD mechanisms. Similar approaches have been used to examine MD and PED use in exercise populations (Boardley & Grix, 2014; Boardley, Grix, & Dewar, 2014). Here, interviews with bodybuilders who had doped evidenced use of all but two (dehumanization and attribution of blame) of the MD mechanisms, and distortion of consequences occurring was used most frequently (Boardley et al., 2014). Thus, qualitative evidence from research with sport and exercise populations supports the potential importance of MD in aiding our understanding of transgressive behavior in sport and physical activity.

Achievement Goals Historically, Nicholls’ (1989) achievement goal theory (AGT) has been one of the most popular theoretical frameworks in research investigating motivational influences on morality in sport (see also chapter 15 in this volume). A key individual-difference factor in this theory is a person’s tendency to define success as represented by two orthogonal goal orientations. The first, task orientation, is the tendency to define success in self-referenced (i.e., compared with one’s own past performances) terms. Task orientation is thought to lead to more desirable moral conduct because fair play leads to less ambiguous judgments of self-referenced performance over time (Duda, Olson, & Templin, 1991). The second, ego orientation, is characterized by a predisposition to use other-referenced (i.e., compared with others in the competitive environment) judgments of success. Ego orientation is thought to promote undesirable moral conduct because such behavior can help gain competitive advantages over opponents and therefore success in other-referenced terms (Duda et al., 1991). Contemporary moral behavior research has drawn on an alternative achievement goal framework by applying Elliot’s (1999) 2 × 2 model of achievement motivation. Here, the traditional achievement goals described previously are bifurcated into approach (i.e., striving to demonstrate competence) and avoidance (i.e., striving to avoid demonstrating incompetence) forms. Researchers have applied Elliot’s (1999) framework to investigate both on- and off-field moral behavior. Regarding on-field behavior, Boardley and Jackson (2012)

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investigated whether achievement goals predicted intrateam prosocial and antisocial behavior across a range of team sports in the United Kingdom and Australia. Structural equation modeling demonstrated • prosocial behavior toward teammates was positively predicted by task approach goals, • prosocial behavior toward teammates was negatively predicted by task and ego avoidance goals, • antisocial behavior toward teammates was positively predicted by ego approach and ego avoidance goals, and • the effects of ego goals on antisocial behavior were mediated by MD. The findings from this study demonstrate the potential importance of distinguishing between approach and avoidance achievement goals when investigating on-field moral behavior. Researchers have also applied Elliot’s (1999) framework to investigate off-field moral behavior. Barkoukis, Lazuras, Tsorbatzoudis, and Rodafinos (2011) studied the motivational profiles of elite Greek athletes from nine Olympic sports in relation to doping. Cluster analysis revealed that athletes high on task approach and task avoidance goals and low on ego approach and ego avoidance goals were less likely to report having used PEDs than athletes who scored either high on all four goals or high on approach goals but low on avoidance goals. Chantal, Bernache-Assollant, and Schiano-Lomoriello (2013) also investigated achievement goals with respect to doping, using Nicholls’ (1989) theory rather than Elliot’s (1999). Here, physical education students were presented with one of two scenarios portraying a male 400-m runner either agreeing or refusing to use anabolic steroids when encouraged to by his trainer. Participants were then asked to complete a range of assessments regarding the protagonist in the scenario to investigate the social image of anabolic steroid users. Those exposed to the scenario in which the protagonist agreed to use steroids rated the protagonist’s ego orientation higher than those who read the scenario in which he refused, suggesting that male steroid users have a social image characterized in part by a dominant ego orientation.

Motivation Type Self-determination theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2008; see also chapter 16 in this volume) has also

been used to investigate moral behavior in sport, and motivation type is considered a potentially influential factor. Originally, SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985) made a distinction between intrinsic (i.e., engaging in behavior for associated pleasure and satisfaction) and extrinsic (i.e., behavior driven by separable factors such as external rewards or pressures or to alleviate negative feelings) motivation. Recent revisions of the theory, however, distinguish motivation in terms of autonomous (i.e., intrinsic and self-determined forms of extrinsic motivation) and controlled (i.e., non-self-determined or controlled extrinsic motivation) motivation (Deci & Ryan, 2008). Importantly, intrinsic, or autonomous, motivation is thought to benefit moral functioning, whereas extrinsic, or controlled, motivation is thought to be detrimental to it (Gagné, 2003; Ntoumanis & Standage, 2009). In a recent study, Hodge and Lonsdale (2011) found general support for these potential effects of motivation type in work with competitive athletes from New Zealand. Here, autonomous motivation was a moderate positive predictor of prosocial behavior toward teammates, whereas controlled motivation was a moderate positive predictor of antisocial behavior toward teammates and opponents; the effects of controlled motivation on antisocial behavior were mediated by MD. A separate study with elite Greek athletes suggested that motivation type may also be important for our understanding of PED use in sport (Barkoukis et al., 2011). Cluster analysis revealed three groups of athletes who were intrinsically motivated, extrinsically motivated, or amotivated (i.e., absence of motivation or behavioral regulation such that engagement in the activity is not approached in a systematic and strategic manner; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Vallerand, Pelletier, Blais, Briere, Senecal, & Vallieres, 1992). Reported use of PEDs was highest in the amotivated group and lowest in the intrinsically motivated group, and significant differences were found between all groups. Highest reported use of PEDs in the amotivated group may be due to a lack of behavioral control and low perceptions of competence associated with this motivation type (Pelletier, Fortier, Vallerand, Tuson, & Briere, 1995). These factors may make amotivated athletes more susceptible to doping because it may be perceived as a viable means of increasing competence and regaining control of performance outcomes (Barkoukis et al., 2011). Related work by Hodge et al. (2013) also identified a significant weak to moderate correlation between controlled motivation and drug-taking

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susceptibility in a sample of competitive athletes from New Zealand. But no link was found between autonomous motivation and susceptibility to doping. Overall, however, research grounded in SDT suggests that autonomous motivation may be important for our understanding of proactive morality and controlled motivation for that of inhibitive morality.

Attitudes Jalleh, Donovan, and Jobling (2014) investigated predictors of explicit attitudes (i.e., an evaluation of doping based on thoughts consciously retrieved from memory; see Petróczi, 2013) to doping with elite Australian team- and individual-sport athletes. They found morality (i.e., personal judgment on whether PED use is morally wrong or OK) and reference group opinion (i.e., perception of reference group’s judgment on whether PED use is morally wrong or OK) to be positive predictors and legitimacy (i.e., perceptions of drug testing and appeals processes) to be a negative predictor of explicit attitudes toward PED use, which in turn positively predicted reported PED use. Whitaker, Long, Petróczi, and Backhouse (2014) then investigated explicit attitudes to PED use in U.K.-based competitive athletes. In accord with Jalleh et al. (2014), this research demonstrated that favorable explicit attitudes toward PED use were strong positive predictors of athletes’ willingness to dope. Researchers have also assessed implicit (also referred to as automatic) attitudes (i.e., a collection of self-relevant thoughts regarding doping instinctively retrieved from memory; see Petróczi, 2013) to doping. For example, Petróczi et al. (2011) used a version of the Brief Implicit Attitude Test (BIAT; Sriram & Greenwald, 2009) to assess athletes’ implicit attitudes to doping alongside explicit attitudes. To investigate response bias for explicit attitudes, divergence or convergence between implicit and explicit attitudes was compared between athletes who denied PED use but whose hair samples indicated PED use (group 1) and athletes who denied PED use and whose hair samples supported this (group 2). As expected, “deniers” (i.e., group 1) showed dissociation between their explicit and implicit attitudes, whereas “clean athletes” (i.e., group 2) showed convergence between the two attitudes. This research highlights the potential limitations inherent in assessing explicit attitudes with samples that may be motivated to respond in a socially desirable manner. More recently, Brand, Wolff, and Thieme (2014) used a pictorial BIAT

to assess implicit attitudes to PED use in 61 male bodybuilders. Implicit attitude scores were then compared between users and nonusers of PEDs (assessed by urine sample analysis); PED users showed more lenient attitudes to PED use than nonPED users did. Overall, these two studies support the efficacy of BIAT-based techniques to assess implicit attitudes to doping and the predictive value for identifying PED use in athletes.

Sportspersonship Orientations Sportspersonship orientations (Vallerand, Briére, Blanchard, & Provencher, 1997) represent • concern and respect for the rules and officials, social conventions, and the opponent, • a full commitment to one’s sport, and • the absence of a negative approach to sport participation. Recently, Barkoukis et al. (2011) investigated sportspersonship orientations as a differentiating factor between users and nonusers of PEDs in elite Greek athletes. Cluster analysis revealed two meaningful segments; athletes in the “high sportspersonship” cluster had higher mean scores on all dimensions of sportspersonship than those in the “low sportspersonship” cluster. In contrast with expectations, however, the two groups did not differ in terms of reported past PED use. This finding contrasted with those from a related study by Chantal et al. (2013) in which the social image of an athlete who agreed to take anabolic steroids when encouraged by a trainer was characterized by weaker sportspersonship orientations compared with an athlete who would not agree. The contrasting findings between these two studies suggest a possible disconnect between the actual sportspersonship orientations of users and nonusers of PEDs and the way in which others view the sportspersonship orientations of users and nonusers.

Empathy Representing one’s ability to adopt others’ perspectives and to experience feelings of sympathy, compassion, and concern for others (Davis, 1983), empathy has been associated with moral behavior in sport. Recently, Stanger, Kavussanu, and Ring (2012) experimentally investigated the effects of empathy on emotional reactions to aggression (i.e., nonaccidental verbal or physical overt behavior with the intention and capacity to cause

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­ sychological or physical injury to another; Husman p & Silva, 1984) in undergraduate sport and exercise science students. As expected, positive manipulation of empathy resulted in stronger negative emotional reactions to images portraying aggressive sport acts and reduced likelihood to aggress when compared with negative manipulation. Further, the effects of empathy on likelihood to aggress were partially mediated by anticipated guilt, suggesting that empathy may potentially diminish aggressive behavior in sport by influencing projected guilt.

Passion Passion represents a strong inclination toward a desired and valued activity in which a person invests a significant amount of time and effort (Vallerand et al., 2003). Further, passion has harmonious (i.e., engagement in an activity that one has control over and is in harmony with other aspects of one’s life) and obsessive (i.e., engagement in an activity that one feels internally or externally pressured to participate in and conflicts with other aspects of one’s life) dimensions. Vallerand et al. (2003) suggest disparate intra- and inter-personal outcomes for these two forms of passion; harmonious passion is proposed to result in adaptive outcomes and obsessive passion to lead to less adaptive outcomes. Across two studies, Bureau, Vallerand, Ntoumanis, and Lafreniere (2013) tested this assertion with respect to moral behavior in sport. In study 1 they found that obsessive, but not harmonious, passion positively predicted self-reported cheating in paintball. In study 2, obsessive passion positively predicted undesirable moral conduct and harmonious passion positively predicted desirable moral conduct in athletes from various sports. These findings suggest that differentiating between the dual dimensions of passion is important when considering how passion may affect moral behavior.

Moral Identity Moral identity represents the cognitive representation of moral character (Aquino, Freeman, Reed, Lim, & Felps, 2009) and can have a self-regulatory effect on moral behavior (Blasi, 1984). Aquino and Reed (2002) proposed nine traits representing a moral person (i.e., caring, compassionate, fair, friendly, generous, helpful, hardworking, honest, kind) and defined internalization of moral identity as the degree to which a person’s moral self-schema is considered central in defining the self. Across three studies, Kavussanu, Stanger, and Ring (2015)

investigated whether moral identity internalization inhibited antisocial behavior in sport and whether anticipated guilt mediated this effect. These studies showed that moral identity had a moderate to strong negative relationship with antisocial behavior toward teammates and opponents (study 1), the relationship between moral identity and antisocial behavior toward opponents was mediated by anticipated guilt (study 2), and experimentally priming moral identity reduced antisocial behavior, mediated by changes in moral judgment and anticipated guilt (study 3). Collectively, these findings suggest that the development of robust moral self-schemata may deter antisocial sport behavior by intensifying the feelings of guilt that athletes experience when engaging in such acts.

Social Identity Another aspect of a person’s identity relevant to moral behavior in sport is the person’s social identity. Social identity represents “that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his or her knowledge of his/her membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership” (Tajfel, 1981, p. 255). Recently, Bruner, Boardley, and Côté (2014) investigated the prospective effects of two dimensions of social identity on moral behavior across a competitive season with youth sport participants. The two dimensions were • in-group affect (i.e., positive feelings associated with group membership) and • in-group ties (i.e., perceptions of similarity, bonding, and belongingness with other group members). Structural equation modeling demonstrated that • in-group affect positively predicted prosocial behavior toward teammates, • in-group ties positively predicted prosocial behavior toward teammates, • in-group ties and in-group affect negatively predicted antisocial behavior toward teammates and opponents, mediated by athletes’ perceptions of group unity around task performance, and • in-group ties positively predicted antisocial behavior toward teammates and opponents, mediated by athlete’s perceptions of group unity regarding social integration.

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Contextual Influences Because behavior stems from both individual-difference factors and the environment (see Lewin, 1935, 1951), contextual influences are another important consideration for researchers investigating moral conduct in sport and physical activity (see Kavussanu, 2012; Weiss et al., 2008). Research reviewed in this section reveals that sport  morality researchers are actively investigating numerous contextual influences on moral behavior. Although coach influences continue to be a common focus in such work, SDT appears to be increasingly popular as a guiding theoretical framework. Overall, this work has established the potential importance of both autonomy-supportive and controlling coach behaviors for athletes’ moral behavior both on and off the field of play. Moving beyond motivational aspects of coach behavior, Bolter and Weiss’ (2012, 2013) preliminary work investigating specific coach behaviors relevant to athletes’ moral conduct has made an important contribution to the field. Research has also supported the potential influence of morally relevant team norms to moral behavior in team sport. Finally, the reemergence of bracketed morality as a concept of interest and its apparent relevance to moral behavior, as well as its previously established relevance to moral reasoning, has resulted in some interesting findings. But the general lack of work investigating contextual influences on moral behavior in nonsport physical activity contexts must be addressed to enable better understanding of moral behavior in all areas of sport and physical activity.

Need Satisfaction Psychological need satisfaction is potentially important for moral behavior because it influences the type of personal motivation (i.e., autonomous or controlled) that a person is likely to adopt (Deci & Ryan, 2008). For autonomous motivation to develop, the psychological needs for autonomy (i.e., a sense of personal initiative and choice), competence (i.e., a sense of performing effectively), and relatedness (i.e., a sense of connecting effectively with others) need to be satisfied. If a context fails to satisfy these three needs, then controlled motivation may result, with potential detrimental consequences for moral behavior (see previous section). Hodge and Gucciardi (2015) recently tested these postulates across two studies with competitive athletes from New Zealand. In both studies, satisfaction of the needs for relatedness and competence positively predicted

prosocial behavior toward teammates, and in the second study, relatedness satisfaction positively predicted prosocial behavior toward opponents. Thus, based on these findings, need satisfaction appears to have more potential importance for regulation of prosocial behavior than antisocial behavior, and satisfaction of the needs for competence and relatedness is of greater prospective import than that of autonomy.

Coach Behavior A number of types of coach behavior have been investigated for their effect on athletes’ moral behavior. Hodge and colleagues applied SDT principles to examine the differential effects of autonomy-supportive and controlling coach behaviors on moral behaviors in team- and individual-sport athletes from New Zealand (Hodge & Lonsdale, 2011; Hodge et al., 2013, 2015). Autonomy-supportive coach behaviors involve providing athletes with noncontrolling feedback, choice and rationales for tasks, acknowledgment of their feelings, and opportunities to show initiative and independence (Mageau & Vallerand, 2003). In contrast, controlling coach behaviors are coercive, pressuring, and authoritarian, and they seek to impose on athletes a specific and preconceived way of thinking and behaving (Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, & Thøgersen-Ntoumani, 2010). Hodge and Lonsdale (2011) found that athletes’ perceptions of their coach’s autonomy-supportive behavior positively predicted their prosocial behavior toward teammates and negatively predicted their antisocial behavior toward teammates and opponents; effects were partially mediated by motivation type and MD. Hodge et al. (2013) then showed that athletes’ perceptions of their coach’s controlling behaviors were a moderate positive predictor of athletes’ susceptibility to PED use, again mediated in part through motivation type and MD. Most recently, Bayesian modeling was used to show that athletes’ perceptions of their coach’s controlling behavior negatively predicted their prosocial behavior toward opponents and positively predicted their antisocial behavior toward teammates and opponents indirectly via MD (Hodge et al., 2015). Further, athletes’ perceptions of their coach’s autonomy-supportive behavior positively predicted prosocial behavior toward teammates through satisfaction of relatedness and competence needs and prosocial behavior toward opponents through satisfaction of relatedness needs.

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A further approach to investigating the influence of coach behavior on athletes’ moral conduct is to identify and measure specific relevant coaching behaviors. Bolter and Weiss (2012, 2013) adopted this approach when developing the Sportsmanship Coaching Behaviors Scale (SCBS), which assesses six categories of coach sportspersonship behavior. Significant relationships with athletes’ moral behavior were identified for four of the six types of coach behavior in high school and club team-sport athletes (Bolter & Weiss, 2013). First, responding to players’ sportsmanlike behaviors with reinforcement was a weak to moderate positive predictor of prosocial behavior toward teammates and opponents. Second, deliberately teaching players sportsmanlike behaviors was a weak to moderate positive predictor of prosocial behavior toward opponents. Third, modeling or demonstrating good sport behaviors was a moderate positive predictor of prosocial behavior toward teammates and a weak to moderate negative predictor of antisocial behavior toward opponents. Finally, placing higher importance on winning than on good sportsmanship was a moderate positive predictor of antisocial behavior toward opponents. Thus, this initial work by Bolter and Weiss provides support for the influence of coach sportspersonship behavior on their athletes’ moral behavior.

Group Norms Two group norms investigated by Steinfeldt, Rutkowski, and Orr (2012) as predictors of immoral behavior (i.e., intimidating opponents, risking injuring opponents, cheating, and intentionally injuring opponents) in U.S. college American football players were masculine norms and the moral atmosphere. Masculine norms represent an ideology that promulgates masculine superiority by valuing, encouraging, and sanctioning aggression (Steinfeldt et al., 2012). Sports that are associated with such ideologies may become hotbeds for aggressive behavior because aggression is then viewed as a socially sanctioned way of obtaining privilege and power (Kreager, 2007). Consistent with this proposition, Steinfeldt et al. (2012) found that conformity to masculine norms was a moderate positive predictor of immoral behavior. The other group norm investigated, moral atmosphere, represents the assembled collective moral behavioral norms within a group and is thought to influence team members’ moral actions (Shields & Bredemeier, 1995). As with masculine norms, players’ perceptions of the moral atmosphere were strong positive predictors of their immoral behavior. In addition, moral atmosphere

was found to be a moderate positive predictor of conformity to masculine norms. These findings suggest that moral atmosphere may promote immoral behavior through an influence on masculine norms in sport that propagate masculine dominance.

Bracketed Morality A reemerging concept within sport morality research is that of bracketed morality, which represents the temporary adoption of relative egocentricity (favoring one’s own needs over those of others) in sport in comparison with everyday life (Bredemeier & Shields, 1986). Early work on this concept focused on moral reasoning (e.g., Bredemeier & Shields, 1986; Bredemeier, 1995), whereas more recent work has extended this early work by investigating bracketed morality in terms of moral behavior. In two studies with university sport participants, Kavussanu, Boardley, Sagar, and Ring (2013) found that prosocial behavior toward teammates and antisocial behavior toward opponents were more frequent during sport participation than equivalent behaviors toward students during everyday university life; contextual differences were partially mediated by MD and ego orientation. This finding suggests that athletes may suspend (i.e., bracket) their everyday moral behavior when engaging in sport.

Consequences of Moral Behavior An emergent area of research focuses on consequences, rather than antecedents, of moral behavior. One example is a study on sledging, a cricket-specific form of gamesmanship (i.e., using ethically questionable tactics to distract and disrupt the opponent; Potter, 1947) in which crude and derogatory language is used to intimidate and distract opposing batsmen (Joseph & Cramer, 2011). To investigate the effects of sledging, semistructured interviews were conducted with 10 elite English batsmen. Results revealed numerous negative consequences of sledging, including an altered perception of self (e.g., feeling insulted) and state of mind and body (e.g., increased nervousness or arousal), and decreased batting ability (e.g., playing unnaturally aggressive shots). Not all consequences were negative, however, because some players described increased determination and motivation because of sledging. A related study by Conmy, Tenenbaum, Eklund, Roehrig, and Filho (2013) investigated the influ-

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ence of trash talking (i.e., intentional overt verbal communication used to provide self-affirmation or disrupt opponents) on self-efficacy and positive and negative affect while competing against another player in an American football video game. Self-confessed trash talkers were randomly allocated to one of two conditions, both of which involved playing two games. In one condition participants were forced to be silent in the first game and were permitted to trash talk in the second (i.e., silent–talk condition), whereas in the other condition trash talk was allowed only in the first game (i.e., talk–silent condition). Key findings included the following: • Players in the silent–talk condition had lower self-efficacy immediately after initial condition allocation than those in the talk–silent condition. • Players in the silent–talk condition exhibited lower self-efficacy than those in the talk–silent condition following game 1. • Players in the silent–talk condition reported an increase in self-efficacy after they were informed they could trash talk in game 2. Permission to use trash talk was also linked favorably with positive and negative affect, although findings for these two variables were not as consistent as they were for self-efficacy. The findings of this study, and those of Joseph and Cramer (2011), suggest that verbally berating opponents could result in positive outcomes for the perpetrator, as well as largely detrimental consequences for the recipient. Georgiadis and Papazoglou (2014) then investigated the negative implications of receiving a ban from competition because of committing an antidoping violation. Semistructured interviews with five Greek athletes who had recently incurred a ban revealed negative social (e.g., perceived rejection or contempt from sporting community), emotional (e.g., anger, helplessness), and psychological (e.g., insomnia, memory loss) implications. Although such penalties are necessary to deter doping, these findings highlight the need for accompanying support mechanisms for athletes who receive such bans. In general, then, following recent calls for research investigating the consequences of moral behavior (see Kavussanu, 2012), researchers have identified both positive (e.g., self-efficacy, positive affect) and negative (e.g., anxiety) outcomes stemming from moral behavior in sport. Although

this work has considered the implications of moral conduct for both perpetrators and recipients, to date work in this area has been constrained to actions relevant to inhibitive morality. As such, future work considering the influence of positive social behaviors (e.g., prosocial behavior) would help further develop this emerging area. For instance, research outside sport and physical activity has recently demonstrated a positive link between prosocial behavior and psychological well-being (Martela & Ryan, 2016). Similar research in sport and physical activity contexts would help further progress this avenue of research.

Contemporary Moral Behavior Research The research studies cited in the preceding sections illustrate the breadth of recent research investigating moral behavior in sport and physical activity. The aim of the following paragraphs is to provide an overview and discussion of the main implications and issues arising from this body of work, including key findings and dominant theories and methodologies. When relevant, reference is made to earlier (i.e., published pre-2011) research to demonstrate consistency, or otherwise, in research relating to particular topics. Although sport and physical activity morality research continues to burgeon and evolve, this section makes clear that gaps in knowledge are still significant. Following this discussion, some important limitations are identified, including theoretical and methodological development, a lack of research with children and early adolescents, and moral behavior in physical activity contexts outside sport. When relevant, methodological trends that likely explain these deficits are also considered. An increasingly dominant variable in sport and physical activity morality research is MD. Although earlier literature reviews identified MD as an emerging variable of interest (see Boardley & Kavussanu, 2011; Kavussanu, 2008, 2012), research investigating this concept has proliferated since these reviews were completed. Researchers have used a wide range of methodologies to investigate MD and have applied it to most areas of interest to this field of research. This effort is demonstrated through qualitative (e.g., Boardley & Grix, 2014) and quantitative (e.g., Boardley & Jackson, 2012) research that identifies MD as aiding our understanding of both on-field (e.g., Traclet et al., 2015) and off-field (e.g., Engelberg et al., 2015) moral behavior in both sport (e.g., Hodge et al., 2013) and

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exercise (e.g., Boardley et al., 2014). Overall, this body of research provides strong evidence that MD is a potential facilitator of negative social behaviors in sport and physical activity contexts. This conclusion is evidenced by strong positive associations between MD and antisocial behavior in sport (e.g., Boardley & Jackson, 2012; Hodge & Lonsdale, 2011), as well as its frequent use when sport and exercise participants explain their moral transgressions (e.g., Boardley et al., 2014; Engelberg et al., 2015). Evidence also supports a causal effect of MD on harmful sport conduct (Stanger et al., 2013). Another emerging trend is the increasing use of SDT as a guiding theoretical framework for research investigating on-field (e.g., Hodge & Gucciardi, 2015) and off-field (e.g., Hodge et al., 2013) moral behavior in sport. Although research applying AGT continues (e.g., Barkoukis et al., 2011), the amount of work underpinned by SDT appears to be proliferating such that these two theories now appear to be of equal influence on research in this field. A definite shift in theoretical focus has occurred, because AGT had previously been the dominant motivational theory (see Kavussanu, 2012; Weiss et al., 2008). One moral behavior that has seen a marked increase in research attention in sport and exercise is doping. Qualitative (e.g., Boardley et al., 2015) and quantitative (e.g., Hodge et al., 2013) approaches have been used to establish links between personal (e.g., MD) and contextual (e.g., controlling-coach behavior) variables and PED use. This proliferation in research attention is welcome, because doping is associated with numerous negative outcomes. In sport, PED use constitutes an unfair advantage over opponents, and the negative implications for health (Kanayama, Hudson, & Pope, 2008; Laure & Kriebitzsch-Lejeune, 2000) are relevant in all sport and physical activity contexts. As such, further studies are needed to increase understanding of the psychosocial factors that facilitate doping so that findings can inform interventions aimed at decreasing the prevalence of doping in sport and physical activity.

Theoretical and Methodological Development The first decade of this millennium documented increased research interest in moral behavior and reduced interest in moral reasoning (see Kavussanu, 2008, 2012). Concomitant with this trend was a move away from theories focusing primarily on moral cognition and negative aspects of morality

(e.g., Kolhberg, 1984; Haan, 1983) to ones that emphasize the importance of moral behavior and the dual (i.e., proactive, inhibitive) aspects of morality (e.g., Bandura, 1991, 1999). One positive outcome of this change in theoretical focus is increased understanding of moral outcomes that have a direct effect on others (i.e., moral behavior). As such, the behavioral vantage adopted by many researchers during the last two decades has complemented well the earlier work that focused on factors influencing the development of moral reasoning. But further conceptual progressions may be needed if we are to continue furthering our understanding of sport and physical activity morality. For instance, whereas morality research outside sport and physical activity has started to adopt models highlighting the importance of fast automatic subliminal processes (e.g., Haidt, 2001), sport and physical activity research is still largely dominated by theories focused on rational processes. Given that many moral behaviors in sport and physical activity occur with little time for conscious thought (e.g., retaliating to a bad foul), research in such contexts may benefit from a further theoretical evolution toward intuitive (e.g., Haidt, 2001) or dual-process (e.g., Smith & DeCoster, 2000; Strack & Deutsch, 2004) theories that consider both conscious and subconscious processes. The application of such theories may require methodological advancements too, because dominant approaches in current sport and physical activity morality research (e.g., self-report questionnaires) have clear limitations when subconscious processes need to be assessed. Methods designed specifically to assess automatic processes such as the Implicit Attitude Test (IAT; Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998) and affect misattribution techniques (Payne, Cheng, Govorun, & Stewart, 2005) may be needed to facilitate research on subliminal influences on moral conduct. In addition, although IAT-based approaches have started to be used to investigate PED use, increased understanding of what is actually assessed through such techniques may be needed before the potential contribution of such techniques can be fully harnessed (see Petróczi, 2013). Such methods also need to be applied to other forms of moral behavior in sport and physical activity such as prosocial and antisocial behavior. A predominant focus on rational conscious processes may also explain why our understanding of how emotions influence moral action in sport and physical activity is still limited. Moral emotions represent positive (e.g., pride, empathy) or negative (e.g., guilt, shame) feeling states that

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coexist with moral behaviors and may provide the motivational force to act morally (Kroll & Egan, 2004). Such motivational forces are considered by Bandura (1991) and have started to be explored in sport-based research (e.g., Kavussanu et al., 2015; Stanger et al., 2012). Such research, however, has tended to treat moral cognitions and moral emotions as separate entities, whereas contemporary views suggest a need to consider their integrative effects (see Saxena & Babu, 2013). For instance, researchers have not considered how cognitive and emotional moral processes may compete and combine to influence moral judgments (Greene, Sommerville, Nystrom, Darley, & Cohen, 2001), or how a person’s emotional state may influence moral intuitions that affect reactive moral actions (Haidt, 2001). As such, more research seeking to aid our understanding of how the complex interactions between moral cognitions and emotions affect moral behavior in sport and physical activity is required.

Lack of Research With Children and Early Adolescents Another issue potentially linked to decreased application of structural developmental approaches is a reduction in research studying children and early adolescents. A central focus of structural developmental theories (e.g., Kohlberg, 1984; Haan, 1983) is how moral reasoning develops during childhood and adolescence. Therefore, researchers naturally adopted such theories in sport and physical activity to conduct work with children and adolescents (e.g., Bredemeier, 1995; Bredemeier & Shields, 1984). As a result, our knowledge of levels of moral reasoning in children and adolescents is reasonably well developed. In contrast, few studies have investigated frequency of moral behavior in children and early adolescents in sport and physical activity contexts. Initial work has been conducted, such as that investigating age differences in moral behavior in adolescent male soccer players (Kavussanu, Seal, & Phillips, 2006). But more research with children and early adolescents across a wide range of sport and physical activity contexts is needed to develop further knowledge in this area. We also have little knowledge of how the moral beliefs and actions espoused by parents, siblings, and peers during childhood and adolescence influence moral conduct and its precursors in sport and physical activity in later life. Research in other contexts supports the need for research investigating developmental influences on moral behavior in sport and physical activity. For instance,

early-rejecting parenting at age 1.5 to 2 years has been associated with increased MD at age 15, and changes in MD then mediate a positive effect of early-rejecting parenting on antisocial behavior at age 16 to 17 (Hyde, Shaw, & Moilanen, 2010). Further, peers’ MD has been shown to influence changes in MD during early adolescence (Caravita, Sijtsema, Rambaran, & Gini, 2014). As such, increased application of prospective and longitudinal designs such as those implemented in these exemplar studies is encouraged to aid our understanding of how parents, siblings, and peers may influence moral behavior in sport and physical activity.

Moral Behavior in Nonsport Physical Activity Contexts In comparison with sport, nonsport physical activity contexts have had little dedicated research attention regarding moral behavior. But the social support literature does provide some insight regarding the effect of proactive morality in exercise contexts. More specifically, aspects of social support (e.g., encouragement, comfort, or advice) reflect prosocial behavior, and numerous studies have demonstrated links between such behavior and desirable outcomes (e.g., increased positive affect, participation, and self-efficacy) in exercise populations (e.g., McAuley, Jerome, Elavsky, Marquez, & Ramsey, 2003; Rackow, Scholz, & Hornung, 2015). As such, there is some evidence for beneficial outcomes of proactive morality in exercise contexts. In contrast, little is known about the effects or frequency of behaviors reflecting inhibitive morality in nonsport contexts, such as teasing, insulting, and bullying other exercisers. If such behaviors do occur, they will likely result in detrimental consequences (e.g., increased negative affect, reduced participation, and increased social physique anxiety) for recipients. Currently, however, we have little knowledge of the prevalence, antecedents, and outcomes of these types of behavior in nonsport contexts. Therefore, research is needed that specifically investigates moral behavior in a range of relevant nonsport physical activity contexts.

Future Research Recommendations Although great strides have been made in broadening our knowledge and understanding of the psychosocial factors that influence moral behavior in sport and physical activity, much work is still

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needed. To offer stimulus and guidance for those seeking to contribute to this work, the subsequent paragraphs offer some ideas for potentially important future research endeavors. One interesting area of investigation would be to determine whether the relative influence of implicit and explicit moral processes varies between fast, reflexive moral behaviors (e.g., reacting to a poor decision by an official) and less time-pressured and deliberate actions (e.g., PED use). Based on the tenets of dual-process theories (e.g., Smith & DeCoster, 2000; Strack & Deutsch, 2004), implicit processes may be more important to the regulation of quick moral actions, whereas unhurried moral actions may be controlled more through conscious processes. Related research could also further our understanding of the complex interactions between moral cognitions and emotions in sport and physical activity. Contemporary moral theory (e.g., Haidt, 2001, 2008) suggests that emotions are an intrinsic aspect of the moral intuitions proposed to determine many moral actions. Empirical support for this theory is provided by research showing that the severity of moral judgments increases when negative emotions (i.e., disgust) are induced (Schnall, Haidt, Clore, & Jordan, 2008). Therefore, an interesting investigation would be to learn whether moral judgments in sport and physical activity change when differing (e.g., positive versus negative) emotions are induced. A connected issue is that of emotion regulation (Lane, Beedie, Jones, Uphill, & Devonport, 2012), which represents automatic or intentional strategic attempts to recruit, sustain, adjust, or exhibit emotions (Gross & Thompson, 2007). Given its potential to influence athletes’ emotional state, emotion regulation may affect moral behavior (see Gratz & Roemer, 2004). With this in mind, research investigating the effect of emotion regulation on moral behavior in sport and physical activity is also encouraged. Another potential area of investigation relates to identifying the role of moral reasoning in regulating moral conduct. Structural developmental theorists (e.g., Kohlberg, 1984; Haan, 1983) argue that differing moral reasoning structures represent stages of moral development that should be the primary concern of morality research. In contrast, social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1991) places less importance on moral reasoning development. Although development of moral reasoning is thought to allow people to identify and integrate morally relevant information more effectively, such abilities can just as easily be used to rationalize immoral conduct

(i.e., through MD) as they can be to guide desirable conduct. As such, Bandura (1991) suggests propensity for self-serving moral reasoning (i.e., MD) to be of greater importance for guiding moral action than the structure of moral reasoning. Finally, although Haidt (2001, 2008) concurs with Bandura (1991) that moral reasoning is often self-serving, he differs in his view of when it occurs in the process of moral conduct. More specifically, Haidt (2001, 2008) suggests that moral reasoning mostly follows moral conduct, primarily to identify and present evidence in support of fast, intuitive moral actions that have already occurred. Thus, given these contrasting views on moral reasoning, future researchers should seek to determine the exact nature and role of moral reasoning in guiding moral action in sport and physical activity. Finally, research investigating cultural influences on moral behavior would also be welcome. Although a significant amount of research has been conducted in Western cultures, far less has been completed with participants from other cultures. As a result, few studies have specifically investigated cultural differences and influences on moral behavior in sport and physical activity. Research from other domains suggests that the investigation of cultural influences may be a worthwhile endeavor. For instance, given that some cultures (e.g., Hindu Indians) view the self in monistic (i.e., social duties are part of self-realization) terms, whereas others (e.g., Americans) view it in dualistic (i.e., distinct boundaries drawn between the self and society) terms (Miller, 1994), athletes from disparate cultures may differ considerably in how they conceptualize interpersonal morality. Research has also shown how culture may influence frequency of prosocial behavior as a function of the form (e.g., public, altruistic) of such behavior (Carlo, Knight, McGinley, & Hayes, 2011; Eisenberg & Spinrad, 2014). As such, work is needed that investigates potential cultural influences on moral behavior in sport and physical activity contexts.

Summary Sport and physical activity represent contexts with considerable potential for desirable and undesirable moral behavior. This chapter discusses a wide range of personal and social variables that potentially influence moral conduct in these contexts. The propensity to rationalize and justify transgressive acts, to judge one’s competence in other- rather than self-referenced terms, to rely on controlled rather than autonomous motivation, to lack empathy for

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Recommendations for Practice A number of studies have tested and provided support for the efficacy of field-based interventions aimed at promoting moral development in sport and physical activity contexts (Bredemeier, Weiss, Shields, & Shewchuk, 1986; Gibbons & Ebbeck, 1997; Gibbons, Ebbeck, & Weiss, 1995; Hassandra, Goudas, Hatzigeorgiadis, & Theodorakis, 2007; Romance, Weiss, & Bockoven, 1986; Wandzilak, Carroll, & Ansorge, 1988). The interventions designed and tested in these studies were primarily based on social-learning or structural developmental approaches, and the following recommendations are based on these interventions Social-Learning Approaches • Clearly define appropriate and inappropriate moral behaviors. • Model prosocial behavior frequently. • Model and reinforce reacting calmly to antisocial behavior. • Reinforce prosocial behavior through verbal commendation and tangible rewards. Structural Developmental Approaches • Explain guiding moral principles and provide a rationale for acting appropriately. • Promote self-dialogue and group discussion using moral dilemmas and problem-solving activities. • Consider learners’ current level of moral development when introducing moral dilemmas. • Create situations in which moral conflict is likely to occur and discuss such conflicts when they arise.

others, and to regard one’s moral identity as not being central to the self are personal factors meaningfully linked with less desirable moral behavior in sport and physical activity. Social factors are also important. In sport, autonomy-supportive as opposed to controlling coach behavior and specific sportspersonship coaching behaviors have been linked with desirable moral conduct. The coach- or peer-created moral atmosphere has proved to be predictive of moral behavior as well, and recent work applying the bracketed morality concept to moral behavior suggests that characteristics of the sport context may influence frequency of moral behavior compared with nonsport contexts. Researchers are also increasingly investigating outcomes (e.g., self-efficacy, positive and negative affect) of moral behavior. Although our understanding of antecedents and outcomes of moral behavior in sport and physical activity continues to develop, more research investigating moral emotions, developmental factors, and implicit processes is needed. We also need more studies testing theory-based interventions (see Recommendations for Practice sidebar for advice based on current evidence) aiming to improve moral behavior in sport and physical activity. To continue to grow our understanding of how to optimize moral behavior in sport and physical activity, researchers are encouraged to embrace new methodologies and theories and to conduct work in a wider range of sport and physical activity populations.

The author would like to thank Dr. James Adie and Dr. John Mills for their comments on an earlier draft of this chapter.

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12 Performance Anxiety, Arousal, and Coping in Sport Rich Neil, PhD  Tim Woodman, PhD

Abstract Our primary goals within this chapter are to provide an overview of some of the key models, theories, and associated literature relevant to anxiety, arousal, and coping and to consider the influence of these variables on sport performance. We begin the chapter by offering definitions of the relevant constructs with brief reference to contemporary measurement. We then provide an overview of the key models and theories that have been proposed to explain or describe the relationship between anxiety, arousal, and performance. In the third section, we examine the research on various types of coping strategies and psychological skills that performers use when anxious. Here, we also discuss the influence of key individual differences on coping with anxiety. We conclude the chapter by identifying the gaps in the current knowledge base that offer future research directions, including the measurement of anxiety, arousal, and coping; the relationship of anxiety, arousal, and coping to performance; and the influence of individual differences on anxiety, arousal, coping, and performance.

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I froze out there. . . . It was not about tennis. It was not about her being the better player. I just really, really got nervous. Yeah, I really froze. . . . My legs and my arms and everything just couldn’t move.

Defining and Operationalizing Anxiety, Arousal, and Coping

Jelena Dokic, 2012

To provide a definition of anxiety, we have to consider the broader theoretical framework of stress. To elaborate, in the transactional theory of stress (Lazarus, 1999; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984), stress is an ongoing transaction between environmental demands and a person’s resources; strain is experienced when demands exceed resources (Hanton, Neil, & Mellalieu, 2011). This imbalance may arise through a threat appraisal because of the perceived implications if environmental demands are not managed. The result of this threat appraisal is the negative emotion of anxiety (a form of strain). Cheng, Hardy, and Markland (2009) defined performance anxiety as an unpleasant psychological state reaction to a perceived threat to the performance of a task under pressure. Over the past 35 years anxiety research has predominantly adopted a two-dimensional approach toward understanding both trait anxiety (i.e., a predisposition to perceive situations as threatening) and performance anxiety (e.g., competitive anxiety) by examining performers’ cognitive anxiety (negative expectations about performance and fear of failure) and somatic anxiety (perceived physiological state) responses. Born from the seminal work of Martens, Burton, Vealey, Bump, and Smith (1990) and their development of the Competitive State Anxiety Inventory-2 (CSAI2), the use of this conceptualization has offered some insight into how performers respond in the lead-up to competition (e.g., see Gould, Petlichkoff, & Weinberg, 1984), factors that may influence these responses (e.g., see Hammermeister & Burton, 1995), and the effects that these responses may have on performance (e.g., see Edwards & Hardy, 1996). We discuss more of this research later in the chapter. When researchers have focused solely on the effects of anxiety on athletic performance, the amount of performance variance that is explained by cognitive and somatic anxiety intensity has been relatively small. This result is possibly due to inadequate measures or the use of a preperformance measure to predict performance (Hanton, Neil, & Mellalieu, 2011; Woodman & Hardy, 2003). Further reasons could be attributed to the multidimensional approach being a dated and simplistic conceptualization of anxiety that was borrowed from test anxiety literature (e.g., Liebert & Morris, 1967) and the general assumption that anxiety is detrimental to performance (see Woodman & Hardy, 2001).

I was nervous and that’s a good thing. That means you care. You can try and use that energy as best you can to heighten your focus and then get into the right situation and it worked out great for me this week. Tiger Woods, 2008

T

hese quotations from professional tennis player Jelena Dokic and former world number one golfer Tiger Woods offer different insights into the potential influence that anxiety and arousal can have on an athlete’s performance. The first quotation demonstrates that being highly anxious and aroused can be a destructive force if the anxiety is not coped with effectively, because the affective state can negatively influence concentration and coordination. In contrast, the second quotation highlights that being anxious and aroused may benefit performance if the athlete is confident and can cope effectively to stay focused on the task. The premise that performance anxiety can have either detrimental or beneficial effects on behavior is not new. Informed by models and theories of anxiety or arousal and performance, the literature has often supported such dysfunctional and functional effects (see, e.g., Hardy, 1990; Hardy, Beattie, & Woodman, 2007) and provided explanations for such effects (see, e.g., Hanton, Wadey, and Mellalieu, 2008; Woodman & Hardy, 2001). In this chapter we provide a critique of some of the research from this literature and consider various concepts that could help to explain further why people may or may not cope well when anxious and aroused. To achieve this end, we begin with a definition and explanation of the terms anxiety, arousal, and coping. We then provide an overview and critique of the models and theories that have been developed to explain important relationships between anxiety, arousal, and sport performance. In the third section we review the research corresponding to the various coping strategies and psychological skills used by performers to cope in performance contexts when they are anxious. The chapter ends with an insight into the gaps that exist within the anxiety, arousal, and coping literature, along with recommendations for future research.

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Worry

Autonomic hyperactivity

Cognitive anxiety

Physiological anxiety

Self-focused attention

Somatic tension

Perceived control

Figure 12.1  A three-dimensional conceptualization of performance anxiety. Based on Cheng et al. (2009).

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Dissatisfied with the simplistic multidimensional anxiety theory, Cheng et al. (2009) introduced a more comprehensive conceptualization of performance anxiety, characterized by five subcomponents that also considered the functional potential of anxiety (see figure 12.1). Cheng et al. categorized the first two subcomponents under cognitive anxiety: individuals’ worry about future performance and their self-focused attention (i.e., increased awareness of self-shortcomings concerning the performance of a task under stress). Two subcomponents were also categorized under physiological anxiety: autonomic hyperactivity (i.e., perceptions of physiological symptoms) and somatic tension (i.e., perceptions of physical tension). The final subcomponent included the functional, regulatory dimension of anxiety of perceived control, which accounts for performers’ belief about how confident they are about performing well and staying focused in competition. In the development and testing of their model, Cheng et al. (2009) have provided some

initial support for these subcomponents through the use of their Three-Factor Anxiety Inventory (TFAI; see also Cheng, Hardy, & Woodman, 2011). Pribram and McGuiness (1975) defined arousal as a person’s cognitive and physiological activity in reaction to changing information being received from the environment. This change in activity can have an effect on concentration and subsequent behavior. Despite acceptance of this definition, the term has a history of being misused within the anxiety literature; some researchers used it interchangeably with anxiety and adopted an anxiety scale to measure it (for more information, see Hardy, Jones, & Gould, 1996; Neil, Fletcher, Hanton, & Mellalieu, 2007; Woodman & Hardy, 2001). In addition, researchers have used various operational definitions of arousal, including self-report measures of arousal (e.g., Filho, Moraes, & Tenenbaum, 2008), heart rate frequency (e.g., Cottyn, De Clercq, Pannier, Crombez, & Lenoir, 2006), heart rate variability (e.g., Murray & Raedeke, 2008), muscle activity

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(Cooke, Kavussanu, McIntyre, & Ring, 2010), respiratory sinus arrhythmia (Perkins, Wilson, & Kerr, 2001), and cortisol concentration (McKay, Selig, Carlson, & Morris, 1997). Although the best measure to use to reflect arousal is debatable, any effective approach needs to be sensitive enough to detect the physiological changes associated with the autonomic nervous system or the subjective cognitive labels of these changes (i.e., somatic anxiety) that may occur because of the introduction of new stimuli. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) defined coping as the ongoing efforts in thought and action to manage specific demands that a person appraises as taxing. They proposed the dichotomization of the functional process of self-regulation and adaptation into two categories of coping: problem-focused coping and emotion-focused coping. Problem-focused coping comprises the strategies used to eliminate or manage demands (i.e., stressors), and emotion-focused coping comprises the strategies used to reduce the negative emotions that are experienced from appraising demands as unmanageable. Roth and Cohen (1986) later proposed a third function, avoidance coping, which is a person’s attempts to disengage cognitively or behaviorally from the situation. Within the sport anxiety literature, the majority of research that has considered coping has adopted these definitions in one guise or another. That is, researchers have either adopted these macroanalytical definitions of coping or used a more microanalytical approach by considering the specific coping strategies that fall within each category. These include problem-focused strategies such as active coping, suppressing competing activities, planning, effort expenditure, and seeking social support for instrumental reasons; emotion-focused strategies such as seeking emotional support, acceptance, positive reappraisal, and the venting of emotions; and avoidance coping strategies such as wishful thinking, denial, and cognitive and behavioral disengagement. To measure these strategies in relation to the experience of competitive anxiety, researchers have predominantly used the Coping Function Questionnaire (Kowalski & Crocker, 2001) to assess the use of the three coping functions or versions of the COPE (Crocker & Graham, 1995) to examine the specific coping strategies used.

Models and Theories of ­Anxiety, Arousal, and Performance In this section we offer insight into the models and theories that have aided our understanding about

how and why anxiety affects performance. We first consider the early theories of arousal and performance, along with the multidimensional anxiety theory. We then critique models that offered insight into how anxiety could be beneficial for performance, including the individual zones of optimal functioning and the cusp catastrophe model of anxiety and performance. Finally, we critique the theories that have been proposed to explain how anxiety has detrimental and beneficial effects for performance. These include the conscious processing hypothesis, theory of ironic processes of mental control, the processing efficiency theory, and the attentional control theory.

Early Theories of Arousal and Performance Early attempts to describe the relationship between anxiety, arousal, and performance were two-dimensional in nature. They were primarily developed to describe the effects of arousal on performance but were often used to describe anxiety effects. For example, Spence and Spence (1966) introduced drive theory and suggested that increases in arousal would result in increases in performance only if the performer was proficient in executing the desired skill. A lack of ability in performing the required skill would result in poorer performance when arousal increased. Although the simplicity of this concept is attractive, the concept may not adequately map the complexity of the anxiety–performance relationship. The inverted-U hypothesis (Yerkes & Dodson, 1908)—an inverted-U relationship between arousal and performance—has been used as an alternative approach. According to the inverted-U hypothesis, increases in arousal up to an optimal level are associated with improvements in performance, but performance gradually decreases beyond that optimal level. Optimal levels of arousal were also proposed to depend on task difficulty; lower levels of optimal arousal are required for more complex tasks.

Multidimensional Anxiety Theory The arousal and performance relationships proposed in drive theory and the inverted-U hypothesis arguably influenced the development of what was one of the most widely adopted theories in the competitive anxiety literature: multidimensional anxiety theory (MAT; Martens et al., 1990). Through their MAT, Martens et al. suggested that the relationship between cognitive anxiety and performance is negative and linear (see figure 12.2).

Performance

Performance

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Cognitive anxiety

Somatic anxiety

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Performance

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Figure 12.2  Martens, Vealey, and Burton’s (1990) multidimensional anxiety theory predictions of anxiety and performance.

Self-confidence E6768/Horn/F12.02c/565543/mh-R2

For the relationship between somatic anxiety and performance, Martens et al. adopted the inverted-U model. Support for these separate relationships has been sparse, and only a selection of studies at best partially supported Martens et al.’s predictions (e.g., Burton, 1988; Chamberlain & Hale, 2007; Hammermeister & Burton, 1995; Krane, Williams, & Feltz, 1992). Two key reasons for this lack of support are 1. the suggestion that the experience of cognitive anxiety will always be detrimental to performance and 2. the disregard for any interactive effect between cognitive anxiety and somatic anxiety on performance.

Individual Zones of Optimal Functioning Although the early supposition was that anxiety is detrimental to performance, researchers later

Reprinted by permission from S. Hanton, R. Neil, and S.D. Mellalieu, “Competitive Anxiety and Sporting, In The New Sport and Exercise Psychology Companion, edited by T. Morris and P. Terry (FIT: Morgantown, WV, 2011), 95. Used with permission from the publisher.

acknowledged that anxiety could have beneficial effects. Through his individualized zone of optimal functioning (IZOF) hypothesis, Hanin (1980, 1986) proposed that performers have optimal zones of performance anxiety, within which they would achieve their best performances. Experiencing anxiety either below or above this zone would result in poorer performance. Support has been provided for this premise (see e.g., Annesi, 1998; Davis & Cox, 2002; Ruiz et al., 2015; Turner & Raglin, 1991; Woodman, Albinson, & Hardy, 1997), and researchers have acknowledged the practical utility of the approach (Hardy et al., 1996). But the hypothesis serves only to describe the different individualized optimal zones of anxiety across individuals and fails to explain why such differences might occur. That is, the hypothesis has individual differences in optimal affect at its heart but has no individual-difference variables to predict such differences. As such, it has limited theoretical value. Certainly, more evidence is needed to support this concept,

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and future research is needed to investigate why people might have different optimal anxiety levels (see Woodman & Hardy, 2001).

Cusp Catastrophe Model of Anxiety and Performance The cusp catastrophe (CAT) model of anxiety and performance (Hardy, 1990) addressed the simplistic (main effects) approach advocated in MAT. Specifically, the model accounts for the interactive effects of cognitive anxiety and physiological arousal (as opposed to somatic anxiety) on performance (see figure 12.3). Hardy (1990) proposed that performers’ cognitive anxiety would determine the relationship between physiological arousal and performance. Specifically, when cognitive anxiety is low, changes in physiological arousal are predicted to result in minor performance fluctuations illustrated by a mild inverted-U relationship. Increases in physiological arousal would result in increases in performance up to an optimal level, beyond which small decreases in performance will occur. Returns to optimal performance were proposed to be straightforward through a reduction in physiological arousal. When cognitive anxiety is high, increases in physiological arousal were hypothesized to lead to positive performance outcomes, up to a critical “cusp” point.  Further increases in physiological arousal beyond this critical point were proposed to result

in a catastrophic drop in performance. Attempts to return to optimal performance would be difficult under these conditions due to the discontinuous nature of the arousal–performance relationship. Partial support for the model has been provided through experimental and quasi-experimental designs (Hardy & Parfitt, 1991; Hardy, Parfitt, & Pates, 1994; Woodman et al., 1997) and through qualitative studies (Edwards, Kingston, Hardy, & Gould, 2002). Acknowledging the importance of self-confidence to sport performance, Hardy (1990) also proposed the butterfly CAT model, which includes self-confidence as a moderating factor. Within this more complex model, self-confidence moderates the interaction between cognitive anxiety and physiological arousal by swinging the fold, or the critical cusp point, at the front of the CAT model to the right under high self-confidence and to the left under low self-confidence (Hardy, Woodman, & Carrington, 2004). Self-confidence would thus allow performers high in cognitive anxiety to tolerate higher levels of physiological arousal before they suffered a catastrophic drop in performance. Hardy et al. (2004) provided some evidence for this buffering effect of self-confidence within the butterfly CAT model, which potentially supports the protective qualities of self-confidence when performers are anxious (see also Hanton, Mellalieu, & Hall, 2004; Mellalieu, Neil, & Hanton, 2006).

Performance

Performance surface

Physiological arousal

Cognitive anxiety

Figure 12.3  Cusp catastrophe model. E6768/Horn/F12.03/565544/mh-R2 Adapted by permission from L. Hardy, A Catastrophe Model of Anxiety and Performance. In Stress and Performance in Sport, edited by J. G. Jones and L. Hardy (Chichester, UK: Wiley, 1990), 81-106.

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Conscious-Processing Hypothesis An early theoretical explanation of anxiety-induced performance decrements in expert performers was the conscious-processing hypothesis (CPH; Masters, 1992). When expert performers are confident and not experiencing anxiety, they may execute their behavior unconsciously in an effortless manner. But Masters suggested that when performers experience high levels of anxiety, they are more likely to try to gain conscious control over their normally subconscious behavior, thus paradoxically truncating a normally fluid action. Because of this conscious control, the performer regresses to a more explicit, early stage of learning, executing the behavior in a less fluid and less successful manner. Partial support for this theory has been provided in experimental studies in golf (Cooke et al., 2010; Hardy, Mullen, & Jones, 1996; Mullen & Hardy, 2000; Mullen, Hardy, & Tattersall, 2005; Gucciardi & Dimmock, 2008) and trampoline performances (Hardy, Mullen, & Martin, 2001). The partial support for the CPH may be due to the notion that anxiety can affect performance by influencing both attentional resources (i.e., processing efficiency) and conscious control over performance movements (Mullen et al., 2005). In addition, conscious-processing effects may not always occur to the level required for a noticeable drop in performance, potentially because of the proposed beneficial effects of consciously processing movements. To elaborate, Toner and Moran (2014, 2015) suggested that conscious movement analysis may actually help elite performers identify where movement errors are occurring, allowing them to reinvest effort toward refining skills for performance benefits—a proposition recently supported by Malhotra, Poolton, Wilson, Omoru, and Masters (2015).

Theory of Ironic Processes of Mental Control In his theory of ironic processes of mental control effects, Wegner (1994) postulates that humans achieve mental control through two processes that work in parallel: the operating process and the monitoring process. The operating process intentionally and consciously searches for cognitive information to yield a desired emotional state or a preferred outcome. Performers are more likely to maintain this desired state through effortful engagement in this conscious search. Working alongside this process is a subconscious monitoring process that searches for information that is associated with a failure

to achieve the desired state. When the cognitive load is low, this monitoring process reactivates the operating process to fill the mind with the requisite relevant information to achieve the desired state, and the performer enjoys mental control. When the cognitive load is too high, however, the cognitive space required for the operating process to work effectively is taken up by other resources (e.g., anxiety). Consequently, the operating process becomes less effective, and the information gathered by the monitoring process is brought into consciousness, yielding an undesired state. This effect is ironic because the monitoring process, which allows people to maintain mental control, is also directly responsible for causing the poor emotional and behavioral state that the performer specifically wants to avoid. In short, the monitoring process normally allows performers to do what they want to do, but it is also directly responsible for their doing precisely what they do not want to do, when they do not want to do it. To illustrate, a golfer in an important competition may be anxious about hitting a poor shot into the trees, potentially because he or she executed a similar shot on that hole the previous day. If the anxiety (and cognitive load) is manageable, then the golfer can focus successfully on what needs to be done to execute a good shot and what needs to be avoided. The golfer is then able to direct the golf ball toward the desired location. If, however, the high level of anxiety about hitting the trees becomes the prevalent thought (“Don’t hit the trees”), then the golfer is ironically more likely to execute precisely that undesired action (i.e., the shot into the trees). Wegner, Ansfield, and Pilloff (1998) reported support for this theory in their two laboratory experiments with a golf putting and a handheld pendulum task. Wegner et al. instructed participants not to overhit a golf putt or not to move a handheld pendulum along a particular axis. The researchers found that the probability of ironic effects occurring increased under greater mental load. Also using a golf-putting task, Woodman and Davis (2008) found that those performers classified as repressors (those who are anxious but deny that they are anxious) suffered more ironic errors of performance than those low or high in anxiety. These findings suggest that ironic effects are more likely to occur if performers are unable to accept their emotional state (see also Barlow, Woodman, Gorgulu, & Voyzey, 2016). Recent support for ironic effects was revealed by Woodman, Barlow, and Gorgulu (2015) in two experimental studies using a hockey penalty shootout and a dart-throwing

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task. In study 1, Woodman et al. found that hockey players hit more shots into the to-be-avoided (ironic) zone when they were highly anxious. Similarly, in study 2, anxious performers threw their darts more often and more precisely into the ironic zone. Despite the support for ironic effects, these studies have been conducted with low-skilled performers, which raises the question of whether such effects would occur in a highly skilled elite sample. Toner, Moran, and Jackson (2013) conducted a golf-putting task with high-skilled and low-skilled performers, assessing whether the inclusion of avoidant instructions increased the possibility of ironic effects (i.e., hitting the ball to the place instructed to avoid). High-skilled performance was unaffected by the avoidant instructions, but the low-skilled performers were proposed to overcompensate by trying too hard to execute in the desired direction. These findings support those of de la Peña, Murray, and Janelle (2008), who provided evidence that negative self-instructions may decrease the likelihood of ironic processes for low-skilled performers, likely through a compensation of effort away from ironic performance errors. Despite these interesting findings surrounding ironic effects, the literature in sport outside golf is scarce. Questions remain about whether the theory accounts for anxiety-related poor performances in elite athletes.

Processing Efficiency Theory Processing efficiency theory (PET; Eysenck & Calvo, 1992) was developed to explain both anxiety-related decrements and anxiety-related improvements in performance. Eysenck and Calvo proposed that when anxious, a proportion of a person’s capacity to attend to task-relevant information is taken up by a focus on task-irrelevant thoughts, often in the form of worry. This direction of attention to task-irrelevant information reduces working memory capacity and impairs the efficiency to process relevant stimuli, which can disrupt performance (Eysenck & Calvo, 1992). Eysenck and Calvo also suggested that this cognitive anxiety or worry may inform the person that a poor performance is possible if decisive action is not attempted, consequently leading to increased investment in the task through a focus on what needs to be done to complete it. In other words, performers’ ability to maintain performance (effectiveness) is thanks to an increase in effort, hence the decreased efficiency. Authors have revealed that performance maintenance is indeed possible through an increase in effort (e.g., Cooke, Kavussanu, McIntyre, Boardley, & Ring,

2011; Hardy et al., 2007; Mullen & Hardy, 2000; Murray & Janelle, 2003; Wilson, Smith, Chattington, Ford, & Marple-Horvat, 2006). Cooke at al. (2010), however, reported that an increase in effort was in part responsible for performance decrements in a golf-putting task, potentially because of conscious control of behavior through a focus on explicit knowledge to guide actions. Consequently, reinvestment through effort may also be detrimental to performance.

Attentional Control Theory Despite the potential utility of PET to explain anxiety-related performance effects, the theory has been upgraded in attentional control theory (ACT; Eysenck, Derakshan, Santos, & Calvo, 2007; Eysenck & Derakshan, 2011). In PET, Eysenck and Calvo (1992) offered a somewhat generic explanation for how anxiety will affect the processing efficiency of a person: by affecting working memory capacity. Eysenck et al.’s (2007) ACT provides a more precise explanation for this effect and describes a process by which anxiety (caused by a valued goal being threatened) impairs attentional control. Specifically, Eysenck et al. suggest that this impairment is a result of an imbalance between two attentional systems: a goal-directed (top-down) attentional system and a stimulus-driven (bottom-up) attentional system. When experiencing anxiety, people are proposed to increase their attention toward threat-related stimuli, thus decreasing their attention toward goal-directed information. This distraction of attention is proposed to impair the efficiency of the inhibition function (i.e., the ability to prevent task-irrelevant stimuli and responses from disrupting performance) and the shifting function (i.e., the ability to allocate attention toward task-relevant stimuli) of attention (Eysenck & Derkashan, 2011). Similar to PET, ACT also proposes that anxiety does not necessarily have to result in negative performance outcomes. But the prevention of anxiety-related poor performances is possible only if the task is demanding and task goals are clear, because those high in anxiety will be motivated to override the influence of the stimulus-driven attentional system by making use of compensatory strategies that help them process the right information to achieve the goals (Eysenck & Derkashan, 2011). Consequently, performance effectiveness is maintained, but at the expense of processing efficiency. An opportunity to examine the hypotheses of ACT has been proposed to be through the tracking of eye gaze behavior (Wilson, 2008). Wilson (2008)

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identified eye gaze behavior as the representation of a person’s attention allocation through the number of eye gaze fixations and the fixation duration of a person’s point of interest. The premise is that the length of eye gaze fixation on a target is relative to the amount of information extracted; eye movements between successive fixations are proposed to account for information-processing disruption. Fewer fixations of longer duration are, therefore, proposed to represent greater attentional control and processing efficiency. Nieuwenhuys, Pijpers, Oudejans, and Bakker (2008) tested this proposition during a climbing task. They found that under high-anxiety conditions, performers made longer but more fixations on the holds used for climbing, increasing performance times because they used a less-efficient processing approach (i.e., because they made more fixations). They also found that most fixations were directed at handholds, which suggests an investment of effort to maintain focus on the goal-directed behavior. Similar findings have been reported by Wilson and associates; high anxiety was associated with more fixations of shorter duration to targets other than the goal-directed point of interest in a computer-simulated archery task (Behan & Wilson, 2008) and a basketball free-throw performance (Wilson, Vine, & Wood, 2009). Wilson, Wood, and Vine (2009) also demonstrated that when anxious, experienced footballers (soccer performers) undertaking a penalty kick fixated longer at the goalkeeper (i.e., the threat), suggesting a disruption in gaze behavior. This anxiety-induced change of attention also affected shooting accuracy. Consequently, the findings of the studies that have experimentally evaluated the utility of the ACT have been promising, demonstrating that anxiety can affect attentional control, which if not addressed can affect performance.

Coping Behaviors of Anxious Sport Performers As illustrated in the previous section, the constructs of anxiety and arousal have received considerable research attention over the past decades. A related body of research focuses on the ways in which performers cope with anxiety. In this section we will examine this literature beginning with a critique of the research on coping usage when anxious. We will then consider studies that have looked at the association between anxiety and psychological skill usage. Finally, we will discuss the individual

differences that have been examined in relation to coping and anxiety.

Coping Strategies The research on coping and anxiety has shown that those who experience performance anxiety often adopt more emotion-focused and avoidance coping strategies than those low in anxiety. For example, Giaccobi and Weinberg (2000) found that high trait anxious performers responded to stressful situations through adopting such strategies as humor, denial, wishful thinking, self-blame, and behavioral disengagement. Dias, Cruz, and Fonseca (2012) reported similar findings, illustrating that higher trait cognitive anxiety was associated with less use of problem-focused coping. Such findings suggest that being consistently anxious across stressful performance contexts will result in a desire to avoid such situations, as opposed to a desire to confront the problem with decisive and rational action. This proposition aligns with work that shows that coping self-efficacy (people’s belief in their ability to cope with stressful situations) is negatively, albeit weakly, associated with cognitive and somatic anxiety (Nicholls, Polman, & Levy, 2010). The belief that people can cope with anxiety underpins anxiety direction research. Researchers have proposed that people can view their experience of anxiety symptoms as beneficial for performance, believing they can confidently cope with such symptoms (Hanton et al., 2004). Both Ntoumanis and Biddle (2000) and Hanton, Neil, Mellalieu, and Fletcher (2008) reported that a more beneficial interpretation of anxiety was associated with the use of more proactive problem-focused coping strategies. Hanton, Neil, et al. (2008) also showed that this increased use of problem-focused coping was viewed to be more effective in dealing with the stressful situation. Confidence was also reported to be higher—emphasizing the potential protective properties of (problem-focused) coping when experiencing anxiety.

Psychological Skills Some researchers have looked at coping through the lens of psychological skill usage. That is, they have considered whether the use of psychological skills such as self-talk, relaxation, imagery, and goal setting can help people manage their experience of anxiety. Hayslip, Petrie, MacIntire, and Jones (2010) found that elite golfers reported greater use of selftalk, goal setting, automaticity (in the golf swing),

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activation, and relaxation than lesser-skilled golfers; they concurrently reported less worry (i.e., cognitive anxiety) and less negative thinking. As in the coping literature, researchers have looked at the association between psychological skill usage and a person’s interpretation of anxiety symptoms in relation to upcoming competition. With a sample of nonelite swimmers, Fletcher and Hanton (2001) found that the use of relaxation strategies was related to lower levels of anxiety and a more facilitative interpretation of anxiety. Neil, Mellalieu, and Hanton (2006) replicated this study with rugby performers and found that elite performers reported anxiety intensity levels similar to those of their nonelite counterparts. But the elite rugby performers interpreted these anxiety levels as more facilitative for competition. They reported higher levels of self-confidence, lower usage of relaxation strategies, and greater use of imagery and self-talk. These findings may suggest that elite athletes can function when experiencing anxiety through effective use of imagery and selftalk, whereas nonelite athletes need to reduce their anxiety levels. This assertion was supported by the findings of Mellalieu et al. (2006) who showed that self-confidence mediated the relationship between anxiety intensity and direction for elite athletes. That is, when confidence was low, anxiety was viewed as detrimental to performance. When confidence was high, however, anxiety was viewed as beneficial to performance. The implications of these findings are that through confidence-enhancing strategies (e.g., psychological skills), elite athletes are able to view anxiety as beneficial to performance. For the nonelite sample, however, confidence needs to be high and anxiety lowered for anxiety to be viewed as beneficial. A qualitative study by Hanton, Wadey, et al. (2008) attempted to explain why elite athletes view anxiety as beneficial. Hanton et al. found that the use of simulation training, cognitive restructuring, preperformance routines, and overlearning of skills helped the elite

performers manage their anxiety symptoms, which enabled them to heighten their attentional focus and increase effort and motivation on the task at hand. Although not traditionally defined as a psychological skill within the sport psychology literature, a useful discussion concerns the “quiet eye” training that has been used by Moore and associates (Moore, Vine, Cooke, Ring, & Wilson, 2012; Moore, Vine, Freeman, & Wilson, 2013). The quiet eye, defined as the final fixation toward the goal-directed target before the initiation of the movement (Vickers, 2007), is associated with better performance, but it can be affected by anxiety (Wilson, Vine, et al., 2009; Wilson, Wood, et al., 2009). The training that Moore et al. (2012, 2013) adopted aimed to help performers increase the chance of a longer quiet eye period before the execution of the required behavior. This training involved the practice of a number of self-instructions designed to help the performer focus on the target when anxious (see the sidebar Quiet Eye Training). Using a putting task, the performers who underwent the quiet eye training were more accurate in their putts and demonstrated more effective gaze control. Consequently, using self-talk strategies that focus on the external target could benefit sport performance through appropriate attentional control.

Challenge Appraisals Alongside functional coping and self-talk strategies, recent research has also examined the way that emotions such as anxiety are generated. In the cognitive-motivational-relational theory of emotions, Lazarus (1999) posits that every emotion experienced by a person is caused by an evaluative thought (i.e., appraisal) aligned to that person’s goals, whether or not the achievement of goals will be or has been compromised, and the potential implications of not achieving the desired goals. Lazarus suggested that anxiety would be caused by a threat appraisal about the person’s performance

Quiet Eye Training Moore et al. (2012, 2013) showed that quiet eye training could help performers focus their gaze on targets when anxious to improve their attentional control and performance accuracy. They educated performers in a golf task to use self-instructions that directed them to focus their gaze on the target (i.e., hole), using a maximum of three fixed gazes on the target. The final fixation was directed to be on the ball immediately before execution. Similar strategies are seen regularly in elite sporting environments. For example, before kicking for goal in rugby, the New Zealand player Dan Carter can be seen looking at the target (rugby posts) and then the execution point of the rugby ball immediately before running up and kicking for the posts.

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in a future event. This premise has been supported by numerous studies in which evaluative threat has been found to be a precursor for experiencing anxiety (e.g., Neil, Hanton, Mellalieu, & Fletcher, 2011; Uphill & Jones, 2007). Athletes often use active problem-focused coping to curtail any negative performance effects (e.g., see Neil et al., 2011; Neil, Bayston, Hanton, & Wilson, 2013; Neil, Bowles, Hanton, & Fleming, 2016). Given these findings, a reasonable assumption is that a focus on more effective, positive challenge appraisals could result in lower anxiety levels (Jones, Meijen, McCarthy, & Sheffield, 2009). That is, appraising a situation as one that will enable a person to grow could result in the experience of less anxiety and more positive emotions such as excitement (Neil et al., 2007).

Individual Differences The individual differences that may influence the coping behaviors of sport performers when experiencing anxiety have also been researched. These have included such personality characteristics as hardiness, narcissism, and alexithymia.

Hardiness Kobasa (1979) proposed the concept of hardiness as a form of dispositional resilience and suggested that those high in hardiness would be high in commitment (to a task), control (over a task), and challenge (to grow by completing a task). These three beliefs, in turn, were suggested to influence more positive appraisals and functional coping strategies during stressful situations. Hanton, Evans, and Neil (2003) found that those high in hardiness had similar anxiety levels to those low in hardiness but viewed their anxiety as more beneficial to performance. Hanton, Neil, and Evans (2013) found that those high in hardiness who viewed their anxiety as beneficial to upcoming performance reported the greatest usage of planning, active coping, and effort during stressful competitive situations. This coping usage was also viewed as more effective in managing the identified stressful situations. These findings suggest that effective coping and a beneficial interpretation of anxiety occur only when a person is hardy.

Narcissism People high in narcissism have a grandiose, albeit fragile, self-view, and they feel entitled (see Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001). The combination of narcissists’ grandiose self-view and their fragile self-view leads them to seek to prove their worth in the eyes of

others. In other words, when an opportunity for glory arises, narcissists will seek to show how well they can cope under pressure. Across four studies, Wallace and Baumeister (2002) created tasks that had either a low or a high opportunity for such personal glory. They consistently revealed that narcissists performed better when an opportunity for personal glory was present (e.g., time pressure or a competitive environment) compared with when no such opportunity was available (see also Geukes, Mesagno, Hanrahan, & Kellmann, 2012, 2013; Roberts, Callow, Hardy, & Woodman, 2010; Roberts, Woodman, Hardy, Davis, & Wallace, 2013; Roberts, Woodman, Lofthouse, & Williams, 2015; Woodman, Roberts, Hardy, Callow, & Rogers, 2011). In an attempt to understand more fully the mechanism that might underlie such performance differences across these self-glorifying contexts, Woodman et al. revealed that high-narcissist participants on a 10-min cycling task cycled almost a kilometer farther when they knew that their performance was to be made public. No such difference occurred for low narcissists. Woodman et al. also revealed that both high and low narcissists exerted greater effort in a more highly identifiable setting, but only high narcissists were able to transfer their greater effort to a performance gain.

Alexithymia Alexithymia is characterized by the absence of words to express emotions. It comprises two principal factors: a difficulty identifying emotions and feelings, and a difficulty expressing emotions and feelings to other people (see Sifneos, 1972; Taylor, Bagby, & Parker, 1997). Alexithymia has been linked with many negative indices of health and emotion regulation, such as anxiety and depression (Corcos & Speranza, 2003; Lumley, Stettner, & Wehmer, 1996), difficulties in interpersonal relationships (Taylor et al., 1997), and lower quality of life (Mattila, Saarni, Salminen, Huhtala, Sintonen, & Joukamaa, 2009). Some evidence from the high-risk sports literature suggests that alexithymic people are attracted to high-anxiety environments to enable them to regulate their emotions (e.g., Barlow, Woodman, & Hardy, 2013; Castanier, Le Scanff, & Woodman, 2010a, 2010b, 2011; Cazenave, Le Scanff, & Woodman, 2007; Taylor, Gould, Hardy, Woodman, & LaCaille, 2006; Woodman, Cazenave, & Le Scanff, 2008; Woodman, Hardy, Barlow, & Le Scanff, 2010; Woodman, Huggins, Le Scanff, & Cazenave, 2009). That is, the anxiety inherent in the high-risk domain allows an alexithymic person to experience

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a negative emotion (anxiety) and then subsequently control that emotion to cope with the high-risk environment. In the high-risk sport domain, people high in alexithymia also take greater risks and suffer from more accidents, which can be serious (Barlow, Woodman, Chapman, Milton, Dodds, & Allen, 2015). Thus, although alexithymic people might benefit from taking part in such sports, their approach to these sports could also be destructive.

Future Research Recommendations Within this section we focus on the gaps in the literature base and subsequent future directions through consideration of the research on (1) the measurement of anxiety, arousal, and coping; (2) the anxiety, arousal, coping, and performance relationship; and (3) the influence of individual differences on anxiety, arousal, coping, and performance.

Measurement of Anxiety, Arousal, and Coping As alluded to earlier, Cheng et al.’s (2009) new three-dimensional model of performance anxiety has received scant research to date to examine its utility as a framework for understanding the anxiety response within competition. But Cheng et al.’s conceptualization of a more holistic anxiety response that includes a self-regulatory dimension should help to advance the knowledge base. From a performance perspective, the TFAI developed by Cheng et al. (2009) may be too long to complete within performance conditions. Consequently, a shorter version of this scale should be developed to promote more applied and within-performance work, because the use of larger scales may be impractical in conditions that require expediency in the response (Cooke et al., 2010; Woodman & Davis, 2008). With regard to physiological arousal, the concept has been operationalized through a number of objective and subjective indicators within the anxiety research. All these measures have the potential to detect sensitive changes in arousal during competition, as do others such as skin conductance reactivity (Coifman, Bonanno, Ray, & Gross, 2007). But only a few studies have considered the arousal response alongside anxiety (e.g., Cooke et al., 2010; Woodman & Davis, 2008), and no study has examined the changes in multiple measures of arousal during competition to provide a more holistic view

of the arousal system. Although the use of single indicators may prove useful, the use of multiple measures of arousal may offer a clearer picture of a person’s physiological reaction when anxious, which may provide different physical intervention strategies for the benefit of performance. The notion of coping effectiveness has only been touched on within the coping literature as a whole, and even less attention has been given to the topic by researchers with an interest in competitive anxiety. Consequently, it is unknown which coping strategies are more effective in helping people manage the situation or their emotions, and insight is also lacking into the association between coping effectiveness and performance. The best way to measure effectiveness is also unclear. Work is needed to establish whether it should be through subjective means, such as that used by Hanton, Neil, et al. (2008), or through more unbiased or objective measures that can corroborate coping usage and effectiveness, such as coach or observer ratings (see MacGregor, Woodman, & Hardy, 2014) or performance analysis.

Influence of Anxiety on Attention and Performance The experimental approaches adopted by Wilson and associates (Behan & Wilson, 2008; Wilson, Vine, et al., 2009; Wilson, Wood, et al., 2009) to examine the influence of anxiety on attention and performance are promising, and they offer an effective means of examining the utility of the attentional control theory within performance contexts. But the research conducted has been experimental within controlled settings. In addition, the additional or interactive effects of physiological arousal and anxiety within such conditions have received little consideration. Likewise, the influence of coping or psychological skill use to motivate an increase in effort or to aid attention has received scant consideration. Further research, therefore, should consider using the strengths of these designs to contemplate the interaction of different indicators of arousal with anxiety to assess under which conditions different levels of arousal and anxiety assist or inhibit attention and, subsequently, performance. The work by Cooke et al. (2010, 2011) is of particular interest here because they have used measures of anxiety and physiological arousal to examine their interactive effects on simulated golf-putting performance. The transfer of such work to competitive performance settings would be welcomed. A more comprehen-

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sive design would also aim to examine the mediating or moderating effect of using different coping strategies or psychological skills at different levels of anxiety, across different levels of arousal, and the subsequent effectiveness of those strategies on maintaining attention and performance. Studies focusing on the influence of anxiety symptoms on performance have also widely adopted snapshot designs that offer little explanation for any influence of anxiety on performance. The effects of anxiety symptoms on performance likely differ within and across performances, but such differences remain artifactual when research focuses on one moment in time. Neil, Hanton, and Mellalieu (2009) advocated the need for more prolonged qualitative studies to understand how and why emotions such as anxiety change over and during performances. The use of observations, diaries, interviews, and verbal protocol analysis may provide the opportunity to monitor changes in anxiety and assess the effect on performance. The inclusion of arousal and coping within this assessment would provide a more complete account of affective changes.

Individual Difference Variables The role of individual difference variables such as hardiness, narcissism, and alexithymia on anxiety and coping has only recently been considered. Consequently, a gap in the knowledge base remains about the influence of these constructs within stressful situations. For example, no research has considered the influence of hardiness on anxiety within performance settings (Hanton et al., 2013), and no explanatory insight has been provided into what hardy people do when situations become stressful and they experience anxiety. Both avenues offer opportunities to advance the understanding of how hardy people function during competition. With regard to narcissism and the anxiety response, the stress-induced efficiency by which narcissists are able to transfer effort into performance excellence appears worthy of research attention. Although narcissists appear to thrive in anxiety-inducing environments (e.g., competition), the specific link between narcissism, anxiety, coping, and performance is yet to be fully understood. Indeed, this link is likely to be rather complex given that narcissists crave attention but respond negatively to ego-threatening feedback, and they crave success but do not respond well to failure and imperfection (Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001), all of which are salient features of performance.

With regard to alexithymia, the evidence from the high-risk sport domain suggests that alexithymic people cope with their emotional difficulties by participation in the high-risk activity, which opens up the intriguing possibility that alexithymic people might use the pressure of competitive sport to cope with their everyday anxiety (see Woodman et al., 2009, 2010). That is, rather than being the difficulty to cope with, competitive sport could be the coping mechanism for a more ingrained intraindividual emotional difficulty. What is fascinating from the high-risk sport literature is that alexithymic people appear to learn how to cope with their emotions in the high-risk domain such that they report that they can transfer this ability back into everyday life (e.g., interpersonal relationships; Barlow et al., 2013; Woodman et al., 2010). Although these ideas are speculative at present, they appear worthy of research attention given that they might go some way to explain why some athletes cope rather better than others in the competitive arena.

Summary Within this chapter we aimed to offer insight into concepts and research associated with anxiety, arousal, and coping when anxious. We provided operational definitions of anxiety, arousal, and coping, along with a review of the various models and theories of the anxiety–performance relationship. We then identified key knowledge gaps, focusing on the measurement of anxiety, coping, and arousal, and the influence of these concepts on sporting performance—all of which inform directions for future research. Specifically, we suggested that research should employ more within-performance designs that aim to incorporate measures of anxiety, arousal, and coping, and additional consideration should be devoted to individual differences beyond those that researchers typically consider.

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13 Anticipation in Sport A. Mark Williams, PhD  Colm P. Murphy, BSc    David P. Broadbent, PhD  Christopher M. Janelle, PhD Abstract At the highest levels in sport, athletes are often required to anticipate the outcome of upcoming events to perform effectively. Over recent decades, the superior ability exhibited by expert athletes to anticipate effectively relative to their less-expert counterparts has frequently been reported. Scientists have employed methods such as manipulations to the environment or visual display (e.g., temporal or spatial occlusion) and collected process-tracing measures (e.g., visual search, verbal reports of thoughts) to understand how experts outperform less-expert counterparts. Many researchers have reported that expert athletes can more effectively pick up and use postural cues, recognize familiarity in the environment, assign probabilities to potential event outcomes, and employ alternative visual search strategies to anticipate quicker and more accurately than less-expert athletes or novices can. Scientists have demonstrated that several of these perceptual-cognitive skills develop as a function of expertise and that this process can be expedited through the use of appropriate training methods. Simulation techniques are often used, and factors such as the design, structure, and instructional approach affect the acquisition, retention, and transfer of perceptual-cognitive skills. In this chapter, we provide an overview of the research literature to date, with particular reference to the various ways that anticipation has been tested and trained. We highlight areas that have not been adequately researched as yet and make recommendations about how future researchers may consider filling gaps in understanding and application.

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evere spatial and temporal constraints are imposed on athletes in a wide variety of team and individual sports (Williams, Davids, & Williams, 1999). The speed of play dictates that players are often unable merely to react to events and must instead pick up and process information arising before a key event like ball-foot or ballracket contact (Williams & Abernethy, 2012). In other words, successful performance necessitates that athletes be able to read the future by learning to anticipate the intentions and likely actions of an opponent. The ability to anticipate successfully provides performers with more time to prepare and execute a response, presenting an appearance that these people have all the time in the world. The ability to anticipate is not unique to sport; similar time-constrained judgments are essential to superior performance in many other domains of human activity such as driving, medicine, military combat, law enforcement, and firefighting (Williams, Ford, Eccles, & Ward, 2011). The scientific study of anticipation in sport contributes to societal needs by offering a suitable domain to examine the processes and mechanisms that underpin expertise and its acquisition (Ericsson & Williams, 2007; Williams & Ericsson, 2005). In support of anecdotal and intuitive evidence, a plethora of empirical evidence highlights the importance of anticipation in sport. In this chapter, we synthesize key research findings that have emerged over the last few decades of scientific investigation and explore implications for the development of training programs to improve anticipation.

Key Perceptual-Cognitive Skills Underpinning Anticipation A variety of perceptual-cognitive skills have been identified as essential to anticipation in sport and other domains (Williams et al., 2011). In the following sections, the research corresponding to the measurement and evaluation of each of these skills is summarized.

Postural Cue Utilization An important component of anticipation is the ability to pick up information from the body shape of an opponent in advance of a key event such as ball-foot or ball-racket contact (Jones & Miles, 1978). Skilled athletes can read what an opponent is going to do ahead of the action itself. This skill was initially

demonstrated in tennis, but over recent decades the findings have been replicated in sports such as squash (Abernethy, 1990), badminton (Abernethy & Zawi, 2007), baseball (Moore & Müller, 2014), cricket (Abernethy & Russell, 1984), soccer (Williams, 2000), volleyball (Wright, Pleasants, & Gomez-Meza, 1990), and field hockey (Starkes, 1987). Most researchers have used the classical filmbased temporal occlusion approach to examine the importance of this skill in anticipation. Typically, the task, such as the serve in tennis, is filmed from the (receiving) player’s viewing perspective. The film clip is then played back to participants, and the action sequence is selectively occluded following various periods relative to ball-racket contact. A repeated-measures design is employed, and the action is edited to occlude before (early), at, or after ball contact (late). Skilled athletes are more accurate than their less-skilled counterparts in making judgments, particularly in the earlier occlusion conditions, and their accuracy scores are significantly higher than chance levels. Findings highlight the ability of skilled athletes to pick up early-arising information from the movements and postural orientations of opponents such that they are able to anticipate what will happen ahead of the key event, allowing them more time to prepare a response. For example, in soccer, highly skilled goalkeepers appear to pick up early-occurring cues from the penalty kick taker’s nonkicking leg and hips to anticipate to the outcome of the shot (Savelsbergh, van der Kamp, Williams, & Ward, 2005). A few researchers have replicated the findings initially reported using film-based occlusion approaches by presenting images as point-light and stick figure displays (e.g., Abernethy, Gill, Parks, & Packer, 2001; Ward, Williams, & Bennett, 2002). Such images are mainly generated using a motion capture system, such that the x and y coordinates and their associated time codes may be subsequently manipulated to occlude, neutralize, or exaggerate one or more areas of the body (Bourne, Bennett, Hayes, Smeeton, & Williams, 2013; Huys, Cañal-Bruland, Hagemann, Beek, Smeeton, & Williams, 2009; Smeeton & Huys, 2011). The latter approach offers a more refined and sensitive method to manipulate the information available in biological motion displays. The ability of performers to anticipate at levels above chance even when information is presented in a degraded form suggests that the key information is contained in the relative motions between critical biological markers rather than in the background and structural information per se.

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The temporal occlusion approach is used to identify the timeline of information extraction in anticipation tasks, whereas its companion approach, the so-called spatial occlusion technique, is used to highlight what specific cues are picked up during the anticipation period. In the spatial occlusion method, areas of the display are selectively occluded for the duration of the trial, or only one specific cue is presented (Abernethy & Russell, 1987; Jackson & Mogan, 2007; Müller, Abernethy, Eid, McBean, & Rose, 2010). If a decrement in performance is apparent when the cue is occluded, that specific cue is likely important to anticipation, either in isolation or in conjunction with others, even if performance is only maintained above chance levels. For example, in badminton, the way that the opponent moves the racket in particular appears to hold important information about the depth of the upcoming shot (Abernethy, Zawi, & Jackson, 2008). Probably for this reason, skilled racket sports players often attempt to disguise their intentions until the last moment when hitting short shots by preparing their racket as if they are about to hit deeper. A variant of the film-based spatial occlusion technique has been to manipulate the information contained in pointlight or stick figure displays. As with the findings yielded in temporal occlusion paradigms, the use of degraded visual conditions through point-light or stick figure displays (described earlier) has provided novel information about the importance of specific cues. Recent findings suggest that skilled athletes pick up information in a more distributed manner across the system such that they rely on more global rather than local sources of information. This ability is thought to allow experts to be more flexible and adaptable in regard to the information they employ as well as being more resilient to the negative influences of deception and disguise (Huys et al., 2009; Smeeton & Williams, 2012).

Visual Search The visual system is made up of various functional components. The fovea, or central vision, is responsible for highly acute and detailed vision, whereas the visual periphery is more sensitive to motion and light (Williams et al., 1999). These components interact dynamically during natural scene perception to facilitate information pickup and anticipation. To investigate these issues in sport contexts, a head-mounted corneal reflection system is typically used to locate the point of orientation of the fovea, and on occasion, to measure the eye movements that separate each fixation. Technology

has improved markedly in recent years, making these systems more portable and robust for use in both the field and the laboratory, as well as more affordable (Causer, Janelle, Vickers, & Williams, 2012). The research to date suggests that skilled athletes use central vision more effectively and efficiently when scanning the environment for information. Skilled athletes fixate on more informative areas of the display. Differences are typically reported in regard to the locations of these fixations, their duration, and the search strategy or sequence employed (Roca, Ford, McRobert, & Williams, 2013; Williams, Janelle, & Davids, 2004). Moreover, a robust though less voluminous body of empirical work indicates that when no systematic differences are recorded in the point of gaze, skilled athletes are either able to extract more relevant and usable information from the point of gaze or are better at using peripheral vision to extract information relating to the movements of opponents off the ball (Williams & Davids, 1998). In some tasks, skilled athletes employ the use of so-called visual pivots or anchors that enable them to fixate gaze while simultaneously monitoring other elements in the display, such as the positions and movements of teammates and opponents in the visual periphery (Ripoll, Kerlirzin, Stein, & Reine, 1995; Vaeyens, Lenoir, Williams, Mazyn, & Philippaerts, 2007). Debate continues about how performers most effectively combine the use of the fovea and peripheral vision. The most effective combination of the components of the visual system may be to some degree dependent on the constraints experienced at a given moment. For example, investigators have reported that the most effective gaze behaviors vary based on the number of players and the playing area involved (Vaeyens et al., 2007), the distance of the ball from the player (Roca et al., 2013), and the strategic intention of the player (Helsen & Starkes, 1999; Williams & Davids, 1998). Stressors such as fatigue (Casanova, Garganta, Silva, Alves, Oliveira, & Williams, 2013), physiological workload (Vickers & Williams, 2007), and anxiety (Vater, Roca, & Williams, 2015; Williams & Elliott, 1999) have also been reported to influence the manner in which the visual system is used to extract information.

Familiarity Detection Researchers have consistently reported that skilled athletes are better than their less-skilled counterparts at identifying familiarity or patterns in evolving sequences of play in team sports such as soccer,

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field hockey, and basketball (Williams & North, 2009). If familiarity and structure are detected early in the sequence, players will presumably be more able to anticipate or predict the end outcome of that pattern. The original efforts to examine this skill occurred in the domain of chess using the now classical recognition and recall paradigms (De Groot, 1965). Chase and Simon (1973) later reported that skilled grandmasters were significantly superior to less expert players in recalling structured patterns of play when these represent actual match situations rather than random orientations on the chessboard. Recognition of familiarity in the configuration of pieces was cited as a major determinant for this performance advantage. Several researchers have adopted these paradigms for use in sport and have reported similar conclusions (Allard, Graham, & Paarsalu, 1980; Gorman, Abernethy, & Farrow, 2012; North, Williams, Hodges, Ward, & Ericsson, 2009). Dittrich (1999) suggested that skilled athletes are more efficient at integrating low- and high-level perceptual-cognitive processes to facilitate familiarity detection. Low-level interindividual relative motion information is initially picked up from the positions and movements of players, and this information is then matched to some higher-order template in memory based on a pattern-matching process.

Probability Assignment The effective pickup of postural cues and the successful identification of patterns in evolving sequences involve a dynamic interaction between low-level and high-level cognitive processes. Evidence exists to demonstrate that almost independently of the stimulus itself, skilled athletes are able to make accurate a priori predictions about what actions opponents may take based on contextual information. Skilled athletes develop a hierarchy of event probabilities such that they are able to predict what the likely outcomes are and how they may differ as a function of constraints.

In this section, we first discuss research studies in which the ability of skilled athletes to assign accurate probabilities to potential event outcomes is evident. We then provide examples of studies that further highlight how skilled athletes use contextual information to inform their judgments. Alain and colleagues provided seminal empirical evidence highlighting the ability of skilled racket sports players to assign accurate probabilities to potential event outcomes and the effect of providing performers with such information in advance of the event (Alain & Girardin, 1978; Alain & Proteau, 1978, 1980). More recently, efforts have been made to use more sport-specific stimuli and tasks (Ward, Ericsson, & Williams, 2013; Ward & Williams, 2003). Ward et al. (2013) presented skilled and less-skilled players with short film sequences involving offensive sequences of play in soccer from the perspective of a defender (see also Belling, Suss, & Ward, 2015). These film sequences were paused, and players were asked to highlight what options were available to the player in possession of the ball. Options were ranked in regard to their likelihood of occurring, as rated against what actually happened in a match and the opinions of expert coaches. Skilled players were more accurate in their predictions and had developed a hierarchy of probabilities that helped them predict what was more and less likely to happen. Most likely, their greater prediction accuracy was underpinned by the development and refinement of this hierarchical structure, which precipitated and permitted advancement to higher skill levels. An increasing number of researchers have started to focus on the role of contextual information in anticipation and its use in addition to, or in advance of, pertinent postural information becoming available. Abernethy et al. (2001) originally demonstrated that skilled squash players were able to anticipate the depth and direction of an opponent’s shot as early as 620 ms in advance of the opponent’s ball-racket contact. The authors

Minimal Essential Information A more recent emphasis has been placed on identifying the minimal essential information required for making effective pattern recognition judgments. The use of gaze recording, think-aloud verbal protocols, and various experimental manipulations of spatial (e.g., removal of central or peripheral players from the visual display) and temporal dynamics have suggested that typically only an isolated number of players are needed to define a particular sequence of play. The positions of the central midfield and offensive players in soccer, for instance, even when players are presented as points of light on an outline of the playing field, are sufficient to enable accurate judgment scores (see North, Ward, Ericsson, & Williams, 2011; Williams, Hodges, North, & Barton, 2006; Williams, North, & Hope, 2012).

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concluded that these players must have used information other than postural cues far in advance of the opponent’s striking the ball, such as information about the opponent’s preferred pattern of play (particularly preferred stroke options and sequences), to anticipate so accurately. They suggested that skilled players were attuned to the probabilities associated with potential event outcomes based on such information. Loffing and Hagemann (2014) later demonstrated that skilled tennis players’ expectations of shot direction are influenced by the opponent’s lateral court position and that this contextual information influences players’ expectations most strongly when presented far in advance of the opponent’s racket-ball contact, when pertinent postural information is not available. Published reports have further examined the higher-level cognitive processes associated with the use of contextual information when making anticipation judgments. Using a simulated cricket batting task, McRobert, Ward, Eccles, and Williams (2011) examined how multiple exposures to the same bowler influenced gaze behaviors and thought processes compared with a condition in which batters viewed only single deliveries from the same bowler. In the multiple exposure, high-context condition, skilled batters used gaze behaviors and thought processes that were significantly different from those used in the single delivery, low-context condition. The skilled batters changed their gaze behaviors to rely on earlier arising information from more proximal cues such as the arm, shoulders, and trunk rather than on distal cues from the bowling arm. Moreover, a clear shift occurred in participants’ thought processes such that fewer verbalizations occurred relating to lower-level cognitions and more high-level thoughts occurred related to evaluation and planning. These data illustrate that skilled

athletes are able to use their previous knowledge and expectancies to build a cognitive model on the fly that enables them to employ anticipative rather than reactive strategies. In a series of experiments, Murphy, Jackson, Cooke, Roca, Benguigui, and Williams (2016) further examined the role of contextual information in anticipation in tennis. In one condition, skilled and less-skilled tennis players were presented with filmed sequences of tennis rallies and asked to anticipate where an opponent on the other side of the net would hit the ball to when trials were occluded at ball-racket contact. In another condition, access to all superficial information such as postural cues, players’ rackets, and background color was removed by presenting the same rallies in an animated format in which the only information presented was the court markings, the ball, and cylinders of different colors to identify players’ positions. A schematic of these two conditions is presented in figure 13.1. Although the results of this study (Murphy et al., 2016) indicate that performance degrades when viewing the animated footage compared with the filmed footage, players are still able to anticipate shots at levels significantly above chance, and the skilled players are more accurate than the lessskilled players in both conditions. Subsequent collection of gaze data and retrospective verbal reports of thoughts in the animated condition suggest that the performance differences were related to the skilled players’ higher-level cognitive processing of the presented information. These data suggest that although access to postural information is helpful to anticipation in tennis, skilled players can also use contextual information relating potentially to court positioning, relative movements of the players and ball, shot sequencing, and the angles between

Figure 13.1  Normal video (left) and animated (right) display conditions. Reprinted from Murphy et al. (2016).

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the players and the court markings to anticipate. Follow-up experiments are underway to explore more specifically the nature of the information that players are able to extract from the animated sequences. The data reported by McRobert et al. (2011) and Murphy et al. (2016) align well with previous descriptive reports. In an effort to quantify the frequency of observable anticipation behaviors in high-performance tennis, Triolet, Benguigui, Le Runigo, and Williams (2013) analyzed 3,000 tennis shots from rallies involving players who were, or had been, ranked in the top 10 in the world. An observable anticipation behavior was defined as a movement by the player to the left or right in advance of the opponent’s ball-racket contact. Although the data do not take into account the frequency of nonobservable anticipation behaviors (i.e., those when players may be anticipating but no advance movement is detected), anticipation behaviors were only observed on 13.42% of shots. The relatively low frequency of anticipation behaviors potentially highlights the tendency of players to hedge their bets and to undertake some form of cost–benefit analyses in an ongoing manner during rallies, considering that a correct anticipation judgment would carry with it a significant benefit (i.e., permitting the player more time to prepare for and execute the next shot) and an incorrect judgment would carry a significant cost (i.e., moving in the wrong direction and probably losing the point). But the most interesting finding was that a large portion of the observable anticipation behavior occurred over 140 ms before the opponent’s ballracket contact. Considering a visual reaction latency of 200 ms, these data suggest that players were anticipating based on information available over 340 ms in advance of the shot. This anticipation behavior, assumed to be based on information other than postural cue pickup from the opponent (Abernethy et al., 2001), was highly accurate (83% of anticipation behavior was in the direction in which the ball was ultimately hit). The previous findings highlight a strong role for contextual information and the associated higher-level cognitive factors during anticipation, suggesting that the importance of postural cues may have historically been overemphasized in the research literature (for a review, see Cañal-Bruland & Mann, 2015). Moreover, such findings support the notion that anticipation training should include translational information that favors integration of cognitive processes and an understanding of their relative importance, rather than exclusive reliance

on isolating certain perceptual-cognitive skills or highlighting single sources of information.

Dynamic Interaction Among Perceptual-Cognitive Skills In the previous sections, we have identified and discussed several perceptual-cognitive skills that underpin effective anticipation in sport. As this information indicates, skilled athletes are able to pick up postural cues from an opponent early in an action, they are more accurate in detecting familiarity and structure in evolving sequences of play, and they have greater knowledge of likely event occurrences and probabilities. The interaction between higher- and lower-level cognitive skills is likely to be dynamic, thereby guiding the manner in which the visual system is used to extract pertinent information to direct the anticipation process. Figure 13.2 presents a schematic illustration of the potential interaction between these various perceptual-cognitive skills. The relative importance of each of these skills is likely to vary as a function of constraints that are unique to the task, situation, and athlete (Williams, 2009). Previously in this chapter we referred to various published reports that indicate how task (e.g., number of players), situation (e.g., strategic intention), and athlete (e.g., individual strengths and weaknesses, anxiety, fatigue) constraints influence the manner in which information is processed. Thus far, however, few attempts have been made to highlight systematically how these different skills interact in a single experiment. In a fairly recent exception, Roca et al. (2013) directly manipulated the task constraints using a soccer simulation that required players to respond to film sequences that involved a near and far task manipulation. Players viewed sequences from the perspective of a central defender in soccer. In the near task, the offensive pattern of play commenced in the defender’s half of the field, whereas in the far task, the sequence of play started with the ball in the opponents’ half of the pitch. Visual gaze data and retrospective verbal reports of thoughts were taken as players attempted to anticipate what option the opponents would select (i.e., pass, shoot, dribble). The data revealed that skilled players used different search strategies compared with their less-skilled counterparts and that these varied as a function of the near and far task manipulation. Skilled players employed more fixations of shorter durations to more areas of the display in the far task compared with the near task, whereas less-skilled

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Player

Probability assignment

Visual search behavior

Pattern recognition

Postural cue utilization

Task

Situation Anticipation judgment

Figure 13.2  The potential interaction between perceptual-cognitive skills and constraints during anticipation judgments. E6768/Horn/F13.02/565547/mh-R2 Reprinted by permission from A.M. Williams, “Perceiving the Intentions of Others: How Do Skilled Performers Make Anticipation Judgments?” Progress in Brain Research, 174, (2009): 73-83.

players’ gaze behavior was differentiated between tasks only by a greater number of fixations in the far task compared with the near task. Similarly, the skilled players spent more time fixating on teammates, opponents, and areas of free space in the far task in comparison with the near task, in which they spent more time fixating on the player in possession of the ball. The less-skilled players displayed no such differences between task conditions. Gaze data are presented in table 13.1. A novel coding system was used to analyze the verbal reports. Articulations were coded relative to their focus on postural cues, pattern recognition, or situational probabilities. Although clear differences were evident across skill groups, the more interesting finding was the observation that the importance of the three categories of perceptual-cognitive skills differed across the task constraints. In the far task, skilled players relied more on thought processes related to pattern recognition, whereas in the near task, they relied more on postural cues and situational probabilities. These data are presented in figure 13.3.

Table 13.1  Gaze Data for Skilled and Less-Skilled Soccer Players Relative to Near and Far Task Constraints, Mean (± SD) Skilled

Less skilled

Search rate

Far task

Near task

Far task

Near task

Number of fixations

13.95 (±1.92)

8.17 (±1.85)

7.01 (±1.23)

5.64 (±1.05)

Number of fixation locations

7.31 (±1.37)

4.14 (±0.58)

3.53 (±0.83)

3.11 (±0.64)

Fixation duration (ms)

332 (±61)

598 (±205)

745 (±174)

887 (±173)

Adapted by permission from A. Roca et al., “Perceptual-Cognitive Skills and Their Interaction as a Function of Task Constraints in Soccer,” Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology 35, no. 2 (2013): 144-155.

A similar novel approach was used in a more recent study by Cocks, Jackson, Bishop, and Williams (2015) in which it was reported that the relative importance of these perceptual-cognitive skills differ with anxiety; greater reliance was placed on

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2.5 Far task Near task Mean frequency scores

2.0

1.5

1.0

0.5

0.0

Postural cues

Pattern recognition

Situational probabilities

Statement categories

a 2.5

E6768/Horn/F13.03a/565548/mh-R1 Far task Near task

Mean frequency scores

2.0

1.5

1.0

0.5

0.0 b

Postural cues

Pattern recognition

Situational probabilities

Statement categories

Figure 13.3  Mean frequency scores (SD) per trial of verbal statements relative to the perceptual-cognitive skills referred to by (a) E6768/Horn/F13.03b/565549/mh-R1 skilled and (b) less-skilled soccer players under near and far task constraints. Adapted by permission from A. Roca et al., “Perceptual-Cognitive Skills and Their Interaction as a Function of Task Constraints in Soccer,” Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology 35, no. 2 (2013): 144-155.

low-level (such as postural cue usage) rather than high-level (such as shot sequencing and court positioning) cognitive processes when in an anxious state. Such findings are consistent with existing theoretical postulates that assert that the increased cognitive load induced by high anxiety leads to greater salience and prioritization of bottom-up processing, concurrent with degradation in top-down control (Eysenck, Derakshan, Santos, & Calvo, 2007; Janelle, 2002). As a consequence, motor planning is highly susceptible to stimulus-driven influences

(which are often extraneous or irrelevant), leading to greater error in movement execution and compromised performance. More research is needed to examine how the importance of each perceptual-cognitive skill varies dynamically as a result of task, situation, and individual constraints. Innovative research efforts in this area will permit advancement of theoretical knowledge and serve as an empirical basis for the design of training programs to facilitate the acquisition of anticipation.

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Developing Anticipation and Facilitating Skill Acquisition In the first half of this chapter, the focus was on identifying the various perceptual-cognitive skills that underpin anticipation, as well as illustrating some of the methods and measures that have been employed to identify the underlying processes associated with skilled anticipation. In the second half of the chapter, we turn our attention to the implications of this work for performance enhancement and skill acquisition. First, we highlight how the practice activities in which athletes engage and the nature of the instruction influence the development of anticipation. Second, we consider how simulation in all its various guises, coupled with feedback and instruction, may be used to facilitate the development of anticipation. Finally, we look at three foci of work that have examined the most effective conditions, instructions, and structure of practice for training anticipation in sport.

Practice Activities Since the seminal work of Ericsson, Krampe, and Tesch-Römer (1993) on deliberate practice theory, several researchers have employed questionnaires and training diaries to retrospectively examine the developmental history profiles of elite athletes (see Côté, Murphy-Mills, & Abernethy, 2012; Ford, Hodges, & Williams, 2014). The focus of these studies has been on identifying the nature and quantity of practice activities in which athletes have engaged across different stages of development. Scientists have differentiated between activities in the main sport of eventual expertise (including coach-led practice, non-coach-led practice or play, and competition activity), as well as in other sport activity engaged in during their careers (Ford & Williams, 2012, 2013; Ford et al., 2012). A recent extension of this retrospectively based work has been to focus specifically on those activities that promote the development of perceptual-cognitive expertise. The typical approach in this research has been to use standard film-based tests of anticipation to classify skilled and less-skilled athletes into high- and low-performing groups. Practice history profiles are then administered to participants in an attempt to identify what early sport activities and experiences differentiated those who developed into high- versus low-performing groups.

Williams, Ward, Bell-Walker, and Ford (2012) used this approach to examine the antecedents of anticipation in elite high-performing, elite low-performing, and nonelite soccer players. No differences were found among the three groups in the number of hours accumulated per year in practice activities or in competition. The high-performing group, however, had accumulated significantly more hours in non-coach-led play-related activity in soccer compared with their low-performing elite counterparts, and both elite groups had accumulated significantly more hours compared with the nonelite group. Similar findings were reported by Roca, Williams, and Ford (2012) using samples of soccer players stratified into high and low performing based on their performance on film-based tests of anticipation and decision making. Around 20% of the variance in test performance was accounted for by the hours accumulated in non-coach-led play during childhood (Williams & Ford, 2013). Overall, these studies suggest that the hours accumulated in non-coach-led play has a positive influence on the development of perceptual-cognitive skills. The authors speculated that non-coach-led play activities (such as street or backyard soccer) provide abundant opportunities for discovery learning because players engage in activities in which they practice technical and tactical skills together as in the match situation. It is argued that children have the natural inclination to recreate the types of activities seen during match play, creating opportunities to mimic the demands of competition. Moreover, by definition non-coach-led practice activities are likely to be devoid of explicit and augmented instruction and feedback, encouraging implicit learning, which has been shown to facilitate skill retention and resilience under pressure (Jackson & Farrow, 2005). In contrast, traditional coach-led practice activities tend to overemphasize drill- and grid-based activities (termed training-form activity) rather than activities that more naturally replicate the demands experienced during match play, such as small-sided and conditioned games (termed playing-form activity; see Ford, Yates, & Williams, 2010). Moreover, coach-led practice sessions are known to be heavy on the provision of explicit instruction and feedback (Ford et al., 2010). Although evidence supporting the importance of engagement in sport-specific training activities is compelling and strongly grounded in theories of specificity of practice (Lee, 1988; Proteau, 1992), correlational evidence suggests that engagement

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in non-sport-specific practice activities may positively affect the development of perceptual-cognitive skills. Specifically, athletes at elite training institutes in Australia who are perceived by coaches to be good at anticipation in adulthood are characterized by having accumulated considerable experience in other related sports early in development (Weissensteiner, Abernethy, & Farrow, 2009; Weissensteiner, Abernethy, Farrow, & Müller, 2008). Although causality should not be inferred from correlational data, the authors suggest that some transfer of perceptual-cognitive skills across related sports may occur. Some data certainly suggest that perceptual-cognitive skill transfers from one related sport to another, such as field hockey to soccer and vice versa (Smeeton, Ward, & Williams, 2004), although this conclusion does not imply that engagement in related sports has advantages over participation in the targeted sport for excellence. Perhaps the key point to emerge from this section is that practice activities need to provide opportunities for athletes to engage in anticipation so that the key knowledge and skills underpinning these judgments can be acquired in multiple and contextually varied environments and conditions. What is required are pseudo-experimental interventions in actual field settings where scientists can work with coaches to understand the types of practice activities and methods of instruction that promote the acquisition of the perceptual-cognitive skills underlying anticipation.

Simulation Training A challenge for coaches is how to provide athletes with sufficient and suitable opportunities to enhance anticipation. Creating practice sessions that specifically develop the use of perceptual-cognitive skills such as postural cue utilization and pattern recognition is difficult. An option is to use some form of simulation to re-create the types of situations experienced during competition. Several scientists have attempted to develop simulation protocols using film, animation, or virtual reality (Ward, Williams, & Hancock, 2006). The typical approach is to re-create the performance situation by filming the action from the player’s perspective (e.g., the penalty kick in soccer or return of serve in tennis). These filmed images are then presented to athletes, enabling them to try to anticipate what will happen next and providing ample opportunities for feedback and instruction (for recent reviews, see Broadbent, Causer, Williams, & Ford, 2014; Causer et al., 2012).

Most researchers have focused on improving the ability of athletes to pick up postural cues (e.g., see Smeeton, Williams, Hodges, & Ward, 2005; Williams, Ward, Knowles, & Smeeton, 2002). Although early research suffered from various design issues, such as the absence of control groups and transfer tests, the findings have been resilient in demonstrating the value of such training in improving performance in the laboratory and on field-based transfer tests. The practical utility of such training programs is now well accepted (Williams, Causer, Ford, Logan, & Murray, 2012), although evidence to document the widespread use of such interventions in high-performance sport is limited (Hendry, Murphy, Williams, & Hodges, 2016). As such, this rather robust knowledge base has not been effectively translated to the end users in a manner that would result in systematic implementation.

Application of Motor Skill Acquisition Research to Perceptual-Cognitive Skill Learning Compared with the anticipation literature, research examining the acquisition of motor skills is far more extensive and has revealed conditions of practice that promote skill acquisition. From this well-established literature, three concepts have been identified and incorporated in to perceptual-cognitive training, namely, the effects of training with anxiety, the role of implicit learning, and the contextual interference effect.

Training with Anxiety Several researchers have highlighted how stressors such as anxiety (Williams & Elliott, 1999) affect anticipation and its underlying processes in sport. Stressors such as anxiety and fatigue decrease performance efficiency, as determined by changes in gaze behaviors and verbal reports of thoughts, and negatively influence performance effectiveness, reducing response accuracy and often increasing response time (Eysenck & Calvo, 1992; Eysenck et al., 2007). Furthermore, anxiety has been shown to have a greater effect on top-down cognitive processes such as the use of contextual information compared with bottom-up processes such as postural cue usage (Cocks et al., 2015). As anxiety on a task increases, greater reliance is placed on bottom-up processing as top-down processing becomes impaired. In light of empirical work highlighting the effect that anxiety has on process and outcome measures of performance, logic would argue against

Anticipation in Sport   239

the wisdom of designing practice sessions that do not attempt to mimic the demands of competition during practice. A few recent reports have focused on the benefits of training under pressure on the development of perceptual-cognitive skills. Nieuwenhuys, Savelsbergh, and Oudejans (2015) examined the effect of high- and low-anxiety training for police officers facing a shoot-or-don’t-shoot decision-making task. In contrast to the authors’ previous work using simple aiming tasks in which positive effects of training with anxiety were found (Oudejans & Pijpers, 2009, 2010), both training groups experienced more anxiety and executed more false-positive responses under high anxiety in the retention test compared with low anxiety. This finding suggests that training with high anxiety on tasks that involve complex cognitive judgments may not be as beneficial when compared with simpler aiming tasks. The notion that anxiety imposes attentional load is broadly accepted and is clearly implicated in these findings. In simple aiming tasks, competition for attentional reallocation is minimal and spare attentional resources are likely available to accommodate demands exerted by anxiety. In situations requiring complex judgments, attentional load may not be accommodated because of attentional capacity limitations. In such cases, interventions that reduce load itself may be necessary to realize performance benefits that may come from training with anxiety. 36

Researchers examining a similar question in elite-level sport have yielded more encouraging findings. Alder, Ford, Causer, and Williams (2016) examined the effects of high- and low-anxiety during video-based training of anticipation in badminton. To increase anxiety for the high-anxiety group, participants were told that their pretest scores were in the bottom 20% of the group. In addition, during training the coach was instructed to induce greater anxiety by stating that the participants’ performance was not at the required level and that they needed to improve. In the low-anxiety conditions, participants received no such feedback on performance. Similar anxiety-provoking methods were used in the high-anxiety pre- and posttest. In the low-anxiety posttest, both the high-anxiety and the low-anxiety training groups demonstrated greater accuracy compared with the control group. In the high-anxiety posttest, the high-anxiety training group maintained accuracy, whereas performance for the low-anxiety group declined compared with the low-anxiety posttest (see figure 13.4). Although this topic requires much more research, the indication is that training with high anxiety has potential benefits for the acquisition of anticipation. A key consideration seems to be the availability of extra capacity to accommodate additional loads imposed by emotions. Capacity limitations reached or exceeded during training under anxiety, whether due to the complexity of the task or the relative

High anxiety training

Number of correct trials (n = 36)

Low anxiety training 30

*

*

Low anxiety

High anxiety

Control

24

18

12

Low anxiety

High anxiety Pretest

Posttest Testing session

Figure 13.4  Mean (± SD) number of accurate trials (n = 36) for the high-anxiety, low-anxiety, and control group on the video-based badminton task across high- and low-anxiety conditionsE6768/Horn/F13.04/565550/mh-R2 in the pre- and posttests. *p < .05. Adapted by permission from D. Alder et al., “The Effects of High- and Low-Anxiety Training on the Anticipation Judgements of Elite Performers,” Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology 38, (2016): 93-104.

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skill level of the performer, will compromise the effectiveness of training programs. Moreover, successfully training under anxiety is likely critical for effective transfer to future competitive situations.

Implicit Learning As discussed earlier in this chapter, the expert advantage in anticipation appears to be based on both the ability to identify key sources of information and the capacity to extract and use information from these sources. Numerous researchers have therefore investigated the most effective approach to instructing and informing developing athletes to enhance those skills. Early approaches provided athletes with explicit instructions about the mechanics of the action. Learning benefits were found compared with control and placebo groups (Abernethy, Wood, & Parks, 1999). Since this early work, however, researchers have become aware of the potential limitations of explicit instructions and the potential instructional and stress resistance benefits of implicit learning (Jackson & Farrow, 2005; Smeeton et al., 2005; Williams et al., 2002). Implicit learning is generally defined as the process whereby skills are acquired largely independent of awareness and cognitive effort. Therefore, the process or strategies by which to complete the skill cannot be verbalized or expressed (Masters, 1992). Abernethy, Schorer, Jackson, and Hagemann (2012), using an anticipation task in handball, assigned novice athletes to four different training groups based on the instructional approach they received. The training groups received either explicit instructions or discovery learning (verbal cueing or color cueing), or they undertook a matching judgment task to encourage implicit learning. The discovery-learning groups and the implicit-learning group formulated a lower number of rules related to the specific anticipation task compared with the explicit group, highlighting the comparatively implicit nature of learning that occurred in these two groups. All groups (apart from the color cueing) showed improvements in performance compared with the control group, yet in a transfer test to a stress situation only the implicit-learning group showed performance superior to the control groups (see also Farrow & Abernethy, 2002; Smeeton et al., 2005). This finding highlights the benefits of implicit learning because of its robustness under stress and anxiety.

Practice Structure Besides different instructional approaches used during training, the structure of practice can

significantly affect the retention and transfer of these skills. Limited attention has been given to the structure of practice in anticipation training in sport (Memmert, Hagemann, Althoetmar, Geppert, & Seiler, 2009). Broadbent and colleagues approached this topic by investigating whether the contextual interference (CI) effect, a robust finding from the motor-learning literature, could be extended to perceptual-cognitive skills training. The CI effect refers to how a random schedule of practice results in superior learning compared with a blocked structure of practice (Magill & Hall, 1990). Broadbent, Causer, Ford, and Williams (2015) trained intermediate tennis players to anticipate three distinct tennis shots (groundstroke, volley, smash shot) in either a blocked or random structure of practice. In contrast to the findings from the motor-learning literature, no differences were found between the two groups across practice. Compared with the blocked group, however, the random group demonstrated superior response accuracy in the laboratory retention test and reduced decision time in the field-based transfer test, supporting the previous research on the CI effect (see figure 13.5). This finding contradicts one explanation from the motor-learning literature for the CI effect, namely the action plan reconstruction hypothesis. This hypothesis stresses the need of a motor program to be retrieved and reconstructed during a random schedule of practice for long-term learning benefits to be found (Magill & Hall, 1990). With the recent findings from the perceptual-cognitive skills literature, this definition of the hypothesis may be questioned. Broadbent, Causer, Williams, and Ford (2017) completed two experiments to investigate the underlying mechanisms of the CI effect in anticipation training. The random group demonstrated superior learning compared with the blocked group, verifying that the CI effect extends to perceptual-cognitive skills training. Furthermore, support was shown for the action plan reconstruction hypothesis using a dual-task paradigm. The authors proposed that the terminology be changed to response plan reconstruction hypothesis such that for an upcoming task a person must retrieve the appropriate response plan and engage in more effortful reconstructive processes to regenerate the response plan for subsequent performances. This modification allows a consistent explanation for both motor and nonmotor tasks. Moreover, the findings extended the cognitive effort explanation for the CI effect and proposed an alternative hypothesis highlighting the role of error processing and the potential implicit underpinning

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Figure 13.5  (a) Mean (SD) response accuracy (RA; %) for the blocked and random groups in a video simulation tennis anticipation E6768/Horn/F13.05b/565552/mh-R3 task in the pretest, three training sessions, and 7-day retention test. (b) Mean (SD) response accuracy (RA; %) and decision time (DT; ms) in the field pretest and 7-day transfer tests for the blocked and random group. *p < .05. Reprinted by permission from D.P. Broadbent et al., “Contextual Interference Effect on Perceptual-Cognitive Skills Training,” Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise 47, no 6 (2015): 1243-1250.

to the benefits of a random structure of practice (Broadbent et al., 2017).

Future Research Recommendations In general, the area of anticipation remains relatively unexplored. This conclusion is somewhat surprising given the perceived importance of the

topic in high-performance sport contexts. In contrast to the copious amounts of published research on physical and physiological contributors to high-performance sport, a void remains in regard to the identification and investigation of various components of anticipatory behavior as they might affect performance. In addition, innovative training methods that can enhance the acquisition of the underpinning perceptual-cognitive skills need to be developed.

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More sophisticated research designs should be used because they may allow greater insight into current research gaps. For example, rather than relying on retrospective protocols, longitudinal approaches could be used to examine the practice activities of athletes as they travel down the path toward expertise. Such longitudinal designs may allow greater understanding about the ideal age and skill level to begin various types of training programs and the optimal challenge points for athletes along the development pathway (Guadagnoli & Lee, 2004). Furthermore, researchers should embrace technological advances. Virtual reality displays are now a much more affordable option that may better mimic the competitive environment. Similarly, advances in neuroscientific techniques, such as mobile electroencephalography (EEG), may now be used because more dynamic response paradigms offer great promise in delineating the brain processes of experts during anticipation. Multimethod and cross-disciplinary research is needed to promote improved understanding of the processes and mechanisms underpinning anticipation. Although the number of research studies investigating the role of contextual information in anticipation has increased in the last decade or so (e.g., Crognier & Féry, 2005; Farrow & Reid, 2012; McRobert et al., 2011), much more research is needed to understand the circumstances in which contextual information should or should not be used by athletes to inform their judgments. Additionally, more research is required to understand how athletes use either postural cues or contextual information to anticipate effectively and how they may prioritize certain sources of information depending on the circumstances. The findings from such research should affect how these skills are then trained and whether interventions should focus on one or all of the underlying perceptual-cognitive skills. Limited research has been conducted to examine whether the use of contextual information can be trained and, if so, what the most appropriate manner is to present this information to athletes (for exceptions, see Broadbent, Ford, O’Hara, Williams, & Causer, 2017; Gray, 2015; Williams, Herron, Ward, & Smeeton, 2008). Clearly, a more multifaceted approach to the study of anticipation in real-world settings is required, especially given the now common prevalence for sports teams to employ performance analysts to document, analyze, and provide feedback to athletes about the prevailing tendencies of upcoming opponents (Causer & Williams, 2015). A strong need remains for systematic research programs to help guide evidence-based practice in these areas (Cañal-Bruland & Mann, 2015).

Summary Our goal in this chapter was to emphasize the importance of anticipation in sport and to offer considerations for how the underlying perceptual-cognitive skills are developed. In the first half of the chapter, we reviewed the key perceptual-cognitive skills underpinning anticipation and the way in which these have typically been measured. We provided evidence that skilled athletes possess superior perceptual-cognitive skills relative to their less-skilled counterparts, including superior ability to pick up postural cues, greater accuracy in detecting familiarity and patterns in evolving sequences of play, and superior ability to assign probabilities to potential event outcomes. An enhanced ability to use these perceptual-cognitive skills is strongly evidenced by the use of more effective and efficient gaze behaviors. The relative importance of these perceptual-cognitive skills is assumed to vary dynamically depending on the unique confluence of task, situation, and athlete constraints. In the second half of the chapter, we focused on how systematic training programs may be developed using simulation coupled with instruction and feedback. We highlighted a number of issues related to conditions of practice such as the importance of different instructional approaches and practice schedules. The current state of knowledge has matured to the point where we can confidently advocate for the translation of current knowledge into broadly implementable coaching recommendations that can be tailored to effective sport-specific training programs across multiple sports. The potential exists for this body of knowledge to inform other applied domains outside sport in which decisions must be made in unpredictable, dynamic environments that can be facilitated by training programs. A number of unanswered questions remain, and we encourage more empirical work in this area to create a stronger focus on evidence-based practice that will continue to benefit aspiring athletes across multiple sports.

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14 Exergames to Enhance Physical Activity and Performance Deborah L. Feltz, PhD  Stephen Samendinger, PhD

Abstract Motivation is a key issue relative to the initiation and maintenance of conditioning in physical activity and sport contexts. Exercise video games, or virtual-reality enhanced exercise, have become a popular motivational technology that can be used to promote physical activity. Exergames can boost the appeal of exercise, training, or physical rehabilitation by shifting the focus away from its aversive aspects (e.g., exertion, fatigue, boredom) to novel, engaging, and even online social games. The first exergames were developed in the 1980s and were designed to hook up to stationary bikes, but the current mode of exergame delivery is as diverse as the selection of games, encompassing as many software applications as there are hardware devices, from watches to phones to television consoles. In this chapter, we describe the current state of knowledge in exercise video games (exergames), including exergame modalities and typical uses of exergames. We also identify and explain the conceptual approaches that have been used to increase physical activity and training through exergames. These methods include goal setting, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. We end the chapter by focusing on issues in the current research on group dynamics approaches to exergames and associated directions for future research.

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umerous reports show that children and adults have not been meeting recommended physical activity guidelines (Troiano et al., 2008; Tucker, Welk, & Beyler, 2011; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013). Motivation is a key issue in the physical inactivity epidemic (Dishman, 2001). Correspondingly, in the competitive sport context, athletes also struggle to stay motivated to do the conditioning work (especially in off-season) necessary to stay physically fit in their sport (Huber, 2013; Paccagnella, 2005). Because time and commitment are required to initiate and maintain a regular exercise program, especially for those whose lives are busy, losing that motivation is easy. Exercise video games, or virtual-reality enhanced exercise (more commonly referred to as exergames), have become a popular motivational technology to promote physical activity. We use the definition of exergames proposed by the American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM) as physical activities that are technology driven and that require physical exertion to play the game (Witherspoon, 2013). Further, exergames require limb or trunk movement (large muscles rather than simple hand and finger movements) as the primary interface with the technology (Straker et al., 2015). Thus, interactive games that are sedentary but involve sport learning of rules and position play would be excluded from this category. Within this definition, however, exergames can include any structured form of play that involves goals, rules, and challenges. Exergames are different from exercise videos in that the participant can interact with the technology in an artificial environment that is computer generated. The computer-simulated reality can mimic a real environment or can be created for an imagined environment. Exergames can boost the appeal of exercise, training, or physical rehabilitation by shifting the focus away from its aversive aspects (e.g., exertion, fatigue, boredom) to novel, engaging, and even online social games. These games can also eliminate some of the barriers to exercise or physical therapy, such as scheduling problems, cost of joining exercise programs, and social physique anxiety that can be associated with performing physical activities in public spaces (Bain, Wilson, Chaikind, 1989; Brunet & Sabiston, 2009). Although exergames can be used with actual competitive sport play or practice activities, they have been limited primarily (although not completely) to the enhancement of conditioning in athletes rather than for skill development.

The popularity of exergames continues to increase. Market data show that exergames represented 20% of all game sales in 2011, up from 5% in 2007 (Hewitt, 2013). In April 2013 the President's Council on Fitness, Sports and Nutrition launched an initiative to highlight active video games as one way to help Americans lead more active lives. With this increase in popularity, an increasing amount of research has examined the use of these games to improve physical, social, or cognitive outcomes. Much of the research in this newly developing field encompasses the evaluation of exergames to increase energy expenditure, increase time spent in moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA), improve disability, and influence various parameters of fitness (Gao & Chen, 2014; Peng, Crouse, & Lin, 2013). Further, research with exergames has evaluated whether acute or routine play can influence cognitive function (e.g., Anderson-Hanley et al., 2012) and improve the physical activity of people with disabilities (e.g., Wiemeyer et al., 2014). But the main purpose of this chapter is not to review these outcomes. Rather, we focus in this chapter on a review of the motivational aspects of exergames to enhance various performance or physical activity outcomes. The chapter is divided into three sections. First, we describe the current state of knowledge in exergaming, including exergame modalities and typical uses of exergames. Next, we overview the conceptual approaches that have been used to increase physical activity and training through exergames. These methods include goal setting, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. We then focus on issues in the current research on group dynamics approaches to exergames and associated directions for future research because much of the research in this new area of exergame technology is going to that topic. The chapter concludes with a wrap-up of what exergame designers need to incorporate into their program features to meet both popular appeal and health goals.

Exergame Modalities and Usage The first exergames were developed in the 1980s and were designed to hook up to stationary bikes (Staiano & Calvert, 2011), but the current mode of exergame delivery is as diverse as the selection of games, encompassing as many software applications as there are hardware devices, from watches to phones to television consoles. Mobile exergames

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include designs engineered to take advantage of intraphone technology and data network links to other users (Boulos & Yang, 2013). The widespread adoption of smartphones has opened the door to location-aware (using global positioning satellite; GPS) and movement-aware applications (using internal accelerometers). Sport watches, minicomputer tablets, and standalone portable modules may use similar hardware features and involve the user in outdoor activity games or exercise. Device programs provide an exciting alternative to indoor activity, allowing users to record and compete against previous performance in their environment of choice, such as collecting points for walking briskly past landmarks or running with a simulation of being chased by zombies (Moran & Coons, 2015). The diversity of exergames being developed is not limited to walking, running, or bicycling; they can be adapted to use while swimming (Choi et al., 2014). Console and computer-based indoor exergames support multiple accessories to enable game play, such as headsets, floor touch pads, handheld controllers, cycles, and motion cameras. Exergames have also followed the evolution of personal electronic devices toward hands-free headsets, goggles, and immersive technologies (Kooiman & Sheehan, 2015). Most recently, television cable modules (e.g., Apple TV) are being updated with advanced processor and memory capability to permit users to play games directly from the Internet without the need for a third-party hardware device. The systems are also including a mechanism to download apps to use through the television, and remote control channel devices play a dual function as game controllers. Many modalities can connect to online websites, social media, and other applications to share user performance or health information. To our knowledge, no formal evaluation of performance outcomes has been conducted comparing mobile and console exergame modalities. The uses of exergames can be categorized into three main objectives: • to motivate greater physical activity and exercise, • to motivate sport skill training and conditioning, and • to enhance motivation in therapeutic treatment. Much of the research on uses of exergames has evaluated their efficacy to meet one of these objectives, such as the ability of exergames to increase energy expenditure, increase time spent in moder-

ate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA), improve disability, and influence various parameters of fitness. Further, research with exergames has evaluated whether acute or routine play can affect cognitive function and improve physical activity levels for people with disabilities. Less research has focused on psychosocial aspects and determinants of healthy behavior through exergame play. Specific detail regarding each of these uses is provided in the following paragraphs.

Exercise and Physical Activity Many exergames are structured simply to engage basic physical activity in the game play scenario, involving upper- or lower-extremity movement, or both. Common games include bowling, hulahoop, walking, running, dance step or musical instrument simulation, and game brand-unique movement activities. The physical activity is usually embedded in a story line, role-play, music, or activity guide. Gamification describes the inclusion of game qualities, such as rewards, levels, and leader boards to create elements of competition and enhance engagement. Exercise-based games often entail similar physical activities in a fitness format or structured regimens of aerobic exercises with or without a virtual trainer. Both physical activity and exercise-based exergames are often studied because of the broad appeal of electronic games to multiple diverse populations. Health video games have cleverly used appealing, developmentally and culturally appropriate story lines to immerse users and improve health outcomes (Lu, Thompson, Baranowski, Buday, & Baranowski, 2012). The use of exergames to meet recommended levels of physical activity has met with mixed success. Evaluating the efficacy of popular exergames (versus those created in the lab), researchers have measured various game sessions against multiple health behavior criteria. Peng and colleagues (2013) performed a systematic review of the state of current research (up to March 2011) on the ability of exergames to satisfy recommended levels of physical activity intensity, as well as their efficacy to increase physical activity, focusing exclusively on off-the-shelf existing exergames. Just as with children, however, adults engaging with exergames often did not meet moderate to vigorous levels of physical activity in the 28 studies reviewed. Instead, the intensity of game activity was classified as light to moderate. Intensity levels did not quite meet recommended intensity guidelines, and the authors concluded that overall only 3 of the 13 intervention

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studies reviewed were able to demonstrate changes to baseline amounts of physical activity in child and adult samples. Support is insufficient to determine whether exergames can lead to persistence with physical activity, in particular, at a moderate level of intensity (Barnett, Cerin, & Baranowski, 2011). Further, some evidence indicates that simply providing exergames to children, outside the lab, does not result in increases of physical activity over nonexergames (Baranowski et al., 2012). Despite the inability for most exergames to meet physical activity guidelines, exergames have been shown to improve adherence to and attitudes toward physical activity. For instance, older adults alternating cadence and speed to complete puzzles in a virtual environment were distracted such that they underestimated exercise persistence by 38% (Van Schaik, Blake, Pernet, Spears, & Fencott, 2008). Rhodes, Warburton, and Bredin (2009) demonstrated increased adherence to a 6-week cycle exercise schedule in a college-aged sample in a videogame cycle condition over self-selected music during cycling condition. In an alternative use of exergames in schools, researchers found evidence that exposure to exergames during physical education classes positively influenced children’s physical activity beliefs and behaviors (Lwin & Malik, 2012).

and display a third-person image during the game (Nickel, Kinsey, Haack, Pendergrass, & Barnes, 2012). Hoffmann, Wiemeyer, Hardy, and Göbel (2014) developed a game for a cycle ergometer that adapted the participant’s training workload (using a linear correlation to heart rate) and pedal rate to the person’s success in collecting randomly occurring letters with an animated pigeon. Lastly, a high-intensity interval protocol on a cycle ergometer was combined with a video display user experience for a training regimen of 6 days per week over 24 weeks (Feltz et al., 2016). The partner versus no-partner exergame cycling protocol consisted of 30-min continuous sessions at 75% of maximum, 2- and 4-min graduated intervals (60 to 100% of maximum), and a sprint interval at 100% of maximum. New devices and software are coming to market yearly, offering a training simulation-gaming experience for everything from sport vision acuity to downhill skiing. Few offer evidence of performance improvements or nonsuperiority comparisons to nonexergame training. But Feltz et al. (2016) did demonstrate an increase in motivation to exert more effort over 24 weeks with an intense exercise cycling game program.

Sport and Physical Training

Exergames have been extensively used in a broad range of therapeutic interventions. The flexibility of electronic interactive games is particularly well suited to the challenges of adapting a physical activity modality to special populations. Although not all therapeutic uses of exergames have been formally studied, the application of game use in therapy continues to be a popular alternative or adjunct across numerous physical and psychological issues. Games can be used to attract or maintain a patient’s participation in therapy or to track performance on therapy goals. A recent excellent review outlines results for exergame research conducted with people with burns, cerebral palsy, stroke, limb amputation, Parkinson’s disease, spinal injury, and many others (Staiano & Flynn, 2014). Still other studies have explored exergames with cardiac rehabilitation (Ruivo, 2014), cystic fibrosis (Salonini et al., 2015), balance and postural stability (Vernadakis, Gioftsidou, Antoniou, Ioannidis, & Giannousi, 2012), cognitive function in older adults (Anderson-Hanley et al., 2012), depression (Rosenberg et al., 2010), traumatic brain injury (Grealy, Johnson, & Rushton, 1999), and postconcussion return to exercise (DeMatteo, Greenspoon, Levac, Harper, & Rubinoff, 2014). Each study generally reaches a

Aside from sport-themed exergames, most use of active video games with serious and elite athletes takes the form of fitness conditioning and skills training. In addition, multiple sport skill electronic games don’t require a video display or immersive technology. Yet they satisfy the ACSM definition used in this chapter because they are technology driven and require physical exertion to play the game. For example, Fogtmann, Grønbæk, and Ludvigsen (2011) describe an elite handball athlete training game aimed at developing psychomotor skills, including decision making and anticipation awareness. The exergame attempts to mimic realistic game situations mixing game hardware and software with tactical real player competition. Perhaps more true to the exergame experience, soccer player development, including skills such as turning, passing, dribbling, and one-on-one tactics, can be another use of exergames (Jensen, Grønboek, Thomassen, Andersen, & Nielsen, 2014). Another example in fitness training (and similar to the most prevalent type of exergame), a high-intensity interval-training exergame was developed using electromagnetic trackers to detect players’ movements

Therapeutic Treatment

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similar conclusion—that evidence is sufficient to justify a role for exergames with traditional therapies, yet further research is needed to assess study weaknesses and long-term benefits. Thoughtful adaptation and new development of games that are specific to the target disability or therapy will be an important component of success with exergames in therapeutic treatment (Wiemeyer et al., 2014). Although numerous exergames are on the market to motivate greater physical activity to reach various goals, few have involved researchers or been based on motivational theories in product development (Lieberman, 1998). In this next section, we briefly review various conceptual approaches on which exergames have been based to influence motivation.

Increasing Physical Activity and Performance Through Exergames Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.

Achievement Goals Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person’s competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.

Self-Determination Theory Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical

activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game. Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.

Flow Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even

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perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).

Group Dynamics More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner’s performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity. Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner’s (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant

to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group’s performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members’ individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber. The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group’s performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993). The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers’ understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great. The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner’s effort as indispensable to team success. This

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indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect. Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings. Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user–partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.

Exergames With Present Partners Obviously, participating in an exergame with live partners (e.g., friends, family, exercise group mates) is inherently appealing to many people, and the shared experience can enable motivation through group dynamics principles. Any exergame researcher interested in harnessing the potential benefit of group dynamics using present (i.e., real human) partners should carefully consider task and task structure in game and protocol design. For example, conjunctive exercise-task structures with the dyads may serve as an example of how to arrange team members’ task demands to result in motivation gains. SwanBoat is one such exergame, designed to engage a team of treadmill runners in a cooperative racing game (Ahn et al., 2009). Partner treadmills are connected so that both runners’ speed determines the progress of a boat and differences in speed will veer the boat to one side or the other (i.e., like a two-person peddled swan

boat on a park lake). One player may slow to cause a turn and steer clear of obstacles in the game, but a consistently slow player will result in an inability to move forward, because the team’s discrepant speed will cause the boat to run aground. Cooperation, synchrony, and teamwork result in game success, as does the performance of the weakest player. To increase the potential motivation, designers can also link one team of SwanBoat runners to compete against another team, potentially enhancing the motivation to work as a team.

Exergames With Virtually Presented Partners Partnering with another person can have its own challenges because problems arise from locating and coordinating time to exercise with partners and the potential variability of the companion’s exercise goals. With the technologies available, group dynamic principles may now have an effect on the exergame group even if members are separated by time or distance. Group member performance can be virtually presented and occur asynchronously, and recorded video can be played back when convenient for the other members. Researchers have used this method when substituting an experimental confederate for a group team member and then manipulating the replay to enhance potential social or task effects. Results of a series of studies suggest that working out with a virtually presented superior partner in a conjunctive setting can improve persistence motivation on exercise tasks with normal-weight people (Feltz, Kerr, & Irwin, 2011; Feltz, Irwin, & Kerr, 2012; Forlenza, Kerr, Irwin, & Feltz, 2012; Irwin, Scorniaenchi, Kerr, Eisenmann, & Feltz, 2012; Kerr, Forlenza, Irwin, & Feltz, 2013)  and obese people (Samendinger, Beckles, Forlenza, Pfeiffer, & Feltz, 2015). These studies have used a single-session abdominal plank exercise (as a simple muscular persistence task) and aerobic cycling during which the player can watch themselves and their virtually presented partner. A PlayStation 2 (PS2) gaming module with EyeToy: Kinetic software served as a platform to display the images on a video screen combined with clips of a trainer demonstrating the exercises (illustrated in figure 14.1). Team performance in these settings was always based on the teammate who quit first, and the subject was provided feedback that implied that the virtually presented partner was superior (i.e., to establish a conjunctive setting). If the partner being presented over the video connection is believed to

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Figure 14.1  An abdominal plank exercise demonstrated by a virtually presented trainer.

be live, the potential to influence the performance motivation effects may occur as if the teammates were sharing the same space.

Exergames With Virtual Partners Virtual (software-generated) characters have been a ubiquitous feature of exergames, often taking the form of trainer or competitor. Software-generated partners (SGP) are also a cooperative team option, appearing to provide support during exercise or as a character fundamental to the story. Exercising with an SGP offers several advantages (e.g., availability, feature adaptability, user autonomy, reduced social concerns) and a way to adjust abilities automatically over time to a level that the user always finds motivating. The advantages have not escaped commercial designer or researcher attention in terms of supplying users a flexibility to create a character, game story, or exercise protocol that suits mass appeal (or experimental design). A primary explanation for why virtual partners and virtual competitors are effective representations of human counterparts can be found in the social actors (CASA) paradigm (Nass, Fogg, & Moon, 1996) or media equation (Reeves & Nass, 1996). This paradigm posits that the social dynamics of human interaction with computers are similar to human interactions. People respond socially to computers and apply social rules to their interactions with them. Nass and colleagues observed that people could even perceive computers as teammates and experience team interdependence dynamics similar to a strictly human team. When partnered with a computer to rank desert survival items in importance, participants changed the list they created individually to conform to rankings suggested by their computer teammate. The researchers suggested that simply creating a user–computer

team interdependence (and, to a lesser degree, team identity) was sufficient to increase the user’s perceptions of affiliation and to affect subsequent behavior. Participants also failed to recognize the social responses they demonstrated in affiliating and cooperating with their computer teammate over the 50-min experiment. Nass and colleagues note that this prolonged interaction differs from a general tendency to anthropomorphize objects, as one might do when briefly yelling at a piece of dysfunctional equipment. Likewise, other research has reinforced that people can cooperate with and respond to perceived computer personalities just as they would to humans, even following their computer teammate’s suggestions (Parise, Kiesler, Sproull, & Waters, 1999). Media equation recognizes that many people interact with media naturally and unconsciously, as if the content represented reality (Reeves & Nass, 1996). A user’s relationship with a computer-generated partner may even be strong enough to invoke social facilitation of performance (Mumm & Mutlu, 2011). Besides task and task structure, the virtual partner appearance may be another potential group dynamics moderator that influences the success of the social relationship between a human and software-generated partner. Work with nonhuman interactive characters (e.g., robots or androids, relational agents, avatars) obviously entails concerns of the human user’s likability and acceptability of their nonhuman character. As early as 1970, Masahiro Mori was credited with warning android creators of the potential eeriness of representations that are too human-like. The uncanny valley (Mori, 1970) helps to explain why people are comfortable with characters that are perceived as human-like, but only up to a point. On the edge of this comfort exists a valley of discomfort in which the character’s imperfections become strange and unsettling (MacDorman & Ishiguro, 2006). Movement, or animation, can significantly heighten a person’s comfort with a virtual character, but it also may intensify negative perceptions. Movement may signal lifelike qualities that are eerie or conflict with other character features, decreasing trust and likability. Mori uses corpses, zombies, and a lifelike prosthetic hand as examples of a person’s expectations for the nonhuman character eerily not matching what they would presume for a human (Ho & MacDorman, 2010). This unease with a computer-generated or robotic exergame partner may interfere with group dynamics and negate any potential motivation gain (see figure 14.2 for computer-altered or computer-generated examples). Ho

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Figure 14.2  Dynamics within the group may be enhanced or inhibited by the user’s response to a partner, whether human, a computer-altered likeness, or computer generated.

and MacDorman (2010) have developed indices to measure user perceptions through three semantic differential subscales of humanness, eeriness, and attractiveness. Instructions ask the subject to rate their partner on a scale from 1 to 5 on questions similar to the following examples: • Artificial (1) to natural (5) • Synthetic (1) to real (5) • Reassuring (1) to eerie (5) • Ordinary (1) to supernatural (5) • Crude (1) to stylish (5) Software-generated partners may not elicit a positive reaction to group dynamic principles to the same level as live or virtually presented partners would (Anderson-Hanley, Snyder, Nimon, & Arciero, 2011; Feltz, Forlenza, Winn, & Kerr, 2014; Snyder, Anderson-Hanley, & Arciero, 2012). To counter motivation losses in team task and social interaction with a computer-generated partner, the Köhler motivation gain effect is being trialed in exergame settings. Similar to previous virtually presented exergame experiments with a conjunctive task environment, exercising with a superior virtual partner (completely computer generated) does seem to be effective in motivating exercise persistence with an abdominal plank task versus exercising alone (Samendinger et al., 2017). As Feltz and colleagues (2014) noted, however, the motivation effects are not as powerful as those experienced with a human partner. When examining motivation to persist with cycling during single sessions repeated three times a week for 3 months, a Köhler effect virtual partner experimental design was not enough to demonstrate differences from a no-partner control condition (Max et al., 2015). The Köhler motivation dynamic has also been applied to a smartphone walking app, designed so that the user is paired with a superior software-generated partner that can be used in any free-living environment (Samendinger, Spencer, Pfeiffer, &

Feltz, 2016). For 3 weeks, participants were to walk where they chose and when they chose (suggested minimum was three times per week) and were able to monitor their walks with the smartphone app tracking map, alongside a virtual partner who was always slightly ahead and never quit first. Performance feedback was also displayed in terms of time elapsed, pace, and distance. Although partnered walkers persisted in each walk slightly more than control did, the difference was not significant. Results of these virtual partner conjunctive task structure experiments are encouraging, but more work is required to boost the motivation gain to be as robust as has been observed in human–human conjunctive exercise groups. If upward social comparison and team indispensability are crucial constructs to realizing motivation gains with the Köhler effect, what might happen if the team member not only focused on the group performance goal but also worked with teammates in competition against another team? To address this question and strengthen the factors in this group dynamic, investigators have attempted to add intergroup competition to the conjunctive group structure (Moss, 2015). Lount and Phillips (2007) have demonstrated motivation gains when persons were partnered with a superior out-group member, relying on in-group– out-group category diversity to increase competitive arousal. This increase in competition is partially founded on theories that propose that identifying with a group naturally invites competition with other groups (Turner, 1975). In a nonexergame project, Kerr and Seok (2008) experimented with adding an out-group in competition with a superior partner in a team context that was conjunctively structured. The authors also manipulated the level of capability discrepancy between the team and the out-group to explore whether this perceived difference in potential performance moderated a motivation effect in each subject. Although all the group dynamics at play in this complex in-group– out-group conjunctive setting are not clear, the researchers found some evidence that intergroup competition might enhance the Köhler motivation gain if the out-group was known to be moderately more capable at the competitive task (Kerr & Seok, 2008). Building on this finding, Moss (2015) compared a no-partner control to a Köhler conjunctive condition with no competition and a Köhler conjunctive condition with out-group competition. A college-aged sample, using software-generated partners in an exergame format, was used for this experiment. Although both Köhler conditions performed significantly better than control did,

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the out-group competition group did not differ in performance from the standard conjunctive task group. The out-group competition group, however, tended to enjoy their experience more than those in the other conditions. The results replicate Köhler motivation gains using software-generated partners but also support the possibility of using conjunctive task out-group competition as an alternative in improving exergame performance.

Future Research Recommendations Based on the review of the research described in the previous sections of this chapter, it is evident that supplying people with an exergame will not, in and of itself, change behavior. Further, game designs do not consistently help people achieve a desired level of activity intensity. But the appealing attributes of active video games combined with the known energy expenditure inherent in them suggest that they are well suited to help large numbers of people be more physically active. As public demand for technology innovation continues to drive advances in home-based device quality and variety, it also is pushing rapid change in mobile device use. Immersive goggles, smartphones, watches, and wearables automatically prompt software designers to offer active applications to match mobile capabilities. Partnered exergames provide the added opportunity to leverage cooperative or competitive group dynamic principles to realize necessary motivation gains and propel exergames to reach their potential. But many gaps remain in the knowledge base that is fundamental to capitalizing on partnered games. One important question is how to incorporate what is needed with what is desired. Games designed to foster physical activity, or enhance sport performance, in the average user hold the most promise for exergames. Attention to conceptually based motivation dynamics would seem to be the bridge between fun and fitness or performance. Yet formal research exploring theory-based principles is limited, across all possible exergame modalities. This deficiency may be due, in part, to difficulties applying behavioral theories without sacrificing the perceived fun or challenge that many people expect in a game. At this stage in the evolution of exergames, work is insufficient to know whether evidence-based motivation techniques can be hidden in designs with marketplace appeal so that the games remain enjoyable without an obvious intrusion of specific motivational manipulations.

Certainly, serious or manipulative content may diminish the attractive features of an exergame (Buday, 2014). Researchers may want to collaborate with experienced video game designers to ensure an appropriate blend of fun and fitness aspects. Second, group or partner settings that are conjunctively task based may offer motivation gains, using a true interdependence of the team members. Questions remain, however, about whether those group dynamics can be effective outside the lab. Strategies to create and maintain the user as a weaker partner may be challenging to apply to an autonomous game-based situation, free of experimenter control. Will exergame users persist in their intensity of performance and sustain activity over time if they are always the weaker team member? Likewise, challenges exist in providing feedback that inspires upward social comparison, because this feedback relies on a moderate discrepancy in partner ability that realistically adjusts as the user’s performance changes. Further research is required to determine whether, in free-living conditions, varying ability discrepancy (e.g., often weaker, sometimes stronger) is more motivating over time than a consistent discrepancy between partners. Previously sedentary users may require parameters different from those of chronic exercisers or athletes. Should the ability of the partner be quantified in game feedback or indirectly included through partner interaction? Simply designing a partner to look more capable (e.g., by body definition, age, or weight) is one way to provide a visual portrayal of the partner as the stronger member, but will these features increase or decrease motivation? Forlenza and colleagues (2012) studied human partner age and weight discrepancy in a college-aged sample and reported a motivation effect in a conjunctive task setting with no apparent moderating effect of older age or heavier weight. Likewise, weight of human partners (heavier or same weight) did not seem to influence the motivation of adult obese participants to persist with an abdominal plank exercise (Samendinger et al., 2015). Further work is needed to examine ability-related characteristics in computer-generated partners and the effect on motivation of team members. Lastly, an open question concerns whether designers can successfully operationalize the adaptability of multiple game features or partner characteristics that might be required to overcome preference and skill variability in the population. Third, many gaps in knowledge remain regarding the other optimal characteristics of an exergame partner. Intrinsic motivation might be best served

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by providing users an autonomous choice of partner and partner features (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Leaving choice to the user, however, runs the risk of interfering with beneficial partner dynamics programmed into the game. For example, partner discrepancy portrayed in character features may not be compatible with the partner appearance that a user might desire. Perhaps a compromise can be achieved, but motivation effect may decline because user choice undermines potential positive moderators. Advances in technology also may make it easier to push partner realism toward believability in the form of intelligent, reactive software agents. With this realism comes concern of falling into the uncanny valley and disrupting relationship dynamics between the user and the virtual partner. Characters created to take advantage of technologic capabilities may always be unsettling for some human users. Are users ready for ultrareal software-generated partners and artificial intelligence? Fourth, character choice and control of game flow also underlie the support of player curiosity and creativity that is present in many sedentary video games. When left to the exergame user, how will control align with key elements of game structure? As described in this chapter, task structure and partner interaction are important aspects of motivation in teams (see sidebar Narrative Game Design). Therefore, further research should focus on how to provide game environment choice while maintaining task structural integrity. Overt user knowledge of a conceptual framework built into the game design, or other group dynamic principles, risks exposing the technical mechanics of games traditionally played for fun or escape, interfering with game enjoyment. Fifth, multiple game characters may also moderate group dynamics. For example, do team dynamics change because of a software-generated intermediary (i.e. coach, trainer, narrator)? If so, does this

third person positively or negatively affect user performance and enjoyment? A trainer or coach virtual character avoids the need for the partner to provide orientation, instruction, feedback, and refereeing. The inclusion of a third person may serve to enhance the perception of the partner as separate from the game design (i.e., free of unfair advantage and more likely to align with the user). If the goal is to strengthen team social and task relationships, the presence of a figure associated with the game design itself may boost in-group or team perceptions. Sixth, what interaction and communication between user and virtual partner are best, not only to benefit performance but also to influence persistence? Research might aim to identify what mixture of task-oriented and social-oriented partner interaction is most effective and adaptable for multiple user populations. As with human–human relationships, communication is fundamental to initiating and maintaining human–virtual partner relationships in exercise settings (Max, Wittenbaum, & Feltz, 2016). Max et al. found that human exercise relationships were characterized by robust communication inside and outside exercise and that although communication between exercise partners covered a wide range of topics, it became more focused during exercise, especially for closer partners. The interaction of user and virtual partner can take advantage of relationship patterns such as these by using verbal and nonverbal conversation and reactive partner movements that focus on the relational components (Bickmore & Picard, 2005; Reeves & Nass, 1996). Is it enough to create purely social conversation or performance-related encouragement? Should the interaction between user and partner include metarelational communication (Stafford & Canary, 1991), in which verbal feedback regarding the actual relationship occurs (e.g., to set roles, check in, express caring and concern)? Researchers might examine the effect of social

Narrative Game Design Mimicking the appeal of story and progressive game flow of many nonactive video games, exergames should consider embedding user–partner interaction in an immersive narrative design. For example, instead of one-time partner introduction or occasional verbal encouragement, the partner’s self-disclosure and personal characteristics could be revealed throughout the game, intrinsic and congruent with the evolution of game flow. The virtual partner reveals more about him- or herself as the game progresses and seeks information about the user through periodic interaction, much as occurs in real-world relationships. The goal would be to build the team’s social and task-oriented relationship, foster strategic partner interaction, and immerse the player into the game while she or he simultaneously discovers more about the partner.

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deixis (Levinson, 1998) in partner communication that helps ratify status and expectations of the task or social relationship (perhaps particularly key to conjunctive settings). Should designers encode relational features (e.g., politeness, power, distance) in positioning the partner interaction? In work with relational computer agents, Bickmore and Picard (2005) maintain that liking and trust between the virtual agent and human user is contingent on the computer’s expressing empathy, reciprocal self-disclosure, humor, talking about the past and future together (reference to mutual knowledge, commonalities), and flattery. Finally, further work is needed to explore the role of competition in partnered exergame settings. As noted earlier, some success has been achieved when adding a competition with an out-group to the conjunctive task structure (Kerr & Seok, 2008; Moss, 2015). Conflicting results have emerged when comparing the motivation effects of competition (without a partner) versus cooperation in exergames with children (Peng & Hsieh, 2012; Staiano, Abraham, & Calvert, 2012). Is another layer of competition useful in enhancing performance and persistence in partnered exergames, or will competitive goals serve as extrinsic motivation and undermine positive gains?

Summary Exergames show promise for helping to fulfill varying physical activity goals in populations that might not attain them otherwise. Yet exergames are not a magic bullet that necessarily enables achievement of health guidelines or optimal physical performance. Design of games for popular and market demand can be incongruous with scientific evidence-based demands. The themes and activity regimens of popular games focus on appeal and fun, whereas serious games are often built around a health-related outcome. Logically, in light of the potential for exergames to be a valid alternative toward meeting health outcomes, designers will need to incorporate program features that meet both popular appeal and health goals. Program features should be tailored to the activity through a psychosocial conceptual approach aimed at maximizing the balance between safety, fun, and activity goals. The use of virtual partners permits the operationalization of these psychosocial approaches, and countless adaptable features can be explored. With careful manipulation of the virtual partner characteristics and exergame environment, researchers have powerful tools to control social inputs and conduct experiments on human behavior.

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V Motivated Behavior As several chapter authors in this section note, the topic of motivation exhibited or not exhibited in physical activity is of major interest to both researchers and practitioners in the field. Understandably, people working in applied settings (e.g., physical education instructors, sport coaches at all levels, exercise leaders, personal trainers, strength and conditioning coaches, athletic trainers, and physical therapists) have a deep interest in the topic of motivation. They wish to identify the motivational strategies, techniques, and methods that can be used in their work to benefit students, athletes, clients, and patients. From a research perspective as well, the popularity of motivation as a scholarly topic within physical activity psychology has clearly increased over the decades. The first edition of this text contained one chapter that had a primary focus on motivation, whereas the present edition contains four chapters. The number of theories used in physical activity psychology to provide a framework for studying motivation and motivated behavior has also significantly increased. Some of these theories first appeared in other achievement contexts (e.g., education), whereas others are more specific to exercise and sport contexts. The four chapters in this section provide an overview of the theories that

are the most current and most supported concepts. Part V opens with chapter 15, in which Richard Keegan presents a provocative analysis of research on achievement goals as applied to sport, exercise, and physical activity. Keegan begins with a brief history of the early theories as well as the more recent formulations of theory on achievement goals. He then moves to a more critical examination of scientific progress in this area, particularly as related to the historically predominant theories in the field. From here, he notes key trends, debates, and tensions that exist within achievement goals research. Keegan next offers his own creative ideas for advancing research on achievement goals. Keegan concludes by urging achievement goals researchers to work together in order to advance the knowledge base on the topic, pointing out that “in a game that nobody can truly win, people will remember the way that we played.” At the beginning of chapter 16, Martyn Standage, Thomas Curran, and Peter Rouse note that an increasing amount of scholarly inquiry regarding motivation and motivated behavior within the physical activity psychology literature is grounded in self-determination theory. This collection of theories, mini-theories, and theory extensions fundamentally addresses why individuals are motivated

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264  Part V

to engage, persist, and work hard in achievement contexts. The authors provide a concise yet comprehensive review of this collection of interrelated theories as well as the more current research work that has been conducted using these theories. Despite the impressive amount of knowledge that has been accumulated over recent decades, more in-depth work is needed. Standage and his colleagues identify some critical questions and issues that need to be addressed, expressing the hope that this chapter will stimulate thoughtful contemplation of the study and application of self-determination theory in physical activity settings. Coming from a somewhat different perspective, Thelma Horn and Jocelyn Newton wrote chapter 17 to examine motivated behavior in the physical activity context from a lifespan perspective. Their chapter begins by identifying and briefly describing a few motivation-based theories that incorporate developmental constructs. Drawn from these theories, they select four motivation-related constructs—perceived competence, perceived autonomy, motivational orientation, and perceived performance control—to discuss from a developmental perspective. Because the research on developmental changes in such motivation-related constructs is relatively sparse, especially research offering a lifespan perspective, the authors are able to provide particularly promising suggestions for future work. They make the argument that the rather significant changes or adaptations that occur in individuals’ physical, psychological, emotional, and sociomoral status as they proceed from infancy through older adulthood make it imperative that we examine how such maturationally based changes might affect individuals’ motivated behavior within a range of physical activity contexts. A unique contribution to this edition of the text, chapter 18 addresses issues related to physi-

cal activity behavior change from a public health perspective. The authors, Stuart Biddle and Ineke Vergeer, contrast their approach to the bulk of the research on motivated behavior in sport and exercise settings. Whereas research has traditionally focused on individual and small-group settings, the authors argue that there is also a critical need to promote health across large populations. Thus, their chapter focuses primarily on motivational theories, strategies, and techniques that can be used to create small changes across large populations. Biddle and Vergeer outline a behavioral epidemiology framework that can be used to test important links between physical activity and public health outcomes. They then present an overview of established theories and frameworks that have been used in the field; they also highlight more contemporary approaches that may have value. In their identification of current gaps in the knowledge base and suggestions for future work, one particularly relevant recommendation that they offer is that work in this area be conducted within cross-disciplinary teams that include specialists from the physical activity psychology field along with individuals from across the social, behavioral, and biological sciences. This represents a true team approach. This chapter illustrates the important expansion that has taken place in the physical activity psychology field since the first edition of the text: Our field has expanded, and our research work must do the same. The four chapters in this section of the text provide readers with a comprehensive review of the motivation theories that have seen the most sustained research support over the past several decades of work in physical activity psychology. These chapters can and should be used by current and future researchers as a guide to critical issues that remain to be examined on a topic that is of notable importance to both scholars and practitioners.

15 Achievement Goals in Sport and Physical Activity Richard J. Keegan, PhD

Abstract The primary purpose of this chapter is to explore the potential for advancement within achievement goals research, as it is applied to sport, exercise, and physical activity. The chapter begins with a brief history of the research and theory in this area. Several theoretical frameworks now exist, and a large number of studies have demonstrated correlational associations between achievement goals constructs and key motivational outcomes. In the second section of this chapter, we consider the nature of scientific progress, across the history of science, to provide clues about how advancement might be pursued in our research on achievement goals. Third, and signposted throughout the chapter, we note key trends, debates, and tensions within achievement goals research because these themes inform the likely avenues for advancement. Fourth, opportunities for advancing research in this topic are critically considered. These range from simple next steps to blue-sky ideas that may be enabled by advances in methodologies and technology. Future research is recommended to build consensus around these issues: (i) What exactly is an achievement goal? (ii) What is, and how should we study, motivational climate? (iii) How can we effectively manipulate achievement goals, and can such interventions reliably influence key motivational outcomes? (iv) how can situational achievement goals be measured? (v) Is it possible to experience multiple concurrent goals rather than exclusively experience one type of goal? Although choosing answers to these key questions is possible, the actual evidence and consensus of opinion are often less consistent. Attitudes and strategies for resolving these issues and the surrounding debates are suggested, based on the history of progress in science.

265

266  Keegan

T

he task for this chapter to focus on the advancement of achievement goal theories in sport and exercise psychology contexts may seem challenging. The core version of the theory, which emerged during a seminar series in 1977 at the University of Illinois, has remained unchanged for over 35 years. Many researchers still adopt Nicholls’ (1984, 1989) original conceptualization, particularly in research focusing on sport and physical education. Note, however, that in recent years attempts have been made to reformulate achievement goals research, particularly in the field of education (Elliot, 1999; Elliot & Thrash, 2001). Faced with such longevity, does this concept really need advancing? Or is it simply settled? In this chapter, we explore these questions: establishing the foundations on which we can build (existing knowledge) and contemplating the ways in which we might develop opportunities for progress. The chapter begins with a review and summary of the 35-year history of achievement goals research in sport and physical activity. Second, to provide important context and orient ourselves, we consider the very nature of scientific advancement. Third, we identify and review some of the debates and tensions that have evolved in relation to achievement goals research. Fourth, we explore opportunities to resolve these tensions and make advancements for achievement goals in sport and exercise. This chapter is based on the assumption that progress and advancement are possible within this area of research. As such, we examine the core controversies and explore them to extract key ideas. Based on these analyses, we conclude that the controversies cannot be resolved by debate and argumentation, but that robust evidence, fair tests, and open collaboration will be needed to pursue genuine advancements. Thus, the primary purpose of this chapter is to provide a critical but also future-oriented perspective on the topic of achievement goals in sport, exercise, and physical activity.

History of Achievement Goal Theories When humans engage in any achievement-related activity—i.e., an activity in which it is possible to succeed or fail and thus performance is evaluated (cf. Dweck, 1986; Nicholls, 1984; 1989; Roberts, 2001)—we need a way of defining success and failure, good versus bad, or progress versus regress. Achievement contexts are defined by the presence of some evaluative elements, so they can include

school, sport, and sometimes exercise or health (Roberts, 2001). Of course, we do not sit down with a paper and pen and negotiate these rules each time we participate. In most instances the decision is relatively implicit, or subconscious. The definitions that we adopt in that moment are construed to be achievement goals (i.e., our goals when we participate in the achievement task). In each theory of achievement goals, this momentary goal involvement (or adoption) is influenced by various antecedents that include both one’s own stable traits and preferences (sometimes called goal orientation), as well as the situational and contextual factors that determine how the task is presented, or framed (sometimes called goal climate). As such, achievement goals both direct and energize behavior, by helping us identify what to pursue and how hard to try. A person can, for example, complete a task easily without exerting effort, and that outcome is often viewed as better than if the person had to try. As can be seen from figure 15.1, the research literature on achievement goals burgeoned between 1980 and 2010. The concept was adopted by researchers in diverse domains (e.g., education, sport, workplace), and the combined results of this research documented the correlates of different types of achievement goals (see summaries by Elliot, 2005; Harwood, Keegan, Smith, & Raine, 2015; Hulleman, Schrager, Bodmann, & Harackiewicz, 2010; Kaplan & Maehr, 2007; Murayama, Elliot, & Friedman, 2012; Ntoumanis & Biddle, 1999; Van Yperen, Blaga, & Postmes, 2014). The core findings of two recent reviews are summarized in table 15.1, which details the patterns of association between achievement goal perceptions and important motivational indices. Biddle et al. (2003) detailed the correlates of achievement goal orientations. Harwood et al. (2015) examined the correlates of perceived motivational climate. Reviews of this literature have noted excessive reliance on cross-sectional methods and, correspondingly, less use of longitudinal and experimental methodologies (Harwood et al., 2015; Vansteenkiste, Lens, Elliot, Soenens, & Mouratidis, 2014). Another trend that can be noted is the gradual increase in the number of achievement goals hypothesized: two (Dweck, 1986; Nicholls, 1984), three (Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996), four (Elliot, 1999), and six (Elliot, Murayama, & Pekrun, 2011). Specifically, the dichotomous achievement goal perspective (e.g., Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Nicholls, 1984) was limited to the examination of two achievement goals: task or mastery goals (i.e., a focus on attaining task-

Achievement Goals in Sport and Physical Activity   267

Achievement goal research papers

2500

2000

1500

1000

500

0

1980

1985

1990

1995 2000 Publication year

2005

2010

2015

Figure 15.1  A graphical history of the number of academic papers per year since achievement goals were first recognized in the literature.

E6768/Horn/F15.01/565555/mh-R2 Search was performed on February 21, 2016, using the University of Canberra Search Database. Search terms = (achievement goal*) AND ((sport) OR (exercise) OR (physical activity)). Limits were set to include English language only; scholarly and peer review publications with full text available online; journal articles, books, e-books, and book chapters; and drawn from either “recreation and sport” or “psychology.”

based requirements or improvement) and ego or performance goals (i.e., a focus on outperforming others or avoiding doing worse than others). Our discussion begins with that dichotomous conceptualization. One key element of achievement goals theory was its attempt to assert that the conception of goals encompassed the entire achievement context. Hence, aspects of the task, interpersonal and social, as well as intrapersonal considerations were all addressed within the parsimonious dichotomous framework. Nicholls (1984, 1989) argued that the individual’s internal sense of competence was a central consideration in achievement contexts—over and above objectively observable measurements— and thus the all-important subjective meaning of competence could be defined in at least two ways: Achievement behavior is defined as behavior directed at developing or demonstrating high rather than low competence. It is shown that competence can be conceived in two ways. First, ability can be judged high or low with reference to the individual’s own past performance or knowledge [termed either task or mastery goals]. In this context, gains in mastery indicate competence. Second, ability can be judged as capacity relative to that of others [termed either ego or performance goals]. In this context, a gain in mastery alone does not indicate high competence. To demonstrate high capacity, one must

achieve more with equal effort, or use less effort than do others for an equal performance. Nicholls, 1984; p. 328, italics added.

Using this conceptualization, people will be task-involved when improvements in, or the mastering of, a skill are primary in determining their sense of competence (and subsequent satisfaction). Alternatively, people might be said to be ego-involved when their sense of competence is closely linked to demonstrating performance superior to others. (Note that this could mean either genuinely superior performance or an equal performance with less effort exhibited). Because of the assertion that achievement goals reflect the whole achievement context, as noted above, these two definitions of success were construed as applying across: • the involvement level of analysis; • the contextual level (climate); and • the predispositional level (orientation). In addition, they are separate definitions in their own right. One might argue that positing the same construct at all three levels raises the question of what an achievement goal actually is and whether it really can exist at all three levels (as discussed later in this chapter). Likewise, the relationship between orientations, climates, and involvement states may require further clarification (also discussed later).

Table 15.1  Two Systematic Reviews of Research Using the Dichotomous Theory of Achievement Goals Task or mastery (direction and effect size 0–1)

Attribute

Ego or performance (direction and effect size 0–1)

Self-rated achievement goal orientation Belief that effort causes success

+ moderate

~

Belief that ability or talent causes success

~

+ moderate

Belief that sport promotes learning and effort

+ large

~

Belief that sport promotes fitness or health

+ moderate

~

Belief that sport builds self-esteem

+ moderate

+ moderate

Belief that sport promotes good citizenship

+ moderate

~

Belief that sport facilitates gaining social status

~

+ large

Adaptive achievement strategies (e.g., practice, mastery, persistence in practice, or exerting effort in competition)

+ (no ES)

~

Maladaptive achievement strategies (e.g., avoiding practice, cheating, deceit, win at all costs)

− (no ES)

~

Perceived competence

+ small

+ small

Positive affect

+ moderate

~

Negative affect

− small

+ small

Prosocial moral functioning

+ (no ES)

~

Antisocial moral functioning

~

+ (no ES)

Choosing challenging tasks and persisting through difficulty (behavior)

+ small

~

Perceptions of the motivational climate Task orientation

268

+ moderate

~

Ego orientation

~

+ moderate

Mastery Approach Goal

+ moderate

~

Mastery Avoidance Goal

+ small

+ small

Performance Approach Goal

+ small

+ moderate

Performance Avoidance Goal

~

+ moderate

Perceived competence (overall)

+ small

~

Perceived competence (norm referenced)

~

+ moderate

Perceived competence (self-referenced)

+ moderate

~

Confidence and self-esteem

+ moderate

~

Physical self-perceptions

~

~

Objective performance measures

+ small

~

Perceived autonomy

+ moderate

− small

Perceived relatedness

+ large

− moderate

Intrinsic motivation (overall)

+ large

~

Intrinsic motivation—to know

+ moderate

~

Intrinsic motivation—for stimulation

+ large

~

Intrinsic Motivation—for accomplishment

+ moderate

~

Identified regulation

+ moderate

~

Introjected regulation

~

~

External regulation

~

+ moderate

Amotivation

~

+ moderate

Compound motivation (e.g., relative autonomy index)

+ large

− small

Negative affect

− small

+ small

Negative thoughts and worries

− small

+ small

Positive affect

+ moderate

− small

Achievement Goals in Sport and Physical Activity   269

Attribute

Task or mastery (direction and effect size 0–1)

Ego or performance (direction and effect size 0–1)

Attitudes and intentions towards sport or PA involvement

+ small

~

Adaptive strategies in training or competitions

+ moderate

~

Maladaptive strategies in training or competition

− small

+ small

Prosocial moral functioning

+ small

~

Antisocial moral functioning

− small

+ moderate

Age and experience

~

~

Perfectionism

~

+ moderate

Dispositional flow

+ moderate

~

ES = effect size; + = positive association; − = negative association; ~ = no consistent association. Data from Biddle et al. (2003) and Harwood et al. (2015).

Within the sport and exercise psychology literature, Nicholls’ (1984, 1989) formulation of achievement goal theory has arguably served as the dominant approach in examining how performers perceive success or failure in achievement contexts (cf. Keegan, Spray, Harwood, & Lavallee, 2011). A brief debate occurred about whether the subjective definition of success or failure (i.e., competence) used in achievement goal theory should extend to other aspects of the achievement context, or whether it should focus exclusively on competence (cf. Elliot, 1999). Unfortunately, this debate appears to have been settled by researchers who continue to adopt their own preferred assumptions, even in different fields, rather than resolving the issue or designing experiments that might enable the issue to be resolved. In many cases, more recent research has explicitly identified other noncompetence concerns, such as self-presentation or social status (Elliot & Dweck, 2005). The main difference is that different “schools” choose to accommodate these noncompetence concerns differently, with no consensus on the best approach. Recent work by Keegan, Spray, Harwood, and Lavallee (2014) concluded that the considerations of competence are highly related to, and dependent on, other aspects of the achievement context such as autonomy and relatedness. In the late 1990s, Elliot and colleagues (e.g., Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996) noticed that performance (or ego) goals were not always maladaptive, and they began a debate about how this might be possible. Making reference to Atkinson’s (1957, 1964, 1981) approach–avoidance distinction, they proposed deriving two forms of performance goals: performance-approach and performance-avoidance goals. This version of achievement goals theory was termed the trichotomous perspective because it offered three different achievement goals. Performance-approach goals would be oriented

toward the attainment of normative competence, winning or comparing favorably against others. Performance-avoidance goals would focus on the avoidance of normative incompetence, such as losing or comparing poorly versus others (Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996; Matos, Lens, & Vansteenkiste, 2007; Skaalvik, 1997). Notably, Elliot’s reconceptualization of achievement goals theory also focused on goals as analogous to the involvement state (termed adoption), recasting goal orientation as a wide array of intrapersonal antecedents and goal climate as a wide array of interpersonal and social antecedents. Of course, in doing so, the first steps were taken away from the parsimony of modeling two goals across all three levels of analysis. The next evolution in achievement goal theory involved applying the valence dimension (approach versus avoidance) across both performance and mastery goals, to develop a 2 × 2 framework (Elliot, 1999; Pintrich, 2000). The valence dimension concerns whether the evaluation of competence is construed in a positive way (i.e., as seeking to demonstrate competence) or in a negative way (i.e., as avoiding the demonstration of incompetence). This valence dimension is then laid over the way in which competence is defined: performance versus mastery. Hence in the 2 × 2 approach, a task-based standard can also be either approached (seeking to achieve a particular standard or level, or improve, or exert effort), or avoided (seeking to avoid falling below a particular standard, failing to improve, or failing to engage meaningfully). In the 2 × 2 model, as in the trichotomous model, goals were conceptualized as momentary goal adoptions (similar to involvement states), and both orientations and climate were classified as a multitude of antecedents (Elliot & McGregor, 2001). Recently, debate has restarted about whether a person’s attempts to surpass an intrapersonal standard is an adequate operationalization of mastery

270  Keegan

goals (Martin, 2006; Van Yperen, 2006). This new debate, which mirrors proposals made by Harwood, Hardy, and Swain (2000), concerns the type of standard on which people focus. This standard could either be purely task based or focused on people’s intrapersonal standards. To illustrate, learners could be focused on acquiring a new math skill (i.e., task-based criterion), or they could try to do better on a second math exam than they did on the first (i.e., intrapersonal criterion; cf. Vansteenkiste et al., 2014). Researchers using this line of reasoning have broken down the existing mastery goal construct and created a formal distinction between task-based and intrapersonal standards—both still remaining distinct from normative comparisons as a source of competence information (e.g., Elliot, Murayama, & Pekrun, 2011). From this work, a 3 × 2 model has been proposed, wherein people can focus on three different types of reference points for competence information: 1. The task, objective and absolute measurements such as time, score, or similar; 2. The self (i.e., how the person is doing relative to previous performances); or 3. Normative comparisons (i.e., how the person is doing relative to others) When adding the valence component with approach and avoidance considerations, people could focus on seeking to demonstrate success in each of these definitions of competence, or they could focus on avoiding the demonstration of incompetence, such as, for example, failing to achieve a desired time or score, failing to perform to a level achieved previously, or comparing badly to others (losing or ranking low in a group). Research examining the 3 × 2 perspective is a relatively recent development and has been focused primarily in educational settings (Vansteenkiste et al., 2014; Mascret, Elliot & Cury; 2015; see also Harwood et al., 2000). The findings (summarized by Vansteenkiste et al.) suggest that different types of motivational regulation and outcomes can be associated with the six goals in the 3 × 2 model. In summary, achievement goal theory was first examined in relation to the sport and PA context in the late 1970s and early 1980s by scholars such as Nicholls, Dweck, Roberts, and Ames. Following publication of these early studies, research burgeoned, as detailed in figure 15.1. The three decades following these initial works have included attempts to expand the number of goal definitions, and a

variety of divergent models have been proposed. This divergence has generated some controversy among researchers in the area (see Harwood et al., 2000; Harwood & Hardy, 2001; Roberts, 2012; Treasure et al., 2001). Another important landmark in achievement goal research was the development of the goal-profiling approach. Harwood, Spray, and Keegan (2008) noted the potential for this approach in exploring athletes’ tendency to score high on both task and ego goals, low on both, or high on one but not the other. This notion centers on the idea that dichotomous achievement goal orientations (not involvements or climate perceptions) are orthogonal, so people can score high–high, high–low, or low–low (Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1996). Table 15.2 provides a summary of the research in this area, although it seems that since 2008 the only studies to deploy goal profiling have been based on the 2 × 2 model of Elliot and colleagues (e.g., Barkoukis, Lazurus, Tsorbatzoudis, & Rodafinos, 2011; Wang, Morin, Ryan & Liu, 2016). Generally, athletes who report an orientation high in both task or mastery and ego or performance goals (or one high and one moderate) experience a more adaptive profile of motivational outcomes. Typically, the explanation for this is that athletes who find multiple sources of satisfaction have more opportunities to pursue goals and experience success, whereas athletes who focus on ego or performance goals, in particular, can easily find themselves threatened by the possibility of failure, that is, not winning (cf. Hodge & Petlichkoff, 2000). Goal-profiling research based on the 2 × 2 model has denoted clusters of participants who can be differentially classified as high on all, moderate on all, or low on all (cf. Wang et al., 2016), or clustering around one main axis of the model. For example, Barkoukis et al. (2011) reported a cluster of approach-oriented athletes who scored high on both performance approach and mastery approach. Now, as before, this aspect of achievement goals research remains incomplete and, therefore, equivocal. More work is certainly needed. In later sections of this chapter, some of the more controversial issues surrounding the various theories that have been strongly debated within the literature are addressed. Before we embark on such a review, it is instructive to ask whether similar things have happened in other fields of science and, if so, how they were resolved in those instances. From that history we gain some insight into how scientific advancements are typically generated. This perspective is examined in the following section of this chapter.

Table 15.2  Overview of Key Research in Sport and Exercise Using the Goal-Profiling Approach Theory, analysis method

Cluster 1

Cluster 2

Cluster 3

Cluster 4

Cluster 5

Hodge & Petlichkoff (2000): 257 adult rugby players Dichotomous model, mean split

High task–high ego Highest on perceived competence and importance of physical self-concept

Low task–high ego

High task–low ego Higher on perceived competence

Low task–low ego Lowest on perceived competence and importance of physical self-concept

n/a

Dichotomous model, cluster analysis

High task–low ego

Low task–high ego

Moderate task–high ego Highest perceived competence

Moderate task–low ego Lowest perceived competence

n/a

Dichotomous model, cluster analysis

High task–low ego “Self-determined” Higher intrinsic motivation, high perceived competence, lower amotivation; highest PA levels and physical self-worth

Dichotomous model, cluster analysis

Low task–low ego “Lowly motivated” Low perceived competence and intrinsic motivation, high extrinsic and amotivation; lowest PA levels

Dichotomous model, cluster analysis

Low task–moderate ego Generally used all forms of imagery the least of the three clusters

Wang & Biddle (2001): 2,510 12- to 15-year-olds High task–high ego “Highly motivated” Higher intrinsic motivation, highest perceived competence, lower amotivation; second highest PA levels and physical self-worth

Moderate task–low ego “Poorly motivated” Midpoint on most measures

Moderate task–moderate ego “Moderately motivated, external” Midpoint on most measures, slightly more external regulation

Low task–moderate ego “Amotivation” Lowest perceived competence, low intrinsic motivation, highest amotivation; lowest PA levels and physical self-worth

Wang, Chatzisarantis, Spray, and Biddle (2002): 824 secondary school students High task–low ego “Moderately motivated” Moderate perceived competence and intrinsic motivation; moderate PA levels

High task–high ego “Highly motivated” Highest perceived competence and intrinsic motivation; highest PA levels

n/a

n/a

Cumming, Hall, Harwood, and Gammage (2002): 105 adolescent competitive swimmers Moderate task–low ego More cognitive-specific imagery, cognitive general imagery, and motivation general mastery imagery than cluster 1

Moderate task–high ego Higher motivation-specific imagery than clusters 1 and 2, higher motivation general arousal and motivational general mastery imagery than cluster 1

n/a

n/a

Harwood, Cumming, and Fletcher (2004): 593 elite young athletes Dichotomous model, cluster analysis

High task–moderate ego Highest use of imagery, goal setting, and self-talk in training and competition

Note: 2×2 model, cluster analysis

“Mastery oriented” (high mastery approach and mastery avoidance, low performance goals) Lower scores on reported doping or intention to use doping

Low task–high ego Not significantly different from cluster 3 on mental skills (TOPS)

Moderate task–low ego Not significantly different from cluster 2 on mental skills (TOPS)

n/a

n/a

Barkoukis, Lazurus, Tsorbatzoudis, and Rodafinos (2011): 1,075 elite athletes “Approach oriented” (high mastery approach and performance approach, low avoidance score)

“High achievers” (high in all four goals)

n/a

n/a

271

272  Keegan

Nature of Scientific Advancement In 1894 Albert Michelson addressed the opening of a new laboratory at the University of Chicago. Professor Michelson had just been appointed the head of the new department and would subsequently go on to win a Nobel Prize in 1907. He made the following prediction for the future of physics: Most of the grand underlying principles have been firmly established, and further advances are to be sought chiefly in the rigorous application of these principles. . . . It is here that the science of measurement shows its importance— where quantitative work is more to be desired than qualitative work. . . . The future truths of physical science are to be looked for in the sixth place of decimals. University of Chicago, 1896, p. 159

The next year, X-rays were discovered and, shortly afterward, radioactivity. Ten years later, Einstein articulated his theory of relativity. Fifty years after Michelson’s speech, the field of quantum dynamics was created. The story is instructive in illustrating a frequently repeated pattern across all of science: • Scientists are often very willing to conclude that their theories are right. • Such conclusions permit future science to proceed only by either applying the theories

or increasing the accuracy and precision of measurement, which is extremely limiting. • When we reach this status, the mere possibility of future breakthroughs cannot be comprehended, let alone the nature they might take or the value they may add. In line with this pattern of symptoms, we must ask whether the status of achievement goals research in sport and exercise may have reached its nadir. Such a nadir might be reflected in trends showing an apparent downturn in the number of publications (for example, in figure 15.1, publications were down 28% between 2008 and 2013). As should be clear from the beginning, this chapter is based on the assumption that achievement goals can and will advance, which, of course, presupposes that our current approaches are not yet settled. Before proceeding, we need to clarify what is meant by advancement in science. Historians of science such as Kuhn (1970), Feyerabend (1975), Lakatos (1970), and Popper (2002) all carefully studied this process— drawing contrasts between normal and extraordinary science (Kuhn) or between progressive and degenerative paradigms (Lakatos). To illustrate the distinction, consider the story presented in the sidebar Simon’s New Toy, which may be familiar to many of us from childhood. The Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary (Merriam-Webster, n.d.) defines a paradigm as “a philosophical and theoretical framework within which theories, laws, generalizations and experiments are formulated.” For example, in the case of Simon’s New

Simon’s New Toy Simon was overjoyed to receive a large Lego castle set for his birthday. He excitedly and carefully unpacked the box and diligently followed the assembly instructions, believing that any mistakes would reflect badly on him, not the toy (of course!). He did not play with any other Lego toys while he was building the castle, which might have distracted him from his important task. After he completed building the castle, he was extremely proud of it, and the brave knights of Camelot fought many battles against the marauding hoards. Simon loved the castle playset, and he protected the castle fiercely against attacks from space men, the family dog, his brother, and from any attempts to tidy it away at night. Over time, however, pieces did go missing or end up in the wrong place. Simon worked hard to maintain the integrity and accuracy of the original castle. Pieces from other playsets were not allowed to contaminate the castle. He even built a protection zone around the castle where brothers and the dog were not allowed to go. One day, Simon’s baby brother accidentally sat on the castle, and finally it was broken to pieces. With the instructions in the garbage, Simon was heartbroken. He tried to recreate the perfect castle, but he could not remember how. Instead, he made new castles, forts, and bases, and he began mixing pieces from different sets. Each day, he would build and destroy new castles, and new and exciting battles would play out. In this way, Simon’s understanding of how to build models increased exponentially. He became an expert among his friends when it came to creating new models out of Lego. You name it; he could build it. He enjoyed sharing his knowledge of how to build models to suit different scenarios. Simon forgot what it was ever like simply to follow instructions, play within the constraints of the model, and protect the model in its perfect form. When he was grown up, he valued the skills he learned by “breaking” numerous models far more than any specific castle or playset.

Achievement Goals in Sport and Physical Activity   273

Toy, we see two distinct approaches to playing, or two paradigms. The first involves • carefully following instructions to rebuild an ideal model, • applying it correctly by playing in the right way with the right components, and • protecting the model from harm. Each child who buys the model and treats it this way will build the same model and play with it in a similar manner. The second approach involves having • less regard for carefully replicating a model, • more creativity regarding how the pieces and tools are applied, and

• much greater interest in generating knowledge about how to build and play with the toy, rather than protecting the model. These two ways of playing can be analogized to the two dominant ways of doing science, or paradigms. Scientific paradigms typically prescribe • what is to be observed and scrutinized, • the kind of questions that are supposed to be asked and probed for answers in relation to this subject, • how these questions are to be structured, • what predictions are made by the primary theory within the discipline,

The Principle of Parsimony As noted in an earlier section of this chapter, a clear trend has been an increase in the number of goals, or dimensions, that characterize achievement goals. This expansion has occurred as new theories have been developed. One core argument against expanding the number of goal definitions has been that it undermines parsimony or elegance (Roberts, 2012). Such arguments refer to Occam’s razor, a heuristic of logic that has been stated as “Entities are not to be multiplied beyond necessity,” and commonly interpreted to mean that “The simplest theory or explanation is always best.” Notably, the law has also been stated as “Among competing hypotheses, the one with the fewest assumptions should be selected” (e.g., Baker, 2003; Sober, 1990, 1996). Ultimately, many of the debates in this topic have disagreed over where such assumptions should be made (and how explicitly) and thus where such parsimony should exist (i.e., at the level of concepts and constructs, in the methodology, or at the level of core philosophical assumptions). Analyzing the parsimony argument in light of well-established debates in the philosophy of science makes it clear that the concepts of parsimony and elegance involve highly subjective judgments, not objective truths (Baker, 2003; Courtney & Courtney, 2008; Sober, 1990, 1996). Researchers examining the nature of science and scientific progress are clear that the principle of parsimony, in particular, should not be used as a fundamental, or axiomatic, principle, but simply as a fallible heuristic (e.g., Courtney & Courtney, 2008; Gauch, 2003; Sober, 1996). Heuristics serve a purpose, of course, but they are ostensibly not capable of arbitrating in matters of truth and genuine advancement. One clear consequence of applying the parsimony heuristic in science is conservatism, keeping things as they are (Courtney & Courtney, 2008; Trafimow & Rice, 2009). An analysis by Lee (2002) critically reviews important instances in which a parsimonious approach did not guarantee a correct conclusion (in biology). This analysis concluded that if assumptions of parsimony accompany incorrect working hypotheses, or incomplete data, they frequently supported false conclusions. Lee noted that such adherence to parsimony without consideration for justifying it amounts to a tautology—presupposing that the world is simple and then finding it to be so. Lee argued (2002, p. 218): “A full justification of [a theory] must therefore also demonstrate that parsimony is superior at representing [the observations or data] compared with other methods . . .” In the end, the parsimony heuristic does not resolve which of several competing theories is better. Rather, progress is achieved when we are able to formulate theories into testable hypotheses and design experiments that compare competing theories (Courtney & Courtney, 2008; Popper, 2002). Little if any empirical evidence shows that the world is actually simple or that simple accounts are more likely to be true than complex ones (Oreskes, Shrader-Frechette, & Belitz, 1994). In the achievement goal research literature, the principle of parsimony has been invoked to discourage new formulations of Nicholls’ original theory, or attempts to critique the original model (Biddle, Duda, Papaioannou, & Harwood, 2001; Roberts, 2001, 2007, 2012; Treasure et al., 2001). At points in the following discussions, we will consider whether it is more important to maintain (a) a parsimonious representation of achievement goals but with hidden and complex philosophical and methodological assumptions (cf. Roberts, 2012) or (b) a more complex conceptual representation but based on simpler philosophical and methodological assumptions (cf. Elliot, 1999; Keegan et al., 2014; Vansteenkiste et al., 2014).

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• how an experiment is to be conducted and how the results of scientific investigations should be interpreted, and • what equipment is available to conduct the experiment. The first paradigm in Simon’s example involves assuming that the ideal model in the instructions is right, or true, whereas the second approach assumes that each model or theory is wrong and improvable. The first approach was characterized by Lakatos (1970) as a degenerative paradigm, in which progress comes only from applying an accepted theory or increasing the accuracy of measurement (e.g., as illustrated in the Michelson quotation cited earlier). Notably, however, Kuhn (1970) called this normal science. The second approach, in which theories and models are expendable and change rapidly, was termed a progressive paradigm by Lakatos, whereas Kuhn chose the term extraordinary science. Popper (2002) insisted that most meaningful advances in science were produced using progressive, or extraordinary, approaches. Nonetheless, Kuhn argued that, historically, periods of normal science had been necessary to accrue information about each theory or model before it was abandoned. Hence, to stimulate advancements, this chapter refers to the paradigm shifts described earlier and seeks to generate avenues for this research area to become (or remain) progressive. As such, this chapter necessarily assumes that each respective theory of achievement goals in sport and exercise is fallible (even if it is not always clear how) and open to potential improvements. Historically, and philosophically, this approach is the way that advancements have been achieved. At the heart of the debate, Popper (2002) and Lakatos showed a level of faith and optimism for science by proposing that the gradual elimination of errors is at least an indicator of progress, even if the theory is never proved right. In contrast, Kuhn’s conceptualization of paradigm shifts did not suggest real criterion for progress, but rather relatively arbitrary shifts in what is perceived to be legitimate (see also Wittgenstein, 1958). None of these philosophers of science argued that great theories are proved right or that advances are made by becoming more right. Certainly, none of these sources recognized that a scientific theory can be objectively and irrefutably true. Rather, if we are to hold any hope of coherent and meaningful progress, theories become less wrong. Based on this brief review of research paradigms and, especially, shifts that can and do occur in

the primary paradigms used within any field of study, we turn next to an examination of some of the debates or areas of tension that have developed within the achievement goal research area. Consideration of these areas of contention can be used to identify how we can move forward to advance the knowledge base in the field.

Attitudes That Enable Scientific Advancement A review of the history of scientific progress (e.g., Kuhn, 1970; Lakatos, 1970; Popper, 2002) clearly shows that scientific understanding advances most meaningfully when theories are developed, refined, disproven, and replaced. What this means is that most, perhaps all, of the greatest scientific theories that ever existed are wrong in some way. They contain problems such as being unable to explain certain findings, or they contradict other well-supported theories. These arguments applied to Galileo, Darwin, Curie, Einstein, Bell-Burnell, Planck, Heisenberg, and more. The excellence of their contribution and the reason that their names live on in our collective memory are that they were (a) less wrong than the closest competition and (b) wrong in novel and interesting ways that ultimately advanced our understanding by allowing us to ask new and different questions. The secret to making progress in science is to be incrementally less wrong and never think that an idea or theory is, in fact, true. This understanding of the nature of scientific advancement leads to an additional conclusion that no amount of robust argumentation will settle a debate between two or more fairly established theories competing for the same conceptual territory (for examples see Harwood et al., 2000; Harwood & Hardy, 2001; Treasure et al., 2001; and separately Biddle et al., 2001; Pringle, 2000). We need to develop fair tests that will allow us to discriminate between competing theories. To achieve this goal, we must work together to express each theory, or version of a theory, in a way that lends itself to such comparative testing. As researchers, we must be brave enough to expose our theories to testing and falsification (cf. Popper, 2002). Such an attitude of tolerance (of competing ideas) and collaboration (to test them) is closely aligned to Nicholls’ (1989) discussion of how education (and research) should be approached (see also Simon’s New Toy). Thus, the healthiest approach for the scientist, and the interactions of the group, is to assume that all our theories

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are wrong. We, as a group, grow and develop by simply finding out how and why our theories are wrong so that we can build better ones. In contrast, protecting the status of a preferred theory, or arguing over which theory is best, is comparable with becoming excessively concerned about ego goals. Research does not have to be a winner-takes-all competition. Such collaboration is evident if we look at the size of some authorship teams in other areas in science. For example, papers emanating from the CERN particle accelerator in Switzerland often include numerous authors, and in genetics, Leung et al. (2015) included over 1,000 authors. To turn a phrase, in cases such as these, the winner is science, not a specific theory or a specific researcher.

Codependence of Theories and Questionnaires One recurring theme in the literature on achievement goals is the reliance on questionnaire methodologies, often using cross-sectional sampling. Several reviewers of this body of research have noted this trend and suggested that our reliance on cross-sectional questionnaires and correlation-based analyses should be reconsidered (Biddle et al., 2003; Harwood, Spray, & Keegan, 2008; Harwood et al., 2015). Building our knowledge of achievement goals by relying heavily on one methodology can be problematic for several reasons. First, the very mathematics of questionnaire design does not permit inconsistencies; thus, any items that do not strongly load onto a conceptual scale are omitted. Yet aspects of real subjective experience might be expected to vary significantly between people. Second, any questions that load onto more than one scale are omitted as cross loading. But we might expect some constructs to be related because psychological life is interrelated and complex. Third, both the design of questionnaires and their use in research involves averaging things out across large populations. Therefore, if we are looking to assess nuances and fine differences in the way that people experience things, questionnaires may not be the best method. Fourth, we typically take data from questionnaires in one-off cross-sectional samples, meaning that changes over time are not detected. Likewise, because reliability depends on things such as test–retest reliability, our questionnaires are considered valid only if they measure things that remain stable over time. Again, this representation may not reflect the dynamic way that achievement goals operate. Fifth, we typically

analyze data from questionnaires using correlational methods and models, and we know that correlation is not equivalent to causation (Aldrich, 1995). Even in structural equation modeling, in which the results include neat arrows suggesting causation, the analyst specified that the arrows should be there, according to their chosen theory. All these problems can be balanced by using other methods, as well as more constrained, appropriate reporting and interpretation of data. In sum, a body of scientific research that relies heavily (sometimes almost exclusively) on questionnaires and that does not attempt to recognize and manage the associated risks can become blind to both its own limitations and the very truth that it seeks. Additionally, and importantly, each particular questionnaire is typically derived from one specific version of achievement goals theory, and it attempts to measure only the constructs proposed by that version of the theory. Determining which theory is best is therefore almost impossible, because each questionnaire measures only what its parent theory specifies, reminiscent of the previous discussion of paradigms. If the current preferred methodology of questionnaire and correlation does not lend itself to directly comparing competing theories, we must develop new measures and methods. If we consider Moore’s law (Moore, 1965), which is derived from developments in computer hardware, we see exponential growth in the capability of computers and technology, accompanied by similar reductions in the associated costs (to the computer users, at least). This means that our ability to design new and innovative measures is rapidly improving. Consider the options enabled by wearable devices, neuroscience, biomarkers, web apps, and the like. Thus, we should be able to design new and innovative ways to test and compare the various competing theories in achievement goal research. As an example of a possible new measurement approach, Keegan et al. (2014) advocated for the adoption of methods from meteorology for the study of motivational climate or wider motivational atmosphere (Keegan, Spray, Harwood, & Lavallee, 2010; Keegan et al., 2014). Earth’s atmosphere is, after all, a complex and chaotic system, yet meteorologists are able to model it and make predictions. Likewise, neural networking researchers have been able to model the way that humans make decisions (Mnih et al., 2015) and process emotions (e.g., Levine & Nadin, 2013; Levine, 2007). Although anticipating precisely how such methods can be applied to motivation and achievement goals is difficult, it may be an ­important

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direction to take because the heavy reliance on only one methodology is problematic. Developing new and innovative solutions will take time and effort, but the payoffs will likely be valuable.

Future Research Recommendations After we have a new research philosophy, new methodologies, or at least openness to new methodologies, and a new collaborative spirit, to what problems should we apply these advancements? In this section of the chapter, some potential problems or issues are identified relative to future research on achievement goals in sport and exercise.

Defining Achievement Goals This first question or issue is a difficult one, because achievement goals can exist on many levels. But at an even more basic level is the question about what happens in the brain when achievement goals are adopted or activated. On this latter question, advances in brain scanning technology (CT scans, fMRI, and so on) are opening up the possibility of exploring which areas of the brain are activated or inhibited in various tasks or under various conditions (notwithstanding the studies cautioning us against placing too much value on small samples and brain imaging; see Button et al., 2013; Ioannidis, 2005). Further, it may be possible to explore how the nature of tasks or the personality of the individual influences this process. If we take the view that achievement goals are analogous to a schema or a semantic-meaning network that can be activated or primed, then it may be informative to examine where these meanings are processed and stored and which neural processes or functions they appear to feed into. We could also, of course, begin to examine whether (or how) the nature of these networks varies between countries and cultures (e.g., Graham & Hudley, 2005; Hickey, 2003; King & Watkins, 2011; Kumar & Maehr, 2007; Nolen & Ward, 2008) or as a result of maturation, as Nicholls first explored in the 1970s and 1980s. New technologies may permit new insights. Taking a somewhat simplistic perspective, the achievement goal approach appears to relate to the way that core psychological needs, such as those from self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2008; Ryan & Deci, 2000; see chapter 16), are construed, experienced, and monitored by individuals (or groups, if we examine motivational climate). Having a need to

experience competence or autonomy is one thing, but it’s quite another for a person to then define each of these operationally and monitor moment-tomoment information about whether one’s needs are being satiated. In principle, a system of orienting and calibrating the way that psychological needs are monitored is both necessary and informative. It would explain a lot about how cognitions, affect, and behavior are determined in response to the situation, performance, and feedback. Fundamentally, that may be where achievement goals fit into motivation research at the broad macro level. The finer details of the micro level (mechanisms and systems) remain both highly debated and a notably hard problem. Another worthwhile effort would be to clarify whether achievement goals should be exclusively applied to achievement contexts or exclusively applied to the concept of competence. This question has been the source of much debate in the literature (e.g., Elliot & McGregor, 2001; Elliot, 1999; Roberts, 2001, 2012). To return to the question raised at the beginning of this section, debate continues over how to operationalize and measure achievement goals. In the beginning, Dweck and Nicholls both adopted a relatively broad definition of achievement goals, which at times was also treated synonymously with achievement goal orientations (Ames, 1992; Dweck, 1986; Nicholls, 1984). Vansteenkiste et al. (2014, p. 156) described this original conceptualization as “an agglomeration of different yet related competence-based processes, including aims, reasons, feelings, and, in some cases, even attributions (Ames & Archer, 1988). Stated differently, achievement goals were conceived of as omnibus constructs (Murayama et al., 2012).” These authors argued that the original approach to achievement goals combined all the individual’s traits, experiences, and socialization experiences into one summary function, called an orientation. Elliot and his collaborators (Elliot & Dweck, 2005; Elliot & Murayama, 2008; Elliot & Thrash, 2001; Elliot, 1999) have proposed a narrower definition of the goal concept, focusing exclusively on the evaluation of competence on the specific task at hand. In contrast, Roberts (2001, 2012) argues that aspects of autonomy and relatedness are inextricable parts of achievement context but that given the focus on achievement, competence must be primary. This approach would necessitate permitting an omnibus agglomeration of competence, autonomy, and relatedness pursuits (cf. Vansteenkiste et al., 2014). Again, we are faced with the distinction between a simple conceptual framework with complex underlying assumptions

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versus simpler assumptions but a more complex conceptual approach. Recent research has explored the existence of various types of social goals for the individual and social environments that promote an empowering climate (Duda, 2013), a caring climate (Newton et al., 2007), an autonomy-supportive climate (Jõesaar, Hein, & Hagger, 2012), and more. Several reviews of the literature in achievement goals have noted and reflected on this issue and the proposed developments (e.g., Harwood et al., 2008; Keegan et al., 2011). The recent attempt by Vansteenkiste et al. (2014) to separate the goals or aims adopted from the reasons for adopting them, as well as any accompanying feelings, cognitions, or attributions, may allow researchers to evaluate and reflect on where parsimony is best applied. The omnibus approach critiqued by Vansteenkiste et al. may be useful as a heuristic in applied practice but may limit advancements in the underlying understanding of achievement goals. Studying the relationships between traits (or orientations or intrapersonal antecedents), interpersonal and contextual factors (or motivational

1

Motivational goal orientation

climate), and achievement goal involvement (or adoption) is also important. The debate in this respect has been fierce at times, because this issue is also fundamental to competing theoretical formulations. From one perspective (described in Keegan, Spray, Harwood, & Lavallee, 2011), the same distinction between task and ego conceptions of success is postulated across the levels of situation or context (climate) and stable intrapersonal traits (orientation), and these interact to produce momentary goal involvement (e.g., figure 15.2). Certainly, invoking the same constructs at all three levels maintains a form of parsimony (cf. Roberts, 2012). Further, because the constructs are all measured by correlating subjective perceptions from the same individual, correlations between perceptions of the climate, orientation, and goal involvement tend to be quite reasonable (summarized in Harwood et al., 2015). On the other hand, we might query whether these constructs truly exist and are extremely similar in content or meaning at all three levels of analysis. The simplification involved may be more for the convenience

Motivational climate

2

1. Orientation may bias climate perceptions 5

4 3

6

Momentary goalinvolvement

2. Climate influences orientation over time (e.g., Lloyd & Fox, 1992) 3. Orientation predisposes individual to adopt certain goal-involvement states (Dweck & Leggett, 1988) 4. Time spent in involvement state may influence or modify individual orientation 5. Climate at time of activity influences which involvement state will be adopted (Dweck & Leggett, 1988)

Related motivational outcomes

6. Momentary goal-involvement of individual and others around them may modify motivational climate or perceptions of it

Figure 15.2  A representation of Nicholls’ (1984, 1989) achievement goals framework. Theoretical links are shown between goal E6768/Horn/F15.02/565556/mh-R2 orientation, motivational climate and momentary goal involvement, and associated motivational outcomes. Black arrows indicate relationships identified by Nicholls, and grey dashed arrows indicate other potential relationships. Reprinted by permission from R.J. Keegan, An Exploration of Themotivationally-Relevant Behaviours of Coaches, Parents and Peers Across the Athletic Career Span, (Doctoral thesis): https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/dspace-jspui/handle/2134/5903; Based on Nicholls 1984, 1989.

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cult to compare directly (leaving the way open for interpretation and debate). Both approaches might currently be viewed as lacking detail regarding exactly how the goal involvement, or adoption, is determined by the interaction of person with environment, but consider the following question. Which approach stands more chance of answering such a question? Which approach offers the most appropriate reflection of the reality being studied (and could a separate new approach add further value)? Roberts (2012) defends the parsimonious approach, whereas Vansteenkiste et al. (2014) criticized such an omnibus approach to achievement goals (see also Benita, Roth, & Deci, 2014; Brophy, 2005; Hulleman et al., 2010; Senko, Hulleman, and Harackiewicz, 2011). Separately, Keegan, Spray, et al. (2014) contemplated how we might recognize and accommodate complexity, offering the terms motivational atmosphere to reflect the social and environmental surroundings and motivational landscape to reflect the deep and complex intrapersonal backdrop. In this discussion, metaphors were subsequently drawn between the methodological approaches used for atmospheres and landscapes, leading to the proposal of motivational meteorology for the social and environmental context and motivational geology for the study of intrapersonal factors.

of us, the researchers, than a true representation of the objective reality. Even if we consider that all scientific theories are merely attempts to represent reality, not factually true (e.g., Popper, 2002), we might wish to question how fair and reasonable it is to impose such a stringently parsimonious model onto phenomena we know to be complex: the social milieu, personalities and traits, and subjective experiences. A second approach to the goal construct emanated from Elliot and colleagues (Elliot & McGregor, 2001; Elliot & Thrash, 2001; Elliot, 1999, 2005). While also invoking a different model of goals (the 2 × 2 model, as shown in figure 15.2), they argued that the exact same constructs would not simply extend to personality (orientation) and social setting (climate). Notably, there is no goal orientation, only intrapersonal antecedents. Likewise, they assert no achievement goal climate, only environmental and social antecedents. Instead, they postulated intrapersonal antecedents and social and contextual antecedents of goal adoption (e.g., figure 15.3). This creates a notable divide between the original achievement goals theory, which tends to focus on the orientation level, and the subsequent 2 × 2 and 3 × 2 models, which focused on the situational adoption level. To some extent, the two approaches are measuring different things and thus are diffi-

Variety of intrapersonal antecedents (e.g., fear of failure)

Interaction?

Variety of environmental and social antecedents (e.g., motivational climate)

Momentary goalinvolvement Ap. P

M Av.

Related motivational outcomes

Figure 15.3  A representation of Elliot’s (1999) conceptualization of achievement goals—the hierarchical model. In the circle, P = E6768/Horn/F15.03/565557/mh-R2 performance, or ego, definition of competence; M = mastery, or task, definition of competence; Ap. = approach valenced (seeking to demonstrate competence); and Av. = avoidance valenced (seeking to avoid demonstrating incompetence). Reprinted from Sport Psychology, edited by B. D. Geranto, “From ‘Motivational Climate’ to ‘Motivational Atmosphere’: A Review of Research Examining the Social and Environmental Influences on Athlete Motivation in Sport,” copyright 2011, R.J. Keegan et al., with permission from Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

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In the meteorological model of motivational atmosphere, detailed in figure 15.4, seven different yet interacting domains are suggested (along the horizontal axis) where an individual may seek to pursue success or avoid failure. Based on a qualitative synthesis of findings of 45 studies, permeable distinctions were drawn between seven domains of motivational influence: • Competition • Training and learning • Evaluation • Emotion • Authority • Social support • Relatedness

Contextual

Global

These domains can be mapped onto the three psychological needs proposed in self-determi-

nation theory (Deci & Ryan, 2008; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Note that rather than isolating competitive achievements from social concerns or the like, they are presented as inextricably linked and within one complex system. On the vertical axis, the level of abstraction varies from immediate and specific motivational “conditions,” through contextual summary functions (“climates”), up to the global overall perception of whether and how the socioenvironmental milieu influences, and then supports, one’s needs. The socioenvironmental “atmosphere,” as in meteorology, is proposed to be highly fluid, complex, and constantly in motion, whereas the intrapersonal “geology” is slower to change and relatively reflective of personality, emotions, and affective states. Where the two interact, a motivational landscape can be traced: complex atmospheric conditions furiously interacting with individual dispositions, needs, affective stages, and cognitions. Although it is only a model, and not yet

Motivational atmosphere Overarching, global concept containing all subclimates and conditions

Competition climate

Training and learning climate

Evaluation climate

Emotional climate

Authority climate

Social support climate

Relatedness climate

Authority conditions

Social support conditions

Relatedness conditions

Situational

Highly permeable borders between climates

Competition conditions

Training and learning conditions

Evaluation conditions

Emotional conditions

Complex interaction of intrapersonal and environmental influences

Motivational landscape Competence region

Autonomy region

Relatedness region

Figure 15.4  Keegan et al.’s (2014) “meteorological model” for understanding the motivational atmosphere. Adapted from R.J. Keegan et al., “A Qualitative Synthesis of Research Into Social Motivational Influences Across the Athletic Career Span,” Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, Vol. 6, no. 4 (2014). This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/.

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formalized into a theory, this approach deliberately invokes the complexity of meteorology. It is both difficult and daunting, yet clearly possible, given that we receive relatively accurate weather predictions every morning. Why did they invoke such explicitly and obviously complex metaphors? The argument is that this approach would bring parsimony by recognizing that we are studying a complex phenomenon, effectively moving parsimony to the foundational assumptions of the research, and no longer a constraint restricting theoretical concepts, measures, findings, and interpretations. Within the meteorology and geology approaches, questionnaires can still cross-sectionally tap into subjective perceptions (those aspects of an experience can be shared and scored similarly by many people). But this approach then has a clear position in the theoretical framework, akin to the broad summary we can get of the climate in a city at different points in the year—a broad averaging of many factors. When considering such a model, it becomes clearer that key details may be missing, and if all we have are these questionnaires, then the nature of the gaps in our knowledge can be identified. Questionnaires are not dismissed or rejected, but they are a small piece of a bigger, ever-changing, and evolving ecosystem. Transparent collaborative discussions, new innovative methodologies, and, ultimately, direct comparisons between these approaches will be needed to generate advancement.

Social and Environmental Influences on Achievement Goals Continuing from the preceding allusions to motivational climate, another core issue originates with the assertion from Maehr and Nicholls (1980, p. 262) that “achievement motivation should be defined in terms of its purpose or meaning for people rather than in terms of overt behaviors or the characteristics of situations in which the behavior occurs.” This focus on subjective meaning has historically been the lynchpin of motivational climate research within achievement goals, because it permits a focus on using questionnaires to assess subjective perceptions (note that other methods exist for studying subjective perceptions or experiences and are quite acceptable). But the focus on subjective meaning also presents some significant problems. To begin, we must recognize that the questionnaire-and-correlate methodology that follows from this assertion has been extraordinarily fruitful for researchers in this field. The systematic review by Harwood et al. (2015) reported 528 peer-reviewed

scientific papers, of which 104 met stringent inclusion criteria. It further noted that many important motivational variables were consistently correlated with an athlete’s (or exerciser’s) perceptions of the motivational climate construed as either task–mastery or ego–performance. Note the emphasis here, though, on the subjective perceptions. Technically, most research findings in motivational climate only really demonstrate that “when athletes report perceiving that their surroundings promote a particular achievement goal, they also report x, y or z motivational outcomes.” Immediately, astute coaches, parents, and practitioners should (and often do) ask, “OK, so how do I make them feel that way?” Unfortunately, using cross-sectional (one-off) questionnaires to report what athletes perceive tells us little about what can actually be done to promote these subjective perceptions. For example, subjective perceptions as measured using questionnaires frequently vary substantially between athletes who have the same coach or teacher (see, for example, Cumming, Smith, Smoll, Standage, & Grossbard, 2008; Papaioannou, 1994). Such questionnaire data should not be used to inform coaching practice or behavioral recommendations if there is no guarantee they will reliably influence subjective perceptions. Nonetheless, 57 of the correlational studies in Harwood et al.’s systematic review (54.8%) made explicit recommendations that coaches, teachers, parents, or practitioners should change their behavior. Relatedly, Smith and colleagues (2015) recently attempted to develop an observational tool for examining motivational climate. The resulting instrument, which showed good reliability and validity, demonstrated either no relationship or tiny correlations (e.g., r = 0.07, 0.12, and so on) to both athlete perceptions and the coaches’ self-perceptions. In fact coaches’ perceptions of the task-involving climate they created were negatively correlated to the observers’ ratings (r = −0.22). Hence, Smith et al. concluded that “there are clearly many questions that remain to be answered in relation to how coaches’ perceptions of the environment they create impact upon the quality of athletes’ participation in sport” (p. 60) and subsequently that the findings were “in contrast to suggestions that athletes’ perceptions of the environment might mediate the relationship between the objective environment and athletes’ responses to sport, including the quality of their motivation.” (p. 61) Likewise, regarding physical education classes, Sproule, Wang, Morgan, McNeill, & McMorris (2007; p.1047) concluded: “There is a need to examine

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the discrepancy between teachers’ and pupils’ perceptions of motivational climate compared to the behaviorally measured structures. Understanding the differences in perception and behavior may help to guide more effective interventions.” In fact, Keegan et al. (2011, p. 35) noted that a more logical approach, based on the existing evidence (i.e., subjective perceptions), would be simply to instruct athletes to interpret their motivational surroundings as task-involving regardless of whatever behaviors and values might be objectively observed. If subjective perceptions predict motivational outcomes, but our favored methodology offers us no reliable way of influencing those subjective perceptions, what else could we do? As current technological developments bring new and innovative methodologies within reach, it becomes possible to: • examine the rich and complex social networks that athletes experience, often containing multiple coaches, various friendships, and different family members; • track longitudinal and rich, detailed records of interactions between athletes, coaches, and their social networks and the motivational consequences of different combinations; and • use wearable devices, movement-tracking software, machine learning, biomarkers, or neuroimaging to remove (or reduce) the subjective elements of reporting how motivationally relevant social interactions produce motivational outcomes. In these ways, we could begin to understand exactly what interactions, or what combinations of actions, people, and contexts, lead to specific desirable perceptions and outcomes. This method may even be easier within individual sports, which have currently been neglected in favor of larger samples from team sports and physical education (cf. Harwood et al., 2015). Although the subjective perception of the environment clearly correlates with motivational outcomes, particularly cognitive and affective ones (cf. Harwood et al., 2015), we seem to have little idea about the fine details of how this perception can be generated and influenced. Smith, Smoll, and Cumming (2007) concluded by commenting on the need to “clarify relations between particular intervention elements and various outcome measures” (p. 54). Similarly, Elliot (1999) speculated that “it is also possible that some of the antecedent variables combine together to jointly and interactively predict achievement goal adoption” (p. 176).

The papers of Keegan et al. (2009, 2010, Keegan, Harwood et al., 2014, Keegan, Spray et al., 2014) called for such an unpacking of the motivational climate (or atmosphere) by extensively detailing the raw ingredients that athletes reported as influencing their motivation. Before these papers and findings, the best return on investment (of effort at least) was to use cross-sectional questionnaire and correlation methods. Following these papers, we can now start examining the situational influences, and interactions, of specific social interactions in determining motivation. Further, we can explore how these exchanges accrue over time and finally gain traction on the issue of socialization of achievement goals (as identified by Duda, 1993, 2001). Put simply, if perceptions are vital in determining a person’s subsequent motivational regulation and related outcomes, then we need to research how best to influence the way that those perceptions are formed. On a separate but related point, we should also seek to compare different contexts, such as different sports, competitive levels, and activities (e.g., training versus competing; cf. Harwood et al., 2015). Such studies would arguably be more valuable, albeit more difficult, than adding to the relative saturation of studies based on cross-sectional sampling of subjective perceptions. As Keegan, Harwood et al. (2014, p. 561) concluded: Any developments in our ability to capture the complexity in the social determination of athlete motivation would, arguably, represent a much more significant advancement of the field than any further studies suggesting that one concept (or collection of concepts) correlates with another concept. By borrowing from areas where complexity and chaos have been recognized and accepted for some time (e.g., meteorology, genetics, ecology), we may learn more about motivational atmospheres and their role in determining the all-important subjective experiences and perceptions that we currently focus on. Such understanding would enable a much more informed and nuanced approach to any attempts we make at influencing achievement goals and motivation in sport and exercise. It would change both the way we research achievement goals and the advice we give to practitioners. We would offer less prescription (e.g., “Coaches should do this”) and more empowerment (e.g., “Here are some principles, strategies, and key reflections. There is no correct answer, but you can navigate a way forward and evaluate it for yourself”).

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Influencing Achievement Goals Through Interventions Although a small number of studies have delivered interventions to modify achievement goals, experimental interventions are few (e.g., Biddle et al., 2003; Harwood, Spray, and Keegan, 2008; Harwood et al., 2015). In fact, using a scale of A to D to indicate the quality of evidence provided, Biddle et al. concluded that “At best, we might conclude that this constitutes category C evidence . . . from outcomes of uncontrolled or nonrandomized trials, or from observational studies” (p. 12, italics added). The next alternative, category D, was based on consensus because “there is no compelling scientific or clinical data to justify the use of categories A to C” (National Institutes of Health, 1998, p.52). It is also recognized that such interventions, especially based on randomized controlled trials, can be expensive, difficult, and time consuming. Because resources and time are often limited, this difficulty sometimes leads to multifaceted and expansive interventions, preventing understanding of the relations between intervention elements and specific outcomes (Smith et al., 2007). At present, if we instruct a coach to adopt a specific behavior or strategy to promote motivation, we are largely basing that recommendation on correlations between subjective perceptions. As a result, if the coach asks, “Will this work?” we can truthfully reply only, “In theory.” To justify behavioral recommendations to coaches, we arguably must carefully evaluate interventions that focus on the fine-grained techniques and strategies that are used to influence achievement goals and motivational outcomes. Such interventions could attempt to influence: • momentary goal involvement or adoption; • social and environmental antecedents (motivational climate or atmosphere); or • intrapersonal antecedents (goal orientation), as separate from momentary involvement. Giving coaches, researchers, and practitioners the evidence-based techniques for influencing achievement motivation would be extremely valuable. Following from the previous points about correlational designs, our current most popular methodology can tell us only that perceptions of the self, environment, and so on co-occur. They do not tell us that one is causing the other (even if arrows are drawn that might be taken to imply causation). Separately, they also do not tell us how those perceptions were

generated by either external stimuli or internal processes or attributes. Correlation will accompany (neat, linear) causation but does not imply or prove it (Aldrich, 1995). If we, as achievement goals researchers, wish to claim a critical role for our research and concepts, then we undoubtedly need to demonstrate that the specific predictions of our theories survive robust, fair, scientific tests (not simply correlational associations). Coaches, practitioners, parents, and governing bodies are becoming more informed and have become increasingly skeptical about correlational evidence, and rightly so (Goldacre, 2011). Even where some people may be naive to the importance of this message, would it be ethical to continue making recommendations based on such modest evidence?

Measuring Achievement Goals in the Moment In the previous edition of this text, Harwood commented: Today, as almost 20 years ago [add 8 years for this edition], the most challenging research remains with the antecedents and assessment of achievement goals at the situational level (i.e., the personal theories of achievement operating right now, within a given achievement situation). Harwood et al., 2008, p.163 (italics added)

As noted earlier, competing approaches to achievement goal theory operationalize the situational experience rather differently. Besides the divergence in terminology—involvement versus adoption— subtle variations are seen in the proposed content, duration, and accessibility (to measurement) of achievement goals. If we are ever to compare these competing approaches to achievement goals, enabling measurement at the situational level will be important. Attempts have been made to pursue this using “crude but practical” single-item assessments in and around performance (e.g., Harwood & Swain, 1998; Swain & Harwood, 1996) or by reviewing events immediately after performance (e.g., Gernigon, D’Arripe-Longueville, Delignières, & Ninot, 2004). Measuring situational experiences is a problem across many research areas (e.g., flow), and it is a classic issue in the study of consciousness (Chalmers, 1995; Dennett, 1996). As noted earlier, however, new technology and modeling techniques may soon permit access to momentary experiences. Thus, future researchers who open up this avenue of inquiry would make a unique and meaningful contribution to the knowledge base.

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Multiple Goals In its original formulation, the notion of achievement goals was based on the idea that a participant can only experience either task- or ego-involvement at any moment in time (Roberts, 2012). Theoretically, the two goal states are completely exclusive but can flip frequently and dynamically (Gernigon et al., 2004). Consistent with the consideration of measuring immediate goal states, this claim has been extremely difficult to test. At the trait or orientation level, not the involvement level, studies have suggested that task and ego orientations are orthogonal, such that a person might score high on both, low on both, or a combination (Fox, Goudas, Biddle, Duda, & Armstrong, 1994; Hodge & Petlichkoff, 2000). In their 2008 review of the research, Harwood et al. noted that this method of profiling achievement goals had received insufficient research attention and clearly warranted further efforts (see also Cumming, Hall, Harwood, & Gammage, 2002; Fox et al., 1994; Harwood, Cumming, & Fletcher, 2004; Hodge & Petlichkoff, 2000). Unfortunately, however, there is little new progress to report in relation to either traits or orientations or involvement states. As before, the collective findings from these studies suggest potential benefits of a high–high profile at the orientation level (high ego orientation complemented by high task; see table 15.2). This series of findings was interesting because ego orientations were often cast as maladaptive, yet the revised suggestion was that highly competitive athletes may benefit from possessing (or developing) an emphasis on task performance, process, and effort. Now as before, however, more research is needed to understand the mechanisms involved. Specifically, we know little about the involvement level of analysis, except what the theory says, and the principle that we can only experience one goal state at a time is contradicted by current knowledge of parallel processing in cognition (Ranti, Chatham, & Badre, 2015; Simon & Newell, 1971; Townsend, 1971, 1990). Further, relatively little is known about the immediate state experience of achievement goals because measuring the immediate subjective experience remains problematic. Hence, developing means of assessing the immediate experience will be extremely valuable, noting that experience-sampling methods (Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1987) and think-aloud protocols (Ericsson & Simon, 1998) are already recognized approaches. As argued throughout this chapter, allowing the data to speak for itself and resisting the temptation to fit the data to a preferred theory is difficult but may ultimately facilitate more

meaningful advancements. Hypothetically, is it possible to pursue normative success to impress peers and gain influence among the group? Could an athlete seek to avoid the demonstration of poor skill to support a valued friend within the team? Can such goals be pursued simultaneously? Observations of behavior or cognitive and affective processes could likely be better explained and understood by permitting multiple, interacting goal states. Arguably, advancements in technology along with new cycles of theorizing, testing, and comparing will allow us to answer such a question (again, robust debate will not).

Summary This chapter was always going to be contentious after the assumption was made that it would be possible to advance achievement goals research. Such an approach requires an initial, foundational assumption that all the theories that have been articulated to date contain flaws and require improvement. Nonetheless, this assumption is grounded in the philosophical tradition of fallibilism (e.g., Popper, 2002), and may well be the basis on which advancements are made. Hence, in a chapter mapping out potential advances within a book designed to both detail and stimulate advances in the field, it seemed the most suitable approach. Like judgments of parsimony and elegance, the judgment as to whether it was the best approach may ultimately be subjective. One potential outcome is for proponents of a specific theory of achievement goals to strengthen their resolve, generate new defenses, and perhaps redouble the vigor (or volume) of argumentation. That outcome is not, at all, the aim of this chapter. If you take away a few key messages from this chapter, consider the following: • Be tolerant of other researchers and other ideas—inclusive even. • Collaborate and help each other for the benefit of our discipline (and science in general). • Promote effort, engagement, and enjoyment among the researchers as well as the participants, children, or athletes. • Be transparent and explicit; never leave assumptions unexamined or implicit. • Remember that theories are meant to be the expendable component of science, not researchers (or their efforts). Ultimately, in a game that nobody can truly win, people will remember the way that we played.

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16 Self-Determination-­ Based Theories of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Motivation Martyn Standage, PhD  Thomas Curran, PhD  Peter C. Rouse, PhD

Abstract The scientific study of human motivation addresses the reasons why people are moved to act. Few contexts illustrate the construct of motivation as acutely as sport, exercise, and physical activity. Although being active is part of our human nature, research has shown motivation to be multifaceted and complex, wherein multiple sources can support or thwart our engagement and wellness. An expanding body of empirical research has applied self-determination theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 2000; Ryan & Deci, 2017) to understand the social contexts, goals, motives, primes, and orientations that support health, wellness, and functioning. The overall meta-theory of SDT comprises six interrelated mini-theories that are connected by organismic necessities (i.e., basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness) required for healthy functioning and wellness. Within this chapter, the central components and phenomena addressed within each of the six mini-theories are presented, and we consolidate key research findings related to relevant hypotheses. We then turn our attention to two extensions to SDT, namely the hierarchical model of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation (HMIEM; Vallerand, 1997) and the dualistic model of passion (DMP; Vallerand, 2015). Again, we synthesize the main extant research findings. Insight is then provided into how SDT principles may be applied in and across physical activity domains. Building on our assimilation of existing empirical research, we identify key gaps in the knowledge base that warrant attention in future research.

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he scientific study of motivation  addresses why people are moved into action and is concerned with the energization, direction, regulation, and persistence of human behavior (de Charms, 1968; Deci & Ryan, 1985b). Although motivated behavior is evidenced in all aspects of human activation and intention, few contexts illustrate it as acutely as those of sport, exercise, and physical activity (Standage & Ryan, 2012). For example, the energy required for an elite athlete to persist across hours of long grueling training seasons, as well as in the face of competitive failure, exemplifies why motivation is considered a cornerstone to sport achievement and performance (Standage, 2012). Similarly, the persistent energy required for adults to engage regularly in exercise or physical activity in the face of competing work, family, and social commitments is a testament to the importance of motivation for lifelong health and wellness. With achievement, health, and well-being outcomes at the forefront of sport, exercise, and physical activity agendas, it is not surprising that researchers and practitioners have shown a continuing interest in understanding the goals, motives, and social contexts that support adaptive, healthy, and sustained engagement. Many theories have been used to understand motivational phenomena within and across sport, exercise, and physical activity settings (see Roberts & Treasure, 2012; chapters 15, 17, and 18 in this volume). Indeed, the extant literature is rife with differing perspectives on the nature of motivation and motivational processes. In the past two decades, a burgeoning line of contemporary inquiry across physical activity domains has been grounded within self-determination theory (SDT; Ryan & Deci, 2017) as well as its associated extensions—the hierarchical model of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation (HMIEM; Vallerand, 1997) and the dualistic model of passion (DMP; Vallerand, 2015; Vallerand & Houlfort, 2003). This increase in research attention seems to be commensurate with a movement toward more encompassing motivation theories. Whereas some approaches (e.g., achievement goal theory, self-efficacy theory) focus on competence, SDT is distinctive insomuch as it offers complementary motivational resources (e.g., autonomy and relatedness) that must also be met to promote high-quality forms of motivation and wellness. In this chapter, the central motivational phenomena proposed within SDT are explained. Following an introduction to the main assumptions of the theory, we review the central tenets of six interrelated mini-theories that collectively form

the building blocks of the overall SDT framework (see Ryan & Deci, 2017, for a detailed overview and review). Herein, we will review, synthesize, and consolidate the extant empirical literature related to each mini-theory. The purpose is not to provide an exhaustive review of an increasingly expanding literature, yet instead to present a summary of the material using selected and pertinent works. Next, we turn our attention to a number of extensions that are engrained within the SDT tradition, each having important implications for understanding motivation—namely, the HMIEM and DMP. The reader is then provided with insight into how SDT principles may be applied in and across physical activity domains. Lastly, we draw from our review of motivational phenomena coupled with the assimilation of extant empirical literature to identify gaps in the knowledge base and key areas for future work.

Self-Determination Theory SDT is a meta-theory of human motivation, emotion, and personality that is concerned with the quality of motivation, as well as the conditions that support, as opposed to thwart, optimal engagement, wellness, development, and growth (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Ryan & Deci, 2008, 2017). Based on the theorizing of Edward Deci and Richard Ryan, SDT has evolved to form a sophisticated “organismic dialectical” framework of motivation. The organismic proposition is that humans are proactive, self-motivated organisms who actively seek optimal challenges and new experiences to master and integrate so that they can shape and optimize their life conditions (Ryan & Deci, 2002, 2017; Vansteenkiste & Ryan, 2013). Within SDT, it is specified that people coherently refine their interests, values, and preferences (intrapersonal level) and strive to integrate into the social milieu, partly through the internalization process (interpersonal level) (Vansteenkiste & Ryan, 2013). Insomuch as SDT considers people proactive toward the development of an integrated sense of self, fully aligned with the environment, it also recognizes that people are vulnerable to passive, fragmented, and nonoptimal functioning (Deci & Ryan, 1985b). Hence, although SDT assumes innate tendencies of growth and assimilation, this process hinges on the provision of necessary nutriments and social supports that either support or thwart such integration (i.e., the dialectic component). Recognizing that human activity occurs in actual and perceived social contexts, it is the dialectic between the active self and a person’s

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perceived interpersonal social contexts that supports or thwarts their active engagement, personal growth, wellness, and development (Deci & Ryan, 1991). Within SDT, three basic psychological needs are purported to be essential nutriments for this growth and development. These include the need for autonomy (i.e., the need to experience activities as self-endorsed and purposefully enacted), the need for competence (i.e., the need to interact effectively within the environment), and the need for relatedness (i.e., the need to feel close, connected, and cared for by important others) (Ryan & Deci, 2017). It is specified within SDT that when these basic psychological needs are satisfied, people thrive and experience physical and mental wellness, proactivity, and positive development. In contrast, if these basic psychological needs are frustrated, people will experience physical and mental ill-being, enervation, and impoverished development (Deci & Ryan, 2012). Because of the innate origins of the psychological needs, they are viewed as having functional influence irrespective of delineating factors such as culture, gender, developmental stage, and contexts (Deci & Vansteenkiste, 2004; Ryan & Deci, 2017). The SDT framework has developed over the past five decades by a comprehensive and systematic program of inductive research. Within the broader SDT framework, specific motivational

phenomena have been empirically tested by six interrelated mini-theories, namely: cognitive evaluation theory  (CET), organismic integration theory (OIT), causality orientations theory (COT), basic psychological needs theory  (BPNT), goal contents theory  (GCT),  and  relationships motivation theory  (RMT). Figure 16.1 shows a brief descriptor of each mini-theory (see Ryan & Deci, 2017, for a detailed discussion). Although each of these mini-theories was developed to address specific motivational phenomena, they are coherently linked, integrable, and organized within the broader SDT framework by • the organismic and dialectical meta-theory propositions and • the unifying concept of basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Our attention now turns to each of these mini-theories.

Cognitive Evaluation Theory Cognitive evaluation theory (CET) was the first SDT mini-theory and is concerned with the study of intrinsic motivation (Deci, 1975). Intrinsic

The six mini-theories of self-determination theory

Cognitive evaluation theory

Organismic integration theory

Addresses the role that the social contextual supports for autonomy and competence play in the formation of intrinsic motivation

Is concerned with the different qualities of extrinsically motivated behaviors and how the social context supports or thwarts internalization along the continuum of autonomy

Causality orientations theory

Basic psychological needs theory

Goal contents theory

Highlights the individual differences in people’s tendencies to orient themselves toward environments and regulate behavior in three particular ways (i.e., autonomy, impersonal, and amotivated orientations)

Elaborates on the existence of the three innate and universal basic psychological needs that require fulfillment to achieve optimal functional and psychological health and wellness

Distinguishes between intrinsic and extrinsic goals to explain their role in satisfying and frustrating basic needs and the subsequent consequences for psychological health and well-being

Figure 16.1  Overview of the six mini-theories within the broader SDT meta-theory. E6768/Horn/F16.01/581653/mh-R3

Relationships motivation theory

Concerned with relatedness as the third innate need, yet emphasizing the important role for supports for autonomy and competence for close personal relationships to flourish and support health and wellness

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­ otivation reflects the prototype of human growth m tendencies within SDT, describing when a person is fully self-regulated and volitionally engages in activities out of interest and enjoyment without the aid of external rewards or contingencies (Deci & Ryan, 2012). Recognizing the importance of understanding the necessary supports for people to draw inherent satisfaction from activities, CET was developed to provide an organizing structure and theoretical lens to consider the effects of differing aspects of the social context (e.g., rewards, competition, feedback, choice, and evaluations). In short, it is posited within CET that any event satisfying a person’s basic needs for competence and autonomy will enhance his or her intrinsic motivation. Likewise, conditions that are not conducive toward the promotion of competence, or are deemed as controlling, impede or meaningfully undermine a person’s intrinsic motivation. In the overarching SDT framework, CET is crucial because it outlines the events that impede versus enhance athletes’ or exercisers’ intrinsic motivation (and hence their healthy and long-term adherence to the activity). Impediments to intrinsic motivation common to the sports and exercise domain include competition when there is pressure to win or a controlling context (Deci, Betley, Kahle, Abrams, & Porac, 1981; Standage, Duda, & Pensgaard, 2005; Standage & Ryan, 2012), contingent rewards (Orlick & Mosher, 1978), rules and limits (Koestner, Ryan, Bernieri, & Holt, 1984), athletic scholarships (Ryan, 1980), negative feedback (Thill & Mouanda, 1990; Vallerand & Reid, 1984), and evaluation (Ryan, 1982), whereas supports for intrinsic motivation in sport and exercise settings include choice (Katz & Assor, 2007), encouragement (Reeve & Jang, 2006), optimal challenge (Shapira, 1976), task involvement (Standage et al., 2005), and positive feedback (Ryan, 1982; Mouratidis, Vansteenkiste, Lens, & Sederidis, 2008; Standage et al., 2005). Just as important as these external stimuli, though, is the overall interpersonal style in which they are provided by socializers (e.g., coaches, exercise instructors, and physical education teachers). Here, autonomy supportive (i.e., “You might like to”) and controlling (i.e., “You must”) interpersonal styles moderate the effects of external stimuli on intrinsic motivation. For example, when rewards, limits, and rules are perceived to be communicated in an autonomy-supportive manner, intrinsic motivation is reinforced, whereas when they are communicated in a controlling manner, intrinsic motivation is undermined (e.g., Koestner et al., 1984; Reeve & Deci, 1996; Ryan, 1982).

The provision of rewards provides an excellent example of how the theoretical tenets within CET can help us understand how and why aspects of our social environment support or frustrate our intrinsic motivation. To this end, stimuli that occur outside people’s volition (e.g., cups, medals, and scholarships) have three functional elements (cf. Ryan & Deci, 2017). First is a controlling element that provides pressure on athletes or exercisers toward specific outcomes or goals. Such controlling stimuli undermine intrinsic motivation because they socially implant reasons for participation, whereas noncontrolling stimuli support autonomy and hence foster intrinsic motivation. Second is an informational element of external stimuli that encapsulates the communication of competence relevant feedback (sometimes referred to as “structure”). Informational stimuli are perceived as those that relay feedback regarding improvement, development, and enhanced functioning. Informational events serve to support intrinsic motivation because they provide a framework for the development of competence. Third, within CET, events that are experienced as undermining of autonomy or competence can be undermining of any form of motivation and promoting of amotivation (Ryan & Deci, 2017). In support of CET, a meta-analysis of over 100 studies conducted by Deci, Koestner, and Ryan (1999) showed that engagement-contingent, completion-contingent, and performance-contingent rewards, as well as all rewards, all tangible rewards, and all expected rewards, undermine intrinsic motivation. Results also showed that positive feedback enhances intrinsic motivation. Although lab-based studies show support for CET, within sport, exercise, and physical activity settings, few recent experimental or field studies in real-world settings have tested the major tenets of CET (Standage & Ryan, 2012). Rather, contemporary support for CET has been gleaned from numerous cross-sectional studies that have documented the positive effects of informational feedback and choice to athletes’ and exercisers intrinsic motivation (e.g., Carpentier & Mageau, 2013; Hollembeak & Amorose, 2005; Mouratidis, Lens, & Vansteenkiste, 2010). Notable exceptions to these cross-sectional studies are early field and lab experiments that tested the effects of external rewards and feedback on competence and intrinsic motivation in sport and exercise settings (e.g., Thill & Mouanda, 1990; Vallerand & Reid, 1984; Whitehead & Corbin, 1991). In one such laboratory study, Vallerand and Reid (1984) found that college students’ intrinsic motivation for a balance task was

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enhanced by the provision of positive feedback. Similarly, Whitehead and Corbin (1991) found that children’s competence and intrinsic motivation for physical activity was enhanced by positive feedback and eroded by negative feedback, following fitness testing. These early studies notwithstanding, more work is sorely needed in sport and exercise to test the tenets within CET in both experimental and ecologically valid settings.

Organismic Integration Theory Sport is a context in which people can exhibit high levels of intrinsic motivation and is unique in this respect when compared with other domains (i.e., education, work, health care; Vallerand, 2004). Indeed, humans are active creatures by nature and freely put forth enormous effort and energy into their chosen leisure activities (Ryan & Deci, 2017). Undoubtedly, sport can, and does, provide people with a vast amount of interest and enjoyment. Exercise, too, can provide a source of interest and enjoyment for many. Yet Ryan and Deci provide a nice analogy to distinguish between intrinsic and extrinsic reasons underpinning engagement in various physical activity domains by pointing out that people often say they “play” sport but describe exercise sessions using the word “workout.” The latter may indicate that exercise sessions are not always the most enjoyable part of a person’s day but are often partaken in for instrumental reasons. That is, people regularly engage in exercise (and to a lesser extent sport) as a means to an outcome separate from that of the task itself (e.g., engaging in circuit training for enhanced fitness, partaking in gym sessions to improve appearance, and so on). Organismic integration theory (OIT) is the mini-theory within SDT that describes the different forms of motivational impetus underpinning engagement in these activities (Ryan & Connell, 1989). Within OIT, a concept called internalization outlines the conditions under which people do, do not, or only partially assimilate extrinsic motives into the self-concept (Reeve, 2012). The theory posits that people are inclined to internalize aspects of the social context in such a way as to integrate extrinsic motivational processes so that they align with their ambient goals and values (e.g., accepting the personal relevance of training drills to being a good athlete). In other words, people proactively seek to endorse, as personally important, established norms, limits, rules, and behaviors in their sporting environments. To the extent that internalization is full (i.e., the self fully accepts experiences

in the social context), psychological adjustment and adaptive engagement are yielded. But to the extent that internalization does not occur or is incomplete, psychological maladjustment and disaffection are likely. In short, although a unidimensional view of intrinsic motivation is conceptualized within CET, a multidimensional perspective of extrinsic motivation is posited within OIT. Four distinct types of extrinsic motivation are described within OIT, ranging from least to most autonomous: • External regulation (i.e., when behaviors are controlled by external contingencies such as tangible rewards and the avoidance of punishments) • Introjected regulation (i.e., when behavior is underpinned and directed by intrapersonal sanctions such as shame, guilt, ego enhancements, and pride) • Identified regulation (i.e., when behaviors are autonomously engaged within as the person identifies with the value, purpose, and benefit derived from taking part) • Integrated regulation  (i.e., when behavior reflects a person’s identity and aligns with her or his other values and goals) These four extrinsic forms of motivation are anchored between amotivation (i.e., a state of lacking intention to act or passive engagement that can arise because of lack of competence, a belief that the activity is not important, or a lack of contingency between the behavior and desired outcome) and intrinsic motivation on a continuum of autonomy (Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2017). Table 16.1 provides a schematic overview of this motivation taxonomy, including regulatory processes, defining features, and the degree to which the motivation is autonomous versus controlled. The primary distinction for comparing motivation types within SDT has shifted to one of autonomous versus controlled motivation (Deci & Ryan, 2008). In this approach, identified regulation, integrated regulations, and intrinsic motivation are forms of autonomous motivation, whereas controlled motivation is formed of introjected regulation and external regulation. Reflecting each subset of motivation types, autonomously motivated people endorse their own actions and act with a full sense of volition because they find the activity to hold inherent interest or personal value (Ryan & Deci, 2006). In contrast, controlled motivation is characterized by a person’s behavior

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Table 16.1  Schematic Overview of the Self-Determination Continuum Outlining the Types of Motivation Advanced Within SDT and Related Processes Motivation type

Amotivation

Extrinsic motivation

Type of regulation

Non-regulation

External

Intrinsic ­motivation

Introjection

Identified

Integrated

Intrinsic

Internalization

No

No

Partial

Almost full

Full

Not required

Defining characteristics

Lack of • competence • contingency • intention • activity value

Presence of external • constraints • rewards • compliance • punishments

Focus on approval (i.e., self or others) • ego involvement • internal rewards and punishment

• Activity valued • Personally important • Consciously pursued

• Synthesis of identified regulations to self • Awareness • Congruence

Action is based on interest and inherent satisfaction

Location on the autonomy ­continuum Perceived locus of causality

Impersonal

Controlled motivation External

Somewhat external

Autonomous motivation Somewhat internal

Internal

Internal

Adapted by permission from M. Standage and R.M. Ryan, Self-Determination Theory and Exercise Motivation: Facilitating Self-Regulatory Processes to Support and Maintain Health and Well-Being. In Advances in Motivation in Sport and Exercise, 3rd ed., edited by G.C. Roberts and D.C. Treasure (Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics, 2012), 242. Based on Ryan and Deci (2000).

being governed by external or internal pressures such as being coerced, persuaded, or seduced (Deci & Ryan, 2012). A major contribution of OIT is that it provides a coherent structure through which to conceptualize, define, and examine motivation from a quality perspective. A central notion within SDT, whether studied as individual regulations or as composites (i.e., autonomous vs. controlled motivation), is that manifold benefits result from acting through more autonomous (or high-quality) types of motivation. A large body of empirical research has supported such theoretical reasoning. Indeed, behavioral regulations have been examined as a predictor of a wide range of outcomes within sport, exercise, and physical activity settings (see Ntoumanis, 2012; Standage, 2012; Standage & Ryan, 2012; Teixeira, Carraça, Markland, Silva, & Ryan, 2012). Here, we review a selection of these associations. Autonomous types of exercise motivation (as opposed to controlled motivation) have been shown to have positive predictive value for objectively assessed estimates of exercise behavior (Standage, Sebire, & Loney, 2008), exercise adherence (Russell & Bray, 2010), and the maintenance of weight loss following an exercise intervention (Silva et al., 2011). Likewise, autonomous forms of motivation have been shown to be positively associated with behavior-related variables such as intentions (Hagger, Chatzisarantis, & Harris, 2006), self-reported exercise behavior (Gillison, Standage, &

Skevington, 2006), and self-rated exercise effort (Wilson et al., 2004). In sport, arguably the most important behavior-related outcome is performance (Standage, 2012). Here, autonomous forms of motivation have been found to positively predict objective performance data as well as coach ratings of performance (e.g., Gillet, Berjot, & Gobancé, 2009; Gillet, Vallerand, Amoura, & Baldes, 2010). Similarly, autonomous motivation has also been shown to have positive predictive value for swimmers’ behavioral persistence in the sport at 10 and 22 months (Pelletier, Fortier, Vallerand, & Briere, 2001). Complementing the associations with behavior or proximal indices of behavior, an abundant body of literature shows that autonomous motivation is positively related to a number of adaptive indices of wellness, functioning, and enriched experience across physical activity contexts (cf. Ntoumanis, 2012; Standage & Ryan, 2012). These correlates include psychological well-being and vitality (Gagné, Ryan, & Bargmann, 2003), adaptive coping (Gaudreau & Antl, 2008), perceptions of physical self-worth (Sebire, Standage, & Vansteenkiste, 2009), self-esteem (Standage & Gillison, 2007), flow (Kowal & Fortier, 1999), health-related quality of life (Standage, Gillison, Ntoumanis, & Treasure, 2012), and exercise-related barrier self-efficacy (Thogersen-Ntoumani & Ntoumanis, 2006). Research has also shown autonomous motivation to be negatively linked with cognitive anxiety (Sebire et al., 2009), burnout (Cresswell & Eklund, 2005), social phy-

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sique anxiety (Brunet & Sabiston, 2009), feelings of unhappiness (Standage, Duda, & Ntoumanis, 2005), and boredom (Ntoumanis, 2001). Alongside the documentation of the manifold benefits of autonomous motivation, studies also show that controlled motivation exhibits positive associations with impoverished adjustment (see Standage & Ryan, 2012, for a review). Indeed, partial or non-internalized forms of motivation (viz., controlled composite or introjected and external regulations) are correlated with higher negative affect (Mouratidis et al., 2008), anxiety (Thorgersen-Ntoumani & Ntoumanis, 2006), burnout (Jowett, Hill, Hall, & Curran, 2013), and nonoptimal coping (Amiot, Gaudreau, & Blanchard, 2004; Gaudreau & Antl, 2008), as well as lower dispositional flow (Lonsdale, Hodge, & Rose, 2008), health-related quality of life (Standage et al., 2012), and self-esteem (Thorgersen-Ntoumani & Ntoumanis, 2006). But one finding that sometimes runs counter to this consensus, and is particularly noteworthy in physical contexts, is the positive link between introjected regulation and short-term behavioral engagement (Gillison, Standage, & Skevington, 2011; Pelletier et al., 2001). Notwithstanding that people are vigorously moved into action by self-worth strivings and the approval of others, remember that introjects • are poor predictors of commitment and longterm engagement (Pelletier et al., 2001) and • are linked with maladjustment and poor-quality experiential outcomes (e.g., higher anxiety, guilt, and contingent self-worth) (cf. Standage & Ryan, 2012). In short, then, well-integrated motivation appears to be influential in optimal functioning, whereas partial or non-internalized motivation appears to be antagonistic to psychological and physical health for athletes and exercisers.

Causality Orientations Theory Whereas the two mini-theories reviewed thus far draw heavily on social contextual processes, causality orientations theory (COT) primarily focuses on trait processes (i.e., individual differences). Within COT, it is specified that all people have, to some extent, differing levels of • autonomy orientation (i.e., a disposition to orient toward intrinsic motivation and well-integrated extrinsic motivation and to interpret the environment as supportive of their autonomy);

• controlled orientation (i.e., an orientation toward being motivated by internal or external controls, constraints, and directives and interpreting their environments as being pressurizing and coercive); and • impersonal orientation (i.e., a tendency for people to consider themselves as incompetent, to act without intentionality, and to interpret environments as providing obstacles to attaining desired outcomes) (cf. Deci & Ryan, 1985a; Ryan & Deci, 2017). Causality orientations are considered developmental outcomes stemming from repeated interactions between the active, developing person and her or his social context. As Ryan and Deci (2017) point out, the extent to which people are substantially and persistently exposed to autonomy-supportive, controlling, or amotivating environments, the more likely they are, over time, to develop autonomy orientations, controlled orientations, and impersonal orientations, respectively. These orientations are operationalized as trait processes, as opposed to being context or situation specific, and concern a person’s consistent and stable pattern of thinking pertaining to seeking out, selecting, and interpreting the initiation and regulation of their behavior across all domains (Deci & Ryan, 1985a). Causality orientations make an important contribution to SDT because they describe how trait motivational processes can, in a top-down fashion, influence contextual and situational motivational processes (Vallerand, 1997, 2001). For example, the mindful and self-aware traits of autonomously oriented athletes might protect them from movement toward more controlled forms of motivation at the contextual level and against frustrations to the psychological needs at the situational level. In contrast, the defensive and self-conscious traits of athletes with controlled orientation might inhibit their propensity to perceive their motivation as autonomous at the contextual level and their needs as satisfied at the situational level. In incorporating the individual difference perspective to the other mini-theories, then, COT reflects an application of SDT to the psychology of personality. Research has supported the tenets within COT. Specifically, an autonomous orientation has been found to correlate with higher autonomous motivation (Williams, Grow, Freedman, Ryan, & Deci, 1996), task persistence (Koestner, Bernieri, & Zuckerman, 1992), confidence (Koestner & Zuckerman, 1994), interpersonal attachment (Bridges, Frodi, Grolnick, & Spiegel, 1983), openness to experience (Olesen, 2011), and conscientiousness (Koestner et

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al., 1992). Conversely, controlled and impersonal orientations have been shown to correlate with higher defensive functioning (Knee, Neighbours, & Vietor, 2001) and controlling socialization (Bridges et al., 1983; Reeve, 1998), as well as lower commitment (Wong, 2000), openness to experience, and agreeableness (Olesen, 2011). Autonomous and controlled orientations have also been found to moderate the effect of rewards on situational intrinsic motivation, attesting to the notion that an autonomous orientation protects people from threats to in-the-moment intrinsic motivation, whereas controlled orientations do not provide such resiliency (Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2011). To date, however, few studies have examined the application of causality orientations theory within sport, exercise, and physical activity settings. This dearth of research is most likely due to the conceptualization of causality orientations as personality traits rather than context specific. A couple of exceptions are noteworthy. In work designed to examine the strength of causality orientations when assessed within exercise settings, Rose and colleagues (Rose, Markland, & Parfitt, 2001; Rose, Parfitt, & Williams, 2005) found that autonomous exercise orientations were associated with more integrated forms of motivation in adult exercisers, whereas controlled exercise orientations were associated with higher external regulation and self-consciousness. Other studies have sought to prime automatic and unconscious motivational orientations for physical activity tasks and observed similar results (e.g., Banting, Dimmock, & Grove, 2011; Brown, Teseo, & Bray, 2016; Radel, Sarrazin, & Pelletier, 2009). Here, the subliminal priming of autonomous orientation led adults to perform better, invest more effort, increase competence perceptions, persist longer, and enjoy physically active tasks. Drawing from past lab-based work (e.g., Friedman, Deci, Elliot, Moller, & Aarts, 2010), it would be interesting to test whether it is possible to (i) prime the automatic and unconscious motivational orientations within COT by watching the autonomous engagement or behaviors of others and (ii) prime autonomous engagement with technology (e.g., short clips showing examples of targets autonomously engaged in exercise activities) (Standage & Ryan, 2012). These topics should be priorities of future study within COT for sport and exercise researchers.

Basic Psychological Needs Theory As with the overarching tenets within SDT, basic psychological needs theory (BPNT) has its roots

in organismic psychology. Within BPNT, needs are defined as organismic necessities of healthy functioning. Specifically, the three psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness represent the subset of necessities that are essential for the physical, psychological, and social health of the organism (Deci & Ryan, 2012). Three important contributions are made to SDT by BPNT. First, BNPT describes the specific antecedents of behavioral integration and optimal functioning (Reeve, 2012). Here, the basic psychological needs are a unifying principle that links social-contextual factors, facilitative or inhibitive of psychological need satisfaction, to the cognitive, affective, and behavioral experiences that these needs catalyze (Vansteenkiste, Niemiec, & Soenens, 2010). Second, the basic psychological needs describe why some people exhibit positive experiences in sport, exercise, and physical activity, whereas others display negative experiences. Psychological need satisfaction cultivates psychological and behavioral wellness, whereas psychological need frustration leads to psychological and behavioral ill-being (Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2017). Third, the psychological needs allow for hypotheses to be made regarding which specific aspects of the sport and exercise environment will be supportive versus inhibitive of optimal functioning (i.e., those conditions that support or thwart basic psychological needs) (Standage & Ryan, 2012). In line with BPNT, psychological need satisfaction has been observed to have positive predictive value for numerous adaptive outcomes in sport, exercise, and physical activity settings. These outcomes include autonomous motivation (McDonough & Crocker, 2007), positive affect (Mack et al., 2011), vitality (Adie, Duda, & Ntoumanis, 2008; Reinboth, Duda, & Ntoumanis, 2004), physical self-worth (Sebire et al., 2009), enjoyment (Álvarez, Balaguer, Castillo, & Duda, 2009), and persistence and effort (e.g., Curran, Hill, Ntoumanis, Hall, & Jowett, 2016; Sarrazin, Vallerand, Guillet, Pelletier, & Cury, 2002; Ntoumanis, 2005; Smith, Ntoumanis, Duda, & Vansteenkiste, 2011). Likewise, psychological need satisfaction has also been shown to be negatively associated with athlete burnout, disaffection, and negative affect (e.g., Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, Ryan, Bosch, & Thogersen-Ntoumani, 2011; Curran, Hill, Hall, & Jowett, 2014; Lonsdale et al., 2008). In contrast to psychological need satisfaction but in line with BPNT, psychological need frustration is a predictor of maladjustment in sport and exercise with positive correlates that include exhaustion, disordered eating, depression, negative affect,

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burnout, and perturbed physiological arousal (e.g., Bartholomew et al., 2011; Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, & Thogersen-Ntoumani, 2010; Curran et al., 2014). In considering the essential role that the psychological needs hold for supporting healthy development, optimal functioning, and wellness, understanding the optimal supports is essential. Within BPNT, numerous sport and exercise studies have provided evidence of the salugenetic role of autonomy, competence, and relatedness supports. In particular, supports for autonomy (e.g., provision of choice, rationales, and empathy) have been found to be positively correlated with a number of adaptive outcomes in physical activity settings, including positive affect (Bartholomew et al., 2011), vitality (e.g., Adie et al., 2008; Reinboth et al., 2004; Rouse, Ntoumanis, Duda, Jolly, & Williams, 2011), enjoyment (Alvarez et al., 2009), satisfaction (Smith et al., 2007), exercise intentions (Chatzisarantis, Hagger, & Smith, 2007; Standage et al., 2003; Vierling, Standage, & Treasure, 2007), and persistence (e.g., Curran, Hill, & Niemiec, 2013; Pelletier et al., 2001; Vansteenkiste, Simons, Lens, Sheldon, & Deci, 2004). Autonomy-supportive interventions have also been successful in enhancing athletes’ self-esteem (Coatsworth & Conroy, 2009), adults’ autonomous exercise motivation, positive affect toward exercise and exercise attendance (Edmunds, Ntoumanis, & Duda, 2008), and the frequency of leisure-time physical activities and stronger intentions of schoolchildren (Chatzisarantis & Hagger, 2009). In a similar way, supports for athletes’ competence (e.g., positive feedback, structure) have been found to have positive predictive value for positive affect, vitality, and performance (e.g., Curran et al., 2013; Mouratidis et al., 2008; Mouratidis, Lens, & Vansteenkiste, 2010). And although research examining relatedness supports (e.g., warmth, care and interest) is comparatively sparse in sport and exercise, a handful of studies have documented their positive effects for physical education students (e.g., Cox, Duncheon, & McDavid, 2009; Cox & Williams, 2008; Taylor & Ntoumanis, 2007). The relevance of the basic psychological needs, and their supports to optimal functioning in sport, exercise, and physical activity is therefore readily apparent. We return to this issue in our discussion of practical applications.

Goal Contents Theory Goal contents theory (GCT) describes what people endeavor to attain in sport or exercise (see Deci & Ryan, 2000, for a discussion of the “what” and “why” of motivation). In other words, GCT is con-

cerned with the content of the goals that people pursue. Whereas OIT and CET describe the psychological processes that give rise to behavior (i.e., “Why am I doing this?”), GCT describes the psychological processes that give meaning to behavior (i.e., “What am I doing this for?”). Thus, GCT provides an account of what athletes or exercisers are striving for and how intrinsic and extrinsic aspirational outlooks differentially affect their motivation and psychological wellness. Aligned with the SDT tradition, GCT differentiates between intrinsic (e.g., growth, affiliation, community contribution, and maintenance of physical health) and extrinsic (e.g., financial success, social recognition, and image or attractiveness) goals (Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996). Within GCT, intrinsic goals are theorized to be positively associated with greater well-being, whereas extrinsic goals are posited to be associated with lower wellness and greater ill-being. The differential association between intrinsic and extrinsic goals rests with the extent that they are supportive of basic psychological need satisfaction. That is, pursuing these various goals has divergent effects on motivation and psychological well-being. For instance, participation in pursuit of intrinsic goals, such as personal development, affords opportunities for basic psychological need satisfaction and greater psychological wellness. By contrast, extrinsic goals, such as the pursuit of fame or enhanced status, frustrate the psychological needs and confer diminished psychological wellness. An expanding body of empirical evidence supports the notion that intrinsic (relative to extrinsic) life goals are positively linked with well-being and adjustment (see Ryan & Deci, 2017). Of central importance to GCT is the notion that participation underpinned by extrinsic goals inhibits development and psychological wellness even when they are attained (Niemiec, Ryan, & Deci, 2009; Vansteenkiste, Timmermans, Lens, Soenens, & Van den Broeck, 2008). Thus, in contrast to traditional approaches to goal setting in sport (e.g., Locke & Latham, 2005), psychological wellness within GCT is determined not so much by the attainment of goals per se, but by their aspirational outlook (i.e., intrinsic or extrinsic; Reeve, 2012). In short, within GCT, it is the intrinsic and extrinsic goal contents, regardless of their attainment, that divergently predicts well- and ill-being. Originally conceptualized at the global level (or toward life in general; Kasser & Ryan, 1993), numerous studies across various domains (e.g., health care, education, and work) attest to the

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­ ositive contribution that intrinsic and extrinsic p goals make to psychological and social well- and ill-being, respectively (see Ryan & Deci, 2017). In sport and exercise, the adaptive and maladaptive nature of intrinsic and extrinsic goals is also evident. In exercise settings, intrinsic goals, relative to extrinsic goals, have been shown to contribute to enhanced physical self-worth, vitality, psychological well-being, autonomous motivation, and daily moderate to vigorous physical activity (through autonomous motivation) (Gunnell, Crocker, Mack, Wilson, & Zumbo, 2014; Lindwall, Weman-Josefsson, Sebire, & Standage, 2016; Sebire, Standage, & Vansteenkiste, 2009, 2011). Although limited by the lack of a systematically developed GCT-informed sport assessment of goals (Standage, 2012), athletes’ intrinsic goals have been correlated with higher positive affect, satisfaction, enjoyment, vitality, and effort, as well as lower negative affect and exhaustion (e.g., Chatzisarantis & Hagger, 2007; Smith et al., 2007, 2011). In contrast, extrinsic goals have been associated with higher negative affect, exhaustion, and disengagement (Smith et al., 2007, 2011). Together, these findings substantiate GCT by supporting the notion that intrinsic and extrinsic goals confer positive and negative behavioral and psychological outcomes in athletes and exercisers.

Relationships Motivation Theory The most recent mini-theory added to SDT is relationships motivation theory (RMT) (Deci & Ryan, 2014; Ryan & Deci, 2017). As Standage and Emm (2014) describe, RMT provides a much-needed systematic and coherent theoretical perspective to integrate relational aspects with broader contemporary motivation phenomena (e.g., issues pertaining to competence, autonomy, differing motivation types, diverging goals or aspirations, and varying social contexts; see Standage & Emm, 2014). Indeed, within RMT, a motivational account of the dynamics underpinning high-quality relationships is provided. From an RMT perspective, the innate desire of people to satisfy their need for relatedness will activate the pursuit of relationships and predict wellness and relational experiences. Yet, by themselves, such feelings of relatedness are not sufficient to ensure high-quality relational bonds, relational adjustment, and wellness (Deci & Ryan, 2014). Importantly, and in line with BPNT, RMT specifies that relationships will be of the highest quality when the needs for autonomy and competence are also supported. Moreover, and even within warm relationships, Deci and Ryan (2014) argue that

high-quality relationships will be those in which both partners experience and provide supports for autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Similarly, the frustration of these basic needs by interpersonal elements (or need-thwarting contexts or factors) such as conditional regard, cold interactions, control, and objectification impede need satisfaction and lead to poor-quality relationships (see Deci & Ryan, 2014; Ryan & Deci, 2017). To date, research pertaining to RMT has focused on close and romantic relationships. This body of empirical work has shown relationship quality as well as functional and wellness outcomes to be supported by (i) the satisfaction of the three basic needs (e.g., La Guardia, Ryan, Couchman, & Deci, 2000; Patrick, Knee, Canavello, & Lonsbury, 2007), (ii) autonomous motivation to engage in relationships (e.g., Blais, Boucher, Sabourin, & Vallerand, 1990), and (iii) the provision of contextual supports for autonomy (rather than controlling elements; Niemiec & Deci, 2013) and mutuality in which each partner provides as well as receives high levels of autonomy support (e.g., Deci, La Guardia, Moller, Scheiner, & Ryan, 2006). Sport, exercise, and physical activity settings offer numerous and complex reciprocal and nonreciprocal relationships that differ in terms of the authority, degree of mutuality, and structure, as well as the developmental stage of people within and across physical activity settings (e.g., relationships among peers, managers or coaches and athletes, parents and children, exercise instructors and clients, PE teachers and students; see Standage & Emm, 2014, for a review). Indeed, and spanning the lifecycle from active play to community or volunteering initiatives with older adults, such settings offer an ecological platform from which to address some intriguing and potentially influential empirical contributions based on the tenets of RMT (Standage & Emm, 2014). As research into the SDT framework further expands, we urge scholars to engage with RMT as a means of better understanding relational dynamics in sport (e.g., coach–athlete), exercise (e.g., peer–peer), and physical activity (e.g., teacher–student).

SDT-Related Extensions Alongside SDT’s six mini-theories, a few extensions have emerged to explain related motivational phenomena. Each of these extensions draws its philosophical starting point from SDT’s organismic dialectic principles yet builds on the framework in important ways. Prominent extensions to SDT include the following:

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• The hierarchical model of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation (HMIEM; Vallerand, 1997), which describes how motivational processes interact within and between levels of generality • The dualistic model of passion (DMP; Vallerand et al., 2003), which describes motivated behavior for cherished activities • Balanced psychological need satisfaction theory (Sheldon & Niemiec, 2006), which offers an account of the effects of concurrent autonomy, competence, and relatedness satisfaction • The self-concordance model (Sheldon & Elliot, 1999), which proposes a temporal sequence from goal adoption, to endorsement, to attainment, and its effect on psychological need satisfaction and wellness Social factors Global level Global factors

Contextual level

Contextual factors

Situational level

Situational factors

Mediators

In this text, we focus on the extensions to SDT that have most application for, and have been most extensively studied within, sport, exercise, and physical activity settings. These extensions are the HMIEM and the DMP.

Hierarchical Model of Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivation An important extension to SDT is provided by Vallerand and colleagues’ hierarchical model of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation (HMIEM; Vallerand, 1997, 2001; Vallerand & Ratelle, 2002). The HMIEM emerged from the recognition that social factors, psychological needs, behavioral regulations, and outcomes are observable at different levels of generality, namely global, contextual, and situational (see figure 16.2). At the global level, motivation and Types of motivation

Global perceived self-determination

Consequences

Global affect Global motivation IM, EM, AM

Global perceived competence

Global cognition

Global perceived relatedness

Global behavior

Contextual perceived self-determination

Contextual affect

Contextual perceived competence

Contextual motivation Education IM, EM, AM

Interpersonal relations IM,EM,AM

Leisure IM,EM,AM

Contextual cognition

Contextual perceived relatedness

Contextual behavior

Situational perceived self-determination

Situational affect

Situational perceived competence Situational perceived relatedness

Situational motivation IM, EM, AM

Situational cognition Situational behavior

Figure 16.2  The hierarchical model of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. IM = intrinsic motivation; EM = extrinsic motivation; AM = amotivation. E6768/Horn/F16.02/581654/mh-R3 Reprinted by permission from R.J. Vallerand, A Hierarchical Model of Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivation in Sport and Exercise. In Advances in Motivation in Sport and Exercise, 2nd ed., edited by G.C. Roberts (Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics, 2001), 266.

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related processes are akin to an omnibus personality trait reflecting the way in which people generally interact with their environment, be that in an intrinsically, extrinsically, or amotivated fashion. The contextual level represents moderately stable motivational processes that are usually evidenced in specific life contexts (e.g., sport, exercise). Finally, the situational level reflects motivational processes as they are enacted at the immediate level of initiation (i.e., the “here, right now” of motivation). The central thesis of the HMIEM is that social factors, psychological needs, and behavioral regulations are dynamic and mutually reinforcing and can be passed upward (bottom-up effects) and downward (top-down effects) across levels of generality (e.g., contextual motivation influences situational motivation and vice versa), as well as from context to context (e.g., motivation for PE influences motivation for sport and vice versa) (see Vallerand, 2001). The HMIEM is an important extension to SDT for several reasons. First, it accounts for the realworld complexity of motivation, which fluctuates at the situational level (especially in social contexts such as sport and exercise) but remains (relatively) stable at the contextual or global levels. Second, the HMIEM explains the transmission of motivation as it passes between levels of generality; each level has the strongest influence on the one immediately below (the proximity principle; Vallerand & Lalande, 2011). And third, unlike the OIT and BPNT mini-theories within SDT that describe the horizontal processes of motivated action (i.e., those that operate within levels of generality), the HMIEM integrates both horizontal and vertical processes (i.e., those that operate both within and between levels of generality) in an overarching model. In short, the HMIEM provides an overview of how the motivational processes described within SDT organically emerge and influence outcomes across space (viz., level of generality) and time. Research in sport and exercise settings provides support for the HMIEM. In line with the top-down hypothesis, studies show that athletes and PE students who report high self-determined contextual motivation also report high levels of self-determined situational motivation (e.g., Blanchard, Mask, Vallerand, Sablonniere, & Provencher, 2007; Lonsdale, Sabiston, Taylor, & Ntoumanis, 2011). Likewise, supporting the bottom-up hypothesis, Blanchard and colleagues (2007) found support for reversed causality between motivation at the contextual level, and motivation at the situational level, in adult athletes over time. Support is also found in education for a reciprocal association between contextual and global motivation (Guay, Mageau, & Vallerand,

2003), but this interplay has yet to be tested in sport and exercise. As such, although support for the HMIEM model is beginning to accrue in sport and exercise settings, it will remain a framework only in theory until further research is conducted to support it empirically within these domains.

Dualistic Model of Passion Another extension to SDT is the dualistic model of passion (DMP; see Vallerand, 2015, for a detailed review). The DMP builds on SDT by describing the contextual motivational processes underpinning engagement in deeply cherished activities. Here, passion embodies a strong inclination toward a sport or exercise that a person loves, finds self-­ defining, and invests substantial time and energy in (Vallerand, 2015). The distinguishing conceptual feature of the DMP is that it proposes two types of passion; the difference between them hinges on how the activity is internalized into the person’s self-concept. In line with OIT, the type of passion that a person adopts depends on how personal and environmental factors permit a full versus partial integration of behavior. Harmonious passion is the first type of passion. It emerges from full behavioral integration through autonomous internalization processes (e.g., autonomy support), in which the cherished activity is socialized to align with a person’s ambient values and goals (“This passionate activity reflects the qualities I like about myself”; Vallerand et al., 2003). This alignment between person and activity, as we have seen with identified regulation and intrinsic motivation, results in a pattern of behavior encapsulated by willful engagement and volition. The second type of passion is obsessive passion. It emerges from partial behavioral integration, through controlled internalization processes (e.g., conditional regard), in which the cherished activity is socialized in conflict with the person’s ambient values and goals such that it interferes with other important priorities (“I often have difficulties controlling the urge to engage in my passionate activity”; Vallerand et al., 2003). This conflict between person and activity, as we have seen with introjected regulation, manifests a pattern of behavior encapsulated by compulsive and rigid engagement to service internal contingencies. The DMP has a number of unique contributions to make to SDT. Notably, it extends SDT’s conceptualization of intrinsic motivation by describing how loved and valued activities can be internalized into the self-concept and regulated broadly. As we have described, intrinsic motivation refers to an implicit

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and spontaneous force emerging from the interaction between person and activity at the short-term level, yet passion extends this theorizing by referring to activities that are volitionally endorsed in the person’s self-concept (i.e., passions become part of who the person is). The DMP also extends SDT’s conceptualization of extrinsic motivation by describing how external sources of regulation can encapsulate a deep love of the activity. Like extrinsic motivation, the passions refer to contextual forms of regulation that have been internalized (to a more or lesser degree). Yet crucially, the passions entail a residual love of the activity, which is not implicit to the definition of even well-integrated forms of extrinsic motivation (see Vallerand, 2015). To these extensions, several studies support the unique contribution of passion on affective and behavioral outcomes (e.g., Bélanger, Lafreniere, Vallerand, & Kruglanski, 2013; Houlfort, Philippe, Vallerand, & Ménard, 2013; Vallerand et al., 2003, Study 2). That is, within these studies the effects of passion have been shown not to change in the presence of motivation regulation within the statistical analyses. According to the DMP, harmonious and obsessive passion should show markedly different associations with cognitive, affective, and motivational outcomes in sport and exercise (Vallerand, 2012). This occurs because harmonious passion derives

from an autonomous internalization that confers a flexible task engagement replete with enjoyment and satisfaction, whereas obsessive passion emerges from a controlled internalization that fosters dependency and ego involvement. Research supports these ideas (see Curran, Hill, Appleton, Vallerand, & Standage, 2015, for a review). Harmonious passion for sport and exercise has been associated with enhanced moral functioning, positive affect, flow, subjective well-being, psychological need satisfaction, autonomous motivation, and approach tendencies, as well as reduced negative affect and life conflict (Curran, Appleton, Hill, & Hall, 2011, 2013; Vallerand et al., 2003, 2006, 2007, 2008). Obsessive passion for sport or exercise, on the other hand, has been associated with enhanced negative affect, rumination, rigid task engagement, injury and avoidant tendencies, as well as diminished moral functioning and positive affect (Bureau et al., 2013; Rip, Fortin, & Vallerand, 2006; Vallerand et al., 2003, 2008). In short, the quality of intrapersonal outcomes in sport and exercise lean on the type of passion at play; hence, the DMP represents an important extension to the overall SDT framework (see the sidebar Techniques to Develop Harmonious Passion and Avoid Obsessive Passion and the sidebar Practical Applications Related to SDT for practical applications of SDT-based theories).

Techniques to Develop Harmonious Passion and Avoid Obsessive Passion Given that past empirical studies show that harmonious passion underpins a number of adaptive outcomes, its development should be supported in sport and exercise settings. To this goal, harmonious passion occurs when activities are internalized without contingency (i.e., for their inherent benefits), permitting a pattern of behavior encapsulated by willful engagement, volition, and personal endorsement (Vallerand, 2015). This internalization can likely be facilitated within environments that are autonomy supportive (Mageau et al., 2009). Coaches and parents can offer autonomy support by providing athletes with opportunities to share opinions and make meaningful choices (Black & Deci, 2000). These socializers can also use rationales to aid a full internalization of athlete expectations and provide acknowledgment of negative affect when conflicts arise (Reeve, Jang, Carrell, Jeon, & Barch, 2004). Because of its undesirable consequences in sport and exercise, though, practitioners should avoid enabling the development of obsessive passion. One form of socialization that has particular relevance for obsessive passion is conditional regard (Curran et al., 2015). Conditional regard is an intrusive interpersonal style that socializes by the manipulation of self-conscious affect (i.e., guilt and shame) using contingencies of approval and love withdrawal (e.g., “If you win, then I will approve of you”; Barber, 1996). The links between conditional regard and obsessive passion are especially acute because the damaging regulatory features of obsessive passion (i.e., compulsive, insecure, and rigid engagement) emerge predominantly as a function of contingent self-worth that presages guilt and shame in failure (Mageau, Carpentier, & Vallerand, 2011), and guilt and shame are the very levers of compliance in socialization by conditional regard. To prevent the development of obsessive passion, then, coach and parent education is required that both elucidates the costs of conditional regard and provides practical strategies aimed at reducing its use. Among these strategies might be a provision of support, warmth, and acceptance, especially when athletes have tried but failed, and an effort to avoid invoking guilt and shame through “If . . . then” contingencies (Rogers, 1951).

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Practical Applications Related to SDT A notable strength of SDT lies in the ability of the constructs to be targeted for intervention (see Standage, 2012; Standage & Ryan, 2012, for sport- and exercise-related reviews, respectively). Social environments that support basic needs serve to facilitate the internalization process and enhance physical and psychological wellness (see figure 16.3 for examples of behavioral characteristics underpinning need-supportive and need-thwarting social contexts). As with competence support (structure), relatedness support (involvement) should be characterized by autonomy support rather than pressure and control. In the absence of autonomy, attempts to support competence and relatedness may be perceived as controlling. Thus, a thorough understanding of the qualities and nature of environments that support or thwart the needs holds importance to practitioners seeking to foster adaptive forms of motivation. Methods of transferring the tenets of SDT into practice have been gleaned from an impressive body of empirical contributions (e.g., Deci, Ryan, & Williams, 1996; Deci & Vansteenkiste, 2004). And although interventions have been less numerous, a plethora of trials (Duda et al., 2014; Gourlan, Sant, & Boiche, 2014; van Hoecke, Delecluse, Bogaerts, & Boen, 2014) and protocols (Blackford et al., 2015; Rouse et al., 2014) are emerging. To date, interventions have relied on face-to-face interactions to deliver SDT-based content, although recent attempts have been made to develop web-based or mobile health (mHealth) interventions (Friederichs et al., 2015; Moreau, Gagnon, & Boudreau, 2015). More discussion of this issue is contained in the next section. Need-supportive and -thwarting behaviors

Autonomy

Supportive

• Provide meaningful rationales • Encourage and link behaviors to valued outcomes or goals • Provide authentic choice

Competence

Thwarting

• Use of extrinsic rewards to direct behaviors • Induce internal pressures and sanctions such as guilt and shame

Supportive

• Create clear and understandable instructions, guidelines, and expectations • Foster optimally challenging tasks and goals

• Undermine choice • Acknowledge and accept the person’s thoughts and feelings • Provide opportunities for initiative • Use noncontrolling language

• Restrict opportunities for questions • Fail to address the person’s concerns

• Use improvementfocused (or taskinvolving) feedback • Provide positive competence feedback

• Use controlling and directive language

Thwarting

Relatedness

Supportive

• Provide negative competence feedback

• Develop highquality interpersonal relationships

• Foster an unorganized and chaotic social context

• Dedicate psychological resources such as time and energy

• Highlight and criticize mistakes

• Show unconditional positive regard

• Provide information that is vague and unclear

• Express empathy and interest

• Use ego-involved feedback or evaluative strategies • Fail to cater for differentiated ability levels

• Be authentic in actions and behaviors

Thwarting

• Be hostile, unfriendly, or aggressive in interactions • Actively exclude people • Employ negative conditional regard • Act distant and neglectful • Use cold and abrupt language • Pay little attention to others in interpersonal interactions

Figure 16.3  Example of strategies that are characteristic of promoting need-supportive and need-thwarting social contexts. E6768/Horn/F16.03/581655/mh-R2

Future Research Recommendations We have described an impressive body of research from an SDT perspective dedicated to advancing

our understanding of motivational processes in sport, exercise, and physical activity. Nevertheless, a number of limitations and gaps remain in the sport, exercise, and physical activity literatures that require attention. First, a major challenge for this

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research community is to improve methodological quality, placing specific attention on appropriate research design, complimentary and appropriate statistical analyses, and valid measurement tools. Second, gaps in the SDT literature are particularly wide for certain mini-theories (i.e., CET, GCT, COT, and RMT). A comprehensive overview of specific limitations and gaps is beyond the scope of this chapter, but we encourage readers to reflect on the major challenges highlighted in our review. Here, we focus on the broader literature gaps and needed research directions from an SDT standpoint.

Need for Improved Methodological Quality One of the most important limitations to the SDT literature relates to research design and associated analyses. Of course, notable longitudinal and experimental studies have been conducted (e.g., Edmunds et al., 2008; Friederichs et al., 2014; Gagne, Ryan, & Bargmann, 2003), yet the empirical basis of SDT in sport, exercise, and physical activity leans heavily on cross-sectional data. These data provide a useful heuristic of instantaneous relations between motivational constructs but assume that causal processes are static, time invariant, and linear (Gollob & Reichardt, 1991). Collectively, such assumptions are at odds with the organismic starting point of SDT, and in particular its account of the dynamic “dialectic” interplay between social contexts, as well as among goals, needs, regulations, and behaviors (as they unfold across space and time; Vallerand, 1997). As a result, we have a dearth of knowledge about the nonlinearity of constructs within SDT, and most notably how they mutually interact through reciprocal association (see Standage & Ryan, 2012). In light of such design limitations, researchers would do well to look at the longitudinal and dynamic interplay among SDT constructs. Processes within SDT are dynamic and multidimensional. As such, they require designs and analyses that capture the ongoing interplay among key constructs to predict changes and outcomes of key importance in sport, exercise, and physical activity settings (e.g., key biomarkers of health, objective activity levels, quality of life, athletic performance, and behavioral persistence). One such approach is diary studies employing within- and between-person designs that have been used within the extant SDT literature (e.g., Gagne et al., 2003; Reis, Sheldon, Gable, Roscoe, & Ryan, 2000; Ryan, Bernstein, & Brown, 2010). Key to expanding our knowledge is to accompany the advances in research design with appropriate statistical analyses. To this end,

research designs examining relationships between multiple levels of influence over time as well as between individuals require statistical approaches that go beyond single-level analytical methods (e.g., multiple regression and path analysis) to consider the multilevel data structures (e.g., multilevel and longitudinal mixture models; Heck & Thomas, 2015). The need for more rigorous research methodologies is emphasized by the recent accrual of data indicating that associations between SDT constructs are not only reciprocal but also unstable. For example, when autoregressive paths act as statistical controls, relationships between the psychological needs and levels of engagement in sport and school are only emerging late in study periods (i.e., from middle to end of season or semester, but not from start to middle of season or semester; Curran et al., 2016; Jang, Kim, & Reeve, 2012; Reeve & Lee, 2014). The implication here is that it is only changed in the psychological needs, not initial levels, that yields change in engagement. This finding is important for SDT researchers to reconcile, because it calls into question the veracity of conclusions based solely on cross-sectional (viz., initial level) associations. In short, then, as SDT research in sport and exercise advances, multiple time-point measurement studies combined with appropriate statistical analyses should be a priority for future investigation. Just as critical to the advancement of the SDT literature is the systematic development of valid and reliable measurement tools. We note that studies in sport, exercise, and physical activity have an overreliance on self-reported measures, often using adapted instruments developed in other domains (e.g., Subjective Vitality Scale, Ryan, & Frederick, 1997; Teacher as a Social Context Questionnaire, Belmont, Skinner, Wellborn, & Connell, 1988). These measurement issues leave three gaps in the literature. First, we know little about how perceived motivational processes within SDT correspond with objective measurements of motivation and behavior (e.g., step counts, MVPA, observed behavioral engagement), which is especially important for tests of the ecological validity of SDT (Standage & Ryan, 2012). Second, without adequate information regarding the domain-level psychometric properties of instruments, researchers cannot be certain of the validity of interpretations based on their construct associations (Nunnally & Bernstein, 1994). Third, to facilitate the development and refinement of items couched within SDT, participatory input at all stages of the process (e.g., item development, item refinement) would help translate the measurement of key tenets and processes to the intended physical ­activity setting (Standage & Vallerand,

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2014). ­Following the development of such tools, item response theory (IRT) could provide a valuable method of identifying the most appropriate and reduced set of items to employ (Standage & Vallerand, 2014). Indeed, the use of IRT would be especially well suited for research examining the dynamic interplay among SDT-related constructs, wherein participant burden is a consideration. It is clear that there is currently a substantial gap to address in the literature in terms of developing psychometrically sound instruments of SDT constructs that are anchored in the specific domain of measurement. In particular, systematically developed measurement tools are needed to assess such constructs as need thwarting in exercise, need support in sport, need frustration in exercise, and sport goal content.

Need for Further Research on Selected Mini-Theories Besides the need for the methodological advances described in the previous section, a number of gaps in the sport, exercise, and physical activity literature require attention. The most understudied mini-theory within SDT is RMT. As we have already discussed, relationships within sport, exercise, and physical activity settings offer an ideal ecological platform from which to address some intriguing and potentially insightful empirical contributions based on tenets within RMT. Herein, we identify just two (see Standage & Emm, 2014, for a broader discussion). First, a particularly intriguing possibility would be to study the dynamic interplay among parents who adopt contrasting parenting styles and the strivings, wellness, and behaviors of their children (e.g., one parent who is high in provision of need support coupled with one who is high in need thwarting; Standage & Emm, 2014). Second, an interesting path would be to examine the “mutuality” effect that has been shown by SDT-related work (Weinstein & Ryan, 2010). Specifically, studies could examine whether high-quality interaction among those who autonomously help others (e.g., sports coaches, volunteers) leads to both the receiver and the provider experiencing greater well-being through satisfactions for their, and the recipients’, autonomy, competence, and relatedness (see Standage & Emm, 2014). Finally, mobile technologies are and will continue to be a prominent part of contemporary society. Wearable technologies such as smartwatches (effectively wearable computers) are particularly germane to motivation because they are capable

of instantly synchronizing data to provide realtime assessments of steps taken, energy expended, distance walked or run, calories burned, and so forth. Here, the feedback provided by computers and related devices can be perceived as need supportive (e.g., provide informational feedback, optimal challenge, and choice) or need thwarting (i.e., provide ego-involving information, are overly controlling, and restrict choice and challenge). Testing the extent to which we can develop engaging activities and enjoyable tasks that are deliverable electronically and are psychologically need satisfying in their own right would be a significant development. Moreover, mobile health interventions should offer cost efficiency when compared with the labor intensive, teach-the-educator models that have dominated exercise and physical activity intervention to date (Standage & Ryan, 2012). Thus, we view the translation of SDT tenets into the mobile health space as an exciting avenue of future work.

Summary Within the meta-theory of SDT, motivation is considered a complex and multifaceted phenomenon fed by numerous sources. Some sources are experienced as controlling and acting on the self, whereas others stem from within the self and represent volition and growth. Herein, we have reviewed extant research that demonstrates the multiple advantages of more autonomous motivations as well as intrinsic goals in facilitating and supporting achievement, wellness, and functioning in sport, exercise, and physical activity contexts. A number of social conditions that support rather than thwart autonomous engagement, growth, development, and wellness by affording basic need satisfaction (as opposed to need frustration) have been discussed, and practical steps to set the basis for these advantages have been identified. Drawing and extending on existing work, we identified a number of gaps in knowledge and provided suggestions for future work. We hope that this chapter will stimulate thoughtful contemplation of the study and application of SDT in physical activity settings and encourages several lines of meaningful future inquiry to the benefit of high-quality sport, exercise, and physical activity experiences.

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17 Developmentally Based Perspectives on Motivated Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity Contexts Thelma S. Horn, PhD  Jocelyn L. Newton, PhD

Abstract The primary focus of this chapter is to examine motivated behavior in sport and physical activity contexts through the use of a developmental lens. Such a perspective is based on the assumption that significant quantitative and qualitative changes occur across the lifespan in individuals’ physical, psychological, cognitive, mental, and emotional status. Thus, the socioenvironmental factors that either enhance or undermine motivated behavior can differ significantly as a function of a person’s maturational age or stage. We begin this chapter with a brief summary of three major theories of motivation that have been found to be applicable to the sport and physical activity context and that each contain some relevant developmental components. At the end of that section, we identify four psychological constructs (e.g., perceived competence, perceived autonomy, motivational orientation, and perceived performance control) that are common to all or most of the theories and that appear to be highly linked to motivated behavior. Then, in the second section of this chapter, we examine each of these constructs so that we can delineate developmental patterns. We conclude the chapter with an identification and brief discussion of key issues that remain to be addressed. Expounding on these issues, we provide some suggestions for future research.

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erhaps no psychological construct is more central to performance and behavior in achievements contexts than is motivation. Just entering the keywords “motivation and achievement” into any scholarly database will return literally thousands of research- or theory-based references. On the more applied side, practitioners are also quick to identify motivation as a key issue in their work. Teachers, coaches, physical therapists, athletic trainers, parents, and exercise leaders all look for the magic elixir that might generate high levels of motivation in their students, athletes, clients, and children. Given the importance of the construct of motivation, what does it actually entail? That is, what do we mean when we say that we want people to be motivated to achieve in school, work, sport, exercise, rehabilitative, and physical activity settings? At a practical level, motivation can be defined to mean three things: the motivation to participate, to persist, and to work hard to achieve desired outcomes (Harwood, Spray, & Keegan, 2008; Weiss & Amorose, 2008; Weiss, Amorose, & Kipp, 2012; Weiss & Phillips, 2015). So, as parents, we might want our children to be motivated to join a sport program (participation), to continue in that activity across time (persist), and to exert effort in learning new skills and performing well in that sport (work hard to achieve desired outcomes). Similarly, a square dance teacher working in a senior citizens facility would want the same or similar things (i.e., would want the targeted adults to join the program, to stay with the activity even after the class ends, and to work hard to learn the steps and reach an optimal health-oriented level of exertion). Although other chapters in this text also focus on motivation in physical activity contexts, the primary purpose of this chapter is to examine the construct from a developmental perspective. Using such a lens begins with the assumption that significant quantitative and qualitative changes occur across the lifespan in physical, psychological, cognitive, mental, and emotional status. Simplistically, this means, for example, that a 6-year-old child understands and experiences the world much differently than does a 12-year-old. Thus, if we are the directors of a youth motor skill development program and want to enhance not only the learning but also the motivational orientation of these two children, we would need to structure the learning environment in a different way for the two children. That distinction is the essence of this chapter—to understand how individuals’ motivated behavior in physical activity and health contexts might differ as a function of their maturational age or stage.

We begin this chapter by providing a brief overview of three theories of motivation that are applicable to the physical activity context and that contain some relevant developmental components. At the end of that section, we identify several psychological constructs that are common to all or most of the theories and that appear to be highly linked to motivated behavior. Then, in the second section of this chapter, we examine each of these constructs in a more in-depth way so that we can delineate developmental patterns. We conclude the chapter with a section that identifies key issues that remain to be addressed, along with some suggestions for future research.

Theories on Motivated Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity Settings As is clear from the chapters contained in this part of the text, a number of theories have been developed to examine motivation (or motivation-related constructs) in achievement contexts. But only a few incorporate a clearly delineated developmental perspective. The first and most well developed of these is competence (effectance) motivation theory that was primarily framed by Susan Harter (1978, 1999, 2012) using basic concepts from Robert White’s (1959) theory of effectance motivation. White’s original premise was that people are uniquely motivated to have an effect on their environment. Thus, they engage in mastery attempts in an effort to develop or demonstrate competence. If, or when, such mastery attempts result in success (observable effect on their environment), feelings of joy, happiness, or pleasure result and motivation to continue task engagement is present. Harter added the notion that a person’s competence motivation can vary across achievement domains (e.g., social, cognitive, physical). Furthermore, her model proposes that mastery attempts by people that result in success at optimally challenging tasks and that are met with socioemotional support from significant others will result in high perceptions of competence in that domain, along with correspondingly high perceptions of performance control (i.e., personal belief in their ability to control future performance outcomes in that same domain). Such high self-perceptions lead to feelings of pleasure that are important for maintenance or increase in effectance or competence motivation. The second theory that lends itself well to developmental examination is one originated by Carol

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Dweck (1999, 2006, 2012) that focuses on individuals’ conceptualizations regarding the malleability of human traits or abilities. A person who holds a fixed mind-set believes that a specific human trait or ability (e.g., intelligence, sport competence) is invariant (cannot be changed). In contrast, a person who holds an incremental mind-set regarding intelligence or sport competence believes that this attribute or ability can be developed, changed, or improved with practice and persistence. A person’s mind-set can vary across context (e.g., a person could hold a fixed mind-set in the academic domain but a malleable one in the health domain). The research to date has provided support for the positive influence of an incremental mind-set on behavior, performance, physical and mental health, motivation, and motivationally oriented behaviors across a range of contexts (e.g., academics, physical activity, sport, health) (e.g., Burnette, 2010; Dweck & Master, 2009; Jowett & Spray, 2013; Plaks & Chasteen, 2013; Renaud-Dubé, Guay, Talbot, Taylor, & Koestner, 2015; Schleider, Abel, & Weisz, 2015; Vella, Cliff, Okely, Weintraub, & Robinson, 2014). Specifically, people who endorse an incremental mind-set are more likely to demonstrate a mastery orientation to tasks, focusing on learning and improvement. They respond to setbacks adaptively because they reason that the failure is a result of factors that they can change through effort and hard work. In contrast, a person who endorses an entity mind-set is more likely to assume a performance orientation for tasks, focusing on outperforming others to demonstrate competence or avoid appearing incompetent. When confronted with setbacks, people with an entity mind-set experience negative emotions and attribute their failure to global, stable factors (i.e., I’m not smart or strong enough) (see the sidebar Potential Effects of Implicit Theories of Ability on Motivated Behavior for a practical example). The third developmentally based theory on motivated behavior is the expectancy value of achievement motivation model developed by Eccles

and her colleagues (Eccles, 2007; Eccles (Parsons), Adler, Futterman, Godd, Kaczala, Meece, & Midgely 1983; Simpkins, Fredricks, & Eccles, 2015). The larger version of the model proposes that important socializers within a child’s social environment (e.g., parents, teachers) hold both general beliefs (e.g., gender role and other cultural stereotypes, domain-specific values, attitudes) that originate in large part from the sociocultural milieu of which they are part, as well as child-specific beliefs (e.g., perceptions of individual child’s domain-specific competencies, expectancies for child’s achievement). These two belief sets combine to affect the socializers’ behaviors toward and with the individual child (e.g., degree and amount of role modeling, interactive play, encouragement, provision of opportunities, feedback). Such socializer behaviors, in turn, affect the child’s own perceptions, interpretation of experiences, attitudes, values, beliefs, and expectancies for success within each domain, which ultimately influence her or his achievement-related behaviors, interest, engagement, and performance in each achievement domain. A more specific version of this model has also been developed to focus on the role of parents (e.g., Fredricks & Eccles, 2004; Simkins, Fredricks, & Eccles, 2012). Considerable research support (including longitudinal study designs) has been accumulated to demonstrate the value and efficacy of both models in relation to a variety of achievement domains (e.g., academics, sport, music) (see reviews by Eccles, 2007; Horn & Horn, 2007; Simpkins et al., 2015; Weiss et al., 2012). If we look across the major theories of motivation, we can identify some social psychological constructs that are common to all or most of the theories (see similar lists forwarded by Balish, McLaren, Rainham, & Blanchard, 2014; Li & Lee, 2004; Weiss et al., 2012). These constructs include people’s perceptions of (a) competence or ability, (b) personal autonomy or agency, (c) the reasons or motives underlying their participation (e.g., their

Potential Effects of Implicit Theories of Ability on Motivated Behavior Consider a female adult who is learning to play tennis. If she believes that athletic skill or ability is incremental (i.e., it can be improved with hard work), she will focus on learning tennis skills like the forehand and backhand as her end goal (skill mastery) and demonstrate persistent hard work and belief in her ability to learn this new skill. But if she believes that athletic skill or ability is fixed (i.e., you either have it or you don’t), she will be more likely to focus on outperforming the other women in her tennis class (performance orientation), feel helpless in her ability to learn this new skill, and experience negative emotions (hopelessness or anxiety) when she is confronted with a setback.

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motivational orientation), and (d) performance control or attributions. Although other constructs also appear within these theories, these four may be particularly relevant to motivation across a range of sport and physical activity contexts. In the following sections, we examine each of these motivation-related constructs from a developmental perspective. Each of the following four sections begins with an explanation or definition of one of the motivation-related constructs. This discussion is followed by a review of the research on developmental progressions within that construct.

Perceptions of Competence or Ability Perceived competence refers to people’s perceptions or beliefs about their ability to perform or learn the necessary skills in an achievement-related task or context. The construct can be measured in a rather broad way (e.g., a person’s perception about her ability in a particular achievement domain such as academics, sport, or music). But it can also be measured relative to a particular activity within that broad domain (e.g., math, baseball, singing) or even in reference to a more specific skill within an activity (e.g., multiplication, batting, hitting the high notes) (see also chapter 4 in this volume). As several scholars have argued (e.g., Elliot & Dweck, 2007; Weiss et al, 2012), people’s perception of competence or ability for tasks within a particular achievement context (e.g., math, music, art, theater, hockey, tennis, square dance, rock climbing) may be the most important correlate of their motivation to participate, persist, and work hard at that activity. The results of research studies across a range of physical activity settings and age levels provide support for this perspective (see, for example, Balish et al., 2014; Lemoyne, Valois, & Guay, 2015). Developmental progressions. Harter and her colleagues (see summaries in Harter, 1999, 2012) have conducted numerous studies to examine possible developmental patterns in regard to competence motivation. Two such changes may be particularly relevant to the physical domain (see also summaries with application to the physical domain by Horn, 2004; Sebastian, Burnett, & Blakemore, 2008). First, the number of domains that people are able to differentiate with regard to self-evaluative perceptions and their contributions to global self-worth appears to increase with age, from a minimum of 2 basic factors (cognitive and physical competence perceptions loading on first factor and peer acceptance, behavioral conduct, and physical appearance

loading on the second) in early childhood to 5 separate self-perception factors in mid- to late childhood (scholastic competence, athletic competence, peer acceptance, behavioral conduct, and physical appearance), to 8 in adolescence (previous five plus job competence, close friendships, and romantic relationships), to 12 or more in young adulthood and beyond. Furthermore, the particular domains and subdomains that characterize the young, middle, and late adulthood years may also vary somewhat as a function of stage of the lifespan (see summary by Harter, 2012). A second developmentally based change is seen concerning the way in which people perceive and evaluate themselves in relation to competence across the achievement domains. A summary of these changes as described by Harter (1999, 2012) with specific applications or examples within the physical domain is provided in table 17.1. As this summary indicates, children’s self-descriptions at the youngest age levels (3-4 years) are based on concrete behaviors, activities, relationships, and personal characteristics. Correspondingly, their evaluations of their physical competencies are generally egocentric and positive—even unrealistically so and are often accompanied by an offer to demonstrate such competence. At this stage or age, children do not appear capable of, or interested in, using peer comparison to evaluate their own abilities. Thus, their perceptions of competence in achievement domains may be based primarily on adult feedback (e.g., “I know I’m a good runner because my teacher said so”), simple task accomplishment, the extension of effort (e.g., “I tried really hard to run fast, and then I did”), and some use of temporal comparisons (e.g., “When I was four, I couldn’t read, but now I can”). As Harter noted (2012), gender differences are already evident at this age in that boys exhibit a stronger tendency to focus on skills and abilities (e.g., “I can skate,” “I can count to 10”) in their self-descriptions whereas girls are more apt to refer to social, relational, and emotional states (e.g., “I play with Sarah,” “I have two grandpas and two grandmas who live in Michigan”). Of course, such gender differences in self-description are mirrored in the differential ways in which parents and other significant adults interact and communicate with boys and girls, thus suggesting that observed differences in young children’s self-evaluations are socially induced (either through the behaviors of significant others or through other sociocultural means). At the next developmental level (ages 5-7), children begin to focus on more specific competencies (e.g., distinguishing between different

Table 17.1  Developmental Progressions in Perceptions of Competence: Early Childhood to Late Adolescence Example self-statements as related to the physical domain

Age or stage

Self-evaluation processes across achievement domains

Very early c­ hildhood (3-4 years)

• Competence perceptions based on concrete and specific skills, abilities, characteristics, and relationships • Self-appraisals often unrealistic and inaccurate (over-estimation of performance competencies) • Common use of actual demonstrations of ability • Some use of temporal comparisons

• “I can kick this ball really far—probably across the ocean.” • “Watch me kick this ball really hard!” • “I can jump farther now than when I was 3.”

Early to middle childhood (5-7 years)

• Persistence of inaccuracies in self-evaluation and positive perceptions of personal competence still common • Beginning to group similar skills and abilities • Identification of future intentions in relation to competence • Some use of social comparison for purposes of fairness and task completion information (e.g., child engaged in task looks at peer’s work to determine how to complete the task) • Continued use of temporal comparison

• “I am really good at running, jumping, and skipping.” • “I am going to be a baseball player, and I’m going to play for the Detroit Tigers!” • “Robert got to bat twice. I only got up once.” • “Last year, I couldn’t hit the ball very far, but this year I can.”

Middle to late ­childhood (8-10 years)

• Increasing ability to group abilities and competencies in formation of personal competence assessments • Realization that self-attributes can be both positive and negative • Increased ability and inclination to use social or peer comparison to evaluate own competencies • Increased ability to know, recognize, and experience self-conscious emotions (pride, shame) • Increased accuracy of self-evaluations • Ability to form an evaluation of global self-esteem or self-worth and to distinguish the importance of various domains • Internalization of others’ standards and opinions

• “I’m good at batting in softball but not so good at fielding.” • “I know I’m good at sit-ups because I got the highest score in my class.” • “I got the lowest score in my class in push-ups, and I felt really stupid.” • “I’m not so good in math, but I’m really good in soccer. My parents are proud of that.”

Early adolescence (11-13 years)

• Increasingly differentiated perceptions of self that can vary significantly across social contexts • Increase in self-consciousness and sensitivity to peers’ evaluations • Increase in use of perceived physical appearance as primary correlate of global self-esteem or self-worth • Continued use of social or peer comparison (mostly near or known peers) • Switch in standard of evaluation from effort to ability

• “I am kind of shy and quiet in class and with my teachers. But with my best friends, I am very talkative and funny, and I laugh a lot.” • “I don’t like gymnastics anymore. To be good, you have to be short, a size 2, and have no curves. That’s so not me! My parents say body size shouldn’t matter, but they don’t know anything about it.” • “We did a new game in PE class last month. I’m not very good at it. No matter how hard I tried, I didn’t seem to get any better. Some of my friends were really good by the last week.”

Middle adolescence (14-16 years)

• Expansion of social or peer comparison to include unknown but relevant others • Decrease in global self-esteem or self-worth from early to middle adolescence • Instability of overall sense of self because of contradictory perceptions of self across different domains and in different contexts (e.g., “How can I know who I am when I am so different with my friends and my parents?”) • Ability to see discrepancy between real self and ideal self • Awareness that significant others (e.g., parents, peers, friends, teachers or coaches) may have widely varying opinions and standards

• “I got the Most Valuable Player award on my high school volleyball team, but I’m not even ranked in the state polls, and that’s where you need to be to get recruited to play in college. So, I’m not really thinking about playing in college anymore.” • “I want to be a really nice person to everyone, but sometimes I just get mad at what someone said, and I go off on them.” • “My parents want me to take more shots in basketball games, but my coach gets mad at me if I do.”

Late adolescence (17-19 years)

• Increasing sense of self-agency • Development of “possible” self rather than “ideal” self • More realistic in self-appraisal • Higher-order abstractions that allow person to deal cognitively with discrepant selves • Increase in self-esteem from late adolescence into young adulthood • Decreased discrepancy between ideal and real self-image • Decrease in (but not disappearance of) social comparison as comparison with personally defined goals increases

• “Because I’m pretty good at water polo (but not so good at basketball), I think I’m going to find a college where I can play on the club water polo team rather than keep trying for a basketball scholarship.” • “I really enjoy training for, and running in, distance events, because I keep improving my times.”

Based on Harter, 2012.

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types of throwing) but remain quite positive and inaccurate in their self-evaluation. They continue to use temporal self-comparison and are now able to use peer comparison but primarily for purposes of judging fairness or to obtain information about task demands or requirements and not so much for evaluation of their own task abilities. By the third stage of childhood (ages 8-10), children begin to use peer comparison for purposes of evaluating their own competence. In the physical (particularly the competitive sport) domain, they also exhibit greater use of performance outcomes (especially simplistic sources such as winning and losing) to evaluate their own competence (e.g., “I must be really bad at soccer because my team loses every game”). Their evaluation of their competence in a particular domain, activity, or skill is also more accurate, and they exhibit the more complex ability to evaluate themselves in both positive and negative ways in the same activity. In terms of the evaluations of significant others (especially adults), children at this age or stage seem capable of internalizing the standards and expectations of others and experience self-conscious emotions (e.g., pride or shame) in the self-evaluation process. Finally, they have the cognitive ability to formulate and express a sense of global self-worth or self-concept and to begin to perceive differences in the importance of subdomains to their own sense of themselves (e.g., “I’m not really that good at sports, but I’m really good at science. That’s good because I love science!”). Harter (2012) and colleagues have also delineated the changes that occur in the adolescent years, distinguishing between the early (ages 11-13), middle (ages 14-16), and late (ages 17-19) adolescent years. Over these three age spans, perceptions of the self become increasingly differentiated as adolescents figure out that they may have different personas as a function of who they are with (e.g., “I am an introvert in class, an extrovert with my friends, and in-between with my parents”). In the early and middle adolescent years, self-consciousness is high, due in part to the physical puberty-related changes that are occurring. The feedback of peers becomes increasingly important as a source of competence information and as a correlate and even predictor of overall or global self-esteem. In the first two periods of this adolescent time, peer comparison is a key source of competence information, but with somewhat different sources. That is, in the first period (ages 11-13), adolescents tend to use near or known peers (i.e., those in their class, on their team, or in their school). As children progress through the middle adolescent years (14-16),

however, their peer comparison group expands to include unknown but possibly relevant peers (e.g., where I stand relative to all high school juniors in my state or in my country). In addition, during these first two periods, perceived physical appearance is increasingly used as a primary correlate of overall or global self-worth. Not surprisingly, these first two periods of adolescence can be tempestuous as evidenced by a general decline in overall or global self-esteem from early to middle adolescence. Furthermore, people in the middle adolescence group may have a somewhat unstable overall sense of self because of contradictory perceptions of self across different domains and in different social contexts and their realization that important others in their lives may have quite different expectations and standards for them. In addition, many may perceive a large discrepancy between their “real” self and their “ideal” self (what they think they are and who they want to be). Adolescents who survive and thrive through this period, however, can and do arrive at the end of late adolescence (age 19) and into young adulthood (age 25) with a sense of self-agency and a strong multifaceted self-identity (e.g., “I know who and what I am”). They also have a strong vision of their “possible” self (e.g., “I know who I want to be, and I know how to get there”) and are more realistic in their self-appraisals (e.g., “I know what I am good at and what I’m not so good at, so I’ll choose to do what I have competence in”). Correspondingly, their perceptions of competence within particular achievement domains are based as much (or more) on self-comparisons or mastery experiences than on performance outcomes or peer comparisons. As noted earlier, Harter (2012) has also detailed more negative (even pathological) trajectories that people can take as they move from early childhood to adulthood. Both the positive and negative sequences are based on the interaction or intersection of cognitive and social factors (i.e., effects of cognitive maturation combined with the influence of particular significant others and the influence of the sociocultural milieu that surrounds the child, adolescent, and young adult). The developmental trajectory of people’s implicit beliefs about the nature of human abilities (e.g., intelligence, physical skill competence), as based on Dweck’s (1999, 2006) theory is less explicit than Harter’s (1999, 2012). Research studies, however, have established that implicit beliefs about important constructs such as sociomoral skill and intelligence are present in early childhood (e.g., Giles & Heyman, 2003; Gunderson, Gripshover, Romero, Dweck, Goldin-Meadow, & Levine, 2013).

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Furthermore, rudimentary implicit conceptions of ability, along with their associated and differential affective, motivational, and behavioral outcomes, have been stimulated in children as early as the preschool and kindergarten years (e.g., Cimpian, Arce, Markman, & Dweck, 2007; Zentall & Morris, 2010). As Gunderson and colleagues showed, parents’ relative use of process (incrementally based) as opposed to person (fixed or entity-based) praise with their toddlers (ages 14-38 months) was predictive of their children’s incremental mind-sets at 7 to 8 years of age. This finding is clearly consistent with the parent-version of the expectancy value model proposed by Eccles (Eccles, 2007; Fredricks & Eccles, 2004) suggesting that parents serve as interpreters of their child’s early engagement in an achievement context. Thus, a parent’s reactions and behaviors (e.g., feedback, evaluation) within that context can certainly affect the type of mind-set that the child develops (see the sidebar Performance Feedback Laced With Implicit Theories for more applied examples). Other developmental research associated with Dweck’s (1999, 2006) theory has examined the influence of implicit beliefs on successful navigation of significant developmental transitions. Using both correlational as well as brief intervention treatments, Yeager and his colleagues examined the impact of entity versus incremental beliefs on students transitioning from junior to senior high school (Yeager, Johnson, Spitzer, Trzsniewski, Powers, & Dweck, 2014) and from high school to college (Yeager, Walton, Brady, Akcinar, Paunesku, Keane et al., 2016). Similarly, Blackwell, Trzeniewski, and Dweck (2007) used correlational and experimental procedures to examine the effects of the two different mind-sets on the progress of junior high students. In the physical education setting, Warburton and Spray (2008) conducted a 12-month longitudinal study with students transitioning from primary to secondary school levels. The combined results of these studies, despite their being con-

ducted in different contexts and examining different dimensions of implicit theories (e.g., personality, intelligence, academic competence, physical competence), clearly supported the notion that people who hold an incremental view of any human ability are advantaged as they progress through particularly challenging transitional times. Furthermore, as Yeager and his colleagues showed in two studies, relatively brief and easily delivered interventions can affect such differential transition trajectories.

Perceptions of Personal Autonomy A second construct that is highly related to motivated behavior is perceived autonomy. At a broad level, the term perceived autonomy has been used in the psychology-based literature to refer to a number of concepts, including self-determination, personal agency, self-governance, and independence (Van Petegem, Vansteenkiste, & Beyers, 2013; Zimmer-­ Gembeck & Collins, 2003). In relation, specifically to achievement contexts, two perspectives are relevant. In the first, perceived autonomy is defined or conceptualized as personal independence (i.e., the extent to which the person perceives ability to make decisions, act, and think without reliance on others), which is contrasted with a sense of personal dependence (i.e., the person’s actions, decisions, and thoughts are perceived to rely, or are dependent, on others) (Darling, Cumsille, & Martinez, 2008; Smetana, Campione-Barr, & Daddis, 2004; Steinberg, 2002). The second perspective on perceived autonomy is based on tenants from self-determination theory (SDT) (Deci & Ryan, 2000) and specifies that people’s perceptions of autonomy are defined in terms of self-endorsed or volitional functioning versus controlled or pressured functioning (i.e., the motives or reasons behind their behaviors or actions). Self-endorsed functioning is characterized by a sense that the person is engaging

Performance Feedback Laced With Implicit Theories A college basketball player is fouled late in a close game and has the opportunity to shoot two game-altering free throws for her team. In the success outcome, she makes both free throws. Her coach could provide her with incremental feedback (e.g., “See, Amelia, all that hard work in practice last week has really paid off!”) or fixed feedback (e.g., “Nice work, sharp shooter!”). In contrast, consider the failure side of this, in which the same player misses the two crucial free throws. Her coach can say, “Looks like we need to work on free-throw shooting before practice next week!” (incremental feedback) or “We’re going to need to figure out how to keep the ball out of your hands late in the game so that one of our better free-throw shooters is more likely to get fouled” (fixed feedback).

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in the ­activity or behavior willingly and in accord with her or his own personal values while pressured or controlling functioning reflects a sense that the action or behavior is coerced or forced by others (Ryan, Deci, Grolnick, & LaGuardia, 2006; Van Petegem et al., 2013). Interestingly, recent studies (e.g., Chen, Vansteenkiste, Beyers, Soenens, & Van Petegem, 2013; Van Petegem, Beyers, Vansteenkiste, & Soenens, 2012) have verified that the two dimensions of perceived autonomy are conceptually and empirically distinct from each other, that people can exhibit different combinations of the two, and that the two dimensions may exert differential effects on people’s psychosocial health and well-being. The value of high levels of perceived autonomy within achievement contexts has been demonstrated in relation to levels of self-determined motivation and motivated behavior in a variety of sport, physical activity, and health-based contexts (see, for example, Amorose & Anderson-Butcher, 2015; Ferrand, Martinent, & Bonnefoy, 2014; Sebire, Jago, Fox, Edwards, & Thompson, 2013; Teixeira, Carraca, Markland, Silva, & Ryan, 2012; Van den Berghe, Vansteenkiste, Cardon, Kirk, & Haerens, 2014). Further detail regarding this research can be found in chapter 16. Given that the second perspective on perceived autonomy (self-endorsed volitional functioning) is covered in more depth later in this chapter, only the developmental progressions relative to the first perspective on perceived autonomy (decision making) are covered in the following section. Developmental progressions. Despite the quantity and quality of the research that supports the value of perceived autonomy (defined as perceptions of personal independence in decision making) in relation to healthy living and positive psychosocial well-being, relatively little research has been conducted to examine its developmental progressions. But some writers and scholars (e.g., Allen & Loeb, 2015; Steinberg, 2002; Zimmer-Gembeck & Collins, 2003) suggest that perceived autonomy may be particularly relevant during the adolescent years. Complicating the study of developmental changes in perceived autonomy is that multiple domains must be considered. In relation to decision making within the family, four domains have been identified and measured (e.g., Smetana et al., 2004; Wray-Lake, Crouter, & McHale, 2010): (a) personal (e.g., decisions about child’s clothing, hairstyle, decorating one’s bedroom); (b) socioconventional (e.g., manners, etiquette, household chores); (c) prudential (issues that have potential negative consequences for child’s health and safety such

as curfews, alcohol and drug use, wearing safety gear); and (d) multifaceted domains that reflect issues that overlap across domains (e.g., adolescent’s choice of friends may be personal to her or him but prudential to parent). From a healthy developmental perspective, some study results have suggested that a developmental progression (different trajectories) may occur in relation to different domains; perceived autonomy develops first in the personal domain (e.g., early adolescence), followed by socioconventional and, finally, the prudential domain (late adolescence) (Daddis & Smetana, 2005; Smetana et al., 2004; Wray-Lake et al., 2010). Such potential developmental trajectories are, at this point, still preliminary because they appear to vary somewhat as a function of gender, family socioeconomic status, birth order, and culture (Fousiani, Van Petegem, Soenens, Vansteenkiste, & Chen, 2014 and Smetana et al., 2004). Over the past decade, some researchers (WrayLake et al., 2010; Daddis, 2011; Smetana et al., 2004) have examined longitudinal changes that might occur from middle childhood through adolescence in the way in which parents and their children negotiate the decision-making process. The modes of decision making are often assessed using self-report questionnaires that include a continuum ranging from (a) parent makes decision without discussing with child; (b) parent asks child’s opinion but parent makes final decision; (c) parent and child discuss and then make decision together; (d) parent and child discuss and then child makes final decision; (e) child makes decision on own. The general results of this research suggest a sequential progression across the middle childhood through the late adolescent years from a unilateral parent decision and ending with a unilateral child (young adult) decision-making state. Furthermore, some evidence suggests that this progression results in the most positive psychosocial growth. More specific research (Wray-Lake et al., 2010) suggests that the biggest rise in teen autonomy may occur between the ages of 15 and 17 years. Again, however, the ages corresponding to each of the continuum points varied with domain (i.e., the beginning and end points for children’s decision-making involvement in relation to the personal domain occurred earlier than did their autonomy in relation to the prudential domain). More recent research (e.g., Oudekerk, Allen, Hessel, & Molloy, 2015; Allen & Loeb, 2015) has suggested that children and adolescents who are not encouraged or allowed by their parents to develop a sense of personal autonomy within the family (i.e., parents who retain full control through-

Developmentally Based Perspectives on Motivated Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity Contexts   321

out the adolescent years) exhibit problems with personal autonomy in other social situations. That is, as older adolescents or young adults, they may lack the ability to resist peer pressure. As Allen and Loeb argue, the development of personal autonomy likely begins within the family. If it is not developed within that context by the end of the adolescent period, it can cascade in a negative way (Oudekerk et al.) into adult friendships and relationships. Again, however, these researchers caution about the universality of these developmental trajectories because differences may certainly occur across cultures and social classes.

Motivational Orientation Decades of research on the topic of motivation and motivated behavior across a range of achievement contexts (see chapter 15) have verified that people hold different motives or reasons for their willingness to participate, persist, and work hard in a particular context (i.e., they can differ in motivational orientation). Rather simplistically, a person’s motivation in any particular achievement context can be located on a continuum that ranges from highly self-determined or intrinsic (e.g., “I work hard every day in my cardio-boxing class because I want to keep getting better and more fit”) to highly non-self-determined or extrinsic (e.g., “I am going to play another year of high school tennis because my parents have promised to buy me a new car if I do.”). Although the tennis player and the cardio-boxing student may exhibit equal amounts of motivated behavior, they are clearly doing so for different reasons. In general, research has supported the comparatively higher value of a more self-determined form of motivation as opposed to a non-self-determined form of motivation across a range of sport, exercise, and physical activity contexts (see summary of this research in chapter 15). Developmental progressions. Research conducted in the elementary and secondary education context (see summary by Harter, 2012) suggests that a rather dramatic decline occurs in children’s intrinsic motivation toward academic work across the elementary and secondary school years. This decline is most prominent as children and adolescents move from one educational level to the next. One explanation for such developmentally based changes is based on the way in which the school environment is structured. Specifically, as children move from the elementary to the secondary grades, the classroom climate becomes more impersonal (less socioemotional interaction between teacher

and student), and the structure becomes more formal. Increased emphasis is placed on students’ ability rather than their effort, and evaluation tends to focus on the products of learning as opposed to the process. Performance outcomes (e.g., achievement test scores, class rank) become more public, and social comparison becomes more pronounced. Comparable longitudinally based research studies (e.g., Ntoumanis, Barkoukis, & Thogersen-­ Ntoumani, 2009; Jaakkola, Wang, Piipori, & Liukkonen, 2015; Rutten, Boen, Vissers, & Seghers, 2015; Taylor, Spray, & Pearson, 2014) have been conducted to examine changes that might occur in the motivational orientations of middle school to junior or early high school students in physical education classes. Although some support was found for the idea that amotivation increases with age or years in physical education and autonomous (or intrinsic) motivation decreases, the most consistent findings suggest that interindividual variability in motivational change is relatively high and that external or social factors (e.g., the amount of autonomy support provided by teachers, perceived needs satisfaction, the broader physical education and school climate) can ameliorate any potential decline over age or stage in self-determined motivational orientation. Within the youth sport area, Harris and Watson (2014) conducted a cross-sectional descriptive study to examine age-level differences in motivational orientation in three groups of swimmers that included a younger group (ages 7-10), an older group (ages 11-14), and a high school group (ages 15-17). Study results suggest that extrinsic motivation increased significantly across the three age ranges. At this point, longitudinal studies of motivational orientation within the sport context are certainly needed. We could hypothesize that the same environmental changes that occur in the academic classroom (Harter, 2012) also occur in the youth sport setting. That is, as children go from initial entry into the youth sport setting and move up to higher levels of competition and training, the coach–athlete relationship (similar to the teacher–student relationship) can become less personal and greater emphasis is placed on performance outcomes and peer comparison (e.g., tryouts are used to select only the most talented). Thus, finding that intrinsic motivation levels decline across youth sport age groupings when measured at the group level would not be a surprise. Research studies with youth athletes (see reviews by Weiss & Amorose, 2008; Weiss et al., 2012) generally suggest that many or most children begin participation in a particular sport program

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for p ­ rimarily intrinsic motivational reasons (e.g., “I want to play softball because it’s fun”; “I want to learn new skills”). Although it might be desirable that such a self-determined or autonomous orientation would continue from initial entry into a particular sport and through the subsequent levels that characterize talent development, recent research studies suggest that elite athletes (adolescent level and above) can and do exhibit a range of motivational orientations for their sport (e.g., Almagro, Saenz-Lopez, Moreno-Murcia, & Spray, 2015; Gillet, Vallerand, & Rosnet, 2009; Kimball, 2007; Mallett & Hanrahan, 2004). In particular, Vallerand (1997; Vallerand, Pelletier, & Koestner, 2008) and others (e.g., Green-Demers & Pelletier, 1998; Treasure, Lemyre, Kuczka, & Standage, 2007) have suggested that elite athletes may exhibit varying motivational orientations toward different aspects of their sport participation and training. They may, for example, be primarily intrinsically motivated for overall participation in their sport (e.g., “I continue to play because I do love the game”) but exhibit a less intrinsically oriented but still self-determined (e.g., integrated or identified forms of motivation) motivational orientation toward the training aspect (e.g., “I will work hard in the off-season not because I love it but because I know I have to in order to play at this level”). If this is the case, then a key question might be when, where, and how children (or more likely adolescents) who exhibit both talent and interest in a particular sport can shift from a primarily intrinsic motivation for their activity (“I choose to play field hockey because it’s so much fun”) to a motivational profile that is a bit more diversified and that incorporates the more elite concept of high levels of training that may not be so much fun (but still retains at least some self-determined orientation). It might be hypothesized that young athletes who enter the sport in childhood and progressively move up to more competitive levels with age may need to make a developmental shift in motivational profiles at the early to middle adolescent stage (e.g., ages 13-15 years), which may correspond to the second level (specializing years) in Côté and colleagues’ (Côté, 1999; Côté, Baker, & Abernethy, 2007; chapter 25 in this volume) developmental model of sport participation (DMSP). Adolescents who cannot make such a shift and who perhaps develop a completely external orientation toward training (e.g., “I run during the off-season only because my coach is making me do so” or “If I don’t exert 110% in the end-of-practice wind sprints, I won’t start the next game”) may either end up in a burned-out state or discontinue their sport participation.

Perceptions of Performance Control Perception of performance control is a broad umbrella term that generally refers to people’s perceptions or beliefs about the causative factors for their performance outcomes within achievement contexts. Although a variety of perspectives have been used to investigate this broader construct, it is probably best examined within the area of attributions, particularly within the work of Bernard Weiner who proposed (1985) an initial model and then subsequently updated it (e.g., 2007, 2010) to include two processes (intrapersonal and interpersonal). The first process hypothesizes that people who experience success or failure outcomes in an achievement context that is important to them typically search for a cause for that outcome (e.g., “Why did I fail to master that task?” or “Why did our team win the regional championship?”). A range of potential answers to those questions could certainly be advanced and, according to attribution theory, can be categorized by locus (internal versus external), stability (stable or constant versus unstable or temporary), and controllability (under or not under my personal volitional control). The resulting combination of explanations are hypothesized to have significant impact on people’s expectancies for future outcomes in that task as well as on their emotions related to that perceived outcome (e.g., pride, shame, guilt). In turn, these reactions are prime determinants of their future motivated behavior (see the sidebar Potential Effects of Attributions on Subsequent Motivated Behavior). The research that has been conducted to examine these hypothesized intrapersonal connections between people’s attributions and their affective reactions as well as their subsequent motivated behavior has provided support across a range of physical contexts including competitive sport (see reviews by Allen, 2012; Coffee, 2010; Hanrahan & Biddle, 2008) as well as other physical activity contexts (e.g., Nickel & Spink, 2010; Nickel, Spink, Andersen, & Knox, 2014). Over the past decade, researchers in the sport and physical activity field (see, for example, Coffee, 2010; Coffee & Rees, 2008; Rees, Ingledew, & Hardy, 2005) have (a) modified the attributional categories to include additional components such as globality (e.g., “Does my poor performance at serving in tennis generalize to all racquet sports?”), (b) examined the potential effects of the interaction of the categories, and (c) developed instrumentation to measure the revised construct. Although the attributional construct

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Potential Effects of Attributions on Subsequent Motivated Behavior A cross-country runner who attributes a poor performance in an early-season race to an ankle injury and perceives that attribution to be internal (cause is within myself), unstable (only a temporary cause of performance failure), and potentially controllable (can be overcome with dedicated rehabilitation work) can still maintain positive perceptions of competence (e.g., “I am still good at my sport”) and an expectation of success at the end-of-the-season regional or state competition. Thus, his motivation to continue working hard is maintained. But attribution of the early-season loss to lack of ability (“I don’t really have the endurance to run this distance” or “I don’t have the type of body needed to be good at the varsity level”) (an internal, stable, and uncontrollable cause) would be expected to result in decreased expectations of future success at that competitive level and probably decreased motivation to work hard. Similarly, an older adult who begins an exercise walking program but who suffers a knee injury after 3 weeks and who attributes that injury to “the aging process” might perceive that cause to be internal, stable, and uncontrollable (“I’ll never get younger; thus I’ll never be able to exercise or have any success at it”). Therefore, her perception of competence at the activity is compromised, and her motivation to rehabilitate and continue participation may certainly be undermined.

has typically been examined at an individual level, more recent research (e.g., Allen, Coffee, & Greenlees, 2012; Coffee, Greenlees, & Allen, 2015) has incorporated a group dimension (i.e., attributions that individual team members make for their team’s collective performance). Developmental progressions. In a series of early research studies, Nicholls (1978; Nicholls & Miller, 1984) examined children’s understanding of ability and effort as causes of task performance as a function of age. Using the results of this research, four levels of development were identified. At the first and youngest age levels (5-6 years), children do not distinguish or differentiate between effort and ability (e.g., both are perceived to be the same or “smart students are hard workers”). At the second level (7-9 years), however, children do perceive some differences between the two but attribute outcome primarily to effort. At level 3 (10-12 years), children begin to differentiate or distinguish between ability and effort but are somewhat inconsistent about which they use to explain performance outcomes. Finally, at level 4 (age 12 and above), children exhibit understanding of the differences between the two causes of performance outcomes and recognize that ability is a factor that limits the effect of effort (i.e., if someone has low ability for a task, then hard work or effort cannot completely overcome that limitation). Furthermore, they may believe that someone who expends a great deal of effort to reach success at a particular task may have limited ability. Subsequent work by others provided support for the developmental sequences specified by Nicholls in the academic domain (e.g., Folmer, Cole, Sigal, Benbow, Satterwhite, Swygert, & Ciesla, 2008) as well as in the physical domain (see summary of this work by Horn, 2004; Li and Lee, 2004).

Future Research Recommendations In the following sections of this chapter, we identify two potential directions for future research on motivated behavior

Developmentally Based Research As noted earlier in this chapter, more research is needed to validate, modify, or refute the developmentally based patterns specified in previous sections of this chapter because they have typically been developed and examined in other achievement contexts (e.g., education). Whether these progressions can be consistently and accurately applied within the physical domain needs further examination. Obviously, longitudinal research designs would be particularly valuable, but cross-sectional studies in which comparative age groups are selected based on theory-driven developmental ages or stages can also provide useful information relative to changes that might occur across age. The interested reader should see recommendations for truly developmentally based research that have been provided by Weiss and colleagues (e.g., Weiss & Bredemeier, 1983; Weiss & Raedeke, 2004; chapter 26 in this volume). As noted earlier in this chapter, more research is needed to examine potential changes in children’s and adolescents’ motivational orientation as they move from the recreational level in their sport up to the various competitive and select levels. In chapter 25 of this volume, Côté and colleagues use the DMSP and the corresponding personal assets framework (PAF) to identify potential physical and social

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environmental factors that may be important in the development and maintenance of youth interest (a term that is relevant to motivational orientation) in their sport across the age-group levels. Similarly, Weiss and colleagues (2012) have used basic needs theory to provide ideas about the ways in which perceptions of competence, autonomy, and relatedness in children and adolescents can be enhanced. Another interesting focus area would be to examine motivational orientations in elite-level athletes (e.g., collegiate level) as they retire from their sport and move into their young adult (working) years (see initial studies by Reifsteck, Gill, & Labban, 2016; Sorenson, Romano, Azen, Schroeder, & Salem, 2015). Because their motivational orientation for their sport and the accompanying physical activity (e.g., the training) that they were required to do during their college years may have been less than autonomous in nature (possibly even completely externally regulated by “playing for a scholarship”), when and how can they recapture a more self-determined orientation toward physical activity? Do they quit all physical activity for a time? Or can they move immediately to engagement in other forms of physical activity for intrinsic reasons? As discussed in an earlier section of this chapter, some interesting research has been conducted in educational contexts (e.g., Blackwell et al., 2007; Warburton & Spray, 2008; Yeager et al., 2014, 2016) to examine if and how children’s or adolescents’ implicit theories of ability might affect their adjustment and performance outcomes at the next academic level. Certainly, more research in physical activity and health contexts could be conducted across other important developmental transition periods. This investigation could include (a) from early to mid-childhood, (b) from high school to college, (c) from college to career, (d) into and out of parenthood, (e) from career to retirement, and (f) from pre- to posttraumatic event (e.g., health issue) (see example studies listed in table 17.2).

Influence of Socioenvironmental Factors as Function of Developmental Age or Stage A second major recommendation is to expand the knowledge base relative to the socioenvironmental factors that affect individuals’ perceptions of competence, autonomy, control, and motivational orientation, especially because those factors may exert differential effects as a function of people’s developmental age or stage. Consistent with the research and theory in the psychology of physical

activity literature in general, a large amount of interindividual variability is clearly present in the degree to which individuals in physical activity contexts exhibit motivated behavior as well as in the psychological constructs that are presumed to underlie motivated behavior. Within the sport and physical activity field, a number of important factors have been identified that may exert substantial influence on people’s motivation-related self-perceptions. These items include both environmental factors (e.g., task structure and setup, task instruction) (see, for example, Brown, Teseo, & Bray, 2015; Drews, Chiviacowsky, & Wulf, 2013; Heidrich & Chiviacowsky, 2015; Magaraggia, Dimmock, & Jackson, 2014; Stone, Harrison, & Mottley, 2012; Vella et al. 2014) as well as social factors (e.g., feedback from significant others, implicit beliefs of significant others, parenting styles, motivational climate established by coach, teacher, exercise leader) (see, for example, Brummelman, Crocker, & Bushman, 2016; Chiviacowsky & Drews, 2014; Draper, Grobler, Micklesfield, & Norris, 2015; chapters 7 and 16 in this volume; Girelli, Hagger, Mallia, & Lucidi, 2016; Horn, 2016; Horn, Lox, & Labrador, 2016; Newton, Goulet, & Heidelberger, 2016; Rascle, LeFoll, Charrier, Higgins, Rees, & Coffee, 2015; Vella et al., 2014). For practical examples of the potential influence of different types of feedback from significant others in the competitive sport setting, see the sidebar Performance Feedback Laced With Attributions. It is important, however, to examine the influence of these socioenvironmental factors in relation to developmental age or stage. For example, based on developmental progressions specified for perceptions of competence (see table 17.1) as well as for perceptions of performance control, it could be hypothesized that the most effective forms of feedback provided by teachers, parents, coaches, and exercise and other physical activity leaders might vary as a function of the age of the performers (see also discussion by Horn, 2004; Partington, Cushion, & Harvey, 2014) or the stage in the learning process at which they are (e.g., Finkelstein & Fishbach, 2012). Similarly, as noted earlier in the section on perceived autonomy, research in the parenting styles research literature has suggested that there may be an optimal developmental progression concerning decision-making. Such research might also be conducted to examine effective transfer of decision making in the sport domain (e.g., from primarily coach determined to primarily athlete determined). Recent qualitatively based research (Salusky, Larson, Griffith, Wu, Raffaelli, Sugimura,

Developmentally Based Perspectives on Motivated Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity Contexts   325

Table 17.2  Expanding the Developmentally Based Research on Motivated Behavior to Other Age Groups and Domains: Some Example Studies Example studies

Primary focus of study

Allender, Cowburn, & Foster (2006)

Review of qualitative studies conducted to examine children’s and adults’ reasons for participation or nonparticipation in sport and physical activity with emphasis on changes that occur over time or developmental stage

Appleby & Dieffenbach (2016)

Qualitatively based study investigating elite masters cyclists’ involvement in competitive sport

Appleby & Fisher (2009)

Use of critical feminist theory to examine elite runners’ perspectives on training from pre- to postpregnancy

Boiche, Chalavaev, & Sarrazin (2014)

Longitudinal study designed to assess potential changes in adolescents’ gender-stereotyped attitudes regarding sport competence and sport value

Burnette (2010)

Three-part study examining how implicit beliefs about weight affect self-regulation skills in dieting and health management

Burnette & Finkel (2012)

Twelve-week study conducted to test the efficacy of an incremental beliefs intervention on dieters’ regulation of their body weight following dietary setbacks

Cherry, Brown, Kim, & Jazwinski (2016)

Age-group comparison study of the social and physical activities that are linked to health across adulthood (21-101 years)

Gunderson et al. (2013)

Longitudinal study investigating the impact of type of parental praise (praise of effort versus praise of inherent characteristics) during free-play contexts from ages 1 to 3 years on a child’s implicit theory of intelligence (fixed versus malleable) at ages 7 to 8

Hirvensalo & Lintunen (2011)

Comprehensive review of the literature on physical activity levels, correlates, and determinants across the lifespan

Hollings, Mallett, & Hume (2014)

Interview study conducted with 11 elite track and field athletes at the junior level, 5 of whom ultimately reached the elite senior level (international sport participation and success) and 6 of whom never reached elite senior level; interview responses analyzed to identify potential characteristics separating the two

Keegan, Middleton, Henderson, & Girling (2016)

Qualitative study conducted to identify the socioenvironmental factors that motivate physical activity or sedentary behavior in adults

Knerr, Bowen, Beresford, & Wang (2016)

Examination of attributional beliefs that middle-aged women have about obesity (is it due to diet, physical activity, or genetics?) and their potential influence on physical activity and nutrition as mediated through perceived self-efficacy for weight control.

Knights, Sherry, & Ruddock-­ Hudson (2016)

Review of the literature on factors affecting elite athletes’ end-of-career transition

Lyons, Kaufman, & Rima (2015)

Examination of the relationship between implicit theories of body appearance (entity versus incremental) and self-reported levels of physical activity in female undergraduate students

Martin & Woods (2012)

Focus group study to identify methods to sustain long-term adherence to structured physical activity after a cardiac event

Robinson, Rudisill, & Goodway (2009)

Examination of effect of mastery motivational climate on perceived physical competence in preschool children

Sanders & Winter (2016)

Interview study with 7 adult elite triathletes who moved to the professional level

Sarkisian, Probaska, Davis, & Weiner (2007)

Intervention study designed to test efficacy of an attributional retraining curriculum in enhancing physical activity and health-related quality of life in sample of sedentary older adults

Smith (2016)

Overview of recent work in sport sociology examining experiences of older women in sport

Solberg, Halvari, & Ommundsen (2013)

Test of intervention to enhance autonomous motivation and perceived competence in sample of older adults in exercise setting, with possible effects on subjective vitality and well-being

Stewart, Chipperfield, Perry, & Weiner (2012)

Two-year longitudinal study examining the effects of attributing illness to “old age” on health and well-being of older adults

Torregrosa, Ramis, Pallares, Azocar, & Selva (2015)

Longitudinal and qualitative study of Olympic athletes moving into and through retirement

Willard & Lavalle (2016)

Retrospective interview study examining the retirement experiences of elite ballet dancers

& Guzman, 2014) has identified a four-step cycle through which adolescents proceed in the development of ownership of demanding roles (i.e., learning to assume responsibility). Corresponding research in the sport and physical activity domain might be

conducted to investigate when and how children and adolescents can best assume responsibility for their own motivation, behaviors, and activities. Other researchers (e.g., Jowett & Spray, 2013) have found that elite athletes may endorse both an

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Performance Feedback Laced With Attributions During a crucial play, a college football quarterback effectively “reads” the defense and calls out an audible to change the play, resulting in a first down for his team. When coming off the field, his coach yells out, “Anthony, great decision on that play. Obviously, you really watched that game film carefully in yesterday’s practice!” This comment is an example of effective feedback in that the coach attributes the player’s success to something internal (decision-making skill) that was under the player’s control (intense studying of film). Conversely, the coach might use ineffective feedback by saying, “Anthony, you really got lucky with that call!” A child comes home upset that her friends can all jump rope and she cannot. Her parents can provide effective feedback by saying, “You’ve never jumped rope before. Why don’t we get a jump rope out of the garage and practice together?” This suggestion communicates to the child that her failure is something she can control and potentially change with practice. In contrast, ineffective feedback from her parents might sound something like, “You’re probably too short to jump rope. Let’s go play with your dolls.” The latter attribution implies to the child that she does not have the physical attributes necessary to be successful at the physical skill and that practice or mastery efforts on her part may not even result in success.

incremental and an entity theory regarding sport competence. When can or when should both mindsets be encouraged in physical activity participants? Does this vary across contexts (e.g., competitive sport versus recreational sport, physical activity versus exercise)? Although an autonomy-supportive leadership style is generally recommended for coaches, teachers, and other sport or physical activity leaders, more research is needed to determine what that means for people of different ages or stages. Based on self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2000), autonomy within achievement settings does need to be combined with structure (e.g., Curran, Hill, & Niemiec, 2013; Flett, Gould, Griffes, & Lauer, 2013; Mageau & Vallerand, 2003). But the question that then might be asked is exactly how the ratio between the two constructs would vary with age or developmental stage. What types of choices can be provided to older and more elite athletes that might not be as effective when provided to younger and less-developed participants? Does this vary across context (for interesting research and commentary on this issue, see Cowan, Taylor, McEwan, & Baker, 2012)? In relation to achievement goal orientation and motivational climate, some writers (e.g., Harwood, Spray, & Keegan, 2008; chapter 15 this volume) have pointed out that a performance-oriented achievement goal orientation as well as a more performance-oriented motivational climate, when combined with high levels of mastery orientation (both individual and climate level), has been found to be effective (and maybe even beneficial) at older ages and competitive levels in the youth sport setting. But at what age or stage should this

type of climate or goal orientation be introduced or encouraged? At what age or stage is it OK for the coach to expect or demand successful performance outcomes for some tasks (e.g., catching an easy infield pop-up in softball, making an easy layup in basketball)? When (at what age or competitive level) is it acceptable to include some elements of a performance-oriented climate (e.g., unequal playing time, intrateam rivalry)? A good start to answering these developmentally based questions within the context of youth and young adult sport has been provided by Keegan and colleagues (Keegan, Spray, Harwood, & Lavallee, 2014) in a recent synthesis of research on social motivational influences across the athletic career span.

Summary The primary purpose of this chapter was to examine motivated behavior in sport and physical activity contexts from a developmental perspective. Four particular constructs that appear to underlie motivated behavior (perceived competence, perceived autonomy, motivational orientation, and perceptions of performance control) were identified, and potential developmental progressions within each were specified. Given the rather significant changes or adaptations that occur in people’s physical, psychological, emotional, and sociomoral status as they proceed from infancy through adulthood, we need to examine how such maturationally based changes might affect people’s motivated behavior. To this point, the research literature on such developmental changes within the sport and physical activity context is still relatively scarce. We ended the chapter with suggestions for future work in this area.

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18 Public Health ­Perspectives on Motivation and Behavior Change in Physical Activity Stuart J.H. Biddle, PhD  Ineke Vergeer, PhD

Abstract This chapter addresses behavior change for physical activity, mainly from a public health perspective. We briefly cover established concepts, theories, and frameworks before outlining some important contemporary approaches, identifying knowledge gaps, and suggesting future research directions. Physical activity is best seen within a movement continuum ranging from sedentary behavior to highly vigorous activity. Such diverse movement behaviors take place in various contexts. Moreover, conventional social-cognitive theories of motivation may not be sufficient for understanding physical activity from a public health standpoint. Wider social and environmental considerations are also required in adopting an integrative theoretical approach and promoting physical activity at the population level. In addition, we need to recognize that people operate under both reflective and more automatic forms of motivation, the latter requiring greater understanding in the physical activity context. Notions of habit and the nudging of behavior are important considerations in this field. A team science approach is required to shift population levels of physical activity, and psychologists play an important role in behavior change.

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I

t is widely understood and accepted that physical activity has a number of well-known health benefits. The challenge is how to enable more people to be more physically active and less sedentary, so the often-used objective is to get “more people, more active, more often.” Especially important here is “more people,” because this aspect reflects the public health approach we emphasize in this chapter. In addition, a great deal of interest has recently focused on sedentary behavior, which refers to too much sitting rather than too little exercise. Although the focus of this chapter will primarily be on physical activity, we will also mention the important area of sedentary behavior. Traditionally psychologists have been interested in individual and small-group behavior. This emphasis remains important because many health-related actions we take involve individual decision making or are influenced by our immediate social context, such as through social support. But this is not the full story. Besides individual psychology and decision making, we also need to promote health across large populations, often through environmental changes or, as we discuss later, more subtle nudges toward health behavior change. Public health has the goal of affecting the health of communities rather than just individuals alone. As stated by Powell (1988), “The public health importance of various conditions is judged by their impact on the vitality of society as a whole rather than any individual” (p. 16). Therefore, public health strategies aimed at increasing physical activity need to reach the largest population possible. Public health gains can be made by creating small changes across large populations. This result is in

contrast to large gains in health in a small minority of people. The latter will leave the health of the population largely unaffected and may widen social inequalities. A useful introductory framework to understanding physical activity and sedentary behavior change is the behavioral epidemiology framework (Sallis & Owen, 1999), as shown in table 18.1. Having established satisfactory ways to assess the behavior of interest (e.g., physical activity), the next phase of this framework is to test whether the links between physical activity and health outcomes are important. If this is established, it is necessary to understand the factors associated with (correlates) or causing (determinants) physical activity. This approach should lead to behavior change interventions that, if successful, could be rolled out to the broad population in the translational phase. All five phases have important implications for psychology, as suggested in table 18.1. Typically, exercise psychologists have focused on moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA), reflecting the emphasis placed on this in national and international guidelines. But movement falls along a continuum of various intensities and forms of sedentary and active behaviors, as shown in its simplest form in figure 18.1. Sedentary behavior and light physical activity are highly correlated in so far as reductions in sedentary behavior (i.e., sitting time) are likely to lead to increases in light physical activity, such as standing and light ambulation (Mansoubi, Pearson, Biddle, & Clemes, 2014). Contrary to popular belief, sedentary behavior and MVPA are not highly correlated, because the latter behavior takes up a tiny proportion of the day for most people (Dempsey, Owen, Biddle, & Dunstan,

Table 18.1  Behavioral Epidemiology Framework Applied to Physical Activity and Sedentary Behavior Application to physical activity

Application to sedentary behavior

Possible roles for psychology

Assessing the behavior

How do we assess physical activity?

How do we assess sedentary behavior?

Application of psychometrics to self-report measures

2

Establishing an association between the behavior and health

To what extent is physical activity associated with various health outcomes?

To what extent is sedentary behavior associated with various health outcomes?

Mental health outcomes

3

Correlates or determinants of the behavior

What are the key correlates or determinants of participation in physical activity?

What are the key correlates or determinants of sedentary behavior?

Psychological correlates of behavior

4

Interventions to change behavior

How best can we increase levels of physical activity?

How best can we decrease levels of sedentary behavior?

Psychological issues in behavior change, including motivation

5

Translating findings

How do we roll out effective solutions to change physical activity behavior?

How do we roll out effective solutions to change sedentary behavior?

Application of psychological principles to research translation (e.g., messaging)

Phase

Description

1

Public Health Perspectives on Motivation and Behavior Change in Physical Activity   335

2014) and the two behaviors can both take place to greater or lesser degrees across the day; that is, one does not necessarily replace the other. Each element of this continuum may have different health outcomes, measurement issues, correlates, and intervention challenges. Finally, note that the movement behaviors shown in figure 18.1 can take place in various contexts, which also will have implications for correlates and behavior change. Exemplars of movement behaviors and contexts are shown in table 18.2. The central purpose of this chapter is to examine behavior change for physical activity, primarily from a public health perspective. As stated nearly three decades ago (Dishman, 1988), psychologists are not the only contributors to this field. Important contributions have also been made by people in behavioral and health economics, epidemiology, and behavioral medicine. We will briefly cover established theories and frameworks before outlining some important contemporary approaches. We then identify some knowledge gaps and suggest some directions for future research. Note that a number of psychological and nonpsychological correlates of physical activity could underpin intervention efforts. Reviews typically categorize correlates into sociodemographic, biological, behavioral, sociocultural, and environmental factors, in addition to psychological correlates. This approach is consistent with an ecological framework approach (see figure 18.2) that recognizes individual, social, environmental and policy/societal influences on behavior (Sallis & Owen, 2015).

Sedentary behavior

MVPA

Light physical activity

Figure 18.1  A movement continuum.

Policy

Environmental

Social

Individual

Figure 18.2  Ecological framework. E6768/Horn/F18.02/578861/mh-R2

Psychological Correlates of Physical Activity Several reviews have addressed psychological correlates of physical activity for young people (Biddle, Atkin, Cavill, & Foster, 2011). For example, for preadolescent children, Sallis, Prochaska, and Taylor (2000) reported that physical activity is positively associated with intentions and preferences. For adolescents, reviews have found that higher levels of perceived competence are associated with greater physical activity (Biddle et al., 2011). In addition, perceived behavioral control is associated with greater physical activity for adolescents when using prospective designs (Uijtdewilligen et al., 2011). Achievement orientation has been identified by Sallis et al. as being positively associated with physical activity in adolescents, a finding confirmed by others (van der Horst, Chin A. Paw, Twisk, & Van Mechelen, 2007) and that appears to be best reflected by a mastery (task) goal orientation.

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Table 18.2  Example Movement Behaviors and Contexts Movement behavior Context

Sedentary behavior

Light physical activity

MVPA

Home

TV viewing

Household chores

Home gym (e.g., exercise bike)

Work

Desk-based office work

Standing

Heavy manual work

Travel

Car travel

Public transport with some walking Active transport

Community

Theater

Social dance

Sport participation

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Surprisingly, self-efficacy and enjoyment have not been consistently associated with higher levels of activity across some reviews of cross-sectional evidence (Sallis et al., 2000; Van der Horst et al., 2007). But a positive and consistent association for self-efficacy on changes in physical activity for children and adolescents has been observed (Craggs, Corder, van Sluijs, & Griffin, (2011). As we have stated, Simple associations between physical activity and self-reported enjoyment may mask more subtle feelings of satisfaction, importance and value attached to physical activity. Some physical activities, particularly during participation, may not elicit pure “fun” or “enjoyment” per se, but could be associated with feelings of satisfaction or pleasure. (Biddle, Mutrie, & Gorely, 2015, p. 163) In adults, evidence shows that physical activity has positive associations with enjoyment, expected benefits, intention, perceived health, self-motivation, self-efficacy, and stage of behavior change, and negative associations with barriers and mood disturbance (Trost, Owen, Bauman, Sallis, & Brown, 2002). The strongest evidence is for self-efficacy, and this link is likely to be more important for behaviors that require significant effort, such as high-intensity exercise. Overall, however, the association between psychological variables and adult physical activity is inconsistent, except for self-efficacy (Bauman et al., 2012).

Individual Participation Motives Besides recognizing the correlates of physical activity, understanding people’s stated reasons or motives for involvement is important. Participation motives represent the reasons people give for their participation in forms of physical activity. These motives are generally assessed among people who already do the activity, although occasionally reasons or objectives for participation are assessed at the beginning of engagement. Ingledew and Markland (2008) noted that participation motives reflect “the contents of individuals’ goals for participating in a particular domain of behaviour” (p. 808), comprising the types of outcomes or experiences that people aim to gain or avoid. Each of the many forms of physical activity has its own cultural origins and dynamic history. We

could loosely group these into several domains, such as sport, exercise, dance, martial arts, and incidental lifestyle activities. Recent decades have also seen the development of a relatively new domain of holistic mind–body orientated movement practices in which physical exercises are embedded in holistic philosophies of well-being. Yoga and tai chi, which have cultural roots in India and China, are the best known of these, but various “Western-born” practices, such as 5Rhythms, Biodanza, and Nia would also fit this domain (Brown & Leledaki, 2010; Vergeer, 2016). Although all these domains, and the activities within them, include forms of physical activity, each has its own unique physical and psychosocial features that make them attractive, or not, to different subpopulations. Although we find a number of recurring themes across domains in participation motives, such as physical competence, health and fitness, enjoyment, and social connectedness (Allender, Cowburn, & Foster, 2006), many variations and additional motives have also been noted. Motives can be specific to activity type. For example, although appearance-related motives are often strong for exercise (Frederick & Ryan, 1993), self-expression, aesthetics, and creativity are common motives in dance (Alter, 1997). Therefore, a matching effect may be present between the unique physical and psychosocial features of different forms of physical activity and the individual needs, interests, and values of the people who are attracted to them. The variations of motives across different activities and their links with participation are also important considerations for the organizations and industries supplying these activities and are increasingly recognized as major players in delivering public health objectives for physical activity (Eime et al., 2015). Motives are not stationary and can change over time, as a function of both involvement in an activity and lifespan development. For example, Park, Riley, Bedesin, and Stewart (2016) reported that most yoga practitioners had different participation motives or discovered new motivational aspects after they started. Moreover, in a review of qualitative studies, Allender et al. (2006) noted motive themes like experimentation for young children, body shape, and new social networks for teenagers; sense of achievement and support networks for adults; and health benefits for older adults. An important question from a public health perspective is the extent to which participation motives are related to behavior. Although a range of studies have linked participation motives to

Public Health Perspectives on Motivation and Behavior Change in Physical Activity   337

physical activity behavior in various ways, theoretical work on the relationship between motives and behavior is relatively new. Ingledew, Markland, and Ferguson (2009) presented a three-level model in which they suggested that the relationship between participation motives and exercise behavior is mediated by regulatory motives, a concept based in self-determination theory (SDT; see later in this chapter), and reflecting the autonomous or controlled nature of people’s motivation. Participation motives themselves were seen as influenced by dispositional motives, which represent people’s life goals. The model thus proposes that dispositional motives influence participatory motives, which, in turn, influence regulatory motives, which influence behavior. Ingledew, Markland, and Strömmer (2014) added the construct of gain to their model, referring to what people have actually attained or avoided through their engagement, whether they initially sought this outcome or not. They argue that motives and gains may influence outcomes interactively, because effects on behavior may be different depending on whether motives are met with corresponding gains or not. Although this model is mostly framed within the SDT framework and has been applied chiefly in the exercise context, the model offers intuitive appeal to wider applications across other physical activity domains and may, for example, provide an explanatory framework for the matching hypothesis in which the features of different physical practices appeal to different people because of different dispositional motives. Finding new reasons for participation, such as those reported by Park et al. (2016) among yoga practitioners, could be interpreted in light of the gains construct.

Theories of Physical Activity Behavior Interventions designed to increase levels of physical activity have usually been based on a theory or theories, or at least they are theory informed. A theory has been defined as “a set of interrelated constructs (concepts), definitions, and propositions that present a systematic view of phenomena by specifying relations among variables, with the purpose of explaining and predicting the phenomena” (Kerlinger, 1973, p. 9). Put simply, a theory is a “coherent description of process” (Michie, West, Campbell, Brown, & Gainforth, 2014b, p. 22). Indeed, guidelines concerning the development and

conduct of complex behavioral interventions propose that a theoretical understanding of the likely process of change is needed in the early stages of planning an intervention (Craig et al., 2008). In physical activity research, a common approach has been to adopt intraindividual and interpersonal theories; social and environmental theories have been less commonly used (Bartholomew, Parcel, Kok, & Gottlieb, 2001; Biddle, Hagger, Chatzisarantis, & Lippke, 2007). Although the health belief model could be considered a seminal approach to health behavior theory (Becker et al., 1977), it has been more common in physical activity research to use what could be called the big three theories: • Social cognitive theory (SCT): Bandura, 1986 • Transtheoretical model (TTM): Prochaska & Marcus, 1994; Prochaska, Norcross, & DiClemente, 1994 • Theory of planned behavior (TPB): Ajzen, 1991 Other approaches that have been used include self-determination theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 2002) and the health action process approach (HAPA; Schwarzer, 1992). Combinations of theories have also been proposed, including the transcontextual model (Hagger, Chatzisarantis, Culverhouse, & Biddle, 2003) and integrated behavior change model for physical activity (Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2014). Each of the approaches listed has a particular emphasis, such as beliefs and attitudes (TPB) or perceptions of competence (SCT). Some of the approaches are based on different stages of decision making or behavior, while retaining elements of other theories (e.g., TTM, HAPA). Rhodes and Nasuti (2011) analyzed trends across 10 journals every two years between 1990 and 2008. The journals were prominent for publishing studies on physical activity behavioral science. As shown in figure 18.3, the number of papers referring to a theoretical approach has increased. SCT, TPB, and TTM have remained prominent, and SDT has been increasingly used across the later periods. Environmental frameworks increased greatly over the 10-year period, as did the use of a multitheory approach. Interestingly, a large number of studies reported using no theory (data not shown on figure 18.3). Rhodes and Nasuti reported that only 37% of studies in the 1990s cited using any theory, whereas this rose to 43% from 2000. Intervention studies were most likely to use SCT or a multitheory approach. Speaking to such studies, a recent review of theory-based interventions designed to increase

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Number of studies

70 60

SCT

50

TTM TPB

40

SDT

30

Environ 20

Multi

10 0

Other 1990-1998

2000-2006

2008

Review time periods

Figure 18.3  Use of theories across studies from 10 journals, 1990 through 2008. SCT: social cognitive theory; TTM: the transtheoretical model; TPB: theory of planned behavior; SDT: self-determination theory; Environ: environmental theories; Multi: multitheory approaches. Data from Rhodes & Nasuti (2011).

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physical activity showed that small to medium size effects were evident for such approaches, but no one theory was superior. Interventions using a single theory tended to achieve stronger effects than those using multiple theories (Gourlan et al., 2016). But various combinations of theories were included in such an analysis, and the authors called for caution in interpreting this finding. More work is required on testing single versus multiple theory interventions. We have provided a comprehensive overview of the key theories applied to physical activity elsewhere (Biddle et al., 2007, 2015). In this section, we will summarize the big three theories that are most commonly found in the physical activity literature: social cognitive theory, theory of planned behavior, and transtheoretical model. Later, we consider a broader approach for behavior change.

Social Cognitive Theory Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory (SCT) suggests that we learn and modify our behaviors through interaction between personal, behavioral, and environmental influences. We reflect on our actions, particularly in respect to the consequences of our behaviors (referred to as outcome expectancies) and our own capabilities (efficacy expectancies). Thinking about consequences in physical activity could be simply thinking about the benefits and costs of being more active. For capabilities, we

will ask ourselves, “Can I do this behavior?” which reflects self-efficacy, a key element of SCT. Bandura defines perceived self-efficacy as people’s judgements of their capabilities to organise and execute courses of action required to attain designated types of performances. It is concerned not with the skills one has but with judgements of what one can do with whatever skills one possesses. Bandura, 1986, p. 391

Bandura identifies four main sources of self-efficacy beliefs: prior success and performance attainment, imitation and modeling, verbal and social persuasion, and judgments of physiological states. Performance attainment is thought to be the most powerful source of efficacy expectations because it is based on personal experience of success and failure. Self-efficacy is a popular topic of study and is often shown to be an important correlate of physical activity. Recent systematic reviews provide some support for SCT and self-efficacy in physical activity interventions (Ashford, Edmunds, & French, 2010; Olander et al., 2013; Williams & French, 2011).

Theory of Planned Behavior The TPB (Ajzen, 1985) proposes that intention is the immediate antecedent of behavior and that intention is predicted from attitude, subjective norm (normative beliefs), and perceptions of behavioral

Public Health Perspectives on Motivation and Behavior Change in Physical Activity   339

control. Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) suggested that the attitude component of the preceding theory of reasoned action model is constructed from the beliefs held about the specific behavior, as well as the value perceived from the likely outcomes. Such beliefs can be instrumental (e.g., “Being physically active helps me control my weight”) and affective (e.g., “Exercise is satisfying”). Note that attitudes have both cognitive and affective elements. The affective elements of attitude have usually been shown to be superior for behavior change (Rhodes, Fiala, & Conner, 2009). Normative beliefs (subjective norms) comprise the beliefs of significant others and the extent that the person wishes to comply with such beliefs. Perceived behavioral control (PBC) is defined by Ajzen (1988) as “the perceived ease or difficulty of performing the behavior” (p. 132) and is assumed “to reflect past experience as well as anticipated impediments and obstacles” (p. 132). Subjective norms are less strongly correlated with intention and behavior than PBC; the latter usually shows moderate to strong associations (Hagger, Chatzisarantis, & Biddle, 2002). In Hagger and colleagues’ (2002) meta-analysis, a correlation of 0.51 was reported between intention and behavior. Thus, one topic of interest in public health is how to close the gap between stated intentions and actual behavior. Rhodes and de Bruijn (2013) suggest that about 36% of people will be classified as unsuccessful intenders, supporting the notion of a gap between intention and behavior. Factors that may enhance or detract from good translation of intentions into behavior are referred to as moderators of this link. Rhodes and Dickau (2013) reported an analysis of 38 potential moderators from 57 studies and found that the most consistent was intentional stability, although evidence was also found for the role of anticipated regret and conscientiousness. The stability of intentions over time may partly be a function of the length of time between stated intentions and actual behavior. Intentions typically fluctuate over time. We can help maintain the stability of intentions by using “implementation intentions,” which are self-regulatory strategies (goals and plans) that involve specifying when, how, and where performance of the behavior will take place. According to Gollwitzer (1999), implementation intentions help people move from a motivational (intentional) phase to a volitional (behavioral) phase, ensuring that intentions are more likely to be converted into action. Anticipated regret refers to the desire to avoid feeling guilt or regret about

some actions, such as not being physically active. Anticipating such negative feelings is thought to assist in carrying out intentions. Sandberg and Conner (2008) conducted a meta-analysis of studies investigating anticipated regret across multiple behaviors and found a clear effect on both intention and behavior. Being conscientious is having a tendency to strive to achieve, be self-disciplined, and orderly. This trait is likely to be developed through planning physical activity (e.g. specific exercise sessions), keeping a record of what you do (self-monitoring), setting clear and measurable goals, and getting feedback on progress.

Transtheoretical Model The transtheoretical model (Prochaska & DiClemente, 1982) is a stage-based approach, whereas SCT and TPB are best described as more continuous or linear in their orientation. The TTM proposes that behavior change involves moving through a set of stages. The model is a framework that encompasses both the when (stages) and the how of behavior change. Elements of the TTM include both processes (strategies) of change and moderators of change, such as decisional balance (weighing the pros and cons of change) and self-efficacy. Research concerning the TTM in physical activity is now extensive (Marshall & Biddle, 2001; Mastellos, Gunn, Felix, Car, & Majeed, 2014; Riemsma et al., 2002). The five stages of precontemplation, contemplation, preparation, action, and maintenance, along with applications to psychology, are described in table 18.3. The stages of change are concerned with the temporal patterning of behavior change. By also identifying processes of change, we are better able to understand why and how this temporal shift might take place. Processes of change, therefore, become the important active ingredients in interventions to help people progress through the stages. Typically, 10 processes of change have been identified, and they include cognitive and behavioral strategies. The meta-analysis of physical activity TTM studies by Marshall and Biddle (2001) showed that movement from precontemplation to contemplation and from preparation to action are characterized by sharper increases in the use of behavioral processes compared with other stage transitions. Weighing the advantages of change (pros) against the disadvantages or costs (cons) is the decisional balance exercise at the core of the TTM. Research suggests that in the early stages of behavior change,

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Table 18.3  Stages of Change in the Transtheoretical Model Is there an intention to meet the criterion level of physical activity?

Stage

Is the criterion level of physical activity met?

Precontemplation

No

Little or no physical activity

No

“I won’t or I can’t do physical activity.”

Use of educational approaches to help people move toward contemplation

Contemplation

No

Little or no physical activity

Yes

“I might do some physical activity.”

Appraise pros and cons to change

Preparation

No

Small changes in physical activity

Yes

“I will do some physical activity.”

Build self-efficacy

Action

Yes

Physically active for less than 6 months

Yes

“I am already physically active.”

Seek social support

Maintenance

Yes

Physically active for more than 6 months

Yes

“I have been physically active for some time.”

Set and appraise goals

Current physical activity

the cons outweigh the pros. Those in preparation see more equality between the pros and cons, whereas those who are in maintenance will perceive more pros than cons. Changing perceptions of pros and cons, therefore, may assist in behavior change and could be done at a population level, through, for example, mass media campaigns. Moreover, self-efficacy increases with each stage progression in the TTM, although the pattern of change may be nonlinear. The largest changes seem to be from preparation to action and from action to maintenance (Marshall & Biddle, 2001). Longer-term changes in physical activity behavior have yet to be demonstrated using the TTM, although the approach remains popular with health professionals.

Other Theoretical Frameworks In addition to the big three theories used in physical activity research and described earlier, other frameworks have come to prominence. Still others show promise but have been less used. For example, self-determination theory has become a popular approach in physical activity psychology (Gourlan et al., 2016; Rhodes & Nasuti, 2011). This multifaceted theory concerns reasons for adopting a behavior (intrinsic and extrinsic motivation) and the satisfying of psychological needs. Essentially, an optimal intrinsic motivational state is derived from various intraindividual and social context influences, including an autonomy-supportive environment, the satisfying of the needs for competence, autonomy and social relatedness, and reasons for

Possible statement reflecting stage

Application and strategies from ­psychology

behavioral involvement that are more self-determined rather than controlling (Ryan & Deci, 2000a, 2000b). A meta-analysis by Chatzisarantis et al. (2003) confirmed that intentions to undertake physical activity behavior are increasingly strongly associated with more self-determined reasons for the behavior. Moreover, a systematic review by Teixeira et al. (2012) showed similar patterns for actual exercise involvement. In addition, they showed that satisfying the need for competence was strongly associated with participation in exercise. A hybrid of SDT and TPB has been proposed by Hagger and colleagues, and they have referred to this as the transcontextual model (Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2016; Hagger et al., 2003). Here, motivation to undertake a behavior in one context might carry over into a similar but different context, such as the influence of school physical education on physical activity in leisure time. Such a transfer may be due to a number of reasons, including enhancement of self-efficacy, need satisfaction, or increased enjoyment and competence. In their integrated behavior change model, Hagger and Chatzisarantis (2014) combine elements from the TPB, HAPA, and SDT. Moreover, they consider both conscious and reflective motivation, typically included in the theories just listed, alongside less conscious, automatic modes. Such automaticity is largely lacking from social cognitive theories. We discuss this in more detail later in this chapter. An increasingly cited approach is that of the HAPA framework, which uses stages (nonintentional, intentional, action) alongside continuous

Public Health Perspectives on Motivation and Behavior Change in Physical Activity   341

constructs from other theories. Some claim that HAPA is superior to other social cognitive approaches because of its combination of stage and continuous approaches (Lippke, Ziegelmann, & Schwarzer, 2005). The model combines stages with self-efficacy, pros and cons, risk perception, intentions, and goal setting, and it has been tested in physical activity research (Lippke et al., 2005). Despite these more integrated approaches, physical activity researchers have clearly tended to adopt an approach that reflects individual and psychological frameworks and theories. This approach is not optimal given that physical activity behavior is multifaceted and operates at different levels from the individual to wider society, as is needed for a public health approach. Bartholomew et al. (2006) use a broad approach in outlining various intervention methods for changing health behavior. These approaches are shown in table 18.4. Although many methods operate at the individual level (e.g., knowledge, attitudes, capability), other methods designed to change behavior focus on social norms and networks, environments, organizations, communities, and policy. Few of these latter approaches have been adopted in physical activity research.

Overlapping Constructs and Theories The core theories used in physical activity research over the past few decades have had a strong individualistic and social cognitive orientation. Some

researchers have clearly identified with one theory, but others have used parts of several theories or frameworks. The latter might best be described as theory informed. Indeed, at the time that these theories were becoming popular frameworks within the physical activity research field, several authors suggested some form of integration or mapping of constructs across theories (Biddle, 1999; Biddle & Mutrie, 2001; Brawley, 1993; Maddux, 1993). In that way areas of overlap could be identified. More recently, Michie et al. (2014b) have not only identified 83 theories of health behavior change but also have mapped the interconnectedness between theories using network analysis. A few theories were found to feed directly into the development of several others, such as the TTM to 6 other theories, SCT to 12, and TBP to 17. Overlap between constructs from different theories led to the development of the theoretical domains framework (TDF; Cane, O’Connor, & Michie, 2012; Michie, Atkins, & West, 2014a). This framework has identified 14 domains, originally from 128 constructs and 33 behavior change theories. Michie et al. (2014a) stated that the TDF was developed in response to requests from researchers interested in implementation but who “were aware of the large number of such theories and their overlapping constructs” (p. 87). The TDF was then developed as “an integrative framework synthesising key theoretical constructs used in relevant theories” (p. 87). The domains and constructs are shown in table 18.5.

Table 18.4  Methods and Levels of Analysis for Health Behavior Change Level or focus of methods proposed

Example method

Example linked theory or framework

Individual

Tailoring

Transtheoretical model

To increase knowledge

Active learning

Social cognitive theory

To change awareness and risk perception

Fear arousal

Protection motivation theory

To change habits, automatic behavior, and action control

Implementation intentions

Theory of planned behavior

To change attitudes

Persuasive communication

Attitude theories

To change social influence

Modeling

Social cognitive theory

For skills, capability, and self-efficacy

Coping skills

Relapse prevention theory

Higher environmental levels

Advocacy

Agenda-building theory

To change social norms

Mass media

Diffusion of innovations theory

To improve social support and social networks

Use of lay health workers

Theories of social networks and social support

To create health-promoting organizations

Team building

Organizational development theory

To create health-promoting communities

Grass-roots organizing

Models of community organization

To create healthful public policy

Media advocacy

Policy windows theory

Adapted from Bartholomew et al. (2006).

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Table 18.5  The Theoretical Domains Framework Domain

Example construct

Knowledge

Knowledge of health condition

Skills

Competence

Memory, attention and decision processes

Decision making

Behavioral regulation

Self-monitoring

Social or professional role and identity

Social identity

Beliefs about capabilities

Self-efficacy

Optimism

Optimism

Beliefs about consequences

Outcome expectancies

Intentions

Stability of intentions

Goals

Implementation intentions

Reinforcement

Rewards

Emotion

Affect

Environmental context and resources

Organizational culture

Social influences

Social norms

Adapted from Michie et al. (2014a).

Behavior Change Wheel and COM-B Frameworks We have made the point that physical activity intervention approaches to date have been narrowly focused on individual constructs. To encompass a truly public health approach, social, environmental, community, and policy frameworks are also required. Bringing a number of these elements together is the parsimonious behavior change wheel (BCW) (Michie, Atkins, et al., 2014a; Michie, van Stralen, & West, 2011), a framework that addresses various levels, including individuals, groups, and communities. The BCW contains three key elements: sources of behavior, intervention functions, and policy categories. The three main sources of behavior (B) are proposed to be capability (C), opportunity (O), and motivation (M), hence the “COM-B” approach. Understanding the specific behavior in question is critical. Physical activity, for example, can take many forms, such as through its intensity (e.g., light physical activity, moderate to vigorous physical activity; see figure 18.1) and type (e.g., muscle-strengthening exercise, sports, dance). The COM-B framework allows an analysis of the physical and psychological capabilities to undertake the behavior, the social and physical opportunities, and both reflective and automatic forms of motivation (see later). The intervention functions are the types of interventions that might be delivered and can include coercion, training, enablement, modeling, envi-

ronmental restructuring, restrictions, education, persuasion, and incentivization. Interventions are likely to have more than one intervention function operating, such as including education and environmental restructuring. A good example of this might be the introduction of a sit-to-stand desk in the workplace (environmental restructuring) that has an education component covering the potential benefits and use of the desk. The third element of the BCW comprises the policy categories that can be used to deliver the intervention functions. These can include guidelines, environmental or social planning, communication and marketing, legislation, service provision, regulation, and fiscal measures. Physical activity interventions most commonly use guidelines (e.g., national physical activity guidelines), marketing (e.g., mass media campaigns), and service provision (e.g., provision of people, programs, and facilities). The BCW recognizes a dual-process approach to motivation through both reflective and automatic processing. Reflective approaches are common in psychology; people process information, think and reflect, and then, possibly, act out the behavior. Automatic processing, however, is at a lower level of conscious processing. Behaviors might occur through either environmental nudging or gut-reaction acts driven by affective responses, but with little forethought or planning. For example, weighing the pros and cons (see discussion on the transtheoretical model) is a clear case of reflective motivation. After the reflective decision-making processes have taken place, the behavior in question

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Team Science A public health approach to increasing physical activity and reducing sedentary behavior requires more than behavior change psychologists. The notion of team science is an important one in which disciplinary boundaries are reduced or eliminated in an effort to seek answers to tough problems. For example, the issue of measuring physical activity might require input from technology experts, whereas interventions to increase cycling to work are likely to need the expertise of geographers or city planners. What would constitute your science dream team? Take a topic (e.g., walking to school for a child, reducing sitting in the workplace, increasing recreational sport participation) and draw up your dream team for a successful behavior change intervention.

may or may not be undertaken. On the other hand, some behaviors will be undertaken in a much more automatic way, such as climbing the stairs because they are easily accessible and attractive. Little thought may have gone into it. Making the stairs accessible or attractive is a strategy that reduces the need for reflective motivation and is likely to trigger more automatic processing.

Habits and Nudging in Behavior Change Automatic processing is associated with notions of habit. The goal of nearly all health behavior change, including physical activity, is to make the desired behavior a habit or to eliminate bad habits. Habits involve behavioral patterns learned through context-dependent repetition. A mental association is made between the situation and behavior. Sedentary behavior (sitting time) is a clear example of behavior being strongly driven by habit. When a particular context is encountered, such as arriving home after work, people often automatically cue the habitual response of, say, sitting on the sofa and turning on the TV. Some physical activity behaviors can become habits through repetition, such as leaving the house for work on foot or by bike, rather than by car. In novel contexts, behavior is more likely to be regulated by conscious decisions through intentions (reflective processing), but in familiar contexts behavior will be much more affected by habit (automatic processing). Given the high frequency of many sedentary behaviors, such as sitting in front of the TV, such behaviors can easily become habitual. Similarly, car use becomes habitual for many through high-frequency usage. Making environments highly conducive to physical activity, such as by making them attractive and accessible, should help make physical activity more habitual and will lessen the need for reflective decision making. This

idea is consistent with behavioral choice theory advocated by Epstein and colleagues in studies on sedentary behavior and physical activity (Epstein, 1998; Epstein & Roemmich, 2001). Behavioral choices are made on the assessment of the accessibility of the behavior and the liking (reinforcement value) of the behavior. Kremers et al. (2007) demonstrated that sedentary behavior in the form of screen viewing has a habitual component for many young people. Dutch adolescents completed questionnaires assessing screen viewing and habit strength for screen viewing, and a moderately strong correlation was found between the two. Kremers and Brug (2008) also showed that intentions were unrelated to behavior in adolescents with strong habits, and the researchers suggested that interventions to decrease sedentary behavior should not just provide information to increase motivation. Reducing sedentary behavior may require disrupting environmental factors that automatically cue habitual behaviors. Because habits are formed through repetition, time and repetition are required to break one habit and replace it with another. Few interventions have been explicitly based on habit formation or habit change, although Lally and Gardner (2015) have made some suggestions. These include identifying the cues for specific behaviors through self-monitoring. This way, people can identify situations in which they perform unwanted habitual behavior. They can then either avoid the cue or develop strategies so that when the cue occurs, the behavioral response to the cue is something more active. Thus, unwanted habits could be broken by restructuring personal environments or programming new responses to existing environments. A strategy could involve intervening at a point when people are changing the environment in which they live or work. Within existing environments, placing reminders in the contexts where unwanted habits are performed can provide a useful reminder to implement an alternative response.

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Gardner and colleagues (Gardner, Phillips, & Judah, 2016; Phillips & Gardner, 2016) have made an interesting distinction in the context of habit and physical activity. For example, “for more complex behaviors such as exercise, however, the distinction between habitual deciding (instigation) and habitual doing (execution) becomes meaningful” (Phillips & Gardner, 2016, p. 70). Making a distinction between instigating and executing health behaviors from a habit perspective requires further study in the context of physical activity and sedentary behavior (see Gardner et al., 2016). Based on behavioral economics, the concept of nudging has been proposed (Marteau, Ogilvie, Roland, Suhrcke, & Kelly, 2011). Behavioral economics is closely aligned with what psychologists understand as behavior analysis, with its roots in Skinnerian conditioning. Behavioral economics refers to the “combination of microeconomic concepts, principles, and measures along with concepts, principles, and experimental methods developed by behavior analysts” (Madden, 2000, p. 6). Put simply, it “seeks to combine the lessons from psychology with the laws of economics” (Dolan, Hallsworth, Halpern, King, & Vlaev, 2010, p. 12), and is “designed to understand factors that influence choice among alternatives” (Roemmich et al., 2008, p. 1011). Nudging occurs when behaviors are encouraged through little or no incentive rather than through highly directive or so-called nannying approaches, such as through government policies and legislation. Interestingly, a review concluded that the public acceptability of government interventions to change behavior is greatest for the least intrusive type of interventions (Diepeveen, Ling, Suhrcke,

Roland, & Marteau, 2013). Whether these are the most effective, or even effective at all, is open to debate, but the research does provide important information on the acceptability of interventions— something often lacking in our field. Nudging, referred to as the influence of “choice architecture,” often involves altering small-scale social and physical environments to cue desired behaviors (Hollands et al., 2013). A typology by Hollands et al. proposed that choice architecture interventions could involve altering properties, the placement of objects or stimuli, or both in combination. Altering properties, for example, might involve changing the physical ambience, labels (e.g., food), or size of a product. Altering placement might involve changing the availability or proximity of a product. Priming and prompting could involve changes to both properties and placement. In an analysis of nudging and various health behaviors, Hollands et al. (2013) found that over 70% of studies focused on diet and just under 20% focused on physical activity, the majority of which tried to nudge behavior through changes to the ambience and design of the environment. A wellknown example is providing signage at the foot of stairs to encourage walking rather than standing still on a parallel escalator (Bellicha et al., 2015), sometimes with changes to the ambience of stairs too (see Boutelle, Jeffrey, Murray, & Schmitz, 2001). Equally, we can be nudged into unhealthy behaviors. The norm in public places, such as hotels, is often to find easily accessible and attractive elevators, or lifts, and inaccessible stairs. This circumstance has probably happened to people so many times that on encountering the hotel lobby, they automatically use the elevator, giving little or

Tailoring Interventions in Public Health Settings A common suggestion is that we need to tailor interventions to suit certain people or groups better. One size does not fit all. But is this statement contradictory given that public health approaches are attempting to bring about change across large sections of society and whole populations? Successful public health interventions may require multiple levels of influence for behavior change—on the individual, on the environment, in societal norms, and in policy. Each one can feed other elements. Moreover, if individual decisions are highly proximal to the person, then policy or social norms might be more distal influences, but no less important. On this basis, we need to attend to what might appear distal influences to establish enabling environments that allow physical activity to be a viable option for the individual. Tailoring approaches for certain groups or individuals, therefore, is not contradictory in a public health approach, although it may be difficult to do in some cases on any large scale. Moreover, clear synergy exists between the various levels of influence. A person can enact an intention to be active much more easily if the social norms and physical environment are positive and supportive. Tailored approaches beyond that may then enhance the chances of successful behavior change. How might this be applied to active commuting?

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no thought to seeking out the stairs. As Marteau et al. (2011) say, “Nudging certainly works. Shaping environments to cue certain behaviors is extremely effective, unfortunately often to the detriment of our health” (p. 263). Nudging and behavioral economics inform us that affective responses are also important. Delayed consequences of our behavior, such as long-term health benefits, are often discounted and seen as less important, whereas more immediate reinforcement can powerfully shape behavior (Marlatt, 2000). More automatic forms of motivation can be strongly influenced by simple likes and dislikes, a circumstance in which behaviors follow quick and less reflective processes. For example, we may choose to buy a phone based on its looks and feel more than its functionality. In the same way we may choose a certain physical activity, such as walking to work, based on little conscious decision making beyond a simple liking for being outside. Of course, if the route to work is unattractive (e.g., polluted, busy roads to cross), it will be less likely to be used than a route that is accessible and attractive to walk. For that reason, as behavioral scientists, we must seek to find ways of making physical activity attractive and affectively pleasing, and emphasize this approach more than focusing on longer-term health outcomes (Ekkekakis & Dafermos, 2012; Ekkekakis, Vazou, Bixby, & Georgiadis, 2016). For example, research has shown that the combination of a high reinforcing value and liking of physical activity is associated with a 33% greater participation rate for children’s MVPA (Roemmich et al., 2008).

Future Research Recommendations It should be clear from what we have written so far that approaches to motivating behavior in the context of public health require a broader approach than the conventional one adopted through social cognitive theories and frameworks. But that is not to say that social cognitive theories have no place in public health. They provide valuable frameworks for how people might change their behavior and what mechanisms might be at play. Moreover, they provide information on likely active ingredients of change, at least at the individual level. Indeed, the factors that might influence physical activity will operate on a continuum from more distal factors to those that are more proximal. On that basis, typical psychological factors reported in the literature will operate at a more proximal level, particularly when

referring to decision making. It could be argued, therefore, that these factors are crucial to physical activity participation. But more distal factors, such as societal conditions or the environment, will shape how these individual decisions are made or even if such decisions can, or will be, acted out at all. Let us not pit one approach against another— both are important. That said, we have overemphasized individual and psychological factors, and we need to redress the balance for a true public health approach. A key gap in current thinking is how to integrate the best of diverse approaches. How can we shape environments and have people be sufficiently motivated or have appropriate intentions to undertake the behavior? Environments are important, but often not enough. Many roads have sidewalks (pavements), but that does not guarantee that people will walk. Other conditions need to be in place, including wider environmental support, social norms, personal intent, and so forth. Within the context of sport and exercise psychology, we propose the following future directions as being important for consideration in the context of increasing population levels of physical activity. First, physical activity takes many different forms across a continuum of movement, from sedentary behavior to highly vigorous physical activity. This range of activity level requires more consideration when designing studies. Physical activity is not a singular entity. For example, we need to know more about how correlates and determinants might differ across these various forms of movement. Physical activity also takes place in multiple contexts, and this variety may partly determine the influences on participation and possibly the psychological outcomes derived. Research needs to continue to distinguish between interventions in different settings, such as schools, the workplace, active transport, and leisure-time pursuits. Although the gym is important for some people, it is by no means the only setting for encouraging physical activity. Physical activity is an important element of public health and, as such, population-wide approaches need to be adopted. Investigation and intervention must occur at multiple levels from the individual to social, environmental, and policy levels. We refer to the behavior change wheel (Michie et al., 2011) as a good example of how behavior change operates at different levels. Intervention studies need to map elements of the wheel into proposed behavior change actions and strategies. Of course, one such level of behavior change will be the individual, and here we need to place

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more emphasis on the affective elements of physical activity, including feelings about different types of physical activity and affective reactions during and after physical activity. This aspect is likely to be more important than distal health benefits to be accrued from physical activity. For example, although more severe forms of exercise may be particularly beneficial for health, that attribute may be irrelevant if the affective response to participation is quite negative. Research needs to test to what extent people need information on health benefits or strategies that maximize positive affective and behavioral reinforcement (Ekkekakis et al., 2016). Besides using theories as guiding frameworks for interventions, we should also consider common constructs across key theories and the potential of using these as the active ingredients and behavior change techniques for increasing physical activity. It is probably not a good thing that theories dip in and out of favor and that some become quite fashionable over time. A more useful approach may be to decide what constructs are important and predictive rather than be wedded to a certain theory. That said, the evidence favors, albeit marginally, the use of single theories over multiple theories in interventions. But given the complexity of achieving genuine public health change, researchers need to consider various approaches, including mapping effective behavior change techniques (see Gardner, Smith, Lorencatto, Hamer, & Biddle, 2016). This effort might include a close examination of the common constructs across theories. Behavior can be influenced by less conscious processing of cues. Such implicit approaches need better integration alongside conventional reflective approaches to motivation. Moreover, greater attention is needed concerning the role of habit and habit breaking, which may differ across types of movement. Sedentary behavior should be a rich area for the investigation of habit breaking because of the strongly habitual nature of sitting. Developments in thinking concerning different types of habitual behavior are also important future directions. Moreover, allied to the notion of habit and more automatic forms of processing, nudging changes in behavior is an important direction for research. In addition, this approach is highly appealing to policy makers, including governments. But we need to know more about how such approaches can be implemented across the movement continuum and in different contexts. The majority of nudge work has been in nutrition, so challenges remain about how feasible and cost effective physical activity nudge-based interventions might be. The area holds great promise, but a great deal of work

is still required to test how such strategies can be implemented. Finally, self-monitoring is a powerful behavior change technique and links clearly to the popularity of wearable technology. Although we know that such devices can be highly useful in initiating behavior change, longer-term adherence to wearable devices has yet to be studied in detail. Moreover, to what extent do we need to wear such devices over time before a behavior becomes habitual and firmly placed within the behavioral maintenance phase? In addition, some people will not find self-monitoring and aspects of the quantified self appealing. What do we offer these people so that they might benefit from less-intrusive forms of self-monitoring? Signs in public places, such as those stating time to walk a certain distance between destinations, might be one surrogate form of self-monitoring, or at least prompting, that requires further investigation. This effort needs to be done jointly with the people we are trying to assist.

Summary This chapter has addressed issues of physical activity from a public health perspective. The objective of a public health approach is to increase physical activity in as large a population as possible rather than in just a few people. Based on the idea that different types of movement can be placed along a continuum ranging from sedentary behavior to highly vigorous physical activity, we make the case that a public health approach must recognize these different types of movement and the contexts in which they take place. We have summarized the psychological correlates of physical activity participation and suggested that a broader approach is now needed. Moreover, the theories and frameworks adopted in exercise psychology have failed to recognize approaches grounded in social, environmental, and policy theory. A combination of these may be optimal. Moreover, additional frameworks require testing, including those featuring the concepts of habit and nudging. This approach would be consistent with the behavior change wheel, which recognizes both reflective and automatic forms of motivation, alongside capability and opportunity, as important sources of behavior. Certainly, psychologists have an important role to play in public health approaches to physical activity. But this role could likely occur within cross-disciplinary teams that include other specialists across the social, behavioral, and biological sciences in a true team science approach.

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Marshall, S.J., & Biddle, S.J.H. (2001). The Transtheoretical Model of behavior change: A meta-analysis of applications to physical activity and exercise. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 23, 229–246. Marteau, T.M., Ogilvie, D., Roland, M., Suhrcke, M., & Kelly, M.P. (2011). Judging nudging: Can nudging improve population health? British Medical Journal, 342, d228. Mastellos, N., Gunn, L.H., Felix, L.M., Car, J., & Majeed, A. (2014). Transtheoretical model stages of change for dietary and physical exercise modification in weight loss management for overweight and obese adults. Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, Issue 2, Art. No. CD008066. Michie, S., Atkins, L., & West, R. (2014a). The behaviour change wheel: A guide to designing interventions. London, UK: Silverback. Michie, S., van Stralen, M., & West, R. (2011). The behaviour change wheel: A new method for characterising and designing behaviour change interventions. Implementation Science, 6, 42. Michie, S., West, R., Campbell, R., Brown, J., & Gainforth, H. (2014b). ABC of behaviour change theories. London, UK: Silverback. Olander, E., Fletcher, H., Williams, S., Atkinson, L., Turner, A., & French, D. (2013). What are the most effective techniques in changing obese individuals’ physical activity self-efficacy and behaviour? A systematic review and meta-analysis. International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 10, 29. Park, C.L., Riley, K.E., Bedesin, E., & Stewart, V.M. (2016). Why practice yoga? Practitioners’ motivations for adopting and maintaining yoga practice. Journal of Health Psychology, 21, 887–896. Phillips, L.A., & Gardner, B. (2016). Habitual exercise instigation (vs. execution) predicts health adults’ exercise frequency. Health Psychology, 35, 69–77. Powell, K.E. (1988). Habitual exercise and public health: An epidemiological view. In R.K. Dishman (Ed.), Exercise adherence: Its impact on public health (pp. 15–39). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Prochaska, J.O., & DiClemente, C.C. (1982). Transtheoretical therapy: Toward a more integrative model of change. Psychotherapy: Theory, research and practice, 19, 276–288. Prochaska, J.O., & Marcus, B.H. (1994). The transtheoretical model: Application to exercise. In R.K. Dishman (Ed.), Advances in exercise adherence (pp. 161–180). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

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PART

VI Health The five chapters in part VI present discussions related to the link between health and sport, exercise, and physical activity. Involvement in physical activity pursuits can produce meaningful positive health benefits but can also introduce challenges to health such as injury or burnout. The chapters in this section collectively introduce readers to this important area of the physical activity psychology field. In chapter 19, Panteleimon Ekkekakis presents a provocative discussion concerning the connection between physical activity and mental health. What makes his chapter unique is his persuasive argument that an antiexercise bias exists in the medical literature regarding the value of physical activity as a treatment or intervention for several forms of mental illness. Ekkekakis notes that this chapter does not so much focus on whether physical activity and exercise can benefit mental health but rather on why these activities have yet to be implemented by medical organizations and providers in a broad way. A historical overview of five decades of contrasting views of the value of exercise in relation to mental health is followed by a summary and commentary on the principles of evidence-based medicine (EBM) as the de facto standard in most fields of health care. This section may be especially valuable for researchers working in this area of study because current graduate curricula often do not contain information on this topic. Using depression as a

case study, Ekkekakis explores the broad base of support (including meta-analyses and randomized controlled trials) for physical activity as a valuable treatment or preventative technique despite the relative lack of support for its application in the medical field. The chapter ends with recommendations for the field. In chapter 20, Jeffrey Martin provides a discussion of sport and exercise psychology research as it applies to individuals with physical disabilities. The chapter begins with an examination of identity as a key consideration, in relation to not only the health and psychosocial well-being of individuals with disabilities but also potential participation in sport and physical activity. Martin then addresses the role that selected personality factors might play in relation to disability sport. As an example of work within this broad research area, he specifically focuses on Wounded Warriors. He provides a review of the research to date and highlights the psychosocial benefits of taking up sport after acquired disability. Like the other chapters in this text, Martin presents limitations in the current research base as well as suggestions for future research. More research will be needed on this topic to enable us to understand and meet the needs of all movers. Diane Wiese-Bjornstal, Andrew White, Kristen Wood, and Hayley Russell wrote chapter 21 with a focus on the psychological study of injury and rehabilitation among participants in sport, exer-

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cise, and other physical activity settings. This area of study, referred to by the authors as sports medicine psychology, examines psychological influences that are evident during three phases of the injury process: preinjury, postinjury, and the period known as return to sport. Wiese-Bjornstal and her colleagues provide a review of the research on each of these phases. They also include a section devoted to psychological interventions that have been used by various professionals in the field who work with injured physical activity participants. In their suggestions for future research on this topic, Wiese-Bjornstal and her coauthors make a strong case for employing more multidisciplinary approaches to assessment, health care, and psychological interventions. In chapter 22, Alan Smith, Christine Pacewicz, and Thomas Raedeke examine the knowledge base on athlete burnout, a potential negative outcome of competitive sport participation that is of interest to scholars, practitioners, and athletes. They open the chapter by explaining how athlete burnout is defined in contemporary research and how burnout is measured, as well as prevailing theoretical perspectives that have informed research on this topic. They then summarize the predominant lines of contemporary research on athlete burnout, with primary emphasis on the study of burnout within motivational and perfectionism frameworks. Research within these frameworks has been growing substantially and has meaningfully enhanced understanding of athlete burnout. Smith and his colleagues then share several important knowledge gaps and associated research directions that offer promise for advancing the literature. They focus on assessment issues, the consideration of social factors that may exacerbate or mitigate burnout, the fit of the athlete and organization, and the need

for additional longitudinal research, especially intervention studies. Finally, in chapter 23, Nancy Gyurcsik, Christopher Shields, Miranda Cary, and Lawrence Brawley provide readers with an overview of the research and theory regarding the use and value of physical activity for individuals living with chronic diseases. The authors note in their introduction that this chapter focuses on “physical activity as a tertiary prevention strategy that people living with chronic disease should use to mitigate against the deterioration of physical function, independent living, and quality of life.” The broad focus of this chapter topic leads the authors to examine the research and theory relative to two particular and prevalent chronic diseases: arthritis and diabetes. Within each of these respective sections, the authors outline and summarize the current knowledge base and then speak to knowledge gaps and provide recommendations for future research. As Gyurcsik and her coauthors note, chronic diseases currently account for 60% of all deaths worldwide, with estimates expected to reach 73% by 2020. Given that many chronic diseases can be better self-managed through regular physical activity, it is important for researchers and scholars in our field to identify ways to successfully promote active living among those challenged by chronic disease. The field of sport and exercise psychology is not bounded by the concerns of competitive sport participants; it includes a rich array of human movement contexts, opportunities, and challenges. Clearly, the five chapters in this section reflect the extension of our field to focus on a range of physical and mental health concerns and a diverse population of movers. Thus, readers of this text should gain a broader view of the field of physical activity psychology.

19 Physical Activity and Mental Health in the Era of Evidence-Based Medicine Panteleimon Ekkekakis, PhD

Abstract The line of research investigating the effects of physical activity and exercise on mental health was the original seed that in the late 1960s gave rise to the field of exercise psychology. Although textbooks and review articles published within the discipline of exercise psychology unanimously proclaim that physical activity and exercise have significant beneficial effects on a wide range of mental health variables, including anxiety, depression, and cognitive function, these claims are persistently disputed in the medical literature. Moreover, although clinical practice guidelines in several countries recommend physical activity or exercise as an option for the treatment of depression, physicians remain reluctant to implement these guidelines. What might explain this apparent violation of the principle of evidence-based medicine? Focusing on the treatment of depression as an illustrative case study, this chapter discusses signs of antiexercise bias in the medical literature, underscores the role of the mass media in propagating confusion about the strength and quality of the evidence, and highlights the importance of promoting critical appraisal as a remedy. Recommendations are provided for both enhancing the research literature and fostering critical appraisal in ways that can mitigate bias and promote informed interpretation of research data on physical activity and mental health.

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he line of research investigating the association of physical activity or exercise with mental health was the original seed that in the late 1960s gave rise to the field of exercise psychology. The numerous overviews of this prolific research typically follow a similar structure. After surveying various types of evidence, including epidemiologic studies, cross-sectional comparisons, randomized controlled trials (RCTs), narrative reviews, and meta-analyses, most overviews conclude that physical activity and exercise have positive effects on a wide array of mental health outcomes, such as depression and anxiety. In the closing paragraphs of these publications, authors commonly comment on the potential of physical activity as a cost-effective intervention for promoting public mental health, bemoaning the fact that this potential remains unfulfilled. Offering yet another such summary here would be neither novel nor particularly valuable. Instead, what could be a more meaningful contribution is a critical analysis of the reasons delaying the transition of this undoubtedly intriguing line of research to clinical application. Thus, the focus of this chapter differs from the norm, reflecting a change in the question that is now at the forefront, from whether physical activity and exercise can benefit mental health (for a comprehensive account on this, see Ekkekakis, 2013a) to why physical activity and exercise have yet to be implemented in treatment pathways on a large scale. The chapter begins by offering a broad historical overview of contrasting views regarding the role of exercise and physical activity in relation to mental health. In the second section, a synopsis of the fundamentals of evidence-based medicine (EBM) is provided, followed by an analysis emphasizing the rising need for critical appraisal of RCTs and meta-analyses published in the medical literature. To provide an overall perspective on these issues, depression, one of the most prevalent mental health disorders, is used as an illustrative case study. The chapter concludes with recommendations for future research. The central message of this chapter is that scientific evidence, even evidence published in the most prestigious journals, exhibits a remarkable degree of malleability and susceptibility to bias. Moreover, it is crucial to remember that both research and clinical practice are embedded within a broader social, political, and economic system. Governments (e.g., career politicians in charge of departments of health), guideline developers (e.g., panels of experts, many with disclosed or undisclosed conflicts of interest), health insurers

(e.g., national health care systems or for-profit corporations), prescribing physicians (most under a variety of institutional or corporate pressures), and patients (recipients of various, often confusing and conflicting, messages) are all active agents within this complex system. Their decisions are influenced by numerous factors, of which scientific evidence is only one. The mass media act as a catalyst in shaping the behavior of these players, often in ways that are inconsistent with the scientific evidence. Therefore, if we are to comprehend why physical activity has yet to become integrated into clinical practice in the field of mental health, we need to adopt a broad perspective that encompasses the scientific evidence but also extends beyond it.

A 50-Year Chronicle of Contrasting Views Scientific evidence is, to a surprising extent, in the eye of the beholder. Well-meaning and knowledgeable scientists can examine the same body of evidence and arrive at different conclusions. This outcome has certainly been the case with the data on the role of exercise in mental health. As will be seen in the following sections, views have been divided in most cases (though not always) along disciplinary lines. Exercise scientists often blur the line between impartiality and advocacy, and, on the opposite side, many psychiatrists and clinical psychologists express skepticism or even denial.

The 1960s and 1970s The spark that led to the development of exercise psychology arose from a case of interdisciplinary tension. In December 1967, psychiatrists Pitts and McClure published a controversial article in the prestigious New England Journal of Medicine, in which they argued that exercise-induced elevations in lactate increase the risk of anxiety attacks in patients with anxiety. The Pitts-McClure hypothesis was subsequently criticized and ultimately refuted. Nevertheless, it captured the attention of the media and the medical community. As the idea became more broadly known, speculations that exercise can raise the risk of anxiety attacks grew bolder (e.g., Pitts, 1971) despite the absence of evidence. The growing popularity of this idea was quickly recognized by exercise scientists as a potential impediment to efforts to introduce exercise in clinical practice. William Morgan, who is widely recognized as the father of exercise psychology in

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North America, conducted the first studies conceived as a direct response to Pitts and McClure. In their introduction, Morgan, Roberts, and Feinerman (1971) wrote that, although Pitts and McClure “imply that physical activity may evoke undesirable psychologic changes,” numerous anecdotal observations suggest otherwise: “ ‘Normal’ individuals invariably report that they feel better following physical activity” (p. 423). Contrary to expectations, however, anxiety and depression scores after treadmill and cycling exercise did not differ from scores after supine rest in those initial studies. Nevertheless, Morgan et al. (1971) insisted that “even though significant psychologic changes were not observed, the majority of the subjects tested in these studies reported that the exercise bouts were exhilarating and they ‘felt better’ following the exercise” (p. 425). The failure to detect this anecdotally reported “feel-better” effect was attributed to the questionnaires used. Using new measures that first became available at that time, namely the StateTrait Anxiety Inventory (STAI; Spielberger, Gorsuch, & Lushene, 1970) and the Profile of Mood States (POMS; McNair, Lorr, & Droppleman, 1971), Morgan (1973) subsequently reported another series of small studies in which exercise was indeed found to result in reductions in state anxiety and mood disturbance. These new findings enabled Morgan (1973) to proclaim that these data “seriously challenge the PittsMcClure hypothesis” because they demonstrated that “muscular exertion reduces, not increases, state anxiety” (p. 114).

The 1980s The first studies by Morgan inspired numerous similar studies by other investigators. By the 1980s, the “feel-better” effects of exercise had come to be regarded by exercise scientists as almost self-evident. Morgan (1981) confidently asserted that “the ‘feeling better’ sensation that accompanies regular physical activity is so obvious that it is one of the few universally accepted benefits of exercise” (p. 306). Far from being universally accepted, however, the psychological benefits of exercise were seen as dubious by other scientists. For example, in a high-profile review published in American Psychologist, two psychologists commented that, although “the psychological benefits of fitness training, especially jogging, have been propagandized by the popular press” (Folkins & Sime, 1981, p. 373), the “status of theorizing about the processes that might explain physical fitness training effects can

best be described as a potpourri of speculations” (p. 374), and the “studies of physical fitness effects on psychological health are poorly designed” (p. 386). A psychiatrist agreed, stating that “the enthusiastic support of exercise to improve mental health has a limited empirical basis and lacks a welltested rationale” (Hughes, 1984, p. 76).

The 1990s Views continued to diverge during the 1990s. One of the chapters in the landmark report by the surgeon general in the United States on physical activity and public health was devoted to the benefits for mental health (United States Department of Health and Human Services, 1996). The committee of experts who compiled the report concluded that “physical activity interventions have benefitted persons from the general population who report mood disturbance, including symptoms of anxiety and depression, as well as patients who have been diagnosed with non-bipolar, non-psychotic depression” (p. 136). Only 3 years later, the first-ever report by the surgeon general on mental health was published (United States Department of Health and Human Services, 1999). Physical activity and exercise were not listed among the recognized methods of treatment for anxiety and depression, a designation that was assigned only to psychotherapy and pharmacotherapy. Physical activity was mentioned as one of an “ever expanding list” of “informal” interventions for coping with stressful life events, alongside “religious and spiritual endeavors” and “complementary healers” (p. 232).

The 2000s At the turn of the 21st century, as public and private health care systems tried to control escalating costs, physical activity and exercise recaptured the interest of researchers and policymakers as potential cost-effective treatments. For example, the Somerset Health Authority, a regional health board in southwest England, commissioned a systematic review of the evidence on the effects of exercise on mental health. Particularly for depression, the panel of experts, consisting of distinguished exercise scientists, concluded that “the evidence is strong enough for us to conclude that there is support for a causal link between physical activity and reduced clinically defined depression,” emphasizing that “this is the first time such a statement has been made” (Biddle, Fox, Boutcher, & Faulkner, 2000, p. 155).

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At the same time, however, the conclusions of a meta-analysis published in the prestigious British Medical Journal by an epidemiologist and a psychiatrist were very different. Despite finding that exercise reduced depression much more than control treatments (pooled effect size of 1.1), Lawlor and Hopker (2001) argued that “the effectiveness of exercise in reducing symptoms of depression cannot be determined because of a lack of good quality research on clinical populations with adequate follow up” (p. 1). In fact, a synopsis of the meta-analysis in the opening pages of that issue of the journal (“This Week in the BMJ”) appeared under the striking title “Effectiveness of Exercise in Managing Depression Is Not Shown by MetaAnalysis.” Although this negative portrayal of the evidence has been criticized as inconsistent with the actual data (Brosse, Sheets, Lett, & Blumenthal, 2002; Callaghan, 2004; Landers & Arent, 2007; Mutrie, 2002; Rethorst, Wipfli, & Landers, 2009), the meta-analysis by Lawlor and Hopker (2001) remains one of the most oft-cited articles on the subject.

Current State of Affairs Divergent or even contradictory assessments of the evidence are still common and cover a wide range of mental health outcomes. In the case of depression, a meta-analysis of 13 RCTs examining the effects of exercise on clinically diagnosed depression found a pooled effect of −0.40 (95% confidence interval from −0.66 to −0.14), which approximates what is commonly considered a medium effect (0.50). The authors, however, concluded that “exercise at most has a small benefit in relieving symptoms of depression in patients with clinically diagnosed depression in the short term” (Krogh, Nordentoft, Sterne, & Lawlor, 2011, p. 535) and “the available evidence does not support the use of exercise for long-term benefit in patients with clinically diagnosed depression” (p. 537). On the other hand, another meta-analysis of 13 RCTs, also purporting to summarize the effects of exercise on individuals with depression, found a pooled effect of −0.77 (95% confidence interval from −1.14 to −0.41), which is commonly considered a large effect. The authors concluded that their analysis showed “a significant large overall effect favoring exercise intervention” and a “moderate” effect “when only studies with high methodological quality were included in the analysis” (Josefsson, Lindwall, & Archer, 2014, p. 259). Accordingly, they stated that “physical exercise may be recommended to the mildly and moderately depressed individual” (p. 270).

In the case of anxiety, one meta-analysis summarizing 7 RCTs found a pooled effect of 0.02 (95% confidence interval from −0.20 to 0.24). The authors thus concluded that the evidence indicates “no significant benefit of aerobic exercise for the treatment of anxiety disorders” (Bartley, Hay, & Bloch, 2013, p. 38). Moreover, according to the analysis, “evidence-based treatments of anxiety disorders (cognitive behavioral therapy and pharmacotherapy) have outperformed aerobic exercise in the few trials that compared them head to head” (p. 38). Therefore, discussing the clinical implications of their analysis, the authors stated that “current evidence does not support the use of aerobic exercise as a primary treatment for the symptoms of anxiety disorders” (p. 38). On the other hand, a systematic review on the same subject examined 12 RCTs and reached a different conclusion: “The majority of studies concluded that, as a treatment for elevated anxiety or anxiety disorders, exercise offers benefits comparable to established treatments, including medication or cognitive behavioral therapy, and better than those of placebo or waitlist control” (Stonerock, Hoffman, Smith, & Blumenthal, 2015, p. 551). Thus, the authors stated that, despite certain methodological limitations, “exercise could be a useful, affordable, accessible treatment for anxiety” (p. 553). In the case of cognitive health, a topic of extraordinary societal concern, the divergence between various assessments of the evidence base is similarly striking. Working under the auspices of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, a panel of experts from medicine and public health evaluated 30 studies (22 RCTs) examining whether physical activity and exercise interventions can maintain or improve the cognitive function of community-dwelling older adults. The panel specifically “considered whether [the evidence] is sufficient to support public health interventions and clinician recommendations of exercise for preserving or improving cognition in older adults” (Snowden et al., 2011, p. 714). The conclusion was that “the available data from these intervention studies were insufficient for determining whether physical activity or exercise interventions improve cognition in older adults” (p. 714), in large measure due to methodological shortcomings such as lack of blinding and intention-to-treat analyses. Similarly, another systematic review of 12 RCTs also found “no evidence in the available data from RCTs that aerobic physical activities, including those which successfully improve cardiorespiratory fitness, have any cognitive benefit in cognitively healthy older adults” (Young, Angevaren, Rusted, & Tabet, 2015,

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p. 2). Regarding Alzheimer’s disease and cognitive impairment, the summary statement from the consensus conference convened by the National Institutes of Health was also unenthusiastic. Physical activity was grouped together with “other leisure activities,” such as club membership, attendance of religious services, painting, and gardening. Referencing an earlier version of the aforementioned systematic review by Young et al. (2015), the available data were characterized as merely “preliminary” (Daviglus et al., 2010, p. 180). This portrayal of the evidence was widely criticized. Flicker, Liu-Ambrose, and Kramer (2011) characterized the report by the National Institutes of Health as reflecting a “very negative view” (p. 465) that contrasts sharply with what they perceived as “a large and relatively consistent pool of animal and human data” (p. 466). Going even further a few years later, these authors asserted that “current evidence strongly suggests that exercise does have benefits for cognition—and critically, the magnitude of the benefit can exceed that of pharmaceutical approaches” (Nagamatsu et al., 2014, p. 944). Similarly, Ahlskog, Geda, Graff-Radford, and Petersen (2011) argued that the “National Institutes of Health State of the Science Statement took a nihilistic view of exercise as a disease-modifying influence on cognition or dementing illness” (p. 877). Examining a much wider swath of data, including results from animal and human neuroscientific investigations, the authors emphasized that exercise uniquely offers the dual advantage of attenuating the progression of neurodegenerative processes (while also facilitating neuroplasticity) and countering the effect of vascular risk factors. They argued that “exercise should not be overlooked as an important therapeutic strategy” (p. 876). Considering the totality of the emerging data (e.g., Farina, Rusted, & Tabet, 2014; Groot et al., 2016; Prakash, Voss, Erickson, & Kramer, 2015), the Alzheimer’s Association issued a statement reflecting a sense of exasperation: “The evidence has now reached a point that it can no longer remain simply an exercise in academic discussion. The public should know what the science concludes” (Baumgart, Snyder, Carrillo, Fazio, Kim, & Johns, 2015, p. 722). Specifically, The Association believes there is sufficiently strong evidence, from a population-based perspective, to conclude that regular physical activity and management of cardiovascular risk factors (diabetes, obesity, smoking, and hypertension) reduce the risk of cognitive decline and may reduce the risk of dementia. (p. 718)

Although disagreements between scientists are common and unsurprising, it could be argued that a 50-year history of discrepant views is remarkable and worthy of investigation in its own right. Large-scale efforts in recent years have been aimed at reducing ambiguities in reporting, reviewing, and interpreting scientific data. Prominent initiatives include the development of the Consolidated Standards of Reporting Trials (CONSORT; Boutron et al., 2008; Calvert et al., 2013; Schulz, Altman, & Moher, 2010), the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and MetaAnalyses (PRISMA; Moher, Liberati, Tetzlaff, & Altman, 2009), and the Grading of Recommendations Assessment, Development, and Evaluation (GRADE; Guyatt, Oxman, Schünemann, Tugwell, & Knottnerus, 2011; Guyatt et al., 2008). With these safeguards in place, how is it still possible for different groups of investigators to address the same question, review the same literature, but arrive at strikingly different conclusions? The answer lies in a concept as old as science itself, namely bias (Ioannidis, 2005). It is uncontroversial to suggest that most exercise scientists are also unapologetic exercise advocates. The literature contains many examples of overinterpretation of results from cross-sectional or observational surveys, poorly controlled experiments, and meta-analyses of small, methodologically weak, and heterogeneous studies (Ekkekakis, 2008, 2013b; Ekkekakis & Backhouse, 2009). As Salmon (2001) has justly pointed out, claims for the benefits of exercise for mental health “have tended to anticipate rather than reflect the accumulation of strong evidence” (p. 36). In recent years, however, specific social, political, and economic circumstances have contributed to the emergence of notable signs of antiexercise bias in the medical literature (Naci & Ioannidis, 2013). These represent a new reality that has yet to be fully acknowledged and discussed.

Appeal and Shortcomings of Evidence-Based Medicine Modern medical practice is expected to be based on the principle of EBM (Guyatt, Rennie, Meade, & Cook, 2015; Straus, Glasziou, Richardson, & Haynes, 2011), a movement that formally first appeared in the 1990s (Evidence-Based Medicine Working Group, 1992; Sackett & Rosenberg, 1995; Sackett, Rosenberg, Gray, Haynes, Richardson, 1996). Although its rise has not been without resistance (Gupta, 2003; Miles, Polychronis, & Grey, 2006; Williams & Garner, 2002), it has been meteoric.

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Today, EBM has become the de facto standard in most fields of health care (Montori & Guyatt, 2008). Therefore, for physical activity and exercise to be integrated in treatment pathways for mental health disorders, the first step is that the supporting evidence must be recognized by guideline development panels and prescribing physicians as convincing in terms of efficacy and safety (primarily), as well as acceptability, effectiveness (i.e., efficacy demonstrated in real-world, pragmatic settings), and cost effectiveness. Because exercise science curricula typically do not contain modules on EBM (or evidence-based practice, more broadly), many exercise scientists may remain unaware of how evidence is defined within the EBM framework (Amonette, English, & Ottenbacher, 2010; Elder, Pujol, & Barnes, 2003; Faulkner, Taylor, Ferrence, Munro, & Selby, 2006). This lack of awareness of EBM rules may explain the numerous expressions of frustration about the failure of physical activity and exercise to be introduced in clinical practice in the field of mental health (Berk, 2007; Callaghan, 2004; Daley, 2002; Donaghy, 2007; Donaghy & Taylor, 2010; Faulkner & Biddle, 2001; Otto, Church, Craft, Greer, Smits, & Trivedi, 2007; Richardson, Faulkner, McDevitt, Skrinar, Hutchinson, & Piette, 2005; Stanton, Rosenbaum, Kalucy, Reaburn, & Happell, 2015; Stathopoulou, Powers, Berry, Smits, & Otto, 2006; Tkachuk & Martin, 1999). For example, evidence from basic neuroscientific research with animal models, no matter how intriguing, is not considered evidence within the EBM framework. Correlational studies, whether cross-sectional or prospective, are viewed as having minimal value as a basis for treatment and are thus typically ignored by EBM guideline developers. Likewise, satisfying the criteria for demonstrating causation (Hill, 1965) is of little relevance within EBM. EBM has formalized its own hierarchy of evidence (see figure 19.1). At the top of the hierarchy, signifying the strongest types of evidence, are systematic reviews and meta-analyses of RCTs. Just below are multiple large (ideally, multicenter) RCTs with consistent results. At the bottom of the hierarchy, signifying the weakest types of evidence, are clinical observations and the opinions of experts. Scientific organizations, such as the American Psychiatric Association, and independent review bodies, such as the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality in the United States and the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence in the United Kingdom, typically seek evidence only from the top levels of the hierarchy (i.e.,

systematic reviews, meta-analyses, RCTs) when issuing clinical practice guidelines. In an idealized EBM scenario, clinicians would consult the latest evidence-based guideline or the latest systematic review or meta-analysis on the condition of interest, identify the treatment option that has been found to be the most effective and safe, and proceed with the treatment of patients. The main appeal of EBM is the promise that it can help eliminate arbitrary clinical decisions and instead promote decisions based on research evidence (e.g., Antman, Lau, Kupelnick, Mosteller, & Chalmers, 1992). Despite this potential strength, however, the real-world implementation of EBM has caused many researchers and practitioners to view EBM with skepticism. A crucial problem is that, within the EBM framework, clinical practice hinges on the quality of the evidence and, as is becoming increasingly clear, the findings of a large portion of the medical research literature must be considered invalid (Ioannidis, 2005). For example, a recent critical evaluation of 185 meta-analyses on the effectiveness of antidepressants (i.e., the pinnacle of the EBM hierarchy of evidence) found that those meta-analyses that included an author affiliated with the manufacturer of the drug being evaluated were 22-fold less likely to include negative statements about the drug than other meta-analyses (Ebrahim, Bance, Athale, Malachowski, & Ioannidis, 2016). Examples of RCTs tainted by financial and other conflicts of interest abound, some even having resulted in fraud charges and well-publicized multibillion-dollar settlements (e.g., Le Noury et al., 2015; Lexchin, 2012).

Systematic reviews, meta-analyses Randomized controlled trials (RCTs) Cohort studies Case-control studies Case series, case reports Editorials, expert opinions, anecdotal observations

Figure 19.1  The hierarchy of evidence recognized within the EBM framework. E6768/Horn/F19.01/581241/mh-R1

Physical Activity and Mental Health in the Era of Evidence-Based Medicine   359

Most Clinicians Are Not Trained to Conduct Meaningful Critical Appraisals Another challenge in the implementation of EBM is that the push for RCTs, systematic reviews, and meta-analyses has introduced an assortment of statistical concepts and a technical lexicon unfamiliar to most clinicians. Surveys indicate that neither medical students (e.g., Caspi et al., 2006; Lai & Teng, 2011; Windish, Huot, & Green, 2007) nor practicing physicians (e.g., Freeman & Sweeney, 2001; Godwin & Seguin, 2003; Shuval, Shachak, Linn, Brezis, & Reis, 2007; Young, Glasziou, & Ward, 2002) possess the methodological and statistical knowledge that would enable them to meaningfully evaluate RCTs, systematic reviews, or meta-analyses (see the sidebar Can There Be a Shortcut to Critical Appraisal?). Moreover, for most clinicians, the expectation that they must consult and critically appraise research evidence as a routine part of their daily practice is perceived as unrealistic (Ghali, Saitz, Sargious, & Hershman, 1999; McAlister, Graham, Karr, & Laupacis, 1999; McColl, Smith, White, & Field, 1998). Physicians report spending approximately 20 min reading a research article (Tenopir, King, Clarke, Na, & Zhou, 2007) but, when timed, this turns out to be closer to 3 to 5 min (Alper et al., 2004). In approximately two-thirds of the cases, physicians read only the abstract and acknowledge that they rely on peer reviewers and journal editors to ensure that studies are methodologically sound (Saint et al., 2000). To put the 3 to 5 or even 20 min into perspective, according to one estimate,

experienced reviewers needed up to 12 hr to extract the necessary information to conduct a proper independent appraisal of the methodological quality of studies included in a systematic review (Oxman, 2004). This figure must be considered in conjunction with the estimate that, on average, 75 new RCTs and 11 clinically relevant systematic reviews are published in the literature daily (Bastian, Glasziou, & Chalmers, 2010).

The “Safeguard” of Peer Review EBM relies heavily on the peer review system as the guarantor of evidence quality and integrity, but the bias and unreliability of the peer review system have been extensively documented (e.g., Kravitz et al., 2010; Rothwell & Martyn, 2000). Peer reviewers report devoting less than 3 hr to a manuscript critique (Lock & Smith, 1990; Snell & Spencer, 2005; Yankauer, 1990). Readers of systematic reviews and meta-analyses probably assume that reviewers and editors have verified at least the most essential pieces of information (e.g., that effect sizes were calculated correctly and the pooled effect reported in the analysis is, therefore, accurate). Verification of effect sizes, however, is rare (Vintzileos, Carvajal, & Islam, 2013). Reviewers report that they do this “never” (67%) or “infrequently” (19%). Thus, up to 70% of systematic reviews and meta-analyses have been found to contain errors of various degrees of severity (Gøtzsche, Hróbjartsson, Maric, & Tendal, 2007; Jones, Remmington, Williamson, Ashby, & Smyth, 2005; Tendal et al., 2009). In sum, although EBM emerged with undoubtedly good intentions and is commonly portrayed as

Can There Be a Shortcut to Critical Appraisal? EBM leaders recognize that bias in the medical literature can undermine the EBM movement. Because educating all clinicians on the intricacies of research methodology is not a realistic immediate goal, two solutions have been devised, each with considerable limitations. First is the appearance of several so-called secondary journals (e.g., Evidence-Based Mental Health) that present summaries of RCTs and meta-analyses written by staff writers or invited commentators. These summaries offer at least some evaluative remarks but, predictably, are also susceptible to errors and bias. Second, some EBM proponents encourage bare-bones appraisals focusing on only a few key methodological features, namely whether (a) group allocation was concealed (e.g., randomization took place at a remote site, the randomization sequence was secured in a locked file, and randomization information was contained in sealed and opaque, sequentially numbered envelopes), (b) the statistical analyses followed the intention-to-treat principle (i.e., all participants were analyzed in the groups to which they were initially allocated), and (c) outcome assessors were blinded to group allocation. Medical informatics specialists have even proposed that the process can be automated by software, parsing text for keywords such as “randomized,” “concealment,” and “intention-to-treat.” Critics counter that this trend trivializes the process of critical appraisal.

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a moral imperative in all fields of health care, its practical implementation is hindered by substantial challenges. The success of the movement in the coming decades will hinge on whether the advocates of “healthy” EBM will succeed in establishing adequate defenses against the rising specter of bias. The following sections illustrate these challenges. The application of exercise as a potential treatment for depression serves as an apt and instructive example of the processes that may be triggered when a noncommercial treatment enters an arena long dominated by for-profit treatments.

Depression as an Illustrative Case Depression is the leading cause of years lived with disability globally (Lopez, Mathers, Ezzati, Jamison, & Murray, 2006) and is projected to become the leading cause of disability in high-income countries by 2030 (Mathers & Loncar, 2006). Given the impact of depression on global health, evaluations of methods for its treatment are commonly featured in the most prestigious medical journals. One might reasonably surmise that such evaluations would be subjected to the strictest standards of peer review, both before and after publication. As noted in the introduction, developing an understanding of the societal, political, and economic context in which research is embedded is crucial. Ioannidis (2005), in his provocatively titled article “Why Most Published Research Findings Are False,” pointed out that bias is not distributed uniformly across research fields. Rather, certain circumstances raise the risk of bias. For example, “the greater the financial and other interests and prejudices in a scientific field, the less likely the research findings are to be true” (p. 698). With this in mind, it should be emphasized that clinically relevant research on possible exercise benefits is not being published during a neutral period but rather at a time of unprecedented activity and interest in the role of exercise in medicine (Jonas & Phillips, 2009). For the treatment of depression, 2008 was a watershed year, punctuated by two publications that set in motion major developments on a global scale. First, a meta-analysis by Kirsch et al. (2008) showed that popular new-generation antidepressant drugs (fluoxetine, venlafaxine, nefazodone, paroxetine) were no more effective than placebo for patients with mild and moderate initial depressive symptom severity. Given the enormous ethical and economic

implications of this finding, it is unsurprising that the meta-analysis was vehemently criticized by authors with ties to the pharmaceutical industry (e.g., Fountoulakis & Möller, 2011). Nevertheless, this finding was confirmed in a subsequent meta-analysis using patient-level data (Fournier et al., 2010). Second, using Freedom of Information Act requests to obtain documents from the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), Turner, Matthews, Linardatos, Tell, and Rosenthal (2008) revealed that pharmaceutical companies had manipulated evidence on the efficacy of antidepressants by selectively publishing data that demonstrated efficacy, withholding data that did not, and presenting negative results as if they were positive. Compared with the complete data set held by the FDA, published data reflected an average inflation of the effect size compared with placebo of 32%, with a range from 11% to 69% for individual drugs. Several health care systems seeking to lower costs responded to these reports by instituting “stepped care” (or “stepped collaborative care”) approaches for the treatment of depression. In these models of care, people with subthreshold, mild, or moderate depressive symptoms (i.e., most patients with depressive symptoms in primary care) should be offered low-intensity treatments, such as software-delivered psychotherapy, self-help books, and physical activity. Costlier and more intensive options, namely antidepressant drugs and face-toface psychotherapy, should be limited mainly to cases of severe depression. Specifically, the guideline by the National Collaborating Centre for Mental Health and the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (2010) in England states that “for people with persistent sub-threshold depressive symptoms or mild to moderate depression,” physicians should offer “a structured group physical activity program” (p. 213) as one of the low-intensity treatment options. Similarly, the Scottish Intercollegiate Guidelines Network (2010) states that “structured exercise may be considered as a treatment option for patients with depression” (p. 10). The guideline issued by the American Psychiatric Association (Gelenberg et al., 2010) does not explicitly mention exercise as part of the treatment pathway. Nevertheless, using language that has been criticized as “vague” (Cosgrove et al., 2012), the text states that “if a patient with mild depression wishes to try exercise alone for several weeks as a first intervention, there is little to argue against it” (p. 30). Despite these guidelines, there is no indication that physical activity and exercise are presented

Physical Activity and Mental Health in the Era of Evidence-Based Medicine   361

as treatment options by physicians. An analysis of patient records from the National Health Service (NHS) in England contains no mention of physical activity (Richards et al., 2012). In other countries, physicians report dispensing general advice regarding physical activity but are reluctant to refer patients to exercise as treatment for depression (Hermens, Muntingh, Franx, van Splunteren, & Nuyen, 2014). There appears to be “considerable reluctance in some parts of the medical community to acknowledge the benefits of exercise in the treatment of depression” (Kirsch, 2010, p. 172). This reluctance may stem, in part, from ignorance. Surveys in the United Kingdom (Weiler, Chew, Coombs, Hamer, & Stamatakis, 2012), the United States (Cardinal, Park, Kim, & Cardinal, 2015; Connaughton, Weiler, & Connaughton, 2001), and Canada (Vallance, Wylie, & MacDonald, 2009) show that exercise (i.e., its principles of testing and prescription, its clinical applications, its physiology, and certainly its neurobiology) is not covered to any meaningful extent in medical curricula. Another possibility worth considering is that physicians are exposed to confusing and contradictory messages about the extent and quality of the research evidence. Like clinical psychologists in an earlier survey (Faulkner & Biddle, 2001), physicians report being unaware of any evidence supporting a beneficial role of physical activity and exercise in treating depression (Searle et al., 2012; Stanton, Franck, Reaburn, & Happell, 2015). Even physicians who agreed to participate in a clinical trial investigating the effects of physical activity on depression reported that they were “not aware of any evidence that would assist their clinical judgment in recommending physical activity to patients presenting with depression” (Searle et al., 2012, p. 16). Therefore, statements reinforcing the impression that evidence on the antidepressant effects of exercise is nonexistent or equivocal probably play a role in sustaining the unwillingness of physicians to prescribe exercise. For example, commenting on the guideline of the American Psychiatric Association, critics have pointed out that “the lack of cited supporting evidence in the executive summary, exclusion of exercise as a recommendation for mild to moderate depression in the Recommended Modalities for Treatment figure, and the wording (i.e. ‘little to argue against it’) suggest that the clinician should not consider exercise as a firstline intervention even for mild depression” (Cosgrove et al., 2012, p. 187). When considering possible motives in promoting confusion among physicians, one should take into

account that the treatment of depression has always been a lucrative market for commercial therapies, namely pharmacotherapy and psychotherapy. A survey in France illustrates the typical distribution of market shares in the absence of a stepped-care model (Dumesnil et al., 2012): 82.6% of general practitioners prescribe pharmacotherapy, either alone (44.4%) or in combination with face-to-face psychotherapy (38.2%). Although exercise currently claims no part of the depression treatment market, it has the potential  to be a competitor mainly because of the cost and risks associated with current treatment options. For most patients, antidepressant drugs do not lead to remission despite an array of adverse side effects. Psychotherapy is expensive and often inaccessible, especially at rural locations. Thus, many patients seek options that are safe, inexpensive, and easily accessible. Physical activity and exercise could be well-suited options for such patients. In an extensive survey of patients diagnosed with depression, exercise was judged to be as effective as the most effective antidepressant (venlafaxine) and as having the highest benefit-to-burden ratio among the 30 most common (formal and informal) antidepressant treatments (Parker & Crawford, 2007). The introduction of stepped-care approaches to treatment in major markets, such as the United Kingdom, has raised concerns among the pharmaceutical and psychotherapeutic industries. Authors who acknowledge serving on the speaker bureaus of pharmaceutical companies, for example, have asserted that “there is no scientific ground to deny mildly depressed patients the use of antidepressants” (Fountoulakis, Veroniki, Siamouli, & Möller, 2013, p. 8). These authors characterized any guideline recommending “the utilization of ‘alternative’ treatment options (e.g., exercise and psychotherapy) in mildly depressed patients and pharmacotherapy only for the most severe cases” as “mistaken” (p. 1). The same authors assert that “the data on the efficacy of exercise are either negative or do not exist” (Fountoulakis & Möller, 2012, p. 745) or “do not exist at all” (Fountoulakis, Samara, & Siamouli, 2014, p. 113). Following the publication of the stepped-care guideline by the National Collaborating Centre for Mental Health and the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (2010) in the United Kingdom, a series of RCTs and meta-analyses claiming to show that physical activity and exercise have no effect on depression began to appear in leading medical journals (Blake, 2012; Schuch & de Almeida Fleck, 2013). Most were conducted in the

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United Kingdom or were the products of collaborations between British and other European medical researchers. The fact that the United Kingdom appears to be the common denominator of most of these studies could be due to various reasons, including that the NHS, because of its prominence, is a closely monitored test case. If physical activity and exercise demonstrate cost effectiveness within the NHS, other health care systems around the globe would likely seek to adopt the same model.

The Unprecedented Case of the TREAD-UK Trial Arguably one of the most intriguing publicity campaigns in which physical activity was portrayed as ineffective in treating depression was the one that accompanied the publication of the results from the TREAD-UK trial in the British Medical Journal (Chalder et al., 2012a). The TREAD-UK was a large RCT (N = 361) designed to investigate, per its protocol, “whether physical activity can be an effective treatment for depression within primary care” (Baxter et al., 2010, p. 6). It was a two-arm trial, in which one arm received usual care and the other received usual care plus a physical activity facilitation intervention, the aim of which was to encourage participants to perform 150 minutes of moderate or vigorous activity per week. Usual care consisted of the full range of treatments available within the NHS, namely pharmacotherapy, referrals to psychotherapy, specialized mental health services, and, importantly, even exercise-on-prescription programs. The authors concluded that “there was no evidence that participants offered the physical activity intervention reported improvement in mood” despite the fact that “participants allocated to the intervention group reported more physical activity during the followup period than those allocated to the usual care group” (Chalder et al., 2012a, p. 1). These claims were publicized by a multipronged media campaign. In editorials aimed at physicians in England and Scotland, invited commentators argued that the results of the TREAD-UK trial necessitate the rescission of the guideline that recommended physical activity as an option for the treatment of depression. According to an editorial in the British Medical Journal, for patients who are well managed on usual drugs or psychological treatments (or both), advice and support to be physically active does not seem to offer additional benefit and should

not be given as standard. Indeed, recommending exercise to very depressed patients may worsen any thoughts of “failure” if they are unable to comply with the recommendation. (Daley & Jolly, 2012, p. 2) Similarly, according to an opinion piece in the Journal of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, “based on the results of this clinical trial, clinicians should not advise people with depression that physical activity will increase their chances of recovering from depression” (Mead, 2012, p. 325). Targeting the news media and the public at large, a press release by the University of Bristol (2012) quoted a senior investigator as saying that “this carefully designed research study has shown that exercise does not appear to be effective in treating depression.” In the conventional EBM scenario, the results of RCTs undergo careful peer review, both before and after publication, and are subjected to additional critical appraisal by guideline development panels and individual clinicians before reaching clinical practice. However, the nexus between clinical research and the mass media has created an alternate pathway that permits the wide dissemination of potentially biased interpretations of RCT results to recipients with limited ability for meaningful critical appraisal (see figure 19.2). In fact, the results of the TREAD-UK trial differed substantively from media portrayals. The researchers had hoped that the physical activity facilitation intervention would successfully manipulate the level of physical activity. This, however, did not happen; the two arms of the trial did not differ significantly in the proportion of participants classified as physically active. Thus, it became clear that the trial could not fulfill its stated purpose (i.e., investigate “whether physical activity can be an effective treatment for depression within primary care”). This failure led to certain unorthodox steps, including a deviation of the analytic procedures from those specified in the published trial protocol and a revision of the independent variable of the trial in the trial registry. Specifically, per the trial protocol, the physical activity data would be analyzed by (a) an intergroup comparison “at 4 month followup” (the primary outcome endpoint) and (b) “in a repeated measures analysis conducted using 4, 8 and 12 month followup data” (Baxter et al., 2010, p. 5). Both planned analyses were nonsignificant (p = 0.08 and p = 0.71, respectively) because the proportion of physically active participants increased substantially in both groups (see figure 19.3). Deviating from

Physical Activity and Mental Health in the Era of Evidence-Based Medicine   363

Alternate pathway Message dissemination through mass media*

Beliefs of physicians, patients, policy makers*

Publication

Press release

Conventional EBM pathway

RCT

Prepublication peer review

Postpublication peer review

Guideline development with critical appraisal

Evidence synthesis with critical appraisal

Influence on clinical practice

Figure 19.2  Conventional EBM pathway and alternate pathway to influencing clinical practice. RCT = randomized controlled trials; * = agents with limited or no ability for critical appraisal. E6768/Horn/F19.02/581242/mh-R4 100 Physical activity facilitation >1,000 MET • minutes per week (%)

the protocol, the researchers found a significant intergroup difference only after collapsing the physical activity data from all three followup time points. Although this statistical analysis cannot support this conclusion, the researchers nevertheless claimed that “the intervention increased self­ reported physical activity and this effect was sustained for 12 months” (Chalder et al., 2012a, p. 7). Moreover, the study hypothesis in the trial registry (isrctn.com/ISRCTN16900744) was revised, from “Does physical activity . . . change the outcome in depression” to “Does facilitated physical activity,” thus retroactively replacing the independent variable of the study. When confronted by critics about the misleading portrayal of the trial results in the media, the lead investigator responded: “We did not evaluate ‘exercise’ or even ‘physical activity’ but the effect of our intervention on depression. The headline that ‘exercise is no help for depression’ clearly goes beyond our findings” (Lewis, 2012, p. 1). However, none of the statements by the investigators to the press regarding the alleged ineffectiveness of “exercise” was retracted or corrected. Greater insight is gained when the results are juxtaposed to trials investigating various forms of cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT), including CBT delivered via the Internet (Kessler et al., 2009), through self-help books (Williams et al., 2013), and in face-to-face sessions (Wiles et al., 2013). These trials are comparable to TREAD-UK because they were conducted by overlapping groups of investigators in the United Kingdom at approximately the

Usual care 80 63 58

60

52 49

40

43

40

27 20

0

25 Group by time interaction p=0.71 Baseline

4 months

8 months

12 months

Time

Figure 19.3  Proportion of participants characterized as physically active (>1,000 MET-minutes per week) in the two arms of TREAD-UK. E6768/Horn/F19.03/581243/mh-R2 Data from Chalder et al. (2012a).

same time, using the same design (usual care versus usual care plus intervention), the same outcome measure of depression, and with patients reporting similar baseline levels of depression. All trials led to the conclusion that the addition of CBT to usual care significantly improved effectiveness. The juxtaposition demonstrates that the usual-care group from TREAD-UK was remarkably more effective than the usual-care groups from the other trials,

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achieving levels of effectiveness comparable with, or even better than, that of usual-care-plus-CBT groups (see figure 19.4). This result suggests that the usual-care group of the TREAD-UK trial, in

fact, received “unusual care” (Freedland, Mohr, Davidson, & Schwartz, 2011), somehow increasing its antidepressant effectiveness to extraordinary levels (also see Stubbs et al., 2016).

35 Chalder et al. (2012b) PA Facilitation

Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II) score

Kessler et al. (2009) Internet-delivered CBT Wiles et al. (2013) Face-to-face CBT 30

Williams et al. (2013) Guided self-help CBT Severe

25

20 Moderate

15 Minimal

10

Reference healthy college student sample Baseline 4 months 6 months 8 months 12 months Time

35 E6768/Horn/F19.04a/581244/mh-R2 Chalder et al. (2012b) Usual care

Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II) score

Kessler et al. (2009) Usual care Wiles et al. (2013) Usual care 30

Williams et al. (2013) Usual care Severe

25

20 Moderate

15 Minimal

10

Reference healthy college student sample Baseline 4 months 6 months 8 months 12 months Time

Figure 19.4  Comparison of TREAD-UK (Chalder et al., 2012b) to comparable RCTs of face-to-face CBT (Wiles et al., 2013), Internet-delivered CBT (Kessler et al., 2009), and guided E6768/Horn/F19.04b/581245/mh-R2 self-help (book-based) CBT (Williams et al., 2013).

Physical Activity and Mental Health in the Era of Evidence-Based Medicine   365

What may account for the atypical improvement in the usual-care group? By the eighth month (end of the intervention), 49.4% of the participants in the usual-care group (compared to 63.2% of those in the physical activity facilitation group) exceeded the criterion of 1,000 MET-minutes per week for being considered physically active, a threshold equal to 222% of the minimum level of physical activity commonly recommended for health promotion (i.e., 150 minutes × 3 MET = 450 MET-minutes per week). This rate of participation is the highest ever recorded in a physical activity promotion trial in a primary-care setting (Orrow, Kinmonth, Sanderson, & Sutton, 2012). Although the reasons for this are unclear, one might reasonably speculate that, unlike what they usually do in their daily practice, the primary-care physicians enrolled in this study did what the guideline recommends. First, they discussed physical activity as a treatment option with their patients. Second, they had the patients complete physical activity logs (four times over 12 months), a practice known to prompt more activity, possibly by acting as self-regulatory feedback (Waters, Reeves, Fjeldsoe, & Eakin, 2012). Consequently, some of the patients who agreed to participate in the trial but were subsequently assigned to usual care decided to initiate physical activity on their own. Although this crucial piece of information was omitted from the British Medical Journal article, an unspecified number of usual care patients were “offered exercise prescription schemes by their [general practitioners] as ‘consolation’ for not being randomized to facilitated physical activity” (Chalder et al., 2012b, p. 63). Readers who can appreciate the severity of these methodological concerns, as well as the discrepancies between the results of the trial and their portrayal in the press, may wonder how this trial was published in the prestigious British Medical Journal. It is thus important to point out that at the time the TREAD-UK report was undergoing peer review, the General Practitioners Committee of the British Medical Association was engaged in intense lobbying to rescind a rule according to which general practitioners would receive financial incentives from the government if they administered a short physical activity questionnaire and provided consultation to patients about increasing their physical activity levels. The physicians argued that the incentive did not fully compensate them for the time required for this procedure. When the rule was rescinded, the decision was hailed as a victory that would allow general practitioners “to get back to [their] real job of providing care where it is most

needed, rather than more box ticking” (Iacobucci, 2013, p. 1). Among those leading this fight was the general-practice section editor of the British Medical Journal, who approved the TREAD-UK article for publication. This editor is on record arguing that the promotion of physical activity should not be the responsibility of general practitioners: “Let us not be foolish enough to accept responsibility for a task we cannot deliver. There are many aspects of practice where we can make a difference. This is not one” (MacAuley, 2006, p. 888). These exhortations aptly illustrate that the context in which research is embedded can influence whether or not evidence will translate to clinical practice.

Other “Negative” RCTs and Meta-Analyses Although the TREAD-UK trial attracted extraordinary international attention, it is not the only example of the nexus between flawed clinical research and the mass media. The report on the massive (N = 891) OPERA trial, published in the prestigious medical journal Lancet, concluded that “exercise sessions do not live up to their promise as a treatment for depression in elderly residents of care homes” (Underwood et al., 2013, p. 48). The authors asserted that this “clear and conclusively negative” result came about despite “robust methodology” and “a strong theoretical grounding” (pp. 47–48). The accompanying press release by the University of Warwick, titled “Exercise Proves to Be Ineffective Against Care Home Depression,” was quoted by numerous media outlets. Only later, in a process evaluation, did the authors concede that, in fact, it was impossible to implement the exercise intervention as originally planned because the care home residents were much older (mean age 86.5 years, range 65–107 years) and more frail than anticipated (Ellard et al., 2014). In the Danish DEMO (Krogh, Saltin, Gluud, & Nordentoft, 2009) and DEMO-II trials (Krogh, Videbech, Thomsen, Gluud, & Nordentoft, 2012), researchers compared groups of depressed patients engaged in aerobic or resistance exercise with groups engaged in other modalities of exercise (e.g., combinations of stretching, toning, and low-intensity aerobic activities). Although these alternative modalities of exercise were performed up to a level of perceived exertion considered to correspond to moderate intensity (i.e., sufficient to stimulate fitness gains), the groups were described as control groups. Finding that all groups exhibited large and clinically meaningful decreases in depression

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during the treatment periods, the researchers concluded that exercise was ineffective in lowering depression among depressed adults. A headline in the leading Danish newspaper Politiken read “Common Perception That Exercise Works Against Depression Is Wrong” (Thomsen, 2015). Investigators involved in the TREAD-UK and DEMO trials have also published systematic reviews and meta-analyses on the effects of exercise on depression, consistently concluding that exercise has negligible or no beneficial effects (Cooney et al., 2013; Cooney, Dwan, & Mead, 2014; Krogh et al., 2011; Krogh, Speyer, Gluud, & Nordentoft, 2015). One reviewer, who disclosed receiving financial support from a pharmaceutical company, told the press: “From a health authority point of view, it is quite clear that with the current knowledge, one should not expect any substantial antidepressant effects of setting up exercise programs for patients with depression” (Brooks, 2010). Another reviewer, interviewed by a global news agency, cautioned that “one has to be careful saying [exercise] was as effective as other therapies” (Seaman, 2013). Except for some authors characterizing these negative statements as unjustified (e.g., Blumenthal & Ong, 2009), the methods and conclusions of the reviews have remained unchallenged and their conclusions continue to be cited in the medical literature at a high rate. One critical appraisal, however, demonstrated extensive methodological problems (Ekkekakis, 2015). Most of these problems stem from questionable inclusion and exclusion criteria, a crucial methodological element described by Ioannidis (2010) as “a magnificent tool for selecting the data that we like, and for reaching the conclusions that we have already reached before running an analysis” (p. 170). For example, studies in which one type of exercise (e.g., aerobic) was compared with another (e.g., stretching, toning) were included as treatment-versus-control studies. On the other hand, several studies in which exercise interventions resulted in large effects were selectively excluded. Reanalyzing the same data set after correcting erroneous or arbitrary choices raised the pooled effect size from medium (0.62) to large (0.90).

Future Research Recommendations The following recommendations can be made for the future. First, researchers interested in the role of physical activity or exercise in mental health should reassess the value of obtaining more results

from small or poorly controlled studies, regardless of the direction of these results. Instead, adequately powered, placebo-controlled, pragmatic trials are urgently needed. Second, researchers should familiarize themselves with the reporting standards recognized within EBM, including CONSORT (Calvert et al., 2013; Schulz et al., 2010) and PRISMA (Moher et al., 2009). Within the somewhat mechanical approach to the evaluation of study quality that has been established in EBM, the words used in describing • how group allocation was concealed, • whether the analyses complied with the intention-to-treat principle, and • whether outcome assessors were blinded to group allocation are exceptionally important because these elements are often the only criteria used by reviewers in grading study quality. Third, the promotion of the critical appraisal skills of students, researchers, peer reviewers, journal editors, granting agency officials, journalists, and the public at large must become a chief strategic objective. Instead of shying away from the topic of bias, journal editors, conference organizers, and the leadership of exercise psychology organizations should lead initiatives to investigate, expose, and prevent bias in research on physical activity and mental health (see the sidebar The Challenge of Exercise Psychology Achieving Societal Relevance). Despite ongoing efforts to integrate physical activity into health care, few exercise science and kinesiology curricula, especially at the undergraduate level, include courses designed to prepare future professionals to conduct critical appraisals of RCTs and meta-analyses. Curriculum developers should consider filling this void as a high-priority agenda item. Resistance to move in this direction stems from the belief that undergraduate students may be unprepared for advanced methodological and statistical concepts. However, formats that highlight the practical implications of these concepts, such as the “guided journal club” (Ahmadi, McKenzie, Maclean, Brown, Mastracci, & McLeod, 2012), may be appropriate for advanced undergraduate students and should be considered.

Summary The introduction of physical activity or exercise in clinical guidelines for the treatment of depression represents the culmination of research efforts over

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The Challenge of Exercise Psychology Achieving Societal Relevance Approximately half a century after its inception, exercise psychology must establish its societal relevance by devising effective solutions to important societal problems. Improving public mental health through cost-effective, safe, and accessible interventions is one avenue toward achieving this strategic objective. As discussed in this chapter, however, promoting physical activity and exercise in clinical practice is proving difficult and controversial within the EBM framework. So far, exercise psychology has remained silent, seemingly content in reiterating assertions about the benefits of exercise for mental health within its own disciplinary books and journals. The exercise psychology literature contains no acknowledgments of the emergence of contrarian views, no discussions on bias, and no critical appraisals of RCTs and meta-analyses. Whatever the underlying reasons, it could be argued that this nonengagement is hindering the cause of achieving societal relevance. Especially in the United States, kinesiology curricula are among the most popular pathways to medical and other health-related graduate programs. This circumstance represents a unique opportunity to sensitize future generations of clinicians not only to the benefits of exercise for mental health but also to the complex processes fueling antiexercise bias in the clinical research literature (e.g., see Naci & Ioannidis, 2013).

several decades. This historic step, however, has had no measurable influence on clinical practice and the behavior of prescribing physicians. This chapter focused on the misinformation and confusion surrounding the strength and consistency of the evidence on the antidepressant effects of physical activity and exercise as a possible culprit. The methodological and analytic details of modern RCTs and meta-analyses are exceedingly complex, making the prospect of meaningful critical appraisal by most physicians, and certainly most members of the press and the public at large, unrealistic. The evidence reviewed here suggests that the otherwise commendable movement of EBM is, in fact, vulnerable, if not defenseless, against flawed evidence. Moreover, the combination of the extraordinary public interest in the effects of physical activity and exercise on mental health with the inability of journalists and the public to conduct a critical evaluation of contemporary research evidence exacerbates the problem, making the mass media a catalyst in the propagation of misinformation and confusion. Once a false or misleading statement has propagated through the global media, there is no realistic mechanism for putting the proverbial genie back in its bottle. According to a review on the processes underlying the spread of misinformation, “research . . . has consistently found that retractions rarely, if ever, have the intended effect of eliminating reliance on misinformation, even when people believe, understand, and later remember the retraction” (Lewandowsky, Ecker, Seifert, Schwarz, & Cook, 2012, p. 114). An essential lesson emanating from this chapter is that research that has potential implications for

changing global clinical practice norms rarely lends itself to simple, straightforward interpretations. Instead, scrutiny and a healthy dose of skepticism are warranted. As exercise and physical activity move closer to the arena of clinical practice, the need to equip practitioners with the skill set required for critical appraisal will become increasingly apparent.

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20 Disability, Physical Activity, and Psychological Well-Being Jeffrey J. Martin, PhD

Abstract The primary purpose of this chapter is to discuss sport and exercise psychology research as it applies to people with physical disabilities. I present work from multiple theoretical perspectives (e.g., athletic identity), across a range of sport and physical activities (e.g., surfing, mountain climbing, wheelchair rugby, Pilates), and as applied to several disability conditions (e.g., cerebral palsy, spinal cord injury). Furthermore, the research work that is reviewed has been conducted with physical activity–based recreation participants, elite sport competitors (e.g., Paralympians), and injured war veterans (e.g., wounded warriors). Research findings unique to disability sport and exercise are presented with the hope of expanding and challenging the readers’ typical views on various topics that may have been previously informed by research involving only able-bodied people. As the reader will discern, the effect of an acquired disability along with prior athletic history has a profound effect on whether people with disabilities engage in sport and assume an athletic identity or eschew sport completely. For people who do take up sport after an acquired disability, such as wounded warriors, the psychosocial benefits are numerous and often life changing. Many knowledge gaps remain, however, and future researchers are urged to disentangle the processes by which some able-bodied athletes who acquire a disability refuse to participate in sport whereas other newly disabled people with no prior sport experience embrace sport. Researchers are also urged to design research that can determine the precise mechanisms by which sport helps injured military veterans recover and enjoy strong quality of life.

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isability sport athletes share much in common with all athletes (Martin, 2017; Martin & McCaughtry, 2004). The excitement and challenge of competition and the camaraderie of being part of a team are reasons that all athletes participate in sport. Similarly, exercisers with disabilities struggle with body image issues just as able-bodied people do. But despite the many similarities between able-bodied athletes and athletes with disabilities within sport and physical activity (PA) settings, many differences exist, ranging from performance challenges to the marginalization of disability sport. The challenges involved in the exercise process (e.g., pushing a wheelchair in the snow) and the social evaluation processes (e.g., social physique anxiety) present in health clubs may be much more salient for people with a disability. The primary purpose of this chapter is to provide a review and commentary on research relative to the psychological well-being of sport and physical activity participants with disabilities. Obviously, this broad topic could include a range of physical activities (e.g., competitive sport, rehabilitation, leisure), a wide variety of different types of disabilities (e.g., intellectual, physical), as well as a plethora of psychological outcomes (e.g., self-esteem). Clearly, such a broad review would be beyond the scope of a single chapter. Thus, in this particular chapter, I present sport and PA work that is illustrative of the range of research being conducted. In particular, I cover research conducted with people with physical disabilities (e.g., spinal cord injuries, or SCI) but do not examine research conducted with people with intellectual impairments (see recent reviews of this research by Hassan, Dowling, & McConkey, 2014, and Hutzler & Korsensky, 2010) or chronic diseases (see chapter 23 in this volume). I include research on a range of physically based activities (e.g., surfing, wheelchair rugby), as well as participant types (e.g., Paralympians, wounded warriors). My intent is to present and discuss research that has the potential to expand and challenge readers’ views on various topics that may have been previously informed by research involving only able-bodied individuals. In the following sections of this chapter, I have selected three particular topics to examine. First, I examine athletic identity and articulate the role that disability and sport play in identity processes such as adjusting to an acquired disability. I then discuss a historical giant in the field of psychology: personality. Finally, I discuss the psychological benefits of sport and PA for wounded warriors. Relative to each of these topics, I discuss gaps

in knowledge and offer suggested directions for future research.

Athletic Identity I do have some friends and family members that because I’m in a wheelchair don’t believe that I can ever be an athlete. . . . If I was an NHL goalie, it still wouldn’t matter, I’d still be, you know, the girl in the wheelchair and wouldn’t be an athlete to them. Spencer-Cavaliere & Peers, 2011, p. 302

Athletic identity refers to the degree to which a person identifies with the athletic role (Brewer, Van Raalte, & Linder, 1993). Having a strong athletic identity as an able-bodied athlete can be protective when athletes acquire a disability by helping them adjust to their impairment (Hawkins, Coffee, & Soundy, 2013). But as the preceding quote suggests, many athletes with disabilities are not supported in their athletic endeavors. When significant elements of a person’s identity, such as an athletic identity, are invalidated by important others, the person may experience diminished self-regard. Positive feedback in valued areas from significant others is important because it is positively related to quality of life and confidence (Groff, Lundberg, & Zabriskie, 2009). Martin and colleagues (Martin, Mushett, & Eklund, 1994; Martin, Mushett, & Smith, 1995; Shapiro, 2007; Shapiro & Martin, 2010) discovered a self and social athletic identity. They suggested that the distinction between self and social reflected perceptions that although these athletes viewed themselves (i.e., self-identity) as genuine athletes, they recognized that others (i.e., social identity) often did not. This dynamic is not limited to able-bodied individuals’ judgments because athletes with minor disabilities have also displayed similar attitudes toward athletes with severe disabilities (Wickman, 2007). The able-bodied public’s resistance to viewing athletes with disabilities as genuine athletes may reflect a bigger phenomenon rooted in the longstanding debate about what sports qualify as “real” sports (Lagaert & Roose, 2014) and influential dominant cultural narratives such as prolympism (Donnelly, 1996). Prolympism is the ideology that privileges Olympic and professional sport and suggests that being the best is what counts most. At the same time prolympism marginalizes all other forms of sport (Donnelly, 1996). One plausible

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explanation is that sport, particularly elite sport, is viewed as emblematic of strength and skill. In contrast, disability is often equated with illness and incompetence. When faced with such incongruous definitions, people downgrade disability sport to reflect their assumption that disability sport performance must therefore be less valuable than able-bodied sport. People appear to employ similar logic when evaluating able-bodied sport. For example, an elite world-class marathoner is more likely to be viewed as an athlete than is a slightly overweight jogger who runs very slowly. Hence, this phenomenon may also be part of a larger bias whereby the public awards greater athletic status and value to athletes who they consider the best versus athletes who are less accomplished (Donnelly, 1996). Qualities such as time devoted to practice, personal excellence, hard work, and various idiosyncratic ancillary benefits (e.g., team jackets) of sport participation are relevant to many athletes. But such experiences and qualities appear less relevant to the public compared with the social comparison processes (i.e., who is the best) assimilated from a culture that idealizes being the best and winning. Some athletes with disabilities reject being labeled as having a disability (Wickman, 2007). Such rejection may be a way to avoid self-judgments of incompetence because incompetence is antithetical to being an athlete and having a strong athletic identity. The following quotation illustrates how one athlete with a SCI reframes disability as a transportation issue: I am no different to anyone else. I can use an escalator though I cannot use the stairs. . . . I see myself as someone that goes around on wheels, but just a normal person. Huang & Brittain, 2006, p. 360

About the term disability, a swimmer notes: “No, I never have and I never will (use the term).” Le Clair, 2011, p. 1120

The preceding quote is a repudiation of the negative elements (e.g., incompetent) that disability often reflects (Le Clair, 2011). But rejecting the term disability is a difficult task because it involves resisting multiple stereotypical and discriminatory labels (e.g., incapable, less than) over time and across various contexts. Huang and Brittain (2006) found that only 4 of 21 athletes developed a nondisabled identity, indicating that crafting an identity con-

trary to the dominant cultural narrative is difficult. Indeed, many athletes with disabilities do not refute a disability identity: I don’t know: You just can’t get away from it. It’s always there. It’s always a bit annoying because I can’t really do all the things I want to do.” Huang & Brittain, 2006, p. 358

The preceding athlete incorporated disability into his identity as a function of the permanence of a disability. Elite British and Taiwanese disability athletes with SCI were aware that many able-bodied people reduced them to a medical category (e.g., she has a SCI) and assigned their impairment onto them as their “master identity status” (Huang & Brittain, 2006, p. 359). Athletes who accepted this perspective were viewed as having identities that reflected being impaired. I like to think that I am just an elite athlete, but the circumstances we are in and the treatment we get in many ways makes me feel that I am just a disabled athlete. So how can I expect the public to regard me as just an athlete? I think it’s very difficult. Huang & Brittain, 2006, p. 366

The preceding quotation illustrates the feelings or perceptions held by an elite athlete with a disability who leaned toward an elite athlete identity (not an elite athlete with a disability) but expressed mixed feelings. Because he perceived that the public viewed him as a disabled athlete, he also had feelings reflective of being an elite disabled athlete. Participants in both the Le Clair (2011) and Huang and Brittain (2006) studies were aware of the paradox of rejecting both a disability identity and a disability sport identity while simultaneously participating in disability sport. Some Swedish wheelchair racers rejected both disability and disability sport identities (Wickman, 2007). My identity is not disability sport. How do you practice disability sport? Do you injure yourself a bit more or what? . . . I can play basketball, swim, play table tennis—but how do you practice disability sport? It doesn’t exist. Wickman, 2007, p. 157

The athlete expressing the previous sentiment rejected disability sport because it prevented him from constructing an identity as both able-bodied and as an athlete (Wickman, 2007). The participants in Wickman’s study, elite wheelchair racers,

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had identities as elite athletes, not elite disability athletes. The elite wheelchair athletes defined disability sport athletes as participants who had very severe disabilities (e.g., no arms and legs). In the Wickman (2007) study, participants defined or redefined disability in such a way as to preclude themselves from being disability sport athletes. People with newly acquired disabilities lose an identity grounded in being able bodied. For instance, all 12 people in a recent study reported a loss of identity when acquiring a disability (Crawford, Gayman, & Tracey, 2014). Profound changes in physical ability and appearance contribute to identity loss. People with a newly acquired disability have to rediscover a new identity (Levins, Redenbach, & Dyck, 2004). As suggested earlier, participating in sport can be a reminder of lost capabilities. But evidence also indicates that sport can aid the process of adapting to having a disability (e.g., Levins et al., 2004; Green, 2012). A major adjustment for many people is incorporating a disability identity into their prior able-bodied identity. Changing or establishing a new identity, often referred to as identity negotiation, is facilitated in settings such as sport in which new skills and knowledge can be gained and integrated into the self (Swann & Bosson, 2010). Anderson (2009) interviewed 13 girls in disability sport and reported that other athletes, parents, and siblings served to validate disability sport. Teammates who had disabilities were particularly valued because they were viewed as having a deeper understanding of what it was like to be a disability sport female athlete. Besides focusing on social support, athletes in the Perrier et al. (2012) study with strong athletic identities focused on training, improving, and reaching their goals. They also focused on the proximal past, present, and future and did not dwell on the distant past and their prior able-bodied life. For example, avoiding cogitating on past able-bodied athletic accomplishments seen as superior to current accomplishments is helpful in promoting a future improvement-oriented focus. Importantly, not all participants in the Perrier et al. (2012) study developed athletic identities. Perrier and colleagues interviewed 11 athletes with varied athletic experiences. Three former able-bodied athletes asserted that they no longer participated in sport and were not athletes, because their impairments prevented them from being athletes. According to Perrier et al. the contrast between the view of their former able-bodied selves as being much more functional

(e.g., running ultramarathons) and their current disability self as less able (e.g., fatigued after a 10-min workout) resulted in this adamant belief. The combination of participant’s narrow definition of an athlete based on physical function commensurate with being able bodied and the lack of other criteria commonly used to define an athlete (e.g., training, being on a team) resulted in athletic identity foreclosure. Identity foreclosure refers to a failure to even explore potential activities (e.g., sport), thereby short-circuiting any chance of developing an identity in that area. Thus, personal definitions of what it means to be an athlete had profound implications. Whereas some athletes with disabilities define themselves as elite athletes, others create definitions that serve as self-imposed barriers to participation. Other prior able-bodied athletes attempt to establish an athletic identity and fail as illustrated in the following quotation: I used to be very coordinated and my body would work in poetry to do things I wanted to do. Sports gave me a great sense of enjoyment, purpose and sense of self and I now spend most of my time trying not to fall on my face from a small crack in the ground. Playing sports is not graceful and it is not poetic and beautiful. It is ugly and it has been more of a source of depression for me to try than anything else. Crawford et al., 2014, p. 12

This phenomenon is not restricted to disability sport. After their skills diminished, some elite able-bodied athletes did not want an identity that they viewed as having less status then their prior identity provided (e.g., being viewed as a recreational athlete instead of an elite athlete). The inability to perform at a prior level of competitiveness may cause both able-bodied athletes and athletes with a disability to cease participating in sport (Sparkes & Smith, 2002). In summary, as the research studies reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, many factors influence athletic identity in athletes with disabilities. Much of the research reviewed has focused on the role of an acquired disability. Becoming an athlete with a disability after a traumatic injury can be empowering for prior able-bodied nonathletes. In contrast, able-bodied athletes who acquire a disability may shun sport because they view an athletic identity as a disabled athlete as less than what they were as an able-bodied athlete. But as the previous findings illustrate, many athletes

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employ unique definitions of disability, athletics, and eliteness that encourage or prevent them from assuming an athletic identity.

Personality Acquiring a disability can have a profound effect on a person and literally change who he or she is. Personality is often thought to be a stable and enduring element of who a person is. But extreme adverse life events such as some acquired disabilities are associated with changes in personality traits (Lockenhoff, Terracciano, Patriciu, Eaton, & Costa Jr., 2009). One of the most common personality models is the big five factors (Roberts, 2009). The big five factors are extraversion, openness to experience, conscientiousness, agreeableness, and neuroticism. Adverse life events tend to influence selected facets of neuroticism, openness, and agreeableness. In contrast, extraversion and conscientiousness do not appear to be influenced by extreme life events; instead, they act as coping resources that enable people to maintain their mental health (Lockenhoff et al., 2009). I’ve changed so much since, and feel a better person now. In fact, my whole personality has changed. I don’t have much of my able-bodied self left because I’ve changed so much as a person. What I’ve learned so far has made it all worth it. Smith & Sparkes, 2005, p. 1099

According to Roberts (2009, p. 140), personality traits are “relatively enduring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that reflect the tendency to respond in certain ways under certain circumstances.” Just like mental skills, personality characteristics might make the difference between winning and losing or achieving a personal best performance. For example, a common personality characteristic, such as conscientious, may contribute to an athlete’s developing detailed performance plans, which in turn aid performance. Martin et al. (2011) suggested that the imbalance between mental and physical training, often found in all athletes, is exacerbated for athletes with disabilities. For instance, 27% of the 2010 Paralympians sampled by Dieffenbach and Statler (2012) indicated they did no mental preparation before the Paralympics. In comparison, research with Olympians, spanning the last 25 years, suggests much higher rates of mental skill use (e.g., Greenleaf, Gould, & Dieffenbach, 2001; Shannon,

Gentner, Patel, & Muccio, 2012; Ungerleider & Golding, 1991). Both Greenleaf et al. (2001) and Shannon et al. (2012) reported that all Olympians in their research used mental skills. As a result, Martin et al. (2011) argued that the potential lack of learned mental skills means that athletes with disabilities may need to rely on innate psychological strengths (e.g., personality characteristics). In one of the first studies done in disability sport, Goldberg and Shephard (1982) examined 17 male athletes with spinal cord injury (SCI). They sought to determine if athletes who were more active differed in personality from athletes who were less active as well as if they differed from able-bodied norms (Cattell, Cattell, & Cattell, 1993). Athletes who were more active were different on 3 of the 16 factors compared with able-bodied norms. Specifically, the high-active group was more venturesome and intelligent but less tough minded. Compared with the low-active group, the more active athletes were more emotionally stable and venturesome but less practical. Where significant differences occurred, the high-active group scored more favorably on two personality factors compared with both norms and the moderate-active group and less favorably relative to norms and the moderate-active group on one personality factor. These findings lend some credence for the potential role of positive personality characteristics in training. In a more recent study, Martin and colleagues (2011) compared elite-level athletes who made the Paralympic team with those who narrowly missed making it. Results showed that the Paralympians were higher in tough mindedness and lower in anxiety than athletes who failed to make the team. Recent research on mental toughness has indicated that mentally tough athletes are highly motivated, confident, and focused (Bull, Shambrook, James, & Brooks, 2005). The personality factor of tough mindedness also reflects a determined and strongly motivated person. A personality factor of anxiety reflects the disposition to be tense, worried, and prone to experience emotional highs and lows. Anxious athletes in sport are typically described the same way, but their anxiety experiences are specific to sport competition and sporting environments. Martin et al. (2011) argued that their findings paralleled a large body of research in sport psychology indicating that anxiety impairs sport performance. The findings on tough mindedness, and the questions representing this factor, suggest that athletes who reported they were determined, resolute, and made decisions based

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on facts and logic (versus intuition) made the Paralympic team, whereas athletes who reported being weaker in these qualities did not make the team. The effect sizes were moderate to large and indicated that group membership (i.e., making the team or not) accounted for between 25 and 40% of the variance in tough mindedness and anxiety, respectively. Gioia and colleagues (2006) found that athletes with SCI scored higher than nonathletes on extraversion. The authors noted that although extraversion may be an outcome of sport participation, extraverted individuals are likely drawn to sport, particularly team sports. In another study Goran and colleagues (2012) compared able-bodied professional basketball players to wheelchair basketball players. The able-bodied basketball players scored higher on emotional stability, dominance, liveliness, and privateness, whereas the groups were similar on the remaining 11 characteristics. A unique personality trait is sensation seeking (Zuckerman, 1971), which overlaps with extraversion and a need for change (Zuckerman, Bone, Neary, Mangelsdorff, & Brustman, 1972). Zuckerman et al. (1972) noted that sensation seeking is related to an “uninhibited, non-conforming, impulsive, dominant type of extraversion” (p. 319). Sport psychology researchers have speculated that participants in sports such as mountain climbing and skydiving are higher in sensation seeking compared with people who do not engage in those, or similar, sports. People with disabilities have reported that their major motivation to explore the outdoors (e.g., hiking) was because of the risk involved. At the same time other participants avoided the outdoors precisely because of the danger (Burns, Watson & Paterson, 2013). Tangen and Kudlacek (2014) conducted a study designed to investigate sensation seeking in risky disability (e.g., extreme skiing) sports. Four extreme skiers with spinal cord injury (SCI) were interviewed, and analysis of the resulting data revealed a diverse set of responses about the

role of risk and thrill seeking, as illustrated by the following quotation: There is something about being on that line. . . . Being near the edge of control and maybe you vacillate, you are slightly beyond that, and you pull it back in and, and the feeling that, you know that generates. There’s something about being on the edge that is attractive. Tangen & Kudlacek, 2014, p. 7

Another recent research effort in the positive psychology area has targeted three dispositional psychological characteristics (i.e., grit, hardiness, and resilience) to predict sport engagement and life satisfaction in wheelchair basketball players (Martin, Nash, Lewis, & Dent, 2015). Grit was significantly related to sport engagement and unrelated to life satisfaction, whereas hardiness was strongly related to life satisfaction and unrelated to sport engagement. Resiliency, relative to grit and hardiness, had a more moderate relationship to both life satisfaction and sport engagement. This pattern suggested that resilience, which reflects people’s ability to cope with stress and trauma, was potentially of value in promoting meaningful engagement in both sport and life. In contrast, grit, which reflects passion and perseverance for long-term goals, and hardiness, which reflects a life of commitment, control, and challenge, were potentially valuable in more selective ways. These findings reaffirm that distinct personality-like characteristics can play important roles in promoting well-being of athletes with disabilities. In summary, as the research studies reviewed in this section have suggested, there is support for a host of diverse personality factors and their potential role in disability sport. These personality factors include selected constructs (i.e., neuroticism) from the big-five factor model to more contemporary positive psychology grounded constructs such as grit and resilience. Sensation seeking may be particularly relevant to involvement in selected disability sports.

Extreme Sports and Fear One paradox ripe for understanding is that a potential source of fear of extreme sports for able-bodied people is experiencing a serious injury. People with disabilities who participate in extreme sports have already acquired a severe injury, and sometimes that injury is from a sport (e.g., paragliding) that might be considered the epitome of a sensation-seeking activity. An investigation of extreme disability sport participants’ views on that paradox would be fascinating.

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Wounded Warriors I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor’s ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible.” Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169

The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience. PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012). In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013;

Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants’ experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants’ sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses. The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants’ recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple “If he can do it I can do it,” and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model’s success. Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn’t be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective

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enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair. In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants’ injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported, I don’t know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who’ve been through something like they have. That’s why I’m talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they’re not going through stuff alone. Carless, 2014, p. 1447

Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth. Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabil-

ities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013). Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.  Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants’ subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015). Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention. In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans’ physical and psychosocial health. More

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specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans’ exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).

Future Research Recommendations Some former able-bodied athletes embrace opportunities to engage in disability sport, whereas others actively resist it. To this point, we do not know exactly what explains this difference. Here I recommend research that delves into this topic—athletic identity—as well as the role of personality and the benefits of physical activity in veteran populations.

Athletic Identity Role for Rejection or Engagement in Sport Some qualitative research indicates that those who eschew participation may anticipate negative self-evaluations because of negative societal feedback linked to assuming a lower-status athletic identity as a disability athlete. These athletes appear to view disability sport as something less than able-bodied sport. This potential explanation of why some athletes eschew disability sport is speculative, and continued research is clearly needed to examine why some people with acquired disabilities embrace sport and others reject it. A second possible direction for examining the psychological dynamics involved in former able-bodied athletes’ choice to reject sport would be to use theories of motivation incorporating temporal selves. Perrier et al. (2012) provided a glimpse into the value of understanding individual perceptions of past, present, and future selves in sport and physical activity. Researchers should consider using theories of motivation incorporating temporal selves (i.e., past, present, future selves) and their influences on behavior. Oyserman and James (2011) discuss possible research directions using their identity-based

motivation model. In particular, they note the lack of research on how possible future identities help people cope with major life events such as a life-­ altering accident. Similarly, they speculate about how lost possible future identities are involved in coping with a major life event. From a sport perspective, we can speculate that Paralympic aspirations and a future identity as an elite athlete may help people cope with an acquired disability. In contrast, holding on to a past identity as an elite abled-bodied athlete may hinder coping with an acquired disability. Research examining these questions is needed.

Mediators and Moderators of Personality Effects Much of the personality research in disability sport and exercise psychology has been conducted using primarily descriptive research approaches. One suggestion for future researchers would be to examine possible mediators or moderators of the potential effects of personality. Given that the influence of personality is often distal in nature, researchers should consider examining how personality might influence more proximal cognitive (e.g., self-efficacy) or behavioral (e.g., goal setting) causes of sporting behavior, such as superior training. A second avenue for future inquiry might be to examine whether the big-five factors and sport participation interact and play a role in how people with disabilities adapt and adjust to their acquired disability. For example, it would be interesting to know whether people who acquire a disability and are high in extraversion and conscientiousness are more likely to use sport as a coping mechanism to help them deal with the challenges of acquiring a disability. A related research question is whether those same personality characteristics help athletes manage retiring from sport when that time comes. The preceding suggestions would likely involve the use of a longitudinal research approach, a design that has not been used much in research in the field of disability sport psychology.

Benefits of Sport to Veterans One major shortcoming of extant research is that the precise mechanisms that might explain why sport and PA programs are beneficial often cannot be discerned. Few pre–post research designs have been done with comparison groups. For example, veterans involved in the 5-day sport and adventure camps (Carless et al., 2013, 2014; Carless, 2014)

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engaged in many formal and informal activities ranging from eating breakfast with fellow participants to attending mental skills training sessions and caving. Based on the research design, we cannot know whether mastery experiences, shared social reality support, exposure to nature, or other factors were responsible for positive outcomes. Second, given the close quarters of the 5-day camp referred to in the previous paragraph, a return to a military style of communal living and the support and cohesion in such environments cannot be discounted. For instance, many of the benefits of physical activity may be a function of the therapeutic relationships established with other participants and even the researchers conducting the study. Hence, one suggestion for future research involves conducting long-term follow-up research. For instance, examining the role of physical activity done alone when the intervention is over can help tease out the effect of PA alone compared with the combined effects of PA and the social benefits derived from a camp or group. Additionally, such a design also reflects a more ecologically valid study. Participants are presumably engaged in the more typical day-to-day challenges of living at home with a disability compared with the unique PA or sportand leisure-oriented camp settings where much of the research has been conducted. A third area of inquiry involves examining multiple identities. Researchers have examined the role of a military identity on military performance (Johansen, Laberg, & Martinussen, 2013). Examining the role of both athletic and military identity in sport engagement among injured military veterans is a way to link the work on identity with wounded warriors that might shed light on how disabled veterans use or disregard sport as a vehicle to aid recovery and provide meaning to their lives.

Summary Sport and PA for people with disabilities can provide a plethora of psychosocial benefits, much as it does for able-bodied athletes. Clearly, however, a significant accident resulting in a disability and the meanings attached to disability sport can have profound implications for renegotiating identity. For example, people have to shed a prior able-bodied identity for a disability identity. Further, athletic identity development is not clear-cut because it can vary depending on individuals’ perceptions of what disability, disability sport, and elite sport mean to them. Personality characteristics can potentially facilitate sport behavior (e.g., training) and other adaptive

cognitions (e.g., sport engagement). The extension of personality research into positive psychology (e.g., grit) has promise for explaining why athletes with disabilities may persevere in sport contexts, despite a host of challenges. Similarly, the role of sensation seeking may also help us understand the attraction of risky sports (e.g., mountain climbing) in those who have already experienced a serious accident that may have been, in part, a function of the allure of such dangerous and exciting sports. Finally, injured military veterans have found sport and other nontraditional activities (e.g., Pilates) to provide a host of benefits. A fuller understanding of the influence of a military identity and the military culture in sport participation is yet to be fully realized.

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Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 13, 713–720. DOI: 10.1016/j.psychsport.2012.04.011 Pretty, J., Peacock, J., Sellens, M., & Griffin, M. (2005). The mental and physical health outcomes of green exercise. International Journal of Environmental Health Research, 15, 319–337. doi.org/10.1080/09603120500155963 Roberts, B.W., (2009). Back to the future: Personality and assessment and personality development. Journal of Research in Personality, 43, 137–145. DOI: doi:10.1016/j. jrp.2008.12.015 Shannon, V.R., Gentner, N.B., Patel, A., & Muccio, D. (2012). Striking gold: Mental techniques and preparation strategies used by Olympic gold medalists. Athletic Insight, 4, 1–11. Shapiro, D. (2007). Athletic identity and perceived competence in children with visual impairments. Palaestra, 19, 6–7. Shapiro, D., & Martin, J. (2010). Athletic identity, affect, and peer relations in youth athletes with physical disabilities. Disability and Health Journal, 3, 79–85. DOI: 10.1016/j.dhjo.2009.08.004 Smith, B., & Sparkes, A. C. (2005). Men, sport, spinal cord injury, and narratives of hope. Social Science & Medicine, 61, 1095-1105.Sparkes, A., & Smith, B. (2002). Sport, spinal cord injury, embodied masculinities, and the dilemmas of narrative identity. Men and Masculinities, 4, 258–285. DOI:10.1177/1097184X02004003003 Spencer-Cavaliere, N., & Peers, D. (2011). “What’s the difference?” Women’s wheelchair basketball, reverse integration, and the question (ing) of disability. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 28, 291–309. Swann, W., & Bosson, J. (2010). Self and identity. In S. Fiske, S. Gilbert, & G. Lindzey (eds.). Handbook of social psychology (pp. 589–628). New York, NY: Springer. Tangen, S., & Kudlacek, M. (2014). Extreme sport and reconstruction of identity in persons with spinal cord injuries (SCI). European Journal of Adapted  Physical Activity, 7, 3–12. Ungerleider, S., & Golding, J.M. (1991). Mental practice among Olympic athletes. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 72, 1007–1017. Wickman, K. (2007). “I do not compete in disability”: How wheelchair athletes challenge the discourse of ableism through action and resistance. European Journal for Sport and Society, 4, 151–167. Zuckerman, M. (1979). Sensation seeking. New York, NY: Wiley. Zuckerman, M., Bone, R.N., Neary, R., Mangelsdorff, D., & Brustman, B. (1972). What is the sensation seeker? Personality trait and experience correlates of the Sensation-Seeking Scales. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 39, 308–321.

21 Sports Medicine Psychology Diane M. Wiese-Bjornstal, PhD, CCC-AASP  Andrew C. White, MA    Kristin N. Wood, MA, ATC  Hayley C. Russell, PhD

Abstract Sports medicine psychology refers to the psychological study of injury and rehabilitation among participants in sport, exercise, and other physical activity settings. Psychological influences on sport injury and rehabilitation are evident during preinjury, postinjury, and return to sport periods, as well as in the use of interventions during these times. Preinjury theory, research, and professional practice literature includes the identification of psychological vulnerability or risk factors and the importance of education, attitudes, and behaviors in injury prevention efforts. Postinjury evidence demonstrates that a complex variety of psychological, psychiatric, and psychosocial responses and coping strategies manifest during acute and chronic injury and rehabilitation periods and influence outcomes such as recovery and return to play. Mental skills training and social support intervention strategies employed by psychology, sports medicine, and kinesiology professionals enhance protective and resilience factors among athletes and exercisers. Evidence shows that the psychological prevention and care of sport injuries is an important aspect of research and professional practice in sports medicine, kinesiology, and psychology because of the connections to performance, health, and quality of life among diverse physical activity populations. Directions for future research include the need for additional studies within physical activity contexts beyond competitive sport and improved understanding of optimal risk-taking behavior in physical activity as beneficial to child development and injury prevention. Future research should also embrace multidisciplinary approaches to psychological assessment, treatment, and intervention in sports medicine contexts and the exploration of specific coping resources such as religiosity and spirituality as eliciting beneficial coping mechanisms in sport injury prevention and recovery.

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thletes, exercisers, dancers, and other physically active people face the risk of sport injuries with every movement. The actual occurrence of such injuries (or even the anticipation of them) can result in significant effects on the physical and psychosocial well-being of participants within these contexts. The field of study labeled as sports medicine psychology encompasses the various roles that psychology plays within sports medicine contexts. Among these, it incorporates theory, research, and professional practice concerning the psychological, behavioral, and social aspects of injury prevention and rehabilitation among physically active participants, as well as the psychological roles and influences of those who coach, train, and care for them as part of their multidisciplinary sports medicine teams (WieseBjornstal, 2014). This chapter focuses on injuries occurring within diverse groups of physically active participants, including competitive and recreational athletes, exercisers, dancers, and extreme or outdoor sport participants. More specifically, the term sport injuries refers to injuries that • occur in the context of competitive sport or other physical activity participation, • involve some level of medical evaluation or treatment, and • hinder physical activity participation or training. In studying the psychological landscapes of sport injuries and rehabilitation experiences, it is important to consider the uniqueness of participants, injuries, and circumstances. Flint (1998a, 1998b) provided pivotal discussions about the psychophysiological differences among sport injuries, highlighting the importance of considering injury onsets (e.g., macrotrauma, microtrauma), definitions (e.g., time loss, reporting practices, pathology), and physical sequelae (e.g., severity, tissue healing) in the context of designing research studies that integrate sport psychology and sports medicine to understand athlete responses to injury. With this background in mind, the primary purposes of this chapter are to provide an overview of the theory, research, and professional practice surrounding the psychological aspects of sport injuries and to use this review to identify gaps in the knowledge base from which to draw implications for future research in sports medicine psychology. The first two sections of this chapter follow a chronological injury sequence, beginning

with an examination of preinjury issues (e.g., stress reactivity influences on injury vulnerability) and then moving to a review of postinjury topics (e.g., psychological distress among injured participants during rehabilitation). The third section focuses on psychological interventions as relevant to psychology, sports medicine, and kinesiology professionals. Closing sections identify gaps in the current sports medicine psychology knowledge base and provide suggestions for future research.

Preinjury Psychology Theory, research, and professional practice in relation to preinjury psychological aspects reflect themes of vulnerability and prevention. Vulnerability refers to the susceptibility or risks of physically active participants to injury, whereas prevention refers to psychoeducational efforts to reduce injury vulnerability through changing attitudes, behaviors, and social systems. The substantial body of literature reviewed next is relevant to these dimensions.

Vulnerability to Sport Injuries A significant body of literature confirms that psychological factors contribute to sport injury vulnerability through cognitive, affective, behavioral, and social influence mechanisms. The predominant conceptual model used to identify and examine these psychological factors is the stress and injury model initially developed by Andersen and Williams (1988) and subsequently revised by Williams and Andersen (1998). This model identifies psychosocial precursors, or antecedents, to sport injuries and specifies the mechanisms by which they influence injured individuals’ vulnerability through the stress response process. Psychosocial antecedents include general categories of personality (e.g., trait anxiety, hardiness), history of stressors (e.g., major and minor life event stress), and coping resources (e.g., coping behaviors, social support), which directly and interactively influence the stress response or reactivity of individual athletes in potentially stressful sport situations. Hypothesized to have direct effects on vulnerability to injury are the core mechanisms of the stress response, which include increased muscle tension and attentional deficits. This stress response results from athletes’ cognitive appraisals of demands, resources, and consequences in potentially stressful sport environments. Psychological interventions theorized to temper the stress response and thus reduce

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injury vulnerability include cognitive restructuring, relaxation skills, and imagery, among others. Reinforcing the continued popularity of the stress and injury model, Johnson, Tranaeus, and Ivarsson (2014) identified 26 studies conducted between 2006 and 2013 that examined the predictions of model components and paths using a variety of research methodologies (e.g., quantitative, qualitative, and prevention intervention). Much of the past and present research on the stress and injury model has focused on the antecedent factors. Appaneal and Habif (2013) identified and reviewed 70 such studies; 86% of them revealed a significant relationship between one or more antecedent factors and sport injuries. In particular, higher levels of anxiety (a personality antecedent), higher incidence of major life event stress (a history of stressors antecedent), and lower levels of coping resources appear to have been the most studied, and most supported, psychological antecedents to sport injuries. Other personality trait and state factors recently examined in the research literature include mood state, dispositional optimism, and obsessive passion. Research on mood states shows that negative moods, particularly fatigue, are predictive of injury (Hadala, Cebolla, Baños, & Barrios, 2010; Wiese-Bjornstal et al., 2012). Longitudinal examination of dispositional optimism as a potential antecedent of injury showed higher levels to be predictive of a lower likelihood of injury among college-aged sport participants (Wadey, Evans, Hanton, & Niel, 2013). Additionally, dispositional optimism moderated the relation between stress coping and injury time loss among state-, national-, and international-level athletes (Ford, Eklund, & Gordon, 2010). Within a sample of professional dancers, obsessive passion (in which the participant feels negative, controlling pressure to engage) was maladaptive with respect to its relationship to injury risk behaviors, as mediated by dance dependence (Akehurst & Oliver, 2014). Among the history of stress factors, major life event stress (the positive or negative effect associated with major life event stressors or changes such as starting at a new school or death of a family member) has received extensive consideration. A consistent, but not universal, finding is that negative major life event stress is predictive of sport injuries (Mann, Bryant, Johnstone, Ivey, & Sayers, 2016; Steffen, Pensgaard, & Bahr, 2009). Competitive sport athletes affected by conjunctive effects, meaning those with the combination of high negative major life event stress and low coping resources, are particularly vulnerable to sport injuries (Maddison

& Prapavessis, 2005). Even positive major life event stress often shows a similar relation to sport injuries and comparable conjunctive effects. For example, Petrie, Deiters, and Harmison (2014) found that collegiate football players reporting high positive major life event stress missed more days because of injury when they were also low in coping resources such as mental toughness and family social support. Minor life event stress, studied under constructs such as daily hassles and everyday problems, also appears predictive of sport injuries (Ivarsson, Johnson, & Podlog, 2013). Although far less research has been devoted to the core mechanisms of the stress and injury model (i.e., the attentional and physiological changes indicative of a stress response as direct contributors to injury vulnerability), the predictions have received support. Measures of peripheral vision on practice (low stress) days and game (high stress) days showed that narrowing of peripheral vision under stress mediated the relations between negative major life event stress, psychological coping skills, and sport injuries among high school soccer players (Rogers & Landers, 2005). Their results supported the core predictions of the stress and injury model, and identified the attentional change of peripheral narrowing as a mechanism connecting the stressful situation (game day) and the stress response (narrowed vision) to sport injury vulnerability. The predicted influence of psychological interventions in reducing sport injury vulnerability through influences on the stress response core has also received limited research attention. Only a few studies have been done recently. In support of the interventions aspect of the model, Maddison and Prapavessis (2005) found that a preinjury cognitive behavioral stress management intervention among at-risk young adult male rugby players was effective in reducing injury time loss compared with the at-risk control group, exerting influence through mechanisms of increased coping resources and decreased worry. Johnson, Ekengren, and Andersen (2005) assigned high-injury-risk male and female elite soccer players to mental skills training or control conditions and observed lower injury incidence for the mental skills training group. A study of adolescent soccer players demonstrated the effectiveness of a mindfulness-based intervention program in reducing injury risks (Ivarsson, Johnson, Andersen, Fallby, & Altemyr, 2015). One of the limitations of the stress and injury model is that it does not contextualize injury vulnerability beyond the psychological influences.

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Therefore, biomedically based models such as the dynamic recursive model of sport injury (Meeuwisse, Tyreman, Hagel, & Emery, 2007) are also useful for sport and exercise psychologists because they accommodate consideration of psychological factors as part of multifactorial models of injury etiology (i.e., the causes of sport injury). In this model, intrinsic risk factors (e.g., history of injuries, high stress reactivity) lead to injury-predisposed athletes. Exposure of predisposed athletes to extrinsic risk factors (e.g., officiating tolerance of illegal play, coaches exerting excessive performance pressure) results in injury susceptible athletes. The injury susceptible athletes engage in sporting activities in which they may encounter inciting events (e.g., unanticipated collisions, environmental hazards) that are the direct mechanisms or causes of injury. The identification of specific intrinsic and extrinsic psychological risk factors highlighted in this model has the potential to allow the targeting of interventions toward these factors to reduce risks. As the research cited in the previous paragraphs clearly suggests, a number of psychological factors render some sport participants more vulnerable to injuries than others. This knowledge benefits injury prevention efforts, and a corresponding body of research, reviewed in the next section, has examined the role of psychology in sport injury prevention.

Prevention of Sport Injuries Several conceptual models have emerged using systematic and evidence-based approaches to injury reduction through considerations of risk and protective factors. The psychological way in which athletes perceive and interact with the physical environment is one emerging area of investigation relative to sport injury prevention. For example, the ecological dynamics framework (Leventer, Dicks, Duarte, Davids, & Araújo, 2015) identified behavioral processes and the dynamics of interactions between athletes and environments relative to contact injuries among team-sport athletes. Psychological constructs such as perceptual and attentional skills are important to injury mechanisms and preventions within this framework. Leventer et al. recommend educating and training athletes to recognize affordances (i.e., opportunities for action) that can enable them to avoid risky situations in open-environment contact sports. Neuroscience work on the mechanisms of noncontact anterior cruciate ligament injuries (ACL), for example, shows distracted attention and contact with balls or other

players as significant contributors to ACL injury (Grooms & Onate, 2015), reinforcing the importance of training perceptual and attentional skills as a preventive strategy. From a public health perspective, Finch (2006) presented a six-step conceptual framework for translating research into sport injury prevention practice (TRIPP). Cognitions (e.g., beliefs and attitudes about and commitment to safety) and behaviors (e.g., using safety equipment, modifying behavior in alignment with safety practice) are central to the effectiveness of prevention efforts. Finch emphasized a psychosocial and ecological perspective, saying that “knowledge of the safety/injury culture of the sport is important to understand cues to action and how best to work with sports to improve safety” (p. 7). Finch and Donaldson (2010) described a RE-AIM sports setting matrix (RE-AIM SSM) (i.e., reach, effectiveness, adoption, implementation, and maintenance) directed toward instigating prevention efforts in community sports. Examples of the psychological factors within the multilevel model included support for coaches, communication strategies, and attitudes of club officials. This model has framed several research projects and systematic reviews, such as one examining the effectiveness of musculoskeletal injury prevention exercise programs in team sports (O’Brien & Finch, 2014). Among the limitations of the injury prevention literature, however, is the atheoretical nature of many studies designed to test the efficacy and effectiveness of prevention measures. In their systematic review of sport injury prevention research studies, McGlashan and Finch (2010) found that social and behavioral science theories and models guided sport injury prevention research projects less than 11% of the time. They advocated for theory-driven work using cognitive and behavioral change mechanisms in improving prevention efforts. Keats, Emery, and Finch (2012) and Chan and Hagger (2012a) both recommended the integration of self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2000) with the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1991) in promoting adherence to sport injury prevention behaviors. Finch et al. (2014) used the health belief model to study the beliefs of youth Australian football players about neuromuscular training programs. In line with the health behavior model, Deroche, Stephan, Woodman, and Le Scanff (2012) found that perceptions of similarity to injured athletes and perceived control over injury risks predicted perceived risks of injury among judokas. Other prevention models used in the sport injury field include epidemiological and systems models.

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Kerr, Roos, Schmidt, and Marshall (2013) used an epidemiological triangle model (i.e., host, agent, environment) to review social environmental influences on sport injury risks and recommended prevention strategies for implementation by sports medicine professionals. Social environmental influences identified in their review included parents, teammates, coaches, media, policy and legislation, and sports medicine professionals. Salmon, Goode, Lenné, Finch, and Cassell (2013) used a systems-based risk management framework to identify causal factors for injury in facilitated or led outdoor physical activities such as climbing, caving, cycling, skiing, and horse riding. Among the supported causal components of the systems model were several psychological factors, such as inadequate mental or emotional condition, judgment errors, failure to follow policies, and improper motivation. A substantial body of theory and research has focused on psychological factors associated with vulnerability to sport injuries as well as their prevention. Even with this body of work, however, significant evidence gaps remain because of the complexity of human attitudes and behaviors and the diversity of participatory environments. Despite the substantial effort directed to safety, sport injuries do occur in significant numbers. Therefore, the next section examines psychological responses to sport injuries.

Postinjury Psychology Research shows that after sustaining sport injuries, complex blends of psychological, psychiatric, and psychosocial responses manifest during acute and chronic rehabilitation, and these varying responses affect participants’ outcomes such as recovery and return to play. To provide frameworks for examining this myriad of responses, scholars from a variety of disciplines have used several conceptual models and psychological theories, as reviewed next.

Conceptual Models and Theories Early work on psychological responses to sport injuries relied on theories common within the general psychology literature of the times, such as adaptations of the grief process (Evans & Hardy, 1995; Rotella, 1985), stress process and cognitive appraisal (Wiese & Weiss, 1987), and biopsychosocial (Brewer, Andersen, & van Raalte, 2002) models. The integrated rehabilitation model of Flint (1998b) merged psychology and sports medicine

frameworks. The development of these early conceptual models provided the impetus for expanding research on psychological responses to sport injuries, although findings were largely confined to competitive sport contexts. Recent research on postinjury responses has employed disablement models (Vela, 2008; Vela & Denegar, 2010b) as well as a transcontextual model of treatment motivation based on self-determination theory (Chan, Hagger, & Spray, 2011). Disablement models arose from sociological scholarship in the 1960s and were primarily construed using evidence-based clinical practice findings from several medical professions such as physical and occupational therapy (Snyder et al., 2008). Vela and Denegar (2010b) interviewed physically active adults with orthopedic injuries as a means of describing the disablement process in sport injuries based on four components that included impairments, functional limitations, disability, and quality of life. Quality of life represented psychological problems such as uncertainty and fear, stress and pressure, mood and frustration, overall energy, and altered social relationships and is a primary outcome of concern in clinical sport rehabilitation (Parsons & Snyder, 2011). Valovich McLeod, Bay, Parsons, Sauers, and Snyder (2009), for example, found that injured adolescent athletes reported lower health-related quality of life than did their uninjured peer athletes. Russell (2014) used the disablement measure developed by Vela and Denegar (2010b) to examine outcomes related to the psychological aspects of returning to play among surgically repaired ACL athletes and found that reinjury anxiety, perceived percent recovery, and perceived limitations to ability were all significantly correlated with perceived disablement at 9 months postsurgery. Research has also supported the predictions of the transcontextual model in treatment motivation; a study among recreational and professional athletes with moderate to severe sport injuries showed that “athletes with higher autonomous motivation in sport may be more likely to be autonomously motivated in their rehabilitation when injured” (Chan et al., 2011, p. 83). The conceptual model most frequently used in the postinjury research literature is the integrated model of psychological response to the sport injury and rehabilitation process (see figure 21.1). Several papers (e.g., Wiese-Bjornstal, Smith, & LaMott, 1995; Wiese-Bjornstal, Smith, Shaffer, & Morrey, 1998) have outlined the collaborative derivations of the model, which integrates components from several ­ sychological other theories to depict the process of p

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responses to sport injury, rehabilitation, and return to play. The development of the model served both research and clinical practice functions, and research from a diverse array of studies has supported the predictions (see recent review by Wiese-Bjornstal, 2014). Within this model, the core dynamic cycle derives from the transactional theory of stress in which stress occurs as a process of transaction or exchange between the person and the environment (Lazarus & Folkman, 1987). Cognitive appraisals affect how people think, feel, and behave in stressful situations such as sport injuries, thus encompassing the dynamic cognitive, affective, and behavioral cycles identified at the core of the model. An early review of literature identified a number of moderating and mediating factors (Wiese-Bjornstal et al., 1995) that mapped onto an interactional approach to understanding the dynamic field (Lewin, 1939) of personal and situational factors influencing psychological responses to injury. The preinjury influences of the stress and injury model (Andersen & Williams, 1988) are included at the top of the schematic to identify their continued effects on the response to injury and rehabilitation process. Temporally, recognition, response, reconciliation or readjustment, and return frame the general progression of longitudinal or dynamic cycles of cognition, affect, and behavior oscillating over the rehabilitation period in a recycling, vortex, or spiral fashion (Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009). A comprehensive attempt at simultaneously testing several premises of the integrated model of psychological response to the sport injury and rehabilitation process with a sample of intercollegiate athletes provided support for the major predictions of the model (Wiese-Bjornstal et al., 2012). Specifically, psychosocial variables predicted sport injury, sport injury served as a stressor, and negative affect was both a predictor and consequence of sport injury. In this study, the use of a matched uninjured control group drawn from the same sport teams allowed the researchers to attribute observed psychological changes in injured athletes directly to the actual injury experience rather than to other negative stressors shared by both injured and uninjured teammates (e.g., poor team performance, school exam periods, or coach pressures). Research guided by the integrated model of psychological response to the sport injury and rehabilitation process has generally focused on examining the predictions about dynamic cycles of individual cognitions, emotions, and behaviors over the course of injury, rehabilitation, and return to play, through the use of both quantitative and qual-

itative study designs. For example, Madrigal and Gill’s (2014) results using a case studies approach with injured collegiate female athletes supported not only individual differences in responses but also the dynamic nature of psychological responses such as mental toughness, hardiness, and optimism. Ruddock-Hudson, O’Halloran, and Murphy (2012, 2014) also showed individual differences and dynamic fluctuations in psychological responses to injury among male Australian rules football players. A study by Evans, Wadey, Hanton, and Mitchell (2012) found that sport injury is a stressor, providing support for the central prediction of the integrated model of psychological response to the sport injury and rehabilitation process. They compared male competitive golfers with rugby union players, finding specific but unique stressors within their sport injury experiences to include medical, sport, social, and financial demands that differed dynamically based on the stage of the injury process as predicted by the model. The many conceptual models and theories discussed point to the complex and dynamic nature of psychological responses to sport injuries. In line with the predictions of the integrated model of psychological response to the sport injury and rehabilitation process (Wiese-Bjornstal et al., 1998), a recent systematic review of psychosocial factors associated with sport injury rehabilitation outcomes confirms that cognitions, affect, and behavior are the core psychological themes related to outcomes (Forsdyke, Smith, Jones, & Gledhill, 2016). The next section articulates specific examples of each of these themes as evident in the research literature.

Cognitive, Affective, and Behavioral Responses Dynamic cycles of cognitions, affect, and behavior represent the psychological responses to sport injuries that influence physical and psychological outcomes over time. Wiese-Bjornstal (2010) describes cognitions as interpretations, appraisals, or beliefs related to sport injury, such as sense of loss, pain perceptions, or perceived recovery progress. Affect encompasses emotions such as frustration, reinjury anxiety, or sadness resulting from specific injury-related cognitions, as well as moods, feelings, and core affect, such as feeling lethargic or energized, or good or bad. Behaviors are efforts, actions, or activities that injured athletes engage in, such as malingering, rehabilitation adherence, and help seeking. Outcomes refer to the results, effects, or consequences of rehabilitation processes

Preinjury

Personality

History of stressors

Stress response

factors

Sport injury

Coping resources

Interventions

Response to sport injury and rehabilitation process

Situational factors

Personal factors Injury • History • Severity • Type • Perceived cause • Recovery status Individual differences • Psychological personality self-perceptions self-motivation motivational orientation pain tolerance athletic identity coping skills psychological skills history of stressors mood states • Demographic gender age ethnicity socioeconomic status prior sport experience • Physical use of ergogenic aids physical health status disordered eating

Behavioral response Adherence to rehabilitation Use of PST strategies Use/disuse of social support Risk-taking behaviors Effort and intensity Malingering Behavioral coping

Cognitive appraisal Goal adjustment Rate of perceived recovery Self-perceptions Belief and attributions Sense of loss or relief Cognitive coping

Recovery outcomes

Sport • Type • Level of competition • Time in season • Playing status • Practice vs. game • Scholarship status Social • Teammate influences • Coach influences • Family dynamics • Sports medicine team influences • Social support provision • Sport ethic/philosophy Environmental • Rehabilitation environment • Accessibility to rehabilitation

Psychosocial Physical

Emotional response Fear of unknown Tension, anger, depression Frustration, boredom Positive attitude/outlook Grief Emotional coping

Figure 21.1  Integrated model of psychologicalE6768/Horn/F21.01/565559/mh-R4 response to the sport injury and rehabilitation process. Reprinted from “An Integrated Model of Response to Sport Injury: Psychological and Sociological Dynamics,” by D. M. Wiese-Bjornstal, A. M. Smith, S. M. Shaffer, & M. A. Morrey, 1998, Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 10, p. 49. Copyright 1998 by the Association for Applied Sport Psychology.

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(e.g., functional outcomes, reinjury, or returning to play). These components are predicted to influence each other. For example, attainment of certain outcomes triggers renewed cognitions, which in turn influence affect and behaviors. Behaviors influence outcomes, which lead to revised cognitions. Each component reflects aspects of the coping process by which individuals attempt to manage the stresses of sport injuries, such as through cognitive, affective, and behavioral coping strategies. Early studies used prospective (i.e., preinjury baseline), longitudinal, repeated measures research designs to document injury-induced dynamic changes in cognition (e.g., perceived recovery) and affect (e.g., depression) (Smith et al., 1993), an approach less evident in recent quantitative research. Recent examples of cognitions examined in the psychological responses to sport injuries research include perceptions of competence, hardiness, athletic identity, and attentional focus. Perceptions of competence proved to be an important component of successful return to play among adolescent athletes (Podlog et al., 2013). Wadey, Evans, Hanton, and Neil (2012) showed that adult mixed-sport athletes high in hardiness used a broad selection of problem- and emotion-focused coping strategies, whereas athletes low in hardiness used more avoidance coping. Declines in athletic identity were evident among male and female recreational athletes 6 to 24 months post ACL surgery, especially among those whose rehabilitation was occurring at the slowest rates (Brewer, Cornelius, Stephan, & van Raalte, 2010). Internal injury-focused attention disrupted movement automaticity among injured baseball players compared with that of healthy expert and novice control groups (Gray, 2015). Qualitative studies document the cycles of cognitions over the injury rehabilitation process. Cognitive appraisals across the time from injury onset to return to play were documented in a national-level cycling athlete, revealing themes such as injury and consequences in sporting life, childhood experiences, emotions, social support, and trusting relationships (Roy, Mokhtar, Karim, & Ayathupady, 2015). A study of sources of sport commitment following severe injury among university athletes reflected a number of cognitions about valued sources, such as scholarships and career opportunities and personal investments of time and effort (Iñigo, Podlog, & Hall, 2015). Besides examining the variety of cognitions that can result from sport injury experiences, researchers have explored a range of affective reactions. Affective reactions examined have focused on emotions (anger or fear responses based on cogni-

tive appraisals of sport injuries) and moods (more global, diffuse, longer-lasting feeling states such as anxiety or depressed moods) (Mainwaring, Hutchison, Camper, & Richards, 2012; Wiese-Bjornstal, White, Russell, & Smith, 2015). Among the more prevalent affects examined are reinjury anxiety or fear of injury (Prugh, Zeppieri, & George, 2012; Wadey et al., 2014), fear of movement tied to pain catastrophizing (Parr et al., 2014), mood states (Cahalan, Purtill, O’Sullivan, & O’Sullivan, 2015; Van Wilgen, Kaptein, & Brink, 2010), and frustration (Clement, Arvinen-Barrow, & Fetty, 2015). Generally, the literature supports that negative anxieties, fears, and moods are detrimental to physical and psychological recovery outcomes. Evidence also supports predicted linkages between cognitions and emotions, such as the connections between perceived recovery, psychological readiness, and fear of reinjury among ACL-injured athletes (Ardern, 2015). Clinical mental health issues such as depression are also evident among injured athletes (Appaneal, Levine, Perna, & Roh, 2009). For example, the results of Appaneal et al.’s study showed higher depression in injured high school and intercollegiate athletes compared with healthy athlete controls, and, as expected, observed declines in depression scores across recovery time. Air (2013) found high levels of psychological distress among dancers seeking outpatient treatment for musculoskeletal injuries; over 60% met requirements for clinical mental health referral. Depression is evident among the many psychological consequences of sport concussions (as illustrated in the sidebar Psychological Considerations With Concussions). Other researchers have looked at differences in coping and emotional responses based on injury type (such as macrotrauma versus microtrauma or concussion versus orthopedic), generally finding responses unique to each type (Henert, 2000; Hutchison, Mainwaring, Comper, Richards, & Bisschop, 2009; Russell & Wiese-Bjornstal, 2015). Lee Sinden (2010) discussed the suppression of emotions among elite female athletes with health problems as a strategy used to prevent others from viewing them as weak or irrational. The third component of the dynamic cycles of postinjury responses includes behaviors. Behaviors most often examined in the postinjury psychology literature include rehabilitation adherence, help seeking, coping behaviors, pain behaviors, and playing with injury. McKay and Verhagen (2016) distinguished between compliance, which refers to conformity to the recommendations of professionals, and adherence, defined as “a process influenced by the environment, recognising that behaviour

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is shaped by social contexts as well as personal knowledge, motivations, skills and resources” (p. 382). Nearly 20% of athletic trainers reported that poor rehabilitation adherence behavior in sport injuries is a major problem (Granquist, Podlog, Engel, & Newland, 2014). Levy, Polman, and Clough (2008) tested an adapted planned behavior model of rehabilitation adherence in sport injury, finding that self-efficacy and self-motivation predicted clinic-based rehabilitation adherence. Among recreational athletes, Levy, Polman, Nicholls, and Marchant (2009) observed through interviews that lack of motivation and confidence hindered homebased rehabilitation adherence, whereas ineffective pain coping and social support negatively affected clinic-based rehabilitation adherence. As an intervention targeting improvements in adherence behavior among injured athletes, Mahoney and Hanrahan (2011) found acceptance and commitment therapy effective. Other postinjury behaviors include help-seeking behavior. Hoar and Flint (2008) found that intercollegiate athletes’ expectancies for nurturance and expertise influenced their intentions to select specific help providers (e.g., coach, athletic therapist, family members) when injured. Dancers from a variety of styles reported that their most common help-seeking response was to inform someone about their injuries (Nordin-Bates et al., 2011). Among nonelite adults training for marathon and triathlon events, Grice, Kingsbury, and Conaghan (2014) found that advice about the care of musculoskeletal injuries was first sought from teammates or the Internet before medical professionals were

consulted. University athletes did not seek medical attention for suspected concussions because they did not perceive them as severe enough or dangerous enough to stop them from playing (Delaney, Lamfookon, Bloom, Al-Kashmiri, & Correa, 2015). Research supporting additional behaviors used in managing the stress of sport injuries includes coping behaviors, pain behaviors, and continuing to play when injured. Although avoidance coping, which involves escaping from or avoiding stressful situations, is often considered a maladaptive coping strategy, Carson and Polman (2010) found that avoidance coping had beneficial aspects among ACL-injured male professional rugby union players. For example, some players enhanced their recoveries by withdrawing temporarily from the injury environments by using physical distraction techniques such as learning new hobbies or developing alternate interests. Heil’s (2012) case example of pain-coping behavior in an injured collegiate track athlete articulated the complex biopsychosocial influences on behaviors such as playing through the injury, help seeking, and medication use. Supporting the finding that many athletes continue to play when injured, Weinberg, Vernau, and Horn (2013) found that male and female collegiate intramural basketball players who were higher in athletic identity showed attitudes and behaviors supportive of playing with injury. Madrigal, Robbins, Gill, and Wurst (2015) observed that passion for the sport (e.g., love and meaning of the sport, desire to be on the field) and the sport ethic (e.g., helping the team, game-time sacrifice, accepted behavior) were key contributors toward playing with pain and injury among collegiate rugby players.

Psychological Considerations With Concussions The recent surge of research studies on concussions has resulted in the identification of numerous cognitive, emotional, and behavioral symptoms that may occur (Wiese-Bjornstal et al., 2015). This work has also shown that for the majority, symptoms resolve in approximately 1 to 2 weeks, although for some, symptoms persist for weeks, months, and even years beyond the standard recovery period (Karr, Areshenkoff, & Garcia-Barrera, 2014). What remains unclear, however, is the etiology of these persistent symptoms. For example, are the athlete’s depressive symptoms a result of neurophysiological abnormalities stemming from the brain injury, the athlete’s continued absence from a valued part of life, the less obvious functional limitations in everyday life, or some combination of these factors (WieseBjornstal et al., 2015)? An additional psychological consideration is the sociocultural context in which a concussion injury occurs (see Wiese-Bjornstal et al., 1998, for a review of the sociocultural aspects of sport injury and recovery). One such contextual factor is the sport ethic, which includes the belief that athletes should “play through the pain” (Hughes & Coakley, 1991). An alarming consequence of this belief is that athletes may feel pressured not to report their symptoms and continue to play despite sustaining what may be a concussion (Kroshus, Garnett, Hawrilenko, Baugh, & Calzo, 2015). What athletes, coaches, and parents may not know is that continuing to participate may put the athlete, particularly youth athletes, at risk for more severe, potentially fatal, consequences such as second-impact syndrome (Halstead & Walter, 2010).

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In sum, cognition, affect, and behavior are all evident in literature on the psychological aspects of sport injury rehabilitation. The psychological transition to return to play presents its own set of challenges and represents not a point in time but rather a process through which athletes and exercisers are assimilated back into their social groups, routines, and training. Several researchers have focused specifically on this phase, as next discussed.

Return to Play The specific phase of returning to participation (known as return to play, or return to sport) following sport injuries merits special attention because of the unique psychological dimensions of this experience (see the sidebar for an example from literature on ACL injuries). Self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2000) has been a prominent framework for studies examining the return-to-play process among injured competitive athletes. For example, Podlog, Dimmock, and Miller’s (2011) review of literature on the psychological aspects of return to play identified common themes such as reinjury, performance, social, and self-presentation concerns. Podlog et al. interpreted these concerns as consistent with self-determination theory, in that athletes’ concerns reflected their basic needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness. Ardern, Taylor, Feller, and Webster’s (2013) review of psychological factors surrounding return to play concluded that “positive psychological responses were associated with a higher return to sport rate after injury, a faster return and a greater likelihood of returning to the preinjury participation level” (p. 1124). In line with the recent trend toward

positive psychology approaches, stress-related growth, also known as posttraumatic growth, is among the more popular current themes in the sport injury literature. Crawford, Gayman, and Tracey (2014), for example, identified several dimensions of posttraumatic growth among athletes with acquired spinal cord injury, including appreciation for life, relating to others, and health and well-being. A study involving a wide range of previously injured athletes pointed to the positive role of personality hardiness in the promotion of stress-related growth, achieved through mechanisms of social support and the ability to reframe injuries in positive terms (Salim, Wadey, & Diss, 2015). Creighton, Shrier, Shultz, Meeuwisse, and Matheson (2010) created a decision-based model of return to play for clinical use by sports medicine practitioners. Psychological aspects of the model are evident among the medical factors involved in the evaluation of health status (e.g., psychological state), evaluation of participation risks (e.g., competitive level), and decision modifiers (e.g., pressures from athlete, coach, or family). In an examination of the Creighton et al. model as it related to return-to-play decision making among athletic trainers, Kenow (2014) found that certain personal (e.g., fears about job security, lack of experience) and situational (e.g., financial issues, player importance) pressures negatively affected athletic trainers in making optimal return-to-play decisions for athletes under their care. From injury prevention efforts through the processes of psychological responses to sport injury, rehabilitation, and return to play, physically active people can benefit from psychological interventions provided by many professional and personal sources. The goal is to enhance physical and psy-

Psychology of Return to Play Following Knee Surgery Athletes primarily undergo anterior cruciate ligament reconstruction (ACLR) with the intention of returning to sport (Heijne, Axelsson, Werner, & Biguet, 2008). Despite widely positive physical outcomes post-ACLR, only about 50% of athletes achieve this goal (Ardern, Taylor, Feller, & Webster, 2014). Researchers have identified psychological factors as crucial to return to play (Christino, Fantry, & Vopat, 2015; Everhart, Best, & Flanigan, 2015; te Wierike, van der Sluid, van der Akker-Scheek, Elferink-Gemser, & Visscher, 2013). High fear of reinjury, high psychological distress, low self-efficacy, high external locus of control, and low adherence to rehabilitation are potential limiting factors (Christino et al., 2015; Nordahl, Sjöström, Westin, Werne, & Alricsson, 2014; te Wierike et al., 2013). The responsibility for addressing psychological concerns may fall to health care professionals, coaches, or sport psychologists. Identifying negative psychological responses is the first step in intervening with athletes (Christino et al., 2015). Effective intervention strategies include educating coaches and athletes about the injury and goals of treatment, monitoring the athletes’ fear of reinjury (McVeigh & Pack, 2015), and psychological skills interventions such as self-talk, imagery, relaxation techniques, and modeling.

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chological recoveries by addressing the psychological challenges and concerns identified in the previous sections of this chapter. These psychological interventions take a variety of forms, including education, behavior change, social support, mental skills training, interpersonal exchanges, and physical activity, as discussed next.

Psychological Interventions in Sports Medicine Psychological interventions refer to the strategies used by various professionals associated with the psychological aspects of sport injury and rehabilitation as they work with, and provide support to, injured participants during their rehabilitation and return to play. These professionals include people such as sport and exercise psychologists, sports medicine professionals, and kinesiology professionals. The following sections describe research findings on the influences of psychological interventions in sports medicine contexts.

Sport and Exercise Psychologist Interventions Among the many roles of sport and exercise psychologists is the assessment of psychological responses to sport injuries. Many specific tools have emerged for gauging postinjury psychological status (Wiese-Bjornstal, Russell, & Steele, 2014). Table 21.1 provides a brief overview of some of the measures that are most specific to sport injury contexts. These assessments, mostly of the self-report variety, can prove useful in identifying athletes who could benefit from psychological interventions. Self-report instruments have limitations, however, and researchers should consider other forms of assessment, such as observational techniques, biochemical markers, and measurement technologies (Almeida, Olmedilla, Rubio, & Palou, 2013; Schilaty, Nagelli, & Hewett, 2016). Sport and exercise psychologists, depending on credentials and professional training, often play an integral role in administering and interpreting these assessments. A second role for sport and exercise psychologists is in mental skills training. Heil (1993) provided a comprehensive approach describing most of the psychological intervention strategies still recommended today (e.g., communication skills, injury education, goal setting, social support, imagery, relaxation skills, pain control, and attentional strategies). Schwab Reese, Pittsinger, and Yang (2012),

Table 21.1  Assessments of Psychological Responses to Sport Injury and Returning to Sport Title

Acronym Authors

Year

Anterior Cruciate Ligament Return to Sport Inventory

ACL-RSI

Webster, Feller, & Lambros

2008

Athlete Fear Avoidance Questionnaire

AFAQ

Dover & Amar

2015

Athletes’ Received Support ARSQ Questionnaire

Freeman, Coffee, Moll, Rees, & Sammy

2014

Causes of Re-Injury Worry Questionnaire

CR-IWQ

Christakou, Zervas, Stavrou, & Psychountaki

2011

Disablement in the Physically Active Scale

DPAS

Vela & Denegar

2010a

Emotional Responses of Athletes to Injury Questionnaire

ERAIQ

Smith, Scott, & Wiese

1990

Injury Psychological Readiness to Return to Sport

I-PRRS

Glazer

2009

Psychological Responses to Sport Injury Inventory

PRSII

Evans, Hardy, Mitchell, & Rees

2008

Reinjury Anxiety Inventory

RIAI

Walker, Thatcher, & Lavallee

2010

Sports Inventory for Pain

SIP

Bourgeois, Meyers, & LeUnes

2009

Adapted from D.M. Wiese-Bjornstal et al., Adding the PARTS to the Whole: Psychological Aspects of Returning to Sport, 2014. Unpublished manuscript. By permission of the author.

however, found limitations in the body of research examining psychological interventions in sport injuries, and Arvinen-Barrow et al. (2015) noted limited use of mental skills training by injured athletes. Yet several studies have documented the positive effects of mental skills such as imagery on motivation, confidence, and adherence (Cressman & Dawson, 2011; Evans, Hare, & Mullen, 2006; Monsma, Mensch, & Farroll, 2009). The education of sports medicine professionals about sports medicine psychology represents a third role for sport and exercise psychologists (Stiller-Ostrowski, Gould, & Covassin, 2009). Arvinen-Barrow, Penny, Hemmings, and Corr (2010) examined the opinions of physiotherapists, who named workshops, seminars, mentoring, and coaching as the most effective delivery mechanisms for such training. A systematic review of the literature on sport psychology education for sports medicine professionals led to recommended educational elements, including “(1) understanding of the psychological impact of injury, (2) interventions and psychological skills/techniques, and (3) referral and professional boundaries” (Heaney, Walker, Green, & Rostron, 2015, p. 72).

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Sports Medicine Provider Interventions Early research surveying the views of athletic trainers identified their beliefs that motivation and communication strategies were central to their role and beneficial to athletes (Wiese, Weiss, & Yukelson, 1991). Tracey (2008) more recently identified rapport, communication, and education as skills valuable within the role of sports medicine professionals. Current research findings show that certified athletic trainers and physiotherapists both rank keeping the athlete involved with the team, goal setting (especially short-term, rehabilitation goals), and creating variety in rehabilitation exercises among the top strategies they implement for the psychological benefits (Arvinen-Barrow et al., 2015; Clement, Granquist, & Arvinen-Barrow, 2013). Certified athletic trainers rated the top three psychological responses that athletes experienced with injury as stress or anxiety, anger, and treatment adherence problems (Clement et al., 2013), and said that interventions should match these difficulties. Although belief in the importance of psychological intervention in sport injury situations is ubiquitous, sports medicine professionals closest to the athletes (e.g., athletic trainers, physiotherapists, physical therapists) report feeling inadequately trained in efficiently delivering psychological interventions and implementing psychosocial strategies (Arvinen-Barrow, Massey, & Hemmings, 2014). The National Athletic Trainers’ Association’s (NATA) fifth edition of educational competencies revised the psychosocial strategies and referral content area to mandate that all athletic training students have academic and clinical experience with holistic learning situations and applying psychosocial strategies (Stiller-Ostrowski et al., 2009). Their purpose was for athletic trainers to gain proficiencies in implementing psychosocial strategies and referring to mental health professionals when necessary (Clement et al., 2013).

Kinesiologist Interventions Especially relevant for sport and exercise psychologists from the kinesiology tradition is the idea that instead of psychological strategies serving as the intervention, physical activity itself becomes the intervention, serving as a catalyst for numerous psychological benefits following injuries (Day & Wadey, 2016). The medical literature includes many examples that support this idea. For example, in their systematic review of limb amputees, Bragaru, Dekker, Geertzen, and Dijkstra (2011) noted that

better psychological well-being and improved social networks were among the psychological benefits associated with sport participation among this population. Among patients with spinal cord injuries, motivation themes for leisure-time physical activity included restitution narratives, in which physical activity provided a means to restore wholeness to their previous selves, and quest narratives, in which patients explored a variety of physical activities compatible with their interests and opportunities (Perrier, Smith, & Latimer-Cheung, 2013). Machida, Irwin, and Feltz (2013) described the evolution of personal resilience through sport participation among male quadriplegic wheelchair rugby players. Among Paralympic athletes with acquired traumatic disability, physical activity participation led to posttraumatic growth such as recognizing possibilities and responsibilities for choices, and researchers identified narratives of assimilation and positive accommodation (Day, 2013). Psychological barriers related to perceptions and fears about physical activity participation among health condition populations affect intervention effectiveness (Filbay, Crossley, & Ackerman, 2016). For example, belief in one’s own ability to overcome spinal cord injury barriers is influential in physical activity engagement (Phang, Martin Ginis, Routhier, & Lemay, 2012). Older adult golfers who had undergone knee replacement surgery (Beard, 2008) and had not returned to play identified psychological barriers, as did some within a population of older adults considering exercise following hip fracture (Gorman et al., 2013). These research examples provide illustrations of how interventions implemented and supported by kinesiologists might use physical activity as a beneficial psychological intervention and target perceptions of injury-related barriers that are holding recovering patients back from participating in physical activities and sport.

Social Support Interventions Social support interventions in sport injury contexts are provided by the professional groups just discussed but also by teammates, friends, and family. Social support refers to the types of assistance or help that others provide for the intended purpose of benefitting an at-risk or injured person. Early research by Udry (1997) established a baseline understanding of the types and roles of social support following sport injuries. Types of support generally include tangible (such as financial or physical assistance), emotional (such as listening or displays of compassion), and informational (such as education about the injury or treatment options)

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categories. Certain types of support are more or less appropriately given depending on the provider role opportunities and ethical boundaries. The effectiveness of social support is evident in buffering the effects of stressors by reducing associated distress or in serving a directly protective role in preventing the person from experiencing distress in the face of challenging situations. A study of intercollegiate athletes reinforced the buffering role of social support provided by athletic trainers (Yang et al., 2014). Rees, Mitchell, Evans, and Hardy’s (2010) study of social support reported its significant stress-buffering effects among college and recreational athletes and its directly protective role among national or international caliber athletes. Two studies with large and diverse athlete samples showed important distinctions between perceived and actual social support, finding that “the perception of available social support buffers psychological responses when athletes face specific injury stressors” (Mitchell, Evans, Rees, & Hardy, 2014, p. 504). Research examples among injured athlete samples give insight into the sources, types, and benefits of social support. Reliance on support from family, friends, and teammates was similar in orthopedic and concussed athletes from a variety of collegiate sports (Covassin et al., 2014). Autonomy support from coaches was predictive of self-determined motivation among a large sample of injured elite athletes (Chan & Hagger, 2012b). A qualitative examination of social support networks, exchanges, and appraisals among injured collegiate swimmers showed that they often felt “uncared for, unsupported, and lacking direction,” and felt supported when they were “cared for” (Abgarov, Jeffery-Tosoni, Baker, & Fraser-Thomas, 2012, p. 213). The preceding review of psychological literature on sport injury vulnerability and prevention, responses to injury, and interventions clarifies the strength of existing support regarding the importance and role of psychology in sports medicine contexts. Despite the strength of this evidence, many gaps remain in the knowledge base. Recommendations for addressing these gaps are identified and discussed in the following section.

Future Research Recommendations A first major gap in the knowledge concerning the psychological aspects of sport injuries is the limited inclusion of older adult participants and of participants from physical activity settings other

than competitive sport. With public health efforts to increase physical activity participation among older adults and increased participation in masters-level sport competitions (such as the senior games), research studies are needed to examine what might be entirely different sets of psychological vulnerability and response factors among older active people (Dunsky & Netz, 2012; Moreira, Mazzardo, Vagetti, De Oliveira, & De Campos, 2016). Furthermore, with similar public health efforts focused on engaging people of all ages and ability levels in physical activity, the importance of examining the psychology of exercise, fitness, or recreation-related injuries is readily apparent (Gray & Finch, 2015). Molloy, Sniehotta, and Johnston (2009), for example, found that cognitive appraisals about how long injury would last and self-efficacy for recovery predicted actual recovery rates from acute sport injuries among a general sample of physically active college students. A second direction for future research involves the need to identify parameters of optimal risk-taking behavior in physical activity. This topic may be particularly important to examine in children and youth because learning to navigate risk is an important part of the developmental process and ultimately could serve as an injury prevention tactic. In a discussion paper arising from the 2013 Canadian Injury Prevention and Safety Promotion Conference, Brussoni et al. (2015) said that voluntary risky play, such as physical activity on playgrounds, “helps children learn risk perception and management skills, which are important in developing understanding of how to navigate risks and avoid injuries” (p. 344). They distinguished between risks and hazards, identifying the former as situations that children recognize as challenging and potentially dangerous and should learn to negotiate, and hazards as those situations that present a source of harm that is not easily or obviously recognized and should be avoided or mitigated. Brussoni et al. referred to the downsides of “bubble-wrapped recreation” (p. 345) and recommended balancing injury risk concerns with child development potentialities. For example, insisting on safety gear in physical activity can lead to the opposite of intended injury reduction consequences through a mechanism known as risk compensation, which predicts that people adjust their behaviors based on perceived levels of risk. Lasenby-Lessard and Morrongiello’s (2011) research showed that children took more risks when wearing sport safety gear than when not wearing it, likely because they perceived themselves as protected or at lesser risk of injury with the gear on. This finding was

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particularly strong among high-sensation-seeking children with significant expertise in their physical activities. Conversely, being afraid of injury risks may lead to the problem of lower engagement in childhood physical activity (Telford, Finch, Barnett, Abbott, & Salmon, 2012). Both risk compensation and fear of injury can have unintended or negative health consequences for children, thus supporting the importance of nurturing their skills in optimal assessment and negotiation of sport injury risk. A third gap in the literature and a direction for future research is the underexplored benefits of multidisciplinary approaches to assessment, health care, and psychological intervention. For example, anxious and catastrophic thoughts about pain influence many bodily systems, such as neuromuscular, cardiovascular, immune, and neuroendocrine (Campbell & Edwards, 2009), and therefore imply the need for multidisciplinary assessment and care. In sport injury intervention, the research of Mankad, Gordon, and Wallman (2009) demonstrated the effectiveness of written disclosure and reduced psychological distress on improved immune system function. A study of exercise-related shoulder pain illustrated connections between psychology and genetics, showing interrelationships between pain catastrophizing, depressive symptoms, and genetic markers (George et al., 2014). Biofeedback is at the forefront of intersections between sport and exercise psychology and neuroscience, yet it has received only minimal attention in the sports medicine psychology literature (Edvardsson, Ivarsson, & Johnson, 2012; Schwenz, 2001; Zaichkowsky, 2012). The incorporation of biofeedback is widely evident in video games and virtual reality as used in rehabilitation contexts (Barzilay & Wolf, 2013; Lohse, Shirzad, Verster, Hodges, & Van der Loos, 2013), and the potential psychological benefits to motivation and engagement among active patients are evident. The significant potential role of embracing religious faith and spirituality as a protective and coping factor in sport injuries provides a fourth example of an understudied area in sports medicine psychology that is in line with contemporary positive psychology approaches to resilience (Wiese-Bjornstal, Wood, White, Wambach, & Rubio, 2016). Although many studies throughout medicine and health care document the psychological importance of religiosity and spirituality in connection with physical and mental health, few address their role in facing the health challenges of sport injuries (Wiese-Bjornstal, 2000). Dodo,

Lyoka, Chetty, and Goon (2015) found that players and coaches used spiritual rituals for defense against injury. A survey of athletic trainers found that they believed in the importance of addressing issues of spirituality in patient care (McKnight, & Juillerat, 2011), and research by Wiese-Bjornstal et al. (2016) found a significant relationship between religiosity and adaptive forms of coping with sport injury. At a philosophical level, Lee Sinden (2013) wrote about high-performance sport cultures and the incompatibility between the norms of ignoring health problems and those of “what God asks of us” (p. 347) in terms of honoring the physical body through healthy lifestyles. Thus, the potential roles of religiosity and spirituality in injury prevention and coping with sport injury merit further attention, just as they have received in the extensive body of literature in psychology and health care examining their connections to physical and mental health.

Summary Sports medicine psychology is a term used to describe the psychological, behavioral, and social aspects of sport injury prevention and care among diverse physically active populations. Primary psychological factors influencing risk of sport injury include the combination of high life event stress and low coping resources, as well as anxiety and negative moods. Efforts geared toward the prevention of sport injuries incorporate many psychological components such as attentional focus, motivation, and education. The nature and context of sport injuries and the psychology of individual participants influence their psychological responses after injury occurs. Cognitions and affects following sport injuries affect adherence and other forms of behaviors, which in turn affect physical and psychological recovery outcomes such as return to play. Many forms of interventions such as goal setting, cognitive behavioral stress management, and social support are beneficial to rehabilitation from sport injuries and return to play. Intervention providers include sport and exercise psychologists, sports medicine providers, and kinesiology professionals. Several gaps in the present literature provide future directions for research in sports medicine psychology. These avenues include incorporating samples from diverse physical activity environments, collaborating on multidisciplinary scholarship, training optimal risk-taking behavior in children, and using religious and spiritual coping strategies during rehabilitation.

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22 Athlete Burnout in Competitive Sport Alan L. Smith, PhD  Christine E. Pacewicz, MA  Thomas D. Raedeke, PhD

Abstract Competitive sport involves sustained and intensive demands on athletes that are designed to foster resilience, facilitate learning and development, and stimulate performance gains. At the same time, these deliberately imposed demands, along with other demands associated with sport participation, can be challenging for athletes to manage. When athletes experience such challenges over an extended period, they have the potential to feel exhausted, to perceive that they are not accomplishing much, and to devalue sport involvement. This collection of perceptions characterizes the burnout syndrome, which has been observed in demanding work and performance settings such as sport. In this chapter we offer a synthesis of extant conceptual perspectives and empirical work on athlete burnout. We address the conceptualization of athlete burnout, ways to measure burnout, and key theoretical perspectives (stress, entrapment, motivational) that guide burnout research. We then summarize what the recent empirical literature has contributed to knowledge on athlete burnout, with emphasis on research targeting motivation and perfectionism. Following this synthesis, we discuss key knowledge gaps on athlete burnout in competitive sport and offer future research suggestions to address those gaps. Specifically, we encourage attention to various assessment issues such as identification of normative categories and evolution of athlete burnout scores, broader consideration of social factors that may contribute to or mitigate burnout perceptions, increased efforts to address the fit of the athlete and the team or organization in burnout research, and extending longitudinal and intervention efforts. Addressing these matters will advance understanding of athlete burnout and offer improved guidance for athlete burnout prevention, in turn contributing to more productive and meaningful experiences for athletes in competitive sport.

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A

s an achievement-driven context, competitive sport demands of participants considerable time commitment, effort, and persistence. Competitive athletes engage in rigorous conditioning and extensive practice of skills, are regularly judged on performance outcomes, negotiate interpersonal relationships with coaches and teammates, and may have other requirements such as balancing sport with school or work, participating in community outreach, meeting requests of sponsors, and so on. When athletes have difficulty in meeting the many demands of competitive sport, they may experience burnout, which colloquially has been referred to as motivation gone awry (Gould, 1996). The aim of this chapter is to provide an overview of conceptual perspectives on athlete burnout, share what has been learned from empirical work on this phenomenon, and illuminate key gaps in knowledge about athlete burnout that warrant research attention. We start by moving beyond a colloquial understanding to a scientific conceptualization of athlete burnout and contemporary measurement of its defining features. Following this discussion we present several key theoretical perspectives used to study athlete burnout, including the overarching stress-based perspective (Smith, 1986) that has informed research on this topic, perspectives that emphasize sport entrapment (Coakley, 1992; Schmidt & Stein, 1991), and a prevailing motivational perspective (i.e., self-determination theory; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). We then synthesize extant research on this phenomenon. Because the constraints of this chapter do not allow an exhaustive review of the research literature on athlete burnout, we highlight key findings and emphasize contemporary work centered on perfectionism and motivation, respectively. Finally, we discuss key knowledge gaps and offer suggestions for future research that hold potential to fill these gaps. As our understanding of athlete burnout improves, we believe that efficacious prevention efforts could be developed that enable competitive athletes to retain the high level of commitment and intensity required to optimize their performance and sport experience.

Defining and Measuring Burnout The burnout construct was originally conceived based on descriptions of the deterioration in mental and physical functioning and performance among

health care and human service workers (Freudenberger, 1974, 1975; Maslach, 1976). The intense demands associated with those work environments make the workers vulnerable to becoming emotionally exhausted and to questioning their professional effectiveness. In seeking to measure this phenomenon, Maslach and Jackson (1981, 1986) specified burnout to be a syndrome involving persistent feelings of emotional exhaustion, perceptions of insufficient personal accomplishment, and negative views on the patients or clients whom the person is charged with helping. Because burnout is a syndrome, these signs and symptoms occur together and constitute what is believed to be the core-defining elements of an epidemiologically salient phenomenon (Eklund, Smith, Raedeke, & Cresswell, 2012). In generalizing the burnout construct beyond human services work, later conception and assessment specified exhaustion, professional inefficacy, and cynicism as the core elements that define burnout (Maslach, Jackson, & Leiter, 1996). Because the burnout construct was conceived and formalized within the human services setting, it came to be recognized as potentially salient in other achievement contexts such as sport. Colloquial and scholarly reference to athlete burnout began to emerge, and early academic writings on the topic were published in the middle 1980s to early 1990s. Sustained exhaustion, performance stagnation, and negative feeling states were noted to occur within the demanding context of competitive sport. Yet during this time few empirical efforts were completed, and a range of burnout descriptions and definitions were forwarded in the colloquial and academic literature (Raedeke & Smith, 2009). Some perspectives narrowly conceived of burnout as an end state stemming from training-related stress (e.g., Silva, 1990), whereas others were broad ranging and appeared to merge burnout components with burnout antecedents (e.g., Eades, 1990). Thus, a lack of coherence was initially seen in the research area. Raedeke’s (1995, 1997; Raedeke & Smith, 2001, 2009) efforts to define and measure athlete burnout paralleled those in organizational psychology and the syndrome conception forwarded by Maslach and Jackson (Maslach et al., 1996). A primary concern was capturing the psychosocial burnout syndrome in a way that reflected the experiences of athletes (see table 22.1). An athlete is not specifically in a service role to others, and the core concern is with sport performance. Thus, to contextualize the burnout experience to sport, exhaustion was extended

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to include a combined emotional and physical exhaustion dimension. This dimension was defined as emotional and physical fatigue stemming from the psychological and physical demands of training and competing. Inefficacy also applies to athletes, although it would need to be contextualized to sport. The dimension of a reduced sense of accomplishment was conceived as inefficacy and a tendency to evaluate oneself negatively with respect to sport performance and accomplishments. Raedeke did not view a depersonalized perspective on others as central to athlete burnout in the way it would be for human service providers, for whom helping others is central. But a cynical view of one’s core activity, in this case sport, would be consistent with the burnout phenomenon. The devaluation dimension of athlete burnout was defined as a negative and detached attitude toward sport reflected by a lack of concern for sport and performance quality. This three-dimension definition is consistent with Maslach et al.’s (1996) conceptualization of burnout outside human service professions. Based on this conceptualization of athlete burnout, Raedeke and Smith (2001) published work offering initial reliability and validity evidence for scores on the Athlete Burnout Questionnaire (ABQ). The ABQ is a survey instrument that contains 15 items, 5 of which are tied to each burnout dimension. The emotional and physical exhaustion dimension includes items such as “I feel overly tired from my [sport] participation” and “I am exhausted by the mental and physical demands of [sport].” The bracketed portion of these example items can refer to sport generally, “my sport,” or a particular sport (e.g., volleyball) as customized by the researcher. The reduced sense of accomplishment dimension includes items such as “I am not achieving much in [sport]” and “I am not performing up to my ability in [sport].” The devaluation dimension includes items such as “I don’t care as much about my [sport] performance as I used to” and “I have negative feelings toward [sport].” Responses are offered relative to the respondent’s current sport participation season and fall on a 1 to 5 scale with the following anchors: “almost never,” “rarely,” “sometimes,” “frequently,” and “almost always.”

The initial ABQ measurement research showed scores to be internally consistent, to possess test–retest reliability, and to exhibit the conceptualized factor structure of three athlete burnout dimensions (Raedeke & Smith, 2001). Later work showed that both in-person (paper and pencil) and online versions of the ABQ performed equivalently (Lonsdale, Hodge, & Rose, 2006) and that the ABQ assessed athlete burnout in a way that is discriminable from depression (Cresswell & Eklund, 2006a). Given the conceptual grounding and psychometric promise of the ABQ, several research groups made use of the measure and contributed to an early expansion of athlete burnout research. The initial studies using the ABQ showed athlete burnout to be associated with variables that are theoretically linked, offering further evidence for the construct validity of ABQ scores. This initial evidence was compiled and published in an ABQ manual (Raedeke & Smith, 2009), further extending the accessibility and reach of the measure. Subsequent to publication of the manual, research on athlete burnout has accelerated and the ABQ has been the predominant instrument used to assess athlete burnout. The ABQ has been translated into a number of languages, and it altogether appears to have offered a foundation for athlete burnout research in sport and exercise psychology (see Eklund, Smith, Raedeke, & Cresswell, 2012).

Theoretical Perspectives on Burnout In most cases athlete burnout research has been guided or informed by theoretical perspectives that speak specifically to burnout or more generally to stress and motivation. These perspectives have helped advance the understanding of athlete burnout. But as pointed out by others, each perspective possesses strengths and weaknesses to be considered in pursuing a comprehensive view of the burnout phenomenon (see Gustafsson, Kenttä, & Hassmén, 2011). Prominent perspectives in the literature are briefly outlined in the following sections and summarized in table 22.2.

Table 22.1  Dimensions of Athlete Burnout Emotional and physical exhaustion

Reduced sense of accomplishment

Devaluation

Emotional and physical fatigue stemming from the psychological and physical demands of training and competing

Inefficacy and a tendency to evaluate oneself negatively with respect to sport performance and accomplishments

Negative and detached attitude toward sport reflected by a lack of concern for sport and performance quality

Raedeke (1995), (1997); Raedeke & Smith (2001), (2009).

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Table 22.2  Prominent Conceptual Perspectives Applied to Athlete Burnout Perspective

Examples

Description

Advantages to understanding burnout

Stress-based

Smith (1986)

Burnout is a consequence of chronic stress caused by both physical and psychological demands placed on an athlete.

Conceives of burnout as a process, directing researchers and practitioners to consider demands and resources, the way in which they are appraised, and downstream responses and coping behavior.

Silva (1990)

Physical training causes stress for athletes; without positively adapting to this stress, burnout can occur.

Orients researchers and practitioners to the balance of physical stress and recovery in the (un) successful adaptation of athletes to training.

Schmidt & Stein (1991)

Entrapped athletes do not enjoy their sport but are too invested to quit and do not have attractive alternative options. This circumstance increases burnout risk.

Defines profiles of sport commitment that make an athlete susceptible to burnout. Explains why athletes may remain involved in sport despite maladaptive experiences.

Coakley (1992)

The social organization of sport can cause athletes to identify exclusively with sport and limit athletes’ ability to make decisions regarding their participation. Lack of alternatives and low control lead to burnout.

Frames athlete burnout as stemming from challenges with the social organization of sport rather than as an individual shortcoming. Addressing the nature of sport is considered an important pathway to addressing burnout.

Ames (1992); ­ Nicholls (1984, 1989); Deci & Ryan (1985)

Overemphasis on normative comparison goals, failing to meet basic psychological needs (i.e., autonomy, competence, and relatedness), and motivation driven by external pressures or contingencies increase burnout risk.

Offers testable frameworks for understanding psychosocial contributors to burnout and practical guidance for burnout prevention.

Entrapment-based

Motivational

Stress-Based Perspectives Because sport involves considerable training demands, particularly for conditioning-intensive sports, the chronic stress of physical training has the potential to result in burnout. This view on burnout aligns with work on the overtraining syndrome, which occurs when there is an imbalance between training stress and recovery, often combined with other stressors, that persists even after an extended recovery period. The overtraining syndrome is reflected in prolonged performance decline, negative feelings, and exhaustion along with a variety of other psychophysiological markers that remain despite rest and training reductions (see Meeusen et al., 2013; Raglin & Wilson, 2000). With overtraining, the body is unable to adapt to training stress. Accordingly, researchers have emphasized the importance of recovery in understanding and preventing the overtraining syndrome (Kellmann, 2002). Work within the overtraining tradition predominantly focuses on the physiological domain, and training stress and unsuccessful recovery are viewed as the primary contributors to this maladaptive syndrome. Some work within the burnout tradition is closely related to overtraining research. In an early study, Silva (1990) forwarded a training-stress syndrome perspective that presented a progression of maladaptive training responses culminating

in burnout. Subsequently, other sport psychology researchers have noted that the overtraining syndrome and burnout have conceptual overlap (e.g., Gustafsson et al., 2011; Kenttä, Hassmén, & Raglin, 2001). Despite this overlap, sport psychology researchers recognized overtraining to provide an incomplete conceptualization for athlete burnout because social psychological as well as physical stressors can initiate the burnout process (Gould, Tuffey, Udry, & Loehr, 1996). Accordingly, sport psychologists were drawn to the comprehensive and psychologically grounded stress perspective described next. The cognitive-affective model of athletic burnout advanced by Smith (1986) conceives burnout to be the result of a chronic stress process that culminates in psychological, emotional, and potentially physical withdrawal from sport. The first of the four primary components of the model is the situation. Specific to athlete burnout, this component consists of the demands placed on an athlete and the personal and contextual resources that the athlete possesses to meet the demands. Although the rigor of physical training is certainly an important demand in sport, interpersonal relationships, time commitment, competitive pressures, and other demands are salient within this model. The second component of the model consists of an athlete’s appraisal of the balance of demands and resources, consequences of failing to meet demands, and personal meaning

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of the consequences of success or failure in meeting demands. When athletes perceive that demands exceed their resources, responses such as arousal and mood disturbance can result. The responses constituting this third component will feed back to inform and potentially magnify or adjust the person’s appraisals. The final component of the model consists of the coping behavior stemming from this process. In the context of a maladaptive stress process, inflexibility and disorganization are hallmark behaviors that fuel chronic challenges in managing sport demands. As an additional point, the model components can be influenced by an athlete’s motivation and personality. These factors can influence the goals and challenges that an athlete pursues and can predispose an athlete to appraise and respond to demands in particular ways. Smith’s (1986) model has greatly influenced athlete burnout scholarship. Studies have supported model tenets surrounding the stress–burnout relationship, with respect to perceptions of sport-based stress and generalized or broader life stress (e.g., Lu et al., 2016; Raedeke & Smith, 2004; Smith, Gustafsson, & Hassmén, 2010). Moreover, studies have supported the idea that personality characteristics can shape burnout through stress perceptions or the modulation of stress perceptions (e.g., optimism, Gustafsson & Skoog, 2012; resilience, Lu et al., 2016).

Entrapment-Based Perspectives In critiquing the capacity of extant models to distinguish athlete decisions to leave a sport for other opportunities (i.e., dropout) from burnout, Schmidt and Stein (1991) drew from perspectives on commitment in close relationships. In particular, they built their ideas on Rusbult’s (1983) investment model. They posited that athlete investment in sport involvement (e.g., time, effort, and other resources that are expended and forfeited with departure from sport) helped capture the temporal nature of burnout and can explain why athletes may remain involved in a sport even when the rewards and satisfaction are decreasing and the costs are increasing. With limited or no attractive alternatives to sport participation, athletes are candidates for burnout because they continue to invest heavily without the desired payoff. They can be conceived as entrapped by their sport involvement. Raedeke (1997) tested these ideas with adolescent age-group swimmers, assessing theoretical determinants of commitment and burnout perceptions (emotional/ physical exhaustion, reduced sense of accomplish-

ment, and devaluation). He first explored profiles of the swimmers with respect to the commitment variables, finding four distinguishable groups of swimmers—malcontented, enthusiastic, indifferent, and obligated. The obligated swimmers showed a profile most consistent with entrapment, exhibiting moderately high investment in swimming that was in line with the enthusiastic swimmers. The malcontented swimmers showed some characteristics that aligned with entrapment. For example, like the obligated swimmers, they perceived relatively high social constraints for swim participation and relatively low control over their swim involvement. The indifferent swimmers had a profile that reflected low commitment, suggesting theoretical potential to drop out of sport without experiencing burnout. Though not in perfect lock step with predictions, subsequent profile group comparisons generally showed that swimmers with entrapment characteristics had greater burnout perceptions than swimmers who were involved based on attraction to the sport. Coak ley (1992) proposed another entrapment-based perspective that was more sociological in orientation than extant burnout models. Though not discounting the role of stress-based processes in burnout of young athletes, Coakley critiqued these perspectives for framing burnout as an individual shortcoming and orienting practice toward coping with stress rather than critiquing and reconsidering the social organization of sport. With respect to high-level sport, Coakley argued that factors such as performance orientation, encouragement to specialize, investments of parents and coaches, and adult- and agency-defined standards for involvement and success make burnout less an individual shortcoming than a shortcoming of the structural organization of youth sport. Accordingly, he viewed burnout as stemming from a lack of athlete control over sport involvement. Though athletes may initially choose to engage in sport, their experiences are controlled by others in ways that reduce autonomy in sport and potentially affect athletes’ lives outside sport. The social organization of sport can also cause athletes to form a unidimensional identity tied to the athlete role because the involvement demands can prevent exploration of other interests and roles. When an athlete fails to meet expectations, struggles with the demands of sport, or begins to question the value of sport, that athlete is susceptible to burnout because no fallback plan is available. The athlete is trapped by a lack of control over sport involvement and being defined exclusively as an athlete.

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Extant research supports that lower perceptions of control are tied to athlete burnout (Black & Smith, 2007; Raedeke, 1997; Udry, Gould, Bridges, & Tuffey, 1997). A strong sport identity, however, has been shown to associate with lower burnout (e.g., Black & Smith, 2007; Martin & Horn, 2013; Raedeke, 1997), which is contrary to Coakley’s (1992) perspective. These studies were cross-sectional and thus may not adequately capture the dynamic nature of identity development and the burnout process. An important consideration is that over the course of the burnout process, as devaluation perceptions increase, athletes may begin to psychologically withdraw from their sport in a way that sport becomes less salient to identity. Another consideration is that a unidimensional athletic identity can be formed prematurely, without exploration of alternative roles, or embraced upon exploring alternative roles and identifying most strongly with the athlete role. The latter process is more developmentally adaptive and may result in a more resilient identity. Further research is needed to address the dynamics of identity and the way in which it interacts with other personal and contextual experiences in the burnout process.

Motivational Perspectives In light of burnout being described as motivation gone awry (Gould, 1996), human motivation theories have understandably been tapped to advance understanding of athlete burnout. For example, achievement goal theories have been used in studying burnout. A comprehensive overview of these perspectives is found elsewhere in this text (see chapter 15). Briefly, such perspectives emphasize a person’s tendency to employ certain conceptions of ability in achievement situations (i.e., goal orientation), what is rewarded and emphasized within the achievement setting (i.e., motivational climate), and perceived ability in shaping the person’s state of goal involvement and various motivational outcomes (Ames, 1992; Nicholls 1984, 1989). The propensity to conceive of competence in a way that is self-focused and targets improvement and mastery is referred to as task orientation. The propensity to conceive of competence in more norm-referenced terms, in which superiority over others is salient, is referred to as ego orientation. Similarly, task-involving climates are settings that emphasize and reward effort, learning, and self-referenced criteria for success, whereas ego-involving climates are settings that emphasize and reward social comparisons and within-group competition while punishing mistakes. Conceptually, people with a

stronger tendency to become ego involved and who perform within ego-involving climates are more susceptible to burnout when perceptions of ability are threatened. Athlete burnout research findings align with these predictions and suggest that promoting task involvement and tempering ego involvement within sport may abate burnout perceptions (e.g., Lemyre, Hall, & Roberts, 2008; Reinboth & Duda, 2004; Smith et al., 2010; Vitali, Bortoli, Bertinato, Robazza, & Schena, 2015). Other work has explored achievement goals with respect to their traditional definition within achievement goal theory as well as their valence (approach and avoidance; Elliot & McGregor, 2001). This work suggests that endorsing mastery approach goals within a task-involving climate mitigates burnout (Isoard-Gaautheur, Guillet-Descas, & Duda, 2013) and that such goals partially mediate the association of higher coach– athlete relationship perceptions with lower burnout perceptions (Isoard-Gautheur, Trouilloud, Gustafsson, & Guillet-Descas, 2016). Altogether, achievement goal perspectives offer a useful approach for understanding athlete burnout. The most extensively used motivational framework in burnout research is self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). According to this theory, the nature of one’s motivation is an essential consideration in understanding behavior in an achievement context such as sport. The most adaptive form of motivation is intrinsic, meaning that it is self-determined, free of internal and external pressures or contingencies, and driven by inherent pleasure and satisfaction. Falling on a continuum of behavioral regulations from intrinsic to relatively more extrinsic forms, the nature of a person’s motivation could instead be driven by strong identification and integration with the self, by internal pressures such as guilt or a sense of obligation, or by more external regulation of rewards, punishments, and the expectations of others. At a further extreme, people may come to fail to understand or be able to articulate the reasons underlying their behavior. This is referred to as amotivation and would be characteristic of someone who has come to devalue an activity—a core feature of burnout. Altogether, as motivation becomes relatively less self-determined in nature, greater burnout perceptions are expected. The theory further posits that the nature of a person’s motivation is influenced by the degree to which fundamental psychological needs are fulfilled; with greater fulfillment, motivation is more intrinsic and adaptive in nature. These needs are (a) autonomy,

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which pertains to feelings of personal choice or control, (b) competence, which represents perceived success and effectiveness, and (c) relatedness, which corresponds to a sense of social acceptance and belonging. Considered together, athletes with less fulfillment of these needs are expected to have less adaptive forms of motivation and, therefore, greater susceptibility to maladaptive outcomes such as burnout. Readers are referred to chapter 16 for an extensive overview of this motivational perspective. With respect to athlete burnout, there is support for the predictions of this motivational perspective (Li, Wang, Pyun, & Kee, 2013). Greater detail is offered in the following section, because this area has received considerable recent research attention.

Recent Research on Athlete Burnout Athlete burnout has received progressively increasing research attention over the past three decades with the articulation of theoretical perspectives on burnout within the athletic domain and later the development of the ABQ. Over recent years considerable attention has been directed to research questions grounded in self-determination theory and focused on perfectionism, respectively. This development is not surprising in light of a seminal quantitative assessment of competitive junior tennis players that found burned-out and comparison players could be distinguished by variables including amotivation and features of perfectionism such as concern over mistakes and parental criticism and expectations (Gould, Udry, Tuffey, & Loehr, 1996). This early work oriented researchers toward these research lines, which dominate the current athlete burnout literature. Although we cannot review the full span of athlete burnout research within this chapter, we review efforts conducted in these two important lines of work and then briefly highlight some emerging areas of research interest. These lines of work have meaningfully advanced understanding of athlete burnout and offer a platform for future advances that can contribute to burnout intervention efforts and broader appreciation of athlete motivation and well-being.

Self-Determined Motivation and Basic Psychological Needs Following Gould, Udry, and colleagues’ (1996) early quantitative examination of junior tennis players,

other cross-sectional studies assessing diverse athletes from a variety of sports have shown motivational regulations as conceived in self-determination theory to associate with burnout in expected directions (e.g., Holmberg & Sheridan, 2013; Lonsdale, Hodge, & Rose, 2008). That is, amotivation, external regulation, and introjected regulation exhibit positive associations with burnout, whereas identified regulation, integrated regulation, and intrinsic motivation exhibit negative associations with burnout. Other studies have shown support for some of these associations while finding nonsignificant associations between burnout and regulations falling in the middle of the self-determination continuum (e.g., Cresswell & Eklund, 2005b; Raedeke & Smith, 2001). The mixed findings with respect to controlled regulations are unsurprising when considering that the regulations fall on a conceptual continuum. With burnout expected to associate positively with amotivation and to associate negatively with intrinsic motivation, regulations falling between them on a continuum would be expected to associate less strongly with burnout and at some point to “cross over” zero on a spectrum of positive to negative correlations. We would expect the most robust correlations to be between burnout and amotivation, a consistent observation in athlete burnout studies. Longitudinal studies have also been conducted in the interest of exploring whether the quality of a person’s motivation, as reflected in behavioral regulations, precedes burnout perceptions (Cresswell & Eklund, 2005a; Lemyre, Roberts, & Stray-Gundersen, 2007; Lemyre, Treasure, & Roberts, 2006; Lonsdale & Hodge, 2011; Martinent, Decret, Guillet-Descas, & Isoard-Gautheur, 2014). Although general relationships between markers of self-determined motivation and burnout align with what has been found in the cross-sectional literature, the issue of time precedence is less clear. For example, Lemyre and colleagues (2006) examined self-determined motivation over multiple assessments across a competitive swimming season. Swimmers with a negative trend over the season exhibited higher burnout scores at the end of the season than those with a positive motivational trend. Lonsdale and Hodge (2011) reported mixed findings with elite athletes from various sports; amotivation and controlled behavioral regulations predicted burnout, whereas burnout predicted more autonomous behavioral regulations. Martinent et al. (2014) arrive at yet a different conclusion in their study of table tennis players. Using a cross-lag panel design, the weight of their evidence showed burnout

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to predict motivation over time but motivation not to predict burnout over time. In light of the small number of longitudinal studies done, more work is needed to determine if a trend in findings can be established or if alternative considerations (e.g., moderating variables) explain when one construct precedes the other. Other work couched in self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000) has focused on the association of the basic needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness with athlete burnout. Cross-sectional investigations have predominantly shown the expected negative association between basic psychological needs and athlete burnout (Hodge, Lonsdale, & Ng, 2008; Perreault, Gaudreau, Lapointe, & Lacroix, 2007; Quested & Duda, 2010), though when targeting specific burnout dimensions there is sometimes less uniformity of findings (e.g., Quested & Duda, 2009). Li and colleagues’ (2013) meta-analysis suggests that the three basic needs have weaker associations with the exhaustion dimension of burnout than the reduced accomplishment and devaluation dimensions. This conclusion may not be surprising because the reduced accomplishment and devaluation variables align closely with self-determination theory constructs, whereas exhaustion incorporates physical with emotional/ psychological fatigue. Moreover, athletes expect a degree of fatigue through routine sport training, regardless of basic need fulfillment. This could temper associations between basic needs and the exhaustion dimension of burnout, particularly within typical research samples that consist predominantly of healthy athletes who are not experiencing the burnout syndrome.

Beyond these cross-sectional findings for the basic needs–burnout relationship, positive changes in basic psychological needs have been shown to associate with reduced athlete burnout perceptions in longitudinal work (Amorose, Anderson-Butcher, & Cooper, 2009). Moreover, researchers have examined more comprehensive conceptual models. This work has been cross-sectional and longitudinal. For example, cross-sectional models have examined fulfillment of basic psychological needs as a mediator of the association of environmental factors on burnout (Li, Wang, & Pyun, 2017; Quested & Duda, 2010) or as a predictor of burnout by way of self-determined motivation (Lonsdale, Hodge, & Rose, 2009). Longitudinal work has examined the degree to which teacher or coach interpersonal style, with specific reference to the degree of perceived autonomy support or controlling behavior of the coach, associates with burnout by way of psychological needs (Adie, Duda, & Ntoumanis, 2012; Balaguer et al., 2012; Isoard-Gautheur, Guillet-Descas, & Lemyre, 2012; Quested & Duda, 2011). Taken together, this work often supports expectations drawn from self-determination theory, while also demonstrating complexity with respect to the specific psychological need or burnout dimension that contributes in a given statistical model. The extant literature generally suggests that need supportive behavior of coaches is important to the reduction of burnout perceptions in athletes and that controlling and need-thwarting behavior can enhance burnout perceptions. More studies are needed, however, to draw firm conclusions and offer tailored information for practically addressing athlete burnout (see the sidebar Practical Strategies for Coaches).

Practical Strategies for Coaches Although evidence-based support for burnout prevention and intervention is scarce, conceptual perspectives offer guidance on practical strategies for coaches and others to employ. Based on self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000), for example, emphasis is on supporting athlete needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness, which in turn should foster autonomously regulated motivation. Strategies to accomplish this include offering athletes opportunity for choice and leadership within training and competitive settings, employing effective goal-setting strategies, focusing on learning and improvement, and prioritizing relationship building between coaches and athletes as well as among athletes. Alternative theoretical perspectives suggest that athlete burnout can be addressed by prioritizing recovery, clarifying athlete expectations and contextual demands, developing effective coping strategies, and helping athletes place sport in perspective. DeFreese and colleagues (2015) offer an extended discussion of possible intervention strategies for athlete burnout and recommend pursuing strategies within a framework of four steps: (1) assess the situation, (2) determine what individual and organizational factors are important, (3) design the intervention plan, and (4) evaluate intervention effectiveness. This framework draws attention to both athlete and context while reinforcing a continuous reflective process that can be adjusted based on athlete responsiveness to intervention strategies.

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Perfectionism Perfectionism is a personality characteristic that has been of particular interest to athlete burnout scholars. In an initial study exploring the perfectionism– burnout connection, Gould, Udry, and colleagues (1996) found burned-out and non-burned-out junior tennis players to differ on key perfectionism components, suggesting that perfectionism has potential to heighten burnout risk. Briefly, perfectionism is a multidimensional personality trait that has been characterized by perfectionistic strivings and evaluative concerns (Frost, Marten, Lahart, & Rosenblate, 1990; Stoeber & Otto, 2006). Perfectionistic strivings are characterized by the pursuit of excellence and holding high personal standards, whereas evaluative concerns are characterized by doubts about actions, excessive concern over mistakes, and concerns about achieving standards set by others (Frost, Heimberg, Holt, Mattia, & Neubauer, 1993; Frost et al., 1990; Gaudreau & Thompson, 2010; Stoeber & Otto, 2006). Debate surrounds perfectionism; some believe that it can promote adaptive motivation, and others view it exclusively as a source of vulnerability. A comprehensive treatment of perfectionism is provided in chapter 6. In athlete burnout research, examining both perfectionistic strivings and evaluative concerns is common, and in more recent work the relationship between the two dimensions is accounted for in the interest of understanding the unique consequences of the respective perfectionism dimensions (Hill & Curran, 2016). A variety of perfectionism measures have been used in this work (see Hill & Curran, 2016). In general, evaluative concerns have been positively associated with burnout in athletes, whereas perfectionistic strivings have been inversely associated with athlete burnout (Hill & Curran, 2016; Hill, 2013; Hill & Appleton, 2011; Jowett, Hill, Hall, & Curran, 2013; Madigan, Stoeber, & Passfield, 2015). These findings suggest that the two perfectionism dimensions have different consequences for athletes, although the dimensions interact such that the positive effects of perfectionistic strivings may be negated if accompanied by evaluative concerns (Hill, 2013; Madigan et al., 2015). Because people have the potential to hold different levels of the respective perfectionism dimensions, perfectionism profiles have been used in athlete burnout efforts (Cumming & Duda, 2012; Gotwals, 2011; Gustafsson, Hill, Stenling, & Wagnsson, 2016; Hill, 2013). Person-centered classifications of individuals accommodate the

potential combinations of perfectionistic strivings and evaluative concerns. People with profiles characterized by higher levels of concerns over mistakes, perceived parental and coach pressure, and doubts about actions (i.e., evaluative concerns) as well as higher levels of personal standards (i.e., perfectionistic strivings) tend to exhibit the greatest levels of burnout (Gotwals, 2011; Gustafsson et al., 2016; Hill, 2013). On the other hand, people with relatively lower levels of evaluative concerns and higher levels of perfectionistic strivings exhibit lower levels of burnout (Gotwals, 2011; Gustafsson et al., 2016; Hill, 2013). Importantly, a personality trait in itself may increase risk for athlete burnout but should be considered alongside situational and other factors to understand the athlete burnout phenomenon. For example, controlling coaching behaviors are positively associated with perfectionism, suggesting the potential for coaching behaviors to foster perfectionistic tendencies in athletes (Barcza-Renner, Eklund, Morin, & Habeeb, 2016). Factors including motivational regulations, basic psychological needs, validation and growth seeking, and coping strategies have been shown to mediate the relationship between perfectionism and burnout (Appleton & Hill, 2012; Hill, Hall, & Appleton, 2010; Hill, Hall, Appleton, & Murray, 2010; Jowett et al., 2013; Jowett, Hill, Hall, & Curran, 2016). For example, autonomous motivation (i.e., intrinsic motivation) has consistently partially mediated the relationship between perfectionism and burnout (Appleton & Hill, 2012; Barzca-Renner et al., 2016; Jowett et al., 2013). Lower levels of burnout have been found in athletes with perfectionism that is self-directed (i.e., self-oriented perfectionism; see Hewitt & Flett, 1991) when holding autonomous motivational orientations, whereas higher levels of burnout have been found in amotivated athletes with perfectionism that is characterized by perceived socially imposed standards (i.e., socially prescribed perfectionism; Appleton & Hill, 2012; Barzca-Renner et al., 2016). Moreover, the mediating role of coping style differs as a function of the form of perfectionism (Hill, Hall, & Appleton, 2010). Higher self-oriented perfectionism is associated with lower athlete burnout and is mediated by greater use of problem-focused coping and less use of avoidant coping. Alternatively, higher socially prescribed perfectionism is associated with higher burnout and is mediated by greater use of avoidant coping. Such work offers suggestions for burnout intervention, including reducing controlling coach behavior and teaching adaptive coping strategies. At the same time, more

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longitudinal work on perfectionism and burnout is generally needed (e.g., Chen, Kee, & Tsai, 2009; Madigan et al., 2015), as is expanded examination of potential mediators of their association, to inform intervention design.

Other Emerging Research Areas In this section we have focused on the two areas of recent athlete burnout research with the greatest amount of activity, but other work has been conducted that is grounded in extant burnout perspectives, is informed by various motivational perspectives, explores novel psychological constructs, and holds practical interest. One emerging area of work pertains to the construct of hope, demonstrating that hope is inversely associated with burnout dimensions and the association to be mediated by stress and positive affect (Gustafsson, Hassmén, & Podlog, 2010; Gustafsson, Skoog, Podlog, Lundqvist, & Wagnsson, 2013). Another emerging area is built on the dualistic model of passion (see Vallerand, 2012). This model aligns with self-determination theory, proposing that people engage in activities to meet their basic psychological needs. They view select activities as especially enjoyable, self-defining, and important, thus warranting investment of time and energy. Passion is a strong inclination toward an activity with those features and comes in two forms, depending on how the activity comes to be internalized. Obsessive passion results from a controlled internalization and accordingly is associated with rigidity and dependence with respect to the activity that can be maladaptive. Harmonious passion results from an autonomous internalization process and accordingly is associated with volition and adaptive activity engagement. Obsessive passion would be expected to associate positively with burnout perceptions, whereas harmonious passion would be expected to mitigate burnout perceptions. The initial findings in this area are somewhat mixed. Studies more consistently, but not unanimously, show harmonious passion to be inversely associated with burnout (Curran, Appleton, Hill, & Hall, 2011, 2013; Martin & Horn, 2013) and for this association to be mediated by self-determined motivation and basic psychological need satisfaction (Curran et al., 2011, 2013). Obsessive passion has shown a less consistent association with burnout, although it has been observed to link with burnout change across a season by way of disengagement-oriented coping (Schellenberg, Gaudreau, & Crocker, 2013).

Future Research Recommendations As the burnout literature continues to expand within traditional and novel areas, we see value in targeting specific knowledge gaps on athlete burnout in competitive sport. In this section we encourage attention to issues pertaining to assessment of athlete burnout, expanded consideration of social contributors to athlete burnout, examination of the fit of athletes within their organizational contexts, and pursuit of higher-order research designs and intervention efforts that can both expand knowledge and offer practical value.

Assessment of Athlete Burnout Fundamental work with respect to the assessment of athlete burnout is needed to advance both knowledge and practice. For example, normative information on what constitutes low, medium, and high athlete burnout scores on the ABQ does not exist. Although it would be a challenging undertaking, epidemiological work providing such normative information across various types of athletes (e.g., youth, elite, sport type) would be especially valuable (Eklund et al., 2012). Such information would allow thoughtful targeting of salient groups in research and could enable detection of athletes who require intervention. This work would be best accomplished by also attending to criterion-referenced cutoffs, in which score thresholds are designated that correspond to behavioral, physiological, or psychosocial burnout-related consequences (Raedeke & Smith, 2009). Such work is critical to understanding prevalence and clinical meaningfulness of athlete burnout scores, matters that cannot be authoritatively addressed from the current research literature. Relatedly, understanding normative and non-normative changes in burnout perceptions over time is necessary because of developmental considerations and the fundamentally chronic nature of the athlete burnout syndrome. Issues surrounding cognitive, social, and biological development, for example, can be salient to understanding sport experiences of young athletes (Smith, Dorsch, & Monsma, 2012). Isoard-Gautheur, Guillet-Descas, Gaudreau, and Chanal (2015) recently conducted a five-wave longitudinal study with adolescent handball players that showed reduced sense of accomplishment to decrease over adolescence, emotional and physical

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exhaustion to have a curvilinear increase and then a decrease over adolescence, and sport devaluation to increase over adolescence, with higher increases for girls than boys. They also found dependencies whereby one dimension of burnout was tied to the developmental trajectory of another dimension. Additional work of this nature is necessary to understand the normative landscape for development of burnout perceptions, and season-specific or targeted longitudinal efforts are needed to understand development of clinically meaningful athlete burnout outcomes. A final assessment consideration pertains to the conception of exhaustion in the sport context. In studies of psychological correlates of burnout as measured by the ABQ, associations will sometimes be lower with exhaustion than with the reduced sense of accomplishment and devaluation dimensions. This finding has led some to argue that psychological variables may be more aligned with emotional features of exhaustion than with physical fatigue and that a limitation of athlete burnout measurement is that emotional exhaustion and physical exhaustion are not discriminated (Quested & Duda, 2011; Li et al., 2013). But conceptual challenges arise in seeking to assess distinct elements (emotional, physical) of exhaustion. Physical overtraining and exhaustion are generally accompanied by mood disturbance and mental fatigue, and it is difficult to conceive of experiencing chronic emotional exhaustion while at the same time feeling physically energetic. The experiential phenomenon of emotional and physical exhaustion is what raises concern about an athlete’s psychological well-being and is a hallmark of athlete burnout.

Social Contributors to Athlete Burnout As evident from the theoretical and empirical work described earlier, the social context can contribute to athlete burnout. Early qualitative research efforts illuminated the role of social contextual factors on athlete burnout experiences (Gould, Tuffey, et al., 1996; Udry et al., 1997). Gould and colleagues (1996) found that 9 out of 10 junior elite tennis players reported social and interpersonal factors that led to their burnout. Such factors included dissatisfaction with people involved in their sport and negative parental pressure. Udry and colleagues (1997) assessed the behaviors and interactions of salient others in sport. Burned-out athletes reported a greater amount of negative interactions with their teammates, coaches, and parents than positive

interactions. Together, these findings highlight the need to consider social behaviors and interactions of salient others when examining athletes’ perceptions of burnout. More recent work has examined specific social interactions between athletes and social agents in their environment (i.e., coaches or teammates). Such interactions have included both positive (e.g., social support, prosocial) and negative (e.g., conflict, bullying, antisocial) interactions that occur in the sport context (Al-Yaaribi & Kavussanu, 2017; Cresswell, 2009; Cresswell & Eklund, 2004; DeFreese & Smith, 2013, 2014; Smith et al., 2010; Yildiz, 2015). Positive social interactions are shown to relate negatively to burnout, indicating that burnout perceptions might be reduced by having agreeable interactions with important others. Of note is that most research on athlete burnout examines positive social interactions despite early qualitative research pointing to negative social interactions as contributing to burnout (Cresswell & Eklund, 2006b, 2007; Gould, Tuffey, et al., 1996; Udry et al., 1997). Expanding research that targets negative social interactions is essential because undesirable interactions are prevalent in sport. Moreover, longitudinal research is needed to untangle directionality of associations between social interactions and burnout. An athlete experiencing burnout would plausibly interact with others in ways that may precipitate supportive or negative responses. As a final important consideration, the environment of an athlete includes multiple social agents. These social agents (i.e., teammates, coaches, parents, and officials) interact with athletes in diverse ways that can affect athletes’ social experiences. We believe that particular attention to teammates is warranted because peers have not been extensively studied in the burnout literature. Moreover, future work should address how social exchanges with various social agents interact to shape burnout. Negative social interactions with a coach, for example, may be buffered by positive social interactions with teammates or exacerbated by negative interactions with teammates. Altogether, attending to the social aspects of athlete burnout in future research has much potential to advance knowledge and inform prevention strategies.

Athlete–Organization Fit Another valuable consideration for understanding burnout pertains to the match of the individual athlete with the sport organizational context in

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which the athlete performs. Drawing from the occupational literature, some researchers have examined athlete engagement as the antithesis of burnout. Athlete engagement consists of the dimensions of confidence, dedication, vigor, and enthusiasm (Lonsdale, Hodge, & Jackson, 2007; Lonsdale, Hodge, & Raedeke, 2007). In the job– person fit model of burnout and engagement (see Maslach & Leiter, 1997, 1999), the alignment of resources desired by the individual and resources provided in the organizational context plays an important role in the burnout process. When these are not well aligned, the person is expected to have a greater likelihood of burnout and less likelihood of engagement. Alternatively, when the fit between the individual and organizational resources is good, the person will be more likely to experience engagement and less likely to experience burnout. Within the job–fit model, six areas of worklife are used to represent important domains of resources: workload, control, reward, community, fairness, and values (Leiter & Maslach, 2004). These domains are salient within sport, where time and effort, a hierarchical organizational structure, incentives, team social interactions, expectations for fairness and respectfulness, and shared goals are prominent (DeFreese, Raedeke, & Smith, 2015). DeFreese and Smith (2013) examined how perceptions of congruence in these areas of worklife linked with burnout and engagement perceptions. They found greater congruence across all domains to associate with weaker burnout perceptions and stronger engagement perceptions. This early support for the model with respect to athlete burnout suggests that this perspective has value for improving knowledge and practice. Of particular importance, the model individualizes and contextualizes the athlete burnout experience, focusing on the resources desired by the individual along with the resources provided in the sport context. Considering both person and context moves us toward understanding why some athletes will experience burnout and others will not within certain circumstances. Accordingly, future work that focuses on individual and organizational fit with respect to the six areas of worklife holds potential to advance the athlete burnout knowledge base.

Burnout Development and Intervention Most literature on athlete burnout consists of cross-sectional quantitative studies and qualitative investigations, although over the past decade or so some important longitudinal investigations have emerged (e.g., Cresswell & Eklund, 2005a; Lemyre

et al., 2006; Madigan et al., 2015). This work must continue, particularly in light of burnout being a chronic disorder that develops over an extended period. Indeed, value is found in conducting investigations that explore the development of burnout, including the potential timing of changes in burnout perceptions relative to one another. For example, physically versus psychologically initiated forms of burnout have been proposed (Gould, Tuffey, et al., 1996), yet the distinction remains to be established or refuted through developmental research designs. Such work would offer a window to the etiology of athlete burnout and therefore could be useful in early detection. Moreover, expanded longitudinal work grounded in conceptualizations of burnout, motivation, perfectionism, and other areas can offer clarity on antecedent conditions for burnout as well as factors that mitigate or exacerbate burnout perceptions. Such clarity is needed to develop efficacious evidence-based recommendations for burnout prevention and treatment. Intervention work targeting athlete burnout is sparse, leaving practitioners with conceptually guided recommendations for addressing athlete burnout but scant evidence to support the recommendations. Some research has examined what coaches attempt to do in the field to address athlete burnout. For example, research on swimming coaches showed them to emphasize flexibility with the physical training regimen, maintaining an exciting context, and fostering social support (Raedeke, Lunney, & Venables, 2002). A recent investigation of college soccer coaches showed a focus on managing physical stressors, reducing nonsport stressors, and promoting autonomy and relatedness needs (Kroshus & DeFreese, 2017). Divergence in what is emphasized by coaches in the respective studies may be explained by the distinct sport contexts. Important issues to assess in future work include identifying strategies that are effective and broadly generalizable, individualizing prevention within imposed time and setting constraints, detecting unsuccessful prevention efforts at an early stage, and so forth. Recent intervention research ranges from a case study examining mindfulness and Qigong exercise to address burnout in a shooting athlete (Jouper & Gustafsson, 2013), to a mixed-methods self-regulation intervention targeting a small sample of university athletes experiencing burnout (Dubuc-Charbonneau & Durand-Bush, 2015), to a randomized controlled trial employing a self-determination theory-based intervention with youth Gaelic football coaches (Langan, Blake, Toner, & Lonsdale, 2015). The findings show promise for

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athlete burnout intervention yet also demonstrate that successfully addressing burnout is challenging. Concerted effort to develop the evidence base for athlete burnout intervention is sorely needed.

Summary

psychological needs and the well- and ill-being of young soccer players: A longitudinal analysis. Journal of Sports Sciences, 30, 1619–1629. Barcza-Renner, K., Eklund, E.C., Morin, A.J.S., & Habeeb, C.M. (2016). Controlling coaching behaviors and athlete burnout: Investigating the mediating roles of perfectionism and motivation. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 38, 30–44.

The long-time concern of athlete burnout has received expanding research attention, supported by conceptual perspectives applied to the phenomenon as well as definitional and measurement efforts. Recent research activity has predominantly addressed the links of perfectionism, self-determined motivation, and basic psychological needs with athlete burnout. This research complements extant work addressing entrapment-based views on burnout, stress and coping, and others. This work provides a foundation on which we can better understand the athlete experience and formulate ideas for prevention and treatment of burnout. At the same time, substantial knowledge gaps exist that should be addressed in the interest of advancing knowledge and practice. We believe that focused attention on assessment, social relationships and interactions, athlete–organization fit, and longitudinal and intervention research will be of particular value in advancing our understanding of athlete burnout.

Cresswell, S.L., & Eklund, R.C. (2005a). Changes in athlete burnout and motivation over a 12-week league tournament. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 37, 1957–1966.

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23 Physical Activity and Self-Management of Chronic Disease Nancy Gyurcsik, PhD  Christopher Shields, PhD    Miranda A. Cary, MSc  Lawrence R. Brawley, PhD

Abstract Chronic diseases account for 60% of deaths worldwide. Many chronic diseases can be better self-managed through regular physical activity, a key tertiary prevention strategy. Self-management strategies help people live well with a chronic disease by limiting the deterioration of physical function and improving independent living and quality of life. Unfortunately, nonadherence to activity eliminates its use in disease self-management. In this chapter, we focus on two common chronic diseases as exemplars for which physical activity is recommended for disease self-management—arthritis and type 2 diabetes. The arthritis and diabetes sections of the chapter summarize key psychological factors that affect physical activity adherence. We also discuss the role that health care providers, including the allied providers of physical activity and behavior change specialists, have in helping people self-manage. Knowledge translation initiatives in arthritis and diabetes are reviewed to provide a landscape of both promising and recommended physical activity interventions in real-world settings. To conclude the chapter, future directions are provided relative to physical activity self-management in arthritis and diabetes. For the self-management of both diseases, continued research is needed to understand additional psychological factors that may influence or be influenced by physical activity participation. After it is reliably identified, this knowledge may be integrated into the future training of physical activity and allied health care providers. Such training would increase providers’ supporting roles in helping people learn the use of physical activity to self-manage their disease as well as to learn and master the psychological skills that promote activity adherence.

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eeting physical activity recommendations is a key mantra of public health agencies (e.g., Center for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC]) and other agencies that advocate on behalf of physical activity (e.g., American College of Sport Medicine: Exercise Is Medicine). Physical activity is viewed as both a health promotion and health prevention behavior that reduces the incidence of disease in the population (Office of Disease Prevention and Health Promotion [ODPHP], 2016). Eye-opening statistics, however, illustrate that many North Americans, indeed many people around the world, are not sufficiently active to achieve the benefits of regular participation in physical activity (e.g., Hallal et al., 2012). Major behavioral challenges include the lack of participation by major segments of the population (e.g., older adults, working women, lower-income adults), irregular participation, or nonadherence after starting participation. Can we change these distressing behavioral concerns? These concerns are magnified when we consider that regular physical activity is a key nonpharmaceutical behavior for treatment and self-management when people live with a chronic disease. We focus this chapter on physical activity as a tertiary prevention strategy that people living with chronic disease should use to mitigate against the deterioration of physical function, independent living, and quality of life. Activity is a behavioral strategy that enables people to live better with their chronic disease. Our purpose is to orient the reader toward the use of physical activity as part of chronic disease self-management. First, we highlight the difference between the self-care characteristics of physical activity for health promotion (primary prevention) with the self-management considerations of physical activity for chronic disease management (tertiary prevention). Second, we discuss the role of key health care providers in self-management, including primary providers (e.g., physicians) and allied providers such as physical activity and behavior change specialists. Third, we note the importance of knowledge, skills, and strategies for self-regulation. Fourth, we examine the physical activity and behavior change literature with respect to two prevalent chronic diseases—arthritis and diabetes. Finally, we share considerations for future directions in disease self-management through activity.

Physical Activity as a Primary and Tertiary Prevention Strategy The goal of primary prevention  is to reduce the risk of future health problems. Engaging in physical activity to help prevent future cardiovascular disease is an example. Although low participation rates are cause for concern, the good news is that we can help people become more active. Multiple investigations have produced successful interventions that increase physical activity and promote adherence among inactive people (Brawley, Gierc & Locke, 2013). More specifically, and importantly for a text that concerns the psychology of physical activity, these reviews underscore the importance of cognitive behavioral strategies as companions to the actual physical activity that these interventions provide. Some reviews are directly linked to the prevention of diseases of inactivity (e.g., lowering risk of cardiovascular disease). A noteworthy review is the 2010 scientific position statement of the American Heart Association, which states, “Cognitive-behavioral strategies are an essential component of behavior change interventions. They focus on changing how an individual thinks about themselves, their behaviors, surrounding circumstances, and how to modify their lifestyle.” (Artinian et al., 2010, p. 424) This position has been underscored in subsequent articles summarizing multiple reviews (e.g., Brawley et al., 2013). This idea is important for primary prevention interventions focused on health promotion through physical activity enhancement of less active and sedentary but apparently healthy people. The health of people with chronic disease can also be improved through physical activity behavior change, a goal of tertiary prevention. Tertiary prevention focuses on preventing further deterioration because of disease and maximizing quality of life. Examples of tertiary prevention include participation in cardiac rehabilitation following myocardial infarction, monitoring blood glucose in type 2 diabetes, and taking pharmaceuticals to manage arthritis pain. This position also showcases self-management as central to prevention.

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Why does self-management play a key role in managing a chronic disease? The reasons are threefold. First, having a chronic disease means that people live with the condition for years. Despite regular visits to their primary health care providers, such as physicians and physiotherapists, regarding their disease, the time that people spend with a health care provider is minimal when compared with the total time they live with disease. Second, the disease is affected in good part by personal behavior, such as adhering to medication or physician advice and pursuing physical activity and a healthy diet. For these two reasons, self-management of disease outside the health care system is essential to successful living. Third, being able to self-manage provides a sense of control and psychological empowerment (i.e., self-efficacy), factors associated with improved quality of life (Gierc, Brawley, & Rejeski, 2017).

Role of Health Care Providers in Chronic Disease Self-Management Clark (2003) describes self-management as a subset of disease management. Disease management concerns the broader context of care and treatment, involves health care providers (HCPs), the health care system, and the individual. Examples of disease management strategies include providing people with prescriptions, diagnostic testing, and support services. Self-management involves the actions of the individual with the disease, his or her family and caregivers, and the person’s interactions with HCPs. Effective self-managers learn to use these resources to minimize symptoms and optimize function. Management of chronic disease necessarily involves interaction with primary HCPs (e.g., physicians, physiotherapists, occupational therapists). But physical activity specialists, such as fitness instructors and personal trainers, as well as behavior change specialists or psychologists, are part of allied health care teams, given the centrality of activity as a chronic disease self-management strategy. Thus, the person with disease as well as primary and allied providers should learn about the psychological and physical activity behavior change aspects of chronic disease self-management.

The HCPs’ primary actions may encourage and facilitate their patients’ development and practice of self-management skills, which can range from getting healthy enough to begin activity to adhering at the recommended level. Primary HCPs play a key role in getting people healthy enough to be active, whereas allied providers should have the primary role in the uptake of and adherence to activity. A central aspect of self-management is self-regulation, the ability to conceive of strategies and change behavior to reach a goal. Successful management of chronic disease through activity is the focal goal we discuss in the chapter. For example, people might use a fitness tracker to monitor reaching daily physical activity goals. From a psychological perspective, self-regulation is generally discussed with the individual in mind. But in the context of a chronic disease, the discussion extends beyond the individual to the supporting HCP team, which can educate people about the self-regulatory process and promote their self-regulation practice. Whereas learning about and maintaining chronic disease self-management relies on a partnership between the individual patient, caregivers, and the HCP team, partnership responsibilities may change depending on disease development and the person’s abilities. From our perspective, and that of the physical activity and behavior change specialist, the desired goal should be for people with chronic disease to strive toward and achieve as much independence as possible. Thus, partnership with HCPs should, in part, help people acquire self-regulatory skills for effective self-management of their health behaviors.

Knowledge, Skills, and Strategies for Self-Regulation People with chronic disease need to gain knowledge, skills, and strategies that inform self-regulation and, in turn, promote effective forms of disease self-management. Their knowledge about illness, chronic disease, and disability is important from at least two perspectives. First, people must know about the origin and course of the disease. Second, individuals’ personal views of their chronic disease must be understood (Leventhal, Brissette, & Leventhal, 2003; Leventhal, Meyer, & Nerenz, 1980; Leventhal & Mora, 2005). These personal views can include their ideas about

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• symptoms, • perceived causes, • anticipated consequences, • perceived control over the disease, and • the timeline for disease progression and achieving symptom management. For example, adults are better at managing diabetes when they understand the importance of self-monitoring their blood glucose levels and have specific action plans to implement when values are below or above the target (Ceriello et al., 2012). Similarly, when people deal with their arthritis, prevention and management of symptoms becomes the goal. A common example among older adults is the pain associated with osteoarthritis. They often perceive their pain as beyond their control and believe that HCPs, namely physicians, have the sole means to fix their problem through prescriptions for pain control medications. They discount the role of self-management. Unfortunately, if HCPs’ actions cater to the patients’ view and promote only medication solutions like opioids, which lack evidence of long-term effectiveness and have associated risks (e.g., abuse, addiction; Chou et al., 2015; Dowell, Haegerich, & Chou, 2016), self-management is discouraged. This approach minimizes or inhibits the older adults’ role in self-managing chronic disease. Active partnerships between people and their HCP teams develop the motivation to take action and are essential in shaping individuals’ self-management behaviors. We discuss such partnerships in this chapter, focusing on arthritis and diabetes.

Physical Activity and Psychological Aspects of Behavior Change Two of the most prevalent chronic diseases, arthritis and type 2 diabetes, are models for the role of physical activity for disease self-management and the way in which psychological factors affect individuals’ physical activity adherence. Within each disease type in this section, we provide examples of what is known about the psychological and behavioral aspects of changing activity to benefit people with these chronic diseases. We also focus on the key roles of health care providers in helping people change their physical activity behavior. For each type of chronic disease, examples of knowledge translation initiatives, with a focus on those targeting physical activity, are provided. Effective

knowledge translation underscores the importance of moving what is known about physical activity behavior change toward self-management of activity for a better future.

Arthritis Self-Management and Physical Activity Arthritis is one of the most common chronic diseases, affecting 20% of adults aged 18 years and older and nearly 50% of older adults (CDC, 2016a; Public Health Agency of Canada [PHAC], 2010; World Health Organization [WHO], 2016a). The term arthritis refers to over 100 types of rheumatic diseases and conditions that affect the joints, tissues around the joints, and connective tissues (CDC, 2015a). Two common types include osteoarthritis and rheumatoid arthritis (National Institute of Health Osteoporosis and Related Bone Diseases National Resource Center, 2015; PHAC, 2010). Arthritis is one of the most common causes of disability, creating a multitude of individual burdens (e.g., depression, anxiety, pain, fatigue, lower well-being, reduced activities of daily living; Hootman, Brault, Helmick, Theis, & Armour, 2009; Murphy, Sacks, Brady, Hootman, & Chapman, 2012; PHAC, 2010). The CDC Arthritis Program recommends that people learn to self-manage their disease better by (a) attending workshops to learn about arthritis and effective coping tools (e.g., Arthritis Self-Management Program), (b) maintain a healthy weight, (c) protect joints from injury at both work and play, (d) engage in regular physical activity, and (e) work with HCPs, particularly physicians, when arthritis is inflammatory so that effective anti-inflammatory medications can be prescribed (CDC, 2015b). We focus on physical activity as a self-management approach and key adherence-promoting psychological factors. Evidence-based recommendations for arthritis self-management are to engage in 150 min or more of moderate to vigorous physical activity each week (CDC, 2016b; ODPHP, 2016; PHAC, 2010). Regular activity results in numerous health benefits, such as reductions in pain, depression, and anxiety as well as improvements in abilities to perform activities of daily living and health-related quality of life (CDC, 2016b; ODPHP, 2016). Unfortunately, as many as 60% of adults with arthritis are not regularly active, thereby reducing the potential effectiveness of physical activity as a self-management strategy (Alliance for the Canadian Arthritis Program, 2006; CDC, 2016a; PHAC, 2010; Pisters et al., 2010).

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Arthritis Overview Self-Management and Importance of Physical Activity • One in five adults aged 18 years or older lives with arthritis. By age 50, nearly one in two adults has some type of arthritis. • Aerobic guidelines are to engage in 150 min or more of moderate to vigorous intensity physical activity each week. • Arthritis management is complex, and physical activity is one of many recommended self-management strategies. Psychological Factors Important for Activity Adherences • Self-regulatory efficacy is a consistent predictor of arthritis self-management strategies, including physical activity. • The main focus has been on self-regulatory efficacy to overcome barriers and to schedule and plan activity. • Arthritis pain acceptance also helps with activity adherence. Importance of HCPs • Primary HCPs lack the training and time to help patients learn about activity and the psychological skills important for adherence. • People with pain identified the allied HCP of physical activity providers as a key source for the delivery of integrated counseling. • At present, activity providers receive no training on integrated counseling. Knowledge Translation Initiatives • The CDC (2016c) identified promising and recommended physical activity programs to aid with arthritis self-management. See www.cdc.gov/arthritis/interventions/. • But these programs do not systematically target psychological skills, and evidence is lacking about their effects on long-term activity adherence at the recommended level.

Psychological Factors Major reviews have consistently implicated self-regulatory efficacy as being the strongest and most consistent predictor of arthritis self-management, generally, and physical activity, specifically (e.g., Eyler, 2003; Marks, 2001, 2014; Marks, Allegrante, & Lorig, 2005a, 2005b; Veldhuijzen van Zanten et al., 2015). Further, our research group has more recently identified a pain-related psychological factor—pain acceptance—as being a promising psychological perspective that may aid the self-regulation of activity. Self-regulatory efficacy and physical activity. Self-regulatory efficacy beliefs involve individuals’ confidence to perform behaviors or control their thoughts and emotions required to manage their incentive-driven physical activity. When people face a challenging situation, such as more intense joint stiffness than usual, self-regulatory efficacy to overcome arthritis symptoms is crucial in influencing their efforts to persist in being active (Sessford et al., 2017). More efficacious people will expend considerable effort and persistence to adhere to activity plans and achieve valued outcomes (Bandura, 1997; Maddux & Gosselin, 2003). In contrast,

less-confident people tend to reduce their effort and persistence, resulting in nonadherence. Conceptually, the importance of efficacy beliefs stems from arthritis being chronically progressive and painful, with accompanying flares in typical disease symptoms (Marks, 2001, 2014). Arthritis may also impair people psychologically, because of fear, anxiety, or depression stemming from the effects of their disease, including reduced abilities to perform activities. Even though people may have the required knowledge and task efficacy to perform daily living and self-management activities, including physical activity, they may be challenged by their disease and resulting accommodations needed to function optimally. Without sufficient confidence to overcome challenges, people may disengage from daily living and spiral downward toward increased arthritis disability. Marks reviewed the efficacy construct relative to self-managing arthritis in 2001 and then again in 2014. Both reviews concluded that strong evidence links efficacy beliefs to improvements in arthritis symptoms and outcomes, regardless of arthritis type or duration. The 2014 review also illustrated strong support for the relationship between higher

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self-regulatory efficacy beliefs and adherence to various recommended therapeutic strategies for arthritis self-management, including physical activity. Perhaps the most well-known program to include a focus on efficacy beliefs is the Arthritis Self-Management Program (ASMP). This community-based program is typically offered by trained leaders weekly for 2 hr over 6 weeks and targets arthritis self-efficacy, which concerns confidence to cope with the consequences of arthritis. Eight self-management topics are covered, such as strategies to deal with arthritis-related issues like pain, fatigue, and isolation; appropriate exercise to maintain or improve strength, flexibility, and endurance; and appropriate use of medications (Stanford Medicine: Patient Education, 2016). Health outcomes of the ASMP, such as reduced pain and use of medical care, are associated with increases in arthritis self-efficacy (Lorig & Holman, 1993). But empirical tests of whether change in arthritis self-efficacy causes change in program outcomes have not been reported (Lorig, Chastain, Ung, Shoor, & Holman, 1989; Lorig & Holman, 1993). Further, relative to predicting physical activity adherence, the utility of focusing on arthritis self-efficacy is questioned (Brady, 2011). Self-efficacy theory (Bandura, 1997) recommends specificity when measuring efficacy beliefs about adherence to the behavior being performed, which is not part of the arthritis self-efficacy construct. For example, in the arthritis self-efficacy measure (Brady, 2011; Lorig et al., 1989), no reference to duration, intensity, or context of behavior exists, such as 1 month or dose of physical activity adherence (e.g., meets or does not meet dose for disease management). Fortunately, more recent investigations have examined self-regulatory efficacy beliefs specific to physical activity adherence,  including efficacy to overcome barriers and efficacy to schedule and plan for physical activity. Three key findings arise from the research. First, adults with arthritis report experiencing general types of barriers, such as not enough time and lack of motivation, and arthritis barriers, such as pain, joint stiffness, and fatigue (e.g., Baxter, Smith, Treharne, Simon, & Hale, 2015; Brittain, Gyurcsik, McElroy, & Hillard, 2011; Gyurcsik, Brawley, Spink, Glazebrook, & Anderson, 2011; see Veldhuijzen van Zanten et al., 2015 for a review of barriers; Withall, Haase, Walsh, Young, & Cramp, 2016). Second, when self-regulatory efficacy to overcome both categories of barriers have been examined, confidence to overcome arthritis barriers appears to be a reliable predictor of physical activity participation, including at the

recommended level (Gyurcsik et al., 2011). In an experimental study, Sessford and colleagues (2017) found that participants with higher confidence to overcome arthritis barriers reported a significantly higher level of persistence to be active as planned if faced with a highly challenging number of arthritis barriers, compared with their lower-efficacy counterparts. Third, self-regulatory efficacy to schedule and plan physical activity is a reliable predictor of overall activity levels as well as activity at the recommended dose (Gyurcsik, Brawley, Spink, & Sessford, 2013; Sessford, Brawley, & Gyurcsik, 2015). Pain acceptance and physical activity. Adults report that arthritis pain is a barrier to physical activity participation (see Veldhuijzen van Zanten et al., 2015 for a review), yet neither usual arthritis pain nor the more intense flare pain predicts physical activity levels (Focht, Ewing, Gauvin, & Rejeski, 2002; Gyurcsik et al., 2013). What may explain these seemingly perplexing findings? According to researchers in the larger chronic pain domain, psychological responses to pain versus pain itself should relate to whether people engage in valued activities (McCracken & Gutiérrez-Martínez, 2011; White et al., 2013). Pain acceptance appears to be one such psychological response. Pain acceptance involves people intentionally allowing themselves to experience pain, without attempts to control it, and focusing instead on engaging in valued activities (McCracken, Vowles, & Eccleston, 2004). Strong evidence for the relationship between pain acceptance and improved physical and psychological functioning exists in the larger chronic pain domain (e.g., Esteve, Ramírez-Maestre, López-Martinez, 2007; McCracken et al., 2004; Veehof, Oskam, Schreurs, & Bohlmeijer, 2011). In recent work relative to arthritis and physical activity, we found that greater arthritis pain acceptance was associated with more physical activity participation, including at the recommended dose (e.g., Flora, Brawley, Sessford, Cary, & Gyurcsik, 2016; Gyurcsik et al., 2011). We also found that people with greater pain acceptance held higher adherence-promoting beliefs, such as self-regulatory efficacy to overcome barriers (Gyurcsik et al., 2011). Pain acceptance may also buffer the detrimental effects of another pain response—pain anxiety. Pain-anxious people anticipate that participation in future activity will be painful, and they avoid the activity (Carleton & Asmundson, 2009; Leeuw et al., 2007). In our research, adults who were either inactive or insufficiently active reported significantly higher pain anxiety compared with those

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meeting the recommendation (Gyurcsik, Cary, Sessford, Flora, & Brawley, 2015). Subsequently, Cary and colleagues (2015) found that pain acceptance moderated the relationship between pain anxiety and the use of adaptive self-regulatory responses to pain anxiety (e.g., changing physical activity type; reducing duration). Greater pain acceptance appeared to help people focus efforts to adapt to higher pain anxiety only when it was a challenge to their activity. In contrast, those with lower acceptance seemed to view anxiety as a challenge at all times, which could deplete self-regulatory strength to deal with other challenges to being active.

Importance of Health Care Providers Published research has implicated physicians as critical to catalyzing change in patient arthritis self-management behaviors, including physical activity (Kreuter, Chheda, & Bull, 2000; Petrella, Koval, Cunningham, & Paterson, 2003). For example, in a sample of over 10,000 adults aged 45 years and older, people who received a physician recommendation to be more active were 1.22 times more likely to adhere to the dose of 150 min or more per week than those not receiving a recommendation (Austin, Qu, & Shewchuk, 2013). Unfortunately, up to 45% of arthritis patients are not receiving activity advice from their physicians (Carlson, Maynard, Fulton, Hootman, & Yoon, 2009; Fontaine, Bartlett, & Heo, 2005). Barriers to physician counseling include a lack of physical activity knowledge, lack of time, low confidence in counseling abilities, and beliefs that pain during physical activity signals patient harm (Dacey, Kennedy, Polak, & Phillips, 2014). Regardless, even when physicians advise patients to be more active but fail to advise about strategies to aid behavior change (cf. Alexander et al., 2011), adherence will suffer. Given the lack of physical activity training in medical schools (Dacey et al., 2014), an alternative approach might be to engage allied HCPs, such as disease specialists (who are found in the diabetes area, but not in the arthritis area) and physical activity and behavior change specialists. These types of HCPs could engage in integrated counseling, which includes appropriate physical activity instruction plus psychological and behavioral strategies to foster adherence (e.g., dealing with barriers) and to dilute concerns about disease symptoms, like pain. Benefits of such counseling may be better integration of care, increased access to effective disease self-management approaches, and reduced long-term health care costs (Bennell et al., 2016).

An integrated counseling approach received support in a recent needs assessment that our research group conducted (Tupper, Cary, Gyurcsik, Ratcliffe-Smith, & Brawley, 2016). We asked adults with chronic pain, and their significant others, from whom they would like to receive education about being active with pain and using psychological skills that promote adherence. Both groups indicated that primary HCPs (e.g., physicians, physiotherapists) lack the requisite training and time to engage in integrated counseling. Participants indicated a strong preference to participate, learn, and practice skills in community-based physical activity programs using physical activity specialists, including certified exercise instructors and personal trainers. The dilemma, unfortunately, is that the current activity specialists receive no training or continuing education in integrated counseling on physical activity and arthritis.

Knowledge Translation Initiatives The CDC reviewed evidence for arthritis self-management programs and physical activity programs targeting people with arthritis. They derived a list of recommended programs with evidence for improving arthritis outcomes and quality of life as well as promising programs (www.­c dc. gov/arthritis/interventions/; CDC, 2016c). Relative to arthritis self-management programs, the CDC recommends participation in English- and Spanish-speak ing versions of the in-person Arthritis Self-Management Program (ASMP) and the Chronic Disease Self-Management Program (CDSMP). The ASMP, one of the earliest knowledge translation activities in the arthritis domain, morphed into the broader CDSMP addressing various types of chronic disease. Promising programs include Internet-delivered versions of the ASMP and CDSMP as well as the Arthritis ToolKit. The latter program involves self-study of the written and electronic ASMP material. Although evaluations of the ASMP, CDSMP, and the Arthritis ToolKit show improvement in participant activity levels, these evaluations reveal activity amounts below the recommendation of 150 min or more per week of moderate to vigorous intensity. For example, participants who received the Arthritis ToolKit were active for a significantly higher 32 min per week from baseline to 9 months (86 to 118 min each week). Another caveat is worth noting. Only duration of aerobic activities without estimates of intensity have been reported in the published outcomes of the Arthritis ToolKit, ASMP, and CDSMP (Lorig et al., 1996; Stanford Medicine:

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Patient Education, 2016). Thus, determining change relative to the recommended level of moderate to vigorous activity is not possible. Relative to physical activity programs, the CDC recommends Walk with Ease, Fit & Strong! Enhance Fitness, and Active Living Every Day (CDC, 2016c). These community-based programs are offered from 6 weeks (Walk With Ease) to 20 weeks (Active Living Every Day; CDC Arthritis Program, 2012). Enhance Fitness is solely a physical activity program, whereas the others combine activity with education and select behavior change strategies. The Active Living Every Day program provides the most comprehensive education on cognitive-behavioral skills development, where participants learn self-regulatory strategies such as goal setting, overcoming barriers, and finding enjoyable activities (Blair, Dunn, Marcus, Carpenter, & Jaret, 2010; CDC Arthritis Program, 2012). Promising physical activity programs include the Arthritis Foundation Aquatics Program (AFAP) and Exercise Program (AFEP), self-directed Walk With Ease, and Fitness and Exercise for People With Arthritis (FEPA). The interested reader can refer to the CDC’s compendium of physical activity programs for detailed information on all these programs (CDC Arthritis Program, 2012). Taking into account both recommended and promising programs, three key considerations exist relative to promoting adherence at the recommended physical activity level for arthritis self-management. First, evidence is lacking that the recommended and promising programs promote activity at the level recommended by arthritis advocates. Second, most programs are primarily focused only on physical activity. People must also learn the psychological skills needed to be active on their own after a program ends. In reality, such skills are not naturally or spontaneously acquired, and focused practice is needed (cf. Artinian et al., 2010; Brawley et al., 2013). Third, activity programs do not systematically target education and experiences that foster self-regulatory efficacy beliefs, nor do they help people better cope with their pain through pain acceptance, both of which appear to be important for adherence.

Diabetes Globally, 346 million people are living with diabetes (Scully, 2012), and this number is expected to rise to more than 550 million people by 2030 (Whiting, Guariguata, Wril & Shaw, 2011). In the United States, 29 million people (9.3%) live with the disease

(CDC, 2014), which is the leading cause of kidney failure, new cases of blindness, and lower-limb amputations (CDC, 2011). The cost associated with diabetes in the United States is approximately one quarter of a billion dollars annually (American Diabetes Association [ADA], 2013). In Canada, one in four people has diabetes or prediabetes, and, if left unchecked, the prevalence is predicted to rise to one in three by 2020 (Canadian Diabetes Association [CDA], 2011a). Diabetes is a metabolic chronic disease characterized by the body’s inability to control the amount of glucose or sugar in the blood because of deficiencies in producing or using insulin (CDA, 2016; CDC, 2011, 2014; Scully, 2012). The two types of diabetes (type 1 and type 2) have unique etiologies and treatments. Ninety percent of people living with diabetes have type 2 (CDA, 2016). This form of the disease is characterized by insulin resistance rather than a lack of insulin production (CDA Clinical Practice Guidelines Expert Committee, 2013). As a result, lifestyle behaviors, including physical activity, play a key role in the prevention and self-management of type 2 diabetes (Aune, Norat, Leitzmann, Tonstad, & Vatten, 2015; CDA Clinical Practice Guidelines Expert Committee, 2013; Sigal, Kenny, Wasserman, Castaneda-Sceppa, & White, 2006; Umpierre, Ribeiro, Schaan, Ribeiro, 2013). Therefore, we focus on type 2 in this chapter. The American and Canadian Diabetes Associations recommend that people accumulate 150 min or more of moderate to vigorous intensity physical activity each week and encourage resistance training twice per week (ADA, 2015; CDA Clinical Practice Guidelines Expert Committee, 2013). Physical activity improves insulin sensitivity (Bordenave et al., 2008) and glucose transport (Kennedy et al., 1999), which, as a result, help to normalize blood glucose (Sigal et al., 2007). These markers of effective diabetes management are crucial. Regular physical activity also reduces diabetes-related complications and the need for medication (Balducci, Leonetti, Di Mario, & Fallucca, 2004; Bordenave et al., 2008; CDA Clinical Practice Guidelines Expert Committee, 2013; Kennedy et al., 1999; Sigal et al., 2007). Large clinical trials have shown that over 50% of cases of type 2 diabetes could be prevented or delayed with intensive lifestyle changes (Gilles et al., 2007). Despite the importance of activity, participation is low (Skovlund, Peyrot, & DAWN International Advisory Panel, 2005). For example, most Canadians with diabetes are not active enough to achieve prevention benefits (Plotnikoff, Bretz, & Hotz, 2000). One study found that 95% of those with type 2 diabetes did not meet the activity rec-

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Diabetes Overview Self-Management and Importance of Physical Activity • Nearly 1 in 10 Americans has diabetes, and 1 in 4 Canadians has diabetes or prediabetes. • Aerobic guidelines recommend 150 min or more of moderate to vigorous intensity physical activity each week. • Diabetes management is complex, and physical activity is only one recommended aspect of disease management. Psychological Factors Important for Activity Adherence • Both task and self-regulatory efficacy beliefs are related to greater engagement in multiple self-management behaviors, including activity. • Task self-efficacy may be especially important when people begin activity. • Because challenges to adherence arise over time, self-regulatory efficacy may then be key. • Goal setting, problem solving, and relapse prevention appear to be important behavior change techniques for people with diabetes. Importance of HCPs • Self-management education and support from HCPs is fundamental in diabetes care. • Diabetes educators have low self-efficacy to prescribe and counsel on physical activity. Thus, interventions aimed at improving physical activity in diabetes care must address gaps in the abilities of both people with diabetes and HCPs. Knowledge Translation Initiatives • The DPP (National Institute of Health Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases [NIDDK], 2008) was a seminal study of the impact of lifestyle interventions in diabetes. Evidence showed a 58% reduction of developing type 2 diabetes. See www.niddk.nih.gov/about-niddk/research-areas/diabetes/diabetes-prevention-program-dpp/ Pages/default.aspx. • CDA’s (2016) Building Competency in Diabetes Education in Physical Activity and Exercise effectively addresses DCPs’ limited confidence in prescribing physical activity. See www.diabetes.ca/clinical-practice-education/ professional-resources/physical-activity-exercise.

ommendation (Fowles, Shields, Barron, McQuaid, & Dunbar, 2014). Activity nonadherence is not surprising given that diabetes management is complex and demanding (Snoek & Skinner, 2002). Physical activity is just one recommended aspect of disease management, and people must attend to multiple self-care behaviors (Shrivastava, Shrivastava, & Ramasamy, 2013). By way of illustration, the CDA (2016) offers patients online resources to help with multiple behaviors, including proper nutrition, physical activity, weight management, managing complications such as hypoglycemia (low blood sugar), and blood glucose self-monitoring. Not surprisingly, multiple self-management behaviors make appropriate selfcare complex, and adherence to these behaviors is low (Skovlund et al., 2005). Early and recent reviews of diabetes self-management highlight that factors tied to both the patient and HCPs affect patients’ self-management efforts (Goodall & Halford, 1991; Nam, Chesla, Stotts, Kroon, & Janson, 2011). Both of these factors will be reviewed next.

Psychological Factors Nam et al. (2011) identified psychological burden, knowledge, and efficacy beliefs as key patient factors affecting diabetes self-management. The importance of self-efficacy to diabetes parallels findings in the arthritis domain; greater self-efficacy relates to greater engagement in multiple self-management behaviors (Aljasem, Peyrot, Wissow, & Rubin, 2001). Further, among people with diabetes, self-efficacy for performing physical activity is a key predictor of overall energy expenditure (e.g., see Plotnikoff, Brez, & Hotz, 2000) and is associated with intentions to engage in the recommended levels of aerobic and resistance activity necessary for self-management (Plotnikoff, Lippke, Courneya, Birkett, & Sigal, 2008; Plotnikoff, Trinh, Courneya, Karunamuni, & Sigal, 2009). Differences in self-efficacy have been found across levels of readiness to be active; people in early stages of readiness report lower efficacy than those in later action-related stages (Plotnikoff et al., 2000; Shields, Fowles, Dunbar, Murphy, & Perry, 2010).

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A challenge is that people with diabetes have relatively low levels of self-efficacy for performing and managing physical activity (Fowles et al., 2014; Plotnikoff, Brez, & Brunet, 2003). In addressing this challenge, consideration of both task self-efficacy and self-regulatory efficacy is important (Bandura, 2001). Findings suggest that people have low task self-efficacy and thus require assistance to know what activities to perform and how to do so with proper technique and intensity (Shields et al., 2010). This point is reflected in clinical practice guidelines in which familiar forms of physical activity (e.g., walking) are promoted and initial instruction for resistance training is recommended (e.g., CDA Clinical Practice Guidelines Expert Committee, 2013). Although instruction on how to perform certain exercises may address initial deficits in task self-efficacy, for lifestyle changes to be included in day-to-day diabetes self-care, efforts are needed to help people manage their activity adherence and improve their self-regulatory efficacy. In their 2013 Clinical Practice Guidelines, the CDA highlighted the importance of goal setting, developing strategies to overcome barriers, and self-monitoring with the intention of improving patients’ abilities to self-regulate physical activity (CDA Clinical Practice Guidelines Expert Committee, 2013). Indeed, goal setting, problem solving, and relapse prevention appear to be key behavior change techniques included in effective lifestyle interventions for those with diabetes (Hankonen et al., 2015; Whittemore, 2011). Using pedometers within a goal-setting and self-monitoring context has been shown to be effective for people with diabetes to enhance physical activity (Tudor-Locke et al., 2004). Finally, problem solving and planning strategies may be particularly important for adherence to resistance training (Lubans, Plotnikoff, Jung, Eves, & Sigal, 2012), which underscores the importance of offering initial instruction on this important component of self-management.

Importance of Health Care Providers Self-management education and support from HCPs is seen as fundamental in diabetes care and physical activity promotion (Booth, Lowis, Dean, Hunter, & McKinley, 2013; Nagelkerk, Reick, & Meengs, 2006; Shrivastava et al., 2013). Among HCPs, diabetes care providers (DCPs) and certified diabetes educators (DEs) are front-line providers in diabetes care. DCPs (e.g., pharmacists, dieticians, physiotherapists) provide services to those with diabetes. DEs are DCPs who are specifically trained and certified to

work in diabetes care through completion of practicum hours and a certification exam administered through a governing body (e.g., Canadian Diabetes Educator Certification Board). DEs come from diverse areas of health care but often include HCPs working as nurses, dieticians, and pharmacists (Alzahrani, Taylor, Perepelkin, & Mansell, 2015). These professionals can provide comprehensive, disease-specific counseling to people with diabetes, which could include integration with physical activity counseling (Donahue, Mielenz, & Sloane et al., 2006; Gleeson-Kreig, 2006). Unfortunately, most DEs report being poorly trained to promote physical activity (Dillman et al., 2010; Gornall, Levesque, & Sigal, 2008). DEs have low self-efficacy to prescribe and counsel on physical activity and to refer patients requiring additional clearance for physical activity (Dillman et al., 2010; Gornall et al., 2008). Lower efficacy for physical activity counseling is associated with less frequent use of physical activity counseling in sessions with patients (Dillman et al., 2010). Consequently, interventions aimed at improving self-regulation of physical activity in diabetes self-management must not only target patient self-perceptions but also address gaps in the ability of DEs and DCPs to provide effective integrated counseling and support for self-management.

Knowledge Translation Initiatives Evidence from multiple large-scale trials from around the world show that lifestyle change interventions, including physical activity programming, have significant positive effects on the progression and management of diabetes (see review by Gillies et al., 2007). Perhaps the most well-known of these programs is the Diabetes Prevention Program (DPP) that offered insight into the powerful role physical activity can play in diabetes management (Knowler et al., 2002). The U.S.-based DPP involves a highly structured, intensive, comprehensive 16-week program, delivered by trained health coaches, and includes education sessions and behavioral support with a focus on individually tailored physical activity and dietary programming. The DPP was designed so that following the structured programming, monthly group or individual meetings, long-term maintenance programs, motivational campaigns, and incentive programs are offered to support people in their behavioral changes (Orchard et al., 2005). Evidence from the DPP showed a 58% reduction of developing type 2 diabetes for those with prediabetes (Knowler et al., 2002). Other pro-

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grams have had similar results (see Gillies et al., 2007). For example, the Finnish Diabetes Prevention Study (Lindström et al., 2003) involving dietary counseling and supervised individually tailored circuit type activity training and medium-range follow-up was terminated early because the intervention group was doing markedly better than the control group with respect to weight reduction and measures of glycemia. Further, work in Japan showed a 67% reduction in the risk of developing diabetes through individually tailored physical activity and dietary recommendations over a 4-year follow-up period (Kosaka, Noda, & Kuzuya, 2005). Intensive lifestyle interventions positively affect individuals’ physical activity and subsequent health outcomes, such as weight management, blood glucose control, and quality of life (Knowler et al., 2002; Tuomilehto et al., 2001). Implementing such structured, supervised physical activity programs is recommended as part of diabetes care (CDA Clinical Practice Guidelines Expert Committee, 2013). The implementation of highly structured programs, however, can be challenging (Glasgow & Emmons, 2007), especially within the current, often under-resourced context of diabetes care. As an example, the DPP has been translated from a controlled, clinical trial to real-world settings, such as hospital-based outpatient programs and diabetes education centers as well as primary care, community, and workplace settings. In a systematic review of this translational research, fidelity to the original DPP was not ideal. Translation resulted in program changes, reductions in scope, and programs with wide variability in effectiveness, reach, and implementation (Whittemore, 2011). In light of such translation challenges, an alternative Canadian initiative has shown promise. More specifically,  the CDA’s Building Competency in Diabetes Education in Physical Activity and Exercise resource manual represents the new standard of care for physical activity promotion by DCPs in Canada (CDA, 2011b). This resource was designed to help address DCPs’ limited confidence in prescribing physical activity by highlighting the benefits and importance of physical activity and providing strategies and resources to facilitate physical activity counseling. This manual has been distributed to DCPs across Canada, and training workshops were given in every province. The training provided to DCPs is grounded in self-efficacy theory with attention to the provision of mastery experiences, modeling, and positive feedback, which are key antecedents of self-effi-

cacy (Bandura, 1997). The workshop is designed to present each component of the manual as well as key steps in promoting physical activity to people with type 2 diabetes. The training focuses on the appropriate types and proper performance of aerobic and resistance activities and highlights key self-regulatory skills necessary for patients to manage ongoing participation in physical activity (e.g., self-monitoring, goal setting). DCPs are given instruction and time to practice this integrated counseling. Additionally, they are given training on how to perform and instruct patients on resistance exercise. Initial evaluation with DEs found a consistent increase in their efficacy to provide physical activity counseling; increases of up to 20% occurred 6 months posttraining (Shields et al., 2013). Separate studies examined the 12-month postworkshop impact. DEs reported increased confidence in patients’ abilities to perform physical activity appropriate to fitness level and condition (Gray et al., 2016; Shields et al., 2013). DEs who referred to the resource manual more frequently also had higher counseling efficacy and perceived less counseling difficulty (Shields et al., 2013). Relative to the effect on patients, Fowles and colleagues (2014) found that those not meeting the recommended CDA physical activity guidelines at their initial assessment significantly increased their activity 6 months after receiving counseling from trained DCPs and having access to the manual resources (from 20 ± 23 to 120 ± 30 min per week). This ongoing CDA initiative changed the standard of care for diabetes management around physical activity and exercise in Canada. It is in line with calls for structured training for HCPs on theory-based approaches to behavior change and the incorporation of multiple behavior change techniques to assist people in behavioral self-regulation (Avery, Flynn, Van Wersch, Sniehotta, & Trenell, 2012). Moreover, critical roles of both the provider and the person with diabetes in disease self-management is recognized.

Future Research Recommendations From a behavior change perspective, continuing to identify psychological skills that help people initiate and sustain activity is important. There may be common skills that facilitate adherence for chronic diseases that use physical activity as part

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of self-management. For example, all people should learn and practice adherence-related cognitive and behavioral strategies, such as self-monitoring, goal setting, and corrective feedback, and they should have confidence to use these strategies (Artinian et al., 2010; Brawley et al., 2013). As seen in the diabetes section and in line with theory (Bandura, 2004), people also need sufficient task self-efficacy to perform regular physical activity. Targeting task self-efficacy is especially important among people with no or little prior physical activity experiences, regardless of disease type (Bandura, 2004). Psychological skills and factors unique to specific types of chronic disease may contribute to adherence. These disease-dependent factors may help people place disease symptoms into a manageable perspective with respect to carrying out activity. For example, in arthritis, psychological responses to pain, like pain acceptance, appear to be related to coping strategies used to be adherent. In diabetes, self-management is complex and requires multiple lifestyle changes (i.e., medications, dietary change, physical activity). Thus, addressing the psychological burden of making these changes, often referred to as diabetes-related distress (Stuckey et al., 2014), may be key to adherence. Overall, more research is needed to elucidate which disease-dependent factors are key drivers of adherence within samples with distinct types of chronic disease. Across both arthritis and diabetes, future research should ensure that samples from the severely compromised to the higher functioning are studied. Psychological factors important in predicting and changing physical activity adherence may vary based on level of functioning. This type of research is often referred to as the study of moderators (cf. Frazier, Tix, & Barron, 2004), that is, the study of whether one group responds differently to a treatment or behavior than others. For example, physical activity (task) self-efficacy may be particularly important to increase for the disease-compromised activity initiate but may be less important for people with chronic disease who are regularly active but for disease reasons (e.g., arthritis flare) temporarily lapse. Understanding differences between the psychological profiles of the inactive, insufficiently active, and sufficiently active may provide insight to intervention tailoring. For example, our arthritis research has shown that inactive adults report higher pain than insufficiently and sufficiently active adults (Gyurcsik et al., 2015). Thus, a tailored intervention for inactive people might include a

focus on pain reduction through interaction with primary HCPs. After pain reduction is achieved and activity starts, the intervention focus may shift to pain anxiety reductions and increases in pain acceptance as people move toward the goal of increased activity (Gyurcsik et al., 2015). In both arthritis and diabetes, continued research is also needed on activity-specific psychological factors. For example, most arthritis research has focused on self-regulatory efficacy to overcome barriers and to schedule and plan activity. Given the importance of other self-regulatory skills, including goal setting and self-monitoring in the broader activity domain (Brawley et al., 2013), such skills and related efficacy beliefs should be examined in people living with arthritis. In diabetes, although researchers have focused on efficacy beliefs for a larger set of self-regulatory skills, additional research is needed. For example, the multitude of self-care behaviors that people should be doing to contribute to better diabetes self-management may present challenges to their concurrent management. Work by Jung and colleagues (Jung & Brawley, 2011, 2013) found that among asymptomatic samples, when people had higher self-regulatory efficacy to manage multiple valued behavioral goals including physical activity (termed concurrent self-regulatory efficacy), participation increased. Perhaps among people with diabetes, those with higher concurrent efficacy better engage in self-care behaviors, including physical activity. For both diseases, a correlational evidence base exists with regard to the relationship between psychological factors and adherence to physical activity. This evidence is both cross-sectional and prospective. Future studies are now required to move research toward linking the evidence to interventions that couple physical activity with cognitive-behavioral counseling. These studies should be experimental or randomized controlled trials so that participants are randomly assigned to conditions and cause and effect can be determined. Such studies would identify the mechanisms that link intervention types to the outcomes they produce. In exercise psychology, we refer to studies about mechanisms as investigating mediation (cf. Frazier et al., 2004). For example, if we detected self-regulatory efficacy as being the mediator between treatment and outcome (e.g., adherence behavior), this finding would suggest that counseling and mastery experiences to improve efficacy would be a target component of behavior change interventions. Inasmuch as the agency aspect of

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Bandura’s social-cognitive theory (1997) suggests that efficacy is a mediator, future mediation studies or interventions would benefit from having this theoretical foundation. HCPs play key roles in prescribing physical activity for chronic disease self-management and in promoting adherence to the recommended level through integrated counseling on activity and psychological skills training. As illustrated in our chapter, the diabetes domain is well ahead of the arthritis domain in offering behavior change programming, including physical activity and related counseling. Promising and growing research exists about effective programs, such as the Diabetes Prevention Program (DPP), when delivered as originally developed and tested, as well as training opportunities offered to DCPs for effective physical activity counseling. This latter strategy holds much promise given the role that these professionals have in helping people self-manage diabetes. In the arthritis domain, although promising and recommended programs exist for physical activity, questions remain about whether the programs move people toward being active at the recommended dose. Such programs also lack a focus on psychological skills training to promote long-term adherence. If support for people to learn and practice the use of physical activity for disease self-management is to be achieved, physical activity and behavior change specialists should receive training on appropriate counseling. Such training would help specialists learn strategies to counsel people on physical activity while also incorporating counseling about adherence-promoting psychological skills. This approach might be called integrated counseling. Further, if and when integrated counseling-training opportunities exist, then a two-stage approach should be adopted. In this approach,

primary HCPs collaborate with community-based physical activity specialists and the person with chronic disease. Primary HCPs would continue to focus on chronic disease management, helping people become physically and psychologically ready to consider undertaking a physical activity regimen (e.g., through medications, psychological counseling to address disease outcomes like depression or pain, and so on). Indeed, similar approaches have been advocated for medical doctors and other HCPs in regard to self-management of other aspects of disease (e.g., patient-centered collaborative practice: American Medical Association’s [AMA’s; 2008] Physician Resource Guide to Patient Self-Management Support (accessible at www.gpscbc.ca/sites/ default/files/phys_resource_guide.pdf). Agencies that build the capacity of providers to support the learning of self-management by people could be the American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM) and the Canadian Society for Exercise Physiology (CSEP; Brawley, Gierc, & Locke, 2013; Gierc, Brawley & Rejeski, 2017). After people have their disease better managed, primary HCPs should refer them to high-quality community-based physical activity programs led by qualified activity specialists who can provide integrated counseling. But a challenge is that people with this training are the exception, not the rule. Recently, through a community needs assessment, we found that people living with chronic pain expressed a desire for a referral pathway from primary HCPs to activity specialists (Tupper et al., 2016). The dilemma is that specialists need training in counseling coupling physical activity with behavior change counseling. Unfortunately, such training is rare. Major North American organizations that certify exercise provider specialists have a limited focus on integrated counseling (Brawley

Looking Ahead • Common psychological skills and related confidence are important for physical activity adherence, regardless of chronic disease type (e.g., self-monitoring, goal setting). • More research is needed to identify unique psychological factors that promote adherence in people living with a specific type of chronic disease. • Future research should focus on moderators and mediators. • Physical activity and behavior change specialists should receive integrated counseling training. • Primary HCPs’ primary role is to help people better self-manage disease so that they are ready to be active. Then, referral to activity specialists, trained in integrated counseling, should occur to help people start and adhere to being active.

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et al., 2013) that uses the kind of evidence-based behavior change strategies endorsed by scientific organizations (e.g., American Heart Association position statement; Artinian et al., 2010). Helping to train the next generation of physical activity specialists requires focused education and practice in exercise psychology and behavior change counseling. Brawley and colleagues (2013) provided examples of what might build this capacity, including changing certification and continuing education standards to include the integration of psychology and behavior change counseling with physical activity. In conjunction with this education, hours of clinical practice need to be included to the same extent as the American College of Sports Medicine requires for exercise specialists (e.g., 500 hr). Education and practice would help activity specialists adapt programs to the needs of participants with different types of chronic disease. With the growing incidence of chronic diseases, this training will be particularly important in helping clients use physical activity as a component of their self-management.

Summary Chronic diseases account for 60% of all deaths worldwide, and this number is expected to rise to 73% by 2020 (WHO, 2016b). Most of the widespread chronic diseases, including arthritis and type 2 diabetes, can be better self-managed through regular physical activity. Unfortunately, people are challenged in their efforts to start, reach, and adhere to the recommended activity level that produces better disease self-management. The preceding arthritis and diabetes sections illustrate that people may need to learn and practice using key psychological skills, some of which are specific to their chronic disease. This education and support should come from primary and allied HCPs and HCPs.

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PART

VII Lifespan and ­Developmental Issues The three chapters in part VII bring closure to this text by addressing concepts related to the lifespan and development of movers. Individual chapters discuss the research pertaining to physical activity and cognitive skills or abilities, the development of sport talent and expertise, and positive youth development through sport and physical activity participation. These chapters help tie together some key topic areas addressed in earlier sections of the text (e.g., behavior, motivation, mental health). This section begins with a chapter addressing the potential benefits of chronic physical activity for cognitive functioning and performance, with a particular emphasis on work that has been conducted across the lifespan. The authors, Jennifer Etnier and Yu-Kai Chang, begin with a review and discussion of three hypotheses proposed to explain the effects of chronic physical activity on cogni-

tion. They then review the research on the topic, with this review organized by type of experimental design. To illustrate the potential benefits of chronic physical activity for clinical populations, Etnier and Chang summarize the research work conducted to date on two particular special populations: older adults diagnosed with dementia or mild cognitive impairment and children diagnosed with attention deficit–hyperactivity disorder. Given the generally positive results of the work to date indicating that chronic physical activity exerts an impact on children’s and adults’ cognitive functioning, the authors explore possible mechanisms for such a link. Noting the relative “youth” of this area of research, the authors identify current limitations in the knowledge base and provide specific suggestions for future research. Though much remains to be understood in this research

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area, Etnier and Chang conclude that “we will do no harm by fostering physical activity” and that “physical activity is potentially useful in terms of benefitting cognition across the lifespan.” In chapter 25, Jean Côté and his coauthors explore the research and theory related to the development of talent in sport. In particular, these authors examine the factors that exert an influence on the talent lifecycle of young athletes. For their analysis, they use two recently developed models (the developmental model of sport participation and the personal assets framework for sport) as a framework to explore the research work to date. Côté and his coauthors argue that interest is a necessary component of motivation for personal development of talent across the youth sport involvement years. They delineate a series of developmentally based strategies that adults can use to enhance children’s and adolescents’ interest in sport and in developing their talent. As the authors note toward the end of the chapter, talent development in sport contexts is much more than just the acquisition of skill. Although research has accumulated over the past several decades to examine talent development, more theoretical and empirical work is needed, and the authors offer suggested future research directions accordingly. In the final contribution to this edition, Maureen Weiss examines the notion that positive youth development (PYD) can occur through children’s and adolescents’ participation in physical activity. The themes in chapter 26 are progress (information gained over the past decade based on qualitative, correlational, intervention, and evaluation research

designs), puzzles (limitations in our understanding of PYD through physical activity), and promise (ideas for future research that may advance the knowledge base). To provide a context for the more contemporary study of PYD, Weiss begins with a review of the historical body of research conducted during the second half of the last century by individuals in developmental psychology and youth sport psychology. She then examines systems theories that underlie current PYD research work and follows this with a review of the research work to date. To illustrate the type of programs that can be classified as true PYD, Weiss describes exemplar PYD programs that fit the criteria needed to be labeled as youth development programs. She ends her chapter with critical issues that need to be addressed (puzzles) as well as suggestions for future researchers (promise). In these sections, she provides a passionate argument for the need for, and value of, work in this area, especially work that adheres to the criteria of the PYD framework. The three chapters in this section of the text demonstrate an evolution of work in physical activity psychology as well as how scholars in this field are building upon previous efforts to generate novel and impactful lines of contemporary research. The broadening interest in the lifespan and developmental processes operating in sport, exercise, and other physical activity contexts promises to offer a deeper understanding of the psychological experiences of all types of movers. With this understanding comes the potential to optimize the positive outcomes of physical activity participation and to mitigate the challenges of life changes.

24 Physical Activity and Cognition Jennifer L. Etnier, PhD  Yu-Kai Chang, PhD

Abstract A substantial body of evidence has accumulated relative to the potential benefits of chronic physical activity for cognitive functioning and performance. Several hypotheses have been proposed to explain the observed positive effects, including the cardiovascular fitness hypothesis, the cognitive reserve hypothesis, and the selective improvement hypothesis. This chapter begins with an examination of these hypotheses and the research supporting them. Then our focus turns to the extant literature on the topic. This review examines studies using a variety of experimental designs. The strongest evidence comes from studies that take an epidemiological approach and that use a prospective design, as well as from studies that use randomized controlled designs. This literature is briefly reviewed with a description of meta-analytic reviews provided when these are available. As will be seen throughout this chapter, most of the research conducted to date has focused on older adults. But interest is growing in exploring similar issues in children, as well as within subsets of the population who exhibit compromised cognitive abilities and thus might be expected to benefit particularly from chronic physical activity. Next we identify and examine mechanisms (molecular, cerebral structural, and neuroelectric) that might further our understanding of the relationship between physical activity and cognitive performance. Although the link between chronic physical activity and cognition has been demonstrated, further research is needed. In particular, we need more experimental studies focused on children and young and middle-aged adults. Additionally, future research advancing our understanding of mechanisms is critical because it will contribute to our ability to establish appropriate exercise prescriptions, to understand dose–response relationships, and to capitalize on relevant mediators and moderators of the relationship.

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“M

ens sana in corpore sano” is a Latin phrase translated as “a healthy mind in a healthy body.” This belief that the health of the body is important for the health of the mind is reflected in early therapeutic recommendations and is exemplified by Hippocrates’ recommendation that “natural exercise, but not walks after dinner” should be used as a treatment for night terrors (Lloyd, 1978, p. 258). In the modern era, researchers have provided empirical evidence relative to the mental health benefits of exercise beginning in the 20th century when Franz and Hamilton (1905) published their findings in support of exercise in alleviating depression. More recently, researchers have begun to focus on the potential benefits of chronic and acute physical activity for cognition. In this chapter, we focus specifically on the relationship between chronic physical activity (physical activity performed regularly over time) and cognition. Readers who are interested in the benefits of acute exercise (a single session of exercise) can learn more from previously published narrative (Brisswalter et al., 2002; Pesce, 2009; McMorris & Graydon, 2000; Tomporowski, 2003a, 2003b) and meta-analytic reviews (Chang et al., 2012; Etnier et al., 1997; Lambourne & Tomporowski, 2010) of this literature. Interest in the potential link between chronic physical activity and cognitive performance has been evident in the empirical literature since the seminal work of Spirduso (1975). In this early study, Spirduso found that reaction times of older men who were regularly active (played racket sports) were significantly faster than those of older men who were not regularly active. Although this study had limitations (e.g., cross-sectional research design), it did pave the way for a growing body of research focused on the cognitive benefits of physical activity. Indeed, current research in this area is remarkable because of the multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary work being conducted by professionals in exercise psychology, exercise physiology, neuroscience, and cognitive psychology. In this chapter, we explore the relationship between physical activity and cognition across the lifespan by reviewing the literature from several perspectives. We consider evidence from studies that have used behavioral measures to assess cognitive performance and from studies that have used measures of brain activity to assess cognitive function. We begin with an examination of three hypotheses that have been proposed to explain the effects of chronic physical activity on cognition. These include the cardiovascular fitness hypothesis,

which guided early research, along with the cognitive reserve hypothesis and the selective improvement hypothesis that provide the framework for more recent studies. In the second section of this chapter, we review the research studies that have been conducted to examine the potential benefits of physical activity for cognition. The discussion is organized by the experimental design adopted. In this section, we point out the distinctions between cross-sectional and prospective studies assessing physical activity behavior or aerobic fitness as the independent variable and studies adopting experimental designs in which physical activity is manipulated so that causal relationships can be tested. We next consider studies conducted with populations expected to benefit particularly from exercise before turning to a brief discussion of proposed mechanisms. Our chapter ends with a summary of the current state of the literature, along with suggestions for future research.

Theories for the Effects of Physical Activity on Cognition Several hypotheses have been proposed to explain why physical activity benefits cognitive performance. These hypotheses focus on physiological explanations for the benefits of physical activity. The cardiovascular fitness hypothesis takes a more distal approach and focuses on whole-body benefits, whereas the cognitive reserve hypothesis and selective improvement hypothesis take a more proximal approach and focus specifically on changes in the central nervous system. Each of these three hypotheses is further explored in the following sections. The research results reviewed in this section provide some support for all three hypotheses. The evidence for the cardiovascular fitness hypothesis, however, is somewhat tenuous, and the critical studies needed to test this hypothesis directly have not been conducted. In contrast, evidence for the cognitive reserve hypothesis and the selective improvement hypothesis is much more promising. Note that these three hypotheses are not necessarily mutually exclusive. For example, both the cognitive reserve hypothesis and the selective improvement hypothesis could explain observed relationships with cognition. In other words, physical activity may particularly increase brain reserves in the frontal region such that behavioral changes in cognitive performance are most evident in frontal-lobe-dependent tasks (Hall, Smith, & Keele, 2001). Another important point is that most of the research has

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focused on aerobic forms of exercise rather than nonaerobic modes of activity, and this emphasis may reflect an expectation that the physiological responses to this form of activity (which would ultimately result in increases in cardiovascular fitness) are critical for cognitive benefits.

Cardiovascular Fitness Hypothesis The cardiovascular fitness hypothesis, adapted from studies examining physical activity and mental health (North, McCullagh, & Tran, 1990), suggests that fitness, particularly cardiovascular fitness, serves as the mediator in the relationship between physical activity and cognition. Specifically, improved cognition is thought to be a direct result of the increased cardiovascular fitness associated with long-term physical activity. This hypothesis has been examined in cross-sectional research studies comparing cognitive performance between groups with different levels of cardiovascular fitness (e.g., Pontifex et al., 2014a; Wu et al., 2011) and in correlational studies that have examined potential links between cardiovascular fitness and cognitive performance (e.g., Ågberg et al., 2009). Results have generally supported the hypothesis that those with higher cardiovascular fitness exhibit better cognitive performance than do those with low fitness levels (Ågberg et al., 2009, Pontifex et al., 2014a; Wu et al., 2011). Evidence for this hypothesis is also seen in prospective studies in which more fit (Barnes, Yaffe, Satariano, & Tager, 2003; Sattler, Erickson, Toro, & Schroder, 2011) people at baseline have been found to exhibit a lower risk of clinical cognitive impairment at follow-up than have their less active or less fit counterparts. Additionally, experimental evidence indicates that an increase in participants’ physical activity levels results in improvements in their cognitive performance (Colcombe et al., 2004; Erickson et al., 2011; Kramer et al., 1999). In these latter studies, changes in cardiovascular fitness have often been reported as a confirmation of the efficacy of the intervention model. Despite this empirical support for the cardiovascular fitness hypothesis, the veracity of this hypothesis is still under debate for at least two primary reasons. First, studies comparing fit and unfit people provide only indirect support for the hypothesis because myriad potential confounds could explain observed differences between groups and because causal relationships between the independent and dependent variable cannot be established. Second, although experimental studies

(e.g., physical activity is manipulated and fitness is measured as an indicant of an exercise response) have the potential to provide the strongest evidence relative to the cardiovascular fitness hypothesis, the necessary statistical techniques have not been used to assess cardiovascular fitness as a mediator. That is, none of these experimental studies has conducted the appropriate statistical tests needed to explore the extent to which changes in aerobic fitness actually mediate or explain the observed changes in cognitive performance. As one means of testing this question, Etnier, Nowell, Landers, and Sibley (2006) used metaregression techniques to test the relationship between changes in fitness and changes in cognition. Specifically, they tested whether the magnitude of the difference or change in cardiovascular fitness predicts the magnitude of the difference or change in cognitive performance. In conducting these analyses, Etnier et al. included studies that used cross-sectional designs and studies in which physical activity was manipulated and cognition was either measured before and following an exercise intervention (pre–post comparisons) or compared between an exercise group and a control group at the conclusion of the exercise program (posttest comparisons). The results of these analyses revealed no significant relationship between the magnitude of the difference in fitness and the magnitude of the difference in cognitive performance in studies that employed cross-sectional designs or posttest comparisons. Surprisingly, and in contrast to the prediction of the cardiovascular fitness hypothesis, in those studies that employed pre–post comparisons, larger increases in fitness predicted smaller improvements in cognition. Clearly, the results of this meta-analysis do not support the cardiovascular fitness hypothesis. Thus, Etnier et al. suggested that researchers should focus on psychological mechanisms or on other physiological mechanisms that may be sensitive to changes in physical activity behavior and that may better explain the observed relationship between chronic physical activity and cognitive performance. In sum, the current evidence suggests that physical activity improves cognitive performance and that these improvements may occur independent of changes in cardiovascular fitness.

Cognitive Reserve Hypothesis A second hypothesis proposed to explain why physical activity benefits cognition focuses on cognitive reserve. The concept of cognitive reserve

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stems from studies associated with dementia and Alzheimer’s disease that have repeatedly shown that brain abnormalities could be observed independent from clinical manifestations of cognitive impairment (Stern, 2002). Cognitive reserve can be classified into brain (passive) and cognitive (active) reserve models (Stern, 2009, 2012). The brain reserve model focuses on the “hardware” of the brain, positing that people with a greater brain reserve will have more quantitative brain structure (e.g., larger brain size, more neurons or synapses available) relative to those with a smaller brain reserve. Even within cognitively normal adults, then, this hypothesis suggests that variability is present in people’s brain reserves. For example, among cognitively normal older adults, 33 to 34% have been shown to have neocortical neuritic plaques and neurofibrillary conditions that fulfill the pathological criteria of dementia despite being capable of normal cognitive behavior (Ince, 2001). Such people currently have sufficient brain and cognitive reserves to support necessary cognitive function, but they may be more susceptible to brain pathologies and their clinical expressions in the future because of reduced brain reserve. In contrast, the cognitive (active) reserve model focuses on the “software” of the brain, suggesting that in people with the same brain reserves (structural capacity), some may be able to perform better cognitively because of enhanced neural processes, including neural reserve (e.g., more efficiency, greater capacity, or more flexibility) and neural compensation (e.g., better usage or more network capacity). Evidence of the importance of cognitive reserves comes from a longitudinal study conducted with older adults in which MRI data showed some degree of brain pathology for all participants, but cognitive reserves (assessed as variance in memory performance after controlling for structural brain measures and demographics) changed in different ways across time; some people showed a decline, others remained stable, and still others showed an improvement. Lower baseline cognitive reserve and larger declines in cognitive reserve were predictive of dementia after controlling for the previously described potential confounds (Zahodne et al., 2015). The notion of cognitive reserve is not limited to dementia; it includes situations associated with cognitive disturbance and brain pathologies (Hindle et al., 2016; Tucker & Stern, 2014). Even in the healthy young population, variability in neural efficiency has been observed, suggesting differences in cognitive reserves (Habeck et al., 2003, 2005).

Several factors have been proposed to increase brain and cognitive reserves, including life experience (education, occupational attainment, social networks, physical activity). Of these, physical activity has been particularly emphasized, in part because this lifestyle behavior can be adopted at any time. Some evidence indicates that the effects of physical activity on cognitive performance might be due to alterations described by both brain reserve and cognitive reserve models. Animal studies demonstrate that exercise leads to increased brain reserve through angiogenesis, neurogenesis, and synaptogenesis (Cotman, Berchtold, & Christie, 2007; van Praag, 2008, 2009). Similarly, human studies using neuroimaging have shown that people with higher physical activity and fitness levels, relative to those with lower levels, have enlarged brain volume, including white and gray matter or hippocampal volume (Erickson et al., 2009; Verstynen et al., 2012; Weinstein et al., 2012). In support of the effects being described by a cognitive reserve model, better brain function, such as increased brain activation in specific brain regions, has been demonstrated in humans with higher fitness levels or in those who participate regularly in physical activity (Dai, Chang, Huang, & Hung, 2013; Fong, Chi, Li, & Chang, 2014; Prakash et al., 2011). Although future studies are needed to confirm that these differences in brain activation are causally linked to physical activity, these studies do provide indirect evidence that regular physical activity increases brain reserves and cognitive reserves and that these changes may underlie observed differences in cognitive performance.

Selective Improvement Hypothesis A third hypothesis regarding the link between physical activity and cognition is based on the notion that the beneficial effects of physical activity on cognition will vary as a function of the particular cognitive domains that are assessed. In particular, this hypothesis predicts that the benefits of physical activity will be greatest for a domain of cognition known as executive function. This expectation is based on the fact that executive functions are frontal-lobe dependent and exercise is expected to have its greatest effects on the frontal lobe of the brain. Executive function, also known as executive control or cognitive control, is recognized as the most complex and highest ranking cognitive function, and it includes the activities required for monitoring, integrating, and organizing multiple

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basic information processes that govern goal-directed behavior (Etnier & Chang, 2009; Jurado & Rosselli, 2007). Rather than generating an automatic response, executive function reflects a set of capacities that provide effortful guidance to maximize goal attainment, particularly in novel situations (Banich, 2009). Notably, executive functions also encompass several distinguishable subcomponents (inhibition, switching, and working memory) (Miyake et al., 2000). These executive functions have been linked to the frontal lobe and are thought to be frontal-lobe dependent, because people with frontal-lobe lesions generally demonstrate poor performance in measures of executive function (Alvarez & Emory, 2006). Executive function develops during childhood and adolescence and then declines in older age (DeLuca et al., 2003). Knowledge of this phenomenon is reflected in a predominance of the research on exercise and cognition focusing on children and older adults. In a classic study, Kramer et al. (1999) randomly assigned 124 older adults into either an aerobic exercise group or a toning control group for a 6-month intervention. Cognitive performance was tested before and after the intervention. Results indicated that the aerobic exercise group exhibited better cognitive performance at posttest compared with the toning group. Interestingly, task conditions involving executive control (i.e., conditions of switching, incompatibility, and stopping) but not conditions involving basic information processes (i.e., conditions of nonswitching, compatibility, and nonstopping) showed exercise benefits. These findings were interpreted as providing support for the selective improvement hypothesis. The disproportionately larger effect of physical activity on tasks involving executive control has been further supported by the results of a meta-analysis conducted by Colcombe and Kramer (2003) on a set of 18 studies using randomized controlled trials with older adults. Meta-analyses provide a summary statistic (called effect size) for multiple empirical studies testing the same research question. An effect size is a standardized measure of the magnitude of the effect of an independent variable on a dependent variable and is generally interpreted as being small (0.20), moderate (0.50), or large (0.80) (Cohen, 1988). An advantage of a meta-analysis is that researchers can also code the empirical studies relative to independent variables (called moderators) that might be expected to influence the observed effect size. This procedure was done in the meta-analysis by Colcombe and

Kramer (2003) in which they classified cognition into subtypes of speed, spatial, controlled, and executive function. The results from the meta-analysis revealed that although exercise interventions significantly improved performance for all four subtypes of cognition (average ES = 0.48), the exercise intervention exhibited the greatest effects on the executive control aspect of cognition (ES = 0.68) relative to the three other aspects of cognition (ES range: 0.27 to 0.46), suggesting that the exercise group showed both general as well as selective improvements, particularly for executive function. The selective improvement hypothesis has also been supported by recent studies using behavioral (Smiley-Oyen, Lowry, Francois, Kohut, & Ekkekakis, 2008), neuroeletric (Hillman et al., 2006b), and neuroimaging outcomes (Kramer, Colcombe, McAuley, Scalf, & Erickson, 2005; Voss et al., 2011).

Physical Activity and Cognition in the General Population Research exploring the potential link between physical activity and cognition has been conducted using a variety of designs. Early research, as typified by the previously mentioned study by Spirduso (1975), was characterized by relatively small samples sizes and the use of a cross-sectional approach such that cognitive performance was compared between groups that differed in terms of either physical activity or fitness levels (Dustman, Emmerson, & Shearer, 1994, 1990). Subsequent research has continued with the cross-sectional design but has adopted a more epidemiological view such that larger samples are recruited to study the distribution and determinants of cognitive impairment (Bixby et al., 2007; Christensen et al., 1996; Dik, Deeg, Visser, & Jonker, 2003; Middleton, Barnes, Lui, & Yaffe, 2010; Rosano et al., 2005). Although these studies have added to the evidence supporting a relationship between physical activity and cognitive performance, the limitations inherent in these observational designs restrict the extent to which they can inform us about the direction and causality of the relationship. Thus, these studies are not reviewed further in this chapter. In contrast to the cross-sectional research approaches described in the previous paragraph, designs with greater sophistication can move us closer to understanding the directionality of the

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relationship between physical activity and cognitive function. One such approach involves the use of prospective designs from an epidemiological perspective. In prospective studies, the researchers assume (or test to ensure) equivalence in terms of cognitive performance at baseline and measure physical activity or fitness at baseline. They then assess cognitive performance at a subsequent time (usually years later) to see whether baseline differences in physical activity or fitness are predictive of cognitive performance in the future. A second type of research design uses randomized control trials (RCTs). Such studies provide the next higher level of evidence because they allow for the testing of cause-and-effect relationships between the independent variable and the dependent variable. The studies that have been conducted to date using these two types of designs are reviewed in the following sections.

Prospective Studies As described previously, prospective studies are those in which physical activity or fitness at baseline is used to predict cognitive performance in the future. Prospective designs move us closer to the demonstration of a causal relationship because they establish the appropriate temporal relationship (i.e., that physical activity precedes cognitive performance) necessary for causation (Hill, 1965; Schunemann, Hill, Guyatt, Akl, & Ahmed, 2011). An example of this research design is provided by Wendell et al. (2014), who examined relationships between baseline fitness and subsequent cognitive performance in adults enrolled in the Baltimore Longitudinal Study of Aging. In this study, men and . women (age 20 to 89 years) completed a VO2 max (aerobic fitness) test at baseline and then performed cognitive tests for up to six times over as many as 18 years (average number of visits was two; average time between tests was 3 years). Results indicated that for the older adults in the. sample (greater than 50 years old), lower baseline VO2 max was predictive of an accelerated decline in memory performance over time on several measures of memory. Two reports from the Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults (CARDIA) longitudinal study also provide prospective evidence regarding the potential effects of physical activity during the young adult years on subsequent cognitive performance in older age. Reis et al. (2013) assessed physical activity at baseline in a sample of young adults (age 18 to 30 years) and followed up 25 years later by administering a set of cogni-

tive tests. Results revealed significant differences between those with high (≥300 exercise units), moderate (100–299 exercise units), and low (6 months

0.52 0.27 0.67

38 36 27

Age group

6–13 years 14–17 years 18–30 years 30–45 years 45–60 years 60–90 years

55–65 years 66–70 years 71–80 years

0.30 0.69 0.55

31 37 33

Not assessed

0.36 0.77 0.64 0.06 1.02 0.19

39 8 32 10 11 163

Not assessed = not assessed as a moderator or a level of a moderator in this meta-analytic review.

Although some evidence supports the selective improvement hypothesis, other studies show general improvement or no effects in response to exercise (Kelly et al., 2014; Smith et al., 2010). This conflict, however, should be interpreted with caution, because of the variety of methodologies employed in the existing studies. In other words, the relationship between exercise and cognitive function may be variable depending on characteristics of the exercise program itself (FITT-VP) and the measure of cognitive performance assessed. With regard to the latter, an important point is that even within a particular cognitive domain (such as executive function), the effects of exercise may be specific to the particular cognitive task used (Etnier & Chang, 2009). For example, executive function is a broad cognitive domain made up of several subcomponents, including working memory, inhibition, shifting, and planning. Etnier and Chang (2009) identified the 29 most widely used neuropsychological assessments for measuring executive functions and pointed out that the effects of physical activity on these measures have only rarely been studied. Future research may consider applying these assessments when examining various aspects of executive functions. This same criticism could be levied with respect to memory. Memory is not a unitary construct, and a recent study by Pontifex et al. (2014b) showed that poor cardiovascular fitness was correlated with inferior long-term memory

and implicit memory, but not working memory. Similarly, studies have shown that cardiovascular fitness was more predictive of relational memory outcomes, as compared with item memory (Baym et al., 2014; Chaddock, Hillman, Buck, & Cohen, 2011; Monti, Hillman, & Cohen, 2012). Thus, future study is needed to develop a clear understanding of how to prescribe exercise that specifically and maximally benefits cognitive performance. A final criticism of the status of the literature is that few studies have employed mediation analyses to examine the role of mediators of this effect. Some studies have considered measures of brain structure as mediators of the relationship between physical activity and cognition (Chaddock et al., 2010a; Erickson et al., 2009; Weinstein et al., 2012). But mediation analyses have not yet been applied to studies associated with brain activation through ERP or fMRI approaches. Given that people with higher fitness consistently exhibit more attentional resource allocation (Chang et al., 2013a; Hillman et al., 2005, 2006a) as well as greater activation in the frontal area and less recruitment of the anterior cingulate cortex (Colcombe et al., 2004; Prakash et al., 2011) relative to persons with lower fitness, future studies should statistically test the mediating role of these functional changes. An additional important point here is that the mediational model may be complicated. To date, a simple mediator model has been primarily investigated, but more complicated

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models including a multiple mediator model with two or more mediators may be involved (Etnier, 2008; MacKinnon, 2008). For example, using path analysis techniques, Szabo et al. (2011) indicated that the relationship between fitness and older adults’ frequency of forgetting is mediated, in order, by hippocampal volume and spatial memory speed. Interestingly, fitness itself is predicted by not only physical activity but also by factors such as age, body mass index, gender, and education, suggesting the complexity in the relationship between physical activity and cognition. Etnier (2008) provides other possibilities for addressing more complicated models to explain the effects of physical activity on cognition. These include a micromediational model (i.e., mediators in a sequence), a multiple mediator model (i.e., several different mediators of the effects), and a multiple mediator and micromediational model (i.e., a combination of the multiple mediator model and the micromediational model). These models provide conceptual frameworks for examining the complicated relationship among these variables.

Summary Several hypotheses have been proposed to explain the positive relationship between physical activity and cognition. Currently, evidence in support of the cardiovascular fitness hypothesis is not strong, and researchers may benefit by considering the potential of nonaerobic exercise programs and by focusing on mediators other than fitness when exploring mechanisms of the effects. In contrast, current evidence supports both the cognitive reserve hypothesis and the selective improvement hypothesis as viable explanations of the benefits of physical activity

for cognition, and these hypotheses may be not be mutually exclusive. Although studies associated with physical activity and cognition began to appear in publication in 1975, our understanding of this relationship has been dramatically expanded since then by the rapidly growing body of literature incorporating cross-sectional, prospective, and RCT designs. Although some of these designs have inherent limitations, the body of knowledge supports that physical activity is predictive of enhanced cognitive performance with growing evidence of a causal relationship. Despite the continuing interest in researching this question with older adults who tend to experience age-related cognitive decline and who are at risk for clinical cognitive impairment, studies have also begun to advance our knowledge about the potential cognitive benefits of physical activity by children, middle-aged adults, and special populations. Although limited, evidence supports that physical activity has the potential to improve cognition in these groups, and future research is certainly warranted. Future research in this area would benefit from a focus on understanding mechanisms from a complex mediational perspective and from efforts to identify the critical aspects of an exercise prescription (e.g., FITT-VP principle) to improve cognitive performance. In the absence of this information, precise knowledge about how to advise health professionals or people who wish to use physical activity purposefully as a means of enhancing or maintaining cognition remain unclear. That being said, the current knowledge base suggests that we will do no harm by fostering physical activity and that physical activity is potentially useful in terms of benefiting cognition across the lifespan.

Research Status for the Physical Activity and Cognition Relationship The research evidence to date supports • a beneficial relationship between physical activity (or fitness) and cognition, • that changes in physical activity cause changes in cognition in older adults, and • that several mechanisms (e.g., cerebral structure, cognitive function, neurotrophic factors) support the benefits of physical activity for cognitive performance. Future research is needed to • ascertain whether or not there is a causal relationship for children, younger adults, and middle-aged adults, • expand our understanding of the critical dose of physical activity necessary, and • identify relevant mediators and moderators of the effects.

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25 Youth Talent Development in Sport Jean Côté, PhD  Veronica Allan, MSc  Jennifer Turnnidge, MSc    Matthew Vierimaa, PhD  M. Blair Evans, PhD

Abstract The development of talent in sport across the lifecycle can be understood through the lens of developmental systems theories. In line with this theoretical approach, this chapter uses the developmental model of sport participation (DMSP) and the personal assets framework for sport (PAF) to identify the outcomes associated with athletes’ developmental trajectories and to describe the social and contextual factors that underlie these processes. To prompt theory-driven research in this domain, this chapter then introduces interest as a key motivational variable driving athletes’ continued sport involvement, ultimately facilitating talent development. The role of interest in talent development is clearly situated within the DMSP and PAF, and practical implications for nurturing the development and maintenance of interest in sport throughout the lifespan are proposed. Finally, this chapter presents a critique of the extant talent development literature and offers directions for future research that may advance the development of theory in addition to the long-term development of athletes in sport.

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ontemporary understandings of human development have been informed by several theories that seek to explain the dynamic relationship between an individual and his or her context (e.g., Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Ford & Lerner, 1992; Gottlieb, 1997; Smith & Thelen, 2003). Accordingly, any discussion of talent in sport should consider the integrative temporal and relational systems of developmental theories that are known to lead to successful human development. In a review of developmental systems theories, Lerner (2002) suggested that whereas each key theory of human development spotlighted particular issues such as motor development, skill acquisition, or cognitive achievement, all theories were nevertheless primarily concerned with illuminating the relationships between the individual and her or his context. As a result, the power of developmental systems theories to explain talent development in sport resides in their ability to conceptualize sport involvement as a system of integrated personal, social, and contextual variables that interact to shape development over time. As an example, Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (1979) suggests a nested systems approach to development that is consistent with the extant models of athlete development (e.g., Abbott & Collins, 2004; Côté, 1999; Stambulova, 1994; Wylleman & Lavallee, 2004), as well as empirical research on youth development in sport (see Fraser-Thomas, Côté, & Deakin, 2005; Holt, 2008). This systems approach to development in sport highlights the dynamic personal, social, and physical features of varying sport activities throughout the lifecycle. When a person’s overall development and well-being are considered within talent development programs, the objectives of sport participation can be realized, integrating the immediate experiences of the person along with his or her short- and longterm development. In this time sensitive system, the physical features of the environment are integrated with the social relationships formed by athletes in the unique developmental context of the sport activities in which they engage. This chapter adopts a developmental systems approach to examine the factors that influence the talent lifecycle of athletes with special emphasis on youth. A number of athlete development models have been proposed over the last three decades, integrating concepts such as transitions and dropout, practice and play, as well as early specialization and sampling (e.g. Abbott & Collins, 2004; Bailey & Morley, 2006; Balyi, Way, & Higgs, 2013; Côté, 1999; Gulbin, Croser, Morley, & Weissensteiner,

2013; Stambulova, 1994; Wylleman & Lavallee, 2004). Although all these models are founded on research, many of them are descriptive in nature and fail to provide testable tenets that can be conceptualized and measured to capture the full spectrum of athlete development. On the other hand, the developmental approach proposed within the developmental model of sport participation (DMSP) focuses on individual and contextual processes that have been quantified and tested extensively in the literature (see reviews by Bruner, Erickson, McFadden, & Côté, 2009; Bruner, Erickson, Wilson, & Côté, 2010; Côté, Lidor, & Hackfort, 2009; Côté & Vierimaa, 2014). Accordingly, the DMSP—and its more recent counterpart, the personal assets framework for sport (PAF)—are presented in this chapter to explain the mechanisms through which youth develop along various trajectories in sport. Given the emphasis typically placed on skill acquisition throughout the development of sport talent, the second part of this chapter explores motivational variables—in particular, the role of interest—as the activating ingredient in talent development, including the conditions that facilitate interest and skill acquisition throughout the lifecycle. To conclude the chapter, implications for the interest construct are discussed in broader sport activity contexts, beyond that of sport performance and talent development. Finally, a critique of the current literature is presented, along with recommendations for future research.

Developmental Systems in Sport Developmental theorists, including Bronfenbrenner (1977), generally agree that developmental changes occur most directly through processes that involve person–context relations. Accordingly, the changing structure of play and practice throughout development in sport serves as the primary process for interaction between a person and her or his context. For example, interactions between coaches and athletes and the types of activities that coaches emphasize in training and competition at various ages directly influence the skills and motivation that youth develop through sport. Although the DMSP and PAF highlight the importance of fostering participation, performance, and personal development (i.e., the three Ps) for the optimal development of both human and talent potential in sport, several problems persist among youth sport programs that focus solely on skill

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acquisition at a young age and the high-level performance of a few talented athletes. Several reviews (Baker, 2003; Côté, Lidor, & Hackfort, 2009; Hill & Hansen, 1988; Malina, 2010) demonstrate the negative effects of early specialization (characterized by deliberate practice in one sport beginning at a young age) and conversely, the positive influence of sampling during childhood (characterized by diverse sport experiences and deliberate play) on athlete development. These reviews reinforce the idea that youth sport programs are designed in ways that may inadvertently limit expertise development by impeding natural interest development and by reducing the pool of talented adolescents. Although several theorists have reflected on how skills are acquired and talent is developed in sport (e.g., Baker & Farrow, 2016; Hodges & Williams, 2012), limited research has examined the development of motivation in ways that sustain talent development. More specifically, we suggest that interest represents the active ingredient necessary to facilitate skill acquisition and talent development, in combination with lifelong sport participation and personal development.

Developmental Model of Sport Participation Using a developmental systems approach, the DMSP posits that continued participation, performance, and personal development through sport result from involvement in sport activities and relationships that evolve throughout development (Côté & Fraser-Thomas, 2016). Within the DMSP, the sampling years lay an important foundation for youth to achieve optimal outcomes in sport over time (Côté & Vierimaa, 2014). Sampling generally occurs between the ages of 6 and 12 and is characterized by high amounts of deliberate play, which should occur in a variety of sports and activities within a given sport. Following the sampling years, athletes either continue to participate in sport at a recreational level (trajectory 1) or choose to invest and specialize in one sport during adolescence (trajectory 2). On the path to either recreational participation or high-level performance, youth who partake in the sampling years are more likely to experience enhanced physical health and psychosocial development. In comparison, early specialization involves high levels of investment and deliberate practice in a single sport from the time of children’s first initiation into sport. Although this practice may be necessary for sports in which peak performance occurs early in development (e.g., gymnastics), the

potential for elite performance is achieved at the risk of negative developmental experiences and reduced physical health and enjoyment (trajectory 3). At any stage within the DMSP, youth may choose to disengage from sport. However, nurturing individual capacities for interest throughout development may aid in not only reducing potential disengagement, but also enhancing opportunities for physical and psychosocial development. By focusing on the personal, social, and physical features of different activities (e.g., sampling, specialization) across development, the DMSP suggests that the positive outcomes of sport result from the integration of processes that include personal engagement in a sport activity, the social relationships that are formed within this activity, and the physical environment in which this activity takes place (Côté, Strachan, & Fraser-Thomas, 2008). More recently, Côté and colleagues (Côté & Erickson, 2015; Côté, Turnnidge, & Evans, 2014; Côté, Turnnidge, & Vierimaa, 2016) integrated the features of the DMSP, previous youth sport research, and principles from developmental systems theories to create the PAF. In essence, the PAF is a set of key elements that should be combined to design and deliver quality sport programs that contribute in a positive way not only to the overall development and well-being of the person, but also to the development of talent in sport. In line with developmental systems theories, the PAF considers personal (i.e., personal engagement in activities), relational (i.e., quality relationships), and environmental factors (i.e., appropriate social and physical settings) as the elements necessary to understand the mechanisms through which development occurs in and through sport. The interaction of these three dynamic elements constitutes a specific sport experience, such as a game, practice, or team social activity. When repeated over time, such as the span of one season, these specific sport experiences generate changes in an athlete’s personal assets (e.g., confidence, competence, connection, and character). Eventually, changes in these personal assets will influence the long-term outcomes of sport in relation to individuals’ three Ps.

Personal Assets Framework for Sport The PAF outlines outcomes of sport engagement on three staggered timescales, ranging from immediate sport experiences to long-term outcomes over the course of multiple years. First, personal engagement in a sport activity, whether it is play or practice, is triggered by interest in a specific physical or social

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setting that holds immediate significance for the participant. When immediate involvement in an activity stimulates positive emotions, liking, and enjoyment, and the activity continues to be accessible to the participant, the participant is likely to reengage in the activity over time, triggering further interest and engagement. Second, an alignment between the dynamic elements of sport participation (activities, relationships, and settings) and growth of personal assets (e.g., the four Cs: competence, confidence, connection, and character; see Côté, Bruner, Strachan, Erickson, & Fraser-Thomas, 2010; Lerner, 2002; Little, 1993) will influence a person to reengage and further invest in a specific sport on a short-term basis (e.g., a season). Third, multiple seasons or years of repeated experiences that integrate personal engagement in play and practice activities, quality relationships with others, and appropriate physical and social settings will lead to continued interest, growth of personal assets, and ultimately, the facilitation of long-term outcomes in the form of the three Ps. Thus, talent development (i.e., performance) is balanced with lifelong sport participation and personal development. In sum, the PAF is designed to account for the processes that occur over time to facilitate positive developmental outcomes (including talent), encompassing the interaction of three dynamic elements—personal engagement in activities, quality relationships, and appropriate settings—to generate immediate, short-term, and long-term outcomes in sport (Côté et al., 2014). By engaging in immediately enjoyable and challenging sport experiences, youth develop personal assets in the form of confidence, competence, connection, and character (i.e., the four Cs) that will eventually enable long-term outcomes, defined as the three Ps. The DMSP provides the developmental structure in which the mechanisms outlined in the PAF can be integrated to account for the outcomes of continued participation, personal growth, and talent development in sport.

Interest and Talent Development in Sport The concept of motivation has transcended the academic realm of psychology, representing a common and well-understood driver of human behavior.  From engagement in recreational sport programs to intensive training and competition, motivation encompasses the forces that act on and

within a person to direct and energize behaviors and intentions to act (Reeve, 2009). Although several frameworks describe the optimal forms of motivation (i.e., authentic, self-selected, or self-endorsed motivation; Mack, Sabiston, McDonough, Wilson, & Paskevich, 2010; Ryan & Deci, 2000) and outline the internal processes that contribute to these forms of motivation, an important question remains: How exactly is optimal motivation achieved throughout development? According to Sansone and Thoman (2005), how motivation develops for a specific domain or activity is often neglected in models of self-regulation. They posit that interest is a necessary component of self-regulatory processes that works either with or against factors that influence motivation over time. Krapp and Prenzel (2011) suggest that what differentiates interest from other motivational constructs (e.g., goals, values) is its content specificity. Because of its focus on concrete activities and content, interest represents an appealing construct through which to examine whether youth invest (or withdraw) from sport activities over time. In contrast, motivation is more often framed in terms of achievement goals and their expected values (e.g., Eccles et al., 1983; Nicholls, 1984).  In this chapter,  interest is conceptualized as the active ingredient driving the development of optimally experienced motivation and, ultimately, talent in sport. In line with a developmental systems approach, the interest construct is theorized to emerge from an athlete’s interaction with his or her environment (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). Accordingly, youth will develop preferences for certain sports based on personal experiences and interactions with specific sport contexts. When athletes begin to identify their personal goals and ambitions for a specific sport, they have developed an individual interest that represents a relatively enduring motivation to engage in that sport (Krapp & Prenzel, 2011). Consistent with this developmental view of interest, achievement goals and expectancy values facilitate the progression of deepening interest and internalized motivation in a reciprocal manner.

Understanding Motivation Self-determination theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2002) has been widely supported as a framework for human motivation and development across various domains, ranging from neuroscience and biology to education and health care. Among these domains, SDT has also been recognized as a useful and pragmatic tool in the physical education and

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sport literature (see reviews by Van den Berghe, Vansteenkiste, Cardon, Kirk, & Haerens, 2014; chapter 16 in this volume). SDT provides a nuanced understanding of the elements needed to foster optimal forms of motivation for talent development over time, which include

• Enhancing interest in less-interesting (e.g., boring) tasks predicts higher levels of self-determined extrinsic motivation. • Enhancing interest in tasks and higher levels of self-determined extrinsic motivation predict higher levels of intrinsic motivation.

• identification and integration of meaningful and personally relevant goals and values into one’s sense of self, • fulfillment of basic psychological needs, and • individual factors related to self-determined and personal goal orientations.

Four different interest-enhancing strategies (e.g., introducing variety within the task, exploiting extrinsic stimulation, providing self-relevant rationales, and challenge enhancement) were employed to test this model, three of which produced direct support for the hypotheses. By incorporating these strategies into their everyday practice, athletes can learn to cope with the less-interesting aspects of training (see table 25.1 for applied examples). Building on previous theories of interest, the four-phase model of interest development (Hidi & Renninger, 2006) conceptualizes interest as a series of progressive stages, not unlike the self-determination continuum. To begin, environmental stimuli trigger short-term changes in cognitive and affective states, producing triggered situational interest for a specific activity or content. This stage is characterized by stimulation, liking, and positive affect.  Continued support from the environment, through either tasks or other involved people, may develop a connection to this activity or content, resulting in maintained situational interest. During this stage, the activity or content is approached with focused attention and persistence over an extended period. An emerging individual interest develops when a person begins to seek repeated engagement

Particularly with respect to identifying with and valuing sport, optimal motivation often takes time to evolve. In other words, to establish the belief that sport is a way to satisfy psychological needs and pursue important goals, young athletes may progress through phases that entail having different types of motivation, understood as “interest development.” For centuries, interest has been widely advocated as an important condition for learning (Krapp & Prenzel, 2011). More recently, interest has been evaluated and identified as a key motivational construct contributing to long-term engagement and enjoyment in physical education classes (Garn, Cothran, & Jenkins, 2011; Subramaniam, 2010). In the sport context, Green-Demers, Pelletier, Stewart, and Gushue (1998) proposed a model of interest and motivation self-regulation that hypothesizes the following:

Table 25.1  Interest-Enhancing Strategies in Sport Strategy

Definition

Applied example(s)

Introduction of variety within the task

Adding diversity to the performance of a task. This strategy may be used to facilitate situational interest or to reduce the monotony of a boring task in later stages of interest development.

Frequently rotating training activities during a practice session Introducing elements of play during a practice session

Exploitation of extrinsic stimulation

Using external cues to stimulate performance of a task (i.e., stimulation from sources other than the task itself). This strategy may be used to facilitate situational interest or reduce the monotony of a boring task in later stages of interest development.

Watching other athletes perform the task (i.e., cues from the physical environment) Visualizing personal success during performance of the task (i.e., cues from within the athlete)

Provision of self-relevant rationales

Having a personally valid reason for performing a task. This strategy may be used to facilitate the transition between situational and individual interest.

Writing out a list of the personal benefits to be gained from the performance of a task and posting this list in a relevant location (e.g., locker room) as a reminder during future training

Challenge enhancement

Performance of tasks that are slightly beyond the athlete’s current level of training or abilities. This strategy is important for developing individual interest.

Setting daily incremental training goals to motivate improved performance

Adapted from Green-Demers et al. (1998).

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with the activity or content that is not contingent on external supports. Knowledge is sought out and consolidated, and personal value for the activity or content evolves. Finally, an enduring predisposition to reengage with the activity or content over time forms a well-developed individual interest. Knowledge and value continue to develop and are largely self-generated, but the individual has the ability to cope with frustration and sustain creative thinking, which may not be evident in the emerging stage. The self-determination continuum and the four-phase model of interest development can be viewed as parallel processes, characterized by both a reduced reliance on external contingencies and supports and the internalization of personal values, meanings, and stored knowledge over time as interest is deepened and motivation becomes increasingly self-determined. Note that a reciprocal relationship exists between deepening interest and self-determined motivation and the fulfillment of basic psychological needs (Hidi, 2000). Interest provides the trigger from which intrinsic motivation can be cultivated and enhanced (Green-Demers et al., 1998; Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Although more extrinsic forms of motivation have been associated with negative outcomes such as poor coping skills and anxiety (e.g., Ryan & Connell, 1989), the early stages of interest are associated with stimulation, liking, and enjoyment (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). Progressing toward a state of inherently enjoyable or self-rewarding behaviors, social and environmental conditions that facilitate situational forms of interest provide the foundation for not only individual interest but also self-determined motivation. In fact, interest has been found to have a reciprocal relationship with several motivational variables, including self-regulation, self-efficacy, goals, and values (see review by Renninger & Hidi, 2011). As previously stated, achievement goals and expectancy values—stemming from achievement goal theory (Nicholls, 1984) and expectancy value theory (Eccles et al., 1983), respectively—are viewed as reciprocal influences on the dynamically related interest–motivation continuums presented in this chapter. To provide some context, Pintrich (2003) notes that achievement goals, expectancy values, and interest each represent a different family of motivational constructs. Despite the longstanding presence of all three families in the motivation literature, theoretical integration is only in the beginning stages, largely because of the complex interrelationships among each theory (Wigfield & Cambria, 2010). Figure 25.1 demonstrates the parallel nature of the four stages of interest and the

continuum of self-determined motivation, including the reciprocal relationship between interest, achievement goals, and expectancy values as factors that influence overall levels of motivation. As a person moves through the continuum toward more self-determined motivation and well-developed individual interest, improvements in performance, participation, and personal development (e.g., three Ps) are more likely to occur (i.e., fostering optimal conditions for improvement). Accordingly, highlevel performance or long-term participation, for example, may occur at any point along the continuum in figure 25.1. At the broadest level, theorists have speculated that these interrelations are likely to be bidirectional in nature (Hidi & Harackiewicz, 2000). But Hulleman, Durik, Schweigert, and Harackiewicz (2008) may have been the first to investigate the relationship among all three constructs, examining the antecedents and consequences of task value judgments in two different settings: a college classroom and a high school sports camp. This study replicated previous findings in the education literature, in which mastery-approach goals (i.e., skill mastery relative to past personal performance) were found to predict continued interest, and performance-approach goals (i.e., demonstrating ability relative to others) were found to predict performance. In the college setting, mastery-approach goals were associated with intrinsic value. Comparatively, high levels of mastery-approach goals or performance-approach goals, but not both, led to intrinsic value in the sport context. Consistent with the multiple-goals model (Harackiewicz, Barron, Pintrich, Elliot, & Thrash, 2002), the sport sample demonstrated the complexity of multiple goal effects. When initial interest was high, mastery goals were positively associated with continued interest. Alternatively, when initial interest was low, mastery- and performance-approach goals worked synergistically to promote continued interest. These findings support the notion that after initial interest is triggered, the type of goal approach and associated values either foster or hinder further interest, consequently influencing long-term performance outcomes and talent development. In relation to developmental systems theories, the personal, social, and environmental factors represented within the dynamic elements of the PAF are important for triggering and maintaining situational interest during the sampling years. The shortterm objectives of any talent development program in sport should focus on the fulfillment of young athletes’ personal assets (i.e., the four Cs), which

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Basic needs satisfaction (competence, autonomy, and relatedness)

Entry point (No interest or motivation)

Triggered situational interest

Maintained situational interest

Emerging individual interest

Welldeveloped individual interest Personal meaning or values

Stimulation Liking Achievement goals and associated values

Affect

Stored knowledge Inherent enjoyment

External contingencies

Selfrewarding

Extrinsic motivation

Intrinsic motivation

Basic needs satisfaction (competence, autonomy, and relatedness)

Figure 25.1  Integration of processes influencing self-determined motivation, reflecting the development of interest and reciprocal influence of achievement goals and associated values. As reflected in the figure, the interest development is a direct reflection of the forms of motivation underpinning the sport activity. E6768/Horn/F25.01/565560/mh-R2

share many similarities with SDT’s basic needs. Concurrently, the long-term personal development, participation, and performance of the athletes should also be considered. Interested individuals will find themselves meaningfully connecting to the sport, and changes in the dynamic elements (i.e., activities, relationships, and settings) will gradually occur to meet the needs, goals, and personal values of the developing athlete. If these conditions are met, situational interest may develop into individual interest; thus, the talent development cycle is based on a foundation of sustainable and positive forms of motivation. Provided that theories of interest are well-suited to a developmental lens (e.g., Hidi & Renninger, 2006; Gottfredson, 1981; Travers, 1978), there is a need to postulate heuristics that will aid sport practitioners in the design of developmentally appropriate youth sport programs. As such, the next section focuses on person–context strategies that can be applied throughout development to help

athletes initiate, maintain, and fuel their personal interests in sport.

Developmentally Based Strategies Developmental approaches to interest suggest that young children are inherently attracted to all types of new phenomena and experiences. They develop interests in line with preferences that reflect their perceived strengths and weaknesses. During adolescence, they clarify personal aims and ambitions (Gottfredson, 1981; Travers, 1978).  Aligning the four-phase model of interest development with a developmental perspective, childhood may represent the optimal time to trigger and maintain situational interests, from which individual interests may emerge and develop with continued social and environmental supports, feelings of choice and competence, and internalization of relevant values throughout adolescence. In the sport context,

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i­ nterests may be appropriately stimulated and nurtured according to the central tenets of the DMSP (see Côté et al., 2014): • Diversity should precede specialization. • Play and practice activities should be balanced, emphasizing play in childhood and practice in adolescence. • A mixture of adult-led and youth-led activities should be introduced to achieve varied and unique developmental benefits. To develop sport talent effectively, supports for interest should be incorporated into sport activities and the surrounding physical and social environment in a developmentally appropriate manner. Optimal stages of interest development can be classified within the DMSP (Côté & Abernethy, 2012).

Childhood: Diversity and Sampling With a focus on diverse sport experiences and play and because of children’s inherent attraction to new activities and phenomena, the sampling years are an ideal time for the facilitation of situational interest. Children should be exposed to a variety of sport contexts and opportunities to engage in both adultled and youth-led activities that offer stimulation and fun (e.g., Côté et al., 2014). External supports are extremely important for maintaining situational interest; thus, children should be provided with options, encouragement, and relevant knowledge to facilitate positive feelings in the early stages (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). At this age, children are unable to make the distinction between ability and effort (Fry & Duda, 1997; Nicholls, 1978), meaning that specific goal orientations are less important than simply experiencing opportunities to interact with the environment and develop interests. Early sport experiences should set the stage for future identification and integration of personal meanings and values that reflect positive attitudes toward physicality and movement to develop talent in the long-term.

Early Adolescence: Choosing a Path Transitioning into adolescence, youth begin to perceive personal strengths and weaknesses that influence interests. During this time, youth who had previously sampled sport activities are faced with the decision to specialize in one sport on the path to high-level performance or to continue participating in sport at a recreational level. This decision will largely depend on the personal aims and interests of each person, but as long as some level of interest

in sport is sustained, dropout may be prevented. Therefore, this transition represents a critical period for not only maintaining situational interest but also enabling the development of individual interest. During this time, youth should be provided with activities and environments that are personally relevant, provide challenge, and promote opportunities for reengagement (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). By this age, the distinction between effort and ability should be clear (Fry & Duda, 1997; Nicholls, 1978), although the type of goal orientation optimal for each individual might not be (e.g., Harackiewicz et al., 2002). Thus, a multiple-goals model may provide a generally effective approach (i.e., a focus on both mastery and performance), providing youth with the opportunity to explore different goals with varied sources of motivation (e.g., Harackiewicz et al., 2002; Hulleman et al., 2008). Harwood (2002) provides support for this approach, noting differences in athletes’ competition-specific and overall sport goal orientations. Role models, experts, and peer support also become increasingly important during this time, while the role of parents is often reduced (e.g., Côté & Fraser-Thomas, 2016). At all social levels, encouragement in the face of difficulty is crucial to the maintenance and development of individual interest (Hidi & Renninger, 2006).

Late Adolescence and Adulthood: Personal Engagement Whether engaged in recreational physical activity or competitive sport, emerging or well-developed individual interests are a primary objective of participation during the adolescent years. For this to occur, people require a number of resources to develop personal meaning, intrinsic value, and stored knowledge: access to appropriate sport environments, role models, or experts; activities that provide meaning or personal relevance; a positive social climate or collective cause; encouragement in the face of difficulty; a mastery motivational or multiple-goals approach, in line with individual needs or orientations; opportunities for leadership, challenge, and knowledge building; and opportunities to feel in control, competent, and connected with others (Hansen & Larson, 2007; Hidi & Renninger, 2006; Hulleman et al., 2008; Pearce & Larson, 2006; Ryan & Deci, 2000; Smoll, Smith, & Cumming, 2007). For optimal talent development, well-developed individual interest is necessary to maintain motivation and optimal psychosocial outcomes as higher levels of performance are achieved. In an ideal world, triggered situational interest in sport would always lead to well-developed

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individual interest and self-determined motivated participation later in life. But youth may drop out or transition horizontally between developmental trajectories in sport (e.g., from specialization to

recreational participation) at any time (Côté & Fraser-Thomas, 2016). Hidi and Renninger (2006) note that people may shift between stages of interest if opportunities for reengagement are not provided.

Talent Development Pathway The pathway shown here integrates the DMSP and PAF to promote interest and skills throughout talent development. This talent development pathway is intended to promote high-level performance, long-term participation, and personal development. Other pathways may emphasize more recreational forms of sport participation that also foster all three Ps. Sampling Years—Childhood Activities • High amount of deliberate play. • Low amount of deliberate practice. • Involvement in a variety of sports. Relationships • Parents support participation in various sport contexts. • Coaches recognize individual differences and support multisport participation. • Peers promote a sense of belonging. Setting • No selection of “best” athletes occurs (i.e., no talent identification). • Competitive structure offers short-term competition, but no long-term standings or championships. Specializing Years—Early Adolescence Activities • Deliberate play and practice are balanced. • Involvement in fewer sports and more focused involvement in one sport. Relationships • Parents increase support to one sport as chosen by son or daughter. • Coaches provide challenging and enjoyable tasks that trigger individual interest. • Peers foster relationships built on integrity, support, and respect. Setting • Environment supports engagement in meaningful and challenging activities. • Competitive structure promotes the values of sportspersonship. Investment Years—Late Adolescence Activities • Low amount of deliberate play. • High amount of deliberate practice. • Involvement in one sport. Relationships • Parents provide necessary support to highly invested son or daughter. • Coaches promote self-regulation and provide initiative-building opportunities. • Peers relationships contribute to performance and well-being. Setting • Environment provides opportunities for reengagement. • Performance context values personal development.

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Interests typically dwindle during adolescence as people learn to cope with new developmental tasks and form self-identities (Krapp & Prenzel, 2011). Thus, supports to trigger and enrich interests in physical activity and sport should be made available throughout development. For example, sport organizations should offer recreational leagues across a variety of sports to facilitate movement across levels of participation. People at any stage of development, particularly during the adolescent years, should also be provided with opportunities to get involved or reengage in sport. To encourage participation, performance, and personal development through sport, opportunities to develop talent should not be limited to those who enter sport, especially one sport, at an early age. By providing such opportunities, the motivation, confidence, and competence to produce a physically skilled person may be instilled throughout development.

Conditions that Foster Interest and Skill Acquisition A substantial body of literature describes the conditions that facilitate positive assets and continued participation in youth sport (e.g., Côté, 1999; Côté & Fraser-Thomas, 2016; Côté et al., 2014; Hansen & Larson, 2007; Larson, 2000; Lerner, Fisher, & Weinberg, 2000; NRCIM, 2002). But the need remains to outline the conditions that cultivate personal interest in addition to skill acquisition within the youth sport context. Whereas the previous section discussed a developmental approach for nurturing interest and talent development in sport, the essential elements that contribute to interest, motivation, and positive assets among developing athletes at each organizational level of the PAF are presented here.

Physical Environment At the broadest level of influence, the physical context sets the stage for performance, participation, and personal development. The National Resource Council and Institute of Medicine (NRCIM, 2002) outlines eight features of settings that develop positive assets in youth and cultivate interest in an activity. Of these features, four pertain to the physical environment: • Physical and psychological safety • Appropriate structure • Opportunities for skill building • Integration of family, school, and community efforts

Moreover, Côté and colleagues (2014) proposed two additional features that pertain specifically to youth in the sport setting: • Access to diverse sport contexts • Sport contexts with fewer youth and lower adult-to-youth ratios First, environments that are physically safe and free of psychological harms are important for providing youth with a sense of security. Affording youth secure environments in which to interact encourages exploration, experimentation, and opportunities for both play and practice, while reducing feelings of fear that may be negatively associated with engagement (Lerner et al., 2000; NRCIM, 2002). Building on this point, youth should be provided with access to diverse sport contexts, irrespective of facility and equipment quality (Côté et al., 2014). Opportunities for diverse interactions with the environment, offered by each of these setting features, facilitate situational interest and build a foundation for talent development (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). Environments should be structured to promote clear and consistent boundaries and expectations, as well as provide age-appropriate monitoring and supervision (Lerner et al., 2000; NRCIM, 2002). Furthermore, sport contexts with fewer people or lower adult-to-youth ratios may facilitate effort and involvement in a variety of roles and positions (Côté et al., 2014; Hansen & Larson, 2007). Each of these setting features highlights the role of adults in managing the physical context in youth sport. Youth should also be provided with opportunities to engage in different roles, such as taking on a leadership position or playing different positions, while receiving appropriate direction or intervention as needed (e.g., Pearce & Larson, 2006). Considering the physical, cognitive, social, and affective processes that contribute to skill acquisition in sport, a setting that provides opportunities for skill building should involve exposure to learning conditions that support physical, intellectual, psychological, emotional, and social skills (NRCIM, 2002). An environment that fosters holistic development empowers youth with the tools to pursue a wide array of physical pursuits with confidence and competence. Lastly, the call to integrate family, school, and community efforts has been echoed in the literature surrounding skill acquisition (Côté & Abernethy, 2012), athlete development (Côté & Fraser-Thomas, 2016), and policies for youth development (Lerner et al., 2000; NRCIM, 2002). To endorse a culture that facilitates long-term engage-

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ment in physical activity and sport, characterized by lifelong participation, personal development, and performance, consistent understanding and collaboration is necessary among key stakeholders in this domain. If the physical environment plays an important role in triggering and maintaining situational interest, one final setting feature is recommended—the capacity for stimulation and personal relevance. To trigger initial interest, sustain situational interest, and work toward an emerging individual interest, the environment must stimulate enjoyment and positive affect, while also offering personal meaning and relevance (Hidi & Renninger, 2006; Renninger & Hidi, 2011). Environments can stimulate interest and encourage personal relevance by offering opportunities to engage in diverse activities, interactions, and roles, all while maintaining a sense of autonomy and freedom to explore the sport setting safely.

Relationships A social environment that offers the following characteristics has been shown to foster optimal developmental experiences for youth (Lerner et al., 2000; NRCIM, 2002): • Loving and caring climate • Supportive adult relationships • Opportunities for belonging • Positive social norms and values • Support for efficacy, mattering, and self-­ esteem Additionally, research in education and youth sport consistently points to the importance of a mastery motivational climate (e.g., Ames, 1992; Smith, Smoll, & Cumming, 2007; Smoll et al., 2007) and, more recently, a multiple-goals approach (e.g., Harackiewicz et al., 2002; Harwood, 2002; Hulleman et al., 2008). One final feature, autonomy-supportive relationships, also contributes to self-determined motivation and enhanced well-being in sport (e.g., Adie, Duda, & Ntoumanis, 2008; Smith, Ntoumanis, & Duda, 2007). On the whole, each of these relationship features contributes to the fulfillment of basic needs in SDT or personal assets such as connection, competence, confidence, and character. When basic psychological needs or personal assets are the focus of sport programs, interest is deepened and motivation is increasingly self-determined (Hidi, 2000); as a result, psychological engagement is more likely to occur. First, connection and character development

are fostered though a warm social climate that promotes love and caring, positive social norms and values, secure and supportive relationships, and opportunities for friendship and belonging. In line with attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969), secure, meaningful connections with others may facilitate exploration and experimentation, leading to the discovery of new interests and capacities. Furthermore, the development of interest, particularly in the early stages, is often contingent on social encouragement and support (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). Research in youth development has also shown that working toward a collective goal or cause can foster intrinsically motivated behaviors, even when these actions are initially engaged for extrinsic reasons (Pearce & Larson, 2006). Second, social environments that adopt mastery motivational or multiple-goal approaches to skill development and provide appropriate support for efficacy and mattering may fulfill the need for competence and confidence. Several researchers have noted the benefits of a mastery approach, alone or in combination with performance-approach goals in the youth sport and physical education contexts (e.g., Fox, Goudas, Biddle, Duda, & Armstrong, 1994; Hodge & Petlichkoff, 2000; Walling & Duda, 1995). Sport practitioners need to understand optimal goal orientations and climates for success, which may be individually or context specific (Harwood, 2002). Considering the role of the coach, positive reinforcement and instructional support during learning is important for youth to feel capable and effective (e.g., Smith et al., 2007; Smoll et al., 2007). Similarly, the degree to which coaches’ behavior provides support for athletes’ functioning as autonomous individuals is known to be a key contributor to motivation and positive athlete experiences (see review by Ntoumanis, 2012). For example, perceptions of more autonomy-supportive coach behavior have been associated with positive athlete outcomes such as well-being (Adie, Duda, Ntoumanis, 2012) and initiative and identity reflection (Coatsworth & Conroy, 2009). All in all, the essential elements of relationships, including those with coaches, parents, and peers, form a strong support network for the fulfillment of athletes’ personal assets. Quality relationships in the youth sport environment contribute to interest and motivation to invest further in a talent development pathway.

Personal Engagement in Activities To achieve long-term positive outcomes in sport (Côté et al., 2014), the DMSP suggests that

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• diversity should precede specialization in sport, • play and practice activities should be balanced, and • a mixture of adult-led and youth-led activities should be included. Through each of these processes, youth are afforded opportunities to explore their options, discover what they like and what they are good at, and develop a range of competencies that enable engagement in a variety of physical pursuits, ultimately contributing to talent development. Furthermore, activities that focus on the personal assets of the athletes are more likely to promote interest, motivation, and continued engagement in physical activity and sport. While participating, youth should feel that • they are capable and effective (e.g., competence and confidence), • they are working toward a collective cause or are connected with others (e.g., connection), and • their sport participation is governed by moral behaviors that include courage, honesty, and empathy (e.g., character). Following from the collaborative tenets set out by the DMSP and PAF, one additional element is proposed: To trigger and maintain interest, activities must be stimulating and personally relevant (Hidi & Renninger, 2006; Renninger & Hidi, 2011). Altogether, personal engagement in activities that reflect these essential elements will promote a holistic approach to talent development.

Future Research Recommendations Based on the research reviewed in earlier sections of this chapter, clear and expanding evidence supports the belief that talent development is much more than skill acquisition. Whereas physical skills and capabilities are often considered within definitions of talent, an array of personal, psychological, and social forces interact to shape development in sport (Henriksen, Stambulova, & Roessler, 2010, 2011). Talent research in sport psychology has emerged over time from a focus on understanding how talented people are unique (e.g., Abernethy, 1990) to an emphasis on integrating the broader psychological dimensions of the talent development process

(e.g., studying psychological processes and social experiences that influence engagement in sport over time). Although the theoretical and conceptual frameworks described in this chapter reflect attempts to explore these questions, existing sport development research nevertheless faces challenges. Further development of theory is vital. Whereas the breadth of many existing frameworks, such as the DMSP and PAF, describe how people, places, and activities shape talent development, they are at times limited by the extent to which they can be evaluated and tested as theory (e.g., falsifiability, generality, precision, refutability; Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2015). As such, by applying theories (e.g., interest development) that are consistent with these broad frameworks, researchers have a structure to guide them as they develop and test hypotheses about talent development. Although this approach may involve adapting existing models, sport researchers should also seek opportunities to develop unique theories to apply within talent development. Even when equipped with these novel theoretical and conceptual frameworks, talent development researchers should capitalize on opportunities to conduct work that expands across the “silos” of sport science. As an example, whereas applied practitioners who work within elite sport organizations often collaborate as integrated service teams (e.g., medical doctors, physiologists, mental trainers, chiropractors; Theberge, 2008), talent development researchers are often constrained to their own unique domains and do not adopt integrated research agendas (Phillips, Davids, Renshaw, & Portus, 2010). Phillips et al. (2010) notably argued that opportunities are available not only to link a wider range of concepts when adopting an integrated approach to development (e.g., physiological indices of stress, developmental stage, motor performance, physical strength and fitness indices) but also to develop multidisciplinary theoretical rationale. By pairing psychological concepts such as interest with concepts that typically reside in other domains, such as developmental stages related to motor skill acquisition, talent development researchers can extend the relevance of psychological concepts and apply them to improve sport systems. Interest development offers opportunities to shape questions asked by sport researchers. For example, researchers applying this perspective may ask questions like the following:

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• Are unique coaching or parenting approaches necessary according to unique phases of interest development? • Can interest be contagious, whereby athletes with well-developed interest influence the peers surrounding them? To advance toward research that explores questions of interest development in sport, we present three recommendations: 1. Develop sport-specific measurement tools. 2. Adopt unique quantitative and qualitative approaches. 3. Use available knowledge translation strategies to ensure that research can be adapted by youth sport organizations worldwide. First, when adapting developmental theories from other fields, researchers need to consider the unique micro- and macro environment of youth sport and the way in which that environment changes from early childhood to late adolescence. For example, sport is often designed so that training is structured and guided by adults, which may pose unique challenges for developing autonomy through the initials phases of interest development. With this in mind, the use of novel theoretical frameworks from other research areas necessitates the development of sport-specific measurement tools. For example, although the theory and existing measures to explore the interest construct were developed in domains such as education (e.g., Hidi & Renninger, 2006), the relevance of this theory in the sport context must be evaluated. Subsequently, the development and validation of a tool to assess athletes’ interest development in sport is an important next step. Second, the integration of new methodologies represents an important area for future research. As was evidenced by the influence of research involving-large scale and publicly available data for studying relative age and birthplace effects (e.g., MacDonald, Cheung, Côté, & Abernethy, 2009), new methodological approaches have the opportunity to redefine how development is studied. Regarding quantitative approaches, social network analysis provides novel theories, methods, and analyses that could advance our understanding of the talent lifecycle (see Borgatti, Mehra, Brass, & Labianca, 2009). As an example of its potential use, researchers could adopt personal social network designs to construct social networks of athletes at

different points in time during development and explore whether specific network compositions or patterns of change link to personal development and interest in sport. Another opportunity lies in the further development of qualitative approaches: Case study research provides a notable opportunity to study the complexity inherent in sport development. Relating to talent development in sport clubs, Henriksen et al. (e.g., 2010, 2011) conducted several case studies with recognized national and international sport clubs. Adopting an ecological approach, the authors not only detailed the nature of the organizational culture surrounding each sport club but also identified notable social and contextual characteristics of these successful programs (e.g., importance of group environment, connections with broader schools and communities). As another example of case study research, Balish and Côté (2014) examined talent development within a small Canadian sport community and reflected on characteristics of the community, sport activities, and culture that shaped athletes’ experiences in sport. The growing body of knowledge emanating from case study research in sport collectively serves to inform our evolving understanding of the processes underpinning the development of talent across the lifecycle. Finally, a vital future direction involves ensuring that contemporary findings involving talent development in sport have the opportunity to have a direct positive influence on the development of young athletes. When considering the numerous domains of applied health research, established strategies are in place for designing research and implementing interventions in ways that facilitate optimal uptake. As one example, translation research may help identify a broader scope of realms through which talent development could be effectively shaped. Notably, whereas approaches to translate sport findings often include interventions with coaches (e.g., Smith & Smoll, 2007) or sport programs designed for youth (e.g., Brunelle, Danish, & Forneris, 2007), research from a broader range of health domains reveals that a much wider assortment of opportunities can influence talent development (e.g., legislation, marketing, guidelines; Michie, van Stralen, & West, 2011). On the other hand, translation research could also inform how individual interventions are designed to ensure that they are not only effective but also reach important populations and can be implemented and adopted over time by targeted sport organizations (e.g., Evans, McGuckin, Gainforth, Bruner, & Côté, 2015).

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Summary

Baker, J., & Farrow, D. (Eds.) (2016). The handbook of sport expertise. London, UK: Routledge.

The consideration of personal factors (i.e., personal engagement in activities), interpersonal factors (i.e., quality relationships), and physical contexts (i.e., appropriate settings) is necessary to understand the processes through which development in sport and through sport occurs (Côté & Erickson, 2015; Côté et al., 2014, 2016). The integration and interaction of these three dynamic elements in a developmental structure such as the DMSP help us understand the processes in sport by which changes in the individual’s personal assets take place (e.g., confidence, competence, connection, and character) and eventually influence the long-term outcomes of sport in terms of talent development. Incorporating the four-phase model of interest development into the DMSP and using the PAF to highlight the essential elements of talent development at each organizational level, the necessity of interest and motivation as the precursor to skill acquisition and long-term participation, performance, and personal development throughout the life cycle is quite clear. Broadly, this chapter has examined research in youth sport through an integrated developmental and ecological lens. In light of the role that sport can have on youth development across domains, research on psychosocial and talent development must inform one another on the best available means to promote sport expertise and holistic athlete development.

Balish, S., & Côté, J. (2014). The influence of community on athletic development: An integrated case study. Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, 6, 98–120.

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26 Positive Youth Development Through Physical Activity Progress, Puzzles, and Promise Maureen R. Weiss, PhD

Abstract The positive youth development (PYD) framework has gathered tremendous momentum over the last decade. In addition to the appeal of this framework for educational and peer contexts, sports and physical activities offer promising school- and community-based settings for enhancing positive youth outcomes. The empirical research on PYD through physical activity has progressed measurably over the past decade, revealing participants’ perceptions of their experiences on life skills learning and psychosocial and behavioral outcomes. The purpose of this chapter is to provide a comprehensive look at research and application of PYD in physical activity contexts. I begin by providing a historical reflection on sport as a context for promoting youth development. Second, I review the theoretical underpinnings of the PYD approach and translation to physical activity contexts. Third, I synthesize and consolidate the research on PYD through physical activity—progress made using qualitative, correlational, intervention, and evaluation designs. Fourth, I describe three exemplar physical-activity-based PYD programs, including their social-contextual features and targeted outcomes that are compatible with the PYD framework. Finally, based on the review of empirical research I address puzzles and promise—measurement, developmental, and conceptual issues that may be essential for advancing the knowledge base in PYD through physical activity.

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n the past decade, physical activity researchers have embraced the positive youth development (PYD) framework to understand the multitude of social and environmental factors that promote desirable attributes, characteristics, and skills, while at the same time preventing unhealthy behaviors (e.g., Gould & Carson, 2008; Petitpas, Cornelius, Van Raalte, & Jones, 2005; Weiss, Kipp, & Bolter, 2012). Positive youth development refers to the acquisition of physical, social, and psychological competencies and attributes that enable children and adolescents to navigate life experiences in multiple domains (e.g., home, school). Learning and mastering competencies or life skills, in turn, provide youth with the ability to make informed choices, demonstrate adaptive behaviors, attain healthy outcomes, and evolve into contributing citizens. Given the longstanding belief that sport participation holds potential for promoting positive youth outcomes (Wiggins, 2013), it is not surprising that sports and physical activities are seen as a context in which positive youth development can be fostered. In this chapter, I use physical activity as an inclusive, overarching term for the many structured contexts in which children and youth engage (Weiss & Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009). These contexts include, for example, organized sport, after-school community programs, motor skill programs, recreational activities, school physical education, and dance. Thus, I will primarily use the term physical activity in my review and include studies conducted in organized youth sport as well as broader physical activity–oriented programs. Although a body of knowledge has been developed on PYD in physical education settings, I will not cover this research but refer interested readers to publications that include this context as a source of PYD (e.g., Hellison, 2003; Weiss, 2011; Weiss, Kipp, & Bolter, 2012). I provide a comprehensive review of the PYD framework as it applies to physical activity contexts. First, I situate PYD within the historical context of longstanding youth sport psychology research, demonstrating that PYD concepts and processes were evident early on. Second, I describe how systems theories undergird approaches to PYD and describe multiple conceptualizations of PYD by key developmental psychologists. Third, I synthesize empirical research on PYD in physical activity contexts, indicating progress in qualitative, correlational, intervention, and evaluation studies. Fourth, I describe exemplar physical activity–based PYD (PA-PYD) programs that feature requisite components that justify being labeled as a youth development program. Finally, I identify critical

issues (puzzles)  that emerge in existing PA-PYD research and discuss how these might be addressed in future research studies (promise). I conclude by suggesting that academics can contribute meaningfully to PA-PYD by collaborating with community organizations to provide evidence-based best practices that will benefit youth participants in physical activity contexts and beyond.

Historical Foundations of PYD in Youth Sport Psychology Youth sport as a context of academic research emerged in the early 1900s and escalated in empirical inquiry in the 1960s and 1970s (Weiss & Gill, 2005). The explosion of interest in the benefits of sport participation appeared concurrently with concerns about increased emphasis on competition and winning and negative coaches’ and parents’ behaviors. Early descriptive studies gave way to theory-driven inquiries of sport participation as a source of improving self-perceptions, social relationships, motivation, and moral development (Horn, 2004a, 2004b; Weiss, Amorose, & Kipp, 2012). Social-cognitive theories guided the majority of studies, but these were not dubbed as positive youth development in orientation. Yet knowledge gained from these studies identified key social and environmental factors that are associated with psychological well-being among youth (Horn, 2004a; Weiss, Kipp, & Bolter, 2012). For example, findings consistently showed that coaches who provide positive informational feedback, demonstrate an autonomy-supportive style, and create a mastery motivational climate are associated with youth participants who report favorable self-perceptions, emotions, and motivational orientations and behaviors (Amorose, 2007; Horn, 2008). These types of coaching behaviors and climates are compatible with social-contextual features of effective PYD programs. A specific interest in developmental sport psychology emerged in the 1980s, as researchers began using an approach that emphasized children’s cognitive, social, physical, and emotional maturity when asking research questions and designing studies (Duda, 1987; Garcia Bengoechea, 2002; Horn, 2004a; Weiss, 2004; Weiss & Bredemeier, 1983). Specifically, participants in these studies were selected based on cognitive- or physical-developmental level (e.g., Fry & Duda, 1997; A.L. Smith, 1999), thus allowing the testing and application of theory. Integration of developmental theory and

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research marked a shift from primarily descriptive to more frequent experimental studies that resulted in identifying processes and mechanisms influencing psychosocial outcomes (e.g., Gibbons, Ebbeck, & Weiss, 1995; Smoll, Smith, Barnett, & Everett, 1993; Theeboom, De Knop, & Weiss, 1995). In summary, youth sport psychology studies conducted in earlier decades were not specifically labeled as positive youth development, but they certainly qualify for this designation given the valuable information provided on social and environmental factors that influence positive outcomes. Thus, I identify this early research as the first wave of PA-PYD work, because it is important to recognize the decades of youth sport research that offer a prelude to present-day PA-PYD research. I elaborate on these historical beginnings of PA-PYD research (Weiss, 2016) as well as how past and present youth sport psychology research maps onto the PYD framework (Weiss, Kipp, & Bolter, 2012). In doing so, my intent is to accentuate the important contributions of early sport science researchers in launching a field of inquiry on physical activity as a context for promoting youth development.

Theoretical Perspectives Underlying the PYD Framework Positive youth development is a worldview that represents a shift in focus on treating and preventing undesirable behaviors to nurturing and promoting desirable behaviors in youth, enabling them to successfully function and thrive in many contexts (e.g., Catalano et al., 2004; Damon, 2004; Larson, 2000; Lerner & Lerner, 2006). The PYD framework acknowledges the many social, environmental, and cultural factors that influence—and are influenced by—a person’s attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors from childhood through adulthood. Positive youth development occurs when young people experience opportunities to develop behavioral and psychosocial competencies (i.e., life skills) through supportive interactions and relationships with important others in family, peer, school, and community settings. Because the PYD approach emphasizes dynamic interactions and bidirectional influences between people and the social, environmental, and cultural contexts in which they live, ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998) and the recent relational-developmental-systems metathe-

ory (see Agans et al., 2016) offer a comprehensive way of considering the array of personal and contextual assets that influence PYD throughout the lifespan. In the ecological systems model, the systems that influence and interact with human development are portrayed in increasingly proximal to distal layers in relation to the individual, including the microsystem (e.g., parents, peers, teachers), mesosystem (interactions among individuals in the microsystem), exosystem (e.g., community organizations, policy makers), and macrosystem (e.g., cultural attitudes and ideologies of the community or society. The final system undergirding all layers is the chronosystem, signifying change in environmental events and transitions across the life span. This latter system emphasizes a developmental lens; interactions among systems and the individual vary as a result of cognitive and physical maturation and social experiences. The ecological systems model has been an appealing way of situating dynamic relationships among a multitude of social and contextual factors that relate to youth development through physical activity (Dzewaltowski, 2008; Garcia Bengoechea, 2002; Garcia Bengoechea & Johnson, 2001; Strachan et al., 2016). This heuristic and enduring model is inclusive of the many direct, indirect, and bidirectional social, environmental, and cultural factors influencing youths’ attitudes and behaviors, and the dynamic changes over time in youth development as a function of sociocultural and life transitions. Emanating from a systems approach, developmental psychologists have conceptualized PYD in unique ways. Benson (2006) coined the term developmental assets and specified 20 internal assets (e.g., school engagement, interpersonal competence) and 20 external assets (e.g., family support, positive peer influence) that promote healthy and prevent risky behaviors. Larson (Larson, Hansen, & Moneta, 2006) labeled assets as growth or developmental experiences, including personal (e.g., initiative, goal setting) and interpersonal (e.g., prosocial norms, leadership skills). Lerner’s Five Cs framework has been widely applied in physical activity research and includes assets of competence, confidence, connection, caring, and character (Lerner, Almerigi, Theokas, & Lerner, 2005); a sixth C, contribution (to community and society), is attainable upon mastering the Five Cs. These theorists and their customized frameworks inspired and advanced PYD research in multiple social contexts, including sport and physical activity (see Fraser-Thomas, Côté, & Deakin, 2005; Weiss, Kipp, & Bolter, 2012).

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According to the PYD approach (Catalano et al., 2004; Eccles & Gootman, 2002; Lerner & Lerner, 2006; Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 2003), effective youth development occurs when programs provide for and youth participants experience • opportunities to engage in skill-building activities; • supportive adult and peer relationships, and • a climate that emphasizes learning, mastery, and autonomy support. Eccles and Gootman (2002) elaborate on the social-environmental components of youth programs that optimize attainment of personal assets (see table 26.1 for a listing of these contextual features, including definitions and examples). Collectively, best practices for PA-PYD programs include a number of key features to attain positive youth outcomes: • Explicitly targeting personal competencies or life skills • Creating an intentional curriculum of skill building opportunities • Training adult leaders to deliver the curriculum as intended

• Ensuring supportive and trusting social relationships • Implementing activities to improve physical and psychosocial life skills within a caring and mastery-oriented climate

Progress in Applying PYD to the Physical Activity Domain In 2005 Petitpas and his colleagues integrated concepts of PYD from the developmental psychology literature to customize a framework for enhancing psychosocial development in sport contexts. They state, Youth sport programs that promote psychosocial development are those that use sport as a vehicle to provide experiences that promote self-discovery and teach participants life skills in an intentional and systematic manner . . . these programs have clearly defined goals and strategies to enhance the generalizability and transfer of life skills to other important life domains. Petitpas, 2005, p. 66

Their framework for planning, implementing, and evaluating youth sport programs accentuates efforts

Table 26.1  Contextual Features of Effective PYD Programs Feature

Definition and examples

Physical and psychological safety

• Provides secure and health-promoting facilities and practices • Allows for safe and appropriate peer interactions • Discourages unsafe health practices and negative social interactions

Appropriate structure

• Provides clear, appropriate, and consistent rules and expectations • Provides adult supervision, guidance, and age-appropriate monitoring • Structural characteristics occur in a social atmosphere where clear boundaries are known and respected

Supportive relationships

• Offers opportunities to form adult and peer relationships that are warm, close, caring, and respectful • Guidance and support from adults is available, appropriate, and predictable

Opportunities to belong

• Emphasizes inclusion of all members, regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, culture, and ability • Maintains a social environment that appreciates and encourages individual differences

Positive social norms

• Maintains expectations for socially appropriate behavior • Encourages desirable values and morals

Support for efficacy and mattering

• Allows for and supports autonomy • Values individual expression and opinions • Focuses on individual improvement, not absolute performance • Enables individuals to accept challenging responsibilities and carry out actions aimed at making a difference

Opportunities for skill building

• Offers opportunities to learn and improve physical, intellectual, psychological, emotional, and social skills that enhance well-being • Prepares individuals for competent and healthy functioning in the future

Integration of family, school, and community efforts

• Provides opportunities for experiences that integrate transactions among family, school, and community

Adapted from Eccles and Gootman (2002).

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to facilitate transfer of learned skills from the sport context to other domains and includes four particular PYD-related elements: • Context: Youth are engaged in an intrinsically motivating and optimally challenging activity that has clear goals, allows them to feel valued within the group, and is conducted within a psychologically safe environment. • External assets: Youth learn from and establish close relationships with caring and compassionate adult and peer mentors, benefit from parental monitoring and involvement, and have community service opportunities in which they can demonstrate leadership and help others. • Internal assets: Youth learn life skills and strategies for generalizing these skills to other domains, such as goal setting, problem solving, and self-regulation. • Research and evaluation:  Programs are assessed for effectiveness, including outcomes, processes, and implementation fidelity. Petitpas et al.’s (2005) article was influential to the youth sport psychology field because it laid the foundation for applying PYD to the physical domain. It also inspired sport science researchers to situate youth sport research within the PYD framework, identify gaps in the literature, and offer practical applications for school and community programs (Fraser-Thomas et al., 2005; Gould & Carson, 2008; Weiss, 2008; Weiss & Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009). As noted earlier, a relatively broad base of research in youth sport psychology has focused on PYD-related concepts. In 2012 Weiss and colleagues comprehensively reviewed this research based on developmentally appropriate theories (e.g., self-determination theory, competence motivation theory, achievement goal theory) and organized studies using Lerner’s Five Cs framework of competence, confidence, connection, character, and caring. Research on social assets included relationships (parents, peers, coaches), interpersonal competencies (e.g., peer acceptance, leadership skills), and moral development (e.g., prosocial behaviors, social responsibility). Psychological assets included self-perceptions (e.g., global self-worth, perceived physical competence), emotions (enjoyment, anxiety), and motivational orientations and behaviors (e.g., self-determined participation). Weiss et al. also emphasized physical assets, such as motor skill development, sport-specific skills, physical activity

level, and physical health as an important goal of PA-PYD programs. Given currently high levels of physical inactivity and obesity among youth, leveraging PA-PYD programs to make a significant impact on physical activity levels and subsequent health benefits is a critical area to consider for future research (Dzewaltowski & Rosenkranz, 2014; Weiss, 2013). Following publication of the PYD framework in the general psychology literature (e.g., Larson, 2000) as well as in its application to sport (Petitpas et al., 2005), several conceptual articles addressed the significance of PYD to physical activity contexts (e.g., Fraser-Thomas et al., 2005; Gould & Carson, 2008; Weiss & Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009). A flurry of research studies was published over the next decade. In the following sections, I synthesize and consolidate PA-PYD studies based on qualitative, correlational, intervention, and evaluation designs.

Qualitative Studies Early studies entailed interviews with adolescent athletes about perceptions of life skills learning and developmental outcomes through sport participation (e.g., Camiré, Trudel, & Forneris, 2009a; Fraser-Thomas & Côté, 2009; Holt, Tink, Mandigo, & Fox, 2008). Holt et al. (2008) explored social and contextual influences on soccer players’ conceptions of life skills learning through high school experiences. Fieldwork included observations of practices and games, inspection of school policy documents, and interviews of the head coach and players. These multiple methods revealed both distal (e.g., national and provincial policies) and proximal (coach’s philosophy) influences on athletes’ perceptions of learning initiative, respect, and leadership through soccer. Parallel to interview studies with athletes were interviews conducted with youth sport and high school coaches (e.g., Falcão, Bloom, & Gilbert, 2012; Gould, Collins, Lauer, & Chung, 2007; Trottier & Robitaille, 2014; Vella, Oades, & Crowe, 2011). In some studies, researchers questioned coaches about their philosophy of teaching life skills and strategies for facilitating youth development. In other studies, coaches were interviewed about perceptions of participating in a coach training program designed to help them promote positive youth outcomes. Whereas Camiré (Camiré, Trudel, & Forneris, 2009a, 2009b, 2014) separately reported athlete, coach, and parent perspectives of high school sport as a means of promoting PYD, other researchers included some

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combination of athletes, coaches, parents, administrators, and academics within the same study to inform conceptions of teaching life skills (Camiré, Trudel, & Bernard, 2013; Johnston, Harwood, & Minniti, 2013; Jones & Lavallee, 2009). Qualitative methods, notably group or individual interviews, have been predominant in pursuing how life skills are taught and the degree to which stakeholders converge in perceptions of life skills learning. Most studies employed small samples within a specific context (e.g., swim club, high school), and variations abound in sport and team demographics. I now turn to studies using quantitative methods to test hypotheses stemming from the PYD approach.

Correlational Studies Several PA-PYD studies employed correlational designs using survey methods to assess relationships among social-environmental attributes and psychosocial outcomes. For example, Strachan, Côté, and Deakin (2009a, 2009b) surveyed adolescent participants and examined (a) relationships among developmental assets (external and internal) and burnout and enjoyment, and (b) differences between sport specializers and sport samplers on developmental assets, burnout, and enjoyment. Similarly, Gould and colleagues (Gould & Carson, 2011; Gould, Flett, & Lauer, 2012) administered surveys to adolescent athletes and assessed relationships among perceived coaching behaviors, motivational climate, and developmental outcomes. In another set of companion studies, Gano-Overway, Fry, and colleagues (Fry et al., 2012; Gano-Overway et al., 2009) investigated relationships among PYD variables with 9- to 16-year-old low-income youth attending a sport camp designed to promote physical, social, and academic skills. Findings revealed that a climate created by caring and compassionate instructors was meaningfully related to young people’s confidence in managing positive and negative emotions and expressing empathy, which in turn were associated with more frequent helping behaviors and favorable perceptions of hope and happiness. Bruner and colleagues (Bruner, Eys, Wilson, & Côté, 2014; Taylor & Bruner, 2012) assessed the relationship between adolescent athletes’ perceptions of team cohesion and personal assets and found that task or social cohesion was significantly related to perceived social skills. Many other studies using correlational designs are evident in the literature.

Correlational studies have contributed to our understanding of associations between social-environmental variables (e.g., coaching behaviors, motivational climate) and youth outcomes (e.g., goal setting, emotion regulation). Experimental designs used in intervention studies can uncover causal relationships and reveal mediating and moderating variables that might explain associations between social-contextual aspects and PYD outcomes.

Intervention Studies Intervention studies have become more frequent in recent years. Earlier inquiries were characterized by short-term exposure, small samples, and limited outcomes (e.g., Brunelle, Danish, & Forneris, 2007; Harwood, 2008; Papacharisis, Goudas, Danish, & Theodorakis, 2005). In interrelated articles, Coatsworth and Conroy (2006, 2009; Conroy & Coatsworth, 2006, 2007) investigated the effect of a coach training program on improving psychosocial outcomes among 7- to 18-year-old youth participating in a 7-week swim season. In one study (Coatsworth & Conroy, 2006), coaches in the experimental group attended a 2-hr cognitive-behavioral training program that imparted strategies for promoting positive outcomes using protocols similar to those of Smith and Smoll (2007) in their longstanding research on coach effectiveness training. The control group attended a 2-hr workshop on injury prevention and first aid. Younger boys and girls (11 years old and younger) who swam for intervention coaches showed the greatest season-long improvements in global self-esteem. In another aspect of the project, Coatsworth and Conroy (2009) found that coach autonomy support, psychological need satisfaction, and self-perceptions were predictive of PYD outcomes of identity and initiative. More recent intervention studies targeted samples of underserved, vulnerable, and ethnically diverse participants. Bruening and colleagues (Bruening, Dover, & Clark, 2009; Fuller, Percy, Bruening, & Cotrufo, 2013) implemented a 6-month after-school PA-PYD program with youth of color in a high-poverty, health-risky urban setting. Program impact was assessed for small samples of 9- to 13-year-old girls (Bruening et al., 2009) and 10- to 14-year-old boys (Fuller et al., 2013) using interviews with participants and parents. Improvements emerged for physical and social competence, self-worth, responsibility, sense of belonging, and acquisition of life skills. Program components associated with positive change included life skills programming,

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relationships with mentors, and opportunities to learn in a psychologically safe environment. Similarly, Anderson-Butcher and colleagues (Anderson-Butcher et al., 2013; Anderson-Butcher, Riley, Amorose, Iachini, & Wade-Mdivanian, 2014; Riley & Anderson-Butcher, 2012; Riley et al., 2017) assessed the effect of Learning in Fitness and Education (LiFE) Sports Camp, a 19-day university-sponsored PA-PYD program designed to enhance social and psychological assets among 9- to 16-yearold low-income youth of color. Significant pre- to postintervention improvement emerged for social responsibility, social competence, and emotion management. Positive outcomes were associated with effective adult counselors, opportunities to learn life skills, and favorable peer interactions. Many PA-PYD intervention studies employed pre–post only designs with no control or comparison group. Thus, definitive conclusions about program effectiveness in promoting PYD cannot be made. A longitudinal component tracking whether improvements from pre- to postintervention are retained at a later time would strengthen evidence of effectiveness.

Evaluation Studies In recent years, studies have been designed to evaluate the effectiveness of existing PA-PYD programs in achieving desirable outcomes in youth. In a series of interrelated papers, Ullrich-French and colleagues evaluated the effect of a university-sponsored program that used physical activity as a vehicle for improving social and psychological outcomes among 9- to 16-year-old low-income youth (McDonough, Ullrich-French, Anderson-Butcher, Amorose, & Riley, 2013; Ullrich-French & McDonough, 2013; Ullrich-French, McDonough, & Smith, 2012). The program was implemented daily for four weeks and entailed • intentional lesson planning to improve academic, social, and physical skills; • staff training on program goals and teaching strategies; and • emphasis on supportive relationships with adult leaders and peers. Findings revealed that perceived social competence and global and physical self-perceptions increased from pre- to postprogram assessment. Youth who returned the following year, compared with those who did not return, reported higher leader support

and global self-worth at postprogram assessment in the previous year. Armour and Sandford (2013; Armour, Sandford, & Duncombe, 2013; Sandford, Duncombe, & Armour, 2008) conducted a longitudinal evaluation of two national PA-PYD programs in the United Kingdom. Teachers identified disengaged adolescents who might benefit from a program designed to promote team building, communication, and responsibility skills. A mixed-methods approach included interviews with and surveys completed by students, mentors, and school staff; field notes from observations of participants; and reflective journals by students and mentors. Most youth improved in confidence, communication, teamwork, and social responsibility over the 1-year intervention and retained this improvement 2 years later. Caring and supportive mentor–youth relationships were attributed for the positive outcomes.

Exemplar PA-PYD Programs In this section, I highlight three national PA-PYD organizations or programs that include essential features that define the PYD approach: • A caring and mastery motivational climate • Supportive and trusting relationships • An intentional curriculum of skill-building opportunities • Evaluation research to assess program effectiveness These PA-PYD programs are Teaching Personal and Social Responsibility (www.tpsr.org), The First Tee (www.thefirsttee.org), and Girls on the Run (www .girlsontherun.org).

Teaching Personal and Social ­Responsibility I consider Don Hellison a visionary when it comes to PYD through physical activity. He was implementing a systematic approach using physical activity as a medium to empower youth and promote personal assets long before the PYD movement caught on with sport science researchers. As a physical educator working with students and training teachers in urban areas of Portland, Oregon, and Chicago, Illinois, Hellison (1995, 2003, 2011; Hellison et al., 2000) created Teaching Personal and Social Responsibility (TPSR), a youth development approach to

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promote prosocial values, social skills, and resiliency. The framework has been applied in a variety of physical activity settings (e.g., school physical education, after-school programs) with youth from diverse racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds. The program includes trained teachers who provide a mastery-oriented and caring climate, engage in autonomy-supportive behaviors, and balance empowering students with teaching explicit values to optimize opportunities for thriving. Table 26.2 displays a summary of program goals, curricular activities, and teacher strategies. Peer-reviewed evaluation studies of program impact include Hellison and Walsh (2002), Hellison and Wright (2003), Walsh (2008a, 2008b), Walsh, Ozaeta, and Wright (2010), and Wright and Burton (2008). Walsh et al. (2010) implemented a once-weekly, 2-year after-school program for underserved youth of color. Qualitative analysis of youth and instructor interviews and reflective journals revealed that youth were successful in transferring TPSR goals to the school environment, providing evidence of program impact.

The First Tee The First Tee is a PA-PYD program whose mission is “to impact the lives of young people by providing educational programs that build character, instill life-enhancing values, and promote healthy choices through the game of golf” (www. thefirsttee.org). The program uses golf as a motivating context in which life skills are taught and developmental outcomes are promoted. Over 220 chapters serve diverse populations in urban, suburban, and rural settings. The program relies on coaches, peer mentors, and community volunteers as external assets, with systematic coach training to develop supportive relationships and deliver the

intentional life skills curriculum (internal assets) to achieve positive psychosocial and behavioral outcomes. Positive youth development is the result of integrating context, external assets, and internal assets, and is represented by The First Tee nine core values—honesty, integrity, respect, responsibility, courtesy, sportsmanship, confidence, judgment, and perseverance. Table 26.3 provides a summary of the coaching philosophy, life skills curriculum, and targeted developmental outcomes. Weiss and colleagues provided evidence of program effectiveness in a series of three studies (Weiss, Bolter, & Kipp, 2014, 2016; Weiss et al., 2013). For example, Weiss and colleagues (2016) compared participants in The First Tee to youth in other organized activities and found that youth in The First Tee scored favorably on the majority of life skills and developmental outcomes. In a longitudinal component, they found that a sample of youth in The First Tee showed stable or improved scores over three years on self-reported ability to transfer life skills learned in The First Tee to other situations. Findings from this line of research show that The First Tee is having a positive impact in teaching life skills and improving developmental outcomes, such as confidence, respect, and regulation of emotions.

Girls on the Run Girls on the Run is a PA-PYD program designed to develop and enhance girls’ social, psychological, and physical competencies to navigate life experiences successfully. The program uses running and other physical activities as a platform for teaching life skills and developing holistic health outcomes in preadolescent (grades 3 through 5) and adolescent girls (grades 6 through 8). The mission, “We inspire girls to be joyful, healthy and confident using a fun, experience-based curriculum which creatively

Table 26.2  Components of the TPSR Model Goals: five levels of responsibility

Curricular activities

Teacher strategies

1. Respect for the rights and feelings of others (self-control, including others, resolving conflicts in a mutually beneficial way)

Integrate physical activity and life skills within the same lesson

Awareness talks

2. Effort (self-motivation, on-task persistence)

Facilitate transfer of life skills to other domains (school, home, neighborhood)

Direct instruction

3. Self-direction (working independently, goal setting, courage to resist peer pressure)

Shift responsibility from the teacher to the students themselves

Individual decision making

4. Helping others and leadership (caring, compassion, and sensitivity)

Build trusting, respectful relationships among instructors and students

Group evaluation meetings

5. Outside the gym (generalizing personal and social skills to other domains)

Build trusting, respectful relationships among the students themselves

Reflection time

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ture physical, emotional, and spiritual health; to lead with an open heart and assume positive intent; and to stand up for ourselves and others. Table 26.4 provides a summary of the coach training content, life skills curriculum, and targeted developmental outcomes. Early evaluation studies of program impact were conducted by DeBate and her colleagues (DeBate et al., 2009; DeBate & Thompson, 2005; DeBate, Zhang, & Thompson, 2007; Gabriel, DeBate, High, & Racine, 2011). More recently, Weiss and her colleagues (2017) conducted a rigorous evaluation study using a matched control group and longitudinal design, finding that participants in Girls on the Run compared favorably to the control group and improved in competence, confidence, connection, character, and caring. These improvements were sustained at a follow-up assessment three months after season’s end. Details of this study can be found at www .girlsontherun.org/impact.

integrates running,” is accompanied by a vision that “every girl knows and activates her limitless potential and is free to boldly pursue her dreams” (www.girlsontherun.org). Over 220 councils serve youth diverse in race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status in all 50 states and in urban, suburban, and rural settings. Girls on the Run adopts Lerner’s Five Cs approach to PYD—the goal is that girls develop and improve competence, feel confident in who they are, create positive connections with peers and adults, develop strength of character, respond to others and themselves with care and compassion, and make a meaningful contribution to community and society. Besides these personal assets, Girls on the Run honors its core values: striving to be intentional in decision making; to embrace individual differences and find strength in connectedness; to express joy, optimism, and gratitude through thoughts and actions; to nurTable 26.3  Components of The First Tee Program

Developmental outcomes Coach philosophy: four building blocks

Life skills curriculum

Activity-based: (a) doing vs. telling (getting kids involved right away) and (b) fun and seamless (integrate golf and life skills into one enjoyable activity)

1. Meeting and greeting 2. Showing respect 3. Managing emotions 4. Goal setting 5. Resolving conflicts 6. Making healthy choices 7. Appreciating diversity 8. Helping others 9. Getting help from others 10. Planning for the future

Mastery-driven: (a) intention equals attention (each lesson should have an explicit purpose), and (b) balance process and outcome (define success as improvement based on each child’s abilities and give feedback accordingly) Empower youth: (a) youth centered (encourage youth to actively participate in learning and decision making) and (b) relationship focused (build rapport and trust with youth to optimize a positive experience) Continuous learning: (a) Good-better-how = feedback approach to motivate youth to continue improving and (b) coachable moments (taking advantage of opportunities to teach or reinforce a concept)

Nine core values 1. Respect 2. Responsibility 3. Courtesy 4. Honesty 5. Integrity 6. Sportsmanship 7. Confidence 8. Judgment 9. Perseverance

Nine healthy habits 1. Energy 2. Play 3. Safety 4. Vision 5. Mind 6. Family 7. Friends 8. School 9. Community

Based on information from www.thefirsttee.org.

Table 26.4  Components of the Girls on the Run Program Coach training

Life skills curriculum

Developmental outcomes

Welcome and introductions

Identity: self-care, self-awareness, knowing self

• Competence (physical, social, emotional) • Confidence (physical, social, emotional) • Connection (to peers, coaches, parents, and others) • Character (personal, social responsibility) • Caring (empathy and sympathy) • Contribution (to community and society) • Physical activity attitudes and behaviors • Other healthy habits (nutrition, less screen time)

Context Facilitating an activity Practicing a lesson

Connectedness: selecting healthy relationships and keeping them healthy

Building relationships

Empowerment: celebrating and sharing our strengths

Positive, inclusive environment Mastery climate Based on www.girlsontherun.org

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Future Research Recommendations Out-of-school-time programs are more important than ever for promoting youth development and preventing unhealthy behaviors, because schooltime hours are increasingly devoted to classroom learning and competency testing. Because millions of children participate in physical activity programs, it is not surprising that the PYD framework has resonated with researchers and practitioners in this domain. But as with other areas of research, gaps remain in understanding how PYD can be facilitated in physical activity contexts. In the next section, I discuss three important issues that need to be considered in future research.

Measurement Issues A critical issue in conducting high quality PA-PYD research is identifying and developing measures that are conceptually sound and possess strong psychometric properties to assess PYD outcomes. In the past couple of decades, several measures have been used with varying evidence of validity and reliability. I discuss and critique these approaches in the following paragraphs. First, some researchers, especially in studies conducted before the more recent PYD movement, selected valid and age-appropriate instruments from the psychology literature (see Brustad, 1998; Horn, 2004a, for an overview). Harter’s (1985, 1988, 2012a) Self-Perception Profile has been used to assess, for example, perceived physical competence, social competence, and self-worth (e.g., Horn & Weiss, 1991; A.L. Smith, 1999). This instrument went through extensive psychometric testing with large populations of diverse youth and has shown strong support in the physical domain (Horn, 2004a). Measures adapted from the psychology literature have served us well in assessing youth outcomes in physical activity contexts. Second, other researchers developed sport-specific measures to assess particular youth outcomes. Instruments include prosocial behaviors (Kavussanu & Boardley, 2009), friendship quality (Weiss & Smith, 1999), and social responsibility (Li, Wright, Rukavina, & Pickering, 2008), among others, which were extensively tested with diverse youth populations and have demonstrated strong psychometric properties. Valid and age-appropriate measures have also been developed for social-contextual factors related to PYD, such as teammate relatedness

(www.selfdeterminationtheory.org/questionnaires), coaching behaviors (e.g., Bolter & Weiss, 2012), and motivational climate (e.g., R.E. Smith, Cumming, & Smoll, 2008). Measures customized and validated for the physical domain have significantly contributed to understanding youth development through physical activity. A third type of instrumentation includes scales that were specifically developed to assess PYD outcomes. Geldhof et al. (2013, 2014) developed and validated short (34 items) and very short (17 items) measures of the Five Cs, reflecting Lerner’s framework. Extensive testing with thousands of youth in grades 5 through 12 revealed strong construct validity, factorial invariance, and longitudinal stability. Researchers derived the measure based on existing age-appropriate and valid instruments that assess competence, confidence, connection, character, and caring (e.g., Harter’s Self-Perception Profile). The instruments were customized to and analyses were conducted by age or grade, resulting in some modifications to number and selection of items. The authors recommended using scale scores for individual Cs, rather than a composite PYD score, based on confirmatory factor analyses. These scales for the Five Cs assess young people’s personal assets that cut across multiple domains and offer alternative or additional ways for assessing developmental outcomes to the previous types of measures discussed. In contrast to the Five Cs approach, Vierimaa, Erickson, Côté, and Gilbert (2012) proposed a 4Cs sport-specific measure of PYD outcomes. They collapsed character and caring dimensions into one domain (identified as character) based on their rationale that caring and character “were not well differentiated in the sport development literature” (p. 602), although no examples or citations were provided. An argument can be made, however, that character (e.g., Bolter & Weiss, 2012) and caring behaviors (e.g., Fry & Gano-Overway, 2010) are conceptually distinct constructs that may show empirical overlap (moderately high correlations) depending on how the constructs are defined and assessed for a particular research question. Thus, I contend that collapsing character and caring into one construct is not justified, because it misrepresents theoretical tenets of the Five Cs framework of PYD. Vierimaa and colleagues propose a toolkit of measures to assess competence, confidence, connection, and character, but they do not address age appropriateness—their measures were validated with college athletes, high school participants, or elementary-age youth. They caution, “The reliability and

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validity of these measures have yet to be tested . . . research should critically examine these tools and refine them as needed” (p. 611). Given this information, recommending the 4Cs instrument may have been premature without further psychometric testing. But after a measure is published, studies using this measure follow suit, such as Erickson and Côté (2016) who refer to Vierimaa et al., “for more extensive discussion of the reliability and validity of each instrument” (p. 267). Moreover, the authors sum the scores for the 4Cs to create a composite PYD score, even though analyses were not conducted to establish a higher-order PYD construct. The Youth Experiences Survey (YES; Hansen & Larson, 2005) is another measure specifically developed to assess PYD outcomes, and it has been a popular choice in the PYD literature (e.g., Gould & Carson, 2011). The YES was designed to assess personal and interpersonal assets and was derived based on qualitative studies with youth participating in a wide range of activities, including sport. The YES is described on Larson’s website but was not subjected to rigorous psychometric testing before widespread use in PA-PYD studies. In 2012 MacDonald, Côté, Eys, and Deakin tested the factor structure of the YES with 9- to 19-yearold female and male athletes participating in 32 sports in high school or community settings. None of the tested models fit the target YES structure, so several exploratory factor analysis models were analyzed. Five dimensions (rather than 11 for the YES) emerged in the final model, and the instrument was named the YES-S. The authors concluded, “Researchers interested in aspects of PYD through sport can utilize this measure to investigate the process of youth development in the sport domain,” but go on to say, “The proposed structure of the YES-S is not definitive and needs further validation” (p. 338). Given the age range, number of sports, and recreational and competitive contexts, further psychometric testing is necessary. Yet researchers are using the YES-S without conducting validation tests by gender, age, sport type, or context (e.g., Bruner et al., 2014; Cronin & Allen, 2015). Instead, authors state that the measure has shown evidence of validity and reliability and cite the MacDonald et al. paper. Finally, Weiss and colleagues (2014, 2016) developed and validated the Life Skills Transfer Survey (LSTS), a measure tapping youths’ perceptions of generalizing or transferring skills learned from participating in a particular program to other domains of their life, such as school and home. In a series of three studies with youth participants in The First

Tee, the authors demonstrated content and construct validity, including longitudinal factorial invariance, and internal consistency reliability of the LSTS. Because life skills learning is a key goal of PYD programs, the LSTS provides a valid and developmentally appropriate instrument that researchers can use to evaluate the effect of youth programs in teaching social and behavioral competencies that can be generalized to other areas of young people’s lives. The inclusion of behavioral indices of life skills transfer along with youths’ self-reports, such as observation checklists and coaches’ or parents’ ratings, offer ways of strengthening evidence of program effectiveness. In summary, measures exist to assess youth outcomes that have strong psychometric properties, are developmentally appropriate, and are consistent with the PYD framework. These include Geldhof et al.’s (2013, 2014) measures as well as those emanating from the psychology literature or specifically developed for sport-specific inquiry. The YES and YES-S require further validation efforts to lend credibility to study findings. The same goes for the 4Cs measures, as the authors (Vierimaa et al., 2012) themselves conclude, “Research should critically examine these tools and refine them as needed” (p. 611). The take-home message is that appropriate measurement of PYD outcomes and processes is crucial to ensure conceptual clarity and trustworthy results.

Developmental Issues Closely aligned with measurement issues are developmental considerations in PA-PYD research. Wide age ranges have been used to assess relationships between sport or physical activity participation and youth outcomes. Efforts to maximize sample size for data analyses have sometimes compromised the knowledge that psychosocial and behavioral differences exist among children and adolescents. For example, conceptions of social and psychological constructs, such as perceived competence, motivational orientation, and adult and peer relationships, can vary considerably by age or developmental level (e.g., Horn, 2004b; Weiss & Williams, 2004). Researchers should justify their selected age sample, choose appropriate measures to account for variations in cognitive maturity, and conduct analyses that take age or developmental level into account. Geldhof et al. (2013, 2014) considered age-related variability by selecting and testing PYD measures specific to age or grade level. Harter (2012a, 2012b)

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has long employed a cognitive-social-developmental approach to validating self-perception and social support scales. Coatsworth and Conroy (2009) used age as a control variable in examining relationships among coaching behaviors, need satisfaction, and PYD outcomes in youth swimmers. The First Tee and Girls on the Run organizations customized their life skills curricula based on developmental appropriateness. Age and, more appropriately, developmental level, matters. Given the current status of PA-PYD studies that use a large bandwidth of ages, future researchers should consider designing developmental-oriented studies (Weiss & Bredemeier, 1983; Weiss & Raedeke, 2004). They can do this by • selecting ages of participants based on cognitive, social, or physical developmental criteria (e.g., Fry & Duda, 1997; A.L. Smith, 1999); • comparing age groups based on cognitive, social, or physical maturity differences (e.g., Amorose & Weiss, 1998; Horn & Weiss, 1991); and • following youth longitudinally on PYD constructs of interest (e.g., Gabriel et al., 2011; Weiss et al., 2016). Researchers can also include an index of physical or cognitive maturity as a control variable in analyses (e.g., Kipp & Weiss, 2013; A.L. Smith, 1999). Designs that employ intentional sample selection based on developmental level would provide knowledge about PYD processes and outcomes that translate to practical applications for PA-PYD programs. A particular area of interest in PA-PYD research would be determining youths’ resilience in making the developmental transition in school level, such as from elementary to middle school, and in sport level, such as from recreational to select teams (Horn, this volume; Weiss & Williams, 2004). These transitions challenge youth to apply learned life skills to new and challenging situations (e.g., fitting in with new peer groups; adjusting to a greater emphasis on social comparison). A developmental perspective that takes into account cognitive, social, or physical maturity can uncover important differences between children and adolescents in perceptions and behaviors at different life stages, which can inform curriculum development and coach training of PA-PYD programs.

Conceptual Issues A third important issue that needs to be considered in future research is conceptual clarity regarding

the use of terminology, distinction between PYD outcomes and processes, and the need for process evaluation, or implementation fidelity, studies to supplement inquiries of PYD outcomes attained through participation. In the following paragraphs, I clarify why these conceptual areas pose a gap in the literature and ideas for how researchers might close that gap. First, readers have no doubt encountered a variety of terms used in the broad array of PA-PYD research studies, including those used for characterizing programs and describing psychosocial outcomes. Terminology varies for describing samples, such as youth sport, youth development, and dual-focused community programs, among others. Some programs are referred to as sport-based youth development (SBYD), some as developmentally focused youth sport (DYS), and others as physical activity-based positive youth development (PAPYD). Related to these different names is whether a program is justified being called youth development in a particular study, based on whether evidence exists of an intentional curriculum, instructor training, and targeted PYD outcomes. For example, in a study by Inouye, Wegner, Jordan, and Funk (2015), the purpose was to examine developmental outcomes among 12- to 18-year-olds in “an after-school program that uses running related activities for youth development” (p. 372). Program goals were identified as increasing self-efficacy, academic performance, and healthy lifestyle behaviors, but how the program qualifies as satisfying PYD tenets (e.g., intentional curriculum of life skills; coach training to deliver curriculum) to achieve these outcomes was not described. By contrast, other studies fully describe programs as PA-PYD based on a life skills curriculum, instructor training, supportive mentor– child relationships, and targeted outcomes based on the PYD framework (e.g., Anderson-Butcher et al., 2014; Gano-Overway et al., 2009; Ullrich-French et al., 2012; Weiss, Stuntz, et al., 2013). Authors should describe program processes and outcomes that justify being labeled as youth development in focus. Another issue with regard to terminology is the interchangeable use of terms denoting PYD outcomes across studies. These include developmental assets, psychosocial outcomes, developmental experiences, life skills, and developmental outcomes. This variation of terms can be confusing when trying to discern study purposes and findings. Some terms are linked with a particular theorist (e.g., Larson: developmental experiences; Lerner: Five Cs), but all refer to PYD outcomes. Most outcomes studied in the PA-PYD literature have been social, psychological, or academic variables. Few studies

Translating PYD Research to Action Strategies Positive youth development researchers can contribute meaningfully to school and community programs by providing evidence-based best practices for developing curricula, implementing coach training, and achieving developmental outcomes. The significance of PYD through physical activity is in making a difference to organizations and their staff, coaches, parents, and youth participants. By collaborating, researchers and community partners can share in the process of integrating research and application to assist youth in attaining competencies and attributes for successfully navigating life experiences (Holt et al., 2013). Weiss and Wiese-Bjornstal (2009) synthesized knowledge from the PYD framework and youth sport psychology research to provide stakeholders with evidence-based strategies to promote PYD through physical activity, including coaches, parents, health care providers, community leaders, and youth participants (see lists below). This translation of the PYD framework to inform best practices is a guide for collaboration among academics and practitioners. The authors’ conclusion provides a concise and appropriate summary of the PA-PYD literature: “A caring and mastery-oriented climate, supportive relationships with adults and peers, and opportunities to learn social, emotional, and behavioral life skills—these are the nutrients for promoting positive youth development through physical activity” (p. 6). Physical Activity Leaders (such as coaches, physical education teachers, and fitness instructors) • Seek education and attain professional competencies in PA-PYD • Follow evidence-based leadership and physical training practices • Create a mastery climate and encourage effort and improvement • Allow youth choices and engage in shared decision making • Show caring behaviors and develop warm relationships with youth • Use behavior-contingent praise and give quality informational feedback • Structure enjoyable physical activity sessions • Teach life skills such as personal and interpersonal assets Parents and Family Members (such as parents, grandparents, siblings, extended family, and other relatives) • Provide social support for child’s physical activity participation • Value and enjoy physical activity for child • Model positive physical activity attitudes and behaviors • Convey supportive belief in child’s abilities and efforts • Integrate family efforts with school and community activities and initiatives • Encourage perseverance, problem solving, and resiliency to challenges Health Care Providers (such as physicians, nurses, athletic trainers, and mental health ­ rofessionals) p • Educate youth about health benefits of physical activity • Promote physical activity to enable holistic health outcomes • Teach safe participation and training practices • Teach physical activity providers first-aid training for staff and youth • Empower youth to make healthy choices • Discuss mental health and physical energy benefits of an active lifestyle Youth Peers (such as friends, teammates, opponents, and classmates) • Motivate and encourage each other • Develop diverse physical activity friendships • Recognize and acknowledge accomplishments of other youth • Teach physical activity skills to each other • Respect, care about, and help all youth • Work with different partners, small groups, and teams (continued)

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(continued)

Youth Participants (of all ability levels, cultures, genders, and socioeconomic statuses) • Value and understand the benefits of physical activity • Seek physical activity opportunities • Accept responsibility for making good physical activity choices • Use leisure time for physical activity • Engage in a variety of physical activities • Help family members and friends to be more physically active • Assume leadership responsibility with younger peers Physical Activity Administrators (such as athletic directors, sport managers, and park and recreation administrators) • Establish variety in offering diverse, innovative physical activity choices • Listen to youth voices in program offerings and design • Employ intentional programming and experiential learning • Invest in leader training and hire trained leaders • Provide gender-, culture-, and ability-diverse leadership • Generate physical, psychological, and social safety • Establish clear behavioral expectations for leaders and youth Community Leaders and Providers (such as elected officials, government, nonprofits, youth-­serving organizations, P-12 schools, colleges and universities, and law enforcement) • Invest in supportive community design and facility infrastructure • Advocate for policies to support physical activity • Develop public–private partnerships and collaborations • Establish and maintain environmental safety • Create sustainability and accountability for activity options • Fix opportunity gaps to ensure participation of underactive youth • Market and promote opportunities to diverse microcultures Adapted from Weiss and Wiese-Bjornstal (2009).

have included physical assets, such as physical activity, motor skills, or physical health, yet these should be part and parcel of PA-PYD programs (Weiss & Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009). Dzewaltowski and Rosenkranz (2014) argue that, in addition to the notion of PYD through physical activity, we should also envision physical activity through PYD. That is, the PYD framework can be used as a way to advance physical activity behavioral science, in which physical activity is a main outcome of PA-PYD interventions. In summary, researchers should be intentional with terminology and provide operational definitions as appropriate to be clear and coherent for readers. A second conceptual issue is clearly distinguishing between PYD outcomes and processes in research studies and applications from findings.

Processes or mechanisms are intended to explain participant differences in, relationships among, and intervention effects on PYD outcomes such as physical, social, and psychological assets. Outcomes and processes are interconnected but conceptually distinct variables. For example, Vierimaa et al. (2012) state, “The 4Cs have recently been suggested as a framework of desirable athlete outcomes that can also be used to measure coaching effectiveness” (p. 602). This statement lacks conceptual clarity because the 4Cs represent youth outcomes, whereas coaching effectiveness is a process-product variable (Amorose, 2007; Horn, 2008). The degree to which coaching behaviors, such as informational feedback, autonomy-support, and motivational climate, correlate with athlete outcomes (i.e., 4Cs) would be an index of coaching effectiveness, not the 4Cs

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themselves. Given the essential social-contextual factors related to PYD outcomes (Eccles & Gootman, 2002; Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 2003), researchers need to be coherent in describing and distinguishing outcome and process variables in their studies. In addition, more PA-PYD studies might pursue how processes, such as motivational climate, parental involvement, and coaching behaviors explain variations in psychological, social, and physical outcomes. These factors have been frequently studied in the youth sport psychology literature and figure dominantly in understanding whether and why outcomes are successfully attained. A third conceptual issue is the gap of implementation fidelity studies in PA-PYD. That is, are coaches delivering curricular lessons as intended to achieve the organizational mission, core values, and targeted outcomes (Iachini et al., 2014; Rajan & Basch, 2012)? For example, Iachini and her colleagues used site visits, focus groups, and coach-reported checklists to assess the extent to which the Girls on the Run curriculum was being implemented as intended. Some variability among sites emerged that was attributed to a number of facilitators and barriers to implementation (e.g., parental involvement, support from council staff, coaches’ lesson preparation, discipline issues). This information was valuable to the organization for making changes to the design and implementation of programming, monitoring the needs of councils and coaches, and improving the content and delivery of coach training. Process evaluation studies are sparse in PA-PYD research and, when combined with assessment of program outcomes, offer a practical way for organizations and programs to strengthen curricula, lesson content, pedagogical methods, and coach training.

Summary Physical activity researchers have enthusiastically embraced the PYD framework as evidenced by numerous studies published in the past decade. Qualitative and correlational studies still predominate, and some findings reiterate information from early youth sport research (e.g., psychological benefits of sport, importance of coaches in life skills learning). To advance the knowledge base, we need to go beyond interviewing athletes and coaches about perceived benefits of participation or simply correlating variables like coaching behaviors and psychosocial variables. Intervention, longitudinal, and evaluation studies have gathered momentum in the last few years, and I encourage researchers to

employ these designs to enable evidence of causal relationships and reveal mediator and moderator variables that explain outcomes. Using mixed methods that provide quantitative and qualitative insights to findings (e.g., Henderson, Powell, & Scanlin, 2005) and selecting psychometrically sound and age-appropriate measures of outcomes and processes are crucial to addressing study questions and translating empirical findings to evidence-based best practices for youth development programs and stakeholders promoting PYD through physical activity.

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Index Note: The italicized f and t following page numbers refer to figures and tables, respectively. A AASP. See Association for Applied Sport Psychology ABQ (Athlete Burnout Questionnaire) 411, 418 abusive leadership 166 achievement goal theories advancement in 272-275 athlete burnout application 414 described 414 Elliot's framework 278, 278f family influence application 119, 125 history of 266-271, 267f, 268t-269t, 271t interest development and 472, 473f moral behavior application 195-196 motivational leadership application 157-158 Nicholls' framework 276, 277f parsimony principle and 273 peer influence application 136, 140-141 research design issues 275-276 research recommendations 276283 acquisitive motives 81 ACT (attentional control theory) 218219 action plan reconstruction hypothesis 240 active free play (AFP) benefits and trends 120-121 defined 118 ecological model 120, 127 family influence on 120-123 research on increasing 126-127 additive task structures 252 ADHD (attention deficit–hyperactivity disorder) 455 adherence arthritis management 429-432 diabetes management 433-434 injury rehabilitation 395 adolescence. See youth AFP. See active free play aggression empathy effects on 197-198 in masculine norm 200 Ajzen, I. 338-339 alexithymia, and anxiety 221-222, 223 Alzheimer's disease 357

amotivation in cognitive evaluation theory 292 defined 293 in self-determination theory 294t, 414 Andersen, M.B. 388-389 anger, and perfectionism 107-108 anticipated regret 339 anticipation, in sport perceptual-cognitive skills 230234, 233f research recommendations 241242 skill development and acquisition 237-241, 241f skill interaction 234-236, 235f, 236f antidepressant drugs 360-361 antiexercise bias 357 antisocial behavior contextual influences on 199-200 defined 193 individual difference variables in 195, 196, 198 moral disengagement and 195, 201-202 anxiety attentional control theory 218-219 CAT model 216, 216f conscious-processing hypothesis 217 coping behaviors 219-222 definitions and types 212 in disabled athletes 379-380 ironic processes theory 217-218 IZOF hypothesis 215-216 multidimensional theory 214-215, 215f pain anxiety 430-431 perceptual-cognitive skills and 234-235, 238-240, 239f perfectionism and 107 performance anxiety model 213, 213f, 222 physical activity links 355, 356 Pitts-McClure hypothesis 354-355 processing efficiency theory 218 research recommendations 222223 sport injuries and 389 applied sport psychology (term) 5. See also sport and exercise psychology

approach goals 195-196, 269 arousal 213-214, 222-223. See also anxiety arousal regulation 43-44, 43t arthritis, and physical activity 428432 Arthritis Self-Management Program (ASMP) 430, 431 Arthritis ToolKit 431 aschematics 65-66 ASMP (Arthritis Self-Management Program) 430, 431 assertive self-presentation tactics 92 assessments athletic burnout 418-419 sport injury response 397, 397t Association for Applied Sport Psychology (AASP) certification criteria 39 ethical guidelines 39 special interest groups 9 sport and exercise psychology definition 4 athlete burnout defined 410 dimensions of 411t entrapment-based perspective 412t, 413-414 measurement of 411 motivational perspectives 412t, 414-415 perfectionism and 104-106 prevention and intervention 416, 420-421 research recommendations 418421 self-determination theory and 415416 stress-based perspective 412-413, 412t Athlete Burnout Questionnaire (ABQ) 411, 418 athlete–coach relationships 158-159 athlete engagement burnout and 420 interest development and 477-478 athlete leaders 161-162 athletic identity athlete burnout and 414 in disability sport 376-379, 381-383 postinjury 394 in self-system 64-65

503

504  Index

athletic trainers, in injury rehabilitation 398 athletic training anticipation development 237-238, 240-241, 241f exergames for 250 attentional control theory (ACT) 218219 attention deficit–hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) 455 attitudes moral behavior and 197 in theory of planned behavior 339 augmentation effect 154, 155 authoritarian parents 119 authoritative parents 119, 125 automatic processing 342-343 autonomous motivation. See intrinsic motivation autonomous orientation 295-296 autonomy achievement goal theory 276-277 basic psychological needs theory 297 cognitive evaluation theory 292 moral behavior and 199 perceived 319-321 relationships motivation theory 298 self-motivation theory 157, 251 supportive social contexts 302f autonomy-supportive style 157, 292 autophotography 29 avoidance coping 214, 395 avoidance goals 107, 195-196, 269 B balanced psychological need satisfaction theory 299. See also need satisfaction Bandura, A. 136, 139, 192-193, 204, 338 basic psychological needs theory (BPNT) 291f, 296-297. See also need satisfaction Bass, B.M. 154 Baumrind, D. 119-120, 125 BDNF (brain-derived neurotrophic factor) 456 Beauchamp, M.R. 174 behavioral economics 344 behavior change wheel 342-343 behavior outcome measurements 19 Bélanger-Gravel, A. 27 bias athlete identity and 377 in mental health research 357, 358, 360, 366 research methods and 22, 26 BIAT (Brief Implicit Attitude Test) 197 big five factors 379, 383 biofeedback 400 blinding procedures 22 BPNT (basic psychological needs theory) 291f, 296-297. See also need satisfaction

BPS (British Psychological Society) 4-5 bracketed morality 200 brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) 456 brain reserve model 450 brain structure, and cognition 456 Bray, S.R. 22 Brief Implicit Attitude Test (BIAT) 197 British Medical Association 365 British Medical Journal 362, 365 British Psychological Society (BPS) 4-5 burnout. See athlete burnout C Calvo, M.G. 218-219 Canadian Diabetes Association (CDA) 435 Canadian Sport Psychology Association (CSPA) 39 cardiovascular fitness hypothesis 449 Carron, A.V. 173-174, 174f, 180 CASA (social actors) paradigm 254 CAT (cusp catastrophe) model 216, 216f causality orientations theory (COT) 291f, 295-296 CDA (Canadian Diabetes Association) 435 CDC (Centers for Disease Control) 431-432 CDSMP (Chronic Disease Self-Management Program) 431 CEF (Consultant Evaluation Form) 40 Centers for Disease Control (CDC) 431-432 CET (cognitive evaluation theory) 291-293, 291f change stages, in TTM 339-340, 340t Chatzisarantis, N.L.D. 23 Chelladurai, P. 152, 153-154, 153f Cheng, W-N.K. 213, 213f, 222 Children/Youth Physical Self-Perception Profile (CY-PSPP) 59 child safety, and active free play 122123, 127 chronic disease management arthritis 428-432 diabetes 432-435 health care providers' role 427, 431, 434, 437-438 knowledge translation initiatives 431-432, 434-435 primary versus tertiary prevention 426-427 research recommendations 435438 self-management role 427 self-regulation strategies 427-428 Chronic Disease Self-Management Program (CDSMP) 431 CI (contextual interference) effect 240-241, 241f closeness, in 3C model 158-159

coaches athlete moral behavior and 199200 athlete relationships 158-159 efficacy beliefs 159-161 motivational leadership in 157, 158 transformational leadership in 155 coactive group structures 252 Coakley, J. 413 cognition and physical activity discrepant views of 356-357 general population studies 451-454 mechanisms affecting 455-456 moderators of 457, 458t research recommendations 456459 special population studies 454-455 theories of 448-451 cognitive-affective model of athlete burnout 412-413 cognitive anxiety 212, 214-215, 219 cognitive evaluation theory (CET) 291-293, 291f cognitive-motivational-relational theory 220-221 cognitive reserve hypothesis 449-450 cohesion in group dynamics 177-178 teambuilding effects on 180, 182 Colcombe, S.J. 451 commitment, in 3C model 158-159 communication, group dynamics 179, 180 community-based participatory action research 28 competence achievement goal theory 267, 269, 276-277 basic psychological needs theory 297 cognitive evaluation theory 292 moral behavior and 199 perceived 316-319, 317t, 335, 394 relationships motivation theory 298 self-motivation theory 157, 251 supportive social contexts 302f competence motivation theory 119, 125, 136 competence (effectance) motivation theory 314 Competitive Self-Presentation Concerns Inventory (CSPCI) 85-86 complementarity, in 3C model 158-159 concerted cultivation 122 concussions 395 conditional regard 301 conflict, in peer relationships 138-139 congruency hypothesis 153, 154 conjunctive task structures 252-256 Conroy, D.E. 85 conscious-processing hypothesis (CPH) 217 Consultant Evaluation Form (CEF) 40

Index  505

contextual information, in anticipation 232-234, 233f contextual interference (CI) effect 240-241, 241f continuing education 11 controlled motivation. See extrinsic motivation controlled orientation 295-296 controlling style 292 control theory 69 converging evidence 19-20 coordination, in group dynamics 178179 coping behaviors anxiety and 219-222 defined 214 perfectionism and 108 postinjury 395 research recommendations 222223 coping resources, and sport injuries 389 correlational research designs described 24-26 dominance of 31 issues in 90, 282 COT (causality orientations theory) 291f, 295-296 counseling, in chronic disease management 437-438 CPH (conscious-processing hypothesis) 217 critical appraisal skills 359-360, 366 cross-sectional survey designs 24-25 CSPA (Canadian Sport Psychology Association) 39 CSPCI (Competitive Self-Presentation Concerns Inventory) 85-86 cultural competency 12-13, 48 cultural influences on communication 180 leadership 163-164 moral behavior 204 cusp catastrophe (CAT) model 216, 216f CY-PSPP (Children/Youth Physical Self-Perception Profile) 59 D Darling, N. 120, 125 Deci, E.L. 290-291, 414 decision making development 320-321 defensive self-presentation tactics 92 degenerative paradigm 274 dementia, and physical activity 455 DEMO trials 365-366 dependent variables 21 depression and physical activity antidepressants versus exercise 360-361 discrepant views of 355-356 negative media campaigns 362, 365 perfectionism and 106 postinjury 394



research design issues 359-360, 365, 366 research recommendations 366 TREAD-UK trial 362-365, 363f, 364f, 366 descriptive norms 176 developmental assets (term) 485 developmental model of sport participation (DMSP) 469 developmental progressions. See also positive youth development; talent development motivation orientation 321-322 perceived autonomy 319-321 perceived competence 316-319, 317t performance control 322-323 research recommendations 323326 in sport injury research 399 diabetes, and physical activity 432435 Diabetes Prevention Program (DPP) 434, 435 disabilities athletic identity and 376-379 personality traits and 379-380 research recommendations 383384 term rejection 377 war veterans 381-383, 383-384 disablement models of postinjury response 391 discounting hypothesis 67 diversity cultural competency and 12-13, 48 parenting styles and 126 psychological skills training and 48 in sampling 67 DMP (dualistic model of passion) 299, 300-302 doping. See performance-enhancing drug (PED) use DPP (Diabetes Prevention Program) 434, 435 drive theory 214 DMSP (developmental model of sport participation) 469 dualistic model of passion (DMP) 299, 300-302 dual-process theories 204 Dwek, C.S. 157, 276, 315, 318-319 dynamic recursive model of sport injury 390 E EASDQ (Elite Athlete Self-Description Questionnaire) 60 eating disorders 82 Eccles, J.S. 118-119, 125, 315 ecological frameworks active free play model 120, 127 physical activity interventions and 335, 335f



positive youth development and 485 of sport injuries 390 education, in sport and exercise psychology 9-11 ego orientation achievement motivation theory 119, 157-158, 195, 267, 269 athlete burnout and 414 moral behavior and 196 in motivational climate 141-142 perfectionism and 107 Elite Athlete Self-Description Questionnaire (EASDQ) 60 Elliot, A.J. 195, 269, 276-277, 278, 278f EBM (evidence-based medicine) 12, 357-360, 358f emotional intelligence 165 emotion-focused coping 214 emotions alexithymia and 221-222 cognitive-motivational-relational theory 220-221 in moral behavior research 202203, 204 empathy 197-198 enjoyment, as physical activity correlate 336 entity (fixed) mind-set 157, 315, 319 environmental influences on achievement goals 280-281 group dynamics 174-175 interest development 476-477 leadership 153, 156, 163 motivation 157, 324-326 epidemiological models physical activity and sedentary behavior 334, 334t sport injury 390-391 ERP (event-related potentials) 456 ethical guidelines 38-39 ethnography 27 European Federation of Sport Psychology 5 evaluation, of practitioners 40 event-related potentials (ERP) 456 evidence-based medicine (EBM) 12, 357-360, 358f executive function, and physical activity 450-451, 458 exercise. See physical activity exercise and self-esteem model (EXSEM) 60-62 exercise groups cohesion in 177-178, 182 moral behavior in 203 exercise identity 65 exercise prescription 457 exercise psychology (term) 4 exerciser schematics 65-66 exergames (exercise video games) defined 248 modalities of 248-249 partners in 253-258, 254f, 255f

506  Index

exergames (continued) physical activity use 249-250 popularity of 248 research recommendations 256-258 sport training use 250 theoretical basis 251-256 therapeutic use 250-251 expectancy-value theory family influence application 118119, 125 interest development application 472 motivation application 315 experimental research designs 21-22, 31 EXSEM (exercise and self-esteem model) 60-62 extraordinary science (term) 274 extraversion in disabled athletes 380 leadership and 162-163 extreme sports, and fear 380 extrinsic (controlled) motivation developmental progression of 321322, 323-324 in dualistic model of passion 301 in goal contents theory 297-298 hierarchical model 299-300, 299f moral behavior and 196 in organismic integration theory 293-295, 294t eye gaze behavior anticipation 231, 234-235, 235t attention control 218-219 quiet eye training 220 Eys, M.A. 173-174, 174f Eysenck, M.W. 218-219 F failure, and perfectionism 104, 105, 107 familiarity detection 231-232 family influences on active free play 120-123 on autonomy 320-321 good parenting ideal 121-122 leadership 155, 156, 158, 163 on moral behavior 203 parenting theories and styles 118120, 122, 125 research recommendations 125-127 on sport participation 123-124 feedback implicit theories in 319, 326 intrinsic motivation and 292-293 Feltz, D.L. 159, 160 Ferguson, E. 337 film-based occlusion research 230-231 First Tee, The 490, 491t Fishbein, M. 339 Five Cs 485, 491, 492 fixed (entity) mind-set 157, 315, 319 flow theory 251-252 focus groups 28 followership 156, 164 Four Cs 470, 492-493

friendships (peer relationships) 135, 136, 138 full-factorial design 21 full range model of leadership 154 G Gammage, K.L. 88 GCT (goal contents theory) 291f, 297298 gender differences cohesion 178 leadership 163 norm perceptions 177 parenting styles 126 peer support 142 perceived competence 316 generalizability, in research 27, 30 Girls on the Run 490-491, 491t goal contents theory (GCT) 291f, 297298 goal profiling research 270, 271t, 283 goals and goal setting. See also achievement goal theories in exergames 251 perfectionism and 107 as psychological strategy 42-43 good parenting ideal 122-123 Gould, D. 22 grandparents 122 Griffith, Coleman 7 grit 380 grounded theory approach 27 group dynamics cohesion 177-178 communication 179, 180 coordination 178-179 defined 172 in exergames 252-258 group environment 174-175 groupness traits 172 group structure 175-177 norms 176-177 peer research integration 144 physical activity contexts 172-173 research recommendations 182-184 team building 179-182, 181f theoretical frameworks 173-174, 174f group-dynamics-based exercise interventions 182 growth or development experiences (term) 485 guilt, in moral behavior 194, 195, 198 H habits in behavior change 343-344, 346 Hagger, M.S. 23, 340 Hall, C.R. 88 Hall, E.G. 85 Hanin, Y.L. 215-216 HAPA framework 340-341 hardiness anxiety and 221, 223 in disabled athletes 380 postinjury 394, 396

harmonious passion athletic burnout and 418 in dualistic model of passion 300301 moral behavior and 198 Harter, S. 119, 125, 314, 316-319 Hatzigeorgiadis, A. 27 health, and physical activity. See specific health issues health belief model 390 health care providers, and disease management 427, 431, 434, 437-438 helicopter parents 122 help-seeking behavior, postinjury 395 hereditary factors, in leadership 156, 162 hierarchical model of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation (HMIEM) 299-300, 299f hierarchical self-structure 58-60, 60f, 61 history, of sport and exercise psychology 6-9 HMIEM (hierarchical model of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation) 299-300, 299f home advantage 174-175 hope, in athletic burnout 418 Hopker, S.W. 356 Howle, T.C. 85 I identities. See athletic identity; moral identity; social identity identity foreclosure 378 identity negotiation 378 IGF-1 (interleukin growth factor-1) 456 imagery 41-42, 220 implementation intention 339 implicit learning 240 implicit theories of ability 157, 315, 319, 326 impression construction 79-80, 80f impression management. See self-presentation impression motivation 2 × 2 model 80-82, 81f two-component model 79-80, 80f Impression Motivation in Sport Questionnaire (IMSP) 86 incremental mind-set 157, 315, 319 independent variables 21 individual differences. See also perfectionism; self-perceptions; self-presentation in causality orientations theory 295-296 coping behaviors 221-222, 223 leadership determinants 165 moral behavior 193-198, 194t response to leadership 156 individual importance hypothesis 67 individualized zone of optimal functioning (IZOF) hypothesis 215216

Index  507

Ingledew, D.K. 337 inhibitive morality defined 193 moral disengagement and 195 motivation type and 196 injunctive norms 176 integrated behavior change model 340 integrated model of psychological response to the sport injury and rehabilitation process 391-392, 393f integrative contextual model 120 intention, in planned behavior theory 338-339 interest development, in sport developmentally based 473-476 four-phase model 471-472 motivation and 470-472, 471t, 473f interleukin growth factor-1 (IGF-1) 456 internalization 293 Internet. See technology use interpersonal theory of psychiatry 135-136 interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) 28 interpretivism 27 intervention fidelity 24 intervention research designs 22-24, 31 interviews, in qualitative research 28-29 intraindividual variability 68-69 intrinsic (autonomous) motivation cognitive evaluation theory 291293, 291f developmental progression of 321322, 323-324 in dualistic model of passion 300301 goal contents theory 297-298 hierarchical model 299-300, 299f moral behavior and 196 organismic integration theory 293295, 294t inverted-U hypothesis 214 IPA (interpretative phenomenological analysis) 28 ironic processes theory of mental control 217-218 IZOF (individualized zone of optimal functioning) hypothesis 215-216 J Jackson, A. 22 Janssen, I. 122 Journal of Sport Psychology in Action (JSPA) 12 journals of sport and exercise psychology 9t K kinesiologists, in injury rehabilitation 398 kinesiology 6 knowledge to action model 12 knowledge transfer strategies (KTS) 12

knowledge translation chronic disease management 431432, 434-435 sport and exercise psychology 11-13, 47-48 Köhler effect 252-253, 255-256 Kowalski, R.M. 79-80 Kramer, A.F. 451, 453 KTS (knowledge transfer strategies) 12 Kuhn, T.S. 274 L laissez-faire leadership 154 Lakatos, I. 274 Lancet 365 Lawlor, D.A. 356 Lazarus, R.S. 220-221 leadership in athletes 161-162 coach-athlete relationships and 158-159 efficacy beliefs and 159-161 full range model 154 historical research 152 integrated model 162-164, 163f motivational models 156-158 multidimensional model 152, 153154, 153f nature versus nurture in 156 research recommendations 164166 transformational 154-156 Leadership Scale for Sports (LSS) 154 Leary, M.R. 79-80 Lee, H. 120 Life Skills Transfer Survey (LSTS) 493 lifespan and developmental issues. See cognition and physical activity; positive youth development; talent development Lifestyle Interventions and Independence for Elders (LIFE) 453-454 little emperor parents 122 longitudinal research designs 25 LSS (Leadership Scale for Sports) 154 LSTS (Life Skills Transfer Survey) 493 M MAC (mindfulness-acceptance-commitment) 45-46 maladaptation, and perfectionism 106-108 Markland, D. 337 Martens, R. 214-215, 215f Martin Ginis, K.A. 22, 88 masculine norms 200 mass media 362, 365-366 Masters, R.S.W. 217 masters athletes 66 mastery orientation See task orientation MAT (multidimensional anxiety theory) 214-215, 215f McEwan, D. 174

MD (moral disengagement) 194-195, 194t, 201-202 measurements achievement goals 282 arousal 213-214 athletic burnout 411 moral behavior 193t perfectionism 100-103, 100t positive youth development 492493 psychological strategies 47 in quantitative research 19 in self-determination research 303304 self-perceptions 59-60 self-presentation 84-86, 91 mental health and physical activity. See also anxiety critical appraisal of research 359360, 366 depression research 360-366 discrepant views of 354-357 evidence-based medicine and 357360, 358f perfectionism and 106 Pitts-McClure hypothesis 354-355 postinjury 394 research bias in 357 research recommendations 366 TREAD-UK trial 362-365, 363f, 364f, 366 mental skills training. See also specific skills in disability sports 379 as sport injury intervention 397 mental toughness 46-47, 379-380 meta-analysis 26, 27 meta-perceptions 158 Michelson, Albert 272 Michie, S. 341 mild cognitive impairment 455 military disabled veterans 381-383, 383-384 use of sport psychology 8 mindfulness 45-46 mixed-method research 30 mobile interviews 28-29 mood states, and sport injuries 389 moral atmosphere 200 moral behavior consequences of 200-201 contextual influences on 199-200 defined 193 individual difference variables in 193-198, 194t measurement of 193t research recommendations 203204 research trends 192, 201-203 theoretical frameworks 192-193 moral disengagement (MD) 194-195, 194t, 201-202 moral identity 198 moral reasoning 204

508  Index

Morgan, William 354-355 motivation. See also exergames; self-determination theory athlete burnout and 412t, 414-416 defined 314 developmentally based research 325t developmentally based theories 314-316 extrinsic. See extrinsic motivation interest development and 470-472, 471t, 473f intrinsic. See intrinsic motivation as key in sport and exercise 248, 290 orientation development 321-322, 323-324 participation motives 336-337 perceived autonomy in 319-321 perceived competence in 316-319, 317t research recommendations 323326 types of 196 motivational climates leadership and 156-158 meteorological model 278-280, 279f peer influences on 140-142 motivational interviewing 44 Motl, R.W. 85 MPS-F (Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale) 100 MPS-H (Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale) 100 MSPE (mindfulness workshops) 46 multidimensional anxiety theory (MAT) 214-215, 215f multidimensional model of leadership 152, 153-154, 153f Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS-F) 100 Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS-H) 100 multidimensional self-structure 58-60, 59f multidisciplinary approaches, to sport injury research 400 N narcissism anxiety and 221, 223 response to leadership and 156, 164 narrative inquiry 28 need satisfaction athlete burnout and 416 balanced theory 299 basic psychological needs theory 291f, 296-297 cognitive evaluation theory 292 in moral behavior 199 relationships motivation theory 298 supportive social contexts 302f

Nicholls, J.G. 119, 125, 157, 195, 269, 276, 277f nonexerciser schematics 65-66 nonverbal self-presentation tactics 83 normal science (term) 274 norms group dynamics 176-177 moral behavior 200 nudging, in behavior change 344-345, 346 O obsessive passion athletic burnout and 418 in dualistic model of passion 300301 injury risk behaviors and 389 moral behavior and 198 Occam's razor 273 older adults cognition and 451, 452, 453-454, 455 possible selves 66 Olympus (exergame) 251 online interviews 29 OPERA trial 365 optimism, and sport injuries 389 organismic integration theory 291f, 293-295, 294t organization fit, and athletic burnout 419-420 other-efficacy 136, 139-140, 160-161 outcome goals 42 outdoor sports, for disabled veterans 382-383 overtraining syndrome 412 P PAC (parents as agents of change) 125-126 PAF (personal assets framework) 469470 pain acceptance and anxiety 430-431 parenting. See family influences parents as agents of change (PAC) 125-126 parsimony principle 273 participation, in sports. See sport participation participation motives 336-337 partners, in exergames 253-258, 254f, 255f PASAS (Physical Activity and Sport Anxiety Scale) 85-86 passion athletic burnout and 418 dualistic model 299, 300-302 in moral behavior 198 sport injuries and 389 pattern recognition 231-232 PEDs. See performance-enhancing drug (PED) use peer reviews, in EBM 359 peers acceptance and friendships of 137138

conceptualization of 134-135 defined 134 justifying study of 134 modeling by 142-143 motivational climate and 140-142 peer groups 134, 135 peer referenced 135 perceived competence and 318 physical activity influence 142-143 positive relationship strategies 145 research recommendations 143-145 self-efficacy and 139-140 support of 142 theoretical frameworks 135-137 perceived autonomy 319-321 perceived behavioral control 335, 339 perceived competence 316-319, 317t, 335, 394 perceptions, in 3C model 158-159 perceptual-cognitive skills, in anticipation anxiety effects on 234-235, 238240, 239f familiarity detection 231-232 gaze behavior 231, 234-235, 235t interaction among 234, 235f postural cues 230-231 probability assignment 232-234, 233f skill development and acquisition 237-241, 241f perfectionism athlete burnout and 104-106, 417418 described 96 dual nature of 96-98, 97t, 108 factors in literature review 101-102 influence in sport 96 maladaptation and 106-108 measurement of 100-101, 100t mental health and 106 models of 101, 102f perils of 99 research recommendations 108-109 sport performance and 103-104 as vulnerability 98-100 performance anxiety. See anxiety performance control perceptions 322323 performance-enhancing drug (PED) use coach behavior and 199 individual difference variables in 194-197 research trends in 202 performance goals 42 permissive parents 119, 122 personal assets framework (PAF) 469470 personal factors in leadership 153, 156, 161-162 motivation 157 personality traits, and disabilities 379-380, 383

Index  509

PET (processing efficiency theory) 218 p-hacking 31 phenomenological research 27-28 photovoice 29 physical activity. See also active free play; exercise groups in behavioral epidemiology framework 334, 334t behaviors and contexts 335, 335f behavior theories 337-341, 338f, 341t for chronic disease management. See chronic disease management cognition and. See cognition and physical activity continuum of 334, 335f in early childhood 121, 126 in ecological framework 335, 335f exergames for 249-250 health links. See specific health issues as injury-related barrier intervention 398 motivation for. See motivation peer influences on 142-143, 144 psychological correlates 335-336 self-esteem and 60-64, 63f self-presentation and 86-88 social acceptance and 78 social physique anxiety and 88 subjective norms and 176 youth trends and benefits 118, 120121 Physical Activity and Sport Anxiety Scale (PASAS) 85-86 physical activity psychology (term) 4 Physical Self-Description Questionnaire (PSDQ) 59-60 physical self-discrepancies 64 Physical Self-Perception Profile (PSPP) 59 Pitts-McClure hypothesis 354-355 planned behavior theory 338-339 playing-form activity 237 Popper, K.R. 274 positive youth development (PYD) action strategies 495-496 contextual features 486, 486t defined 484, 485 exemplar programs 489-491 historical foundations 484-485 research recommendations 492497 research studies in 487-489 theoretical frameworks 485-486 translation to physical activity context 486-487 possible selves 66 posttraumatic growth 396, 398 postural cues, in anticipation 230-231 practice activities, in sport 237-238, 240-241, 241f

practitioners 38-40 Prapavessis, H. 180 primary prevention 426 proactive morality 193, 196 probability assignment, in anticipation 232-234, 233f problem-focused coping 214, 219 process goals 42 processing efficiency theory (PET) 218 professional boundaries 38-39 professional competencies 9-11, 39-40 professional development 11 professional organizations 8t progressive paradigm 274 prolympism 376 prosocial behavior contextual influences on 199-200 defined 193 individual difference variables in 195, 196, 198 prospective studies 452-453 protective motives 81 proxy efficacy 160-161 PSDQ (Physical Self-Description Questionnaire) 59-60 PSPP (Physical Self-Perception Profile) 59 psychological construct measurements 19 psychological skills for anxiety 219-220 approaches to training 40 for diverse populations 48 strategy descriptions 40-44 strategy measurements 47 psychologists versus practitioners 38 psychology 6. See also sport and exercise psychology psychosocial growth, in wounded veterans 381-383 public health context behavior change wheel 342-343 correlates to physical activity 335336 habits and behavior change 343344 increasing physical activity in 334 intention-behavior gap 339 movement behaviors in 334-335, 335f, 335t nudging in behavior change 344345 participation motives 336-337 physical activity behavior theories 337-341, 338f, 341t research recommendations 345346 tailored interventions in 344 PYD. See positive youth development Q qualitative research 26-30 quantitative research correlational designs 24-26 described 18

experimental designs 21-22, 31 intervention designs 22-24, 31 issues in 18-20, 20t meta-analysis 26, 27 quasi-experimental design 21 questionnaire use 275-276, 280 quiet eye training 220 R randomized controlled trial (RCT) in cognition and physical activity 453-454 described 22-24 RE-AIM sports setting matrix (RE-AIM SSM) 390 referrals to other practitioners 39 reflective practice 40 reflective processing 342-343 rehabilitation adherence 395 relatedness achievement goal theory 276-277 basic psychological needs theory 297 moral behavior and 199 relationships motivation theory 298 self-motivation theory 157, 251 supportive social contexts 302f relation-inferred self-efficacy (RISE) 136, 139-140, 161 relationships motivation theory (RMT) 291f, 298, 304 relaxation strategies 220 reliability, in research 20 replication, in research 19 reproducibility, in research 19 research design issues achievement goal theories 275-276, 280, 282 age and maturity in 493-494 anticipation research 241-242 athletic burnout 420 cognition and physical activity 456-457 correlational design prevalence 31 depression research 359-360, 365, 366 leadership research 165 moral behavior research 202-203 perfectionism research 108-109 in public health context 345-346 self-determination theory 303 self-perception research 67 self-presentation research 90, 91 research methods mixed-method approach 30 qualitative research 26-30 quantitative 18-26 research recommendations 30-32 research paradigms 272-274 resilience in disabled athletes 380 in injury rehabilitation 398 perfectionism and 98, 99, 101, 104 rewards 292

510  Index

RISE (relation-inferred self-efficacy) 136, 139-140, 161 risk compensation 399-400 risk-taking behaviors self-presentation and 82, 89 sensation seeking 380 in sport injury research 399 RMT (relationships motivation theory) 291f, 298, 304 roles, in group dynamics 175-176, 177 rumination, in athlete burnout 105 Ryan, R.M. 290-291, 414 S sampling (sport and play experiences) 469, 474 sampling issues (research) quantitative research 18-19 self-presentation studies 91 self-system research 67 Scale for Effective Communication in Sports Teams 179 SCBS (Sportsmanship Coaching Behaviors Scale) 200 scientific advancement 272-275 sedentary behavior on exercise continuum 334, 335f as habit 343 research recommendations 346 self-concept and 68 selective improvement hypothesis 450-451 self-compassion 45, 68 self-concept, defined 58. See also self-perceptions self-concordance model 299 self-confidence, and anxiety 216 self-criticism athlete burnout and 104-105 in perfectionism 97-101, 102f self-determination theory athlete burnout application 415416 described 290-291, 340, 414-415 exergames based on 251 extensions of 298-302 interest development and 470-473, 471t, 473f mini-theories within 291-298, 291f, 304 moral behavior application 196, 202 motivational leadership application 156-157 motivation continuum 294t peer research application 136 practical applications 302, 302f research recommendations 302304 return to play application 396 self-efficacy in chronic disease management 429-430, 433-434, 436-437 of coaches 159-161

defined 58 in disability sports 382, 383 as physical activity correlate 336 relation-inferred 136, 139-140, 161 in social cognitive theory 136, 338 self-enhancement hypothesis 62-64 self-esteem defined 58 management strategies 67-68 physical activity and 60-64, 63f versus self-compassion 45, 68 self-handicapping tactics 68, 83 self-monitoring 346 Self-Perception Profile 492 self-perceptions athletic identity in 64-65 defined 58 exerciser self-schemata in 65-66 measurement of 59-60 possible selves in 66 research recommendations 67-70 self-discrepancies in 64 self-esteem, self-concept in 58-64 self-structure models 58-60, 59f, 60f, 61 self-presentation controlling 89 defined 78 goals of 78 harmful potential of 82 measurement of 84-86 models of 79-82, 80f, 81f origins of 79 peers and 136-137 in physical activity context 86-88 research recommendations 90-91 risky behaviors and 82, 89 self-esteem and 67-68 in sport context 88-89 tactics for 82-84, 83t self-presentation efficacy 87-88 Self-Presentation Efficacy Scale (SPES) 88 Self-Presentation in Exercise Questionnaire (SPEQ) 85 Self-Presentation in Sport Questionnaire (SPSQ) 85-86 Self-Presentation Motives for Physical Activity Questionnaire (SMPAQ) 85 self-report measures 19 self-talk 41, 220 self-worth athlete burnout and 104-105, 106 in perfectionism 99-100 sensation seeking 380 sibling influence, on sport participation 124 simulation training, for anticipation 238 Smith, R.E. 412-413 SMPAQ (Self-Presentation Motives for Physical Activity Questionnaire) 85

SMPS (Sport Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale) 100 social actors (CASA) paradigm 254 social cognitive theory described 338 moral behavior application 192193, 204, 205 peer research application 136, 139 social comparisons in exergames 252-253 self-perception and 58, 68 social complexity, in peer research 135 social identity 198 social influences. See also family influences; group dynamics; leadership; peers on achievement goals 280-281 on athletic burnout 419 in disability sports 381-382, 383 on injury rehabilitation 398-399 interest development and 477 on leadership 163 on motivation 292, 324-326 social media as communication forum 180 ethical use of 13 as online service platform 48 social network analysis 183, 184 social physique anxiety (SPA) 88 socioenvironmental factors. See environmental influences; social influences somatic anxiety 212, 215, 219 SPA (social physique anxiety) 88 spatial occlusion method 230-231 specific peers 135, 136 SPEQ (Self-Presentation in Exercise Questionnaire) 85 SPES (Self-Presentation Efficacy Scale) 88 Spink, K.S. 180 spirituality, in sport injury research 400 sport and exercise psychology. See also physical activity; sport performance defined 4-6 history of 6-9, 354-355 individual differences in. See individual differences journals of 9t knowledge translation in 11-13, 47-48 morality issues. See moral behavior novel constructs in 44-47 organizations for 8t parent disciplines 6 practitioners of 38-40 professional competencies in 9-11, 39-40 psychological strategies in 40-44, 47 research in. See research methods

Index  511



societal relevance challenge 367 socioenvironmental factors. See environmental influences; social influences sport entrapment 412t, 413-414 sport injuries concussions 395 defined 388 prevention of 390-391 rehabilitation interventions 397398, 397t research recommendations 399-400 response assessment 397, 397t responses to 392-396 response theories 391-392, 393f return to play 396-397 vulnerability to 388-390 Sport Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (SMPS) 100 sport participation. See also team sports developmental model 469 disability sports 379-383 family influence on 123-124 peer relationships and 137-139 youth trends in 118 sport performance. See also anticipation; anxiety arousal in 213-214, 222-223 perfectionism and 103-104 performance control perceptions 322-323 self-presentation and 88-89 sport psychology (term) 4 Sportsmanship Coaching Behaviors Scale (SCBS) 200 sports medicine psychology interventions in 397-399 postinjury psychology 391-397 preinjury psychology 388-391 research recommendations 399400 sport specialization 469 sportspersonship orientations 197 SPSQ (Self-Presentation in Sport Questionnaire) 85-86 stages of change 339-340, 340t Steinberg, L. 120, 125 stress in athlete burnout 412-413, 412t in sport parents 124 stress and injury model 388-389 structural development theories 192193, 204, 205 subjective norms 177, 339 survey-based studies 24-26 SwanBoat (exergame) 253 systems model, in sport injury research 390-391 T talent development developmental pathway 475 developmental systems 468-470

interest development and 470-478, 471t, 473f research recommendations 478-479 task orientation in achievement motivation theory 119, 157-158, 195, 267 athlete burnout and 414 incremental mind-set and 315 moral behavior and 196 in motivational climate 141 in perfectionism 107 as physical activity correlate 336 teachers, leadership in 155, 156 Teaching Personal and Social Responsibility 489-490, 490t team building 179-182, 181f team perfectionism 103 team science 343 team sports cohesion in 178 communication in 179, 180 as group dynamics focus 172-173 home advantage 174-175 norms in 177 teamwork theory 174 technology use. See also exergames communication 180 ethics and 13 motivation and 304, 346 online interviews 29 online service platforms 48 research uses 281 temporal occlusion method 230-231 temporal selves 383 tertiary prevention 426 test of interaction or moderation 21 TFAI (Three-Factor Anxiety Inventory) 213, 222 thematic analysis 29-30 theoretical domains framework 341, 342t theory, defined 337 theory of planned behavior (TPB) 338-339 3 × 2 models 270 3C Model 158-159 Three-Factor Anxiety Inventory (TFAI) 213, 222 three Ps, in developmental systems 470 tiger moms 122 TPB (theory of planned behavior) 338-339 training. See athletic training; psychological skills training-form activity 237 trait anxiety 212, 219 transactional leadership 154 transcontextual model 340, 391 transformational leadership 154-155 translating research into sport injury prevention practice (TRIPP) 390 transtheoretical model (TTM) 339340, 340t

TREAD-UK trial 362-365, 363f, 364f, 366 tripartite model of perfectionism 101, 102f Triplett, Norman 7 TRIPP (translating research into sport injury prevention practice) 390 TTM (transtheoretical model) 339340, 340t 2 × 2 models achievement motivation 195, 269 perfectionism 101, 102f self-presentation 80-82, 81f two-component models perfectionism 101, 102f self-presentation 79-80, 80f V validity, in research 20, 20t, 27, 30 Vallerand, R.J. 299-300 vascular endoethelial growth factor (VEGF) 456 verbal abuse, of opponents 200-201 verbal self-presentation tactics 82-83 veterans, disabled 381-383, 383-384 virtual partners 254-258, 255f vision. See eye gaze behavior W war veterans 381-383, 383-384 Wegner, D.M. 217-218 Weinberg, R.S. 22 Williams, J.M. 388-389 writing, as data analysis 30 Y Yates, Dorothy 8 YES (Youth Experiences Survey) 493 the yips 104 youth. See also positive youth development (PYD) cognition and physical activity in 454, 455 cohesion in 178 correlates of physical activity in 335-336 moral behavior research on 203 motivation orientation in 321-322, 323-324 norms effects on 177 perceived autonomy in 319-321 perceived competence in 316-319, 317t performance control perceptions in 322-323 physical activity in 118, 120-121, 126 psychological skills training for 48 self-esteem, self-concept in 61-62, 63 sport specialization in 469 talent development in. See talent development Youth Experiences Survey (YES) 493

Photo courtesy of Jennifer Edwards, Miami University.

About the Editors Thelma S. Horn, PhD, is a professor and member of the graduate faculty at Miami University of Ohio. Horn is an editorial board member of several journals in the sport and exercise psychology and general psychology fields. She is a former editor and associate editor of the Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology and was an associate editor for the Journal of Applied Sport Psychology. Horn received her PhD in psychology of sport and physical activity from Michigan State University. She earned a master of arts degree in coaching behavior from Western Michigan University at Kalamazoo and a bachelor of arts degree in psychology from Calvin College in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Besides being editor of the previous three editions of Advances in Sport Psychology, Horn has published many articles on topics within the psychology of sport and physical activity field. In 1999, she was co-winner of the research writing award from Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport. Horn also was recently inducted as a fellow in the National Academy of Kinesiology. In her free time, Horn enjoys reading, writing, running, and spending time with family and friends.

Photo courtesy of Jeffrey Seguin.

Alan L. Smith, PhD, is a professor and the chairperson of the department of kinesiology at Michigan State University. Smith has served as associate editor of the Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology and on the editorial boards of Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly; Child Development; International Journal of Sport Psychology; Journal of Applied Sport Psychology; Kinesiology Review; and Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology. Smith is a fellow of the National Academy of Kinesiology (USA) and is a past president of the North American Society for the Psychology of Sport and Physical Activity. Smith received his PhD in exercise and movement science from the University of Oregon. He earned a master of science degree in exercise and sport science from the University of North Carolina at Greensboro and a bachelor of arts degree in psychology from the University of Rochester (New York). Smith’s research addresses the link between young people’s sport and physical activity involvement and their psychological and social functioning. He is widely known for his research on peer relationships in the physical activity domain and the motivational implications of these relationships for children and adolescents. His work has been funded by the National Institute of Mental Health and the U.S. Department of Education as well as other agencies. In his free time, Smith enjoys running and spending time with his family. 512

Contributors Veronica Allan, MSc Queen's University, Canada Mark R. Beauchamp, PhD University of British Columbia, Canada Stuart J.H. Biddle, PhD University of Southern Queensland, Australia Ian D. Boardley, PhD University of Birmingham, UK Lawrence R. Brawley, PhD University of Saskatchewan, Canada David P. Broadbent, PhD Brunel University, UK Jennifer Brunet, PhD University of Ottawa, Canada Valerie Carson, PhD University of Alberta, Canada Miranda A. Cary, MSc University of Saskatchewan, Canada Yu-Kai Chang, PhD National Taiwan Sport University, Taiwan Jean Côté, PhD Queen's University, Canada Peter R.E. Crocker, PhD University of British Columbia, Canada Thomas Curran, PhD University of Bath, UK Panteleimon Ekkekakis, PhD Iowa State University, USA Robert C. Eklund, PhD Florida State University, USA Jennifer L. Etnier, PhD University of North Carolina at Greensboro, USA M. Blair Evans, PhD Pennsylvania State University, USA Mark Eys, PhD Wilfrid Laurier University, Canada Deborah L. Feltz, PhD Michigan State University, USA Jenna D. Gilchrist, MA University of Toronto, Canada Michelle D. Guerrero, MHK University of Windsor, Canada Nancy Gyurcsik, PhD University of Saskatchewan, Canada

Martin S. Hagger, PhD Curtin University, Australia Howard K. Hall, PhD York St John University, UK Nicholas L. Holt, PhD University of Alberta, Canada Meghan Ingstrup, MA University of Alberta, Canada Ben Jackson, PhD University of Western Australia, Australia Christopher M. Janelle, PhD University of Florida, USA Richard J. Keegan, PhD University of Canberra, Australia Todd M. Loughead, PhD University of Windsor, Canada Jeffrey J. Martin, PhD Wayne State University, USA Kathleen T. Mellano, MS Michigan State University, USA Krista J. Munroe-Chandler, PhD University of Windsor, Canada Colm P. Murphy, BSc Brunel University, UK Kacey C. Neely, PhD University of Alberta, Canada Rich Neil, PhD Cardiff Metropolitan University, UK Jocelyn L. Newton, PhD University of Wisconsin–LaCrosse, USA Christine E. Pacewicz, MA Michigan State University, USA Kurtis Pankow, BSc University of Alberta, Canada Shannon Pynn, BPE University of Alberta, Canada Thomas D. Raedeke, PhD East Carolina University, USA Peter C. Rouse, PhD University of Bath, UK Hayley C. Russell, PhD Gustavus Adolphus College, USA Catherine M. Sabiston, PhD University of Toronto, Canada 513

514  Contributors

Stephen Samendinger, PhD Michigan State University, USA Christopher Shields, PhD Acadia University, Canada Brett Smith, PhD University of Birmingham, UK Martyn Standage, PhD University of Bath, UK Jennifer Turnnidge, MSc Queen's University, Canada Sarah Ullrich-French, PhD Washington State University, USA Ineke Vergeer, PhD University of Southern Queensland, Australia

Matthew Vierimaa, PhD Queen's University, Canada Maureen R. Weiss, PhD University of Minnesota, USA Andrew C. White, MA University of Minnesota, USA Diane M. Wiese-Bjornstal, PhD, CCC-AASP University of Minnesota, USA A. Mark Williams, PhD University of Utah, USA Kristin N. Wood, MA, ATC University of Minnesota, USA Tim Woodman, PhD Bangor University, UK