A transformational analysis of Turkish syntax 9783111357461, 9783111000770

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A T R A N S F O R M A T I O N A L ANALYSIS O F T U R K I S H SYNTAX

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE NICOLAI YAN WIJK DEDICATA

edenda curai

C. H. VAN SCHOONEVELD INDIANA

UNIVERSITY

SERIES P R A C T I C A 51

1970

MOUTON THE HAGUE • PARIS

A TRANSFORMATIONAL ANALYSIS OF TURKISH SYNTAX by

ROBERT H. M E S K I L L BROWN UNIVERSITY

1970

MOUTON THE HAGUE • PARIS

© Copyright 1970 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 73-123123

Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The present study is a revised version of my doctoral thesis, presented to the Graduate School of the University of Texas in 1964. I wish to express my appreciation to Professors W.P. Lehmann, A.A. Hill, E. Bach, and R.C. Troike, of the University of Texas. All were generous with their time, their criticisms, and their interest, although needless to say, the responsibility for any errors or for the conclusions reached in the study is mine alone. I wish also to express my appreciation to the Brown University Faculty Research Fund for the financial assistance which made publication of this study possible. Finally, I am especially grateful to my wife for her patience and aid as my principal informant. R.H.M. Providence, Rhode Island August, 1968

TABLE OF CONTENTS

0. Introduction

11

1. Immediate Constituent Expansion Rules 1.1. Sentence 1.2. Verb Phrase 1.3. Copulative Verb 1.4. Aspect 1.5. Adjective 1.6.-9. Verb Categories 1.10.-14. Adjunct 1.15. Adverb 1.16.-23. Noun Phrase 1.24. Nominal 1.25. Nom 1.26.-31. Noun Categories

13 13 13 14 14 14 15 15 19 20 23 23 23

2. Sample Lexicon

26

3. Optional Transformations 3.1. Discontinuous Conjunction 3.2. Element Conjunction 3.3. String Conjunction 3.4. le (beraber) Conjunction 3.5. Additive dS 3.6. kl Subordinaton 3.7. kl Subordinator2 3.8. Demonstrative Nominal -ki 3.9. Infinitive 3.10. Noun Compounds 3.11. Genitive and Nominal Personal Suffixes

30 30 32 32 33 33 34 35 35 36 37 38

8

TABLE OF CONTENTS

3.12. 3.13. 3.14. 3.15. 3.16. 3.17. 3.18. 3.19. 3.20. 3.21. 3.22. 3.23. 3.24. 3.25. 3.26. 3.27. 3.28. 3.29. 3.30. 3.31. 3.32. 3.33. 3.34. 3.35. 3.36. 3.37. 3.38. 3.39. 3.40. 3.41. 3.42. 3.43. 3.44. 3.45. 3.46. 3.47. 3.48. 3.49. 3.50. 3.51.

Subordinate Clause Conditional Aorist Plus Negative Aorist Subordination Subordination with -ken Nominal Subordinate Clauses Adjectival Construction with -dik, and -ecek Subordination with -en Subordination with -e Subordination with -i Restricted Deverbal Nouns Deverbal Adjectives Auxiliary Verb et Causativei Causative2 Causative3 Auxiliary Verb ol Comparative Adjectives Nonquantitative Adjectives in Noun-Phrase Quantitative Adjectives in Noun-Phrase Vocative Past Tense Plural Optative Negative Abilitative Passive Reciprocal and Reflexive Genitive Plus -ki Deletion of the Genitive Noun Phrase Indefinite Article Superlative Intensifier Question-Word Questions Emphatic Position of Question Marker -mi Deletion of Specified Direct-Object Marker Deletion of Auxiliary Verb etEmphatic Pitch Position Emphatic Word Order Juncture with Sustained or Rising Pitch Emphatic Pitch Level

39 40 40 41 41 42 43 43 44 44 47 47 48 48 49 49 50 50 52 52 53 53 54 54 55 55 56 57 57 57 58 58 59 59 59 60 60 61 61 62

TABLE OF CONTENTS

9

4. Obligatory Transformations 4.1. Rearrangement of Demonstratives with Verbs like git- 'go', gel- 'come' 4.2. Personal Endings with -dik and -ecek 4.3. Pronouns with "postpositionr" or -le 4.4. Deletion of the Locative Marker -de with Specified Time Nominals . 4.5. Personal Endings with bura, §ura, ora, nere 4.6. Replacement of First Person Imperatives 4.7. Deletion of Second Person Imperative Questions 4.8. Clausal Cooccurrence Restrictions with the Past Conditional . . . 4.9. Plural Nominal Personal Endings 4.10. Plural Personal Pronouns 4.11. Subject-Verb Person Concord 4.12. Third Person Imperative Ending 4.13. Replacement of the Case Marker of the Direct Object 4.14. Position of "particle b " 4.15. Pitch Peak with Questions 4.16. Pitch Peak with Numerals 4.17. 'Colorless' Pitch Peak 4.18. Question-Word Questions 4.19. Subject Pronoun Deletion

63 63 64 64 65 65 66 66 66 67 67 67 68 69 69 69 70 70 71 72

Appendix: Sample Derivations

73

Bibliography

76

0.

INTRODUCTION

The following study is an attempt to provide a transformational model for the syntax of Turkish. Material has been drawn from the various handbooks indicated in the bibliography, but the final decision on the currency of an element or syntactic pattern has rested with my principal informant, who is a member of the upper middle class of educated speakers native to Ankara. For example, elements such as nihan, which L. Peters identifies as an adjective which requires that a preceding noun phrase be in the ablative case, are not included, since my principal informant is so unfamiliar with it that she cannot produce a sentence employing it. 1 No attempt has been made to include morphophonemic rules. Such rules would be essentially a duplication of the contributions of R. B. Lees.2 Moreover, I have not dealt with those derivational processes which L. B. Swift terms desubstantive substantives and de-substantive verbs. To do so would simply be to convert Swift's analysis into a transformational model. 3 I have set out to deal with the cooccurrence restrictions which may be considered to have some degree of generality, and to indicate where greater specification of these restrictions is necessary.4 But my study is only a first step in the compilation of a 'complete' grammar of Turkish.5 In the discussion following each rule I have tried to give adequate examples, point up following rules which deal with the strings developed at that particular node, and cite passages in other works dealing with the elements under consideration. These procedures may make my study more accessible to the transformationalist who knows no Turkish, and to the Turkologist who knows no transformation theory. The operational and abbreviational symbols used are essentially those of R. B. Lees in his Grammar of English Nominalizations-, i. e., the rewrite arrow, parentheses 1

Peters, p. 133. References throughout by author or short title are to works listed in the bibliography. See below p. 76. 2 Lees, Phonology and Personal Morphemes. 3 Swift, Grammar, pp. 54-75 and 99-103. 4 Cf. the discussion under 1.10 below. 5 Cf. Householder on the continuum nature of grammaticalness, especially p. 231 footnote 2.

12

INTRODUCTION

to indicate optional elements, braces to indicate the obligatory choice of one and only one element, and brackets for the abbreviation of several separate rules. The boundary symbols employed are # : sentence boundary, / : phrase boundary, and & : word boundary. Cover symbols are W, X, Y, Z, Q, R, for all material except # . These symbols may also indicate an absence of other symbols. In a rewrite rule at least one of several elements on the right must be chosen if all elements are in parentheses. Although this is a study of Turkish syntax and not a work on general linguistic theory, some remarks on the choice of a descriptive model are in order. The theoretical model for this study is the Transformational Grammar of N. Chomsky, Syntactic Structures and R. B. Lees, Grammar of English Nominalizations. Since 1964, numerous major revisions have been made in this model. A systematic presentation of the revised model makes up the bulk of N. Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. A critical discussion of these revisions is to be found in P.H. Matthews, Review of N. Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, Journal of Linguistics 3.119-52 (1967). It is my view that both models contain serious shortcomings, and that further research with both models is of theoretical significance. If justification for an attempt to apply any given theory consistently to a set of data is required, it is perhaps best stated in the following passage: The acceptance or rejection of abstract linguistic forms, just as the acceptance or rejection of any other linguistic forms in any branch of science, will finally be decided by their efficiency as instruments, the ratio of the results achieved to the amount and complexity of the efforts required. To decree dogmatic prohibitions of certain linguistic forms instead of testing them by their success or failure in practical use, is worse than futile; it is positively harmful because it may obstruct scientific progress.6

9

Carnap, p. 40.

1. IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

The following rules are obligatory and must ba applied in the order indicated. Given the sequence # S # S # S # S # . . . 1.1.

S

(NP / ) (Adv / ) VP (mi) /

" N P " represents the optional subject noun-phrase which will be expanded in 1.21 and following. The value of the phrase boundary, ' / ', is to be found in the transformation yielding emphatic word order, 3.49, and in the prevention of recursive applications of certain transformations. Its use is further justified in that 'single bar junctures' may be optionally introduced at these points. (Cf. 3.50.) "Adv" indicates the position of the adverbial complex rewritten in 1.15. The symbol "VP", representing verb-phrase, is the only obligatory element in this rule. In its simplest form it will be represented by the rude imperative. The symbol "mi" indicates an optional interrogatory element. The emphatic positioning of "mi" is indicated in 3.45. Question-word questions are treated as developing from mi. (Cf. 3.44 and 4.18.) I view the personal endings of the verb-phrase as the result of an obligatory transformation operative only when the first or second person pronouns are chosen for the subject noun-phrase. (Also see Lees, Personal Morphemes, p. 146.) Examples: NP / Adv / VP / O adam hemen eve gidiyor Hemen eve gidiyor mu ? Git. 1.2.

VP -> (Adjunct) J

'That man's going home immediately'. 'Is he going home immediately?' 'Go'. j

The optional "Adjunct" symbol represents various modifiers of the action within the verb-phrase and is expanded in 1.10-14. " V c " indicates a copulative-type verb

14

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

which is expanded in 1.3. For pertinent examples see those rules below. " V " stands for the verb types rewritten in 1.6-9. Examples together with the possible developments of "Adjunct" are given in 1.10-14. V + Aspect Adj copula NP "Aspect" is rewritten in 1.4, " A d j " in 1.5-6, and " N P " in 1.16-31. The segmental forms of the copula are viewed as being the result of the operations of morphophonemic rules. Thus, "copula" would be rewritten as II ill, / / y / / , // dir// in specific environments, and deleted elsewhere. (Cf. Lees, Phonology, p. 30-32.) I treat "V + Aspect" as a member of the copulative-type verbs since it shares in the segmental developments of the copula, mentioned above, and undergoes many of the same transformational developments operating on " N P " or " A d j " plus copula. (Cf. 3.15, 3.27, 3.29, 3.32, 3.35.) 1.3.

Vc

Examples: V + Aspect + copula tir. Gidecek Giizel. Adamsm.

'He'll go.' 'It's nice.' 'You're a man.'

er ecek iyor 1.4. Aspect meli mi§ The symbol er indicates the aorist, ecek the future, iyor the progressive, meli the necessitative, and mis the quoted past. Examples: V + Aspect Gider. Gidecek. Gidiyor. Gitmeli. Gitmif.

'He goes.' 'He'll go.' 'He's going.' 'He has to go.' 'He went.'

adj» adjb 1.5. Adj adjc adjd The category " a d j a " represents nonquantitative adjectives; "adjb" indicates quantitative adjectives. This dichotomy is required since the transformational rule yielding

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

15

plural nouns is inoperative when a quantitative adjective precedes the noun. (Cf. 3.29, 3.30, 3.33.) Categories " a d j c " and "adja" are set apart to allow for differing developments of an "Adjunct" preceding them. (Cf. 1.10.) Examples: NP / Adjunct / adja + copula Hayat koyliiye zor. Bu para sana gok. Yerinden memnun. Bu i§le me§giil. j g

y

_ i

'Life is difficult for the peasant.' 'This money is a lot for you.' 'He's pleased with his position.' 'He's busy with this job.'

verbimperaonal | 1 v b (mobile)

J

The rationale underlying the verb categories presented here is that "verbimpersona]" does not undergo the passive transformation. (Cf. 3.37.) Moreover, the development of the "Adjunct" node in rules 1.11-14 requires the subdivision of " V " indicated here and in the following three rules. Examples are to the found in 1.11-14. 1.7.

Y b -»• V e r b (transitive (human))

This expansion gives us the following subclasses of " V " : " V e r b , Verbmobile, Verbtransitive, Verbtransitive human, Verbtransitive mobile, a n d Verbtransitive human mobile".

The specification "human" is necessary for the correct selection of noun subclasses in rule 1.21, where subject slot " N P " is expanded in the environment of verbs classified as "human". 1.8.

Verbtransitive (human) mobile

Verbtransitive (human) mobile | 2 J

The distinction between "1" and "2" is necessary because subclass "2" occurs only with immobile or inanimate direct objects. (Cf. 1.20.) 1.9.

Verbmobile ->• Verbmobile ( j £ j )

The optional distinction indicated at this point is necessitated by the restrictions placed on the occurrence of demonstratives or bura 'here', $ura 'there (proximate)', and ora 'there', in sentences containing either the verb git 'go' or gel 'come' and both ablative and dative noun-phrases. This distinction is also necessary for the suppletive causatives of these verbs gotiir 'take' and getir 'bring'. (Cf. 3.26 and 4.1.) 1.10. In the following five rules the "Adjunct" node is expanded in the environment of the various verb classes, de indicates the locative case, den the ablative,

16

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

e the dative, i the specified direct object, and le the instrumental modifications of the verbal action. The relative order of the noun phrases developing from "Adjunct" is given for reasons of over-all simplicity. The indicated orderings are further supported by McQuown's presentation of the most frequent types of word-order in Turkish. 1 The examples given under each of these rules reflect the ordering which my informant prefers in each of the individual sentences. In these five rules the cooccurrence restrictions operative between the various noun-phrases, and between the noun-phrases and the verb, are not handled in all the semantic detail which would be necessary for all levels of grammaticality. For example, rule 1.12 will generate Cesaretle korktu 'He feared courageously' which would be ungrammatical on some level. Any attempt to specify such cooccurrence restrictions can be expected to approach a mere listing of possible combinations of particular noun-phrases with other noun-phrases, and with verbs. Some general rules can be stated for the development of the "Adjunct" in relation to the several verb classes. NP (NP + e /)

NP

adj

adj copula -> (NP + de /)

Adjunct adjc adjd

(NP den

/) adjc

copula

.(NP + le /) adjd

This rule specifies that "Adjunct" may be rewritten optionally as a noun-phrase plus the locative case marker de, and a noun-phrase plus the dative case marker e, in the environment of "NP, adj a , adjb" plus "copula". Since "Adjunct" was originally an optional choice, one or the other or both of the possible elements developing from "Adjunct" must be chosen. Examples: NP + de / NP + e / NP + copula Orada araziye sahip. Hayat Orta Anadolu'da koyliiye zordur. Ahmet bu giinlerde yerindert memnun. Burada i$Ie mefgülüm.

'He owns fields there.' 'Life is difficult for the peasant in Central Anatolia.' 'Ahmet is pleased with his position these days' 'I'm here, busy working.'

1 McQuown, pp. 782-92. Also Kissling, pp. 113-14. Cf. the discussion under 3.49, the transformation dealing with emphatic word-order.

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

17

Verbimpersonal

1.11. Adjunct

Verbmobile ( verbimpersonal

(NP + de /) (NP + le /) (NP + den /) (NP + e /)

verbmoblle (

In this rule "Adjunct" may be rewritten as noun phrase plus locative de, noun phrase plus instrumental le, noun phrase plus ablative den, noun phrase plus dative e, or any combination of these noun phrases. Note that nouns occurring before de in the environment of verbs with a "mobile" feature are restricted to time nouns by 1.16. Examples: NP / NP + de / NP + e / NP + den / NP + le / verbimpersonal Bu para on senede gocuklara yokluktan zorlukla birikti. Fabrikada su kazanlara kuvvetle dolar. Biitiin ev baliktan kokmu§. Vgte Ankara'dan IstanbuVa trenle gidecegim. Dün ona arkadan biçakla vurdular.

'With difficulty, this money was collected from nothing, for the children, over a period of ten years.' 'The vats in the factory are filled with water under pressure.' 'The whole house smells of fish.' 'I'm going to leave Ankara for Istanbul by train at three o'clock.' 'Yesterday they stabbed him in the back with a knife.' 2

1.12. Adjunct + Verb -v (NP + de /) (NP + le /) (NP + den /) Verb Here the development of "Adjunct" is restricted to optional noun-phrase plus locative de, noun-phrase plus instrumental le, noun-phrase plus ablative den, or any combination of the three. Examples : NP + de / NP + den / NP + le / Verb Çôlde susuzluktan istirapla öldiiler. Kitaptan hiç bir suretle bikmam. Herkes harpte ölümden korkar.

'They died in torture from thirst in the desert.' 'I don't get tired of books under any circumstances.' 'Everyone fears death in war.'

2 The verb vur 'strike', here exemplified, is not to be confused with vur 'hit with a projectile' which falls under verb category "verbtransitive mobile l" indicated in 1.14. Cf. Tiirkfe Sozliik, 801-2 for their various collocations.

18 1.13.

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES A d j u n c t + Verbtransltlve (human) -»• ( N P + del)

( N P + le /) ( N P + d e n /) ( N P + i) Verbtransltlve (human)

In this environment the expansion of "Adjunct" may be noun-phrase plus locative de, noun-phrase plus instrumental le, noun-phrase plus ablative den, noun-phrase plus the marker of the specified direct object, i, or any combination. Note that this verb category does not allow for any dative modification. The obligatory status of i, the marker of the specified direct object, serves to prevent ambiguity between the subject noun-phrase and the direct object nounphrase. This marker will be optionally deleted in certain environments in rule 3.46. Examples: NP + de I NP + den / NP + i / N P + le / Verbtrans. (human)

Bu giinlerde senden o haberi hevesle bekliyorum. Bu sabah sesinizi telefondan zorlukla duydum. Soyledigimden meseleyi anlamiftir.

1.14.

'I'm awaiting that news from you with anticipation these days.' 'It was difficult to hear your voice on the telephone this morning.' 'He understood my explanation of the problem.'

A d j u n c t + Verbtranaitive (human) mobile

~i

(NP + de /) (NP + le /) (NP + den /) (NP + e /) (NP + i /) Verbtransltlve (buman) mobile

^

This rule specifies that "Adjunct" may be rewritten as noun-phrase plus locative de, noun-phrase plus instrumental le, noun-phrase plus ablative den, noun-phrase plus dative e, noun-phrase with the marker of the specified direct object, i, or any combination.3 For the restrictions on the type of noun occurring with i in the environment "verbtransltlve (human) mobile 2 " See 1.20.

Examples: NP + de / NP + i / NP + e / NP + le / N P + d e n verbtr. (human) mob.

Yarm hikayeyi Sermin'e yiiksek sesle baftan okuyacagim. 3

'Tomorrow I'll read the story aloud to §ermin from the beginning.'

The verbs ara 'seek' and bul 'find' are set apart within "verbtransltlve mobile 1", since a nounphrase plus the ablative may be replaced by a noun-phrase plus the locative, in any environment without any observable change in denotation or connotation. Thus, Adresini rehberden ariyorum and Adresini rehberde ariyorum 'I'm looking for his address in the directory.' I leave this distinction to an examination of Turkish style.

19

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

Beni kösemden buraya zorlukla gekti. Qarsafi bona bu ugtan tutar mism ? Birayi fifeden igiyorlar.

'He brought me here from my place with difficulty.' 'Will you hold the sheet from this end for me?' 'They're drinking the beer from bottles.'

(NP + den &) postposition» 1.15. A d v - > (particle J a l / ) (] NP + den & postposition M

11

ü

/)

(NP + e &) postposition I /) (NP & postposition! /) NP + e & postposition As indicated in the introduction, the symbol " & " is used as a word boundary. The present study specifies no further development for this symbol, but it would be necessary for the morphophonemic rules treating stress groups and the placement of word-stress within these stress groups. The designation "particle" is applied to those elements which do not occur with affixes.4 The elements contained in "particle a " frequently occur as the first segment of a string, and will be discussed in the transformational rule dealing with emphatic word order. (Cf. 3.49.) The elements contained in "particleb" are those which always occur as the first segment of a string. Their position is indicated in obligatory transformation 4.14. The above rule indicates that postpositions of the class a, b, or c require that a preceding noun-phrase have the ablative marker den. It further indicates that a "postposition a " may or may not have a noun-phrase preceding it, while postposition of the class b or c must have a noun-phrase preceding them. "postposition c " is distinct from "postposition!," in that bura 'here', sura 'there (proximate)', ora 'there', or nere 'where' cannot occur in the noun-phrase preceding "postposition c ". (Cf. 1.19.) "postpositiona" may have a preceding noun-phrase, while "postposition e " must have a preceding noun-phrase. Both "postpositiona" and "postposition e " require a preceding noun-phrase to have the dative marker e. "postposition!" requires a preceding noun-phrase with no case ending, i.e., the unmarked nominative. In obligatory transformation 4.3, I will rewrite any "pronoun" occurring before "postpositiont" as "pronoun + nin &", i.e., pronoun plus the genitive marker nin.

* In various specialized utterances, e.g., citation forms, these elements would occur with affixes. My term "particle" is essentially equal to Swift's "utterance conjunctive", but I would exclude forms such as demekki 'that means', herhalde 'in any case', neyse 'anyway', from a list of particles. See Swift, Grammar, pp. 182-4.

20

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

Examples: particb / NP + den postp c / NP + e Fakat bu vaziyetten dolayi i$in zorluguna p o s t p e / NP postpf / VP ragmen senin ifin elimden geleni yapmaga gayret edecegim. partica / NP postpf / NP + e postp e / Hala senin ifin bu ise dair §u son NP + den postp» / NP / VP havadisten ba$ka bir haberim yok. Ba$ka var. Bundan ba$ka var. Suradan itibaren okumaya ba$la. Ondan dolayi biraktik. O nispeten iyi. Ona nispeten bu daha iyi. Ona ragmen gittik. Sen adam gibi hareket etmiyorsun. 1.16.

NP +

de +

X +

'But I'll try to do everything possible for you, in spite of the difficulties of the problem, because of this particular situation.' 'I still have no information for you about that problem other than this.' 'There's more.' 'There's more than this.' 'Begin reading from there.' 'We left on account of that.' 'That's good in comparison.' 'This is better as compared to that.' 'We went in spite of it.' 'You aren't acting like a man.'

v e r b y mobile Z -*• N t i m e +

de +

X +

v e r b y mobile Z

In this rule, nouns occurring before the locative marker de in the environment of verbs classed as "mobile" are restricted to nouns of time. The expansion of " N t i m e " and examples are to be found in 1.29. My use of cover symbols " Y " and " Z " in the specification of the verb category is to be understood as a shorthand device for indicating that the restriction holds in the following environments: "verbimpersonal mobile» Verbmobile, Verbmobile a, verbmobile b, Verbtransitive mobile 1, Verbtransitive mobile 2, Verbtransitive human mobile 1»

i.e., for any "verb" which belongs to the category "mobile", no matter to what other categories it may belong.5

verbtranaitive human mobile 2 " ,

1.17. NP + le + X [y e r r b b lraPera ° nal ] (demonstrative&)

nabstract

^

+ le + X j ^ r ^ m P e r s o n a l J

In this rule the nouns occurring before the instrumental marker, le, are restricted to abstract nouns, in the environment of the two verb categories specified. 5

This use is similar t o the notion of "separable subscripts" in Bierwisch, p. 57 ( F 25 and

¥26).

21

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

Examples: N P / lUbstract + le + verbimpersonal

Su

kuvvetle

doluyor.

'The water is being poured under pressure.' 'The river is flowing with force.' 'Where did he get the nerve to die?'

Nehir fiddetle akiyor. Hangi cesaretle oldii?

Nimmobile

1.18.

NP + le -y (demonstrative&) (nnumber&) • nmanimate

le

Inanimate transport

In environments other than those specified in 1.17, the nouns occurring in a noun phrase plus le, the marker of the instrumental, are specified as immobile or inanimate nouns, or animate nouns used for transportation. Examples: NP +

e / Nimmobile +

le / Verbmobile

Ona b yak la Dun trenle gitmifler. Fille kaplan avhyorlar.

vurdu.

'He stabbed him with a knife.' 'They went yesterday by train.' 'They're hunting tigers with elephants.'

1.19. NP + den&postpositionc ->• j n o mhial } den&postpositionc This rule specifically excludes bura 'here', §ura 'there (proximate)', ora 'there', nere 'where', from the expansion of " N P " in the environment "postposition c ". Examples: pronoun + den + postposition / VP Senden dolayi yapamadik. O giinden beri gitmedik. tften otiirii gidemedim. 1.20.

'We couldn't do it because of you.' 'We haven't gone since then.' 'I couldn't go on account of my work.'

N P + i / Verbtransitlve (human) mobile 2

(demonstrative&)

(n n umber&)

J ^lmmoblle 1 I n inanimate J

Verbtransitlve (human) mobile %

This rule specifies that a noun filling the direct-object slot in the environment of "verbtransitlve (human) mobile 2" must be an immobile or an inanimate noun. Examples: d e m o n & nnumber & Nimmobile +

Bu

tig

i$i

i / V e r b t r a n s i t l v e mobile 2

yaptim. 'I did these three jobs.'

22

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

Birayi siseden içiyorîar. Anahtarla kapiyi açti.

1.21.

'They're drinking the beer from bottles.' 'He opened the door with the key.'

+ verby human z (demonstrative^) (n n U mber&) ben sen o

NP / X

nanimate (proper) human

/ X + verby human Z

This rewrite restricts the types of nouns and pronouns occurring in the subject-slot noun-phrase, in the environment of a verb containing a "human" feature. Once again my use of the cover symbols " Y " and " Z " in the specification of the verb categories is essentially a shorthand device. (Cf. 1.16 above.) Many speakers of Turkish would allow the pronouns bu 'this', §u 'that' (proximate) to occur in this position. My principal informant, however, considers such usage to render a very specialized pejorative function which would require many situational cooccurrence restrictions. Such restrictions are beyond the scope of the present study. Examples: demon & nnumber & nanimate Bu ug kiz NP + i / verby human Z dersi anlamadi.

human /

Ahmet mektubu yazmadi. Sen neyi dii§iinuyorsun?

1.22.

+ verby mobile z -»• f (demonstrative&) (n n u mber&) \ [ pronoun

'These three girls didn't understand the lesson.' 'Ahmet didn't write the letter.' 'What are you thinking about?'

NP / X

Nmobiie

1 ,v , , \ / X + verby mobile J

z

The statement of this rule prevents the selection of immobile nouns as the subject of verbs classed as "mobile". Examples: / Adv I verby mobile Tren pmdi kalkiyor. Bu tiç adam yapiyor. Sen çekeceksin. Nmoblle

Z

'The train is leaving now.' 'These three men are doing it.' 'You'll pull it.'

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

23

Nominal pronoun 1.23.

N P -

buta

§ura ora nere

At this point " N P " is rewriten as "Nominal", which is expanded in the following rule. The symbol "pronoun", which is now referred directly to the lexicon, is specified since it does not undergo the expansion indicated in 1.26 and since it requires the genitive case in the environment "postposition!". (Cf. 4.3.) bura 'here', §ura 'there (proximate)', ora 'there', nere 'where' require specification since they do not occur with "postposition c ". (Cf. 1.19.) (demonstrative&) i (nnumber&) N o m 1

1.24.

Nominal

I nabstract

J

Ntime

In the above rule, "nominal" is rewriten as " N o m " , the subclasses of which will be specified in the following four rules. The nouns developing from the " N o m " node may be preceded by "demonstrative", ' flnumber > both. ' nabstract ", which is here referred to the lexicon, may be preceded in the noun phrase only by "demonstrative". The symbol " N t i m e " is further expanded in 1.29. 1.25.

Nom -> ( ^immobile 1 I Mmobile

J

The distinction here indicated is required for the proper choice of the subject nounphrase in the environment of a verb classed as "mobile". (Cf. 1.22.) nitem 1.26.

Nimmobile

Hlocale (proper) nnumber nsubstance

The specification "ni 0C aie (proper)" is necessary to the operation of the rule treating specified direct objects. (Cf. 3.46.) The specification ' ^number i® required for the operation of the optional transformation yielding plurality. (Cf. 3.34.) "nSUbstance" functions in certain strings as an adjective and undergoes the optional adjective transfer rule 3.30. 1.27.

Nmobile -

i Nanlmate } [ ninanimate J

The symbol " n i n a n i m a t e " , which is here referred to the lexicon, is specified since it can occur together with " N i m m o b i l e " as the direct object of verbs which do not

24

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

allow for animate direct objects. (Cf. 1.20.) The subclass indicated by " n m a n i m a t e " is distinct from " N i m m o b i i e " since " n m a n i m a t e " may occur in the subject nounphrase in the environment of verbs classed as "mobile". (Cf. 1.22.) 1.28.

Nanimate

I

nanimate transport

1

nanimate (proper) (human) J

Specification of "nanimate transport" is required for beasts used in transportation and can occur with the instrumental marker, le, as indicated in 1.18. Selection of "nanimate p r o p e r " designates proper names commonly used for pets. The classification "proper", in general, is necessary to the operation of the rule dealing with specified direct objects, 3.46. "human" refers to the restriction on subject nounphrases in the environment of a verb classed as "human". (Cf. 1.21.) 1.29.

Ntime - *

(demonstrative&) f (n nU mber&) ntime a l ( s a a t ) ntime b ntime c

The selection of " n t i m e a" allows for the possible occurrence of "demonstrative" and ' nnumber " preceding it. " n t i m e b " occurs with a preceding "demonstrative" but not " n n u m b e r " . " n t i m e b " may also be preceded by saat 'hour', " n t i m e c " occurs with neither "demonstrative" nor "nnUmber" preceding it in the noun-phrase. The members of the class " n t i m e c " do not in fact occur with the locative de immediately following, but an intervening plural suffix results in " n t i m e c " plus the locative, e.g., §imdi 'now' but fimdilerde 'now (plural)'. My analysis treats singular " n t i m e c " as containing specified nouns of time and requires the deletion of the locative marker de for this subclass and all syntactically specified nouns of time in obligatory transformation 4.4. Examples: Demon & n n u m & ntime a + de / verby mobile A Bu tig giinde yapamadim. 'I haven't been able to do it in these three days.' Ufte gitmif. 'She left at three.' Simdi gitmif. 'He just left.' ' er " Verby " er ecek fçimdil ecek 1.30. ntime c + X ( iyor ) - 1 yarin J ( iyor meli. meli. verbz verbz This rule restricts the members of the noun class "ntime c" to pmdi 'now' and yarm 'tomorrow' in utterances with a verb in the imperative or with the aspect markers indicated. Verby

IMMEDIATE CONSTITUENT EXPANSION RULES

25

Examples: ntime c / VerbmoMle a Simdi

git.

' G o now.'

Yarm gidiyor.

'He's going tomorrow.'

Yarm gitmeli.

' H e has to go tomorrow.'

1.31.

ntime c + X + mi?

| *

| X + mi§

This rule restricts the members of the noun class " n t i m e c " to §imdi 'now' and dun 'yesterday' in utterances containing the quoted past marker, mif. Examples: Simdi gitmif. Diin gitmif.

'He just left.' 'She left yesterday.'

2.

2.1.

adja cazip giizel iyi var

'extant'

'difficult'

pek

2.3.

adjc emin irak masun memnun razi

heves 'enthusiasm' memnuniyet 'pleasure' siddet 'force'

'attractive' 'beautiful' 'good'

zor 2.2. adjb az gok fazla

SAMPLE LEXICON

'few' 'many/much' 'many/much' 'many/much'

'sure' 'distant' 'protected' 'pleased' 'satisfied'

2.7.

nanimate kedi

kopek kus kuzu maymun 2-8.

n a n imate human

adam kadm kiz memur talebe 2.9.

adjd me$gul

'busy'

2.5. demonstrative bu 'this' fw 'that (proximate)' o 'that' 2.6.

nabstract

cesaret hararet

'courage' 'feverish'

'man' 'woman' 'girl' 'official' 'student'

n a n imate proper

Bobi 2.4.

'cat' 'dog' 'bird' 'lamb' 'monkey'

Mavif Sarman Tekir

'a common name for pets' " " "

2.10. nanimate proper human Ahmet

Giilen Mehmet Oktay Sermin

SAMPLE LEXICON

2 . 1 1 . rianimate transport

at deve eçek fil manda

'horse' 'camel' 'elephant' 'water b u f f a l o '

'cart' 'bus' 'train'

'stone'

2.18. ntime a

ay gün hafta sabah yd

'month' 'day' 'week' 'morning' 'year'

2.19. ntime b

bir

•one'

yirmidört

'twenty-four'

'pencil' 'table' 'letter' 'bottle' 'plate'

2.14. niocale

daê kö§e taraf ufuk yer

'wood'

'sound'

2.13. nitem

kalem masa mektup fàe tabak

paper

'donkey'

2.12. nmanimate

araba otobiis ses tiren

kâgit tahta taf

'mountain' 'corner' 'side' 'horizon' 'place'

2.15. niocale proper

Istanbul Mersin Samsun

2.20. ntime c

dim simdi yarm

'yesterday' 'now' 'tomorrow'

2.21. particle a

artik bari gene hemen heniiz

'henceforth' 'at least' 'again' 'at o n c e ' 'just'

2.22. particleb 2.16. Önumber

bir iki iiç

'one' 'two' 'three'

ama çiinkii evet fakat hayir

'but' 'because' 'yes' 'but' 'no'

2.23. postposition»

ba$ka 2.17. ngubstance

alt m

•gold'

'other'

önce

'before'

sonra

'after'

28

SAMPLE LEXICON

2.24. postposition gayri 'besides' itibaren 'from that point' maada 'in addition' ote 'beyond'

dol es kayna Pi?

'fill' 'blow' 'boil' 'cook'

2.32. verbmobiie

2.25. postposition beri 'since' dolayi 'because of' nafi 'on account of' oturii 'by reason of' 2.26. postposition nispeten 'compared to' 2.27. postposition ait 'belonging to' dair 'concerning' 'according to' göre kadar 'until' ragmen 'in spite of' 2.28. postposition! 'like' gibi 'for' ifin kadar 'as much as' 2.29. pronoun ben bu sen ?"

o 2.30. Verb bik öl kork

T 'this' 'you' 'that (proximate)' 'that, he, she, it'

'tire of' 'die' 'fear'

2.31. verbimpersonal

ak birik

'flow' 'collect'

bak fik dön diif kaf

'look at' 'go out/up' 'turn' 'fall' 'flee'

2.33. verbmobiie >

git

go

2.34. verbmobiie b

gel

'come'

2.35. Verbtransltive

bekle

'await'

duy gor ye

'sense' 'see' 'eat'

2.36. Verbtransltive Human

anla bil dtifiin

'understand' 'know' 'think'

2.37. Verbtransltive human mobile 1

konuf soyle

'speak' 'tell'

2.38. verbtransltive human mobile 2

oku yaz

'read' 'write'

2.39. verbtransltive mobile 1 ara

'seek'

bul gek gagir kir sar

'find' 'pull' 'call' 'break' 'wrap'

SAMPLE LEXICON

2.40. verbtransitive mobile 2 ag 'open' gal 'play (instrument)'

29

ig oyna yap

'drink' 'play (game)' 'do'

3.

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

The rules in this section are of three types: conjoining transformations, 3.1-4; embedding transformations, 3.5-31; and simplex transformations, 3.32-51. All of these rules are optional; however, they must be applied in the order given. 3.1 DISCONTINUOUS CONJUNCTIVES

X

NP Vc V

bir gerek ha hem käh ne ya ya

Y + Z

NP' Y' + Z' Vc' V ~X" •X'" where Y Y' Z Z' X'

-

>

NP Vc

Y/

V

"NP" Vc # V

bir gerek ha hem käh ne veya ya

"NP'" Vc' V'

Y does not contain W

ß}

does not contain

bir gerek ha hem käh ne ya .ya

" bir ' gerek ha hem Q käh ne veya . ya

"NP'" Vc' V

Y' + Z

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

31

The above optional transformation conjoins elements of two strings by means of the discontinuous conjunctives indicated. (Cf. Swift, Grammar, p. 212.) bir...bir... gerek.. .gerek... ha...ha... hem...hem kâh...kâh. ne...ne... ya...veya.. ya...ya...

'one...one...' 'both...and...' 'either...or...' 'both...and...' 'sometimes...and sometimes...' 'neither... nor...' 'either...or...' 'either...or...'

The formulation of the rule indicates that the choice of a given conjunctive on the left requires the choice of its paired member to the right. A noun-phrase, copulative verb, or verb may be eonjoined with another nounphrase, copulative verb, or verb. This conjoining operation is restricted to those elements which have the same environment as developed in the immediate constituent expansion rules. This restriction is indicated in the condition after the rule requiring that cover symbol " X " must equal cover symbol " X " ' , " Y " must equal " Y " \ and " Z " must equal " Z " ' . The elements being conjoined must not be identical, but must be members of the same subclass as developed in the immediate constituent expansion rules, since the environment of these conjoined elements is identical. In this and following rules, the statement that a cover symbol does not contain " & " or " / " indicates that the specified cover symbol may contain only affixes. In this rule recursiveness is prevented by the statement that the cover symbols " X " and " Z " may not contain any discontinuous conjunctives. Some restricted type of recursive application would be necessary in a more complete grammar of Turkish. Utterances such as Ne Orhan ne de Ahmet yarm ne gidecekler ne de okuyacaklar. 'Tomorrow neither Orhan nor Ahmet will go and read.' do occur. But multiple conjoining is usually accomplished by using an element from one of the other conjoining types. (Cf. 3.2-4.) Examples: bir & V + Y / bir & V' + Y' Bir gittim bir geldim. Ya bunu bileceksin ya bu diyardan gideceksin. Kah burada kah kapi arkasrnda.

'I left and came right back.' 'Either you must guess this or leave.' (Introduction to a riddle.) 'What's sometimes here and sometimes behind the door?' (Riddle.)

32

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS 3.2

ELEMENT CONJUNCTION

W + X + Y + Z W + X + Y/ W + X' + Y' + Z' Where

"W' Y Z_

=

ve veya veyahut yahut Î

X' + Y' + Z

"W'" Y' ; X # X', but are dominated by the same nodes Z'

X does not contain / Y does not contain j ^ J This rule conjoins elements of two strings by means of the conjunctives indicated. (Cf. Swift, Grammar, pp. 210-2.) ve 'and' 'or' veya 'or' veyahut 'or' yahut f 'and' (similar to English / || / as used in a series.) As indicated above in 3.1, the conjoined elements must not be identical, but the rest of the strings must be. This rule allows recursive application. Examples: W + X + Y + yahut + X' + Y' + Z Biz seni yahut OrharCi namzet gosterecegiz. Orhan ve Ahmet gidecek. Isimi bitirdim, geldim.

3.3

S S/ S'

ve veya veyahut yahut Î

'We'll select you or Orhan as candidate.' 'Orhan and Ahmet will go.' 'I finished my work and came back.'

STRING CONJUNCTION

S'

This rule allows the conjoining of entire strings with the same conjunctives as indicated in 3.2 above. Since there is no internal syntactic modification of either string,

ÔPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

no environmental restrictions are necessary. The formulation of the rule allows recursive application. Examples: S /ve + S' Makarna piçti ve sen kapatmayi unuttun. Kapiy aç veya ônumden çekil. Daireye gidecek, btittin i?ini yapacak.

'The macaroni was done and you forgot to turn it off.' 'Open the door or get out of my way.' 'He's going to go to the office and do all his work.'

3.4 le (beraber) CONJUNCTION Y _l. >jp 4- Y X'Vnp' + Y ' ^

where

X + NP'

NP

+ le (beraber) N P + Y

NP

[i] = [?] ; * ' | Y J does not contain beraber

This rule conjoins noun-phrases by means of the comitative le beraber 'with/together with'. The elements being conjoined must not be identical, but the environment of these elements must be. Examples : X + NP + le + beraber + NP' + Y O filmi seninle beraber ben gôrdiim. Ben o adamla beraber seni diin gôrdiim. Bu nezleyle beraber bu ba§ agrasindan dolayi bir tiirlii çal/famiyorum.

3.5 W 4- X 4- Y

'I saw that film with you.' 'Yesterday I saw you with that man.' 'I haven't been able to study at all because of this cold and headache.'

ADDITIVE dl

4-7

W + X' + Y' + Z ' ^ W + X' + Y + d S / Z Where

Y = Y' ; X ^ X' Y does not contain j ^ j |

J does not contain /

{W, X, X', Y, Z} does not contain dS

34

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

This embedding transformation yields the additive de in the matrix string. Recursive application is prevented by the specification that the cover symbols "W, X, X', Y, Z " do not contain de. The symbol de contains a breve over the vowel in order to distinguish it from the locative case marker, de. This specification would also be used in morphophonemic rules dealing with stress placement, since de is characteristically a suffix which receives weak stress. Examples: W + X' + Y + d S / Z (¿ocuklar fu adamdan da yemek alir. Ben de gidecegim. Bir sade bir de $ekerli kahve istiyoruz.

'The children buy food from that man, too.' 'I'll go, too.' 'We want one coffee black and one with sugar.'

3.6 ki SUBORDINATORi

Y (NP + i) / V a + Z S Where V R

=

Y + V R + Z + ki / S

anla bil de dü?ün san

'understand' 'know' 'say' 'think' 'believe'

Z does not contain does not contain mi A string containing one of the verbs indicated by "VR" may thus subordinate another string by means of the subordinating conjunctive kl. The group of verbs included in "VR" may no doubt be extended, but my present data contain only those specified in the rule. Note that any direct object occurring in the matrix string is deleted by the operation of this transformation. The symbol kl has a breve in order to differentiate it from the symbol ki which is introduced in 3.8. Examples: Y + VR + Z + k i / W + V + X Nihayet anladim ki, sen gitmiyeceksin.

'I finally understood that you weren't going to go.'

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Dun bana dedi ki, Orhan gidecekmis. Dii?uniiyorum ki, bu bahar Ankara'ya gelsen dinlenirsin. 3.7 x

35

'He told me yesterday that Orhan was going to go.' 'I think that if you come to Ankara this spring, you'll be able to rest.'

ki SUBORDINATORa

^ _ v = > S + kI + X + V

Where

S does not contain mi

It is necessary to emphasize that " V " is not a cover symbol. " V " indicates the verb node developed in 1.2. In this rule any string may subordinate another string which ends in "V", i.e., a string ending in an imperative.1 In rule 3.34, I optionally add the optative marker to any imperative. Some utterances which do not conform to this restriction do occur. For example: Istanbul Vniversitesine gidecek ki doktorasmi alacak. Oraya gittim ki, her sey alt iist olmus.

'He'll go to Istanbul University in order to get his doctorate.' 'When 1 got there everything was a mess.'

Some type of stylistic parallelism might be operative in these "exceptions". My present analysis includes the restrictions which have general applicability. More instances of sentences not conforming to the rule will be necessary before any further analysis is attempted. Examples: Y + Z + ki + X + V Insan pazara gidecek ki, sebzeyi ucuza alsm. Toplantidan erken don ki, trene yeti§. Dersimizi bilecegiz ki iyi not alalim.

3.8

demonstrative" X Nom Y + NP + de + Z

W

'One goes to the market in order to buy the vegetables cheaply.' 'Come back from the party early so that you can catch the train.' 'We'll know our lesson so that we can get a good mark.'

DEMONSTRATIVE NOMINAL ki

=> W + NP + de + ki + X

In the above rule, a noun-phrase plus the locative marker de is embedded in a matrixstring by means of the suffix ki. This noun-phrase plus locative plus ki functions in the matrix string as a demonstrative, or as a noun. (Cf. 1.23.) 1

McQuown, p. 583.

36

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Examination of my data and the various handbooks on Turkish grammar indicates that the morpheme -ki occurs following the locative case -de, the genitive case -nin, and the unmarked nominative case with certain time words.2 In any syntactic analysis, however, it is necessary to differentiate the -ki following the locative case from the -ki following the genitive, since the latter functions only as a noun, and never as a demonstrative within a noun phrase. The present analysis treats genitive case plus -ki as the result of an optional deletion. (Cf. 3.11 and 3.39.) Thus, benimki 'mine' is derived from benim (kiz)im 'my (daughter)'. The time words, which the aforementioned handbooks have treated as nominative plus -ki, are treated in the present analysis as specified time words plus the locative -de plus -ki. (Cf. 1.29 and 4.4.) Thus, o zamanki 'pertaining to that time' is the result of the obligatory deletion of -de in a specified environment; i.e., o zamanki. This fact is further illustrated through the use of the plural morpheme, -ler, which renders the phrase non-specified. Thus, o zamanlardaki 'pertaining to those times' and not *o zamanlarki. Examples: NP + d e + k i + X Bu kosedeki iig bina yikilacak. O magazadakileri begenmedim. Diinkii haberler hig ho$uma gitmedi.

3.9

'The three buildings which are on this corner will be torn down.' 'I don't like the ones in that shop.' 'I didn't like yesterday's news at all.'

INFINITIVE

"Vc W + Nom + X V _postpositionR_ Q (Adjunct) V' + Z rvc W (Adjunct) V' + mek + X V _postpositionR_ Where

X does not contain Ìn

{*}

In this rule, a verb, with or without its adjuncts, is embedded in the matrix-string as a syntactic noun. This rule is placed at this point in the grammar so that the output will not undergo the transformation yielding the genitive. (Cf. 3.11.) 2

Cf. McQuown, p. 501; Kissling, p. 43; and Redhouse, pp. 30-1. Swift implies that it occurs following all of the case suffixes, but gives examples with only the locative, genitive, and the nominative of certain time words. Swift, Grammar, pp. 138-9.

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

37

Examples: Adjunct+ V + mek+ X + Vc Iflerini yapmakla me§gul. Bu isi yapmaga yeni ba$ladi. f ar$iya ugramaktan ba$ka bir ifim kalmadi.

'He's busy doing his work.' 'He just started to do this work.' 'I don't have any jobs other than going to the store.'

3.10 NOUN COMPOUNDS

W + Noma + X Y

"Nom + i9in .nsubstance "I- den.

Where

z => w

"Nom . Ilaubstance.

Noma + si + X

Nom ^ NomR NomR does not contain niocaie proper

This embedding transformation compounds noun-phrases through the addition of the nominal third person ending to the second member of the compound. (Cf. Lees, Nominalizations, p. 198-201.) Examples: W + NomR + X Bunlara damar derler 'They call these veins' Y + Nom+i?in + Z Vucutta kan igin kanallar var 'There are passages for the blood in the body.' W + NomR + X Yerde bir leke var. 'There's a spot on the floor.' Y n su bstance+den+z Bu renk kandan gelmif. 'This color is probably from blood.' Artik bu oturma odasmdan biktim. Bana yazi defteri lazim.

W + Nom NomR + X Bunlara kan damari derler. 'They call these (blood) veins.'

W + nsubstance NoniR+X Yerde bir kan lekesi var. 'There's a blood spot on the floor.' 'I'm tired of this sitting room.' 'I need a tablet.'

38

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

3.11

W + NP(

SI im in

GENITIVE AND NOMINAL PERSONAL SUFFIX

)X

Nominal NP + de + ki bura çura ora bu ?u o

NP'/Y

de / Q + var + copula

ben sen

W

Nominal NP + de + ki bura çura ora bu §u

si nin + NP

X

o im

ben

in

sen Where

NP = NP' ; NP # pronoun X #

si im in

In this transformation an element in the constituent string, meeting the specification of the rule, may be embedded in the matrix as indicated. The genitive case marker, nin, follows the embedded element and the appropriate nominal personal suffix is added to the following element. Note that this rule allows for recursive application. This recursiveness is theoretically unlimited, but rarely exceeds three applications. Optional deletions of the first and second elements are indicated in 3.39 and 3.40 respectively.

39

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Examples: W / NP + X Ben o kitabi gok begeniyorum. W/ Nominal+nin+ NP + s i + X 'I like that book very much.' => Ben ogretmenin o kitabmi gok NP' / Nominal+de+var + copula begeniyorum. O kitap ogretmende var. 'I like the teacher's book very much.' 'The teacher has that book.' Ben ogretmenin o kitabmm kabini pok 'I like the binding of that book of the begeniyorum. teacher very much.' Bazi insanlara bu diinyanm kotuliigu cazip 'The evil of this world seems attractive to some people.' gorunur. 'I like your mother's living room.' Annenin oturma odasmi begendim.

3.12

SUBORDINATE CLAUSE

X / Y X (NP/) (Adjunct) V (NP/) (Adv/) (Adjunct) V + Z

dikçe eli erek ip ince

/Y

Through the addition of dikge 'as/as often as', eli 'since', erek 'having', ip 'after', or ince 'when', a verb occurring in the constituent string, with or without its subject and adjuncts, may be embedded in the matrix string as indicated. The choice of this transformation results in the function of the embedded element as a subordinated clause within the matrix sentence. This rule allows recursive applications. The degree of permitted recursiveness seems to vary depending on the style. Thus, utterances containing ten, or more, instances of " V + i p " are common in the spoken language, but literary Turkish requires an interchange of the various embedding elements to achieve the same collocation. Examples: X +NP/Adjunct+V+dik9e/ Y Onlar, ben i$imi yaptikga, seviniyorlar. Sen bu i$i bitireli ii( gun oldu. Qar^iya gidip eve dondiim.

'They are pleased as I do my work.' 'It has been three days since you finished this work.' 'I went home after going to the market.'

40

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS 3.13

x +V(

er ecek meli

CONDITIONAL

copula) (mi)

Y (Adjunct) [ y ]

Z

Vc Y (Adjunct)

se/ X + V ( Y

Where

er ecek meli

copula) (mi)

does not contain ki

This rule specifies that a verb or a copulative verb in the constituent string may be embedded in a matrix string through the addition of se, the conditional marker. Notice that this rule is applicable only if the matrix string contains an imperative or a verb followed by the aorist er, future ecek, or necessitative meli. Restrictions on occurrence of se are further indicated in 3.32 and 4.8. Examples : W + Adjunct+V c +se/ X Bu ilâç bana iyise sana da iyi V+meli+copula. gelmeli. Sen bu i$i yapsan ben kitabimi bitirebilirim. O yilandan korksa ben çaçiririm.

'If this medicine is good for me it'll be good for you, too.' 'If you do this job I'll be able to finish my book.' 'If he's afraid of snakes I'd be surprised.'

3.14 AORIST PLUS NEGATIVE AORIST SUBORDINATION

X / Y W (Adjunct) V + R

X (Adjunct) V + e r + V + m e + e r / Y

Through the addition of the aorist er plus reduplication of the " V " with negative me and the aorist, a verb with its "Adjunct" in the constituent string may be embedded in the matrix string. The embedded segment yields a subordinate clause with the connotation of 'as soon as' plus the meaning of the embedded verb. The rule allows for recursive application.

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

41

Examples : X+Adjunct + V + e r + V + m ë + e r / Y Ben oraya gider gitmez btitiin zorluklara ragmen kurslara balladim. Ankara?ya ahfir aliçmaz eglenmeye baçladik. Seni gôriir gôrmez eski giinleri hat triadim.

3.15

'I started classes as soon as I went there in spite of all the difficulties.' 'We started to enjoy ourselves as soon as we got used to Ankara.' 'As soon as I saw you I remembered the old days.'

SUBORDINATION WITH -ken

X / Y (NP/) (Adv) (Adjunct) V c + R

=> X (NP/) (Adjunct) V c + ken / Y

The above transformation yields a subordinate clause through the addition of ken 'while' to the copulative-type verb in the constituent string, with or without "Adjunct", embedded within the framework of the matrix string. This rule also allows recursive application. Examples : X + NP / +Adjunct+V c +ken/ Y Ben Ahmet eve gelirken gördüm.

'I saw Ahmet while he was coming to the house.' 'I like to listen to the radio while reading.' 'I entered class just as the teacher was starting the lesson.'

Okurken ben radyo dinlemeyi severim. Hoca tam derse baçlarken smifa girdim.

3.16

^ JNimmobllel ^ [n inanimate J Y (Adjunct) V + Z

NOMINAL SUBORDINATE CLAUSES

W (Adjunct) V

dik ecek iÇ

X

ma

This rule yields a subordinate clause through the addition of dik, ecek, i f , or ma to the verb in the constituent string, with or without "Adjunct", embedded within the matrix string as a deverbal substantive.3 3

It is impossible to gloss dik, ecek, is and ma out of context. For discussion of their connotations, see Swift, Grammar, pp. 93-4, 95-6, 89-90, and 86-7.

42

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

The symbols dik and ecek will be rewritten with nominal personal endings in obligatory transformation 4.2. Examples: V+dik+X Gittigini ogrenince fok iizUldum. Bu i§ yarin bitecegine gore sen obiir gun fatile basliyabilirsin. Onun konufmasmi hiç anUyamiyorum.

'I was very sorry when I heard that he had left.' 'Since this job will be over tomorrow, you'll be able to start your holiday the following day.' 'I can't understand anything that he is saying.'

3.17 ADJECTIVAL CONSTRUCTION WITH -dik AND -ecek

W + Nom + X "dik " Y + Z + nin (Adjunct) V ecek

"si " im in "dik "

W + Z + nin + V ecek Where

"si im Nom + X in

Z does not contain /.

This rule allows a specialized adjectival construction developed from output strings of the preceding transformation containing dik or ecek, when the environment contains the genitive nin and the nominal personal endings. Note that the optional "Adjunct" occurring in the output of 3.16 must be deleted if this transformation is applied. Examples : W + Nom + X Ben adami begenmedim. 'I didn't like the man.' Y +Z+nin+Adjunct+V+dik+si+Q Sen onun Ahmet'i sevdigini biliyorsun. 'You know that she likes Ahmet.' Benim begendigim kitaplardan hiç birini sen okumadin. Senin sevecegin i$i bulmak zor.

W + Z + n i n + V + d i k + s i Nom + X Ben onun sevdigi adami begenmedim. 'I didn't like the man that she liked.' 'You didn't read a single one of the books that I liked.' 'It's hard to find a job that you'll like.'

43

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

3.18 SUBORDINATION WITH -en

w

r

N

°

m

+

x

[adja + copula

•

Y (Adjunct) V + Z

=> W (Adjunct) V + en

rx

-|

LcoPulaJ

A verb, with or without a preceding "Adjunct", may be embedded into the matrix string as a syntactic noun or adjective through the addition of the suffix en. The suffix may be glossed as: 'one who ... (plus the meaning of the verb)'. Examples: W+Adjunct + V + en + X Ben böyle i§ yapanlari sevmem. Giden gelmiyor, acap nedendir. O haber bu sabah gikan gazetede vardi.

'I don't like people who do such things.' 'The ones who left don't return, I wonder why.' (Song.) 'That news was in the paper that came out this morning.'

3.19 SUBORDINATION WITH -e

W + particlea "/dur Y Z (Adjunct) V + Q

W (Adjunct) V + e

fdur + X " V+ e + Y

A verb, with or without a preceding "Adjunct", may be embedded in a matrix string as a particle, through the addition of the suffix -e. When the embedded "V + e " is followed by any element other than dur 'stand', it is repeated. Note that the phrase boundary preceding dur is deleted in the application of this transformation. Examples: V + e + V + e + Y Sora sora Bagdat bile bulunur. Burn ancak (alif a (alifa ögreneceksin. Sen ifini yapadur.

'By asking one can even find Bagdad.' (Proverb.) 'You'll only learn this by studying.' 'Get on with your work.'

44

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS 3.20

W + Nom

./ver]

SUBORDINATION WITH -i

X

W (Adjunct) V + 1i

Y (Adjunct) V + Z

[ver]

The suffixation of the deverbal substantive marker i to a verb allows embedding in the matrix string as a noun. In the environment ci, the nominal actor derivational suffix, or preceding the verb ver 'give', any verb in the language may undergo this transformation. 4 Note that the phrase boundary between " N o m " and ver is deleted by the application of this rule. The suffixation of i to verbs not in the specified environment is indicated in 3.21 under " V 2 3 " . Examples: W + Adjunct + Bu adam oyle seylerden kolay kolay V +i+ci+ X nefret edicilerden degildir. Elini fabuk tutuver. Bona bunu ba$mdan okuyuver.

3.21 Nimmobilel

'This man isn't one of those who develop a hate for such things so easily.' 'Get hold of her hand quickly.' 'Come on, read this to me from the beginning.'

RESTRICTED DEVERBAL NOUNS

y

n Inanimate J

•Vi •

v2 v3 v4 v5 v„ v7 v8 v9

Vio Vii

z

=>

X

Vi V2 V3 V4 V5 V6 V7 V8 V9 Vio Vii

+ am + ce + cek +5 + da + da? +di + di? + ebe + e?

The development of the derivational suffix -ci would be specified in a more complete grammar of Turkish. I view this and other desubstantive substantives as the result of embedding transformations. Cf. Swift, Grammar, pp. 55-6.

4

45

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS V12

Via + ek

Vis

V13 + emek

v14

V14 + enek

VlB

V15 + ev

Vie

V i s + ey

V17

V17 + ge

Vl8

V i s + ge?

Vi»

V19 + gen

V20

V20 + gi

V2i

Vai + gi?

V22

V22 + gin

V23

V23 + i

V24

V 2 4 + is

V25

V25 + im

V26

V26 + in

V27

V27 + inti

V28

V 2 8 + it

V29

V29 + mag

V30

V30 + men

Vai.

V31 + sak

Where Vi

= {aci tat

V2

= tut

'ache', boya

'paint', eski

'age', giiref

'wrestle', sik

'copulate',

'taste'} 'hold'

V3 = diifiin 'think' V4 = {salin 'swing', oyna 'play'}

V5 = {sevin 'rejoice', gülün 'laugh', inan 'believe', kiskan 'envy', igren 'be disgusted', kazan Ve

= sev

V7

= an

'remember'

V8

=

V9

= an 'remember'

{toplan

V10 = göf

'win', öden 'be repaid'}

'love' 'gather together', türe 'derive'}

'resettle'

V n = {giil 'smile', ayir

'separate', say 'count'}

V12 = {yat 'lie down', bin 'mount', dokun kork

'fear', ka( 'flee'}

V13 = {tut 'hold', kaf 'flee'} V14 = {tut 'hold', gel 'come', gör 'see'} V15 = {öde 'pay', gör 'see', söyle

'tell'}

'touch', dur 'stop', kon

'alight',

46

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Vie = {bol 'divide', gik 'go out/up', diif 'fall', ol 'become', on 'front', topla 'gather', yat 'lie down'}5 V17 = {siiptir 'sweep', dal 'dive', bol 'divide'} Vis = {siiz 'strain', utan 'be ashamed'}

V19 = {alts 'get used to', unut 'forget', utan 'be ashamed', gekm 'withdraw', galis 'work'} V20 = {(iz 'draw', sev 'love', big 'cut', an 'remember', say 'count', uyu 'sleep', ig 'drink', bas 'press', ver 'give', kes 'cut', as 'hang', sil 'erase', bur 'twist', siiz 'strain', vur 'strike', duy 'feel', bil 'know', or 'knit', gor 'see', yet 'suffice', et 'do'} V21 = {banian 'be begun', dal 'dive', bil 'know'} V22 = {ahi 'get used to', kiz 'get angry', pi$ 'cook', ol 'become', bas 'press', yan 'burn', bil 'know', vur 'strike', stir 'drive', sal 'throw', soy 'strip', uy 'fit'} V23 = {dol 'fill', ol 'die', diz 'arrange', kork 'fear', yat 'lie down', yap 'make', stir 'drive', say 'count', ayir 'separate', sat 'sell'} V 2 4 = gek 'pull'

V25 = {tut 'hold', seg 'select', ol 'die', big 'cut', don 'turn', yut 'swallow', ye 'eat', diizle 'smooth/level', giy 'wear', tak 'attach', ver 'give', ugur 'cause to fly', at 'throw', bol 'divide', dil 'slice', ogret 'teach', otur 'sit', yay 'spread'} V26 = {)'ig 'heap up', ak 'flow', ek 'sow', tut 'smoke', yay 'spread', bas 'press', say 'count'} V27 = {gir 'enter', kir 'break', biik 'twist', sars 'shake', kes 'cut', ak 'flow'} V28 = {tasi 'transport', geg 'pass', bin 'mount', yak 'burn', an 'remember', yaz 'write'} V29 = {bula 'smear', yirt 'tear'}

V30 = {ogret 'teach', degir 'grind'} V31 = {tut 'hold', sav 'put off'}6 This rule generates deverbal nouns through the addition of the various derivational suffixes to the verbs as indicated in the statement of environment, and through the process of embedding these verbs, plus their derivational suffix, in a matrix string. The verbs contained in each subclass could, no doubt, be extended. However, my present data contain only the verbs listed above and the brevity of the list would indicate that these derivational processes are highly restricted in the present-day language. 5 The resultant forms are boley, fikay, diisey, olay, dney, toplay, yatay. Swift, in classifying this as a non-harmonic suffix, implies that his corpus contains only examples with preceding back vowels, with the exception of dney 'facade* which is footnoted. Cf. Swift, Grammar, p. 98 and footnote 18, p. 127. 6 The large majority of the verbs listed under each verb subclass are taken from Swift, Grammar, p. 75-98. For the meaning of the various suffixes see Swift's glosses of each of the verbs with the appropriate suffixes in the aforementioned pages.

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

47

Examples : V4 + cek + Y Salmcak kirildi. Acisma dayanamadim. Ruslarm elinde iiç sene tutsak kalmi§.

'The swing broke.' 'I couldn't stand the pain.' 'He remained a prisoner for three years in the hands of the Russians.'

3.22 DEVERBAL ADJECTIVES

W + adja + copula =>

Where

w

"çi§ + man" copula V A + ik .

VA = {yat 'lie down', diis 'fall', don 'turn', son 'be extinguished', degis 'change', biiyti 'grow', gatla 'crack', biik 'twist', karis 'mix', kayna 'join', parla 'shine', yumu§a 'get soft', bula 'smear')

Through the suffixation of man to $is 'swell' or ik to the verbs specified under "VA", and through the process of embedding in a matrix string in the manner indicated, deverbal adjectives may be generated. Examples: W + çiç+man-fcop Sen gegen sene çok siçmandm. Pek dii$ük fiyata aldim. Onun bu günlerde kafasi çok karafik.

3.23

Where

'You were very fat last year.' 'I bought it at a very low price.' 'He's very upset these days.'

AUXILIARY VERB et

Noma, = adam 'man' redd 'refusal' tamir 'repair'

Through the addition of the auxiliary verb et 'do', any adjective and many nouns may be embedded in a matrix sentence as '' verbtransitive mobile i " . (Cf. 1.7-8 and 1.14. Also Swift, Grammar, p. 191-2.)

4$

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Except for a few native nouns, only nouns borrowed from other languages may undergo this transformation. A complete grammar of Turkish would require the specification of this feature in the lexicon. Examples: W + Adj+et+X Onu soyledigine iyi ettin. Sen geg kalmca merak ettim. Onun bana neler ettigini bilemezsin.

'You did well to say that.' 'I worried when you were late.' 'You can't comprehend what he did to me.'

3.24 W

+

y

pverbimpersonal

verbtransitive (human) mobile 2 +

CAUSATIVE! X

J

[verbtransitive (human) mobile 2_ w

r

v e r b

toper8onal

]

X

dir +

[Verbtransitive (human) mobile 2 J

The rule indicated here and the following two rules yield the causative suffix. They are differentiated in order to indicate the separate "Adjunct" developments. (Cf. 1.11-14.) The a b o v e indicates that any "verbimpersonal" Or "verbtransitive (human) mobile 2 " plus the causative marker "dir" may be embedded in a matrix string containing an environment developed by "verbtransitive (human) mobile 2 " ; i.e., a preceding direct object cannot be an animate noun. (Cf. 1.20.) The statement of this rule is such as to allow for recursive application. Suffixation of more than two causatives results in emphasis of the causative nature of the action. Examples: W

+

verbimpersonal 4~ d i r + X

Karim bize yemekpifiriyor. Sogusun diye suyu iyice akittim.

'My wife is cooking dinner for us.' 'I ran the water a lot so that it would get cold.' 'He made me drink all the beer.'

Bana biitiin birayi igirdi. 3.25 W Y

-f- Verbtransitive (human) +

Verb +

Z

X

CAUSATTVE2

... W

.. +

,

V e r b

, +

dir

+

v X

This rule specifies that the subclass of verb marked by "Verb" indicated in 1.7 and 1.12 may be embedded in a matrix string containing an environment developed by

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

49

"verbtransitive (human)"; i.e., the "Adjunct" development may not contain a noun phrase plus the dative marker e. (Cf. 1.13.)

Examples: W Verb+dir+X Nefretinden adami oldurdii. Sagma sapan hikayeleriyle hepimizi biktirdi. Birdenbire bagirarak hepimizi korkuttu.

3.26 W + verbtransitive (human) mobile 1 +

'He killed the man out of hatred.' 'He disgusted all of us by telling idiotic stories.' 'He frightened all of us by suddenly screaming.' CAUSATIVEs

X

Verbs W Verb + dir dir + X "Nom" et .Adj .

[Verbs Verb + dir Z ["Nonf! et LAdj J . Where

V e r b s = {verbmowie, verb m 0 biie a, verbmobiie b, Verbtransitive, Verbtransitive human, Verbtransitive human mobile 1, Verbtransitive mobile 2 }

Through the suffixation of the causative dir the verb subclasses specified by " V s " , the output string of 3.25 above, or a noun or adjective with the auxiliary verb et 'do', may be embedded in a matrix string containing the environment developed by "verbtransitive (human) mobile l"- (Cf. 1.14.) The formulation of the rule allows recursive application. Examples : W + Vs+dir + X Orbarti son imtihanmda dondiirmusler. Adam gansterlere parayla karisini öldürttii. Bana bu ciimleyi on kere tekrar ettirdi. 3.27

W (Adjunct) V + X Y (Adjunct') VC + Z

'They flunked Orhan in his last examination.' 'By paying them, the man had his wife killed by gangsters.' 'He had me repeat this sentence ten times.'

AUXILIARY VERB ol

/A W (AdjUnCt

„ „ > Vc &

, , +

o1

v X

A verb of the copulative type indicated in 1.3., with or without the Adjunct development specified in 1.10, may be embedded in a matrix string as indicated above.

50

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Examples: W + Adjunct + V + X Yarm oraya gidecek. 'He'll go there tomorrow.' Y+Adjunct'+Vc DUn bize gelmi$. 'He came to us yesterday.' Bu sene o bize ogretmen oldu. Gefen sene mahsul az oldu.

3.28

W + Adjunct'+V C & ol + X => Yarm bize gelmis olacak. 'He will be with us by tomorrow.'

'He was a teacher for us this year.' 'The crop yield was small last year.'

COMPARATIVE ADJECTIVES

W + NP + X + Adj + copula Y + NP' + Z + Adj' + copula' => W + NP + X + NP' + Z + den + daha + Adj + copula Where

does not contain

;

Adj = Adj'

The choice of the above transformation yields the comparative of adjectives. For the superlative, see 3.42. If rule 3.32 was chosen, the " A d j " node subsumes " V + i k " and "§i§ + m a n " in this and following rules specifying " A d j " . Examples: N P + X + N P ' + Z +den+daha Adj + cop. Kizimiz oglumuzdan daha biiyiik. Bu problem birincisinden daha karipk. Sen benden daha si$mansm.

3.29

'Our daughter is bigger than our son.' 'This problem is more complex than the first.' 'You are fatter than I.'

NONQUANTITATIVE ADJECTIVES IN THE NOUN-PHRASE

W / (demonstrative &) (nnUmber &) N o m + X =>

Y + Nom ' + Z (daha &) NQA + copula W/ (demonstrative &) (nnUmber &) (daha &) NQA + Nom + X

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Where

51

Nom = Nom' adj

^substance +

NQA =

V+ V+ V+ V+ çiç +

den

ecek en miç ik man

The above rule yields adjectives in the noun-phrase. The constituent string must contain a " N o m " and one of the various types of adjectivals specified. "adj a , adj c , adj a" develop from the expansions indicated in 1.3 and 1.5. The following rule provides the same development for "adjb". "nSUbstance" derives from the rewrite indicated in 1.26. " V + e n " develops in the output string of 3.18. " V + i k " and "çiç+man" are the result of the choice to apply transformation 3.22. " V + e c e k " and " V + m i § " are the result of the expansions indicated in 1.3 and 1.4. The adjectival transfer indicated also operates with the other "Aspect" markers; i.e., the aorist er, the progressive iyor, and the necessitative meli. With er, it is limited to fixed phrases. Occurrences with iyor and meli are so rare that they may be termed exceptions. The paucity of examples of "V+er, V+iyor, V+meli" in adjectival function in the present-day language leads me to consider them as lexemes occurring in specialized environments which might be entered in the lexicon. Examples: W/ demon+nnum + N o m + X O adam bu iiç arkadasimiza gore bunu yapmali. 'According to these three friends of ours, that man has to do this.' Y + Nom' + Z + NQA+copula O arkada§ nispeten iyidir. 'That friend is doing quite well now.' W + Nom + X Ben yolu begenmiyorum. 'I don't like the road.' Z + Nom' +N SU bs +den+copula Bu yol tastandir. 'This road is paved with stone.'

W + demon+nnum + N Q A +

O adam bu up iyi arkadasimiza gore Nom + X bunu yapmali. 'According to these three good friends of ours, that man has to do this.'

W + nSUb3 +den + N o m + X Ben tastan yolu begenmiyorum. 'I don't like roads paved with stone.'

52

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Evde kalacak ufak tefekten ba§ka her fey ambalaj oldu.

3.30

'Except for the odds and ends which will remain at home everything was packed.'

QUANTITATIVE ADJECTIVES IN THE NOUN-PHRASE

W/ (demonstrative &) (n n u mber &) Nom + X Y + Nom' + Z (daha &) adj b + copula W/ (demonstrative &) (daha &) adjb + Nom + X Where

Nom = Nom'

This rule yields the same type of adjective transfer outlined in 3.29, but "adjb" requires the deletion of any " n n U m b e r " in the noun-phrase of the matrix-string. Examples: W + daha & adj b +Nom + Y Bu if daha fok kuvvet ister. Toplantiya daha kat, kifi gelecek ?

'This job needs more strength.' 'How many more people are going to come to the party?' 'There is little for you to eat tonight.'

Bu aksam sana az yemek kaldi.

3.31

NP/X NP ' / Y + nproper + copula Where

VOCATIVE

NP / NP' / X

NP = n p r 0 p e r ; NP' = sen ; X does not begin sen/

Application of this rule yields the vocative. For the subject-verbal ending concord, see 4.11. Examples: NP/X Giilen oraya gidecek. 'Gulen will go there.' NP' / Y + nproper "I-copula Sen her $eye ragmen eski Guleri'sin. 'In spite of everything, you're the same old Giilen.' Ahmet, sen nereye gidiyorsun ? Sermin, gel buraya.

NP / NP' / X Giilen, sen oraya gideceksin. 'Giilen, you'll go there.'

'Ahmet, where are you going?' '£ermin, come here.'

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

53

3.32 PAST TENSE

^ [copula] ^ Where

^ ^ ^ [copula di (se)J ^

i ^ l does not contain i^ 1 } lYj lyannj

Choice of the above single string transformation yields the past tense. The statement that " X " may not contain the conjunctive ki is required because, as indicated in 3.7, a verb following an embedded clause with kl must be in the imperative or the optative. The exclusion of yarm 'tomorrow' is similar to the cooccurrence restrictions in 1.31 operative with the past aspect marker, mi§. The restrictions operative when both the past tense marker, di, and the conditional, se, are chosen, are indicated in obligatory transformation 4.8. Examples: X + V+di Onu yapti. Onu yapsaydi §imdi boyle zorluk gekmezdi. Onu yapacakti.

'He did it.' 'If he had done it he wouldn't be having such difficulties now.' 'He was going to do it.'

3.33

W/X

Nom pronoun bura §ura ora V+ Y Y + ler J copula

PLURAL

"Nom pronoun bura $ura ler ora V+ Y V + ler . ler + copula

W/X

/ Where

does not contain

ler adjb nnumber

Y does not contain i ' e r , 1 [copulaj Here the plural marker ler is added to the specified elements. The environment statement indicates that it may not be added to a noun phrase which already contains ler, thus preventing recursive application. It also prevents the choice of ler when the

54

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

noun phrase contains "adjb", i.e., quantitative adjectives, or "n n u m t e r". In the verb, ler may be generated only once, except when " V " is string final; the rule may then be applied twice. Thus: W + V Oraya git. 'Go there.' (Informal singular)

W + V+ler Oraya gidin. 'Go there.' (Polite singular or informal plural)

W / V+ler+ler Oraya gidiniz. 'Go there.' (Polite plural)

Examples: pronoun + ler + Z Biz dun gittik. Adamlar gitti. Gitmislerdir.

'We went yesterday.' 'The men went.' 'They went.' 3.34

OPTATIVE

X + V=>X + V + e Through the suffixation of e, an optative stem is formed from the imperative. The form is extremely rare in the present-day language except in the first person. (Cf. the discussion under 4.6.) Examples: X + V + e Kalacak degilsin ki, böyle yapasin.

'You aren't going to stay, so why do you do such things?' 'Let's not do it now.' 'With your permission I'll go to the market.'

Simdi onu yapmiyalim. Miisaadenizle fargiya gideyim.

3.35

W

V + X var (ler) copula Y

[

Where

W

NEGATIVE

V + mé + X [vÌdegil]

(ler) COpula

.

X does not contain i m e , f [copula J degil Y does not contain var

/

In this rule, the negative of the various verb types is specified. The condition statement prevents recursive application.

55

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Examples: X V+dir+më+ X Bunu yaptirmadilar. Bizde para yok. Ottlar oraya gidecek degillerdi.

'They didn't have this done.' 'We don't have any money.' 'They weren't going to go there.'

3.36 ABILITATIVE

X + V + Y = > X + V + ebil + Y Where Y does not contain ebil The choice of this transformation results in an abilitative verb stem. The negative abilitative e is viewed as the result of a rule in the morphophonemic component of the grammar. Examples: X + V+dir+ebil+Y Hentiz bu isi yaptirabildik.

'We were only just able to have this work done.' 'I was able to do it at last.' 'This time let me be able to read his handwriting.'

Nihayet yapabildim. Bu sefer yazismi okuyabileyim.

3.37 PASSIVE "(NP' + i /) I"verbtransitive x l

(NP/) W

|_V + dir Verbo

J

Y =>

"(NP' D W (NP + tarafindan f ) [verbtransitive xl Lv + dir J W + Verbo Where

Verbe j-

il + Y

iverbtransitive x ] [verbimpersonal J

W may only contain (Adv) (Adjunct) Y ^ il + Z NP ^ NP' The above rule yields the passive by suffixing il to the verbs specified. The formulation of the rule prevents the development of the passive with "verbimpersonal", unless it contains the causative marker, dir. (Cf. 1.6 and 3.24.)

56

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

With verbs containing a transitive feature or any verb plus the causative marker, i.e., verbs capable of taking a direct object, the subject of the input string is embedded in the output string as an addition to the " A d j u n c t " node. This embedding requires that the " N P " be followed by tarafmdan which may be translated here as 'by + N P ' . The noun phrase functioning as a direct object in the input string yields the subject of the output string. The verbs specified as " V e r b c " , i.e., those verbs not capable of taking a direct object, delete the subject of the input string and have no subject in the output string. Examples: NP/ W N P ' + i + V + d i r + Y At hemen arabayi dondurdii 'The horse turned the cart all at once.'

N P ' / W N P tarafindan/V+dir+il+di Araba hemen at tarafmdan ddnduriildii. 'The cart was turned by the horse all at once.'

Bu kagit o adam tarafmdan yazilacak. Simdi oraya gidilir.

'This paper will be written by that man' 'One can go there now.'

3.38 RECIPROCAL AND REFLEXIVE W (NP H Where

/)

rvi

v2

X does not contain X does not contain

linj

V i = }bak, ?arp, giil, sev, ...} V 2 = }bak, gez, gor, sev, ...} The addition of the reciprocal marker, i f , to " V i " requires that a noun phrase with the dative case e or a direct object noun phrase immediately preceding the verb be replaced by " N P + l e " . The addition of the reflexive marker, in, to " V 2 " , requires that a direct object noun phrase be replaced by " N P + e " . A complete grammar of Turkish would require that the verbs capable of undergoing this transformation be indicated in the lexicon. Examples: NP+ e + Vi + X O kiza baktim. 'I looked at that girl.' Benimle garpifti. Etrafima bakmdim.

NP + l e + V i = i s + X O kizla bakiftim. 'I exchanged looks with that girl.' 'He collided with me.' 'I looked around for myself.'

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

57

3.39 GENITIVE PLUS -ki

si X + NP + nin + NP' im in

X + NP + nin + ki + Y

This rule optionally replaces the noun-phrase plus the nominal person suffix by ki, in the environment of a noun-phrase plus the genitive marker nin.'7 Examples: NP + nin N P + s i + Y Kd$edekinin vitrinini begenmedim. 'I didn't like the display of the one on the corner.' Benimki kalmadi. Seninkinden ba$ka hig birininkini begenmedim.

NP + n i n + k i + Y Kdfedekininkini begenmedim. 'I didn't like the one of that on the corner.' 'Mine's gone.' 'I didn't like anyone's except yours.'

3.40 DELETION OF THE GENITIVE NOUN-PHRASE

si X + NP + nin + NP' im in

si X + NP' im in

This rule allows for the deletion of a noun phrase plus genitive in the environment of a noun phrase with a nominal person suffix. Examples: N P + i n + N P ' + im Y Benim arkadaçim gitti. 'My friend left.' Gelmenden korktum. Oraya gidecegine ragmen hiç hazirlik yapmadi.

NP' + im Y Arkadafim gitti. 'My friend left.' 'I was afraid of your coming.' 'In spite of the fact that he would be going there, he didn't make any kind of preparation.'

3.41 INDEFINITE ARTICLE

X + bir + Y + Nom + Z = > X + Y + bir + Nom + Z Where Y does not contain /. This transformation yields the indefinite article by transferring bir 'one' to a position after the adjectivals specified in 3.29-30. 7

Tietze, Genitiv, pp. 183-94.

58

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Examples : X + bir + Y + Nom + Z Orada bir iyi arkadaçim var. 'I have one good friend there.' Giizel hazirlanmif bir ders verdim. O kariçik bir durumdan kurtulmasmi iyi bilir.

3.42

X + Y +bir+Nom + Z Orada iyi bir arkadafim var. 'I have a good friend there.' 'I gave a well-prepared lecture.' 'He very well knows how to get himself out of a delicate situation.'

SUPERLATIVE

X + Adj + Y => X + en + Adj + Y

This transformation yields the superlative. Examples: en+Adjectival + Y En iyi kitabi gordum. Bu adam diinyanm en zengin adamidir. En iyi kitaplari toplamalarma ragmen bu kutuphane çok istifadeli degil.

3.43

'I saw the best book.' 'This man is the world's richest man.' 'In spite of their collecting the best books this library isn't very helpful.'

INTENSIFIER

X + Adj + Y => X + Intensifier + Adj + Y Where

X ^ Z + en Intensifier = {çok, pek, korkunç, ...}

A more complete grammar would specify common intensifiers in the lexicon. The class of intensifiers in Turkish, as in English, seems to be an open one, subject to very rapid change in membership. Examples: X + Intensifier+Adjectival+copula Bu kiz korkunç zekidir. Diin çok zengin bir adamla tanistim. Bu ise pek giizel bir hal çaresi buldum.

'This girl is awfully bright.' 'Yesterday I met a very rich man.' 'I found a very good way to solve this problem.'

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS 3.44

QUESTION-WORD QUESTIONS

adja

W/

adjb

demonstrative NP

59

X + mi => W / mi

adja adjb demonstrative NP

This rule provides for the development of question-word questions which will be specified, together with examples, in 4.18.

3.45

EMPHATIC POSITION OF THE QUESTION MARKER, -mi

W / X + mi => W + m i / X The position of the question marker, mi, may be changed for emphasis. Examples: W/ + Vc + mi + Z Sen yarm oraya gidecek misin? 'Are you going there tomorrow?' Sen yarm mi oraya gideceksin? Sen mi yarm oraya gideceksin?

W + mi/+V c + Z => Sen yarm oraya mi gideceksin ? 'Are you going there tomorrow?' 'Are you going there tomorrow?' 'Are you going there tomorrow?'

3.46 DELETION OF THE SPECIFIED DIRECT-OBJECT MARKER X + NP + i + Y = * X + NP +

Where

Y

NP ^ {pronoun, bura, çura, ora, nw proper z> NP + ki, si NP im demonstrative + Nom, V + mek} in

This rule indicates that nominals occurring in the direct-object slot, with the specified direct-object marker, i, may delete this marker if the nominal is not a "specified nominal". The condition statement indicates the "specified nominals", i.e., pronouns, bura 'here', §ura 'there (proximate)', ora 'there', any noun classed as "proper", any noun followed by ki, any noun with a person marker, any noun preceded by a demonstrative, or a verb with the infinitive ending mek. Examples: X + NP + i + Y Dun kitabi aldim. 'I bought the book yesterday.' Yarm gazete alacagim. §imdi dondurma yiyecegim.

X + NP + Y Dun kitap aldim. 'I bought a book yesterday.' 'I'll get a paper tomorrow.' 'I'm going to eat ice cream now.'

60

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

3.47 DELETION OF THE AUXILIARY VERB et-

X (Adjunct) Where

et + Y + me + Z = > X (Adjunct) j ^ j " ]

Y does not contain j ^ j

This rule permits the deletion of the auxiliary verb et 'do' when it contains the embedding suffix -me which was developed in 3.16. Lees considers this transformation obligatory, but my informant accepts both the input strings and the output strings 8 Examples: X + A d j u n c t + N o m + et+me + Z X+Adjunct+Nom + Z Dun onu ziyaret etmemiz iyi oldu. => Dun onu ziyaretimiz iyi oldu. 'It was good that we visited him yester'It was good that we visited him yesterday.' day.' Hasan'in otomobil tamir etmesi guliing. => Hasan*in otomobil tamiri giilunf. '(The thought of) Hasan's repairing '(The thought of) Hasan's repairing cars is laughable.' cars is laughable.'

3.48 EMPHATIC PITCH POSITION

rvc rvc Z => X / 3 + Y / V v. X Y does not contain 3 Where Z X/Y/

z

This rule yields an emphatic (or contrastive) pitch peak. A grammar containing a morphophonemic component would there indicate that the " 3 " pitch is to be placed on the first stressed syllable to the right.9 Examples: X / Y / Vc O adam fimdi gidiyor. 'That man is going now.' 3 Ben gitmiyecegim. 3 Ben evde kalacagim. 8 9

X / 3 + Y / Vc => O adam fimdi gidiyor. 'That man is going now.' ' / won't go.' 'I'll stay home.'

Lees, Nominalizations, p. 201. Also see Swift, Grammar, pp. 201-2. Cf. Meskill, p. 44.

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS

61

3.49 EMPHATIC WORD ORDER

W / X / Y / Z => W / Y / X / Z Where

j ^j1 does not contain {J, dik, dikge, ecek, eli, en, erek, ince, ip, i§, ken, ki, me, mek, V + er + V + mez, V + i, ve, veya, veyahut, yahut}

Application of this rule yields a rearrangement of word order which may be termed emphatic word order. The rule is formulated to allow any element bounded by the phrase boundary written " / " to be embedded at any other phrase boundary point within the clause. Phrases from one clause do not occur embedded in another clause. This is prevented by the statement of environment which indicates that neither " X " nor " Y " may contain elements used in conjoining entire strings, and those embedding elements which allow the "Adjunct" developed in the constituent string to be maintained in the matrix. (Cf. 3.3, 3.6, 3.7, 3.9, 3.13-16, 3.18-20.) These elements will be termed "Clause Markers" and referred to in 4.1, 4.6-7 and 4.14 below. Examples: X + Y Annem iyi degil. 'My mother's not well.' Ben gidiyorum $imdi. I§i sana veriyor.

Y + X => Iyi degil annem. 'My mother's not well.' 'I'm going now.' 'He's giving the job to you.'

3.50 JUNCTURES WITH SUSTAINED OR RISING PITCH

X/Y

=> X | | }

Y

This rule indicates that any phrase boundary, " / " , may be optionally rewritten as a juncture with sustained pitch or as a juncture with rising pitch. Morphophonemic rules would delete any remaining " / " , or replace it by a juncture with falling pitch immediately before the sentence boundary, " # " . Examples: Ben | gtizel gozlii kadmlari severim. Ben \ giizel gozlii kadmlari severim. 10

'I love women with beautiful eyes.' 'I love women with beautiful eyes.'10

The examples are the first line of the poem entitled "Sonnet" by Omit Yasar Oguzcan, published in Seninle Olmek istiyorum (Ankara, 1960) p. 34.

62

OPTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS 3.51

EMPHATIC PITCH LEVEL

X + 3 + Y=>X + 4 + Y This rule yields emphatic pitch level. Example: X + 3+ Y O adam fimdi gidiyor. 'That man is going now.'

X + 4 + Y O adam fimdi gidiyor. 'That man is going now.''

4. OBLIGATORY TRANSFORMATIONS

The following rules are obligatorily applied to any string fitting the structural description, as outlined on the left of the rewrite arrow, in the order presented.

4.1 REARRANGEMENT OF DEMONSTRATIVES WITH VERBS LIKE git 'GO' AND gel 'COME'

a.

NPI NPI W NP 2 den NP 2 e + X + V Y a + Z NP 3 NP 3 riNP.ii " NPx " W ÎNP2I den INP3J e + X + Vy a + Z .INP3J.

_ np3

.

NPI NPI b. W NP 2 den • NP 2 e + X + VYb + Z NP 3 NP 3 "NP2" "NPI" w den NP 2 e + X + V y b + Z NP 3 NP 3 Where X does not contain a Clause Marker as specified in 3.49.

pronoun + nin L Occurrences of "pronoun" plus "postpositiont" developed in 1.15, or "pronoun"

OBLIGATORY TRANSFORMATIONS

65

plus the comitative le developed in 3.4 require the addition of the genitive case marker nin directly to the "pronoun". 1 Examples: *Ben gibi yap

=> Benim gibi yap. 'Do it as I do.' 'He's as old as me.' 'He isn't going to go with her.'

Benim kadar biiyiik. Onunla gitmiyecek.

4.4 DELETION OF THE LOCATIVE MARKER, -de, WITH SPECIFIED TIME NOMINALS

X + Specified time nominal + de + Y => X + Specified time nominal + Y ntime c

Where specified time nominal =

Z does not contain

demonstrative + Z + ntime a si dik Y im ' ntime ecek in 1

(.nnumber J

After a specified time nominal the following locative marker, de is deleted. (Cf. the discussion under 1.29 above and also Swift, Grammar, p. 236.) Examples: *Diinde gitti => Dun gitti. Bu sabah gidecek. Onun gittigi gun seni gormedim.

'He went yesterday.' 'He'll go this morning.' 'I didn't see you the day that he left.'

4.5 PERSONAL ENDINGS WITH bura, ura, ora, nere

bura §ura ora nere

./J

bura §ura ora nere

si

Any occurrences of bura 'here', §ura 'there (proximate)', ora 'there', or nere 'where' without a suffix are here rewritten with si the nominal third person marker. Examples: Burasi giizel. Burada neresi gormeye deger? Burasi neresi? 1

'It's nice here.' 'What's worth seeing here?' 'Where's this?'

This transformation would be optional for many dialects of Turkish, but for my informant it is obligatory.

66

OBLIGATORY TRANSFORMATIONS

4.6 REPLACEMENT OF FIRST PERSON IMPERATIVES

ben (1er) / X + V / => ben (1er) / X + V + e/ Where X does not contain a Clause Marker as specified in 3.49. Non-occurring first person imperatives, which were allowed to develop in the immediate constituent expansion rules for reasons of simplicity, are here rewritten as first person optatives. Moreover, present day usage indicates almost complete overlap between the imperatives and optatives. The second and third person imperatives have almost totally replaced the second and third person optatives, the distinction being maintained only in fixed phrases, such as proverbs. Examples: ben+ X + V *Ben oraya git.

ben+ X + V + e/ => Ben oraya gideyim. 'Let me go there.' 'Let's go there.'

Biz oraya gidelim.

4.7 DELETION OF SECOND PERSON IMPERATIVE QUESTIONS

sen (ler) / X + V + mi / => sen (ler) / X + V Where X does not contain a Clause Marker as specified in 3.49. Non-occurring second person imperative question forms here undergo a deletion of the question marker mi. Such forms were allowed to develop in order to obtain generality in the formulation of 1.1. Third person imperative question forms occur, e.g., Gitsin mi? 'Should he go?' Examples: sen/ X + V + mi *Sen bunu yap mi?

sen/ X + V => Sen bunu yap. 'You do it.' 'You do it.'

Siz bunu yapm

4.8 CLAUSAL COOCCURRENCE RESTRICTIONS WITH THE PAST CONDITIONAL

X

se + di di + se.

/Y + V + Z

X

'se + di di + se

/Y + V

fer 1 [ecekj

!" 1 ImeliJ

di

This rule requires that occurrences of both the conditional marker, se, and the past tense marker, di in an embedded clause have the aorist er or future ecek plus di if the embedded verb is a non-copulative-type verb.

OBLIGATORY TRANSFORMATIONS

67

If the embedded verb is a copulative-type then the main verb must have the aorist er or the necessitative meli plus di. (Cf. 3. 3 and 3.32.) Examples: Burn yapsaydm oraya gidebilirdik. Burada bir ay kalsaydi arkadaslarmi ziyaret edecekti. Oraya gidecek idiyse bona soylemeliydi.

'If you had done that we would have been able to go there.' 'If he had stayed here for a month he would have visited his friends.' 'If he was going to go there, he should have told me.'

4.9 PLURAL NOMINAL PERSONAL ENDINGS

X

Nom bura §ura ora nere

H

1er + Y

Nom bura §ura ora nere

ïmizl inizj

The above rule yields the first and second person plural endings for nominals. (Cf. 3.11 and 3.33.) Examples: X -f-Nom+imiz Biz adamiz. Arkadafiniz yok mu ?

'We're men.' 'Don't you have any friends ?'

4.10 PLURAL PERSONAL PRONOUNS

X ^ l l e r +

Y . X i r i Y

The above rewrites the first and second person pronouns plus the plural marker ler as indicated. 4.11 SUBJECT-VERB PERSON CONCORD

W

ben sen biz X + ve + ben siz X + ve + sen

/ X + VP + Y (

El

)/

68

OBLIGATORY TRANSFORMATIONS

ben im sen W

"biz _X + ve + ben "siz X + ve + sen

/ X + VP + Y

iz siniz

]

Where Y is not empty

sin

&

/ Y does not contain

im sin iz siniz

fWl j ^ | does not contain Clause Marker as specified in 3.49. This rule yields the first and second person verbal endings. Morphophonemic rules would specify the correct allomorph of the first and second personal morphemes for the various verb stems. The third person verbal ending is considered unmarked, with the exception of the environment specified in the following rule. There is no need to specify that the aforementioned pronouns are subject pronouns, since all other pronouns have affixes separating them from the adjacent phrase boundary, "/", at this point in the grammar. Examples: siz/ X + VP *Siz oraya gidecek. Orhan'la beraber ben oraya gittim. Orhan ve ben oraya gittik.

siz/ + + VP + siniz Siz oraya gideceksiniz. 'You'll go there.' 'Orhan and I went there.' 'Orhan and I went there.'

4.12 THIRD PERSON IMPERATIVE ENDING NPe / X + V /

Where NPR =

N P r / X + V + sin/

Nominal bu §u

(ler)

This rule yields the third person imperative ending.

OBLIGATORY TRANSFORMATIONS

69

Examples: *0 adam git.

=> O adam gitsin. 'Have that man go.' 'Have them go.'

Onlar gitsin.

4.13

REPLACEMENT OF THE CASE MARKER OF THE DIRECT OBJECT

(NP/) X + NP (i) [ 2 J

et + Y => (NP/) X + NP + le [ f g j J et + Y

This rule rewrites the case ending of the direct object preceding alay et 'mock' and iftihar et 'be proud of' to "NP + le". Examples: *Beni alay ediyorlar.

=> Benimle alay ediyorlar. 'They're mocking me.' 'I'm proud of you.'

Seninle iftihar ediyorum.

4.14 POSITION OF "PARTICLEd"

W + X + particleb + Y => W + particleb + X + Y Where

W = Z + Clause Marker and X does not contain Clause Marker as specified in 3.49.

The members of "particleb" always occur first in any given clause. Examples: *Ben fakat gitmedim.

=> Fakat ben gitmedim. 'But I didn't go.' 'No, I won't be able to do it.'

Hayir, yapamiyacagim.

4.15

PITCH PEAK WITH QUESTIONS

X / Y + mi + Z = > X / 3 + Y + mi + Z Where

X Y Z

does not contain 3

Y does not contain / Both Y and Z cannot be empty. The above indicates the pitch peak with a question element.

70

OBLIGATORY TRANSFORMATIONS

The ordering of the following rules indicates the primacy of the elements requiring pitch peak. Note that these rules do not affect the output of the emphatic pitch peak transformation, since the cover symbols do not contain "3". (Cf. 3.48.) Examples: 3 ¡¡jimdi oraya mi gidiyorsun? 3 §imdi oraya gidiyor mu? 3 Simdi nereye kafti?

'Are you going there now?' 'Is he going there now?' 'Where did he run off to now?'

4.16 PITCH PEAK WITH NUMERALS

X / nnumber (Adj) Nom + Y => X / 3 + nnumber (Adj) Nom]+ Y Where

j ^ j does not contain 3

This rule places the pitch peak on a numeral in a noun phrase. Examples : 3 Benim bir iyi arkadasim var. 3 Bu ak$am bize iki giizel kiz gelecek.

4.17

X/I Where

Y =

>X/3

'I have one good friend.' 'Two pretty girls are coming to our house tonight.'

"COLORLESS" PITCH PEAK

rv Vc

L , } does not contain 3

This rule specifies that the pitch peak occurs in the first stressed element in the verb, if not otherwise indicated. The pitch placement indicated in this rule is placement which it is convenient to identify with the "colorless" pattern. The intricacies of the relationships of pitch contours to syntactic patterns, however, remain to be worked out for Turkish. For a first step along these lines see Swift, Stress and Pitch, pp. 331-41. A grammar containing a morphophonemic component would indicate in that section that the " 3 " pitch is to be placed on the first stressed syllable to its right.

OBLIGATORY TRANSFORMATIONS

71

Examples : 'I'm going to go there now.'

§imdi oraya gidecegim. 3 Simdi gidecegim oraya.

'I'm going to go there now.'

4.18

Q U E S T I O N - W O R D QUESTIONS

adja adjb

nasil kaç

demonstrative

hangi

nanimate transport ninanlmate flltem

ne

nsubstance

W/mi

bu §u o nhuman ben sen o

X => W / kim

niocale (proper)

bura §ura ora

nere

nnumber

nekadar

ntlme

nezaman

This rule specifies the question-word questions which were optionally produced from the occurrence of various nominals, adjectives, or demonstratives plus the interrogatory marker jni, as indicated in 3.44. Examples: W + adja+mi Annen iyi mi? 'Is your mother well?' Hangi adam gidecek? Kimi reddedecek?

W + nasil Annen nasil? 'How's your mother?' 'Which man will go?' 'Who will she refuse?'

72

OBLIGATORY TRANSFORMATIONS 4.19

SUBJECT PRONOUN DELETION

X + Pronoun + Y + 3 + Z = > X + Y + 3 + Z Where

Y gfc

Here a subject pronoun without the pitch peak is obligatorily deleted. Examples: 3 *Fakat sen oraya gideceksin. 3 Yarrn gidiyorum.

3 => Fakat oraya gideceksin. 'But you'll go there.' 'I'm going tomorrow.'

APPENDIX SAMPLE

DERIVATIONS

In the following derivations, the number preceding each string refers to the rule producing it and the italics indicate the element which will be rewritten in the following string. A. #S# (1.1) # NP / VP # (1.2) # NP / Adjunct + V/ # (1.6) # NP / Adjunct + Vbmorne / # (1.7) # N P / Adjunct + Feritransitlve mobile / # (1.8) # N P / Adjunct + verbtransitive mobile 1 # (1.14) # NP / N P + e / N P + i / verbtransitive mobile 1 /

#

NP+e / NP+i / Verbtransitive mobile 1 (1.23) # Nmobiie I pronoun+e / Nominal+i / verbtransitive mobile I / # (1.22) # Nmobile /

(1.24) # Nmobile I p r o n o u n + e / A f o m + i / verbtransitive mobile X /

#

(1.25) # Nmobile / pronoun+e / Mmmoblle+i / verbtransitive mobile 1 / #

(1.26) # JVmobile / pronoun+e / n I t e m + i / verbtransitive mobile 1 / # (1.27) # iVanimate / pronoun+e / n i t e m + i / verbtransitive mobile 1 / # (1.28) # nanimate proper human / pronoun+e / nitem+i / Verbtransitive mobile 1 (Lexicon) # Ahmet / sen+e / kalem+i / ara / # X + V +Y (3.32) # Ahmet / sen+e / kalem+i / ara / # => X + V + di+Y # Ahmet / sen+e / kalem+i / ara + di / # X V + Y (4.17) # Ahmet / sen+e / kalem+i / ara + di / # => X / 3+ V + Y # Ahmet / sen+e / kalem+i / 3 + ara + di / # 3 (Morphophonemic rules) # Ahmet sana kalemi aradi # 'Ahmet looked for the pencil for you.'

74

APPENDIX

5.

#

s #

(1.1) # NP / (1.2) # NP / (1.6) # NP / (1.7) # N P / (1.8) # N P / (1.14) # NP / (1.15) # N P / (1.20) # ./VP / (1.21) # sen / (1.26) # sen / (Lexicon) # sen / hemen / mektup + i / yaz / # X / V (4.17) # sen / hemen / mektup+i / yaz / # => X /3+ V # sen / hemen / mektup+i / 3 + yaz / # 3 (Morphophonemic rules) # Sen hemen mektubu yaz # 'Write the letter right away.' Employing the derivations specified in A and B above, through the end of the lexical rules indicated in section 2, the operation of the following transformations may be illustrated. C.

(3.5)

W + X +Y + Z # Ahmet / sen+e / kalem+i / ara / # W' + X' + Y ' + Z' ^ # sen / hemen / mektup+i / yaz / # W + X' + Y + d g + Z # Ahmet / sen+e / mektup + i de / ara / # NPR

X

+

V

/

(4.12) # Ahmet / sen+e / mektup+i+dS / ara / # => NPr X + V +sin # Ahmet / sen+e / mektup+i+dS / ara+sin / # X / V+ Y (4.17) # Ahmet / sen+e / mektup+i+de / ara+sin / # => X /3+ V+ Y # Ahmet / sen+e / mektup+i+dS / 3 + ara+sin / # 3 (Morphophonemic rules) # Ahmet sana mektubu da arasin # 'Let Ahmet look for the letter for you, too.'

75

APPENDIX

D. NP / W + NP' + i / verbtransitive X + Y (3.37) # Ahmet / sen+e / kalem+i / ara + di / # => NP' / W + NP + tarafindan/verbtransitive # Kalem / sen+e / Ahmet+tarafindan / ara + il + X / V + Y (4.17) # Kalem / sen+e / Ahmet+tarafindan / a r a + i l + d i / # => X /3 + V + # Kalem / sen+e / Ahmet+tarafindan / 3 + ara + 3 (Morphophonemic rules) # Kalem sana Ahmet tarafindan arandi # 'The pencil was searched for by Ahmet.'

x+il+Y di / #

Y il + di / #

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bach, Emmon, An Introduction to Transformational Grammars (New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1964). Bierwisch, M., Grammatik des Deutschen Verbs (= Studia Grammatica, 2), 2nd edition (Berlin, Akademie-Verlag, 1965). Carnap, Rudolf, "Empiricism, Semantics and Ontology", Revue internationale de philosophie, 11.20-40 (1950). Chomsky, N., Syntactic Structures (The Hague, Mouton and Co., 1957). , Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cambridge, Mass., M.I.T. Press, 1965). Fraenkel, Gerd, A Generative Grammar of Azerbaijani, unpublished Indiana University dissertation (Bloomington, 1961). Giraud, René, "L'expressivité dans le turc parlé", Akten des vierundzwanzigsten internationalen Orientalisten-Kongresses München 1957, 427-9 (Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH, 1959). Householder, Fred W., Jr., "On Linguistic Primes", Word, 15.231-9 (1959). Kissling, Hans J., Osmanisch-tiirkische Grammatik (Wiesbaden, O. Harrassowitz, 1960). Krâmsky, Jiri, "Morphological Neutralization in Modern Turkish", Ural-altaische Jahrbücher, 32.214-9 (1960). Lakoff, G., On the Nature of Syntactic Irregularity : Mathematical Linguistics and Automatic Translation, Report No. NSF-16 to the National Science Foundation, Harvard University, Computation Laboratory (1965). Lees, Robert B., "Grammar of English Nominalizations", International Journal of American Linguistics, v. 26, no. 3, part 2; Publication 12 (Bloomington, Indiana Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics, 1960). , The Phonology of Modern Standard Turkish (= Uralic and Altaic Series, 6), (Bloomington and The Hague, Indiana University Publications, 1961). , "A Compact Analysis for the Turkish Personal Morphemes", American Studies in Altaic Linguistics (= Uralic and Altaic Series, 13.141-76), (Bloomington and The Hague, Indiana University Publications, 1962). , "Turkish Nominalizations and a Problem of Ellipsis", Foundations of Language, 1.112-21 (1965). Matthews, P. H., Review of N. Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, Journal of Linguistics, 3.119-52 (1965). McQuown, N. and Sadi Koylan, Spoken Turkish (New York, Henry Holt and Co., 1944-46). Meskill, Robert H., A Transformational Analysis of Turkish Suprasegmentals, unpublished University of Texas master's thesis (Austin, 1963). Peters, Ludwig, Grammatik der türkischen Sprache (Berlin, Axel Juncker Verlag, 1947). Redhouse, Sir James W., The Turkish Vade-Mecum of Ottoman Colloquial Language, 4th edition (London, K. Paul, Trench, Trübner and Co., Ltd., 1909). Ross, J. R., Constraints on Variables in Syntax, unpublished M.I.T. dissertation (Cambridge, Mass., 1967).

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Swift, Lloyd B., "Some Aspects of Stress and Pitch in Turkish Syntactic Patterns", American Studies in Altaic Linguistics (= Uralic and Altaic Series, 13.331-41), (Bloomington and The Hague, Indiana University Publications, 1962). , A Reference Grammar of Modern Turkish (= Uralic and Altaic Series, 19), (Bloomington and The Hague, Indiana University Publications, 1963). Tietze, Andreas, "Der freistehende Genitiv im Türkei-Türkischen", Ural-altaische Jahrbücher, 30.183-94 (1958). , "Studies zur türkischen Syntax: 'Etwas oder so etwas Ahnliches' " , Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 56.250-61 (1960). Türkfe Sözlük, 3rd edition, Mehmet Ali Agakay, editor (Ankara, Yeni Matbaa, 1959).

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE NICOLAI VAN WIJK. DEDICATA Edited by C. H. vati

Schooneveld

SERIES PRACTICA 1. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

and ALPHONSE JUILLAND: Louisiana French Grammar, I: Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax. 1963. 207 pp., 2 maps. Cloth. Gld. 46.— IRENE GARBELL: The Jewish Neo-Aramaic Dialects of Persian Azerbaijan: Linguistic Analysis and Folkloristic Texts. 1965. 342 pp., map. Cloth. Gld. 72.— MORRIS F. GOODMAN: A Comparative Study of Creole French Dialect. 1964. 143 pp., map. Gld. 26.— ROLAND HARWEG : Kompositum und Katalysationstext, vornehmlich im spâten Sanskrit. 1964. 164 pp. Gld. 29.— GUSTAV HERDAN: The Structuralistic Approach to Chinese Grammar and Vocabulary: Two Essays. 1964. 56 pp., 4 figs. Gld. 21.— ALPHONSE JUILLAND : Dictionnaire Inverse de la Langue Française. 1965. 564 pp., 9 figs. Cloth. Gld. 90.— MARILYN CONWELL

A Statistical Linguistic Analysis of American English. 1965. 437 pp., 11 figs., 6 tables. Cloth. Gld. 61.— VALDIS LEJNIEKS: Morphosyntax of the Homeric Greek Verb. 1964. 92 pp. Gld. 18.— ROBERT E. DIAMOND: The Diction of the Anglo-Saxon Metrical Psalms. 1963. 59 pp. Gld. 13.— JOSEPH E. GRIMES: Huichol Syntax. 1964. 105 pp. Gld. 21.— CLARA N. BUSH: Phonetic Variation and Acoustic Distinctive Features: A Study of Four General American Fricatives. 1964. 161 pp., 64 figs., 84 tables. Gld. 36.— WILLIAM E. CASTLE: The Effect of Selective Narrow-Band Filtering on the Perception of Certain English Vowels. 1964. 209 pp., 53 figs., 84 tables. Gld. 44.— ANN SHANNON: A Descriptive Syntax of the Parker Manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle from 734-891. 1964. 68 pp. Gld. 15.— EICHI KOBAYASHI: The Verb Forms of the South English Legendary. 1964. 87 pp. Gld. 20.— HOMER L. FIRESTONE : Description and Classification of Sirionô, a Tupi Guarani Language. 1965. 70 pp., 7 figs. Gld. 19.50 WOLF LESLAU: Ethiopian Argots. 1964. 65 pp. Gld. 19.— VIDYA NTWAS MISRA: The Descriptive Technique of Panini. 1966. 175 pp., some tables. Gld. 43.— EUGENE A. NIDA: A Synopsis of English Syntax. Second, revised edition. 1966. 174 pp. Gld. 23.— ROBERT T. OLIPHANT : The Harley Latin-Old English Glossary, edited from British Museum, MS Harley, 3376. 1966. 223 pp. Gld. 43.— A. HOOD ROBERTS:

21. ERICA REINER: A linguistic Analysis of Akkadian. 1966. 155 pp., graph. Gld. 32.— 22. M. J. HARDMAN: Jaqaru: Outline of Phonological and Morphological Structure. 1966. 131 pp., 2 figs., map, 20 tables. Gld. 27.— 23. MARVIN K. MAYERS (ed.), Languages of Guatemala. 1966. 318 pp. Gld. 43.— 24. ROBERT LIVINGSTON ALLEN: The Verb System of Present-Day American English. 1966. 303 pp., 7 tables, 24 figs. Gld. 42.— 26. ANDREW MCLEISH: The Middle English Subject- Verb Cluster. 1969. 276 pp. Gld. 70.— 27. EMMA GREOORES and JORGE A. SUÀREZ: A Description of Colloquial Guarani. 1967. 248 pp. Gld. 44.— 29. HOWARD w. LAW: The Obligatory Constructions of Isthmus Nahuat Grammar. 1966. 73 pp., 21 tables. Gld. 19.50 30. MARVIN H. FOLSOM: The Syntax of Substantive and Nonfinite Satellites to the Finite Verb in German. 1966. 96 pp. Gld. 19.50 31. DEBI PRASSANA PATTANAYAK: A Controlled Historical Reconstruction of Oriya, Assamese, Bengali and Hindi. 1966. 91 pp. Gld. 24.— 32. ABDELGHANY A. KHALAFALLAH: A Descriptive Grammar of Sae:di Egyptian Colloquial Arabic. 1969. 124 pp. Gld. 36.— 33. H. M. ABOUL-FETOUH : A Morphological Study of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic. 1969. 150 pp. Gld. 42.— 34. SAUD M. GAMAL-ELDIN: A Syntactic Study of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic. 1967. 117 pp. Gld. 35.— 35. H. MARCOS HANNA: The Phrase Structure of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic. 1967. 58 pp. Gld. 19.— 36. IRMENGARD RAUCH: The Old High German Diphthongization: A Description of a Phonemic Change. 1967. 130 pp. Gld. 27.— 37. JOSEPH HAROLD FRIEND: The Development of American Lexicography, 1798-1864. 1967. 129 pp., 4 facs. Gld. 29.— 38. WILLIAM J. SAMARIN: A Grammar of Sango. 1967. 280 pp. Gld. 66 — 39. DEAN H. OBRECHT: Effects of the Second Formant on the Perception of Velarization Consonants in Arabic. 1968. 104 pp., 57 figs. Gld. 26.— 40. YOLANDA LASTRA: Cochabamba Quechua Syntax. 1968. 104 pp. Gld. 24.— 41. KAZUKO INOUE: A Study of Japanese Syntax. 1969. 160 pp. Gld. 35.— 42. R. s. P. BEEKES: The Development of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Greek. 1969. xxiv + 324 pp. Gld. 82.— 43. HARWOOD H. HESS: The Syntactic Structure of Mezquital Otomi. 1968.159 pp. Gld. 36.— 44. PAUL w. PILLSBURY: Descriptive Analysis of Discourse in Late West Saxon Texts. 1967. 91 pp. Gld. 18 — 45. MADELINE ELIZABETH EHRMAN: The Meaning of the Modals in Present-Day American English. 1966. 106 pp. Gld. 19.50 46. VIKTOR KRUPA: Morpheme and Word in Maori. 1966. 83 pp., 26 tables, 1 fig. Gld. 21.50 47. JOHN c. FISHER: Linguistics in Remedial English. 1966. 71 pp., 4 tables Gld. 13.— 48. M. A. K. HALLIDAY: Introduction and Grammar in British English. 1967. 61 pp., 2 folding tables Gld. 18 — 50. MARY RITCHIE KEY: Comparative Tacanan Phonology: with Cavinena Phonology and Notes on Pano-Tacanan Relationship. 1968. 107 pp. Gld. 28.— 52. RUTH MARGARET BREND : A Tagmemic Analysis of Mexican Spanish Clauses. 1968.128 pp. Gld. 25.—

53. HAROLD H. KEY: Morphology of Cayuvava. 1967. 73 pp. Gld. 18.— 55. L. ROMEO: The Economy of Diphthongization in Early Romance. 1968.127 pp. Gld. 21.— 57. ALAN CAMPBELL WARES: A Comparative Study of Yuman Consonantism. 1968. 100 pp. Gld. 30.— 58. JEAN PRANINSKAS: Trade Name Creation: Processes and Patterns. 1968.115 pp. Gld. 22.— 60. JOAN RUBÍN: National Bilingualism in Paraguay. 1968. 135 pp. Gld. 32.— 62. CURTÍS p. HEROLD : The Morphology of King Alfred's Translation of the Orosius. 1968. 80 pp. Gld. 18.— 63. JAN SVARTVIK: On Voice in the English Verb. 1966. xiv + 200 pp., figs, and tables., Gld. 26.— 65. RUSSELL N. CAMPBELL: Noun Substitutes in Modern Thai: A Study in Pronominality. 1969. 70 pp. Gld. 20.— 66. MARIA TSIAPERA: A Descriptive Analysis of Cypriot Maronite Arabic: 1969. 69 pp. Gld. 18.— 70. BRENT BERLIN: Tzeltal Numeral Classifiers: A Study in Ethnographic Semantics. 1968. 243 pp., 118 plates Gld. 66.— 71. ROBERT D. STEVICK: Suprasegmentals, Meter, and the Manuscript of "Beowulf". 1968. 88 pp. Gld. 24.— 73. AERT H. KUIPERS: The Squamish Language: Grammar Texts, Dictionary. 1967.470 pp., map. Gld. 88 — 74. ROBERT ALLEN PALMATIER: A Descriptive Syntax of the "Ormulum". 1969. 137 pp. Gld. 35.— 75. HELMUT R. PLANT: Syntaktische Studien zu den Monseer Fragmenten: Ein Beitrag zur Beschreibung der inneren Form des Althochdeutschen. 1969. 96 pp. Gld. 18.— 79. HENRY G. SCHOGT: Le système verbal du français contemporain. 1968. 74 pp. Gld. 18.— 96. JÓZEF TOMPA: Ungarische Grammatik. 1968. 426 pp. Gld. 64.— 100. Q. i. M. MOK: Contribution à l'étude des catégories morphologiques du genre et du nombre dans le français parlé actuel. 1968. 155 pp. Gld. 26.— 106. ANDRÉ-MARCEL D'ANS: Le Créole français d'Haïti: Étude des unités d'articulation, d'expansion et de communication. 1968. 181 pp. Gld. 45.—

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