A transformational analysis of modern colloquial Japanese 9783111713441, 9783111320595

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JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE NICOLAI YAN WIJK DEDICATA tdtnda curai C. H. VAN S C H O O N E V E L D Indiana University

Series Practica,

56

A TRANSFORMATIONAL ANALYSIS OF MODERN COLLOQUIAL JAPANESE

by J O H N J. CHEW, Jr.

1973

MOUTON THE HAGUE • PARIS

© Copyright 1973 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. N. V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 72-88214

FEINTED IN HUNGARY

PREFACE

This monograph is a revision of my doctoral dissertation which was first written ten years ago in the winter of 1960—61, under the guidance of Bernard Bloch. At that time, transformation theory was in its infancy and had been developed largely with reference to English. To my knowledge my dissertation was the first attempt to apply transformation theory to Japanese. It was moreover one of the first attempts at a comprehensive transformational study of the syntax of any language. Bloch's instruction to me was to account for everything. "A generative grammar", he said, "must generate everything in an utterance". A big order I It is infinitely easier to work on a delimited problem than to cope with a whole language, where a solution in one area creates distress in other areas. Furthermore, a few hundred pages are not enough to account for a subject as vast as the syntax of a language. Inevitably I sought for ways to limit the subject, and I can make no claim that the dissertation or this revision of it is complete. Sizeable areas of Japanese syntax are dealt with here in the briefest manner, and some (such as the question of apposition) have been omitted entirely. In 1960—61 my principal guides to transormation theory were Chomsky's Syntactic Structures, Harris' article on "Co-occurrance and Transformation", and Lees' "Grammar of English Nominalizations". Of the three, Harris' article was the most helpful and threw the most light on the problems I was encountering in Japanese. Syntactic Structures was the least useful. It told me clearly enough what was wrong with phrase-structure grammar, but it gave me very little advice on how to write a transformational grammar of Japanese. English and Japanese are just not close enough. Harris' article used English examples too, but it at least provided an outline of what the transformational syntax of a language should cover. Hence my main guide in writing my dissertation was HarriB, not Chomsky. This is not to say that Chomsky himself wasn't helpful. He did give me some of his time and I am grateful to him for it. Harris, ironically, I have never met. 1960—61 was the time of kernel sentences which were to be dealt with according to phrase structure rules. I soon discovered that I could generate Japanese sentences more simply if I started with sequences which were less than sen-

6

PREFACE

tences, namely two-stem sequences, that I dubbed cores (see Chapter 3). This reduced the number of transforms, and especially the number of deletions, that I would need to generate a surface utterance. In the process I found myself deviating widely from the phrase-structure grammar that was then being applied to the kernel. Inspite of all the changes that have taken place in transformation theory since 1961, I have seen no compelling argument for abandoning my basic approach. More recently the widespread dissatisfation with some of the basic premises of the earlier transformation theory has persuaded me that my original lack of orthodoxy wasn't a handicap and that this revision might appear more relevant today than a few years ago. One serious problem that confronted me in 1960- 61 was the question of word boundaries in Japanese. Jorden had shown that Bloch's attempts to define word boundaries had failed; Han's studies in Japanese juncture were yet to come, and I was unable to solve the problem myself. So I abandoned the concept of the word and generated wordless Japanese sentences in which phrases consisted of morphemes, some of which were grouped into stems. Although several of my professors objected at the time, 1 it was several years later that Martin convinced me of the need for phonological word boundaries. Thus in 1965, when Mouton and Company offered to publish my dissertation, I asked them for time to revise it. I wanted to supply word boundaries, and to correct some other errors I had become aware of. I also thought of updating the dissertation in terms of more current transformation theory. But other matters kept me from getting to the revision and as time went by I began to feel that transformation theory was evolving too rapidly for me to be able to update the dissertation in line with all the new developments. I then decided to revise it simply with regard to internal consistency and the insertion of phonological word boundaries. With regard to phonology, however, I have found it impossible to ignore the work done by McCawley, and especially his concept of the syllable as distinct from the mora. As a result I have incorporated this concept into the present monograph, as well as some other concepts that have come to me from McCawley. This has resulted in a simpler and more convincing phonology. As a compromise with the earlier procedure of determining word boundaries using syntactic criteria, I have designated certain categories of suffixes - Bloch's so-called 'particles' and 'copula' - as enclitics. There seems to be some justification for this. The copula, for example, is regularly pronounced as one word with a preceding stem. But there are occasions when the copula occurs initially, such as désuga, dâkedo, démo, datte (all meaning 'however') and dâkara,

1

Especially Floyd Lounsbury.

PREFACE

7

ddsukara (both meaning 'therefore'). From the point of view of the transformational grammar of Japanese that I have developed in this monograph, this usage results from deletion of the preceding stems, but there is no denying that these forms have the status of phonological words when they come to occur initially. Since in this position they are (phonological) words, I consider them elsewhere as enclitics rather than suffixes. Less justified perhaps is the treatment of postnominal adjunct markers as enclitics. Aside from de (which links the copular auxiliary verb stem ar to a preceding noun stem), they do not normally occur initially, but they, together with the focus marker dake 'only', show a greater freedom in position than do, for example, tense markers. Thus we have umi-kara-dake and umidake-kara 'only from the sea', but tdbe-ta-dake 'only ate' and not *tdbedake-ta.

The focus marker ydri 'more (than)' and the conjunctions keredo(mo) and to, although regularly enclitic to a preceding stem, also occur initially - keredo(mo) in the meaning of 'however' and to in to yuu-to 'when you say (that, what do you mean?)'. It is by analogy with these forms that I treat as enclitics all other forms which are appended to adjunct markers and tense markers. Martin and McCawley have had the greatest influence on the revision of my dissertation, though I hasten to add that they are not responsible for whatever may be wrong with it. Still I am grateful to them for their help and continued interest in my work. For the rest, I am deeply indebted to those Japanese who have helped me since 1961 toward a more profound comprehension of their marvelous language, especially my wife, Hisae, and her numerous relatives. I also have a permanent debt to the late Joseph Yamagiwa who showed a continuing interest in my work right up to the time of his lamented death. I feel it is appropriate to mention the help I received in producing the dissertation upon which this monograph is based. First there were my teachers at Yale, especially Bernard Bloch, Samuel Martin, and Rulon Wells. Then there was the staff of the Foreign Service Institute's Japanese Language and Area School in Tokyo (including my predecessor as director, Eleanor Jorden), especially Hazime Aikawa and Takako Nagayo, from whom I learned Japanese in the first place. To Einar Haugen I owe a special debt, as it was he who gave me the courage to undertake a dissertation on Japanese. Others who helped, by discussing with me the various problems I was encountering in my analysis, include Noam Chomsky, Ernest Haden, Hugh Stimson, Robert Stockwell, and John Wolff. Then, Hamako Chaplin who helped me with all my last-minute questions as I was writing the dissertation. Finally there was my aunt, Mr. William D. Miller, who fed and sheltered me in 1960 — 61, and Mr. Kirk Smith who helped me with the original multilithing.

8

PREFACE

Lastly I am indebted to Jack Chambers and to my wife for proof-reading and ensuring the accuracy of the present monograph. This brief list does not include all the marvelous people who have helped me to get this monograph written. To those whose names do not appear here (and I'm happy to say they are numerous) let me assure you that I have not forgotten your kindness and your interest. J . J . C. Toronto, 1970.

CONTENTS

PREFACE LIST OF SYMBOLS

5 16

1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. Transformation theory 1.2. Components: the sentence

19 19 22

2. PHONOLOGY 2.1. Limitations 2.2. Phonological phrases 2.3. Segmental derivation 2.4. Accent rules 2.4.1. Accent deleting affixes and clitics 2.4.2. Accent generating affixes 2.4.3. Accent attracting affixes 2.4.4. Neutral affixes and clitics 2.4.5. Deletion of accented vowels 2.5. Subsequent accent rules 2.5.1. Deletion of all but the first accent in a word 2.5.2. Deletion of accent on the laet mora of a word 2.5.3. Shift of accent to the first mora of a syllable 2.5.4. Deletion of accent of certain enclitic nouns 2.6. Illustrations of acoent transforms 2.7. Additional rules

24 24 25 26 27 28 28 29 30 30 30 31 31 31 32 32 33

3. THE KERNEL 3.1. Cores 3.2. Stem classes and tense markers 3.2.1. Tense markers 3.3. Adjunct markers 3.4. Co-occurrence restrictions 3.4.1. Y -U S 3.4.2. A -hi S

34 34 34 35 36 36 37 37

10

CONTENTS

3.4.3. N -gâ S 3.4.4. N -6 V 3.4.5. N -ni S 3.4.6. N -dé V 3.4.7. N -tô S 3.4.8. N -é V 3.4.9. N -karâ S 3.4.10. N -mode S 3.4.11. N -S 3.5. Assignment of stems to categories 3.6. Summary of stem classes and relationships

37 38 38 39 39 40 40 40 40 41 41

4. EXPANSION BY INSERTION 4.1. Expansion by insertion 4.1.1. Inserted core expansions 4.1.2. Frusta and pre-frustra

44 44 45 45

5. VERBALIZATION 5.1. The generation of complex sequences which function as verb stems 5.2. Transitive and intransitive verb stems 5.2.1. Transforms with transitive and intransitive verb stems.. . 5.3. The verbalization of multi-stem sequences 5.4. The causative 5.5. The passive 5.6. The passive-causative 5.7. The potential 5.8. Verbalization with auxiliary verb stems 5.8.1. V -té auxV 5.8.2. A - M auxV 5.8.3. N -ni auxV 5.8.4. N -tô auxV 5.8.5. A -auxV 5.8.6. N -auxV 5.8.7. V -i auxV

47 47 47 48 49 50 51 52 52 53 53 54 55 55 55 56 56

6. ADJECTIVALIZATION 57 6 .1. The generation of complex sequences which function as adjective stems 57 6.2. Adjectivalization with auxiliary adjective stems 57 6.2.1. V -té auxA 58 6.2.2. V -i auxA 58 6.3. The adjectivalizer -râsi 59

CONTENTS

11

7. NOMINALIZATION 7.1. The generation of complex sequences which function as noun stems 7.2. The nominalization of multi-stem sequences 7.2.1. V 4 7.2.2. A -sa 7.3. Nominalization with auxiliary noun stems 7.3.1. V =i auxN 7.3.2. N ——no auxN 7.3.3. N -auxN 7.3.4. A =sdo, ajN -soo 7.4. The nominalization of frusta 7.4.1. S T -'-soo 7.5. Nominalization by transposition of a noun stem 7.6. Nominalization of prefrusta ending in the auxiliary verb stem -si 7.7. Nominalizations inserted into nominalizations 7.8. Nominalization of adjuncts

60 60 60 60 61 62 62 62 64 64 64 66 66 67 68 68

8. EXPANSION BY CONCATENATION 8.1. Expansion by concatenation 8.2. The structure of concatenated expansions 8.2.1. S C. Conjunctions suffixed directly to verb stems 8.2.2. S D C. Conjunctions preceded by an adjunct marker. . . 8.2.3. S T C. Conjunctions preceded by a tense marker 8.2.4. auxN D. Conjunctions with auxiliary noun stems 8.3. Concatenation and junctures 8.3.1. Clause juncture 8.4. Coordinate and subordinate clauses

69 69 69 70 71 71 71 72 73 73

9. EXPANSION BY COMPONENT SHARING 9.1. Component sharing 9.2. The combination of sequences sharing their last component . . . 9.2.1. The position of time adjuncts 9.2.2. The position of the indirect subject 9.2.3. The position of associative adjuncts 9.2.4. The position of adverbial adjuncts 9.2.5. The position of direct subjects and direct objects 9.2.6. The position of adjuncts of origin and adjuncts of limit 9.2.7. The position of quantity adjuncts 9.3. The combination of sequences with the same predicate and adjunct marker 9.3.1. Nominalizations with aida 9.4. The combination of sequences sharing other than their last component

74 74 74 75 75 75 76 76 76 76 77 77 77

12

CONTENTS

9.4.1. Component sharing sequences where the shared compoponent is only one of the non-final components 78 9.5. The nominalization of component sharing expansions 79 9.6. Component sharing nominalizations 80 9.6.1. Attributive adjuncts 80 9.6.2. The combination of numbers in sequence 80 9.7. The order of application of methods of expansion 81 10. THE INTERROGATIVE 10.1. Yes-no questions 10.2. Interrogative component questions 10.2.1. dàre and person stems 10.2.2. nâni and non-person stems 10.2.3. dótti, dóre and thing noun stems 10.2.4. dólco, dótti and place noun stems ....." 10.2.5. itu and time noun stems 10.2.6. dóo and adjuncts of manner 10.2.7. nâze and adjuncts and clauses of cause 10.3. Interrogative attributive adjuncts 10.3.1. dóno and identifying attributives 10.3.2. dònna and descriptive attributives 10.3.3. nàti --nó 10.4. Questions of number 10.5. Questions of intensity 10.6. Nominalizing suffixes with nini 10.7. Non-specific questions 10.8. Indirect questions 10.8.1. Questions joined to clauses with tó 10.8.2. Questions joined directly to clauses 10.8.3. Joining two or more questions 10.8.4. Alternative questions from questions sharing their first component .. 10.8.5. Alternative questions from questions sharing their last component

82 82 82 83 83 84 84 84 85 85 85 85 86 86 86 87 87 88 88 88 88 88

11. INDEFINITE AND ALTERNATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS 11.1. Indefinite component prefrusta 11.2. Component sharing with indefinite component prefrusta 11.3. Indefinite prefrusta with -yard 11.4. The indefinite adjunct -yâ 11.5. Indefinite nominalizing enclitics 11.6. Indefinite quotations

90 90 90 91 91 91 92

88 89

CONTENTS

11.7. Indefinite predicates with -târi si 11.8. The alternative with -kâ 11.9. The alternative with -târi si 12. THE NEGATIVE 12.1. Negative expansions 12.1.1. Co-occurrence restrictions with the negative 12.1.2. The stem tumarâna 12.2. The absolute negative 12.2.1. The absolute negative with attributive adjuncts 12.3. The absolute negative of quantity 12.4. The negative with conjunctions 12.4.1. The negative with -té 12.4.2. The negative with the auxiliary stem nàr 13. PRO-COMPONENTS 13.1. Pronouns and pro-adjuncts 13.1.1. Pro-attributives 13.2. Pronominalizations 13.2.1. Pro-stems of time 13.3. The pronominal suffix -nô 13.4. Pro-predicates

13

92 92 93 94 94 94 94 95 95 96 96 96 97 98 98 98 99 99 99 100

14. FOCUSING 101 14.1. The focusing of adjuncts in component sharing sequences... 101 14.2. The focusing of adjuncts by insertion 102 14.3. Focus markers 102 14.3.1. -TOO with adjuncts 103 14.3.2. -mô with predicates 103 14.3.3. -mô with conjunctions 104 14.3.4. -wâ with adjuncts 104 14.3.5. -wâ with predicates 105 14.3.6. -wâ with conjunctions 105 14.3.7. Subject and object selection with -wâ 105 14.3.8. sâe, démo, and -mâde 106 14.3.9. Jcôso 'really' 106 14.3.10. -y&ri 'more than' 107 14.3.11. -sika 'more than' 107 14.3.12. -daké 'only' 108 14.3.13. -bâkari 'only'; about' 108 15. TERMINAL COMPONENTS 15.1. Terminal components with frusta

109 109

14

CONTENTS

15.2. Terminal components with prefrusta 15.3. Terminal components and auxiliary stems

110 Ill

16. CONNECTING SENTENCES 16.1. Reference to context 16.2. Sentence connectives

113 113 114

17. REDUCTION AND TIGHTENING 17.1. Reduction versus contraction 17.2. Reduction of predications 17.2.1. Reduction to -no 17.2.2. Reduction of -~y6o ~nd 17.3. Reduction of adjunct markers 17.3.1. Reduction of -(-)n6 17.3.2. Reduction of -si 17.3.3. Reduction in inserted sequences 17.3.4. Compound numbers as reductions 17.4. Reduction of tense markers 17.4.1. Reduction of -U ir4 17.5. The reduction of nominalizations with quantity attributives. . . 17.6. The reduction of stems 17.7. Tightening 17.7.1. Tightening with -nd 17.8. Contractions

116 116 116 117 118 118 119 119 119 120 120 120 121 121 122 123 123

18. STYLES 18.1. Styles 18.2. The honorific style 18.2.1. Honorific verb stems 18.2.2. Honorific adjective stems 18.2.3. Honorific noun stems 18.3.4. The honorific interjection hda 18.3. The non-familiar style 18.3.1. The non-familiar honorific 18.4. Men's style 18.5. Women's style 18.6. The informal style 18.6.1. Deletions in the informal style 18.6.2. Lengthenings in the informal style 18.6.3. Replacements in the informal style 18.6.4. Informal style markers with no formal equivalent . . . 18.6.5. Markers for men's and women's style in the informal style 18.7. The formal style

125 125 125 126 127 127 128 128 129 130 130 130 132 132 132 133 133 133

CONTENTS

15

19. ACCENT AND JUNCTURE 19.1. Syntactically determined accents 19.2. Inflectional forms 19.2.1. The accenting of inflectional forms 19.3. Derivational affixes 19.3.1. The accent of verbalizing suffixes 19.3.2. The accent of adjectivalizirig suffixes 19.3.3. The accent of nominalizing suffixes 19.4. Auxiliary stems 19.5. Syntactically determined junctures 19.5.1. Terminal contours 19.5.2. Phrase junctures 19.5.3. Word boundaries

134 134 134 134 135 135 135 135 135 136 136 137 137

20. ILLUSTRATIVE TEXT

138

BIBLIOGRAPHY

152

INDEX

153

L I S T O F SYMBOLS

The following symbols are used in the transoription of the underlying form: onset of a new phonological phrase sequence of one or more morae a single mora any vowel other than 'a' hyphen; this symbol indicates a olitie equals mark; this mark indicates an affix. a suffix or enclitic which deletes the accent (if any) of the preceding stem is preceded by this symbol. -enclitics whioh delete the aocent only on the mora immediately preoeding the suffix are preceded by this symbol. prefixes and proolitics whioh delete the acoent of the following stem are followed by this symbol. 1 suffixes whioh generate an aocent on the mora immediately preceding the suffix are preceded by this symbol. -suffixes whioh generate an accent on the second mora before the suffix are preceded by this symbol. -suffixes which delete the acoent of the mora immediately preceding the suffix are preceded by this symbol. prefixes whioh generate an accent on the mora immediately following the prefix are followed by this symbol. suffixes which pull the accent (if any) of the stem onto themselves have this symbol over the vowel which acquires the accent. suffixes which pull the aocent (if any) of the stem onto the mora immediately preoeding the suffix are preceded by this sign. suffixes and enclitics which have no effect on the preceding stem are preoeded by one of these symbols. prefixes which have no effect on the following stem are followed by this sign. For further explanation of these symbols and the rules arising from their application, •ee Sections 2.2-2.5. M m V

K S D S, T I

core stem adjunct marker predicating stem tense marker terminal component (this indicates a falling piteh on the preoeding mora and marks a statement or an interjeotion)

LIST OF SYMBOLS F t e r m i n a l component I interjection A adjective stem N noun stem F o r f u r t h e r explanation of these symbols, see Sections 3.1.-3.2. adD adV ajN isD dsD ajV doD roD trV inV plN moV plD tiD diD plV tiN inD tgN acV asD orD lmD * B

Vc auxV -A 2S auxA -N asN heN Nm auxN S naN quN C nuN meN

adverbial relationship adverbial verb s t e m adverbial n o u n s t e m indirect s u b j e c t direct s u b j e c t a d j e c t i v a l verb s t e m direct o b j e c t r o u t e object transitive verb s t e m intransitive verb s t e m place n o u n s t e m m o t i o n verb s t e m position in space position in time direction place verb s t e m time n o u n s t e m instrument j thing noun stem action verb stem ' associative relationship origin limit signifies t h a t t h e given f o r m does not occur verb base signifies t h a t t h e t r a n s f o r m in t h e given f o r m u l a is reversible verb s t e m ending in a consonant auxiliary verb s t e m adjectivalizing suffix reduplicated s t e m auxiliary a d j e c t i v e s t e m nominalizing suffix attributive adjunct head n o u n s t e m n o u n s t e m of one m o r a auxiliary n o u n s t e m pre-frustrum subclass of a d j e c t i v a l n o u n s t e m s which are accompanied by the transform na; thus na-stems quality s t e m conjunction numeral

Section 3.4.1.

Section 3.4.3.

Section 3.4.4.

Section 3.4.5.

Section 3.4.6. Section Section Section Section Section

3.4.7. 3.4.9. 3.4.10. 3.6 6.2.

Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section

5.2.1. 5.6. 5.8. 6.1. 6.1. 6.2. 7.1. 7.1. 7.1. 7.2.1. 7.3. 7.4. 7.4.

Section Section Section Section

7.5. 8.1. 9.6.2. 9.6.2.

18

Q peN npN

pN pSD paSD li

LIST OF S Y M B O L S

interrogative component person stem non-person stem indicates that the preceding vowel is repeated with high pitch pronoun pro-adjunot pro-attributive focus marker

Section Section Section Section

10.2. 10.3. 10.3. 10.3.2.

Section Section Section Section

13.1. 13.1. 13.1.1. 14.3.

1

INTRODUCTION

1.1. TRANSFORMATION THEORY

Some Japanese sentences are similar in structure in that they contain the same number of stems and have the same relationships between their stems. For example the sentence (a)

senséega | hôno kâita. 'The teacher wrote the book.'1

consists of the noun stem sensée 'teacher' plus the subject marker -ga plus the noun stem hôn 'book' plus the direct object marker -o plus the verb stem kâi 'write' plus the past tense marker -ta. senséega is separated from hôno by a phrase juncture which indicates that it is in construction with kâita rather than with hôno, and the sentence ends in the falling terminal contour (indicated by a period) of a simple statement . In like manner, the sentence (b)

ryôosiga | sakanao tâbeta. 'The fisherman ate the fish.'

consists of the noun stem ryôosi 'fisherman' plus the subject marker -ga plus the noun stem sakana 'fish' plus the direct object marker -o plus the verb stem tabe 'eat' plus the past tense marker -ta. ryôosiga is separated from sakanao by a phrase juncture which indicates that it is in construction with tâbeta rather than with sakanao, and the sentence ends in the falling terminal contour of a simple statement. Sentences (a) and (b) differ in that they have different stems, but otherwise their structures are identical. Now the sentence (c)

ryôosiga tabetanowa | sakanada. 'What the fisherman ate was the fish.'

1 The orthography used in this work is essentially the same as that used by Bloch and Jorden in their book, Spoken Japanese (2 vols. [New York, Holt, 1946]). The principal difference is that spaces occur only at the boundaries of phonological words, i.e., whern internal open juncture is inferred.

20

INTRODUCTION

consists of the noun stem ryôosi 'fisherman' plus the subject marker -ga plus the verb stem tâbe 'eat' plus the past tense marker -ta plus the nominalizing suffix -no 'the one' plus the emphasis shift marker -wa plus the noun stem sakana 'fish' plus the non-past tense copular suffix -da. tabetanowa is separated from sakanada by a phrase juncture which indicates that the construction ryôosiga tabetanowa is to be taken as a syntactical unit vis-à-vis sakanada, and the sentence ends in the falling terminal contour of a simple statement. Sentence (c) is similar to sentence (b) in that it contains the same stems. The two sentences differ, however, in that their stems occur in a different order and are accompanied by different affixes. The sentence (d)

sakanaga | ryôosio tâbeta. 'The fish ate the fisherman.'

consists of the noun stem sakana 'fish' plus the subject marker -ga plus the noun stem ryôosi 'fisherman' plus the direct object marker -o plus the verb stem tabe 'eat' plus the past tense marker -ta. sakanaga is separated from ryôosio by a phrase juncture which indicates that it is in construction with tâbeta rather than with ryôosio, and the sentence ends in the falling terminal contour of a simple statement. Like sentence (c), sentence (d) also resembles sentence (b) in that they both contain the same stems. But sentence (c) is similar to sentence (b) in that the relationship between ryôosi 'fisherman', sakana 'fish' and tâbe 'eat', although grammatically different, is semantically the same. In both cases the fish is being eaten while the fisherman is doing the eating. In the case of sentence (d), however, the relationship between the fisherman and the fish and the act of eating is quite different. Transformational analysis is concerned with the type of relationship seen between sentences (b) and (c), that is with the relationship between sentences (or parts of sentences) which contain the same stems with the same semantic interrelationships, but which are joined by different grammatical structures. Sentences related in such a way are regarded as derivable from each other by the application of rules. A rule may be expressed by a formula. Thus by the application of the formula (la)

Nx -ga

j

N 2 -o V -ta.

-ga V -ta -no -wa | N 2 -da.

to sentence (b), sentence (c) may be derived. In like manner sentence (b) may be regarded as the source of derivation of other sentences. For example by the application of the formula (lb)

Nj -ga | N 2 -o V -ta.

we derive the sentence

N 2 -o V -ta -no -wa \ N\ -da.

INTRODUCTION

(e)

21

aakanao tabetanowa \ ryoosida. 'The one who ate the fish was the fisherman.'

And with the formula (lc)

N j -ga | N 2 -o V -ta.

N 3 -ni | N 2 -ga V -rare -ta.

we derive the sentence (f)

ryoosini \ sakanaga taberareta. 'The fish was eaten by the

fisherman.'

The choice of a particular sentence as the source for the derivation of other sentences is often not arbitrary. The sentence (g)

tabetanowa \ sakanada.

can be derived by the application of the formula (Id)

N -o V -ta.

V -ta -no -wa \ N -da.

to the sentence (h)

sakanao tdbeta. 'He ate the fish.'

x

n which case it (g) means: 'What he ate was the fish.' Or it can be derived by the application of the formula (le)

N -ga V -ta. ->-V -ta -no -wa | N -da.

to the sentence (i)

sakanaga tdbeta. 'The fish at« him.'

in which case it (g) means: 'What ate him was the fish.' Since phonologically identical sentences are derived by formula (Id) from sentence (h) and by formula (le) from sentence (i), it is not possible, out of context, to say which source sentence (g) is derived from. Or to put it another way, we can't set up a formula of the form (If)

V -ta -no -wa | N -da.

N -o V -ta.

unless we know the context. Formulae (Id) and (le) are not reversible. Moreover, the choice of formula (Id) or formula (le) for the derivation of sentence (g) provides us with a 'history' of the structure of sentence (g) which is related to the context in which it occurs, and which, if known, will resolve the ambiguity of the sentence as it appears out of context. By the combination and modification of relatively simple sentences, sentences of immense complexity can be derived. Transformation theory is concerned, among other things, with the analysis of complex sentence structures as derivative from simpler sentence structures.

22

INTRODUCTION

This work is an attempt to apply transformation theory - especially (though not exclusively) as developed by Zellig Harris 2 - to Japanese syntax. According to this theory an attempt should be made to establish a set of sentences, called kernel sentences, which are very simple in structure, from which all the remaining sentences in the language, no matter how complex, can be derived by a set of algebraically stated rules of transformation. In the case of Japanese, however, it appears more economical to derive all complex sentences from a set of sequences which are themselves less than sentences. Such a sequence I shall term a CORE. I t consists of a sentence (of a structure to be specified in Chapter 3) minus its tense marker and terminal component. 1.2. COMPONENTS: The sentence

(j)

kiitdnowa | tdrooda. 'Taro is the one who heard it.'

can be derived from the sentence (k)

tdrooga kiita. 'Taro heard it.'

This derivation is represented by formula (le) above, where N = tdroo 'Taro' and V = kii 'hear'. Now the sentence (1)

ototoi | toranomonde \ dinsyano zikoo mitanowa \ ginkooni tutdmeteru iwdtukisanda. 'Mr. Iwatsuki, who works for the bank, is the one who saw the streetcar accident at Toranomon the day before yesterday.'

can be derived from (m)

ginkooni tutdmeteru iwdtukisanga | ototoi | toranomonde \ densyano zikoo mita. 'Mr. Iwatsuki, who works for the bank, saw the streetcar accident at Toranomon the day before yesterday.'

The transformation of (m) into (1) is also represented by formula (le), where this time N = ginkooni tutdmeteru iwatukisan 'Mr. Iwatsuki, who works for the bank' and V = ototoi \ toranomonde | densyano zikoo mi 'see the streetcar accident at Toranomon the day before yesterday'. In the case of (j) and (k), N and V represent single noun and verb stems, but in the case of (1) and (m) they represent complex sequences. From the above examples it is evident that symbols in the formulae for derivations represent sequences of unspecified 2

All references to Harris in this paper refer to his article: "Co-occurrence and Transformation in Linguistic Structure", Language 33 (1957): 283 — 340.

INTRODUCTION

23

complexity. These sequences (containing one or more steins) which function as units in a derivation are its COMPONENTS. The components of derivation (le) in the case of (1) and (m) are in their turn derivations of other sentences, ginkooni tutdmeteru iwatukisan 'Mr. Iwatsuki, who works for the bank' is a derivation of (n)

iwatukisanga | ginkooni tutdmeteru. 'Mr. Iwatsuki works for the bank.'

This derivation may be represented by the formula (lg)

N -ga V -tern. ->- V -teru N

where N = iwatukisan 'Mr. Iwatsuki' and V = ginkooni tutdme 'work for the bank'. (n) is an overlapping combination 3 of iwatukisanga tutdmeteru. 'Mr. Iwatsuki works.' and ginkooni tutdmeteru. 'He works for the bank.' This combination may be represented by the formula (lh)

N j -ga Vr -teru. + N 2 -ni Vx -teru ->• Nx -ga | N 2 -ni V1 -teru.

where Nx = iwatukisan 'Mr. Iwatsuki', N 2 = ginkoo 'bank', and Vx = tutdme 'work'. A component of one derivation may itself be a transformation of a sequence of several components. Many rules may be applied in the derivation of a single complex sentence, and the order of their application can also be significant, as we shall see in the next and succeeding chapters.

Harris, "Co-occurrence''. Section 3.6.

2

PHONOLOGY

2.1. LIMITATIONS

A complete transformational grammar of Japanese would include a complete statement in derivational ( = generative) terms of Japanese phonology. This statement would include basically the material covered by Samuel Martin in his dissertation.1 Since the present work is primarily concerned with syntax, I am omitting this statement. In its stead I refer the reader to Martin's dissertation, to Jorden's dissertation,2 to Han's article on juncture in Japanese,3 and to McCawley's dissertation.4 A fundamental underlying assumption of this work is the validity of work done on Japanese phonology by Martin, Jorden, Han, and Bloch.5 There is, however, (at least) one important area of Japanese pronunciation which has yet to receive adequate treatment - the question of the point of onset of high pitch. It is generally accepted that high pitch commences with the second mora of a phonological phrase, except where the first mora has high pitch,6 but no systematic study of the phonological phrase boundaries themselves has

1 All references to Martin in this paper refer to his dissertation: Morphophonemics of Standard Colloquial Japanese (= Language Dissertation, no. 47) (Baltimore, 1952). Eleanor H Jorden, The Syntax of Modern Colloquial Japanese ( = Language Dissertation, no. 52) (Baltimore, 1952). 3 Mieko Han, "Internal Juncture in Japanese", Studies in Linguistics 16, No. 2 (1962). 4 Since the original writing of this dissertation, James MacCawley has written a dissertation (M.I.T., 1965) dealing directly with this subject. It has appeared under the title The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese (Mouton, The Hague, 1968). * Bernard Bloch, "Studies in Colloquial Japanese IV: Phonemics", Language 26 (1950): 86-125. 6 An exception to this rule may, however, be seen in those cases where the first and second morae belong to the same syllable. There is no perceptible rise in pitch on the second mora of sensée 'teacher', for example. Rather there is high pitch on the first three morae. I follow McCawley here in distinguishing between syllables and morae. According to MacCawley sensée would consist of four mora ( = onsetsu) : se-n-sé-e, but of two syllables of two morae each: sen-sée.

PHONOLOGY

25

yet appeared. These must be supplied in any generative grammar, and indeed, are an integral part of Japanese derivations. For this reason I will attempt here to pin down the phonological phrase more precisely. 2.2. PHONOLOGICAL PHRASES

A sequence of syllables is unaccented if the last mora does not have lower pitch than the first. For example the sequence (a)

halnawa 'nose'

is unaccented, even though its syllables all have different pitches, while the sequence (b)

n

hana]wa 'flower'

is accented. In each case the na has the highest pitch, but only in (b) is it accented. Now compare the sequences (c)

Iyo kohamakara 'from Yokohama'

(d)

yokohamama\de 'as far as Yokohama'

While (c) is unaccented, (d) is accented on the second ma. It is the precipitous drop in pitch, and not the gradual decline, which determines the accent in Japanese, and it is the mora immediately preceding the sharp drop which is termed accented. The rise in pitch on the second mora of an utterance is automatic,7 except where the first syllable is accented, as in (e)

to nikaku 'anyway'

A sequence has as many accents as it has precipitous drops in pitch, e.g (f)

sa 5muku na katta 'was not cold'

has two accents - samuku ndkaita. The fact that sa here has higher pitch than na, and that muku has higher pitch than katta is predictable. Within the same phonological phrase, each successive high pitch and low pitch is lower than the preceding one, e.g., the sequence ano misede kattahooga yokattato '

Unless the first two morae are part of the same syllable. See footnote 6 of this chapter.

26

PHONOLOGY

omoukedo. '1 believe it would have been better to buy (it) at that store.' is pronounced

(g)

ano misede kattahopga: yo\kattato omoukedo.

Now compare the sequences (h)

a nino takoo kau 'He'll buy my brother's kite.'

(i)

« »iwa ta koo kau 'My brother will buy the kite.'

In (h) the W has higher pitch than the ta, but in (i) they have about the same pitch. In (i) the sequence takoo kau 'will buy the kite' is pronounced the same way it would be at the beginning of an utterance. Where a non-initial sequence has the same pitch it would have if it were in utterance-initial position, the beginning of that non-initial sequence marks the boundary of a new phonological phrase, (i) consists of two phonological phrases, while (h) consists of but one. I represent the onset of a new phonological phrase by a vertical bar, thus (j)

dnino t&koo kau. 'He'll buy my brother's kite.'

but (k)

dniwa \ takoo kau. 'My brother will buy the kite.'8 2.3. SEGMENTAL DERIVATION

If the concept of basic and fictive forms9 is carried to its logical conclusion, it will be seen that a general statement can be made concerning the suffixes which follow verb stems directly: designating consonants and vowels as the two basic types of segmental phoneme in Japanese, we can say of almost all suffixes that follow verb stems directly, that where the first phoneme of the basic or underlying form of the suffix is of the same type as the last phoneme of the verb stem, the first phoneme of the suffix is deleted according to the formula 8

Since the first writing of this dissertation, Han has shown (in "Internal Juncture"), by spectrographic analysis, that utterances containing a phrase boundary are normally longer by one mora or more than utterances lacking a phrase boundary. " Martin, Morphophonemics, Section 3.7.

PHONOLOGY

(2a)

27

ViV.-V! C^Cj c,

For example, nom -ánai —»• nománai 'does not drink', but tabé -ánai -» tábénai 'does not eat'; tabé -reba —- kyoosantoo 'Communist Party'. Enclitics which delete an accent only on the mora immediately preceding the suffix are, in the underlying transcription, preceded by two hyphens (or equals marks) with a zero over the second. The deletion rule with these suffixes and enclitics may be expressed by the formula (2e) v '

Mm 1 „ . , .. ,T } - - M — MmM Mm J Mm - - M — MmM

where m = a single mora. For example, yama --no tain', but kado -1no ->- kadono 'of the corner'.

-->- yamano 'of the moun-

Prefixes and proclitics which delete the accent of the following stem are, in the underlying transcription, followed by a hyphen (or equals mark) with a zero over it. The deletion rule with these prefixes and proclitics may be expressed by the formula (2t>

M-

m ' -

m

m

For examplé, o- suki —* osuki 'like'. 2.4.2. Accent generating affixes Suffixes which generate an accent on the mora immediately preceding the suffix are, in the underlying transcription, preceded by an equals mark with

PHONOLOGY

29

an acute accent over it. The accent generating rule with these suffixes may be expressed by the formula (2g)

Mm Mm JÎm

-M -> MmM -M — MmM

For example, kodomo =tati —• kodomotati 'children'. Suffixes which generate an accent on the second mora before the suffix are, in the underlying transcription, preceded by two equals marks with an acute accent over the first. The accent generating rule with these suffixes may be expressed by the formula (2h)

mm mm mm

-m -»• mmm

For example, kimi ~~ko •->- kimiko 'Kimiko' (a girl's name) Suffixes which delete the accent (if any) of the preceding stem, and then generate an accent on the mora immediately preceding the suffix are, in the underlying transcription, preceded by two equals marks with a zero over the first and and acute accent over the second. The accent generating rule with these suffixes may be expressed by the formula (2i)

Mm Mm Mm

-M — MmM

For example kanagawa -ken ->- kanagawaken 'Kanagawa Prefecture' Prefixes which generate an accent on the mora immediately following the prefix are, in the underlying transcription, followed by an equals mark with an acute accent over it. The accent generating rule with these prefixes may be expressed by the formula (2j)

M; | ^ U [ mM

J

M-

MmM

mM — MmM

For example, o- kuruma —• okuruma 'your car'. 2.4.3. Accent attracting affixes Suffixes which pull the accent (if any) of the stem onto themselves have, in the underlying transcription, a circumflex accent over the vowel which

30

PHONOLOGY

acquires the accent. The accent attracting rule with these suffixes may be expressed by the formula (2k)

M M

& — MAL M —MM

For example, oyôg -ilcâta oyogikâta 'way of swimming'. Where the underlying stem is unaccented, the combination is also unaccented, e.g. asob -ilcâta asobikata 'way of playing'. Suffixes which pull the accent (if any) of the stem onto to the mora immediately preceding the suffix are, in the underlying transcription, preceded by an equals mark with a circumflex accent over it. The accent attracting rule with these suffixes may be expressed by the formula (21)

! -M ->- MmM Mm J Mm -M MmM

F o r example, ryôori -ya -->- ryooriya

' r e s t a u r a n t ' , b u t sakana

-ya -»• sakanaya

'fish store'. 2.4.4.

Neutral

affixes

and

clitics

Suffixes and enclitics which have no affect on a preceding stem are, in the underlying transcription, preceded by a simple hyphen or equals mark, e.g., tâbe -ta

tâbeta ' a t e ' .

Prefixes which have no affect on a following stem are, in the underlying transcription, followed by a simple equals mark, e.g., o= syoogatu —*• osyoogatû 'New Year's'. 2.4.5.

Deletion

of accented

vowels

When an accent is expected on a vowel which, in accordance with 2.3., is deleted, the accent is moved to the preceding mora according to the formula (2m)

Mm ^ M

For example, age =i -mo —>• âgé -mo -* agémo 'even raising'; tâbe -ânai --» tâbê -nai ->- tabénai 'does n o t e a t ' .

2.5. SUBSEQUENT ACCENT RULES

When the rules which are related to the affix and clitic types have been applied, the following further rules must be applied.

PHONOLOGY

31

2.5.1. Deletion of all but the first accent of a word When, as a result of the above, two or more accented morae come to stand in a sequence without an intervening juncture, all but the first accent are deleted according to the formula (2n)

MM - MM

For example, ani -tati -f (2g) -»• ani -tati -* dnitati 'older brothers'; kawa -mdde -* kawamade 'as far as the river'; o- seuoa -f (2j) o- sewa —- osewa 12 'your assistance'.

2.5.2. Deletion of accent on the last mora of a word An accent on the last mora of a form is deleted when immediately preceding a juncture according to the formula (2o)

m +

m +

where + represents a word boundary. For example asita, -bara -*• asitakara 'from tomorrow on', but asita suru -* asita suru 'will do it tomorrow'. Those enclitics which delete an accent on the last mora of the preceding form may be regarded as separate words which are transformed into enclitics after the operation of this rule. Thus, instead of yama --no ->- yama -no yamano we would have the operation yama no + (2o) ->• yama n6 + (a hyphen adding rule) ->• yama -no — yamano 'of the mountain'. The sequence - - preceding such words may be taken as a cover symbol for this operation. 2.5.3. Shift of accent to the first mora of a syllable When an accent is expected on the last mora of a form, and that mora is the second mora of a syllable, the accent is moved to the first mora of the syllable according to the formula (2p)

mm -»• mm

where mm represents two morae in the same syllable. For example taitoo • ku ->• taitoo -ku taitooku 'Taito Ward'. Transform (2o) must be applied before (2p), e.g., kino6 -kara + (2o) -»• kinod -kara + (2p) —- tdbeta - °s6o -dd + (2e) ->- tdbeta -soo

-dd

tabetasoo -dd + (2n) -*• tabetasooda 'they say he has eaten'.

(d) tdbe =itâ -sôo

-dd -f (2a) —>- tâbe =tâ -sôo

-dd + (2k) ~> tabetasoo -dd to eat'.

-dd -)- (2k) -»• tabetd

-sôo

(2n) ->• tabetasooda 'looks like he wants

(e) yamd --no -°ué -ni -mo -f (2e) yamanô yamanoué -ni -mo -)- (2n) —• yamanouénimo

--ué -ni -mo + (2e) -»'on t o p of t h e m o u n t a i n

too'. (f) nôm =sâse -râre =réba -f (2a) nom -âse - r a r e -réba + (2k) -râre -réba + (2k) ->- nomaserdre -réba + (21) -*• nomaseraré

(2n) -»• nomaseraréreba 'if he is forced to drink'.

nomase -réba -f-

PHONOLOGY

33

1rasi (g) tdbe -dna =/ + (2a & 2m) -+ tdM -na -i -rasi -i + (2k) -» tabina -i -rasi -i + (2n) —»• tabinai -rdsi -i + (2d) —• tabenairasi -i + (21) tabenairasi -i -f (2n) -»- tabenairasii 'seems he won't eat'. (h) o- kdk -i -ni nar -imds -ru -f- (2f) —>• okak -i -ni nar -imds -ru 4oka(2k) -»- okaki -nindr «imas -ru -* okakini nar -imds -ru -f- (2o) kini nar -imds -Hi (2d) -*• Okakini narimds -ru -f- (21) -• okakini narimdsu 'you will write'.

2.7. ADDITIONAL RULES Some formB have accents which cannot be predicted in terms of the application of the above rules to a single underlying form. In such cases it is necessary to set up rules of more limited application. These will be dealt with on an individual basis in the following chapters.

3

THE K E R N E L

3.1. CORES

The kernel can be regarded as consisting of sequences called CORES (K). These are of two basic structures: single STEMS (S) and binary combinations of stems. The binary combinations consist of three parts: two stems and the relationship between them. The first stem of a binary combination is in an adjunctive relationship to the second. The second stem of a binary combination is a predicating stem, as is the only stem of a single stem core. The formula for binary cores is thus: (3a)

K = S1DS

!

in which D represents an adjunct marker and S 2 a predicating stem. The cores may be expanded into CORE F R U S T A by suffixing a T E N S E MARKER (T). Cores and core frusta may be expanded into kernel sentences by affixing the terminal component j -1 The formula for kernel sentences is thus: (3b)

kernel sentence = K (T) E

in which F = a

TERMINAL COMPONENT.

3.2. STEM CLASSES AND T E N S E M A R K E R S

Stems which can be expanded into kernel sentences simply by suffixing the terminal component J are I N T E R J E C T I O N S (I). Stems which occur before tense markers are of three major classes: V E R B S T E M S (V), A D J E C T I V E S T E M S (A), and NOUN S T E M S (N). Stems which occur neither before a tense marker nor the terminal component I are also noun stems. Specifying the above stem classes we obtain the following formulae for kernel sentences: 1 The symbol J indicates falling pitch on the preceding mora and marks a statement or an interjection.

35

THE KERNEL

(3c)

kernel sentence = I F

Y A N

T F

v: A N

D

V A N

3.2.1. Tense markers The tense markers may be classified into two simple tense markers and six composite tense makers. The simple tense markers are - r é 'non-past' and -té 'past'. These aresuffixed directly to verb stems. The composite tense markers consist of an auxiliary verb stem, àr or i (both meaning 'be'), to which a simple tense marker is suffixed, and which is connected to the preceding stem by means of an adjunct marker. The stem àr is joined to adjective stems with the adjunct marker -ku, and to noun stems with the adjunct marker -dé, to form the copular tenses. The stem i is joined to verb stems with the adjunct marker -té to form the progressive tenses, thus: simple copular progressive

V A N V

non-past -ré -ké àr -ru -dé àr -ré -té i -ré

V A N V

past -té -ku àr tà -dé àr -té -té i -tà

Transformations associated with the tense markers: (3d)

-ku dr -ru -*• - i ( = underlying -jfc?)2 -ku dr -td -katta ( = underlying -k -dr -td) -de dr -ru -> -dd (optional, but usual) ( = underlying -d

-art)2

I t is possible to regard the suffix -I as derived from an underlying form -k, since an expected syllable-final is, in some environments, transformed into ii), of. kiita 'heard' from kik -td. The accent on -i, as opposed to its absence elsewhere (cf. again kiita from kik -td), may be regarded as in accordance with a rule which places an accent on inflexional suffixes (see 19.2.1.). I f we do assume - i from -fc, then it will follow that the auxiliary stem dr and the tense marker have been deleted (in addition to the reduction of -ku to -k). This is not without parallel in the language (see the non-familiar negative forms in Section 18.3.). As for the form - dd, this can be regarded as derived from an underlying -dar, since an expected syllable final 'r1 assimilates to the following sound, and therefore might be expected to vanish before a pause. I f we do assume -dd from -dar, then it will follow that here again the non-past tense marker has been deleted. 2

36

THE KERNEL

-dé àr -tó-détta (optional, but usual) ( = underlying -d -àr -tà) -té i -ré -teré (optional) -té i -tà -*• =téta (optional) ki -ré —>- kéru 'come' si -ré -* suré 'do' é -ré -*• uru 'obtain' ik -tà -* ittà 'went' 3 ik -té -*• itti 'going' 3 yó -i (< yó -hi àr -ré) ->• ii 'good' (optional, but usual)

3.3. ADJUNCT MARKERS

The above cores can be regarded as utilizing the following adjunct markers: after verb stems: after adjective stems: after noun stems:

-té -ké -gà -ó -ni

-dé -tó -é

-karà -made (zero)4

Not all the adjunct markers occur before each stem class in the kernel. Specifying the above adjunct markers, the following formulae (where S = V, A, AND N) account for the binary cores: (3f)

K

= V -U S A =kn B

N -ga S N -o V N -ni S

N -de V N -to S N -e V

N -kard S N -made S N -S

3.4. CO-OCCURRENCE RESTRICTIONS

Not all verb stems occur in all the positions of V in the above formulae; not all adjective stems occur in all the positions of A; not all noun stems in all the positions of N. There are numerous theoretically possible binary cores which are simply never used. But quite apart from questions of usage there are also GRAMMATICAL restrictions on which verb, adjective, and noun stems can occur in the above formulae. This is to say that there are subcategories of stems, and that there are restrictions as to which subcategories can co-occur in the binary cores. This rule is more general, ik 'go' is transformed into it (instead of the expected ii-before all suffixes beginning with ( t\ 4 The relationship is indicated by the naked stem.

37

THE KERNEL

3.4.1. V -te

S

In binary cores with the adjunct marker -te, the first stem is in an ADVERBIAL (adD) to the second. Not all verb stems can occur before the adverbial -te. Those that can are ADVERBIAL VERB STEMS (adV). Not all noun stems can follow the adverbial ~t6. Those that can are ADJECTIVAL NOUN STEMS (ajN). Examples: sordw -U yame 'quit in a body' ( = adV adD V); Iciwame -te, abuna 'extremely dangerous' ( = adV adD A); seme -te hyakuefi 'at least a hundred yen' ( = adV adD ajN). RELATIONSHIP

3.4.2. A -ku S As in binary cores with -te, so in binary cores with the adjunct marker -ku, the first stem is in an adverbial relationship to the second. Most adjective stems occur before the - M , but the only noun stems that can follow it are adjectival noun stems. Examples: hdya -ku hasir 'run swiftly' ( = A adD V); sugo -ku hdya 'terribly swift' ( = A adD A); osorosi -ku hetd 'frightfully clumsy' {= A adD ajN). 3.4.3. N -gd S In binary cores with the adjunct marker -gd the first stem is the subject of the second. There are two subject relationships: the INDIRECT SUBJECT (isD), e.g., ani -gd wakdr 'my brother understand(s) ( = N dsD ajV) and the

DIRECT SUBJECT

(dsD),5 e.g.,

hdij, -gd wakdr 'understand the book' ( = N dsD ajV) All stems can occur after -gd ( = isD), and all adjective stems and adjectival noun stems can occur after -gd ( = dsD). Those verb stems which can occur after -gd ( = dsD) are ADJECTIVAL VERB STEMS (ajV). All noun stems other than adjectival nouns stems can occur before either -gd. Even adjectival noun stems come to stand before -gd, but this results from the reduction of some other stem(s) following an adjectival noun stem, and hence is not regarded as a core phenomenon.6 Thus one may say hetd -gd wakaru J 'understand (the word) clumsy' ( = ajN dsD ajV), but this is regarded as derived by reduction from some sequence like hetd -to yuu kotoba -gd wakaru \ 'understand the word "clumsy".' Actually any kind of word what3

•

I a m i n d e b t e d t o S a m u e l Martin for t h e terms DIRECT a n d I N D I R E C T SUBJECT. F o r t h e process of reduction s e e Chapter 17.

38

THE KERNEL

soever can come to stand before -ga as a result of reduction, e.g. kono Mniwa | tak&i -ga nai | 'there is no "expensive" in this dictionary'. 3.4.4.

N

-6

zibi-

V

In binary cores with the adjunct marker -o the first stem is the object of the second. There are two object relationships expressed by these cores: the DIRECT OBJECT (doD), e.g., ude

and the

-o

'bend the arm' ( = N doD V)

mage

ROUTE OBJECT

kddo

-6 magar

(roD), e.g.,

'turn (make a turn around) the corner'

(—

N

roD V)

All noun stems other than adjectival noun stems can occur before -6 ( = doD). As with -ga above, adjectival noun stems, and indeed, all words can occur in this position as a result of reduction. Not all verb stems can occur after -o ( = doD). Those that can are TRANSITIVE VERB STEMS (trV). All other verb stems are by this definition INTRANSITIVE (inV). Not all noun stems can occur before -6 ( = roD). Those that can are PLACE NOUN STEMS (plN). Not all verb stems can occur after -6 ( = roD). Those that can are MOTION VERB STEMS (moV). 3.4.5.

N

-ni

S

In binary cores with the adjunct marker -ni, the first stem is either in an adverbial relationship to the second, e.g., hontoo

-ni

yasu

'really cheap' ( = ajN adD A)

or it is in a locative relationship to it. Three distinct locative relationships are expressed by the enclitic -ni: (1) POSITION I N SPACE ( p l D ) a s i n

uti -ni i 'be at home' ( = plN plD V) ( 2 ) POSITION IN TIME ( t i D ) a s huyu

(3)

-ni

DIRECTION tomodati

koor

in

'freeze in the winter' ( = N tiD V)

(diD), e.g., -ni age 'give to my friend' ( = N diD trV);

defisya

'get on the streetcar' ( = N diD moY); kodomo -ni muzukasi

for the child' ( = N diD A).

-ni

nor

'difficult

39

THE KERNEL

The adjunct marker -ni (= adD) can only be preceded noun stem, while -ni ( = plD) can only be preceded by a Only a few (intransitive) verb stems can occur after -ni ( = can are PLACE VERB STEMS (plV). They include stems such and sum 'reside'. Not all noun stems can precede -ni ( = can are TIME NOUN STEMS (tiN).

by an adjectival place noun stem. plD). Those that as i 'be', dr 'be', tiD). Those that

3.4.6. N -dé V Three relationships are expressed by the enclitic -dé: (1) POSITION I N SPACE (plD), as in uti -dé tâbe 'eat at home' ( = plN plD trV) (2)

POSITION IN TIME

(tiD), as in âto -dé tâbe 'eat afterwards' ( = tiN tiD trV)

(3)

INSTRUMENT

(inD), e.g. enpitu -dé kdk 'write with a pencil' ( = N inD trV); tâkusii -dé kder 'come back by taxi ( = N inD moV).

In the first case only place noun stems can precede the -dé, while âto 'after' is the only time noun stem which precedes -dé. Not all noun stems can occur before -dé ( = inD). Those that can are THING NOUN STEMS (tgN). Not all verb stems can follow -dé. Those that can are ACTION VERB STEMS (acV). Transitive verb stems are a subcategory of this subcategory. 3.4.7. N -tô S In binary cores with the adjunct marker -to the first stem may be in an adverbial relationship with the second, as in iroiro -tô hands 'speak of various things' ( = ajN adD trV) o r i t m a y b e i n a n ASSOCIATIVE RELATIONSHIP ( a s D ) t o i t , e . g .

sensée -tô syabér 'chat with the teacher' ( = tgN asD acV); ni -tô hitosi 'equal to two ( = tgN asD A); sake -tô onazi 'the same as sake' ( = tgN asD ajN). Only verb stems occur after -to ( = adD), and only adjectival noun stems can precede it. All noun stems can occur before -tô ( = asD), and all verb stems after it, but few adjective and noun stems actually occur after -tô ( = asD), and those noun stems that do, are limited to adjectival noun stems.

40

THE KERNEL

3.4.8. N -é V In binary cores with the adjunct marker -é the first stem indicates the (diD) of the motion indicated by the second, e.g.,

DIRECTION

gakkoo -é ik 'go to school' ( = plN diD moV). Only place noun stems can occur before -é. Only motion verb stems can follow it. 3.4.9. N -lcará S In binary cores with the adjunct marker -hará the first stem indicates the (orD) of that which the second stem indicates, e.g.,

ORIGIN

gakkoo -kará káer 'return from school' ( = plN orD moV). All noun stems occur before -kará except adjectival noun stems.7 3.4.10. N -máde S In binary cores with the adjunct marker -máde the first stem indicates the (lmD) of that which the second stem indicates, e.g.,

LIMIT

éki -máde ik 'go as far as the station' (plN lmD moV). All noun stems occur before -máde except adjectival noun stems.7 3.4.11. N - S Two distinct relationships are found in binary cores with no overt adjunct marker. The first stem may be in an adverbial relationship to the second, e.g., hakklri iw 'say clearly' ( = ajN adD acV) ; mótto nága 'longer' ( = ajN adD A); zutto damé 'much worse' ( = ajN adD ajN) or it may be in a position in time relationship to it, e.g., asitá kl 'come tomorrow' ( = tiN tiD moV); moo ne 'be about to lie down' ( = tiN tiD acV). In the first case the only noun stems that can occur (in either position) are adjectival noun stems. In the second case only a small number of time noun stems occur, e.g. kinoó 'yesterday', máda 'yet, still'. * Adjectival noun stems may come to occur in this position as a result of reduction,

41

THE KERNEL

3.5. ASSIGMENT OF STEMS TO CATEGORIES

An individual stem may belong to several subcategories of stems. Thus the stem kuruma 'car' is a thing noun stem in the core kuruma -de ik 'go by car', but it is a place noun stem in the core kuruma -ni hdir 'get in the car'. An individual stem may even belong to more than one major stem category. Thus the stem do 'green' is an adjective stem in the core do ~ku nar 'turn green', but it is a noun stem in the core do -ni nar 'turn green'.

3.6. SUMMARY OF STEM CLASSES AND RELATIONSHIPS

To summarize the above, there are 12 core relationships. These are expressed by 11 (counting zero) adjunct marker?: relationship: adverbial (adD) direct subject (dsD) indirect subject (isD) direct object (doD) route object (roD) position in space (plD) position in time (tiD) direction (diD) instrument (inD) association (asD) origin (orD) limit (ImD)

adjunct markers -to -té -•b& -ni -gd -gd -Ô -Ó -ni -•dé -ni --dé -(zero) -ni --é -dé -tó -I'card -made

-(zero)

The following stem subclasses have been mentioned in the above paragraphs: adV ajV trV inV moV plV acV ajN plN tiN tgN

adverbial verb adjectival verb transitive verb intransitive verb motion verb position verb action verb adjectival noun place noun time noun thing noun

42

THE KERNEL

Specifying the core relationships, the adjunct markers, and the stem subclasses, we obtain the following formulae 8 for binary cores: adverbial: adV M S A -k& V A -M A A =h& ajN ajN -ni V ajN -ni A ajN -ni ajN ajN -tó V ajN S direct subject: N -gâ ajV (* ajN ~gâ ajV) N -gâ A (* ajN -gâ A) N -gâ ajN (* ajN -gâ ajN) indirect subject: N -gâ S (* ajN -gâ S) direct object: N -6 trV (* ajN -ó trV> route object: plN —o moV position in space: plN -ni plV plN -dé acV position in time: tiN -ni V âto -dé V tiN - S direction: N -ni S plN -é moV Where the asterisk signifies that the form does not occur.

THE KERNEL

instrument: tgN -de acV association: N -tó V N -tó A N -tó ajN origin: N -karà S (* ajN -karà S) limit: N -made S (* ajN -màde S)

4

EXPANSION BY INSERTION

4.1. EXPANSION BY INSERTION 1

Expansions of the two-stem cores in Section 3.4. can be generated by inserting two-stem cores into the position of one of the stems of another core. Expressed formulaically, the core S D S may thus be expanded into: (4a) (4b)

(S D S) D S or S D (S D S)

The core which is inserted is an INSERTED CORE; the core into which it is inserted is a MATRIX CORE. An inserted core has the same relationship to the matrix core as the single stem it replaces would. Not all cores occur in all functions. There are co-occurrence restrictions here, just as in the case of single stems. The possible functions of an inserted core are regularly the same as those of the second stem of that core. Thus the adverbial core kiwàme -té hàya 'extremely rapid', which ends in an adjective stem, is inserted into the position of A in the adverbial matrix core A - M ugók to produce kiwàme -té hàya -ké ugók 'move extremely rapidly', an expansion of the formula (adV adD A) adD moY. In like manner the adverbial core zuibun zyoozu 'very skilful', which ends in an adjectival noun stem, is inserted into the position of ajN in the adverbial matrix core ajN -ni kàk to produce zuibun zyoozu -ni kàk 'write very skilfully', an expansion of the formula (ajN adD ajN) adF trV; the adverbial core séme =té hyakuefi 'at least a hundred yen', which ends in an adjectival noun stem, is inserted into the position of ajN in the adverbial matrix core ajN haràw to produce séme -té hyakuen haràw 'pay at least a hundred yen', an expansion of the formula (adV adD ajN) adD trV; the adverbial core wari -ni nàga 'relatively long', which ends in an adjective stem, is inserted into the position of A in the adverbial matrix core A -ku kakàr to produce wari -ni nàga -ku kakàr 'take quite a long time,' and expansion of the formula (ajN adD A) adD acV. 1

Harris calls this "constructional inclusion" and discusses it in "Co-occurrence", Seotion 3.7.

EXPANSION BY INSERTION

45

The above are examples of the insertion of cores into the position of the first stem of a matrix core. The following are examples of cores in the position of the second stem. The direction core ma. -ni dw 'be on time', which ends in a verb stem, is inserted into the position of V in the direction matrix core kisyd• -ni V to produce kisyd -ni ma -ni aw 'be on time for the train', an expansion of the formula tgN diD (plN diD acV); the direct subject core hyooban -gd oti 'the reputation suffer(s)', which ends in a verb stem, is inserted into the position of V in the indirect subject matrix core bokus i-gdV to produce bdkusi -gd hyooban -gd oti2 'the minister's reputation suffer(s)', an expansion of the formula tgN isD (tgN dsD ajV); the direct subject core ude -gd mizika 'the arms are short', which ends in an adjective stem, is inserted into the position of A in the indirect subject matrix core kenzi -gd A to produce kenzi -gd ude -gd mizika 'Kenji (has) short arms', an expansion of the formula tgN isD (tgN dsD A).

4 11

Inserted core expansions

A sequence produced by inserting a core into a matrix core is an INSERTED CORE EXPANSION. By inserting expansions into the position of single stems, indefinitely large inserted core expansions can be generated. For example, the adverbial core moo sukosi 'a little more' is inserted into the position of a j N in the adverbial core ajN haya to produce moo sukdsi hdya 'a little faster'. This expansion is in turn inserted into the position of A in the adverbial core A =ku hatarak to produce moo sukdsi hdya -ku hatarak 'work a little faster' an inserted core expansion of the formula ((ajN adD ajN) adD A) adD acV

l.l 2. Frusta and pre-frusta A core or any expansion of a core which ends in a stem is a PRE-FRUSTUM By suffixing a tense marker to a pre-frustum, a FRUSTUM is formed. A core frustum is thus a subcategory of frusta Many frusta can be expanded into sentences simply by affixing the terminal component j . Thus the pre-frustum zuibun zyoozu -ni kak 'write very skilfully' can be expanded into a frustum by suffixing the tense marker =ru 'non-past', and the resulting frustum, with the affixing of the terminal component I, becomes the sentence zuibun zyoozu -ni kak -ru ; '(He) writes very skilfully'. But some frusta, in addition to the terminal component;, require a focusing component. 3 Thus the pre-frustum bdkusi -gd hyooban -gd oti 'the minister's reputation suffer(s)' cannot be 3

For the replacement of the first -gd with -ioa see Section 14 3 See Chapter 14.

46

EXPANSION BY INSERTION

expanded into a sentence simply by suffixing the tense marker =ta 'past' and affixing the terminal component J, but must also have some focus marker such as -m6 'also' or -wd 'topic' following the first -gd (which is then deleted), as in the sentence bdkusi -gd -wd \ hyooban -gd 6ti -td J, which, when formula (Na) of Section 14.3. and the rules of Sections 2.3.-2.7. have been applied, becomes bdkuHwa | hyoobanga 6tita ; 'The minister's reputation suffered'.

5

VERBALIZATION

5.1. THE GENERATION OF COMPLEX SEQUENCES WHICH FUNCTION AS VERB STEMS

In Chapter (4) the concept of expansion by insertion was introduced. In that chapter it was shown how expansions could be generated by inserting a core into the position of a stem in a matrix core. It is also possible to insert a core into PABT of a stem. For example, the sentence megane -gd kumor id | 'His glasses got cloudy.' contains the verb stem kumor 'get cloudy', which in turn contains the noun-stem core kumo 'cloud'. The remainder of this verb stem consists of the verbailizing suffix -r. The formula for the above sentence, which at first appears to be N -gd V T F, is seen on closer examination to be N -gd, N -V T F, in which -V represents a verbalizing suffix. The sequence N -V, which functions here as a verb stem, constitutes a VERBALIZATION. The formula for verbalizations of this type is (5a)

S -V

The possibility of generating verbalizations increases the variety of expansions that can be produced by insertion.

5.2. TRANSITIVE AND INTRANSITIVE VERB STEMS

Transitive and intransitive verb stems are often marked as such by suffixes. The portion of a verb stem which precedes these suffixes is the VERB BASE (B). Thus, the formulae for transitive and intransitive verb stems are (5b) (5c)

B -trV B -inV

in which -trV represents a transitive marker and =inV an intransitive marker. The transitive marker usually contains an ( s\ while the intransitive marker usually contains an V. Thus, kae 's 'return' is the transitive counterpart of

48

VERBALIZATION

kde -r. Similarly noko -s 'leave behind and noko -r 'remain'; nao -s 'fix' and and nao -r 'recover'. For some pairs the -r or the -s (never both) is extended by an ( e\ For example kaku -s 'hide' is the transitive counterpart of kaku -re. Similarly too -s 'knock down' and tad -re 'fall down'; kudu -s 'crush' and kudu -re 'crumble'. With -se and -r we have no -se 'give a ride to' corresponding to no -r 'ride'. Likewise yo -se 'bring near' and yo -r 'approach'. When the verb base ends in a consonant, the V and V of the markers are deleted in accordance with rule (2a) in Section 2.3.. Thus yak 'burn' ( = underlying yak -s) and its intransitive counterpart yake ( = underlying yak -re) are like kaku -s and kaku 're above. Similarly hag 'peel off' ( = hag -s) and its intransitive counterpart hage (— hag -re). With -se and -r we have ake 'open' (= ak =se) and its intransitive counterpart ok (= ak -r); yame 'quit' (= yam -se) and yam 'cease' (= yam -r), in the manner of yo -se and yo -r above. In some cases the -r and the -s are extended by prefixing an ( a\ The pair -se and -dr is probably the most productive in the language. For example tome 'stop' (= torn -se) and its intransitive counterpart tomar (= torn -dr). With -as and -re we have das 'put out' (— d -ds) and 'emerge' ( = d -re). Also in this category is the pair hiyds 'refrigerate' (— My -ds) and hie 'get cold' (= My -re).1 For a number of pairs the -s is extended by prefixing ( o\ while the -r is extended by suffixing i, to produce -os and -ri, as in ok6s 'get up' (= 6k -os) and its intransitive counterpart 6ki (— ok -ri). The base ik 'live' is made transitive with -ds and intransitive with -ri, thus ikds 'revive' and iki 'live'. In summary the following pairs of transitive and intransitive markers have been described: -trV -inV -s -r only after stems ending in a vowel: -r -se after stems ending in a vowel or a consonant: -s -re -ds -r(e) only after stems ending in a consonant: -dr -s(e) -OS -ri -ri -ds 5.2.1. Transforms with transitive and intransitive verb stems In those cases where there are transitive and intransitive pairs it is often possible to transform sentences containing one into sentences containing the 1

An example of ordered rules. The consonant V is deleted after the consonant (y'' which is subsequently deleted before the vowel (e'.

VERBALIZATION

49

other according to the formula (5d)

N -o B -trV

N -ga B -inY

The two-pointed arrow in this formula indicates that the transform is reversible. The -ga in the above formula can only be the -gd of the direct subject. Examples: kuruma -o torn -se 'stop the car' —• kuruma -ga torn -dr 'the car stop(s)'; to -o ak -se 'open the door' to -ga ak =r 'the door open(s)'.

5.3. THE VERBALIZATION OF MULTI-STEM SEQUENCES I n Section 5.1. we saw how a single stem core could be inserted into part of a stem in a matrix core, with the remainder of the stem appearing as a suffix to the inserted core. I t is also possible to generate verbalizations by inserting binary stem cores and expansions into part of a stem, in which case the remainder of the stem appears as a suffix to the last stem of the inserted sequence. For example the pre-frustum semefito -ga katamar 'the cement harden(s)' contains the inserted core semefito -ga kata 'the cement (is) hard' plus the verb base forming suffix -m and the intransitive marker =dr. The matrix core has the form of a single intransitive verb stem. The formula for the above sequence is ( N D A ) =B - inV, in which - B represents a verb base forming suffix. In this case an adjective core has been inserted in the position of S in a matrix core of the formula (5e)

S =B -inV

The reason for generating the above pre-frustum according to (5e), in preference to inserting an adjective stem into the verb base of a core of the formula N -ga B =inV to produce N -ga A - B -inV, is a consideration of co-occurrence restrictions. That which can harden is equivalent to that which can be hard. The relationship between semento 'cement' and kata 'hard' is the same, whether the situation exists or is in the process of coming about. Verbalizations generated with formula (5e) may be transformed according to formula (5d). Thus hd -ga yowa "m -dr 'the teeth grow weak', formed by inserting hd -ga yowa 'the teeth (are) weak' into the position of A in the matrix core A -m -dr, is transformed into hd -o yoiva ~m ~se 'weaken the teeth'. In some cases a direct subject core is inserted directly into a transitive verb matrix core. When this happens the -ga of the inserted core is transformed into - o according to the formula (5f)

( N -ga S) - t r V — N -o B - t r V

50

VERBALIZATION

For example, alcanbo -gd kawai 'the baby (is) cute' is inserted into the position of A in the matrix core A -gar to form akanbo -o kawai -gar 'be fond of the baby'. In like manner, heetai -gd iyd 'do not like soldiers' is inserted into the position of a j N in the matrix core ajN -gar to produce heetai -o iyd -gdr (no change of meaning). The modification of a sequence when placed in the environment of another is a TRANSFORM.

In some cases what looks like a verbalization with -gar is actually a verbalization with Lg to which the intransitive marker -ar has been added. This is seen in uwasa -gd hiro ~g ~ar 'the rumor spread(s)', a pre-frustum which can be converted into uwasa -o hiro =g -se 'spread the rumor' according to formula (5d). Actually these pre-frusta cannot be generated according to (5e) or (5f) because, in this case, uwasa 'rumor' is not the subject of the adjective stem hiro 'spacious'. Rather, the verbalization hiro -g 'spread' functions as a unit vis-a-vis the noun stem uwasa.

5.4. THE CAUSATIVE

Pre-frusta ending in verb stems are inserted into the position of V in the matrix core (5g)

B -sase

to produce causative pre-frusta such as utaw =sdse 'cause to sing' from utaw 'sing'. Transformations associated with the causative suffix: (5h)

ki =sase —> kosdse. 'cause to come' si ~sdse -> sase 'cause to do' ( = underlying (s)

-sdsej

Binary cores and their expansions can be inserted into the position of V in formula (5g). Thus hon -o yom =sdse 'cause to read the book' from fion -6 yom 'read the book'. The causative suffix -sdse functions as a transtitive marker so t h a t formula (5f) applies. For example, kotoba -gd wak ~ar 'understand the words' is expanded into kotoba -o wak -dr *-sdse 'cause to understand the words'. Causative pre-frusta may have indirect subjects which belong either to the matrix core or to the inserted core. To distinguish these two, the -gd of the indirect subject of the inserted core is transformed into -ni in accordance with the formula (5i)

(N -gd V) -V -* N - n i V -V

VERBALIZATION

51

For example, sensée -gâ \ séeto -ni yôm -sâse 'the teacher make(s) the pupil read' from sensée -gâ (séeto -gâ yôm) -sâse, formed by inserting the core séeto -gâ yôm 'the pupil read(s)' into the position of Y in the matrix core sensée -gâ V -sâse. I t is transforms like those of (5f) and (5i) t h a t have led to the formal distinction between direct and indirect subjects. The transforming of -gâ ( = isD) into -ni can lead to superficial ambiguity. Thus tomodati -ni iw -sâse can be generated from (tomodati -gâ iw) -sâse, in which case it means 'cause my friend to say', or it can be generated from (tomodati -ni iw) -sâse, in which case it means 'cause to say to my friend'. Such ambiguities are generally resolved by the context.

5.5. THE PASSIVE Pre-frusta ending in verb stems are inserted into the position of V in the matrix core (5j)

V =rare

to produce passive pre-frusta such as ut -rare 'be hit' from ut 'hit'. Transformations associated with the passive suffix (cf. formula [oh]): (5k)

M -rare —>• kordre 'suffer the coming' si *-rdre —> sare 'suffer the doing' ( = underlying (s> =rare)

The passive generally denotes an unpleasant experience. The one who has the unpleasant experience is denoted by the indirect subject of the matrix core, rather t h a n of the inserted sequence (which denotes the experience itself). For example, ani -gd | tokee -o nusum -rdre 'my brother (has) his watch stolen' f r o m ani -gd (tokee -o nusum) -rdre, formed by inserting tokee -o nusum 'steal the watch' into the position of V in the matrix core ani -gd V - rdre. The indirect subject of the inserted sequence is distinguished from t h a t of the matrix by transforming its a d j u n c t marker -gd into -ni in accordance with formula (Ei). For example, doroboo -ni nusum =rdre 'be stolen by the burglar' from doroboo -gd nusum 'the burglar steal(s)' plus -rare. When the one who has the unpleasant experience is the direct object of the inserted sequence, then this object coincides with the indirect subject of the matrix and is deleted, as in sieto -gd ut =rdre 'the student (is) hit' from seeto -gd (seeto -o ut) -rdre, formed by inserting seeto -o ut 'hit the student' into the position of V in the matrix seeto -ga V -rdre. The formula for this rule is (51)

-gd (N x -6 V) - V - N, -gâ

-V

52

VERBALIZATION

Formula (51) is actually a specific case of a more general rule, whereby an adjunct within an inserted sequence is deleted when it contains a noun stem which is identical to a noun stem of the matrix. The formula for this more general rule is (5m)

Nj. D x (Ni D 2 Sx) S 2 - N x B 1 Si S 2

in which D x may equal D 2 and S 2 may be anything from a suffix to the expansion of a stem. 5.6. THE PASSIVE-CAUSATIVE

Causative pre-frusta can be inserted in the position of V in formula (5j). For example, tiizu -6 tâbe -sâse -râre 'be forced to eat cheese' from (tlizu -o tâbe -sâse) -râre. (5n)

Vc -sâse -rare

Vc -asâre (optional) ( = underlying Vc -sas

-râre)

in which Vc = a verb stem ending in a consonant. If the indirect subject of the inserted sequence coincides with the indirect subject of the matrix, it is deleted according to formula (5m). For example, kodomo -gâ tâbe =sâse -râre 'the child (is) forced to eat' from kodomo -gâ (kodomo -ni tâbe =sâse) -râre, formed by inserting kodomo -ni tâbe -sâse 'force the child to eat', itself from (kodomo -gâ tâbe) -sâse according to formula (5i), into the position of V in the matrix kodomo -gâ V -râre. The -gâ of the indirect subject of an inserted causative pre-frustum is transformed into -ni in accordance with formula (5i). For example, sensée -ni tâbe »sâse -râre 'be forced by the teacher to eat' from sensée -gâ tâbe -sâse 'the teacher cause(s) to eat' plus -râre. 5.7. THE POTENTIAL

Pre-frusta ending in verb stems are inserted into the position of V in the matrix core (5o)

V

râre

to produce potential pre-frusta as in tâbe -râre 'can eat'; 'can be eaten'. Transformations associated with the potential suffix: (5p)

Yc mi kik ki si

-râre -râre -râre -râre -râre

-*• Vc =e (optional) -> mie 'can see, can be seen' (optional) kikoe 'can hear, can be heard' (optional) ->• korâre 'can come' (cf. formula [5k]) ->• déki 'can do, can be done'

VERBALIZATION

53

The -o of the direct object of a sequence inserted in the position of V in formula (5o) is optionally transformed into -gd? according to formula (5f). For example the core zi -o leak 'write the character' can be expanded into either zl -o kdk -(rdr)e 'can write the character' or zi -gd leak =(rdr)e 'can write the character, the character can be written'. The -gd of the indirect subject of a sequence inserted in the position of V in formula (5o) is optionally transformed into -ni according to formula (5i). For example tomoko -gd leak 'Tomoko write(s)' can be expanded into-either tdmoko -gd leak-(rdr)e 'Tomoko (can) write' or tomoko -ni kdk -(rdr)e 'Tomoko (can) write; can be written by Tomoko'. The second of these alternatives, however, could also be generated from (tdmoko -ni kdk) -(rdr)e, in which case it would mean 'can write to Tomoko, can be written to Tomoko'. This is an ambiguity that might not even be resolved by the context, in which case the fact that the transform is optional may lead to its avoidance. 5.8. VERBALIZATION WITH AUXILIARY VERB STEMS

We have seen how verbalizations can be generated by inserting pre-frusta into part of a verb stem. These verbalizations occupy the position of a verb stem in a matrix core and have the same relationship to the matrix core as a single stem in the same position would have. It is also possible, through the use of auxiliary verb stems, to generate expansions which can function in the same way as single verb stems. Such expansions also come under the category of verbalizations. They are formed by inserting pre-frusta into the position of S in a matrix core of the formula (5q)

S D auxV

in which auxV represents an auxiliary verb stem. The adjunct markers are essentially those of the adverbial cores, namely -U, ~ku, -ni, -to, and zero, plus the adjunct marker =i which follows verb stems and to which auxiliary stems are suffixed. Specifying the adjunct markers and the stems which precede them, we obtain the following formulae for verbalizations with auxiliary verb stems: V -te auxV A -ku auxV N -ni auxV

N -to auxV A - auxV

N - auxV V -i -auxV

5.8.1. V -te auxV A number of auxiliary verb stems are joined to a preceding verb stem by the adjunct marker -te. These include ik 'go', ki 'come', ki 'go and', mi 'try', 2

The transform is obligatory with deki.

54

VERBALIZATION

Lure 'for me (or us)', age 'for you (or them)', ok 'for the future', simaw 'to conclusion', moraw 'cause', dr 'be'. For example the core pan -o kaw 'buy bread' may be expanded into the following: pari pan pdn pan pan pan pan

-o -o -o -o -o -o -6

kaw kaw kaw kaw kaw kaw kaw

-te -te -te -te -te -te -te

kl 'go and buy bread (and return)' mi 'try buying bread' kure 'buy bread for me' age 'buy bread for you' ok 'buy bread for later use' simaw 'buy the bread (as a completed act)' moraw 'have somebody buy the bread'

In verbalizations with the auxiliary stem moraw, as in those of Sections 5.4.-5.7., the indirect subject of an inserted sequence is distinguished from that of the matrix by transforming its adjunct marker -gd into -ni. The formula for this rule is (5r)

(N -gd V) D auxV - + N - » i V D auxV

For example, hisae -gd | tdsiko -ni kaw -te moraw 'Hisae (has) Toshiko buy' from hisae -gd (tosiko -gd kaw) -ti. moraw, formed by inserting the core tdsiko -gd kaw 'Toshiko buy(s)' into the position of V in the matrix core hisae -gd V -te moraw. As with the passive verbalizations, if an auxiliaiy verb produces an intransitive verbalization, the -o of the direct object of an inserted sequence is transformed into -gd. The formula for this rule is (5s)

(N -o V) D auxV — N -gd V D auxV

For example, tegami -gd kak -te dr 'the letter (has) been written' from (tegami -o kdk) -te dr, formed by inserting the core tegami -o kak 'write the letter' into the position of V in the matrix core V -te dr. Pre-frusta ending in a verb of motion are frequently inserted into the position of moV in matrix cores of the formula« moV =te ik, moV -te ki, and moV -te kaer. For example takusii -ni nor -te ik 'go by taxi' from takusii -ni nor 'get in a taxi'; aruk -te ki 'come on foot' from aruk 'walk'. The stem mot 'hold' is transformed into mot before -te ik, -te ki, and -te kaer, viz. mot -te ik 'take' and mot -te ki 'bring'. 5.8.2. A -ku auxV The auxiliary verb stem ndr 'become' is joined to a preceding adjective stem by the adjunct marker -ku. Thus tamdgo -gd tdka 'eggs (are) expensive' is expanded into tamdgo -gd tdka -hi ndr 'eggs (become) expensive'. The expansion ndr -sdse 'cause to become' is transformed into si. As with other causatives (see Section 5.4.) the -gd of the direct subject of the inserted

VERBALIZATION

55

sequence is transformed into -o. Thus (tamdgo -gd ydsu -ku ndr) -sase is transformed into tamdgo -o ydsu -ku si 'make the eggs cheap(er)' according to the formula (5t)

(N -gd S D ndr) -sase — N -o S D si

As in formula (5p) the potential expansion of the causative, si -rare, is transformed into deki as in tamdgo -o ydsu -ku deki 'can make the eggs cheap(er)'. In this case the replacing of -o with -gd is optional, according to formula (5u)

(N -o S D si) - rare ->- N -gd (or -6) S D deki 5.8.3. N -ni

auxY

A number of auxiliary verb stems are joined to a preceding noun stem by the adjunct marker -ni. These include ndr 'become', tuk 'concern', yor 'depend on', tor 'select', and ok 'situate'. Examples: kuuki -gd kiree -ni ndr 'the air become(s) clean' from kuuki -gd kiree 'the air (is) clean'; watakusi -ni tuk 'concern me'; watakusi -ni yor 'depend on me'; watakusi -ni tar 'select me'; tookyoo -ni ok 'situate in Tokyo'. Verbalizations with tuk, yor, t6r, and ok are usually inserted into the position of adV in a matrix core of the formula adV -t& S as in watakusi -ni tor =te muzukasi 'difficult for me'. As in Section 5.8.2. the causative expansion ndr -sase 'cause to become' is transformed into si. The -gd of the direct subject of a sequence inserted into the position of N in the matrix core N -ni si is transformed into -o according to formula (5t). Thus kuuki -gd kiree 'the air (is) clean' is expanded into (Muki -gd kiree) -ni ndr =sase, which is then transformed into kuuki -o kiree -ni si 'make the air clean'. As in Section 5.8.2. the causative potential expansion si -rare is transfomred into deki and the replacing of -o with -gd is optional according to formula (5q). 5.8.4. N -to auxY

The auxiliary verb stem si 'function' is joined to a preceding noun stem by the adjunct marker -to as in heetai -td si 'function as a soldier'. Verbalizations of the formula N -id si are usually inserted into the position of adV in a matrix core of the formula adV -te S as in heetai -id si -te kuras 'live as a soldier' from (heetai -to si) -te kuras. 5.8.5. A - auxV

The auxiliary verb stem stigi 'too much' is joined to a preceding adjective stem as an accent deleting suffix, e.g., wanpiisu -gd tdka -sugi 'the dress (is) too expensive' from (wanpiisu -gd tdka) -siigi, formed by inserting the core

56

VERBALIZATION

wanpiisu -gd taka 'the dress (is) expensive' into the position of A in the matrix A -stigi. 5.8.6. N - auxV The auxiliary verb stem s4gi 'too much' is joined to a preceding adjectival noun stem as an accent deleting suffix as in kodomo -gd genki -sugi 'the child (is) too healthy'. The auxiliary verb stem -si 'do', which is joined directly to a preceding noun stem, is the most extensively used verbalizer of noun stems. It is used to verbalize loanwords (including those from Chinese) the vast majority of which come into Japanese as noun stems, but it is not confined to loanwords. Examples: benkyoo -si 'study'; sdin -si 'sign'; hakklri -si 'be clear'. 5.8.7. N -i auxV A number of auxiliary verb stems are joined to a preceding verb stem as accent deleting suffixes with the adjunct marker -i. These include -das 'begin', -hazime 'begin', -Mr 'finish', -naos 'do again', -nare 'get used to', -owar 'finish', -sokonaw 'botch', -sugi 'overdo', -tuduke 'continue'.3 For example, the core tegami -o kdk 'write the letter(s)' may be expanded into the following: tegami tegami tegami tegami tegami tegami tegami tegami tegami

-ó -6 -ó -6 -6 -6 -6 -6 -ó

kdk kdk kdk kdk kdk kdk kdk kak kak

-i -das 'begin to write the letter(s)' = i -hazime 'begin to write the letter(s)' =i -Mr 'finish writing the letter(s)' -i -owar 'finish writing the letter(s)' -i -naos 'write the letter(s) again' -i °nare 'get used to writing letters' -i -sokonaw 'write the letter(s) wrong' -i -sugi 'write too many letters' -i -tuduke 'continue to write letters'

* These stems have different accents depending on the preceding stem. There is much variation in their accentuation, even within Tokyo.

6

ADJECTIVALIZATION

6.1. THE GENERATION OF COMPLEX SEQUENCES WHICH FUNCTION AS ADJECTIVE STEMS

In Section 5.1. we saw how expansions could be made by inserting cores into part of a verb stem. It is also possible to generate expansions by inserting cores into part of an adjective stem. For example the adjective stem nemu 'sleepy' contains the verb stem ne 'sleep'. The remainder of the adjective stem consists of the adjectivalizing suffix -mu. Another adjectivalizing suffix is =pp6 which forms expansions such as mizu -ppo 'watery' from mizu 'water' and onrta -pp6 'effeminate' from onna 'woman'. The formula for adjectivalizations of this type is (6a)

S -A

where -A represents an adjectivalizing suffix. The adjectivalizing suffix =si is sometimes added to a reduplicated stem to form expansions such as bdka -bdka -si 'foolish' from the noun stem bdka 'fool' and omo -omo isi 'solemn' (from the adjective stem omo 'heavy', which have the formula (6b)

2S - A

where 2S represents a reduplicated stem. 6.2. ADJECTIVALIZATION WITH AUXILIARY ADJECTIVE STEMS

In Section 5.8. we saw how it was possible, through the use of auxiliary verb stems, to generate expansions which could function in the same way as single verb stems. It is also possible, through the use of auxiliary adjective stems, to generate expansions which can function in the same way as single adjective stems. Such sequences come under the category of adjectivalizations. They are formed by inserting pre-frusta which end in a verb stem into the position of V in a matrix core of the formula (6c)

V D auxA

58

ADJECTIVALIZATION

in which auxA represents an auxiliary adjective stem. The adjunct markers are -te and =i. 6.2.1. V =te auxA The only auxiliary adjective stem here appears to be hosi 'want (to have something done)'. As with the verbalizations the indirect subject of an inserted sequence is distinguished from that of the matrix by transforming its relationship marker -gd into -ni, according to the formula (6d)

(N -gd V) D auxA * N -ni V D auxA

For example, the core anata -gd kaw 'you buy' is inserted into the matrix core V -U hosi to produce anata -ni kaw -U hosi 'want you to buy'. Since adjective stems are regularly intransitive, we would expect adjectivalizations to be intransitive as well, and hence the adjunct marker -o ( = doD) of an inserted sequence should be transformed into -gd in accorfance with a formula (6e)

(N -o V) D auxA

N -gd V D auxA

This transform does occur with -te hosi, but it is optional. For example, pan -o kaw 'buy bread' is expanded into pan -o (or -gd) lcaw -te hosi 'want to have bread bought'. 6.2.2. V -i auxA Auxiliary adjective stems which are suffixed to -i include -yasu 'easy', -yo 'easy', and -niku 'difficult'. Transforms (6d) and (6e) are compulsory here. For example, the core hand -o mi 'see the flowers' is expanded into hand -gd mi -i °ydsu 'easy to see the flowers', while the core kodomo -gd mi 'the child see(s)' is expanded into kodomo -ni mi -i -niku 'hard for the child to see'. The auxiliary adjective stem -ta 'want' is also suffixed to the adjunct marker =i. The indirect subject of the inserted sequence always coincides with that of the matrix and, as is the case with verbalizations, it is deleted. 1 The formula for this deletion is (6f)

Ni D x (Ni D 2 S) D 3 auxS —>• Nx Dj S D 3 auxS

in which Di may equal D 2 . The -o of the direct object of an inserted sequence is only optionally transformed into -gd according to formula (6e). For exemple: 1

The axuliary stem =ta has only first and second person subjects unless verbalized with the suffix ~gar as in ik =i =ta =gar -te i =ril 'he wants to go' from (ik -ta) -gar.

AD J ECTIVALIZATION

59

zyuusu -o (or -ga) nom -i =ta 'want to drink orange soda' from zyuusu -o n6m 'drink orange soda'. 6.3. THE ADJECTTVALIZER 'rdsi

The auxiliary adjective stem -rasi 'seem' is suffixed to frusta to produce expansions which function as adjective stems. For example asuko -ni ar =ru -rdsi 'seem to be over there' from asuko -ni dr -ru '(is) over there' plus -rdsi. No transforms of the adjunct markers accompany these expansions. Before -rasi the copular non-past tense marker -da is deleted as in kodomo -ga gefiki -rdsi 'seem that the child is healthy' from kodomo -ga genki -da 'the child is healthy' plus -rasi according to the formula (6g)

(N -da) -rasi -*• N -rasi

7

NOMINALIZATION

7.1. THE GENERATION OF COMPLEX SEQUENCES WHICH FUNCTION AS NOUN STEMS

In Sections 5.1. and 6.1. we saw how expansions could be made by inserting cores into part of a verb stem or adjective stem. It is also possible to generate expansions by inserting cores into part of a noun stem. For example, the noun stem neboo 'sleepy head' contains the verb stem ne 'sleep'. The remainder of the noun stem consists of the nominalizing suffix -boo 'person'. Another nominalizing suffix is -tati 'group', which forms expansions such as kodomo -tati 'group of children', tdmoJco -tati 'Tomoko and her group', and bdku -tati 'we' (i.e., 'I and my group'). The formula for nominalizations of this type is (7a)

S -N

where - N represents a nominalizing suffix. By adding numerous nominalizing suffixes to single stem cores, the noun stem inventory of Japanese is greatly augmented. 7.2. THE NOMINALIZATION OF MULTI-STEM SEQUENCES

In Sections 5.3.-5.7. we saw how binary cores and expansions could be inserted into the position of a stem before a verbalizing suffix. In the same manner it is possible, by inserting binary cores and expansions into the position of S in formula (7a), to generate nominalized expansions. In the process, adjuncts to predicates in inserted sequences are transformed into adjuncts to noun stems. As such they are termed ATTRIBUTIVE ADJUNCTS (aSD). This change in status may be marked by a change in form. A noun stem occurring with attributive adjuncts is the HEAD NOUN STEM (heN) of a nominalization. 7.2.1. V -I The suffix -t is used to nominalize pre-frusta ending in a verb stem. For example, oy6g -i 'swimming' from oyog 'swim'; asob -i 'game' from asob 'play'. The

NOMINALIZATION

61

adjunct marker -nd is inserted after the adjunct marker of a sequence inserted before - i to identify it as an attributive adjunct. The formula for this transform is (7b)

(S D V) - N - S D

-TOO V

-N

as in kooen -de -no asob =i 'the game in the park' from kooen -de asob 'play in the park', or as in nedan -ni tuk -te -nd hands -i 'talking about prices' from nedan -ni tuk -te hands 'talk about prices'. The adjunct markers -gd, -o and -ni have the appearance of being replaced with -no, but since the underlying relationship is still one of subject, object or location, it is preferable to regard the -no as being inserted after all adjunct markers with subsequent deletion of the markers -gd, -d, and -ni. The adjunct marker -no is transformed into --no when it comes to stand directly after a noun stem of more than one mora. The formulae for the deletion of -gd, -o, and -ni before -nd are thus (7c)

-gd ' -o

-no

->

--nd

-ni

(7d)

Nm

--no

-*•

Nm

-no

in which Nm = a noun stem of one mora. For example, ani --nd kder -t 'my brother's return' from ani -gd -nd kder -i from ani -gd kder 'my brother return(s)'; natu --no yasum -% 'a vacation in the summer' from natu -ni -nd yasum -1 from natu -ni yasum, 'rest m the summer'. 7.2.2. A

-sa

The suffix -sa is used to nominalize pre-frusta ending in an adjective stem The attributive adjunct marker -nd is inserted after the adjunct marker of a sequence inserted before -sa according to formulae (7b), (7c), and (7d). For example, umi -kara -nd too -sa 'the distance from the sea' from umi -kard too 'far from the sea'; himo --no ndga -sa 'the length of the string' from himo -gd -nd ndga -sa from himo -gd ndga 'the string (is) long'. When, as a result of an insertion, the pre-frustum preceding -sa has both an indirect subject and a direct subject, the adjunct marker -no is inserted after each, as in ziroo --no see --no taka -sa 'Jiro's height' from ziroo -gd -nd see -gd -nd taka -sa from ziroo -gd (see -gd tdka) 'Jiro (is) tall'. The adjective stem doki 'large' is transformed into ooki before -so as in teeburu - °n6 ooki -sa 'the size of the table' from teeburu -gd doki 'the table (is) large'.

62

NOMINALIZATION

7.3. NOMINALIZATION WITH AUXILIARY NOUN STEMS

In Sections 5.8. and 6.2. we saw how it was possible, through the use of auxiliary verb stems and auxiliary adjective stems, to generate sequences which could function in the same way as single verb or adjective stems. It is also possible, through the use of auxiliary noun stems, to generate sequences which can function in the same way as single noun stems. Such sequences come under the category of nominalizations. They are formed by inserting pre-frusta into the position of S in a matrix core of the formula (7e)

S D auxN

in which auxN represents an auxiliary noun stem. The adjunct markers are -i, --no, and zero. 7.3.1. V -i auxN Auxiliary noun stems used with the adjunct marker =i include -bd 'place' (of an action), -gai 'be worth (doing)', -kata 'way (of doing something), •mono 'object (of an action), -soo 'look like (something is about to happen)', and =te 'one (who does something)'. As with the nominalizing suffixes, so with most of these auxiliary noun stems the attributive adjunct marker -n6 is inserted after the adjunct marker of a pre-frustum inserted before the auxiliary noun stem to mark that adjunct as attributive. The formula for this transform is (7f)

(Si

S2) D 2 auxN ->

Di -no S 2 D 2 auxN

For example, kiken -kara -no nige -i -kdta 'way of running away from danger' from kiken -kara nige 'run away from danger'; syuzin -e -no kdk =i =te 'those who write to my husband' from syAzin -e kdk 'write to my husband'; kodomo -1no asob =i -bd 'the children's playground' from kodomo -ga -no asob ~i -bd from kodomo -ga asob 'the children play'. With the auxiliary noun stem -gai the insertion of -no is optional. For example, kikai -o (or -°n6) naos -i -gai 'worth fixing the machine' from kikai -o naos 'fix the machine'. With the noun stem -soo the adjunct marker -no is not inserted. Thus dme -ga hur -i -soo 'look like it's about to rain' from time -ga hur 'rain'. 7.3.2. N --no

auxN

Nominalizations with - - n o auxN are generally inserted into matrix sequences.1 The auxiliary noun stems in this case have the function of elaborating on the 1 As in Seotion 7.2.1. the adjunct marker --no with rule (7d).

is transformed into -no in accordance

NOMINALIZATION

63

relationship between the preceding stem or expansion and the matrix. Thus the sequence --no auxN D can be alternatively regarded here as an expansion of an adjunct marker. Representative of the auxiliary noun stems which follow -°n6 are: aida 'between, among' dto 'after' hidari '(to the) left' higasi 'east of' hoka 'besides' hoo 'toward' kawari 'instead of' kita 'north of' mde 'before, in front of' mawari 'around' migi '(to the) right' minami 'south of'

mukoo 'beyond' mukoogawa 'on the other side' ndka 'inside' saki 'beyond' sita 'below' sóba 'beside' temae 'this side of' tonari 'next to' tamé 'for the sake of, due to' we 'above' usiro 'behind' vii 'during'

All of these auxiliaries form a single accent phrase with the preceding stem, and in so doing delete the accent of the --no. Examples: sensoo --no --dto -de tukur 'manufacture after the war' from (sensoo --no --dto) -de tukur;2 kawd --no --hoo -6 magar 'turn toward the river'; tokoya - °n6 - °mae -ni ar 'be in front of the barber shop'; mizu --no -°ndka -kara agar 'come up out of the water'. In the above examples the nominalizations function as place noun stems or time noun stems. The primary function of some auxiliary noun stems is to generate sequences which can function in the manner of a specific noun stem subclass. For example the auxiliary noun stem tokoro 'place' is used to produce nominalizations which function as place noun stems as in isya --no --tokoro -e ik 'go to the doctor'. The auxiliary noun stem toki 'time' is used to produce nominalizations which function as time noun stems, as in senkyo --no --toki -ni okor 'happen at election time'. The auxiliary noun stem yoo 'like' is used to generate nominalizations which function as adjectival noun stems, as in sensee --no --yoo -ni hands 'speak like the teacher'. The auxiliary noun stem koto 'matter' is used to avoid ambiguity in identifying the direct subject, as in anata --no -1koto -ga suki 'be fond of you'. The auxiliary noun stem hoo 'alternative' is used to indicate a comparison, as in gyuuniku --no --hoo -ga tdka 'beef (is) the more expensive'. Nominali-

Alternatively

sensoo (--no --ato -de) tukur.

64

NOMINALIZATION

zations made with hóo 'alternative' differ from the other nominalizations in that their functions are those of the main noun stem rather than those of the auxiliary. 7.3.3. N - awxN It is on the basis of function, rather than form, that auxiliary noun stems with a zero adjunct marker are distinguished from simple nominalizing suffixes. As with those auxiliary noun stems that are used with -nò, these auxiliaries have the function of elaborating the relationship between the preceding stem or expansion and the matrix of the nominalization which they generate. Furthermore, the preceding stem or expansion is usually in an extent relationship to the auxiliary. Representative of the auxiliary noun stems which occur with a zero adjunct marker are: -oto 'afterwards' -góro '(at) approximately' -gérai 'approximately' (extent) -hodó 'as much as'

-mde 'ago' -tywu, 'in the midst of' -dyuu 'throughout'

Examples: sannen -dto -dé sin 'die three years later'; gózi -góro -ni tat 'leave around five o'clock'; yamà -hodó dr 'have as much as a mountain (i.e., have a great deal)'; rokunen -gurai -mde -hard hatarak 'have been working for about six years'. 7.3.4.

A -8Ó0, ajN

-soo

The auxiliary noun stem -sóo 'look (like)' is joined to adjective and adjectival noun stems, as in kodomo -g& génki -soo 'the child look(s) healthy'; yoohuku -gd talea =sóo 'the clothes look expensive'. After the adjective stem yó 'good', -soo is transformed into ~sasoo.

7.4. THE NOMINALIZATION OF FRUSTA

In Section 6.3. we saw how adjectivalizations were generated by suffixing the auxiliary adjective stem -rdsi 'seem' to frusta. There are a number of auxiliary noun stems which are suffixed to frusta to produce nominalizations. In the process the tense marker of a frustum assumes the additional function of an attributive adjunct marker. The formula for such nominalizations is (7g)

S T auxN

in which S represents a pre-frustum. Representative of the stems which may occupy the position of auxN in formula (7g) are:

NOMINALlZATION GROUP 1 aida 'while' ato 'after' dake 'as much as' kagiri 'as far as' kawari 'instead (of)' koto 'act' mae 'before' soba 'right after' toki 'when' tokoro 'where, when' tóori 'manner'

65

GROUP 2 dake 'only' hazu 'expect (that)' hoka 'besides' hoo 'alternative' koto 'experience' mono 'one; used to' no 'one: act' tumori 'intend to' vA 'besides' wake 'matter'

totyuu 'on the way (to)' tamé 'reason' uti 'while' wake 'why' yóo 'manner' With the exception of nó, the above auxiliaries delete the accent of the preceding tense marker. Examples: uti -é kàer -ru --mde -ni tabe 'eat before returning home'; sigoto -ni ik -ru totyuu -dé àw 'meet on the way to work'; huraìisu -é it (- S D -nó S T auxN

plus formulae (7c) and (7d). With other nominalizers, such as those in group two, this transform does not occur. For example: kdnai --nó (or -gd) i =ru --aida 'while my wife is here' from (kànai -gd i -ru) --aida; okane --nó (or -gà) dr «ru -daké 'as much money as (you) have' from (okane -gd dr -rù) -daké; tori --nó (or -gd) tob -ru --kotó 'the act of the bird's flying' from (tori -gd tob -ru) --kotó; but imootó -gd mi -td - - kotó 'my sister has (ever) seen', not * imootó --nó mi -tà -°kotó. Similarly, watakusi -gd naós -td --wake '(what happened was) that I fixed (it)'. This can also mean 'the reason why I fixed (it)', in which case -nó can be inserted: watakusi - - n ó (or -gd) naós -td --wake. When the tense marker -da 'non-past' assumes the function of an attributive adjunct marker, it is transformed into --nó? unless it is followed by 3 Which, like the adjunct marker --no, is transformed into -no in accordance with formula (7d).

66

NOMINALIZATION

the auxiliary stem -nd, in which case it is transformed into -nd. The formulae for these transforms are (7i)

N -dd N — N -°-n6 N N -dd -nd N -nd -nd

For example, kodomo --no (or ~gd) byooki - -no --toki 'when sick' from (kodomo -gd byooki -dd) --toki; byooki -nd -nd from (byooki -dd) -no. After many adjectival noun stems the tense marker -dd, transformed into --no, is transformed into -nd according to (7j)

the children are 'the sick one(s)' instead of being the formula

naN -dd N -->- naN -nd N

where naN represents a subclass of adjectival noun stems which are accompanied by this transform, and which are called na-stems. For example tomodati -gd genki -nd --hazu '(I) expect that my friend is well' from (tomodati -gd genki -dd) --hazu. After the adjectival noun stem onazi 'the same', -dd, instead of being transformed into --no or -na, is deleted according to the formula (7k)

onazi -dd N -->• onazi N

as in koppu -gd onazi --hazu '(I) expect that the glasses are the same' from (koppu -gd onazi -dd) --hazu. 7.4.1. S T

--soo

The nominalizer soo 'hearsay' differs from those of group two above in t h a t the tense marker -dd is not transformed when preceding it, e.g. nihongo -gd zyoozu -dd --soo 'be said t h a t (his) Japanese is good'. 7.5. NOMINALIZATION BY TRANSPOSITION OF A NOUN STEM

A fourth way of generating nominalizations is by transposing a noun stem from within a frustum to the position following the tense marker. The adjunct marker which follows the noun stem to be transposed, is deleted. The tense marker and the stem t h a t precedes it thus become an attributive adjunct to the transposed noun stem. The formula for this transform is (71)

N D S T - S T N

The transposed noun stem is not limited to functioning as a member of the same noun subclass as prior to its transposition. Examples: omosiro -i syoosetu 'the entertaining novel' from syoosetu -gd omosiro -i 'the novel is entertaining';

NOMINALIZATION

67

benkyoo -si -té i -rû kodomo 'the child who is studying' from kodomo -gâ benkyoo -si -té i ~rû 'the child is studying'; yôm -ta hôn 'the book which (he) read' from hôn -6 yôm -tâ '(he) read the book'; asob =té i -ru kooen 'the park where (they) play' from kooen -dé asob -té i ~ru '(they) play in the park'. Not all stems can occupy the attributive position. For example, ôo 'many' and sukunâ 'few' cannot. Thus zyosee -gâ ôo -i 'the ladies are numerous' is not transformed into *ôo -i zyosee. When the frustum to be transformed ends in the tense marker -dâ 'nonpast', the -dâ is transformed into --no according to formula (7i),4 as in byooki --no kodomo 'the sick child' from (byooki -dâ) kodomo from kodomo -gâ byooki -dâ 'the child is sick'. When the noun stem preceding the --nô indicates quantity, the --no is transformed into -no. For this transform it is necessary to recognize a subcategory of adjectival noun stems which indicate quantity, the QUANTITY STEMS (quN). - - n ô is also transformed into -no when it comes to stand after the adjectival noun stems tugi 'next' and yosô 'belonging to the outgroup'. The formula for these transforms is (7m)

quN tugi yosô

--nô —>-

quN tugi yosô

-nô

For example, the frustum seezika -gd oozee -da 'the politicians are numerous' is transformed into oozee -no seezika 'numerous politicians'. After m-stems the tense marker -da, instead of being transformed into -1n6, is transformed into -na according to formula (7j), as in rippa -nd kuruma 'the magnificent car' from (rippa - da) kuruma from kuruma -gd rippa -da 'the car is magnificent'. After the adjectival noun stem onazi 'the same' the tense marker -dd, instead of being transformed into --no or -nd, is deleted according to formula (7k) as in onazi basyo 'the same place' from (onazi -dd) basyo from basyo -gd onazi -dd 'the place is the same'. 7.6. THE NOMINALIZATION OF PRE-FRUSTA ENDING IN THE AUXILIARY VERB STEM si Since the auxiliary verb stem -si is suffixed to noun stems, verbalizations made with -si can be nominalized by simply deleting -si. But if this is the case, why set up the verbalizations in the first place? Why not start with the noun stem? Consider, however, the pre-frustum heyd -6 soozi -si 'clean the room'. This underlies the nominalization heyd --no soozi 'the cleaning - - n o is further transformed into -no in accordance with formula (7dj.

68

NOMINALIZATION

of the room'. The underlying relationship of heyá 'room' to soozi 'cleaning' is that of direct object. The suffix --nó marks it as an attributive adjunct. The direct object marker -ó may be considered as deleted before -nó in accordance with rule (7c). The formula for nominalizations of this type is (7n)

Nx D N 2 -si

Nx D -nó N 2

Another example of this rule is huígaro nó kekkoñ 'the Marriage of Figaro' which is generated from huígaro -gá kekkoñ -si 'Figaro get(s) married'. 7.7 NOMINALIZATIONS INSERTED INTO NOMINALIZATIONS

I t is possible to combine nominalizations generated by transposition, by inserting one nominalization into the position of the transposed noun stem of another. The formula for such an insertion is (7o)

S T (S T N)

which parallels formula (4b) in Section 4.1. For example the nominalization síro -i biru 'a white building' is inserted in the position of N in the nominalization atarasí H N to produce atarasí síro -í biru 'a NEW white building (as opposed to an old white building). In like manner the nominalization atarasí -í biru is inserted in the position of N in the nominalization siró =i N to produce síro -i atarasí =í biru 'a new WHITE building' (as opposed to a new gray building). 7.8. NOMINALIZATION OF ADJUNCTS

I t is possible to insert some adjuncts into the position of a noun stem. As such they may be considered a fifth type of nominalization. The insertion occurs before an adjunct marker, resulting in a sequence of two adjunct markers. This sequence of two adjunct markers may alternatively be considered as an expansion of an adjunct marker. For example, the adjunct asátte -made 'until the day after tomorrow' is inserted into the position of tiN in the matrix core tiN- ni haráw to produce asátte -made -ni haráw 'pay by the day after tomorrow'. In like manner the adjunct too -kú 'far' is inserted into the position of plN in the matrix core plN -kará ki to produce too -kú -kará kí 'come from afar'; the adjunct káer =té 'return and then' is inserted into the position of tiN -kará tobe to produce káer -té -kará tábe 'eat after returning'; the adjunct kaw -i 'buy' is inserted into the position of plN in the matrix core plN" -ni ik to produce kaw -i -ni ik 'go to buy'. The formula for these expansions is (7p) 6

(Si D J D 2 S 2 5

Alternatively S, (D t D 2 ) S 2 .

8

EXPANSION BY CONCATENATION

8.1. EXPANSION BY CONCATENATION

In the previous chapters the generation of expansions by insertion has Deen discussed. Expansions are also generated by linking pre-frusta together by means of adjunct markers called CONJUNCTIONS (C).1 Conjunctions differ from the adjunct markers previously discussed in that they are used to link two or more predications, rather than the components within a single predication. The pre-frustum preceding a conjunction and the conjunction together constitute an ADJUNCT CLAUSE. A sequence generated by Unking with conjunctions is a CONCATENATED EXPANSION. 8.2. THE STRUCTURE OF CONCATENATED EXPANSIONS

Conjunctions may have several components. A conjunction may be joined directly to a preceding stem according to the formula: (8a)

S C

or it may be joined to it by means of an adjunct marker according to the formula: (8b)

S D C:

or a tense marker may first be suffixed to the preceding stem according to the formula: (8c)

S T C

It is also possible to consider as composite conjunctions, certain sequences consisting of an auxiliary noun stem followed by an adjunct marker. The formula for such conjunctions is (8d)

C = auxN D

They are joined to a preceding frustum according to formula (8c). 1

For a discussion of this method of expansion see Harris, "Co-occurrence", Section 3.5.

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BY

CONCATENATION

8.2.1. S C: Conjunctions suffixed directly to verb stemsConjunctions which are suffixed directly to verb stems, are joined to adjective and noun stems by the use of the copular auxiliary verb stem dr. As in the case of the copular tense markers (3.2.1.), the auxiliary dr is joined to adjective stems with the adjunct marker -ku and to noun stems with the adjunct marker -de. Those conjunctions which are suffixed directly to verb stems are: -rcba 'if', -tdraba 'if', and -te 'and then, and so'. Specifying the stem classes we have the following conjunctions of this type: V A -h& dr N -dé dr

-réba -tdraba -té

Transformations associated with these conjunctions: (8e)

-tdraba -tara (optional) -M dr -réba —>- -kereba -led dr -tdra(ba) —>• -kattara(ba) -M dr -té —-kûte -dé dr -réba -ndraba (optional) -ndraba -ndra (optional) -dé dr -tdra(ba) -ddttara(ba) (optional) -dé dr -té -* -ddtte (optional) -datte -dé (optional) ki -réba ->• kureba 'if (he) come(s)' 2 si - réba suréba 'if (he) do(es)' 2 é -réba -> ûreba 'if (he) obtain(s)' ik -târa(ba) ittdra(ba) 'if (he) go(es)' 3 ik -té —• itté 'go and then' 3

Examples: nom -réba sin 'die if (you) drink (it)'; tûyo -kereba daizyôobu 'all-right provided (it's) strong'; dni -ndra(ba) damé 'no good if (it's my) brother'; okor -tdra(ba) yame 'quit if (you) get angry'; ydsu »'kattarafba) kaiv 'buy if (it's) cheap'; byooki -ddttara (ba) ne 'lie down if (you're) sick'; tdbe -té dé 'eat and then go out'; sdmu -kûte taihen 'cold and so (it's) awful'.

2

This transform also occurs before the tense marker =rû, so that it is possible to generalize and say that the transform occurs before suffixes beginning with -r. But the transform does not occur before the passive and potential suffix - rare, so that we cannot generalize to the point of saying that it occurs before all suffixeB beginning with V . a Compare (3d) in Section 3.2.1.

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71

8.2.2. S D C : Conjunctions preceded by an adjunct marker With conjunctions preceded by an adjunct marker it is possible to consider the sequence which ends in the adjunct marker as a nominalization. This was suggested in Section 7.8. The adjunct markers which precede conjunctions are =te and =i. The conjunction -kard 'after' is joined to the preceding verb stem by the adjunct marker -te as in nads -te -kara tukaw 'use after fixing'. The conjunctions ~nl 'in order to' and -ndgara 'while' are joined to the preceding verb stem by the adjunct marker -i. For example oyog =i ni ik 'go swimming'; araw -i ndgara utaw 'sing while washing'. The conjunction ndgara, when joined to the copular auxiliary ar, means 'although'. For example, hofi -di dr -i -ndgara 'although (it's) a book'. 8.2.3. S T C: Conjunctions preceded by a tense marker Conjunctions which follow tense markers include --dokoroka 'far from', -gd 'but', -kard 'because', -Mredo 'although', -made 'until', -si 'and', --to 'if, whenever', -t6 'that', -y6ri 'rather than'. The conjunctions -Mredo, -made, and -yori are pronounced --Mredo, --mdde, and --y6ri by some Tokyoites. The copular tense marker -da is deleted before the conjunctions --dokoroka 'far from' and -yori 'rather than' according to the formula (8f)

N -dd C — N C

Examples: byooki --dokoroka | zuibun genki 'far from being sick (he's) very healthy'; 4 omosiro -gd abuna 'fun but dangerous'; abuna -i -kard omosiro 'fun because (it's) dangerous'; nads =ta -keredo kowdre 'fixed (it) but it break(s)'; sin -ru -made i 'stay until (he) die(s)'; odor -ru -si utaw 'dance and sing'; nom -ru --to naor 'recover if (you) drink (the medicine); ku -ru -to iw 'say that (he'll come)'; asuko ik -ru -yori ka.er 'return home rather than go there'. 8.2.4. auxN D. Conjunctions with auxiliary noun stems The auxiliary noun stems which occur in conjunctions composed of an auxi liary and an adjunct marker have already been discussed in connection with nominalizations in Section 7 4. They include aida 'period', dto 'after', dake 'as much as', kdgiri 'extent', kawari 'exchange', mae 'before', soba 'next to', tdki 'time', toori 'way', totyuu 'route', uti 'period', yoo 'manner', hoka 'besides', 4

The bar indicates a phrase boundary. This boundary is inserted because the conjunction --dokoroka marks the relationship between byooki 'sick' and genki 'healthy' and not that between byooki and the immediately following zuibun 'very'. See Section 8.3.

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CONCATENATION

no 'act', and ue 'above'. Most of these auxiliaries are used with the zero adjunct marker of extent and with the adjunct marker -ni of manner or location. aida -ni means 'at some time while'; aida (with a zero marker) means 'the whole time while'; dto 'after' occurs with or without -de with no discernable difference of meaning; kdgiri 'to the extent that' usually occurs with a zero marker; Jcawari 'instead of', mae 'before', toki 'when', toori 'the way', uti 'while', hoka 'besides', and ue 'in addition to' occur with or without -ni with no appreciable difference of meaning; soba -kard means 'right after'; totyuu 'on the way' occurs with or without -di, and when followed by a place verb stem, with or without -ni; yoo -ni means 'the way'; no -ni means 'inspite of', while no -db means 'because'. Examples: kdk -teru --aida -ni ydm 'read all the time (I'm) writing' kak ~td --dto -di y6m 'read after (I) write' (note that dto is not preceded by the non-past tense); kdk -i -td -i -dake kdk 'write as much as (you) want'; d6ki ~ru -°kagiri kdk 'write as much (or long) as (I) can'; kdk =ru --Jcawari -ni yom 'read instead of writing'; kdk -ru --mae -ni y6m 'read before (I)write (note that m&e is not preceded by the past tense); kdk 'ru --sdba -kard yom 'read as soon as (I) have written'; kdk -ru --toki -ni yom 'read when (I) write'; yom -td --toori -ni kdk 'write the way (I) read'; kaer -rti, --totyuu -de y6m 'read on the way back' (totyuu -di is also not preceded by the past tense); kdk -teru --uti -ni ydm 'read while (I'm) writing'; yom -td --yoo -ni kdk 'write the way (I) read'; kdk -td -1hoka -ni yom 'read besideswriting'; kdk -td -no -ni ydm 'read inspite of (my) writing'; kdk -td -no -de ydm 'read because (I) wrote'; kdk -ru --ue -ni ydm 'read in addition to writing'.

8.3. CONCATENATION AND JUNCTURES

When the stem preceding a conjunction is not in direct relationship with the first stem following that conjunction, a phrase boundary is inserted after the conjunction. Thus: (a)

kado -6 magar -te hair 'turn the corner and enter'

but (b)

kado -6 magar -te | uti -e hair 'turn the corner and enter the house'

In sequence (b) the conjunction -td 'and then' marks the relationship between magar 'turn' and hair 'enter', not that between magar 'turn' and uti 'house'. In like manner we have yuuhafi -o tdbe -i -nagara ydm 'read while eating supper' but yuuhafi -o tdbe -i -ndgara | sinbun -o ydm 'read the paper while eating supper'.

EXPANSION BY

CONCATENATION

73

8.3.1. Clause juncture When the stem preceding a conjunction is not in direct relationship with any stem in the immediately following clause, a clause boundary is inserted after the conjunction. 5 Thus: (c) (d) (e)

tyótto tyótto tyótto quick

too =i -Jcéredo hâya 'a bit far, but quick' too -i -kéredo | mòtto hâya 'a bit far, but quicker' too -i -kéredo.. kootuu -gâ sukunâ -i -karâ hâya 'a bit far, but because the traffic is light'

Sequence (c) is like sequence (a) above, and sequence (d) like sequence (b). But in sequence (e), although the conjunction -kéredo 'although' marks the relationship between too -i 'far' and hâya 'quick', it is separated from the following hâya by the clause kootuu -gâ sukunâ -i -karâ 'because the traffic is light'

8.4. COORDINATE AND SUBORDINATE CLAUSES

Conjunctions may be viewed as coordinating or subordinating according to the relationship between the clauses they connect. A subordinate clause is attributive to a main clause, while coordinate clauses are considered to be on a par with main clauses and with each other. Since most conjunctions are subordinating, the coordinating conjunctions may be defined by a brief list. The list would include =te 'and then' (but not -te 'because'), -gd 'but', -keredo 'although', -si 'and', -to 'that' (but not -°io 'if, whenever'). The rest of the conjunctions cited in this chapter are subordinating.

For the definition of a clause boundary see Section 19.5.1.

9

EXPANSION BY COMPONENT SHARING

9.1. COMPONENT SHARING

In addition to the processes of insertion and concatenation, expansions are also generated by the process of component sharing.1 According to this process, two or more cores or expansions which share a component are combined into an expansion in which that component appears but once. Such an expansion i s a COMPONENT SHARING EXPANSION.

9.2. THE COMBINATION OF SEQUENCES SHARING THEIR LAST COMPONENT

When the shared component of two sequences to be combined is the last component of those sequences, they may be combined according to the formula (9a)

X Z + Y Z ->- X | Y Z

where the onset of a second accent phrase starting with Y indicates that X is not in a direct construction with Y, but is separated by Y from Z, with which it is in a direct relationship. One specific application of formula (9a) involves the combination of pre-frusta sharing a predication. For example, the time core asitá ik 'go tomorrow' and the direction core sizúoka -é ik 'go to Shizuoka' share the verb stem ik 'go'. They are combined into the expansion asitá \ sizúoka -é ik 'go to Shizuoka tomorrow'. Larger expansions can be produced by combining a larger number of prefrusta. Thus formula (9a) can be expanded into (9b)

X1Z + X 2 Z . . . X „ Z + Y Z ^ X

1

I X 2 . . . | Xn ] Y Z

For example, the cores kinóo nakus 'lose yesterday', masayuki -gá nakus 'Masayuki lose(s)', gakkoo -dé nakus 'lose at school', and hóñ -ó nakus 'lose Harris calls this word sharing and discusses it in "Co-occurrence", Section 3.6.

EXPANSION BY COMPONENT SHARING

75

the book' are combined into the expansion kinóo | masayuki -gá \ gaklcoo -dé. I hóñ -ó nakus 'Masayuki los(t) the book at school yesterday'. This expansion is represented formulaically as tiN tiD trVx + tgN isD trV! + plN plD trVj + tgN doD trV 1 — tiN tiD | tgN isD | plN plD | tgN doD trV. Since an indefinite number of sequences can be combined into one component sharing expansion, the formulae for some expansions can be quite long. And since such lengthy formulae are nothing more than extensions of formulae involving the combination of only two sequences, I shall be content to write all formulae for component sharing expansions as if they only involved the combination of two sequences. Thus a formula like (9a) will be understood to imply a formula like (9b) unless specifically stated to the contrary. Components X Z and Y Z of formula (9a) are also joined into the expansion Y I X Z, as in sizúoka -é | asitd ik 'go to Shizuoka TOMORROW'. In this case there is extra emphasis on asitá 'tomorrow', while in the case of asitá \ sizúoka -é ik there is only slight emphasis on sizúoka -é 'to Shizuoka'. In cases where the last component is shared, there is often an order of appearance of the adjuncts that produces the least special emphasis. This is the ORDER OF MINIMUM EMPHASIS of component sharing adjuncts. The order of minimum emphasis of predicate sharing adjuncts is the following: 9.2.1. The position of time adjuncts Adjuncts referring to time precede all others. For example the time core háru -ni si 'do in the spring' and the direct object core eñzetu -ó si 'make a speech' are combined into háru -ni | eñzetu -ó si 'make a speech in the spring' ; the time core asitá áw 'meet tomorrow' and the direction core syatyoo -ni áw 'meet the (company) president' are combined into asitá \ syatyoo -ni áw 'meet the president tomorrow'. 9.2.2. The position of the indirect subject The indirect subject precedes all adjuncts except those referring to time, e.g., the indirect subject core tákasi -gá tór 'Takashi pick(s) up' and the direct object core kagi -ó tór 'pick up the key' are combined into tákasi -gá \ kagi —ó tór 'Takashi pick(s) up the key'; but the time core késa ki 'come this morning' and the indirect subject core señsée -gá M 'the teacher come(s)' are combined into késa | señsée -gá ki 'the teacher come(s) this morning'. 9.2.3. The position of associative adjuncts Associative adjuncts precede all other adjuncts except indirect subjects and adjuncts referring to time, e.g., the associative core titi -tó ik 'go with my

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EXPANSION BY COMPONENT SHARING

father' and the direction core gekizyoo -e ik 'go to the theater' are combined into titi -t6 | gekizyoo -e ik 'go to the theater with my father'. 9.2.4. The position of adverbial adjuncts Adverbial adjuncts are preceded by all others, e.g., the direct object core tegami -o kdk 'write the letter' and the adverbial core haya =ku kdk 'write quickly' are combined into tegami -o \ haya -ku kdk 'write the letter quickly'. 9.2.5. The position of direct subjects and direct objects Direct subjects and direct objects are preceded by all but adverbial adjuncts, e.g., the direction core tookyoo -e das 'send to Tokyo' and the direct object core tegami -6 das 'send the letter' are combined into tookyoo -e | tegami -6 das 'send the letter to Tokyo'. 9.2.6. The position of adjuncts of origin and adjuncts of limit Whether referring to time or space, adjuncts of origin precede those of limit (and the intervening phrase juncture is optional), e.g., the origin core yokohama -kard ik 'go from Yokohama' and the limit core tookyoo -made ik 'go as far as Tokyo' are combined into yokohama -kard tookyoo -made ik 'go from Yokohama to Tokyo'. 9.2.7. The position of quantity adjuncts Quantity adjuncts (i.e., adverbial adjuncts which indicate quantity) follow subject and object adjuncts directly (and without an intervening phrase juncture), and hence their basic order depends on the order of the adjuncts with which they are associated, e.g., the indirect subject core tomodati -gd ndm 'my friend(s) smoke', the extent core minna nom 'everyone smoke(s)' and the direct object core tabako -6 nom 'smoke cigarette(s)' are combined into tomodati -gd minna \ tabako -o nom 'all my friends smoke cigarettes'. Replacing the core minnd ndm with the extent core zinbu ndm 'smoke all (of it)' yields the sequence tomodati -gd | tabako -6 zefibu ndm 'my friend(s) smoke(s) all the cigarettes'. Quantity adjuncts are not combined by formulae (9a) and (9b) with other than subject and object cores. With other cores nominalizations made with quantity noun stems according to formulae (71) and (7m) are inserted into the position of noun stems. For example, zenbu -no okane -de kaw 'buy (it) with all (his) money'. This type of insertion is also possible with subject and object cores, as in z6nbu -no okane -o tukaw 'use up all the money'.

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EXPANSION BY COMPONENT SHARING

Noun stems which function as quantity adjuncts are (quN).

QUANTITY

NOUN

STEMS

9.3. THE COMBINATION OF SEQUENCES WITH THE SAME PREDICATE AND ADJUNCT MARKER

A special case of component sharing involves the combination of pre-frusta where the last adjunct marker, as well as the last stem, is the same. Such sequences are combined according to the formula (9c)

X B1 Z + Y I>1 Z — Y -tó Y D t Z

For example, the cores ozi -gá ki 'my uncle come(s)' and oba -gá ki 'my aunt come(s)' are combined into ozi -tó oba -gá ki 'my uncle and aunt come'; the cores siñbuñ -ó yóm 'read the newspaper' and zassi -ó yóm 'read the magazine' are combined into siñbuñ -tó zassi -ó yóm 'read the newspaper and the magazine'. The reason for combining these sequences according to formula (9c), in preference to inserting siñbuñ -tó zassi 'the newspaper and the magazine' into the position of tgN in the core tgN -ó yóm, is a consideration of co-occurrence restrictions. The potential direct objects of yóm 'read' are more limited than the objects that can be linked by -tó 'and'. 9.3.1.

Nominalizations

with

aida

Nominalizations with the auxiliary noun stem aida 'among, between' present a special case of formula (9c) in which X == Y. Thus the nominalization tukue - -rió aida 'among the desks' is combined with itself to produce tukue -tó tukue --nó aida 'between (not among) the desks'. Nominalizations with aida in which X is not the same as Y are also combined. For example tukue --nó aida is combined with isu --nó aida 'among the chairs' to produce tukue -tó isu --wó aida 'among OR between the desk(s) and the chair(s)'.

9.4. THE COMBINATION OF SEQUENCES SHARING OTHER THAN THEIR LAST COMPONENT

In the above examples the shared component has been the last in the sequences combined. Pre-frusta in which components other than the last are identical, are also combined into expansions. Since the last component of a pre-frustum is a predicate, these sequences are combined by a method which is a combination of component sharing and concatenation, whereby the last component of each pre-frustum to be combined, is joined by a conjunction to the next component. For example, the cores sàidaa -ó dàs 'take out the lemon soda'

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EXPANSION BY COMPONENT SHARING

and saidaa -o nom 'drink the lemon soda' are combined into sdidaa -o das ~te norm, 'take out the lemon soda and drink it*. Similarly the cores uti -gd tiisa 'the house (is) small' and uti -gd slro 'the house (is) white' are combined into uti -ga tiisa -kute siro 'the house (is) small and white'; the component sharing expansions zyotyuu -ga | karada -gd zyoobu 'the maid (is) sturdy' and zyotyuu -gd \ yd - M hatarak 'the maid work(s) hard' are combined into zyotyuu -gd [ karada -gd zyoobu -de .. yd -ku hatarak 'the maid (is) sturdy and work(s) hard'; the cores musume -gd oyog 'my daughter swim(s)' and musume -gd ik 'my daughter go(es)' are combined into musume -gd oyog -i -ni ik 'my daughter go(es) swimming'; the component sharing expansion tomodati -gd | sibaraku mat 'my friend wait(s) a while' and the core tomodati -gd kder 'my friend go(es) home' are combined into tomodati -gd \ sibdraku mdt -U kder 'my friend go(es) home after waiting a while'. The formula for these combinations is (9d)

XY +

XZ-*XYCZ

in which C = a conjunction. As with components joined by conjunctions, the component preceding the conjunction may end in an adjunct marker or a tense marker. For example, the cores isu -o naos 'fix the chair' and isu -6 ur 'sell the chair' are combined into isu -6 naos -te -kard ur 'fix the chair and then sell (it)'; the insertion expansions ronbun -o syuppan -si 'publish the thesis' and ronbun -o kdk -i -naos 'rewrite the thesis' are combined into ronbun -o syuppan -su =ru --mae -ni kdk "i -naos 'rewrite the thesis before publishing (it)'; the core tyawan -gd kiree 'the bowl (is) pretty' and the component sharing expansion tyawan -gd | tyotto tdka 'the bowl (is) a bit expensive' are combined into tyawan -gd kiree -da -keredo | tydtto tdka 'the bowl is pretty but (it is) a little expensive'; the cores boosi -o mi 'see a hat' and boosi -o kaw 'buy a hat' are combined into boosi -o mi -ru --to kaw 'whenever (she) see(s) a hat, (she) buy(s it)'. The formulae for these combinations are (9e) (9f) (9g)

XY + XZ-+XYDCZ XY + XZ-+XYTCZ X Y + X Z - + X Y T auxN D Z

in which D = an adjunct marker, auxN = an auxiliary noun, T = a tense marker, and C = a conjunction. 9.4.1. Component sharing sequences where the shared component is only one of the non-final components

There are component sharing sequences where the shared component is only one of the non-final components, e.g., the component sharing expansions

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79

tansu -ni | pen -o ok 'put the pen on the bureau' and asitd \ pen -6 wasure 'forget the pen tomorrow' are combined into tansu -ni | pen -o ok -tara ] asitd wasure 'if (you) put the pen on the bureau, (you will) forget (it) tomorrow'. The formulae for this type of combination are (9h) (9i) (9j) (9k)

(Wi) (WO (Wj) (WO

X X X X

Y Y Y Y

+ + + +

(W2) (W2) (W2) (W2)

X X X X

Z Z Z Z

— (Wx) - (WJ - (Wj) — (Wj)

X X X X

Y Y Y Y

C D T T

(W2) Z C (W2) Z C (W2) Z auxN D (W2) Z

9.5. THE NOMINALIZATION OF COMPONENT SHARING EXPANSIONS

Since the sequences which could be generated by verbalizing or adjectivalizing component sharing expansions, can also be generated by combining verbalizations or adjectivalizations by component sharing, and that in accordance with the preceding rules, it us superfluous to provide rules for such verbalizations or adjectivalizations. The same can be said concerning the nominalization of component sharing expansions except for those involving nominalization by the transposition of a noun stem. Such nominalizations call for an expansion of the nominalizing formula (71) of Section 7.5. into (91)

(X) N D (Y) S T — (X) (Y) S T N

in which (X) and (Y) represent an indefinite number of optional adjuncts to the stem preceding the tense marker. Nominalizations of this type are common. For example, the indirect subject core watakusi -gá sir 'I get to know' and the direct object core igirisúziñ -ó sir 'get to know the Englishman' are combined into the component sharing expansion watakusi -gá \ igirisúziñ -ó sir 'I get to know the Englishman'. This is expanded into a frustum with the tense marker -té irú to form watakusi -gá | igirisúziñ -ó sir -té irú 'I know the Englishman'. This frustum can then be nominalized according to formula (91) into either watakusi -gá sir -té irú igirisúziñ 'the Englishman whom I know' or igirisúziñ -ó sir -té irú watakusi 'I, who know the Englishman'. In like manner the cores gaiziñ -gá ki 'the foreigner come(s)' and kooeñ -é ki 'come to the park' are combined to produce an expansion which in turn is expanded into the frustum gaiziñ -gá \ kooeñ -é kú -rú 'the foreigner comes to the park' by the addition of the tense marker -rú 'non-past'. This frustum can then be nominalized according to formula (91) into either gaiziñ -gá kú -rú kooeñ 'the park the foreigner comes to' or kooeñ -é kú -rú gaiziñ 'the foreigner who comes to the park'. The (Y) in formula (91) may stand for a predicate followed by a conjunction. For example, the adjectival cores tatémono -gá siro 'the building (is) white'

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EXPANSION BY COMPONENT SHARING

and tatemono -ga atarasi 'the building (is) new' are combined to produce an expansion which in turn is expanded into the frustum tatemono -ga siro -kute atarasi 'the building is white and new' by adding the tense marker -i 'non-past'. This frustum is then nominalized in accordance with formula (91) into siro -hide atarasi -I tatemono 'the new white building'.

9.6. COMPONENT S H A R I N G NOMINALIZATIONS

Another application of formula (9a) involves the combination of nominalizations sharing their final noun stem. For example, the nominalizations mâiniti | kooen -é kû gaizifi 'the foreigner who comes to the park every day' and nihongo -gâ déki gaizifi 'the foreigner who speaks Japanese' are combined into mâiniti | kooen -é kû -rû | nihongo -gâ déki ~rû gaizifi 'the foreigner who speaks Japanese, who comes to the park every day'; similarly the nominalizations siro 'i tatémono 'a white building' and atarasi tatemono 'a new building' are combined into siro 'i | atarasi H tatémono 'a new, white building'. 9.6.1. Attributive adjuncts Attributive adjuncts fall into two main categories: IDENTIFYING ATTRIBUTIVES and DESCRIPTIVE ATTRIBUTIVES.2 In the order of minimum emphasis, identifying attributive adjuncts precede descriptive atrributive adjuncts. Thus the identifying nominalization onazi kuruma 'the same car' (from kuruma -gâ onazi -dâ 'the car is the same' according to formula [71] in Section 7.5.) and the descriptive nominalization kûro -i kuruma 'the black car' (from kuruma -gâ kéro 'the car is black', also according to formula [71]) are combined into onazi \ kûro H kuruma 'the same black car'. In like manner the identifying nominalization tugi -no kuruma 'the next car(s)' and the descriptive nominalization nidai -nô kuruma 'two cars' are combined into tugi -nô \ nidai -nô kuruma 'the next two cars'. 9.6.2. The combination of numbers in sequence Two numbers in sequence may be combined according to the formula (9m)

nuNi meNj + nuN 2 meN 2

nuN^ -nuN 2 meNx

in which nuN = a numeral, meN a measure, and -nuN indicates that the second numeral of the sequence carries the accent of their combination. For 2

The difference between identifying and descriptive attributives is also reflected in the formation of the interrogative (see Sections 10.3.-10.3.2.).

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81

example, the numbers ni -syuukan 'two weeks' and san =syuukan 'three weeks' are combined into ni °sdn -syuukan 'two or three weeks'. From formula (9m) it is seen that NUMBERS (nrN), a subcategory of quantity noun stems, consist of a NUMERAL (nuN) and a suffixed MEASURE (meN).3 Numerals are also a subcategory of quantity noun stems. Note that the higher numerals ziw 'ten', hyaku '100', sin '1000', etc. function as measures in formula (9m). For example: san -si -ziw -pun 'thirty or forty minutes'; si -go -hyaku -en 'four or five hundred yen'.

9.7. THE ORDER OF APPLICATION OF METHODS OF EXPANSION

Combination with conjunctions, though presented earlier in this analysis, does not necessarily precede combination by component sharing in the generation of a sentence. In fact, both methods operate together in the combinations of Sections 9.4.-9.4.1. The joining by conjunctions of component sharing expansions is a common method of sentence generation, e.g., the cores sibuya -made ik 'go as far as Shibuya' and tikatetu -de ik 'go by subway' are combined by component sharing into (a)

sibuya -made \ tikatetu -de ik 'go by subway as far as Shibuya'

and the cores tooyokosen -de ik 'go by the Toyoko Line' and meguro -e ik 'go to Meguro' are combined by component sharing into (b)

tooyokosen -di \ meguro -e ik 'go to Meguro by the Toyoko Line'

Then (a) and (b) are joined by the conjunction -te 'and then' into (c)

sibuya -made \ tikatetu -dd it - te | tooyokosen -de \ miguro -i ik 'go as far as Shibuya by subway and then go to Meguro by the Toyoko Line'

With the suffixing of a tense marker and a terminal component, plus the addition of appropriate focusing components (when necessary), pre-frusta produced by component sharing, or by any combination of component sharing with the methods of expansion discussed in the preceding chapters, may be further expanded into sentences. Thus the suffixing of 'non-past' and \ 'statement' to (c) above, when the transforms of Sections 2.3.-2.7. have been applied, produces sibuyamdde | tikatetude itte \ tooyokosende | meguroe iku \ '(He will) go as far as Shibuya by subway and then go to Meguro by the Toyoko Line'. 3 The distinction between numbers, numerals, and measures is also reflected in the formation of the interrogative (see Section 10.4.).

10

THE INTERROGATIVE

10.1. YES-NO QUESTIONS

A frustum is expanded into a yes-no question by adding the terminal component -kâ to it. -kâ is expanded into -kâ | when it comes to stand at the end of a sentence. For example the frustum tegami -gâ M -ta 'a letter came' is expanded into tegami -gâ kl -ta -kâ j 'did a letter come?' The tense marker -dâ is deleted before the -kâ according to the formula ( 10a) -dâ -kâ

-lcâ

Thus the expansion atarasi -i misin -dâ kâ j, 'is (it) a new sewing machine?' is transformed into atarasi -i misin -kâ J.

10.2. INTERROGATIVE COMPONENT QUESTIONS

Yes-no questions are transformed into interrogative component questions by replacing componentswithin the questions with INTERROGATIVE COMPONENTS(Q). Interrogative components are themselves all noun stems. They include the following: (1)

(2) (3)

1

from the base do: do -re 'which (of more than two)' dô -tti 'which (of two); which direction' do -ko 'where' dô -o 'how' ( = underlying do -:)1 from the base nâ: nâ -ni 'what' nâ =zé 'why' others: iku ~ra 'how much' dâ =re 'who' i =tu 'when'

The symbol - :' indicates a repetition, with high pitch, of the preceding vowel.

THE INTERROGATIVE

83

The choice of an interrogative component depends on the component to be replaced, and there is a relationship (though not one to one) between the function of the replaced noun stem or nominalization and the interrogative component which replaces it. 10.2.1.

dare and person

stems

'who' replaces noun stems and nominalizations which refer to people according to the formula

dare

(10b)

p e N ->- dare

in which peN = a noun stem or nominalization referring to people. For example, the question ddiku -ni haraw -ta -lea \ 'did (he) pay the carpenter?' is transformed into dare -ni haraw -ta -kd | 'whom did (he) pay?' Noun stems which refer to people are PERSON STEMS (peN). Thing noun stems which refer to non-people are NON-PERSON STEMS (npN). Person stems and non-person stems constitute subclasses of thing noun stems which differ not merely with regard to the interrogative components that replace them. Only person stems, for example, are used with the nominalizing suffixes -tati 'group' (see Section 7.1.), or -san 'member of the outgronp' 2 10.2.2.

ndni

and non-person

stems

Non-person stems and nominalizations which function as non-person stems are replaced by the interrogative component ndni 'what' according to the formula (10c)

n p N -»- nani

For example, the question kdba -o mi -ta -kd \ 'did (you) see the hippopotamus?' is transformed into nani -o mi -ta -kd | 'what did (you) see?' ( ( ( ndni is transformed into nan before enclitics beginning with t \ d\ or n\ according to the formula -t ->• nant -d —>• ndnd -n ->- ntinn

For example, the question nani -de naos -ta -kd | 'what did (you) fix (it) with?' is transformed into nan -de nods -ta -kd | . 2

I consider the -san of such fixed expressions as gotisoo -san 'it was delicious' as a different, though homonymous suffix.

84

THE INTERROGATIVE

10.2.3. dótti, dóre and thing noun stems All thing noun stems and nominalizations which function as thing noun stems are replaced by dótti 'which (of two)' and dóre 'which (of more than two)' according to the formulae (lOe) tgN ->• dótti tgN -»• dóre For example, the question gyuuniku - °nó -1hóo -gà tàlea -i -lea | 'is beef more expensive?' is transformed into dótti -gà tàlea -i -kà J 'which (of the two) is more expensive ?' or into dóre -gà tàlea -1 -kà | 'which of them ( = more than two) is more expensive?' 10.2.4. dóko, dótti and place noun stems Place noun stems and nominalizations which function as place noun stems are replaced by the interrogative components dólco 'where' and dótti 'which direction' according to the formulae (lOf) plN plN

dóko dótti

For example the question uti --no --nàka -ni i -ru -kà j 'is (he) inside the house?' is transformed into dóko -ni i =ru -kà J 'where is (he)?'; the question niwa --nó --hóo -karà ki -tà -kà \ 'did (he) come from the direction of the garden?' is transformed into dótti -karà ki -tà -kà ; 'where did (he) come from?' 10.2.5. itu and time noun stems Time noun stems, nominalizations which function as time noun stems, and adjuncts ending in -ni ( = tiD) and -de ( = tiD) are replaced by the interrogative component itu 'when' according to the formula (10g) tiN tiN tiN

ni dé

For example, the question rainen -màde i -ru -kà | 'will (you) be (here) through next year?' is transformed into itu -màde i -rû -kà 1 'how long will (you) be (here)?'; the question sensée -gâ i -tà --tôki -ni hanàs -ta -kà + 'did (he) speak when the teacher was here?' is transformed into itu hanàs -tà -kà j 'when did (he) speak?'

THE INTERROGATIVE

85

10.2.6. ddo and adjuncts of manner Adjuncts and clauses which refer to manner are replaced by the interrogative component ddo 'how' according to the formula (10h) N D S C

dôo

For example, the question nezimawasi -o tukaw -i -nagara alee -td -ha j 'did (you) open (it) using a screwdriver?' is transformed into ddo ake -ta -kd l 'how did (you) open (it) ?' The interrogative component ddo can be expanded into doo yar -U 'how', as in d6o yar -tS deki -ru -kd J 'how can (I do it) V ddo can also be expanded into ddo -°iw -ru --hiiu -ni 'in what manner' (a contraction of doo iw -ru -°huu -ni) or into doo --iw =ru -°ydo -ni 'in what manner' (a contraction of ddo iw -ru --ydo -ni), as in doo --iw -ru --hiiu -ni utaw -td -kd | 'how did (she) sing?' Adjuncts ending in -ni preceding nar 'become' are also replaced by doo according to formula (lOh). Thus the question ginki -ni nar -td -kd \ 'has (he) recovered?' is transformed into ddo nar -td -kd | 'how is (he)?' 10.2.7. ndze and adjuncts and clauses of cause Adjuncts and clauses which refer to cause are replaced by the interrogative component ndze 'why' according to the formula (lOi)

N D S C

ndze

For example, the question oso -kú kder -td -kará okór -té i -rú -ká ¡ 'is (she) angry because (he) came home late?' is transformed into ndze okór -té i ~rú -kd 4 'why is (she) angry?' 10.3. INTERROGATIVE ATTRIBUTIVE ADJUNCTS

Nominalizations are made interrogative by replacing adjuncts within them with interrogative adjuncts. 10.3.1. dôno and identifying attributives Identifying attributives are replaced by dàtti --no 'which (of two)' and dôre --no 'which (of more than two)' according to the formulae (lOj)

S D N ->• do ~tti --nô N S D N — dô -re nô N

86

THE INTERROGATIVE

dó -re -1nó is further transformed into do -nó according to the formula (10k) =re

--nó-nó

For example, the question onazi kuruma -dátta -ká i 'was (it) the same car?' is transformed into dó -re --nó kuruma -dátta -ká \ and then into dó -nó kuruma -dátta -ká \ 'which car was (it)?' or it is transformed into dótti --nó kuruma -dátta -ká | 'which of the two cars was (it)?' 10.3.2. dóñna and descriptive attributives Descriptive attributives are replaced by dóo -ná-'what-kind of* according to the formula (101)

S D N — dóo -ná

dóo -ná is further transformed into dóñ -na according to the formula (10m)

-ná

-ñ -na

in which - : ' equals the preceding vowel repeated with high pitch. For example, the question húru -i kámera -ká | 'is (it) an old camera?' is transformed into dóñ -na kámera -ká J 'what kind of camera is (it)?' The interrogative attributive dóo -ná can be expaanded into dóo --iw =rú -°húu -ná 'what kind of', or into dóo --iw -rú --yóo -ná 'what kind of' (cf. Section 10.2.6.), or simply into dóo --iw -rú 'what kind of'. I t can also be expanded into dó -nó --yóo -ná 'what kind of'. For example, the question dóo -ná --hitó -ká J 'what kind of person is (he) ?' is expanded into dóo - °iw -rú --yóo -na --hitó -ká j 'what kind of person is (he)?' 10.3.3. náñ

--nó

Both identifying and descriptive attributives are replaced by náni -°nó 'what, what kind of' according to the formula (lOn) S D N - » - náni

--nó

náni --nó is transformed into náñ --nó according to formula (lOd). For example náñ -1nó kuruma -ká J 'what car is (it)' or 'what kind of car is (it) ?'

10.4. QUESTIONS OF NUMBER

Numbers can be either cardinal or ordinal (sometimes with no difference in form). They are made interrogative by replacing the numeral component with

THE INTERROGATIVE

87

the interrogative components nan 'how many, what' and iku 'how many, what' according to the formulae (lOo) nuN -meN ->• nan -meN nuN -meN —>- iku -meN The choice of nan or iku depends on the following measure and is not related to function. With some measures both are used. Examples: the question hyaku =mai kaiv Aa -kd J 'did (she) buy 100 sheets (of it) ?' is transformed into nan =mai kaw -la -ka | 'how many sheets (of it) did (she) buy?' The question sen kyuu -hyaku go -ziiv go -nen -ni ki ~ta -ka | 'did (you) come in 1955?' is transformed into nan -nen -ni ki -td -ka J 'what year did (you) come?' The question nana -tu -ka j 'is (he) seven' is transformed into iku -tu -kd J 'how old is (he) V In reference to money the interrogative component iku -ra is also used so that the question sen -en hardw -td -kd | 'did (you) pay 1000 yen?' is transformed either into nan =en hardw -td -kd \ 'how many yen did (you) pay?' or into iku -ra hardw =ta -kd J 'how much (money) did (you) pay?' Numbers are a subcategory of quantity noun stems. All quantity noun stems, including numbers, are replaced by the interrogative component do -no -gurai 'how much, how many' according to the formula (lOp) quN ->- do -no -gurai For example, the questions hyaku -mai kaw -td -kd | 'did (she) buy 100 sheets (of it) V and takusan kaw -td -kd | 'did (she) buy a lot (of it) V are both transformed into do -no -gurai kaw =td -kd J 'how much (of it) did (she) buy?' 10.5. QUESTIONS OF INTENSITY

Questions which contain adjuncts indicating intensity are transformed into interrogative component questions by replacing the degree indicating adjunct with the interrogative.components don -na -ni 'how (much)' and do -re -hodo 'how (much)' according to the formulae (lOq) S D ->• don -na -ni S D ->• do -re -hodo For example, the question zuibun too -i -kd | 'is (it) very far?' is transformed into d6 -re -hodo too -i -kd | 'how far is (it)?' 10.6. NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES WITH mini

Nominalizations with certain suffixes are made interrogative by replacing the sequence before the suffix with ndni 'what' according to the formula

88

THE INTERROGATIVE

(10r) N - N —raóm-N These suffixes include -iro 'color', -go 'language' and ^zin 'nationality'. For example the question uti -gà tya -irò -kà | 'is the house brown?' is transformed into uti -gà nani -irò -kà | 'what color is the house?'

10.7. NON-SPECIFIC QUESTIONS

To make the least specific inquiry, entire questions are replaced by dôo su -rû -kà | 'what will happen?', dôo si -tâ -kà J 'what happened?', and ndni -gà àr -tâ -kâ \ 'what happened?'

10.8. INDIRECT QUESTIONS

A question can be joined in several ways to a following clause to form a concatenated expansion in which it is said to function as an indirect question. 10.8.1. Questions joined to clauses with tô Questions are joined to certain clauses by the conjunction tô 'unquote', e.g., asità kû -ru -kâ 'will (he) come tomorrow?' is joined to kik 'ask' to become asità kû -rû -kâ tô kik 'ask whether (he) will come tomorrow'. 10.8.2. Questions joined directly to clauses Questions are joined directly to certain clauses, e.g., moo si -ta -kd 'has (he) already done (it) ?' is joined to wakdr 'know' to become moo si -ta -kd wakdr 'know whether (he) has already done (it)'. 10.8.3. Joining two or more questions Two or more questions are joined into a single question by simple juxtaposition, e.g., gakkoo -é ik -ru -kâ 'are (you) going to the school?' and uti -é kder -rû -kâ 'are (you) going home?' are combined to become gakkoo -é ik -rû -kâ | uti -é kâer -rû -kâ 4 'are (you) going to the school, or going home?' 10.8.4. Alternative questions from questions sharing their first component Two questions sharing their first component are joined into a single alternative question by component sharing according to the formula (10s) X Y +

X Z ^ X Y Z

THE INTERROGATIVE

89

a case of formula (9d) in Section 9.4., in which C = zero. For example, asita ik -ru -kd 'is (he) going tomorrow?' and asita yame ~ru -kd 'is (he) giving (it) up tomorrow?' are combined into asita ik -ru -ka yame -ru -ka i 'will (he) go tomorrow, or give (it) up?' A question of this or the preceding type can be joined directly to a following clause. When this is done, the frustum preceding the second -ka is optionally transformed into doo 'what' according to the formula (lOt) S2 T -ka S 2 T -ka

T -ka, doo -ka

For example, asita ik -rti, -ka yame -ru -ka, wakar 'know whether (he) will go tomorrow or give (it) up' may be transformed into asita ik ~ru -ka doo -kd wakar 'know whether (he) will go tomorrow or what (he will do)'. 10.8.5. Alternative questions from questions sharing their last component Two or more questions sharing their last components can be joined into a single alternative question by component sharing according to the formula (lOu) S t Di S 3 T -kd + S 2 Dx S 3 T -kd — Si -to S 2 —to | Q D x S 3 -kd in which Q is an appropriate interrogative component. Thus niku -gd suki —kd 'do (you) like meat?' and sakana -gd suki -kd 'do (you) like fish?' are combined into niku -to sakana -to \ dotti -gd suki -kd J 'which do (you) prefer, meat or fish?' Or the questions kyoo -gd i -i -kd 'is today O.K.?' and asita -gd i -i -kd 'is tomorrow O.K. ?' and asdtte -gd i -i -kd 'is the day after tomorrow O.K. ?' are combined into kyoo -to asita -to asdtte -to \ dore -gd i H -kd i 'which is best, today, tomorrow, or the day after tomorrow?'

11

INDEFINITE AND ALTERNATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

11.1. INDEFINITE COMPONENT PRE-FRUSTA

The pre-frustum of an interrogative component question is the starting point for the generation of an indefinite component prefrustum. By suffixing -kd to the interrogative component of the pre-frustum of an interrogative component question, an indefinite component pre-frustum is formed. For example, the pre-frustum ndni -de yar 'do (it) with what' is expanded into ndni -kd -Ai yar 'do (it) with something'. The pre-frustum dare -nl age 'give (it) to whom' is expanded into dare -kd -ni age 'give (it) to somebody'. The prefrustum ndze ki 'why come' is expanded into naze -kd kl 'come for some reason'. The adjunct markers -gd (dsD or isD) and -o (doD) are deleted after the -kd according to the formula ( 1 la) -kd -gd -kd -ó

-kd

For example, dare -kd -gd suki 'like somebody' is transformed into dare -kd suki. The suffixing of the -kd precedes the transformation of ndni into nan according to (lOd) in Section 10.2.2., and the transformation of do -re --no into do -no according to (10k) in Section 10.3.1. For example, the pre-frustum do -re --no hon 'which book' is expanded into do -re -kd -°n6 hon 'some book'.

11.2. COMPONENT SHARING WITH INDEFINITE COMPONENT PRE-FRUSTA

Indefinite component pre-frusta can be combined by component sharing with the pre-frusta from which they are derived (via the interrogative) to generate component sharing pre-frusta according to the formula (lib) X Di Y + Q -kd D x Y — Q -kd | X

Y

INDEFINITE AND ALTERNATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

91

in which Q is an interrogative component which replaces X. For example, the pre-frustum wakái --hitó -ni áw 'meet a young person' is transformed into ddre -ni áw 'meet whom', and then expanded into dáre -ká -ni áw 'meet somebody'. The original pre-frustum and the indefinite component pre-frustum are then combined into dáre -ká \ wakái --hitó -ni áw 'meet some young person'. In like manner the pre-frustum ii --tokoró -ni ik 'go to a nice place* is transformed into dóko -ni ik 'go where' and then expanded into dóko -ká -ni ik 'go somewhere'. The original pre-frustum and the indefinite component pre-frustum are then combined into dóko -ká | ii --tokoró -ni ik 'go to some nice place'.

11.3. INDEFINITE PRE-FRUSTA WITH -yard

The -kd in the expansions of Sections 11.1. and 11.2. can be replaced with -yard, as in ndni -yard -de yar 'do (it) with something or other'; dare -yard -ni age 'give (it) to somebody or other'; naze -yard ki 'come for some reason or other' (cf. Section 11.1.); dare -yard \ wakai --hito -ni aw 'meet some young person or other'; doko -yard \ ii --tokord -ni ik 'go to some nice place or other' (cf. Section 11.2.).

11.4. THE INDEFINITE ADJUNCT -yd

Pre-frusta in which the last stem and the preceding adjunct marker are the same, can be combined according to the formula (11c)

XDIZ+YD1Z->X-yitYD1Z

which differs from formula (9c) of Section 9.3. only in that -yd replaces -tó. For example the cores sinbuv -ó yóm 'read newspapers' and zassi -ó yóm 'read magazines' are combined into sinbun -yd zassi -6 yóm 'read newspapers and magazines and the like'.

11.5. INDEFINITE NOMINALIZING ENCLITICS

Nominalizing enclitics which are used to make adjuncts less specific include -nàdo 'and the like', -gôro 'about', and -gûrai 'about'. The nominalizing enclitic -nàdo 'and the like' is added to noun stems other than quantity and other adjectival noun stems to make the adjuncts in which they occur less specific, as in zyûusu -nàdo -gd suki 'like orange soda and such things'.

92

I N D E F I N I T E AND ALTERNATIVE

CONSTRUCTIONS

The enclitic -goro 'about' is added to time noun stems to make them approximate, as in nigatu -goro -ni ki =ta '(he) came around February', -goro is transformed into -goro after itu 'when'. The enclitic -gUrai 'about' is added to quantity noun stems to make them approximate, as in hyakumai 1 gurai kaw ~td '(he) bought about 100 sheets (of it)', -gurai is transformed into -gurai after do -no 'how much'.

11.6. INDEFINITE QUOTATIONS

A frustum joined to a following clause by the conjunction -to 'that, unquote' is made indefinite by suffixing -kd to the -to, e.g., the concatenated expansion sinbun -M ydnda -t6 iw 'say that (he) read it in the newspaper' is expanded into sinbun -d6 ydnda -t6 -kd iw 'say something to the effect that (he) read it in the newspaper'.

11.7. INDEFINITE PREDICATES WITH -tdri

si

Predicates can be made less specific by joining them with the adjunct marker -tdri to the auxiliary verb stem si 'do'. -tdri is suffixed directly to verb stems, but is linked to adjective and noun stems with the auxiliary verb stem dr 'be'. As in Sections 3.2.1. and 8.2.1. the stem dr, in its copular function, is joined to adjective stems with the adjunct marker - M and to noun stems with the adjunct marker -de. Transforms associated with the suffix -tdri: (lid)

-ku dr -tdri -*• -kattari -de dr -tdri —>• -ddttari (optional)

Examples: utaw -tdri si 'sing and the like'; kowa -kattari si 'be afraid and the like'; byooki -ddttari si 'be sick and the like'.

11.8. THE ALTERNATIVE WITH -kd

The -yd in the combinations of Section 11.4. can be replaced with -kd according to the formula (lie)

X D 1 Z + Y D 1 Z - < - X -kd Y D x Z

which differs from formula (9c) of Section 9.3. only in that -kd replaces -td. For example, the cores koohii -6 n6m 'drink coffee' and kootya -6 nom 'drink tea' are combined into koohii -kd kootya -o n&rn 'drink coffee or tea'.

INDEFINITE AND ALTERNATIVE

CONSTRUCTIONS

11.9. THE ALTERNATIVE WITH

-tari

93

si

Expansions with -tari si can be combined according to the formula (llf)

X -târi si + Y -tari si

X -tàri Y -târi si

For example, the expansions hâre -târi si 'clear up and the like' and kumàr =târi si 'get cloudy and the like' are combined into hâre -târi kumôr -târi si 'be alternately clear and cloudy, be partly cloudy'; in like manner the expansions sâmu -kattari si 'be cold and the like' and atatakâ -kattari si 'be warm and the like' are combined into sâmu -kattari atatakâ -kattari si 'be alternately cold and warm*.

12

THE NEGATIVE

12.1. NEGATIVE EXPANSIONS

A pre-frustum can be made negative by adding the adjectivalizing suffix -dna to its last stem. There are no transforms of the sequences preceding the main predicating stem, -dna is suffixed directly to verb stems, but is linked to adjective and noun stems with the copular verb stem dr. As in Section 3.2.1., dr is joined to adjective stems with the adjunct marker -ku and to noun stems with the adjunct marker -di. (12a) -dna -i -» -dnai ( = underlying -dna -i) hi -dna kona 'not come' dr -dna ->• nd 'not be' dr -dna -soo nasasoo 'seem not to be' (cf. Section 7.3.4.) Examples: hatarak -dna -i '(he) doesn't work'; ko -na =1 '(he) won't come'; oyoge -na -katta '(she) couldn't swim' (from oyoge =dna -katta); tdka -ku nd -i '(it) is not expensive' (from tdka -ku dr -dna =i); byooki -de nd -i "(he) is not sick' (from byooki -d6 dr -dna -I) ; Mite (i) na -i '(she) isn't writing' (from kdite i -ana -i); okane-ga nasasdo 'seem to have no money' (from okane -gd dr -ana -soo). 12.1.1. Co-occurrence restrictions with the negative There are some co-occurrence restrictions with the negative. The verb stem komar 'be troubled' is not negated, the negative of the verb stem kamdw 'mind' functioning in its stead. The progressive tense marker is added to the verb stem sir 'know' only in the positive, the simple tense marker replacing it with the negative. Hence sir -dna 'not know', not *sir ~te i -dna. 12.1.2. The stem tumardna The adjective stem tumardna 'boring, annoying' resembles a negative, even to the extent that the tense marker -i is transformed into -i after it. But

95

THE NEGATIVE

there is no verb stem Humar 'be interesting'. On the contrary there is a verb stem tumar 'get clogged, stopped up', the negative of which is homonymous with tumardna 'boring'.

12.2. THE ABSOLUTE NEGATIVE

The pro-frustum of an interrogative component question is the starting point for the generation of an absolute negative pre-frustum. The accent of the interrogative component is deleted and -mó is added to the adjunct containing the interrogative component. Then -dna is suffixed to the expanded prefrustum. The formula for such derivations is (12b) Q D X ^ Q

- D -toó X

»dna

in which Q is an interrogative component other than náze 'why'. Thus the pre-frustum dáre -ni haráw 'pay whom' is expanded into dáre -ni -mó haráw -dna 'not pay anybody'. The adjunct markers -gá ( = dsD & isD) and -ó ( = doD) are deleted before -mó according to the formula (12c)

-D -mó -»• -toó

in which D is -gá or -ó. Thus the pre-frustum náni -ó mí 'see what' is expanded into náni -ó -mó mi -dna, which is then transformed into náni -toó mí -dna 'not see anything'. Further examples: the pre-frustum dáre -tó hanás 'speak with whom' is expanded into dáre - tó -mó hanás -dna 'not speak with anyone'. The prefrustum dótti -gá táka 'which (is) more expensive' is expanded into dótti -mó táJca -kú ná 'neither one (is) expensive'. The pre-frustum dóo ake 'open (it) how' is expanded into dóo -mó ake -ana 'not open (it) in any way'. The prefrustum dóo --yuú -"húu -ni utaw 'sing in what way' is expanded into doó --yuú --húu 1ni -mó utaw -dna 'not sing in any way'. The accent of the interrogative component itu 'when' is not deleted. Thus the pre-frustum itu okór 'get angry when' is expanded into itu -mó okór -dna 'never get angry'. 12.2.1. The absolute negative with attributive

adjuncts

The suffix -toó is not added to attributive adjuncts, or to the adjunct dóñ -na -ni 'to what extent'. Instead it is added to the adjunct within which they are attributive. In the process the accent of the interrogative component is not deleted. The formula for such derivations is thus (12d) Q N D X — Q N D -TOÓ X -dna

06

THE NEGATIVE

in which Q is an interrogative adjunct. For example, the pre-frustum do -no h6n -kard tor 'take (it) from what book' is expanded into dd -no hon -hard mo tdr -dna 'not take (it) from any book'. Since, according to formula (12c) -o is deleted before -mo, the pre-frustum don -na hdn -6 yom 'read what kind of book' is expanded into d6n -na hon -mo y&m -dna 'not read any kind of book'. When the pre-frustum to be expanded consists of an adjective or noun stem preceded by an attributive adjunct, the suffix -m6 is added to the adjunct marker -kH or -d6 which connects the adjective or noun stem with the following copular stem dr. For example, the pre-frustum do -n6 kuruma 'which car' is expanded into do -no kuruma -dd -m6 na 'not any car'. 12.3. THE ABSOLUTE NEGATIVE OF QUANTITY

When -mó is used with interrogative components of quantity, the result is not the absolute negative, but rather expressions meaning 'so much'. For example, ndñ -eñ -mó hardw -dna 'not pay so much'. To form the absolute negative of quantity, -mó is used with numbers meaning 'one', as in hóy, -6 it -satú -mó yóm -ána 'not read a single book'; it -séñ -mó hardw -dna 'not pay anything' (literally 'not pay a sen'); sigoto ~gd hitó -tú -mó déki -dna 'cannot do any work'; nihoñgo -gd hitó -koto -mó handse =dna 'cannot speak a word of Japanese'. 12.4. THE NEGATIVE WITH CONJUNCTIONS

As might be expected, since the negative suffix -dna forms adjectivalizations, such adjectivalizations are used with the post-adjectival forms of conjunctions when they are joined to a following clause. For example, the negative expansions okane -gd na 'have no money' and kae -dna 'cannot buy (it)' are combined into okane -gd nd -kereba kae -dna 'if (you) have no money, (you) cannot buy (it)', or into okane -gd nà -kattara kae -âna 'if (you) have no money, (you) cannot buy (it)', or into okane -gd nd -kûte kae -dna 'cannot buy (it) because (you) have no money'. 12.4.1. The negative of -té With verb stems, the conjunction -té can be negated in two ways. As might be expected, it can be expanded into =dna -kûte. But it can also be expanded into -dndide ( = underlying -dna -i -dé), according to the formula (12e)

-dna =kû dr -té -»• -dndide

as in norikae -dndide ik 'go without transferring' (i.e., 'not transfer and go').

THE NEGATIVE

97

13.4.2. The negative of the auxiliary stem nâr The auxiliary verb stem nâr 'become' can be negated in two ways: -âna can be suffixed to it to produce nâr -âna 'not become' or nâ -kû (from âr -âna -kû) can be placed before it to produce nâ -kû nâr 'become no longer'. For example, sâmu -kû nâr -âna 'not become cold' and sâmu -kû nâ -kû nâr 'become no longer cold' (i.e., 'stop being cold'); ikita -kû nâr -âna 'not start wanting to go' and ikita -kû nâ -kû nâr 'stop wanting to go'. Just as nâr can be joined to nâ (from âr -âna) with the adjunct marker -kû, so it can be joined to -âna used with other verb stems, as in hanâse -âna -kû nâr 'become unable to speak'. A positive construction corresponding semantically to this type of expansion is generated with the sequence -rû --yôo -ni nâr as in hanâse -rû --yôo -ni nâr 'become able to speak'. Such expansions can be negated with the suffix -âna in the usual way as in hanâse =rû --yôo -ni nâr -âna 'not become able to speak'

13

PRO-COMPONENTS

13.1. PRONOUNS A N D PRO-ADJUNCTS

The interrogative components of Chapter 10 and their indefinite and negative derivatives in Chapters 11 and 12 have been viewed as replacing other components. Because of this function they are assigned to the category of procomponents. 1 Since they replace either noun stems or adjuncts, they are termed PRONOUNS (pN) Or PRO-ADJUNCTS (pSD). The pronouns from the base do (see Section 10.2.) are part of a system which includes the bases ko 'this' ('near me'), so 'that' ('near you'), and a 'that' ('near neither of us'). Thus in the manner of do -re, do -tti, do -ko, and do =-:' we have: (13a)

ko

~re -tti =ko = :'

'this' 'this (way)' 'here' 'this way'

so

=re 'that' =tti 'that (way)' =ko 'there' 'thus'

= re 'that' =tti 'that (way)' = ko 'there' = :' 'that way' 2

The sequence a -ko is transformed into asoko. The expansions of doo in Section 10.2.6. are matched by corresponding expansions of koo, sod, and ad. Examples: kore -ga taka 'this (is) expensive'; sottl -ga taka 'that one (of two) (is) expensive'; asoko -ni i 'be (over) there'; kod yatte deki 'can be done this way'; soo --yuii --huu -ni utaw 'sing that way'. 13.1.1.

Pro-attributives

As dô -nô 'which' and don -na 'what kind of' were generated from do -re -j—-no and doo -|—nâ according to formulae (10k) in Section 10.3.1. and (101) in Section 10.3.2., so ko -no 'this', so -no 'that, and a -nô 'that' the generated from ko -re, so -re, and a -re -|—-nô to form replacements for identifying 1 Harris discusses pro-components under the heading of "pro-morphemes", in "Cooccurrence", Sections 2.6-2.64. 2 The symbol indicates a repetition, with high pitch, of the preceding vowel.

99

PRO-COMPONENTS

attributives, while kon -na 'this kind of', son -na ' t h a t kind of', and an -na ' t h a t kind of' are generated from koo, sod, and ad -|—na to form replacements for f6escriptive attributives. Because of their function these forms are termed PRO-ATTRIBUTIVES (paSD), a subcategory of pro-adjuncts. For example ko -no hon -kara tor 'take (it) from this book'; an -na hon -o yom 'read t h a t kind of book'; son -na -ni too 'be so far away'. 13.2. PRONOMINALIZATIONS

There are no pronouns corresponding to those interrogative components in Section 10.2. made with bases other t h a n do. Instead nominalizations made with ko -no, so -no, and a -no are used. Thus corresponding to da -re 'who' we have a -no -hito 'he, she' (from a -no --hito), so -no -hito 'he, she' and ko -no -hito 'he, she' (near me)' or a -no -ko, so -no -ko, ko -no -ko 'he, she' (child or girl), ka -re 'he, boyfriend' and ka -no -zyo 'she, girlfriend' are the nearest thing to pronouns corresponding to da =re. b u t their use as pronouns is not common in the spoken language. I n like manner, corresponding to itu 'when' we have a -no, --toki, so -no --toki 'then', and ko -no --toki 'this time', kon -do 'this time' (see Section 13.2.1.), and the time noun stem ima 'now'. Corresponding to ikura 'how much' and ikutu 'how many' are ko -no -gurai 'this much', so -no -gurai ' t h a t much', and a -no -gurai ' t h a t much' (cf. do -no -gurai 'how much' in Section 10.4.). Corresponding to naze 'why' we have the sequence da -kara 'therefore' (a reduction of sod -da -kara 'because it is thus'). 3 13.2.1. Pro-stems of time The interrogative component nan 'what', when referring to units of time, is part of a system which includes the bases kon 'this', rai 'next', sa -rai 'the one after next', sew 'last', sen -sen 'the one before last', yoku 'the following', and zen 'the previous', as well as the numerals they replace. This system is riddled with suppletive forms and phonological irregularities, b u t is found p r e t t y much intact with -getu 'month' and -syuu 'week'. Examples: kon •syuu 'this week', sen -getu 'last month', sen -sen -getu 'the month before last', rai -nen 'next year', sa -rai -nen 'the year after next', yoku -zitu 'the following day', zen -zitu 'the previous day'. 13.3. THE PRONOMINAL SUFFIX

-no

The head noun stem of a nominalization can be replaced with the pronominal suffix -no one(s)'. For example the pre-frustum tdka -i tokee -o kaw 'buy 3

Reductions are dealt with in Chapter 17.

100

PRO-COMPONENTS

an expensive watch' is transformed into tdka H -no -o kaw 'buy an expensive one'; the pre-frustum tigau tokee -gd hosi 'want a different watch' is transformed into tigau -no -gd hosi 'want a different one'. The suffix -no is deleted after the attributive adjunct marker -- no (from whatever source). For example, the prefrustum tugi -no kuruma -ni nor 'get on the next car' is transformed into tugi -no -no -ni nor, and then into tugi -no -ni nor 'get on the next one'.

13.4. PRO-PREDICATES

The verb stem si 'do (it)' can replace pre-frusta ending in action verb stems. It may also occur in combination with pronouns as in sore -o si 'do that'; soô si 'do (it) that way'; koà si 'do (it) this way'; soko -dé si 'do (it) there'. The sequence sore -gd dr 'that happen(s)' can replace any prefrustum ending in a verb stem. The sequence sore -gd soô 'that (is) so' can replace any prefrustum at all.

14

FOCUSING

14.1. THE FOCUSING OF ADJUNCTS I N COMPONENT SHARING SEQUENCES

Focusing refers to the focusing of attention onto or away from some portion of a sequence. It includes devices for making a portion of a sequence prominent in various ways. In Sections 9.2. and 9.6.1. we saw that the order in which adjuncts occur can affect the emphasis placed on a given adjunct. In the case of sequences which share their last component, there is an order of minimum emphasis. An adjunct which does not normally occur immediately before the last component of such a sequence, can be emphasized by transposing it to that position. For example, the component sharing nominalization and \ kuroi ziddosya 'that black car' displays the order of minimum emphasis, with the identifying attributive and 'that' preceding the descriptive attributive kurdi 'black'. By transposing and to the position before zidoosya 'car', we place extra emphasis upon it. In the case of the component sharing pre-frustum asita | Aniga | sizuokae ik 'brother (will) go to Shizuoka tomorrow', which also exhibits the order of minimum emphasis, asita, 'tomorrow' may be emphasized by transposing it to the position before ik 'go', as in aniga \ sizuokae | asita ik 'brother (will) go to Shizuoka TOMORROW'. In like manner the adjunct aniga 'brother' can be emphasized, as in asita, | siziiokae | Aniga ik 'BROTHER (will) go to Shizuoka tomorrow'. It is also possible to deemphasize an adjunct by transposing it to the first position in the sequence. Thus the adjunct siziiokae 'to Shiuzoka' is deemphasized by placing it before asita 'tomorrow', as in sizuokae \ asita \ aniga ik 'brother (will) go to Shizuoka tomorrow'. A further deemphasization can be achieved by expanding a sequence in which the last component is shared, into a sentence, and then transposing the adjunct to be deemphasized to the position following the terminal marker. In this position the adjunct is not marked by a new phrase boundary, i.e., there is no regeneration of pitch. In this case the adjunct is reduced to the status of an afterthought, and has the least possible emphasis (short of being deleted entirely). For example in the question asita \ aniga | sizuokae ikuka 'is brother going to Shizuoka tomorrow?', the adjunct sizuokae 'to Shizuoka'

102

FOCUSING

is deemphasized by transposing it to produce the question asita | aniga ikuka sizuokae 'is brother going tomorrow? to Shizuoka that is'. Adjunct clauses can also be transposed to the 'afterthought position', as in ano honga kaenai takasugirukara '(I) can't buy that book, it being too expensive' from the component sharing expansion and honga takasugirukai a kaenai 'because that book is too expansive, (I) can't buy (it)', itself a combination of ano honga takasugiru 'that book is too expensive' and and honga kaenai '(I) can't buy that book'.

14.2. THE FOCUSING OF ADJUNCTS BY INSERTION

An inserted sequence, being one which functions as a unit vis-à-vis its matrix, can harbor a deemphasized adjunct. For example, by inserting the nominalization sir6% tatémono 'a white building' into the position of N in the matrix atarasii N, we produce the expansion atarasii sirôi tatémono 'a white building which is new' i.e., 'a NEW white building', as contrasted with an OLD white building. Compare this with the component sharing expansion atarasii \ sirôi tatémono 'a building which is new and which is white' i.e., 'a new, white building', as contrasted with any building. In like manner, by inserting the core sizuokae ik 'go to Shizuoka' into the position of V in the matrix âniga V, we obtain the expansion âniga sizuokae ik 'BROTHER go(es) to Shizuoka', as contrasted with father going to Shizuoka. Compare this with the component sharing expansion âniga | sizûokae ik 'brother go(es) to Shizuoka', as contrasted with any other 'going' that might take place.

14.3. FOCUS MARKERS

In addition to such syntactic devices as insertion and adjunct ordering, Japanese makes use of segmental FOCUS MARKERS (E). These focus markers are, with one exception, placed after adjunct markers (or after naked stems in the case of a zero adjunct - no exceptions). The adjunct markers -gâ ( = dsD and isD) and -6 (-doD and roD) are deleted before the focus markers according to the formula (14a) -g& E l -o E f ^

E

The focus markers include -mo 'also', -wâ 'as for', -démo 'even', sâe 'even', -made 'even', -kôso 'really', -yôri 'more than', -sika 'more than', -daké 'only', and -bâkari 'only'.

FOCUSING

103

14.2.1. -mó 'also, even' with adjuncts In Section 12.2. we saw how the focus marker -mó was used in converting interrogative components into absolute negative components, and with interrogative components of quantity, into expressions meaning 'so much'. With interrogative components of quantity -mó is also used in the positive to produce sequences meaning 'quite a few'. In the process the accent of the interrogative component is not deleted. For example náñ -neñ -mó kalcár 'take quite a few years'. When used with numbers in the positive, -mó means 'as much as'. For example séñ =eñ -mó haráw 'pay as much as 1000 yen'. When used with adjuncts other than interrogatives or numbers, -mó means 'also'. Thus the sequence tití -gá \ giñkoo -é ik 'father go(es) to the bank' is expanded into tití -gá -mó | giñkoo -é ik 'father too go(es) to the bank', with the subsequent deletion of -gá according to (14a); or it can be expanded into tití -gá | giñkoo -é -mó ik 'father go(es) to the bank too'. Expansions containing adjuncts with -mó can be combined by component sharing according to the formula (14b)

X E Z + Y E Z - < - X E Y E Z

a formula reminiscent of (lOf) in Section 11.9. For example, the expansions isya -ni -mó áw 'meet the doctor too' and kañgóhu -ni -mó áw 'meet the nurse too' are combined into isya -ni -mó kañgóhu -ni -mó áw 'meet both the doctor and the nurse'. Such expansions can also be combined according to formula (9c) in Section 9.3., as in isya -tó kañgóhu -ni -mó áw 'meet the doctor and the nurse too (in addition to the others)'. Note that in this case the D, of formula (9c) in Section 9.3. covers both the -ni and the -mó. 14.3.2. -mó with predicates mó 'also' is added to predicates according to the formulae (14c) V — V =í E si S D á r ^ S D E á r in which S is a pre-frustum ending in an adjective or noun stem, and D equals -kú (with adjective stems) or -dé (with noun stems). Thus the verb stem hatarak 'work' is expanded into hatarak =í -mó si 'work also'; the adjectival predicate oso -kú ár 'be late' is expanded into oso -kú -mó ár 'be late also', while the nominal predicate matí -dé ár 'be a city' is expanded into matí -dé -mó ár 'be a city also'.

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FOCUSING

Predications with -mo 'also' can be combined by component sharing according to formula (14b) above. For example, the expansions dtu -kH, -m6 nd 'not be hot either' and samu -ku -mo nd 'not be cold either' are combined into dtu -ku -mo samu -ku -mo nd 'be neither hot nor cold'. 14.3.3.

-mo with

conjunctions

Clauses ending in the conjunction -ti can be expanded by suffixing -m6. The meaning of -te -mo is 'even if'. For example, and doogude yar =t6 -mo muzukasi 'difficult even if (you) do (it) with that tool'. Sequences with -te -mo can be combined by component sharing according to formula (14b) above. For example, the sequences dtu -kute -m6 ik 'go even if (it is) hot' and samu -kUte -mo ik 'go even if (it is) cold' are combined into dtu -kute -m6 samu -kute -m6 ik 'go whether (it is) hot or cold'. -m6 is also suffixed to the conjunction -teredo without having any apparent effect on its meaning. 14.3.4.

-wd with

adjuncts

The focus marker -wd throws the emphasis off the adjunct to which it is suffixed. For example, titl -wd | ginkooi ik (from titi -gd -wd | ginkoo -6 ik)

'my father go(es) to the bank' (in answer to 'where does my father go?' or 'what does my father do?'), as opposed to titi -gd | ginkooe ik 'my father go(es) to the bank' (in answer to 'what happens?'). Since, as indicated in Section 14.1., the first position in a component sharing sequence is that of least emphasis, the adjunct to which -wd is suffixed is moved to the first position. For example, ginkoo -e -wd \ titi -gd ik 'my FATHER go(es) to the bank' (in answer to 'who goes to the bank?'). It follows from the above that -wd is never suffixed to interrogative components. -wd is also not used in inserted sequences or in subordinate clauses. The frustum haha -wd iku 'my mother goes' cannot function as an attributive adjunct: haha -gd ihb --hi 'the day my mother goes', but not *haha -wd iku --hi. Nor does it occur in the same clause before -kara 'because', or --mae -ni 'before', or --kdwari -ni 'instead of'. To be sure the pre-frustum haha -wd .. ginkooe iku -kara \ okaned motte ik 'mother take(s) the money because she's going to the bank' is possible, but here it is felt that gifikooe iku -kara 'because she is going to the bank' has been inserted after -wd in the pre-frustum haha -wd | okaneo motte ik 'mother take(s) the money'.1 haha 'mother' is to be sure the understood subject of ik 'go' as well as of motte ik 'take', but as such it maj' be regarded as deleted in accordance with (5m) in Section 5.5., so that 1

Hence the clause boundary to show that haha is the subject of a later clause.

FOCUSING

105

the underlying structure of the pre-frustum may be considered to be haha -gd -wd (haha -gd \ ginkoo -e ik =ru -kara) okane -o mot ~te ik. Because of these restrictions on the use of -wd, it follows that expansion with -wd cannot be one of the earliest steps in the generation of a sentence. -wd is used when both the adjunct and the predicate are contrasted (with another adjunct and another predicate). For example, banana -wd nd '(we) don't have bananas' (but we DO have other fruit); hon -wd yomanai -gd \ zassi -wd | yoku yom '(he) DOESN'T read BOOKS, but he DO(ES) read a lot of MAGAZINES'.

14.3.-5. -wd with predicates Like -mo, -wd is added to predicates in accordance with formula (14c), oddly enough to contrast one predicate with another. Actually this usage parallels that referred to immediately above, where both adjunct and predicate are contrasted. Here we may say that both the main verb and the auxiliary are contrasted. Examples: hono kak -i -wd sindiga '(he) doesn't exactly write books', yom -i -wd suruga 'to be sure, (he) DOES BEAD, (but)', oso -ku -wd ndikeredo '(it) isn't exactly late, but'. -wd is regularly added to negative predicates made with noun stems. For example byooki -de -wd ndi '(he) is not sick' is the normal negative of byooki -de dru '(he) is sick'. 14.3.6. -wd with conjunctions Like -mo, -wd is suffixed to =te. The meaning of ~te -wd is 'if'. For example, oyog -te -wd ikena '(it) won't do if (you) swim', i.e., '(you) must not swim'. sore -de -wd (from sore -de dr -te -wd according to (8e) in Section 8.2.1.) 'if (it) is that', i.e., 'if that's the case'. 14.3.7. Subject and object selection with -wd Attention is focused on the subject or object of a frumstum by nominalizing the rest of the frustum with the auxiliary noun stem -nd, placing it before the subject or object, and then suffixing -wd to the -no and a tense marker to the subject or object. The formula for this expansion is (14d) (X) N D (Y) Z T x

(X) (Y) Z Tx -no -wd | N T 2

in which D = -gd or -6. For example, the frustum same -gd | rydosi -6 tdbeta 'the shark ate the fisherman' is expanded into rydosi -o tdbeta -no -wd \ same -da 'what ate the fisherman was the shark' or into same -gd tdbeta -nd -wd | rydosi -da 'what the shark ate was the fisherman'.

106

FOCUSING

If the rest of the frustum ends in a tense marker preceded by a noun stem other than an adjectival noun stem, the tense marker is dropped instead of nominalizing with the auxiliary -nô, according to the formula (14e)

(X) Nx D (Y) N 2 T t

(X) (Y) N 2 -wâ \ N t T 2

For example, the frustum kore -gâ muzukasii hôn -dâ 'this is a difficult book' is expanded into muzukasii hôn -wâ \ kore -dâ 'the difficult book is this one'. 14.3.8. sâe, démo, and

-made

The focus markers sâe 'even', démo 'even', and -mâde 'even', like -mô and -wâ, are placed after adjuncts, sâe and démo optionally but usually start a new accent phrase. For example, gakkoo -é \ sâe ik 'even go to shool'; hôn -made yôm 'even read books' ; syatyoo \ démo si 'even the (company) president do(es it)'. These last two are from hôn -ô -mâde yôm and syatyoo -gâ démo si with the deletion of -6 and -gâ according to (14a). -mâde, of course, also functions as an adjunct marker meaning 'as far as'. Like -mô and -wâ, sâe, démo, and -mâde are also combined with predicates according to formula (14c). For example kusuriô nom =î sâe suréba 'if (he will) only take (his) medicine'; hâya - M démo âreba 'if (it) is only early'. Like -mô and -wâ, sâe, démo, and -mâde are also used with the conjunction -té. For example nom -té démo mireba 'if (he will) just try drinking (it)'. In the way t h a t -mô is used with interrogative components in the negative to form the absolute negative, démo is used with interrogative components in the positive to form the absolute positive. For example, dâre -ni | démo harâw 'pay everybody'; nân \ démo mi 'see everything'; dôtti \ démo tâka 'both (are) expensive'; itu \ démo hanâs 'always talk'; dôno hôn -karâ \ démo tôr 'take (it) from every book'; donna hôn \ démo yôm 'read every kind of book'. 14.3.9. kôso 'really'The focus marker kôso forces attention on a noun stem or nominalization and then makes a strong predication about it. The noun stem or nominalization preceding kôso becomes the indirect subject of the new sequence, which is either an adjectival or a nominal predication. The adjunct with kôso is placed at the beginning of the frustum. The formulae for these expansions are (14f)

(W)ND(Y)ZT-N

-gâ kôso (W) (Y) Z T

in which Z is an adjective or noun stem; and (14g) (W) Ni D (Y) V T ^ ^

-gâ kôso (W) (Y) Y T t N 2 T 2

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107

in which N-2 is a noun stem which is less specific than but which includes N, in its generic meaning. The -gá in these constructions is deleted according to (14a) above. Examples with (14f): The frustum anata -gá sukí -dá 'you like (it)' is expanded into anata (-gá) kóso sukí -dá 'you are the one who really likes (it)'. The frustum natú -gá subarasíi 'summer is splendid' is expanded into natú (-gá) kóso subarasíi 'summer is what is really splendid'. Examples with (14g): The frustum tookyoo -é ikitaí '(I) want to go to Tokyo' is expanded into tookyoo (-gá) kóso ikitaí --tokoró -dá 'Tokyo is where (I) really want to go'. The frustum tanaka-gá \ sake -ó nómu 'Tanaka drinks sake' is expanded into sake (-gá) kóso \ tanaka -gá nómu --monó -dá 'sake is w h a t Tanaka really drinks'. kóso is also placed after the conjunction -kará 'because'. For example the frustum nomisúgita -kará | byookiní nátta '(he) got sick because (he) drank too much' is expanded into nomisúgita -kará kóso \ byookiní nátta '(he) REALLY got sick because (he) DRANK too much'. 14.3.10. -yóri 'more than' The focus marker -yóri 'more than' is used to indicate comparison. For example, the pre-frustum bíiru -gá táka 'beer is expensive' is expanded into biiru (-gá) -yóri táka 'more expensive than beer is'. Pre-frusta containing adjuncts to be compared are combined by component sharing according to the formula ( 14h)

X D j Z + Y ^ Z ^ X Ü !

-yóri | Y D j Z

For example, the cores bíiru -gá táka 'beer (is) expensive' and sake -gá táka 'sake (is) expensive' are combined into bíiru (-gá) -yóri ¡ sake -gá táka 'sake (is) more expensive than beer'. The pre-frusta hakone -é ikita 'want to go to Hakone' and nikkoo -é ikita 'want to go to Nikko' are combined into hakone -é -yóri | nikkoo -é ikita 'want to go to Nikko more than to Hakone'. -yóri is also used as a conjunction meaning 'rather than' (see Section 8.2.3.). -mó may be suffixed to -yóri, both as a focus marker and as a conjunction, with little change in meaning. 14.3.11. -sika 'more than' The focus marker -sika is always followed by a negative predicate. For example the pre-frustum señen haráw -ana 'not pay 1000 yen' is expanded into señen -sika haráw -ana 'not pay more than 1000 yen' (i.e., 'pay only 1000 yen'). The pre-frustum nihoñgo -gá hanáse -ana 'cannot speak Japanese' is expanded

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FOCUSING

into nihoñgo (-gá) -síka hanáse ~ána 'can only speak Japanese'. The prefrumstum nóm -ana 'not drink' is expanded according to formula (14c) into nam -i -silca si -ana 'do nothing but drink'. 14.3.12. -daícé 'only' The focus marker -daké 'only' differs from the above focus markers in that it may either precede or follow adjunct markers. For example amerika -kará -daké M and amerika -daké -kará kl both mean 'come only from America'. Syntactically -daké functions as an auxiliary noun stem when it precedes an adjunct marker. As an auxiliary noun stem -daké also follows tense markers. For example, tábe -rú -daké -dá '(he) only eats, all (he) does is eat'. -dake (with the accent of the preceding stem deleted) means 'as much as'. For example, hosíi -daké 'as much as (you) want'; dekíru -daké 'as much as possible'. The adjunct marker -ni may be deleted before -daké. It is suffixed to -daké to produce the conjunction -daké -ni 'because'. 14.3.13.

bákari 'only; about'

The focus marker -bákari 'only' precedes all adjunct markers except the -té of the progressive tense markers: amerika -bákari -kará M 'come only from America', but tábe -té --bákari iru 'is only eating'. When added to a number, -bákari means 'about', as in señen -bákari 'about 1000 yen'.

15

TERMINAL COMPONENTS

16.1. TERMINAL COMPONENTS W I T H FRUSTA

In Chapters 3, 4, and 8 it was shown how frusta could be expanded into statements by adding the terminal component J. In Chapter 10 we saw that frusta could be expanded into questions by adding the terminal component -kâ | . Actually -kâ I marks a brusque or rhetorical question. The terminal component -kâ t (i.e., -kâ with rising pitch) marks a friendly question. Terminal components are thus seen to indicate the attitude of the speaker toward his sentence. Other terminal components indicate other attitudes. For example, the terminal component yô marks an emphatic statement - brusque with falling pitch: yô j - friendly with rising: yô t, while née asks for confirmation. Several terminal components may be joined together to produce a composite terminal component such as -kâ | née ; 'If wonder if'. Some complex sequences indicate no more than the speaker's attitude toward his sentence, functioning as expanded terminal components. For example: -kdmo sirenaî 'maybe' ( = underlying -kâ -mô sir -e -âna -î). Below is a representative list of terminal components. Since they are often quite difficult to translate by themselves, I present them in connection with the frustum asitâ kûru '(he will) come tomorrow'. With falling intonation: asitâ kûru -darôo | '(he'll) probably come tomorrow' asitâ kûru -kâ J '(will he) come tomorrow?' asitâ kûru -nâ | 'don't come tomorrow.' (negative command) asitâ kûru -fidâ J '(he WILL) come tomorrow' asitâ kûru | née | '(he'll) come tomorrow, right?' (fairly confident) asitâ kûru -tômo | '(he'll) definitely come tomorrow' asitâ kûru yô \ '(he'll) come tomorrow' (forceful) with sustained intonation: asitâ kûru -gâ.. '(he'll) come tomorrow, but 1 ' 1

The terminal components -gâ and -héredo 'but' imply that the speaker is not happy about the statement or that he is uncertain as to whether the listener will be satisfied with it.

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asitâ kûru -Jcéredo.. '(he'll) come tomorrow, but' asitâ kûru -sì., 'besides, (he'll) come tomorrow' with rising intonation: asitâ kûru -daróo f '(he'll) come tomorrow, don't you think?' (requesting agreement) asitâ kûru -kâ t '(will he) come tomorrow?' (friendly) asitâ kûru | née \ '(he WILL) come tomorrow, won't he?' (not too confident) asitâ kûru yó t '(he'll) come tomorrow.' (enthusiastic) with

with

-gâ..: asitâ kurû asitâ kurû -kâ I : asitâ kûru asitâ kûru

with née: asitâ kûru you?' asitâ kûru row?' asitâ kûru means' asitâ kûru asitâ kûru

-daróo -gâ.. '(he'll) probably come tomorrow, but' -ndâ -gâ.. (he WILL) come TOMORROW, but' -daróo -kâ -fida -kâ |

'I wonder if (he WILL) come tomorrow' '(WILL he) come tomorrow?' (demanding)

J

-daróo \ née j 'you DO think (he'll) come tomorrow, don't -daróo -kâ | née ( 'do you really suppose (he'll) come tomor-gâ \ née t '(he'll) come tomorrow, but you know what that -kâ | née | 'I wonder if (he'll) come tomorrow' -ndâ | née i '(he WILL) come tomorrow, right?'

with yó: asitâ kûru -ndâ yó j '(he'll) come tomorrow' (very forceful) The terminal component -daróo is made from the copular auxiliary âr 'be' and is a contraction of -dé âr -yôô.2 ndâ is made with the auxiliary noun stem -nó and the copular verb and is a reduction of -nó -dé âr =rû. (These contractions are optional, but usual.) -tòmo = underlying -tó -mó. The tense marker -dà 'non-past' is deleted before -daróo and -kâ. It is transformed into -nâ before -ndâ in accordance with (7i) in Section 7.4. 15.2. TERMINAL COMPONENTS WITH PREFRUSTA

The imperative suffixes =e and ~ró are added directly to verb stems, as is the tentative suffix -yôô. The function of these suffixes seems to place them in For the suffix =yôo see Section 15.2.

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TERMINAL COMPONENTS

the category of terminal components. The only other terminal component which is suffixed directly to a stem is the suffix | of the vocative, which is added directly to noun stems, as in tanaka -sari | 'Mr. Tanaka'. The imperative suffix =m is added only to verb stems ending in a vowel, while the suffix =e is added to either vowel or consonant stems: tabe =ro | 'eat'; mat -e | 'wait'; kure -e i 'give (me)'. The imperative suffixes may be strengthened by adding the terminal component -yd. mat =e -yd J 'wait!' the imperative is very brusque. The imperative of the verb stem ki 'come' is koi i, and that of si 'do' is si | ( = underlying s -e). The brusque imperative is usually replaced by =- nuN - N For example, hito -tu -nd sara 'one plate' is reduced to hito -sara one plateful'. huta -tu -nd sazi 'two spoons' is reduced to huta =sazi 'two spoonfuls', mi -ttu -no hako 'three boxes' is reduced to mi -hako 'three boxes full'. 17.4. REDUCTION OF TENSE MARKERS

Many nominalizations of the formula A T N and a small number of the formula V T N may be reduced to compound stems by deleting the tense marker according to the formula (17f) S T N - t - 8 - N For example, the nominalization kuro =i sio 'black tide' is reduced to kuro -sio 'the Japan Current'. The nominalization naga -i kutu 'long shoes' is reduced to naga -gutu 'boots' (with nigori). When the tense marker is deleted after the adjective stems ooki 'large' and tiisa 'small', ooki is shortened to do, while tiisa is replaced with ko. For example, 6oki -i mono 'a large person' is reduced to oo -mono 'big shot'. The nominalization tiisa -i koe 'a low voice' is reduced to ko -goe 'a low voice' (with nigori). Examples with verb stems are Mr isaki 'sword tip' from Mr ~ru saki 'a point that cuts' and tor -U 'handle, knob' from tor =ru te 'a hand that one takes'.4 17.4.1. The reduction of -te iru Nominalizations of the formula inY -te irii N may be reduced according to the formula (17g) inV -te i -rti N -*• inV -td N 4

The sequence r -s automatically becomes ss, producing here the stem hissaki (see Martin Morphophonemics, Section 14.9).

REDUCTION AND

TIGHTENING

121

For example, the nominalization tumâr -té irû kûda 'a pipe which is clogged' is reduced to tumâr ~tâ kûda 'a clogged pipe'. The nominalization hakkiri -si =té irû hanasi 'a story which is clear' is reduced to hakkiri -si -tâ hanasi 'a clear story'. 17.5. THE REDUCTION OF NOMINALIZATIONS WITH QUANTITY ATTRIBUTIVES

Nominalizations of the formula quN -nô N may be reduced by deleting the main noun stem and the preceding -nô. In this way quantity noun stems come to occupy positions calling for other categories of stems. For example, the pre-frustum zénbu -nô hako -ni ire 'put (them) into all the boxes' is reduced to zénbu -ni ire 'put (them) into all (of them)', hyakû -en -nô nedan --nô kawari - ni 'instead of the price of 100 yen' is reduced to hyakû -en -nô kawari -ni 'instead of 100 yen'. 17.6. THE REDUCTION OF STEMS

Just as words can be reduced to their initial letters in languages written with alphabets, so in Japanese, which is customarily written with Chinese characters, stems are reduced to their initial characters. From the point of view of the spoken language this is rather baffling. We have only to ponder the phonological relationship between 'double u-aitch-o' and 'World Health Organization' to begin to appreciate the problem. When we consider that the characters vastly outnumber the letters of the alphabet, and that most of the characters have readings of Chinese as well as Japanese origin, and often several different readings of each per character, and finally that in reducing a stem to its first character, a Chinese reading is often substituted for a Japanese reading (or even for a different Chinese reading), then we come to realize that this type of reduction is probably vastly more complicated in Japanese than in any other language. It is as if the purely orthographic substitution of 'lb.' for 'pound' in English were a commonplace in the spoken language. Add to this the fact that in some cases a character other than the first is selected to represent the stem, and you begin to wonder at the linguistic intricacies that a community will tolerate. Nevertheless these reductions are a vital aspect of the spoken language and a thorough acquaintance with the orthography (such as any Japanese would have) makes the majority of them fairly transparent. Since most morphemes in Japanese consist of one or two morae, and since each morpheme is generally represented by a single character, it is most common for a stem to be reduced to its first one or two morae, or for a compound stem to be reduced to the first one or two morae of each of its components. And since the majority of base morphemes consist of two (rather than one) morae, the largest number of

122

REDUCTION AND TIGHTENING

reductions involve the first two morae of each component. Thus tookyoo -daigaku 'the University of Tokyo' is reduced to too =dai 'Tokyo U.'; kokusai -rengoo 'the United Nations' is reduced to koku -ren 'the U.N.'; too -yoko -sen 'the Toyoko Line' is a reduction of tookyoo -yokohama -sen 'the TokyoYokohama Line'; while oda -kyuu is a reduction of odmvara -kyuukoo 'the Odawara Express', zi =min 1too 'the L.D.P.', a reduction of ziyuu - minsyu -too 'the Liberal Democratic Party', provides an example of reduction to a single mora. Often there are morphophonemic transformations which apply when two initial sequences are brought together. For example, anzen -hosyoo -zyooyaku 'security treaty' is reduced not to *an -ho -zyooyaku, but to an =po "zyooyaku, with a predictable transformation of n -A into np. As an example of the selection of a non-initial character we may cite koo -koo 'high school' from kootoo -gakkoo with the second character of -gakkoo 'school'. As an example of the replacement of Japanese readings with Chinese ones we may cite hoku -bee for kita -amerika 'North America'. The stem kee -hin -sen 'the Keihin Line' provides us with an example of the replacement of one Chinese reading by another (kee for kyoo) and the replacement of a Japanese reading by a Chinese one (hin for hama), with both replacements involving the second character of their respective components. kee -hin is a reduction of tookyoo -yokohama (cf. too =yoko above). Another splendid example is kee -han =sin -sen 'the Keihanshin Line' from kyooto -oosaka -koobe -sen 'the Kyoto-Osaka-Kobe Line', with kee for kyoo, han for saka, and sin for koo. Loanwords from European languages are also frequently reduced. For example, biru for birudingu 'building', terebi 'T.V.' for terebizyon 'television', pdama for paamanento -ueebu 'permanent wave', kdne for konekusyon 'connections', and with the reduction of both components zene -suto for zeneraru =sutoraiki 'general strike'. Here too the greatest number of reductions involve the first two morae of a component, but as we see from terebi and pdama, reductions of three morae occur, so -ren 'the U.S.S.R.' for sobietto -renpoo 'the Soviet Union' provides us with an example of reduction to a single mora hoomu for purattohoomu 'platform' shows that here too the 'second component' may be selected. Though not frequently, Japanese occasionally makes use of the alphabet, as in en -etti -kee 'NHK', for nihon -hoosoo -kyookai 'the Japan Broadcasting Corporation'. 17.7. TIGHTENING

In Section 17.4. it was shown that reductions could be made by deleting tense markers, and in Section 17.2.1. it was shown that when a reduced form con-

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123

sisted of an attributive adjunct, it was joined to its noun stem by an attributive adjunct marker. I n Section 17.4. several examples of the deletion of tense markers after verb stems were given, but it was noted t h a t such examples are few in number. Far more common is the process of deleting the tense marker and then marking the verb stem as attributive by suffixing the adjunct marker -i to it. For example, the nominalization tukaw ^ru miti 'the way (he) uses (it)' is reduced to tukaw -miti and then expanded into tukaw -i =>miti 'way of using'. In like manner, the nominalization okur 'ru mono 'something which is given' yields okur - i -mono 'gift', nom =ru mizu 'water which is drunk' yields nom -i --mizu 'drinking water'. The formula for these derivations is (17h) S T N

S D N

I t is impossible to determine whether the adjunct marker -i is present in the case of verb stems which end in a vowel, as the -i would be deleted by rule (2a) in Section 2.3., but I assume that a compound such as tabe -mono 'food' from tabe ~ru mono 'something which is eaten' parallels okur -i -mono, and hence is to be interpreted as tabe =i -mono. Rule (17h) resembles a reduction in its mechanism, and in its converting of phrases into compound stems, but there is no reduction in the number oi components. Furthermore, the rule applies to cases where a single compound stem is not the result. For example the nominalization ooki -i hune can be replaced by ooki ~na hune, both meaning 'large boat'. Similarly tii-sa -i 'small' and tyoiro =i 'brown' are replaced by tiisa -na and tyairo --nd respectively. I t seems inaccurate to label the process exemplified by (17h) as reduction. For want of a better term I have dubbed it TIGHTENING, since it seems to result in sequences which are somehow more tightly bound together. 17.7.1. Tightening

with -no

The use of the attributive adjunct marker - nd, when optional, as in nominalizations generated according to (7g) in Section 7.4. and (91) in Section 9.5., seems to be a case of tightening. Thus the nominalization watakusi -ga inai --aida is tightened into watakusi --nd inai - °aida, both meaning 'while I'm not (here)'. The nominalization asi -ga nagai doobutu 'an animal with long legs' is tightened into asi --no nagai doobutu 'a long-legged animal'.

17.8. CONTRACTIONS

The verb stem nakunar 'get lost, die' is a contraction of the phrase nd =ku nar 'cease to be'. Its transitive counterpart nakus 'lose' is a contraction of nd =ku si 'cause to cease to be'. This suggests a source for the -s which marks transitive

124

REDUCTION A N D

TIGHTENING

verb stems. A sizable number of compound stems are made from phrases by deleting word boundaries. Some further examples are a -no -ko 'that girl (or that child)' from a -no ko; onna -no =ko 'girl' from onnd --no Jco; so -no =hoka 'besides that' from so -no hoka; do -no -gurai (or do =no =kurai) ,how much' from do -no kurai 'what degree'; dai =no -zi 'with arms and legs stretched out' (i.e., resembling the character 'ddi') from dai --no zi 'the character 'dai' ( = 'large'); kami --no -ke 'the hair of the head' from kami -1no ke; ma mo =nd =ku 'presently' from ma -mo nd - M 'there being no interval'; ma -ni -°aw 'be on time' from ma -ni dw 'meet the interval'; ki =o = -tuke 'be careful' from ki -6 tuke 'apply attention'.

18

STYLES

18.1. STYLES

Japanese is renowned for its different styles of speaking. These styles may be viewed as varying in intensity along five axes.1 1. From the style of the youngest speakers to that of the oldest male speakers; 2. from the style of the youngest speakers to that of the oldest female speakers; 3. from the plainest to the most honorific; 4. from the most familiar to the least familiar; 5. from the least formal to the most formal. The starting point for the generation of the different styles is a plain base style - essentially the one presented up to this point. To this style forms labeled honorific, formal, feminine, etc. are added, or forms in the base style are replaced by forms labeled for the other styles. The degree of honorificness, formality, or femininity, etc. can be controlled by adding different amounts of such style markers to a given utterance, or by selecting style markers which indicate greater intensity than others. Thus it is possible to say that a given honorific utterance, for instance, is 'more honorific' than another, and the notion of variation along an axis becomes appropriate.

18.2. THE HONORIFIC STYLE

To indicate that the speaker is referring to his social superiors or their possessions, or that he is referring to himself aa contrasted to his superiors or to his 1 In addition to these axes there is also an axis from the highest to the lowest social class, and numerous axes from Tokyo speech to the most deviant regional forms. These will not be dealt with in this work, which is confined to the speech of the upper and middle classes in Tokyo (excluding the special dialect of the royalty), which is the basis for the national norm.

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STYLES

own possessions as contrasted with those of his superiors, the HONORIFIC styles are used. Reference to superiors and their possessions is termed EXALTING. Contrastive reference to oneself and one's own is termed HUMBLE. Since members of the outgroup are normally referred to as superiors, the use of the honorific styles often makes clear who and whose things are being referred to, thus obviating the use of subject and object pronouns and possessive pronouns, such pronouns being used only for special emphasis. 18.2.1. Honorific

verb stems

The exalting counterpart of the verb stem ik 'go' is irassyár. irassyár also serves as the exalting form for ki 'come' and i 'be'. The humble counterpart of ik 'go' and ki 'come' is máir; that of i 'be' is ór. These are suppletions, like 'go' and 'went' in English. There are a dozen or so such suppletive honorific verb stems. These include mesiagar, exalting for tdbe 'eat' and nám 'drink'; itadak, humble for tdbe 'eat', nám 'drink', and moraw 'receive'; nasár, exalting and itas, humble for si 'do'; ossyár, exalting and moos, humble for iw 'say'; gozóñzi -dé ár, exalting for sir 'know'; zóñzi, humble for sir 'know' and omów 'think'; kudasár, exalting for kure 'give (to me or us)'; gorañ -ni nár, exalting for mi 'see'; ukagaw, humble for kik 'ask' and tazúne 'visit'. From most verb stems it is possible to make an honorific noun stem by suffixing - i and then prefixing o-. Such honorific noun stems can then be inserted into the position of N in a number of matrices to produce honorific expressions. By inserting the sequence o- V -Í into the position of N in the matrix N -ni nár the formula (18a) o- V =i -ni nár is produced. Most verb stems can be made exalting by inserting them into the position of V in the above formula. For example o= kák --i -ni nár 'the exalted one write(s)'. The verb stem nám 'drink', in addition to having a suppletive honorofic stem, also occurs with (18a). By inserting the sequence o= V A into the position of N in the matrix N -dé ár the formula (18b) o- V -t -dé ár is produced. A number of verb stems are made exalting by inserting them into the position of V in (18b). For example, o= dekake -i -dé ár 'the exalted one depart(s)'. Such verb stems also occur with formula (18a). The plain form of the stem does double duty for the humble with most verbs. There is, however, an expansion which signifies that the action of the

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127

humble one involves the exalted one. The formula for this expansion is produced by inserting the sequence oi V -î into the position of N in the matrix N -si: ^18c) o- V -I -si Honorifics made with this formula can be made even more humble by replacing -si 'do' with its own humble counterpart itas. For example o° kâk -î -si or ô° kâk -î itas 'the humble (or very humble) one write(s) for or to the exalted one'. The imperatives of kudasâr 'give (me)', nasâr 'do', and irassyâr 'come, go, or be' are kudasâi, nasâi, and irrasyâi respectively. The first two are used to form the following matrices for polite requests: (18d) V -té --kudasâi oi V =î -kudasâi (more honorific than the above) V =i -nasâi (less honorific than the above) 18.2.2. Honorific adjective stems As with the majority of verb stems, plain and humble are the same in form here. The only suppletive exalting adjective stem is yorosi for yo 'good'. Otherwise adjective stems are made honorific by prefixing o-, as in o- utukusi 'the exalted one (is) beautiful', or by inserting them into the position of A in the matrix A -kûte irassyâr, as in ôoki -hâte irassyâr 'the exalted one (is) large'. Desideratives in =itâi are made humble by linking them with the conjunction -tô to the verb stem omôw 'think'. They can be made even more humble by replacing omôw with its own humble counterpart zônzi, as in ikitai -tô zônzi "ru ; 'your humble servant would like to go'. 18.2.3. Honorific noun stems Here too, the plain and humble are the same in form. There are several dozen suppletive exalting noun stems, most of them kinship terms. For example, sensée for kyoozyu 'teacher'; otoosama for titi 'father'; ôkusama for kânai 'wife'; kata for hitô 'person'; otaku for uti 'home'. Most of the pronominal stems have suppletive exalting counterparts. For example, dônata(sama) and dôtirasama for dâre 'who'; ikâga for dôo 'how'; sayoo for soo 'that way'; doo si -té for naze 'why'. The form -tira is the honorific counterpart of both -tti and "ko as in sotira for both sotti 'that, that way' and soko 'there'. sotira(sama) is also exalting for anâta 'you'. There are a very few specifically humble noun stems. For example mono for hitô 'person'; gusai for kânai 'wife'; kotira for watakusi 'I, me'.

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STYLES

The majority of noun stems are made exalting by prefixing o-, o-, or go=, but a few take o- or mi-. For example, o- boosi 'the exalted one's hat'; o- séwa 'the exalted one's assistance'; o- haná 'the exalted one's flowers or flower arrangement'; go- byoolci 'the exalted one's illness'. The suffix -sama (which may be contracted to the less honorific -san) iâ added to person stems and to a few honorific non-person stems. Examples of the latter are o- káge -sama 'the exalted one's presence' from káge 'shadow'; go- kúroo -sama 'the exalted one's efforts' from kúroo 'trouble(s)'. With person stems the exalting counterpart of the copular -dé ár is -dé irassyár. 18.2.4. The honorific

interjection

háa

The honorific counterpart of the interjection hái 'yes' is háa. 18.3. THE NON-FAMILIAR STYLE

The non-familiar style is marked by the auxiliary verb stem -más which is joined to a preceding verb stem by the adjunct marker -i, as in kák -i -más -rú 'write(s)'. Transformations associated with - m á s : -dé ár -i -más -* -dés (optional, but usual) (only in the positive) -kú ár -i -más -rú —>• -i -dés -rú -kú ár -i -más -tá -*• -katta -dés -rú —v -i -dés -tá (less common) -más -âna -í -»• ¿maséñ -más -âna -katta ->- -maséñ -dés -tá2 =más -yôo —>- -masyóó (not, as would be expected, *-masóo) -dé ár -i masyóo -»• -desyóo (optional, but usual)3 -i -más (-té i -rú) -té i -i °más -rú =i -más (-té i -tá) —• -té i -i -más -tá A sentence is considered non-familiar if -más is attached to its last clause. It need not be attached to the preceding clauses, though it may be, and it usually precedes the conjunction -gá 'but'. Examples: hetá -dés -rú 'is clumsy' hetá -dés -tá 'was clumsy' Note that the form -dés after -maséñ, - í , and -katta can not be replaced with -dé ár -i -más. The underlying form here is not -dé ár. 3 It will be recalled that the terminal component -daróo is a contraction of -dé ár -yôo. The terminal component -desyóo is thus the non-familiar counterpart of -daróo. !

STYLES

hetá hetá hetá hetá hetâ hetâ hetâ hetâ tâka tâka tâka

129

-dé -wá ná =í -dés -rú 1 , J 'is not clumsy' -dé -wá ár -maséñ j -dé -wá ná -katta -dés -rú 'was not clumsy' -dé -wá ná -í -dés -tá -dé -wâ âr -i -masén -dés -tâ -desyôo 'is probably clumsy' -dâtta -desyôo 'was probably clumsy' -dé -wâ nâ -i -desyôo 'is probably not clumsy' -i -dés -rû 'is expensive' -katta -dés -rû 1 . , 'was expensive' -i -dés -tá 'is not expensive'

tâka tâka nóm nóm nóm nóm nóm nóm nóm nóm

-i -desyôo 'is probably expensive' -katta -desyôo 'was probably expensive' -i -más -rú 'drink(s)' -i -más -tá 'drank' -i -maséñ 'not drink' -i -maséñ -dés -tá 'didn't drink* -i -masyóo 'let's drink' -rú -desyôo 'will probably drink' -tá -desyóo 'probably drank' -âna -î -desyôo 'probably will not drink'

18.3.1. The non-familiar

honorific

The exalting honorific verb stems irassyár 'be, come, go', kudasár 'give (me)', nasár 'do', and ossyár 'say' delete their final V before -i -más, as in ossya -i -más -rú 'the exalted one says'. The imperative suffix -e is added to these forms to produce polite requests, as in kudasa -i -más -é 'kindly give (me)'. The imperatives lcudasái, nasái, and irassyái may be regarded as reductions of imperatives with -más -é. The form goza -i -más is the non-familiar honorific counterpart of the verb stem ár 'be'. I t is not specifically humble or exalting. For example, o- kuruma -gá goza -i -más -rú -ká t háa i goza -i -más -rú J 'does the exalted one (i.e., you) have a car?' 'Yes, the humble one (i.e., I) does.' hetá -dé goza -i -más -rú 'is clumsy'. Note that -dé ár does have a specific exalting counterpart in -dé irassyár (see Section 18.2.3.). Before goza -i -más, -kú is transformed into -raí, 4 as in o- nága -wú goza - i -más -rú 'is long'. 1

See Martin Morphophonemics,

Section 4.2, for the morphophonemics of -uní.

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STYLES

18.4. MEN'S STYLE

Men's style is marked by specific replacements of stems, tense markers, and terminal components. For example bôku and ore are masculine for watakusi 'I, me', kimi is the masculine style counterpart of anâta 'you'. and zé, are masculine counterparts for the terminal component yô. nâa and sâ are masculine counterparts of née. -km is masculine for the interrogative terminal component -kà. The suffix -dâi is a masculine contraction of the sequence -dâ -kâ. The reduction of -dâ -kâ to -dâ is also masculine.

18.5. WOMEN'S STYLE

Like the men's style, women's style is marked by replacements of stems and terminal components, but there is also a greater reliance on honorific markers. Men tend to confine the latter to non-familiar speech directed toward superiors. In the women's style honorific markers are used for any reference to others (as if everyone were their superiors), and they are frequent in familiar speech. The reduction of -ndâ (from -nô -dé âru) to -nô is specifically feminine. -nô -kâ (from -ndâ -kâ) is further reduced to -nô \. kôto is a feminine counterpart of the terminal component yô. mono is a feminine reduction of the sequence -karâ \ née 'that's why', atakusi and atasi are feminine counterparts of watakusi 'I, me', datte is feminine for dâ -kéredo 'however', -kâsira is feminine for -kâ | née 'I wonder i f . An extremely common feminine marker is the terminal component -wâ, which may be followed by yô or née. Examples: atasi -wâ hetâ -dâ -wâ f for watakusi -wâ hetâ -dâ yô t 'I'm clumsy', anâta -wâ o- zyoozu -dâ -wâ \ née | for anâta -wâ zyoozû -dâ \ née \ 'you're skillful, aren't you !' kûru -nô t for kûru -kâ f 'will (he) come?' kûru -nô yô t for kûru -ndâ yô t '(he) WILL come', soô -dâ kôto \ for soô -dâ yô j 'that's right'. 18.6. THE INFORMAL STYLE

The optional contractions which have been presented up to this point are a mark of the informal style, while the full forms characterize the formal style. Thus the copular sequences -dé âru and -dé arimâsu are formal, while their contracted forms -dâ and -désu are informal. The emphatic terminal component -ndâ is informal, its formal counterpart being -nô -dé âru. The copular sequences -Î and -katta (from -kû âru and =M âtta) on the other hand a both informal and formal, since they are obligatory contractions.

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131

In addition to those contractions which have already been presented, the following are among the many which mark the informal style. 1. With the deletion of a vowel: konaida for konó aida 'recently'; dókka for dóko -kâ 'somewhere'; ^toku for -té okû as in kattokû '(he) buys for future use'; =tór for -té âr as in kâitaru '(it) is written'; -tór for -té ór as in wakdttoru, humble for wakâtte (i)rû '(I) understand'. Note that -té becomes -t before an auxiliary verb beginning with a back vowel. When the auxiliary begins with (i\ the ( i ) is deleted instead of the ( é } of -té, as in kâiteru for kdite irti '(he) is writing' and mottekû for motté ikû '(he) takes'.5 When the vowel to be deleted is preceded by ( r ) or (n\ these consonants are transformed into (n\ For example, itinti for itiniti 'one day'; --mónda for --mono -dâ as in yondà --mónda '(he) used to call'; -ndé for -nó -dé 'because'; -rida for -nó -dà 'emphatic'; -ntoko(ró) for -nó --tokoró 'the place of'; nânnai for narânai 'doesn't become' ; wakânnai for wakarânai 'doesn't understand'. When the application of this rule yields nn, this sequence is reduced to m as in nisânti for nisanniti 'two or three days', or -tènda for -té irû -ndâ as in kâitenda '(he) is writing'. The adjunct iroiro -nâ is contracted into ironnâ-various' instead of the expected *iroinnâ. When the vowel to be deleted is followed by -wâ, -wâ is transformed into -yd. For example, -tyâ for -té -wâ as in hands -tyâ ikenai '(you) mustn't talk'; -dyâ for -dé -wâ as in génki -dyâ nâi '(he) isn't well'; soryâ for sore -wâ 'as for that'. The suffixes -reta and -kereba 'if' are contracted into -ryâ and -kerya. The suffix -ânâkereba 'if not' may be contracted into -anakerya, or further contracted into -ânâlya as in sinâkya nànnai '(I) must do (it)'. 2. With the deletion of two vowels: --nti for --nó uti as in tomodati --riti '(my) friend's house'; -tté for -tó itté as in piiâaru -lté \ dóo --yuû imi -désu -kâ t 'what is meant by P.R. ?'; -an for -dnai as in sirân yó \ 'I have no idea'; -ttebâ for -tté iéba as in eoó sinai -ttébâ 'I told you not to do (it) that way'. 3. With the deletion of a consonant and a vowel: -kédo for -kéredo 'but'; -târoo for -tâ daróo as in tâbetaroo '(he) probably ate (it)'; -su for -désu 'nonfamiliar, non-past copula'; -syóo for -desyóo 'probably'. 4. With shortening of a final long syllable: -darò t for -daróo t and -desyó t for - desyóo t, both meaning 'right?'; né for née 'confirmative'; -masë ((ë> repNote that contractions of -té with the axuliary verb stems ok, i, and ik are accented before the suffixes beginning with t, as in kaUóite 'buy for future use', netéta 'was lying down', and mottéttara 'if (you) take (it)'.

6

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STYLES

resenting a nasalized vowel of one mora) for imasén 'non-familiar negative'. This shortening can take place with almost any noun stem in final position: sensé for sensée 'teacher', gakko for gakkoo 'school'. 5. Miscellaneous: -timaw and =tyaw for -té simaw 'perfective': =itu for -no y&tu as in aitu 'that guy'. 18.6.1. Deletions in the informal style In addition to contractions the informal style is marked by deletions. The terminal component -kâ may be deleted, as in asitâ kûru I for asitâ kûru -kâ î 'is (he) coming tomorrow V We have already seen this in the men's and women's styles. The tense marker -dâ may be deleted, as in zyoozû | née for zyoozû -dâ \ née '(he)'s skillful, isn't (he) !'. The adjunct markers -gâ, -6, and -e may be deleted as in hôn kattâ yô t for hôn -ô kattâ yô \ '(I) bought a book', or dôko ikû t for dôko -é ikû -kâ t 'where are (you) going?' The focus marker -wâ may be deleted as in sore nâni t for sore -wâ nân -dâ -kâ t 'what's that?' The auxiliary verb stem kure in requests may be deleted as in kasité | for kasité kure(rûka t ) 'lend (it to me), or soô sinâide for soô sinâide kurerûka t 'don't do that'. 18.6.2. Lengthenings in the informal style In addition to contractions and deletions, the informal style is marked by lengthenings. For example: 1. With lengthened vowel: dyâa for dyâ 'well'; soôo f for soô f 'is (that) so?'; naâni t for nâni t 'what is (it)?'; ttehâa for -ttebâ 'I told you'; sukooôsi for sukôsi 'a little bit'; zuuutto for zutto 'all the way'; siraânkao for sirânkao .acting innocent'. 6 2. With lengthened consonant: nannimô for nanimô 'nothing'; onnazi for onazi 'the same'; minnâ for mind 'everyone'; anmari for amari excessively'; hazimekkarâ for hazime -karâ 'from the beginning'. The lengthened counterpart of h is pp as in yappâri for yahâri 'after all'. 18.6.3. Replacements in the informal style In addition to the above the informal style is marked by replacements. For example, ée and ù for hâi 'yes'; asuko for asoko 'there'; -ni for -é 'to'; -tté for -tô 'unquote'; -kirikkya for -kiri -sikâ 'more than'; -nânte and nânka ' I n t h e s e last three e x a m p l e s t h e lengthened v o w e l m a y be pronounced w i t h pharyngeal friction for e x t r a emphasis.

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for -nado 'and the like'; -kun for -san 'Mr.' (when referring to young men and boys); yappasi for yappari 'after all'; onnasi for onnazi 'the same'; =rahen for -no hen as in sokorahen 'around there', u is more informal than ee. -nante and especially -ndnka are deprecatory. 18.6.4. Informal style markers with no formal equivalent Finally, there are some informal style markers which seem to have no formal equivalent, such as the terminal component -kke 'I can't seem to remember', the interjection tye 'fooey', and the highly insulting auxiliary verb stem ~yagar which indicates that the subject is acting improperly. 18.6.5. Markers for men's and, women's style in the informal style To the above markers of informal style are added the markers for men's and women's styles, and the more formal the style becomes, the less it is characterized as masculine or feminine. The informal style is also marked by the constant use of emphatic focus markers and terminal components, so that the more formal the style, the less emphatic it becomes.

18.7. THE FORMAL STYLE

The style here referred to is the formal spoken style. There are some very distinctive written styles which will not be dealt with here. The formal spoken style is characterized by the use of formal words (katai kotobâ) such as beekoku for amerika 'America' and eekoku for igirisu 'England'. Contractions are pretty much avoided. There are a few suffixes which are strictly formal such as -i for -té or T -si and =ku for -kute or T si, both meaning 'and', and =âzu -ni for -ânai -dé 'without . . . .-ing'. In formal conversation there is careful selection of words and this results in much pausing. When pausing, most speakers draw out the last sound of the preceding word as in sorekaraaaaa for sorekara 'after that'. In doing this many speakers stop abruptly (with a glottal stop) and then resume the vowel, drawing it out as in sorekaraaaaa 'after that'; sosite?eee 'and then'; lôkunDiii 'especially': sono?ooo 'that'; mâzuïuuu 'first of all'; motiron?nnn 'of course'. At the beginning of a sequence, while thinking of what they are about to say, speakers say ano?ooo or anoooo or eeee or eeeéto. The informal counterparts of these sequences are and | née and eéto | née.

19

ACCENT AND JUNCTURE

19.1. SYNTACTICALLY DETERMINED ACCENTS

Although noun stems can be accented on any syllable, there are restrictions as to the possible position of accents on verb and adjective stems. The affixes and other grammatical components generally have predictable accents.

19.2. INFLECTIONAL FORMS

The tense markers, the adjunct markers including conjunctions, the focus markers, and the terminal components may be regarded as constituting the inflectional forms of the language. With few exceptions such as the terminal component née, nâa 'confirmative' or the focus marker sde 'emphatic', they are either suffixes or enclitic particles. Enclitic particles differ from suffixes in that they may be preceded by a phrase boundary (or even by a terminal contour) when they are emphasized or when the speaker is selecting his words very carefully. Some of them may also exhibit variation in the order of occurrence as in tookyoo -karâ -daké versus tookyoo -daké -karâ, both meaning 'only from Tokyo'. The true suffixes among the inflectional forms are confined to those which follow verb and adjective stems directly. They include: the tense markers -rû, 'present' and -tâ, -katta 'past', the adjunct markers -i, -té, -ku, and -târi plus the conjunctions -réba, -kereba, -târa(ba), ~kattara(ba) 'if' and -té, -kûte 'and', and the terminal components ~rô, -é 'imperative' and -yôà 'tentative'. 19.2.1. The accenting of inflectional forms The inflectional forms are accented on their first syllable. There are few exceptions: the adjunct marker -karâ 'from', the focus marker -daké 'only'. For the most part they do not affect the accent of the preceding form, but some delete it. For example the adjunct marker -°n6 'attributive', the conjunctions --tô 'if', --dokoroka 'far from'. zdaké 'as much as', and the focus marker --bâkari.

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135

A few attract the accent of the preceding form: the tense markers =ru, -{, the conjunction -r6ba, the terminal components =ro and -yoo. The contractions of the copular sequence -hu ar alone among the inflectional suffixes generate an accent on the preceding mora.1 19.3. DERIVATIONAL AFFIXES The accent patterns of derivational affixes vary somewhat with the type of stem to be derived. 19.3.1. The accent of verbalizing suffixes All verb stems made by adding suffixes to accented forms will be accented on the vowel preceding the last consonant. Hence verbalizing suffixes will have the following accent patterns: -V -c -cv -vc -cvcv

as as as as as

in in in im in

-e 'potential' -r 'intransitive', -s 'transitive' -re 'intransitive', -se 'transitive' -âr 'intransitive* =as, =ôs 'transitive' -sâse 'causative', -rdre 'passive'

19.3.2. The accent of adjectivalizing suffixes Adjective stems of two morae, if accented, are accented on the first mora. Adjective stems of more than two morae, if accented, are accented on either the last or the next to the last mora. Accent attracting adjectivalizing suffixes take the accent on their first mora. For example, -si 'like'; -nisi 'like'; -dna 'negative'. 19.3.3. The accent of nominalizing suffixes Noun stems can be accented on any syllable. Hence nominalizing suffixes can exhibit all accent patterns. 19.4. AUXILIARY STEMS Auxiliary stems are regularly enclitic, forming single accent phrases with the stems they follow. They may not affect the accent of the preceding stem, 1 The only other suffixes which generate an accent on the preceding mora without first deleting the accent of the preceding stem are the 'group' markers -tati, -ra. For this reason it is probably advisable to consider the group marker suffixes (-tati, -ra, -gâta, -domo, etc.) as a category of inflextional forms.

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JUNCTURE

as in the case of auxiliary stems connected to the preceding stem by the adjunct markers --nó, -té, and =kú. An exception is seen in the combination of mót 'hold' with ik 'go', ki 'come', and káer 'return', as in mot =té kl 'bring', where mót loses its accent. Auxiliary adjective and verb stems which are connected to the preceding verb stem by the adjunct marker =i are regularly suffixed to the i. The only exceptions are those auxiliary verb stems such as si 'do' which can be separated from the -i by a focus marker.2 Those auxiliary stems which are suffixed to the -i regularly delete the accent (if any) of the preceding verb stem. But the auxiliary adjective stem ~td 'desiderative' attracts the accent (if any). Auxiliary noun stems used with the adjunct marker -i usually attract the accent of the preceding stem. For example, =mono 'something done', -Mta 'way of doing', -M 'place of doing', -té '-er', -sdo 'look like it will'. But there are exceptions, such as -gai 'worth doing'. Auxiliary adjective and verb stems which are connected to a preceding stem by a zero adjunct marker, delete the accent of the preceding stem. The same is generally true of auxiliary noun stems. For example, -gúrai, -góro 'about', -tyuu 'during', -dyuu 'throughout'. But there are exceptions, such as -máe 'before', -áto 'after', -hodó 'as much as', which do not affect the accent of the preceding stem, and -sóo 'look like', which attracts it. Auxiliary stems which follow tense markers usually do not affect the accent of the preceding stem, but the auxiliary adjective stem -rási 'seem like' deletes it. Contractions of the adjunct marker =té with the past tense of the auxiliary verb stems i 'be', ok 'for future use', and ik 'go' are accented, even though those with the present tense are not. Thus kattóita from katté oitá 'bought', but kattokú from katté okú 'buy', mottétta 'took' from motté ittá, but mottekú from motté ikú 'take'.

19.5. SYNTACTICALLY DETERMINED JUNCTURES

The largest phonological unit in Japanese is the clause. It is composed of one or more phrases. The phrase is the second largest phonological unit. It is composed of one or more phonological words. The phonological word, the third largest phonological unit, is composed of one or more syllables. 19.5.1. Terminal contours Phonological clauses are marked by a terminal contour. Except in one instance the terminal contour affects only the last syllable of a clause. It is characteWhen followed by a focus marker

is transformed into

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137

rized by: (1) abruptly rising pitch (t); (2) abruptly falling pitch (t); (3) level or slightly rising, drawn out pitch (. .); (4) gradually rising pitch (. . t); or gradually falling pitch (. . J ). The one case in which more than the last syllable of a clause is affected involves the replacement of the normal gradual decline in pitch over the clause with a gradual rise which culminates in a gradually falling pitch on the last syllable. It occurs in enthusiastic statements ending in the terminal component née. Sentences consist of one or more clauses but are not phonologically marked Phonological clause boundaries occur at the end of sentences, and between clauses within sentences. They are obligatory between clauses which are not in a direct relationship to each other (see Section 8.3.1.). They are also generally used between clauses that consist of several phrases each. They are freely substituted for phrase boundaries for emphasis and in slow, very deliberate speech. 19.5.2. Phrase junctures Phonological phrases are marked by the regeneration of pitch (see Section 2.2.), which is indicated by a single bar ( | ). Phrase junctures are obligatory between sequences which are not in a direct relationship to each other. For example, the expression irigutind | hiroi pooti means 'the large porch at the entrance'. Here irigutino 'of the entrance' has nothing to do with hiroi 'spacious'. Removing the phrase juncture here would produce irigutind hiroi pooti, which would mean 'the porch with a large entrance', from an underlying (iriguti -gd hiroi) pooti. Note that the noun stem moo 'already' is accented before a phrase juncture, moo kdetta '(he) has already returned', but moo | utie kaetta '(he) has already returned home'. Phrase junctures are placed before stems, and even before enclitics, for emphasis. For example, tegamio kdita '(he) wrote the letter', but tegamio tabeta '(he) ATE the letter'. 19.5.3. Word boundaries Phonological words are identified by their accent patterns and cannot be described without reference to their boundaries. For example, in the sequence omottayoriomdsiroityuiikaryoori 'unexpectedly interesting Chinese food' the high pitch on the portions mosi and ukd is predictable if the phonological word boundaries are known. Inserting these boundaries we can write omottayori omosiroi tyuukaryoori. The boundary that is usually written (in Romanized Japanese) between omdtta 'expected' and yori 'more than' cannot be justified on phonological grounds.

20

ILLUSTRATIVE TEXT

The generation of a short text (of four sentences) is presented below to illustrate the processes discussed in the preceding chapters. A l . We start by assembling a core of the formula S D S ; more specifically of the formula N D V; still more specifically of the formula plN plD plV (see Sections 3.1., 3.2., 3.4.5.). In this core, plV, being intransitive, will have the more specific formula B -inV. Hence the core will have the specific formula plN plD (B -inV) (see Section 5.2.). Such a core is: yamà -ni à -r '[to] be in the mountains' A2. A second core of the formula N D V is then assembled, this core with the more specific formula npN dsD plV, with plV the same as in A l (see Sections 10.2.2., 3.4.3.). Such a core is: miti -gâ -a -r '[for] there [to] be a road' A3. Core A l is now joined to core A2 by component sharing to produce the prefruBtum »

yamâ -ni \ miti -gâ â -r '[for] there [to] be a road in the mountains (see Section 9.2., 9.2.5.) A4. To this prefrustum a tense marker is added to produce the frustum yamà -ni | miti -gâ à -r -ni 'there is a road in the mountains' (see Section 3.1., 3.2.1.) A5. A third core of the formula N D V is then assembled, this core having the more specific formula peN isD moV (see Section 10.2., 3.4.3.). Since moV in this formula is intransitive, the core will have the specific formula peN isD (B -inV). Such a core is minâ -gâ ôr -ri '[for] everyone [to] descend'

ILLUSTRATIVE TEXT

139

A6. A fourth core of the formula N D V is now assembled, this core having the more specific formula plN roD moV, with moV the same as in A5 (see Section 3.4.4.). In the position of plN frustum A4 is inserted to produce an expansion of the formula (A4) roD (B -inV). The resulting prefrustum is (yamd -ni \ miti -gd a ~r ~ru) -o or =ri '[to] descend the (there is a road in the mountains)' A7. Now core A5 is joined to prefrustum A6 by component sharing to produce the prefrustum mind -gd | (yamd -ni | miti -gd a =r -ru) -6 or =ri '[for] everyone [to] descend the (there is a road in the mountains)' (see Sections 9.2., 9.2.2.) AS. Again a core of the formula N D V is assembled, this time with the more specific formula peN isD acV (see Section 3.4.6.). In this core acV, being transitive, has the formula B =trV; but B itself has the more specific formula npN =B (see Section 5.2.), so that the core has the specific formula peN isD ((npN -B) -trV). This core is mind -gd utd -w =s '[for] everyone [to] sing' A9. Yet another core of the formula N D V is assembled, this time with the more specific formula npN doD acV, with npN and acV the same as in A8 (see Section 3.4.4.). This core is utd -o utd ~w -s '[to] sing songs' A10. Now core A8 is joined to core A9 by component sharing to produce the prefrustum mind -gd \ utd -o utd °w -s '[for] everyone [to] sing songs' (see Sections 9.2,> 9.2.5.) A l l . Now prefrustum A7 is conjoined to prefrustum A10 by component sharing, with the subordinating conjunction -i =nagara 'while' to produce the prefrustum mind -gd | (yamd -ni \ miti -gd a -r -ru) -o ot =ri =i -nagara | utd -o utd -w -s '[for] everyone [to] sing songs while descending the (there is a road in the mountains)' (see Section 8.2.2., 9.4.) A12. Now mind -gd 'everyone' is specified as context with the focus marker -wd to produce mind -gd -wd \ (yamd -ni etc.) (see Section 14.3.4.)

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ILLUSTRATIVE

TEXT

A13. The form miná 'everyone' is replaced with its more conversational form miñná to produce miñná -gá -wá \ (yamá -ni etc.) (see Section 18.6.2.) A14. Now the above prefrustum is inserted into the position of V in a core of the formula V D auxV (see Section 5.8.7.). This core is V -i -más. It produces non-familiar prefrusta (see Section 18.3.). A15. To prefrustum A14 the tense marker -tá 'past' and the terminal component J 'statement' are added to produce the sentence miñná -gá -wá | (yamá -ni \ miti -gá á -r -rú) -ó ór ~ri -i -ndgara | utá -ó utá -w -s -i -más -tá | 'Everyone sang songs while descending the (there is a road in the mountains)' (see Section 4.1.2.) All the ingredients of the sentence have now been assembled. We now proceed to apply those transforms which will result in a morphophonemic representation of the sentence. A16. The inserted frustum yamá -ni ] miti -gá á -r -rú 'there is a road in the mountains' isnominalized into yamá -ni á -r -rú miti 'a road which is in the mountains' (see Section 7.5.) A17. Nominalization A16 is reduced by replacing -ni á -r -rú with -nó to produce yamá --nó miti 'a road in the mountains' (see Section 17.2.1.) A18. Nominalization A17 is further reduced by deleting --nó to produce yamá --miti

'mountain road' (see Section 17.3.1.)

Transforms A16-A18 bring us to the morphophonemic representation of the sentence which is miñná -gá -wá \ yamá --miti -ó ór -ri -i -nágara \ utá -ó utá -w -s -i -más -tá j 'Everyone sang songs while descending the mountain road' A19. The adjunct marker -gá is deleted before the focus marker -wá to produce miñná -wá \ yamá --miti

-ó (etc. see Section 14.3.)

ILLUSTRATIVE TEXT

A20. The compound noun stem yamá --miti -»- yamámiti (see Section 2.4.2.)

141,

yama -miti (see Section 2.4.1.)

A21. The verb form ór =ri =i =nágara ->-ór -i -i -nágara ór -i -nágara (see Section 2.3.) -»• óri = nágara —- orinágara (see Section 2.4.3.). A22. The verb form uta -w -s -i -más -tá -»• uta -w -s -i -más -tá (see Section 2.4.1.) -»• uta -w - i -más -tá uta -i -más -tá -* uta -mási -tá (see Section 2.3.) -»• utaimásita (see Section 2.5.1.). A23. Transforms A19-A22 produce miñná -wá | yamámiti - ó orinágara | uta -ó utaimásita I, A24. Sequence A23 is then-transformed into a phonemic representation of sentence A miñnáwa \ yamámitio orinágara ¡ utáo utaimásita | 'Everyone sang songs while descending the mountain road' (see Section 2.5.1.)

B l . We begin the generation of sentence B by assembling a core of the formula plN plD (B -inV) (as in Al). But in this core plN has the more specific formula V =N (see Section 7.1.), in which V has the more specific formula B -trV (see Section 5.2.), so that the core will have the specific formula ((B -trV) -N) plD (B -inV). This core is hay -ás - í -ni á -r.'[to] be in a grove' B2. A second core is assembled with the specific formula npN isD (B -inV) (as in A2). This core is sugi -gá á -r '[for] there [to] be cedars' B3. Core B l is now joined to core B2 by component sharing (as in A3) to produce the prefrustum háy -ás -i -ni | sugi -gá á -r '[for] there [to] be cedars in a gove' B4. To this expansion the tense marker ~rú 'non-past' is added (as in A4) to produce the frustum háy -ás -i -ni \ sugi -gá á -r -rú 'there are cedars in a grove'

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B5. A core of the formula N D V is then assembled, this core having the more specific formula plN diD acY (see Sections 3.4.5., 3.4.6.)- In the position of acV a verbalization of the formula npN D auxV is inserted to produce an expansion of the formula plN diD (npN D auxV) (see Sections 10.2.1., 5.8.6.). Then into the position of plN in this expansion we insert frustum B4 to produce an expansion of the formula (B4) diD (npN D auxV). The resulting prefrustum is (hay -ds -I -ni \ sugi -ga a -r -ru) -ni kodama -si '[to] resound against the (there are cedars in a grove)' B6. Now another core of the formula N D V is assembled, this one with the more specific formula npN inD acV (see Section 3.4.6.). In this core acV is the same as in A8, so that the core has the specific formula npN inD ((npN -B) -trV). This core is koe -de utd -w -s '[to] sing with voices' (as in ookina; koede 'with loud voices') B7. To this core the tense marker -le i : r u 'non-past progressive' is added to produce the frustum koe -de utd =w -s -te i -rib 'are singing with voices (see Section 3.2.1.) B8. Then another core of the formula N D V is assembled, this one with the more specific formula npN isD acV. acV is then expanded as in B5. The resulting expansion is further expanded by inserting frustum B7 into the position of npN to produce an expansion of the formula (B7) isD (npN D auxV). The resulting prefrustum is (koe -de utd -w ~s -te i -ru) -ga kodama -si '[for] the (are singing with voices) [to] resound' B9. Now B5 and B8 are joined by component sharing (as in A4) to produce the prefrustum (hay -ds -ni | sugi -ga a -r -ni | (koe -de utd ¿w -s i =ru) -ga kodama -si '[for] the (are singing with voices) [to] resound against the (there are cedars in a grove)' BIO. The above prefrustum is now inserted into the position of V in the core V - i -mas (as in A15) to produce a prefrustum in the non-familiar style. B l l . To prefrustum BIO the tense marker -ru 'non-past' and the terminal component | 'statement' are added to produce the sentence

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(háy -âs -i -ni | sugi -gá á -r -rú) -ni \ (kóe -dé utá -w -s -té i -rú) -gá kodama -si -i -más =rú J 'The (are singing with voices) resound against the (there are cedars in a grove)' (see Section 4.1.2.) All the ingredients of sentence B have now been assembled. We now proceed to apply those transforms which will produce an underlying morphophonemic representation of the sentence. B12. The inserted frustum háy =âs -i -ni | sugi -gá á -r -rú 'there are cedars in a grove' is nominalized into sugi -gá á -r -rú háy -âs -î 'a grove in which there are cedars' (see Sections 7.5.) B13. Nominalization B12 is reduced by replacing -gá á -r -rú with -nó to produce sugi --nó háy -âs -i 'a grove of cedars' (see Section 17.2.2) B14. Nominalization B13 is further reduced by deleting --nó to produce sugi -(-(h -*• b (háy -as -%))) 'cedar grove' (see Section 17.3.1.) B15. The inserted frustum kóe. -dé utá -w -s té -i -rú 'are singing with voices' is nominalized into utá °w -s -té i -rú kóe 'voices which are singing' (see) Section 7.5.) B16. Nominalization B15 is tightened by deleting the tense marker to produce utá -w -s -(- (k -*• g (kóe))) 'singing voices' (see Section 17.9.), but this is reduced (irregularly) to utá -(- (k -» g (kóe))) 'singing voices' Transforms B12-B16 produce sugi- (- (h b (háy -âs -î))) -ni \ utá -(- (k g (kóe))) -gá kodama -si -i -más rú I 'the singing voices resound against the cedar grove(s)' This is the morphophonemic representation of sentence B. We now apply the morphophonemic rules which lead to a phonemic representation of the sentence. B17. The compound noun stem sugi -(» (h -+b (háy -âs -i))) sugi -(- (h -*b (hayas -î))) sugi -(- (h b (hayasí))) -* (see Section 2.4.3.) stLgi -(-bayasí) (see Chapter 17, fn. 2) sugi -báyasi (see Section 2.4.2) ->• 8ugibáyasi (see Section 2.4.1.)

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B18. The compound noun stem utá -(- (k -»• g (kóe))) -• utá -goe utagoe (see Section 2.4.1.)

(see

B19. The verb form -si -i -más -rú ->- -si ~más -rú ->- -si -más -ú (see Section 2.3.) -»• -simás -ú (see Section 2.4.1.) -»• -simás -ú (see Section 2.4.3.) -»• -simásu (see Section 2.5.1.) B20. Transforms B17-B19 produce sugibáyasi -ni | utagoe -gá kodama -simásu j B21. Sequence B20 is then transformed into sugibáyasini | utagoegá kodamasimásu \ (see Section 2.5.1.) B22. Sequence B21 is then transformed into a phonemic representation of sentence B sugibáyasini | utagoega kodamasimásu | 'The singing voices resound against the cedar grove(s)' (see Section 2.5.2.)

CI. We begin the generation of sentence C by assembling a core of the formula N D V; more specifically of the formula plN plD acV (see Section 3.4.6.). acV is intransitive here, so the core has the more specific formula plN plD (B -inV). This core is expanded by inserting a nominalization of the formula plN D auxN into the position of plN to produce an expansion of the formula (plN D auxN) plD (B -inV) (see Section 7.3.2.). In this expansion plN is the same as in B1 (namely háy -as =i 'grove'). The resulting prefrustum is háy -ás -í --nó --náka -dé nak

'[to] sing in a grove'

C2. We next assemble a core of the formula N D A (see Section 3.2.); more specifically of the formula npN dsD A. This core is tori -gá tiisa '[for] a bird [to] be small' C3. To this core the tense marker -kú ár -rú is added to produce the frustum tori -gá tíisa -kú ár -rú 'a bird is small' (see Section 3.2.1.) C4. Next we assemble a core of the formula N D V; more specifically of the formula npN isD acV in which acV is the same as in CI. This core is expanded by inserting frustum C3 into the position of npN to produce an expansion of the formula (C3) isD (B -inV). The resulting prefrustum is

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(tori -gá tíisa ~kú ár -rú) -gá nak -r '[for] the (a bird is small) [to] sing' C5. Now prefrustum CI is joined to prefrustum C4 by component sharing to produce the prefrustum (tori -gá tíisa -kú ár 'rú) -gá \ háy -ás -í ~-nó -°náka -dé nak '-r '[for] the (a bird is small) [to] sing in a grove' (Section 9.2.2.) C6. The focus marker -mo 'also' is now added to the subject adjunct to produce (tori -gá tíisa -kú ár -rú) -gá -mó \ etc. (see Section 14.3.1.) C7. Prefrustum C6 is now inserted into the position of V in the core V -i -más (as in A15) to produce a prefrustum in the non-familiar style. C8. To prefrustum C7 the tense marker -té i -rú 'non-past progressive' and the terminal component i 'statement' are added to produce the sentence (tori -gá tíisa -kú ár -rú) -gá -mó \ háy -ás -i -°nó --náka -dé nak -r -i -más (-té i -rú) i 'the (a bird is small) is also singing in a grove' (see Section 3.1., 3.2.1.) All the ingredients of sentence C have now been assembled. We now proceed to apply those transforms which will produce an underlying morphophonemic representation of the sentence. C9. The inserted frustum tori -gá tíisa -kú ár -rú 'a bird is small' is nominalized into tíisa -kú át -rú tori 'a bird which is small' (see Section 7.5.) CIO. Nominalization C9 is reduced by deleting the tense marker to produce tíisa -tori 'small bird(s)' Cll. Nominalization CIO is transformed by replacing tíisa with ko to produce lco -tori 'small bird(s)' (see Section 17.4.) C12. The verb form nak -r -i -más (-té i -rú) is transformed by transposing —i -más to the position before -rú to produce nak =r -té i -i -más -rú 'are singing' (see Section 18.3.)

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Transforms C9-C12 produce ko -tori -gá -mó | háy -âs -í --nó --náka -dé nak -r -té i -i -rú \ 'small birds are also singing in the grove'

-más

This is the morphophonemic representation of sentence C. We now apply the morphophonemic rules which lead to a phonemic representation of the sentence. C13. The compound noun stem ko -tori -> Icotori C14. The adjunct marker -gá is deleted before the focus marker -mó, transforming the adjunct kotori -gá -mó into Icotori -mó (see Section 14.3.) C15. The noun stem háy -âs -i -»• hayasî (as in B17) C16. The verb form nak -r -té i -i -más -rú —«- nak -té i -i -más -rú -* naité i -i -más -rú —>- naité i -más -rú naité i -más -ú (see Section 2.3.) -»• naité imás -ú (see Section 2.4.1.) -> naité imás -ú (see Section 2.4.3.) naité imásu (see Section 2.5.1.) C17. The nominalization hayasî --nó --náka -v hayasinó --náka nonáka (see Section 2.4.1.)

hayasi-

C18. Transforms C13-C17 produce kotori -mó | hayasinonáka -dé naité imásu | C19. Sequence C18 is then transformed into kotorimó \ hayasinonákade naité imásu | (see Section 2.5.1.) C20. Sequence C19 is then transformed into sentence C kotorimo | hayasinonákade naite imásu j 'Small birds are also singing in the grove(s)' (see Section 2.5.2.)

Dl. We begin the generation of sentence D by assembling a core of the formula plN plD plY, more specifically plN plD (B =iriV) (as in Al). This core is expanded by inserting a nominalization of the formula V T auxN into the position of plN to produce a prefrustum of the formula (V T auxN) plD (B -inV) (see Section 7.4.). V T here is taken as a recapitulation of part of the preceding context (specifically some part of sentence A) and is deleted.

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producing a prefrustum of the formula auxN plD (B =inV) and converting auxN into a sentence connective (see Section 16.2.). The resulting prefrustum is totyuu -ni narab -r '[to] be in a row on the way' D2. Next we assemble a core of the formula N D V, more specifically of the formula ajN adD acV (see Section 3.4.16.). In this core acV is transitive so that the core has the more specific formula ajN adD (B =trV). The core is saikin kir -s '[to] cut recently' D3. Core D2 is now inserted into the position of V in a core of the formula V -V, more specifically V -rare. This core produces passive prefrusta. The result is saikin kir -s =rdre '[to] have been cut recently* (see Section 5.5.) D4. The tense marker -td 'past' is now added to prefrustum D3 to produce the frustum saikin kir -s -rare -td 'have been cut recently' (see Section 3.2.1.) D5. Frustum D4 is now inserted into the position of V T in the formula V T auxA to produce the adjectivalization saikin kir -s -rdre -td -rasi '[to] seem to have been cut recently' (see Section 6.3.) D6. We now assemble a core of the formula A D V (see Section 3.4.2.), more specifically of the formula A adD plV, with plV the same as in D1 so that the core has the specific formula A adD (B -inV). We expand this core by inserting D5 into the position of A, producing a prefrustum of the formula (D5) adD (B -inV). The result is saikin kit -s -rdre -td -rasi -ku narab -r '[to] be in a row, seeming to have been cut recently' D7. We now assemble a core of the formula npN dsD A (as in C2). This core is kirikabu -gd huto '[for] a stump [to] be thick'1 1 kirikabu 'stump' is clearly a compound noun stem. The first element of the compound is the verb stem Icir 'cut'. This is joined to the noun stem kabu 'stump' by the adjunct marker =i which normally may replace a tense marker (see Section 17.7.). This would suggest an underlying kir -id kabu 'a stump which has been cut', produced by nomina-

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D8. To core D7 we add the tense marker -ku dr -ru 'non-past' to produce the frustum kirikabu -ga huto -ku, dr =ru (see Section 3.2.1.)

D9. We now assemble a core of the formula npN dsD plV (as in A2), in which plV is the same as in D l . This core is expanded by inserting D8 into the position of npN to produce a prefrustum of the formula (D8) dsD (B -inV). The result is (kirikabu

-ga huto -ku dr ^ru) -ga narab

-r

'[for] the (stems are thick)

[to] be in a row' D10. Now D l , D6, and D9 are combined by component sharing to produce the prefrustum totyuu

-ni

| saikifi

klr -s -rare

-td

-rdsi

-ku

\ (kirikabu

-ga

huto

-ku

'[for] the (stumps are thick) [to] be in a row on the way, seeming to have been recently cut' (see Section 9.2.)

dr -ru)

-ga narab

-r

D l l . Next we assemble a core of the formula plN plD plV, more specifically plN plD (B -inV) (as in Al). This core is expanded by inserting a core of the formula V T auxN into the position of plN to produce a prefrustum of the formula (V T auxN) plD (B -inV). This prefrustum is further expanded by inserting D10 into the position of V. Since D10 here recapitulates the preceding context, it and T are replaced with a pro-stem, producing a prefrustum of the formula (pN auxN) plD (B -inV). The result is so -ko -ni d -r '[to] be there'

lizing t h e f r u s t u m kabu -o kir -td 'cut a s t u m p ' (see Section 7.5.). B u t one doesn't produce stumps by cutting stumps. One produces stumps by cutting down trees. Yet both in English and in Japanese one can say t h a t stumps have recently been cut and mean t h a t they have been produced b y cutting down trees. kir =td kabu refers to a Stump which already exists being cut into. I t cannot underlie kirikabu, which refers to a s t u m p produced by cutting down a tree. If we are to derive kirikabu from a nominalization containing tense markers it will have to be something like ki -o kir -s * td --kekka tukur -s -rare -td kabu 'a s t u m p produced as a result of cutting a tree' f r o m which we then, with gay abandon, delete ki -o 'tree' and -td --kekka tukur -s '[to] produce as a result of', leaving kir -s =rdre -td kabu 'a s t u m p which has been cut'. We then f u r t h e r delete -rare 'passive' and replace -td 'past' with -i to obtain kir -i -kabu 'stump'. W h y kirikabu ? W h y not just use kabu in t h e first place 1 Since kabu has homonyms with other meanings, kirikabu is less ambiguous, b u t the context here would certainly resolve any ambiguity. Still kirikabu is used. Because it is available.

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D12. Then we assemble a core of the formula npN isD acV (as in B8). acV here is transitive so that the core has the more specific formula npN isD (B -trV). The core is hi -ga sa -s '[for] the sun [to] shine' D13. Next we assemble a core of the formula A D V (as in D6), more specifically of the formula A adD acV, in which acV is the same as in D12. The core is akaru -ku

sa -s '[to] shine brightly'

D14. Now D12 and D13 are combined by component sharing to produce the prefrustum hi -ga | akaru -ku sa =s '[for] the sun [to] shine brightly' (see Section 9.2.2.) D15. The tense marker -te i =ru 'non-past progressive' is then added to prefrustum D14 to produce the frustum hi -ga, | akaru -ku sa -s -te i -ru 'the sun is shining brightly' (see Section 3.2.1.) D16. An auxiliary noun stem is then added to frustum D15 to produce a nominalization of the formula (D15) auxN. This nominalization is hi -ga | akaru -ku sa, -te i -ru --tokoro 'a place where the sun is shining brightly' (see Section 7.4.) D17. We next assemble a core of the formula plN dsD (B =inV) (as in A2). This core is expanded by inserting nominalization D16 into the position of plN to produce a prefrustum of the formula (D16) dsD (B -inV). The result is (hi -ga, | akaru -ku sa =s ~te i -ru --tokoro) -ga a -r '[for] there [to] be (a place where the sun is shining brightly' D18. Now D l l and D17 are combined by component sharing to produce the prefrustum so =k6 -nl | (hi -ga, | akaru -ku sa, -te i -ru --tokoro) -gd a -r '[for] (a place where the sun is shining brightly) [to] be there' (see Section 9.2.5.)

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D19. Then the focus marker -daké 'only' is added to the first adjunct of D18 to produce so -ko -ni -daké \ (hi -gá | akaru -kú sá -s -té i -rú --tokoró) -gá á -r '[for] (a place where the sun is shining brightly) [to] be only there' (see Section 14.3.17.) D20. Now D10 is conjoined to D19 with the conjunction -té 'and' to produce the prefrustum totyuu -ni | saikiñ kír -s -rare -tá -rási =kú | (kirikabu -gá húto -kú ár -rú) -gá na,rab -r -té. . so -ko -ni -daké\ (hi -gá \ akaru -kú sá =s -té i -rú --tokoró) -gá á -r '[for] the (stumps are thick) [to] be in a row on the way, seeming to have been cut recently, and [for] (a place where the sun is shining brightly) [to] be only there' (see Section 8.2.1., 19.5.1.) D21. Prefrustum D20 is now inserted into the position of V in the core V - i -más (as in A15) to produce a non-familiar prefrustum. D22. To prefrustum D21 the tense marker -tá 'past' and the terminal component | 'statement' are added to produce the sentence totyuu -ni | saikiñ kír -s -ráre -tá -rási -kú | (kirikabu -gá húto -kú ár -rú) -gá narab =r -té. . so -ko -ni -daké | (hi -gá \ akaru -kú sá =s -té i -rú --tokoró) -gá á -r -i -más -tá | 'on the way (stumps are thick) were in rows, seeming to have been cut recently, and only there was (a place where the sun was shining brightly)' (see Section 3.1., 3.2.1.) All the ingredients of sentence D have now been assembled. We now proceed to apply a transform which will produce an underlying morphophonemic representation of the sentence. D23. The inserted frustum kirikabu -gá húto -kú ár -rú 'stumps are thick' is nominalized into húto -kú ár -rú kirilcabu 'stumps which are thick' (see Section 7.5.) Transform D23 changes D22 into totyuu -ni | saikiñ kír -s -ráre -tá -rási -kú | húto -kú ár -rú kirikábu -gá narab -r -té. . so -ko -ni -daké | hi -gá \ akaru -kú sá -s -té i -rú --tokoró -gá á -r -i -más -tá ; 'on the way thick stumps were in

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rows, seeming to have been cut recently, and only there was a place where the sun was shining brightly' This is the morphophonemie representation of sentence D. We now apply the morphophonemic rules which lead to a phonemic representation of the sentence. D24. The verb form Mr -s -ráre =tá —- Mráre -tá (see Section 2.4.3.) ->- Mráreta (see Section 2.5.1.). D25. The adjectival form -rási -kú

-rásihu (see Section 2.5.1.)

D26. The adjectival form húto -kú ár -rú ->• húto -í (see Section 3.2.1) -» hutó =í (see Section 2.4.3.) hutói (see Section 2.5.1.) D27. The verb form narab -r -té

narab -té —• narañdé (see Section 2.3.)

D28. The adjunct so -ko -ni -daké -