Adamantios Korais: A Study in Greek Nationalism 9780231877466

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STUDIES IN HISTORY, ECONOMICS AND PUBLIC L A W Edited by the FACULTY OF IOLITICAL SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

NUMBER 490

ADAMANTIOS KORAIS A STUDY IN GREEK NATIONALISM BY

STEPHEN GEORGE CHACONAS

ADAMANTIOS KORAIS A Study in Greek Nationalism

BY

STEPHEN GEORGE CHACONAS

NEW

YORK

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

PRESS

L O N D O N : P . S . K I N G & SON, L T D .

1942

COPYRIGHT,

1942

BY

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

PRESS

PRINTED I N T H E UNITED S T A T E S OF AMERICA

Zo A. G. C

PREFACE THE modern intellectual phenomenon of nationalism can be properly understood only after special studies have been made of the leading figures of this movement. Adamantios Korais' importance as a nationalist has long been recognized, but until now no attempt has been made—in any language—to analyze and interpret the man and his times. This monograph seeks to answer three large questions: What factors contributed toward the development of national feeling in Korais ? What was the character of his nationalism in theory and practise? What effect did he have on the evolution of the Greek national state? These inquiries impress their deep meaning on the student of nationalism with great urgency if it is recalled that the modern Greek state has from its early inception regarded Korais as the outstanding leader of its nineteenth century intellectual revival and as the most ardent patriot in its national history. The present work will throw light, it is hoped, not only on Greek nationalism in particular, but also on modern European nationalism in general. In any undertaking such as this the author perforce borrows widely from others. I am indebted to Professor Shepard B. Clough, under whom the book was written, for his readiness to discuss various aspects of the subject, and hence to improve, to my profit, its final form. I have received much assistance from Professors Carlton J. H. Hayes and Charles W. Cole. I have leaned heavily for ideas on Professor Hayes' well-known books on nationalism and his stimulating seminar discussions. Professor Cole has given freely of his time and scholarship, thus preventing many acts of omission and commission. Thanks are due to Dr. Kenneth M. Setton, of Boston University, for his painstaking examination of the galley-proofs, which has con7

8

PREFACE

tributed to the accuracy of the Greek and has eliminated some infelicitous phrasing. Lastly, I am obliged to Professor Shirley Weber, formerly of the Gennadion Library, Athens, Greece, and to Professor James H. Oliver, of Barnard College, for aiding me to procure needed books and for their helpful suggestions. It is almost needless to add the usual formula—that only the author may be held accountable for shortcomings— but I do so lest it be forgotten. STEPHEN G. CHACONAS B R O O K L Y N COLLEGE AS J A N U A R Y , 1 9 4 2

TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE

7

CHAPTER I Adamantios Korais (1748-1833) A Biographical Sketch Intellectual Background The Formative Years Life in Amsterdam Frustration and Despair The Transitional Period The Development of His Nationalism Exhortations to His Compatriots Fruition of His Nationalism His Last Years

11 11 17 20 22 24 36 32 35 39

C H A P T E R II Language and National Regeneration Korais Abandons Medicine for Philology The Relationship Between Language and Nationality The State of Modern Greek Before 1821 Korais' Linguistic Reforms, 1804-1833 Improvised Thoughts or Essays on Language Language and Education The Opponents and Proponents of the Koraiste The Koraists

45 45 48 52 56 58 63 76 82

C H A P T E R III From Philology to Revolution French Revolutionary Influence • . . Conflicts with the Patriarchate Militant Nationalism The Trumpet of War . . . Revolutionary Morale Solicitude for Hellas Ode for Hellas Natural Law and Despotism The Revival of Revolutionary Fervor Korais' Radicalism

84 84 86 89 . 93 96 101 102 105 107 109

• .

C H A P T E R IV The Governance of Greece, 1821-1827 The Rebellion of the Hetairists . . Political Guidance for the Greeks Limited Democracy

ill 111 113 114 9

IO

T A B L E OF

CONTENTS

" V i r t u e " and " L a w " . . . • • Church and State Criticisms of the Constitution A Bill of Rights Jefferson-Korais Correspondence Government and Ethics T h e Acceptance of Foreign Political Aid Dialogues on Government . . Korais as a Political Theorist CHAPTER

V

" T h e Tyranny of Capodistrias", 1828-1833 T h e A d v e n t of Capodistrias Centralization and Reform Korais' Opposition The Influence of the July Revolution Korais in Retrospect A

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL E S S A Y

A Biographical Sketch (1748-1833) Language and National Regeneration From Philology to Revolution The Governance of Greece, 1821-1827 " T h e Tyranny of Capodistrias," 1828-1833 INDEX

116 120 123 125 130 132 135 139 143

144 144 146 150 154 160 167

167 170 172 176 176 179

CHAPTER I ADAMANTIOS KORAIS (1748-1833): A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH INTELLECTUAL BACKGROUND THE most prominent intellectual figure of the Greek national revival in the first decades of the nineteenth century w a s the patriot and philologist of Smyrna, Adamantios Korais. 1 A t the time of K o r a i s ' birth ( A p r i l 27, 1 7 4 8 ) some of the forces which were to awaken the spirit of nationalism among the Greek people were already at work. In the first place, there was in W e s t e r n Europe, and particularly in France, a renewed interest in classical literature and art. 2 M e n of letters tried eagerly to write, think, and speak in the style of the ancients. Artists displayed a pronounced enthusiasm for the classical motif.

Several decades later, French Revolutionaries imitated

the oratory o f Cicero and the bravery of the warriors o f Thermopylae. A n d

some of the more romantic souls shed

copious tears because they had not been born Greek or Roman. In the second place, there were those classicists 3 w h o asso1 The English rendering of the name has not always been accurate or consistent, it has appeared as Korae, Corai or Coray, the last being the form Adamantios adopted while in France. Despite this I have used the above spelling because of its higher degree of currency, although an accurate transliteration of the Greek Kopaft would be Koraes. 2Charles Joret, D'Ansse de Villoison et l'hellénisme en France (Paris, 1910), pp. 92-3; Maurice Badolle, L'Abbé Barthélémy et l'hellénisme en France dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1926), p. 149. 3 Harold T. Parker, The Cult of Antiquity and the French Revolutionaries (Chicago, 1937), pp. 37-8; Augustin Sicard, L'éducation morale et civique avant et pendant la Révolution (1700-1808), (Paris, 1884) ; Charles Joret, op. cit., pp. 92; 179. At first the Dutch Hellenists, Valckenaer and Wyttenbach, were the leading representatives of this movement, but, soon after, the German scholars, such as Schweighauser and Wolf, surpassed them. The English as well as the Italians had their classical authorities. The best known Hellenists, however, were French, among whom were Larcher, La-PorteDu-Theil, Abbé Barthélémy, Clavier, Didot, and Villoison, to mention only a few, and particularly those who were to become Korais' intimate friends. 11

12

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

ciated themselves with the philosophy of political liberalism as well as with the romantic, Hellenic sentiment, and who began to stress the similarity between the ancient and the modern Greeks. A contributing factor in the rise of philhellenism— this admiration for things Greek—was the archaeological discovery in 1725 of the Hellenized colony in Herculaneum in southern Italy. Almost immediately it stimulated the publication of a score of travel books which included not only descriptions of the recently unearthed monuments, but also rhapsodic poems of the enchanting Greek landscape. Lorsque de l'univers, l'aimable enchanteresse, L'imagination, me porte dans la Grèce, Je ne m'attendais pas qu' un jour mes propres yeux Verraient ces belles mers, ces beaux champs, ces beaux cieux. Je les ai vus ; mon coeur a tressailli de joie ; Homère m'a guidé dans les champs où fut Troie.4 The interest of the romantic classicists in the Greeks of European Turkey was also stimulated by the publication (1764) of the popular Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums from the pen of the highly imaginative art critic, Johann J. Winckelmann. Among the Parisians, this work, which soon appeared in several French translations,6 proved to have a profound influence. Winckelmann glorified the Greek unity of structure, harmony, and proportion. He presented the striking thesis that the only genuine art in Europe was that of the ancient Greeks. It was their unique geographic and climatic environment, and their free political institutions, Winckelmann asserted, that made for Hellenic culture. The inference was that the modern Greeks, still dwelling in their ancestral home, might, once liberated, 4 Maurice Badolle, op. cit., pp. 15s, 157. 5 Johann J. Winckelmann, Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums (Wien, 1934). Three different editions appeared in French before the close of the century; see M. Badolle, op. cit., p. 156. The second volume of his English edition contains his treatment of Greek art. For a sympathetic biography see Karl Justi, Winckelmann und seine Zeitgenossen (Leipzig, 1898), 3 vols.

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

13

resume the cultural eminence of their progenitors. Winckelmann's work and the romantic Hellenic sentiment provided, in the concept of philhellenism, a movement which thoroughly motivated Korais' life. In the third place, while the transition in France from Hellenism to philhellenism, or the love for modern Greece, was still in a nebulous stage, the provocative works of a German cultural nationalist, Johann Gottfried Herder, gave philhellenism a philosophical and scientific framework. Herder wrote that nationalities, being natural phenomena, were indestructible, enduring through all climes and ages. Speaking of German racial continuity he held that " our fatherland with its powers [traits], the manner in which we think, act, and speak, are, so to speak, bequeathed to us." 6 These national characteristics, he explained, were transmitted from one generation to another through the medium of language. As he further expounded this concept in his Ideen 2ur Philosophic der Geschichte der Menschheit, language became to Herder the very essence of nationality. Indeed he regarded German and Greek as the two original languages ( Ursprachen) of Europe. Praising the speech of the Greeks ("Greek is the world's most refined language"), he attributed its excellence to " their genius . . . their homeland, their way of life, their epoch, their racial character (Stammescharakter)."7 It was this fundamental concept, that language made and preserved a nationality, that gave force and certainty to Korais' efforts toward the development and propagation of Greek nationalism. The fusion of philhellenism with the Herderian idea of hereditary nationality caused French sensibilities to be nearly as much exercised over the Greeks of Eastern Europe as they were with the bon sauvage of distant America. It was small 6 B. Suphan, E. Redlich, et al. (eds.), Herders Sammtliche Werke, XVI, 34. For an excellent study of Herder's nationalism and its relative significance see Robert Reinhold Ergang, Herder and the Foundation of German Nationalism (New York, 1931). 7 Suphan, op. cit., XIV, 98.

14

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

wonder that the sensitive Korais came to regard France as " the modern Hellas " and Paris as " the new Athens " of the cultured world. 8 With these beginnings, events in remote Eastern Europe supplied philhellenism with a dogmatic sentiment and a revolutionary fervor. Consequently this movement, in its second stage, assumed another characteristic—a militant espousal of Greek national independence. In 1769-70 some restless spirits in the Morea, aided and abetted by Russia, rose in revolt against the Sublime Porte. The insurrection was not a concerted attack on constituted authority but only a sporadic uprising of a few adventurous and discontented individuals—a part of Catherine II's plan to foment revolution from within while she attacked the Ottoman empire from without. The revolt miscarried," but quite unwittingly it inflamed public opinion in Europe to sympathy for the " enslaved " Greeks and to a generous condemnation of the despotism of the Porte. The abortive revolt in the Morea focused more sharply than before the attention of the European litterateurs on the modern Greeks. It led Pouqueville, an inveterate traveler scarcely outdone by Arthur Young, to visit Greece and to publish in 1803 an account of his voyages. 10 Visiting the small town of Sparta, this Frenchman immediately discerned the ancient Greek strain in the faces of the peasants. They have a noble physiognomy and seem to retain some of the Spartan character. The ferocious courage of the Spartans has been 8 NLKOXOOV &afta\a, 'Adafiavrtov Kopaij ra FITRA Oavarov evptdtvra evyypafifi&ria ('Adijvai, 1881-91). (Nicholas Damalas, Adamantios Korais1 Posthumously Published Works, Athens, 1881-91, 7 vols.), II, SO-78 et seq. The first few letters written while in Paris testify to this. The title will henceforth be cited as Damalas, Letters. 9 Maurice Badolle, op. cit., pp. 149-64. The author points out the influence of the revolt of 1770 in Greece on French letters. 10 F . C. H. L. Pouqueville, Travels Through the Morea... English translation from the French (London, 1806).

1798-1801,

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

15

transmitted without alteration to their descendants and has been increased by the oppression which they have in modern times endured.11 In comparison the " Turks were bullies in the camp but cowards in the field." To Pouqueville anything that carried the name of Greek was good under all circumstances. Observing the women, he rapturously noted : " The models that inspired Apelles and Phidias are still to be found among the Greek women: they are generally of a large size and of a noble shape ; their eye is full of fire, their mouths, replete with fine teeth, seem to excite kissing." 12 It was also his opinion that their language was in every way comparable to that of the ancients : " The idiom of the moderns probably possesses all the melody of its antique beauties." Nor did he think that the " children of Solon and Lycurgus " had forgotten their heritage because " tears ran down their cheeks on speaking to them of their glorious ancestors." They piously hoped to regain their ancient liberty; "mothers press their children to their bosom, and pray for their own fruitfulness, in the hope that one of these extraordinary men that heaven sometimes grants to nations, will rise to unite the Greeks and avenge the outrages of the centuries." 18 Pouqueville did not stand alone, there were many others who wrote and felt as he did.14 These men were fashioning the jargon of fervent nationalism which Korais was to adopt, amplify, and disseminate among his people. The writings of Pouqueville in themselves adequately represent the prevailing climate of opinion. He wished and believed 11 Ibid., p. 44. 12 Ibid., pp. 49-50. 13 Ibid., pp. 44-7. 14 Probably the most widely read of this large class of philhellenes were Choiseul-Gouffier, P. A. Guys, Abbé Barthélémy, and M. Rulhière. For a more complete list see J. Petrov, Atlas of the Greek War (Leipzig, 1886,) p. 2. ('lu. ntrpu^, 'ArXaç roi 'EAA^vutoti 'Ayùvoç, 1821-28, Actjfiia, 1886).

l6

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

that the Greeks would eventually liberate themselves, that they might take up where they left off two thousand years ago. Nevertheless, he was not unmindful of the low standard of learning among the people. Hence he urged that liberty could only be attained through education : " Abhorrence is not enough: it is necessary to sap his [the T u r k ' s ] power, and general information is the only means of ruining that colossus of despotism, by disseminating knowledge among the Greeks." 18 F r o m Pouqueville Korais drew guidance and inspiration. H e read the Frenchman's books many times and commented upon them with apparent detachment. But in reality Pouqueville had become a symbol—the perfect fusion of classicism and proGreek sentiment. Korais both admired and reverenced him. N o t only among travelers but also among the salons of the time, philhellenism held a prominent place. T h i s was true of the salons of Madame Theotoke and of Madame Chenier (17291808) , 16 the mother of the eminent French poet, André Chénier. Born in Constantinople, Madame Chenier had become an ardent Grecophile. A m o n g the litterateurs of her salon she inspired pro-Greek views, which were not only anti-Turkish, but which also included a belief in the future independence of the " children of Solon and L y c u r g u s . " Enthusiasm was so widespread that the professorial chair in the Collège de France in ancient and modern Greek assumed a singular importance. 17 The foundation of philhellenism was, then, laid by the European Hellenists, while others in their travel books, in their political theory or in their salons moulded this pro-Greek senti15 Pouqueville, op. cit., p. 66. 16 " Madame Chénier " in La Grande Encyclopédie, X, 1072 ; J. Eleutheroudakis (ed.), Encyclopedia-Lexicon, Athens, 1930), X I , 410. ('EXtufopovAixri ['E*i. ], 'SyicvK/Miraiiticòv \t%tnóv, 'Adj/vat, 1930)17 Damalas, Letters, II, 599-600. A t the death of Villoison the chair was offered to Korais and several others. Korais did not accept. Charles Joret, op. cit., pp. 464-5 ; A . Lefanc, Histoire du Collège de France (Paris, 1898) gives a short history of the chair which was first held by Villoison in ancient and modern Greek.

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

17

ment into a national creed. They chose to believe that two thousand years had not changed the physiognomy or the character of the Greeks and that the Ottoman yoke had only retarded their intellectual progress. J u s t as soon as enlightenment was again established, virtue, simplicity, and liberty would replace the " outrages of the centuries." It was in this intellectual climate that Adamantios K o r a i s lived, during his first residence in Europe. THE

FORMATIVE

YEARS

K o r a i s was born in Smyrna, named by the Moslem T u r k s the infidel city because of its predominantly Christian population. He was the first of eight children of whom only two reached maturity. K o r a i s ' mother came f r o m a wealthy and educated family. H e r father, Adamantios Rhysios, taught Greek f o r several years in the church school on the island of Chios. But academic life being too tranquil and not lucrative enough f o r him, he decided to move to S m y r n a in order to engage in the profitable textile trade carried on between that city and Amsterdam. In a short while he became one of the leading elders of the city, wealthy and proud, but still interested in learning. H e taught his children, four daughters whom he had by a marriage with a widow, to read and write with meticulous care and interest. A s a result they acquired an education which in those times was seldom expected of girls. Their paternal house became known f o r its erudition and its sizeable library, which Rhysios had accumulated on his commercial trips to Europe. Though he had hopefully expected to tutor his grandchildren, Rhysios died a few months before K o r a i s ' birth, bequeathing his library to the first grandchild who should finish the church school in Smyrna. 1 8 18'Aft. Knpaij, Biof '\faua\rUm Kapaij (Ilapio.oi, 1833). (Adamantios Korais, Life of Adamantios Korais, Paris, 1833), pp. 6-10. Hereafter cited as Korais, Life.

l8

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

Korais' father, like his mother, was also the child of educated parents. His paternal grandfather, Anthony Korais, called the " doctor-philosopher " , showed considerable literary interest. While in Paris, which he visited frequently, he wrote and published ( 1 7 0 2 ) several odes that later became the pride and boast of his grandson. The " doctor-philosopher " died relatively early in life, leaving his two sons without financial independence. One entered the church, to become later the metropolitan of Belgrade, while John Korais, Adamantios' father, attracted by the commercial life of Smyrna, in time came to be the equal of the many wealthy patricians of the city. 19 H i s mother's training, his father's liberal and encouraging attitude, provided young Adamantios, from the outset, with advantages which were indispensable for the development of his facile mind. A t an early age he learned to read widely and to revere intellectual pursuits—characteristics which remained with him all his life. Had it not been for Adamantios' responsiveness to his parents' guidance as well as his pride in the renown of his two grandfathers, he would have abandoned school, as did his brother, because of the severe discipline imposed by the school-master, an uncouth monk. 20 A f t e r many stormy sessions, he finished the grammar school and inherited the promised Rhysian library—an event full of significance. The collection was not extensive, 21 but it was large enough, nonetheless, to afford young Korais a taste of ancient history and to introduce him to some European authors. At this time, he could read the Greek texts rather well, but those in Latin 19Ibid,, pp. 8-9; K. 'Aftavrov, " 'AJauivriof Kopaijr," 'FJ./.^vixd V I . (K. Amantos, "Adamantios Korais" in Hellenica, vol. V I (1933), 7-8. Hereafter cited as Amantos, " Korais " in Hellenica. 20 Korais, Life, pp. 8-16. H e takes occasion here to correct some of the facts in the short biographical account of himself in the B'tographie des contemporains (-Paris, 1822), V, 52-55. 21 Korais speaks only of the nature of this library; he does not specifically mention the titles of the books. One of them, however, was an early Latin version of Strabo. Korais, Life, pp. 10, 1 1 .

A

BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

19

proved too difficult. This offered a challenge and he set about eagerly to improve his knowledge of the latter language. Teachers of Latin were not readily available in Smyrna, a fact which caused him to show contempt for the " honorable scholars " of the infidel city. A s a consequence he felt a hatred for the Turfrs who were responsible for this state of affairs. 4 2 The Rhysian library had therefore a dual importance in Korais' development. It launched him on Hellenic studies and engendered in his mind an anti-Turkish attitude—both of which tended to fan the flame of his still embryonic patriotism. A n intensive study of Italian and French, he felt, might serve as a back-door entrance to the great store of Latin literature. Because of Venetian trade relations with Smyrna, a teacher of Italian was soon procured. Not long after, his father hired a tutor of French for his precocious son. Still Korais was not content with his progress. H e decided to seek the company of Catholic missionaries, especially the Jesuits, who alone could offer him the necessary linguistic guidance. This was distasteful, he thought, because the latter were great proselytizers; but he intimated that it was more difficult to convert him than to convert ten Turks. 2 3 A t this juncture of the life of the would-be Hellenist, there came a stroke of luck which was destined to leave an ineradicable imprint upon his mind. Pastor Bernard Keun, of the Dutch church in Smyrna, was seeking a competent person to instruct him in the pronunciation of the modern Greek idiom. Y o u n g Adamantios presented himself for the job. Immediately the two struck up an ideal arrangement and a lasting friendship. Korais was to receive from the Protestant minister, in return for his work, the long-sought training in Latin. Keuns' affection toward me grew to the extent where he would invite me to accompany him on his after-dinner strolls, that he 22 Korais, Life, pp. io, 14. 23 Ibid., pp. 11-12.

20

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

might teach me, by word of mouth, that which he deemed necessary for my education. H e permitted me to borrow his books of famous Latin a u t h o r s . . . . H e even allowed me to remain in his library whenever he was obliged to leave his house. 24 K e u n opened up new vistas to K o r a i s . H e explained to h i m the tolerance and liberty of the E u r o p e a n E n l i g h t e n m e n t ; he spoke to K o r a i s of the great Hellenists in H o l l a n d ; he contrasted the republicanism of the D u t c h w i t h the despotism of the T u r k s ; he told him o f the eminence o f the ancient Greek philosophers and of the beauty o f their l a n g u a g e ; in short, he g a v e nourishment to his love f o r antiquity and his g r o w i n g patriotism. K o r a i s never

f o r g o t K e u n ; he considered

these

years ( 1 7 6 6 - 7 2 ) the happiest o f his life. A s late as 1832 he recalled the impressive part the pastor had played in his f o r m a tive years. 2 5 A f t e r six y e a r s w i t h K e u n , K o r a i s n o longer felt at home in S m y r n a . H e longed to live in F r a n c e or Holland, to enter into the intellectual movement of the W e s t . H e began to scheme how he m i g h t see this promised land w h i c h K e u n had painted f o r him. LIFE

IN

AMSTERDAM

Happily f o r K o r a i s his father w a s willing and able to indulge his son's desires. Business and learning, he reasoned, could be combined. A d a m a n t i o s w a s to act as agent in A m s t e r d a m f o r his textile trade and at the same time to pursue his studies. A t the age of t w e n t y - f o u r , impatiently and with intense satis2 4 K o r a i s , Life,

p. 14.

25*1 anfaSuv Pwra, (Jacob Rhotas

r

A~dv6i0fia kmaro'/.uv 'ASauai-riov

[ e d . ] , Selections

from

Adamantios

Kopai) ('Adf/vm, 1839-41). Korais'

Letters,

Athens,

1839-41, 2 v o l s . ) , I, 289; D . C. H e s s e l i n g , " K o r a i s et ses a m i s H o l l a n d a i s " in

Kif

MI'T/ur/u

Spyridon Hollandsche

Lampros,

Z-VF)hlui>i>C Athens,

Gereformeerde

A6/jt/iiiv

(if

'Afl/ywnf,

1935).

1935), pp. 2-5. S e e a l s o J. W . Gemeinte

te Smyrna

a c c o u n t of the D u t c h t r a d i n g c o l o n y in S m y r n a .

(Leiden,

(In

memory

Samberg,

De

1928), f o r

an

of

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

21

faction, Korais sailed out of the infidel city. A f t e r twenty-six restless days he was in Leghorn and soon after in Amsterdam. 2 6 Since the principal object of the trip was to continue his studies, Korais carried with him a letter of introduction from Keun to Adrian Buurt, a famous logician and theologian of Amsterdam. Here again good fortune led him to a man who next to Keun did most in guiding his education and in shaping his mind. Buurt and his equally capable wife, the baroness Josine Carolina Lijnden, conducted an advanced and exclusive school of private instruction. O n his arrival in Amsterdam, Korais entered this school as a student, attending semi-weekly Buurt found himself more than mildly pleased with his new pupil ; the young scholar and the Calvinist theologian came to an intimate and sincere understanding. Buurt took special pains with Korais' studies, for he came to regard him as his foster son. 27 The years ( 1772-78) spent by Korais in one of the most cultured centers of Europe permitted him to satisfy his linguistic curiosity. H e learned to read and write nine languages 2 8 and to speak six. This reading range enabled him to familiarize himself with the writings of Europe's prominent intellectuals, but those who impressed him the most were nearly all French: Voltaire; Rousseau, " the half-baked philosopher " , as he termed him ; Montesquieu ; Montaigne ; and Shaftesbury. He read Pouqueville, Guys, A b b é Barthélémy, Choiseul-Gouffier, and many others who wrote on modern Greece. He became acquainted with the leading Hellenists in Holland—Burman, 2 6 K o r a i s , Life, p. 16; Amantos, " K o r a i s " in Hcllenica, V I , 9. A m a n t o s writes that Korais left Smyrna in 1771, but Korais in his autobiography says (p. 16) that he was in H o l l a n d for s i x years and not seven as the dates given by A m a n t o s indicate; K. 0. Arifiapâ, là Ncavatà Xpivia roi Ko/>aij, 'Artjjvai, 1940. ( K . T h . Demaras, Korais'

Early Years, Athens, 1940.)

27 Korais, Lije, p. 17. 28 French, Italian, English, Greek, German, Dutch, Arabic, H e b r e w , and Latin ; he had begun t o study the last t w o while still in Smyrna ; he spoke French, Italian, German, Dutch, English, and Greek.

22

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

Valckenaer, and Wyttenbach as well as with the German Schweighauser—the last two becoming his correspondents and friends. In this environment he grew intensely patriotic. H e had shaken off the mantle of his childhood world and had enveloped himself in the culture of Western Europe. H i s guardian wrote of him: He has four teachers and is learning Dutch, Hebrew, Spanish, and French. He is also learning geometry and the l y r e . . . . Every Saturday evening instead of going to church he attends the opera . . . now he has hired a man to teach him fencing.2* Korais' enthusiasm had carried him too far. He completely neglected his father's interests. Because his presence in Amsterdam was no longer commercially profitable, Korais was asked by his father in 1778 to return home. H i s heart heavy with the thought of spending the rest of his days in Turkey, Korais began a circuitous trip back. He stopped in Vienna to visit his uncle, the metropolitan of Belgrade, who for some undisclosed reason had placed himself beyond the Sultan's reach.80 A f t e r twenty-two days he left for Trieste, spent some weeks there, and then went on to Venice, to spend the first few months of winter. On this purposely delayed trip home, Korais asked for permission to g o to Montpellier to study medicine, but his father would not consent. 31 FRUSTRATION

AND

DESPAIR

When he finally arrived at Smyrna, he was not the youth his parents had known; he was morose and despondent with the thought that he was doomed to spend the rest of his life in this backward city. H e had inwardly rebelled against such a prospect because he knew that the city could not satisfy his ego. H e blamed the degradation of learning among his people upon 2 9 A m a n t o s , " K o r a i s " in Hellenica, 3 0 K o r a i s , Life, 3 1 Ibid.,

p. 19.

pp. 18-9.

V I , 10.

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

23

the Turks. Indeed the word Turk, as he testified, was now to him synonymous with wild beast.82 The next four years (1778-82) spent in the infidel city were the unhappiest of his life. It was this crisis which made Korais so receptive to the doctrine of nationalism. Bound to his parents, unwilling to strike out for himself because he abhorred hardship and the life of a merchant, he remained idle, grew melancholy, and was dangerously depressed. His health broke down and he was physically plagued with harsh convulsive coughs which ended with the loss of much blood." A s if fate were conspiring against him, an earthquake swept over the city followed by a general conflagration in which his paternal home, along with many others, was burned to the ground. The physical discomfort which this imposed upon him in addition to his mental distress made him feel that he would either lose his mind or die. 34 H i s parents tried every means to improve his mental condition, even going as far as to make arrangements for a marriage. Korais, however, had no intention of settling permanently in Smyrna, not only because life there was no longer fit for him, but also because his hatred for the Turks, who he now felt were responsible for his misfortune, had grown so boundless that he could not endure the sight of them. He lived some distance from the city so that he might not see Turks 8 5 —they had debased learning and had deprived him of opportunities. 39 3 2 A m a n t o s , " K o r a i s " in Hellenica,

V I , 9 ; K o r a i s , Life,

p. 20.

3 3 H e evidently e x a g g e r a t e d his physical illness, f o r he often speaks

of

coughing up blood, implying tuberculosis, though he lived to be 85 y e a r s o f age. K o r a i s , Life, 3 4 K o r a i s , Life, 3 5 Ibid.,

p. 11.

p. 20.

pp. 20-1.

3 6 T h i s w a s again evidenced some years later while in P a r i s when

he

witnessed the return of V o l t a i r e ' s remains to the city. W a t c h i n g the p r o cession g o by, he reminisced t h a t only the F r e n c h

knew how to

honor

philosophers and then recalled that the ancient G r e e k s also honored " v i r t u e a n d wisdom " . H e meditated that all things of lasting value in E u r o p e w e r e

24

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

In the face of such serious disturbance, his parents finally g a v e their consent and financial aid to their t h i r t y - f o u r y e a r old son to leave S m y r n a — t h i s time to study medicine in M o n t pellier. O n October 9, 1782

37

he l e f t f o r the last time, n e v e r

again to see his birthplace or any part of Greece. In Montpellier he found life agreeable and stimulating, 8 8 and his

studies,

though not his first interest, were a welcome change f r o m the dispiriting dullness of the past four years. H i s mental tranquillity and economic security, however, w e r e seriously disturbed a year later by the death of his father and that of his mother shortly after. H e w a s l e f t without money, f o r the estate, originally small, was divided between him and his brother. 39 Hence K o r a i s f o r the first time in his life w a s compelled to earn his own livelihood. THE

TRANSITIONAL

PERIOD

T h i s marks the beginning of the second period in his life. K o r a i s turned to writing f o r his support, w h i c h led him to become a self-taught philologist and the most active and e x pressive Greek nationalist of modern times. T h e

transition

f r o m philology or the study of Hellenic writings and G r e e k folk literature to a determinedly vocal philhellenism had already been indicated by French writers. K o r a i s instinctively followed this path, only to blaze a wider and a more direct trail. in reality of Greek origin. This brought tears to his eyes. " But w h y open old wounds ? " he asked. Nevertheless he went on to record his t h o u g h t s : " I said to myself, deep in thought, barbarous and obscene country [the Ottoman empire], terrible Turk, many from my o w n land (and maybe mys e l f ) could have been the equals of Voltaire if the present-day tyranny had not caused my fatherland to become sterile and fruitless—Greece the mother of philosophy." See Damalas, Letters, II, 211-215. T h i s letter bears the date of November 15, 1791. 37 Korais, Life, pp. 20-21. T h e date given in Biographie is incorrect, see vol. V, 52.

des

contemporains

38 Damalas, Letters, II, 102. Korais to Dimitrios Lotos (or Protopsaltis, i. e. first choir leader) ; henceforth this will be referred to as the Korais-Lotos correspondence. 39 Korais, Life, p. 2 1 ; Amantos, " Korais ", in Hellenica,

V I , 10.

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

25

H i s first book, a m o n g his many published works, w a s a modern Greek translation f r o m a German version of O r t h o d o x doctrine written by a Russian theologian. It w a s designed f o r use in the Greek church schools and as such it met with some success, 40 but K o r a i s did not realize the monetary gains he had expected. H e therefore prepared in 1783 a more complete edition ; 4 1 and with the aid of his close friend in S m y r n a , D i m i t r i o s Lotos, and others in the Greek-speaking world, he disposed of several hundred copies. In 1834 it went into a third edition and in 1892, nearly sixty years a f t e r his death, parts of it w e r e reprinted again f o r the twenty-second time. A short version w a s also prepared f o r the O r t h o d o x schools of the " Illyrians, Serbs, and Wallachians " , and a German translation was printed in Vienna. 4 2 T h e importance of these books lies not so much in the fact that they met with eventual though belated success, but that they introduced a new literary standard f o r the w r i t i n g modern Greek prose. T h e y were the forerunners of

of

Korais'

monumental w o r k in recasting and systematizing the language. 4 4 A t this early stage of his literary career, K o r a i s ' simplicity of style and his f o r c e f u l , expressive manner were apparent. It w a s plain that not medicine but the field of literature w a s to be his life's vocation, f o r he took greater pride and more j o y in the reception of his books than in his progress in the sciences; he was more interested in the theory and bibliography

of

40 Ko/inv, 'O/AMofof AlAaoxaZIa (Aaipia, 1782). (Adamantios Korais, Orthodox Doctrine... Leipzig, 1782). See also Ttupyiov Aada, BitXioypaoiiuii 'E pewat ' Avaipe pi/it vat eif ra 'E pya TO i ' kSapavriov Kopay, 'ADfjvai 1934. (George Ladas, The Works of Adamantios Korais: A Bibliographical Investigation, Athens, 1934)- P- 29. no. 1. Hereafter cited as Ladas, Works-, Damalas, Letters, II, 33941 Damalas, Letters, II, 339-400. Korais-Lotos correspondence; Korais speak? of the slight gain realized; cf. Kopaij, Zi-mfts rfc 'Ic/ac 'Ivrop/ac xai rye na-rixyaeui (Bfw?na, 1783). (Adamantios Korais, A Summary of Sacred History and Catechism, Venice, 1783). 42 Ladas, Works,

p. 39, nos. 2-3.

43 This phase in Korais' career is treated at length in Chapter II.

26

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

medicine than in medical practice, in which, incidently, he never engaged. For this reason, and to replenish his resources, he published in 1787 La medecine clinique, a translation from a German manual written by Dr. C. G. Selle. Not long afterwards he translated several other medical books into French from English and German.4* But this was not enough, Korais was still suffering from lack of funds. The very life of austere frugality which he so earnestly detested was upon him with all of its gruesomeness. Frantic letters were dispatched to Lotos in Smyrna, directing him to sell what still remained of the family estate, even his prized watch, and to forward the money without delay.40 Despite Korais' financial difficulties he was happy; physical hardship did not mean so much to him as emotional and mental satisfaction, and France provided him with both. He was pleased with life in Montpellier and felt himself at his best in the dynamic intellectual environment of the French which was so characteristic of the eighteenth century. In contrast to Turkey he came to love France and to marvel at the " virtues" of the English, especially their " liberty ". These two countries constituted for him " enlightened Europe " and presented, he felt, a symbol of attainment for aspiring Greek youths. To Lotos he seldom wrote of Europeans without recommending that the Greeks should emulate them.46 THE

DEVELOPMENT

OF H I S

NATIONALISM

His regard for France and England did not, however, lessen his Greek patriotism. Everything he did was motivated by his feeling for his co-nationalists—a desire to reform them in the manner of the French. It was during this period, while in Montpellier, that Korais' life took on that strangely aesthetic and 44 L a d a s , Works, p. 40, nos. 6-10. L i s t e d h e r e a r e t h e medical t r a n s l a t i o n s , p r e p a r e d d u r i n g this p e r i o d b u t not published until 1795-6. 45 D a m a l a s , Letters, I I , 80, K o r a i s - L o t o s c o r r e s p o n d e n c e . H a r d l y a letter is sent t o L o t o s which does not m e n t i o n his e c o n o m i c distress. 46 Ibid., pp. 25-42.

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

27

mystical quality which was so full of devotion and so eager for sacrifice and even martyrdom, not to God or to a supernatural religion, but to the fatherland and the Greek nation. H e sought to excel in his studies so that the French might form a better opinion of the modern Greeks; he never lost an opportunity to boast to them of his compatriots ; and he carefully concealed anything which might place the latter in an unfavorable light. His moral behavior was impeccable, not only then, but throughout the rest of his life, because he believed his conduct would redound to the advantage of his people. Besides, he appeared to have a mysterious faith and confidence in himself, as if destined for national leadership. T h i s is not to say that he was over-bearing or selfish, or even self-centered, for he never thought in terms of his own personal interests—but only of rdyivos (the race, people, nation). This is witnessed by the fact that at a time when he could ill afford it, in 1787, he printed four hundred copies of his doctoral

dissertation,

on

the

medical

knowledge

of

Hip-

pocrates, 47 and distributed them among his friends and acquaintances. It was a heavy strain upon his finances, but he felt amply compensated when one of the young doctors of Montpellier said that he " read my thesis with pleasure and felt that he learned from it that the Greeks of today, though subjugated, are still the Greeks of ancient times, that the spirit of their progenitors had not died out. 48 . . . I substantiated the glory of my ancestors and honored my country."

49

47 H i s dissertation, Medicus Hippocraticus (Montpellier, 1787), purported t o prove that medical knowledge of his day w a s suggested, in a large measure, by Hippocrates. S e e Q u e u x de Saint-Hilaire, Lettres Inédites de Coray à Chardon la Rochette ( P a r i s , 1877), pp. 504-10; 593-7. T h i s volume contains part of the dissertation. Korais did not receive his degree until 1788, because of lack of funds. 48 Datnalas, Letters, logiae Synopsis

II, 66. D u r i n g this time he also published (Montpellier, 1786). S e e Ladas, Works, p. 40, n. 4.

4 9 D a m a l a s , Letters,

II, 60-1, Korais-Lotos

correspondence.

Pyreto-

28

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

F r e e f r o m his medical studies, K o r a i s , n o w at the age of f o r t y , w a s a n x i o u s to visit P a r i s . H e intended to use the R o y a l L i b r a r y f o r w o r k on an improved translation o f Hippocrates. F o r such a publication, as he explained, " w o u l d be at once an honor and benefit to my c o u n t r y . " O n his trip to P a r i s he carried, a s w a s his usual custom, introductory letters. T h i s time he had references f r o m his p r o f e s s o r s in M o n t p e l l i e r — B r o u s s o n e t , G r i m a u d , and C h a p t a l — t o the F r e n c h Hellenists, Villoison, and to Clavier. 5 0 P a r i s made a p r o f o u n d impression upon h i m : I have been in the celebrated city of Paris since the 24th of May [ 1788], the home of arts and science, the Athens of today. Imagine a city, much larger than Constantinople, with 800,000 people, all sorts of academies, public libraries, where science and art have been developed to perfection, where learned men are to be seen all over the city, in boulevards, market places, cafes, etc. In the latter place you find political and literary newspapers written in German, English, and French, and in all other l a n g u a g e s . . . . Such, my friends, is Paris. Anyone is bound to be astonished at these things, but for a Greek who knows that his ancestors had reached, two thousand years ago in Athens, an equal (if not higher) degree of learning, his surprise is mingled with melancholy. A n d when, moreover, he realizes that all these blessings exist no longer in Greece but have instead been replaced by myriad evils, that where once governed the wise laws of Solon (whose name, my friend, I have often heard mentioned with reverence by the learned men here) now reign ignorance, malice, force, wickedness, insolence, and shamelessness, that instead of a Miltiades and Themistocles, whom Europe still admires, we are governed by scoundrels and stupid men (vTtfitT$i&ts) as well as by an ignorant clergy who are even worse than our foreign tyrants the Turks. When, I say, the unfortunate Greek is confronted with these things and recalls the past, then, my friend, his melancholy becomes sheer indignation and despair. 51 T h e indignation and despair which excited K o r a i s ' ethnic vanity provided the proper stimulus f o r the correction o f the 50 Korais, Life, p. 22; Damalas, Letters, II, 121. 51 D a m a l a s , Letters,

I I , 122-3. Korais-Lotos

correspondence.

A

BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

29

" myriad evils." H e reasoned that the modern Greeks would have been the equals of their ancestors had not the barbaric reign of the Ottomans obliterated learning, especially among the clergy, the rightful intellectual and spiritual leaders of the people. They had g r o w n corrupt, avaricious, enemies of enlightenment, steeping the people in deepest superstition. In 1788 he sent Lotos a detailed program of ecclesiastical reform which in many ways reflected the prevailing sentiment in France. 52 Just as the French at this time wanted the reform and not the destruction of the monarchy, so did Korais desire a cultural elevation and the spread of social responsibility among the Greeks and not the disturbance of the political status quo in the Balkans. Events in France in the next few years, however, transformed Korais from a dreaming patriot into a revolutionary nationalist. 53 W h e n the Parisians became anti-clerical and then anti-monarchical, he approved. 54 W h e n they contrasted liberty and the republicanism of the ancient past with the despotism of the present, he applauded. W h e n the soldiers spoke of Marathon and Thermopylae, and when some vociferous

females

sought to imitate the bravery of the ancient Spartan women, he was overwhelmed with joy. 5 5 The French, Korais felt, could not be defeated, they were fighting for liberty and their homes, not for tyrants. Above all he was impressed by a scheme which gained some currency in 1792, when Austrian and Prussian troops were 5 2 D a m a l a s , Letters,

I I , 130-43. " S o n of t h e H e l l e n e s " , w r i t e s K o r a i s t o

L o t o s o n t h e q u e s t i o n of t h e c l e r g y , " h o w l o n g m u s t y o u e n d u r e t h i s affliction, h o w l o n g b e f o r e y o u turn a w a y f r o m t h i s d e e p s l e e p of

unreasonable

s u p e r s t i t i o n , h o w l o n g w i l l y o u e n d u r e t o b e t r o d u p o n like s t u p i d a n i m a l s by t h e s e

dwarfs."

In

another

letter,

the p o w e r of e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d

ibid., financial

II,

143-64, h e

c l e r g y be t r a n s f e r r e d t o a S y n o d of l a y a n d a f e w c l e r i c a l 5 3 D a m a l a s , Letters, 54 Ibid.,

I I , 282.

55 Ibid.,

I I , 287-8.

I I , 287-8.

suggested

c o n t r o l of the c h u r c h by

that the

representatives.

30

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

closing in on Paris. Should the armies of the French fatherland be defeated, it was asserted that more than three-quarters of the French population would migrate to the islands o f Cyprus and Crete, to set up a Gallo-Greek state based on the principles of liberty and equality. Korais assured Lotos that he and not a few others in Greece, under the proposed new state, would experience those human blessings which were characteristic of their ancestors. 56 Consequently, the words and deeds of the revolutionaries always implied, in Korais' mind, some connection with the " subjugated " Greeks of his day. It was during this period of war in France and Europe that he wrote his anonymous pamphlets urging the Greeks to rise up against the Turks and to unite with their spiritual brothers, the French, for the cause o f national independence and liberty. The French Hellenists provided Korais with an ideology; the French Revolution with a program of action. It taught him that progress was man-made, that laws stemmed from the sovereignty of the people, that nationalities had an inherent right to political freedom. H e also thought that the French Revolution was a spontaneous uprising of an educated and enlightened people against despotism and superstition. T o him it was therefore obvious, as Pouqueville had mentioned in his book, 57 that the achievement of Greek national independence must be preceded by a period of intellectual awakening. And to this end he applied his colossal energy. Korais had long made up his mind, he wrote in substance, to devote all his strength toward the advancement of learning among his co-nationalists H e was impelled in this course, as he testified, by the example of the French, that is, they had developed a love for liberty because they had first acquired knowledge. The only way I could help toward this [the advancement of Greek culture] was to publish the works of the ancient philosophers 56Damalas, Letters,

II, 298.

57 Saint-Hilaire, Lettres Inédites de Coray, p. 390. In a letter to A. M. Barbie du Bocage he mentions his careful reading of Pouqueville.

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

31

with long prefaces in modern Greek so these books might be read by scholars as well as by the ordinary people of Greece.6® K o r a i s w i s h e d to establish, w h a t seemed axiomatic in his mind, the historical national continuity between the civilization o f ancient Hellas and the Greece of his day, hence his re-edition o f the classics. T h e " long prefaces " or the prolegomena, as he sometimes r e f e r r e d to them, were to inspire the Greeks w i t h national pride and a desire f o r political independence. H i s w o r k as a national propagandist, then, began approximately with the F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n ; but it w a s not until a decade later that it began to take the f o r m he had envisaged. T h i s delay w a s caused by the political turmoil in P a r i s and the hardships which he endured: During the frightful winter [1792-3] I lost more than three-fourths of my blood from hemorrhages which were so violent that often I would fall faint over the basin. W h e n eventually I was over this, I was plagued by a kind of pleurisy and when I finally recovered again I was in need of more food and more physical and spiritual rest to regain my strength. But my nourishment was often one ounce of bread a day because the price of a pound of bread had gone up to twenty piastres. 88 T w i c e the disorder in the city obliged him to flee to the countryside,

to the home o f

the

Hellenist

Chardon de la

Rochette. A l t h o u g h this w a s a trying period in his life, it w a s then that he established personal friendships with the best known classicists of his day. T h e y received him with open arms and encouraged him in his w o r k . A s a result, the sensitive K o r a i s , w h o disapproved o f the T e r r o r , developed a greater hatred for the Jacobins than before, f o r they kept him f r o m the R o y a l L i b r a r y and disturbed his peace. 58 Korais, Life,

pp. 22-3.

59 Damalas, Letters, II, 322-3; Korais-Lotos correspondence. T h e piastre, a Turkish coin, equalled little less than t w o francs during this period.

32

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

He had to leave his work many times to seek safety. He characterized the reign of the Jacobins as " la tyrannie de Robespierre " and his acts as " crimes de ce monstre." 80 A f t e r the Thermidorian Reaction he felt more at ease, but did not believe that tranquillity had been assured until Napoleon's rise to power, " the man who inspired respect in the hearts of those who love order, and terror in those who would disturb it." S1 Concurrently with Napoleon's rise to power, Korais began to publish his most significant works—a task that was continued for over thirty-three years without interruption. E X H O R T A T I O N S TO H I S

COMPATRIOTS

His first prolegomenon of a political nature was published in 1799 in Les Caractères des Théophraste. The book was dedicated " aux Grecs libres de la mer Ionienne " who he felt had been liberated, because the treaty of Campo Formio ( 1 7 9 7 ) transferred them from the control of the Venetians to that of the French. In his preface he showed his gratitude to the French and his desire to see the emancipation of all the Hellenic soil: A great nation motivated by a love for enlightenment and following in the footsteps of our predecessors, comes to break your chains. This liberty-loving nation offers you the means to become her equals, perhaps even more, to rival the ancient Greeks. This might be accomplished by familiarizing yourself with the language of the French, your liberators. Their language, which might justly be called the language of the Gods, has brought enlightenment to a large part of the continent. The tongue of the Greeks, however, known as the language of reason and philosophy, will be of great aid to you [in the cause of national reconstruction]. My intention is not to flatter you with banal dedications, but to suggest how 60 J. Rhotas, Korais' Letters, II, 88-9, Korais to Keun. This correspondence, like the Korais-Lotos, contains eye-witness accounts of the storming of the Bastille, the September Massacres, the flight to Varennes, and the enforced return of the royal family, etc. It also reveals important sidelights of French public opinion. 61 Korais, Life, p. 23.

A

BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

33

you might regain your happiness, and the happiness of your brothers who still live under the sceptre of iron.62 In the following year Korais brought out his first significant translation, both from the political and philological point of view, a two volume work on Hippocrates, Des airs, des eaux, et des lieux.** This too contained a long introduction and was translated into German in 1804, Spanish in 1808, and Slovakian in 1815.84 The translations were made during periods of national crises, that is, either before or just after military reverses. Korais' fulminations against tyranny, therefore, were not known to the Greeks alone. By the time Napoleon had become First Consul for life, Korais had won academic recognition as a leading European classicist, and political recognition as a supporter of the French status quo. It occasioned little surprise then when Napoleon chose Korais and two others in 1800 to translate Strabo from Greek into French. 85 This work was immediately begun and in 1805 the emperor was presented with the first volume. He was so pleased with the results that he offered the three men, in addition to their annual salary of 2,000 francs, a pension of 3,000 francs. Korais refused to accept more than the pension, waiving the salary because he feared that he would place himself under too heavy an obligation to the emperor. He had decided to serve his own people and not Napoleon.88 62 Saint-Hilaire, Lettres

Inédites

de Coray, pp. 330-31.

63 The same book was also published in Greek. 64 L a das, Works,

p. 40, nos. 12-13.

65Amantos, " K o r a i s " in Hellenica, V I , 15; P . Hubert, " A d a m a n t i o s K o r a i s " in L'Acropole, V I I I (1933), p. 19. T h e two others were Chaptal, Korais' teacher in Montpellier, and L a - P o r t e - D u - T h e i l , Korais' warm friend. They too waived the salary and accepted only the yearly pension. 66 At this time K o r a i s also refused to accept the professorial chair in ancient and modern Greek in the Collège de France, fearing it would consume all his time and thus keep him from attaining his goal—the advancement of Greek education, and eventual liberation. S e e Damalas, Letters, I I , 600.

34

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

In accordance with this purpose Korais began in 1805 the largest and most important piece of work in the early history of modern Greek literature, the Hellenic Library. This was made possible only because a wealthy Greek merchant, Sosimas,®7 agreed to pay Korais a yearly salary and to publish and distribute his books. The alliance of the man of wealth with the man of letters was one of the fateful occurrences of pre-revolutionary Greek nationalism. The two men constituted something akin to a ministry of propaganda. Korais was to re-edit the works of the ancient Greek authors and write nationalistic prefaces in modern Greek. The former were intended to appeal to the learned class and were to arouse their emulation by familiarizing them with the high state of virtue and liberty which existed among their forefathers, while the latter were to imbue the average man with a willingness to make sacrifices for the nation.68 Sosimas was to make the books available to the Greek-speaking world. These books circulated in Western Europe, the Mediterranean islands, and Asia Minor, as well as on the Greek mainland. The alliance with Sosimas made it possible for Korais' ideas, unlike those of his German contemporary, Johann Gottlieb Fichte, and some others, to become known to an incalculably large number of his compatriots. Korais' name became a by-word of patriotism and a symbol of a new order. 67 Michael Sosimas and his five brothers, with their offices in Leghorn and Moscow, were the best known and most philanthropic family in pre-revolutionary Greece. They financed schools, orphanages, hospitals, and provided needy students with funds. The article in the Greek encyclopedia does not mention, however, their significant arrangement with Korais. See (J. Eleutheroudakes (ed.), op. cit., VI, 273-4. 684«, QovpvapaiaiC%Ki,) kvTooxiitoi Iroxao/ioi (IIapiaioi, 1833). (F. Fournarakis [ed.], Improvised Thoughts, Paris, 1833), pp. 57-64. This volume also includes a reprint: Introduction to the Hellenic Library. These books in the Library were sold at a 20% discount in Greece and given gratuitously to poor but able students.

A BIOGRAPHICAL FRUITION

OF H I S

SKETCH

35

NATIONALISM

Korais, who always thought that unapplied learning had little value, began in 1805 to put into practice the ideas and acts which had been suggested to him by the French Hellenists and the Revolutionaries. This was a formal systematic application of a plan for Greek independence. The scheme was simple. T h e people would be educated to desire independence, and then taught to govern themselves once it was attained. Both ends, he believed, could be accomplished through the medium of his publications. The Hellenic Library was to inaugurate the work and lay the foundation for the new national edifice. It comprised ultimately twenty-six volumes (not including nineteen other volumes of letters and other works published posthumously) published by Korais during his eighty-five years of life. T h e books in the Library were all copiously annotated re-editions of Greek philosophers and poets, ranging from Homer to Strabo. They were first distributed in Paris, Vienna, Venice, Trieste, and Leghorn. Copies were then sent to the Greek islands, the Peloponnesus, and the cities in Asia Minor. Some were also sent to the Greek-speaking centers in Wallachia, Moldavia, and to London and Moscow. 6 9 Although the Library was projected in order to arouse the Hellenic spirit of learning and independence, it did not contain Korais' more radical thoughts. It was his custom, when he wrote for such purposes or when he openly urged revolution, to publish anonymously. Such was the case with his Gallo-Greek scheme of Greek liberation written in poetic form, that is, the Song of War (• XloKtuiarnpiov), 1800, and the Trumpet of War (ZdXir 1074a noXi/itffnjpiov), 1801, the last being translated into Russian and French. Shortly after the outbreak of the Greek revolution ( 1 8 2 1 ) both copies were re-issued again under the same secretive circumstances. They were spread broadside 69Damalas, Letters, II, 341-766, Koraxs-Basilis correspondence (letters 1-97). Most of these letters sent to his friend, Basilis of Vienna, are concerned with the preparation and shipment of the books in the Library.

36

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

among the insurgents. His other anonymous and seditious works included poems, imaginary dialogues between famous figures of history or two " Greek patriots" discussing the " Greek question". Like the others these were printed secretly, but in the form of brochures, for the purpose of facilitating circulation. 70 The Korais-Sosimas partnership proved so effective and it met with such wide popularity, that other Greek merchants, primarily those from the island of Chios, offered more money to extend its scope. It was owing to the assistance of the merchants of Chios that Korais was financially able to publish the four volumes on Strabo in Greek and another on Marcus Aurelius. The magnanimity of the merchants and their enthusiasm to absorb Western culture deeply impressed Korais. The merchants founded libraries, built new orphanages and hospitals, separated schools from ecclesiastical control, and even subsidized learning by sending each year to Europe two of their best students for special training. N o new venture was undertaken without first obtaining the advice of the " learned doctor of Paris " . He trained their best teachers, some of whom were to become prominent in the revolution of 1 8 2 1 , such as Vamvas, Koumas, and Rallis, and others. He supervised their collection of books and he formulated the policy for the new gymnasium of Chios, in imitation of Pestalozzi's and Fellenberg's pioneer work in pedagogy. The Chiotes soon became the " Athenians of Modern Greece " , as Korais called them, and he grew so proud of these people that he ceased to refer to himself as a Smyrniote and henceforth styled himself " son of Chios." He was not merely instrumental in founding lay schools in Chios but he also played a large part in the establishment of a similar school in Smyrna, an act which earned him the enmity of the clergy of the city. During the last years of his life, with the aid of French sympathizers, he founded a lyceum in Paris for the children of dispersed Greek families, that the youth 70Ladas, Works,

pp. 40-43, nos. 15, 17, 21, 33-6, 44, 57, 60, 68, 69.

A

BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

37

might not forget their national language, habits, and customs. The Paris lyceum was intended to aid them in retaining their nationality." Training teachers, founding schools, supervising the development of libraries were not the only interests in Korais' busy life. When the revolution of 1821 broke out, he set feverishly to work writing tracts on government for the leaders of the new Greek state in need of political guidance. This new crop of books, brought forth by the revolution, comprised in the main exhortations to the Greek people. Korais was much perplexed by the unnational and selfish conduct of many of the military chieftains. Consequently he hoped to circumvent the chieftains' evil traits by appealing to their altruistic and religious sense. And many of the books at this time were written for them. Over and over he pointed out in the prefaces appended to the re-editions of Aristotle's Politics (1821) and Ethics (1822), Plutarch's Politics72 (1824) and in the preface of the second edition of Beccaria's Crimes and Punishments ( 1 8 2 3 ) , " that citizenship and Christianity were based on the same standard of morality, that a good citizen was essentially a good Christian. He tried to revive the ancient ideal of justice which he understood so well in the history of the Greek city-states. Since the threat of defeat and the spread of dissension and even civil war could not induce them to settle their differences, Korais made solicitous entreaties to man's better nature. He gave political morality an ethical meaning and propped it up with religious compulsion. It was during this time that he clearly stated his ideas on government, law, and nationality—views which were reflected in the constitutions of the new state of Greece. 71 Damalas, Letters,

I V 1 , 411-413, Korais-Vlastos

correspondence.

72 Plutarch never wrote a book w i t h the title " Politics ", but he penned several essays on this subject. It is these that Korais collected and re-edited in a book form with the title mentioned above. 7 3 L a d a s , Works,

pp. 40-42, nos. 20, 37, 38, 46.

38

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

His books of this period did not bring about the harmony, as Korais had fondly hoped, out of the disorders and antagonisms which manifested themselves immediately at the outbreak of the Greek revolution. Conflicting forces were too deeply rooted for that. Some of these centrifugal forces originated with the French Revolution when the Greek mainland, and the islands in particular, began to experience a highly rapid commercial development '* which completely disrupted the political and social balance. Beginning with the treaty of Kuchuk Kairnarji ( 1 7 7 4 ) , up to and beyond the treaty of Vienna ( 1 8 1 5 ) , Greek merchants were given favorable commercial privileges first by the Russians and then by the Turks. This, together with the French Revolution, the resulting food shortage, the partition of Venice, and the Continental Blockade, opened up new trading opportunities and unprecedented profits. A new class came to the fore in this period, the merchantbourgeoisie. The old patriarchal class, which based its strength on landed wealth and special prerogatives, as political administrators of the Sublime Porte, was challenged by the merchantbourgeoisie who identified themselves with the liberalism of the Western Europeans. The new merchant class sought the independence and control of the Greek national state. 75 T h e landed primates desired the maintenance of the status quo and looked upon revolution only as a means toward the further consolidation of their power within the empire. They did not think in terms of national independence. A s indicated in his writings, Korais had not fully evaluated the force and meaning of this economic and social flux. 74 S. Vorior, " L a marine marchande Les Balkans, X I I (1940), 21-43-

grecque

an X V I I I *

siècle"

in

7 5 ' l u . Kop'lârnç, H K-UUIJVIKT/ oi/.itnla rrjç 'E70.I)VIK!/Ç 'Errauaarâaeuç RTIV 1 8 2 1 ('Avivai, 1927. (J. Kordatos, The Social Significance of the Greek Revolution of 1821. Athens. 1927), pp. 39-52. Although written by a Communist with an obviously biased point of view, this is the first treatment of the conflict between the landed class and the trading bourgeoisie.

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

39

The social and economic forces which strongly manifested themselves in the revolution of 1821 marked not only a severance of Turkish control, but also a change of power within Greece. From the beginning of the revolution to 1829, Greece was in the throes of foreign and civil wars, and at the mercy of the great powers—England, France, and Russia—all of which caused Korais to despair for the future of his fatherland. His books, therefore, from 1821-31 were, for the most part, devoted to the existing political exigencies. He wrote on religion, philosophy, and political science with the hope that his opinions might serve as guides out of the morass.7® His

LAST

YEARS

Korais' greatest disappointment for the future of his fatherland came when John Capodistrias, the Greek diplomat from the island of C o r f u w h o distinguished himself as foreign minister for Tsar Alexander I of Russia, was chosen Governor of Greece ( 1 8 2 8 - 3 1 ) . John Capodistrias was Korais' friend of long standing. But Korais, the man of books and letters, did not understand the problems which confronted this practical and energetic statesman; he viewed his wise and urgent reforms with grave suspicion. It seemed to him that Capodistrias was building a personal, dictatorial government. He mistook the Greek Governor's laws against brigandage for violations of human liberty. Although a personal friend, Korais did not hesitate, when he felt that the sacred shrine of liberty had been despoiled, to write anonymous and bitter brochures against Capodistrias' reign. 77 H e deplored the latter's assassination, but believed all the while that Greece had been liberated from the rule of a tyrant. Just when Capodistrias was felled by the knife of one of the sons of an imprisoned brigand, Korais' hopes for a sovereign, democratic Greece received a new stimulus. The misrule of 7 6 L a d a s , Works,

p. 43. nos. 59, 60, 68-9, 70.

77 Ibid., p. 43, nos. 68-9.

4°

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

Charles X in France and the resultant July Revolution (1830) with its ideas of democracy seemed to imply that a republican France would assist the Greeks in establishing a similar government. Such, however, was not the case. Before the advent of the Bavarian prince to the Greek throne (1833), Korais warned the people against a monarchical government which would be susceptible to foreign influence and become the puppet of the great powers. He recommended the erection of a democratic state, for, he believed, it would be appropriate to the meager resources of the country and representative of the general will.78 Fearful that Greece would become the vassal state of a stronger nation and apprehensive of foreign intervention, Korais' last days were troublesome and exciting. Old, tired, and weak, but still imbued with a fiery devotion to his beloved fatherland, thinking his life had been profitably spent—though embittered because his mission had not been completed—Korais died on April 6, 1833, after three days of semi-consciousness; the immediate cause of his death was an accidental fall to the floor while bending over to pick up his coffee pot. He was given an elaborate funeral by his friends and compatriots in Paris and was buried in the cemetery of Montparnasse, next to his friend, the classicist Thurot. 78 Up to his last day, as from the very beginning, Korais was financially dependent. In the last decade of his life, after he had severed relations with the Sosimas brothers because they constantly pressed him for publications and were slow in meeting their own obligations, the merchants of Chios financed and distributed the books in the Hellenic Library. They also paid 78 Damalas, Letters, I, , et seq. The preface was written by Mamoukas who began the edition of these letters but died shortly after the publication of the first volume. Consequently the editing was completed by Damalas. 79 Damalas, Letters, I, ppy'-pue'. An account of Korais* death and his funeral is carefully described in a letter written by one of his Greek friends in Paris. Korais' last will is also preserved in copy in this preface. See ibid.,

I. Piy'-fW.

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

41

for all other materials he chose to print, such as his six volumes of Atakta ("ATOKTO) or philosophical notes.80 For this reason he bequeathed his large and valuable library, which he would not sell despite his frequent need, to his " compatriots ", the people of Chios, and wrote these words for his own epitaph : Adamantios Korais buried in the foreign soil of Paris which he has loved equally with Greece, his fatherland.81 Shortly after his death the French added the following : This noble child of the Greeks, evoking their spirit, aroused a people of heroes with his voice. France, O Korais, your second fatherland, is proud to keep you here in this place of your final rest.82 In 1876 the Korais Committee of Marseilles, with branches in the large cities of Europe and Asia Minor, decided to repatriate his remains. Accordingly in 1877, Korais was given a second burial in Athens and his statue was erected in front of the University of Athens.83 In 1903 the Pan-Hellenic Educational Congress held its first meeting before Korais' stone likeness to symbolize the unity of the y twos. The celebration of his first centenary in 1933, both in Paris and Athens, evoked several articles on Korais, the first really thoughtful literature on this very serious man.8* 8 0 L a d a s , Works, p. 43, nos. 61-7. Atakta is best translated by the word melanges. I have, however, preferred the English transliteration rather than the French translation. 81 Saint-Hilaire, Lettres Inédites, p. x x . 82 Amantos, " Korais " in Hellenica, V I , 29. 83 Ibid., pp. 29-36; Damalas, Letters, I PKO'-O'. T h e preface of the first volume of Letters lists the names of those who made financial contributions for the repatriation of Korais' remains. 84 See the periodical Hellenica, V I , containing four articles and L'Acropole, V I I I , containing t w o articles occasioned by the centenary. S e e also the bibliographical essay in the preface of Damalas, Letters, I.

42

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

In the evaluation of the conspicuous men before and during the Greek revolution of 1821, Korais, under any labeling, must be, as is generally the case, placed first on the list of modern Greek leaders. T h e reasons for this choice are several. H e gave shape and substance to the present Greek language. Following his own dictum that " all our stupid behavior, all our misfortune or good fortune hinges upon our proper or improper education ", he more than any other person brought Greece into contact with the new learning of the West. H e founded and supervised schools and libraries. H e guided the destiny of one of the first modern Greek newspapers, the Sagacious Hermes (A67m>$'Epurjs), founded and printed in Vienna; 8 6 he aided and abetted by word and deed the pro-Greek sentiment in France. 8 * Through the medium of journalism, prose, dialogue, poetry, and essays, he imbued the Greek people with an ancestral worship and a love of country that was both emphatic and revolutionary. Through the epistolary medium (his edited correspondence comprises over three thousand closely printed pages) he advised and directed the growing literary interest of his people which he called the " rebirth of Hellas " and concurrently he cautioned and admonished the revolutionaries of 1821. His wide influence was realized even in his own day. The Greek nation gathered in the Third National Assembly to study its great interest offers you its respect and love from the depths of its heart, painfully mindful that it cannot embrace your venerable temple. It can embrace, however, your golden words and wise counsel. It is conversant with your books which brighten its soul and heart. It hopes that you will not cease to impart to your compatriots your valuable thoughts and to urge them on to the common good.87 8 5 L a d a s , Works, p. 43, no. 56. 86 S . P a p p a s , " L e s F r a n ç a i s au s e r v i c e d e l ' i n d é p e n d e n c e h e l l é n i q u e " in Revue des Études Historiques, X C I X 87Amantos,

"Korais"

( 1 9 3 3 ) , 163-70.

in Hellenica,

VI,

T h i r d N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y on A p r i l , 1827.

21. T h i s

was

written by

the

A BIOGRAPHICAL

SKETCH

43

It is difficult to measure a man's influence upon his age. It can only be approximated. It may be stated with certainty, however, that Korais and the Koraists were in a large measure responsible for the reforming and revolutionary spirit in the Greek war of independence. It may also be claimed, moreover, that he supplied the Greek revolutionary ardor, which was a concomitant of political and social as well as economic factors, with a nationalistic philosophy and an ultimate goal. He gave it a traditional, linguistic, and ennobling substance. Indeed Korais wove his ideas so inextricably with his age and his people that the Greek revolution of 1821 has become identified with his name. A f t e r his death Korais' influence extended beyond the limits of the Greek world. It was felt particularly in Serbia, as is evidenced by the career of Vukashin Radisich (1810-43), a Serbian philologist, born in a Greek-speaking section near Belgrade. Radisich became so proficient in the modern Greek language that he taught Greek in the town of his birth and later was made Professor of Greek in the gymnasium of Kragujevac. It was only natural that Radisich should come into contact with Korais' ideas of liberty and nationality. The Serbian philologist wished to popularize these concepts among his people. In 1837, almost in imitation of Korais' work, he published extracts in Serbian from Xenophon and other Greek writers. Five years later he printed in a Serbian periodical, Novine,

Serbske

an eulogy of Korais entitled " Socrates of Modern

Hellas ". Radisich pointed out that his newly acquired hero's national exhortations could and ought to be applied to Serbs as well as Greeks. Radisich had intended to translate many of Korais' prolegomena into his own native language, but he died before he could accomplish his task. He did manage, however, to make

44

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

several translations, most of which were published in 1842 in the Golubica, a Serbian paper. 88 In the early decades of the nineteenth century the Balkans began to respond to the dynamic forces of Western Europe and they turned to Korais who had exemplified and interpreted these forces. Despite the fact that he thought and worked only in terms of the Greek cause, his books and ideals corresponded to the general spirit of the times and were understood by other aspiring nationalists. A s to his fame as a classicist Reinach, editor of a cooperative work on Greece, wrote of him in 1908: Korais, the philologist and the Hellenist, loomed high among the scholars of his d a y . . . . From the very beginning Villoison, Clavier, and Wolf recognized him as a colleague and an equal. Korais has not had a forerunner in Greece ; he still has not found his equal.89 Korais' fame as a philologist rests primarily on his reforms in the modern Greek language ; and these innovations, indeed, had a national and social importance. But in order to gain the proper perspective for these reforms it is first necessary to glance back to 1782 when Korais decided to study medicine in Montpellier, France. 88 M. \&axapi, "

utraÇpaorijç roi Kaparj-, o Bovuaolv PaiiotTçf" 'EAXqviKa,

( M . L a s c a r i s , " K o r a i s * Serbian T r a n s l a t o r : V u k a s h i n R a d i s i c h " , in Helletuca, V I , 78-80). T h e Glasntk, a S e r b i a n periodical, also carried some of R a d i s i c h ' s translations. T h o s e in the Golubica appeared in the following order : 1842, I V , 43-56, 62-79; 1843, V , 42-59. 60-79. 79-828 9 A n o n y m o u s ( é d . ) , La Grèce ( P a r i s , 1908). T h e contributors were H o m o l l e , H o u s s a y e , Reinach, T h é r y , D e s c h a m p s , Diehl, F o u g è r e s , Psichari, B e r l , and Paillarés.

CHAPTER II LANGUAGE AND NATIONAL REGENERATION K O R A I S A B A N D O N S M E D I C I N E FOR

PHILOLOGY

KORAIS' decision to study medicine in Montpellier was not entirely motivated by a love for science or an admiration for the medical profession. It was largely determined by his overwhelming desire to leave the intellectually stagnant life of Smyrna, and a medical career in France offered a temporary means of escape. His judgment was made on the basis of expediency and did not, therefore, represent his real interest, which was the classics. Korais was certain of this, for his residence in Amsterdam had persuaded him that his future lay in the realm of letters rather than in medicine. He thought it wise, however, to sacrifice his literary proclivities for a more dependable means of livelihood. W h e n he took this step, Korais did not inalterably turn his back on literature. L i f e in Western Europe, he knew from previous experience, provided many opportunities for men with energy and ambition, and he believed that he could combine the medical with the literary field. Consequently, it was only natural for Korais to regard his six years in Montpellier (1782-1788) as a transitory period and to evince a greater concern for literature and Greek philology than for medicine. 1 It was during this period that Korais began to correspond with the noted Hellenist, Villoison. 1 He carefully sought out the literary salons of Montpellier and studiously cultivated the acquaintance of influential and " learned men ". His friendship 1 Damalas, Letters, II, 11-122. This volume contains the sixteen letters written by Korais to Lotos during his six years in Montpellier. They all attest to his indifferent attitude toward medicine. This feeling was not altered even though Korais was elected corresponding member of the Royal Academy of Science in 1787. See ibid., p. 81. 2 Damalas, Letters, II, 108-110. 45

46

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS 3

with bishop Saint-Simon of A g d e perceptibly increased his preference for philology. The prelate impressed him with his extensive knowledge of the ancient languages of the Near East and of Greek in particular. The bishop also commended and highly proclaimed in the salons Korais' linguistic ability.4 He and Villoison advised Korais to go to Paris and there to join with the French Hellenists who would launch him on a career in the classics. The suggestion was appealing, for Korais had always preferred the life of a litterateur. He had already formulated, moreover, some opinions on ancient and modern Greek. He believed that the modern speech was in a state of flux, that the time would soon arrive for someone to recast and simplify the language of his compatriots. It was his feeling that this could best be done by re-shaping modern Greek to conform to the morphology of its ancient prototype.6 It was, therefore, his indifference to medicine, the encouragements from Villoison and bishop Saint-Simon, and his ideas on the contemporary language of his co-nationalists, which largely influenced Korais to leave Montpellier for a philosophical career in the great French metropolis. He was not, however, thoroughly convinced that he should abandon medicine. Consequently, during his early years in Paris he divided his time between his profession and literature. 6 Nevertheless, his mind was set on attaining a reputation as a classicist. In 1799 he brought out in French his first publication on antiquity, Les Caractcres de Thcophraste. A few years later he edited and published in Greek two other works in the classics. 7 3 Ibid., p. 109. The bishop of Agde was a member of several philological societies and intimated to Korais that he too might be admitted to one. 4 P. Pius Bonifacius Gams, Scries (Ratisbone, 1 8 7 3 ) , 4 7 8 . 5 Damalas, Letters, II,

115-116,

Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae

Korais-Lotos correspondence.

6 During the first decade of the forty-five years spent in Paris, Korais published several medical works. They have been mentioned in Chapter I. 7 Kopai?, 'ITTROKPDROUF TTÌ/JÌ àèpuv, iidàruv, tóvuv (ILapiaiot, 1 8 0 0 ) . (Korais, Hippocrates on Climate, Water, and Configuration, Paris, 1 8 0 0 ) . Kopo^, \6yyov rn Karà &à.ót/v (17apio««, 1 8 0 2 ) . (Korais, Longus' Daphne and Chìoe, Paris, 1 8 0 2 . )

LANGUAGE

AND

NATIONAL

REGENERATION

47

In 1802, however, Korais' modern Greek translation of Beccaria's Crimes and Punishments 8 was a more significant event. It marked his complete rejection of medicine. H e became absorbed in what was to be his life-long task: the revival of the cultural eminence of the Greek nation. A n d the translation of Beccaria was the first step in this direction, for its ostensible purpose was to acquaint his national-folk with Western European enlightenment and to inaugurate the intellectual liberation of the Greeks from nearly four centuries of "Islamic darkness". Language was the keynote of Korais' plan for the restoration of Greek cultural leadership. W i t h sufficient linguistic training the Greeks, he believed, could go back to their national treasure—the works of Plato, Aristotle, and others—and draw guidance as well as inspiration for their national regeneration. Korais thought that the study of the classics would bring enlightenment to the Greeks just as it did for Western Europe during the period of the great Renaissance. W i t h this exaggerated historical concept in mind, Korais began to put into practice his ideas on the " rebirth of Hellas ", having already entered in 1805 into the fateful arrangement with the merchant Sosimas, which made possible the Hellenic Library. The Library contained ancient and modern Greek, for Korais claimed that reading and collating both languages would further the nation's understanding of its mother-tongue. The careful study of each text would advance learning and thereby assure the revival in Greece of ancient virtues and glories. Moreover, the knowledge acquired from the ancient texts would not only make for enlightenment, but it would also help liberate the people from the shackles of poverty. H e who possessed learning, Korais thought, need never starve, nor tolerate the rule of barbarians. Only through knowledge might man attain economic freedom and a full life. 9 8'Avuvi/iov (/«ti.), Kopar), XvWojTj TTf ol.eyofxivuv (BiiuvTj, 1815). (Anonymous [ed.], Korais: Selected Prolegomena, Vienna, 1815), pp. 4-6. 9Anonymous (ed.), Korais: Selected Prolegomena, pp. 57-60.

48

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

The plan and objectives of the Library were clear to Korais. The study of Greek would open the great treasure of the classics to his compatriots. It would familiarize them with their past history and rekindle their national patriotism. Classical learning and patriotism would be the basis for the cultural elevation of the fatherland, and upon this foundation they would build for the future political liberation of the " land of Hellas." T H E RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND NATIONALITY

The relationship between language and nationality was firmly established by the philologists of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. These romantic philologists attached a new concept to the nation. They were persuaded, by their historical research, that every large language group constituted a distinct nation, in a word, that nation and language were identical. The speech spoken by the average man was felt to be the pure mother-tongue of the ethnic group, who had inherited it through the course of many centuries. These philologists of the romantic era made language appear as an inalienable heritage which set off one people from another. Since they believed that this ethnic-linguistic heritage was transmitted from generation to generation, it was but natural that they should display a passionate interest in " national" habits and customs. The romantic proponents of philology showed great enthusiasm for folk-music, folk-literature, customs, and the " physiognomy of language ", as it was termed by Herder, the " father of philology." 10 He and his successor Fichte wrote voluminously to imbue their people with convictions of national homogeneity based on linguistic continuity. 11 Probably for political reasons the romantic movement in the Germanies was particularly articulate. The brothers Grimm 10 R. R. Ergang, Herder pp. 140-76.

and the Foundation

1 1 H . C. Engelbrecht, Johann 95-135-

Gottlieb

Fichte

of German

Nationalism,

( N e w York, 1933), pp.

LANGUAGE

AND

NATIONAL

REGENERATION

49

collected and published during Korais' life-time folk-poetry, folk-songs, and also produced an extensive German grammar. It was their belief that language possessed a distinctive quality, interwoven with national character. 12 They urged " knowledge of indigenous " literature and less attention to foreign lore because " nature herself guides us toward the fatherland." There was also the volatile Frederick Schlegel, Korais' esteemed friend, 13 whose patriotism caused him to long for the revival of the glories of medieval Germany. Like the others, he too wrote on language; Schlegel put forth, in pseudoscientific garb, the idea of the intimate relationship between language and racial ancestry.1* Despite Korais' generally low estimate of German learning, he undoubtedly was strongly influenced by German philologists and has sometimes, with apparent justification, been compared with them. The problems which these men felt were confronting them were similar. Germany was under the power of the French; Greece was under Turkish domination. The spoken language of the former had been neglected and despised, while that of the latter had been corrupted and ignored. Herder thought that Greek and German were the two genuinely pure and original languages of Europe. It was averred, moreover, that the two nations, whose speech had survived from the time of their ancient forefathers, had been the first to develop the principles of liberty and democracy, the Greeks in the citystates, and the Germans in the Mark. Their past history was noble and inspiring, while their present only recorded ignominious foreign oppression. It was against this general background that Korais enlarged his own ideas on the blood affinity of the ancient and modern 12 R. Stadelmann, " The Brothers Grimm " in Encyclopedia Sciences, VII, 173-4. 13Damalas, Letters,

of the

Social

II, 769.

14 K. S. Pinson, " Frederick Schlegel", in Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, XIII, 571-2. Schlegel's dictum, " Quot linguae, tot g e n t e s i s well known.

SO

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

Greeks. H e substantiated his thesis on the basis o f linguistic continuity.

Probably with the aid o f Schlegel's theory, he

maintained that the modern Greek nation could easily be traced back in unbroken succession to the Greeks of the ancient classics. Whoever should doubt this let him recall the slight difference between the language of today and that of Prodromos [twelfth century Greek poet], let him then compare the latter with the authors of the fourth or fifth century A. D . . . . The language of this early period differs little from that of the twelfth c e n t u r y . . . . Compare it with the spoken Greek of the second and third centuries and it will be seen that it differs only slightly from the Greek [of the twelfth century]." F r o m this he surmised that a pure language, such as Greek, could not die unless the whole nation was obliterated. Greece had been conquered and subjected to foreign domination many times throughout the centuries, but her speech endured. I t was, therefore, historical evidence which proved conclusively

to

Korais that Greek was an indigenous tongue with its roots going back to the early centuries before Christ. T h e close similarity o f modern to ancient Greek was clear to Korais. T h e speech of his time, he wrote, had evolved from the mother-tongue, from the inner soul of the national group. Consequently it was the product and heritage of the Greek people. T h e historical continuity of Greek led Korais to affirm that the blood o f the ancient Greeks was transmitted, like their language, from one generation to another, that the modern Greeks were the direct descendants of the philosophers o f classical antiquity, and that the splendor of Greek culture would have endured to modern times, as it did for many centuries under the Byzantine empire, had not the Ottoman " b a r b a r i a n s " retarded its progress.

Korais wrote that if the Greeks were

freed from the retrogressive influence of the Moslems they 15 Korais, Atakta

(Paris, 1829), II,

, et seq.

LANGUAGE

AND

NATIONAL

REGENERATION"

51

would again take the leadership among the cultured nations of the world. Having adopted the thesis that language was a badge of nationality, and its corollary that the retrogressive influence of the Turks kept the Greeks from assuming their rightful position in the world, Korais set out to examine more closely his native tongue and to provide more ample proof to his co-nationalists of their linguistic and racial descent from the ancients. He edited and printed for the first time an extensive folk-poem written by Prodromos (fl. 1 1 5 0 ) . He also printed in part several other poems, one of which dealt with the defeat of the Turks by Tamerlane. 19 He examined and commented on the first grammars and texts in modern Greek. There were several, such as Turcograecia, Germanograecia ( 1 5 5 7 ) , Glossarium Graecobarbarum ( 1 6 1 0 ) , and Vocabolario Italiano e Greco ( 1 6 2 2 ) as well as a Thesaurus published in Paris (1709) by a Capuchin monk. These books, written by Protestant or Catholic missionaries, only aroused his contempt.17 For they were crude attempts to give a written form to modern Greek. The result of his historical research was to make Korais keenly aware of the prevailing language disunity among his people. He feared that lack of linguistic homogeneity would be a stumbling-block in the movement of Greek cultural regeneration. He also began to think that the time had come to recast the language of modern Hellas and that it was he who should do it. He regarded this as a sacred duty which God and the father-land had placed upon his shoulders.18 16 Korais, Atakta, II, »', et seq., ibid., I. af'-di*'. The first part of the last citation contains the full reproduction of the twelfth century poem. The latter part comprises the other lyrics. 17 This attitude was first evinced by Korais in his preface to Beccaria's Crimes and Punishments, and it was also mentioned in his Introduction to the Hellenic Library. See Anonymous, Korais: Selected Prolegomena, 1-13; 55-60; Kampanes, op. cit., 83, 90-91. 18 Damalas, Letters,

II, 568-78; Anonymous, op. cit., pp. 13-60.

52

ADAMAN TIOS

KORAIS

T H E S T A T E OF M O D E R N G R E E K B E F O R E

1821

Generally speaking, there were four main divisions of Greek during the first decades of the nineteenth century. They were classical Greek, medieval ecclesiastical, the modern speech of the educated classes, and the modern vernacular of the illiterate masses. 18 Naturally they were all closely related but the first two divisions formed a distinct group, which represented the literary heritage of the Greeks, while the last two constituted another group, which was indicative of their colloquial heritage. In addition, within each of these two large groups there were many shades of differences in syntax, vocabulary, and orthography. The boundaries were not well defined; there w a s little agreement as to where one division ended and the other began. A factor which contributed further to this general confusion was the thoroughly unsettled state of the modern speech of the educated classes and the vernacular of the untutored masses. It was in this sphere that Korais brought to bear his concepts of linguistic reforms. A s if the language disagreement were not enough, the whole issue assumed in pre-revolutionary Greece another perplexing phase: it became inextricably involved with social, political, and economic factors that were forcefully manifesting themselves in this highly dynamic period. But before these elements may be properly analyzed and Korais' reforms adequately understood, it is essential that the chief characteristics of each of the four language divisions be clearly stated. Like many of the ancient languages, classical Greek had long since ceased to be spoken. In Greece it was a literary language only. T h e literature and language of Greek antiquity were taught in the ecclesiastical schools of the land. F o r some centuries, and especially during the last few decades before the Greek revolution of 1821, classical scholarship in these schools 19 A. Steinmetz, " Die Sprachfrage in Griechenland" in Südöstliche Warte, I (1929), 138-44. The author suggests essentially the four divisions mentioned above.

LANGUAGE

AND

NATIONAL

REGENERATION

53

had conspicuously degenerated until Greek " scholars", as Korais disparagingly referred to them, could hardly be compared with the Hellenists of Western Europe. Their texts were badly edited and not always understood by the teachers themselves, while their g r a m m a r s were obsolete and thoroughly inadequate. Indeed most of them were written in a language other than Greek, such as Constantine Lascaris' Grammatica graeca, which was a very popular one. Consequently the students were obliged to approach their study of ancient Greek through books written in a language in which they were not expert. T h e pedagogical methods of the schools were diffuse, complicated, and usually a source of confusion to young minds. Eight to ten years were spent in merely grammatical studies, and only those with great patience and endurance ever reached the point where they could read widely in the ancient texts. 20 A very few, therefore, in Greece became conversant with the works of classical antiquity. They were the sons of the educated class who proudly distinguished themselves by imitating, in their speech and writing, the syntax and expression of the classics. Like its classical prototype, medieval ecclesiastical Greek was essentially a literary medium. But it was also the liturgical language of the O r t h o d o x church, the language of theological disputations, and of scholastic exercises. T h e books of the church which had survived through the centuries were the chief texts for this second large language division. A s it was taught in schools, there was more confused thinking concerning the style and morphology of medieval ecclesiastical Greek than of the literary language of antiquity. Church-medieval was a combination of late classical and Byzantine Greek. In the language problems of the nineteenth century it played a subordinate 20 Karl Dieterichte, Gcschichte

der neugriechischen

Literatur

(Leipzig,

1 8 7 6 ) , pp. 156-60. C f . K . N. Xa&i, Nfot/./^i'iKjy (pt?o/i)}in: "laropia rr'r Ktor/jtr/vunpf

T?.6oon ('Artr/vai, 1820). ( K . N. Sathas, Modern Greek Philology: of the Modern Greek Language, Athens, 1870), pp. 1-3.

A

History

54

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

róle. It did not excite general emulation, for it was exclusively viewed as the language of religion. Nevertheless, it had exponents in and out of the church and was able, therefore, to present a serious obstacle to Korais* reforms, which sought to relegate it to complete obscurity. The modern speech of the educated class was both a spoken and literary language and probably for this reason it rendered Greek linguistic confusion worse confounded. Korais felt that there were represented within its boundaries some ten to fifteen different schools.21 Nor was this a biased opinion, for there was in reality no agreement as to what constituted modern Greek. Essentially, this speech was a curious amalgam of classical and medieval Greek with the modern vernacular. There was a complete absence of a fixed standard or grammatical canons; it was a pot-pourri of obsolete words and syntax with the colloquialisms of the day and the unadorned expressions of the masses. Its orthography was unsettled, varying with the preference of each writer, that is, between the ancient, medieval, or modern f o r m ; and it abounded in solecisms and flowery sentences. Probably one of the chief reasons for the chaotic state of the speech of the educated classes was that in the church schools it was taught from the point of view of ancient and medieval Greek. The teachers looked backward; they encouraged false emulation and frowned upon the plain speech of the masses. Their initial aim was to transform modern Greek so that it would be more closely akin, and almost identical, with the ancient. The result was to produce an artificial imitation of the prose of Plato and Aristotle. Consequently this strange amalgam was not always comprehensible to the Greek-speaking world. And because its exponents looked toward a more intimate affiliation with ancient Greek they were collectively known as the Atticists. 21 Anonymous, Knrais:

Selected

Prolegomena,

p. 47.

LANGUAGE

AND

NATIONAL

REGENERATION

55

T h e modern vernacular of the illiterate class was, unlike the other three divisions, essentially a spoken language. It had not been accepted as a literary medium. Its speech was idiomatic and contained many local peculiarities.

In many instances it

was grammatically corrupt. T h e exponents of the vernacular were not as aggressive as those of Attic Greek. W i t h the e x ception of V e l a r a s ( 1 7 7 1 - 1 8 2 3 ) , the others, such as Philipedis and Constantsas, were not well known. 2 3 A l t h o u g h the illiterate were more numerous than their opponents, they were unable to offer effective opposition because they lacked unity and leadership. Generally simple and sometimes crude, their language, however, was intelligible to the entire Greek world. A t this early period this g r o u p was collectively known as the

Vulgarists.

T h e y figured in K o r a i s ' reforms, but only in a limited extent. Korais, w h o w a s from the educated class and belonged to the merchant-bourgeoisie, was not willing to accept the linguistic leadership of the masses. Liberal though he was, he had little respect or sympathy f o r " pure " democracy, or polyarchy, as he termed it. 23

A n d it was for this reason that he effected a

compromise, a threefold fusion of classical Greek with the modern speech of the educated classes and the simplicity of expression of the vernacular of the illiterate masses. K o r a i s accepted only a small part of the latter; he was of the opinion that the speech of the masses possessed a few good qualities which he was willing to accept, but he would not go further. Korais, nevertheless, irrevocably rejected the medieval Greek of the church; f o r he did not think that it possessed importance outside the realm of religion. N o r did he consider it essential in his scheme f o r the linguistic unification of modern Greek. The compromise, therefore, was primarily between the classicists and the Attkists,

and only secondarily with the

Vulgarists.

22 ' I u . KopAárov, br/uoriKtOfibt; tal AoytuTaTiouós ("Aftjvai, 1927) ( J . K o r d a t o s , The Demotics and the Learned, A t h e n s , 1927), pp. 66-77. 2 3 A n o n y m o u s , Korais:

Selected

Prolegomena,

pp. 35-41.

56

A D A M A N T I OS KORAIS' LINGUISTIC

KORAIS

REFORMS,

1804-1833

Korais' active concern with modern Greek linguistic disunity began with his translation of Beccaria. It was not, however, until 1804 that he crystalized his ideas on language. In that year, in the prolegomenon to Heliodorns' Aethiopica,2* he emphasized the urgent need of modern Greek linguistic reforms and intimated that he would undertake this " great and holy task." And he made clear his position: " Language reform is not only the transformation of barbarian-like words and syntax, but also the preservation of many other words and forms." " In other words, Korais proposed to bring about a fusion of classical Greek with the speech of the educated classes. But this new language, the Koine or " common tongue", as he named it, would place greater emphasis on the living speech of the people. There was another large difference between the Koine and the Attic tongue. When classical vocabulary or orthography was employed in the former it would be set in the style and morphology of modern Greek and not as with the Atticists who kept classical Greek in its original structure, for they did not properly understand the grammar of either the ancient or their own language. The Koine would not use foreign words or phrases. It is clear [he wrote] that our present language has many words which were in use in ancient times, although they may have been altered somewhat. All our words derive from classical Greek, while foreign words are only additions that have crept into our speech. Probably no other nation has kept its language so unimpaired as we have. Our present speech, when cleansed of foreign corruptions, can be one of the best spoken languages of the day, and it can be easily attained because our sources are so well known and so excellent." 24 Anonymous, op. cit., pp. 13-54; cf. F. Fournarakis (ed.), Thoughts (Paris, 1833), pp. 1-57. 25 Anonymous, op. cit., P. 39. 26 Korais, Atakta,

IV 1 ,

a\

Improvised

LANGUAGE AND NATIONAL REGENERATION

57

Korais' new linguistic creation was a reform language in every sense of the word. It provided modern Greek for the first time with a fixed morphology, a sound and simplified syntax and orthography, as well as a vocabulary that was both extensive and intelligible. The modifications were not arbitrary, they were drawn with great care and consideration of etymology and a thorough philological understanding of ancient, medieval, and modern Greek. Korais' concept of a common national speech embraced the greater part of the Greek-speaking world. The Koine was designed to be comprehensible to the masses and still not too crude to offend the upper classes. It was unambiguous and an intelligible literary medium, not too far removed from the capacity of the average reader or too remote from its classical prototype. Because the Koine27 was so closely identified with Korais it came to be called, during his own lifetime, the Koraiste and has since come to be called the Katharevousa (Kadaptvovaa)28 or " p u r g e d " Greek. The avowed purpose of the Koraiste and the scope of its popularity have been potent factors in arousing Greek nationalism and have played a decisive role in the history of the nation. Korais was moved to undertake this task because he believed that " the time had come to rebuild the language, to begin a new life . . . to insure the success of the renaissance of the Greek nation." 29 The primary objective of the Koraiste was to bring about the linguistic unification of modern Greek as 27 B. F. C. Atkinson, The Greek Language (London, 1931), pp. 165, 168, 324. The word is not new with Korais, it has long applied to the ancient Attic dialect upon which all modern Greek is built. Nevertheless, it was employed in the nineteenth century for a special purpose to distinguish the spoken language of the people from the stagnate Byzantine of the church and to give it the attributes of universality. For a full account of the history of the Koine see P. Kretschmer, " Die Entstehung der Koine " in Sitsungsberichte-Wiener Akademie, CXLIII, no. X. 28 J. Eleutheroudakes (ed.), Encyclopedia-Lexicon, 29 Damalas, Letters,

Athens, 1930, V, 367.

III, 506-8. Cf. Anonymous, op. cit., pp. 39-42.

58

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

the first step toward the attainment of political liberty and a happier life for the people under their own nation-state. 30 Korais placed great emphasis on language as the important unifying element in a nation because he was thoroughly convinced that language and nationality were identical. " L a n g u a g e is the nation ", he wrote, " for when one says la langue de France one means the French nation." 31 Improvised

Thoughts

OR E S S A Y S ON

LANGUAGE

The greater part of Korais' reforms were presented in the prefaces to his cheap editions of the Greek classics. Korais named them Improvised Thoughts because they were essays on the linguistic status of modern Greek, and not systematic philological analyses of the language from all possible angles. The first of these appeared in 1805 32 and the second was the prolegomenon to his edition of Isocrates' Orations and Letters (1807) 33 and constituted the first two volumes in the Hellenic Library, which continued to appear in more or less biennial volumes up to 1827. Although Korais always revered the high quality of ancient Greek, he began his essays with the assertion that " our present language is neither a barbaric tongue nor ancient Greek, but a new language of a new nation; it is the daughter and beneficiary of its rich, ancient prototype." 31 In view of this, the guiding principle in the essays was to re-shape modern Greek in accordance with its ancient model, but not to substitute arbitrarily an antiquated vocabulary for the modern. Since the 3 0 This thesis is frequently expressed in the preface to Korais' Heliodorus' Aethiopica, which was first written as a private letter to his friend in Vienna, Basilis. See Fournarakis, op. cit., pp. 1-58. The same text may be found in Anonymous, op. cit., pp. 13-54. 31 Korais, Atakta,

II,

*«'-*. cit.,

pp. 350-66.

LANGUAGE

AND

NATIONAL

REGENERATION

"]\

them to think of themselves as Hellenes. A s he put it, they were " sons of one mother, Hellas." 61 Indeed, in his mind the extent of Greek nationality was only limited by language, that is, all persons who spoke Greek were to Korais Greek nationals. In his opinion the people of Epirus and those of the ethnic hodge-podge of Macedonia were Greeks, 82 because for the most part they spoke the tongue of Hellas. Korais was thoroughly convinced that his literary creation, the Koine,

would help cement the subjugated and dispersed

Greeks into one homogeneous group. He thought too that the Greek tongue, because it was so subtle and grand, would cause men to aspire to nobleness, that its very elegance would pacify the passions of men and prepare them for virtuous conduct in private and public life. 68 Hence the Koine was expected to liberate Hellas from the " Italicisms and Gallicisms which beset and stifle us ", increase national consciousness, and finally help balance the uneven tempers of the Hellenes.

Lastly, he con-

tinued, a national tongue was a heavenly g i f t which distinguished one people from another. With the Frenchman, Vicomte de Bonald, who held that all thought required speech and that language could not be explained without divine revelation, Korais agreed, for he too held that a nation's speech symbolized the voice of God. 64 Although this philosopher-philologist despised the use of foreign words in his native tongue, he affirmed that the Greek people could profit from the scholarship of the Western Europeans. In 1810 he wrote to Basilis in Vienna asking him to translate a recent German publication on modern Greek gram61 Ibid., pp. 389-90. This is the second preface of Improvised Thoughts in the s i x volumes of Korais' edition of Plutarch. T h e last four contain little that is new and therefore have not been treated separately. 62 Damalas, Letters,

III, 157-8.

63 Fournarakis, Improvised 64 Korais, Atakta,

II,

Thoughts,

na'-X.

p. 504.

72

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

mar that it might be used in the schools. 45 The emergence of contemporary Hellas, he said, could be hastened by bringing Greece into closer contact with the learned nations. F r o m 1805 to his death Korais put his convictions into actual practice by continuously shipping " valuable and useful " books to schools and libraries in Greece. 88 By so doing, he hoped to raise the educational standard of the nation. Speaking of one of the many volumes which he sent to his people, he recommended that everyone should read it, for it would complement the intelligence of a wise man and make a stupid man wise: " which would be advantageous to the nation." He believed that education or Westernization — these terms were synonymous to Korais, and the perfection of the Koine, the mothertongue of Hellas — would eventually restore Greece to her ancient position of cultural eminence. H i s insistence on the cultivation of purely national traits extended even into music. He wished his people to give more attention to the science of harmony that they might improve their creative genius, which had long been stunted by mixing their songs with the primitive chants of the Turks and the foreign compositions of the Italians. He visualized the creation of a strictly national music, 87 as he did a purely national tongue. This concept also extended into politics. For, as he admitted, he wished the old generation, those who had been reared to accept Ottoman domination, might die out in order to give a free hand to the nationally-minded youth. They alone, he thought, could insure the successful emergence of the Greek nation-state. Indeed, he believed that education and language had already quickened national patriotism. For he wrote in 1818: 65 Damalas, Letters, III, 84-9. Korais shipped literally hundreds of books to Greece. Many were texts on the physical sciences for the newly founded gymnasiums of Smyrna, Chios, and those on the mainland. 66 Ibid., 249-51. 67 Ibid., p. 561.

LANGUAGE

AND

NATIONAL

REGENERATION

73

I see the Greek spirit growing more fervent not only day by day as before but from moment to m o m e n t . . . . Patriots should not permit this fire to smolder or die out, but should fan it and keep it alive. 48 K o r a i s w a s positive o f the efficacy of education and language because he explained the French Revolution on this premise. H e felt that the events o f 1789 were made possible only because the F r e n c h w e r e an enlightened and homogeneous nation w h o could n o longer tolerate the injustices of despotic government. In later y e a r s the uprising in P a r i s once more proved to K o r a i s that w h e n a nation had advanced far in the pursuit o f knowledge, autocracy would not be tolerated. W r i t i n g of the 1830 Parisian insurrection, he observed: " Y o u

should have

been present to understand adequately what abhorrence learning bears t o w a r d t y r a n n y . "

69

It w a s these concepts that caused

K o r a i s to admonish constantly his compatriots to pursue learning, f o r Education, education, and again education, alone can free us from that unbearable yoke of a depraved government. Only those furthering learning do I consider as true descendants of the ancient Greeks, while those who are apathetic or obstinate are nothing less than Turks. 7 0 D u r i n g the period b e f o r e 1821 he wrote to the rich assuring them that wealth not spent f o r the advancement of education was misused. 7 1 It w a s his opinion that once man had steeped himself in learning or had " drunk deep of the charm of the Hellenic language " his soul would be cleansed of tyrannical tendencies. T o K o r a i s the requisite foundation for the erection of a national state w a s language and enlightenment. Indeed, he felt 68 Damalas, Letters, IV 1 , 80. 69 Ibid., pp. 514-15.

70 Damalas, Letters, IV 2 , 816. 71 Ibid., pp. 816-820.

74

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

that knowledge or learning defeated its purpose if ethnic characteristics were submerged. Writing of the commendable progress made by three Greek students in Paris, Korais feared that their education would prove useless because they were rapidly losing their national identity. " When they return to their fatherland, they will behave like Frenchmen among their compatriots " , he said. He went on to explain that language more than religion characterized, fused, befriended, and united a nation in a brotherly fashion. This was proved, he declared, by the fact that Russians who are of the same faith are not regarded by the Greeks as their co-nationalists. 72 Korais founded in the last few years of his life a Greek lyceum for the expatriated Hellenic youth of Paris. The sole purpose of the institution, which received its financial support from the wealthy French philhellene, Lasteyerie, was to teach the Greek language and to indoctrinate the students with national sentiments. T h e Greek boys who lived in England, Korais felt, were forever lost to the fatherland, because their mother-tongue was not as readily learned there as in France. 7 3 T o the people in the Ionian Islands who had lived under several foreign dominations and could use French and Italian with ease, Korais wrote: For the love of the fatherland, fellow citizens do not neglect our ancestral tongue, the only proof of our noble origin—not of one person, but of the whole nation.74 In answer to a certain John Korais who claimed a blood relationship with the philologist, he disavowed such a connec72 Ibid.,

IVi, 412.

73 Damalas, Letters, IV 1 , pp. 411-14. The lyceum, which attracted only a few students, disappeared shortly after Korais' death. 74 Ibid., IV 2 , 974-77. Korais recommended that the regeneration of the Islands should begin with the revival of the national language, that is, the acceptance of the Koraiste. To create a feeling of oneness among the Islanders and the other Greek people, he reminded them of their famed progenitors, the ancient Hellenes, the ancestors of the modern Greeks.

LANGUAGE

AND

NATIONAL

REGENERATION

75

tion on the ground that if it existed at all it was n o w o v e r 2 5 0 y e a r s old, therefore no longer valid. Nevertheless, he still regarded the boy as a relative, because " we speak the same language, belong to the same country, and have the same religion."

75

These three uniting factors were irrefragable, con-

stituting, in K o r a i s ' mind, the existing relationship and the bonds which held together the Greek nation. A l t h o u g h K o r a i s placed language first in importance a m o n g the three irreducible factors comprising nationality, he nevertheless thought that other peculiarities, such as ethnic customs and habits, were also of marked significance. T h e v e r y etymological derivation of the w o r d nation

(Wvot) indicated to

him that there were distinctive indigenous customs separating one g r o u p f r o m another. It w a s well, he wrote, f o r the G r e e k s to absorb W e s t e r n European learning, but they should not sanction any changes in their o w n national habits. " A s

for

myself " , he affirmed, " regardless of h o w barbarous o u r customs m a y have become . . . to those of wise E u r o p e . "

I prefer the customs of m y people

79

Because his co-nationalists possessed the indispensable rudiments o f nationality — common language, common religion, a homeland, national habits and c u s t o m s — K o r a i s w o r k e d indefatigably to effect a modern Greek cultural synthesis. F o r this reason he refused the proffered professorial chair in the College de France with a stipend of 6,000 francs a year. H e felt that language r e f o r m s and popular editions of the classics

were

more essential to the intellectual progress of the country than any honor one of its sons might obtain f r o m holding a cherished position in Paris. 7 7 In accordance with his chosen task there appeared f r o m his pen, as already noted, a modern Greek essay on grammar, 7 8 an essay on the sources of a modern 7 5 Ibid.,

pp. 927-28.

7 6 Ibid.,

p. 868.

77 Ibid.,

II, 601.

78 Ibid.,

VI,

pp. 409-86.

1-112 ( t h e s e c o n d p a g i n a t i o n s e r i e s ) ; F o u r n a r a k i s ,

op.

cit.,

76

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

Greek dictionary,7® an anthology of several Greek folk-poems, 80 a modern Greek translation of parts of the New Testament, 81 and his essays on language, included in the series of Improvised Thoughts, and some articles contributed to the Sagacious Hermes.*2 T H E O P P O N E N T S A N D P R O P O N E N T S OF T H E K O R A I S T E

The language problem which preceded the Greek revolt of 1821 had more than a philological or grammatical significance. It involved social, religious, and economic forces. T h e antiKoraists, as the opponents of the Koine were commonly known, were recruited for the most part from the ruling Greek class in semi-autonomous Greece. This class, being the tax farmers and administrators of the Greek towns and villages, derived their authority from their Ottoman overlords. When the Turks won full control of the Greek islands and the mainland they did not construct a new system of government for their conquered provinces, but only modified and used again the old Byzantine structure. Within this framework, the Sultan placed responsibility for the " Romaic nation ", or the Christians, in the hands of the Patriarchate of Constantinople and his subordinates who were to rule conjointly with the lay representatives of the Greek provinces and municipalities. The high church hierarchy and the civil administrators, who were generally known by the Turkish word Kodjebashi, thus constituted a political organ for the Sublime Porte. They were invested with broad judicial, fiscal, and political authority and were 7 9 K o r a i s , Atakta, I I . A s m e n t i o n e d above, K o r a i s ' notes or e s s a y on a m o d e r n Greek l e x i c o n w e r e c o m p i l e d by t h e p h i l o l o g i s t d u r i n g h i s life time. T h e last t w o v o l u m e s , h o w e v e r , w e r e not published until a f t e r his

death. See ibid., IV, V. 80 K o r a i s , Atakta,

I, I I .

81 Ibid., III. 82 Ladas, Works, p. 43, no. 56. I h a v e not seen t h i s particular collection of articles and letters t o the editors.

LANGUAGE AND NATIONAL

REGENERATION

77

made concurrently accountable for the peace and order of the Greek Orthodox Christians within the empire. 83 The ruling class, because its position was quite secure as long as the Sultan's power remained unimpaired, was avowedly authoritarian, conservative, and anti-revolutionary. The explosive ideas of the West, exemplified by Korais' language reforms and his doctrine of nationalism, were condemned as atheistic and, with justification, as an everlasting source of turbulence. Opposed to radical change, the ruling class associated the maintenance of the four language divisions with the preservation of peace and order as well as their own privileged positions. Aware that the anti-clerical Korais offered his language reforms as a prelude to national independence and recalling the confiscation of church property by the French Revolutionaries, the Patriarchate and the Kodjebashi viewed the linguistic issue with genuine a l a r m . " The conservative stand of the church and the civil authorities, their denunciation of Western ideology, was in every way similar to the position taken by the wealthy Greek Phanariote families of Constantinople. The Phanariotes had risen to the position of princes within the empire. For over a century they had served as Hospodars of Moldavia-Wallachia or as Imperial Dragomen. The offices had enabled them to earn great wealth, power, and prestige. Because of their intimate connection with the empire, they looked upon the preservation of the status quo with personal interest. Consequently in the language issue the 83'A. Miiuoi'Ka, Ta Kara rhv iivayevvyjatv rr'ir 'EAAndof, i,Tot cTi/./n;,r) rwv nttn rrjv 'avayewufievrpt 'EA/drfn mrvrn^ftrvruv rto/.iTtv[taTuv, vdfiuv kch ¿A/un1 (Ttaijuuv irpaffur (nefpam-f- AHr/vai, 1835-52).(A. Mamoukas [ed.], Concerning the Rebirth of Hellas, namely a list of the constitutions of Greece, its laws, and other official acts, Piraeus-Athens, 1839-52), X I , 256 et seq. Hereafter cited as Mamoukas, Documents. 84 Karl Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Geschichte Griechenlands (Leipzig, 1870), I, 19-29; Kordatos, The Demotics, p. 13; The extent of church property in Greece is discussed by P. Raptarges, The History of the Economic Life of Greece (Athens, 1934). ( n Vairrdpxv, 'Iarofiia rfc OiKovnutKijt; Zur/c rjjf 'E>Aai5of, Aftjviu, 1934.)

7«

ADAMANTIOS KORAIS

Phanariotes were the most outspoken opponents of the reformers and their brand of Gallo-Greek nationalism.85 These aristocratic families had not only material interest in the empire, but they were also closely identified with the culture of Byzantium. They spoke the language of the late Byzantine court and they wrote in imitation of the classical style of ancient Greece. Their style was so complex and pseudo-elegant that by the nineteenth century flowery language became synonymous with their name. T o them the iconoclast Korais was " revolutionary " and anathema. His proposed language amalgamation was regarded as a defilement of classical beauty and as a threat to security.89 The landed aristocracy or " primates ", unlike the Phanariotes and the upper ruling class, had little formal education and could not therefore take an active part in the language controversy. Nevertheless, they took a definite stand; they sided with the conservative elements because materially they had common interests.87 The primates foresaw that the intelligentsia and their supporters, the merchant-bourgeoisie, might ultimately usurp their own privileged positions in the communities. For as one of the wealthiest groups in the Greek social strata the opinion of the primates was binding and their word law. Taken by and large the active opponents of the Koraiste, with its social, religious, and economic implications, were men of prominence in the Greek-speaking world. John Rizos Neroulos of Constantinople, the center of Patriarchal and Ottoman authority, sought by satire and ridicule to discredit Korais and his literary disciples. In a play, Les Korakistiques, Korais was represented as an insipid, self-righteous, and ego85 '!. Kopdiruv, 'H KOIVLJVLKTJ n/ftaoia TT}CI( irepi ruv 'CITIOTOXUV Toil aoidiuov K.npaij (fv TtpycaTj), 1903). ( J o h n G e n n a d i u s , Criticisms

and Thoughts

Concerning

the Letters

Korais, Trieste, 1903), p. 60. Cf. Ladas, Works, pp. 19-28. 53 Ladas, Works, p. 20.

of the

Renowned

n o

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

lets could hardly have done otherwise than strongly influence this organization, dedicated as it was to a policy of insurrection. The pamphlets also had a pronounced effect upon the liberal elements in France. They rallied around the philhellenic movement and applauded the Greek revolution of 1 8 2 1 as a defiance of the conservatism of the restored Bourbons and the Metternichean system.54 It was Adamantios Korais, therefore, Greek philologist turned revolutionary, who did more than anyone else to furnish his countrymen with an organized and potent propaganda and with a program of collective action. If the events of 1 8 2 1 , as the late Professor Andreades has shown," were more the result of nationalistic agitation than of economic and political conditions, Korais' place in the war of liberation acquires greater significance. For he was the leading intellectual among his compatriots who firmly espoused the idea of national independence and he worked indefatigably to spread this conviction among the Greeks. In co-operation with his adherents and especially the patriotically minded merchants, Korais made himself one of the most vital forces behind the emergence of modern Greece. His writings, in a large measure, created and fed the demand for revolution. 54 Korais, Trumpet of War, 1821, pp. 23-36. The pamphlet contains the Greek translation of Dumast's preface, which regards the revolution of 1821 a s a crusade—Christian against Moslem. H e glorified the insurrection and boldly announced that Christianity and liberalism were inextricably woven into the w a r of 1821. H e condemned by inference Louis X V I I I of France and Metternich of Austria. 55 Professor Andreades has said in substance that the revolution of 1821 w a s less the result of Turkish oppression than the culmination of nationalistic doctrines—impregnated with a philosophy of insurrection and a desire for national self-determination. T h e people, he points out, were not goaded into action because of Turkish tyranny and he concluded that " the war of independence was, in a word, the first manifestation of the theory of nationalities which came to dominate the nineteenth century ". S e e A . Andreades, " L'Administration financière de la Grèce sous la domination Turque " in Revue des Études Grecque, X X I I I ( 1 9 1 0 ) . T h i s and some other articles by Andreades on m o d e m Greece may be found in K. X. bapùaptaov (ini.) ' Avdpéov 'Avipeâôov: "Epya ('ASçvai, 1938). ( K . Ch. Barbaresos, Andreas Andreades' Works, Athens, 1938).

CHAPTER IV THE GOVERNANCE OF GREECE, 1821-27 T H E REBELLION OF THE

Hetairists

THE Danubian insurrection of March 6, 1821, precipitated Alexander Hypsilantis, the Phanariote leader of the Philiki Hetairia and ex-Hospodar of Wallachia, 1 was from the very outset doomed to failure. The Rumanian peasants despised their immediate Greek overlords, the Phanariotes, even more than their Ottoman conquerors. But Hypsilantis, whose family had long been in the service of the Sublime Porte, completely misjudged the situation. First he alienated the sympathy of the monied class by extorting blackmail from the bankers to finance the insurrection. He lost the support of the Russian government by bluntly proclaiming that " a terrible power [Russia] was prepared to punish the boldness of the T u r k s and annihilate them." T h e Tsar, engaged in conference at Laibach, was obliged to repudiate all interest in the Greek cause. Because of his rash action, moreover, Hypsilantis was excommunicated by the Ecumenical Patriarch. Overpowered with an enthusiasm which caused him to lose sight of realities, the military leader of the Hetairia went on with his plans. In Moldavia a serious obstacle blocked the advance of the Greek insurgents. The peasants, having been aroused to revolt, upset Hypsilantis* calculations by their bitter hostility to the Greek and Rumanian landed nobility. 1 A l t h o u g h a member of the conservative and anti-revolutionary families of Phanariote, Constantinople, Alexander Hypsilantis accepted the leadership of the Hetairia because he hoped that he might recoup his fortune and position by insurrection. Some years before 1821, Hypsilantis had fallen into disfavor with the Sultan and had been deprived of his Hospodarship of Wallachia, and was obliged to flee to Russia for his life. Even though an Hetairist, in reality Hypsilantis was an unscrupulous opportunist who was motivated less by patriotism than by the belief that a successful Greek revolution would end finding him either ruler of Greece, under the protection of the great powers, or Prince of the Danubian provinces, under the suzerainty of Russia. See George Finlay, A History 0} Greece ( N e w Y o r k , 1877), V I , 113-16. HI

112

ADAMANTIOS

KORAIS

T o save themselves from a jacquerie, the Rumanian landlords espoused the cause of the peasantry and assumed a threatening attitude toward the Hetairists. Hypsilantis' position in Moldavia was now untenable. The " sacred battalion ", formed out of young Greeks of the middle class, was destroyed by a Turkish garrison, and shortly afterwards Hypsilantis was forced to flee for his life. T h e Danubian insurrection was a failure. But the shot fired by the leader of the " Friendly Society " incited the revolutionaries of the Morea into action. In less than a month the people of virtually the whole peninsula had arisen against their Moslem suzerain. 2 These March days marked a new phase in Korais' career. A t first, he did not welcome the news of revolt with jubilation. He charged that the insurrection should have begun twenty years later, that the time had not yet arrived for the Greeks to take up arms in behalf of their liberation, and that his national folk were not sufficiently trained to appreciate the subtleties of democracy and liberty. 8 He accused the Hetairists of impetuosity and irresponsibility. Had they waited, he wrote, until 1840, for the rising generation to reach intellectual maturity, the Greek people would have readily found competent and trustworthy leadership, eager to guide them from slavery to freedom, and to establish a government dedicated to justice. Since he did not believe that his co-nationalists could produce a leader, at this time, as noble and capable as his idol, George Washington, he feared the revolution would be in vain. 4 2 T h e revolution flared up in the Morea during the first days of April, 1821. But the official date of independence has been fixed for March 25, 1821 (old style). It is worthy of note that Hypsilantis' uprising marked the end of Greek rule over the Rumanian provinces. 3 Therianos, Karats, I I I , 1-26. 4 Kordatos, The Political History of Modern Greece, Athens, 1935, p. 199. Korais declared that the time was " m a l choisi, p r é m a t u r é " . H e r e the author misleadingly states that Korais stood aloof f r o m the revolution. O n the contrary, as it is shown in this and the following chapter, Korais devoted all his energy and the remaining years of his life to the cause. T h e author's statement is typical, for to many historians of this period Korais' writings after 1821 a r e virtually unknown.

THE

GOVERNANCE

OF G R E E C E ,

1821-27

II3

Korais was further harassed by the threats of the Holy Alliance. If the uprising were suppressed, as others had been since 1815, then his life's work would be rendered nugatory. In fact he regarded a military setback at this early stage as fatal to the nascent desire for national self-determination. Nevertheless, in the face of these misgivings, Korais gave the revolution his fullest support. Hence the events of 1821 stimulated Korais' ready pen to write for a different purpose—to meet the immediate exigencies of the time. P O L I T I C A L G U I D A N C E FOR T H E G R E E K S

U p to this point Korais was primarily concerned with two problems: the furtherance of an intense patriotism and the advancement of knowledge. Although he did not abandon his main objectives, after 1821 his books were written with the expressed purpose of acquainting his people with the rudiments of political science. The most difficult task which confronted Greece, he believed, was not the attainment of liberty, which required only force, but its preservation, which necessitated a high degree of political experience and an unswerving devotion to the state. A w a r e that the revolutionaries had committed Greece to a struggle for life, and feeling that the country was in dire need of political guidance, he hurriedly published Aristotle's Politics, with a long didactic preface. 6 In Korais' mind all political theory rested on the ancient philosopher's essays. Theorists throughout the centuries had borrowed heavily from him—Bodin, Grotius, Locke, Montesquieu, Mably, Rousseau. Even Machiavelli, " the teacher of tyrants ", was deeply indebted to Aristotle. But with one striking difference, declared Korais. The others wrote of tyranny and its attributes as a sociological phenomenon, while .5 Kopa.fi, \pt0T0Te'/Mvrv IIOAK0vvr), riiuf* dXXup ivuriiitur IIpd£«>»> ('Aârjpai, 1839-52) (A. Mamoukas, Concerning the Rebirth oj Hellas, namely a list of the Constitutions of Greece, its laws, and other Official Acts, PiraeusAthens, 1839-52, X I vols.) The most widely known of the Greek chieftains was Colocotrones. His memoirs have been translated into English by Mrs. Edmonds, Kolokotrones, the Klepht and the Warrior: Six Years of Peril and Daring (London, 1892). Published autobiographies of the other chieftains are listed in the bibliography of Sakellarios' work, op. cit. Not mentioned in this listing and of great significance are the memoirs of a military leader of northern Greece: T. B\a.xoyi&ymt ('E*4.), NutoXôou K. Kao-opoùXi), 'EvOvfifoaTa ?rparu*rrixà rijt 'Exapaffrcureatt tûv 'EXX^PQW A&ijvai, 1940) (J. Vlachogiannes (ed.), Nicholas KasomouLes: Military Reminiscences of the Uprising of the Greeks, 1821-38, Athens, 1940, 3 vols.). This valuable source presents an enlightening picture of the military, social, and cultural life of the Greeks during the insurrectionary period.

176

A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL IV.

ESSAY

T H E GOVERNANCE OP GREECE, 1 8 2 1 - 1 8 2 7

The unexpected outbreak of hostilities in the Morea in 1821 had a deep influence on Korais' literary output. Although he believed that the revolution was premature, he nevertheless turned his indomitable energy to an active support of the struggle for independence. To quicken Greek national ardor and to inflame further the spirit of insurrection, he republished his Song of War and the Trumpet of War, as already mentioned. Assured that the revolution was well under way and confident that independence would soon be secured, he now turned his attention to statecraft. In a long prolegomenon on political theory for his edition of 'Apio-roriXous IloXmicà (UapiaioL, 1821) (Korais, Aristotle's Politics, Paris, 1821) he advocated a republican form of government for Greece. His ideas on the proper governance of modern Hellas were better expressed in his thoughtful treatise, 9 . n . BoXiSou ( ' E K S . ) , 'Aòa/iavTÌov Kopaij, armeiiioas eis TÒ irpooupivov IloXirev/ia Tijs 'EXXaSos TOV "Erous 1822 ('A6rjvai, 1 9 3 3 ) (Th. P. Bolidos (ed.), Adamantios Korais: Remarks on the Present Constitution of Greece, 1822, Athens, 1 9 3 3 ) . His edition of Kopaij, TlKovràpxov rà TloXirixa (Tlap'unoi, 1 8 2 4 ) (Korais, Plutarch's Politics, Paris, 1824) also comprises long observations on government, as does his Bennapiov irepi àSiKriiiàTur nal Hoi;'Sip (Ilaptatoi, 1 8 2 3 ) (Korais, Beccaria's Crimes and Punishments, Paris, 1 8 2 3 ) . Of special importance for a thorough analysis of Korais' political predilections is his imaginary dialogue published as a preface to his Avmvpyov Aóyos (tarà AwKpàrovs (YlapLaioi, 1826) (Korais, Lucurgus' Oration against Leocrates, Paris, 1826). In this connection the preface to his UevtxtmvTos 'AronvrmoveiinaTa Kai nXarcoTOS Topyias (nap. 1825) (Korais, Xenophon's Memorabilia and Plato's Qorgias, Paris, 1825) is of less importance when it is compared with that in 'Apia-ToreKovs 'IWitcà NIKOFIÀXAA (Ilap. 1822) (Korais, Aristotle's Nichomachean Ethics, Paris, 1822). The introduction to his book on 'ETIKTTITOV 'EyxeipiSiov, KÌ/3?)TOS IIÓ>a£ Kal KKeàvffovs "Tjuxos (IIapio"tot, 1826) (Korais, Epictetus' Manual, Cebes' Pinax, and Cleathes' Hymn, Paris, 1826) only repeats the interrelationship between practical morality and politics. Two dialogues published by Korais before the advent of Capodistrias appeared as the prolegomena in his "Appiavov TOIV 'ETTIKT/ITOV Atarpifiàv (Ilap. 1827). (Korais, Arrian: Epictetus' Discourses, Paris, 1827, 2 vols.). V.

"THE

T Y R A N N Y o r CAPODISTRIAS",

1828-33

In the last years of his life the Greek patriot of Paris was deeply saddened by what he felt were the tyrannic proclivities of the Governor of Greece, Capodistrias. Korais' last significant publications were his two anonymous pamphlets written against the Greek Governor's " dictatorial" government : Ti er(a, 1791) (Korais, A Small Catechism for the use of Illyrian, Serbian, and Wallachian Students, Venice, 1791). The second series of books was on medical subjects : Korais, Pyretologiae synopsis (Montpellier, 1786); Medicus Hippocraticus (Montpellier, 1787); C. G. Sele, Médecine clinique (Montpellier, 1787) translated from the German by Korais; C. G. Sele, Introduction à l'étude de la nature et de la médecine (Montpellier, 1796), tr. by Korais; C. G. Sele, Observations de médecine (Paris, 1796), tr. by Korais; W. Black, Vade-Mecum de médecine (Paris, 1796), tr. from the English by Korais; W. Black, Esquisse d'une histoire de la médecine et de la clinique (Paris, 1798), tr. from the English by Korais. The third series of books consists of translations and editions of the ancient classics, among which the Hellenic Library editions, designed for Greek consumption, figures conspicuously. Korais' Greek edition of Hippocrates 'IrroitpArouj rtpl 'Atpuv, iSirur, t6tuv (naptVtot, 1810) (Korais, Hippocrates on Climate, Water, and Configuration, Paris, 1800, 2 vols.). The last citation is not in this country, though the French version of the same work is; Korais, Les caractères de Théophraste (Paris, 1799) ; Kàyyov rà «ard A &o«pirovs «ai TaX-rtvov îrtpi Trjs irà tvbSpar rpo&js (\laploim, 1814) (Korais, Xenocrates and Galen: On the Food Afforded by

i;8

ADAMANTIOS KORAIS

Fish, Paris, 1814) ; Mápxov A&pijXiou TÚ» els 'Eavrá» (Uaplawi, 1816) (Korais, Marcut Aurelius' Meditations, Paris, 1816); 'Ortiaiwtpov Zrpanrrufc «U Tupraiov ri i 'EXrycior (IIopUrux, 1822) (Korais, Onesander's General: The First Elegy, Paris, 1822); 'Orfpov 'I\iiSot Pa^uilo (IlapkuH, 1811-20) (Korais, Homer's IlUadic Rhapsodies [sic], Paris, 1811-20, 4 vols.); 'Arrurlov Kopaíj, 'fl&j (Tlaplam, 1819) (Korais, The Odes of Anthony Korais, Paris, 1819; (Korais, Hierocle's Amusing Anecdotes, Paris, 1812); 'Itpo*Xíow 'tarriia (UaplauM, 1812) 'ErurroXi> rpit roirt 'ErfArat rou Aoytov 'Ep/ioO (Búwi), 1817) (Korais, Letter to the Editors of the Sagacious Hermes, Vienna, 1817). In his Letters Adamantios Korais refers to several other works which have not appeared in this listing. These books seem never to have been published, and if the manuscripts still exist they are undoubtedly in the hands of private collectors, to be released, if at all, at some indefinite time. Consequently this bibliographical essay on the works of Korais cannot be all-inclusive. Some light is thrown on the nature of these unpublished works in the preface written by Mamoukas, op. cit., to Korais' letters. A similar discussion may be found in the short study by George Ladas, op. cit., as well as in the introduction by Th. P. Bolidos, op. cit.; better than these three, because the collection of Koraina was a special hobby of the author, is the book by 'I«4»FOI/ rtnailov, Kplam Kal Entytis repl rwr 'ETurro\S>r rov 'AotSlitou Kopaíj (Ttpytan), 1903) (John Gennadi us, Criticism and Thoughts Concerning the Letters oj the Renowned Korais, Trieste, 1903).

INDEX Agde, Bishop of, see Saint Simon Alexander I of Russia, h i , 144 Andreades, Professor, 110 Anthimos, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 85-86 ff. Apollo, The, 149 A stras, constitution of : see Constitution of Astras Atromitos of Marathon, 93 ; see also Korais, and Bibliographical Essay Balkans, 29 Barthélémy, Abbé, 21 Basiiis, 71 Botzaris, Marco, 140 Buurt, Andrian, 21 Capodistrias, John, 39, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146 ff. ; assassination of, 39, 153; financial reforms of, 149; military reforms of, 147; municipal reforms of, 148 ; political opponents of, 148 Capodistrias, Viaros, 148 Chardon de la Rochette, 31 Chénier, André, 16 Chénier, Madame, 16 Chios, gymnasium of the island of, 36; merchants of, 36-37, 40, 143 Choiseul-Gouffier, 21 Codrikas, John, 79 Commerce, 38-39, 99-100 Constitution of Astras, 130 Constitution of Epidauros of 1822; influenced by Korais, 11-130; provisions for citizenship of, 124-125 Constitutions, French: influence on Korais, 127 Cyprus and Crete, scheme to migrate to, 30 Doukas, Neophytos, 81-82 Education, 36; see Greek Language Everett, Edward, 137-138 " Elysian Tongue," 141 Enabling Act, 146 Epidauros, Constitution of, see Constitution Fay, General, 140 France, Revolution of 1830, 150, 154, 157 ffFrench classicism, 11-15 ff. French Hellenists, 30

French literature : influence on Greek literature, 11-26, 100-101 ff. Greek Language, 46, 50-51, 5 6 f f . ; four main divisions of, 52-56; ecclesiastical Greek, 53 ; Korais' reforms of, 63 if. ; the Koraiste, 7678 ; political implications of, 76-86 ; similarity of modern to ancient, 5051 ; teaching of, 60-61 ; the Atticìsts, 59 ; and education, 63-70 ; and government, 59 ; the Katharevousa, 57 ; the Koine, 56, 62, 63,64, 68,83 ; and music, 71-72; and national character, 49; and national liberation, 73-74; and national unity, 57-58; and Orthodox Church, 6869; and Paris lyceum, 74; and rhetoricians, 61 ; and the Vulgari s , 55-56, 59Greek merchant-bourgeoisie, 38 Greek Orthodox Church, 29, 120-123 ; clergy of, 98 ; see also Greek Language Greek question, 36 Greek Revolution of 1770, 14 " Heavenly City," 140-142 Hellenic Library, 34, 35, 40 ; contents and purpose of, 47-48 Hellenists, influence on Korais, 21-22 Helvetius, 129 Herculaneum, 12 Herder, Johann Gottfried, 13, 46, 49 Holbach, 130 Holy Alliance, 133, 137, 152 Hypsilantis, Alexander, 111 Ibrahim Pasha, 144 Improvised Thoughts, 58, 62 ff. Ionian Greeks, 32 Jefferson, Thomas : Korais, 132 Jouy, E „ 134

influence

on

Kalliope, 80 Keun, Pastor Bernard, 19; influence on Korais, 1-20 Koletis, 158 Korais, Adamantios, 11 ; place of birth of, 17; date of birth of, 1 1 ; early years of, 18, middle period of life of, 24-25; personal life of, 26-27 ; poverty of, 26, 27 ; and the Collège de France, 75 ; buried in

179

i8o

INDEX

Montpamasse, 40; parents arrange for marriage of, 23; mother of, 17; father of, 18; sanctions revolution, 150-151; attitude toward Reign of Terror, 31-32; attitude toward Marat and Robespierre, 84-85; and French Revolution of 1789, 30; attitude toward France, 14; and Chios, 36; influenced by France, 26; influenced by Rousseau, 21, 89; impression of Paris on, 28; influence of Montpellier on, 24, 26, 46; and the French Revolutionaries, 30; and the Paris lyceum, 36; see Greek language; in Amsterdam, 20-22, 23; influence on Greek revolution of 1821, 42-43; and philology, 7172; see also Greek Language; fame as a philologist, 44; library of, 4 1 ; and language, 25; see also Greek Language; and ideas on language, 47; decides to become a classicist, 24; doctoral dissertation, 27; rejects practice of medicine, 47; medical studies, 24-26, 45-46; translates Strabo, 33; see also Greek Orthodox Church; and his Catholic tutors, 19; and the church, 29-30 if.; and religion, 37, 115116 ff.; and hatred of Turks, 23; and Capodistrias, 39-40, 145; reaction to Capodistrias' assassination of, 153; see also Capodistrias, John; and the middle class, 114-116, 117 ff.; attitude toward peasants, 118119; and economic oppression, 133134; and education, 98; see also Greek Language; attitude toward England, 26; attitude toward Greek monarchy of 1833, 40; idea of an "heavenly City," 103-104; historical concept, 115-116; attitude toward Jews, 123-124; and militarism, 95-97, 119, 128; opinions on state of modern Greek language, 46; opinions on music, 119; opposition to monarchy, 158-159; and his concept of nationality, 92, 93; and his political theories, 125-127; and political virtue, 116-120; on the significance of the printing press, 100, 1 1 5 ; and rationalism, 67-68; and the theatre, 116, 139-140; and tyrannicide, 106; Brotherly Instructions, 87; first political book, 33; first published book, 25; first significant translation, 33; geo-

graphic circulation of books, 35 ; Song of War, 89, 90-92; see also Bibliographical Essay; seeks to elevate " h o n o r " of modern Greeks, 27-28; as a revolutionary, 84 f f . ; and the Greek Revolution of i8»i, 37; concept of liberty of, 88; estimate of himself, 159; in retrospect, 161-168. Korais Committee, 41 Korais, Anthony, 18 Korais, John, 18, 74-75 Koumas, 36 Kuchuk Kainarji, treaty of 1774 and Greek merchants, 38; see also Commerce Lafayette, General, 141, 156 Landed Aristocracy, 78-80 Lotos, Dimitrios, 25 Machiavelli, 113-114 Mahmud II, Sultan, 144, 149 Maison, General, 144 Marcus Aurelius, 140 Metternichean system, n o Modern Greek, see Greek Language Moldavia, m - 1 1 2 Napoleon I, 32, 33, 97, 140 n., 107 National Assembly, Third: see Third National Assembly Natural L a w , 105-107 Nationality and Language, 48-50; see also Greek Language Neroulos, John Rizos, 78-79 Ode for Hellas, 102-105 Otto of Bavaria, Prince, 40 Panhellenion, 47 Paris, Greek lyceum of, 36-37 Phanariote, 77-78, i n , 143 Philhellenism, origins of, 13-16 fit. Philiki Hetairia, n o , i n , 112, 142 Philology, 48; romantic proponents of, 47-48; see also Greek Language and Korais, Adamantios Pouqueville, and the modern Greeks, 14-15; and education, 16; his influence on Korais, 16 Radisich, Vukashin, 43-44; Korais' influence on, 43-44 Rallis, 36 Rhigas of Velestinis, 90 Rhysios, Adamantios, 17 Ricord, Admiral, 150

INDEX Sagacious Hermes, 62, 76, 8o, 82 ff. Saint Simon of A g d e , bishop; see Agde, bishop of, Saint Simon Schlegel, Frederick, 49 Seile, Dr. C. G., 26 Smyrna, gymnasium of, 36 Solicitude for Hellas, 101-102; see also Bibliographical Essay Song of War, 35; see also Bibliographical Essay Sosimas brothers, 34, 36, 40, 47 Sporades, 148 Strabo, 36; see also Bibliographical Essay

l8l

Theotoke, madame, 16 T h i r d National Assembly, 144, 145 Trumpet of War, 35, 93-101 ; see also Bibliographical Essay Vamvas, 36 Villoison, 28, 45, 46 United States constitution, influence on Korais, 124, 125, I35-I37 Washington, George, 112, 140 Winckelmann, Johann J., 12