A Twisted Style: The Culture of Dreadlocks in “Western” Societies 9781800730717

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A Twisted Style

A Twisted Style The Culture of Dreadlocks in “Western” Societies

 Maja Tabea Jerrentrup

berghahn NEW YORK • OXFORD www.berghahnbooks.com

First published in 2021 by Berghahn Books www.berghahnbooks.com © 2021 Maja Tabea Jerrentrup

All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission of the publisher.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Jerrentrup, Maja Tabea, author. Title: A Twisted Style: The Culture of Dreadlocks in “Western” Societies / Maja Tabea Jerrentrup. Description: New York: Berghahn, 2021. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2021010646 | ISBN 9781800730700 (hardback) | ISBN 9781800730717 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Dreadlocks—Social aspects—Western countries. | Hairstyles— Social aspects—Western countries. | Cultural appropriation—Western countries. Classification: LCC GT2295.W47 J47 2021 | DDC 391.5—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021010646

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 978-1-80073-070-0 hardback ISBN 978-1-80073-071-7 ebook

 Contents List of Figures

vi

Introduction

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Chapter 1. Approaching Dreads

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Chapter 2. Past, Present, and Localization

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Chapter 3. The Journey, Reflexivity, and Self-Determination

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Chapter 4. Opposition and Integration

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Conclusion. A Perfect Way to Be Imperfect

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References

122

Index

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 Figures 2.1 This Jamaican man in Port Antonio said he would grow his locks as a tribute to Bob Marley and Reggae music. Photo credit: Maja Tabea Jerrentrup.

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2.2 This Indian sadhu’s dreadlocks, called yata, stand for the god Shiva. Photo credit: Maja Tabea Jerrentrup.

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2.3 A sadhu with European roots: this man has decided to change his life and now lives at the river Ganges in Varanasi, India. Photo credit: Maja Tabea Jerrentrup.

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3.1 Julia, a member of Dreads4you, taking care of a customer’s hair, photographed by Dreads4you-founder Dennis Gonsh. Photo credit: Dennis Gonsh.

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4.1 Nature is a setting frequently chosen by dreadheads, as in this picture showing the model and Instagrammer Medusa’s Child. Photo credit: Maja Tabea Jerrentrup.

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4.2 Dennis Gonsh and Annika modeling in Indian-inspired costumes. Even though professional models usually do not have dreadlocks, quite a few dreadheads have an affinity for posing in front of the camera. Photo credit: Maja Tabea Jerrentrup.

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 Introduction Why do more and more people in so-called Western cultural contexts grow dreadlocks? This hairstyle implies a long-term commitment and is difficult to control, predict, and change; thus it seems unsuitable for our fast-paced times. Furthermore, dreadlocks even evoke negative associations such as dirtiness and professional failure. Although it is possible that there was a history of dreadlocks in Europe for people of European descent—for example, the Vikings probably wore them (see Ashe 2015, 36)—there is no continuous history as in various regions of Africa, in Jamaica, or among South Asian sadhus. Therefore, people of European descent occasionally have to justify their dreadlocks with regard to cultural appropriation—in this case of specific relevance, as it is about a meaningful feature of an often oppressed group (for a discussion, see Daynes 2008, 164; Urban 2015, 131f.; and Robinson 2018). So there are some obvious arguments against wearing dreadlocks in Western cultural contexts. However, finding out reasons why people still grow dreadlocks turns out to be quite difficult, because usual ethnographical methods like participant observation partly fail: there is no coherent (sub)culture, no place to physically move to in order to meet dreadheads; in short, there is no clearly defined cultural context—on the contrary, members of very different groups, from hippies to hipsters to punks, can wear the hairstyle. Thus, one more question arises: how can research be done on groups like the “dreadheads,” which have points of contact and overlaps with different subcultures, but may not even be a subculture of their own? A triangulation of methods was used to gain insights and to compensate for the weaknesses of every single method, among them interviews, (participant) observation on social media, as well as my experiencing the feeling and the concerns a dreadhead deals with by wearing (some) dreadlocks by myself. Even at first glance, when just entering dreadlock groups on Facebook, several aspects are surprising. The hairstyle, one might assume, repre-

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sents a conscious way of making oneself ugly, to rebel against society. However, frequent topics in dreadlock groups are related to beauty, even in a very conventional way, discussing how dreadlocks look voluminous, which hair colors are attractive, which dread jewelry to use, and how to make dreadlocks longer by attaching extensions. Yet, dreadlocks go deeper than mere physical beauty; they are also strongly connected to identity—even the term “dreadhead” shows that one can achieve a new cultural identity with the hairstyle, however vaguely outlined it may be. Further, the term “dread journey” is frequently used to denote the time a person wears dreadlocks and the way this journey is described, with ups, downs, and “crises,” the experiences made as a dreadhead, and what the dreads have taught the individual, including patience, tolerance, self-confidence, and self-love. There is often a connection to spiritual aspects that comes along with the fascination for foreign cultures and spiritual beliefs. For me, having dreadlocks and writing this book was comparable to a journey as well. This journey took me through many contradictions that would have to result in cognitive dissonances. Cognitions, if related to each other, are either consonant or dissonant. According to Leon Festinger’s original theory (1957), people have a motivation to reduce dissonance and a need for consonance. Later, dissonance was associated with unwanted consequences (Cooper and Frazio 1984) or with a lack of moral integrity (Steele 1988); however, even though the theory “has been seriously challenged by . . . revisions or alternative theories, there is strong support for the superiority of the original version over others in explaining all the evidence found in the related studies” (Eser Telci, Maden, and Kantur 2011, 380). To understand cultural aspects underlying dreadlocks, I had to learn the logic behind the way cognitive dissonances are solved or how in many cases these dissonances just seem to exist and to be accepted. Situational assessments may be a strategy to deal with the dissonances, as well as the concession of a variety of possible interpretations (see Jerrentrup 2011, 210ff.). Furthermore, a new ability to cope with dissonances might show itself in this context: “In the ‘Western’ mind, boundaries appear to be more stable and fixed—self and environment, mind and matter, subjective and objective, material and spiritual, secular and religious, and so on,” stated Sinha and Tripathi in 1994 (1994, 136). However, this might be currently changing and the culture of dreadlocks can be interpreted as a sign for a postmodern lifestyle full of dissonances, yet very integrative. In this book, I will trace back the various contradictions surrounding the style.

1  Approaching Dreads How can we approach dreadlocks? This chapter explains the basics of my research. First of all, it deals with the question of why hair is important at all. Then dreadlocks are considered, with an attempt to find an emic definition. Dreadlocks and their cultures are a topic that has not yet been dealt with much in research. In some places, it is therefore necessary to draw on research from other areas, as will be discussed. Next, the sample and the related research methodology will be discussed. At this point, ethical aspects also come into focus.

Hair Matters Our hair is certainly one of the few parts of our bodies that represent our characters, that stand for ourselves. “For generations, hair has been linked to strong feelings—envy, pride, admiration, anxiety, even self-loathing” (Malcolmson 2012, 5). Shiny hair is considered as attractive across cultures (see Antweiler interviewed by Rauner 2009). So why would some people—almost across all cultures—willingly and quite irreversibly “destroy” their hair in order to create a certain look? Furthermore, why would they transform it into a style that they cannot fully predict or control and yet will cause them to commit to it, as it is not easily changeable, and even more, a style that at least in some cultural contexts carries negative associations such as dirtiness and ugliness? This weird behavior seems to be common among people wearing dreadlocks—a style that (by now) has crossed cultural boundaries and social classes. By getting dreadlocks, people do something to their bodies; they quite permanently shape their appearance. The vast implications of

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people’s appearance for both intrapersonal well-being and interpersonal interactions are well documented (see Hossain 2016, 191), and against this background, it seems logical that people influence their appearance. In this context the sociologist Robert Gugutzer introduces the distinction of having and being a body, referring to Helmuth Plessner’s work: “The relation of a human to his own body is twofold: the person is his body, and he has his body. Being and having are the two ways in which the body is given to a person” (Gugutzer 2015, 13). Being stresses the body’s limits in space and time; having includes positioning oneself “outside” of the body, to look at oneself from a distance. Gugutzer links it to anthropology by stating, “Man is a creature of nature, insofar as he is his (biological) body, and he is a creature of culture, insofar he (by socialization) has his body” (Gugutzer 2015, 15). By changing and modifying their hair, individuals stress the having, the empowerment. This seems to be a beneficial activity: “By adding . . . artistic permanence to the self, people derive a sense of pleasure in creating something meaningful, which becomes part of their body (corporeal artifact)” (Hefferson and Boniwell 2011, 188). Embedding dreadlocks into the broader topic of hairstyles, in general, can help to approach the topic: “Hairstyles serve as important cultural artifacts, because they are simultaneously public (visible to everyone), personal (biologically linked to the body), and highly malleable to suit cultural and personal preferences” (Weitz 2001, 667; see also Hershman 1974, 291); or, as Monica Arac de Nyeko puts it pointedly, “Everyone will tell you, hair is what makes a person, hair is sexy, hair tones attire, hair defines character, hair accessorizes appearance, hair is imperative—it’s all about hair, hair, hair.” Referring to Vivian Diller (2012), Kate Hefferson and Ilona Boniwell identify five ways in which the connection between hair and well-being can be looked at: Historically. Throughout the ages, hair has been a symbol of wealth and status. Wigs, highlights, colour, weaves or extensions cost a considerable amount of money and show wealth without actually needing to verbalize it.  Developmentally. Hair can be seen as a sign of good health from birth to . . . adulthood. . . .  Aesthetically. Research has shown that despite obsession with thinness, it is the facial attractiveness in a person that is more important than their body type when we make judgments about aesthetic beauty. Aside from the smile, eyes and skin, a person’s hair is among the top elements of perceived attractiveness.  Self-esteem. . . . Part of confidence and self-esteem is the feeling of being in control. By altering the shape, cut or colour, hair enables us to manage this drive for control, as well as presenting to others that we are regulated and controlled via the presentation of a well-maintained haircut.

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 Beauty of the ages. As we age, a quick, simple inexpensive and less timeconsuming alteration to the body is to change the hairstyle. As hair thins and greys, we are able to alter the natural process much easier than any intrusive procedures. (Hefferson and Boniwell 2011, 187)

Even though we will look at most of these facets in this book, the aspects of aesthetics and self-esteem are apparently of greatest importance connected with the notion of beauty and belonging—thus with cultural and social issues. “Most people strive to attain a certain ideal of beauty currently prevalent in their culture. A beauty ideal is an overall ‘look’ incorporating both physical features (e.g., ‘pouty’ lips vs. thin lips, large breasts vs. small), and a variety of products, services, and activities. These can include clothing, cosmetics, hair styling, tanning salons, leisure activities (e.g., aerobics, tennis, or weightlifting), and even plastic surgery (e.g., breast or lip implants or liposuction)” (Englis, Solomon, and Ashmore 1994, 50). For the United States, Tracey Owens Patton argues with Rose Weitz: “The three most common standards of White beauty . . . that women are subject to include: (1) women’s hair should be long, curly or wavy—not kinky—and preferably blond; (2) women’s hair should look hairstyled—this requires money and time; and (3) women’s hair should look feminine and different from men’s hair” (Patton 2006, 30). At first glance, the dread style seems to invert this ideal: dreadlocks can be long and blond but are kind of kinky, they do not appear to be styled in conventional terms, and they are pretty much the same for men and women. Thus, are they an answer to the “standards of White beauty,” a rebellion, or just a new fashion? For a long time, at least since Marcel Mauss’s “Les Techniques du Corps,” the human body has been regarded as a central place for the expression of social and cultural messages (see Bogin 2008, 87; Van Wolputte 2004, 264). Beauty, at least as long as it transcends some very basic biological notions, thus does not exist in vacuo, but includes messages and is connected to values, lifestyles, and identities. In postmodern, advanced capitalist societies there seem to exist “do-it-yourself identity kits consumers can use for a customized self” (Buechler 2016, 219), because, as Walter Leimgruber puts it, “the body becomes the shop window of the personality” (2005, 229) and, one can add, of identity. Due to social changes, identity is described as increasingly selectable and flexible: “Some critics view such social changes as transforming identity in potentially positive ways, for example resulting in increasing levels of self-reflexivity. Other critics, however, discern in such transformations a thoroughgoing liquidation of human bonds—one consequence of which has been an increasing emphasis on self-reinvention in daily life as a means of keeping at bay the insecurity that

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new individualism inspires” (Elliott 2016, 74)—which leads us back to the idea of having a body, having power over it by creating its look and thus creating its message. Dreadlocks seem to be an example of self-reflexivity resulting in selfreinvention. But why would people pick of all things this specific style? “Dreadlocks are not a linear hairstyle,” states Bertram Ashe in his amazing self-account (Ashe 2015, 2). Ashe found a very well-suited metaphor on many layers: normally, one does not get dreadlocks by going to the nearest hairdresser and taking an hour; it does not work in a “linear” way. Also, in terms of their history, dreadlocks do not have just one origin, just one story. The individual motivations in so-called Western cultures of why to get and to keep dreadlocks can vary just as much as the assumed historical origins. My objective is to trace back some of these conscious and unconscious motivations in order to find out something about dreadheads in a society without a continuous tradition of the style. Following Gananath Obeyeskere, one has to keep in mind that “matted hair can exist on different levels—a personal level, or an institutional level if there exists a group . . . , or as a purely formal symbol, as in art styles” (Obeyeskere 1981, 51), different levels that influence each other and often cannot be distinguished very well. Thus, there are various answers to the question focusing on different levels, different associations, and different interpretations.

A Definition of Dreadlocks Most people probably already have an idea of what dreadlocks are: it is about matted hair strands. However, this definition is not entirely accurate, because freshly installed dreadlocks are knotted but not yet matted, and if temporary dreadlocks made from synthetic fiber, wool, or human hair are installed into loose hair, the matting is even undesirable. Further, there are also “monodreads,” matted hair that does not come in strands and is sometimes described as “a (single) dreadlock,” but occasionally not understood as such. Therefore, I suggest defining dreadlocks as a certain style that should sooner or later look like matted hair strands. It is already apparent here that different types of dreadlocks can be distinguished. Let us first look at real dreadlocks in contrast to temporary dreadlocks. The hairstyle that among dreadheads is usually referred to as “real dreadlocks” consists at least partially of the person’s own hair, which has been split into strands and treated in a way that facilitates matting. Therefore, removal is difficult and often requires the drastic step of cutting or shaving the hair very short.

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A common method to achieve real dreadlocks starts with dividing the hair, which should normally be at least ten centimeters long, divided into sections secured by elastic bands. These sections will follow a certain pattern—for example, a checkerboard or diamond pattern. At this point, the future dreadhead can decide whether the dreadlocks will be thicker or thinner and consequently how much hair they will incorporate—although there are limits to how few hairs can form a dreadlock. The pattern partly determines how the dreadlocks will fall and whether gaps showing the scalp will appear later on. Then, the hair of each section is either backcombed or treated with the twist and rip method and crocheted. Knots will form, and over time the hair should begin to felt. This generally works easier on curly or wavy than on straight hair and easier on damaged than healthy hair—but the process cannot be accurately predicted. Another method to get dreadlocks needs even more patience and is suitable for shorter hair between eight and fifteen centimeters: the loose hair is rubbed with a towel until the first small strands form. This usually has to be repeated over many weeks until the first dreadlocks appear. In this way, a natural division of the hair is achieved. The neglect method, which is similar to the rubbing method, is also known as free-form dreads. The aspiring dreadhead stops brushing but should keep the hair clean and separate strands that get too large. Salt water helps to accelerate the process. Creating dreads from braids is rather unusual. One rarely hears of people who first got many braids and later turned them into dreadlocks; nevertheless, it is possible. A fifth option is to treat the hair with wax, but this is considered a bad method in the dreadlock scene because the wax forms residues inside the dreadlocks. When dreading, the hair usually loses considerable length. In some people, the fresh dreadlocks also contract extremely after a while and become shorter and much thicker, perhaps forming loops and bumps, while in other people this does not happen. Opinions differ widely: some people complain about the shrinking and bumps; others like them. Palm rolling is a method to keep the dreads in a cylindrical shape. Single dreadlocks are placed between two palms and rolled back and forth. Salt water and natural soaps should support the felting process. Since the hair grows back but often does not automatically felt, either it must be puffed up at the hairline using a method called tighten roots, rubbing the roots in a clockwise motion, allowing the stray hairs to work their way back into the lock, or the dreadlock is pulled through the roots, called interlocking. This method is often criticized because it can lead to hair breakage, especially with non-African hair. Dreadlocks can be made

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thicker by wrapping loose hair around the dreadlocks and working it in, using hair that is bought for this purpose or brush hair from friends or family members. By crocheting finished dreads of either real or synthetic hair or wool to one’s own, the mane can be extended almost indefinitely. Only the weight sets a limit to the extension, and in order not to strain the scalp too much, one should keep the weight low, especially as a new dreadhead. However, there is still a completely different way to achieve dreadlocks: fake dreads make it possible to approximate the look of real dreadlocks without subjecting the hair to the procedure. They are often made of synthetic material or wool, but sometimes also of human hair, and can be braided into one’s own hair so that it does not get damaged and the style becomes reversible. Due to hair growth, this must be repeated frequently. As my research has shown, while this type of dreadlock is referred to as such by those who wear them, people with real dreadlocks do not always see it that way—even if the fake dreads are installed in such a way that they cannot be distinguished from real ones. Here, the symbolic dimension of the hairstyle is already evident. Yet, people with real dreadlocks can also attach fake dreads to their own to make their mane look fuller or to add easily changeable accent colors; this is done quite frequently.

State of Research While there is a lack of a large body of research when it comes to dreadlocks, especially dreadlocks on people from Western countries or people of Caucasian descent, there are various ways to approach the topic by looking at similar or neighboring aspects. As shown above, there is wide consent among researchers that hair is important to the individual’s perception of beauty and self-esteem and that hair matters as a social sign indicating group, class, or ethnic membership or affiliation, including political attitudes. Hair is an important part of our appearance in everyday life, and “the ways we shape and style hair may be seen as both individual expressions of the self and as embodiments of society’s norms, conventions, and expectations. By taking both aspects into account and focusing on their interaction, we find that there is a question that arises, . . . namely: why do we pour so much creative energy into our hair?” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 112; see also Sieber and Herreman 2000, 56). The Metzler Lexikon Religion recognizes hair as a sign for group membership, as an element in rituals, often in rites of passage, and as a means for communication with gods, for example, in religions

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that require hair to be covered or cut as an offering. It also mentions hair’s connection to sexuality, strong in Judaism and Islam, which is the reason for various ways to discipline hair, such as by wearing a headscarf or a wig to convey modesty (Naacke 2005). There are numerous descriptions of how hair communicates messages about its wearer’s identity (e.g., Choi 2006; Hosford 2004) and how changes in hairstyles can be seen as indices of social change (see Mageo 1996, 138). One foundation of nearly every anthropological thought about the human hair is the seminal essay by Edmund Leach titled “Magical Hair” (1958). Leach cross-culturally identifies the head as a representation of the penis and the hair as semen; thus the removal of hair would equal celibacy or castration. For him, a clear distinction should be made between the private symbolism studied by the psychoanalyst and the public symbolism that the anthropologist deals with, even though a psychoanalytical influence is undeniable when looking at his work. Christopher Robert Hallpike modifies Leach’s thesis in his article “Social Hair” (1969) and describes long hair as standing for freedom from social regulation, understood as “a symbol of being in some way outside society” (Hallpike 1969, 261), whereas short hair signifies subordination to social norms. To support this thesis, he takes into account references from the Bible as well as field observations. P. Hershman (1974) again uses psychoanalysis and follows Leach in the subconscious equation of hair with genital organs, but he sees hair “best looked on as a structuring device through which other meanings can be expressed” (Hershman 1974, 296). Hershman attempts to “bridge the divide between the psychoanalytic and the sociological viewpoints” (Olivelle 1998, 34), as does Gananath Obeyeskere. Born and raised in Sri Lanka, Obeyeskere was studying the hairstyle of Sinhalese female ascetics, and his book Medusa’s Hair: An Essay on Personal Symbols and Religious Experience (1981) gained great attention. Obeyeskere is known for being part of a “new anthropology” that is more reflexive than traditional ethnographic writing (see Mascia-Lees, Sharpe, and Cohen 1989, 8). He uses psychoanalytic theory to demonstrate how women explain their fates by referring to society’s knowledge of religious myths. Jeannette Marie Mageo’s work is in line with Leach, Hallpike, Hershman, and Obeyesekere, stating that bodily symbols can be linked to moral messages and moral codes (see Mageo 1996, 159). Anthony Synnott approaches the topic from a more structuralist point of view, suggesting that hair constitutes oppositional meanings and helps to differentiate (1993). In terms of the body and its meaning more generally, there is a large fundus of literature regarding body modifications, including numerous recent studies as well as many empirical data. One fundamental agreement underlying many studies in the field states that “body changes

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change the self” (Synnott 1993, 2). “Body modification is defined as the (semi-) permanent, deliberate alteration of the human body and embraces procedures such as tattooing and body piercing” (Featherstone 1999, 1). Mary E. Roach-Higgins and Joanne B. Eicher offer a classification system to distinguish various types of body modifications but use the word “dress” that “so defined, includes a long list of possible direct modifications of the body such as coiffed hair, coloured skin, pierced ears, and scented breath, as well as an equally long list of garments, jewellery, accessories, and other categories of items added to the body as supplements” (Roach-Higgins and Eicher 1992, 1). Joanne Entwistle refers to “dress” in a similar comprehensive manner, stressing its social aspects: “Dress is a basic fact of social life . . . : all cultures ‘dress’ in some way” (Entwistle 2000, 323). However, in everyday language, “body modification” refers to a more drastic way of dressing than just a new necklace, new acrylic fingernails, or a new hair color. Wikipedia defines it as “the deliberate altering of the human anatomy or human physical appearance,” which again would include clothing and jewelry. Wikipedia then distinguishes “explicit ornaments” such as “body piercing,” “ear piercing,” “neck ring,” “tattooing,” “teeth blackening,” and so on, as well as “surgical augmentation,” including “breast implants” and “subdermal implants,” and “removal or split,” including “hair cutting” but also “genital mutilation” and “emasculation.” Further, it mentions that several body modifications occur as the result of long-term activities or practices, for example, “cranial binding.” Serena Motelewski’s approach is closer to the everyday use: she follows Merriam-Webster’s definition of “body modification” as “intentional alteration of the human body” and adds that “people who elect to undergo these alterations have a personal goal they want to reach and a statement they hope to make” (Motelewski 2014). To reconcile the colloquial use of the term with the scientific one as introduced by Roach-Higgins and Eicher, I suggest understanding “body modification” in contrast to “cloth” as interventions in the body that usually should have certain permanence and often a high emotional relevance to the individual and that person’s identity. Understood this way, body modifications can be traced back for thousands of years. Already during the Stone Age, people made figurines of women wearing their hair styled in something that might have been dreadlocks. The shaping of the skull through pressure was practiced in the area of today’s China (see Lindsell 1995). The body of the Stone Age hunter nicknamed Ötzi and the mummies of Xianjiang were altered as well; several mummies had piercings and tattoos that were probably used as a form of acupuncture (see Winge 2004, 1; Isaacs 2012).

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Often body modifications have certain meanings, and particularly very visible body modifications should eventually communicate them to others. These meanings can be very diverse; for example, they can tell something about the person’s gender, social background, or religion, but ultimately the specific meanings “communicated by the objectively discernible types and properties of dress depend on each person’s subjective interpretations of them. Further, meanings that a person attributes to various outward characteristics of dress are based on his/her socialization within a particular cultural context as well as on the improvisations the person exercises when applying learned meanings of dress within specific social situations” (Roach-Higgins and Eicher 1992, 4). Following Therèsa Winge (2012, 14), dreadlocks can be described as a type of body modification, as they are used to communicate meanings, even though, as we will explore, these meanings are often contested and even contradictory meanings are attached to the hairstyle. As I defined “body modification” as an “intervention in the body,” it could be argued that hair is not part of the body—in fact, it consists of dead cells. However, from a biological point of view, the hair also communicates something about the age and health of the body it belongs to, and when advertisements talk about “healthy, shiny hair,” it sounds as if it was very much alive. We further attribute human properties to hair; it can be stubborn, strong, or kinky, and we often see our personalities mirrored in our hair. Some spiritualities talk about hair functioning as antennae (see, e.g., Khalsa, n.d.), and discussions on and regulations about the acceptance of certain hairstyles are even more tied to the individual’s core than regulations about clothing and (body) jewelry: clothes can be changed when in private, jewelry can be put on, piercings can be put on or taken off, but dreadlocks, similar to tattoos, cannot be changed easily. Many of the articles and books on body modification particularly evolve around the technique of tattooing, which is probably the most widely studied practice of body modification. Often, the importance of the skin is described due to its communicational meaning, as it enables the interaction between people and their environment: It emits smells; it speaks. It absolves the environment. The skin is the place of closure or opening to the world outside. It is like a door that can be locked or opened. This openness or closure is the difference between consensual sex and rape; between voluntary tattoos and imposed tribal marks of initiation. The skin is a symbolic border between the interior and exterior aspects of the individual. In this sense, the skin is doubly an organ of contact. One can never escape one’s skin/body. (Erohubie 2013, 2)

But is skin comparable to hair, and further, is tattooing comparable to dreadlocks? There are some obvious parallels: both hair and skin “com-

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municate,” and the decision for either tattoos or dreadlocks can imply a more or less conscious interaction between people and their surroundings. Tattooing has origins in various cultures, just as dreadlocks have. Both are techniques to voluntarily create the body. In Western cultures the connotation of deviance might be in decline, given the vast number of tattooed people nowadays, yet there was a strong connection: “Tattooing and body piercing tend to be broadly understood as transgressive practices as they have the power to violate normative expectations about appearance, gender, sexuality, or race” (Adams 2009, 105). Dreadlocks are also considered a violation of social rules. Receiving a tattoo is often described as a rite of passage in non-Western societies but can be so in the West as well (see Rush 2005, 175); similarly, dreadlocks can mark a transgression from one status to another, indicated by the designation “dreadhead.” Just like tattoos, dreadlocks are also associated with identity. Tattoos are often described as body art. Is it the same with dreadlocks? The use of words in everyday language suggests a difference: we talk about “tattoo artists” but usually not about “dreadlock artists”—even though there is a company called Dreadart and the hashtag #dreadart is used more than five thousand times on Instagram (6/2020). Instead, the person making dreadlocks is called “loctician” in English and Dreader in German, occasionally also Dreadfee, which translates as “dread fairy.” It is also not uncommon to get dreadlocks done by a friend who is not a professional—which is rather unusual for tattoos, although probably more common among dreadheads than among other recipients of tattoos. For dreadlocks, some crafts come into play when they are decorated with specific handmade beads or macramé creations. But in general, nor locticians nor hairstylists are regarded as artists, maybe because “hair issues” are too much of our daily business to be regarded as part of the elevated realm of art—a perception that might currently be changing, considering high-end competitions for hairdressers and an increasing number of “hair art” videos on Instagram and YouTube. As far as African hairstyles are concerned, several attempts have been made to establish these elaborate styles as art—even though this has turned out to be difficult; still, “hair arrangement is a mode of African art too little and too infrequently recognized or appreciated” (Sieber and Herreman 2000, 56). With dreadlocks, there seems to be less creative opportunity than with other hairstyles or tattoos. Loose hair can be braided, pinned up, twisted, creped, and relatively easily dyed in many different ways. Tattoos can feature various styles such as traditional, tribal, mandala, portrait, lettering, and so on; can show bold or thin lines, elaborate or simple designs, and various types of shading; and can be put on vari-

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ous parts of the body to create better flow or to turn the body into a total work of art. Just like tattoos, dreadlocks can stand for something very general— “being tattooed” and “being a dreadhead”—but for dreadlocks it is more difficult to formulate elaborate metaphorical and at the same time somewhat readable meanings. When looking at the artsy aspect of tattoos and dreadlocks, they share the general problem that all body modifications are tied to living creatures. It is not easily possible to exhibit them in the traditional way, not easy to trade them as works of art, even though the art collector Rik Reinking purchased Tim Steiner’s tattooed backpiece and thus has the right to exhibit him once in a while and will get his back’s skin after Steiner’s death (see Hamburger Abendblatt 2014). Cutoff dreadlocks are traded as well—not as objects of art, however, but rather as raw material to improve another dreadhead’s look; they are used as extensions attached to the dreadlock’s tip. Another differentiating feature between tattoos and dreadlocks is their placement and thus their visibility: head or face tattoos are possible, but not very common. So in a lot of cases, tattoos are not part of the most visible and in many ways the most important part of the body, the head. Further, many tattoos can easily be covered with clothing, which is not the case for dreadlocks; even putting on a wig or a cap to hide the locks can be quite difficult with the huge head circumference typical for dreadheads. If the hairstyle is not underdreads or partial dreads, dreadlocks are a feature that can hardly be missed. Nevertheless, as shown, dreadlocks are in some respects quite comparable to tattoos, and therefore literature written about tattoos can be quite useful for the analysis of dreadlocks. Another way to approach dreadlocks is by looking at biological aspects. It is quite obvious that hair by nature serves as a biological marker: “The length of hair and its quality is likely to indicate women’s youth and health, and it signals reproductive potential” (Dhaske 2014, 55). Yet cultural aspects come into play, and there are plenty of (sub)cultures in which short hair or even bald heads are fashionable or, such as in the context of monks, stand for a highly respected position. Obviously, nature is often reshaped by culture. In this context, women’s studies have frequently looked at hair—for example, at body hair, such as Ashley Hawkins’s work, which shows the importance of hair and connections to ideas of beauty and hygiene, as well as to sexuality (see Hawkins 2004; Fahs 2011). In the case of dreadlocks, there is relatively little distinction between men and women or other genders (as discussed in chapter 2 under “The Equality Hairstyle?”); for example, locticians do not name different techniques to achieve dreadlocks depending on one’s gender, and there is no general

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consent that women’s dreadlocks should be longer or more voluminous than men’s, even though women seem to prefer open tips. However, the aspect of power relations comes more into play when looking at ethnicities and history. Considering the temporal dimension, it is not surprising that one can observe a long occupation with hair. For the categorization of the Homo sapiens presented by the Swedish botanist, zoologist, and physicist Carolus Linnaeus (1707–1778), hair was a major criterion: “Linnaeus differentiated between the Europaeus with long, blond hair . . . , the Americanus with straight, thick black hair . . . , the Asiaticus with abundant black hair . . . , and the Afer with ‘frizzled’ black hair . . . ; to these categories he added the hairy, mute Ferus (Wild Man) and the aberrant Monstrosus” (Rosenthal 2004, 2). Each of these categories of Homo sapiens was associated with corresponding temperaments. In the eighteenth century, hair was understood “as expressing a collective meditation on the self and otherness. . . . In contrast to the fair sinuous hair of the European, which was seen by Europeans to match an ideal purity and enlightened subjecthood, the ‘frizzy’ hair of Africans was regarded by some as ‘demonic, licentious, and pubic’” (Rosenthal 2004, 4). Especially the texture of hair served as a major marker of superiority or inferiority. This general attitude lasted even longer: “The assumption that whiteness was the measure of true beauty, condemning Europe’s Other to eternal ugliness, can also be seen in images of race articulated in nineteenth-century popular culture. In the minstrel stereotype of Sambo—and his British counterpart, the Golliwog—the ‘frizzy’ hair of the character is an essential part of the iconography of inferiority” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 113). The notion of “inferior, frizzy” hair continued in parts of Western societies, arguably until the twenty-first century. This could, for example, find expression in the “anti-frizz” products advertised by major cosmetic brands. During the time Linnaeus lived, hair also differentiated social classes among whites. Margaret K. Powell and Joseph Roach analyze “the kind of role that big hair played in the performance of everyday life, first as it appeared on the heads of men, as specialized wigs defining their professional and social identities, and then on heads of women, for whom hairstyles were also job descriptions, marking fashionable ladies as the special bearers and makers of waste” (Powell and Roach 2004, 96)—the latter understood as a waste of time and resources for elaborate hairstyles and huge wigs. Hair became a political issue: toward the end of the reign of the Sun King, wigs were widespread and had become an integral part of the European aristocratic dress. “And yet, despite this illustrious lineage, the wigs of eighteenth-century Western Europe seem to have tumbled down

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the social hierarchy, so far down that writers now observed them sitting atop the commonest of heads” (Kwass 2006, 634). Even today, questions of hegemony, power, and neocolonialism come into play when looking at the global trade of extension hair, as tradable hair from the so-called Third World offers First World consumers the opportunity to attain a certain form of feminine beauty with super-thick and extra-long hair: “Once a part of western corporealities, the cutting of such great lengths is seen by many as sacrilege: a form of ‘self-severing’ as strings of hair take on the status of limbs” (Berry 2008, 68). Consequently, when hair from the Third World is used for dreadlocks on Westerners, a twofold form of appropriation is taking place. However, most dreadlock extensions do not originate from these areas. Keeping the hair different from what is regarded as “proper” has been and continues to be a sign of rebellion, as Eva Kimminich describes in the context of youth cultures. Here, she sees Rastafarianism as a result of a semantic recoding of old religious sources (see Kimminich 2006, 61): supported by biblical quotations, Jesus gets reinterpreted as a Rastaman, who is associated with naturalness as well as with sexuality. This exerts a fascination for adolescents; it is seen in context with the creative change of culture but also with the formation of a counterpart against the culture of the adults. But not only adolescents use their hair to rebel; feminists, for example, protest against religious or traditional ideas of covering the female’s hair with headscarves or wigs so that its erotic power would be reserved for their husbands. Instead, they either shave off their hair or wear it long and unrestrained (see Naacke 2005). Shaved heads or very short hair also enables some women to deliberately violate the ideal of long, well-groomed hair, which they feel is imposed by male domination. This also shows a similarity to dreadlocks. Very prominently, hair also serves as a cultural metaphor for political subversion or resistance against the ruling classes, especially as a symbol of black resistance to oppression (see Dash 2006): “The historical importance of Afro and Dreadlocks hairstyles cannot be underestimated as marking a liberating rupture, or ‘epistemological break,’ with the dominance of white-bias” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 115). Hair has become a politicized statement of pride (see Weitz 2004, 138). In this line of thought, “hairstyles which avoid artifice and look natural, such as the Afro or Dreadlocks, are the more authentically black hairstyles and thus more ideologically right-on” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 111f.). The Afro carries the property of an etymological connection to Africa through its name, whereas dreadlocks similarly imply “a symbolic link between their naturalistic appearance and Africa by way of reinterpretation of biblical narrative which identified

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Ethiopia as ‘Zion’ or Promised Land” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 117). This appearance, which should be reminiscent of Africa, may be astonishing, as in the majority of contemporary African societies, dreadlocks would not signify Africanness; on the contrary, they would be connected to “an identification with First-World-ness. They are specifically diasporan. However strongly theses styles expressed a desire to ‘return to the roots’ among black peoples in diaspora, in Africa as it is they would speak of a modern orientation, a modelling of oneself according to metropolitan images of blackness” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 120). While there are African societies where dreadlocks are still considered traditional hairstyles, this is comparatively rare. In the Hindu worldview, it is common that devotees “offer their tonsures to tutelary deities” (Nabokov 1997, 309), be it as a pure offering, as a sign of gratitude, or to make a wish come true, common also among South Asian Christians. Dreadlocked hair is quite typical for Hindu sages, socalled sadhus, mostly men, but some women as well. Matted hair among Singhalese women was Gananath Obeyeskere’s research topic. Looking at the life stories of women with matted hair, she concluded that they often suffered trauma in connection with their marriage. The matted hair was a sign of their asceticism and their symbolic marriage to God (Obeyeskere 1981). In South Asia, there is the belief that matted hair, widely called jata, “can happen to any female at any age. Under the influence of superstitions, people worship the severe knotting of women’s hair as an appearance of a god or goddess and prohibit its removal” (Dhaske 2014, 1). Researching the status of a female Hindu healer, Amy Allocco describes that matted hair is often understood as a mark of the Goddess and signifies the divine presence. A person’s dreadlocks, therefore “command respect in ritual contexts because they communicate her status as one who is involved in a reciprocal relationship with the Goddess” (Allocco 2013, 110). Allocco’s informant “explains how it was only after she had shaved her matted hair for the fifth time that she finally recognized her dreadlocks as a sign of her intimate relationship with the Goddess” (Allocco 2013, 111). However, at the same time, “women suffering from matted hair often face heavy stigma, discrimination, and stereotyping due to the religious symbolism and superstitious practices surrounding matted hair” (Dhaske 2014, 2). One more group wearing dreadlocks in the South Asian context is the devadasis. These women were historically dancers who served in temples but were often turned into prostitutes to provide sexual services to priests and devotees: “Devadasis have to maintain matted hair as a customary symbol throughout their life. . . . The sexual objectification of devadasis takes place through the symbolic role of matted hair” (Dhaske 2014, 18). So here too there is a strong ambivalence.

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Beyond that, all these various cultural traditions of dreadlocks might be connected. There is no scholarly evidence, but popular articles suggest that Medusa from the ancient Greek mythology was an African serpentgoddess carrying a mask to frighten off the unskilled. She might have been connected to the Hindu goddess Kali. Her name could derive from the Egyptian goddess Maat; maat, meaning “truth,” has been identified as the root of the words “medicine” and “mathematics” and is even linked to the Sanskrit word medha, which stands for female wisdom (see Jones 2015). There are numerous more historical and cultural contexts in which hair or, more specifically, matted hair or dreadlocks play a role and that are analyzed to gain knowledge on cultures remote in space and/or time. However, it is not only the result that counts, but also the process of getting a hairstyle, which becomes evident in religious practices, “shaving the head as a mark of worldly renunciation in Christianity or Buddhism, for example, or growing hair as a sign of inner spiritual strength for Sikhs. Beliefs about gender are also evident in practices such as the Muslim concealment of the woman’s face and hair as a token of modesty” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 113). Valerie Boyd titles her article “The Ritual” and describes how her hairstyle with braids, twists, or locks is done and how it is rooted in African traditions: “For centuries women have communed together while scratching secrets from each other’s heads; black women, in Africa and throughout the diaspora, have a long history of greasing, combing, twisting, and braiding each other’s locks while contemplating and sometimes solving the problems of the world, both big and small” (Boyd 1993, 43). Sieber and Herreman stress the trust relationship when getting hair done: “Hairdressing in Africa is always the work of trusted friends or relatives. . . . Hair, in the hands of an enemy, could be incorporated into a dangerous charm or ‘medicine’ that would injure the owner” (Sieber and Herreman 2000, 67). Consequently, hairstyling has to be seen in a broader context in which not just the result and its meanings, but also the process is important—not just the “what,” but also the “how.” As we will see, this plays an important role, especially with dreadlocks.

A Sample of Dreadheads Dreadheads in so-called Western cultural contexts are not necessarily bound to certain places, nor do they form consistent subcultures in which having dreadlocks is among the most important features or that would be rather exclusive for dreadheads; they usually do not meet in certain places and are not (or at least not formally) organized. A dreadhead might not

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even know many other dreadheads. Her colleagues, friends, and family members might have different hairstyles and even dislike her dreadlocks, as described by numerous interviewees. I don’t know many dreadheads in person. Before I got them, I did not know any. (Darya M., interview, 19.12.2018)

Similar statements were made by more than 60 percent of the interviewees. Some said that they got to know more dreadheads once they made friends with their locticians or talked about the style on the internet, some found that the style inspired their friends after a while, whereas others reported that they still do not know many other dreadheads. Therefore, it is not easy to identify where exactly research on this topic can be done. To handle the problem, I chose a methodological triangulation consisting of participant observation, interviews, and research on social media. A triangulation is understood as a “path to knowledge and an extension of approaches in the collection and analysis of data” (Flick 2010, 285) used for a research question that cannot be sufficiently answered with just one method. The triangulation represents an effort to meet the classical quality criteria as far as possible (see Przyborski and Wohlrab-Sahr 2014, 21). The results of one method can be compared with those of another and thus help to confirm their accuracy. In our case, I also use the triangulation to give the dreadheads a chance to speak for themselves. As a starting point to get more insights into a cultural context focusing on dreadlocks, I chose talking to people offering dreadlock services, mainly installation, maintenance, and decoration, mostly at the smallscale level, some of them as franchises. Locticians usually know a larger number of otherwise unconnected dreadheads and often get information about why people want their hair to be dreaded. However, not every dreadhead would favor getting dreadlocks in a professionalized way. Some of them oppose any commercialization—so this might just give a piece of selective information. Among my informants were some experts from the dreadlock business, but I decided to also use several other sources to get more reliable data. One important source was interviews with dreadheads, described in detail below. In addition, I joined several Facebook groups dealing with dreadlocks and tracked the corresponding hashtags on Instagram, which will also be explained in more detail later on. When it comes to sociodemographic data, it is difficult to give details apart from my interviewees, because with observations on Facebook and Instagram many things remain in the dark. It is clear, however, that dreadlocks exist in all genders and all age groups from infants to the elderly, but

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according to the locticians I talked to, the peak lies between twenty and forty years of age. This coincides with my observations on Facebook and with the interviewees. It is also obvious that dreadheads rarely work in certain professions, such as finance, real estate, or law, and are relatively often found in the social and artistic fields. A Facebook poll (27.06.2020, n = 350) has shown that 35 percent work in the social field, 18 percent in the medical field, 9 percent in trade and crafts, 8 percent in retail trade, 5 percent in the artistic field, but only 0.3 percent in the legal field and 0.3 percent in the finance sector, which again matches the observations of my informants. Most of my interviewees had a middle-class background, but it is hard to judge whether the same applies to the people on Facebook and Instagram. Since I have placed the focus on German-speaking countries, a very large number of the dreadheads are Caucasian. Due to the history of these countries, not many black people live there; according to the Initiative Schwarzer Menschen in Deutschland (Initiative of Black People in Germany) the estimation is about five hundred thousand people in Germany, which equals 0.6 percent of the population—yet it is controversial whether people of color should be counted anyway (see Schildbach 2019). I focused on the German-speaking countries not only because I was staying there a lot at the time of the study and because dreadlocks are steadily gaining popularity there, but also because there is no significant continuous tradition of dreadlocks, thus wearing them is based on a personal decision. Several interviewees were found in groups that are related to photography and modeling or frequently present more or less professional-looking pictures on Facebook and Instagram. There seems to be a connection between the affinity to modeling and to having dreadlocks, which may have various reasons. People might feel more self-confident and more attractive because of their dreadlocks and therefore be more comfortable in front of the camera. However, it is also possible that people who anyway are more confident about their looks tend to get dreadlocks. Further, as dreadlocks are not the usual style people have in their cultural context, the occupation with looks may play a role, and posing in front of the camera is consequently just a small step. An earlier study has shown that modeling has a lot to do with the work on personal identity (see Jerrentrup 2018), understood as the self-conception of a coherent, yet not fixed creature with its own traits and history, having a diachronic perspective—what was I before, what will I be?—as well as a synchronous perspective—which are the aspects that shape me? (see Schaupp 2012, 77; Henning 2012, 21ff.). Identity develops within the interaction with others through social feedback (see Potreck-Rose and Jacob 2010, 17). Photography has been associated with identity from its be-

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ginnings (see Barthes 1989, 89; Brodersen 2017, 145). Its focus on the outer appearance might be seen in a critical light (see Geiger 2008, 22); yet, it is indisputable that humans create their looks to communicate their identity—even more so in postmodern times that open up numerous options, so that people “are able to construct personal styles that are meaningful to them” (Crane 1999, 544) and—especially in model photography—reflect topics the person can relate to. In photography, models find themselves in a “safe terrain,” in which they have the chance to act out character traits that in their usual lives are undesirable or that they usually would rather hide. This is possible through photography’s openness toward its interpretation, its ambiguity. Without any explanation, the recipient will not know if the model is “acting like herself” or “playing a role” (see Jerrentrup 2018, 90). Furthermore, it has a certain appeal to try various identities that do not have to be linked to the “real self”: “The desire is for photography not to capture a personality as it is but rather a body as it might be” (Coleman 2009, 110). The only constant feature is the body, understood as raw material to be shaped by the individual. This can be regarded as a general condition of postmodernism and nothing specific to modeling: “One general line of consensus in . . . recent social theory is that—in conditions of intensive globalization—individuals are increasingly required or called upon to become the ‘architects of their own lives,’ to engage in continual do-it-yourself identity revisions” (Elliott 2016, 70), and modeling can help toward this. For now, we can conclude that there are overlaps between the (online) scene of modeling and the group of dreadheads—and that the preoccupation with identity plays an important role.

Participant Observation As a cultural anthropologist, I would usually try to approach a topic by using the classical method of participant observation, joining a culture for a longer period of time, taking over a certain role, and gaining insights from the emic perspective. In this case, given the lack of a specific place to go to live with the subjects, it is not quite possible to undertake a participatory observation in the classical sense. However, before moving on I should clarify my own position. I have dreadlocks myself, not a full head, but about half of my hair is dreaded, whereas the rest is kept loose—a (still) relatively uncommon style just gaining popularity called partial dreadlocks or, more seldom, underdreads. Partial dreads with or without extensions . . . are a great opportunity to try dreadlocks and create a good base for more. (Dreads_by_Sarah, Facebook, 16.08.2019)

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Here again a few underdreads, extended with extensions. Maybe it will be completed soon. (Shapatidreads, Instagram, 09.09.2019)

These quotes have a certain flavor: they show that partial dreadlocks are not quite equal to a full head of dreadlocks. Partial dreadlocks can be covered by loose hair, and thus one might not be recognized (immediately) as a dreadhead; further, partial dreadlocks require less commitment, as the removal is easier. My motivation to get some dreadlocks partly originated in my preoccupation with the style when I started writing an article about it and later this book; or let’s say, both influenced each other. Further, I spent several years in India seeing sadhus wearing dreadlocks and some months in Cuba and Jamaica, where especially in the latter dreadlocks can be seen very frequently. There I started my first rows of dreadlocks. Once I was back home, I joined various groups related to the topic on Facebook, paid for dread care, and learned some techniques to keep the dreadlocks relatively tidy. So is it a participant observation indeed? Ever since Bronislav Malinowski at the beginning of the last century tried to take part in the Trobriands’ everyday life and thus to collect immediate experiences, participant observation is considered as the most typical method in cultural anthropology. It denotes “the planned perception of the behaviors of persons in their natural environment by an observer who participates in the interactions and is regarded as part of their field of action by the other persons” (Friedrichs 1990, 288). The “natural environment” usually means that the anthropologist has to move, literally to go somewhere, to live with the subjects. Volker Gehrau emphasizes the “long period” (Gehrau 2017, 30) in which this happens. Consequently, the researcher experiences many different and often unanticipated situations. In classical ethnological studies, this refers to the cycle of the seasons and activities, festivals, and so on associated with them. But even if seasonal aspects do not matter, the minimum period will be usually defined as twelve months to have the chance to learn something and take on a role in the cultural context. As already mentioned, it is difficult to join a cultural context if there is no place to go to. Of course, there are events where it is more likely to see dreadheads than in everyday street life, such as certain festivals—a chance I took for some interviews—but still, it is a small part of the visitors who are wearing dreadlocks, and further, visiting a festival, a demonstration, etc. is just a short-term activity that does not give the chance to take on a role for a longer period of time and does not give the opportunity to specifically live among dreadheads. Further, within the scene of model photography, a cultural context that I have been part of for a long time already,

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there is a higher percentage of dreadheads than in everyday life, but again this is just one occupation among many, and just as with the festivals, it might be a specific selection of dreadheads who are into modeling, a selection that most probably is not representative for all of them. The virtual world, however, offers groups exclusively for people interested in dreadlocks, but there is not much of a role to take on except for being a member in various groups, liking or commenting on posts, or posting one’s own pictures and statements. Again, the virtual world is just a small part of what people experience in everyday life, and again, not all dreadheads will be on Facebook or Instagram or have their own website related to dreadlocks. Getting back to real life, I think it is important to have experienced the feeling of wearing dreadlocks when writing about them. On the one hand, I learned how much thought, work, and lifestyle change it is to have dreadlocks and what may preoccupy a dreadhead. On the other hand, I could notice how people react to me, be it people with or without dreadlocks. Still, I would hardly call it a participant observation in the classical sense.

Interviews As already mentioned, I chose very loosely structured, qualitative interviews with dreadheads as a complementary method. Most of them were conducted in a relaxed face-to-face situation. “Qualitative interviews are particularly suitable for learning people’s opinions, values, attitudes, experiences, subjective attributions of meanings and to ask for knowledge” (Reinders 2016, 81). With their focus on opinions and values, they are a meaningful addition to observation and participatory observation (see Mikos 2017, 367). In previous studies, I often chose semi-structured interviews in order to receive data that can be better compared and quantified. In this study, however, I decided to use in-depth, rather open interviews; I wanted to allow my interviewees to contribute their own ideas and topics, because I had already noticed in initial discussions that there are very different thoughts on the subject. Following an open discussion, I asked the interviewees to comment on a list of aspects, if not already mentioned in the discussion, including the appearance of dreadlocks, the usage of extensions and dread jewelry, dread care and maintenance, photographs they take, reactions from their social environment, political opinions, and spirituality. The interviewees (n = 25) were told about my plan to write an article (Jerrentrup 2020) and a book about the topic and gave their consent to be

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mentioned in it. Most of them were from the German-speaking countries; two were from India, one from Costa Rica, and one from Germany but living in Jamaica. None of them had African roots; most of them said they were Caucasian, but some did not want to identify with any ethnic origin at all, because they rejected the concept—however, they would most likely have been classified as Caucasian. Fourteen were female and eleven male; they were between twenty-one and forty-seven years old and had a middle-class social background. I got to know them either through social media (specifically Facebook groups) or met them in various other contexts like festivals or through photography. Whenever possible, I conducted the interview in English; otherwise, I translated the answers given. The interviews took place during a period of approximately two years. Two interviewees did not currently have dreadlocks but were waiting for their hair to be long enough to get them done; both had dreadlocks before. One person had synthetic dreadlocks that were braided in; all others had real dreadlocks. I am waiting for my hair to be long enough to finally get my beloved dreadlocks back. I had various reasons to cut them; I was not happy with the sectioning, and I thought it would be difficult to find a job as a dreadhead. But it is definitely time to get them back. (Erin S., 08.05.2019)

I guaranteed them anonymity, although none of them seemed particularly concerned. Nevertheless, it is possible that social desirability played a role in answering the questions (see Mummendey and Eifler 1993). However, what is desirable within the cultural context of dreadheads might not be desirable in larger parts of the society. Furthermore, there might have been an interviewer effect. Since I have some dreadlocks, people might conclude that I have a positive attitude toward the style. Having set the interviews up as a discussion rather than as a formal data collection, I found myself in the situation of sharing my own experiences when asked. At the same time, I tried to be as restrained as possible while keeping the conversation going.

Research on Social Media Besides the informal interviews with dreadheads in real life, I followed respective hashtags and persons with a focus on dreadlocks on Instagram and joined several groups on Facebook dedicated to the hairstyle. Social media can be understood as “highly interactive platforms via which individuals and communities share, co-create, discuss, and modify usergenerated content. Given the tremendous exposure of social media in the

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popular press today, it would seem that we are in the midst of an altogether new communication landscape” (Kietzmann et al. 2011, 241). According to Jan Kietzmann and his colleagues, social media serve various functions: they help to show presence, share content, build relationships, communicate identity, engage in conversations, form groups, and work on individual or group-related reputation (see Kietzmann et al. 2011, 243). Due to their ubiquity, social media are said to be “an unmatched resource for research” (Miller 2014, 1). Internet-mediated research bears some obvious advantages. Unlike with face-to-face interviews, it is easily possible to collect data from geographically dispersed locations. Further, social media might convey a rather candid picture of the subjects; nevertheless, this can be questionable, since people have their own social networks in social media, which they probably do not want to jeopardize and could, therefore, follow some social rules. Many authors refer to the chance to generate big data (see, e.g., Hewson 2003, 290). However, this is not my foremost purpose, because most aspects that I am interested in cannot be easily quantified. Further, I am also not looking at topics that are inherently typical for social media, such as connection strategies. I would rather characterize my method as an observation of statements regarding opinions, feelings, concerns, and practices, in addition to the occasional setup of polls. My observations mostly took place over a period of about two years, but some older posts sometimes come up again in the timeline. Occasionally, links posted on Facebook or Instagram led to websites concerned with dreadlocks (e.g., dreadfactory.de; seienstyle.com) that I considered as well. DreadFactory has a blog about dreadlocks, which I will quote several times. Since both social media, Facebook and Instagram, work quite differently, they have to be approached in different ways. For Instagram, I followed hashtags that enabled me to find individuals and companies concerned with dreadlocks, among them #dreads, #dreadlocks, and #dreadstyle. Consequently, dreadlock-related profiles that do not use respective hashtags obviously did not pop up. Further, Instagram is less about communication. It is meant to be used on the cell phone, which makes typing relatively uncomfortable, and even though many pictures are accompanied by text, there is very little discussion. As it seems, pictures are mostly meant to be admired, be it as aesthetically arranged images or as the proof of skills, such as in “before-after” pictures of dreadlock installation or maintenance. Therefore, Instagram did not turn out to be my primary source. More than 60 percent of the two hundred people I followed on Instagram—the number varied a little during the course of time, as some profiles got deleted and I found some new ones—had some kind of professionality connected to the social medium, be it as loctician, vendor of

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products related to dreadlocks, or people who sell self-made products. The business strategies are hard to define, especially, as for most people, the interest to sell their products, to gain reputation, and to read pleasant expressions of sympathy can hardly be distinguished. Instagrammer hanahonua, who sells self-made dread beads, writes: I recently got this kinda rude comment on one of my “nude pictures,” going something like “sister, no person enjoying nature nakedly would ever take pictures of themselves. Don’t sell your body to get more followers, you can (and must) do better than that.” . . . It hit me. . . . And still, my mind wanders to explore these words now and then, as I wonder what they actually mean. Do I? Am I? Should I?  Why do I do what I do? For what reason and is it necessary?  Well, fuck. Fuck yes, it’s necessary.  Some days, I’m sharing as a form of integration. Some days, I’m sharing because I’m childishly playful, or feeling divinely sexy. Some days, I share to make a statement, or as an expression of art. Some days, I share because I simply have a bunch of pictures which I’m proud of, and since Instagram accounts thrive on daily posts, I spread them over my weeks. . . . And YES— other days, I share because I feel empty and decide to drug myself with a (short-lasting) quick “fix,” cause I’m feeling ugly, longing for some confidence-boost or words of appreciation and stimulation. (hanahonua, Instagram, 12.10.2019)

The motivations for postings can be manifold and, as the quote shows, do not always refer to the business. Facebook groups often have different objectives than only admiration; they also serve their members for information, discussions, exchange of opinions, advice, etc. Furthermore, looking at Facebook groups has the advantage that the timeline I see in the groups does not depend on my personal profile and my friends. I can be sure that people who join such groups are interested in their topics. These groups are named, for example, “Dreadlocks,” “Dreads—Tipps und Tricks” (Dreads—tips and tricks), and “Dreadisur.:.frisuren für dreadheads,” dreadisur” being a neologism of “dreadlocks” and Frisur (German for “hairstyle”). Most of these groups are dedicated to the experiences of members as a dreadhead in their job and private life, the meanings dreadlocks have for their members, as well as questions about starting and maintaining dreadlocks, hair care, dreadlock hairstyles, and hair accessories. Occasionally, topics pop up that do not involve dreadlocks but seem to be interesting for a significant part of the group members, such as piercings, tattoos, and hippie clothing, but also yoga and spirituality. Some commercial aspects come into play; people are offering dread maintenance or dread jewelry, usually as small-scale entrepreneurs catering to individual needs and wishes. Moreover, there are some more specialized groups purely dedicated to either natural, natty,

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free-form, or synthetic dreadlocks. Are these groups representational? “In addressing the question of whether internet samples are inherently biased, several researchers have turned to internet-user surveys and answered with a resounding ‘yes.’ Such data have typically shown that the internet-user population consists primarily of technologically proficient, educated, white, middle-class, professional males” (Hewson 2003, 291). However, the internet and social media have now permeated society, so it is no longer realistic to assume that only a privileged group has access. Especially among younger people in Western countries, it is quite common to be on Facebook and/or Instagram. The German dreadlock groups I joined on Facebook have the following numbers of members (June 2020): Dreads—Tipps und Tricks: 14,540 Tipps und Tricks für Dreadlocks: 11,892 Dreadisur.:.frisuren für dreadheads: 11,685 Dreads for free or donation: 7,399 Dreadlocks / Dreads Professionelle Neuerstellung + Verkauf: 3,201 Dread—Dreads—Dreadlocks: 1,964 Dreads—Dreadlocks NRW: 1,567 Fake Dreads—Tipps & Tricks zu synthetischen Dreads: 1,153 Dreads All Around: 1,150 In addition, I joined several smaller groups below 1,000 members. There are overlaps, thus somebody who is a member of one group is quite likely to be also a member of another. To get an idea of whether these numbers can be representational, my rough estimate is that at least 1 in 1,000 wears dreadlocks in German-speaking countries. Among them, few homeless people eventually do not wear dreadlocks as a result of a conscious decision. About 150 million people speak German. According to my assessment, around every 10th person who wears dreadlocks has joined a dreadlock group on Facebook. I consider this a relatively high number, taking into account that some people do not use social media at all or only use Instagram. Facebook data indicates that 32 million people used Facebook in Germany at the beginning of 2019, 3.9 million in Austria, and 3.8 million in Switzerland, although parts of Switzerland speak French or Italian. Assuming that the percentage of Facebook users among dreadheads is similar to that of the general population, it follows that a high percentage of them have joined one or more dreadlock groups. The biggest English-speaking dreadlock group on Facebook, with members mostly from the United States, counts 64,246 members. As some of the topics discussed in Facebook groups refer to dread service, regional groups could be more important in the United States.

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Among my interviewees, nearly all of them said that they joined Facebook and, more specifically, one or more of the respective groups, which stresses their importance. Five persons considered themselves as inactive users. Instagram was seen as slightly less important. Even though nearly 80 percent were on Instagram, only around 50 percent of them used it to follow accounts that have to do with dreadlocks or feature the topic in their own accounts. Let us take a closer look at the Facebook group members. The groups I joined mostly consist of Europeans and to a lesser extent of dread enthusiasts from all over the world. I use the word “enthusiasts” because not all individuals in the observed groups have dreadlocks themselves; for some, it is their past and they are playing with the idea of growing them again, and for others, it is a plan for their future or just a fantasy. The boundaries of “black” and “white,” anyway being extremely hard to define, seem to be quite irrelevant in the German-speaking groups. However, it is often difficult to trace back certain statements to an “ethnic origin,” and few threads evolved around the topic of ethnic groups, except for occasional questions on cultural appropriation—far more in the English-speaking groups—and technical questions on how to dread various hair types. Looking at profiles and posted pictures, one could conclude that especially in the German groups, by far most individuals are of Caucasian descent. This is not surprising when you look at the relatively small number of people of color living in the German-speaking countries compared to the United States. In one international group, people have to answer questions before entering, which include the consent that any “race” can have dreadlocks—this agreement being the basis for membership so that discussions on cultural appropriation should be prevented from the beginning. Most dreadlock groups seem to include more female participants, though the gender ratio is strongly dependent on the exact designation of the group—groups dedicated to hairstyles with dreadlocks have far more female participants than males. This could be due to the fact that in many cultural contexts, “hairstyles” are usually connected to women, whereas men might think about a haircut, but usually not about various styles such as French braids, complicated updos, hair decorations, etc. One of my male interviewees regretted this: Women can decorate their dreads so wonderfully—sad that there is nothing men can really do except for some wooden beads and a cloth to wrap them up. (Alexander T., 12.10.2018)

Age is seldom chosen as a topic in threads. Sometimes group members ask whether they would be too old for dreadlocks. In every case, this was forcefully negated by other members. Occasionally group members men-

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tioned their age when they introduced themselves by showing a picture and giving some personal data. The age range starts in the late teens and reaches to approximately sixty years; however, it is often difficult to tell on social media. There were very few posts about dreads for children uploaded by their parents. For my research, I used the Facebook groups in two ways: I occasionally asked my own questions or put up polls (e.g., concerning the dreadheads’ jobs), but I mostly got the information I sought just by observing the activities within the groups. From time to time, the questions I was interested in came up anyway; there seems to be a certain interest within the groups of why people have dreadlocks, what implications dreadlocks have, etc. Looking at Facebook and Instagram bears the huge advantage compared to oral interviews that people can be exactly cited—not just that aspects cannot get lost in transcription, but also that there is no undertone that might alter the statement; even for the group members themselves, it is just text. Still, distortion can happen in various ways. The most obvious is that I have to translate into English statements that are often given in German; however, I tried to be as accurate as possible. Then, due to social desirability, people might not always be truthful, be it that they present themselves differently from how they really are or that they just stay silent if they feel their comments might be undesirable or their opinion is not according to the norm. Furthermore, some people use smileys and emoticons, which cannot be exactly transferred into words. As already mentioned, there will also be people with (or interest in) dreadlocks who have not joined any dreadlock group. Members of these groups can represent a specific selection, such as people for whom their dreadlocks are of more relevance than for other dreadheads or people who in general are more into social media. However, I did not use Facebook or Instagram’s chat facilities to conduct interviews: “The very nature of IMR [internet-mediated research] means that compared with traditional methods the researcher has less direct control over, and knowledge of, participant behaviour. For example, in a traditional interview, the researcher is present with the interviewee and can make observations of body language or tone of voice” (Hewson 2003, 292). If the interviews were conducted online, be it through the chat facilities or via e-mail, I could have lost too much information.

Ethics and Anonymity Let us first take a look at the interviews, which seem to be far less complicated regarding the ethical situation than the research on the internet.

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By their nature, it was obvious for the interviewees that they were interviewed in the context of a research project, but not only that, I had asked and informed them before the interview and thus had their informed consent. Further, they confirmed that they are also very interested in the topic. When interviewing, I did not get the impression of addressing topics that are extremely sensitive to them. Moreover, I have considered websites like Seienstyle (seienstyle.com) or DreadFactory (dreadfactory.de), usually following links posted on Facebook or Instagram. In this case, I did only observe, not take part. There are options to comment or to book a loctician online, but in general, these websites are rather static. Of course, these websites are run by people concerned with dreadlocks, but they mainly exist for financial interest, to market services and/or goods. Most posts, be it photographs or the texts, can be understood as more or less well-planned marketing strategies to cater to the needs of their customers, to expand the clientele, or to pick up emerging trends among the dreadheads. The websites are visible to everyone, and they even allow to be assessed on Google or their Facebook fan page. Consequently, since they are public and even intend public visibility, I would argue that it is ethically acceptable to quote whatever can be seen or read there. The situation may look a little different with regard to Facebook groups, even though they are often easily accessible and aimed at a diverse audience (see Hewson 2014, 17). First of all, most users in groups do not (only) represent their dreadlock businesses but are there as “private persons,” as one of my interviewees put it. As Kietzmann showed, there are far more motivations to join social media groups than just commercial aspects, and the presentation of identity plays an important role, achieved through “the conscious or unconscious ‘self-disclosure’ of subjective information such as thoughts, feelings, likes, and dislikes” (Kietzmann et al. 2011, 243). In a sense, people have much more control online over what they say and how they present themselves than in real life. Words can be more wisely chosen than in everyday conversations; photographs can be deliberately selected and extensively retouched. A freshly posted photo may actually be very old, and as long as the person presenting it does not give any explanation, the audience may not suspect this. There are numerous attempts on social media to reveal the images shown by countless users as fake: a selfie in front of the neighbor’s new car with the text “my favorite vehicle”; a selfie in an evening dress in front of the mirror with the text “about to party,” and immediately after the click it is time for TV and couch. Nevertheless, people tend to think that photos present reality, even after the digital revolution: “The epistemically special character of photographs is revealed by this fact: we are inclined to trust them in a way

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we are not inclined to trust even the most accurate drawings or paintings” (Cohen and Meskin 2010, 70). Many pictures posted are clearly or implicitly declared as selfies, which does not necessarily mean that they are taken by the persons themselves nor that they have to be taken with a cell phone camera. Why do people post pictures of themselves? The classic “expert” answer to the question of why people take photos of themselves is the search for recognition. We suspect that it’s about much more. . . . Given the force with which the selfie has thronged into our social media feeds and has become part of our everyday lives, it’s not sufficient to explain the whole phenomenon with a slightly exaggerated form of selflove. Rather, we believe that selfies stand for something. Namely, . . . for a new way to connect with the world. (Cohrs and Oer 2016, 12)

These pictures communicate identity to the individuals themselves and to the world around them and represent an offer for further communication. In a way, this is strange: while in Michel Foucault’s work on the panoptic, the prison tower still stood for vertical surveillance and the loss of identity (Altmeyer 2016, 44), the panoptic is here in service to horizontal networking and the gain of identity; the associated visibility is even so much desired by the individuals that some of them even pay for advertisement on Facebook or Instagram. Regarding posted text, social media again seem to offer a higher degree of control compared to real life. Social media postings are much less synchronous than real-life conversations—users have time to think about what they say, to anticipate further reactions, and to weigh the advantages and disadvantages of their comments. On the other hand, some information is lost; emotions are not as easily detectable as in real-life settings. The use of emoticons and exclamation marks should compensate for this. Nevertheless, the typed text can also unwittingly convey information— information that the person may not have intended to give, such as from the choice of words, the use of emoticons, the grammar, the spelling, or grammatical errors. For example, one can draw conclusions about the person’s mother tongue and education. Further, it is easy to get cocky: on the internet, you can “image the red carpet underneath your feet. It seems like you just have to take it” (Schilling 2002, 226). Therefore, the assumed control may “often be treacherous and quickly fade” (Jerrentrup 2018, 113). In addition, in practice, it is often not the consciously chosen but the quickly written word without eye contact and nuances of intonation that predominates, and without the immediate opportunity to notice misunderstandings and to correct—in short, this can be understood as “visual deprivation” compared to the typical conversation, as a “lack of non-verbal signs, and a physical sense of disconnection” (Lindner 2002,

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96). Consequently, conflicts seem inevitable. Also, the lack of physical presence seduces people to communicate “uninhibited about themselves or (sub-)aspects of their selves while at the same time having the greatest possible distance to the other” (Lindner 2002, 102). In some ways, this may be an opportunity, but it may seem like a seductive and at the same time painful loss of control for the one who strove for control and expected to find it on the internet. When we look at the situation of “being in social media,” the two-sided picture becomes even clearer: people are in the public eye, posting on the internet, whereas physically they tend to be somewhere private, such as a living room or bedroom (see Jerrentrup 2018, 46)—a confusing mix of these spheres. Using Erving Goffman’s vocabulary, they actually engage in “front stage” behavior when posting on social media, but as they are physically in the “backstage” area, they might not be that conscious of it. Let us take a look at the social media that I observed: Instagram enables users to set their account either on private, allowing only selected persons to follow and thus see the content, or on public, visible to everyone. Further, they can choose whatever name they like; there is no compulsion to use real names. People may freely choose the hashtags that they want associated with their image, knowing and even intending that anyone looking for the respective hashtag can find it. Observing such an account seems to be ethically acceptable to me; it is not an open observation, but I have not crept into a cultural context and misused somebody’s trust. Therefore, when citing Instagram users, who, following Instagram’s rules, do not have to indicate their real names, I use the names they selected. I did not request to follow any profiles that were put on private; thus I can assume that these individuals with public profiles are aware of the fact that everyone can read and quote whatever they post. I am on Instagram. My profile is public. I don’t post anything I am ashamed of and I think it is better to connect with people and to gain some popularity. I know that everyone can see my content and that some guys may misuse my photos—probably not in the sense that they are stealing them, because that would be illegal, but that they could use them for sexual purposes or to imitate my jewelry designs. That’s the way it is. (Lilli J., interview, 08.04.2019)

Especially when citing longer texts the Instagrammers have written—texts that were certainly based on some considerations—I regard these texts as intellectual property and think that they should be cited accordingly. For Facebook groups, the situation looks a bit different. The groups can be regarded as a slightly more “safe space,” even though many groups do not have any rules about who can enter, and if there are, there are usually just some simple questions to be answered, such as “Do you have dread-

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locks or are you interested in them?” or “Did you read the group’s code of conduct and do you agree?” The code of conduct, if any, usually refers to non-offensive wording and not posting anything unrelated to the group’s designation. In most cases, however, access to a group will be given by an administrator, and one could argue that it is this administrator who ensures that the group members will be all trustworthy. To evaluate the ethical dimension of my activities on Facebook, polls and observations have to be distinguished. When conducting a poll, I could reveal for what purpose I am doing it, either in the text itself or as a comment. I mentioned that the data would be used for a research project. Only once did somebody want to know more about my research, and unsurprisingly it was another social scientist. Apart from this, the polls frequently received comments such as “Interesting question. I am excited to see the results.” The number of people participating in my polls was quite high. Ordinary posts usually receive much less attention—this may not come as a surprise since such simple surveys are very quick to answer, but often enough people have commented on their answers or added their own answer options, so they were more involved. I am grateful for the possibility of adding own answer options, as sometimes an option that I was not aware of was added; for example, in a poll on vegetarianism and dreadlocks, the option “flexitarian” was new to me. These polls enabled me to get a more comprehensive atmospheric picture than just from interviews and observations. Since the participation in my polls was voluntary and my objective was disclosed, I do not see ethical concerns. However, there are some disadvantages compared to usual surveys, as everyone can see who chose which answer; thus there is no anonymity. Consequently, social desirability can come into play, whether it is that people respond differently from their real opinions or do not respond at all if they defy an opinion perceived as normative. The most critical aspect of my research is the observation of activities in Facebook groups. This observation is, by its nature, a covered observation. Otherwise, I would have to continuously post that I am observing the group, which would definitely be perceived as very strange. As some dreadheads may post drug-related topics—more specifically, positive attitudes toward the use of marijuana—I might have been mistaken as an investigator. Further, I still could not be sure that everyone would read my posts. My presence as a researcher could also more or less sustainably influence the situation (see Nicklas 2007, 65), such as if people would like to present themselves as experts or opinion leaders. All in all, I doubt there would have been any alternatives to the covered observation. I also tried to escape the dilemma by asking my interviewees, most of them active in the respective Facebook groups and/or using

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Instagram, how they would evaluate my work. All of them said it was not ethically questionable, but on the contrary, it sounded interesting. According to Facebook’s policy, people have to use their real names (even though many bypass this). When citing Facebook users, I decided to only use their first names and the initial of their surnames. The content of most Facebook posts quite differs from typical Instagram posts. In Facebook groups, many people seek advice, ranging from “Do you think bangs would look good on me?” to “How do I prepare my hair for dreadlocks?” or “What were the reactions of your friends, family, and employer toward your dreadlocks?” People also frequently share pictures of their dreadlocks, their hairstyles with their dreadlocks, their crafts such as dread wraps or dread beads, etc. However, there were very few posts as elaborate as some of the earlier mentioned Instagram posts. Therefore, I think that there is less claim to intellectual property.

2  Past, Present, and Localization In the following chapter, we will deal with the localization of dreadlocks, in terms of both the temporal and spatial dimension. These two dimensions are often strongly interwoven, as will be shown, since dreadlocks can apparently be traced back to different origins and have developed in different ways depending on the location or cultural context. The aspect of cultural appropriation is of particular, also political, importance. For some black people, dreadlocks are a sign of their cultural identity, and they feel deprived when dreadlocks are degraded to a “fashion gadget” for white people. Besides, dreadlocks are an important spiritual feature for Rastafarians. So the question arises whether and, if so, under what conditions people who are not connected to these traditions should wear dreadlocks. Whether justified or not, there are various subcultures that are not (or hardly) associated with Rastafarianism or the cultural identity of people of color but in which some members wear dreads. These cultural contexts are also examined in more detail below.

Dreadlocks’ Multiple Origins Several sources point to the “volatility of body markings” (Schildkrout 2004, 325), which is the case with dreadlocks as well, even though they are a relatively stable feature for the individual wearing them.

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Various origins are mentioned for dreadlocks; most prevalent is their connection to the Rastafari culture dating back to the 1920s, in which dreadlocks began to serve as a sign of black strength and unity (Guilford 2007, 66), as well as a marker of distinction and a conscious rebellion against white beauty standards. The Rastafari movement has its origins in Jamaica but refers to several African cultures, in which dreadlocks have been worn for a long time. “Various forms of dreadlocks have been established as part of the hairstyling culture of various African tribes, including the Kikuya and Masai tribes in Kenya, the Himba tribes of Angola and Namibia, the Ibo tribe of Nigeria, the Fulani and Somali tribes of Northern Africa, and even among ancient Ethiopian Coptic religious leaders” (Akanmori 2015, 442). Probably the most well-known example is the dreadlocks of the Himba in Namibia. “Virtually every resource profiling the Himba focuses on a practice in which women make a paste called otjize from butterfat and red ochre mixed with an aromatic resin from the omazumba shrub” (Cole 2012, 154). They use the paste to rub into their skin and to keep their hair in shape, and it might also serve as a sun protectant and insect repellent. Further, the hairstyle is connected to a person’s marital status (see Barry 2012, 1). For the Himba, dreadlocks have a long tradition, but there were also some events in Africa’s history when dreadlocks were used as a marker not just of ethnic identity but also of political engagement: “At a . . . point in history, dreadlocks were also common during the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya in the 1950s and 1960s when the top leaders often wore dreadlocks. They are said to have used dreadlocks as a sign of African identity and a religious vow of separation from modern, corrupt and unfair society” (Arac de Nyeko 2018). In many areas of today’s Africa, however, dreadlocks would be a sign not of tradition but of “a modern orientation” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 120). Still, dreadlocks became the emblem of a newly discovered, black selfconsciousness, especially in the United States and Jamaica. After centuries of negation, styles like this inverted the binary logic of the white prejudice and celebrated the natural features of the black hair. Hair became a crucial thing in the semantic fight around the meaning of race difference, a fight that should negate the categories of racial oppression themselves. For Rastafari, for example, the openly shown dreadfulness transports the difference . . . in the open symbolic fight by directing the attention on the most unacceptable attribute of blackness—the kinky hair. (Willis 1991, 117)

This message of consciously distancing oneself from the beauty ideals associated with the colonial power is very prominent “particularly in the context of Jamaican society, where hair has long been a sign of social differences. Traditionally in Jamaica, fine silky hair was considered ‘good’ or socially desirable, while woolly, kinky hair was seen as ‘Negro’ and

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frowned upon” (Urban 2015, 120). Dreadlocks, however, “were originally intended to reproduce the ‘ethnic’ look of some East African tribes” (Hebdige 1979, 143). Another line of argumentation deals with blackness or Africanness in a different way. The Bible, mostly referring to places in northern Africa, says “to leave the ‘locks unshorn’” (Hedbige 1979, 143) and tells the cautionary tale of Samson, whose strength was lost due to Delilah having cut off seven of his locks. Rastafarians therefore also use biblical references to explain the wearing of dreadlocks, citing the story of Samson “or the image of the lion of Judah with its powerful mane” (Urban 2015, 120). Hence, the tradition of blackness and the scripture complement each other. Rastafarians wore their matted hair “for religious reasons. They were considered particularly reverent and saw their curls as a kind of antennae for the experience of religious inspiration. The ‘dread’ of dreadlocks could . . . be derived from this awe” (Lanz 2018). Another explanation would be that Rastafarians were known among the white population as outsiders or religious fanatics, which caused the colonialists to be scared of dreadheads. Worn as a very visible statement, dreadlocks became one the most prominent signs for the Rastafari demarcation and philosophy, influencing other aspects of the Rastafarians’ lives as well: “Reggae lyrics by ‘Rasta’ artists show particular concern for dreadlocks: e.g. ‘Don’t touch I-Man Locks’—I Roy” (Hebdige 1979, 144). But there are also other origins than the Rastafari culture. “It’s hard to tell who had them first, because early humans, lacking combs or styling products, probably roamed the planet with matted hair” (Grinberg 2016). One of the oldest sources lies again in biblical times: “In Hebrew tradition it was a sign of religious piety for a man to leave his hair uncut and uncombed. Priests and sons of priests were not allowed to cut or comb their hair. By the time they were grown, their hair was tangled into dreadlocks. Eventually, dreadlocks became useful for identification purposes” (Bongo 2008, 125). As priests and sons of priests were treated with reverence, dreadlocks became a signifier of being elevated. Therefore, dreadlocks were appealing to Egyptian priests and were imitated by them, as Katanga Bongo explains. Bertram Ashe also refers to evidence for the ancient Egyptians to have grown dreadlocks. “Both Egyptian royalty and commoners wore dreadlocks. . . . The Egyptian dynasty began a little more than 5,000 years ago, and anthropologists have found mummies of ancient Egyptians with dreadlocks—the Egyptians wore dreadlock wigs, as well” (Ashe 2015, 36). Even one of the most well-known figures in world history, Jesus, might have had dreadlocks. Daniel Oliver looks at various Christian sources, the Bible and early Christian historians, as well as Islamic prophetic narrations. These sources describe Jesus’s hairstyles very differently, so Oliver

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asks, “Which kind of hair did he have: Tightly-Curled or Long? Indeed both. How can the same man have both short, tightly-curled or woolly hair, and also long, lank hair? The answer is that these are describing different stages of (‘dread’)locked hair, specifically those of an African” (Oliver 2015). The Celts are said to have had locked hair as well, known because of Roman accounts, which described them as having worn “hair like snakes” (Ashe 2015, 36). Whether this refers to dreadlocks or braids is relatively unclear though—sometimes they are not interpreted as equivalent to dreadlocks (for the discussion, see Powell 2016), and the accuracy of Roman accounts might be a bit doubtful, one could argue, as Caesar, for example, described aurochs as just “a little smaller than elephants” in his documentary report De bello Gallico. One more dread tradition that is still alive can be found among Hindu and Buddhist sadhus. There is evidence of dreadlocks worn by holy men and women in ancient Vedic scriptures dating back thousands of years. Dreadlocks serve as a visual statement of detachment from physical vanity. Even Lord Rama, the hero of the epic Ramayana, famous throughout South and Southeast Asia, wore “what sounds like dreadlocks” (Ashe 2015, 36). Cultural links between South and Southeast Asia concerning dreadlocks are illustrated in an example by Shyam Saran: “A life-size male deity, moustached and with a forehead third eye, dressed only in a short loincloth and with piled-up dreadlocks, was discovered in a ruined sanctuary in Stung Treng province, northeast Cambodia, in 1920” (Saran 2018, 265). This may be surprising to anyone convinced that dreadlocks have no tradition for rather straight hair. The Baye Fall in Senegal is a sect of Islam founded in 1887 by Sheikh Ahmadou Bamba Mbacke, who led a pacifist struggle against the French colonialists. Members of this Sufi brotherhood wear “heterodox clothing compared to other Murids” (Guijarro 2016, 80), among this style most prominently dreadlocks. In contemporary Senegal, about 25 percent call themselves Baye Fall followers. Possibly inspired both by the sadhu tradition as well as by African and Rastafari culture, some hippies feature(d) dreadlocks as well. “The hippies are sometimes referred to as a counterculture because of their wholesale rejection of wider values and lifestyles. . . . Hippie clothing also set them apart. Cheap, tie-dyed, patchworked cotton or hemp clothing, flared pants, op shop and vintage items, colourful beads, feathers, and headbands gave the hippies an unconventional, uncoordinated appearance. Long, tangled, braided, big and dreadlocked hair were also ‘fashion musts’” (Furze et al. 2015, 74). In recent times, dreadlocks became linked to “the politics of consciousness” (Dunning 2000) associated with vegetarianism/veganism and sus-

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tainability. But there are more subcultures featuring dreadlocks, such as the goth and the punk subcultures (see Hannerz 2013, 58). For hipsters, it seems to be more ambivalent: “While hipster men clearly didn’t invent dreads . . . it’s something that some hipsters have adopted as one of their own regardless” (Harriet 2017), and Lisa Nakamura names them as a signifier for looking hip (2001, 10), whereas Robert Lanham’s (2003) humorous The Hipster Handbook lists dreadlocks under the styles hipsters avoid. We will soon take a closer look at subcultures associated with dreadlocks but first continue with the widely debated topic of cultural appropriation.

Cultural Appropriation A video that went viral in 2016 fired the public debate about dreadlocks and cultural appropriation, sometimes also referred to as “cultural misappropriation” (Metcalfe 2012). One sees an African American woman debating with Cory Goldstein, a student with Caucasian roots, about his dreadlocks. There were also prominent representatives of the debate. The singer Justin Bieber was accused of “appropriating black culture”; “fans vented their frustrations, arguing that black hairstyles are more than a fashion vogue” (Oppenheim 2016). Further, the BBC reported discussions taking place on social media about the singer Jesy Nelson, with people demanding that she delete an Instagram post of herself wearing dreadlocks, arguing “this hairstyle isn’t meant for you,” whereas others defended her. The picture received over 191,000 likes (BBC 2018). However, dreadlocks are not the only topic related to cultural appropriation that is currently discussed in public media. For example, a high school student’s prom pictures generated furious debates, as she was wearing a cheongsam, a traditional Chinese dress (Bell 2018), when she had no Chinese cultural heritage. Tribal tattoos became popular in the 2000s, inspired by Polynesian culture. Stretched earlobes, a modification that can be found among many dreadheads, are actually associated with Buddhism. Some examples refer to a certain practice rather than to a style. Sheila Bock and Katherine Borland analyze how and why people draw upon traditions of cultural others with regard to belly dance and salsa dance. They show that the dancing experiences are “aimed in part at liberating the dancing subject from restrictive and disciplinary identity categories” (Bock and Borland 2011, 1). In general, debates on cultural appropriation are picking up in a world that becomes increasingly segregated, with groups focusing on its own heritage and putting its own group first. A multitude of reasons for this development can be assumed, such as the long dominance of the

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West and its brutal colonial history, which is being investigated more and more, but also the spread of Western cultural elements, which might have led to the loss of one’s own identity, resulting in the strong need to retrieve it and therefore to distance oneself from others by visual markers such as dreadlocks. Cultural appropriation is also often mentioned in the context of other hairstyles. The Mohawk of the Native American tribe of the same name was adopted by American soldiers during World War II to intimidate their enemies. Later, jazz musicians wore the style, and in the 1980s it became iconic for the punk subculture. Be it for styles or practices, inventions or symbols, many more examples could be given. The renaming of a style can be considered as a form of cultural appropriation as well. Kim Kardashian wore a hairstyle known as cornrows or Fulani braids, referring to the Fula tribes in West Africa. However, Kardashian called them “Bo Derek braids,” referring to Bo Derek, a blond sex symbol of the 1980s, who wore the hairstyle in a movie. Blogger Nardos considers the renaming as a recontextualization and thus as a way to give false credit: “It is no problem if the self-declared trendsetter Mrs. Kardashian West is getting braids. It is her right to wear her hair however she wants. The problem was in the way of mediation. Not only does she show off her hairstyle as if it was her own creation, but she renames it as well” (Nardos 2018). In the observed Facebook groups, it might be astonishing that—especially in German-speaking groups—people are not confronted very often with the topic of cultural appropriation. This must be due to the commonly shared opinion that everyone can have dreadlocks, but also due to some rules. The rule in the dread group “Dreadlocks” on Facebook states, “We don’t tolerate racism. Dreadlocks are for everyone, no matter what point in the skin pigmentation pallet you are.” Among the entrance questions of the group are the following: Do you agree to accept that everyone has their own journey and own experiences with or without products or salons?  Do you agree that every culture around the world has their own heritage of dreadlocks?

Here, wearing dreadlocks is understood as a privilege that should not be reserved for a specific group—otherwise, a racist attitude is supposed. However, as will be shown, this can be considered too short-sighted. Two general origins of the critique of cultural appropriation regarding dreadlocks can be distinguished: movements in connection to black power and consciousness, along with it occasionally the assumption that only black hair can be turned into “real” dreadlocks, as well as movements more

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specific to Rastafari culture and religion. However, both share a focus on historical power relations. Here is an example of the first argument from an English-speaking Facebook group. The question “Are dreadlocks a European Nordic tradition? Did Vikings lock their hair?” asked by user Sylvia N. (21.10.2019) received numerous comments. One user wrote: European hair is too thin to have natural locks wtf is wrong with you people. (Azim W.)

This provoked a fierce argument, just to quote some of the comments: Me and several of my friends prove you wrong as we went natural with our locks. (Mikey F.) I have massively curly head, and locks up perfectly fine, European hair here. (Aimee L.) Black racism. Love it. Keep the hate growing numb nuts. Payback is the only way . . . zzz . . . cut your hair and join the army, bro. (Andreas H.) I don’t have to describe you all know what real dreads are its definitely not what you have on that head of yours. (Azim W.)

The Rastafari movement, which typically features dreadlocks, is based on the “bipolarization between ‘Europeans’ and ‘Africans,’ expressed through the categories of Good and Evil” (Daynes 2008, 164). Therefore “the entry of white individuals into Rastafari is an important event, for its black members as well as for its white members, and a paradox that is still a source of conflicts today” (Daynes 2008, 166)—even more so, because also non-Rastafaris can have dreadlocks, such as the white student Cory Goldstein. “When reggae, dreadlocks, and ganja are taken up by suburban white kids . . . these cultural objects become transformed from images of resistance against oppression into simple commodities and forms of entertainment” (Urban 2015, 131) and therefore lose their meaning. Hugh Urban cites a statement that in 2007 was given by a group called EthioAfrica Diaspora Union Millennium Council: “Non-Rastafari individuals and organisations that continue to exploit Rastafari culture, symbols, artefacts, music, art, and religious marks and fail to recognise the authority of the Rastafari community to protect and preserve same and to benefit financially from same, will be regarded as hostile to the Rastafari community and will be treated accordingly” (Urban 2015, 131). Taiwo Ogunyinka (2016) identifies three reasons for white people to wear dreadlocks: the appreciation of black culture, which would be misunderstood; fashion, which would show ignorance of significant contemporary history; and as a symbol of a humanist ideal, which would be the wrong political meaning. Otis Robinson critiques similarly: “The white

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body utilising a dreadlock is a cosmetic decision, showing preference to the ability to do ‘whatever we want’ as opposed to showing understanding. The dreadlock is redundant for the Western white identity” (Robinson 2018). Benjamin Davis replies that people are not entirely products of their cultures and that Ogunyinka’s approach would declare it impossible to ever understand other cultures: One is reduced to their cultures, automata like, by-products of cultural domains into which they were born, as being constrained by the background of shared practices (and a shared background intelligibility) that is exclusive to their cultural domain. Worryingly, this has been a longstanding social malady: the Nuremberg Laws, the Eight Banners under the Qing dynasty, the caste system in India, apartheid in South Africa, slavery and racial segregation in the US—all underpinned, to whatever degree, by a rationale that reduces an individual to a particular fixed cultural (or at times racial and social) domain without the epistemic and normative capacity to adapt and assimilate into different cultural domains if they should choose. (Davis 2017)

Kris McDred wants to settle the feud with his YouTube video mentioning biological and historical arguments why everyone can have dreadlocks (McDred 2018). Further, it can be argued that the preoccupation with and wearing of dreadlocks might be encouraging alternative, new ways of thinking. Therefore, “even if a white teenager wearing dreadlocks and listening to Bob Marley doesn’t understand the entire history and meaning behind the music, he or she might be motivated to look more deeply into Jamaican and African history and might be inspired to think more critically about issues of race, poverty, oppression, and spiritual freedom” (Urban 2015, 131f.). This was confirmed in some of my interviews: At first, I had just dreadlocks because it is some kind of a hippie, alternative sign. However, I got interested in Rastafari culture. I am not a Rasta, but because of my dreadlocks, I started doing some research on it, and I guess I have a better understanding now—not just of the Rastafari culture, but also of other cultures. (Alexandra S., interview, 23.05.2019)

Moreover, it would be wrong to see black people as a homogenous group. Not every person of color likes or wears dreadlocks, and if they do, they might not necessarily wear them as a signifier for cultural identity. The social worker and feminist writer known under the pseudonym Feminista Jones is quoted by Emanuella Grinberg: “I used to wear them and it wasn’t for any spiritual reason and I wasn’t a Rasta; I just liked how they looked on me. I wonder if an Indian person could say I was appropriating them?” (Grinberg 2016). There are many statements in Facebook groups issued by people of color that refer only to beauty, but not to Rastafarianism, spiritual, or social aspects.

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Before I had dreadlocks my hair was thin and suffered a lot of breakage. Six years ago I had my dreadlocks and I’m loving it . . . my hair is thick and easy to care for. (Khutso M., Facebook, 16.01.2019)

Coming back to the initial notion of religion, some Rastafarians argue that what matters is not ethnic background, but spirituality. When I was in Jamaica, a woman asked me whether my dreadlocks were just fashion or “meaningful,” referring to the Rastafari culture, accepting the latter, but not approving the first—an argument that could be held against nonRastafari dreadheads of color as well. At this point, it is worth looking back at the general phenomenon of cultural appropriation. Without implying any judgment, without excusing it: cultural appropriation has always occurred in history, so it is nothing new or extraordinary. In this process, often new meanings arise. Therefore, a symbol having a strong meaning can seem to be devalued by people sharing it for a completely different purpose, which probably happened and still happens to a vast number of symbols. What makes the discussion more sensitive in our case is not just the fact that some style, some inspiration, is taken from another cultural context. What makes it so difficult is that in older times and even today, underprivileged groups claim dreadlocks as an identity marker and feel deprived of it when used by others—so a fundamental root of the problem is not the adaptation or appropriation, but a huge inequality as a persisting political dimension. This is also reflected in the Black Lives Matter movement. Anyone who answers here with the general phrase “all lives matter” does not understand that the aim is to highlight structural, multidimensional racism. Incidentally, according to my observations, dreadheads are particularly active in Black Lives Matter demonstrations, which leads back to Ogunyinka’s argument that they wear the hairstyle as an expression of a misunderstood appreciation of black culture. Yet, from another perspective, one could argue that dreadlocks themselves have a democratizing potential, which will be discussed in the following. It also should be mentioned that the knowledge of various perceptions of and responses to dreadlocks also influences the practice of wearing them, even if it is in cultures with a long dreadlock history (see Agwuele 2016, 151f.). In the Western cultural context, those who become dreadheads are caught between a system they do not want to be part of and using the aesthetics of dreadlocks as a way to rebel, which emphasizes their capacity as white people in the United States or Europe—it is a tricky negotiation of ethnicity, race, aesthetics, class, and resentment.

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Figure 2.1. This Jamaican man in Port Antonio said he would grow his locks as a tribute to Bob Marley and Reggae music. Photo credit: Maja Tabea Jerrentrup.

The Equality Hairstyle? Dreadlocks as an “equality hairstyle” seems rather contradictory to the just mentioned aspect of cultural appropriation. Equality should refer to the situation that in the Western cultural context basically everyone who has hair can have dreadlocks, according to the emic definition mentioned above. They can be done with any hair structure, even if dreading soft, straight hair costs more effort and time than does curly or frizzy hair. One can see dreadlocks on people of all ages and genders. Let us take a closer look at the latter. During the last decades, “the imposition of sex stereotypes has become more intense in many ways” (Jeffrey 2015, xxi), as Sheila Jeffrey states in her analysis of harmful beauty practices in the West. “Whereas second-wave feminists in the 1970s had

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Figure 2.2. This Indian sadhu’s dreadlocks, called yata, stand for the god Shiva. Photo credit: Maja Tabea Jerrentrup.

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Figure 2.3. A sadhu with European roots: this man has decided to change his life and now lives at the river Ganges in Varanasi, India. Photo credit: Maja Tabea Jerrentrup.

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some success in countering what was called sex-role stereotyping in children’s school readers, for instance, in recent decades the practice of creating extreme sex stereotypes for children has come back with vengeance” (Jeffrey 2015, xx). Everyday observations confirm this: the toy companies Lego and Playmobil, for example, have lines for girls with fairies and princesses and for boys with firemen and dragons, and even chocolates are marketed differently for girls and boys: Stunning, how the clock is set back on 1965 and everything painted in rose color. . . . The Ferrero product developers obviously were jailed in a toys department until they only saw Princess Lillifee. And rose color. This expansion of consciousness they combined with well-tried strategies and what came out is fun and games and sexism: the new surprise egg, “only for girls.” It has a glittering cap, is decorated with rose flowers, and carries the slogan “Ei [= German for egg] love rosa [= German for rose color],” a slogan for which certainly some people constantly give themselves a pat on the back. . . . It is sad. All clichés put together and an egg around them. (Zinser 2012)

In regard to hair in Western culture, differences for the sexes are obvious (see Patton 2006, 30), although the twentieth century has seen some easing and women may have short hair, just as men long hair, but differences are still the norm. “Even in false hair, therefore, opposite sexes have opposite hair” (Synnott 1993, 111): women wear wigs for different purposes than men, and for women, less embarrassment is connected to it, especially for women of color, among whom the (occasional) wearing of wigs is quite common. Such gender differences cannot be seen for dreadlocks, at least not at first sight: men and women both can have dreadlocks, and both can wear them long or short. Traditionally seen, “the gender bending of long hair on both sexes was a clear sign of disorder, anti-capitalist, military draftdodging, and sexually-liberated leanings. When the musical ‘Hair’ played in Memphis, Tennessee, in 1970, conservatives picketed the theater with signs reading ‘God Hates Hair’” (Duncan 2013, 158). So, do dreadlocks have a democratizing ability, not differentiating between the sexes? “You Can’t Tell the Girls from the Boys” titles one chapter in Luther Hillman’s book Dressing for the Culture Wars. This also matches the aspect that many things typically offered in shops that are connected to dreadlocks (e.g., small-scale businesses that offer dreadlock maintenance, dread jewelry, and clothing) are unisex: harem pants, long woollen shirts, hoodies, and even some dread beads, mainly the wooden beads, are marketed for both men and women. Dreadlocks and whatever belongs to them can be labeled as an “androgynous hairstyle” (Binias 2018a). This also fits the observation that on Instagram, where one can freely choose a name, many dreadheads pick a creative or conceptual name that does not reflect

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their gender (e.g., “psych0n4ut”), and some male dreadheads who are not transvestites have female or female-connoted names, like “Maja.earth.” However, on closer look, segregation aspects become discernible. For example, some gender markers are evident. Men often wear their dreads thicker and with closed ends; women often prefer thinner dreads and usually want their ends to be open. In some cases, women start dreadlocks with the main intention to thicken and lengthen their hair rather than to become a dreadhead, thus using extensions with very long open ends. I have 22 dreads, is it considered a small number? (Marina C., Facebook, 20.09.2018) Hello, I’m interested in . . . How many dreadlocks do you have? I reached number 103. (Vojtech V., Facebook, 16.09.2019) So reading how many locks people have I am beginning to think I have a crazy amount of locks (96); how many do you all have? (Rebekah C., Facebook, 05.09.2019)

Especially the number of dreadlocks seems to make people feel insecure, as countless posts in Facebook groups show. Many people agree that it is not the number that makes the person a beautiful dreadhead; however, reading the posts, one can conclude that between forty and ninety dreadlocks are defined as a goal for a full head of dreadlocks. Preoccupations with too few dreadlocks are much more frequent than with too many. Locticians often give tricks for creating as many dreadlocks as possible with thin hair. Discussions about the dreadlocks’ number, their look, how many years people have grown them, their development, and the general expertise might create some hierarchy, but in general the Facebook groups show a rather inclusive attitude toward every enthusiast. Yet, there are some Facebook groups dedicated to purely natural dreads, natty dreads, etc. “Dreadlocks natty dreads” is a group for natty dreadlocks. We do not require your dreadlocks to be natural, but we encourage you to be as natural as possible and keep your dreads healthy. Many members start dreads in unnatural and unhealthy ways. This is ok, we only want to help you make better choices in the future. (Group description, dreadlocks natty dreads, Facebook) What happens when you don’t comb your hair? You have dreadlocks. Wash, wait and separate. (Group description, Natural Dreadlocks, Facebook)

Further, some techniques such as interlocking are regularly cursed by people on Facebook and Instagram as harmful to the dreads. In most

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Facebook groups, occasional statements like “Isn’t it unnatural/strange/ disgusting to have extensions?” appear, devaluating those with extensions, and there are some locticians who would not work with extensions. From time to time we are asked if we do dreadlocks extensions. Dreadlocks most of all need patience. Felting comes with time. Long dreadlocks are beautiful because they are a witness of time. (Dreadlocks Artesanal’s website, a Swiss dreadlock service) Hair You Can Truly Call Your Own—Rock the natural hair that grows out of your scalp and leave synthetic dreads to others. (Morgan Dreads, Facebook, 10.04.2019)

I have read derogatory comments about extensions a bit more often on Instagram than on Facebook. This may be because on Instagram, most dreadheads I followed were individuals who primarily use self-portraits to promote themselves and/or a service they are offering (dread care, selfmade extensions, or jewelry) or aim for collaborations (paid advertisements), whereas people on Facebook rather seek advice. My new haircut looks the same way psytrance sound. (morgin_riley, Instagram, 13.10.2019, referring to new dread extensions) Comment by dreamerenee: “Hair cut?? Pretty sure that’s just your real hair growing back in and through your fake dreads. Who you trying to fool?”

Some activities that are loosely connected to politics appear in Facebook groups and Instagram posts, such as about committing to veganism, visiting festivals associated with a political tendency, or taking part in protests—though mostly just by showing pictures of the events, without much politically motivated text accompanying them. When it comes to political aspects in the narrower sense, few comments are posted in the observed Facebook groups and on Instagram profiles. However, social media offer other groups specifically dedicated to politics; thus the small number of political statements does not indicate that dreadlock enthusiasts would not be politically involved. We do allow off-topic posts within Facebooks TOS, discouraging political, gory, or sexual matter. (Announcement in the Facebook group Dreadlocks, 22.12.2017)

In the German-speaking dreadlock groups, I noticed some statements showing a positive attitude toward or engagement in the protection of the environment, the integration of migrants, and development cooperation that could be interpreted as a (moderate) left-wing attitude. Further, there is a remarkable number of individuals mentioning that they work in the social field and that they are vegetarians or vegans. Thus dreadlocks seem

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to be associated with or even understood as a signifier for certain values. Yet among these values, there is—at least outside the Rastafari culture and groups objecting to cultural appropriation—the openness that the hairstyle should be for everyone who likes it for whatever reason. In everyday life in Europe, when a dreadhead sees another, they would greet or smile at each other even if they do not know one another, suggesting that dreadheads regard each other as an in-group and non-dreaded people as an out-group. People in dreadlock groups sometimes talk about the “dread tribe,” the diverse group of dreadheads. As any in-group, the dread community constitutes itself by looking at out-groups; identity is constructed by looking at alterity (for minimal group conditions, see Tajfel and Turner 1986). Here a contradiction becomes apparent, which is reminiscent of the general contradiction of tolerance toward the intolerant. On the other hand, dread forums are usually open for any enthusiasts, even if they do not have any dreadlocks at all. What makes dreadheads special might be the natural tendency toward tolerance, as generally speaking anyone can become a dreadhead: it does not require a certain gender or age, a certain ethnicity, a lot of money, or specific education or knowledge; one does not need to attend certain events or take part in actions other than occasional maintenance. There might be tendencies such as a left-wing attitude or the affinity to certain subcultures, but it is not a fundamental feature that has to come with dreadlocks—the only binding aspect constituting the in-group is the hairstyle. However, it has to be mentioned that dreadlocks are seldom seen in jobs traditionally considered well paid and/or high-class. Not surprisingly, the hairstyle of Sweden’s new secretary for culture attracts a lot of national and international attention, as she has dreadlocks. There are debates referring to cultural appropriation (Hermann 2019) and people asking if she is a hippie (Newsbeezer 2019). In any case, it is difficult to judge whether people first decided not to pursue a classical career and then became enthusiastic about dreadlocks, perhaps even as a sign of withdrawal or defeat by “usual” standards, or whether they had dreadlocks first and as a result were not eligible for certain professions or adopted an attitude directed against most highly paid jobs, such as in banks or law offices.

Dreaded Subcultures Is there anything like a “subculture”? The prefix “sub-” implies a specific order and even a hierarchy that should be considered as obsolete. But also the part “culture” is debatable if thought of as a distinct entity—where would be the borders of one culture to the next? People can be part of

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various cultures, and belonging to one subculture does not mean that one cannot be part of other cultural groups. Chris Jenks’s (2004) book title Subculture: The Fragmentation of the Social refers to an important aspect of the term: it implies a division. One of the first definitions of “subculture” dates back to 1947. Milton Gordon described it as “a subdivision of a national culture, composed of a combination of factorable social situations such as class status, ethnic background, regional and rural or urban residence, and religious affiliation, but forming in their combination a functional unity which has an integrated impact on the participating individual” (Gordon 1947, 40). A more recent definition by Lexico.com gives up the idea of a “functional unity” and defines the term as “a cultural group within a larger culture, often having beliefs or interests at variance with those of the larger culture.” This does not say how this group is constituted except that beliefs or interests can play a role. Jenks mentions identity, difference, and selfhood—concepts that can pave the way for a sense of belonging (see Jenks 2004, 8). A term used as an alternative to “subculture,” “youth culture,” refers to a certain age group, which is also not adequate in our case, whereas “parallel culture” comprises the notion of certain isolation or disintegration. However, for the lack of alternative terms and its wide usage in the literature, the term “subculture” will be applied in the following. Gary Alan Fine and Sherryl Kleinman suggest that it should be understood “in terms of cultural spread occurring through an interlocking group network. . . . Identification with the referent group serves to motivate the potential member to adopt the artifacts, behaviors, norms, and values characteristic of the subculture” (Fine and Kleinman 1979, 1), thus stressing that “culture . . . is not a blueprint for socialization; instead, culture usage consists of chosen behaviors. This is particularly clear in the case of socialization into a subsociety in which the individual makes explicit choices among the alternative cultural models available” (Fine and Kleinman 1979, 12f.). As subcultures are chosen, their members deal very consciously with their signs (see Jacke 2009, 144). Further, subcultures are often seen as the nidus for innovations. Frank Illing states that “in the last centuries fashions often had their origins in subcultural styles” (Illing 2006, 205). Therèsa Winge traces back the influences various subcultural fashions had on designers and consequently on the mainstream of society: Many mainstream fashions are inspired by the dress and styles of subcultures, demonstrating that antifashion is fashionable in the correct context. The North American designer Tommy Hilfiger, for example, drew inspiration from the Hip Hop and Rap subcultures to create his sportswear lines in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Anna Sui, another North American fashion designer, continues to draw inspiration from the North American 1960s

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Hippie subculture to create her many highly stylized romantic bohemian fashion lines. (Winge 2012, 11)

However, this relationship to the mainstream does not just exhaust itself in style; at least the “real” subcultures—Dylan Clark identifies punk as the last one—“were remarkably capable vehicles for social change, and were involved in dramatically reshaping social norms in many parts of the world” (Clark 2003, 223). Concerning dreadlocks, at least a change of fashion can also be observed: When I started my dreadlocks, I felt it is more of an elitist affair. Don’t get me wrong, I don’t mean the arrogant elite of the rich and beautiful, but I am talking of elite in style or even in alternative values. Now dreadlocks are getting increasingly “trendy.” I think some of the values associated with them, such as naturalness and commitment, are in vogue. (Alexandra S., interview, 23.05.2019)

The “godfather” of the term “subculture,” Dick Hebdige, states that “the meaning of subculture is . . . always in dispute, and style is the area in which the opposing definitions clash with most dramatic force” (Hebdige 1979, 3), which leads to the question whether dreadlocks are just a style, a style representing certain subcultures, or a subculture itself. An indicator that suggests dreadlocks can be a subcultural tendency is that they often do not appear alone, but in combination with specific other features. In Facebook groups, some recurring topics exceed discussions of the hairstyle, among them other modifications of the body such as tattoos and piercings, which scientific literature often regards as a means of differentiation. Small-scale businesses frequently offer not just dreadlocks maintenance and dreadlock-connected accessories like dread beads and dread wraps, but also other types of jewelry, home decoration, and clothing. The latter are not arbitrary, but usually belong to a very particular style, such as macramé jewelry, batik hoodies, and sweaters with a hippie look, or they borrow visual aspects of the medieval style (see Schmees 2007, 8). This infers that dreadlocks in many cases have to be interpreted as one marker among others to stand for group membership, a subculture. “Culture is a notoriously ambiguous concept” (Hebdige 1979, 5)— today more than ever it is difficult to draw a line. The same is true for subcultures; they do not have any clear boundaries, they might be overlapping, and its members might have very different reasons to be part of them and might feature very different looks and styles. An example is the culture evolving around medieval markets in Germany: for some people going there, exhibiting self-made handicrafts is the most important part; others go because of the music, which is part of the goth subculture as well, played at festivals like the Wave-Gotik-Treffen in Leipzig; others

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join because of their affinity to cosplay, which can be understood as a subculture on its own. “First of all, it must be pointed out here that the ‘medieval scene’ does not exist in the sense of a homogenous and isolated subcultural scene. There are too many subgroups within the scene whose intentions, orientations, and main topics vary greatly” (Schmees 2007, 7). Furthermore, some of the people visiting or working in medieval markets have dreadlocks, while others do not. The number of dreadheads is far above average compared to the entire society, but this does not imply that every dreadhead has an affinity to the medieval scene. In the following, I will identify some so-called subcultures that feature dreadlocks. In none of the mentioned subcultures are dreadlocks an indispensable feature but are more common compared to the rest of the population. The hippie subculture had its origins in the United States in the 1960s and ’70s and is characterized as a counterculture that “advocates liberalism in both politics and lifestyle” (Issitt 2009, xi). The anti-war protests and the focus on peace and companionship played a political role; for example, the hippie movement is credited with ending the Vietnam War. Apart from this, the movement is sometimes described and criticized as “facile”: “From a counter-cultural and anti-establishment movement, the hippie scene had lost its political pertinence being reduced by its commoditisation to the hollow and naïve sentiment of a yellow smiley” (Raposo 2011, 2). In Germany, the hippie-inspired subculture took a slightly different path, reacting to the country’s history: “In what is romanticised as the ‘68 movement’ . . . new expressions of intellectual, academic and political criticism became associated with Hippie style and Third World revolutionary symbolism (Che Guevara). Activities and style were mostly oriented toward protest or the expression of youthful ‘political’ identity. Sometimes the student movement had elements of a rebellion, but only a very small segment of it turned into violent armed opposition” (Kersten 1998, 70). The accounting for Germany’s past in the late twentieth century and the German and other European Green parties are said to be a result of the ’68 movement. In the hippie style, there was a focus on colors and patterns inspired by different periods of time, such as the art nouveau/Jugendstil, which encouraged the psychedelic art movement, and by foreign cultures that were imagined as more “natural.” The vagabond style could be read as openness to other cultures and the self-perception as wanderers. In behavior and dress, hippies challenged gender differences; long hair for men was such an innovation that the famous musical about the hippie era took Hair as a title, also implying that the opportunity to decide on one’s own hairstyle, length, decoration, etc. is a sign for the individual’s freedom.

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The hippie subculture influenced numerous other subcultures, either by reacting to it as an antagonist—done (in parts) by the more radical punk subculture—or by continuing or remaking it. In the twenty-first century, there is a new interest in boho fashion. The term “boho” is an abbreviation of “bohemian,” a term that first referred to the nontraditional and marginalized lifestyles of impoverished artists in Europe, often with an intellectual touch. Nowadays it is a popular label for clothing with an ethnic or retro touch, frequently giving the impression of being handmade. There is a stress on individuality and individual meaning, often derived from history: “The ‘retro’-style is part of a general trend in today’s culture, which looks at various historical moments regarding their characteristic stylistic expression, to integrate them in actual fashion and to combine them in new ways. Dresses are worn like quotations, in quotation marks. Their wearers consciously evoke a certain past, even on the cost of stylistic inconsistency” (Willis 1991, 112), and among these “quotations” can be dreadlocks. Both the hashtags #hippie and #boho are frequently used on Instagram in connection with pictures of dreadheads. The goa or psytrance scene is considered as one more culture in the footsteps of the hippies. The music style called goa, named after an Indian state, became popular among hippies by the end of the sixties, “fleeing straight urban society, in search of ‘instant karma’ and widely available drugs” (Carpentier 1999). The hippie movement in Western societies declined, but yet the party scene grew and got more detached from the search for spiritual aspects in Indian culture—the goa trance raves became the foremost reason to come to Goa: “This was acoustic tourism . . . an articulation of music, dance, drugs, internationalism and pilgrimage not so different from Woodstock, Ibiza or the Berlin Love Parade” (Carpentier 1999). The rave myth “Peace, love, unity, respect” inspired by hippie culture survived but was not really seen as a political statement, but as an individual matter of course. Nowadays, the scene is no longer mainly focused on Goa, eventually therefore increasingly called psytrance instead of goa. There are psytrance festivals around the globe, typically taking up to several days. Dreadlocks can be frequently seen, often combined with harem pants and new age tattoos (see Davidson 2005, 40). Vegetarianism, veganism, and straight edge are described as new social movements challenging cultural values. Straight edge “emerged from the punk rock subculture as a clean-living movement whose members abstain from alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs in an effort to resist peer pressure and create a better world” (Haenfler 2004, 786). It emerged in opposition to the “live fast, die young” nihilism of punk and the abuse of alcohol and drugs inside the scene, but also in opposition to negative aspects of mainstream culture. “Devoting itself to the enjoyment of musical performances

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and keeping a distance from the use of alcohol and other substances, the straight edge movement adopted the ‘X’ as a powerful signifier of sobriety and abstinence, to be inscribed on bodies and made to be seen” (Reia 2017, 106)—the name’s origin comes from a song called “Straight Edge” by the band Minor Threat. Many straight edgers also oppose casual sex and stick to vegetarian or vegan food. Being vegetarian or vegan is more than just a food preference, as Sachi Edwards explores: “For those who do not have self-imposed dietary restrictions, understanding what it feels like to live with them can be difficult. Vegetarians and vegans constitute a unique kind of minority group; one based on choice, not by biological trait. They are often surrounded by the dominant non-vegetarian group, leaving them to navigate their way through each meal alone—sometimes this extends into their own families and homes” (Edwards 2013, 114). This can lead to a feeling of loneliness: “Giving, receiving, and sharing food is a symbol of the bond of trust and interdependency set up between host and guest” (Telfer 1996, 83). As vegetarian guests or hosts, it can be difficult to match the taste of their non-vegetarian counterparts. Thus wearing visible signs of being straight edge, vegetarian, or vegan can make life easier. Dreadlocks are not a marker for either, but a survey in a German-speaking Facebook group (n = 138, 18.10.2019) showed that 24 percent are vegetarian, an additional 20 percent are vegan, 5 percent “flexitarians” (mostly vegetarian, but eating meat depending on the situation), and another 3 percent are straight edge. Following Statista.de, in the total German population only 9 percent are classified as vegetarians, thus vegetarianism, veganism, etc. are very popular among dread enthusiasts. With their Ital diet (from “vital”), Rastafari show some similarities to the Western self-chosen food preferences: “The specifics of Ital vary, but they often include a strict vegetarian diet and in some cases veganism; most Rastas avoid any foods that have been touched by modern chemicals, as well as alcohol, coffee, and flavored beverages. . . . As in other aspects of Rastafari practice, the Ital diet bears the influence of several different religious traditions, including Hindu vegetarianism, a Jewish kashrut or kosher diet, and Ethiopian Christianity” (Urban 2015, 120 f.). The subculture of today’s hipsters is extremely hard to define, not just because the term has been used to describe many different subcultures that were seen as “hip” or “avant-garde” (the designation “hippie” shares the same root), but also because people regarded as today’s hipsters often vehemently negate being a hipster. “In short, the traditional sociological focus on ‘rebellious youth,’ on alternative ‘ways of life’ carrying broader emancipative potentials, or on a critique of capitalism is doomed to fail in the case of the hipster” (Schiermer 2014, 168). Yet, they are somewhat

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distinguishable: “Hipsters are young, white, and middle class, typically between 20 and 35 years old, . . . generally vote for the left, typically study in the field of humanities, or work in the ‘creative industry,’ in cafés, bars, in music or fashion stores” (Schiermer 2014, 170). When it comes to lifestyle, being well-informed and artsy plays a role, as well as focusing on a sustainable and environmentally friendly way of eating, clothing, moving around, etc. The culture, however, seems to be even less organized than other subcultures and is mainly about a visual style: there are many retro elements, up to style allusions to 1970s pornographic films, which catch the gaudy aspects of the hipster aesthetic: “Everything they do is ironic: from the clothes they wear to the TV-shows they watch, to the stupid facial hair they grow—it’s all an endless joke. There is no substance behind any of it. Hipsters rebel against a shallow, materialistic, directionless mainstream” (Mande 2010, 12). As such, hipster culture can be understood as a counterculture just like the hippies, but the boundaries are flexible again: not everyone dressing up as a hipster might consider the ironic aspects, but rather indulge in a certain nostalgia created by the usage of markers standing for past times, such as horn-rimmed glasses, suspenders, beards, or hair quiffs. Nostalgia is “nurtured by a presence, which is seen as in deficit” (Fischer 1984, 217). On this basis, nostalgia can be characterized as an idealization of the past to suit the present’s purposes. “Emotion is combined with reflection and memories. Most nostalgia is bitter-sweet because the idealized past cannot be returned to or be completely reconstructed” (Stenger and Rieter 2019). The reuse of old stylistic elements is often understood as a re-creation— it is less about imitation than about appropriation and change. New values are attached to the old. This becomes especially clear when looking at the fashion for women: women who dress in vintage clothing do not usually associate it with the female submission that was common in earlier decades. Anyhow, for women, there is more of a general retro trend using vintage clothing, band shirts, and unique-looking, eventually selfmade or custom-made accessories. Dreadlocks are definitely not the most common hairstyle among hipsters; sometimes they are even understood as a hipster no-go, but sometimes as an option. This might be due to their retro touch, but considering the ironic aspect of the hipster culture, dreadlocks might also be understood as a conscious affiliation with “low-class” style because they can be seen as an allusion to a vagabond lifestyle and a careless attitude, whereas hipsters often come from a rather well-situated background and invest a lot of time in their appearance. Even the term “dreadlocks” in this context suggests a witty-ironic attitude. Another aspect is the typical, rather left-wing attitude found among dreadheads. In left-wing circles, which usually do not understand them-

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selves as hipsters, dreadlocks are also more common than in mainstream society. Not every dreadhead is a great supporter of the green or left-wing parties, but I guess none of them would ever vote for the AFD.1 (Max M., interview, 20.08.2018)

Dreadlocks can signify a social attitude often reflected in social or political activities and jobs in the field, such as social workers, nurses, caregivers, special educators, kindergarten teachers, etc. A Facebook poll has shown that 35 percent work in the social field and another 18 percent in the medical field. This political attitude can also be connected to punk, a subculture associated with an often more radical and engaged left-wing attitude, but also with nihilism. Among other hairstyles inspired by suppressed cultures such as the iconic Mohawk, dreadlocks are relatively common for punks, especially if dyed in unnatural colors such as green or blue. It is stressed that “real” punk is more than just a visual style: “If you were in it, you didn’t just wear it, you were it. . . . Punk was never a London radical chic, it was and is an attitude that stirred the hearts and minds of like-minded misfits to question, question, question; to no longer blindly accept; to push the boundaries” (Ignorant 2014, xiii). Being hated by mainstream culture is one appealing aspect of punk subculture (see Traber 2001, 30). It can be understood as a self-chosen marginalization; their visual markers are “tokens of a self-imposed exile” (Hebdige 1979, 2). Punks re-created themselves as street-smart kids being skeptical about the bourgeois trappings. “In doing this they hoped to tap into a more ‘authentic’ lifestyle—equivalent to ‘real,’ ‘hard,’ ‘tough,’ all those qualities associated with a life on city streets—than the one they thought themselves being forced to replicate” (Traber 2001, 31). However, this differentiation from the mainstream has to happen in mainstream’s categories. Even though the colored Mohawk became the iconic hairstyle of the punk, dreadlocks also make sense in the punk logic to create a counter-style (see Clark 2003, 226), assuming that most of mainstream society sees dreadlocks as dirty, shabby, and a signifier for being unsuccessful and unwanted. Yet colorful Mohawks, as well as dreadlocks, can be regarded as quite elaborate and time-consuming stylings. Obviously, one can free oneself from the system shaped by a certain aesthetic, but not from being subject to an aesthetic at all. As with so many subcultures, elements of punk have been incorporated into mainstream culture: “The image of rebellion has become one of the most dominant narratives of the corporate capitalist landscape: the ‘bad boy’ has been reconfigured as a prototypical consumer” (Clark 2003, 223).

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This leads us back to the question of whether dreadlocks are going to be absorbed by mainstream society as simply expressing a common fashion. Even though some dreadlock companies and locticians use mainstream rhetoric, there are some arguments against it. The dreadlocks style needs time until the dreads have felted and become “mature,” a process that cannot be much accelerated. Regular hair-care products are usually not suitable, and so far there are very few products designed for the needs of dreadlocked hair. From an economic point of view, it might not be advantageous to promote a style like dreadlocks that needs time and commitment because fashion, as defined, relies on constant change for its own sake. Further, the associations that come with it as ballast, such as dirtiness and rebellion, might make it less attractive. On the other hand, punk is the best example of how everything that develops in subcultures can be commercialized and made into a mainstream style and how economy finds a way to integrate even hostile tendencies, triggered by the individual’s desire to be different and special—be it only for a short time or at the cost of one’s own hair.

Note  1. The AFD (Alternative für Deutschland) is a right-wing to far-right political party in Germany.

3  The Journey, Reflexivity, and Self-Determination With the previous chapter having identified the cultural localizations of dreadlocks, this chapter focuses on the individual “dreadlock journey” and the typical issues that arise during the period in which people wear their locks. In contrast to many other hairstyles and looks, the situation here is more intense, as dreadlocks are not only very visible but also have a lasting effect on the perceived and felt identity of the person wearing them—he or she is a “dreadhead.”

Starting the Journey The time during which people have dreadlocks, from the moment of getting them until cutting them off or brushing them out, is referred to as the “dreadlock journey,” a term that implies a development, a transformation happening over time, and carries a spiritual aspect; it is a metaphor for a time spent, not a literal journey—a metaphor that is used in many different contexts, from environmental issues (see Milne, Kearins, and Walton 2006) to political discourse (see Dávid and Furkó 2015) and love (see Szwedek 2010). Metaphors express “one thing in terms of another in order to find an essence common to both” (Fez-Barringten 2012, 2). They commonly appear “in cognitive processes which are complex human mental operations” (Dávid and Furkó 2015, 10), showing the “direction

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of mapping from concrete to abstract” (Szwedek 2010, 97). The journey metaphor indicates that a transformation is happening, that dreadlocks change themselves and eventually also the person over time. Thus, they are comparable to some other body modifications that can change the person and his or her perception. Unlike other body modifications, however, dreadlocks are never “ready,” as the hair keeps on growing and the felting process takes time—therefore the journey metaphor is especially apt. “We accompany people when taking crucial steps in their lives when finishing a certain chapter of their life and for many more occasions, which again and again touch our hearts,” writes Judith Binias in DreadFactory’s blog (Binias 2018c) and thus indicates that getting dreadlocks can be seen as a very fundamental decision and carries traits of rites of passage (see Rush 2005, 175). It is a decision that often will not be easy, as there are some obvious cons to it; for example, for most individuals it is obvious that this decision will lead to feedback that is not always positive. Even though extensions make it easier to achieve the desired look, the beginning of the journey is often hard: dreading—if not using the rubbing or neglect method—can be painful, can take many hours up to days, and can be expensive as well. Right after having the dreadlocks installed, most people do not yet see the intended result—real dreadlocks—but have to wait for some months until the felting process starts. Fresh dreads might stick up in various directions and show the scalp—not a great look at least for several weeks. Further, they might itch, and it can take some time to find routines in sleeping and hair washing. The fact that dreadlocks need time is not only true for the Western way of wearing dreads, but there is also a strong connection to the time passed in the term “retreat hair” (Bogin 2008, 107), referring to Hindu/Buddhist monastic practices. Dreadlocks thus could be testing one’s own patience and signify to others a high degree of patience and commitment, traits that may be untypical in postmodern times. However, there can be rather simple motivations underlying the start of a dreadlock journey: In need of more volume, texture, and length? Then partial dreadlocks is just perfect. Today I made some in an ombré color with wispy tips for Vilma. (Rootsandcolor, Instagram, 14.10.2019)

Rootsandcolor, an affiliate of the Swedish dreadlock franchise Seienstyle, stresses the beauty aspect. Here, partial dreadlocks are advertised similar to usual extensions that can give volume, length, and texture. However, for mere hair thickening, using conventional extensions seems much easier, because one can easily remove the extensions without any loss of one’s own hair. Due to the hair growth, those who only want fuller hair will

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soon have to cut off the long “wispy tips” and reattach them a bit higher on the dreaded hair—a process that is at least as complex as attaching ordinary extensions. Furthermore, there are comparatively few people offering this kind of dread care, compared to hairstylists offering usual extensions. Therefore, I assume that the mere desire for thick hair is not what usually causes people to start their dread journey. In most cases, the dreadlock journey is not started and continued completely alone, as my interviewees confirmed. Apart from eventually having other dreadheads as an inspiration, many people need somebody to install and maintain their dreadlocks. Such an act of grooming is described as a “very intimate” (Hershman 1974, 274), sensual relationship: “The important thing about grooming is that it creates a relationship between the groomer and the groomed which is directly sensual in nature” (Hershman 1974, 276). If the dreadlocks are not installed by friends, the future dreadhead usually has to find help on the internet, where self-proclaimed specialists offer their services. Often they connect with their clients through social media. Locticians would typically either come to one’s home or work in their own home, which gives the process a rather informal, intimate touch. Almost all these specialists wear dreadlocks themselves. As already mentioned, the receiving of dreadlocks shows similarities to rites of passage: there is a certain, defined process that leads from one state to another and gives way to the new group membership. The designation “dreadhead”—a specific term for this new identity, which does not exist for the vast majority of hairstyles—makes it obvious: the individual is transformed into something new. On Instagram, which unlike Facebook allows pseudonyms, quite a few dreadheads even pick a name that refers to their hair, like “medusa’s child,” “liza_locs,” “dread.heart,” or “dreadmanjack” (as Facebook has introduced the obligation to use real names, artist names now are only for people having a fan page and therefore are much less common than before). The way the journey started is occasionally regarded as an aspect specifying the identity and segregating one dreadhead from another—for example, if they got their locks installed by a rather professional loctician, eventually working for a franchise such as Seienstyle, DreadFactory, or Dreads4you, by an individual offering the service, by a friend, or by themselves using YouTube tutorials or choosing the free-form method (see Binias 2018b). It is not very obvious in the dreadlock groups on Facebook, but according to Binias, these different methods seem to give rise to discussions regarding which way is more appropriate, in general with the undertone that the franchises might offer a good and stable quality ensured through seminars, but rather cater to the “fashion dreadhead” lacking the “right attitude.” The financial aspects, “buying dreadlocks,”

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which also refers to extensions, would address people who would not have the “right” mindset, who would submit to commercialism. For some dreadheads, it is a sad insight: even dreadlocks can be bought, turning them into something they regard as shallow fashion. There is a tension between tradition and professionality. The traditional way of receiving dreadlocks is getting them done by friends who have dreadlocked hair already. Friends initiate the individual into the new identity as a dreadhead. This maintains an entrance barrier to the circle of dreadheads and makes it more exclusive. Somebody who does not have any friends with dreadlocks cannot enter—seen positively by dreadheads who want to avoid the hairstyle becoming a trend, being commercialized, and being worn by people lacking the right mindset, which actually rejects the subordination to the mainstream. On the other hand, it can be seen as unfair to exclude people from the hairstyle due to their lack of connections to other dreadheads. Further, as articulated in dreadlock groups, there is a strong wish to get adequate, well-made dreadlocks, installed in a proper pattern in order to create a look that does not show too much scalp. Thus, there is a demand for professional services. However, these services present themselves like friends: on dreads4you.de and dreadfactory.de, the locticians are called by their first names and give some personal information about themselves, such as their hobbies, their pets, their main profession, etc., which conveys a more personal atmosphere. DreadFactory’s blog treats not only topics closely related to hair care and hairstyles but also aspects that relate more to a “dreadhead culture.” Another option to get dreadlocks is having them done in an Afroshop. However, this option seems to be quite unpopular among dreadlock connoisseurs, and members of dreadlock groups on Facebook strongly advise against it. In Western Europe, Afroshops are shops that deal with foreign products—foods, fabrics, dresses, wigs, etc. The name “Afro” can be a little misleading, as several Afroshops include or even focus on products from India, Thailand, and so forth. Furthermore, not all of them are run by people of African descent. Occasionally Afroshops offer hairstyles as well, among them braids, cornrows, and dreadlocks. The dislike for Afroshops appears to be counterintuitive, considering the public perception that one very prominent origin of dreadlocks is various African countries and Rastafari culture. Yet, it would be wrong to assume that every person of African descent must have knowledge about dreadlocks (see Mercer [1987] 2000, 120). Afroshops are said to use a “wrong” technique when doing dreadlocks. Sometimes it is mentioned that Afroshops do better with frizzy than with straight hair. It seems to be understood that “baby dreads,” freshly made dreadlocks, will not look the way dreadlocks are supposed to look and probably will

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take some months until their appearance is satisfying. Baby dreads are often thin, with single hairs sticking out. This identifies the “newbies.” I . . . cannot stand when people say “your dreads look bad” to people who just got their dreads! Stop making the newbies feel bad, please! We know baby dreads don’t look like mature dreads! We know the shrinkage fills us with worry! We know new dreads are unnerving for someone who just started! They will grow! They will look better in time! Stop making a new dreadhead feel bad! (Stephanie B., Facebook 21.12.2018)

This widely commented post shows that dreadheads might be rough on each other and might behave arrogantly toward the new ones. However, I did not see much more evidence for this in the dreadlock groups, so the writer might refer to her real-life experience, which I also cannot verify from my own experiences. Still, one question remains unanswered: what is the motivation for getting dreadlocks in first place? It was some years ago . . . I just liked the look and to look a bit different. (Anselm S., interview, 15.07.2018). At first, I had just dreadlocks because it is some kind of a hippie, alternative sign. (Alexandra S., interview, 23.05.2019) When I started my education as a yoga teacher I had no idea where this path would take me . . . on this journey it happened that I made myself dreadlocks in painstaking work. (Binias 2019b)

Judith Binias does not get any more specific about her motivation to start her dreadlock journey, and be it in surveys on Facebook groups or in interviews, it is hard to find clear answers to this question, especially, as for most, it is possibly done as a post hoc rationalization. Furthermore, the reasons do not have to be conscious. Here and in the following chapters, we try to come closer to some answers.

Designing the Journey One of the favorite topics in dreadlock groups on Facebook and on Instagram is how long people have had their dreadlocks, the ups and downs they have gone through, how dreadlocks changed their lives in general— so many process-related aspects. Among the pictures posted, there are many timeline pictures that show both the development of the dreadlocks and the development of the person.

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It’s amazing how unique each dreadlock journey is . . . like yes we all have dreads but not one set looks the same as the other. . . . I look at pics and posts on this group and think “oh wow those are nice” or “I want mine to turn out like that” or “how come I never see a post from someone that has similar dreads like mine” and that is the lesson at this point in my journey that I am learning . . . my dreads are unique in their own way and will never look like someone else’s and will mature in their own way and be amazing no matter what the outcome and are amazing now. (Lynn B., Facebook, 9.10.2018) I love and admire the patience some have with the changes they make in their locks. Some take years to complete. But I’d say it’s 100 percent worth the time and effort, as are the most important things in life. (Dreadloxoxo, Instagram, 26.12.2018)

Even though one’s own hair as raw material partly determines the way the dreadlocks will turn out and the felting process is said to be rather unpredictable, there are options to influence one’s look, to create one’s own journey with regard to its visual part. The future dreadhead can choose between various patterns of how the dreadlocks should be installed, how thick they should become and thus how numerous, if it should be just a partial installation to eventually hide the dreads underneath the normal hair, if it should be a dread Mohawk or an undercut, if the bangs should be left out, if it should be a full head of dreads, etc. Extensions are very common: cut-off dreadlocks can be bought as well as loose hair that can be dreaded. Artificial hair or wool is used as well. Extensions eventually can be taken out again, a change that is often commented on in Facebook groups, as “it feels more real.” The later discussed aspect of “staged authenticity” comes to mind. Accent sets with single- or double-ended dreadlocks, often made from real or synthetic hair or wool, are used to add color and volume and help to occasionally get a “new look.” They are usually not attached to the hair by crocheting but are fixed with either rubber bands or metal beads on the dreadlocks or, in the case of double-ended extensions, eventually put through the hairline. In addition, beads and threads are used to decorate the dreadlocks. Sometimes these elements integrated with the dreadlocks tell a personal story. Individuals might choose to decorate their dreadlocks only with self-made or found objects, or they might wear beads or wraps they got as gifts or that remind them of moments of their personal life story. Some extensions might have been made from friends’, relatives’, or even pets’ hair. In Facebook groups, there are discussions on how to avoid smelling like a wet dog when having some dogs’ hair integrated into the dreads. The ongoing creation of dreadlocks seems to suck up memories and feelings and incorporate them. It is similar to tattoos carrying mean-

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ings such as memorializing loved ones, be it humans or animals: they become part of the persons’ bodies (see Thompson 2015, 38, 55). Dread extensions are far more “incorporated” than usual hair extensions, as they are crocheted to the ends of one’s own dreadlocks, and it often becomes hard to distinguish where one’s own hair ends and the extension starts. In this way they are very different from wigs: “A wig is without roots. It cannot take hold in me, hence it cannot be truly mine. Though well-fitting fakery can fool the eye, it can’t fool the heart” (Emlinger Roberts 2004, 709). Extensions are rooted, as they are attached on one’s own roots and do not ever have to be taken off, if properly crocheted. Thus, they at least bear the potential to feel like one’s “own” hair. As mentioned earlier, the “journey” can be understood not just as the way dreadlocks change over time but also as a metaphor for personal development during this period of time. Wondering if anyone else found that when they started their dread journey, it was also the beginning or advancing of your spiritual journey or an awakening. (Nikki D., Facebook, 14.07.2018).

Many people were answering this question with yes, but few were even more specific. It can be assumed either that a certain spiritual path led people to get dreadlocks as an outer sign of (the beginning of) an inner change, an inner attitude, or preoccupation or that having dreadlocks changed them. The latter is possible due to dreadlocks’ demands (e.g., to exercise patience) or dreadlocks’ opportunities (e.g., to integrate foreign hair or decorate it with certain charms), but it might also be a result of the newly acquired group membership, an identity that in part is marked by a preoccupation with spiritual aspects and whose aesthetic often comprises elements of different spiritual traditions such as the ohm or straight edge symbols, hippie clothing, etc. Furthermore, the reaction of the rest of the society toward dreadheads can change their life and self-perception. My personal story: I was never sure if I should identify as a dreadhead, having just partial dreadlocks. When I went to Morocco for a job, it was the first time that my dreadlocks were the main feature with which I was constantly addressed: “Hey Rasta.” I started feeling more conscious about it and more conscious about the image I conveyed, as the greeting was often followed by “Do you smoke?” (referring to marijuana).  In India, I was often asked about my jata, so the dreadlocks were directly seen as an element of the Indian tradition. These experiences might have created my journey in a way that the newly assigned identity became prominent.

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Figure 3.1. Julia, a member of Dreads4you, taking care of a customer’s hair, photographed by Dreads4you-founder Dennis Gonsh. Photo credit: Dennis Gonsh.

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An expression that occurs again and again in German-speaking groups is Dreadkrise (= “dread crisis”). In English-speaking groups the phenomenon is not addressed that often; because no expression has been established for it, it might not be perceived as something that happens frequently and that happens due to the dreadlocks. The “dread crisis” refers to a time when the individuals in question are dissatisfied with their dreadlocks and feel torn whether they should keep them or not. The reasons for this dissatisfaction can be very diverse, be it that they want their old hair back, that the dreadlocks are not developing as well as expected, or that the hairstyle is not variable enough. Frequently this feeling of crisis seems to be connected to a general life or identity crisis. The other group members usually encourage the persons concerned and give comfort in the crisis. Following the posts about dread crises, one can almost trace a certain usual course: the preliminary considerations and the preparation for the dreadlocks, the dreading, the first enthusiasm, the crisis, and finally contentment. Surprisingly, this course mirrors the course of the typical culture shock. However, it would go too far now to go into the theory of culture shock—and it is also difficult to say whether this process happens due to an upcoming identity crisis before getting dreadlocks in the first place or if the dreadlocks themselves trigger the crisis, perhaps because they influence the public perception of the person.

The Price Journeys often don’t come for free—this is true for many dread journeys as well. Some people state that they started and maintain their dreadlocks all by themselves, but as the existence of many professional locticians clearly demonstrates, there are people in need of professional dread care. Frequently the locticians present themselves as companions or friends and stress the journey aspect when posting about their jobs. The people [= the clients] have been so inspiring. Each client I have connected with on such a beautiful personal level, and I have been reminded deep to the core why I love doing this. . . . I am so honored to have been able to work on so many gorgeous souls and hear about their journeys! (morgin_riley, Instagram, 30.10.2019)

Nevertheless, it may be surprising for some people that dreadlocks can be relatively expensive and that they often rely on time-consuming care. When I started my dreadlocks, I thought that in the long run it would be a cheap and uncomplicated hairstyle. Honestly, it is not. I need regular main-

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tenance, which costs me much more than a normal haircut once in a while, and I frequently have to do palm rolling and tightening roots. (Lilli J., interview, 08.04.19)

Given certain fundamental values in the scene, the commercial aspect does not really fit in. Many group members on Facebook stress that dreadlocks are not just a hairstyle, but a visual sign of a mindset and an identity—but how can something that affects the inner core of the person be purchasable? Dreadlock is more than just a style. It’s an attitude, an expression of who you are. Be safe, Be blessed, Big love. (Roots of Shiva, Facebook, 05.10.2019)

However, some people see dreadlocks mostly as a way to achieve more hair length and volume. Especially the Swedish franchise Seienstyle, with affiliates in various countries, emphasizes this aspect: It was time for the yearly dreadlock maintenance and some loose hair added to the ends of her dreadlocks to create the flowy loose look that she loves. (Seienstyle, Instagram, 08.08.2019)

The “flowy loose look” refers to hair extensions, and unsurprisingly, Seienstyle offers these as well. The slogan on their website is “Come and get your dream hair today,” which contradicts the fact that dreadlocks need time. Their online appearance looks very professional, there is a booking list, and they charge 800KRr (= 85 Euro) per hour maintenance, whereas a new installation can cost more than 5500SEK (= 580 Euro), with extensions up to 8000 KR (= 846 Euro). The German DreadFactory’s slogan is “Professional dreadlocks—made with love.” It brings together two aspects that can be understood as opposites: passion, even love, and professionalism. This combination is otherwise mostly associated with artists, and the expression “made with love” often appears in the DIY field. DIY is an acronym for “do it yourself” and usually implies a nonprofessional production; mostly self-made products with an individual look are offered under this designation. As such, DIY “is associated with mundane activity that has traditionally been understood as informal, illegitimate; indeed, less than hegemonic, part of the reason for which scholars have been interested in its potential to disrupt dominant culture” (Kanai 2018, 126). Akane Kanai continues explaining the cultural significance of the phenomenon: production in DIY is no longer in the hands of the technical elite, but done by “ordinary people,” appealing due to its authenticity, the social connections it implies, and the disruption of the cycle of consumption that it offers. Consequently, DIY can be understood as a counterweight to the cultural industry assumed by

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Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno (1947), which produces predictable consumer items in the service of the mighty. The culture industry is defined as the sum of the processing industry, which at one end is fed with creativity and the other end brings about marketable goods (see Bohnet 2001, 327f.). Therefore, DIY fits in with a left-wing political attitude that was originally associated with wearing dreadlocks. However, it is not surprising that the DIY culture also evolves in a time when large parts of society have reached saturation of fabricated items and at the same time a new consciousness for sustainability and authenticity has emerged. Of course, there are more informal ways to get and maintain dreadlocks than to book a more or less professional loctician. Facebook groups frequently have posts in which people ask for help and offer to pay an expense allowance or to compensate with a self-made cake, dinner, etc. There is a Facebook group called “Dreads for Free or Donations” (unlike the English title suggests, it is a German group), in which people specifically organize free service or offer extensions for free or in exchange for help with their own dreadlocks. A loctician to me should be more like a friend—or at least like somebody one feels a connection to. The installation takes so much time that one would chat, watch movies, and eat together. Of course, any hairstylist is known to be a therapist as well, but with locticians, it is even more personal. (Darya M., interview, 19.12.2019)

However, money is not the only thing to be invested when getting and maintaining dreadlocks: crocheting, palm rolling, and tightening roots are time-consuming and painful to some. The intended result also needs time; it will take a while until the hairstyle looks as it is supposed to. When a person is sleeping, the dreadlocks can feel unpleasant, a specific cap may be needed for swimming, and their length or weight can interfere with performance in sports. Some people on Facebook groups even complain of severe headaches, and their doctors have already advised them to remove or at least shorten their dreadlocks. Furthermore, dreadheads can be scared of being perceived as dirty. Most dreadheads are well aware of the fact that their dreads could limit job opportunities or scare off potential friends and partners. Even when it comes to the quality of personal everyday experiences, dreadlocks sometimes seem to interfere; occasionally dreadheads complain that they miss the feeling of wind in their hair or of running their fingers through their hair. Thus, the list of additional costs is long but obviously does not stop people from getting and keeping dreadlocks.

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Commitment, Stability, and Change Commitment seems to be indispensable when becoming a dreadhead, as this hairstyle usually is not easily changed, at least not without a drastic step such as cutting off the hair or the very painful, time-consuming, and not always successful act of brushing parts of them out. Furthermore, getting dreadlocks is a commitment without even knowing exactly how the hairstyle will look. Enough of dreadlocks. I had different ideas of my dread journey and I am happy to have made the experience, but now I know that it is not my kind of hairstyle. (Mareike R., Facebook, 15.10.2019)

In response to a comment that asked about her motivation to end her dread journey, she writes: [I disliked] the bumps, the loops, everything became thicker and thicker, no matter how often I would do PR [palm rolling]. They were not beautiful—to me—not the way I wanted them. Further, both the installation and the dread care have been really painful to me, it hurt even days and nights afterwards.

The strong commitment leads to two assumptions: most individuals getting dreadlocks will think about it beforehand, probably more intensely than before most other hairstyles, and they do not oppose a certain fixation or might even look for stability. As mentioned earlier, this can be seen in the context of identity. Many dreadheads show other permanent commitments—among them visible features such as tattoos or piercings, as well as lifestyle characteristics such as committing to a vegetarian, vegan, or straight edge style. The fixation might be interpreted as a statement on today’s blurring of boundaries, on the need for flexibility required by nowadays’ job and private life, and on the speed with which identities can be reinvented and transformed (see Elliott 2016, 73). This willingly undertaken limitation in face of innumerable alternatives is one way to constitute an identity—identity understood as a decision for something and at the same time against its alternatives (see Abels 2017, 2; Niekisch 2002, 27). However, identity nowadays is also considered a never-ending project of manifold and even contrasting identifications (see Brandes 2010, 15). I need your help . . . I am a human being, I have to change a lot . . . and at the moment I really would like to but don’t know how . . . I don’t want to dye my hair . . . any ideas? (Delphine G., Facebook, 26.02.2018)

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I have these dreadlocks for some years now. I’d like a change, but I don’t want to cut them off. (Annika V., interview, 17.11.2018).

On Facebook, a significant number of posts are related to the desire for change—be it various hairstyles such as knots and updos, the locks’ lengths, their color, their decoration, dividing or joining locks, adding an under- or side-cut, etc. Two opposing needs collide here: the desire for change and at the same time the desire to keep the dreadlocks and stay a dreadhead. What is even more astonishing is that some people started their dreadlocks “for a change,” as indicated by several statements in Facebook groups. In a survey I conducted in a Facebook group on motivations (n = 514), only around 2 percent indicated this as the main reason, yet several posts can be understood this way. The constant wish for change thus can result in commitment and the impossibility of easy change. My reason (for dreadlocks) was neither fashion nor religion. . . . I just always wanted to try it (anyway I had tried everything else with my hair already). (Birthe C., Facebook, 05.09.2017)

However, there are also frequent posts about the end of people’s dreadlock journeys, for which various reasons are given. Among them are medical necessities such as EEGs, male hair loss, job issues, or the mere wish for another radical change. Still, the matter is frequently kept private and not further explained. The posts are often about techniques on how to brush out the dreadlocks and what style to have afterward. As the code of conduct, either unspoken or in the group’s rules, requires respect and tolerance, I did not read any harsh criticism or even insults. Instead, people give advice but often express their regrets. As mentioned earlier, the cut-off locks are occasionally kept and with them the option to reuse them as extensions for later reinstallation. Once more the contradiction of needs reveals itself: the strong desire for commitment and ways to bypass it. I ended my journey a year ago, but I will probably start a new one once my hair is long enough. There were various reasons to end it: I needed money for a journey and therefore decided to sell my locks. And for the journey, I thought a rather simple hairstyle which does not need much care was easier. But I did like my dreads and I am still a dreadhead, just currently without dreads. (Matthis B., interview, 20.12.2018)

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Dirt and Cleanliness Thoughts about cleanliness appear again and again in dreadlock groups. The reason is obvious: one cannot see what is inside the dreadlock—this fact often makes dreadheads feel insecure. “Cleanliness is next to Godliness,” the peace researcher Ravi Bhatia starts an article and goes on to show how physical cleanliness is connected to the concept of spiritual cleanliness in various religious traditions and nowadays serves as a concept that refers not only to people and man-made places, but also to the environment—an all-embracing imperative of cleanliness seems to do justice to human nature (see Bhatia n.d.). Cleanliness can be understood as associated with two basic needs: health and social recognition (see Woersdorfer 2009). It is common knowledge that clean clothes, hair, and body can contribute to hygiene. Cleanliness is difficult to define, but the concept addresses various senses. Clean things should look clean, but also smell clean or not smell at all, and also feel clean—the last is illustrated by a post on Facebook and two interview quotes: Heeeelp . . . My dreads feel so sticky??!! Can this be due to my soap or the henna I use? (Simsala B., Facebook, 16.06.2017) I’m really scared that my dreads might stink or feel weird. I do not want to match the prejudice of a disheveled, dirty dreadhead. That’s why I often wash them. In fact, it is more work than with normal hair. (Darya M., interview, 19.12.2018) The cleanliness—this is why I go for fake dreadlocks. I can wash my own hair and the extensions separately whenever I take them out. This makes me feel better. (Toni K., interview, 27.04.2019)

Social sanctioning can reinforce the norm of cleanliness. Many scholars have pointed out the effects of social sanctioning mechanisms on fostering norm emergence. “These approaches share the assumption that individual behavior is affected by the feedback that individuals can expect to receive from their social environment when engaging in certain behavior” (Woersdorfer 2009). Dreadheads often are confronted with the accusation of being dirty. Most of my interviewees stated that sooner or later their friends and family, colleagues, or even people they did not know asked them about it, and they were placed in a position to defend themselves. Open insults seem to be more frequent in North America than in Europe. In the group Dreadlocks, people occasionally post such incidents.

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Group member Piggypogo M. shows a picture of a letter in which a couple is complaining about his dreadlocks (09.10.2019): We miss the clean-cut young men and women from those days. Watching the Idaho game on TV we couldn’t help but notice your—well—awful hair. Surely there must be mirrors in the locker room! Don’t you have parents or girlfriend who’ve told you those shoulder length dreadlocks look disgusting and are certainly not attractive. . . . We would welcome the reappearance of dress codes for athletes. You will certainly be playing “on Sunday” in the future but we have stopped watching the NFL due to the disgusting, tattoos, awful hair and immature antics in the end zone.

In German groups, I did not come across any statements as radical as this. However, I informally asked for the opinions of some people who worked as corporate managers prior to my own dreadlocks and afterward. An interviewer effect was clearly visible. Most statements were hesitant, but especially older people expressed their disapproval and said they would not let a dreadhead climb up the career ladder, justified by the reference to customers and business partners. The aspect of dirt was not mentioned openly. In my current job, looking neat and tidy is not that important. Still, I take care of my dreads. This is not just for the others, this is for me. I want my locks to be clean. (Anselm S., interview 15.07.2019)

Obviously, cleanliness matters to most dreadheads, expressed in numerous posts on how often dreadlocks should be washed, how to deep-clean them, which soaps to use, etc. If the dreadlocks are understood as part of the person and constitute one’s identity, eventual dirt inside the locks seems even worse than a mere violation of social standards: it constitutes the person as “permanently dirty.” The connection to spirituality can create a particularly ironic situation: for some dreadheads, the hairstyle should symbolize an inner state of spiritual cleanliness or awakening, and the outer appearance of the person, characterized by the dreadlocks, should stand for the inner being— but in fact, the inside of the dreadlock might be foul. Thus the metaphor fails. It could only work if spirituality becomes a renunciation of worldly commodities and the body no longer plays any role. Apart from freeform/neglect dreadlocks, this is very unlikely to be the case for most people wearing dreadlocks. Furthermore, people join Facebook groups and use the hashtag #dreadlocks on Instagram because their locks (or rather their looks) matter to them. Keeping dreadlocks clean is a challenge. It is not clear how to get rid of the eventual dirt inside the dreadlocks or how to clean them properly; the

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usual way of washing the hair with shampoo or soap itself can be a major part of the problem, as these products tend to build up residue inside the locks, so what is perceived as dirt can actually be soap. Finding the right amount of care is rather difficult, as washing them too frequently can cause the dreadlocks to open, especially if they are quite young. Too much crocheting to make them look neat can make them break.

Surpassing Bodies and Time This chapter refers to the use of extensions. At least 60 percent of all dreadheads—the estimation of a professional loctician—wear or have worn extensions for a while. Giving reliable data is difficult because there are occasionally negative opinions about extensions and some people may not admit wearing them. Various types of extensions must be distinguished. The most common type is the attachment of the dread extension to one’s own dreadlock’s end to make it longer. This is often done to compensate for the loss of length during dreading. The second kind of extensions are called double-ended (DE) or single-ended (SE) dreadlocks, which are attached to one’s own, existing dreadlocks. SE extensions have a small hole at one end. They are pulled over one’s own dreadlock and then, if necessary, fixed with a rubber band or a metal bead. There are various way to fix DE dreadlocks; one common way is looping them through the base of one’s own dreadlock. These kinds of extensions are used to add volume and eventually also color that can be easily removed. SE and DE dreadlocks can be used on loose hair as well, by braiding them in or using rubber bands to fix them—a style that will last for some weeks only and is offered by most of the locticians as well. Dreadwraps are usually SE dreads that are designed in a special way, wrapped with wool or fabric and sometimes adorned with charms. One more type of “extending” uses loose hair to thicken dreadlocks’ weak spots or give them an overall thicker look. Extensions can be made from various materials, mostly from synthetic hair, wool, or real hair. The first type, the extensions attached to one’s own dreadlock’s end, is the most commonly used type, so for now I will focus on this. In Facebook groups, people frequently talk about extensions. Extensions have a strong and twofold connection to time. Having extensions means overcoming time, as the dreadhead thus accelerates the process of waiting for the desired look and therefore points toward the future. At the same time, it can reinstall a past in which the person might have had fuller or longer hair. Of course, hair extensions also overcome space: “Human fibres have become increasingly woven into the ever-unfolding story of

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transnationalized capital and the manipulation of bodily materials around the globe” (Berry 2008, 63). Most extensions, if not synthetic or wool, come from people the dreadhead does not know, bought on internet shops, in Facebook groups, on eBay, etc. Whereas with some hair used in extensions, especially when loose hair is dreaded in order to sell it professionally as dreadlocks, it is not clear where it comes from and under which circumstances it was cut, this is not necessarily the case for dreadlocks that were already worn; on the contrary, people often communicate whose hair it is (e.g., stating, “With a heavy heart I am selling my own dreadlocks, which I wore for many years and took great care of”). One group on Facebook is named “Pre-loved Dreadlock Sales and Swaps X,” indicating that whoever had the dreadlocks before cherished them. I just couldn’t bring myself to throw them away so I wanted to post here and give y’all the chance to carry on my journey. (Lindsey R., Facebook, 21.07.2018)

Small-scale businesses selling dreadlock extensions might not always indicate the hair’s origin. To cater to various customers’ requests regarding color, length, and diameter, they need a stock of loose hair, which is sometimes labeled as “European.” European hair is thought of as meeting higher ethical standards because it is imagined to be acquired under better circumstances than non-European hair, which on the other hand might be healthier and cheaper. Indian temple hair is among the favorites as well but got into discredit by news regarding improper business practice (for a broader discussion on hair trade as postcolonial practice, see Berry 2008). It is important to us that the hair is bought ethically and the people who sell their hair are paid accordingly. Quality, ethical standards and professionalism . . . can be found in all our sets. (Binias 2019c)

Be it one’s own or foreign hair, European or any other, hair becomes a trade object. Looking at organ donations, Orit Brawer Ben-David writes that the body “is regarded as an exchangeable and dividable object. The abstract self is not exchangeable. . . . The social body mediates both this perpetuation and the donation of the organs” (Ben-David 2005, 137). Giving and receiving donor organs might not be on a level with the trading of hair, but the hair is grown as a part of an individual, carrying its DNA. Esther R. Berry states that “strings of hair take on the status of limbs” (Berry 2008, 68). The imagination of gaining power over persons by owning some of their hair is well-known in various cultures. It is described as “conta-

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gious magic,” in which the hair serves as pars pro toto (see Petzoldt 2016, 24). For central Europe there is evidence of a history of similar beliefs, as Rudolf Virchow wrote in 1877: “Up to now there has been the belief in Germany that combed out hair . . . must be destroyed, and an Italian scholar related that the Bolognese people burnt combed-out hair just the same day, as it could be easily used for magic” (Virchow 1877, 18). This belief is no longer dominant but might have left its traces—especially as it is found in various cultural contexts and thus points to a cultural universal, basic pattern of thought. Hair is, using semiotic vocabulary, understood as an index, a trace that leads to the signified. However, wearing somebody else’s hair must be more relevant to a dreadhead than to somebody wearing extensions in any other hairstyle. First, different from the situation with loose hair, with dreadlocks one cannot fully see what is there—the receiving dreadhead cannot open the locks to check if they are clean or free of soap residues, lice, dandruff, dust, etc. Dreadlocks have an inner part that they are hiding. This requires more trust. Second, unlike other extensions, dread extensions do not have to be removed after a few months. Crocheted to one’s own hair, the dreadlock just keeps growing, and the extension does not need to be taken off. In many cases it cannot be detected where one’s own hair starts—even the dreadhead might not exactly know. Therefore it is much more integrated, much more part of the deadhead’s own body. Ultimately, for dreadheads their hairstyle is often of particular importance, because the hair, be it just their own or the blend of their own and the donor’s hair, gives them their desired identity. Hence, the donor’s hair is not just used referring to the outside—making the person prettier—but relates to the inner being, the person’s identity. The donor’s hair gets incorporated and contributes to or even constitutes the self-concept. In the case of previously worn dreadlocks, the donor has obviously removed the locks—or at least shortened them—so that a story of failure is inherent in the acquired dreadlocks. In many cases, the person who had them before is no longer a dreadhead, similar to the donation of organs where in many cases the donor is no longer alive. When I asked my interviewees how the extension receivers feel about this, there was a wide range of answers. Some said they would not think about this, “because the past is past.” To me, this is the circle of life. One dread journey ends, another one starts. (Darya M., interview, 19.12.2018)

Seen from a different perspective than “failure” or “end,” taking over somebody’s dreadlocks could imply an imagination of transcendence: “A

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dead object is given a second chance at ‘life’” (Berry 2008, 63). The individual might leave, but the dreadlocks stay. Dreadlocks owe this timelessness to the time-consuming ways in which they are achieved. Therefore, they cannot be too fashion-bound. As a result, the journey of a dreadlock can be much longer than the dreadlock journey of a person, even outlive a person. The hair my mother was losing during her chemotherapy should make some sense, so I used them as extensions. (Stefanie E., Facebook, 16.12.2018).

Not only do some individuals who once had dreadlocks sell them, but some often keep them—and with them the chance to get back their former look. This way they can overcome time by reinstalling their own dreadlocks. Also old, loose hair can be transformed into dreads. Hence, dreadlocks are able to circumvent the linearity of time. Folks, I got to show you something . . . I still have something incredibly valuable—I cut off my hair 37!!!! years ago and kept it . . . and NOW comes its time—Maria [a loctician] will make dreadlocks out of it and crochet them onto my hair, my hair will be young again. (Sylvia H., Facebook, 06.11.2018)

A rather different way to overcome time is articulated by Instagrammer liza_locs: The obsession is real. For my locs. I love them so much and love every bit of how they’ve changed the course of my life. I could go on and on about what they’ve done for me inside and out . . . how they’ve changed my livelihood, how my confidence has skyrocketed, how my creative side has opened up, the freedom they give me on the daily, how I’ve gained an entire new community . . . but the biggest thing I love about them is they brought me back to me, the Oregon girl, the young dreamer, the girl before the mama and wife I became. Not replacing that woman but bringing her full circle. I am the woman with the experiences but the girl with the passion that feels as though she can change the world or at least make it a little better. (liza_locs, Instagram, 28.09.2019)

To liza_locs, dreadlocks brought back the abilities and traits she associates with a younger age. Thus, the outside, her hair, has changed her inside—a connection that has been widely shown: “Bodily states in the self produce affective states” (Barsalou et al. 2003, 43). However, complex and long-term connections between looks, behavior, and values are difficult to prove, as too many variables come into play. In my interviews, the vast majority confirmed that having dreadlocks to them initiated a change or were part of a change in their values and their attitude toward life.

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Fragmentation Compared to other social media groups, one aspect is remarkable in pictures posted in dreadlock groups: many people show their hair, a feature that is best visible from the back side or from the top, and hence stress a part that they usually cannot see themselves, something that in everyday life stays hidden from themselves.1 This works out one particular aspect: the focus is on a specific fragment of the body. A more general fragmentation of the body has been addressed as a metaphor for today’s conditio humana: We all are Creoles of sorts: hybrid, divided, polyphonic, and parodic—a pastiche of our Selves. This contemporary body-self is fragmentary, often incoherent and inconsistent, precisely because it arises from contradictory and paradoxical experiences, social tensions, and conflicts that have one thing in common: they are real, that is, experienced. Therefore, the anthropology of the body focuses no longer on the abstract or ideal(ized) body, but on those moments during which the body and bodiliness are questioned and lose their self-evidence and on the experience or threat of finiteness, limitation, transience, and vulnerability. (Van Wolputte 2004, 263)

In the case of dreadlocks, the focus is not only on the real, imperfect body but more specifically on one of its parts, as it is characterized by the concentration on the back side. Thereby an incoherence that Van Wolputte thinks of as typical for the present day comes into play: obviously, this view from the back side is rather unknown to oneself, and it is said to make a person less identifiable and thus is often used to anonymize people, be it in paintings of the era of the Romanticism to offer the viewer a way into the scene, or be it to give witnesses, victims, or delinquents a chance to speak and at the same time protect them. The back side is seen as less individual than the front. However, individuals wearing dreadlocks identify with their back side, as it best shows their peculiarity, their hairstyle. What is commonly understood as an anonymizing tendency—not showing the face—can be experienced as liberating: the facial features, whether beautiful or ugly, are not visible in these pictures; the age remains mostly unclear; the figure, whether fat or skinny, is not interesting; even the ethnic background is sometimes not identifiable. Furthermore, it cannot always be easily ascertained whether the person wears real or artificial dreadlocks. In theory, dreadheads can shape their back side the way they want it; they have full control over this—for a dreadhead—important part of their appearance. In practice, however, this is often not the case—for example, if someone has very thin hair or if the dreadlocks do not mat properly. Furthermore, money can come into play, as many dreadheads are not able to install or

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maintain their locks properly on their own, and extensions, artificial locks, and dread jewelry can be expensive. Besides, the concentration on the back may lead to an integrative perspective on the body: the dreadhead is getting a picture of the entire body through taking into account a part that is normally invisible to oneself. Ultimately, fragmentation might even be an important condition for integration. This could lead to a more conscious positioning in the room, considering the back side as well, but also to more consciousness toward the limited possibilities of our perception—out of sight is not out of thought. Being more constantly aware of the limits of one’s own perception may enable a reflective and humble attitude. Before I had dreadlocks, I never thought much about my back, as if it was not there. Now, with my dreadlocks, it became more of a part of myself. (Natalia F., interview, 15.01.2019)

As already indicated, there are also other spots that are relatively invisible to the individual but at the same time are in focus in dreadlock groups on Facebook: the very sides, where the hair tends to be a bit thinner and, being dreadlocked, creates “bald spots.” Knowing this, many dreadheads are preoccupied with imagining showing scalp. Mirrors and cell phone pictures help to get a view of these critical areas, and some hairstyles—such as having long, loose bangs, shaving the sides, or using headscarves—can help to handle the problem. A question to all of you . . . side-cut yes or no?! I have sooo bald spots at the sides—this sucks!!! (Anja S., Facebook, 30.01.2018)

But it is not just about sight. To keep the dreadlocks in shape, it is usually necessary to engage in the techniques of “tightening roots” and/or “crocheting,” which is even advisable if one uses the service of locticians from time to time. As often the parts of the hair closest to the scalp require the most attention, individuals have to work on them without actually seeing what they are doing. Consciousness regarding the parts invisible to the dreadhead necessitates not only focusing on the locks’ look but also on the way they feel. When a person thinks about hair, this sensory quality is not unusual; however, with dreadlocks it could be heightened by the more intricate and permanent but also permanently changing shapes of the locks.

Self-Confidence and Self-Stigmatization Much self-confidence my dreads have given me :-D (Cara L., Facebook, 04.09.2018)

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I think dreads are something that cannot be judged by their look, my dreads . . . have increased my self-confidence, they have a much deeper value for me than just looks. (Salomo T., Facebook, 06.09.2018) Sense of Pride—Forget about fears of how people may negatively view your dreads. Walk with confidence and you will soon realize that you are the inspiration and admiration of others. (Morgan Dreads, Facebook, 10.04.2019)

As these quotes illustrate, for many dreadheads, dreadlocks are a reason to feel more confident. This can be due to social feedback: whoever wears dreads has made a decision against the mainstream and consequently is understood as self-confident. The self is often understood as a social construction (see Harter 2012, 1). According to socio-cognitive approaches, “our self-perceptions develop and change in relation to other people in the social environment” (Trouilloud and Amiel 2011, 2); the dreadhead’s public perception can make the individual actually feel more independent and self-confident. This can be connected to some further associations, such as the hippie spirit, rebellion, political engagement, naturalness, spirituality, etc. Besides, wearing dreadlocks provides individuals with a new identity and the feeling of belonging to the group of dreadheads, a group they eventually understand as desirable. An increase in self-esteem is therefore conceivable. On the other hand, dreadlocks are also associated with some kind of self-stigmatization, a voluntary farewell to beauty standards. “‘It hurts to be beautiful’ is a cliché I grew up with. ‘It hurts not to be beautiful’ is a truth I acquired on my own” (Rhode 2009, 1034). Deborah Rhode’s article shows how prevalent the “discrimination based on appearance” (Rhode 2009, 1034) is in our daily lives. The unfairness of beauty starts from childhood when parents and teachers give less attention to less attractive children, who “are less likely to be viewed as good, smart, cheerful, likeable, and academically gifted than their more attractive counterparts. . . . The importance of appearance persists throughout adult life. The preference for attractiveness comes as no surprise, but the extent of the advantage is less obvious. A wide array of research documents a phenomenon that psychologists describe as ‘what is beautiful is good’” (Rhode 2009, 1037). Of course, beauty lies in the eyes of the beholder, but these are characterized by their educations and cultural backgrounds (see Patton 2006, 30). “For example, punks are successful when they are recognized and accepted among their peers with Iroquois look, nose ring, torn trousers, and shrill printed T-shirt, and on the other hand shock the bourgeois world” (Degele 2004, 11). Merriam-Webster’s online dictionary defines “beauty” as “the quality or aggregate of qualities in a person or thing that gives pleasure to the

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senses or pleasurably exalts the mind or spirit” and thus refers to the recipient. To come up with a further generalization, one would have to take the average of all recipients’ opinions or feelings toward the thing or person in question. However, beauty understood as a quality of a work of art can be regarded as internal or external to its meaning (Ferreira n.d.)—transferred to the situation with dreadlocks, it can be said that either their appearance, their feel, their meaning, or all of it is beautiful. The various aspects are emphasized by different people; for example, locticians or companies offering dread service usually stress the first two. Crispin Sartwell takes a very interesting approach by looking at words for beauty in six different languages: beauty (English): the object of longing yapha (Hebrew): glow, bloom sundara (Sanskrit): whole, holy to kalon (Greek): idea, ideal wabi-sabi (Japanese): humility, imperfection hozho (Navajo): health, harmony (Sartwell 2004, vii)

Sartwell explains that “the dimensions of beauty that have been appreciated in the art and spirituality of different peoples have been remarkably various” (Sartwell 2004, vii), thus that “beauty” is a culturally coined term. Just as words can denote different aspects of beauty, so can the term “beautiful” itself be used to express various aspects and appears quite frequently in dreadlock groups on Facebook (e.g., to praise the look of the locks in a fellow dreadhead’s picture), but also in the advertisements for dreadlock services and products, such as beads, caps, or self-made soaps specifically for dreadlocks. Most dreadheads regard mature dreadlocks as especially beautiful. This brings us to the connection of beauty and time as explored by Sartwell: “Beauty always bears within it the poignancy of loss, and the cut flower is not only an occasion of visual pleasure but a symbol of what passes” (Sartwell 2004, 3). Astonishingly, beauty is something absolute only by concept, but in everyday life, things are often perceived as beautiful because of the awareness of their transience. Dreadlocks are a relatively stable feature but will change in the course of time. The way they mature tells something about the dreadlocks themselves, but also about the wearer. Incidentally, the English word “beauty” can be traced back to the Latin bellus, -a, -um, which, once it had made its way into English, referred mostly to women. Sartwell assumes that early poems and stories were mostly written by men who would see women as their objects of desire. In our case, there is far less exclusivity for women (as shown in chapter 2 under “The Equality Hairstyle?”).

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The ugly, on the other hand, “is an unwelcome phenomenon that, like a weed in a garden, should be avoided in—or eradicated from—landscapes, artworks, quotidian objects, and even human beings, to be replaced by its purported converse, beauty” (Forsey and Aagaard-Mogensen 2019). It often seems to be suitable to define a thing by its opposite, but the lack of beauty is not automatically ugly, but could be neutral. The term “ugly” is frequently used similar to “unattractive”; however, it is more extreme and causes stronger emotions. According to the Online Etymology Dictionary, “ugly” derives from “uglike ‘frightful or horrible in appearance,’ from a Scandinavian source, such as Old Norse uggligr ‘dreadful, fearful,’ from uggr ‘fear, apprehension, dread’” (see also Henderson 2015, 1). Thus, the aspect of fear is stressed in the word—just as it is in “dreadlocks.” In German, “ugly” is translated as hässlich and thus reveals its root from Hass, meaning “hatred.” Two aspects of the ugly are shown by these etymologies: the ugly is feared and hated. “Beauty may be only skin deep, but the damages associated with its pursuit go much deeper. The financial, physical, and psychological costs of appearance demand closer attention and collective action” (Rhode 2009, 1101). In this passage, Rhode demonstrates how manifold interests are tied to beauty and how deeply it can influence the individual’s well-being, including undertaking immense efforts to pursue it. Beauty is relevant to all genders, but even after the “metro” trend for men, women feel more under pressure: “Women face stricter beauty standards that are difficult to achieve, despite their continuous efforts, as female media images are more often one-dimensional and idealistic” (Goldman and Waymer 2014, 2). Elin Ryan formulates it even more pointedly: “Women, in particular, learn that their bodies and appearance are important factors; what a woman observes in a mirror is a measure of her worth” (Ryan 2013, 2). Women who achieve beauty, be it through cosmetic surgery or discipline, might experience the feeling of control and power; however, this feeling is illusionary, since it is ultimately a result of their surrender to the oppressing cultural norms (see Bordo 2004): “Fulfilling the beauty requirements gives women a sense of fitting in and signals status and success. These beauty rituals also lead to the homogenization, edification, as well as standard and definition of beauty for women to follow” (Goldman and Waymer 2014, 3). Bodo Lippl and Ulrike Wohler take it one step further, reflecting the common link of beauty (in this case, body shape) to the individual’s character: the merit—looking good—is achieved through self-discipline. “Who is unrestrained should not be astonished if he/she does not have any success or not any job. Whoever cannot control himself is to blame for his own misery” (Lippl and Wohler 2011, 230). Not fulfilling society’s beauty standards can have vast consequences. As Lippl and Wohler show,

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it is not just about pure aesthetics, but about social connotations. Some visual features are more likely to be associated with the lower class. Eric Silver and his team analyzed the association of tattoos with the lack of higher education. “This finding suggests that adolescents may use tattoos to signal an oppositional relationship toward mainstream identities and conventional cultural values and goals” (Silver et al. 2011, 558)—however, visibility matters in this case: “We suspect, therefore, that the association between tattoos and deviance observed in the current study would be especially pronounced for those whose tattoos were on highly visible body parts, or those with several or more tattoos” (Silver et al 2011, 560). Silver and associates gathered their data in 1994, 1996, and 2001, so the situation for tattoos probably has changed by now. However, for tattoos, their stigmatization is seen as a result of their history. Even though there had been occasional trends of tattooing even in Europe’s upmost classes, tattoos were often associated with sailors and prisoners. But what about dreadlocks? Dreadlocks’ European tradition is quite lost, and something reminiscent of the style would be mostly known from tramps, thus the association with dirt and neglect is close. Anyway, having “strong, healthy, and shiny hair” is one cultural imperative in Western countries, which is violated by dreadheads and thus leaves room for prejudice. An open survey I conducted in a Facebook group (n = 558) showed that most dreadheads encounter prejudices related to dirtiness (47 percent), drug abuse (16 percent), mindlessness (having taken such an irreversible decision, 33 percent), and their job life—for example, that they could not get any job, that they would be unemployed, or that they would work in the social field (6 percent). Yet there are also more neutral presumptions like “Are you vegetarian/vegan?” (8 percent) or “You look as if you would vote for left-wing” (2 percent). My social environment reacted terribly [when I got dreadlocks]. My former clique welcomed me with words like “How can you look like this?,” “Are you serious?,” “You look like these ugly tramps from the railway station.” . . . My grandmother said stuff like “Other women pretty themselves up and you willingly disfigure yourself. No wonder that you don’t have a boyfriend.” At work, it was also difficult. “You take drugs! Don’t touch me!” was daily fare. Now over four years later: I have a wonderful job, for which my hair does not matter, I have a clique that likes me the way I am, and I have a relaxed grandmother, as I am in a happy relationship, although having dreads. (Carina G., Facebook, 29.01.2019)

People can anticipate some of these prejudices before getting dreadlocks. Consequently, it can be seen as a self-stigmatization. Even the designation “dreadlocks” leaves no doubt that the style can be understood

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as “dreadful” (although this association is not very evident for most nonnative speakers). Some dreadheads may have pet names for their locks like “dreadies,” “snakes,” or “worms,” but surprisingly many of them don’t come up with any other, more flattering names. In general, the pejorative terms “dreadlocks” and “dreads” have never been replaced when dreadheads talk about their style. These wordings are a bit reminiscent of the history of the n-word: The term “nigger” began partly as a mispronunciation of “Negro” but soon became a severe insult. However, nowadays black Americans occasionally use the term in its variant “nigga” among friends, probably also inspired by rappers who did so in their lyrics. By using the word, by giving it a new meaning and even a new spelling, they defuse the insult. A “process is already well underway, led in the main by African American innovators who are taming, civilizing, and transmuting ‘the filthiest, dirtiest, nastiest word in the English language’” (Kennedy 2002, 176). There is some irony to it, but also a refined reversal of power. Something similar may apply to “dreadlocks” as well: the term, which was marked by a group of oppressors, was kept, but its meaning changed. However, there will be people who call dreadlocks ugly, and not even every dreadhead considers the hairstyle particularly beautiful. I like dreads, but I would not say that they make people prettier. It is strange, I like girls with dreads, but loose hair, flying in the wind, can be more beautiful. I guess beauty is not that important? (Matthis B., interview, 20.12.2018)

For some, dreadlocks are rather perceived as cool rather than beautiful. But what makes them cool? One aspect mentioned by Kristen Lauer is “a lack of investment into coolness that did require effort embodied by the cool individual”; she calls it “apathy to cool” (Lauer 2018, 57). In our context, it can be assumed that there is not just apathy to cool, but “apathy to (the general notion of) beauty”—and not caring about something so essential to most makes them cool; strange as it sounds, it is pleasing if someone does not want to please. Avoiding the compulsion to beauty can also be related to the rejection of ubiquitous standardization in our culture, driven by top-model shows, beauty surgeries, photo manipulations, etc. Lining up behind Umberto Eco, who has also written extensively on the subject, Gretchen Henderson “suggests that beauty is dull because it is closed, finished and always the same. Ugliness, by contrast, is infinite and everywhere, like God” (Hughes 2015). Incidentally, self-stigmatization by wearing dreadlocks is not only the case in Western societies, but also the Rastafari dreadlocks can be seen as a symbol and form “of self-stigmatization in the sense of a chosen tradition” (Eckert 2006, 24), and it can be similarly interpreted for a Sadhu’s

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dreadlocks. There might be many reasons to stigmatize oneself in this way; sometimes other arguments—like personal aesthetics or spiritual aspects—might outweigh the stigmatization, yet the stigmatization itself can be an argument for dreadlocks as a signifier to willingly reject mainstream society or to be part of a counterculture. This, of course, does not imply that there would not exist an alternative aesthetic and thus some kind of beauty standard for dreadlocks.

Surrender: The Body as the Last Resort The decision for dreadlocks is a way to express power over one’s own body, power to change it in a relatively stable and, in large parts of the world, relatively untypical way. At least since Foucault’s analysis, the body has often been seen as a social phenomenon (see Synnott 1993, 80). Synnott traces back five principal turning points in the Western history of the perception of the body: ideas such as body positivism and body negativism marked ancient Greek debates, and the question of superiority of the body or the mind persists in contemporary discussions (see Burkitt 1999, 1). Christians viewed the body as sacred but also emphasized negativism, such as ascetic traditions rather than hedonism. The Renaissance viewed the body more positively and incorporated it in the unification of physical and celestial bodies through astrology. The Enlightenment started to look at the body as an understandable machine, whereas in the nineteenth century the body became more and more defined as an economic and political entity. The twentieth century saw a consolidation of mechanistic and materialistic models of the body and more body-positive attitudes. The mechanistic model has been challenged by holistic medicine, and dramatic reconstructions of corporeality have led to the re-evaluation of concepts such as gender and color (see Synnott 1993, 104) and to the insight that body and culture can be understood as interdependent entities (see Burkitt 1999, 2), even though a celebration of endless possibilities would miss reality’s constraints, as Lippl and Wohler show in their analysis of the German top-model show (Lippl and Wohler 2011). Synnott concludes his mental time travel in a solemn tone: “The body is no longer ‘given’ (meaning, traditionally, a gift of God); it is plastic, to be moulded and selected at need or whim” (Synnott 1993, 101), and it can be added that even more, it is expected to be designed, fueled not only by the beauty and fashion industry but also by the food industry stressing health and body shaping, as well as by companies offering services and goods from fitness to yoga (see Sheets-Johnstone 2009, 17). Time and money are invested in the body. “Can the body ransom us?” asks Maxine

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Sheets-Johnstone (2009, 17). Maybe due to a feeling of increased insecurity in general, it seems to be very reasonable to put the body first, to focus on and invest in the one thing that is lost the latest: one’s own body. It might feel like the wisest decision and offer a kind of independence from external circumstances. Following this reasoning, the more obvious and permanent body alterations turn out to be, the better they are invested. Please feel free to share meaningful body modifications with me below. It seems there is a strong correlation between struggle, growth, and mods. (roaming.rose, Instagram, 13.06.2018).

To put it clearly: even if most things in life cannot be changed by the individual, even if it feels heteronomous, determined by politics, by social relationships, by economic aspects, by one’s health, or by fate, the design of one’s own body remains the last resort of some self-determination (see Hefferson and Boniwell 2011, 188). A look at the richer literature about tattoos shows some parallels—and many individuals having dreadlocks are also tattooed (78 percent in my survey on Facebook, n = 454). Gerald Grumet argues that tattoos can be understood as “a psychic crutch aimed to repair a crippled self-image, inspire hope, keep noxious emotions at bay, and reduce the discrepancy between the individual and his aspirations” (Grumet 1983, 491). His radical wording and pejorative argumentation are definitely debatable, but the body modification’s power to influence the individual’s psyche is worth a thought. With regard to tattooing among Chicanas, a group with a difficult social status in the United States, Xuan Santos argues, “When Chicanas step outside socially prescribed roles by becoming tattooed, they are addressing their alienation from society’s norm . . . by reclaiming the ‘canvas’ for themselves. This Chicana canvas, thus reclaimed, becomes an active means of self-affirmation that can express oppositions to barriers imposed by class, gender, race, and sexuality” (Santos 2009, 93). It is my body and I do whatever I like. I might not be able to buy the van I like or to live in the place I like, but I can have the tattoos and hairstyles I want. If an employer does not take me the way I am, it is simple: I don’t want to work for him. (Anselm S., interview, 15.07.2019)

In an epilogue to Armando Favazza’s book Bodies under Siege, worldfamous body artist and researcher Fakir Musafar pointed out that some people undergo body modification (e.g., get pierced after being abused to reclaim and create the body) to heal wounds (see Favazza 1996, 329). The act of changing the body is often experienced in an extreme way. In different cultural contexts, certain emotions and mental states, among them ecstasy, trance, and disconnection, are associated with body practices such

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as piercing, cutting, and tattooing. Getting dreadlocks is not painful in a way that can cause another mental state, but as shown above, there are strong emotions connected to them. Obviously, exerting power over one’s own body is not something that applies exclusively to dreadheads or those with tattoos. Yet it differs from many other ways, such as engaging in fitness, weight loss, or beauty surgery; even though engaging in these activities, and thus shaping the body, is also based on personal decisions, these choices heavily rely on mainstream society’s values. Shaping the body in these ways will most likely make it more pleasing, more beautiful, and more conformist by general standards. On the other hand, designing the body in a way that is controversial can be understood as a statement against a system that standardizes and disciplines the body (see Foucault 2005, 122). As such, dreadlocks go a step further than tattoos: unlike many tattoos, which are usually covered by clothes and in most cases are not part of the head, dreadlocks can be regarded as a constantly visible statement. Therefore, having dreadlocks can be seen as the opposite of the usual body-focused activities, yet corresponding to them. As shown above, it is more or less clear for a future dreadhead that the hairstyle will not please everyone and eventually even be understood as impertinence. Moreover, there is (at least on first sight) less “right and wrong,” “better and worse,” or “feminine and masculine” regarding dreadlocks, insofar as dreadlocks do not follow some fundamentals of mainstream society: the judging, the evaluating, the hierarchically structuring. Therefore, they can be interpreted as an embodiment of anarchy. Other body-related activities are also partly a matter of taste, yet mainstream society seems to agree on which body shape is considered as ideal, which fitness level would be best, how a flawless skin should look, and which proportions in a face would be the prettiest. For dreadlocks, more stress is put on individual preferences (e.g., if dreadlocks should be kept tidy and natty or rather wild, if extensions are used, if ends are dreaded or open). Furthermore, instead of appearance, the focus is primarily on one’s own individual journey, which by far exceeds mere aesthetic preferences. When I first got dreads a work colleague said to me, “As long as you’re happy with them it’s fine.” Thanks [colleague], I didn’t realize my life choices had to pass your approval. (Michael O., Facebook, 21.12.2018)

This quote illustrates not only that getting dreadlocks is based on a fundamental decision the individual is well aware of—a “life choice”—but also that getting them done can be understood as maybe one of the last very own decisions and chances to exert power. So, does the body ransom the

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dreadhead (see Sheets-Johnstone 2009, 17)? Following this reasoning, it is rather the society that ransoms, whereas having dreadlocks can be considered as a sign of breaking out of society’s expectations and taking over control of one’s own body—even if this constitutes the last gasp. Let us take one more look at the intricate relationship between dreadlocks and time. As shown above, dreadlocks can surpass bodies and times through the use of extensions. However, having dreadlocks can also mean surrender to time. I wanted dreadlocks, but of course, these questions have popped up: will you still like it in some years? If not, you will have to cut off your hair. . . . It is the same with tattoos. I got mine very late, having asked myself so often whether I will still like them after the years have passed. What nonsense. I live now. And whatever I do is not forever, because I won’t be here forever. It is maybe for some years if I am lucky for another 50 years and then it’s done. I have always hated sayings like “carpe diem” used as an excuse not to work, not to care. And it is not about not caring about tomorrow, but it is about having a realistic view. Once I am getting older and my hair will become thin, I probably should cut it anyway. (Tine V., interview, 15.07.2019)

The interviewee defends her decision for dreadlocks by rejecting the concept of eternity. As such, dreadlocks, as well as other permanent body modifications, can be understood as memento mori, which is most obviously reflected in countless skull tattoos but also becomes apparent in the use of dreadlocks extensions and dread beads made from bones.

Note  1. Interestingly, there is a difference between German- and English-speaking groups: among German-speaking Facebook groups, usually more than onethird of the portrait pictures show either a person’s back side (the biggest part) or the top of the head or the very sides, thus not the face, whereas the percentage is lower in English-speaking groups. This might lead to various assumptions—for example, that German groups are more dedicated to dread care and less to the dreadhead him- or herself or that German speakers are in general a bit more sensitive about posting their pictures on social media.

4  Opposition and Integration In this chapter, we broaden the view from the previously explained position of individuals to their interaction with their social surroundings. How do they communicate through their dreadlocks; what opinions or values do they stand for? This is about communication with other dreadheads or dread sympathizers, as well as with those who do not wear dreads and may not like them—this is where broader political aspects come into play.

Offer for Communication “How funny little braids, can I touch them?” You can be sure to be asked stuff like this all the time. You will be talking to people you never knew before. All because of dreadlocks. (Max M., interview, 30.07.2018)

Crowning the head, “hair, both natural and artificial, human or otherwise, always serves to communicate” (Rosenthal 2004, 1). Govind Dhaske makes it more specific: “Hair can be seen as a tool for communication as ethnicity, culture, religious affiliation, and gender can be identified by observing the hairstyles and practices about hair” (Dhaske 2014, 57). However, hair does not only convey messages but also invites talk about it—initiates communication as the exchange of messages. Individuals who feature a style that is rather uncommon in mainstream society are usually aware of the fact that they get more attention by others. Wearing a polarizing style such as dreadlocks, they can be sure to be looked at more often and to be remembered more easily. Further, having dreadlocks can be interpreted as

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carrying a widely visible topic for communication that will lead to wearers being confronted with questions regarding their motivations for the style, how it was done, and what it means to them. Sometimes I am feeling like nothing more than dreadlocks on legs—everyone is focusing on my dreadlocks. I even thought about cutting them, as I don’t want to be the centre of attraction all the time. (Sina L., Facebook, 08.09.2018)

Given this observation, it can be assumed that dreadheads—even if they had not reflected intensely on their motivation before getting dreadlocks— will think about it when faced with the recurring questions and probably will come up with some reasoning. The motivation for the style is not only a topic when talking with nondreadheads, but is very commonly discussed in dreadlock groups as well, suggesting that there is a variety of motivations. Typical answers range from vague statements like “dreadlocks look great,” “it has always been my dream to have dreadlocks” to “dreadlocks make me feel complete,” “sense of life/attitude,” or “I am too lazy to style my hair.” Some answers show irony—“I am a tramp and sleep under bridges” (survey on Facebook, 16.12.2018). As shown, the answers vary in their depths, and having an answer to the question does not imply that the reasoning will stay consistent over time. Sometimes the focus may shift, as observed by Sastre Cifuentes regarding tattoos: some individuals he interviewed indicated that at the beginning their tattoos might have been meant as a tool to become part of a group or to show opposition to their families or to certain groups in society, and later, when this goal was achieved or no longer important to them, the tattoos had new, different meanings for them (see Sastre Cifuentes 2011, 188). The same can be assumed with dreadlocks, as some statements suggest. At first, I just wanted to be different. Today I think they are an important part of me and suit my personality and my interest in nature and naturalness. (Annika V., interview, 17.11.2018)

Those dreadheads who share an affiliation with a subculture or advocate certain values known to be connected with dreadlocks, like the stress on naturalness, wear dreadlocks not only as an offer for communication but also as an obvious statement about their identity and attitude, which can be regarded as a “tactic of self-marginalization to articulate a politics of dissent” (Traber 2001, 30). Therefore, it can be said that they present themselves as transparent to their fellow humans, in opposition to hiding their attitude behind a style considered as “normal” or “average.” Something similar was described for tattoos by Kathleen Doss and Amy S. Ebesu Hubbard (2009), who looked at the association of tattoos’ com-

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municative value, their visibility, and their association with public selfconsciousness. They showed that there is a strong connection between the communicative value and the visibility of a tattoo. Dreadlocks, being part of the head, are characterized by very high visibility and thus could imply a high degree of openness and communicative value. On the other hand, the dreadlocks constantly remind individuals themselves about being different. Looking at the Kataragama festival in Sri Lanka, Gananath Obeyeskere found out that many people were disgusted by matted hair shown during the process. Thus, this style separates a person from the rest of society (see Obeyeskere 1981, 37), a fact that (to a lesser extent) can be observed in Western societies as well. The reactions of other persons make dreadheads constantly aware of their self-chosen difference, which consequently can be seen as a conscious disintegration as well.

“Take Me as I Am” Having dreadlocks is not a statement, it is the closest I can get to being myself. (Laura G., Facebook, 16.07.2015)

While being legible to their counterparts by openly communicating their self-chosen identity, dreadheads also formulate a certain demand: “Take me as I am.” As the feature “dreadlocks” is not among the nature-given characteristics that can hardly be altered, like height or skin color, but is based on individual choice, it can be understood in the context of egocentrism: the dreadhead is not willing to adjust to society’s demands, not willing to surrender to the taste of a potential partner or employer. In the empowerment to create one’s own body lies the stress of one’s own individual taste. Dear dreadheads,  I need your advice. I have my dreads for nearly two years now and I love them. I want a professional reorientation and would like to apply for a job at an airport. But I don’t know if dreadlocks are accepted.  Would you cut off your dreads for a new job? (Mandeep S., Facebook, 04.10.2019)

Most answers given were clearly “no”; most dreadheads would not get rid of their dreadlocks for a job. A few admitted it would depend on the individual situation; one suggested keeping some dreadlocks in the neck area (underdreads) that can be hidden under the loose hair when working. For most dreadheads, their locks seem to be more important than job issues.

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However, there is also the argument that an employer who does not tolerate individual looks might not create a pleasant working atmosphere: If in doubt, I would worry if the job suits me and not if the hair fits the job. (Katja B., interview, 03.01.2019)

A rather extraordinary and controversially discussed strategy is shown by a member of another dreadlock group, who wears a headscarf in the same way a Muslim woman would wear a hijab: Does it look like I’m hiding a million pounds of dreadlocks under this? Took a while to make my head shape not look super weird.  *I’m not Muslim or a follower of any religion, this is my way of making sure my hair and earlobes do not hold me back in my career. It’s a lot less judgement to be assumed a certain religion than to have locks in my field. Certainly a thing to consider if you ever face the same problem.* (Aela A., Facebook, 02.05.2017)

The numerous comments below the text and picture, in which she shows herself with a black headscarf and a shoulder-free top range from “I think it looks beautiful” and “That’s rather smart” to “I’d rather be called a dirty Hippie than a terrorist” and “People’s faith is not for you to use at your convenience to get a job or for any reason other than a commitment to that faith. This is gross,” whereupon she answered, “Modesty doesn’t belong to a religion.” In the relationship between the dreadlocked and the mainstream society, the hairstyle can be just as “tattooing and body piercing . . . understood as (a) transgressive practice(s)” (Adams 2009, 105), as it has the power to violate normative expectations about appearance. Debates about whether policemen can have visible tattoos or piercings point in the same direction: in Germany, in 2018 the administrative tribunal Düsseldorf decided that a tattoo on the forearm cannot be a criterion to reject a candidate for a police career (Spiegel 2018a); the city of Berlin recently allowed policemen to show their tattoos (Spiegel 2018b). However, there are still debates on which motives are allowed—which are neutral or respectable enough. This often turns out as rather difficult, as the reasoning behind a motif can be described in very different terms. When it comes to hair, public servants in uniform should wear “usual haircuts,” which is not further specified, but it is assumable that dreadlocks would not be among the “usual.” In the United States the rules are even stricter: “Males are not authorized to wear braids, cornrows, or dreadlocks . . . while in uniform or in civilian clothes on duty” (Army Regulation [AR] 670–1, Chapter 1–8, [2][a]). Some US schools also banned dreadlocks (see Rice 2013, 404). These rules can be seen as denying certain cultural identities, as hair cannot be easily changed when off-duty or at closing time.

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So, on the one hand dreadheads are challenging social norms but on the other hand show a high degree of openness, especially when the dreadlocks are paired with a typical political or social attitude: dreadheads “derive authenticity by having the final say in how they look and how they portray themselves to the world” (Hefferson and Boniwell 2011, 188). Consequently, dreadlocks can be regarded as social—offering communication, presenting individuals as open and truthful to their attitude—and at the same time asocial—willingly violating social rules. It is very hard to come up with statistical data, but when there was a themed week in one Facebook group called “dreadisur.:.frisuren für dreadheads” asking the question “Who are you?” (December 2018), its members came up with very moving life stories that testify to rather hard conditions or dramatic events experienced their lives. One of my interviewees, Dennis G., the founder of the franchise Dreads4you, confirmed this observation based on his clients. Why would people with tough lives be more inclined to get dreadlocks? One reason may be that people with good starting conditions perhaps more often follow a predetermined life path leading to well-paid jobs where dreadlocks have no place. If, on the other hand, there is no career to be ruined by a hairstyle, it makes the decision easier. However, this explanation cannot be sufficient, as there are career questions in dreadlock groups, and in today’s life, which requires a lot of flexibility and at the same time offers many opportunities to get off the beaten path, nobody can be so sure about the way his/her professional future will go. This seems to confirm the suspicion that people with a more difficult fate are a bit more drawn to dreadlocks, which might be due to their increased preoccupation with identity, the wish to find and communicate identity, and/or a greater sensibility to environmental aspects and social injustices, but also due to the wish to rebel against the mainstream society. Some of the following aspects will further illustrate possible connections.

Tamed Wildness Hair that is kept wild and not affected by any cultural technique could mat up—at least this is a common public perception. Thus dreadlocks can be understood as the most natural hairstyle and therefore signifying a deeper connection to nature. Their look, usually a bit irregular, reflects organic shapes occurring in nature. This comports with the use of certain nicknames that dreadheads give their locks, such as “roots,” “branches,” “tentacles,” “snakes,” or “worms”—all linked to nature. The group of dreadheads is occasionally called “tribe” by outsiders as well as by insid-

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ers, which suggests a pristine form of life. In photos seen in dreadlock groups or on dreadheads’ accounts, people sometimes present themselves as trees, the body up to the shoulders as trunk and the head with the dreadlocks as a crown, usually lying to create a branch-like pattern with their dreadlocks. Naturally, such references are influenced by prominent figures in a dreadhead’s cultural environment. In this context, the cover image of Bob Marley’s LP Uprising is an iconic case for such a reference to nature—an image in which Marley’s dreadlocks are shaped as roots that connect him to the earth he is rising from. Hence, the appearance can mirror the strong emotional connection to the environment, and the style is quite popular among people with a strong commitment in this field, including vegetarians, vegans, or straight edgers up to environmentalists. Looking at the Environmental Direct Action Group (EDAG), Clare Saunders notes, “For instance, a belief that

Figure 4.1. Nature is a setting frequently chosen by dreadheads, as in this picture showing the model and Instagrammer Medusa’s Child. Photo credit: Maja Tabea Jerrentrup.

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global capitalism is an underlying source of environmental and social problems tends to encourage certain types of behaviour, such as growing dreadlocks, attending counter-cultural festivals, and engaging in direct action, as symbolic identifiers of beliefs. On engaging in these behaviours, beliefs are reinforced” (Saunders 2008, 241). Again, having dreadlocks is not a clear, binding marker of a social identity connected to environmental activism, but rather gives a hint. “An appreciation of this delicate ‘nature/culture’ relation is crucial if we are to account both for the emergence of dreadlocks and Afro styles as politicized statements of pride and their eventual disappearance into the mainstream” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 116). Mercer describes the process of absorption like this: something found “in the wild” gets cultivated and transformed into something to which social benefit and value is attributed. Even more than with white people, dreadlocks are considered a natural hairstyle for black people as they “embrace ‘the natural’ in the way they valorize the very materiality of black hair texture, for black people’s hair is the only type of hair that can be ‘matted’ into such characteristic configurations” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 117); one should amend to “easily matted,” as other hair textures can be turned into dreadlocks as well. Still, the associations “dreadlocks” and “Africa” are close, as well as “dreadlocks” and “natural,” which in a sense links “Africa” and “natural”—a connection that is not at all uncommon. It dates back to philosophers like Hume and Kant, picked up in the outdated theory of cultural evolutionism, in which some surviving cultures, among them several African, were said to represent earlier, more savage, and more close-to-nature stages in the development of humankind, which was assumed to have found its current pinnacle in Western civilization. To cut to the chase: often implicit or explicit racism plays a role when Africans are presented as particularly “close to nature.” Rastafarians, however, employ a similar opposition in which the West is seen as artificial and corrupting, having turned away from nature and therefore being signified as “Babylon,” a sink of iniquity. And even in some contemporary Western popular thought, the idea of nature as something valuable, at the latest existing since the era of Romanticism, is gaining more and more popularity, obvious in debates about how to save nature’s resources and how to prevent climate change. These lines of thought tend to see nature and culture as separate, as inherently different. However, hairstyles were never just natural—the very thought of getting the hair styled in a specific way implies that it is getting cultivated. At the same time, every hairstyle has to deal with nature—with hair as raw material, with the head, which can carry just a certain amount of hair, etc. Like most human activities, every hairstyle is characterized by nature and shaped by culture. Consequently, dreadlocks can be a signi-

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fier for naturalness but will never really be natural. Therefore, it might be more appropriate to interpret them rather as a signifier for the search for naturalness. It’s not about style or fashion, it’s about naturalness. (Dominic F., Facebook 31.10.2017)

The abovementioned thought can be supported by taking a look at the practice of getting and having dreadlocks—especially fresh dreadheads and especially those with straight Eurasian hair require effort and maintenance. Although the neglect method exists, most people do not just stop combing and end up with nicely sectioned and tightly crocheted dreadlocks after a while. In this way, dreadlocks are a hairstyle just like any other: it requires a clear decision and certain steps to achieve it, as well as specific maintenance—and therefore is far from being “natural.” In addition, many people on social media groups wish to actively design their dreadlock journey and thus interfere with nature’s plan: they dye their dreadlocks, partly with products understood as “natural” such as henna, but also using artificial products. The coloring includes mere bleaching to achieve an ombré look, which resembles sun-bleached hair; thus it is an artificial imitation of a natural process—but at the same time it can be interpreted as subordination to the beauty paradigm of “Californication” (Van Wolputte 2004, 264). However, there are even more extreme ways to achieve a “nature-inspired” look, as the following advertising text shows: Forest Fairy—even though these dreads are colourful, they look very natural, the wool used as raw material was naturally coloured and not pure white, which gives this set the certain extra! The colours appear like moss and the twisted dreads resemble lianas. (Morrock Moon, Instagram, 25.12.2018, about an accent set in “natural shades of green and orange-brown”)

Several hair colors create an artificial look, such as shades of blue, bright red, or green. Still, some of these unnatural colours are declared as mirroring the style of nature, the green standing for mossy forest grounds, the blue for the ocean’s water, etc. This is especially the case when it comes to the marketing of so-called accent sets, but I have also read numerous statements about how dyed hair looks particularly natural (e.g., bright orange as reminiscent of autumn leaves). Even though the free-form or neglect dreadlocks are a rare exception in the European dreadlock scene, the aspect of having little trouble with the hair after a while is occasionally stressed, especially in punk subculture; however, statements such as “you never have to wash your hair” may also serve to set oneself further apart from the mainstream (see Hannerz 2013,

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58). In a survey of a German Facebook group on 28 January 2019 (not initiated by myself), 28 percent of the participants say that they do not engage in any kind of specific haircare (n = 334), even though the by far most common topics in this group evolve around hair care like crocheting, tighten roots, suitable soaps, hairstyles, etc. This counterintuitive tendency of answering may indicate social desirability: as a dreadhead, it is perfectly fine not to care. This attitude carries a certain attractiveness for those wanting to make a statement against society’s mainstream with its focus on continually investing a lot of time and money in one’s appearance when instead one could be wild and free. However, the investment of time and money actually might be similar with dreadlocks, although its prima facie gives a different impression. A survey (n = 514) I initiated on 16 December 2018 in another Facebook group asking the question why they have dreadlocks gives a similar picture: 15 percent of the participants named as the reason for their dreadlocks in self-chosen categories either “I am too lazy to style my hair,” “I am scruffy and homeless,” “I have always hated combing my hair,” or “I like being blowzy.” Apart from social desirability within the in-group pointing toward the mentioned laissez-faire attitude, the selfchosen answer categories illustrate a two-sided ironic self-reflection: on the one hand, they deliberately act contrary to social norms concerning looks and sleekness, and on the other hand, they also act in opposition to the social norm of having a plan and a purpose—in opposition to my question by turning it into ridicule. The wildness concerning dreadlocks might be tamed by the practice, but at the same time, dreadheads are well aware of the social backdrop, referring to it in an ironic and somewhat untamed manner.

Nudity, Self-Love, and Sexuality Naked we are just all the same. (Katzi S., Facebook, 13.10.2019)

The picture that is accompanied by the text above shows a girl, Katzi S., sitting nude on her bed, shot from the side, so that her long dreadlocks, which are decorated with some beads, fall over her back to the buttocks. She bends over backwards, a posing associated with erotic. Her face, showing a neutral emotion, is seen in profile; she does not look toward the camera. The retouching is subtle; it could be a cross-processing filter but not a glamor beauty retouching, which distinguishes the picture from the typical erotic photograph. Most comments compliment on her look; some jokingly deny the text “Naked we are just all the same,” either by refer-

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ring to the male genital parts or by stressing that they would not have a body like hers. One person asks whether “we are just all the same” would not be the case with clothes. Pictures like this can frequently be found on Facebook and Instagram. Accompanying texts often refer to naturalness, which is clearly associated with nudity. As discussed earlier, dreadlocks might lead to a more conscious focus on back-side positioning in these pictures. In pictures posted in dreadlock groups, the back side is often shown nude, with dreadlocks either falling down the back or put up. Even when showing the body’s front, some women pose nude with their dreadlocks covering the breasts, so that Facebook and Instagram standards are not violated. It can be argued that when focusing on hair, it is useful to surrender clothes, yet a neutral outfit would not distract much from the dreadlocks; conversely, the more uncommon nude body is more likely to attract attention and consequently pull attention away from the hair. So why would they show themselves topless or without clothes? It may be associated with naturalness understood as opposed to culture; the person has not undergone any cultural technique such as dressing. On the other hand, a very high percentage of these individuals are tattooed or pierced, thus they have undergone very visibly cultural techniques, and of course the processes of dreading and dread care count as well. Nudity can also be understood as openness, not hiding anything, not pretending anything. Nevertheless, these pictures are obviously staged, as further discussed below under “Staged Authenticity”. A picture posted by Instagrammer morgin_riley showing her naked from behind, her dreadlocks put up in a bun and her butt facing the camera, comes with the following text: I was born naked & I hope to goddess I’ll die naked. (morgin_riley, Instagram, 16.10.2019)

Among other comments, people wrote: Love the face [fact] that you are unashamed and proud. It’s far and few people you find like that nowadays. (edenfoxjewelry) I hope someday I’ll have this much self-love and confidence. (thegracklequeen)

Just like Katzi S., Morgin Riley sees the need to accompany the picture with a proverb or some general wisdom in order to make it appear more than just “sexy” and “craving for attention.” Furthermore, the text enables people to react, and quite a few comments actually take up the topic.

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As the comments cited here show, self-love is associated with the presentation of nudity. “Self-love” is a buzzword, and countless posts on social media are devoted to the topic. “This know also, that in the last days perilous times shall come. For men shall be lovers of their own selves” (2 Timothy 3:1–2); “You shall love your neighbor as yourself” (the second greatest commandment; e.g., Leviticus 19:18; Matthew 19:19, 22:39)—thoughts about self-love obviously have a long tradition. Yet, it appears to be a quite modern topic: “Today I hear a great deal about selfimage, self-love, self-esteem, and positive mental attitude—all variations on a theme and all topics rarely mentioned fifty years ago and virtually never discussed one hundred years ago” (Faulconer 1993, 2), writes James Faulconer in the 1990s from the point of view of a Christian missionary. Nowadays, just the hashtag #selflove can be found in nearly forty-four million posts on Instagram (July 2020). But what is self-love? Clearly, selfinterest is necessary for survival, but it is easily prone to overindulgence (see Makujina 1997, 211). Self-love can be understood as an essential feature for every human being, yet there are situations in which humans, as well as animals, sacrifice themselves for others. Self-love as a fundamental force is found in writings from various disciplines around the world (see Maharaj and April 2013, 120) and is associated with survival, enlightenment, growth, elevation, etc., but selfishness, narcissism, and egoism seem to be very close to it; sometimes these terms are even used interchangeably and create confusion. Looking for a way to grasp the meaning of selflove, Nerisha Maharaj and Kurt April identify Erich Fromm’s psychology as a foundation. Fromm offers the “most holistic theory of love” (Maharaj and April 2013, 122), in which he sees self-love as the deepest of all the currents driving humans onward, upward, and forward. Along with Abraham Maslow, Fromm acknowledges that the ability to love and the ability for self-love are necessarily bound together—a fact that is supported by various empirical studies. Thus, self-love is not selfishness or narcissism, which from a psychological point of view is often seen more as a result of insecurity or ultimately as a lack of real self-love. Self-love, therefore, should be a feature of every psychologically healthy person. Posts related to self-love on social media, frequently accompanied by the hashtag #selflove or #bodypositivity, often present pictures that show physical flaws, and the description of the image tends to refer to them. Self-love becomes an admired trait when seen in connection with imperfections. It stands for independence: the person is self-confident enough not to let his or her psychological well-being depend on other people’s perception and thus is linked to the previously mentioned aspect of coolness. So are dreadlocks among these imperfections? As discussed in chapter 3,

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“self-stigmatization” dreadlocks can be understood as such, and therefore they fit in with the theme of the imperfect but bypass it at the same time. Dreadlocks teach you how to be patient. How to love yourself (and all your creations) unconditionally, no matter what you may look like that day. (Description of the fan page “Dreads by Sofi,” Facebook, 30.10.2019)

Frequently, self-love is also seen in the context of spiritual aspects. A particularly striking example is given by the blogger and author Empress: “You see caring for the locks is a part of having a relationship with Jah. Every time you twist your locks or show love to your locks, Jah is there and he feels the love emanating from you” (Empress 2018b). Obviously, Empress is speaking here from a Rastafarian perspective, but the expression “show love to your locks” is generally very common. Further, people often use the hashtag #selflove in connection to yoga and to the personal growth it offers. Self-love should help to transcend the body, a fundamental goal in various religions and spiritual beliefs, by finding rest and peace instead of struggling for impossible perfection. “Self-transcendence is discussed as comprising two main elements: transcending the ego; and enjoying a sense of connectedness to others” (Maharaj and April 2013, 124), aspects that are stressed in various posts related to dreadlocks. One more widely discussed aspect that comes to mind is the connection between hair and sexuality. Edmund Leach states in his classical article “Magical Hair” that “an astonishingly high proportion of the ethnographic evidence fits the following pattern in quite an obvious way. In ritual situations: long hair = unrestrained sexuality; short hair or tightly bound hair = restricted sexuality; close shaven hair = celibacy” (Leach 1958, 154). Leach suggests that the head in various cultures stands for the phallus and its hair would signify semen, and therefore the cutting of hair would be a symbolical castration. Looking at the Hindu context, Benjamin Bogin follows Leach: “The dreadlocks of Hindu ascetics have been interpreted over the past century as the abodes of divinity, as symbols of unrestrained sexuality, as symbols of renunciation of society, and as phalluses” (Bogin 2008, 89). Gananath Obeyeskere, with his work grounded in Max Weber’s view of culture and the theory of unconscious motivations from Freud, cannot prove this assumption in his fieldwork: “Contrary to Leach, and in spite of the authority of the Upanishads, not one among my ordinary Sinhala Buddhist informants could consciously identify hair with sexuality” (Obeyeskere 1981, 31). Some pages earlier he links dreadlocks to renouncing sex, which is also noticed by Amy Allocco. She writes about a dreadlocked female who lives in celibacy and grows dreadlocks since she had been possessed by the Goddess (Allocco 2013, 111). R. S. Perin-

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banayagam sees matted hair as a sign of indifference: “Matted hair . . . is of course contrasted with groomed hair at one extreme and the shaved head at the other. The first pair, matted vs. groomed hair, relates respectively to the Sanyasin and the householder. The latter has hair that is adorned, in one way or another to indicate beauty, vanity, self-esteem, and in general a sexual presence. Insofar as this is the case, it can be neglected and dirtied to indicate sexual indifference” (Perinbanayagam 1990, 325). Looking at young men in Lima, Julio Villa Palomino comes up with the term “meticulous carelessness”: “The body is a place where many tensions reside: clean-dirty, coarse-malleable, and saggy-firm, among others. This tension between the natural and the artificial creates a fear of being mistaken for a homosexual and explains why meticulous carelessness must be learned, practiced, and given due importance” (Villa Palomino 2015, 24). Among Gambian bumsters, beach boys who “indulge in a complex web of sexual activity ranging from commercial to non-commercial . . . casual to regular, particularly with foreign tourists” (Nyanzi et al. 2005, 557) tend to wear dreadlocks, which seems to help them attract tourists, hence serve as a sexual signal. According to Barnett, some Rastafari “have reported that they began to grow dreadlocks in the fashion of Masai warriors” (Barnett 2012, 228), thus regarding dreadlocks as an inspiration connected to maleness. However, Rastafari women wear dreadlocks as well. In this context, the strong connection of dreadlocks to spirituality and the rules not to change the dreadlocks, such as dyeing or cutting them, distances them from the aura of mere sexuality. As the Rastafari blogger Empress writes, a woman “is allowed to show the front of her hair for ventilation when hair is wrapped. The point is not to use the locks of a Queen to attract sensual/sexual attention in public places, in Babylon. Around family of King or your own family it is ok to show/wear locks out for comfort, or even a place that is purely Rastafari” (Empress 2018a, 26f.). I am not aware of any account that closely links dreadlocks and sexuality in the so-called Western culture so far. As shown earlier, dreadlocks are not an indicator of femininity, masculinity, or a certain sexual orientation. The dreadlocks length is relatively independent of its wearer’s sex or gender, untypically, as stated by Synnott: “Perhaps the most obvious difference between the hair of men and women today is that, conventionally, men tend to have shorter (and less styled) hair than women. . . . Long hair, however, has for centuries been both a gender sign and a sex symbol in our society” (Synnott 1993, 105). For dreadlocks, there are just small differences regarding the genders: coloring and decorations are more popular among women, thicker dreadlocks with closed ends are more often favored by men—but compared to other hairstyles dreadlocks are quite

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ambiguous. Instead of being a gender marker, they are rather a signifier for an attitude: they can symbolize unconventionality, braveness to be different—hence rather “wild” attitudes, as well as the connection to nature. The will to commit, on the one hand, which can be seen as a feature of a decisive personality and therefore regarded as self-confident and in a way erotic, joins a laissez-faire attitude—features that can be understood as sexually attractive and are stressed by topless or nude presentations. I feel attracted to dreadheads, but it is not just because of their looks. It is because they are more natural, wilder, and they have a better attitude. (Natalia F., interview, 15.01.2019)

One striking aspect regarding dreadlock groups on Facebook is that many dreadheads identify as pansexual, being able to develop “physical attraction, love, and sexual desire for people regardless of their gender identity or biological sex” (Rice 2010, 593). This attitude was described by some of the group members as “less superficial,” because it looks beyond the facade of biological sex and, different from bisexuality, acknowledges the permeability of biological categories. Denying the “dualistic understandings” (Gonel 2013, 37) still typical for our society and joining the “‘common struggle’ for normalcy and safety adopted by lesbian and gay groups” (Gonel 2013, 38) by calling oneself “pansexual” can be understood as an anti-identity, yet just using this label offers an identity loaded with progressiveness that has overcome old dissonances. However, the number of persons identifying with pansexuality might be increased by assumed social desirability or by curiosity that is easily articulated in a relatively anonymous field such as a Facebook group. Of course, some groups deal more explicitly with sexual-experimental content, such as the visual art project Dirtydreaz, initiated by the transgender person Lily Lu. However, this project emphasizes more artistic, philosophical, or mind-expanding aspects than ordinary erotic films.

Staged Authenticity As already shown, the hairstyle of dreadheads is not natural in the sense of “just letting the hair be as it is,” but can rather be described as an imitation of naturalness. The perceived connection to naturalness exists because most people have experienced that hairs knot when uncombed or exposed to wind and weather, which may not result in typical dreadlocks but is similar to their look and feel. Further, a certain uncontrollability of the style adds to the impression of being more natural and less “cultured” in the sense of “changed.” The need to wait for the dreadlocks to develop,

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the notion of “journey,” of time passing, might not be contradictory to cultural activities in general, but at least untypical for the current emphasis on fast and time-effective results in many aspects of everyday life. My head is really fuzzy, but this is okay and as I can read here in the forum, it seems to be normal. . . . Sometimes I miss my “old hair.” But I would never want to give up my dreads. I finally feel authentic with my hair. (Daniela F., Facebook, 09.08.2018)

The following is a reply to a post advertising synthetic dreadlocks on Facebook: How sad, that people want to have everything as soon as possible . . . where are the REAL dreadheads, which complain during the first three years about the itching or are happy about their dreadlocks finally being at shoulder length. . . . I am among the “old kind,” I only have hair from my friends integrated into my dreadlocks . . . it is a hairstyle with which one grows. . . . Sorry, these people [wearing synthetic dreadlocks] are not real dreadheads for me. (Manu R., Facebook, 18.12.2018)

Both posts show the stress on “realness” understood as an adjustment to nature. This is reminiscent of the earlier discussed construction of a boundary between nature and culture that serves ideological purposes, guaranteeing the “proper order of things” and establishing hierarchical relationships (see Balsamo 1995, 215). Yet, nature exerts a fascination. There are various moments in history when nature became a leitmotif. European Romanticism was an answer to the epoch of neoclassicism, which was characterized by the imitation of antique art and put the focus on “clarity, rationality, contour, and line, as well as on the moderation of the expression of passion” (Beyer 2011, 8). Romanticism, on the other hand, stressed emotions and was more interested in feelings and instinct than in apprehension, in everything mystical, fantastic, and dreamlike. Already in the late 1980s, Andreas Beyer talked about an upcoming “new era of Romanticism” (Beyer 2011: 13), marked by the overcoming of rational boundaries as well as by a new focus on actual nature, not just as something to preserve—an idea that currently gains many followers—but also seeing nature as freedom from “social constraints, norms, and behaviors” (Fischer 1984, 56), as a sphere where one can be oneself. Dreadlocks understood as “natural” convey the aura of authenticity. The more or less willingly conveyed impression of a man-made hairstyle appearing as formed by nature corresponds to the staging of realness (see Kautt 2011, 111; Venohr 2010, 47; Jerrentrup 2018, 62f.). This aspect can be observed in other fields as well; interesting examples are staged photography that should appear authentic or the deliberate misrepresentation of

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someone on social media as a “real” person. There seems to be a strong craving for realness, for real emotions and honesty in a world that is often all about the facade and in which it is increasingly difficult to distinguish the real from the fake. Strangely, dreadlocks have become a signifier of realness, even though they can be easily manipulated by using even synthetic extensions. In any case, dreadlocks belong to the characteristics of a person that shape the first visual impression. As a relatively stable feature, which due to their size and position cannot easily be hidden, they become a permanent message a person conveys, independent of what would be most suitable for the momentary occasion. Dreadheads cannot deny themselves, cannot act opportunistically—which makes them authentic, so to speak. One more interesting aspect is the already addressed imperfection of the hairstyle. “The wish for authenticity is opposed by the wish for perfection” (see Jerrentrup 2018, 78), and in dreadlock groups, there are many discussions about how to grow “beautiful” dreadlocks, which number “looks good” and is still “practical,” and which hairstyles such as buns or French braids are one’s “favorites.” Yet the style cannot be fully controlled, as it depends on the individual hair structure, its growth, its tendency to felt, and so on; moreover, personal tastes differ. So far, there is no “authority” to tell which method, pattern, number, etc. is “best,” even though there are many self-proclaimed specialists who give their opinion and advice, and certain tendencies of what is “best” can be observed. Missing an institutionalization comprising, for example, a formal apprenticeship, competitions, or hierarchical networks, the dreadlock scene is still not comparable to many other fields that therefore offer less individuality, but more control. This adds to the perceived authenticity: the dreadhead does not subject herself to certain (sub)cultural rules, but is “herself.” In the pictures dreadheads upload on social media, it is striking that some of them use a style that I described as “staged authenticity” in a prior study: they use some signifiers such as sepia coloring or a crossed processed look, reminiscent of analog film, or light leaks that occurred in analog times when the camera box was not completely opaque (see Jerrentrup 2018, 78). Another strategy that tries to convey the “authentic” is to capture apparently casual moments (see Hägele 2009, 30). The motifs are staged, but on first sight they should not look this way. The authentic style in photography can communicate self-confidence and independence, and thus also serene arrogance (see Dangendorf 2012, 105)—apparently one does not try to pose to please the recipient; the pictures do not seem to be designed for the viewer’s approval. And what about artificial, woollen, or real-hair dreadlock extensions that are just braided in?

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Two months now with real partial dreads . . . I feel so much better than before when I had fake dreads woven in. (Aline B., Facebook, 20.10.2019)

This is just one of the countless posts that stress the better feeling with one’s own, real dreadlocks. Fake dreadlocks, braided in to last some weeks, are often seen as a trial within the dreadlock groups—for many, they are not a signifier for a “real” dreadhead. The mostly unspoken code of conduct, however, requires the dreadheads to treat “dreadlock candidates” respectfully and to show tolerance.

Spirituality and Fascination for the Exotic Other As editor of the “first magazine in which weekly articles on dread care, dread lifestyle . . . can be found,” Judith Binias states as one reason to have dreadlocks “a spiritual background which tells of power and energy” (Binias 2018b). Erin Kenny and Elizabeth Gackstetter Nichols write that “dreadlocks also rumoured to function as ‘psychic antenna,’ or a mystical link to the power of the universe which emanates from the earth” (Kenny and Nichols 2017, 93). This might be rather strong wording, but it is similarly expressed by several dreadheads: Julia, a loctician, who was interviewed by Binias, says that dreadlocks can encourage reflection and the willingness to discuss sociocultural topics more indepth and to be more tolerant. “I don’t know if I would think the same way I do without my dreads, even though it is possible to have them just as a fashionable accessory. . . . But then there is the story of Samson and Delilah from the Old Testament, according to which Samson’s strength and energy lie in his hair and he could only be defeated when his hair was cut . . . maybe dreadheads are more conscious because all their strength stays in the hair? Because it does not fall out any more” (Binias [citing Julia] 2019b). Also in the Rastafari culture, the dreadlocks are attributed a spiritual component, as the author and blogger Empress describes: The dreadlocks are never to be altered in any way as they are her [= the Rastafari woman’s] physical representation of her connection to Jah, her Ancestors, the earth and universe. Rasta Empress spiritual life force is in her dreadlocks. Empress cares for them with love, respects, and the thought and attitude that they are not on her head for appearance sake or for expression of sexuality but, for connection to the source that steers and drives her. . . . For this reason we as Empress never put any unnatural chemicals on our hair and we know that to cut dreadlocks is never an option once this beauty begins to grow. (Empress 2018a, 28)

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In her blog, Empress describes dread care as a way to connect to God (Empress 2018b). Similarly, sadhus from the Hindu context display with their dreadlocks a spiritual connection especially to the god Shiva. This does not come as a surprise: just like Christian traditions, Hindu beliefs were integrated into Rastafarianism, as Linda Aïnouche shows in her documentary and article (2018, 141). With Western dreadheads, as mentioned by Binias in the initial statement, it is not clear which kind of spirituality is meant and not even what is meant by the term “spirituality,” and when I asked dreadheads, the answers were rather ambiguous. The search for meaningfulness was more often mentioned as a driving force. Further, there seems to be a fascination for what they describe as “exotic” or “foreign” spirituality. In Facebook groups, many dreadheads report that they practice yoga, look for self-realization or liberation, etc. Some of them have home decorations, jewelry, or tattoos that are connected to Buddhism or Hinduism, showing om symbols or Hindu gods. We love Yoga! For some it’s a perfect workout, others follow a spiritual path and some enjoy their own presence in union with their breath. A time to slow down. Just like our mind and body are our dreadlocks: they grow and develop when they got time and rest! (DreadFactory, Instagram, 11.01.2018)

As indicated by DreadFactory’s statement, many dreadheads practice yoga, but only a few of them would identify as Hindu devotee, Hindu sannyasin, or Buddhist; some of them even state they are atheists. Associations to other, less known spiritualities such as paganism can be found as well, even if these do not feature dreadlocks as a typical manifestation. Among others, Jennifer P. wishes “a wonderful Samhain,” which is a Gaelic festival that takes place about halfway between the autumn equinox and the winter solstice (Facebook, 31.10.2019). The dreadlocked woman with the pseudonym thefreeelf.9, who also creates jewelry, named some of her works “Azadi” and explains on Instagram: With “Azadi” being the Farsi word for freedom, I hope these adornments help you liberate your expression to be able to deeper understand your incredible blueprint of individuation. (thefreeelf.9, Instagram, 03.08.2018)

The small-scale business Wurzelschätze, which translates as “treasures of the roots,” shows a picture with dread jewelry and an explanatory text: Hexagram, lucifer’s seal, necronomicon. (Wurzelschätze, Facebook, 23.12.2018)

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These symbols do not only refer to any religion or spirituality in the narrow sense. The hexagram is used in many different religious contexts. Lucifer’s seal is mentioned in an old textbook of magic. The necronomicon was invented by the horror and fantasy book author H. P. Lovecraft and since then has been used by several other authors; the sign stands for magic. The Instagrammer hanahonua offers various symbols carved in wood as dread jewelry or necklaces, among them tarot symbols (e.g., 12.01.2019, 06.06.2019, 15.10.2019), Aztec inspired work (09.12.2018), and the Fibonacci graphic (26.12.2018, 17.09.2019), which illustrates the “golden ratio,” which is perceived as particularly harmonious. Instead of focusing on Hinduism, Buddhism, or the like in the way these Weltanschauungen are lived today, one could rather point to a fascination of many dreadheads with a more general notion of “exotic” spirituality and lifestyle. This is shown by the mix of symbols and the integration of symbols that actually do not refer to any spiritual context in the narrow sense, such as the golden ratio or stylized trees and leaves, yet stand for a certain concept and seem to give meaning to its wearer. Dreadheads apparently create a somewhat individual spirituality, which with its symbolism is reminiscent of traditional spiritualities. Just like them, it fulfills the need for meaningfulness but lacks their obligations. Let us once again consider the connection to the exotic. The Western fascination for the exotic has a long and ambivalent history dating back at the latest to photographs taken in the colonies and, since then, fueling the Western fantasy in various facets, from humans of different physique presented in expositions to the hippies of the 1960s and ’70s integrating aspects of “exotic” cultures in their look, music, etc. Some examples that date back to the ’60s recently inspired the boho fashion movement: “Like the Afghan coats and Kashmiri caftans worn by the hippy, the dashiki was reframed by dominant definitions of ethnic otherness as “exotica”: its connotations of cultural nationalism were clawed back as just another item of freakish exoticism for mass consumption” (Mercer [1987] 2000, 119). Around the millennium “the invocation of tribal culture by ‘modern primitives’ and neo-tribals, gave new meaning to images of the primitive. . . . Coffee-table books displaying illustrated bodies from around the world . . . often emphasize the exotic and offer minimal analysis, yet they still serve as references for revival movements and contemporary practices” (Schildkrout 2004, 327). These books show not only foreign people’s physique and dress but also rituals and spiritual aspects, again with very little ethnological explanation, leaving room to use the “other” as a projection surface for one’s own wishes.

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Edward Said prominently criticized the Western tendency to orientalize the “other” and to impose one’s own ideas and dreams on everything foreign, thus to mentally re-colonialize the “orient” (Said 1978). His “review of the approach of Western writers, scholars, and artists to the Middle East formulate a theory of artistic imperialism and its relationship to power and the imagination” (Sellers-Young 2013, 3). Following this reasoning, the longing for spirituality leads to the appropriation of other spiritual beliefs and projecting one’s own ideas onto them. This takes us to the initially discussed topic of cultural appropriation and shows that condensing it in examples of dreadlocks, cornrows, or foreign dress does not show the entire picture—there are vast and vital fields concerning appropriation, reinterpretation, and reusage. It turns out to be extremely difficult to draw a line between stealing, being inspired, and (re-)creating. When it comes to foreign spiritual beliefs and practices, it is striking that the information spread about them often rather originates in recent Western adaptions instead of more original sources—however, it is difficult to state which source or interpretation would be the most appropriate. Let us take a short look at the “modern” or “urban primitive” movement, which has several overlaps with dreadlock enthusiasts. Fakir Musafar, an American performance artist and researcher, is known to be one of its earliest proponents. For years, he secretly experimented with body modification techniques, but following the advice of a mentor, he went public at the first International Tattoo Convention in Reno, Nevada, in 1978. In his experiments, states of ecstasy played a role, and he acted as a shaman to others (Musafar in Favazza 1996, 328). Musafar and countless people following him or the movement see body modifications as a way to create the body and regard this as a spiritually enriching act. The dreadheads I talked to and the groups and accounts I followed did not mention the movement, but some accounts sound pretty similar. Today I celebrate my first dreadiversary! . . . I am so grateful for this journey for this has taught me massive things especially a deeper spirituality and I finally learned to embrace the real me. Yes, I am flawed and have lots of weaknesses yet embracing my uniqueness, letting go, learning to love myself more, and owning my story is the bravest thing I could do for myself. (Niks B., Facebook 16.12.18)

This statement shows that spirituality concerning dreadlocks does not have to be linked to any particular school of thought, but can be understood as a school of life undergone by simply having dreadlocks. The earlier mentioned focus on the dreadlock journey can be regarded as a spiritual experience that stresses values that are lost in larger parts of our society such as accepting one’s own way to develop, taking time, etc.

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In terms of spirituality, there is an interesting approach mentioned by T. Mohanados: dreadlocks can serve as a signifier for the “holistic and an invitation for re-balancing of the masculine and feminine elements of life” (Mohanados 1997, 443), an aspect I discussed in chapter 2 under “The Equality Hairstyle?” A hairstyle that can be worn by everyone makes a good symbol for balance. Its association with nature adds up so that the locks can also be understood as a connection between the human being and the surroundings. A similar idea is the concept of “energy” frequently mentioned in dreadlock groups on Facebook, especially in English-speaking groups. “Energy” in this context is understood as a positive or negative force associated with the dreadlocks that affects the dreadhead’s well-being. So this group has really got me thinking about my locks and not in a positive way. When I first got my partials done I loved them but you couldn’t see them because they ended up so much shorter than my undreaded hair. So . . . I . . . attempted to make extensions and install them. . . . Was super proud and in love with my hair!! I even got really good with the crochet hook and can manage my own maintenance. Then I joined this group and started reading things about bad energy in extensions and how crocheting done wrong can just give you bad locks and I can’t help but feel paranoid now!!! I have been feeling like my nerves are shot lately and not myself but I previously chopped that up to being a tired mom of a 2 year old and 6 month old. Now I’m thinking what if it’s the locks and negative energy weighing me down!?!?!? (Melissa M., Facebook, 29.12.2018)

This statement refers not only to more or less implicit exclusionary tendencies in some groups, but also to the concept of an unspecified “energy” assigned to dreadlocks, which is moreover expressed in the metaphors “branches” and “roots.” Both stand for the cycle of energy, and conspicuously both terms are used for dreadlocks as if they were an embodiment of this cycle. The conviction that dread extensions may have a negative influence can be tied to ethical aspects—for example, that dreadlocks can be made from hair that was taken illegitimately—but also to their indexicality—that the locks connect their wearer to another person. For those who tell me that my dreads are just fashion, that is not for you to say. You cannot dictate someone’s spiritual journey. For many it is a source of strength, of security, of confidence. . . . This is why I do what I do. I’m able to connect to people on a deeper level, I am able to transmit my energy through the art and work I do. Each piece I crochet I am pulling and pushing energy back and forth. Not only creating a look but creating a connection and creating a memory that will last throughout the journey. (morgin_riley, Instagram, 26.06.2020)

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Morgin Riley looks at the connection dreadlocks create from a different perspective: as a loctician, she feels a transmission of energy to her customers as if the energy were incorporated into the dreadlocks. In this context, she also mentions memory. Since receiving dreadlocks is an important event similar to a rite of passage in the customer’s life, the dreadlocks always retain the memory of it. This makes the relationship to the loctician all the more important. However, Morgin Riley also stresses time and again that she benefits from these encounters, that she finds them enriching. However, it should be mentioned that there are also spiritual beliefs that reject dreadlocks. A group called Spiritual Science Research Foundation released a post on Facebook that should serve as a teaser for a longer article on their website, which was shared in Facebook groups. Impact of wearing dreadlocks. People from every walk of life, be it the music world or sports field, have opted to wear dreadlocks. . . . Even those with very straight hair have developed methods to dread lock their hair. Wearing dreadlocks has an overall negative impact on the person on physical, psychological and spiritual level. Negative energies get attracted to dreadlocks hairstyle and adversely affect those who wear them as well as others around them. Due to above reasons it is best not to get dreadlocks. (Spiritual Science Research Foundation, Facebook, 04.11.2015)

The organization was founded by Jayant Balaji Athavale, a clinical hypnotherapist who had visited saints from different spiritual paths all over India. Thus, there is some Hindu background, although it is hard to determine specifically, as Hinduism is a very diverse religion. The post was criticized and ridiculed in dreadlock groups. A short excursus picks up the topic “dreadlocks and Islam”: Hello everyone. I would like to convey greetings and just say what a great group this is! My name is Fatima, 31 years old, and mother of two wild girls, a Muslima, who covers her head, which does not stop me from pursuing my dream of dreadlocks.

Fatima shows a picture of herself with a black headscarf, and it looks as if she is wearing dreadlocks underneath. Later, as a reply to another comment she writes: Even though I am wearing a headscarf it is an amazing feeling and I feel connected to other people who have dreads. (Fatima A., Facebook, 10.09.2019)

Whereas some religions or Weltanschauungen have a tradition of dreadlocks, the combination of dreadlocks and Islam might be question-

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Figure 4.2. Dennis Gonsh and Annika modeling in Indian-inspired costumes. Even though professional models usually do not have dreadlocks, quite a few dreadheads have an affinity for posing in front of the camera. Photo credit: Maja Tabea Jerrentrup.

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able. In an article by Daniel Oliver is titled “Can Muslims Wear Dreadlocks?” (2012), ritual and physical cleanliness is one controversial aspect that is discussed. Oliver quotes a Sunni Islamic lawyer who states that under the condition that the hair can be completely wet and water reaches the skull, the law of cleanliness is met. Further, Oliver mentions the Muslim Baye Fall movement, which started in the late 1800s and whose members wear dreadlocks. However, the opinions on whether Muslims are allowed to have dreadlocks differ. Unsurprisingly, as tolerance is one of the aspects usually regarded as a code of conduct among dreadheads, most reactions on Facebook to Muslim women wearing dreadlocks under their headscarves are positive and stress the inclusive aspect of the “dread tribe.” This itself can be seen as a spiritual element: dreadlocks connect.

Peace and Tolerance “Peace and blessings to all of you,” “be kind,” “let us live in harmony”— phrases like these can frequently be read in dreadlock groups on Facebook. Are dreadlocks connected with concepts such as love, peace, and tolerance? And if so, how? Eventually, the person foremost addressed by the notion of love, peace, and harmony is the dreadhead him- or herself. This is also symbolized by the common phrase “giving love to one’s own dreadlocks,” which not only is reminiscent of the earlier introduced concept of selflove, but also leaves great room for the psychoanalytic reading introduced by Leach. But even if one does not want to go that far, it is quite obvious that the dreadlocks can stand for oneself. Hence giving love to the dreadlocks can mean taking care of oneself. A German saying states that you first have to love yourself in order to be able to love others, which reminiscent of the Bible’s demand to “love your neighbor as yourself,” presuming that people have a natural tendency to love themselves (see Worthington 2010, 211). This tendency serves as the basis for any other love or appreciation. In this way, it corresponds to the already discussed aspect of self-love. Then, the notion of love can be understood as general harmony between humankind and its surroundings expressed in the assumed naturalness of dreadlocks, as shown earlier, and therefore stand for the dreadhead’s holistic approach to life. It is a mindset but does not necessarily result in certain actions and thus can be relatively apolitical. The greeting “peace” is known to be part of several subcultures’ slogans. Especially in the hippie culture, it is widely used and occurs in expressions as “love, peace, and harmony” or—in one of its opposites—“make love, not war.”

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Peace can be understood in relation to one’s own group, to larger sections of society, or to society as a whole. As illustrated by Norm Freund, it is quite hard to picture peace: “For most, peace produces vague images. . . . Why is it so difficult to imagine peace? The root of the problem lies in a Western tendency to conceive of peace both superficially and negatively. The Latin, ‘pax,’ for example, is closely connected to a view of the state and its form of government. . . . The Roman peace is an absence of conflict, a truce” (Freund 1988, 9). For us, “peace,” even though mostly positive in connotation, is defined ex negativo: peace is “not war,” “not fighting,” “not offending”; it is the absence of many things but does not really include any alternative things. Consequently, it has a rather static aura to it, which can be most clearly seen in the expression “rest in peace.” In classical Indian thought, however, the idea of a static “being” is considered primary, whereas “becoming” is rather ignored (see H. Nakamura 1991, 78); the static and eternal outweigh the momentary, dynamic. Further, there is a fondness for negative expression. “In the Indian mind, ‘non-idleness’ (apramada), ‘non-grudge’ (avera), ‘non-violence’ (ahimsa), etc. appeal as more positive moral virtues than ‘exertion,’ ‘tolerance,’ ‘peace,’ etc.” (H. Nakamura 1991, 52), which can be linked to the discipline of yoga: by not doing what usual people do, yoga disciples proceed on their way to nirvana. Furthermore, the Old Hebrew word sălom denotes not just an absence of something like war or fight, but at the same time also prosperity and luck. According to this understanding, peace “has to be done,” needs to be understood as an ongoing process (see Freund 1988, 9). In addition, peace is tied to the cultural background, as its understanding might vary, depending, for example, on political reasoning and understandings of justice. Nevertheless, peace remains an important concept for dreadheads. On Instagram, there are accounts called “dreadforpeace,” “dreadpeacemakergirls,” “peacelovedreads,” “dreadlocks_from_peace,” “peaceandreadlocks,” etc. One other important association close to peace is tolerance. Tolerance is also often defined ex negativo as non-interference, close to a laissezfaire attitude, but “tolerance, rightly understood, is a patience toward a practice or opinion one disapproves of” (Stetson and Conti 2005, 140). Tolerance is interwoven with the history and culture of dreadlocks in manifold ways, from Hindu-Buddhist worldviews to the hippie movement. In Western societies, dreadheads require tolerance from their fellow humans, but at the same time, their style can communicate their own commitment to tolerance toward others, which is also typical for larger parts of political left-wing attitudes. We shall not move deeper into the paradox of tolerance, “being tolerant to the intolerant” as described by

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Karl Popper (see Popper 1971), but it seems that dreadheads are a good example of this. The peace and tolerance within the dreadlock scene should imply an agreement that having dreadlocks is not a competition and that the locks should be appreciated however they look, if natty or wild, if numerous or few, if extended or not, and that every individual dreadlock journey is different and has to be respected as such. This is even part of some dreadlock groups’ rules. Yet, different opinions arise: the professionalization happening in the dreadlock scene has led to increased knowledge of technical aspects and an establishment of certain standards, which evolve around the notion of “beauty.” Social media add to this phenomenon: following posts in dreadlock groups, the reader becomes aware of what people, in general, consider to be “beautiful” or “healthy dreadlocks”—a contradiction in itself, because when dreadlocks are made, the hair usually gets damaged. The general view that is reflected in the number of likes or comments will probably also influence the perception of one’s own dreads. When it comes to the number and the specific look of dreadlocks, much anxiety can be observed: people feel insecure because their locks might not be soft, might have bumps, or might not be numerous enough. Frequently people ask for a comparison. How many dreads does everyone have and how thick or thin? Just feels like my dreads are super thin mostly and have such a little. . . . I have 36 dreads. (Leeanne A., Facebook, 19.02.2018)

Obviously, the professionalization is focused on the dreadlocks’ look, not on the underlying mindset, thus the personal or political meanings do not come into play except when products with certain meanings, such as the previously mentioned jewelry, are marketed as well. Some shops and small traders commit to fair trade or vegan products. We cannot use feather jewelry in the shoot. It looks nice and somehow suits the hippie look, but the vegans, you know, will not appreciate this. (Dennis G., during the photo shoot for his shop, 30.09.2019)

On the one hand, it lies in the interest of small-scale businesses to expand the dreadlock community, but on the other hand, the style has to be kept exclusive enough to be perceived as “more than just a hairstyle,” as it might not only lose its attractiveness when it becomes mainstream but also could be absorbed by general hairdressers, which would be a big competition in the market. In German TV news (RTL 2013) on the topic whether locticians have to be trained hairdressers,1 DreadFactory’s founder Sabine Hartke stresses that unlike a hairdresser, she is “destroying” hair, and therefore making dreadlocks would require completely different training.

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However, the professionalization is viewed critically not only by interest groups outside the dreadlock community, but also from within: some dreadheads feel it is “not right” to get dreadlocks by paying for them just like for any other style. Consequently, the result is a conflict between what is considered as “the morally right”—refusing the professionalization and the resulting aspects as hierarchy and economics—and “the beautiful”— getting dreadlocks done in a professional way, which gives more guarantee of having dreadlocks that look good and felt well. Ultimately, the advocates of both opinions are intolerant, be it toward “not good-looking” or “not rightly achieved” dreadlocks. So far, this problem tends to get solved in dreadlock groups by stressing the individual level: “You have to be happy with it—nobody else.”

Resistance Can appearance be a subversive cultural practice? Kathleen LeBesco analyzes this question, looking at obesity: “We can recognize fat as neither simply an aesthetic state nor a medical condition, but a political situation” (LeBosco 2004, 1). Among many others, Deborah Pergament sees hair in this context: “In modernity, African-Americans that wear ‘Afros’ or dreadlocks generally do so in order to demonstrate their rejection of European standards of beauty and superiority” (Pergament 1999, 48). Dreadlocks have been seen as political in many ways. In the Rastafari uprising, dreadlocks became a “key boundary marker of Rastafarian identity symbolizing defiance against the establishment” (Johnston and Lio 1998, 463; see also Ashe 2015, 42). M. Kuumba and Femi Ajanaku called dreadlocks “the hair aesthetics of cultural resistance and collective identity formation” (1998), seeing them as a symbolic accompaniment to oppositional collective identities associated with the African liberation/ Black Power movements. In Tibet, “the importance of ‘not fitting in’” is seen “as one of the defining characteristics of dreadlocks” (Bogin 2009, 109). The same can be said about the hippie culture of the 1960s and ’70s: “It is impossible to exaggerate how much hair was on display. There was so much hair! The ‘Age of Aquarius’ rolled along on an ocean of hair and beards, ‘long beautiful hair, shining, gleaming, streaming, flaxen, waxen; give me down to there, shoulder length or longer, here baby, there mama everywhere daddy daddy hair. Flow it, show it, long as God can grow it, my hair’” (Duncan 2013, 158). Even more subcultures whose members may have dreadlocks are associated with left-wing and/or environmentalist tendencies, and the mere will to be different from the mainstream, to

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commit to some kind of self-stigmatization, can be understood as a political statement. The hairstyle serves as a signifier for being against the political status quo: “Dreadlocks remain controversial and threatening to some as a visible sign of difference” (Kenny and Gackstetter Nichols 2017, 93). This is shown by US school boards suspending students for their hairstyle, as “braids, beads, cornrows, dreadlocks, and other ‘extreme’ hairstyles [were] seen as marking an overly strong political or cultural statement” (Rice 2013, 404), by the strict regulations for police jobs, or even in sports when athletes have to cut off their locks to compete, as frequently happens in the United States. But there are also weaker, less institutionalized forms of visual rebellion: dreadlocks are rare among usual businesspeople and career-minded achievers, who know that it would be risky to have such a style. “Black women have even been fired from jobs in major corporations for styling their hair in dreadlocks and braids. Because of the ways in which Black women’s hair may be seen as connoting disruptive or oppositional identities, those with offending styles are banished, thus undermining their rights to represent themselves in preferred ways in public spaces” (Rice 2013, 404). The purposive body alteration continues to be seen as a demonstration of one’s disaffection from the mainstream, a public proclamation of “one’s special attachment to deviant groups, certain activities, self-concepts, or primary associates” (Sanders 1989, 2). Be it in Europe or the United States, dreadheads are rarely found in executive positions outside the field of social work and art. Yet, the type of “strong political or cultural statement” Carla Rice is referring to might differ, as she stresses a “black cultural identity” (Rice 2013, 404). For “white” dreadheads, as well as for dreadheads in a cultural context, in which “race” is not that much of an issue (e.g., does not have any colonial history), dreadlocks can be read not only in terms of ethnic identity but also as the mere rejection of (parts of) the surrounding cultural context. This explains why the hairstyle does not fit the achievers: it would imply that they are rejecting society by violating their demands—the same society that offered them the opportunity to rise. From a psychoanalytic point of view, dreadlocks have been understood in the context of the violation of society’s values as celebrating unrestrained sexuality (see Leach 1958, 154). Even if this connection might not be very obvious in many Western societies nowadays and the psychoanalytic mindset remains debatable, the association of “wildness” includes a subversive element: as “the profane world is an ordered universe where boundaries are clear and hair, like people, can be properly kept in place” (Hershman 1974, 290), dreadlocks become an “‘in your face’ form[s] of

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overt resistance” (Williams 2009, 28). This can be shown when looking at advertisements connected to hair, which are all about “healthy,” “strong,” “shiny” hair, about “untangling.” Dreadlocks are just the opposite. The exact wording might vary, but dreadlock specialists say that “damaged” hair is best for the style, that dreading means “destroying” the hair in a certain way and therefore violating the common beauty standard. As such, it can be seen as the previously mentioned self-stigmatization (see Leistner 2017, 282), which comes close to an informal political resistance (see Weitz 2001, 668) or at least makes a statement about its wearer’s independence; dreadlocks have become a declaration of determination to succeed in life on one’s own terms (see Arac de Nyeko 2018). Therefore, in social or artistic jobs, dreadlocks appear to be less inconsistent. For social workers, a look that is closer to that of some of their clientele and thus less intimidating seems to be even useful. An artist is often seen as somebody outside of mainstream society—too sensible to be part of the daily cruelties, too avant-garde to fit in, or simply too crazy to be understood by everyone else: “One of the stereotypes of the modern artist is that he shuts himself off from the outside world, works alone, and is alienated and ignored. The artist is supposed to be indifferent to money, fame, and legal rights” (Merryman, Elsen and Urice 2007, 817). This perception can be traced back in the public images of artists as prominent and multifold as Ludwig van Beethoven, Vincent van Gogh, Paul Gaugin, Thomas Mann, and Michael Jackson. Consequently, dreadlocked social workers and artists still occupy their position in mainstream society by being different. The individual dreadhead working in the social or artistic field is regarded as less exceptionable and undertakes less personal risk of being rejected than, for example, a dreadhead who wants to work in the financial sector. Dreads fit in, but only for jobs on the margins of society. However, as mentioned earlier, there is also the association of naturalness and a fundamental openness and tolerance connected to wearing dreadlocks, which can be seen as opposed to any form of rebellion. This opposition is challenging traditional notions of rebellion but shows parallels to nonviolent resistance. Unlike, for example, Mahatma Gandhi’s movement, this resistance does not have any clearly communicated goal, just the goal of being against the system. One specific aspect still needs to be considered: there is a strong association of dreadlocks with smoking marijuana. In a survey on prejudices (n = 558) that I conducted in a Facebook group, more than 25 percent of the German-speaking dreadheads encountered the prejudice of smoking weed. The connection between the consumption of marijuana and dreadlocks has various origins. In Rastafari culture, smoking “ganja” is seen as a way to reach illumination (see Chevannes 1994, 131):

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One source of justification for ganja use is the Bible. Rastas point to Genesis 1:29 to make the argument that ganja was made by God for human use: ‘And God said, Behold, I have given you every herb bearing seed, which is upon the face of the earth, and every tree, in which is the fruit of a tree yielding seed; to you it shall be for meal’ (King James Version). To justify their claim concerning the therapeutic value of ganja, they also cite Revelation 22:2: ‘the leaves of the tree were for the healing of the nation’ (King James Version).” (Edmonds 2003, 61)

Furthermore, Rastafarians cite apocryphal sources indicating that ganja grew on the grave of Solomon and consequently is considered as the wisdom weed. The ban on smoking ganja is often seen by Rastas as an attempt by Babylon to exert control over them. Hence, in Rastafari culture, smoking ganja is both connected to the individual Rastafarian’s spiritual way, as well as to make the entire group of Rastafarians stand out. For some Indian sadhus, hallucinogen drugs are also not uncommon; even though marijuana is in general forbidden in India, they have a special permit. For hippies, their concern with discovering new dimensions and their “deep fascination with the Orient . . . inspired cannabis consumption” (Borougerdi 2018, 147). In Facebook groups, the consuming of drugs is made a topic by showing selfies with a joint, often without any comment or with the question of who else enjoys marijuana. The reactions are quite diverse, with several people usually indicating that they smoke marijuana and others stressing that they dislike or disapprove of drugs. However, it is not clear whether smoking marijuana among Western dreadheads is to be understood as rebellion—that is, whether it is (primarily) intended to be noticed by the outgroup, whether it is meant to indicate group membership and therefore mostly directed at other dreadheads, or whether it is primarily meant for the individuals themselves to find relaxation or to open their consciousness. The last could be put into context with the aspect of peace and harmony.

Note  1. In Germany and many other countries, “hairdresser” is a recognized occupation that requires a minimum of two years of formal training and an exam.

 Conclusion A Perfect Way to Be Imperfect Once more I would like to address the initially asked question about beauty: Can dreadlocks be beautiful? It can be considered as logical that some biologically determined universals have different manifestations in different cultures. The dreadlocks case shows how cultural aspects can cover biology and, within a (sub)culture, completely change the notions of beauty and, moreover, how a more abstract and less body-centered notion of beauty comes into play that purposely distances itself from the focus of mere physical beauty. As such, dreadlocks are one more example of how culture can—to a certain degree—reshape nature. Yet, within the dreadlock scene, beauty standards that resonate with conventional beauty become obvious: dreadlocks should be nicely sectioned, should not show scalp, should be numerous, and should convey a picture of “full hair”—this all is reminiscent of very conventional notions of beauty. Thus, the dreadlock scene resists the common beauty concept but at the same time comes up with very similar ideas. As interviews and social media observations have shown, for many dreadheads their hairstyle means much more than just a fashion or style, yet the most often discussed topics in the dreadlock groups evolve around maintenance, decoration, style, and, more generally, beauty. This shows that dreadlocks are a controversial style not just regarding the way they are looked at from the outside. Controversies permeate dreadlocks at various levels. They require a strong commitment and imply stability, yet dreadheads often manage to escape this and change their looks by using colors, adding under- or side-cuts, adding SE or DE extensions, using dreadlock jewelry, etc.; getting dreadlocks might require

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a thoughtful decision and commitment, yet there are ways to undermine the latter. The tradition of getting dreadlocks builds on various cultures that attribute different meanings and values to them. Given every hair’s tendency to get matted if not combed, dreadlocks can be regarded as a very basic hairstyle not “belonging” to any tradition in particular. At the same time, it is a strong cultural marker for underprivileged people, especially black people in North America and Rastafarians. Often “white” dreadheads feel some kind of connection to these people; however, it is precisely by wearing dreadlocks that they demonstrate that “as whites” they have the power to adopt other styles. Furthermore, dreadlocks can be connected to various subcultures, but they do not belong to any of them in particular and can be seen in subcultures as different as hippies, punks, and hipsters, which in part stand for very different values. In the face of this ambiguity, it is stressed that every dreadhead’s journey, whatever they experience during the time they have dreadlocks, is different, just as the dreadlocks differ. The style, marked by a high degree of visibility, conveys messages, but these messages are anything but clear. It offers a topic to start a conversation and is often said to stand for tolerance toward others, but at the same time shows that the dreadhead is not willing to adjust, to fit in. What sounds very strong-minded might be just the last chance for some selfdetermination, because one’s own body is the last bastion to express oneself in a noticeable way. Thus, the public perception of dreadheads as rebellious and self-confident can be misleading but become self-reinforcing social feedback at the same time. Dreadlocks are often regarded as strongly connected to nature—they look natural, their shapes remind us of natural elements like branches or roots, and in a way, they reflect the idea of turning back to nature. In practice, however, dreadlocks appear more as an imitation of naturalness and therefore just as “artificial” as many other styles. Yet, they can be an outer sign for an inner journey or initiate an inner journey to more naturalness by changing one’s social and self-perception. Often a fascination for different cultures comes into play, but rarely in the form of getting to know and understand them, more as picking out elements to create one’s own, individual kind of spirituality. By violating beauty norms and by being associated with some countercultures, dreadlocks can stand for rebellion and resistance, but they can also signify peace, harmony, and the wish to connect. Dreadlocks can be the base of what people consider as their identity, an identity that is open to everyone, is connected to tolerance, and stresses

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individuality, and therefore can be considered as particularly relaxed. Yet, dreadlocks do cause concern: their wearers do not know what is inside them, such as dirt or residue, and they worry about the number and shape of their dreads—“dread crises” are common. However, dreadlocks are just a visual trait and consequently should not be taken too seriously, so that even people who do not currently have dreadlocks can still identify as dreadheads. In summary, it can be concluded that dreadlocks are a contradictory style and therefore demand the ability to cope with cognitive dissonance. In this sense, it could be the hairstyle that best reflects our times. Starting with the superlatives leads us to the question of perfection. With the exception of synthetic dreadlocks, the style would probably never be “perfect,” even with great effort regarding maintenance; although permanent, the style can probably never be considered as “ready.” Immediately after installation, as well as after maintenance, the dreadlocks often do not look the way they should; the dreadhead has to wait for the hair to grow a little, has to wait for the imperfection to make the style perfect in its own terms. Moreover, dreadlocks are relatively unpredictable. Even with a great deal of maintenance, it cannot be fully anticipated whether they will form loops, whether they will tighten a lot, when their felting process will start, etc. “There are bumps in my dreads. My neck hair is usually off as if I had just crawled out of a jet engine. . . . Say goodbye to perfectionism” (Binias 2019b). Dreadlocks will never be perfect. Happy Dreadiversary to meeee! . . . Having locs has transformed more than just my hair, it’s transformed the way I see myself . . . and the way I see beauty. While embracing the fuzz and messiness of dreads, I’ve also learned to embrace, and love, my other imperfections. I’ve . . . allowed myself to live my life care-free and HAPPY with who I am. (Catie W., Facebook, 26.11.2019)

Dreadlocks as a nonlinear hairstyle require the abandonment of perfection in order to find perfection. Consequently, the dreadhead makes an interesting metaphor. Zygmunt Bauman described the modern identity as symbolized by the figure of “the pilgrim”—characterized by “distance and dissatisfaction” (Bauman 1996, 22). The pilgrim is constantly wandering; he is on a big search that is linear and affects all believers in the same way. Life after modernity seems to be fragmented into various journeys, so Bauman finds “the tourist” as a metaphor. However, “the dreadhead” stands for one individual journey—one’s dread journey— but also for simultaneities, for one journey with very different destinations at the same time, and thus may be a particularly suitable metaphor

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for the postmodern condition. Dreadlocks stand for a simultaneous will and refusal that actually create cognitive dissonance but somehow manage to coexist.

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 Index Accent set, 63, 95 Afro, 15, 61, 94, 114 Afroshop, 61 Age, 5, 11, 16, 18, 27, 28, 49, 50, 76, 77 Androgyny, 46 Art, 6, 12, 13, 25, 40, 52, 80, 101, 102, 115 Ashe, Betram, 6, 36, 37, 114 Authenticity, 56, 67, 68, 92, 101–103 Baye Fall, 37, 111 Berry, Esther R., 15, 74, 76 Black Lives Matter, 42 Bible, 9, 36, 111, 117 Bob Marley, 41, 43, 93 Body, 4–6, 9, 20, 71, 72, 77, 78, 82, 84–87, 90, 97, 100, 118 Body modification/alteration, 9–13, 51, 59, 107, 117 Body positivity, 98 Bogin, Benjamin, 5, 59, 99, 114 Business, 18, 25, 29, 46, 51, 72, 74, 113, 115 Cognitive dissonance, 2, 120, 121 Colonialism, 15, 35, 36, 37 Control, 4, 29–31, 77, 81, 87, 103 Crocheting, 8, 63, 68, 73, 76, 78, 96, 108 Cultural appropriation, 1, 27, 37–39, 42, 43, 49, 107

Dance, 38, 53 Dhaske, Govind Ganapati, 13, 16, 88 Dirt/ Dirtiness, 1, 3, 56, 57, 68, 71–73, 82, 83, 91, 100, 120 DIY (do it yourself), 67, 68 Dreadlock artist, 12 Dread crisis, 66 Dread journey, 2, 60, 64, 69, 75, 120 Elliott, Anthony, 6, 20, 69 Embodiment, 8, 86, 108 Empress, 99, 100, 104, 105 Entwistle, Joanne, 10 Environment (protection of), 48, 55, 58, 91–94, 114 Equality, 43 Ethics, 3, 28, 29–33, 74, 108 Extensions, 2, 4, 13, 15, 21, 47, 48, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 68, 70, 71, 73–76, 78, 87, 103, 108, 118 Exotic/Exoticism, 104–106 Facebook, 18–33, 39–41, 47, 48, 51, 56, 60, 61, 63, 67, 68, 70–72, 74, 76, 78, 82, 85, 92, 96, 97, 101, 102, 105, 108 Fake dreads, 8, 26 Favazza, Armando R., 85, 107 Foucault, Michel, 30, 84, 86 Fulani, 35, 39

Index

Ganja, 40, 116–117 Gender, 11–13, 17, 18, 27, 43, 46, 47, 49, 52, 81, 84, 85, 88, 100, 101 Goth, 38, 51 Hallpike, Christopher Robert, 9 Harmony, 80, 111, 117, 119 Health, 11, 13, 71, 80, 84, 85 Hebdige, Dick, 36, 51, 56 Hershman, P., 9, 60, 115 Himba, 35 Hippie, 1, 37, 52, 53, 55, 106, 117, 119 Hipster, 1, 38, 54–56, 119 Hygiene, 13, 71 Ibo, 35 Identity, 2, 5, 10, 12, 19, 20, 24, 29, 30, 34, 35, 38, 39, 41, 42, 49, 52, 60, 64, 66, 67, 69, 72, 75, 79, 89, 90, 92, 94, 101, 114, 115, 120, 108– 111, 117 Instagram, 12, 18, 19, 22, 23–31, 33, 46, 48, 53, 60, 62, 72, 97, 98, 106, 112 Interview, 1, 3, 18, 19, 22–24, 28, 29, 31–33, 41, 62, 71, 72, 75, 76, 89, 92, 118 Interviewer effect, 72 Islam, 9, 36, 37, 109, 111 Ital, 54 Jamaica, 1, 21, 23, 35, 41–43 Kikuya, 35 Leach, Edmund, 9, 99, 111 Linnaeus, Carolus, 14 Loctician, 12, 13, 18, 19, 24, 29, 47, 48, 57, 60, 61, 66, 68, 73, 78, 80, 109, 113 Mageo, Jeannette Marie, 9 Masai, 35, 100 Medusa, 17

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Mercer, Kobena, 8, 14, 16, 17, 35, 61, 94, 106 Neglect method, 7, 59, 95 Obeyeskere, Gananath, 6, 9, 16, 90, 99 Orient/ Orientalism, 107, 117 Participant observation, 1, 18, 20–22 Peace, 52, 53, 71, 99, 111–113, 117, 119 Photography, 19, 20, 21, 23, 102, 103 Piercing, 10–12, 25, 51, 69, 86, 91 Popper, Karl, 113 Psychoanalysis, 9, 111, 115 Psytrance, 53, 48 Punk, 1, 38, 39, 51, 53, 56, 57, 79, 95, 119 Racism, 39, 40, 42, 94 Rastafari, 35–37, 40–42, 49, 54, 61, 83, 100, 104, 114, 115, 117 Reggae, 36, 40 Religion, 8, 11, 40, 42, 91, 99, 106, 109 Rhode, Deborah L., 79, 81 Rite of passage, 8, 12, 59, 60, 109 Romanticism, 77, 94, 102 Sadhu, 1, 16, 21, 37, 44, 45, 83, 105, 117 Sartwell, Crispin, 80 Self-esteem, 8, 79, 98, 100 Self-love, 2, 96–99, 111 Sexuality, 99–101, 115 Bisexuality, 101 Pansexuality, 101 Social work, 41, 56, 115, 116 Somali, 35 Spirituality, 22, 25, 42, 72, 79, 80, 100, 104–108, 119 Straight edge, 54, 64, 69, 93 Subculture, 1, 17, 34, 38, 39, 49–52, 55–57, 89, 111, 114, 119 Survey, 26, 32, 54, 62, 70, 82, 85, 89, 96, 116 Synnott, Anthony, 9, 10, 46, 84, 100

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Index

Tattoo, 12, 51, 85 Tightening roots, 67, 68, 78 Tribe, 35, 36, 39, 49, 92, 111 Twist and Rip, 7

Vikings, 1, 40 Well-being, 4, 81, 98, 108 Yoga, 25, 62, 84, 99, 105, 112

Vegetarianism, 54, 69, 82