A Phonological Reconstruction of Proto-Hlai

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A PHONOLOGICAL RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO-HLAI

ii TABLE OF CONTENTS /LVWRI)LJXUHV««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««YLL /LVWRI7DEOHV««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««YLLL Acknowledgments««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««...ix Preface««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««[ C H A PT E R O N E : I N T R O D U C T I O N««««««««««««««««««««««««« 1.1 Background«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««« 1.2 Procedures and M aterials««««««««««««««««««««««««««««.5 1.3 Previous Wor k««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««6 1.3.1 Data«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««6 1.3.2 A nalysis««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««6 1.4 T he Hlai L inguistic A rea ««««««««««««««««««««««««««««8 1.5 T heory of L anguage C hange and Reconstruction««««««««««««««««««9 1.5.1 Principles of L anguage C hange and C riteria for Reconstruction««««««««««0 1.5.1.1 Directionality of Change «««««««««««««««««««««««««..10 1.5.1.2 Commonality of Features«««««««««««««««««««««««««1 1.5.1.3 Economy of Change «««««««««««««««««««««««««««2 1.5.1.4 System Symmetry «««««««««««««««««««««««««««3 1.5.2 Summary«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««3 1.6 Subgrouping «««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««3 1.6.1 T heory of Subgrouping..............................................................................................................14 1.6.1.1 Subgrouping: The Lexicon.....................................................................................................17 1.6.1.2 Subgrouping: Sound Change ««««««««««««««««««««««««8 1.6.2 Subgrouping the Hlai L anguages««««««««««««««««««««««9 1.6.3 C riteria for Subgrouping...........................................................................................................23 1.6.3.1 Bouhin vs Greater Hlai««««««««««««««««««««««««««3 1.6.3.2 Bouhin and Ha E m vs Central Hlai «««............................................................................25 1.6.3.3 East Central Hlai vs North Central Hlai«««««««««««««««««««5 1.6.3.4 Lauhut vs Qi««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««6 1.6.3.5 Northwest Central Hlai versus Northeast Cenral Hlai .........................................................27 1.6.3.6 Meifu vs Run««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««8 1.6.4 Summary«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««9 1.7 L inguistic A rea and Contact Relationships«««....................29 1.7.1 Bouhin and H a E m.....................................................................................................................30 1.7.1.1 Ha E m to Bouhin««««««««««««««««««««««««««««0 1.7.1.2 Bouhin to Ha E m««««««««««««««««««««««««««««2 1.7.2 Bouhin/H a E m/Jiamao«««««««««««««««««««««««««««3 1.7.3 Jiamao and B aoting«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««3 1.7.4 T he Q i branch.............................................................................................................................34 1.7.5 L auhut and Moyfaw««««««««««««««««««««««««««««5 1.7.6 Moyfaw and B aisha....................................................................................................................36 1.7.7 B aisha and Y uanmen.................................................................................................................37 1.7.8 Run and Q i««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««9 1.7.9 Nadouhua«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««9 1.7.10 L auhut and C unhua««««««««««««««««««««««««««««1 1.7.11 Summary««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««1 1.8 Conclusion««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««2

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS -- Continued C H A PT E R T W O : R E C O NST R U C T I O N O F PR O T O-H L A I I N I T I A LS«««««««««««4 2.1 Sound C hange: Initials«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««4 2.1.1 T emporal Compression«««««««««««««««««««««««««««5 2.1.2 O nset Fortition«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««7 2.1.3 Systemic Realignment«««««««««««««««««««««««««««7 2.2 Sound C hanges A fter the B reakup of Proto-H lai««««««««««««««««««8 2.2.1 Devoicing«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««9 2.2.2 Registrogenesis............................................................................................................................50 2.3 Reconstruction of Initials by M anner«««««««««««««««««««««««..57 2.3.1 O bstruent Initials««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««8 2.3.1.1 Aspirated Stops«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««8 2.3.1.2 Aspirated Affricates««««««««««««««««««««««««««««62 2.3.1.3 Implosive and Plain Obstruents«««««««««««««««««««««««6 2.3.1.4 Fricatives«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««0 2.3.1.5 Interi m Summary««««««««««««««««««««««««««««2 2.3.2 Sonorant Initials..........................................................................................................................73 2.3.2.1 Preaspirated Nasals«««««««««««««««««««««««««««3 2.3.2.2 Medial Nasals««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««8 2.3.2.3 Laterals««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««3 2.3.2.4 Approxi mants«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««8 2.3.2.4.1 Labiodental Approxi mants«««««««««««««««««««««««9 2.3.2.4.2 Alveolar Approxi mants ««««««««««««««««««««««««9 2.3.2.4.3 Rhotic Approxi mants«««««««««««««««««««««««««..91 2.3.2.5 Glides««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««..96 2.3.2.6 Interi m Summary««««««««««««««««««««««««««««00 2.3.3 Glottal Initials««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««100 2.3.3.1 Glottal Stops««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««1 2.3.3.2 Glottal Fricatives««««««««««««««««««««««««««««2 2.3.3.3 Interi m Summary««««««««««««««««««««««««««««06 2.4 Conclusion««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««6 C H A PT E R T H R E E : R E C O NST R U C T I O N O F PR O T O-H L A I R I M ES««««««««««6 3.1 Sound C hange: Rimes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««6 3.1.1 Diphthongization«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««8 3.1.2 Peripheralization««««««««««««««««««««««««««««8 3.1.3 L engthening/Shortening««««««««««««««««««««««««««9 3.1.4 Rounding/Unrounding«««««««««««««««««««««««««««9 3.1.5 Final W eakening«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««0 3.1.6 Systemic Realignment«««««««««««««««««««««««««««20 3.2 Tonogenesis«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««21 3.2.1 Tonogenetic G roup O ne««««««««««««««««««««««««««6 3.2.2 Tonogenetic G roup T wo««««««««««««««««««««««««««9 3.2.3 Tonogenetic G roup T hree«««««««««««««««««««««««««3 3.2.4 Proto-H lai««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««5 3.2.5 Summary««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««7 3.3 O pen Rimes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««7 3.3.1 Interim Summary«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««8 3.4 Closed Rimes with H igh Nuclei«««««««««««««««««««««««««8 3.4.1 Rimes with H igh F ront Nuclei««««««««««««««««««««««««9 3.4.1.1 Long Ri mes with High Front Nuclei««««««««««««««««««««1 3.4.1.2 Short Ri mes with High Front Nuclei ««««««««««««««««««««2

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ± Continued 3.4.2 C losed Rimes with H igh B ack Unrounded Nuclei««««««««««««««««58 3.4.2.1 Long Ri mes with High Back Unrounded Nuclei««««««««««««««««60 3.4.2.2 Short Ri mes with High Back Unrounded Nuclei ««««««««««««««««61 3.4.3 C losed Rimes with H igh B ack Rounded Nuclei «««««««««««««««««7 3.4.3.1 Long Closed Ri mes with High Back Rounded Nuclei««««««««««««««9

3.4.3.2 Short Closed Ri mes with High Back Rounded Nuclei ««««««««««««««0 3.4.4 Interim Summary«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««177 3.5 Closed Rimes with Non-H igh Nuclei«««««««««««««««««««««««8 3.5.1 C losed Rimes with F ront M id Nuclei.«««««««««««««««««««««178 3.5.2 C losed Rimes with M id Central Nuclei ««««««««««««««««««««182 3.5.2.1 Long Ri mes with Mid Central Nuclei.««««««««««««««««««««185 3.5.5.2 Short Ri mes with Mid Central Nuclei.««««««««««««««««««««186 3.5.3 Short Rimes with M id B ack Rounded Nuclei.«««««««««««««««««...193 3.5.4 C losed Rimes with Long Low Nuclei.«««««««««««««««««««««7 3.5.5 Interim Summary«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««05 3.6 Conclusion««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««06 3.6.1 T he Present Reconstruction«««««««««««««««««««««««««06 3.6.2 7KXUJRRG¶VReconstruction.....................................................................................................212 3.6.3 2VWDSLUDW¶VReconstruction«««««««««««««««««««««««««14 C H A PT E R F O U R: PR E-H L A I«««««««««««««««««««««««««««17 4.1 T he Pre-H lai Initials««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««17 4.1.1 Initial Stops««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««19 4.1.2 Medial Stops«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««2 4.1.3 F ricatives««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««27 4.1.4 Nasals and Laterals««««««««««««««««««««««««229 4.1.4.1 Preaspirated Nasals and Laterals««««««««««««««««««««««9

4.1.4.2 Medial Nasals and Laterals««««««««««««««..............................232 4.1.4.3 *m-l Clusters«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««6

4.1.5 Rhotics««.«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««36 4.1.6 Glides««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««39 4.1.7 Interim Summary««««««..««««««««««««««««««««««39 4.2 T he Pre-H lai Rimes««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««41 4.2.1 Tone C ategories««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««1 4.2.2 O pen Rimes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««43 4.2.2.1 High Open Ri mes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««43 4.2.2.2 Low Open Ri mes««««««««««««««««««««««««««««46 4.2.3 C losed Rimes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««47 4.2.3.1 High Front Ri mes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««47 4.2.3.2 High Back Unrounded Ri mes««««««««««««««««««««««49 4.2.3.3 High Back Rounded Ri mes««««««««««««««««««««««««251 4.2.3.4 Front Mid Ri mes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««.253 4.2.3.5 Mid Central Ri mes««««««««««««««««««««««««««54 4.2.3.6 Mid Back Ri mes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««257 4.2.3.7 Low Ri mes««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««256 4.2.3.8 Interi m Summary«««««««««««««««««««««««««««260 4.3 C hanges Between Pre-H lai and Proto-H lai««««««««««««««««««««261 4.3.1 E limation of Uvulars««««««««««««««««««««««««««««261

v TABLE OF CONTENTS -- Continued 4.3.2 Intervocalic Lenition«««««««««««««««««««««««««««262 4.3.3 Vocalic T ransfer««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««263 4.3.4 Initial O bstruent Devoicing«««««««««««««««««««««««««266 4.3.5 M ain-syllable Aspiration««««««««««««««««««««««««««267 4.3.6 Monosyllabification and Voiced O bstruent Devoicing««««««««««««««9 4.3.7 Stop and F ricative Affrication««««««««««««««««««««««««272 4.3.8 Peripheral Vowel Raising««««««««««««««««««««««««««273 4.3.9 Monophthongization««««««««««««««««««««««««««««274 4.3.10 Summary««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««274 4.4 Conclusion««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««275 C H A PT E R F I V E : JI A M A O ««««««««««««««««««««««««««««279 5.1 Initials«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««................280 5.1.1 Register«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««0 5.1.2 Stops««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««281 5.1.3 A ffricates««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««283 5.1.4 F ricatives««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««284 5.1.5 Medial Preglottalized Stops«««««««««««««««««««««««««6 5.1.6 Initial Nasals«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««289 5.1.7 Medial Nasals«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««291 5.1.8 L aterals«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««293 5.1.9 A pproximants«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««295 5.1.10 Glottals«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««8 5.1.11 Glides«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««00 5.1.12 Summary««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««02 5.2 Rimes««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««02 5.2.1 Tone C ategories«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««04 5.2.2 O pen Rimes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««07 5.2.3 High F ront Rimes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««11 5.2.4 High Back Unrounded Rimes««««««««««««««««««««««««16 5.2.5 High Back Rounded Rimes«««««««««««««««««««««««««20 5.2.6 Mid F ront Rimes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««24 5.2.7 Mid Central Rimes«««««««««««««««««««««««««««25 5.2.8 Mid B ack Rimes««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««33 5.2.9 Low Rimes««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««36 5.2.10 Summary««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««40 5.3 T he Non-H lai Lexicon of Jiamao«««««««««««««««««««««««««41 5.3.1 Pronouns«««««««««««««««««««««««««««..«««««41 5.3.2 Numerals«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««42 5.3.3 K inship Terms««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««42 5.3.4 Body Parts««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««43 5.3.5 A nimals, Insects, and Plants«««««««««««««««««««««««««43 5.3.6 Natural O bjects««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««44 5.3.7 Material Culture ««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««44 5.3.8 A djectives and Verbs««««««««««««««««««««««««««««5 5.3.9 Locatives, T ime Words, and C lassifiers««««««««««««47 5.4 Conclusion««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««48

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS -- Continued C H A PT E R SI X : C O N C L USI O N«««««««««««««««««««««««««««50 6.1 Summary of Findings«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««350 6.2 E mpirical and T heoretical Contributions«««««««««««««««««««««351 6.3 Future Research«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««354 A PPE N D I X : H L A I L A N G U A G E D A T A A N D PR O T O-H L A I R E C O NST R U C T I O NS««««..356 R E F E R E N C ES««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««575 A U T H O R I N D E X«««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««2 L A N G U A G E I N D E X««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««4 T O PI C I N D E X««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««««7

vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Kra-Dai Phylogenetic TUHH««««««««««««««««««««««««««2 )LJXUH+ODL3K\ORJHQHWLF7UHH«««««««««««««««««««««««««««1 Figure 3:

Locations of the Hlai and Be languages of Hainan ««««««««««««««««22

viii LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Table 2: Table 3: Table 4:

Hlai Language Population FLJXUHV«««««««««««««««««««««««4 Obstruent and Sonorant Initial Correlates with Register««««««««««««««51

Comparison of Registrogenesis and Tonogenesis «««««««««««««««««122

Greater Hlai Distribution of Pure Vowels vs. Short Diphthongs «««««««««««40

ix ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would first like to acknowledge my dissertation committee members, Mike Hammond and Norma

Mendoza-Denton, who provided me with support, encouragement, and a myriad of helpful comments and suggestions during the writing of the dissertation which served as the basis for the present book. I would like to thank in particular my co-directors and advisors, Diana Archangeli and Jane Hill, for the amount of energy and time which they offered me during the dissertation process, as well as Graham Thurgood, who also served on my dissertation committee and provided a number of constructive comments on the current draft of this book; Alexander Vovin provided additional useful comments as well. I would also

OLNHWRDFNQRZOHGJH3LWWDZDZDW¶-RH·3LWWD\DSRUQIRUKLVIHHGEDFNRQDQGFDUHIXOFULWLTXHRIearly parts of this book, and for sharing his original Tai database with me.

I am indebted to all of the Hlai language consultants on Hainan (listed in chapter one) who worked with

me during my fieldwork in 2003-04, in particular Lin Baosong (林保松), a native speaker of Ha Em who generously arranged (in cooperation with Wang Xueping (王學萍)) for my work with many of the other consultants with no request for compensation. I would like to thank Wu Zhongyong (吳鐘勇), my

primary Nadouhua consultant, for his patience during the long hours spent during our initial survey of his language. Thanks also to Liu Jiansan (劉劍三) for his constructive dialogue and the gift of his selfauthored Lingao dictionary. I want to especially acknowledge Wang Yuqiu (王裕秋), our liaison at

Hainan Normal University, who regularly advocated for my family and without whom my fieldwork would not have been possible.

My fieldwork on Hainan would not have been possible without the support of NSF award no. 0236674 and a Fulbright fellowship to China, 2003-04. I would also like to thank Stephanie Paalvast for her

assistance and patience during the submission and revision process, and Brill for making the publication of this book possible.

Finally, I would like to thank my family. My wife, Grace, and daughter, Vivian, were extremely patient and supportive of me through my graduate career, often sacrificing their time with me so that I could

work first on my dissertation, and later on the manuscript for this book. My parents, Erik and Karen,

have also been very supportive and encouraging, never expressing doubts about my chosen career path.

x PREFACE This book presents a reconstruction of the phoneme inventory of Proto-Hlai, based on data from twelve Hlai languages spoken on Hainan, China. A classification of the Hlai languages is given with the innovations upon which it based, flanked by discussions of reconstruction methodology and contact

relationships. The inventory of Proto-Hlai initials is reconstructed, and original sesquisyllabic forms are

shown to be necessary to account for the reflexes between the daughter languages; it is also noted that the inventory of initials is also marked by the presence of aspiration on many consonants in word-initial position. This is followed by the reconstruction of the rime inventory, an outstanding feature of which is two laryngeal components which are argued to have been the precursors to two of the synchronic tone

categories in the daughter languages, and which conditioned segmental variation in most of the daughter

languages. A comparison is made between Proto-Hlai and Proto-Tai, and a preliminary reconstruction of

Proto-Western Kam-Tai (the immediate ancestor of Proto-Hlai) is performed. When this reconstruction is compared with that of Proto-Hlai, it is shown that several important sound changes occurred in Pre-Hlai, including intervocalic voiced obstruent lenition, vocalic transfer, aspiration of main syllable-initial

consonants, and peripheral vowel raising. The language Jiamao is examined in detail, and it is argued

that Jiamao is a non-Hlai language which has been in close contact with Hlai since the Pre-Hlai period.

An examination of the correspondences between Jiamao and Hlai reveals at minimum two layers of Hlai loanwords in Jiamao, and evidence that Jiamao was originally very different from Hlai structurally. The book concludes with a summary of findings, empirical and theoretical contributions, and suggestions for future research.

1 C H A PT E R O N E : I N T R O D U C T I O N The purpose of this book is the reconstruction of the phonological system and lexical inventory of Proto-Hlai, one of the four main branches of the Kra-Dai phylum of Southeast Asia. This reconstruction is based primarily on the data found in Ouyang & Zheng (1983), and has been

VXSSOHPHQWHGE\2X\DQJ DVZHOODVWKHDXWKRU·VRZQILHOGZRUNLQ+DLQDQGXULQJWKHDFDGHPLF

year of 2003-04. Data from a total of twelve languages have been used in the reconstruction, all of which are spoken on the island of Hainan, China. The theoretical goal of this book is to develop a theory of

sound change with general principles that are applicable over the range of Hlai diachronic evolution, and the empirical goal is to implement these principles in explaining individual paths of phonological change which can be applied to the reconstruction of the Proto-Hlai phoneme inventory and lexicon.

This book is a significant contribution to the field of Kra-Dai (and more generally Southeast Asian) historical linguistics, in that it provides a reconstruction of over one thousand Hlai vocabulary

items which are thus available for comparison with forms in other languages and families both within and outside of the Kra-Dai phylum. It also contributes to historical reconstruction methodology by analyzing

the types of change which have occurred between Proto-Hlai and its daughter languages, thereby creating an inventory and typology of sound change which is possible and especially applicable within Southeast Asia.

The reconstruction presented here has been divided between the system of initials (chapter 2)

and the system of rimes (chapter 3), which form separate and largely exclusive systems. In addition to

these, a discussion of Pre-Hlai, the stage prior to Proto-Hlai, is also included (chapter 4), accompanied by a comparison with Proto-Tai. An analysis of the relationship between Jiamao, a non-Hlai language isolate, and the rest of Hlai with which it has been in longstanding contact is treated in chapter 5.

Chapter 6 concludes with a summary of findings, contributions, and suggestions for future research. 1.1 B ackground The Hlai family is a member of the Kra-Dai phylum (also commonly known as (Tai-)Kadai) of

Southeast Asia. Although there is not uniform agreement yet among specialists regarding finer details of Kra-Dai subgrouping, there is unanimity that the following constituents exist: (1)

Kra

Lakkja Biao

Kam-Sui Hlai

Tai Be

Of these seven groups, Lakkja, Biao and Be are relatively small, consisting of only a few dialects

each. It is generally felt that Lakkja and Biao are closest to Kam-Sui, and that Be is closest to Tai, the only question being whether or not they are actually constituents of these respective larger families or coordinate with them.

2 Ostapirat (2005) treats Lakkja as part of Kam-Sui, whereas Solnit (1988) and Hansell (1988)

consider it coordinate with Kam-Sui; L-Thongkum (1992), on the other hand, considers Lakkja closer to

Tai based on a count of 243 reconstructed Lakkja lexical items. Although there is currently limited data on Biao, it appears to be closest to Lakkja, and they are placed in a subgroup here. Be appears to be most similar to Tai, and shares a few lexical isoglosses with Northern Tai;

however, besides the lexical items which it shares with Hlai which are likely borrowings, it also shares a

small amount of vocabulary with Kam-Sui. Like Biao, there is some evidence that Be has a Mon-Khmer substratum (an interesting topic in its own right which is unfortunately outside the scope of this book). Pending further study, it will tentatively be considered to be coordinate with Tai.

Based on a count of the lexical items in Liang & Zhang (1996) in which Hlai is cognate with one

or more other Kra-Dai branches, Hlai was found to share lexical items exclusively with Tai in 42

instances, and exclusively with Kam-Sui in only 13 instances. This supports the hypothesis that, its exotic features notwithstanding, Hlai subgroups most closely with Tai-Be.

The working hypothesis presented in this book is that a first-order split exists between Kra

(Western Kra-Dai) and the rest of the phylum (Eastern Kra-Dai). Eastern Kra-Dai is divided in turn

between Lakkja-Biao and Kam-Tai, the latter of which is divided between Kam-Sui and Western KamTai. This final node is comprised of Tai-Be on the one hand, and Hlai on the other. This hypothesis

serves to reconcile L-7KRQJNXP·VREVHUYDtion that Lakkja and Tai share a set of common vocabulary

ZLWK6ROQLWDQG+DQVHOO·Vassociation of Lakkja with Kam-Sui. Bearing in mind that this classification is still tentative and awaiting final proof, the figure below represents an articulated working model of the Kra-Dai phylum: (2)

Figure 1: Kra-Dai Phylogenetic Tree Kra-Dai East KD Kam-Tai West KT Lakkja-Biao

Kra

Lakkja

Biao

Tai-Be Kam-Sui

Tai

Be

Hlai

Although reconstructions of various degrees of detail exist for all of the families above, Proto-

Hlai will be compared specifically with Proto-Tai in chapter four, as Tai-Be is assumed for now to be its closest relative within Kra-Dai. Proto-Be data are omitted for ease of exposition, in order to allow the

3 comparison of Proto-Tai forms with the Proto-Northern Tai and Proto-Southern Tai forms upon which they are based.

The Hlai languages are spoken exclusively on the island of Hainan, China. There is nothing to suggest that the speakers of the Hlai languages were not the first inhabitants of the island, the only other potential contenders being the speakers of the Jiamao language, which shows evidence of being in

longstanding contact with Hlai, but is not actually a Hlai language itself. The Hlai are currently the

ODUJHVW¶PLQRULW\JURXS·RQ+DLQDQZKLFKWKH\VKDUHZLWKYDULRXVJURXSVRI&KLQHVHVSHDNLQJYDULHWLHV of Sinitic including Hakka, Yue (Danzhouhua), Southern Min (Hainanese), and Southwest Mandarin (Junhua)), as well as other ethnic groups including the Be (who also belong to the Kra-Dai phylum) in

northern Hainan, the Utsat (whose language, Tsat, belongs to the Chamic subgroup of Austronesian) in southern Hainan, and pockets of Mien speakers (of the Hmong-Mien phylum), who were originally

conscripted soldiers sent to Hainan by the Chinese to subdue the Hlai. In fact, the only major Southeast

Asian language phylum which is not represented on Hainan is Austroasiatic. One other language, which

must for now be considered an isolate, is Jiamao, mentioned above. Although it is shown in chapter five that there is very good reason to consider Jiamao to be ultimately of non-Hlai origin, speakers of Jiamao

are considered to be part of the Hlai ethnic group by the Chinese government, and are counted as such in national censuses. Conversely, the speakers of Cunhua and Nadouhua, which I consider to be essentially Hlai languages based on their core vocabulary, are considered to be Chinese by the government and are counted as such. According to the 1990 census (Ostapirat 1993a:1), the Hlai population was estimated to be

1,110,000. However, a more conservative (and probably more accurate) number of 747,000 speakers is

given in Shearer & Hongkai (2002), which approaches 800,000 if the speakers of Cunhua and Nadouhua

are included. The Hlai languages have traditionally been divided into five branches: Ha, Qi, Run, Meifu (which also includes the language referred to here as Changjiang), and Jiamao, with Cunhua and Nadouhua being outliers and falling outside of this classification. The primary groups classified here are shown below, with population figures adapted from Shearer & Hongkai (2002: 88-90), and alternate names used in Ouyang & Zheng (1983) and other sources given in parentheses:

4 (3)

Table 1:

Hlai Language Population Figures

Family Group

Language

Hlai

Population 798,800

Bouhin (Heitu)

73,000

Ha Em (Zhongsha)

193,000

Lauhut (Baoding)

166,000

Qi

178,000

Tongzha (Tongshi) Zandui (Qiandui)

Baoting (Baocheng)

Run

Meifu NWCHl

Baisha Yuanmen

29,000 24,000

44,000 36,000 8,000

(Xifang) & Changjiang

30,000

Cunhua (Ngan Fon)

62,500 60,000

Nadouhua (Dongfang)

Jiamao

125,000

2,500

52,300

As can be seen from the table above, the Ha Em, Lauhut, and Qi groups are comparatively

robust, while the Bouhin, Run, Meifu, NWCHl and Jiamao groups have fewer speakers. The Run and Meifu groups, along with NWCHl, are in closer contact with Chinese and their speakers are under greater pressure to shift to Chinese as a first language. Yuanmen, and Nadouhua especially, are critically

endangered, and there is little evidence that the children of Nadouhua speakers are learning the language from their parents, many of whom are only semi-fluent themselves.

5 1.2 Procedures and Materials Data for this monograph is drawn largely from Ouyang & Zheng (1983). Complimentary to this is Ouyang (1998), and Fu (1997). Fu (1990) was also consulted and used to establish an initial database on Nadouhua. These materials formed the core of the original database which was organized first by lexical items (alphabetical by the Chinese gloss), then by initials, rimes, and finally tone categories.

Sound correspondences were listed, irregularities noted, and attempts were made to find causes for the irregularities. Some irregularities were the result of original mistakes in transcription; others were the result of borrowing (either from Chinese or between Hlai languages themselves); still others may be attributed to either idiosyncratic internal transmission errors or are otherwise still unexplained.

In addition to this, the author also performed fieldwork in Hainan during the period September

2003-June 2004. During this time, fieldwork focused primarily on Nadouhua, although consultants were also located who spoke the ten varieties in Ouyang & Zheng (1983), as well as Cunhua; additionally, the Changjiang language was documented for the first time. The data for this language are the most

incomplete, since the Changjiang consultant only had eight hours during which to work, and attention was paid in that case to core Hlai vocabulary items. In all cases, data was elicited and recorded in a Word document, and occasional corrections made to already published material. A wordlist of 200 core items was established, and recordings were made for each language with at least one consultant. Recordings

were done using a Shure BETA58a cardioid microphone and Speech Analyzer 2.5 software (SIL Speech Tools), recorded into a Dell Inspiron 600m laptop computer.

The language consultants who offered their valuable time and energy to this work are the

following: (4)

Hainan Hlai Language Consultants

Bouhin:

Luo Musheng (羅木生), Li Dejun (李德軍)

Lauhut: Tongzha:

Chen Wenhui (陳文輝), Liu Wencheng (劉文成) Zhang Ruqun (張儒群), Wang Jili (王積禮)

Ha Em:

Zandui:

Baoting: Baisha:

Yuanmen: Moyfaw:

Changjiang: Nadouhua: Cunhua: Jiamao:

Lin Baosong (林保松)

Wang Xunzhao (王軒趙)

Lin Jiao (林嬌), Feng Haiqing (馮海青) Fu Ailing (符愛玲)

Wang Liwei (王麗偉), Wang Juqiong (王菊瓊) Fu Yuli (符宇理) He Xianmei (何仙梅)

Wu Zhongyong (吳鐘勇), Gao Jingying (高井英), Fu Na (符娜), Gao Fangning (高芳寧) Wu Xun (吳勛), Wen Xinghai (文欣海) Huang Xiaoxiang (黃曉香)

6 1.3 Previous Wor k This section provides an overview of previous work on the Hlai languages, divided into two categories. The first category summarizes data which has been collected, described, and published. The second category includes publications which have performed some kind of analysis upon this data. 1.3.1 Data Publications on what is now known as the Hlai languages began in the late nineteenth century,

an overview of which is included in Ostapirat (1993a: 11-18). The first modern large-scale collection of data was that of Savina (1931), in which he recorded two languages. The first, which he referred to as Southern Day, includes approximately 1,200 lexical items, and is essentially the same as Bouhin. The second, which he referred to as Central Hlai, includes a smaller number of words (150); it is a Qi language, but it is difficult to associate it with one of the three specific languages used in the present study. These languages were recorded in Vietnamese orthography, and must be read accordingly.

The next major publication of data was that of Wang & Qian (1951), which records a dialect of Baisha. It is fairly similar to the dialect of Baisha recorded in Ouyang & Zheng (1983), with the general exception that it records alveolopalatal affricates which have since become plain alveolar affricates, and the final ²l is transcribed in the place of -Ү (this will be discussed more in chapter three).

Ouyang & Zheng (1980) presented a limited amount of data for Lauhut (Baoding) and Tongzha

(Tongshi). This was followed up by the much more comprehensive and massive study which they published as Ouyang & Zheng (1983), a large and detailed reference on the Hlai languages that provides data on nine languages plus Jiamao. It not only gives detailed phonetic descriptions of each of the

languages, but also includes a total of 1,730 lexical items for all ten languages. A detailed language map

of the Hlai languages on Hainan is also provided, along with the traditional classification mentioned at the beginning of this chapter.

Fu (1983) presented a short wordlist of Cunhua lexical items, the number of which was doubled

in the follow-up publication of Ouyang & Fu (1988). These short articles were finally followed by

monographs on Cunhua, first Fu (1997) which is written by a native speaker of Cunhua, and then Ouyang (1998), a detailed treatment of Cunhua with comparative analysis and hypotheses about the history of Cunhua as a Chinese-Hlai mixed language. Finally, Fu (1990) presented a short wordlist for Nadouhua, also presumed to be a mixed language. It should be noted that the mixed status of both Cunhua and Nadouhua, while not pursued in detail here, has the potential for a sizable study in its own right. 1.3.2 A nalysis Benedict (1942) was the first publication to group Hlai (Li) with Tai, along with other lesser-

known languages, in a new phylum which he called Tai-Kadai, where Tai was taken as one taxonomic unit, and the other languages (including Hlai, Gelao, Laqua [Qabiao], and Lachi) were placed under the umbrella term of Kadai. This term has been in common use since then, but is now in competition with

7 another suggested name for the phylum, Kra-Dai (Ostapirat 1999a), which is the term adopted here for the reasons argued therein.

According to Ostapirat (1993a:17), Shafer (1957) was the first to present comparative work on Hlai. Solnit (1982), using data from Ouyang & Zheng (1980), treated registrogenesis and its connection

with Hlai nasals and fricatives. Haudricourt (1984), reprinted as Haudricourt (1989), presented an article on Hlai tones, providing a further outline of registrogenesis for the Hlai languages in which he focuses

primarily on initials, using data from Ouyang & Zheng (1980). Matisoff (1988) is the first large-scale reconstruction of the system of Proto-Hlai initials, based on Ouyang & Zheng (1983). Matisoff excluded Jiamao data based oQ¶LWVH[WUHPHDQGDSSDUHQWO\

XQV\VWHPDWLF DEHUUDQF\ZLWKUHVSHFWWRRWKHUV· +HDOVRGLGQRWKDYHDQ\DFFHVVWRGDWDRQ Cunhua or Nadouhua.

Thurgood (1991) was the next large comparative study using the data in Ouyang & Zheng

(1983). Using Matisoff (1988) as a place of departure, he proposed his own reconstruction of Hlai initials, and provided the first comprehensive reconstruction of the Hlai rimes. In this paper, Thurgood used

additional data from both Cunhua and Nadouhua which had been unavailable to Matisoff. Thurgood (1992) was the first paper to treat Jiamao and attempt to resolve its apparent inconsistencies with the

other Hlai languages. He is also the first to suggest that Jiamao may have not originally been a Hlai language.

Peiros (1998) was the third scholar to present a reconstruction of the system of Hlai initials. His reconstruction diverges more from Matisoff (1988) than does Thurgood (1991). He also suggests a vague

outline of the Hlai rime system, but does not go into sufficient detail to be taken into account in this study. This represents the first serious effort to integrate the Hlai data into the greater Kra-Dai picture, with a reconstruction of Proto-Kra-Dai initials included.

Ostapirat (1993a) is a reconstruction of the Proto-Hlai rime system, along with the first classification of the Hlai languages which does not directly mirror that in Ouyang & Zheng (1983). It is the best work to date on the background of Hlai studies. Ostapirat (1993b) provides an argument for

dental and velar clusters in the Proto-Hlai initials, a hypothesis which he seems to have later abandoned. Ostapirat (1996) addresses the complicated issue of Kra-Dai -Ү, and examines the possibility (based largely on Wang & Qian 1951, which describe a variety of Baisha) that final -l is at least one source for this final glide. Ostapirat (2004) provides a revised reconstruction of both Proto-Hlai initials and rimes

(the latter of which differing significantly in some respects with his proposed system in Ostapirat 1993a), and attempts to integrate the Jiamao data into the reconstruction. Finally, Ostapirat (2005) addresses the putative relationship between Kra-Dai and Austronesian, first advocated in Benedict (1942), arguing that

the hypothesis should still be taken seriously, and representing the second major attempt at integrating the Hlai material into an overall Kra-Dai picture (although a comprehensive reconstruction is not included in

this particular paper, the goal rather being to show that there are regular correspondences in specific areas between Kra-Dai phonemes on the one hand and Austronesian phonemes on the other).

8

1.4 T he H lai L inguistic A rea Hainan is an island with few natural barriers to prevent travel and/or interaction among its

inhabitants, and as a result natives of Hainan are often at least bilingual, and often have a functional

knowledge of three or even more languages. Although it is ultimately possible to subgroup the Hlai

languages as shown in the preceding section, there is also evidence for contact relationships which have

been intense and longstanding. These relationships often betray themselves in identifiable loanwords, and

are also attested to by consultants with which I have done fieldwork. The most important of these contact relationships are described in section 1.7. The sociolinguistic situation on Hainan has grown out of a

complicated series of immigration and subsequent interaction (a process which intensified with Chinese

immigration beginning in the Song dynasty (Kwok 2006: 202)), and Hainan is a terminal point for migration as a result of being an island off the Chinese mainland with no proximal geographic neighbors.

The human mosaic resulting from this has created a more richly complicated system than many traditional continental situations in which population movement is comparatively unrestricted.

The unmarked situation in historical reconstruction has been that changes in one language or language branch which do not occur in another define a point in time in which the two languages have broken away from each other and are no longer in contact:

Change Y Ĺ Separate innovations Ļ L anguage B Change Z L anguage A

(5) Proto-L anguage

Change X Ĺ Single innovation

>

>

However, all evidence indicates that although there were some important changes which

happened in Proto-Hlai (PHl) itself, when the proto-language branched into its daughter languages, there were new sound changes that seem to have originated in some area, gained momentum, and diffused across the entire language area, affecting it as essentially a single speech community. Further evidence for this comes from the fact that languages which arrived on Hainan in fairly recent times, such as the

variety of Southern Min Chinese spoken on Hainan (Hainanese), have participated in more recent changes such as stop implosion and desibilantization. This situation is more accurately portrayed in (6):

Change X Change Z > Ĺ Ĺ 6HSDUDWHLQQRYDWLRQ6KDUHGLQQRYDWLRQ«HWF« Ļ Ļ L anguage B Change Y Change Z > L anguage A

(6) Proto-H lai

Change W Ĺ Single innovation

This fact is crucial to an understanding of PHl reconstruction, because it means that sound

changes shared by daughter languages may not be a reliable indicator of their unity or disunity at the time

9 the changes were effected. This is a very similar to the situation which Ross (1988: 9-11) models in

Oceanic, in which he uses the term linkage WRUHIHUWR¶«DJURXSRIFRPPXQDOHFWVZKLFKKDYHDULVHQE\ GLDOHFWGLIIHUHQWLDWLRQ·+HGLYLGHVOLQNDJHVLQWRWZRNLQGVWKHILUVWbeing a chain where ¶«FRPPXQDOHFWVDUHW\SLFDOO\VSUHDGDORQJDFRDVWOLQHHDFKUHODWHGPRVWFORVHO\WRLWVQHLJKERURQ

HLWKHUVLGH«·DQGWKHVHFRQGEHLQJDnetworkZKHUH¶«FRPPXQDOHFWVDUHVFDWWHUHGRYHUDODQGDUHDRU an archipelago, typically having neighbors on more than two sides, and often sharing different

LQQRYDWLRQVZLWKVHYHUDORIWKHVH·7KH+ODLODQJXDJHVXQGHUGLVFXVVLRQKHUHIDOOYHU\VTXDUHO\XQGHUWKH second (network) model, and it is shown below that various degrees of interaction have continued between subgroups after their initial branching, leading primarily to lexical borrowing and to the diffusion of sound changes across already differentiated groups which are not necessarily close to each other in the Hlai family tree.

The fact that sound change within Hlai, and on Hainan in general, can be understood to entail a

large component of diffusion and/or parallel innovation allows an important degree of theoretical freedom. Without this understanding, a complex history of apparently monolithic changes would need to be

chronologically linearized, and artificially projected back further in time than is historically accurate.

Moreover, if the assumption were made that every shared innovation was an inheritance, the phylogenetic tree of the Hlai languages would be mired in not just one or two, but a number of paradoxical subgroupings which could not all be true simultaneously. 1.5 T heory of L anguage C hange and Reconstruction A central hypothesis about language change adopted here is that it is non-teleological, in line

with Blevins (2004). It is often the case that languages are anthropomorphized, either purposefully or not, DQGLWLVVDLGWKDWVRPHODQJXDJH¶GRHVWKLV·RU¶GRHVWKDW·DVLILWZHUHFDSDEOHRIFRQVFLRXVGHFLVLRQ-

making (fRUDFULWLFDOYLHZRIWKLVDSSURDFKVHH(QILHOG 7KHUHLVQR¶KLGGHQKDQG·DVVXPHGWREH at work behind the direction of language change in the present work, and it is therefore possible for language change to potentially occur in favor of exotic changes as well as ordinary ones, towards

asymmetry as well as symmetry. This does not negate the fact that there are typologically common changes and inventories which should be taken into consideration in reconstruction of both phoneme

inventories as well as the various paths of change which phonemes can take individually or collectively. These typological commonalities are explained, however, through the inherent bias of the human

articulatory and auditory systems, which are predisposed towards certain types of variation and error on both an individual level (where change is initiated) and at a community level (where change is conventionalized). It can therefore be anticipated that rare features of the inventory or particular

asymmetries will be more unstable and prone to replacement due to these biases. It may also be supposed that change can be indirectly influenced in a psycholinguistic sense by the existence of categories with

large numbers of exemplars, where change may be vectored toward such a category because of its high frequency (see the discussion in chapter two on systemic realignment in section 2.1.3). I also generally subscribe to the Evolutionary Phonology model and the arguments for it in

Blevins (2004). The Evolutionary Phonology model states that the primary motivation for phonological

10 change is imperfect transmission between the speaker and the listener/learner. The three categories of mistransmission are summarized below: (7)

(a)

Change: signal misheard by listener

(c)

Choice: multiple variants of signal available, and new exemplar is chosen

(b)

Chance: signal accurately heard, but intrinsically ambiguous

In theory, these scenarios are entirely reasonable, and have the power to explain the bulk of

phonological change. In practice, however, it is not always easy to decide which of these three

possibilities is behind a particular change, although educated guesses can be made. I will therefore make the general assumption that the changes discussed in this book are due to mistransmission, and will only categorize them more specifically when it is straightforward to do so.

1.5.1 Principles of Language C hange and C riteria for Reconstruction Four basic principles about language change and reconstruction are presented below: Directionality of Change, Commonality of Features, Economy, and Symmetry. Although not identical,

these assumptions are informed by the reconstruction methodology outlined in Campbell (2004: section 5.2). Examples are given for each to illustrate the principles under discussion.

1.5.1.1 Directionality of Change Phonemes, or constructs which are comprised of phonemes such as the initial and the rime, can

change in ways which are on a continuum of statistical probability, i.e. there are changes which are

considered more likely, less likely, and impossible. This can be evaluated according to both phonetic

(can it be explained via an understanding of the biases of the articulatory and auditory systems) as well as typological (is it commonly attested cross-linguistically) criteria, although an evaluation may be

subjective in cases where there has not been much research into the type of change in question. For example, of the two changes listed below, the first (8a) is more likely, and the second (8b) less likely: (8)

(a) m > b

(b) b > m In evaluating sound change, those changes which are considered more likely are therefore

explored first, and those which are considered less likely only entertained if and when there is strong evidence for them.

A corollary of this assumption is that changes will usually tend to occur one feature at a time. In other words, a change may involve place of articulation, or it may involve manner of articulation, but it is unlikely to involve both simultaneously. For example, the changes of a single feature in (9a) and (9b) below are more likely to occur than the simultaneous change of two features in (9c):

11 (9)

(a) tç > t‫آ‬

(b) tç > tçh (c) tç > t‫آ‬h

This is not an absolute rule, however, as it is possible (especially in the case of perception-based

change) for more than one feature to be affected at a time.

1.5.1.2 Commonality of Features As stated above, it is expected that sound change will often involve a single feature at a time,

although it may occasionally involve more; in no case is there any reason to believe that all features will change simultaneously. For this reason, the assumption is made that the reflexes of proto-phonemes in

the daughter languages will preserve one or more features of the original phoneme in the proto-language from which they have evolved. In some cases, multiple identical features will have been retained, as in

the following correspondence set of initials from the twelve Hlai languages (the use of bold font indicates low register ² see chapter two): (10)

‫ר‬ l

‫ר‬ l

r l

r r

l

r

l

r

In this example, all of the reflexes are [coronal] and retain the feature [liquid], varying between

being a lateral or a non-lateral (generally a tap or a trill). A reconstruction of a liquid phoneme is very secure in this instance, and the question is merely what kind of liquid it was, a decision which can be

informed by inspecting its place in the overall inventory of reconstructed phonemes. In other cases, common features are not preserved across the reflexes of the daughter languages, as in the following correspondence set: (11)

‫ר‬ v

‫ר‬ v

v kw

f ‫ۦ‬

f f

f f

In this example, there are no features which can be considered common to all of the reflexes.

There are two taps, several labiodental fricatives, a velar fricative and a labialized velar stop. Since the place feature [labial] occurs in the majority of reflexes, it is likely that the proto-phoneme had some sort

of a labial component. However, the two taps indicate that there was an alveolar component as well (and this still leaves the velar fricative and labialized velar stop in need of explanation). The reconstruction

ultimately adopted here is *Cu‫ר‬, a sesquisyllable with a high back rounded vowel preceding an alveolar tap which is the onset of the main syllable (see chapter two for the details of this reconstruction). This reconstruction is informed by both of the place features [labial] and [coronal], and the manner has been decided based on the principle of Directionality described above.

12 This example also highlights another corollary principle of language change and reconstruction,

which is the more heterogeneous the reflexes of the daughter languages, the more complex the original

proto-phoneme, where complexity is defined by the total number of features represented in the original initial (i.e. plain p is considered less complex than palatalized pj). One more example of this is the following: (12)

tsh f

tsh f

f f

tsh f

tsh f

tsh pfh

In this example, the one feature held in common across the reflexes of the daughter languages is

that of frication. However, the place feature is split between [coronal] and [labial], with alveolar reflexes in five languages and labiodental reflexes in the others. Since there is no common place feature, and there is no typologically common change of either *tsh > f or *f > tsh, then the reconstruction of a complex proto-phoneme should be considered.

1.5.1.3 Economy of Change In general, when more than one alternative is being considered, the one which involves the

fewest steps of change should be favored. For example, it is known from comparative Tai work (see Li (1977)) that the original liquid of a stop-liquid cluster can become a glide, for example *kl > kj. Knowing this, and using again example (12) above, it would be logical to consider the following two potential reconstructions for this series of initials: (13)

(a) *ٍ‫؛‬hw (b) *t‫آ‬hr The reason that one might consider the reconstruction in (13b) is that, since there is evidence for

a labial component of the initial from amongst the daughter languages, this labial component could suggest that the proto-phoneme was a *C-r cluster, where the *r changed to w, influencing the outcome of change in the modern reflexes accordingly. Although this is not an unreasonable hypothesis from a typological standpoint, it suffers from the flaw that there is no direct evidence for a liquid, making the

reconstruction of a *C-r cluster the product of internal reconstruction, which is based on assumptions about the nature of the pre-proto-language. In fact, the *C-r hypothesis is only one possible way in which this labial component may have arisen, and there are other possibilities such as the influence of a

presyllable (as reconstructed for (11) above) or influence from a following vowel. Unless direct evidence

comes to light for the reconstruction in (13b), the better reconstruction is therefore that in (13a), since that in (13b) requires an extra step to have taken place which is not necessary to account for the reflexes in the daughter languages.

13 1.5.1.4 System Symmetry As stated above, although there is not some conscious way in which a language organizes itself, the biases inherent in production and perception tend to lead to phonological inventories which are more balanced than not. For this reason, it is important to check the phoneme inventory for symmetry and make sure that all reconstructed phonemes have been aligned in both place and manner in as many

instances as possible. If this is done carefully, then there may be a residue of reconstructed phonemes which do not fit perfectly into the inventory. This is acceptable, since there are many instances of phonological

LQYHQWRULHVZKLFKDUHQ·WDEVROXWHO\V\PPHWULFDODOWKRXJKW\SRORJLFDOGDWDVKRXOGEHFRQVXOWHGVLQFH

some asymmetries are more typologically common than others (for example, it is common to have an

implosive series which includes only the bilabial and alveolar places of articulation (Maddieson 1984: 112).

1.5.2 Summary The four principles of language change and criteria for reconstruction given above provide a

consistent framework within which to objectively evaluate and determine the most appropriate

reconstruction for a given set of data. The three kinds of possible mistransmission between speaker and

listener/learner given in (7) above may be employed in the endeavor of reconstruction when constrained by these principles. More specifically, the principle of Directionality, which relies on a typological knowledge of common sound changes (mistransmissions), can narrow the set of candidate proto-

phonemes from which the daughters have descended. The principle of Commonality serves to ensure that the total set of features of all daughter language reflexes is accounted for in the reconstructed phoneme. The principle of Economy serves as a counterbalance to Commonality, in that is requires that no more

features are present in the reconstructed phoneme than are necessary to account for those features which

are represented collectively in the daughter language reflexes. Finally, the principle of Symmetry serves

as a systemic constraint on the entire reconstructed inventory, requiring the alignment of phonemes within the inventory (along such lines as the place and manner of articulation of consonants and the height and backness of vowels) and excluding gaps wherever possible, acknowledging asymmetry only when there is a compelling case to do so. 1.6 Subgrouping

This section is divided into three parts. The first part (1.6.1) outlines and explains the theory of

subgrouping which will be used to subgroup the Hlai languages, the second part (1.6.2) gives the Hlai family tree itself, and the third (1.6.3) implements this theory, offering the evidence for that tree at all nodes. When examples from the twelve Hlai language are given, they are given in this order:

14 (14)

Order of the Hlai languages in examples

Bouhin Cunhua

Ha Em Nadouhua

Lauhut Changjiang

Tongzha Moyfaw

Zandui Baisha

Baoting Yuanmen

1.6.1 T heory of Subgrouping The goal of this section is to explain the theory of subgrouping adopted in this study. Criteria

are discussed which allow the discernment between (or the establishment of likelihood of) changes which have been inherited versus those which have been diffused through contact.

There are two objects which are available for analysis in phonological reconstruction: the sound

changes which affect lexical items, and the lexical items themselves. In cases where there are either few lexical items recorded or where there is a range of items between languages, these cannot generally be used as a reliable criteria for subgrouping (Thurgood 1982: 251). In these cases, sound changes are the only viable object which can be used for subgrouping. It is fortunate that there is a large amount of

lexical data available on the Hlai languages (the only exception presently being Changjiang, for which there is nevertheless enough data to be of use) to achieve results using the lexicon for subgrouping. This being the case, the lexicon will be examined first in view of its role in subgrouping, with sound change being treated thereafter.

Before proceeding, there is one general principle which can be outlined that applies to both the

lexicon and to sound change. It may be asked whether retentions and innovations carry equal weight in subgrouping, and it has been convincingly argued (Thurgood 1982, Blust 1999, Campbell 2004) that

innovations are a much better criteria than retentions, as all retentions may be potentially be inherited by all languages which have descended from some proto-language, but innovations are only inherited by those daughter languages which have descended from the parent at the particular place in the tree at which the innovation originated.

For example, assume that a proto-form for some lexical item is known. Compare the two trees

below, where the bottom nodes are individual languages and where X is a retention and Y an innovation. The fact that the first and second languages retain an inherited form in (15a) does not provide evidence that they should be subgrouped together; all that can be inferred is that the third language has innovated.

However, in the case of (15b), the fact that both the second and third languages share an innovation (if it can be shown not to be a loan from one to the other) is evidence that they form a subgroup, and that the innovation can be reconstructed in an immediate ancestor: (15)

(a)

*X

(b)

*X

*X X

X

*Y Y

X

Y

Y

15 An example of this is given below, where the Proto-Hlai form for pound rice has been inherited

in most languages, but where an innovation in the Run group was inherited by the daughter languages, Baisha and Yuanmen: (16)

Gloss

Proto-Hlai

Hlai language data

pound rice

*tçha:k

tsha:ު7

tshe:ު7

tshe:k7

tshe:ު7

tshe:ު7

tshe:ު7

tshʎk2

sʎު4

tshe:ު7

tshҬ:2

phaw3

phaw3

It must occasionally be asked if a reconstructed form is truly descended from Proto-Hlai or is a

more recent innovation. Internally, the best criteria to use in identifying the most likely Proto-Hlai form is that which is reconstructible using the most diverse branches of the tree. Take the examples below, where the subgrouping has been established, but the proto-form is unknown and must be reconstructed based on the evidence of the three languages represented by the terminal nodes of the tree: (17)

(a)

*X

(b)

?

*X X

X

*Y Y

X

Y

Y

In (17a), the second and third languages disagree, and the proto-form for this group would not be

reconstructible based merely on the evidence found between these two languages. However, thanks to the fact that the first language agrees with the second, the third language can be shown to have innovated, and the proto-form is reconstructible at all levels. In (17b), on the other hand, the immediate ancestor of

the second and third languages can be reconstructed, but since the first language disagrees with them, it is unclear which daughter, if either, has inherited the original form from the proto-language, which is not reconstructible based on this evidence (this is most often a problem at the highest level of the tree).

The only way that innovations can be identified in a situation like that shown in (17b) above is if

there is external evidence available. This is fortunately the case for several Hlai lexical items, where cognates can be found in other branches of Kra-Dai (see chapter four). An example of this is given below: (18)

Gloss

Hlai language data

house

rҬ:n1 kҬn1

OXӔ3

SMDӔ3

SORӔ3 pDZӔ3

SORӔ3 plDZӔ3

SRӔ3

plDZӔ3

plDZӔ3 plDZӔ3

In this case, the evidence at face value seems to strongly indicate that the Proto-Hlai form should be

reconstructed as *m-ORӔު, with innovations in Bouhin and Cunhua. However, there is evidence from both Proto-Tai *rwa:n and Proto-Be *ra:n house that the Bouhin form is the descendent of the original Hlai

16 form. Since it is argued below that the initial split in Hlai is between Bouhin and the rest of the family (subsumed under a node called Greater Hlai), the Greater Hlai form can be shown to be an early

innovation, which was then inherited regularly by all of the Greater Hlai daughter languages with a later additional innovation in Cunhua (although they have similar rimes, the initials of the Bouhin and Cunhua forms cannot be derived from a common ancestor).

There is one other confounding factor in this otherwise straightforward approach to subgrouping

described above, and that is borrowing, which can occur in two different scenarios: (1) borrowing between two related languages, and (2) mutual borrowing from a third language. Borrowing can

introduce a non-inherited lexical item into one or more languages, giving the false appearance of shared inheritance if there are no criteria by which to identify the borrowed words. The second scenario

described above is generally not problematic in the case of the Hlai languages, as the third language

which two (or more) Hlai languages may borrow from is nearly always Chinese (of one variety or another, all spoken on Hainan). Recent Chinese loanwords in the Hlai languages are normally readily identifiable

due to the fact that they are easily traced to the source of origin, and the reflexes in the Hlai languages are generally irregular and occasionally contain phonotactic patterns not normally allowed in Hlai. An example is given below: (19)

Gloss

Hlai language data

kick

thi:ު8 ----

(tham2) the:k8 ----

----

the:ު7

the:k8

thi:ު9 thet7

thek9 tiaު7

Although all of the items above except for the Ha Em form appear to be related at first glance, there are a number of irregularities which allow the identification of these words as loans. The first is that tone 8 does not occur in Bouhin, Lauhut, or Moyfaw forms of native origin, nor does tone 9 normally occur in Zandui or Baoting forms. The Yuanmen initial fails to correspond to the initials of the other forms (it

would also be aspirated), and while all of the rimes are permissible in the individual languages except for Baoting, they reflect a variety of earlier rimes including *i:k, *a:k and *it. Finally, these can be compared with Chinese 踢 (Mandarin thi:1), to which the general shape of the Hlai items conform.

A more problematic situation arises in the case of borrowing between one Hlai language and

another. Ideally, the two languages in question will have undergone different paths of change, so that a

loan into the borrowing language will be conspicuous due to one or more irregular reflexes which can be shown to be regular in the donor language. Several examples of this are discussed below in section 1.5.3. It is more difficult when words occur in languages with regular correspondences, which gives the

impression of common inheritance, as in the following example (prefixes are omitted here for the sake of exposition):

17 (20)

Gloss

Proto-Hlai

Hlai language data

a fly

KZDӔު

YDӔ3 zuj1

YHӔ3 YHӔ3

KZHӔ3 YHӔ3 QXDӔ4tha:5 ӑXDӔ1 YHӔ3 YHӔ3 ӑXӔ1tha:2 ӑXӔ4tha:5

In this case, the Proto-+ODLIRUP KZDӔު has been inherited in the majority of Hlai languages. However,

a form reconstructible as *C-ӑXӔWha:͈ (lLWHUDOO\¶ULFHPRVTXLWR· RFFXUVLQ=DQGXL%DLVKDDQG *hj (and ultimately to z) subsequently diffused throughout the remaining languages with the exception of Cunhua and Yuanmen.

As with lexical innovations, one unique phonological innovation between two languages is

indicative of common descent from a mutual ancestor, but a collection of shared innovations is quite

convincing. The set of innovations which characterize each subgroup are given in the next section in support of the Hlai family tree proposed below. 1.6.2 Subgrouping the H lai L anguages The subgrouping of Hlai languages adopted in this book largely overlaps but is non-identical

with the traditional Chinese classification. One important change is the addition of a new language

referred to here as Changjiang, following the tradition of associating a language with the area in which it is spoken. This language is closest to the one traditionally called Meifu (Xifang in Ouyang & Zheng

1983), a term which I have retained for the subgroup, referring to the individual language itself as Moyfaw1 (the Hlai name from which Mandarin Meifu is derived). My Moyfaw-speaking consultants

informed me that the Meifu group is generally more complex than has hitherto been implied in previous work, and that there may well be additional divisions within this group yet to be documented.

The name Moyfaw is derived from PHl *C-mʅ:j Cuٍ‫؛‬hʅw > PWCHl *ުmDZ:j fhʅw µEHORZ&KLQHVH¶RU µWKRVH XQGHUWKH&KLQHVH¶ 1

20 Another important difference is that I have included the northwestern languages Cunhua and

Nadouhua in the Hlai family tree. The affiliation of these two languages has complex underpinnings, due to the fact that both languages are spoken by populations which are suspected to be of mixed HlaiChinese ancestry, and who currently consider themselves to be more ethnically aligned with the Chinese than the Hlai. Both Cunhua and Nadouhua have significant Chinese components of their vocabulary

which are not found in the other Hlai languages, which supports the hypothesis of mixed ancestry and the intimate language contact which would have accompanied it2. However, in both cases, the core of the vocabulary is undeniably Hlai, a fact which indicates to me that if they are to be classified, it should be with the other Hlai languages.

Finally, I have broken up the traditional Ha subgroup into individual constituents, as there is

sufficient phonological evidence to indicate that Bouhin, Ha Em, and Lauhut should be considered

independent groups which do not share common innovations with each other. In fact, there is good

reason to believe that the first primary split in the Hlai family is between Bouhin and all other languages. Ostapirat (1993a) arrived at a similar conclusion, and separated Bouhin from the rest of the Ha group; he did not redo the classification as drastically as what is proposed here, and left it as a primary branch

within what he called Southern Hlai, as opposed to a primary branch of Hlai proper. What actually seems

to be the case is that the Hlai groups which were not in contact with other more recent (primarily Chinese) immigrants in the north-northeast contact zone on Hainan were grouped together under the cover-term Ha; the other traditional groups (Qi, Run, and Meifu) were in contact with non-Hlai immigrants, and thereby recognized individually. The Hlai phylogenetic tree argued for in this book is given in (24), with alternative language

names found in the literature given below the names used here (subgroup labels are explained below):

2

Ouyang (1998) includes an excellent discussion of this issue for Cunhua (in Mandarin).

21 (24)

Figure 2: Hlai Phylogenetic Tree Proto-Hlai Greater Hlai Central Hlai NC Hlai

NWC Hlai

EC Hlai NEC Hlai

Meifu Cun

Qi Run

Nadou Changjiang Moyfaw Baisha Yuanmen Tongzha Zandui Baoting Lauhut

(Ngan fon)

(Xifang)

Ha Em

(Tongshi)(Qiandui)(Baocheng)(Baoding) (Zhongsha)

Bouhin (Heitu)

The specific language locations are given in the map below, adapted from Edmondson & Solnit

(1988). The only language not shown explicitly is Nadouhua, which is spoken close to the northwestern coast in Dongfang. This map is deceptive in one sense, in that it gives the illusion that languages are restricted to a particular area, which is somewhat true of the Central Hlai languages, but not of the rest.

The languages Bouhin and Ha Em are spoken in great swaths throughout the western and southern parts

of the island, penetrating north as far as many of the North Central Hlai languages, which form enclaves

within them. Lauhut and Tongzha also cover fairly large areas, and Jiamao, while generally spoken in the southeastern end of the island, has pockets of speakers further north.

22 (25)

Figure 3:

Locations of the Hlai and Be languages of Hainan

The hypothesis adopted here of the general pattern of population dispersal is the following. As

the Proto-Hlai unity began to break up, the first division occurred between Bouhin and Greater Hlai. The Bouhin group was probably comparatively small and restricted to the center of the island, from where it eventually expanded to the north and south (there are no Bouhin-speaking communities on either the western or eastern peripheries of the island).

The next schism occurred between Ha Em and Central Hlai, the latter apparently also originating

in the center of the Hlai speaking area, to the east of Bouhin. Evidence for this is primarily derived from the fact that Ha Em is spoken in a large swath around the periphery of the Hlai language area, primarily

along the west coast and through the southeast. Interaction between Ha Em and Jiamao must have begun

at this time, as Ha Em is the most likely donor of more recent Hlai lexical items into Jiamao and probably bordered it almost exclusively before the intrusion of the Qi group into that part of the island. The Central Hlai group then broke into (roughly) northern and eastern groups, with the North

Central Hlai group overtaking an area originally inhabited by Bouhin and Ha Em, and probably coming into contact relatively rapidly with non-Hlai Chinese immigrants to the north, leading to the genesis of Northwest Central Hlai (Cunhua and Nadouhua). Northeast Central Hlai eventually divided into the Meifu and Run groups.

The East Central Hlai group then bifurcated into Lauhut and Qi. Lauhut seems to have first

expanded westward, and then to the north where it covered areas formerly occupied by North Central

Hlai. The Qi languages eventually occupied a portion of the area which was once continuously occupied

23 by Jiamao. It is difficult to subgroup the Qi group, as some evidence shows that Zandui groups with

Tongzha, and other evidence shows that it groups with Baoting; for now, the Qi branch will be shown with a tripartite structure. Finally, Meifu split into Changjiang (which became part of a linguistic area with Northwest

Central Hlai), and Moyfaw (which aligned more closely with Run). The Run group itself divided into

Baisha and Yuanmen, due at least partly to contact with Tongzha, with which Yuanmen shares several areal innovations (to be described below). 1.6.3 C riteria for Subgrouping The key phonological distinctions used for subgrouping are given in this section, based on the

criteria given above. Innovations used to distinguish between subgroups are shown here; differences in development between individual languages within the same subgroup will be dealt with later, as will sound changes that are the result of areal diffusion.

1.6.3.1 Bouhin vs Greater Hlai There are a number of important differences between Bouhin (BH) and the rest of the Hlai

languages, in the categories of both initials and rimes. The most important distinction between Bouhin

and Greater Hlai (GHl) is found in the plain sonorants -- more specifically, the nasals and liquids. It will be argued in the following chapter that all plain sonorants, with the exception of the approximants, were

automatically preaspirated by the time of Proto-Hlai. In Bouhin, the preaspirated sonorants either became deaspirated (in the case of the nasals) or hardened to an obstruent (in the case of the lateral). In Greater Hlai, on the other hand, the nasals all shifted to prenasalized stops (later becoming oral stops which finally devoiced) and the preaspirated lateral remained unchanged. In addition, PHl *hr merged in Bouhin with PHl *‫ר‬, while it shifted to a voiced velar fricative in Greater Hlai: (26)

PHl

BH

GHl

*hm

m

*mb

*hӑ

ӑ

*ӑϺ

*hn

KӔ *hl *hr

n

Ӕ Ȯ ‫ר‬

*nd

ӔJ *hl *‫ۦ‬

In addition to this, there was a constraint which developed in Bouhin against fricatives; the hardening of the labial fricatives are a specifically Bouhin innovation:

24 (27)

PHl

BH

GHl

*fh *C-w

ph SEǜ

*fh *C-w

Bouhin also shows marked differences in the rimes. In the cases of high vowels followed by a

glottal element, those in Greater Hlai underwent diphthongization; the same vowels remained pure in Bouhin, only undergoing a later and more recent diphthongization: (28)

PHl

BH

*i:͈/ު

ejB/C

*u:͈/ު

owB/C (< u:B/C) *ʅwB/C

*Ҭ:͈/ު

GHl (< i:B/C)

*ʅjB/C

ʅҮB/C (< Ҭ:B/C) *ʅҮB/C

In rimes with a schwa nucleus closed by stops, Bouhin underwent two innovative developments.

In the short series of rimes, the nucleus was colored by the following stop (29a). This allowed the long

series to shorten, and then undergo the vowel lowering which was the normal development for the short series in the other Hlai languages (29b): (29)

PHl

BH

GHl

(a)

*ʅm

om

*ʅm

*ʅt

et

*ʅt

*ʅp *ʅn *ʅӔ

*ʅk

op en RӔ

ok

*ʅp *ʅn

(b)

*ʅӔ

PHl

BH

GHl

*ʅ:m

am

*ʅ:m

*ʅ:t

at

*ʅ:t

*ʅ:p *ʅ:n

*ʅӔ

*ʅk

*ʅ:k

ap an DӔ

ak

*ʅ:p *ʅ:n *ʅӔ

*ʅ:k

The final crucial distinction between Bouhin and Greater Hlai, where Bouhin has remained

conservative, is in velar-closed rimes with long low nuclei. These remained unchanged in Bouhin, whereas they fronted in Greater Hlai: (30)

PHl

BH

GHl

DӔ *a:k

DӔ a:ު

*ʎӔ *ʎ:k

25 1.6.3.2 Bouhin and Ha Em vs Central Hlai There are certain initials in PHl which actually represent the initial of a main syllable preceded by an original sesquisyllable. In general, the relationship between sesquisyllables and main syllables WHQGHGWREH¶ORRVHU·LQ%RXKLQDQG+D(PEXWEHFDPH¶WLJKWHU·LQProto-Central Hlai. For example,

there is a strong prohibition against liquid clusters in the Hlai languages. However, there is one exception, that being PHl *m-l. In Bouhin and Ha Em, the initial consonant denasalized, and then debuccalized after devoicing, merging with the reflexes of PHl *C-l. In Central Hlai, on the other hand, the two consonants merged into a cluster (31a).

Another example is a class of main syllable initials which were preceded by high vowels at the

stage of Proto-Hlai. These high vowels were merely dropped in Bouhin and Ha Em along with the

presyllable initial; however, in Central Hlai, a form of metathesis called vocalic transfer occurred in

which the preceding high vowel became realized as a secondary articulation on the main consonant, prior to the deletion of the presyllable itself (31b). This metathesis, as an innovation, is the most important diagnostic feature of the Central Hlai group: (31)

PHl

BH

HE

CHl

(a)

*m-l

l

l

*mbl

(b)

*Cuٍ‫؛‬h

tsh

tsh

*ٍ‫؛‬hw

*Cu‫ר‬ *Cuhr

‫ר‬ ‫ר‬

‫ר‬ g

*Cu‫ר‬w *Cu‫ۦ‬w

*Ci͈

h

h

*Ci͈j

*Ciު

ު

ު

*Ciުj

&XӔ

*Cu͈

*Cuު

Ӕ

h

ު

Ӕ

h

ު

*CuӔZ

*Cu͈w

*Cuުw

1.6.3.3 East Central Hlai vs North Central Hlai There are three main criteria which distinguish East Central Hlai (ECHl) from North Central

Hlai (NCHl). One of the most important of these is the distinct developments of PHl *Ci͈ and *Cu͈, which were preserved in ECHl but were reinterpreted as preglottalized nasals in NCHl (via

rhinoglottophilia):

26 (32)

PHl

CHl

ECHl

NCHl

*Ci͈ *Cu͈

*Ci͈j *Cu͈w

*Ci͈j *Cu͈w

*ުӑ *ުӔZ

Next, a chain shift occurred in NCHl involving rimes with high vowels, where rimes with short

high vowels were lowered to mid vowels (33a), and those with long high vowels were shortened (33b); both categories were preserved in ECHl: (33)

PHl

CHl

ECHl

NCHl

(a)

*iC

*iC

*iC

*eC

*uC

*uC

*uC

*oC

(b)

*ҬC

*ҬC

*ҬC

*ۣC

*i:C

*i:C

*i:C

*iC

*u:C

*u:C

*u:C

*uC

*Ҭ:C

*Ҭ:C

*Ҭ:C

*ҬC

Finally, in *oC rimes with velar codas, the nucleus was lowered in NCHl but preserved in ECHl: (34)

PHl

CHl

ECHl

NCHl

RӔ *ok

RӔ *ok

RӔ *ok

*DZӔ *DZk

1.6.3.4 Lauhut vs Qi One key difference between the Lauhut and Qi subgroups is that the Qi languages all underwent

registrogenesis (discussed more thoroughly in chapter two), which never occurred in Lauhut. Since

registrogenesis most likely occurred fairly late in the history of the Hlai languages, however, it should not be relied on as a subgrouping criterion. In the initials, there are four main differences between Lauhut and Qi, all involving

coarticulations. First, the affricate *ٍ‫؛‬hw became f in Lauhut but was reduced merely to *ٍ‫؛‬h in the Qi

languages. In the case of *hlj, Lauhut simplified this to the glide *hj (then becoming z), while in Qi it

became a voiced lateral fricative *Ҁ. PHl *[‫ר‬/hr]j and *Cu‫ ר‬became *‫ ר‬and *Cu‫ר‬w respectively in ECHl, and underwent subsequent fortition in Qi to *d and *v respectively, whereas the former remained r and the latter simplified to w in Lauhut.

27 (35)

PHl

ECHl

LH

Qi

*Cuٍ‫؛‬h *hlj

*ٍ‫؛‬hw *hlj

f z (< *hj)

*ٍ‫؛‬h *Ҁ

*Cu‫ר‬

*Cu‫ר‬w

v (< *w)

*v

*[‫ר‬/hr]j

*‫ר‬

r

*d

The nucleus of the PHl rime *ʅ:j backed and rounded in Lauhut, but lowered in Qi. (36)

PHl

ECHl

LH

Qi

*ʅ:j

*ʅ:j

o:j

*a:j

Final palatal stops in Qi depalatalized (as they did in Bouhin and Ha Em), but were preserved in Lauhut. (37)

PHl

ECHl

LH

Qi

*u:ӑ

*u:ӑ

u:ӑ

*u:n

*uc

*uc

uc

*ut

*u:c *uӑ *ʅӑ *ʅc

*a:ӑ *a:c

*u:c *uӑ *ʅӑ *ʅc

*a:ӑ *a:c

u:c uӑ aӑ ac

a:ӑ a:c

*u:t *un *an *at

*a:n *a:t

Finally, rimes with long front high nuclei closed by velars diphthongized in Qi, but remained

pure in Lauhut: (38)

PHl

ECHl

LH

Qi

LӔ *i:k

LӔ *i:k

LӔ i:k

*iʅӔ *iʅk

1.6.3.5 Northwest Central Hlai versus Northeast Cenral Hlai There are three criteria which allow the subgrouping of North Central Hlai into Northwest

Central Hlai (NWCHl) and Northeast Central Hlai (NECHl). The first is the divergent development of PHl *ٍ‫؛‬h, which remained an affricate in NECHl, but deaffricated to *hr (> *h) in NWCHl (a

28 reinterpretation which occurred also in Proto-Be as well as several Tai subgroups) (39a). While PHl *sh UHPDLQHGDOYHRODULQ1(&+OLWLQWHUGHQWDOL]HGWR ԬLQ1:&+OE )LQDOO\1:&+OLVWKHRQO\ subgroup to preserve evidence of PHl *hӔZZKHUHLWEHFDPH ‫ۦ‬w, as opposed to other languages in which it merged with PHl *hw (39c): (39)

PHl

NCHl

NECHl

NWCHl

(a)

*ٍ‫؛‬h

*ٍ‫؛‬h

*ٍ‫؛‬h

*hr

(b) (c)

*s

h

*hӔZ

*s

h

*hӔZ

*s

h

*hw

Ԭ

*‫ۦ‬w

7KHRQHGLVWLQFWLRQLQULPHVEHWZHHQWKHWZREUDQFKHVLVLQ3+O LӔWKHcoda of which

alveolarized in NECHl, but remained velar in NWCHl: (40)

PHl

NCHl

NWCHl

NECHl

LӔ

HӔ

HӔ

*en

1.6.3.6 Meifu vs Run There are five different developments supporting the distinction between Meifu and Run in the

initials. The first is PH *sh, which deaspirated to *s in Meifu but affricated to *tsh in Run. The PHl

palatalized coronals *hlj and *hrj also developed differently. The first simplified to *hj in Meifu but

remained unchanged in Run. The latter hardened to *dϴ in NECHl; it depalatalized in Meifu but remained palatalized in Run. Finally, NECHl *C-w and *Cu‫ר‬w both simplified to *ުw in Meifu, but became labiodental and bilabial fricatives in Run: (41)

PHl

NECHl

Meifu

Run

*sh

*sh

*s

*tsh

*hrj *Cu‫ר‬

*dϴ *Cu‫ר‬w

*d *ުw

*dϴ *v

*hlj

*C-w

*hlj

*C-w

*hj

*ުw

*hlj

ǜ

There are several rimes which underwent diphthongization in Run but which retained long pure nuclei in Meifu (42a). In addition, PHl *ʅ:k underwent the same changes as other *ʅ:C rimes in Meifu, but shortened idiosyncratically in Run (42b):

29 (42)

PHl

NECHl

Meifu

Run

(a)

*ʅ:m *ʅ:p

*DZ:m *DZ:p

*o:m *o:p

*uam *uap

DӔ

*ʎӔ

HӔ

LDӔ

*ʅӔ

(b)

*ʅ:k

*DZӔ

*DZ:k

RӔ

*o:k

XDӔ

*DZު ( < *uak)

1.6.4 Summary In summary, there are a large number of sound changes (both initials and rimes) which separate Bouhin from the rest of the Hlai languages (Greater Hlai), and provide evidence that this is the first-order split in the Hlai family tree. The next split is between Ha Em and the rest of Hlai (Central Hlai), the principal criteria for which is the vocalic transfer which occurred in the latter. Central Hlai can be

divided between North Central Hlai, in which rhinoglottophilia led to the merger of *Ci͈j and *Cu͈w with *C-ӑ and *C-ӔZDQGZKHUHWKHOHQJWKGLIIHUHQFHLQWKHKLJKYRZHOULPHVZDVUHSODFHGE\DKHLJKW difference, and East Central Hlai, in which neither of these changes occurred.

Within East Central Hlai, a number of sound changes distinguish Lauhut and Qi in both initials

and rimes. The three Qi languages are not subgrouped here, due to the difficulty in separating inherited from diffused sound changes. There is a salient split in North Central Hlai between Northwest Central

Hlai and Northeast Central Hlai, the former being distinguished primarily by the unique developments of

PHl *ٍ‫؛‬h, *sh, and *hӔZ, but also by a handful of other changes. Finally, Meifu and Run are distinguished by developments primarily in the coronal liquids and the non-high rimes with grave codas.

No tonal information has been used in subgrouping. This is because, despite the existence of

three distinct tonogenetic groups of languages (see chapter three), it appears to be the case that the tone system of a language developed largely in accordance with the linguistic area in which it participated,

possibly long after the original breakup of Proto-Hlai. This assertion is in fact very plausible, in view of the degree to which it appears tonogenesis diffused throughout a large part of Southeast Asia, often crosscutting language (and family) boundaries (see Enfield (2005) for an overview on diffusion in Southeast Asia).

1.7 Linguistic A rea and Contact Relationships This section is devoted to providing evidence for contact between various Hlai subgroups. This

contact is most often betrayed through irregular reflexes which exist in lexical items in one language,

which can be plausibly attributed to borrowing from a neighboring language in which the development was regular.

30 1.7.1 Bouhin and H a E m There is evidence for a period of contact, probably longstanding, between Bouhin and Ha Em beginning sometime after the subsequent changes which occurred in both after the initial breakup of PHl

into Bouhin and Greater Hlai3. The direction of influence has largely been from Ha Em to Bouhin, which is evident through a number of items in Bouhin which show irregular correspondences in initials and/or rimes and/or tones, but which have exact matches in Ha Em.

1.7.1.1 Ha Em to Bouhin At some point in the individual development of Bouhin, there was a change from PHl *fh to

aspirated ph, and with one exception, all Bouhin words with this reflex appear to be otherwise regular. After this change, there were apparently a number of words borrowed from Ha Em beginning with f, which still obey the constraint against fricatives, but lack aspiration: (43)

Gloss

PHl

Ha Em

Bouhin

Expected Bouhin

hold in mouth

*fhʅ:m

fo:m1

po:m1

pham1

shoulder pole

*fhi:k

fi:ު7

pi:ު9

phi:ު7

side

*fhDӔ

IHӔ1

SHӔ1

phDӔ1

In (44), there is an unexpected reflex f, which otherwise only appears in Bouhin in Chinese

loanwords. The fact that these initials did not undergo the shift to p in Bouhin could indicate that they have come into the language quite recently: (44)

Gloss

PHl

Ha Em

Bouhin

Expected Bouhin

k.o. reed vicious

*fha:w *fhʅn

fa:w1 fan1

fa:w1 fan1

pha:w1 phen1

The examples in (45) are of a variety of PHl preaspirated nasal initials, all of which are normally

reflected in Bouhin by plain nasals, but which instead begin with plain stops, the normal reflex in Ha Em (and all other Hlai languages):

3

This was underscored by one of my two Bouhin consultants, whose father spoke Bouhin but whose mother spoke Ha Em, indicating that these two groups of speakers remain in close contact which includes intermarriage, at least in some areas.

31 (45)

Gloss

PHl

Ha Em

Bouhin

Expected Bouhin

stupid widow(er)

*hmʅ:j *hmʅ:jު

po:j1 po:j3

po:j1 po:j3

ma:j1 ma:j3

pocket

*hni:͈

taj2

taj2

nej2

tadpole chop carp

*hnu:͈ *hnʅk *hӑa:t

tow2

tak7 tsa:t7

tow2

tak7 tsa:t7

now2 nok7 ӑa:t7

The following examples show cases where PHl *hl is reflected by t instead of the expected Ȯ; in

these cases, I suggest that Bouhin, lacking the phoneme Ѵ, substituted an s for Ha Em Ѵ, which then underwent the regular Bouhin shift to t: (46)

Gloss

PHl

Ha Em

Bouhin

Expected Bouhin

hear it said

KOLӔ

ѴLӔ1

WLӔ1 ( < si:Ӕ1)

ȮLӔ1

armspan

*hla:n͈

Ѵa:n2

ta:n2 ( < sa:n2)

Ȯa:n2

epidemic

*hlu:nު

Ѵu:n3

tu:n3 ( < su:n3) Ȯu:n3

Finally, the examples below are Bouhin forms which have g as the reflex of PHl rhotics, instead

of the expected r; there are several words in this category, and the examples below have been chosen because they have irregular rimes in Bouhin as well, reinforcing their identification as loans: (47)

Gloss

PHl

Ha Em

Bouhin

Expected Bouhin

pile up

*hrʅ:p

go:p7

go:p7

rap7

not

*Cuhri:͈

gaj

gaj

rej2

cool (water)

*hrʅn

gan1 2

gan1 2

ren1

There is one example where the Bouhin form indicates borrowing from Ha Em in the PHl rime

category *ok: (48)

Gloss

PHl

Ha Em

Bouhin

Expected Bouhin

drip (cntr)

*khok

khuk7

khuk7

khok7

There are a number of examples where PHl *ʅ:C has a reflex in Bouhin regular for Ha Em, but

not for Bouhin itself:

32 (49)

Gloss

PHl

Ha Em

Bouhin

Expected Bouhin

bee hold in mouth

*kʅ:j *fhʅ:m

ko:j1 fo:m1

ko:j1 po:m1

ka:j1 pham1

sleep

*tçʅ:n

tso:n1

tso:n1

tsan1

love

(tie) tight pickle heart

*ުʅ:p

*fhʅ:t *C-mʅӔ *Cu͈ʅ:k

ުo:p7

fo:t7 PRӔ1 ho:ު7

ުo:p7

pho:t7 PRӔ1 ho:ު7

ުap7

phat7 PDӔ1 hak7

There are also several examples of PHl *a:K, in which Bouhin would be expected to preserve the

low vowel but shows a mid front vowel, of which two are given below: (50)

Gloss

PHl

Ha Em

Bouhin

Expected Bouhin

shrimp

*Cu‫ר‬DӔ

UHӔ1

UHӔ1

UDӔ1

phlegm

*͈a:k

he:ު7

he:ު9

ha:ު7

Finally, there are a number of examples of PHl *ʅC appearing with unexpected reflexes in Bouhin; the vowels of these rimes were normally colored by the place of the Bouhin coda, but regularly lowered to *aC in Ha Em: (51)

Gloss

PHl

Ha Em

Bouhin

Expected Bouhin

empty

*Cu‫ר‬i:͈

raj2

raj2

rej2

village

*Ʒu:ު

Ʒaw3

crocodile plant seedlings curse midge moan

stick to

*ki:ު

*Ȯʅp *thʅn

*C-mʅt *kʅӔ

*phʅk

kaj3

Ȯap than1 7

mat7 NDӔ1

phak7

kaj3

Ʒaw3 Ȯap than1 7

mat7 NDӔ1

phak7

kej3

Ʒow3 Ȯop7 then1 met7 NRӔ1

phok7

1.7.1.2 Bouhin to Ha Em There is a limited set of examples which show Bouhin influence on Ha Em, all being irregular intitials. It is probably significant that three of these six examples are female kinship terms, indicating a longstanding practice of intermarriage:

33 (52)

Gloss

PHl

Bouhin

Ha Em

Expected Ha Em

mother *hmi:ު mat. grdmother *hna:ު

mej3 na:3

mej3 na:3

paj3 ta:3

to fall

Ȯa:2

Ȯa:2

Ѵa:2

aunt

KӔLQ

bat (animal) to plant

*CuhrҬ:k *Cuhra:

*hla:͈

ӔLQ1 rҬ:k7 ra:1

ӔLQ1 rҬ:k7 ra:1

ki:n1 gҬ:k7 ga:1

1.7.2 Bouhin/H a E m/Jiamao There are three examples shared only between Bouhin, Ha Em, and Jiamao; the Bouhin rimes in all three examples are irregular, which indicates that Jiamao was the likely donor first into Ha Em and then indirectly from Ha Em into Bouhin: (53)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Ha Em

Bouhin

exchange

*m-lʅj

ƷDZ:k7

Ʒo:ު7

Ʒo:ު7

to be

*C-mʅn

WVDӔ1

WVDӔ3

WVDӔ3

well (n.)

*tçhXӔު

thDZӔ5

thXӔ2

thXӔ2

1.7.3 Jiamao and Baoting There is more recent evidence of intimate contact between Jiamao and Baoting, which is evident

through occasional forms in Baoting with irregular correspondences, but which have a parallel in Jiamao4. (54)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Baoting

Expected Baoting

roll around non-gtns. rice

*m-li:n *tçi:mު

lin1 tsiam1

li:n1 tsiam1

pli:n1 tsi:m3

silence

*ުik

ުi:k9

ުi:k7

ުik7

dirty

pimple grandfather extinguish cloth

alcohol goose 4

*shi:k

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭp *phu:ު *tçʅp *Ȯʅp

*C-ӔDZު *C-ӔDQ͈

tshiak7 lup8 pʅ:w4 tsep7 tʅp7

Ӕʅ:w2 Ӕʅ:n5

tiak9

lup8 phʅ:w6 tsep7 Ȯʅp7

Ӕʅ:w5 Ӕʅ:n5

tiak7

lҬp8 phaw3 tsap7 Ȯap7

ӔDZ3 ӔDQ5

This connection was again underscored by work with one of my two Baoting consultants, whose father spoke Baoting but whose mother spoke Jiamao.

34 1.7.4 T he Q i branch There has been a certain amount of contact between the languages of the Qi branch. There seems to have been bidirectional influence between Tongzha and Zandui, and more unidirectional

influence of Tongzha on Baoting. There do not seem to have been any obvious loans between Zandui and Baoting. The first set of examples in (55) are probable loanwords from Zandui into Tongzha: (55)

Gloss

PHl

Zandui

Tongzha

Expected Tongzha

flood

*‫ڛ‬ʅc

vat8

vat8

fat8

distribute collapse

*ku:͈ *thu:͈

ko:5 tho:5

kow5 thow5

kaw5 thaw5

knock

*ƷXӔު

ƷXDӔ3

ƷXDӔ3

ƷXӔ3

The examples below, on the other hand, show loans from Tongzha into Zandui. The difference

between the k of Zandui scratch (in high register) is unexpected, as it does not show a specific correspondence to the Tongzha initial: (56)

Gloss

PHl

Tongzha

Zandui

Expected Zandui

kiss

*‫ר‬ju:c

tu:t8

tu:t8

thu:t8

scratch aim at

cricket spider mix

*hrҬn͈ *hrʅӑ

*Cu‫ר‬XӔު *khXӔ *‫ר‬ʅp

plant (seedlings) *Ȯʅp

gҬn

2

gan4

IXӔ6

khXӔ1 rop8

Ȯop7

kҬn

5

gan4

IXӔ6

khXӔ1 lop9

Ȯop7

hҬn2 han4

IXDӔ6

khXDӔ1 lap8

Ȯap7

The following are examples of loans from Tongzha into Baoting: (57)

Gloss

PHl

Tongzha

Baoting

Expected Baoting

slap toe

*phi:k *shit

phiaު7 tet7

phiaު7 tet7

phiak7 tit7

mushroom

*Ȯit

Ȯet7

Ȯet7

Ȯit7

duck

peel woman

*Ʒit

*khuӑ *khʅwު

Ʒet7

khun1 kho:5

Finally, there is one example of a Jiamao loan into Zandui:

Ʒet7

khun1 kho:5

Ʒit7

khҬn1 khDZ:5

35 (58)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Zandui

Expected Zandui

steel

Cu͈a:c

huaު7

huaު7

va:t7

1.7.5 L auhut and Moyfaw There are several lines of evidence which support a contact zone shared by Lauhut and the Meifu

group. The first of these is the pattern of tone contour development, which in this case also included Ha Em:

(59)

Tone Category

Ha Em

Lauhut

Moyfaw

Changjiang

A

53

53

53

53

B

55

55

55

44

C

11

11

24

22

D

55

55

55

15ު

The Ha Em and Lauhut tonal developments are identical, indicating a high degree of

synchronization in the mechanisms which led to their genesis. It can be seen that Moyfaw is nearly

identical, the only exception being in category C. Changjiang is less similar, with identical developments in category A and perhaps B, but differences in C and D. One explanation for this pattern is that the categories which show different contour tone patterns had already developed these before contact

intensified; those which are the same, or nearly so, may have developed later and in tandem. This will be discussed more in chapter 3.

There are also several examples of unexpected reflexes in Moyfaw which can be explained as borrowings from Lauhut. The following are examples of initials which are unexpected in the former, but which have parallels in the latter: (60)

Gloss

PHl

Lauhut

Moyfaw

Expected Moyfaw

arrow

*shi:p

ti:p7

tip7

sip7

clear

*hra:w

ga:w1

‫ۦ‬a:w1

xa:w1

leopard calf cast (sand)

*Cu͈u:jު *hrjinު *Cuhruj

hu:j3 reӑ3 vuj1

huj3 ren3 vuj1

ӔXM3

ten3 ‫ۦ‬uj1

36 In addition to the examples above, the following examples can be added which show unexpected

reflexes of rimes: (61)

Gloss

PHl

Lauhut

Moyfaw

Expected Moyfaw

unhusked rice

*C-mi:nު

mi:n3

min3

PLӔ3

just now

*ުʅnު

ުan3

ުan3

ުDӔ3

connect tumor coffin flea

eat greedily to ladle spade

vomit

*tçhu:nު *fhʅ:n

NRӔ͈

*hmʅ:t *Ʒʅt

*Ȯok

*tçha:c *fha:k

tshu:n3 fo:n1 NRӔ

2

po:t7 Ʒat7

Ȯok7

tsha:c7 fe:k7

tshun3 fon1 NRӔ

2

po:t9 Ʒat7

Ȯok7

tsha:t7 fek7

tshXӔ3 IRӔ1 kDZӔ2

po:k7 Ʒak7 ȮDZk7

tsho:t7 fҬ:2

1.7.6 Moyfaw and B aisha Baisha has been described with a tone system with two correspondences in the A, B, and D

categories, although it has never been clear what the basis of this distinction was (Matisoff 1988: 290),

VLQFHLWGLGQ·WVHHPWRLQGLFDWHDUHJLVWHUVSOLWDVLVWKHFDVHLQPRVWRWKHUODQJXDJHVZLWKWZRWRQHVSHU FDWHJRU\7KLV¶WRQHVSOLW·LQ%DLVKDFDQDFWXDOO\EHVKRZQWREHDUHVXOWDVHYLGHQFHIRUORDQVIURP

Moyfaw. Since Moyfaw and Baisha developed in very similar ways, evidence in itself for close contact between the two, it is difficult in most cases to detect loans based on unexpected segmental reflexes. However, the tone systems of each developed in a rather different manner, and it is this part of the phonology which betrays the loans. Compare the tone systems of the two languages5: (62)

5

Tone Category

Baisha 1

Baisha 2

Moyfaw

A

11 (1)

51 (4)

53 (1)

B

31 (2)

55 (5)

55 (2)

C

33 (3)

---

24 (3)

D

11 (8)

55 (7)

55 (7)

The parenthesized numbers in the table below indicate the numbers given to each tone in Ouyang & Zheng (1983), and which have been adopted in most subsequent citation of Hlai data. For example, the Baisha word for stone is listed as tsh i ƾ4, which means that its actual tone value is a falling tone: tsh i ƾ51.

37 It can be seen that of the two Baisha tones per category, there is one in every instance except

category C which corresponds in shape to its Moyfaw equivalent and one which does not. If the present

hypothesis of borrowing is correct, then a number of words were loaned from Moyfaw into Baisha (note the high incidence of kinship terms below) in all categories, with the only caveat that in category C, a tone (i.e. a pitch contour) had either not developed yet, or otherwise there was sufficient perceptual similarity for the Moyfaw tone to be assimilated as the native Baisha tone: (63)

Gloss

PHl

Moyfaw

Baisha

Expected Baisha

(a)

stone

*tçhi:n

tshLӔ1

tshLӔ4

tshLӔ1

aunt

*hmi:

pej1

pej4

pej1

o. bros wife aunt

(b)

woman finger

shoulder

branch (tree) (c)

*tçu:

KӔLQ *khʅw͈

KOMLӔ͈ *‫ڛ‬a:͈

*C-ӔDP͈

tsow1 NLӔ1

tsow4 NLӔ4

kho:2 ]LӔ

2

NLӔ1

kho:5 ]LӔ

5

va:2

ӔDP2

tsow1

va:5

ӔDP5

kho:2 ]LӔ2 va:2

ӔDP2

pat. grt grndpa

*phut

phok7

phok7

phok8

nose

*k ʅt

k ak

k ak

khak8

late ten

*tçhʅp h

*fhu:t

tshap7 h

7

fut7

tshap7 h

7

fut7

tshap8 fut8

One probable loan from Baisha to Moyfaw is the word snore: (64)

Gloss

PHl

Baisha

Moyfaw

Expected Moyfaw

snore

Cu‫ר‬a:n

IDӔ1

IDӔ1

‫ۦ‬DӔ1

1.7.7 B aisha and Y uanmen There is also tonal evidence for loans from Baisha into Yuanmen. First, compare the tone values of the two languages:

38 (65)

Tone Category

Baisha

Yuanmen (High)

Yuanmen (Low)

A

11 (1)

42 (1)

11 (4)

B

31 (2)

51 (5)

131 (2)

C

33 (3)

44 (3)

13 (6)

D

11 (8)

55 (7)

13 (8)

It can be observed that Baisha tones A and B are closest in value to the Yuanmen tones of the

same category in low register. Conversely, Baisha tone C is closest to Yuanmen tone C in high register, and Baisha tone D may, based on its low pitch level, be borrowed as the same tone in Yuanmen in low register. In fact, in the majority of cases in which the unexpected register occurs in Yuanmen, it has a parallel in Baisha with an identical or similar tone: (66)

Gloss

PHl

Baisha

Yuanmen

Expected Yuanmen

(a)

gecko

*Cuުa:w

va:w1

va:w4

va:w1

(b)

pull tight

*kҬӔ͈

kʅӔ2

kʅӔ2

kʅӔ5

turtle

energy rice (c)

complete armpit

*t u:͈ h

*khu:͈ *tha:͈

*C-PXӔު *C-ӔLު

to brave (water) *hnuӑު stretch *hja:ު

(d)

t aw h

2

khaw2 tha:2

t ow h

2

khaw2 tha:2

thaw5

khaw5 tha:5

PXӔ3

PXӔ3

PXӔ6

ton za:3

tʅn za:3

tʅn6 za:6

ӔDM3

3

ӔDM3

3

ӔDM6

Gloss

PHl

Baisha

Yuanmen

Expected Yuanmen

have

*Ȯʅ:k

ȮDZު8

ȮDZު8

ȮDZު7

throw

*shʅ:p

tshuap8

tshuap8

tshuap7

lash (a child) bird

*fhi:t

*shʅc

fit8

tshat8

fit8

tshat8

fit7

tshat7

39 1.7.8 Run and Q i There seems to have been, at some point after the split in NWCHl between Meifu and Run, a certain degree of contact between the Run and Qi branches. This can be seen most clearly in the development of original complex initials (although there is some similarity with Meifu in the

development of PHl *‫ר‬j). Meifu has been included below for comparison to highlight the similarities between Run and Qi: (67)

PHl

Meifu

Run

Qi

*fhj

*ç

*f

*f

*‫ר‬j *Cu‫ר‬

*d *ުw

*d *v

*d *v

There seems to be an especially intimate connection between Yuanmen and Tongzha, and it may

be that interaction between Run and Qi (or even Tongzha specifically) is what led to the split between Baisha and Yuanmen within Run. Compare first the development of PHl *hlj: (68)

PHl

Baisha

Yuanmen

Qi

*hlj

*j

*dϴ

*Ҁ

Moreover, the development of tones as well as the occurrence of registrogenesis in Yuanmen

seems to have been directly related to Tongzha: (69)

Tone category

Baisha

Yuanmen

Tongzha

A

11

42 11

33 11

131

121

B C D

Hi Lo Hi

31

Hi

33

Lo Lo Hi Lo

11

51 44 13 55 13

51 55 14 55 13

1.7.9 Nadouhua In the case of Nadouhua, there have been loanwords borrowed from at least two sources. One

has been Meifu ² whether Changjiang or Moyfaw is more difficult to determine precisely, although other

40 evidence indicates that Changjiang forms part of a speech area with Nadouhua, making it the more likely candidate. The following are examples, where Nadouhua exhibits unexpected initials that are similar to those in Meifu (reconstructed via the comparison of Changjiang and Moyfaw): (70)

Gloss

PHl

Meifu

Nadouhua

Expected Nadouhua

flower pus

*ٍ‫؛‬h[ʎ]Ӕ *Cuhriw

*tshHӔ1 *ުwiw3

feӔ1 VHӔ1) ުiw3

heӔ1 ӔLZ3

know

*CuhrҬ:

*ުwʅҮ1

ުwʎު4

Ӕʎު4

Nadouhua has apparently also borrowed from Cunhua. The following examples show words

with original PHl *hr, which have apparently been borrowed from Cunhua when *‫* >

*ji:wު

Nadouhua >

*wu:jު

>

zi:3

vuj3

The following examples are of loans from Cunhua into Nadouhua where the latter shows

unexpected rimes: (73)

Gloss

PHl

Cunhua

Nadouhua

Expected Nadouhua

flea

*hmʅ:t

Ʒat4

paު4

pDZު4

do vine basket

*‫ڛ‬u:k *ƷRӔ

vok4 ƷRӔ1

voު4 ƷRӔ1

vuު4 ƷDZӔ1

son-in-law

*hlҬ:

WԬRZ1

low2

lʎ(w)2

41

1.7.10 L auhut and C unhua Finally, it seems that Cunhua, like Moyfaw, borrowed from Lauhut in its recent history. The

following are examples of unexpected correspondences in Cunhua initials, rimes, and/or tones which can plausibly be explained as borrowings from Lauhut: (74)

Gloss

PHl

Lauhut

Cunhua

weave (fabric)

*hwi:

hwej1

huj5

vʎj1

look cotton

*kiw *Ʒu:jC

kiw1 Ʒu:j3

ުiw1 Ʒu:(j)3

kDZj1 Ʒuj3

you (pl)

wear (lower) stick into adze kiss

*C-mҬ:

*phi:n

*C-ӔLS *p u:n *‫ר‬ju:c h

mʅҮ1

phi:n1 ӑi:p7

p u:n ru:c7 h

1

Expected Cunhua

ma:1 ( < mʅ:1)

phi:n1 ni:p2

p u:n lu:t2 h

3

mow1

phin1 ӔLS2

phun1 lut4

1.7.11 Summary Following the breakup of Proto-Hlai into various subgroups, and these subgroups into individual languages, it is apparent that there has been intimate contact between several non-sibling subgroups and languages around Hainan. This is evident not only through shared sound changes which have diffused

from one language to another, but also through irregular reflexes in one language which can be explained through borrowing from another language in which those reflexes would be regular. The recognition of this contact is of the utmost importance in subgrouping, as it helps to differentiate sound changes which are more useful for subgrouping, and those which are more easily diffused.

Considerable contact has occurred between Bouhin and Ha Em, with most loanwords being

borrowed into the former from the latter. A fair amount of more recent contact has occurred between Baoting and Jiamao, and there has been some contact as well within Qi between Tongzha and Zandui on

the one hand and between Tongzha and Baoting on the other; there is also evidence of substantial contact

between Run and Qi, particularly between Yuanmen and Tongzha. In the western half of the island, there

has been an interesting unidirectionality of influence, first of Lauhut on Moyfaw, from Moyfaw on Baisha, and finally from Baisha on Yuanmen. Lauhut has also contributed some loanwords to Cunhua, which in turn has loaned words to Nadouhua, which has also borrowed at least a few items from Meifu (or

probably more specifically, Changjiang). These contact relationships can be illustrated in the following

simplified way (Changjiang and Moyfaw are collapsed below into Meifu (MF), due to the fact that there is not enough data available on Changjiang to make reliable inferences about contact):

42 (75)

Directionality of Contact Among the Hlai Languages Baisha 36,000

੔

ੋ 1DGRXKXD੐ 2,500 ੋ Cunhua 60,000

ੋ

Meifu

7RQJ]KD੔ Zandui

30,000

125,000

ੋ ੐

Baoting

166,000

73,000

29,000

ੈ

Lauhut

Bouhin

Yuanmen 8,000

24,000 ੐

੐

Jiamao 52,300

Ha Em

193,000

It is interesting to note that when the chart above is compared with the population statistics in (3), there is an obvious and non-random correlation between population and what end of the arrow a language is on in a contact relationship. More specifically, the donor languages tend to have the highest

populations, while the borrowing languages tend to have the smallest (note that the two most endangered languages, Yuanmen and Nadouhua, are exactly the two which are at the borrowing end of two contact relationships).

1.8 Conclusion To summarize, the Hlai family is one of four major members of the Kra-Dai phylum of Southeast Asia. It is located on Hainan island, China, where speakers of Proto-Hlai probably comprised

the founding population of the island. A total of twelve Hlai languages are presently in use, including the two mixed languages Cunhua and Nadouhua. In addition, the Jiamao language, an isolate, has been in contact with Hlai for what appears to have been quite a long time.

A general theory of sound change was discussed, which states that sound change is nonteleological and is normally the result of mistransmission. The following criteria were identified for use in reconstruction: Directionality of Change, Commonality of Features, Economy, and Symmetry.

Due to the sociolinguistic situation on Hainan, the evolution of the Hlai languages must be

understood to have involved both language branching and language contact. The issue of subgrouping was raised, and the subgrouping methodology discussed which will be used to separate inherited from diffused innovations when possible. More precisely, a phylogenetic tree of the Hlai languages is

43 reconstructible when more improbable sound changes are used as criteria for assuming shared inheritance, while more common changes are considered to be likely to have diffused or independently innovated.

Languages in the southern end of the island which were isolated from contact with other nonHlai languages have tended to remain homogeneous, while languages in the northern and eastern contact zones have tended to undergo fission. Using evidence from irregular correspondences, it is possible to demonstrate contact relationships between the Hlai languages, and also to identify which language has

exerted asymmetrical influence on another. The next two chapters will outline correspondence sets across the Hlai languages and show the

reconstruction of the PHl phonological inventory. The system of initials is treated in chapter two, and the system of rimes in chapter three.

44 C H A PT E R T W O : R E C O NST R U C T I O N O F PR O T O-H L A I I N I T I A LS The primary goal of this chapter is to present the sets of initial correspondences which have been used to reconstruct the Proto-Hlai (PHl) inventory of initials, and explain reflexes of Proto-Hlai initials in the daughter languages if they have followed divergent paths. The reconstruction here will also be

compared with those of Matisoff (1988), Thurgood (1994), Peiros (1998), and Ostapirat (2004), and these alternative reconstructions will be considered and discussed. It is the purpose of this chapter to motivate

the reconstruction of Proto-Hlai proposed herein so that it may in turn be used for comparative work with other branches of Kra-Dai and/or used for more detailed study of specific types of change exemplified below.

The reconstruction in the chapter will be of Proto-Hlai, as opposed to Pre-Hlai which will be

reconstructed in chapter four. Proto-Hlai is meant to be the best possible reconstruction of the single proto-language which existed just prior to its first division into daughter languages. The reconstruction of the Proto-Hlai system of initials in this chapter will result in an inventory with distinctive asymmetries and gaps. The discussion of Pre-Hlai in chapter four will demonstrate how this system originated in a

much more balanced and typologically common system. Before a discussion and reconstruction of specific natural classes of initials is initiated, there are

two preliminary issues which are addressed briefly below. The first is a reiteration of the theory of sound

change adopted here. The second is a discussion of how two specific sound changes which occurred after the break-up of Proto-Hlai, initial obstruent devoicing and registrogenesis, interact with each other in

ways that are meaningful in the context of Proto-Hlai reconstruction. With this background, we will be in a position to properly examine the various classes of initials themselves and the evolution of their individual members into their current forms in the daughter languages. 2.1 Sound C hange: Initials In the reconstruction of Proto-Hlai initials undertaken in this chapter, the following criteria

described in chapter one are adhered to: (i)

Directionality of Change: typologically natural changes are referred to and used as a model

whenever possible; changes are assumed to occur one feature at a time unless evidence forces a different analysis.

(ii)

Commonality of Features: phonemes are reconstructed based on the features common between reflexes of daughter languages; greater heterogeneity of reflexes is taken to indicate greater complexity of the proto-phoneme.

(iii)

Economy: a phoneme is reconstructed to the extent that it satisfactorily accounts for the posited change(s) between it and the reflexes of the daughter languages, and reconstructions assuming more changes than necessary are avoided.

45 (iv)

Symmetry: the reconstructed inventory is checked to make sure that no symmetries have been overlooked in natural classes, either in place or in manner; it is accepted that parts of the inventory may be asymmetrical, and these are checked for typological naturalness.

Throughout the history of Hlai (including Pre-Hlai, Proto-Hlai, and the daughter languages),

there are four main categories of sound change which are observable in the initials. These are (1)

temporal compression, (2) gesture reduction, (3) onset fortition, and (4) systemic realignment. Of these four, temporal compression has been the most pervasive, and can be observed at all stages of the evolution of Hlai. Gesture reduction is most pronounced in Pre-Hlai, and will therefore be treated in chapter four. Onset fortition can be observed in the transition from Pre-Hlai to PHl through a sound change referred to here as main-syllable aspiration (see chapter four) and in the daughter languages.

Systemic realignment is most prominent in the cases of the individual daughter languages, after the breakup of PHl. Temporal compression, onset fortition, and systemic realignment will each be

exemplified below, using examples from this chapter. It is sometimes the case that a particular change can fall into more than one of these categories simultaneously. 2.1.1 Temporal Compression Bybee (2001) proposes that speech, like other motor activities, is an automated phenomenon, and

as such is subject to the same kinds of overlap of originally linearized gestures. Bybee posits two main articulatory impetuses of sound change, one of which is temporal compression (the other being gesture reduction). Temporal compression occurs when the gestures connected to two segments that are

linearized, and therefore discrete, begin to overlap as the time between the implementation of the first and second segments is decreased, leading to the deterioriation of their linearization. This can lead both to articulatorily-motivated sound change, as the two sets of gestures interfere with each other as their

segments are compressed, as well as auditorily-motivated change as the percepts from each segment become confused in different ways over shorter durations. This often leads to various forms of

coalescence, where features of each segment are preserved in the resulting single segment, although occasionally one segment is merely lost. Some of the most striking examples of temporal compression

will be discussed in chapter four; however, there are also sound changes treated in this chapter which can serve to illustrate this kind of sound change:

46 (1)

Examples of temporal compression

Source

(a)

fh j ٍ‫؛‬hw

> >

ç f

NWCHl, Meifu NCHl and Lauhut

(b)

ӔZ

>

Ҫ

Yuanmen

(c)

KӔZ

>

hw

Various

Cu͈w

>

ުw

Western Qi

(d)

hrj

>

Cu‫ۦ‬w

>

dϴ

ުw

Run

NECHl

ުl

>

l

All

‫ר‬j

>

j

Bouhin, Ha Em

hlj

>

l

Cunhua

(1a) shows examples of coalescence between a fricate (fricative or affricate) with a coarticulated

glide, which result in another fricative that retains the manner of the original fricate but which has a place of articulation influenced by the following glide, shown in (2): fhj

(2) [fric] [lab]

>

[glide] [pal]

ç [fric] [glide] [lab] [pal]

The examples in (1b) are of sonorants which coalesce with following glides, shown in (3): (3)

ƾZ [nas] [vel]

> [glide] [lab]

Ҫ [nas] [glide] [vel] [lab]

F VKRZVH[DPSOHVRIFRPSOH[VHJPHQWVLQZKLFKWKHPHGLDO¶KRVW·VHJPHQWLVORVWDWWKH

expense of preserving the glottal element at the left edge, and the glide at the right, shown in (4): (4)

Cu͈w [const][fric][glide] [glt] [lab]

>

ުw [const + glide] [fric] [glt] [lab]

Finally, (1d) gives examples of complex segments in which one member is merely deleted,

without involving modification of the other member, shown in (5):

47 ުl

(5)

>

[const]

[lat] [cor]

l [const] [lat] [cor]

2.1.2 O nset Fortition ,DOVRDFFHSW%OHYLQV· SURSRVDOWKDWIRUWLWLRQLQRQVHWSRVLWLRQLVDQDWXUDOFKDQJH6RPH

examples of fortition are provided here: (6)

Examples of fortition in onset position

Source

(a)

hm

>

b

Greater Hlai

(b)

fh

(c)

(d)

hn

>

d

Greater Hlai

> >

pfh

Yuanmen

h

hl

>

d

Bouhin

‫ר‬

>

d

Run, Meifu, Qi

s

hlj

>

tsh

dϴ

Run

Run

hw

>

v

All

‫ڛ‬

>

v

Various

hj

>

ϴ

All

The first kind of fortition, illustrated in (6a), is an example in which preaspirated nasal stops

change to prenasalized stops, with sonority decreasing in tandem with oral closure. Another kind, an increase in oral stricture in fricatives leading to their change to affricates, is shown in (6b). The

development of oral closure in liquids is yet a third kind (6c). Finally, the narrowing of oral stricture in glides and approximants, giving rise to fricatives, is yet another example (6d). Several of the fortitions above are correlated with the change called main-syllable aspiration, discussed in chapter four. 2.1.3 Systemic Realignment Finally, an important factor in sound change seems to be the psycholinguistic influence which

preexisting categories (structural analogy: Blevins (2004: 153-55)) and/or categorical gaps exert over

potential paths of change. The sound changes described below involve either whole merger of formerly distinct categories, or the influence of one category on the shift of another:

48 (7)

Examples of systemic realignment

Source

(a)

‫ڛ‬ hlj

> >

v dϴ

(v already in system) (dϴ already in system)

Tongzha Yuanmen

(b)

v

>

f

(f already in system)

Tongzha, Run

(c)

Ci͈j

>

ުӑ

(ުӑ already in system)

NCHl

(d)

Cu‫ۦ‬w

>

ުw

(ުw already in system)

NECHl

(e)

sh

>

t

RULJLQDO W੔Wh)

Bouhin, Ha Em, ECHl

Ҁ

Cu͈w

Cu‫ר‬w

‫ר‬

>

>

>

>

Ѵ

ުӔZ

ުw

l

(Ѵ already in system)

(ުӔZDOUHDG\LQV\VWHP

(ުw already in system)

RULJLQDO O੔Ѵ)

Qi

NCHl

Meifu

Various

In (7a), approximants are merged with pre-existing categories in the initial inventory. (7b) gives

examples of the devoicing of voiced obstruents, allowing a merger with existing voiceless obstruents. (7c) is an example of sesquisyllabic forms with fricatives hosting coarticulated glides preceded by merging with simpler, pre-existing segments. Examples of deletion of medial approximants allowing merger with

a preexisting category are shown in (7d). Finally, (7e) provides three examples of gap-filling shifts, after these slots were vacated by their original occupants.

The three kinds of sound change detailed above provide an overview of the general mechanisms of change which have been at work within the Hlai languages throughout various points in their history. These sound changes seem to be general aspects of the dynamic sound system, which are always present as potential changes depending on the combination of the variables surrounding language transmission. 2.2 Sound C hanges A fter the B reakup of Proto-H lai Although there are a number of different kinds of sound change which have occurred in the

history of the Hlai languages, not all of them have spread over equally large areas. This section describes two kinds of changes which have been widespread enough to affect a majority of the Hlai languages; more limited changes will be described individually in the discussion of initials itself. The two changes described below are also interactive, and understanding how this is so will clarify very much of the history of the Hlai initials.

49 2.2.1 Devoicing There is evidence, both internal and external, that there has been a constraint against initial voiced obstruents in Hlai for a very long time. In every instance that a sound change leads to a new

initial voiced obstruent (or obstruent series), it is apparent that devoicing occurs shortly thereafter. The instances in which this occurred in Pre-Hlai will be treated in chapter four.

Devoicing of obstruents after the break-up of Proto-Hlai has occurred in instances which have

included all of the daughter languages, a subset, or individual cases. A good example is the class of

medial glottal fricatives, which underwent devoicing after the words which contained them lost their

presyllables. This happened across the board with glottal fricatives preceded by non-high vowels, but

only occurred outside of NCHl with those preceded by high vowels due to the rhinoglottophilic change which occurred in this branch: (8)

Other Hlai *͈

>

*Ci͈ *Cu͈

> >

NCHl ͈

͈(j) ͈(w)

>

h

*͈

>

͈

>

h

> >

h(j) h(w)

*Ci͈ *Cu͈

> >

C-ӑ C-ƾZ

> >

ުӑ ުƾZ

Another example of widespread devoicing occurred in the case of PHl *C-w, which generally

underwent fortition to ȕ after the loss of the presyllable, devoicing to ֝ and then shifting to f, except in the case of the Meifu branch where it remained a glide: (9)

Other Hlai *C-w

>

Meifu ȕ

>

֝>f

*C-w

>

ުw

An example in which devoicing occurred on a smaller scale is in the Run branch, where PHl *‫ר‬j

and *hr underwent fortitions to voiced obstruents which subsequently underwent devoicing: (10)

Run *‫ר‬j *hr

> >

d ‫ۦ‬

> >

t x

It is crucial to understand that registrogenesis (see below) occurred chronologically between

earlier and later obstruent devoicings. Any obstruents which were devoiced prior to registrogenesis

conditioned high register, irregardless of their earlier status as voiced obstruents. However, all obstruents which were voiced at the stage of registrogenesis conditioned low register, even if they subsequently

devoiced. This can be illustrated in Run, using the reflex of PHl *‫ר‬j above and that of PHl *hn (bold font indicates that a phoneme has conditioned low register):

50 (11)

PHl *‫ר‬j *hn

Devoicing > >

d hnd

> >

t nd

Registrogenesis > >

t d

Devoicing > >

t t

2.2.2 Registrogenesis The Hlai languages, as is typical of the typological area in which they participate, are tone languages, and each word has an obligatory lexical tone. There are two components of the tone system:

tone category and register. The first of these is correlated with the rime, and in Kra-Dai studies, there are four original tone categories traditionally labeled A, B, C, and D. These categories are very likely

inherited from the level of Proto-Kra-Dai itself. However, since they do not bear directly on the system of initials, they can be put aside until the discussion of PHl rimes in chapter three. Register (and the

development thereof, registrogenesis), on the other hand, is correlated directly with the system of initials, and is therefore relevant to the present discussion (for a more detailed discussion, see chapter three section 3.2).

When there is a phonological register split in the Southeast Asian linguistic area, the two UHJLVWHUVDUHXVXDOO\UHIHUUHGWRDV¶KLJK·UHJLVWHUZLWKKLJKHUSLWFKDFURVVWKHULPH DQG¶ORZ·UHJLVWHU (with lower pitch across the rime). High register correlates with an original voiceless onset, and low

register with an original voiced onset (Yip 2002: 33-38). In Southeast Asian historical linguistics, it is considered axiomatic that when there is a register split, high register indicates an originally voiceless initial, and low register indicates an originally voiced intitial. This is because in the process of

registrogenesis, the natural lowering of F0 which accompanies voiced consonants becomes phonologized. For example: (12)

(a)

High register results from: p

t

p f

h

(b)

t s

h

c c ç

k h

k x

ު h

h

Low register results from: b

d

dϴ

g

m

n

ӑ

Ӕ

v

w

z l

r

ϴ

j

‫ۦ‬

͈

51 Although the classes of obstruents and sonorants function in rather different ways phonetically,

there has nevertheless been a sort of compensatory adjustment in the register system so that the high and low pairs of the obstruent and sonorant categories are made equivalent, and a two-level register system results: (13)

Table 2: Obstruent and Sonorant Initial Correlates with Register

Obstruents

Register

Sonorants

Register

p

High

ުm

High

b

Low

m

Low

This phenomenon is so regular, that when discrepancies occur between the syllable initial and expected tone register, a logical explanation has been formulated to account for them. This has proved to be

extremely fruitful for diachronic exploration of Southeast Asian languages in the following two ways: A. When voiceless obstruents are associated with low register, it is normally assumed that the obstruent was originally voiced, and underwent devoicing after registrogenesis: (14)

plow flow

<


‫ܡ‬

>

h

The development of *Cuٍ‫؛‬h also followed two distinct paths, these being more evenly distributed

across languages. In Bouhin and Ha Em, vocalic transfer simply failed to occur, whereas it did happen in Central Hlai, giving rise to the coarticulated affricate *ٍ‫؛‬hw. In Qi, the labiovelar glide was simply lost, and *ٍ‫؛‬hw merged with *ٍ‫؛‬h. However, in Lauhut and NCHl, this phoneme developed into a bilabial fricative, merging with *fh. The hypothesis I present here is that in these languages, there was a

devoicing (natural in the environment following a fricative) and narrowing in aperture of the glide. As

temporal compression occurred, there was a coalescence of the fricative element and the place features of *Zࣞ UHVXOWLQJLQPHUJHUZLWKWKHDOUHDG\H[LVWLQJFDWHJRU\ Ih. This is compared with the development of the other two Hlai affricates below: (39)

*ٍ‫؛‬h

>

t‫آ‬h

>

tsh

*ٍ‫؛‬hw

>

t‫آ‬hZࣞ

>

fh

*tçh

>

t‫آ‬h

>

tsh

A comparison with other reconstructions is given below: (40)

Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

(a)

---

---

---

*-t-

*ٍ‫؛‬h

(c)

*ts

*c

*c

*tçh

(b)

*sr h

*sr *ts

h

*sw h

*-ut-

*Cuٍ‫؛‬h

None of Matisoff, Thurgood, or Peiros reconstruct an independent phoneme for the series of

correspondences I reconstruct as *ٍ‫؛‬h, owing to the fact that it can only be distinguished from PHl *tçh by reflexes in NWCHl and Jiamao. Cunhua and Nadouhua were unavailable to Matisoff, and Jiamao was not used by either Matisoff or Thurgood (or presumably Peiros) due to its general complexity.

Matisoff and Thurgood agree in reconstructing *sr for the series which I reconstruct as *Cuٍ‫؛‬h.

VUILWVLQWRDFDWHJRU\LQ0DWLVRII·VV\VWHPZKLFKDOVRLQFOXGHV IUDQG YUZKHUHIULFDWLYHVPD\IRUP licit clusters with a following *r, making the cluster *sr a bit less striking if still typologically rare. Although Matisoff does not explicitly explain how *sr gave rise to the dual reflexes of tsh and f, I infer that a shift of *r to w must be assumed. The alternative account proposed here is therefore more

economical on internal grounds, since it already assumes a labial component *w which influenced the

65 shift to f. Peiros reconstructs a labialized alveolar fricative, which is closer to my reconstruction in that it assumes original labialization, as opposed to a *C-r cluster.

Both Matisoff and Thurgood reconstruct alveolar *tsh for the third set of correspondences, and I differ merely in reconstructing a palatal affricate, as this fits better into the overall system of PHl, as well as explaining such things as the NWCHl chain shift and the postalveolar values recorded for these

consonants in Savina (1931) and Wang & Qian (1951). Peiros reconstructs an aspirated palatal stop,

which I reconstruct at the Pre-Hlai stage, not Proto-Hlai (see chapter four); reconstruction of a stop in PHl violates Commonality since there are no stops represented amongst the reflexes of the daughter languages.

Ostapirat reconstructs medial *-t- for the first series, and medial *-t- preceded by *u for the

VHFRQG7KHVHDUHDQLQWHJUDOSDUWRI2VWDSLUDW·VV\VWHPLQZKLFKVWRSVEHFRPHDIIULFDWHG

intervocalically before the loss of a presyllable in an originally sesquisyllabic word. For the third series, he reconstructs a plain palatal stop. $VZLWKWKH3+OVWRSVDERYHDVSHFWVRI2VWDSLUDW·VUHFRQVWUXFWLRQ correspond better with the reconstruction for Pre-Hlai which I present in chapter four, and his reconstructed series of stops also violates Commonality.

Examples of the PHl affricates are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

(41)

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Examples of aspirated affricates

(a) flower

花 tshHӔ1 hʎӔ

1

tshHӔ1 (feӔ ) 1

眼睛

eye

tsha:1

tsha:1

抬

lift

hDZ:1

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

ha:1

tshHӔ1 ts HӔ h

1

*ٍ‫ ؛‬h

(b)

*ٍ‫؛‬hDӔ

織

tshHӔ1 ts HӔ h

1

tshHӔ1 ts LDӔ h

1

tshHӔ1 ts LDӔ h

1

*ٍ‫؛‬ha: tsha:1 tsha:1

tsha:1 tsha:1

tsha:1 tsha:1

tsha:1 tsha:1

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:m

*C uٍ‫ ؛‬h weave (fabric)

tshҬ:ު7 tshҬ:ު7 fҬ:k7 fҬʅk

2

三

three

tshu:3

tshu:3

下面

bottom

fu:3

tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tshaw1 hDZm1

han1

tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsham1

fuު

4

faw1

fo:3

tshaw1 faw1

fҬު

7

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k (fҬ:ު7) tshҬaު7 tshҬ:ު7 fҬk7

fҬk8

pfhҬު7

tshu:3

tshu:3

*Cuٍ‫؛‬huު fu:3 fu:3

tshu:3 fu:3

fu:3

pfhu:3

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hʅw fow1 faw1

tshaw1 faw1

tshaw1 faw1

tshaw1

(pfaw1)

66

*tç h

(c) 洞

hole

tshXӔ3

tshXӔ3

硬

hard

tshan3

tsho:n3

木杵

pestle

tsha:ު7 tshʎk2

tshe:ު7 sʎު4

tshRӔ3

tshan3

VXӔ3

sDZn3

*tçhXӔު tshXӔ3 tshXӔ3

tshXӔ3 tshXӔ3

tshXDӔ3 tshXӔ3 tshXӔ3

tshXӔ3

tshDZ:n3

tshDZ:n3

tshe:ު7 tsheު8

tshe:ު7 tshiaު7

*tçhʅ:nު tsho:n3 tshRӔ3

tsho:n3 tshRӔ3

tshXDӔ3 tshu:n3

*tçha:k tshe:k7 tshe:ު7

tshe:ު7 tshҬ:2

2.3.1.3 Implosive and Plain Obstruents The PHl plain and implosive stops and affricate are treated in this section. The modern reflexes of these initials are also very homogeneous. There is a noticeable difference in development between the anterior and posterior places of articulation, with the former being represented by implosive stops in the daughter languages, but the latter by plain obstruents. (42)

Reflexes of PHl implosive and plain obstruents

BHin

HaEm

LHut

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

Ʒ

Ʒ

Ʒ

Ʒ

Ʒ

Ʒ

Ʒ

Ʒ

Ʒ

Ʒ

Ʒ

Ʒ

ts

ts

ts

ts

ts

ts

ts

ts

ts

ts

ts

t

Ȯ k

Ȯ k

S. Hlai (Savina)

Ȯ k

Ȯ k

Ȯ k

Ȯ k

C. Hlai (Savina)

Ȯ~ts k

Ȯ k

Ȯ k

Ȯ k

b d

p t

k

k

k

t‫آ‬

k

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

b d

t‫آ‬

Ȯ

t‫آ‬

Ȯ k

67

I reconstruct implosive stops at the bilabial and coronal places of articulation, but a plain

affricate and stop at the palatal and velar places of articulation: (43)

*Ʒ

*Ȯ

*tç *k The areal dispersion of the implosive series across Hainan may have begun with the Hlai

languages, and was the impetus for one of the greater areal changes which swept across unrelated

languages of the entire island, bringing about the genesis of implosive initials in unrelated languages such as Hainanese, Hainan Mien (Yao), and Be (Shintani (1991)). Regarding the variation in Cunhua reflexes, see section 2.4.1 above.

For the third and fourth series of correspondences, I reconstruct *tç and *k. The development of

*tç followed the uniform shift of all palatal affricates first to postalveolar affricates, then to alveolar

affricates. The only variation in the reflexes of the daughter languages is that of Yuanmen in the palatal

series, which is t instead of the expected ts. This is an example of systemic realignment, where a gap (the alveolar stop) in the plain stop series was filled by the change of *tç to t. The general path of change for the plain voiced series is shown below: (44)

PHl

Depalatalization

*tç

>

t‫آ‬

Alveolarization (Desibilantization: Yuanmen) >

ts

(>

t)

A typological parallel for this stop series can be found in Vietnamese (Ferlus 1992a), where in

the time between Middle Vietnamese and modern Vietnamese, the plain bilabial and alveolar stops

became imploded, while the postalveolar and velar stops did not (the postalveolar later deaffricated,

filling the vacancy left by the original t after it became Ȯ, similar to the case in Yuanmen). The series which resulted shows a cut-off at the same place of articulation, where all postalveolars fail to undergo implosion: (45)

Middle Vietnamese

Modern Vietnamese

p

Ʒ

ts k

t k

t

Ȯ Ȫ!

68 Likewise, at some point in the history of Khmer (Ferlus 1992b: 83), all prevocalic (that is, main-

syllable initial) plain labial and alveolar stops became imploded while the palatal and velar stops remained unchanged: (46)

Pre-Khmer

Modern Khmer

p

Ʒ

Ȯ c k

t c k

This asymmetry in the initial inventories of the above languages can be explained phonetically

through the fact that palatal and velar implosives are more typologically marked, a result of the increase

in difficulty articulating implosives as one moves further back in the vocal tract (Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996: 82)). A comparison of reconstructions is given below:

(47)

Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

(a)

*Ʒ

*Ʒ

*ުb

*(ު)b

*Ʒ

(c)

*ts

*ts

*c

*Ϻ

*tç

(b) (d)

*Ȯ *k

*Ȯ *k

*ުd *k

*(ު)d *g

*Ȯ *k

Matisoff and Thurgood both reconstruct *Ʒ and *Ȯ for the first two series of correspondences,

and *ts and *k for the second. All are in general agreement with the present reconstruction, although I

also consider the reconstruction of a palatal affricate for the third series more appropriate than an alveolar one, for the same reasons given in section (2.4.2) above.

I consider 3HLURV·V reconstruction of the first two series to be technically correct, but at a point in

time previous to PHl; the reconstruction of *ުb and *ުd also violates Commonality, since the reflexes of the daughter languages uniformly indicate implosives. He reconstructs voiceless palatal and velar stops for the second series; I reject the reconstruction of a palatal stop for the reasons given in the previous section.

Ostapirat reconstructs the voiced stops *(ު)b, *(ު)d, *Ϻ and *g. I consider this to be roughly approximate to a stage of Pre-Hlai, as there is no evidence for voiced initials amongst the reflexes of the daughter languages. This is another violation of Commonality since there is no synchronic evidence for

SODLQYRLFHGVWRSV7KHYDULDWLRQEHWZHHQSUHJORWWDOL]HGDQGSODLQ EDQG GLQ2VWDSLUDW·VUHFRQVWUXFWLRQ is due to two distinct correspondences each in Jiamao.

69 Examples of the PHl voiced stops are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun (48)

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Examples of PHl implosives, plain stop and affricate

(a) 飛

fly

Ʒin1 Ʒen1

Ʒin1 Ʒen1

賊

thief

Ʒuj1

Ʒuj1

寬

wide

ƷHӔ1

ƷHӔ1

ƷDZj1

Ʒeӑ1 Ʒen1

money

tsi:n1

tsi:n1

潛水

dive

tsom1 tsom1

tsom1 ----

睡

sleep

WԬLQ1)

tso:n1 tsan

1

tsin1

tso:n1 tsDZn

1

*Ʒin

沸騰

boil

Ȯa:n1 tsDZn1

Ȯa:n1 Ȯan1

剝

to skin

ȮDӔ3

ȮHӔ3

淡

insipid

Ȯat9

Ȯat7

Ʒen1 Ʒen1

Ʒuj1

Ʒin1 Ʒen1

Ʒuj1

Ʒuj1

Ʒuj1

Ʒoj1

Ʒow1

*ƷDӔ ƷHӔ1 ƷHӔ1

(c) 錢

(b)

*Ʒuj

Ʒuj1

ƷʎӔ1

*Ʒ

Ʒen1 Ʒen1

Ʒuj1

Ʒoj1

ƷʎӔ1

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

tsi:n1 WVLӔ1

ƷHӔ1 ƷHӔ1

ƷHӔ1

ƷHӔ1

ƷLDӔ1

ƷLDӔ1

tsiat2

ȮHӔ3

Ȯaު4

Ȯa:n1 ȮDӔ1

Ȯa:n1 ȮDӔ1

Ȯa:n1 ȮDӔ1

Ȯa:n1 Ȯuan1

ȮHӔ3

ȮHӔ3

Ȯat7

Ȯat7

kup7

kҬp7

ka:w3 ka:w3

ka:w3 ka:w3

kat7

*ȮDӔު ȮeӔ3 ȮHӔ3

ȮHӔ3 ȮHӔ3

ȮLDӔ3

Ȯac7 Ȯat7

Ȯat7 Ȯat7

Ȯat8

*tçi:n

臭蟲

bedbug

kҬp7

kҬp7

早

early

ka:w3 ka:w3

ka:w3 kaw3

白藤

white rattan

kat9

kat7

kac7

kat7

kat7

4

7

7

8

tsi:n1 WVLӔ1

tsi:n1

tsi:n1

WVLӔ1

tin1

tsom1 tsom1

tsom1 tsom1

tsum1 tom1

tso:n1

tso:n1

1

1

tsoӔ

tsDZ:n1 WVXDӔ

1

tsDZ:n1 tu:n

1

Ȯat7

*k

kup2

kiat

ȮLDӔ3

*Ȯʅc

(e)

*tçʅ:n

WVRӔ

ȮʎӔ3

*Ȯa:n

*tç

*tçom tsom1 tsom1

*Ȯ

2

kʎު4

kaު

*kҬp kҬp7 kҬp7

kҬp7 kep7

kop8

kop7

*ka:wު ka:w3 ka:w3

kat

ka:w3 ka:w3 *kʅc

kat

kat

kat7

70 2.3.1.4 Fricatives The reflexes of the PHl fricatives are the following: (49)

Reflexes of PHl fricatives

BHin

HaEm

LHut

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

ph

f

f

f

f

f

f

f

f

f

f

pfh

t

t

t

t

t

WԬ

f

s

s

tsh

tsh

p

h

t

f

f

f

f

S. Hlai (Savina)

f

C. Hlai (Savina)

s

f

s

s

pfh

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

ph

f

f

t

----

t‫آ‬h

ph

f

----

f

The Bouhin and Yuanmen reflexes above indicate that the Hlai voiceless fricatives had become strongly aspirated in Pre-Hlai; I therefore propose the following reconstructions: (50)

*fh

*fhj *sh

PHl *fh is reflected as f in all of the daughter languages except Yuanmen13 and Bouhin.

Regarding affrication at this place of articulation, a typological parallel exists in Hainanese (Norman 1969: 40), in which former Proto-Min aspirated stops have lenited to affricates: (51)

Proto-Min

Hainanese

*ph *th

f~pf~pfh~֝~p֝ h

*tsh *k

h

s

x

The evolution of this fricative has therefore probably taken a course such as the following: 13

The Yuanmen reflex, which is listed in Ouyang & Zheng (1983) as f(h), is actually described as an affricate pf(h)

71 (52)

Bouhin

*fh

>

pfh

Other Hlai

*fh

>

f

Yuanmen

*fh

>

pfh

>

ph

Palatalized *fhj must be reconstructed in order to account for the alveolar fricatives in NCHl, and

is reflected according to the correspondences given above in only one item, tooth. There is evidence for

two more items with this initial based solely on Jiamao evidence (see chapter five). The development of *fhj was the following: (53)

NWCHl, Meifu *fhj Other Hlai

*f j h

> >

ç f

>

‫آ‬

>

s

h

There was a shift of PHl *sh to t throughout all of Hlai except NCHl, and it most likely occurred

through an intermediate stage of *ts, as in the Vietnamese example above. *sh underwent affrication to

tsh in the Run branch before merging with the reflex of *tçh. It remains s in the Meifu branch, but shifted to Ԭ in NWCHl with affrication to WԬin Cunhua and a subsequent shift to f in Nadouhua. These developments are illustrated below: (54)

NWCHl Run

*sh *sh

> >

Ԭ tsh

>

tԬ&XQ I1DGRX

Other Hlai

*sh

>

ts

>

t

Meifu

*sh

>

s

A comparison of reconstructions is given below: (55)

Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

(a) (b)

*f ---

*p ---

*f ---

*-p*-ip-

*fh *fhj

(c)

*s

*s

*s

*s

*sh

Matisoff and Peiros reconstruct the first series as *f, and Thurgood as *p. I assume that the evidence Thurgood relies on to reconstruct a stop instead of a fricative is the Yuanmen reflex pf h and the Bouhin reflex ph under the assumption that they were retentions; as explained above, I understand these

instead to be innovations (secondary fortitions), as the change of *p > f violates Directionality. Neither

of them reconstruct anything for what is reconstructed here as *fhj (which is very rare). Ostapirat reconstructs both as a medial *-p-, the latter with a preceding front high vowel, which fits into his system as a stop which undergoes frication intervocalically; without additional evidence for this reconstruction, this violates Commonality, since the majority of reflexes indicate *f.

72 2VWDSLUDW·VUHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIDPHGLDOFRQVRQDQWIRUWKHVHFRQGVHULHVLVOHJLWLPDWHJLYHQWKH

Meifu data, but we differ in our reconstruction of the manner of the consonant itself. With the exception of aspiration, there is complete agreement about the reconstruction of the second series as *s[h]. Examples of the PHl fricatives are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun (56)

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Examples of PHl fricatives

(a)

*fh

(b)

*fhun

成熟

ripe

tҬ:ު7

tҬ:ު7

水牛

water buffalo

*shujު

tuj3

tuj3

tuj3

洗

wash

雨

rain

(pun1)

fun1

天

sky

(pa:3)

fa:3

皮

skin (of fruit)

*fha:k

pha:ު7 fʎk2

fe:ު7 fʎު4

fe:ު7 fҬ:2

fʅn1

fDZ:3

fʎn1

fa:3

fun1 IRӔ1

fun1 IRӔ1

fun1 IRӔ1

fun1

pf hʅn1

*fha:ު fa:3 fa:3

fe:k7 fe:ު7

fa:3 fa:3

fa:3 fa:3

fa:3

pf ha:3

*sh

WԬҬʅk2 feު4

WԬDZj3

fe:ު7 feު8

fe:ު7 tak7 (pfiaު7) WԬDN2

fan1

fan1

foj3

to:ު7 fDZު4

*shҬ:k tҬ:k7 sҬު7

tuj3

suj3

tҬ:ު7 sҬk7

suj3

tҬaު7

tҬ:ު7

tuj3

tuj3

tDZ:ު7 tshDZު8

tDZ:ު7 tshDZު7

tshҬk8

tshoj3

tshҬު7

tshow3

*shʅ:k to:k7 so:k7

to:ު7 so:k7

*fh j

(b) 牙齒

tooth

phen1

fan1

sen1

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

fen1

*fhjʅn fan1

sen1

fan1

sen1

IDӔ1

pf han1

2.3.1.5 Interim Summary A total of four classes of initials have been reconstructed in this subsection: aspirated stops,

aspirated affricates, implosives and the plain stop and affricate, and fricatives. This half of the initial inventory is shown below:

73 (57)

*ph

*th

*f (j)

*s

*Ʒ

h

*Ȯ

*(Cu)ٍ‫؛‬h *tçh *tç

*kh *k

h

There are several interesting asymmetries which are observable. The first is that implosive and

plain initials are in complimentary distribution, according to anteriority of place of articulation. The

distribution of the implosives is not typologically abnormal per se, as it is quite common for languages to have implosives at only the bilabial and alveolar places of articulation (Maddieson 1984: 112); it is less usual for these phonemes to lack plain counterparts with which they contrast (although less so in

Southeast Asia, as shown above in examples (46-47). The contrast between a plain series and an aspirated series of stops, on the other hand, is very common (ibid: 39).

The second is that the fricative series is defective according to the same criteria: fricatives exist

at anterior places of articulation, but not posterior ones. This is also typologically regular, with the three most common fricatives being s, ‫آ‬, and f (ibid: 50).

Finally, coarticulations are very restricted, with palatal coarticulation being limited to *f h, and

labiovelar coarticulation (in Central Hlai) limited to *ٍ‫؛‬h. Palatalization of labials is not uncommon, but it is less common for postalveolars to have secondary articulations (ibid: 38). These asymmetries are discussed and explained in chapter four, section 4.3.10. 2.3.2 Sonorant Initials The sonorants are divided here into five categories: preaspirated nasals, medial nasals, laterals,

approximants and preaspirated glides.

2.3.2.1 Preaspirated Nasals The most common reflexes in this series are plain stops in low register. Only one language

(Bouhin) has retained nasal reflexes. The reflexes in the other Hlai languages are relatively uniform, with only slight variations. The reflexes of the fifth series are quite different than those of the first four (bold font again indicates that the initial is correlated with low register):

74 (58)

Reflexes of PHl preaspirated nasals

BHin

Ha Em LHut

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

m

p

p

ph

p

Ʒ

p

p

p

p

p

ts k

ts k

ts k

ts k

ts k

ts k

ts k

n ӑ Ӕ v

t

ts k v

p t

ts k

hw

t

ts k v

S. Hlai (Savina)

t

h

ts kh

h

v

t

v

ts

h

C. Hlai (Savina)

t

Ӕ/v

t

v

t

v

p

p

ӑ

----

----

t

Ӕ

v

t

k

v

v

t

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

m n

t

k

v

v

I propose the reconstruction of a series of preaspirated nasals for these series: (59)

*hm *hn *hӑ

*hӔ *hӔZ The Nadouhua reflexes of *hӔZPD\EHFRQGLWLRQHGE\WKHIROORZLQJULPHDVLOOXVWUDWHGE\WKH

following examples: (60)

Split reflexes of PHl *hӔZLQ1DGRXKXD

Gloss

PHl

Nadouhua

Gloss

PHl

Nadouhua

yam

*hӔZʅ:j

ӔDZjު4

day

*hӔZʅn

vanު4

ghost

*hӔZʅ:t

ӔDZު4

carry (water)

*hӔZʅ:jު

ӔDZj3

sparse

*hӔZDQު

van3

The hypothesis presented here is that preaspiration (which was lost in Bouhin) conditioned the

reanalysis of original nasals as prenasalized stops in the Greater Hlai languages. I propose that this

75 change occurred because Hlai nasals were truly preaspirated, and not merely voiceless. Bhaskararao & Ladefoged (1991) compare these two types of nasals, and find that preaspirated nasals in Angami (a

Tibeto-Burman language of North Eastern India) are aspirated throughout the duration of the nasal, and WKDW¶«EHIRUHWKHYRLFLQJIRUWKHYRZHOEHJLQVWKHRUDORFFOXVLRQLVUHOHDVHGwhile air is still flowing out through the nose. The auditory impression is that there is an epenthetic voiceless plosive after the

YRLFHOHVVQDVDODQGEHIRUHWKHYRZHO·7KLVDXGLWRU\LPSUHVVLRQFRXOGWKHQOHDGWRUHDQDO\VLVDQGWRWKH leftward migration of the velic opening, and the accompanying leftward migration of velic closure, UHVXOWLQJLQWKH¶SRVWVWRSSLQJ·RIWKHQDVDOV/DGHIRJHG 0DGGLHVRQ-8): (61)

hm

>

hmb

>

mb

>

b

During their duration as prenasalized voiced stops, these initials conditioned low register, only becoming voiceless stops when the nasal component of the initial was lost.

In general, the development of this class of initials was ultimately to plain voiceless stops, in low

register if the language had undergone registrogenesis. Besides Bouhin, there are two other exceptions to this. The first is in Cunhua: instead of plain stops in low register, there are implosives in low register at the bilabial and alveolar places of articulation. This suggests that the Cunhua bilabial and alveolar

reflexes participated in a late wave of implosion, perhaps at the time that implosives were entering the

inventories of other non-Hlai languages around the island. The second exception is Zandui, the reflexes of which are aspirated instead of plain stops. I believe that the explanation for the aspirated Zandui

initials is that they developed a particularly strong breathy-voiced release prior to devoicing. This breathy voice translated into aspiration after devoicing.

Below I show the various changes described above, using the labial nasals to stand for nasals at

all places of articulation: (62)

Cunhua Zandui

Other Hlai

*hm *hm *hm

> > >

mb mb mb

> > >

b b

͈

b

>

Ʒ

>

p

>

ph

The regular development of *hӔw was to merge with PHl *hw. In NWCHl, however, it seems to

have been reanalyzed as ͈ in Cunhua; in Nadouhua, ӔZ merely deaspirated: (63)

NWCHl

Other Hlai

*hӔw *hӔw

> >

͈ (Cun)/Ӕw (Nadou) hw

A comparison of reconstructions is given below:

> >

h (Cun)/Ӕ/v (Nadou) hw/v

76 (64)

Comparison of reconstructions Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

(a)

*mb

*mު

*m

*-m-

*hm

(c) (d)

*ndz *ӔJ

--*Ӕު

*ӑ *Ӕ

*-ӑ*-Ӕ-

*hӑ *hӔ

(b)

(e)

*nd

*nު

---

---

*n

---

*-n-

---

*hn

*hӔZ

Matisoff (1988) reconstructs the prenasalized stops *mb, *nd, *ndz, *ӔJIRUWKHILUVWIRXUVHULHV

this is the same as the present reconstruction of Greater Hlai, but cannot account for Bouhin (the change *mb > m violates Directionality)DQGWKHUHIRUHFDQ·WUHSUHVHQW3+O7KXUJRRG(1991) reconstructs

nasals with laryngeal constriction, *mު, *nުDQG Ӕު, with nothing reconstructed at the palatal place of

articulation (he reserves this slot in his system for another series of correspondences). Peiros reconstructs plain nasals, which I consider appropriate for Pre-Hlai, not Proto-Hlai (see chapter four); the

reconstruction of plain nasals also lacks the explanatory power of inherent in the reconstruction of

preaspirated nasals in providing a mechanism for change to oral stops. Ostapirat reconstructs medial *-

m-, *-n-, *-ӑ-, *-Ӕ-, and *-w-. He does this to distinguish this nasal series from what I reconstruct as the preglottalized nasal series (see below), arguing that initial nasals developed an allophonic glottal stop, another violation of Directionality. None of MatisRII7KXUJRRG3HLURVRU2VWDSLUDWGLVWLQJXLVK KӔZ from *hw, probably because the only reflexes which distinguish the two are found in NWCHl. Examples of the PHl preaspirated nasals are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

77 (65)

Examples of PHl preaspirated nasals

(a) 螞蟻

ant

mut7

put7

五

five

ma:1 ƷDZ:4

pa:1 paު4

濕

wet

men3

pan3

Ʒʅt4

Ʒan4

puʎު4

pan3

puc7 pʅt7

*hm

(b)

*hmuc

老鼠

rat

niw1

tiw1

六

six

nom1 tsem4

tom1 tonު4

長

long

na:w3

ta:w3

put8 pot7

pa:1 pa:4

pa:4 pa:1

pan3 pan3

pan6 SDӔ3

pa:4 pa:4

pan6

kut7

睡

sleep

ӔRZ2 ka:5

kaw2 kaw2

草

grass

ӔHQ3

kan3

射

shoot

ӑʅҮ1 ----

tsʅҮ1 ----

自己

self

----

tsaҮ3

tsit7

tshi:t8 tsit8

tsi:t8 tsit8

*hӑҬ: tsʅҮ4 tsʅҮ1

tshʅҮ4 tsʅҮ1

tsʅҮ4 tsʅҮ4

*hӑҬ:ު tsaҮ3 ----

taw3

ӔXW7

tsi:t8

tsʅҮ1 tsʅҮ4

tsa:w4

needle

----

----

SDӔ3

pan6

針

----

tsi:t7

phan6

tiwު4

(d)

*hӑi:t

----

pha:4 pa:1

tsDZj4

*hӑ dumpling

tsDZ:4

pʅt8

*hmʅnު

粽子

tsiު4

pot8

put8

*hma:

(c)

tsit4

phut8

*hn

tsaҮ6

tsʅҮ3

tshaҮ6 tsaҮ3

tsaҮ6 tsaҮ6

kʅt4

kan4

*hniw tiw1 tiw4

tiw4 tiw1

thiw4

tiw4

thom4 tom1

tum4 tom4

tha:w6

ta:w6

khut8

kut8

kho:2 kaw2

kDZ:2 kaw2

khan6

kan6

tew1

ti:w4

*hnom tom1 tom4

tom4 tom1 *hna:wު

ta:w3 ta:w3

ta:w6 ta:w3

ta:w3

ta:w6

Kƾ

kʎު4

kan3

KӔXF kuc7 kʅt7

kut8 kot7

kot8

kʅt8

KӔXh kaw2 kaw2

kaw2 kaw2

KӔʅnު

kan3 kan3

kan6 NDӔ3

NDӔ3

kan6

78 (e)

KƾZ

疏

sparse

va:n3

va:n3

日

day

ven1

van1

搬運

transport14

va:j3

vo:j3

hDZn4

hon4

----

van3

vanު4

ӔDZj

3

KӔZDQު hwa:n3 va:n6 YDӔ3

YDӔ3

va:n6

va:n3

van4

van1

YDӔ3

vuan6

*KӔZʅn hwan1 van4

van4 YDӔ1

YDӔ1

van4

KӔZʅ:jު

hwo:j3 va:j6 po:j

3

vo:j

3

va:j6 vuaj

3

va:j3

vu:j6

2.3.2.2 Medial Nasals This set of correspondences is very uniform across the daughter languages, which exclusively

show nasal reflexes. Given that nasals are a class of sonorants, however, there is a surprisingly low number of languages in which they conditioned low register (indicated by bold font):

14

The initial in the Changjiang form for this word is irregular. It reflects an earlier *hm, which was the UHVXOWRIDPLVWUDQVPLVVLRQRI KƾZSURYLGLQJXQH[SHFWHGFRQILUPDWLRQRIWKLVUHFRQVWUXFWLRQ

79 (66)

Reflexes of PHl medial nasals

BHin

Ha Em LHut

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

ӑ Ӕ

ӑ Ӕ

ӑ Ӕ

ӑ Ӕ

n Ӕ

ӑ Ӕ

ӑ Ӕ

ӔM Ӕ

ӑ Ӕ

ӑ Ӕ

ӑ Ӕ

ӑ Ӕ

n

Ӕ

n

Ӕ

S. Hlai (Savina)

n

ӔZ

n

ӔZ

n

Ӕ

n

ӔZ

n

Ӕ

n

ӔZ

C. Hlai (Savina)

n

Ӕ

n

Ӕ

m

m

ӑ

----

ӑ

Ӕ Ӕ

n Ӕ

----

Ӕ

n

Ҫ

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

m n

n

n Ӕ

----

My solution to this problem is to reconstruct a set of medial nasals which eventually became preglottalized via temporal compression: (67)

*C-m *C-n *C-ӑ *C-Ӕ

*CuӔ In order to explain their tonal behavior (and adhere to Commonality by taking this into account), I suggest that these nasals had become preglottalized by the time of registrogenesis, in which case high register would be expected. Moreover, the two languages which do have reflexes in low register,

Yuanmen and Zandui, could be explained as resulting from early deglottalization of these sonorants prior to registrogenesis. This explanation gains further weight when it is noted that these two languages are located at the geographic edges of Hainanese-speaking areas (in which a simple inventory of three plain

nasals --- m, n, Ӕ --- LVWKHQRUP ZKHUHDQ¶H[RWLF·IHDWXUHVXFKDVSUHJORWWDOL]DWLRQPLJKWEHH[SHFWHGWR be eroded due to language contact. This is illustrated below in (69):

80 (68)

PHl

Ymen, Zdui Other Hlai

*C-m *C-m

Registrogenesis > >

ުm ުm

> >

m ުm

> >

m m

The medial nasals have shown a remarkable degree of stability within the daughter languages.

The only change which occurred (late, but across-the-board) is the loss of the initial glottal stop, which became possible without merger with the preaspirated nasals in all but Bouhin due to the shift of the latter to prenasalized stops in Greater Hlai. Preglottalization also acted as a buffer against change, preserving these sonorants intact segmentally when compared to their preaspirated counterparts: (69)

*hm

*C-m

> >

mb ުm

> >

b

ުm

> >

p

m

,QWKHGHYHORSPHQWRI &XӔYRFDOLFWUDQVIHURFFXUUHGLQ&HQWUDO+ODLWKHSUHV\OODEOHZDVORVWLQ%RXKLQ and Ha Em before this could occur, possibly after neutralization of the vowel to schwa: (70)

&Xƾ *Cԥƾ | *ުƾ | ƾ

&Xƾ *ުƾ | ƾ

&XƾZ | *ުƾZ

BH

HE

Central Hl

In terms of language-specific reflexes, *ުm, *ުn, and *ުӔKDYHDOOGHYHORSHGLQDVWUDLJKWIRUZDUG way. The palatal nasal *ުӑ KDV¶EURNHQ·WR ӔM in Nadou, becoming parallel with ӔZ, and depalatalized to

n in Zandui. The CHl labiovelar nasal *ުӔZKDVPHUJHGRULVLQWKHSURFHVVRIPHUJLQJ ZLWKWKH reflexes of *ުӔVHYHUDOODQJXDJHVLWEHFDPHODELRGHQWDOL]HGLQ >

Ѵ

ުl

> >

Ѵ l

In the case of *hlj, the majority of languages have lost all traces of the original lateral and

simplified the cluster to a palatal glide *hj (which then evolved into the weak fricative z). The three

exceptions to this are Cunhua, Yuanmen, and the Qi branch. Cunhua merely simplified in the opposite

direction, maintaining the lateral but losing the palatal glide. In Yuanmen, the reflex of *hlj merged with the two reflex of *hrj. The fact that this did not occur in Baisha indicates that after the split of Run into Baisha and Yuanmen, *hlj developed into *hj in Baisha. In Yuanmen on the other hand, *hlj merged with *hrj into *‫ר‬j before ultimately hardening to dϴ. This is shown below:

85 (77)

Baisha

*hlj

>

hj

>

ϴ

>

z

Yuanmen

*hlj

>

‫ר‬j

>

dϴ

>

ts

*hrj

*hrj

>

>

‫ר‬j

‫ר‬j

>

>

dϴ

dϴ

>

>

ts

ts

The reflexes in the languages of the Qi branch show a unique occurrence of the preaspirated lateral Ѵ in low register. I hypothesize that *hlj developed narrower stricture in its palatal glide, and was reinterpreted as a voiced lateral fricative *Ҁ, which conditioned low register before devoicing, merging with Ѵ in high register: (78)

Qi

*hlj

>

Ҁ

>

Ѵ

The cluster *m-l occupies a very unique position in the PHl phoneme inventory, as it continues

to do today in the majority of the daughter languages where it is the single example of a stop-liquid

cluster; these are common in various Tai languages (and in Proto-Tai), but non-existant in PHl except in this one case.

$OWKRXJKWKLVFOXVWHURFFXUVLQKLJKUHJLVWHULQPRVW&HQWUDO+ODLODQJXDJHVLW·VRFFXUUHQFHLQ

low register in Cunhua, Nadouhua, and Changjiang indicates an originally voiced initial. I propose that the originally sesquisyllabic sequence *m-OEHFDPHD¶WLJKW·FOXVWHULQ&HQWUDO+ODLGXHWRWHPSRUDO compression, and in so doing an excrescent stop was epenthesized between the nasal and lateral. The

nasal element was eventually lost, but loss of this initial nasal and devoicing of the remaining voiced stop occurred at different times relative to registrogenesis. This stop epenthesis also appears to have been

variable in Cunhua given the variation between its two reflexes of *m-l. This proposed evolution of *m-l is shown below: (79)

Cunhua

*m-l

>

Other CHl

*m-l

>

Nadouhua Changjiang

*m-l *m-l

> >

m-l~mbl mbl mbl bl

>

l~bl

>

l~Ʒ

>

pl

>

p(l)

> >

bl bl

> >

pj p

As with other sesquisyllabic forms, it was normal for the sesquisyllable to merely be dropped in Bouhin and Ha Em: (80)

*m-l *l | l

*m-l l

BH

HE

*mbl CHl

86 A comparison of reconstructions is given below: (81)

Comparison of reconstructions Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

(a) (b)

*Ѵ *z

*Ѵު *ljު

*hl *z

*-l*-il-

*hl *hlj

(d)

*pl

*pl

*pl

*p-l

*m-l

(c)

*l

*l

*C-l

*l

*C-l

Matisoff reconstructs the first series as *Ѵ, and Peiros *hl, in line with the present reconstruction.

It is unclear to me why Thurgood reconstructs *Ѵު, indicating glottal constriction, although he may be relying on the evidence of the Bouhin reflex Ȯ. Ostapirat reconstructs medial *-l-, which underwent intervocalic fortition as a result of its medial position on analogy with his intervocalic nasal series.

Matisoff and Peiros reconstruct *z for the second series, which I consider untenable given the

lateral reflexes which exist in Cunhua and the Qi branch (thereby violating Commonality, as well as

Directionality in the case of the postulated change *z > Ѵ). Thurgood reconstructs *ljު and Ostapirat

medial *-il-, both of which are closer to the present reconstruction. I differ with Ostapirat on account of the Bouhin and Ha Em evidence which shows that the PHl initial must have already been palatalized before the breakup of the proto-language.

Matisoff, Thurgood, and Ostapirat reconstruct *l for the third series, whereas Peiros reconstructs

*C-l, in line with the present reconstruction. The reason for not reconstructing this as an initial lateral is

the same as the case of the plain nasals ² the occurrence of all forms in high register except for Yuanmen and Zandui, indicating that the PHl form was originally sesquisyllabic and began with a voiceless obstruent. The occurrence of this initial in the low register or Yuanmen and Zandui finds its explanation in the same circumstances as the preglottalized nasals ² early deglottalization occurred before

registrogenesis, most likely as a result of contact with non-Hlai languages. Matisoff, Thurgood, and Peiros all reconstruct *pl for the final series, and Ostapirat reconstructs *p-l, indicating an original sesquisyllable. The problem with the reconstruction of this cluster as *p-l is

the fact that it is in low register in three of the four registrogenetic NCHl languages, where *p is expected to condition high register, although I agree with Ostapirat that the PHl form specifically represents a sesquisyllable, not a tight cluster. Examples of the PHl laterals are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

87 (82)

Examples of PHl laterals

(a) 深

deep

Ȯak7

Ѵo:ު7

二

two

WԬDN2

lDZު4

Ȯow3 Ѵaw3 WԬDM 3 law3 血

blood

Ȯa:t7

Ѵa:t7

WԬDZt2

laު4

Ѵo:k7 Ѵo:k7

*hl

(b)

*hlʅ:k

螞蟥

water leech

KOMLӔ

]LӔ1

]LӔ1

ѴLӔ4

脖子

neck

]RӔ3 lDZӔ4

]XӔ3 ]DӔ3

耳朵

ear16

zaj1

zaj1

Ѵo:ު7

Ѵo:k7

ѴDZ:ު7 Ѵoު8

ѴDZ:ު7 Ѵoު7

*hlu:ު Ѵaw3 Ѵaw3

Ѵaw3 Ѵaw3

Ѵaw3 Ѵaw3

Ѵaw3 Ѵaw3

*hla:c Ѵa:c7 Ѵo:t7

Ѵa:t7

Ѵo:t7

Ѵa:t7 Ѵa:t8

Ѵa:t7

Ѵuat7

OLӔ4

laj4

*hlj

]HӔު4

najު4

]LӔ1 ----

zen1

]RӔ3 MXDӔ3

ѴRӔ6 zDZӔ3

zaj1 zaj4

Ѵaj4

zaj1

(d)

(長)大 big

*C-OXӔ

嫩

tender

lҬ:ު7

lҬ:ު7

房子

house

----

OXӔ3

瞎

blind

*m-la:w

la:w1 Ʒa:w4

la:w1 pla:w1 pjawު4 pa:w4

pla:w1 pla:w1

鱗

fish scale

*C-lʅ:p

lap7

lo:p7

lo:p7

遠

far

laj1 laj1

laj1 laj1

ORӔ1

lap2

16

ORӔ1

lDZު4

ORӔ1 OXӔ1

lo:p7 lo:p7

ORӔ1 ORӔ1

lo:p7

OXӔ4 OXӔ1

lDZ:p8

luap8

OXӔ1 OXӔ4

lDZ:p7

luap8

*C-lʅj laj1 laj1

laj1 laj1

laj4 laj1

laj1 laj4

lҬʅk4

----

ѴRӔ6 zDZӔ3

ѴDZӔ6 tsDZӔ6

Ѵaj4

Ѵaj4

----

plҬ:ު7

SRӔ3

plDZӔ3

pa:w1 pla:w1

pla:w1 pla:w1

zen1

tsen4

*hljʅj

*C-l

OXӔ1

ѴLӔ4

KOMRӔު

(c)

OXӔ1

ѴLӔ4

zaj1

tsaj4

*m-l

pjuު4

SMDӔ3

*m-lҬ:k plҬ:k7 plҬ:ު7 pҬު7

plҬk7

----

plҬު8

*m-ORӔު SORӔ3 pDZӔ3

SORӔ3 plDZӔ3

plDZӔ3

plDZӔ3

The Nadouhua initial is irregular, having assimilated under the influence of the initial syllable of this word, the full form being nu2 najު4.

88 2.3.2.4 Approximants The set of combined approximants (including the rhotics) is large, owing to the fact that some may occur plain as well as accompanied by one or both of two coarticulated glides. The plain approximants developed in a rather straightforward manner; those with secondary articulations, on the

other hand, seem to have been very unstable and often follow very divergent paths. Only the coronal approximants were able to support coarticulations, there being no evidence for coarticulated bilabial approximants.

There is a certain asymmetry in this class of initials, in that there is evidence in Meifu for an

initial glottal stop at the onset of some, but not others. The hypothesis presented here is that all of these

initials were once medial, an issue that is explored further in chapter four. For now, an initial consonant is automatically reconstructed in all cases.

The reflexes of the PHl approximants are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

(83)

Reflexes of the PHl approximants

BHin

HaEm

LHut

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

v

v

v

f

v

v

v

v

v

v

v

v

z

z

r

t

t

t

l

l

t

t

t

t

r r r

z r

r

r g z

g

S. Hlai (Savina)

r

v g r

gw

r f g t

gw

l

h

f h

th v

l

f h t

hw

C. Hlai (Savina)

l

v h z

v

l

v Ӕ l

Ӕ/v

l

kw g t

kw

r

‫ۦ‬ x t

‫ۦ‬

v

v

j d(r)

t f

t f

j

d(r) d(r)

f x

ts v

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

v

d(r)

r

l

t

Ø v

I reconstruct the following approximants for the sets of correspondences above:

Ҁ

t‫آ‬ x v

r

f kh ts v

89 (84)

*‫ڛ‬ *‫ר‬

*‫ר‬j *Cu‫ר‬ *hr

*hrj

*Cuhr The palatalized *‫ר‬j and *hrj, and sesquisyllabic *Cu‫ ר‬and *Cuhr, must be reconstructed in order

to account completely for the wide range of reflexes in the daughter languages, thus adhering to Commonality.

2.3.2.4.1 Labiodental Approximants With the exception of Cunhua, Lauhut and Tongzha, the reflexes of *‫ ڛ‬have merged almost

completely with those of *hw. The Cunhua reflex is v in low register (compared to v in high register from *hw), the Lauhut reflex is v (as opposed to hw from *hw), and the Tongzha reflex is f in low

register (instead of v in high register from *hw). The parallel changes in these three languages which show a distinction between *‫ ڛ‬and *hw are shown below: (85)

Cunhua

*‫ڛ‬

>

‫ڛ‬

>

v

Lauhut

*‫ڛ‬ *hw

> >

‫ڛ‬ hw

> >

v hw

Tongzha

*‫ڛ‬

>

v

>

f

*hw

*hw

>

>

hw

w

>

>

v

v

Hlai v is generally a very weak fricative in all languages, so that the change from *‫ ڛ‬to v would

have required only a slight increase in stricture.

2.3.2.4.2 Alveolar Approximants In the case of PHl *‫ר‬, the flap is still retained in several languages. The most common changes

are from *‫ ר‬to l and from *‫ ר‬to a trilled r. For the second and third series, I reconstruct *‫ר‬j and *Cu‫ר‬ respectively. Based on the Bouhin and Ha Em reflexes (which preserve evidence of only a palatal glide), vocalic transfer had already occurred in Pre-Hlai *Ci‫ >( ר‬PHl *‫ר‬j). The same was not true of *Cu‫ר‬, which did not undergo vocalic transfer until the divergence of Central Hlai:

90 (86)

*Cu‫ר‬ *‫ר‬ |

‫ר‬

BH

*Cu‫ר‬ ‫ר‬

*Cu‫ר‬w

HE

Central Hl

The development of *‫ר‬j and *Cu‫ ר‬has been roughly parallel in Central Hlai. There seems to be a

general division between languages in which these initials remained approximants or were reduced to glides, and those in which they underwent fortition to voiced obstruents. The first category includes Lauhut and NWCHl; fortition did not occur in these languages: (87)

Evolution of *‫ר‬j and *Cu‫ר‬: no fortition of approximant

Lauhut

*‫ר‬j

>

NWCHl

*‫ר‬j > *Cu‫ר‬w >

*Cu‫ר‬w >

‫ר‬

>

r

‫ר‬ w

> >

l v

w

>

v

In all instances, the presyllable was lost. *‫ר‬j lost its palatal coarticulation as well, but in all cases

the tap of Central Hlai *Cu‫ר‬w was lost, leaving only the labiovelar glide.

The second category includes the NECHl and Qi subgroups, where the approximant portion of *‫ר‬j and (with the exception of Meifu) *Cu‫ר‬w did undergo fortition. A chain shift is observable, as it was in these three branches (as well as Lauhut) that original *‫ ר‬became trilled *r, allowing original *‫ר‬j to

depalatalize to *‫ ר‬and fill the vacancy left by this change. It was this tap (and its labialized counterpart) which underwent fortition, leading to final stops and fricatives in the daughter languages:

91 (88)

1st Devoicing

Meifu

*‫ר‬ *‫ר‬j

> >

r ‫ר‬

> >

r ‫ר‬

> >

r d

> >

r t

*‫ר‬ *‫ר‬j

> >

r ‫ר‬

> >

r d

> >

r t

> >

r t

*‫ר‬

>

r

>

r

>

r

>

r

‫ר‬w

>

‫ר‬w

>

v

>

f

*Cu‫ר‬w > Run

C-w

*Cu‫ר‬w > Qi

2nd Devoicing

*‫ר‬j

‫ר‬w

>

‫ר‬

*Cu‫ר‬w >

>

>

>

ުw

‫ר‬w

‫ר‬

>

>

>

ުw

v

d

>

>

>

kw/‫ۦ‬

f

t(h)

The general tendency was, more specifically, for *‫ ר‬to harden to d. If *‫ ר‬hardened prior to

registrogenesis (as in Run), it underwent devoicing at this point and shows high register reflexes; if it

hardened after registrogenesis (as in Meifu and Qi), then it conditioned low register reflexes before finally devoicing.

*Cu‫ר‬w developed through an intermediate stage of *v in both Run and Qi before finally devoicing to f in low register. In Meifu, there was a development directly to *ުw, paralleling the case of *Cuhrw below, where the glottal stop was preserved at the expense of the approximant.

2.3.2.4.3 Rhotic Approximants The first division within Hlai occurred early (see chapter 1), with the Bouhin reflex of *hr being

an alveolar tap, but with *hr shifting to a velar fricative *‫ ۦ‬in Greater Hlai: (89)

*hr *‫ר‬

*‫ۦ‬

BH

Greater Hlai

Palatalized *hrj, on the other hand, merged largely with *‫ר‬j in the Hlai daughter languages. It can

only be distinguished based on reflexes in the NCHL languages Cunhua (l versus z) and Run (*d versus *dϴ).

Vocalic transfer in *Cuhr did not occur outside of Central Hlai, however, so that the timing of

the changes in *hr itself and vocalic transfer occurred in the following way, with the presyllable leaving no trace in Bouhin and Ha Em, and original *hr and *Cuhr merging in these two languages:

92 (90)

*Cuhr *hr |

*Cu‫ۦ‬

‫ר‬

BH

g

*Cu‫ۦ‬w

HE

Central Hl

The 1DGRXKXDUHIOH[HVVHHPDVLQWKHFDVHRI3+O KӔZWREHFRQGLWLRQHGE\WKHIROORZLQJ

rime, with v occurring before a, and Ӕ occurring elsewhere: (91) Gloss

PHl

Nadouhua

Gloss

PHl

Nadouhua

with

*Cuhru:

Ӕʎwު4

to plant

*Cuhra:

vaު4

head

*Cuhrʅwު

ӔDZ:3

run

*Cuhru:͈

Ӕʎw2

The change from *Cu‫ۦ‬w to *ުw occurred in all NCHl languages except for Nadouhua. The

various paths of change in CHl are given below: (92)

Devoicing

Run

*‫ۦ‬

Moyfaw

>

Registrogenesis

‫ۦ‬

>

x

>

x

>

x/kh

*‫ۦ‬ > *Cu‫ۦ‬w >

‫ۦ‬ ުw

> >

x ުw

> >

x ުw

> >

x ‫ۦ‬

Changjiang

*‫ۦ‬

>

‫ۦ‬

>

‫ۦ‬

>

‫ۦ‬

>

g

Other CHl

*‫ۦ‬

>

‫ۦ‬

>

‫ۦ‬

>

‫ۦ‬

>

g/h/Ӕ

*Cu‫ۦ‬w >

*Cu‫ۦ‬w >

*Cu‫ۦ‬w >

ުw

ުw

>

>

‫(ۦ‬w)/w >

A comparison of reconstructions is given below:

ުw

kw

>

>

‫(ۦ‬w)/w >

ުw

kw

>

>

‫(ۦ‬w)/w >

v

kw

g(w)/h(w)/Ӕ/v

93 (93)

Comparison of reconstructions Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

(a)

*v

*wު

*v

*-‫ڛ‬-

*‫ڛ‬

(c) (d)

--*vr

--*prު

--*zw

*-ir*-ur-

*‫ר‬j *Cu‫ר‬

(b)

(e) (f)

(g)

*r

*Ҁ/*‫ۦ‬ ---

*‫ۦ‬w

*rު

*Ҁު/*‫ۦ‬ ---

*‫ۦ‬w

*r

*rw/*‫ۦ‬ ---

*‫ۦ‬w

*-r-

*-‫׮‬-/*²g*-ir-

*-u‫׮‬-/*-ug-

*‫ר‬

*hr

*hrj

*Cuhr

Matisoff and Peiros reconstruct the first series as *v (which in the present system would have

devoiced to f in the daughter languages), and Thurgood as *wު (which fails to explain the Tongzha reflex)2VWDSLUDW·VUHFRQVWUXFWLRQRILQWHUYRFDOLF -‫ڛ‬- is in agreement with the one given here.

Matisoff and Peiros reconstruct *r, Thurgood *rު, and Ostapirat medial *-r- for the second series.

The problem with the reconstruction of *r for this series in the present reconstruction is that there is a

more suitable candidate for *(h)r based on the fifth series of correspondences in (83). A tap, however, is consistent with the evidence if it can be assumed that it can change to a trill; given the propensity within the Hlai languages toward airstream activity in the initials (i.e. the aspirated obstruents and preaspirated sonorants), this seems entirely reasonable.

None of Matisoff, Thurgood, or Peiros offer a reconstruction for the third or sixth series,

although Matisoff notes a couple of examples and states that a cluster must be reconstructed; Ostapirat

proposes medial *-ir- for these without distinguishing them. I prefer to reconstruct a palatalized tap for the third series, which allows a more direct explanation for how it can fill the gap left by former *‫ ר‬in the languages where this occurs, and it is a better candidate for fortition to *d (satisfying Directionality); I reconstruct palatalized *hrj for the fifth series.

For the fourth series, Matisoff reconstructs *vr, Thurgood *prު (in parallel with their *fr and *pr, respectively), Peiros *zw (parallel to his *sw), and Ostapirat medial *-ur-. Matisoff and Thurgood probably also set up *r clusters here based on a combination of labiodental reflexes and Moyfaw ‫;ۦ‬

reconstruction of an *r cluster for this series is again a violation of Economy, since the reconstruction of a labial element is all which is necessary to explain the modern reflexes. I prefer to reconstruct *Cu‫ר‬, which has the benefit of explaining the lack of labialization in Bouhin and Ha Em, its parallel

development (in terms of fortition) with *‫ר‬j, and the Meifu reflex *ުw, which is understandable under the assumption of a presyllable initial pre-empting the medial tap.

Matisoff reconstructs the fifth series as either *Ҁ or *‫ۦ‬, depending on the Bouhin reflex, and Thurgood does the same with near-identical *Ҁު and *‫ ;ۦ‬Peiros also adopts an alternation between *rw

and *‫ۦ‬, and Ostapirat reconstructs medial *-‫׮‬- or *²g-. These split reflexes are all based on the variation in Bouhin between ‫ ר‬and g, the latter of which I have identified in chapter one as the result of loans from

94 Ha Em, which means that the second variant in each reconstruction is based on data which should

ultimately not be considered in the reconstruction. The reconstruction of a lateral *Ҁ cannot account as

elegantly for the split in reflexes between Bouhin (the change *Ҁ to ‫ ר‬violates Directionality) and Greater Hlai (the reconstruction *‫ ۦ‬ILWVLQWR0DWLVRII·VDQGPeiros·V system of voiced fricatives (along with *v and *z)). 2VWDSLUDW·VUHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIDXYXODUWULOOGRHVQRWDFFRXQWIRUWKH%RXKLQUHIOH[DGHTXDWHO\

3HLURV·V *rw is closer to my reconstruction, although the reconstruction of a labiovelar coarticulation for

this series (as opposed to the seventh) seems unmotivated; 3HLURV·V reconstruction of *rw contrasts with his *r, but is strange in that the reflexes between the two series have little in common except in Bouhin

The reconstruction of *‫ۦ‬w (and *-ug-) for the final series is unmotivated, as it is again based on

what I consider to be loans from Ha Em. I agree with Ostapirat, however, in positing a preceding u for this initial.

Examples of the PHl approximants are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

(94)

上衣

clothes

YHӔ3

YHӔ3

肩膀

shoulder

va:2

va:2

弓

bow

vDZ:5

vat9 viat

4

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

Examples of PHl approximants

(a)

vʎӔ4

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

vʎӔ3

va:2

YHӔ3 YHӔ3

*‫ڛ‬

(b)

*‫ڛ‬DӔު

窩

nest

ru:ު7

ru:ު7

腸

intestine

ra:j3

ra:j3

星星

star ra:w1

IHӔ6

YHӔ3

YHӔ6 YLDӔ3

YHӔ3 YLDӔ6

*‫ڛ‬a:͈ va:2 va:2

fa:2

va:2

va:2 va:5

va:5 va:2

*‫ڛ‬ʅc

*‫ר‬

lok4

la:(j)4

vat7

vac7

fat8

vat8

vat7

ra:w1

4

7

7

8

8

4

vaު

vat

vat

vat

vat

la:w

luު4

laj3

laު

4

*‫ר‬u:k ru:k7 luު7

ru:ު8 ruk7

luaު8

lu:ު8

la:j6

la:j6

ruk8

ruު8

*‫ר‬a:jު ra:j3

ra:j6

la:j3

ra:j3

ra:j3

ruaj6

*‫ר‬a:w ra:w1

ra:w4

la:w4

4

1

1

la:w

ra:w

ra:w

la:w4

ra:w4

95 (c) 瞞

conceal

zom1

zom1

舉

lift

zҬn2

zҬn2

壞

bad

----

rom1

l[u]nު4 tom4

----

ze:ު7

lʎk

leު

4

4

rҬn2 ----

辣

spicy

rit7

git7

網

net

(zeު5)

ra:j3

hDZ:(j)

go:j3 4

ӔDZj

*‫ר‬jom

生

raw

ri:p7

ri:p7

骨頭

bone

rҬ:ު7

rҬ:ު7

地

earth

ren1

ran1

tom4 tom1

3

tҬn2 tʅӔ2

re:k7

te:ު8

7

2

te:ު

gec7

(git7)

tҬ:

tom1

tum4

tom[4]

tҬn2

tʅӔ2

tʅn5

the:ު8 teު

8

te:ު8

(tiaު ) 7

vuު4

vanު

laugh

za:w1

za:w1

玩

play

get8

het8

xet7

hit8

xet8

khet7

ga:j6 3

xo:j

*hrʅw

ru:1

gaw1

gaw4 xaw1

ha:j6 xuaj

3

haw4 xʅ:1

k u:j h

zҬ:ު7 3

how4 khoު7

zҬʅk

fi:p8

fҬaު8

fҬ:ު8

fan4

fan4

fan4

1

1

fip8

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:k vҬ:k7 kҬު7

fҬ:ު8 ‫ۦ‬Ҭk7

fҬk8

fҬު8

*Cu‫ר‬ʅn

NZDӔ

1

‫ۦ‬DӔ

IDӔ

fan4

4

laު4

zҬ:ު7 leު

4

*hrja:w ra:w1 ta:w1

ta:w4 ta:w1

rҬ:k7 tҬk

7

tҬ:ު8 tҬk

7

calf (of leg)

*hrjinު

zin3

zin3

ten6

----

tha:w4

ta:w4

thҬaު8

tҬ:ު8

tsa:w1

tsa:w4

*hrjҬ:k

小腿

----

fip8

*hr j

za:w4

ha:j6

fi:p8

‫ۦ‬ip7

van1 4

笑

3

gaw4

----

fi:p8

kip7

*hrit

go:j3

ga:1

vi:p7

----

vҬʅk4

*hrʅ:jު

go:j

vip4

*Cu‫ר‬i:p

(e)

we (incl)

ӔDZު4

----

*C u‫ר‬

*hr

咱們

ha:5

thom4

*‫ר‬ja:k

(d)

het4

(d)

*‫ר‬jҬn͈

----

za:ު7

*‫ר‬j

reӑ3 ----

(ren3)

(tҬk ) 7

then6

tsen3

----

tin6

tsen6

96 *C uhr

(f) 跑

run

row2

gow2

頭

head

raw3

gaw3

種

to plant

vaw5

vaw3

ra:1 vDZ:

4

*Cuhru:͈

Ӕʎw2

ӔDZ:3

(ra:1) vaު

4

gow2 kow2

gow2 ‫ۦ‬ow2

----

vow2

how2 vow5

*Cuhrʅwު gwow3 go:6 ko:3

‫ۦ‬o:3

ho:6

hDZ:6

(va:4)

hwa:4

vo:3

vo:3

*Cuhra: gwa:1 kDZ:

1

go:6 ‫ۦ‬a:

1

va:

1

va:1

2.3.2.5 Glides Two of the PHl glides were originally preaspirated, and their reflexes are for the most part

entirely straightforward. One glide was medial: (95)

Reflexes of PHl glides

BHin

Ha Em LHut

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

z

z

z

z

z

z

z

z

v p

v f

S. Hlai (Savina) j v p

z

hw f

v f

v f

v f

v f

C. Hlai (Savina) ---v f

The following are reconstructed for the two series above:

v f

z

v kw

z

v ‫ۦ‬

v f

Baisha (Wang & Qian) ‫ޓ‬ v f

z

v f

97 (96)

*hj

*hw

*C-w As a general rule, the primary change which has occurred in the initial glides is an increase in

stricture to the weak fricatives z and v. It is possible that this was motivated by their preaspiration, which may have provided a percept of frication which became confused with the following glide, becoming susceptible to reanalysis as a fricative via temporal compression. In almost all cases, this change

occurred before registrogenesis, creating an environment (voiced obstruents) which would condition low register.

The three exceptions to this scenario are Cunhua, Lauhut (for *hw only), and Baoting. In

Cunhua and Baoting, the glides developed as described above except for the fact that they conditioned

high register, not the expected low register which occurs in the other registrogenetic languages. I believe the best explanation for the registral behavior in these two languages is merely that they experienced the change from hj/hw to z/v after registrogenesis, since as preaspirated fricatives they would have

conditioned high register. In the case of Lauhut hw, the best explanation is that it is conservative, and preserves the original reflex of PHl *hw. These developments are illustrated below: (97)

Registrogenesis Cunhua &

*hj

>

hj

>

z

Lauhut

*hj *hw

> >

hj hw

> >

z hw

Other Hlai

*hj

>

ϴ

>

z

Baoting

*hw

*hw

>

>

hw

v

>

>

v

v

I reconstruct the third series as *C-w, since there is evidence for a glottal stop derived from the

initial consonant of *C-w in the Meifu branch. In most languages, the presyllable was eventually lost,

with medial w undergoing fortition to ǜ and devoicing to ֝ in accordance with the constraint against initial voiced obstruents; it then merged with f. The distinction between original *fh DQG ǜLVSUHVHUYHG in both Bouhin and Yuanmen, where reflexes of PHl *fh are aspirated, but those of PHl *C-w are not:

98 (98)

Bouhin

*fh

>

pfh

Yuanmen

*fh

>

pfh

*C-w

*C-w

>

>

֝

֝

>

ph f

>

p

>

f

>

pf

>

The single exception to the development of *C-w into a labiodental fricative is in Meifu, which preserved the original form; this contrasts with the development in the other Hlai languages, where the presyllable was lost, leaving ǜ vulnerable to devoicing in initial position (see section 2.2.1): (99)

Meifu

*C-w

>

*C-w

>

*ުw

>

kw (CJ)/‫( ۦ‬MF)

Other Hlai

*C-w

>

ǜ

>

*֝

>

f

A Comparison of reconstructions is given below: (100)

Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

(a) (b)

*j *w

*j *w

*j *w

*-j*-w-

*hj *hw

(c)

*fr

*pr

*hw

*-up-

*C-w

Matisoff, Thurgood, and Peiros all reconstruct these two series as *j and *w, respectively. The

ZHDNQHVVRIWKLVUHFRQVWUXFWLRQLVWKDWLWGRHVQ·WH[SODLQWKHUHJLVWUDOEHKDYLRULQ&XQKXDDQG%DRWLQJRU the unique Lauhut reflex of hw in the second series.

Ostapirat reconstructs medial *-j- and *-w-, positing intervocalic fortition of sonorants as he does

in the case of the nasals and lateral. As in those cases, the fortition of a sonorant intervocalically is rather counter-intuitive. The third series is reconstructed as *fr by Matisoff, *pr by Thurgood (parallel to their *f and *p,

respectively), and *hw by Peiros. I presume that Matisoff and Thurgood both reconstruct an *r cluster to account for the initial in Moyfaw (‫)ۦ‬, which is the regular reflex of either *r or *r clusters in many parts

of Kra-Dai, including Hlai (see previous section). However, the Changjiang reflex kw (which neither Matisoff nor Thurgood were aware of), when presented next to Moyfaw ‫ۦ‬, indicates that the Meifu reflex is best reconstructed as *ުw. The principle of Economy can therefore be invoked, since less change is

involved between *C-w and the reflexes of the daughter languages than between *fr or *pr and the same reflexes. Ostapirat does also not explain the important distinction between aspirated and unaspirated reflexes in Bouhin and Yuanmen, in that they differentiate between PHl *fh and *C-w. Examples of the PHl glides are given below, in the following order:

99 Bhin Cun (101)

蛋/卵

egg

zҬ:m1

zҬ:m1

zum

zunު

4

老

old

za:1

za:1

羊

sheep

]DӔ1

]HӔ1

zDZ:1

zʎӔ1

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

Examples of PHl glides

(a)

1

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

zaު4

zʎӔު4

zҬ:m1 zum

1

*hj

(b)

*hjҬ:m

彎

zҬ:m4 zum

1

zu:m4 zum

1

zҬ:m1 zum

4

*hja: za:1 za:4

za:4 za:1

za:4 za:1

za:1 za:4

KMDӔ ]HӔ1 ----

]HӔ4 ]HӔ1

]HӔ4 ]LDӔ1

]HӔ1 ]LDӔ4

*hw crooked

----

vDZӔ

3

----

YDӔ

2

贊揚

praise

vaj1

vaj1

芭蕉

banana17

va:ު7

ve:ު7

vaj1

zʎk2

vajު4

----

*hwʅӔh KZRӔ2 YRӔ2 vDZӔ

2

hwaj1 vaj4

vaj4 vaj1

hwe:k7 ve:ު8 ve:ު7

vҬ:2

*C-wuj

puj1

fuj1

fuj1

九

nine

pʅҮ3

faҮ3

村庄

village

----

----

fDZn1

vDZӔ5

vDZӔ[4]

vaj4

vaj1

ve:ު8

ve:ު7

fuj1

fuj1

vaj1

vaj4

veު8

viaު8

*C-w ripe, mature

----

vDZӔ

2

*hwa:k

熟

fDZj1

vDZӔ2

*hwʅj

(c)

17

vDZӔ

2

fDZj1

faw3

fan1

fuj1

kuj1

‫ۦ‬uj1

foj1

fow1

*C-wҬ:ު faҮ3

faҮ3

kwaҮ3 ‫ۦ‬ʅҮ3

faҮ3

faҮ3

fa:n1

fa:n1

faҮ3

faҮ3

*C-wa:n ----

fa:n1

kwa:n1 ‫ۦ‬a:Ӕ1

IDӔ1

fuan1

As previously mentioned, the Cunhua initial is irregular, the original *w apparently having been replaced by j , under the influence of the rime.

100 2.3.2.6 Interim Summary A total of four sets of sonorants have been reconstructed in this section: preaspirated and medial nasals, four kinds of laterals, approximants, and preaspirated and medial glides. This half of the initial inventory is shown below: (102)

*hm *C-m

*hn *C-n

*m-l

*C-l

*‫ڛ‬

*hw

*hӑ *C-ӑ

*hl(j)

*hӔZ *&X Ӕ

*(Cu)‫(* ר‬Cu)hr *‫ר‬j

*C-w

*hrj

*hj

As in the case of the obstruents, there are a number of asymmetries which are of interest. The

most glaring is the fact that there is no plain series of nasals and lateral (in initial position), or glides

which contrast with the preaspirated series; this is typologically very uncommon (Maddieson 1984: 69). The second is that the alveolar liquids exist in two varieties: plain and palatalized. In conjunction with this, presyllables with high back rounded vowels are reconstructible in the case of the

velar nasal and coronal approximants; there are no corresponding presyllables reconstructible with high

front vowels. Altogether, this indicates a preference for palatalization over labialization (the latter which occurs, nevertheless, with the velar nasal, a very common environment (ibid: 69)

Finally, the only presyllable initial to retain its place of articulation (p-l < *m-l) is the most anterior, at the bilabial place of articulation. It may be hypothesized that this occurred because the articulation of the epenthetic stop [p] is independent of the tongue, and that other obstruents, the

articulation of which required lingual gestures, debuccalized before [l] which requires one or more lingual constrictions. These asymmetries are discussed further in chapter four. 2.3.3 Glottal Initials There are two kinds of PHl glottals: glottal stops and glottal fricatives. Both the glottal stop and

the glottal fricative occur in triplets: plain, preceded by *Ci-, and preceded by *Cu-. The reflexes of these six series are given below:

101 (103)

Reflexes of PHl glottal initials

BHin

HaEm

LHut

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

ު

ު

ު

ު

ު

ު

ު

ު

ު

ު

ު

ު

ު h

ު h

ުw h

gw h

v h

ުw h

v h

ުw h

kw h

‫ۦ‬ h

v h

v h

ު

h h

ު

h h

ުj

hj

hw

z

z

gw

S. Hlai (Savina)

z

z

v

ުj

hj

hw

C. Hlai (Savina)

z

ӑ Ӕ

ުj

ӔM

ӔZ

z

ӑ Ӕ

z

ӑ Ӕ

ު

ު

ު

v

v

h h h

j

------v

ӑ Ӕ

z

ӑ

Ҫ

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

ު ު

z

‫ޓ‬

h ӑ Ӕ

The reconstructions I propose for these series of correspondences are glottal stops and voiced

fricatives, each plain as well as with with presyllables, the first with a preceding i, and the second with a preceding u: (104)

*ު

*Ciު

*Cuު *͈ *Ci͈

*Cu͈

2.3.3.1 Glottal Stops The first series of reflexes is absolutely uniform throughout the daughter languages, and I

reconstruct it as *ު. I reconstruct the second and third series as *Ciު and *Cuު. The development of

these two initials has paralleled that of the coronal approximants and glottal fricatives quite closely, in that the presyllables have been completely lost in Bouhin and Ha Em, but have left traces because of vocalic transfer in Central Hlai:

102 (105) *ު |

ު

BH

*Ciު

*Cuު *Ciު

ު

*Ciުj

HE

CHl

*ު |

ު

BH

*Cuު ު HE

*Cuުw CHl

Deglottalization has occurred in reflexes of both in six CHl languages, and for the palatal glide

in Tongzha18. In the majority of languages, when deglottalization has occurred, the glides have

undergone an additional fortition to voiced fricatives, merging with the reflexes of the preaspirated glides (but being distinguished by register in most CHl languages).

In Meifu, ުw followed two different paths: in Changjiang, it was reanalyzed as gw and devoiced

to kw; in Moyfaw, it lost its glottal constriction while giving rise to the velar fricative ‫ۦ‬, through deletion of the labial part of the original labiovelar coarticulation: (107)

*ުw *gw | kw CJ

*ު‫ۦ‬ | ‫ۦ‬

MF

The reflexes of *ުw in the Meifu branch are especially important, as they provide important information in the reconstruction of presyllables in PHl *C-w, *Cu‫ר‬, and (with Run and Cunhua) *Cuhr above.

2.3.3.2 Glottal Fricatives I reconstruct *͈ for the first series of correspondences in this group. Although this initial

patterns in many ways with the class of approximants, the true approximants have in general developed

into initials which conditioned low register at the time of registrogenesis. PHl *͈, on the other hand, did not condition low register in any languages. The reason that there is such an asymmetry in registral

behavior when *͈ is compared with *‫ ڛ‬and *‫ ר‬is apparently that while *‫ ڛ‬and *‫ ר‬were true approximants, this fricative (as an obstruent) fit the environment for devoicing, with *͈ becoming h across the board.

The reason that this series of correspondences is not reconstructed merely as *h is that it interlocks into a system with *Ci͈ and *Cu͈, both of which are shown below as being necessarily voiced. 18

Note that deglottalization must have happened after registrogenesis in all languages in which it occurred, since none of the tonal reflexes indicate voiced initials.

103 There are two things which suggest a reconstruction of *Ci͈ and *Cu͈ for the second and third

series. The first is external evidence, to be treated in chapter four. The other, which Matisoff (1988)

notes, is that the place of articulation for these two initials (palatal and labiovelar) is very marked for obstruents or nasals, but typical of glides; he therefore suggests that the nasal reflexes in NCHl are the

result of rhinoglottophilia, a phenomenon in which the percept of nasalization is usually triggered in the

environment of laryngeals, leading to the phonologization of an actual nasal (Matisoff 1975). This is the

solution adopted here, where PHl *Ci͈ and *Cu͈ (after the application of CHl vocalic transfer, rendering *Ci͈j and *Cu͈w) were confused with *ުӑ and *ުӔZWKHSHUFHSWRIQDVDOL]DWLRQRULJLQDWLQJLQWKH temporal compression across the stop from the presyllable and the glottal fricative, but the place features being cued by the following glides. Bouhin and Ha Em did not participate in vocalic transfer, and the reflexes of *Ci͈ and *Cu͈ merged with those of *͈. These paths of change are outlined below: (107)

*Ci͈

*͈

*Cu͈ *Ci͈

*͈

*Cu͈

*Ci͈j

*Cu͈w

h

h

*Ci͈j

*C-ӑ

h

h

*Cu͈w

*C-ӔZ

BH

HE

ECHl

NCHl

BH

HE

ECHl

NCHl

In ECHl, *Ci͈j and *Cu͈w followed roughly the same trajectory as *͈, losing the presyllable

stop and devoicing to hj and hw. There is variation in the reflexes for *Ci͈j and *Cu͈w in Qi; in Tongzha and Zandui, *Ci͈j and *Cu͈w merged with *Ciުj and *Cuުw, yielding ުj and ުw respectively; in Baoting, on the other hand, *Ci͈j and *Cu͈w merely lost the presyllable and devoiced to hj and hw19: (108)

*Ci͈j

*Cu͈w

*ުj

*ުj

*͈j

*ުw

*ުw

*͈w

z

z

hj

gw

v

hw

TZ

ZD

BT

TZ

ZD

BT

|

|

|

|

|

A comparison of reconstructions is given below:

19

In my own fieldwork, the initials produced by my Baoting consultant were still voiced ͈.

|

104 (109)

Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

(a) (b)

*ު *xj

*ު ---

*ު *ުj

*ު *-iު-

*ު *Ciު

(d)

*x

*x

*h

*-k-

*͈

(c)

(e) (f)

*xw

*xw

*hj *hw

*hӑު

KӔZު

*ުw *hӑ

KӔZ

*-uު*-ik*-uk-

*Cuު *Ci͈ *Cu͈

There is complete unanimity in reconstructing *ު for the first series.

Matisoff reconstructs the second and third series as *xj and *xw, while Thurgood does not

reconstruct anything for the second but reconstructs the third as *xw. It is unclear to me what the

motivation is for Matisoff and Thurgood to reconstruct initial velar fricatives for these correspondence

sets, as a change from x to ު is not a normal one typologically and a clear violation of Directionality (as well as Commonality). 3HLURV·V reconstruction of preglottalized glides is similar to the present

reconstruction, the difference being that it is equivalent with post-vocalic transfer Central Hlai. Ostapirat reconstructs medial *-iު- and *-uު-, which is only different from the present reconstruction notationally.

Matisoff and Thurgood reconstruct *x and Peiros *h for the first series; the uniform high register

reflexes in the daughter languages are likely the main reason for Matisoff, Thurgood and Peiros all reconstruct this series with an original voiceless reflex. If *x is reconstructed, however, it presupposes complete debuccalization throughout all of the daughter languages, violating Commonality. Ostapirat

reconstructs medial *-k-, which has a place in his system where intervocalic stops undergo affrication.

For the last two series, Matisoff reconstructs *hj and *hw, Thurgood *hӑު and KӔZު, and Peiros

*hӑ and KӔZ0DWLVRII·VUHFRQVWUXFWLRQLVW\SRORJLFDOO\UHDVRQDEOHZKHQRQHDVVXPHVUKLQRJORWtophilia, a phenomenon which he relies upon to explain the NCHl reflexes (as is done here). Thurgood and

3HLURV·V reconstruction of a series of preaspirated nasals is very suspect, on the other hand, as they are the only preaspirated nasals in either of their reconstructions, and they occur at marked places of articulation. Ostapirat reconstructs medial *-k- preceded by *i and *u respectively (*-ik-, *-uk-). Although I disagree with his choice of consonants, our reconstructions agree in positing preceding high vowels. Examples of the PHl glottals are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

105 (110)

Examples of PHl glottals

(a)

*ު

(b) 苦

bitter

ham1

ho:m1

屎

excrement

*͈a:jު

ha:j3 ha:(j)3

ha:j3 haj3

ha:j3 ha:j3

下巴

chin

KDӔ1

KHӔ1

烤火

roast over fire

*ުҬm͈

ުҬm2

ުҬm2

ުҬm5

吹

blow

ުow2 ުow5

ުow2 ުʎw2

下飯

go with (food)

*ުu:ӑ

ުu:n1

ުu:n1

ުu:n1

ުom5

ުuʅn1

ުun2

ުun1

ުҬm2 ުom2

coconut

ުun2

ުun2

吞

swallow

ުo:m2

ުo:m2

打滾

roll

ުXӔ3

ުXӔ3

----

zam5

zDZӔ3

ުjʎn2

ުjon2

----

ުom2

ުum5 ުom5

*ުu:͈ ުow2 ުow2

ުweӑ1 ުon1

(c) 椰子

ުom2

ުum5

ުjun2 ----

ުow5 ުow2

ުun1

ުow5 ުow2

ުu:n1 ުun1

ުow5 ުow5

ުu:n1 ުun1

zo:m2

zDZӔ3

KHӔ1

ho:m1 ho:m1

ha:j3 ha:j3

ho:m1 ho:m1

KHӔ1 KHӔ1

KHӔ1 KHӔ1

*Ciުun͈

田埂

field dike

*Ci͈ʅ:n

han1

ho:n1

zo:n1

茅草

thatch grass

*Ci͈a:

ha:1

ha:1

za:1

虫

insect

hen2

han2

zun5 ----

zun5

]RӔ5)

ުjҬn5 zʅn5

zo:m5 zo:m2

zDZ:m5

zuam2

ުjDZ:m5 zuam5

]RӔ3 zDZӔ3

]RӔ3 zDZӔ3

ުjDZӔ3 zDZӔ3

ӑan1

ӑDZ:1

ӑan5

hDZ:m1

hDZ:m1

ha:j3 ha:j3

ha:j3 huaj3

KHӔ1

KHӔ1

zDZ:n1

hjDZ:n1

za:1

hja:1

zan5

hjan5

huam1

huam1

*͈DӔ

(d)

*CiުoӔު ުMRӔ3

hʎӔ1

hDZn1

*͈ʅ:m

*C iު

*Ciުʅ:m͈ ުjo:m2

ham1

*͈

KLDӔ1

KLDӔ1

*C i͈

ӑDZn1

ӔMD1

ӔMHQ2

hjo:n1 ӑRӔ1

hja:1 ӑʎ:1

ӑRӔ1

ӑa:1

ӑXDӔ1

ӑa:1

ӑu:n4

ӑa:4

*Ci͈ʅn͈ hjan2 ӑan2

zan5

ӑDӔ2

ӑDӔ2

ӑan2

106 (e) 起來

get up

ުʅҮ2

ުaҮ2

碗

bowl/basin

ުa:w1

ުa:w1

汗

sweat

----

va:w1

ުen1 von

1

(f)

*CuުҬ:͈

搾

ުwaҮ2 gwaҮ5 vaҮ5

----

----

ުwa1

ުan1

ުwan

*C uު

‫ۦ‬ʅҮ2

vaҮ2

----

‫ۦ‬a:w1

va:w1

hҬp7

身體

body

ުwa:w1 hu:n1

hu:n1

vaҮ5

va:w1

*Cuުʅn

van

1

‫ۦ‬DӔ

1

ӔXS2

ӔXʅn1

YDӔ

1

ުwan1 van

1

Ӕʎު4

ӔXQ1

*Cu͈Ҭp

hwҬp7 hҬp7 ӔDS7

ӔRS7

vup7

hҬp7

hu:n1

hu:n1

hun1

ӔRS8

hu:n1 ӔXӔ1

hu:n1 ӔXӔ1

ӔXӔ1

hun1

hun1

hun1

hun1

1

1

1

1

1

Ӕʎn

Ҫun4

*Cu͈un

hun1 Ӕʅn

mop8

*Cu͈u:n

body hair

毛

ުwom3 (ުwan1) van1 1

handlength

ުwaҮ5 hҬp7

*Cuުa:w

ުwa:w1 gwa:w1 va:w1

*C u͈

ӔRӔ

ӔRӔ

ӔRӔ

Ҫʅn4

2.3.3.3 Interim Summary There are two kinds of glottal initials which have been reconstructed in this section: stops and

fricatives. These are both reconstructible with two kinds of presyllables, shown below: (111)

*ު

*Ciު *Cuު

*͈

*Ci͈ *Cu͈

Unlike the other classes of initials discussed above, the glottals are perfectly symmetrical, each

existing in one of three configurations: plain, preceded by *Ci, and preceded by *Cu. 2.4 Conclusion

This chapter has presented arguments for the reconstruction of the various manner classes of

Proto-Hlai initials. It was proposed in the beginning of this chapter that the three primary classes into which most sound changes could be grouped were temporal compression, onset fortition, and systemic

realignment. Temporal compression is a process which seems to have been occurring steadily in Hlai for a very long time, beginning at the Pre-Hlai stage (see chapter four). The outcome of temporal

compression is normally the reduction of complex onsets to a single segment. This may occur through either the deletion of one part of a complex initial (by which is meant a cluster, a preglottalized or

preaspirated consonant, or a consonant with a secondary articulation), or otherwise the coalescence of the

features of two parts of a complex initial into a single segment. Onset fortition seems to have operated as

107 a general mechanism to reduce sonority and increase stricture at the left edge of words, thereby increasing their general acoustic saliency. Finally, systemic realignment was a category preserving change, and

either led to the merger of one category with another pre-existing category or to the repopulation of a previously vacated category. Two interrelated kinds of sound change were also highlighted, which had an especially large

effect on the initial inventories of the Hlai languages. These were the ongoing process of initial obstruent

devoicing, and registrogenesis, which was probably a sound change which diffused into the Hlai-speaking area through contact with Hainanese, but which did not affect all Hlai languages. Registrogenesis did, however, record the voicing status of initials before the most recent initial obstruent devoicing and other relevant changes (such as the loss of glottal stop and preaspiration before sonorants) in the languages in which it did occur.

The full Proto-Hlai inventory of initials is given below:

(112)

Proto-Hlai Initial Inventory *ph

*th

*f (j)

*s

*Ʒ

h

*hm *C-m *m-l *‫ڛ‬

*hw

*C-w

*Ȯ

*(Cu)ٍ‫؛‬h *tçh *tç

*kh *k

*(Ci/u)ު

h

*hn *C-n

*hӑ *C-ӑ

*hl(j) *C-l

*(Cu)‫(* ר‬Cu)hr *‫ר‬j

*hrj

*hӔZ *&X Ӕ

*(Ci/u)͈ *hj

In terms of place, this inventory is fairly normal typologically, with initial series represented at the bilabial, alveolar, retroflex, palatal, velar, and glottal places of articulation. There are several gaps in the retroflex series, and the fricative inventory is also skewed, being represented at the anterior places of articulation but not the posterior ones (with the exception of the glottal fricative) as discussed in section

2.3.1.4. The fact that the voiced glottal fricative *͈ does not co-occur with a voiceless counterpart *h is very normal (Maddieson 1984: 57).

There are four coarticulated initials reconstructed for PHl. The only coarticulated obstruent, *f hj,

was uncommon, with only one (and possibly two more, based on the Jiamao evidence given in chapter

five) example. Amongst the sonorants, *hӔKDGDFRXQWHUSDUW*hӔZDQGWKHWDS ‫ר‬, lateral *hl and rhotic *hr had palatalized counterparts *‫ר‬j, *hlj and *hrj. There is also evidence for a set of sesquisyllabic forms with presyllables in various parts of the

initial inventory. Besides the most conspicuous case of *m-l, the evidence for these is often found in the

108 Central Hlai languages, where vocalic transfer from high vowels became coarticulations on sonorants and glottal segments. Additional evidence is found in the nasal and lateral series, where the high register of most registrogenetic languages indicates the presence of a former syllable which eventually conditioned glottal constriction on the sonorant itself.

In terms of manner, strictly speaking, the PHl inventory is unremarkable. There is an opposition

between aspirated and non-aspirated obstruents, a contrast in voice onset time which Maddieson (1984:

39) describes as the most common distinction if there are two series of obstruents (with a third series QRUPDOO\EHLQJ¶JORWWDOLF·LHHLWKHUHMHFWLYHRULPSORVLYH² in PHl, the implosive and plain series are in complimentary distribution as noted in section 2.3.1.4). However, one very striking aspect of the

inventory is that aspiration extends to the sonorant series. That is, the glottis is only rarely in a neutral

state, being either spread or constricted in most cases. It is not the abundance in glottal specification that makes the PHl initial inventory seem strange per se; note the initial inventory of modern Sui, another

Kra-Dai language of the Kam-Sui branch, which exhibits a system which seems quite similar to the Hlai inventory: (113)

Sui initial inventory (Edmondson, et al. (2001)) p

p mb h

ުb m

hm ުm f v

ުw

t

t nd h

ts ts

h

ުd

tç tç

k h

n

ӑ

ުn

ުӑ ç

hn

l

hӑ s

z

j

ުj

q

k g

h

ުg

q ̥

ު

h

Ӕ

KӔ ުӔ x ‫ۦ‬

ު‫ۦ‬

؆

h

The one crucial difference is that in Sui, there are neutral segments which contrast with the ones

specified for either spread or constricted glottis; for example, Sui has both preaspirated and preglottalized

nasals, but it also has a plain series. Proto-Hlai, on the other hand, lacks plain members in the case of the nasals, lateral, and glides. The historical events in Pre-Hlai which led to this situation in PHl are examined in some detail in chapter four, section 4.3.

The reconstruction presented here has been compared with the reconstructions of Matisoff

(1988), Thurgood (1994), Peiros (1998), and Ostapirat (2004); the differences between the present

reconstruction and these alternative reconstructions have been discussed, and an argument presented for the former when it differs from the latter. The three reconstructions are provided in (114) below for

reference, so that the similarities and differences between them may be easily compared (category labels are taken from the present reconstruction).

109 (114)

Summary of Reconstructed Systems

(a)

Aspirated Stops Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

*ph *th

*ph *th

*ph *th

*(ު)p *(ު)t

*ph *th

*kh (b)

*k

*kh

Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

---

---

---

*-t-

*ٍ‫؛‬h

*tsh

*tsh

*ch

*c

*tçh

*sr

*sw

*-ut-

*Cuٍ‫؛‬h

Fricatives Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

*f

*p

*f

*-p-

*fh

--*s (d)

*kh

Aspirated Affricates

*sr

(c)

*kh

--*s

--*s

*-ip*s

*fhj *sh

Implosives and Plain Obstruents Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

*Ʒ

*Ʒ

*ުb

*(ު)b

*Ʒ

*k

*k

*k

*g

*k

*Ȯ *ts

*Ȯ *ts

*ުd *c

*(ު)d *Ϻ

*Ȯ *tç

110 (e)

Preaspirated Sonorants Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

*mb

*mު

*m

*-m-

*hm

*ndz *ӔJ

--*Ӕު

*ӑ *Ӕ

*-ӑ*-Ӕ-

*hӑ *hӔ

*nd

--(f)

---

*-n-

---

*hn

*hӔZ

Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

*m

*m

*C-m

*m

*C-m

*ӑ

*ӑ

*C-ӑ

*ӑ

*C-ӑ

*Ӕ

*ӔZ

*n *Ӕ

*ӔZ

*C-n *C-Ӕ

*C-ӔZ

*n *Ӕ

*ӔZ

*C-n *C-Ӕ

*&XӔ

Laterals Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

*Ѵ

*Ѵު

*hl

*-l-

*hl

*z

*ljު

*z

*-il-

*hlj

*l

*pl (h)

---

*n

Medial Nasals

*n

(g)

*nު

*l

*pl

*C-l *pl

*l

*p-l

*C-l *m-l

Glides Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

*j

*j

*j

*-j-

*hj

*fr

*pr

*hw

*-up-

*C-w

*w

*w

*w

*-w-

*hw

111 (i)

Approximants Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

*v

*wު

*v

*-‫ڛ‬-

*‫ڛ‬

--*vr

--*prު

--*zw

*-ir*-ur-

*‫ר‬j *Cu‫ר‬

*r

*Ҁ/*‫ۦ‬ ---

*‫ۦ‬w (j)

*rު

*Ҁު/*‫ۦ‬ ---

*‫ۦ‬w

*r

*rw/*‫ۦ‬ ---

*‫ۦ‬w

*-r-

*-‫׮‬-/*²g*-ir-

*-u‫׮‬-/*-ug-

*‫ר‬

*hr

*hrj

*Cuhr

Glottals Matisoff

Thurgood

Peiros

Ostapirat

PHl

*ު

*ު

*ު

*ު

*ު

*xw *x

*xw *x

*ުw *h

*-uު*-k-

*Cuު *͈

*xj

*hj

*hw

---

*hӑު

KӔZު

*ުj

*hӑ

KӔZ

*-iު-

*-ik-

*-uk-

*Ciު

*Ci͈

*Cu͈

The first advantage which the present reconstruction has over those of Matisoff, Thurgood, Peiros, and in two instances Ostapirat, is the addition of several phonemes to the PHl inventory. Some of

these were absent from their reconstructions because of lack of data ² Changjiang in the case of Thurgood and Peiros, and Changjiang as well as Cunhua and Nadouhua in the case of Matisoff. Others were

apparently overlooked. Other specific systemic problems can be discussed more easily when the initial inventories are organized and inspected. In doing so, I do my best to arrange the PHl phonemes in such a way as best

UHSUHVHQWVWKHUHVSHFWLYHDXWKRU·VXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHRYHUDOOV\VWHPDQGWDNHIXOOUHVSRQVLELOLW\IRUDQ\ PLVDQDO\VLV0DWLVRII·V3+OLQLWLDOLQYHQWRU\LVVKRZQEHORZ

112 (115)

0DWLVRII·V3+OLQYHQWRU\ *ph *Ʒ

*th *Ȯ

*tsh *ts

*kh *k

*v(r)

*Ҁ

*z

*‫(ۦ‬w)

*f(r) *mb *m *hw *w

*Ѵ

*nd *n *l

*pl

*s(r) *ndz *ӑ *hj

*x(j/w)

*ު

*ӔJ *ӔZ

*j

*r

Matisoff reconstructs an inventory with four main places of articulation (presuming an alignment

between the sibilant and palatal initials), plus a glottal stop. It is generally symmetrical, with the

following exceptions. The first is that there is a group of *C-r clusters which are all fricative-initial (*fr, *sr, and *vr); it is strange that there are no *C-r clusters which begin with stops. As in the present

system, labiovelar coarticulations are optional throughout much of the velar series; however, there is only

a single palatal coarticulation (*xj). Finally, it is noticeable that the plain stop p occurs in the cluster *pl, but there is no plain counterpart *p. (116)

7KXUJRRG·V3+OLQYHQWRU\ *ph *p(l/r)

*th

*Ʒ

*Ȯ

*m

*n

*prު

*mު

*nު

*Ѵު *Ҁު

*tsh *ts

*kh *k

*s(r)

*x(w) *‫(ۦ‬w)

*ӑ

*hӑު

*ljު *w *wު

*rު *l

*j

*ӔZ *Ӕު

*ު

KӔZު

113 Thurgood also reconstructs an inventory with four main places of articulation plus glottal stop.

The first noticeable gap in this system is in the plain stops, where there is a conspicuous lack of a plain

alveolar stop. There is a very pronounced asymmetry in the set of liquid clusters ² with the sole exception of the typologically rare *sr, all liquid clusters begin with *p. Finally, there are a set of post-

laryngealized initials which Thurgood represents with a final glottal stop, meant to indicate that the initial caused laryngealization across the entire syllable. Although I do not reconstruct post-laryngealization,

these initials (with the exception of *Ѵު) would all form a natural class of voiced sonorants in the present V\VWHPLQ7KXUJRRG·VV\VWHPWKHSRVW-laryngealized initials do not seem to form a natural class, and the

feature must therefore be stipulated. Complicating the situation, in the series of post-laryngealized nasals, there is a curious asymmetry between those with preaspiration (palatal and labiovelar) and those without it, which also seems to have no explanation. (117)

3HLURV·Vs PHl inventory *ph

*th

*ch

*kh

*m

*n

*ӑ

*C-m

*C-n

*hӑ *C-ӑ

*Ӕ

*f

*Ѵ

*s(w)

*r(w)

*j

*Ʒ

*pl

*v

*w

*Ȯ

*C-l

*c

*z(w)

*k

*C-ӔZ

*‫(ۦ‬w)

*ު(j/w)

KӔZ

*h(w)

Peiros reconstructs a system with five places of articulation including the glottal segments. It is

generally symmetrical, and the primary strength of 3HLURV·V system is the recognition of the distinction

between an initial and medial sonorant series. The main weakness is the strange reconstruction of two preaspirated nasals at marked places of articulation. There is also quite widespread optional labiovelar coarticulation, but only one instance of palatal coarticulation (on the glottal stop).

114 (118) *(ު)p *-(i/u)p*(ު)b *m *-m*p-l

*-‫ڛ‬-

*-w-

2VWDSLUDW·V3+OLQYHQWRU\ *(ު)t *-(u)t-

*c

*(ު)d

*Ϻ

*n *-n-

*ӑ *-ӑ-

*s

*l

*-(i)l-

*-(i/u)r-

*-j-

*k *-(i/u)k*g

*ު *-(i/u)ު-

*ӔZ *-Ӕ-

*²(u)g-/*-(u)‫׮‬-

2VWDSLUDW·VV\VWHPKDVVHYHUDOVWUHQJWKV7KHSULmary one is the reconstruction of a distinction

between initial and medial consonants. The latter are often reconstructed with preceding high vowels, which undergo vocalic transfer at stages subsequent to PHl. He also has a developed hypothesis of

intervocalic affrication and fortition, for both obstruents and sonorants. The problem with this hypothesis is that the intervocalic changes which Ostapirat posits are often typologically odd, particularly in the case of fortition, where lenition is the norm intervocalically. The other significant weakness in my estimation is in the obstruent series, where Ostapirat posits optional preglottalized *ުp, *ުt, *ުb, and *ުd based on

the Jiamao evidence. My primary reservation about this is due to the fact that I think the Jiamao variation does not reflect actual variation in the proto-language, but instead is due to layers of loanwords at

different periods (see chapter five). Aside from this, while preglottalized voiced stops have been recorded in other Southeast Asian languages (see the Sui initial inventory above), preglottalized voiceless stops, to the best of my knowledge, are an anomaly. In summary, the main advantages of the reconstruction proposed here are the addition of the

postalveolar series, the absence of awkward *C-r clusters, the existence of presyllables before sonorants, some of which contained high vowels which conditioned vocalic transfer in Central Hlai, and an overall symmetry in both place and manner with few unexpected gaps. The reconstructed inventory shown above in (112) was reconstructed, and some of the

inconsistencies of the other systems of reconstruction avoided, through the use of the four principles outlined in chapter one: Directionality, Commonality, Economy, and Symmetry. Directionality is particularly important in constraining potential changes in manner, as in the case of the fricatives.

Commonality is important in maintaining the line between the reconstruction of a proto-language, and internal reconstruction of an earlier stage of that language. Economy is important in a similar way, in

that it constrains reconstruction of initials so that they explain all, and only, the reflexes of the daughter languages, avoiding speculation about stages earlier than the proto-language. Finally, Symmetry is an

important constraint on the reconstructed inventory as a whole, suggesting gaps which are available to be

115 filled, and otherwise highlighting asymmetries of the system which should be verified with typological data.

The purpose of the next chapter will be the reconstruction of the PHl system of rimes. The tone inventory will be treated first, after which the segmental portions of the rimes will be reconstructed and their subsequent paths of change outlined.

116

C H A PT E R T H R E E : R E C O NST R U C T I O N O F PR O T O-H L A I R I M ES The primary goal of this chapter is to present the sets of rime correspondences which have been

used to reconstruct the PHl inventory of rimes, and explain reflexes of PHl rimes in the daughter

languages if they have followed divergent paths. This will be done first for the PHl tone categories, and then for the segmental rimes. The reconstruction of the latter will also be compared with those of

Thurgood (1994) DQG2VWDSLUDW·VUHYLVHG UHFRQVtruction, and these alternative reconstructions will

be considered and discussed. Although Peiros (1998) technically gives a reconstruction of the PHl rimes, he does not provide an overall system or give correspondence sets, so I am unfortunately unable to include his reconstruction in my comparison. The main objective of this chapter is to motivate the

reconstruction of Proto-Hlai rimes proposed herein in a way that will allow further comparative work to be based on these results.

As with chapter two, the reconstruction in this chapter will be of Proto-Hlai, as opposed to Pre-

Hlai which will be reconstructed in the following chapter. The reconstruction of the Proto-Hlai system of rimes in this chapter will result in an inventory which is not as exotic as the PHl inventory of initials, but which nevertheless has its own idiosyncracies. The discussion of Pre-Hlai in the next chapter will demonstrate how this system originated in an earlier system which was ultimately simpler.

Before a discussion of specific natural classes of rimes is initiated, a further discussion of the

currently adopted theory of sound change is necessary, accompanied by a discussion of how specific sound changes have interacted with each other. With this background, we will be in a position to

properly examine the various classes of rimes themselves and the evolution of their individual members into their current forms in the daughter languages. 3.1 Sound C hange: Rimes In the reconstruction of Proto-Hlai rimes undertaken in this chapter, the following criteria

described in chapter one are again adhered to: (i)

Directionality of change: typologically natural changes are referred to and used as a model

whenever possible; changes are assumed to occur one feature at a time unless evidence forces a different analysis.

(ii)

Commonality of features: phonemes are reconstructed based on the features common between reflexes of daughter languages; greater heterogeneity of reflexes is taken to indicate greater complexity of the proto-phoneme.

(iii)

Economy: a phoneme is reconstructed to the extent that it satisfactorily accounts for the posited change(s) between it and the reflexes of the daughter languages, and reconstructions assuming more changes than necessary are avoided.

117

(iv)

Symmetry: the reconstructed inventory is checked to make sure that no symmetries have been overlooked in natural classes, either in place or in manner; it is accepted that parts of the inventory may be asymmetrical, and these are checked for typological naturalness.

Within the syllable, the rime is qualitatively different from the initial, and the method of analysis

must be modified accordingly; there are several ways in which vowels in particular undergo change which lack direct parallels with the initials. There is one parallel to be found with the initials, however, in the changes that involve final glottal segments. In the same way that glottal settings in the initial can affect pitch values (thereby controlling register), glottal settings in the coda can affect pitch values and trajectories. The way this occurs, as in the case of the initials, is through the medium of phonation.

Thurgood (2002) provides a discussion of final laryngeals, and gives examples of laryngeals which either raise pitch or lower pitch at the end of a syllable. In the former case, abrupt glottal stop and non-breathy

h are correlated with pitch raising or high pitch; in the latter case, creaky glottal stop and breathy ͈ are correlated with pitch lowering or low pitch. Kingston (2005) augments this with Athabaskan data, in

which he argues that final glottal stop can condition either high or low pitch, depending on whether it is abrupt (conditioning tense voice on the preceding nucleus, leading to level high tone) or creaky

(conditioning creaky voice, and depressing the tone). The changes just described which are applicable to the upcoming discussion of Hlai tonogenesis are shown below in (1a). Segmental changes posited here involving final glottal segments include the devoicing of final breathy ͈, the development of a creaky

glottal stop from an abrupt glottal stop, and the loss of a glottal stop coarticulated with a final oral stop, all shown in (1b): (1)

(a)

*vު *vh

> >

Yࢾު (high level) YࢾKKLJKOHYHO

*vުࢤ

>

Y࡯ުࢤ (falling)

*v͈࣏

(b)

>

Y࡯͈࣏ (falling)

*v͈

>

vh

*vުࢄC

>

vC

*vު

>

vުࢤ

The critical changes which have affected the rimes are (1) diphthongization, (2) peripheralization,

(3) lengthening/shortening, (4) rounding/unrounding, (5) final weakening, and (6) systemic realignment

(the last of which is the same as the change so-called in chapter two). These will each be explained and illustrated below.

118

3.1.1 Diphthongization Diphthongization refers to any change which creates a salient sonority contour between a rime

nucleus and coda, particularly if one does not exist at all prior to the change (2a). The most important

constraint on this change is that the sonority of the nucleus must always be higher than that of the coda,

and never vice versa; this is a favored syllable type which disfavors high nuclei. Diphthongization is one way to maximize this distinction, so that a syllable like [kej] with a mid nucleus and high coda is preferable to [ki:], with a high nucleus and no coda.

The most common class of rimes which undergo this change is that of the pure open rimes,

particularly the high ones which have a lower sonority profile in their nucleus, and the features of the

coda which result from this change are always predicated upon the original features of the vowel. This is true also in the case of closed-syllable diphthongization, where high rimes lead initially to high-mid diphthongs (2b), and low rimes to high-low diphthongs (2c): (2)

Examples of diphthongization

Source

(a)

u:

>

ow

Several

(b)

LӔ

>

iʅӔ

Qi

(c)

ʎӔ

>

LDӔ

Run

o:

u:k

DZ:j

>

>

>

aw

uʅk

uaj

Cunhua

Zandui

Yuanmen

The case in (2b) appears to be a case of feature delinking, where the distinctive features of the

long vowel are maintained on the first half of the long vowel, but lost on the second half (3a). The case in (2c) appears to involve the splitting of the feature bundle, where the features [front], [back], and [round] are preserved on the first half of the long vowel, but the feature [low] is preserved on the second half (3b): (3)

(a)

Lƾ \/ [hi] [front]

>

iԥƾ |/ [hi] [front]

(b)

ʎƾ \/ [front] [low]

>

LDƾ / \ [front][low]

3.1.2 Peripheralization Peripheralization is the change in a vowel so that it moves from a more central position to a more peripheral position in the vowel space (peripheral here is used in the sense of Crothers (1978: 100),

119 indicating vowels which are at the extremes of the acoustic vowel space). This can happen horizontally, as shown in the examples in (4a), or vertically, as in (4b): (4)

Examples of peripheralization

Source

(a)

DӔ

>

ʎӔ

Several

(b)

e:w

>

i:w

Yuanmen

a:t

ʅ:j

>

>

DZ:t

a:j

Yuanmen

Bouhin, Qi

It is not always clear why this change happens. It could be argued to enhance contrast, but it

must then be recognized that this is not maximally functional, since vowel peripheralization results in the merger of formerly distinct categories at least as many times as it fills gaps in the rime inventory. 3.1.3 Lengthening/Shortening The length of a rime can either be lengthened, as in (5a), or shortened, as in (5b): (5)

Examples of lengthening and shortening

Source

(a)

ew

>

e:w

Yuanmen

(b)

e:w

>

ew

Cunhua

ik

a:m

>

>

i:k

am

Tongzha, Zandui

Yuanmen

Lengthening may fill a gap in some instances, such as the example above involving Tongzha and Zandui where *ik lengthened to i:k after original *i:k had diphthongized to iʅk and subsequently changed to iaު (also conforming to a general dispreference against short rimes with final velar stops). The same is

true for shortening, as in the Yuanmen example above where long *a:m shortened to am. Since there was no originally short *am in the inventory, this filled a gap (although *ʅm eventually lowered, via vowel peripheralization, and merged with it). 3.1.4

Rounding/Unrounding

An unrounded nucleus can be rounded, as in (6a), or a rounded nucleus unrounded (6b):

120 (6)

Examples of rounding and unrounding

Source

(a)

ʅm ʅ:j

> >

om o:j

Lauhut Several

(b)

uӑ

>

Ҭn

Baoting

ot

>

ʅt

Cunhua, Yuanmen

In the majority of cases, such as the Lauhut example above, rounding occurred in the environment of a

labial (or occasionally velar) coda; conversely, unrounding primarily occurred in the environment of an alveolar or palatal coda. These can both be considered cases of assimilation. The one important

exception is in the series of *ʅ:C rimes, where there was a backing and rounding of the nucleus in all Greater Hlai languages except Cunhua. This can be simultaneously considered a case of vowel peripheralization, where the backing is accompanied by automatic rounding. 3.1.5 Final W eakening The complete deletion of codas occurs occasionally, although it is not common. There are two

examples of glide deletion (7a) and one of stop deletion (7b). The debuccalization of final stops is more common, with that of final k (7c) being particularly common, but debuccalization of all final stops has occurred in Nadouhua (7d): (7)

Examples of coda deletion

Source

(a)

iw

>

i:

Nadouhua

(b)

a:k

>

Ҭ:B

Moyfaw

(c)

ʎ:k

>

ʎ:ު

Several

(d)

-p, -t, -k >

-ު

Nadouhua

u:j

>

u:

Yuanmen

3.1.6 Systemic Realignment As in chapter two, systemic realignment occurs when there is categorical opportunity for change,

either because an original member of the inventory has been vacated (8a), or otherwise because some member already exists, creating a stable category which may be a target for potential merger (8b):

121 (8)

Examples of systemic realignment

Source

(a)

in a:n

> >

LӔ DӔ

Baisha, Meifu Baisha, Meifu

RULJLQDOLӔ!HӔ RULJLQDODӔ!ʎӔ

(b)

u:ӑ

>

u:n

Several

(u:n already in inventory)

a:c

>

a:t

Several

(a:t already in inventory)

It is important to reiterate that these changes are not considered WREHPRWLYDWHGE\VRPH¶KLGGHQ

KDQG·WKDWLVDODQJXDJHZLOOQRWDQWKURSRPRUSKLFDOO\¶WU\·WRILOODJDSLQDQLQYHQWRU\LQVRPHGLUHFWHG way. Rather, it is the case that a certain amount of variation is always inherent within the speech

community, and certain changes may be innovated and adopted as conventions depending on the potential amount of impedence generated by such functional considerations as maintaining category discreteness. 3.2 Tonogenesis In traditional Kra-Dai historical linguistics (e.g. Gedney (1989), Edmondson & Solnit (1988,

1997)), it has been customary to represent the four tone categories by assigning the letters A-D, and to

designate these categories as such in reconstructions, allowing the researcher to remain agnostic about the original values of the tone categories themselves. This is because the modern reflexes of these original values are always pitch contours carried on the nucleus of the syllable, occasionally accompanied by

some sort of secondary phonation or constriction. Based on evidence in other Southeast Asian languages

and language families, there is a speculative consensus which has developed that A and D were unmarked categories20 (differentiated by the presence or absence of oral stop codas), and that the two marked tone categories B and C have arisen from marked glottal configurations in the rime of the syllable, via an

intermediate stage of contrasting phonations. Although direct proof of this is often hard to come by, there has been some indirect evidence which suggests that words in category B were somehow associated with spread glottis and that words in category C were associated with constricted glottis. This presents an interesting symmetry with registrogenesis, where the register split is also

correlated with laryngeal distinctions. The similarities and differences are compared in the following chart (these are idealized simplifications for exposition -- for a full discussion see Thurgood (2002)):

20

It will be shown below that the situation in category D is more complex.

122 (9)

Table 3: Comparison of Registrogenesis and Tonogenesis

Syllable edge of origin General domain Correlated with Laryngeal opposition Effect on pitch Resulting in

Registrogenesis Left (initial) Across rime Voicing Voiceless Voiced High Low High vs low pitch range

Tonogenesis Right (coda) Right edge of rime Glottal stricture Constricted Spread High Low Rising vs falling contour

The modern Hlai languages do not preserve any segmental reflexes or phonation contrasts which

could directly serve in the reconstruction of original laryngeal segments such as the ones described above, although their pitch values are suggestive. Based on this evidence alone, there is no compelling reason to reconstruct anything more than the traditional tone categories B and C. However, there are split reflexes in the rimes of Greater Hlai, the Qi and NCHl branches, and Cunhua which are correlated with tone

category, and which provide rather direct evidence that final glottal segments need to be reconstructed for PHl. This is because there is little evidence that mere pitch differences themselves could condition

segmental changes of the kind discussed shortly (apparent exceptions to this, such as Shuijingping Hmong (Mortensen 2006) and Fuzhouhua (Myers & Tsay 2003), have alternative explanations, as shown by Mortensen (ibid)); however, these changes can be explained in a straightforward way if final glottal constituents of codas are assumed.

It might be suggested that these changes occurred during a stage of Hlai during which only

phonation contrasts remained as evidence of former final laryngeals (as opposed to their simultaneous occurrence with them). The problem with this suggestion is that words in categories B and C pattern together segmentally in the evolution of rimes (at different times and in different subgroups and

languages), and pattern against category A. If a phonation contrast was responsible, it is likely that the

different phonations of categories B and C would affect rime nuclei differently, which is definitely not the case. An alternative hypothesis, which would group B and C together in contrast to A, is that original laryngeal segments existed in Proto-Hlai, and that these segments only conditioned pitch contours (and segmental changes) after the breakup into daughter languages.

One problem which this hypothesis might encounter is the lack of a typological example, where

in some language these laryngeal segments exist as part of the rime and do not have to be inferred. It

does seem to be the case that if the general tonogenetic mechanism under discussion here is valid, there

must have been many such systems which existed historically in East and Southeast Asia, but which have since evolved into other types of systems (principally tone systems, although this is simplifying) and are no longer extant. One example which does exist, however, is Chepang, a Tibeto-Burman language of

south-central Nepal discussed in Weidert (1987: 8-9), which has the following system of syllable rimes:

123 (10)

(a)

V

Vm

Vn

9LӔ

9Ӕ

Vl

Vr

Vj

Vw

(b)

V͈

Vm͈

Vn͈

---

9Ӕ͈

Vl͈

Vr͈

Vj͈

Vw͈

(c)

Vު

Vmު

Vnު

9LӔު

9Ӕު

Vlު

Vrު

Vjު

Vwު

(d)

Vs

Vp

Vt

Vik

Vk

This system mirrors the structure of the Hlai (and ultimately Kra-Dai) tone categories in that the

first series (10a) and the fourth series (10d) could be considered laryngeally unmarked, whereas the

second and third series (10b-c) are laryngeally marked categories, corresponding to spread and constricted glottis, respectively. Also, Weidert says of the VHFRQGVHULHVWKDW¶>7@KHUK\PHVZLWKEUHDWK\SKRQDWLRQ [-͈@TXLFNO\IDGHLQWRYRLFHOHVVQHVV·LQGLFDWLQJWKDWYRLFLQJLVQRWVXVWDLQHGDVORQJDVVSUHDGJORWWLVLQ this environment. Recognizing the potential variation in the phonetic realization of syllable-final

laryngeal gestures, Chepang can thus be taken as a general model of rime structure for present purposes. The first set of evidence for final laryngeal segments within Hlai is found in the Greater Hlai

branch. High vowels which were otherwise open underwent two distinct paths of development,

depending on whether or not they were closed by laryngeal segments. Those which were closed by ODU\QJHDOVGLSKWKRQJL]HGLQFRQWUDVWWRWKRVHZKLFKZHUHQ·WWKDWUHPDLQHGSXUHDOWKRXJKWKH\ diphthongized at a later point in time): (11)

PHl

(a)

*i: *i:͈

> >

i: ʅj͈

*Ҭ: *Ҭ:͈

> >

Ҭ: ʅҮ͈

*u: *u:͈

> >

u: ʅw͈

*i:ު (b)

*Ҭ:ު (c)

*u:ު

GHl

>

>

>

ʅjު

ʅҮު

ʅwު

The original *u: rimes in categories B and C became further differentiated in Cunhua (12a), Zandui (12b), and Baoting (12c), presumably conditioned by these laryngeal segments or their successors. More specifically, it is entirely possible that during the process of tonogenesis, the final laryngeal -͈

(category B) conditioned breathy phonation back into the rime, (possibly mirrored by -ު (category C)

124 conditioning creaky voice in Cunhua in the same environment), which in turn affected the perception of the rimes and subsequent reanalysis (a phenomenon very common in e.g. Mon-Khmer). The following

paths of change are inferred, and are intended to be the most parsimonious explanation for the derivation of these disparate reflexes: (12)

(a)

*u:

>

u:

>

u:

>

ow

(b)

*u:

>

u:

>

u:

>

ow

*u:ު

>

ʅwު

>

ʅwު

>

awC

(c)

*u:͈ *u:ު

*u:͈

> >

>

ʅw͈ ʅwު

ʅw͈

> >

>

ʅ࣏w͈ ʅҮުࢤ

ʅ࣏w͈

> >

>

ʅ:B > a:B ajC

o:B

*u:

>

u:

>

u:

>

ow

*u:ު

>

ʅwު

>

ʅwު

>

awC/owC

*u:͈

>

ʅw͈

>

ʅ࣏w͈

>

o:B > DZ:B

The PHl diphthong *ʅw underwent monophthongization in the Qi and NCHl branches (possibly

excluding Cunhua) if it was closed by a final laryngeal, but remained a diphthong if it was open: (13)

*ʅw

>

*ʅw

*ʅwު

>

*o:ު

*ʅw͈

>

*o:͈

Cunhua also shows variation its reflexes of PHl *ʅn, between on in category A (14a) and an in

categories B/C (14b): (14)

Examples of split Cunhua reflexes of PH *ʅn by tone category

(a)

Gloss

PHl

Cun

dream hungry

*fhʅn *‫ר‬ʅn

fon1 lon4

silver

KӔʅn

kon4

(b)

Gloss

PHl

Cun

long clsfr insect

*Ȯʅn͈ *Ci͈ʅn͈

Ȯan5 ӑan5

yesterday wet

*phʅnު *hmʅnު

phan3 Ʒan4

waterwheel

grass

*‫ڛ‬ʅn͈

*hӔʅnު

van5

kan4

125 In other words, lowering of the vowel occurred when the coda included a laryngeal segment; otherwise, rounding occurred instead.

In the GHl, Qi/Run, and Cunhua examples shown above, it is preferable to hypothesize that conditioning environments were created via the presence/absence of a final glottal segment, not merely by pitch contour. This is the primary reason that I reconstruct final glottal segments, which only later develop into pitch contours.

The second reason for doing so is the lack of uniformity in the reflexes of the four tone categories amongst the modern daughter languages. If Hlai tone categories consisted merely of pitch

contour alone at the PHl stage, then a certain degree of similarity might be expected amongst daughter

languages. This is, however, not the case. The reflexes of the modern languages are given below, using the standard Chao pitch system where the lowest pitch is 1 and the highest is 5: (15)

Tone

Register

Bhin

HaEm

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Lhut

A

High

454

53

33

33

44

53

Low

---13

---21ު

11 15ު

11 ----

22 ----

---11

High

24

55

51

42

53

55

Low

----

----

121

21

31

----

High

11 42

11 42

55 22

35 24

35 33

11 44

Low

----

----

14

213

213

----

High

45

55

55

42

53/44

55

Low

----

----

13

21

31

----

B

C

D

Cun

35

21

----

13

33

13

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

11

25

----

----

21ު

----

53

44

----

----

15ު

----

53

55

----

----

55

----

Baisha Ymen

11

31

----

----

11

----

42

51

131

13

55

13

126 In reconstructing the pre-tonal system of PHl and its subgroups, I make the following crucial

assumptions:

(1) In sibling languages, tones of the same contour (even if they occur at different relative heights) may

be assumed to have descended from a parent language with the same contour tone. If there are different tone contours within the same category, then the tones of the daughter language must have developed independently from a segment and/or phonation type in the parent language.

(2) Following Thurgood (2002), I make the assumption that high or rising tones (i.e. tones with a high pitch target) are derived from an abrupt glottal stop ު or a voiceless glottal fricative h. Low or falling

tones (i.e. tones with a low pitch target) are derived from former creaky voice or breathy voice/voiced

glottal fricative ͈. Dovetailing this model is Kingston (2005), which argues that an original final glottal stop can condition either high or low pitch, depending on whether or not it conditions tense voice or creaky voice in the preceding vowel.

(3) Category D tones can have either high targets or otherwise mid to low targets. I follow Thurgood (2002) in positing that a tone D word with a high pitch target indicates that the final stop of that word

was articulated with simultaneous glottal closure; conversely, an item with a mid to low pitch target did not have this accompanying glottal closure.

(4) I take as a model Honda (2005) which shows that in the Vietic branch of Mon-Khmer, tonogenesis occurred earlier in category C than it did in category B. I therefore do not make the assumption that tonogenesis occurred simultaneously in all categories in all languages.

Based on the pitch contours given above, it seems as though tone categories have developed at least partly on an areal basis, in three general groups. These are: Group 1: Bouhin, Ha Em, Lauhut, and Meifu; Group 2: Qi and Run, and Group 3: NWCHl. 3.2.1

Tonogenetic G roup O ne

The tones of the first group are repeated below: (16)

Tone

Bhin

HaEm

Lhut

Mfaw

Cjiang

A

454

53

53

53

53 (high register)/15ު (low register)

B

24

55

55

55

44

C

11

11

11

24

22

D

45

55

55

55

15ު

127 Before discussing the specific nature of the B and C categories, it will be useful to have an

overview of the entire system. There is a discernible pattern in the tone categories of this group: category A is high falling, categories B and D are high level, and category C is low level (there are exceptions to each of these generalizations, which are assumed to be the result of later change and are treated below). The first observation which can be made is that there is an opposition between the categories

with high pitch (A, B, and D), and that with low pitch (C). This suggests an initial height-based pitch opposition, indicating that C is marked in some way, probably as a result of a phonation difference: (17)

Reconstructed Group One pitch trajectories High (unmarked)

Low (marked)

A: *53

C: *11

B: *55

D: *55 The second observation is that categories B and D pattern together in a nearly identical way

(Changjiang being the one exception). This suggests that the two categories shared some similarity, and the most likely candidate for this similarity is closure by a voiceless coda: (18)

Reconstructed Group One tone categories High

Low

A: *V53

C: *V11

B: *VC55

D: *VC55 In general, the pitch at the left edge of the rime can be hypothesized to have been raised to the

high end of the pitch range, in order to maximize contrast with the low pitch onset in category C. The

differences between the pitch trajectories in the high category can be explained in this way by suggesting that level high pitch was maintained when closed by a voiceless coda, but that lack of such a coda led to natural pitch declination and ultimately to a falling tone. Based on the criteria stipulated at the beginning of this section, there are two interpretations for

both categories B and C. The first possibility in category B is that it ended in a voiceless laryngeal

fricative h, and the second is that it ended in a glottal stop. The first possibility in category C is that the phonation was creaky, and the second that it was breathy. Based on the Moyfaw evidence discussed below, it will be tentatively assumed that pitch was

lowered in category C due to creaky voice. The decision between final h and ު in category B is therefore

128 made tentatively in favor of the former, under the assumption that the creaky voice of category C

originated in a former glottal stop. The initial state for tonogenetic group one is therefore the following: (19)

Reconstructed Group One tone category precursors High

Low

A: *V53

C: 9ࢤࢤ 11

B: *Vh55

D: *VުࢄC55 The changes in the individual languages can now be treated. The Ha Em and Lauhut systems

preserved the pitch values in (16) above, and therefore do not need to be discussed further save to point out that the postulated final glottal stop in category B and creaky voice in category C were both eventually lost, leaving only the pitch distinction behind.

The Bouhin differences can be explained in two steps. The first was that, after the eventual

deletion of the glottal coda in category B, the height of the pitch was no longer constrained on the right

edge, and the pitch drifted downward, causing a distinction between categories B and D. The second step was the addition of an initial rise in the high tones to the top of the pitch range, something which served to shorten the duration of the falling tone in category A, leading to a circumflex tone. This is an interesting example of what Pittayaporn (2007) calls peak-sliding, in which the peak of a tonal contour

slides rightward, the only difference here being that high level tones (categories B and D) are affected as well as the contour tone (category A). These two changes are shown below: (20)

Bouhin

A

*V53

B C

D

*Vh

9ࢤࢤ 11

55

> > >

*VުࢄC55 >

V53

V V11 44

VC55

>

V4-54

>

VC4-5

> >

V2-4 V11

The only additional change which occurred in Moyfaw was in category C, in which a rising tone developed. I propose that the motivation for this was the development of creaky voice into a final glottal stop, which then proceeded to raise the pitch at the end of the rime. The entire tone then underwent raising after the loss of creaky voice: (21)

Moyfaw

C

9ࢤࢤ 11

>

9ࢤࢤ ު13

>

V24

129 The situation in Changjiang is the most complex. There was no change in category A, and what

DSSHDUVWRKDYHKDSSHQHGLQFDWHJRULHV%DQG&LVWKDWWKHSLWFK¶FHQWUDOL]HG·ORZHULQJLQ%DQGUDLVLQJ in C, after the loss of final *h and creaky voice respectively. The most dramatic reflex of category D exists in Changjiang, where the glottal constriction can be heard in the modern language and is very pronounced, having raised the pitch to an extraordinarily high level.

The development of a register distinction in unique in this group, and Changjiang register

patterns closely with Nadouhua, indicating that speakers of Changjiang became disassociated with Group One after tonogenesis and closer to Group Three by the time of registrogenesis. The fact that a register split is only extant in category A indicates that registrogenesis was probably blocked in the other three categories. Thurgood (1991:4-8) proposes that in Nadouhua, originally voiced initials conditioned

laryngealization which bled into the nucleus and was ultimately reanalyzed as glottal constriction. This is also an acceptable hyptothesis for Changjiang, which shows the same basic pattern. It can then be

suggested that this laryngealization (which was probably originally breathy voice) successfully spread

through the rime in category A, but was blocked by pre-existing glottal codas in categories B and D and by creaky voice in category C. The reanalysis of a final glottal stop in category A led to a merger with

words in category D (the ͈ in the examples in low register represents the voicing of the original onset): (22)

Changjiang

High Register

Low Register

A1

V53

>

V53

>

V53

A2

V53

>

͈9࣏ 53

C1 D1

9ࢤࢤ 11 VުࢄC55

> >

V11 VުࢄC55

> >

V22 VުࢄC15

C2 D2

9ࢤࢤ 11 VުࢄC55

> >

͈9ࢤࢤ 11 > 55 ͈VުࢄC >

B1

Vh55

>

V55

>

V44

B2

3.2.2 Tonogenetic G roup T wo The tones of the group two languages are repeated below:

Vh55

>

͈Vh55

> >

Vު15 V44

V22 VުࢄC15

130 (23)

Register

Baisha Ymen

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

A

High Low

11

42 11

33 11

33 11

44 22

B

High

31

51

51

42

53

C

High

33

44

55

35

35

D

High Long

11

55

55

42

53 (long)/44 (short)

Low

Low

Low

131

13

13

121

14

13

21

213

21

31

213

31

Although there are exceptions, an overview of this group indicates that the following general

pattern can be posited as the initial state in the four tone categories: (24)

Reconstructed Group Two pitch trajectories A: *33 B: *51

C: *55

D: *55 It can be safely assumed that mid level tone existed in category A simply because it was

unmarked. The falling tone in category B indicates a tone depressor at the right edge of the rime, which in the parameters established above can be either breathy voice (*-͈) or a creaky glottal stop (*-ުࢤ).

Categories C and D pattern together (although this has been obscured somewhat by later changes), and the high level tone reconstructed in these categories is taken here to reflect tense voice, correlated with a final voiceless glottal stop. If this is so, then the choice for the final element in category B can be tentatively suggested to be *-͈: (25)

Reconstructed Group Two tone category precursors A: *V33

B: *V͈51 & 9ࡎ ު55

' 9ࡎ ުࢄC55

131 With this original configuration as a hypothesis, it is possible to examine changes in the

individual languages. Beginning with Baisha, there are two differences which stand out when compared

to the rimes in (25) above. The first is that category D is the same as category A, not category C, and the second is that all of the pitch levels are quite low compared to their counterparts in other languages. I propose that the reason for the first difference is the loss of simultaneous glottal closure associated with

final oral stops (and as a result, the tense voice which accompanied it). The reason for the second is that, for some reason, the whole pitch sysWHPZDV¶GRZQVWHSSHG·VRWKDWWKHUHODWLRQVKLSVEHWZHHQWKHWRQHV remained identical, but they became low when compared with other Hlai languages: (26)

Evolution of Baisha tone categories A: *V33

>

V33

>

V11

& 9ࡎ ު55

>

9ࡎ ު55

>

V33

B: *V͈51 ' 9ࡎ ުࢄC55

> >

V͈51 VC33

> >

V31 VC11

7KLVGRZQVWHSFDQDFWXDOO\EHYHULILHGWKURXJK:DQJ 4LDQ·V GDWDZKHUHWKH\JLYHWKH

following values for the Baisha tone categories: (27)

Baisha tone values from Wang & Qian (1951) A: 33

B: 53 ~ 31 C: 55 D: 33

In Yuanmen, the trajectory of pitch in category A became falling, although the reasons for this

are unclear. After the loss of the glottal stop in category C, there was a slight declination in the overall pitch in category C. Registrogenesis seems to have occurred before these changes applied, as it acted upon a system quite similar to the one reconstructed in (25). The convex tone in the low register of

category B is the result of the depression of pitch by the voiced initial, which then needed to rise to a mid target before it could fall again:

132 (28)

Evolution of Yuanmen tone categories

High register

Low register

A1

*V33

C1 D1

9ࡎ ު55 >

9ࡎ ުࢄC55 >

B1

>

*V͈51

>

V33

>

V42

A2

*V33

Vު55 9ࡎ ުࢄC55

> >

V44 VC55

C2 D2

9ࡎ ު55 >

9ࡎ ުࢄC55 >

V͈51

>

V51

B2

>

*V͈51

>

͈V11

>

͈V͈1-31 > ͈Vު13 > ͈VުࢄC13 >

V11

V131

V13 VC13

The Tongzha situation is very similar to the Yuanmen one, suggesting that they were in close

interaction during the process of tonogenesis. The only significant changes were the slight raise in pitch targets in the low register of category C, and the lowering of the peak of the circumflex tone in the low register of category B (what Pittayaporn (2007) refers to as contour reduction): (29)

Evolution of Tongzha tone categories

High register

Low register

A1 B1

*V33 *V͈51

D1

9ࡎ ުࢄC

C1

9ࡎ ު55

55

> >

V33 V͈51

>

9ࡎ ުࢄC

>

9ࡎ ު55

55

> >

V33 V51

>

VC

>

V55

55

A2 B2

*V33 *V͈51

D2

9ࡎ ުࢄC

C2

9ࡎ ު55

55

> >

͈V11 > 1-31 ͈V͈ >

V11 V121

>

͈VުࢄC

VC13

>

͈Vު13

13

> >

V14

The Zandui and Baoting developments were very similar, which indicates that they were also in close contact with each other during tonogenesis. The hypothesized changes which were common to both of them were (1) the loss of the final glottal fricative in category B, which shortened the trajectory of the fall, (2) the loss of tense voice in category C which led to a new rising tone, (3) the development of the

final glottal stop in category D to a creaky stop21, leading to a falling tone and merging with category B, and (4) the genesis of a convex tone in the low register of category C, as a result of the movement of the low pitch target away from the left edge of the rime. The one change specific to Zandui was the downstep in pitch of the falling tones in categories B and D in both registers:

21

This is also what happened to final glottal stops in neighboring Jiamao (see chapter 5).

133 (30)

Evolution of Zandui tone categories

High register

Low register

A1

*V33

C1 D1

9ࡎ ު55 >

9ࡎ ުࢄC55 >

B1

>

*V͈51

>

V33

>

V33

A2

*V33

Vު35 VުࢤࢄC53

> >

V35 VC42

C2 D2

9ࡎ ު55 >

9ࡎ ުࢄC55 >

V53

>

V42

B2

*V͈51

> >

͈V11 ͈V31

> >

͈Vު13 > ͈VުࢤࢄC31 >

V11 V21

V2-13 VC21

There were two changes unique to Baoting. The first was the split of category D into two

subgroups based on rime length, with the short rimes losing glottal closure and merging with category A. These two tones (A and short rimes in D) then raised in pitch: (31)

Evolution of Baoting tone categories

High register

Low register

A1

*V33

D1L

9ࡎ ުࢄC55 >

B1 C1

D1S

>

*V͈51

9ࡎ ު55

> >

9ࡎ ުࢄC

55

>

V33

V53 Vު35

> > >

V:ުࢤC ࢄ 53 > VC

33

>

V44

V53 V35

V:C53 VC

A2

*V33

D2

9ࡎ ުࢄC55 >

B2 C2

*V͈51

9ࡎ ު55

> > >

͈V11

͈V31 ͈Vު13

> > >

͈VުࢤࢄC31 >

V22

V31 V2-13

VC31

44

3.2.3 Tonogenetic G roup T hree The Cunhua and Nadouhua tone systems are repeated below. Both languages have register splits,

but Cunhua shows them in all categories except B, whereas Nadouhua only shows a split in A:

134 (32)

Tone values in the NWCHl languages

Tone

Register

Cun

Nadou

A

High

35

11

21

25

Low

13

B

21ު

C

High

42

42

D

High

33

21ު

Low

13

Low

13

There is significant divergence between these two languages, the only common point being the

development of category C in high register. Reconstruction in this small group is admittedly speculative, and based to a large extent on the results of reconstruction in the first two tonogenetic groups. The tentative reconstructed system for this group is as follows: (33)

Reconstructed Group Three tone category precursors A1

*V33

D1

*VުࢄC55

B1 C1

9࣏ ͈21 *Vުࢤ42

In other words, category B is reconstructed with a final breathy laryngeal which has conditioned breathy voice back into the rime nucleus, category C with a creaky glottal stop, and category D with simultaneous glottal closure.

The Cunhua changes are shown below. In high register, category A developed a rising contour,

possibly in analogy with the new rising tone which emerged in low register during registrogenesis. Pitch was low in category B due to its breathy phonation, and slightly falling. The creaky glottal stop of category C was lost early, leaving only the pitch contour, and the coarticulated glottal stop in category D

was lost. During registrogenesis, the lowering induced by voicing was concentrated at the left edge of the rime, and neutralized the original pitch distinctions in all categories except B, which was not affected (probably because it was still breathy):

135 (34)

Evolution of Cunhua tone categories

High register

Low register

A1

*V33

C1 D1

*Vުࢤ42 > *VުࢄC55 >

B1

9࣏ ͈21

> >

V35

>

V35

A2

*V33

V42 VC33

> >

V42 VC33

C2 D2

*Vުࢤ42 > *VުࢄC55 >

9࣏ ͈21

>

V21

B2

9࣏ ͈21

> >

͈V13

>

V13

͈V13 ͈VC13

> >

V13 VC13

͈9࣏ ͈21

>

V21

There were significant changes in Nadouhua. In high register, there seems to have been a drop

in pitch in category A to the bottom of the pitch range. In category B, I propose that the breathy segment at the right edge devoiced, reversing the pitch trajectory as it created a new high target. Category C

developed in the same way as Cunhua, merely losing the creaky glottal stop. Finally, the final stops in category D became creaky, lowering the pitch.

In low register, initial voicing induced breathy phonation, which was apparently blocked from

spreading in categories B-D by final segments (indicating that registrogenesis and tonogenesis were

occurring simultaneously and could therefore interact). It spread successfully in category A, however,

and the phonation became creaky, lowering pitch and eventually being reinterpreted as a creaky glottal stop. As mentioned above, this register pattern is nearly identical to that of Changjiang, with the exception that Nadouhua developed a creaky glottal stop which lowered pitch, whereas Changjiang

developed an abrupt glottal stop which raised it; low register category A rimes merged with category D in both languages. (35)

Evolution of Nadouhua tone categories

High register

Low register

A1 B1

*V33

9࣏ ͈21

D1

*VުࢄC55 >

C1

*Vުࢤ42

> > >

V33 Vh25

> >

V11 V25

A2 B2

*V33

9࣏ ͈21

VުࢤࢄC21

>

Vު21

D2

*VުࢄC55 >

Vުࢤ42

>

V42

C2

*Vުࢤ42

> > >

͈9࣏ 11 ͈Vh25

> >

Vުࢤ21 V25

͈VުࢤࢄC21 >

Vު21

͈Vުࢤ42

>

V42

3.2.4 Proto-H lai Moving finally to the Proto-Hlai system, the following reconstruction is proposed based on the

evidence from these three groups:

136 (36)

Reconstruction of Proto-Hlai tone category precursors PHl

Group 1

Group 2

Group 3

A

*V

*V53

*V33

*V33

C D

*Vު *VުࢄC

9ࢤࢤ 11 *VުࢄC55

9ࡎ ު55

9ࡎ ުࢄC55

*Vުࢤ42 *VުࢄC55

B

*V͈

*Vh55

*V͈51

9࣏ ͈21

This system is very close to that which has been inferred in much of the Kra-Dai literature (i.e.

Gedney (1989), Edmondson & Solnit (1988, 1997)), with the exception that the laryngeal segment in category B is breathy *͈ as opposed to voiceless *h. This system is essentially identical to that of Chepang noted at the beginning of this section.

The changes between the PHl system and each group will now be briefly discussed. The first

two changes which occurred in group one were (1) the breathy fricative ͈ devoiced to h in category B and (2) the glottal stop in category C became creaky and eventually spread throughout the nucleus, lowering the overall pitch to the bottom of the pitch range. The pitch in categories A, B, and D was raised to the

top of the pitch range, presumably to maximize contrast with category C. This high pitch remained level where it was closed by a final glottal (categories B and D), but falling pitch arose in category A as a result of natural declination: (37)

Evolution of tone categories in Group One A B

*V *V͈

> >

*V *Vh

> >

*V53 *Vh55

D

*VުࢄC

>

*VުࢄC

>

*VުࢄC55

C

*Vު

>

*Vުࢤࢤ

>

*9ࢤࢤ 11

In the second group, the only development was that of tense voice (correlated with the presence

of glottal stops in categories C and D) which raised the pitch across the nucleus: (38)

Evolution of tone categories in Group Two A

*V

>

*V33

C D

*Vު *VުࢄC

> >

9ࡎ ު55

9ࡎ ުC55

B

*V͈

>

*V͈51

137 Finally, the developments which occurred in group three were the spread of breathy voice back

into the rime nucleus in category B (lowering the pitch of the overall rime), and the development of

creakiness in the glottal stop which led to a falling contour in category C. This falling contour was raised in pitch to increase contrast with the lower pitch of category B: (39)

Evolution of tone categories in Group Three A

*V

>

*V

>

*V33

C

*Vު

>

*Vުࢤ

>

*Vުࢤ42

B

D

*V͈ *VުࢄC

> >

9࣏ ͈ *VުࢄC

> >

9࣏ ͈21 *VުࢄC55

3.2.5 Summary Based on the segmental variations within the rime in Greater Hlai and Cunhua, as well as the

variation in pitch realization between the three major areal tone groups, the reconstruction of PHl final glottal segments is deemed to be necessary. Once this has been recognized, the tone values in the

individual languages are seen to be rich in information which can be used to reconstruct the PHl pre-tone system, as well as its intermediate stages, following the guidelines provided at the beginning of this

section. The PHl pre-tone system has been reconstructed with four categories: unmarked (category A),

final voiced glottal fricative (category B), final glottal stop (category C), and final oral stop with glottal closure (category D). Given the typology of tone change outlined in (1), it was seen above that the

principles used for segmental reconstruction (Directionality, Commonality, Economy and Symmetry) are of use in the reconstruction of the precursors of the tone categories as well, providing useful constraints on that process.

3.3 O pen Rimes There are a total of five open rimes which can be reconstructed for the PHl inventory. These include three high vowels, the front mid vowel, and one low vowel. Of these five vowels, the vowel *e: is quite rare, and likely occurred in PHl as the result of loans into the proto-language from one or more outside sources. The reflexes of the PHl open rimes are given below; note that the first three sets of reflexes (reconstructed below as high vowels) only occur in tone category A:

138 (40)

Reflexes of the PHl open rimes

BHi:n

Ha Em LHu:t

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Mfaw

Cjiang Baisha Ymen

ej

ej

ej

ej

ej

ej

ʎj

ʎj

ej

ej

ej

ej

ow e:

ow e:

ow e:

ow e:

ow e:

ow e:

ow ----

ʎw ----

ow e:

ow e:

ow e:

ow e:

ʅҮ

a:

ʅҮ

a:

ʅҮ

a:

ʅҮ

a:

S. Hlai (Savina)

ʅҮ

a:

ʅҮ

ow

a:

DZ:

ʎ(w)

a:

C. Hlai (Savina)

ʅҮ

a:

ʅҮ

a:

ej

ʎj

ģw

aw

ow

ۣҮ

ʎ:

a:

ʅ‫ۦ‬

----

a:

a:

ʅҮ

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

ej

ۣҮ

ʅҮ

----

a:

a:

The reconstructions for these rimes are given below: (41)

*i:

*Ҭ: *u: *e: *a:

Although the reconstruction of the high vowels may appear to violate the principle of

Commonality (pure high vowels are not generally reflected in the reflexes of the daughter languages), it will be demonstrated below that these vowels must have been monophthongs at the stage of Proto-Hlai, and that high vowel diphthongization was a feature which either occurred independently or diffused between the subgroups.

There is also evidence for PHl high monophthongs in several instances where diphthongization failed to occur. The one relevant here is of four Bouhin examples in which high vowels failed to diphthongize: (41)

Gloss

PHl

Bouhin

Gloss

PHl

Bouhin

aunt

*hmi:

mi:1

seven

*thu:

thu:1

you

*C-mҬ:

mҬ:

1

eight

*hru:

‫ר‬u:1

139 The category of high vowels is complicated in another way, as they each have two series of

reflexes apiece: one in tone category A (shown above in (40)), and one in tone categories B and C;

moreover, the vowel *u: has two different sets of reflexes between categories B and C in Zandui, Baoting and Cunhua: (42)

Reflexes of the PHl high rimes with final glottals

BHi:n

Ha Em LHu:t

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Mfaw

Cjiang Baisha Ymen

ejB/C

ajB/C

ajB/C

ajB/C

ajB/C

ajB/C

ajB/C

ajB/C

ajB/C

ajB/C

ajB/C

owB/C

awB/C [o/a]wB/C awB/C o:B/awC DZ:B/[o/a]wC a:B/ajC awB/C

awB/C

awB/C

awB/C

awB/C

ʅҮB/C

aҮB/C

ajB/C

aҮB/C

aҮB/C

S. Hlai (Savina)

aҮB/C

aҮB/C

DZ:B/C

awB/C

C. Hlai (Savina)

ejB/C ۣҮB/C

ʅҮB/C

aҮB/C

aҮB/C

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

ajB/C ۣҮB/C

ģwB/C

aҮB/C

a:jB/C a:lB/C

o:B/awC

ģwB/C

The reconstructions for these rimes in the marked tone categories proposed here are given below: (43)

*i:͈/ު

*Ҭ:͈/ު *u:͈/ު

With the exception of Bouhin, the development of the high vowels was dependent on their tone

category. With few exceptions (given shortly), the presence of a final glottal element conditioned

diphthongization in Greater Hlai. The differences in development between Bouhin (44) and Greater Hlai (45) are shown below: (44)

Bouhin

(a)

*i: *Ҭ: *u:

22

> > >

i: Ҭ: u:

(b)

*i:͈ *Ҭ:͈

*u:͈22

> > >

i:͈ Ҭ:͈ u:͈

(c)

*i:ު *Ҭ:ު *u:ު

> > >

i:ު Ҭ:ު u:ު

An additional reflex of *u:͈ in Bouhin is aw. I assume this to be (as with other variation in Bouhin to be discussed below) due to contact with Ha Em. The reason for this assumption is that in all cases of apparent unconditioned variation in Bouhin, one of the variants is always identical to a Ha Em source, the speech community of which is adjacent to that of Bouhin; this is very reminiscent of the situation with PHl *hr and *Cuhr in chapter 2, where Bouhin shows unconditioned variation between the reflexes Ѷ and g. I also

140 (45)

Greater Hlai

(a)

*i: *Ҭ: *u:

> > >

*i: *Ҭ:

(b)

*u:

*i:͈ *Ҭ:͈ *u:͈

> > >

*ʅj͈ *ʅҮ͈ *ʅw͈

(c)

*i:ު *Ҭ:ު *u:ު

> > >

*ʅjު *ʅҮު *ʅwު

This is the central reason for the reconstruction of pure high vowels at the Proto-Hlai stage. If the dipthongs *ej, *ʅҮ, and *ow were reconstructed, the change to Greater Hlai *ʅj, *ʅҮ, and *ʅw would not only be more awkward, but the *ʅҮ in category A and the *ʅҮ in categories B and C would have

undergone merger. Since this is clearly not the case, the best solution is the reconstruction of originally pure vowels which underwent two different kinds of diphthongization at two different times.

The consequence of this change was that originally pure high vowels diphthongized and merged

with original short diphthongs in Greater Hlai category A, producing the following distribution: (46)

Table 4: Rime

Greater Hlai Distribution of Pure Vowels vs. Short Diphthongs Tone A

*i:

X

*Ҭ:

X

*u:

X

*ʅj

X

*ʅҮ

Tone B

Tone C

X

X

X

X

*ʅw

X

X

X

Final

-Ø

-͈

-ު

If this hypothesis is correct, then the first implication is that the diphthongs *ʅj and *ʅw in tone

category A are original; the same diphthongs in category B and C, however, have two potential sources: original diphthongs and original pure vowels which underwent diphthongization. Since *ʅҮ does not occur in category A, the second implication is that there was no original Pre-Hlai *ʅҮ category; all members in this category are derived from an original *Ҭ:͈/ު. The original inventory of pure high vowels and short diphthongs in PHl was therefore the following: (47)

*i:

*ʅj

*Ҭ:

*u:

*ʅw

assume that the same explanation applies here, namely that words with the reflex aw are loans from Ha Em, with which Bouhin seems to have been in rather direct contact throughout much of its history.

141 The pure high vowels which remained in the Hlai languages after the diphthongization in Greater

Hlai then underwent subsequent diphthongization themselves. In most cases of pure vowels in tone

category A, the nucleic schwa was colored by the following glide and shifted to the corresponding mid vowel which shared the same feature in frontness/backness. The majority evolution of the high vowels is

shown below (48a) and compared with the simultaneous evolution of the short diphthongs in Greater Hlai (48b): (48)

(a)

*i:

>

ej

*u:

>

ow

*Ҭ:

>

ʅҮ

(b)

*ʅj

>

aj

*ʅw

>

aw

*ʅҮ

>

aҮ

The only exceptions to the development shown in (48) occurred in Cunhua and Nadouhua,

subsequent to diphthongization. In the case of Cunhua, *Ҭ: rounded and merged with *u:: (49)

Cunhua:

*Ҭ:

>

u:

>

ʅw

>

ow

In the case of Nadouhua, a partial merger occurred, with *Ҭ: falling into variation between Ҭ:

and u:; all cases of short ʅ were fronted to ʎ, preempting the otherwise ubiquitous assimilation of schwa to the following glide. The final velar glide of ʎҮ was then lost, leaving long ʎ:: (50)

Nadouhua:

*i:

>

i:

>

ʅj

>

ʎj

>

ʎj

*u:

>

u:

>

ʅw

>

ʎw

>

ʎw

*Ҭ:

>

Ҭ:~u:

>

ʅҮ~ʅw >

ʎҮ~ʎw >

ʎ:~ʎw

A final exception occurred in Moyfaw, where the nucleus of *ʅҮ remained a mid vowel, failing

to lower to aҮ.

This kind of diphthongization can be found elsewhere in Southeast Asia. A good example of

this is Chamic, where the shift from largely penultimate stress in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) to final stress brought about the same situation by the time of Proto-Chamic (Thurgood (1999)):

142 (51)

High vowel diphthongization in Proto-Chamic

Gloss

PMP

thorn

*duRi

man

*laki

dig

*kali

Gloss

PMP

dog

*asu

know; able

*tahu

widowed

*balu

Pre-Chamic

Proto-Chamic

>

GXUt

>

*durʅj

>

ODNt

>

*lakʅj

>

NDOt

>

*kalʅj

Pre-Chamic

Proto-Chamic

>

DV~

>

*ުasʅw

>

WDK~

>

*thʅw

>

EDO~

>

*balʅw

Further development of *u:͈ occurred in Zandui and Baoting: (52)

*u:͈

>

ʅw͈

>

o:͈

The development of *u: in Cunhua in tone categories B and C was unique: (53)

*u:

>

u:

>

ʅw

>

ow

*u:ު

>

ʅwު

>

aҮު

>

ajC

*u:͈

>

ʅw͈

>

aw͈

>

a:B

After *u:͈/ު merged with *ʅw, the latter developed in Lauhut in two ways depending on the

initial it followed, with the nucleus either lowering (54a) or backing under the influence of a preceding

labial (54b) (words like hot and handle had developed secondary articulations by the time of Central Hlai): (54)

Examples of PHl *ʅw͈/ު in Lauhut

(a)

Non-labial(ized) initials

(b)

Labial(ized) initials

Gloss

PHl

Lauhut

Gloss

PHl

Lauhut

few

*‫ר‬jʅw͈

raw2

pile

*phʅwު

phow3

banyan male inlaw

*thʅwު *hjʅwު

thaw3 zaw3

hot handle

This was also true of Baoting in *u:ު rimes in category C (55a-b):

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hʅwު *Cu͈ʅw͈

fow3 hwow2

143 (55)

Examples of PHl *u:ު in Baoting

(a)

Non-labial(ized) initials

(b)

Labial(ized) initials

Gloss

PHl

Baoting

Gloss

PHl

Baoting

ash two

*shu:ު *hlu:ު

taw3 Ѵaw3

stab taboo

*phu:ު *C-mu:ު

phow3 mow3

kill

*͈u:ު

haw3

boil

*Ʒu:ު

Ʒow3

The six exceptions to Greater Hlai diphthongization in categories B and C are the following: (56)

Gloss

PHl

Gloss

PHl

this

*C-ni:͈

tadpole

*hnu:͈

point

*s Ҭ:ު

blow

*ުu:͈

thin

*C-li:ު h

run

*Cuhru:͈

In addition, the following items may be counterexamples as well; all of them except one are found only in Bouhin and Ha Em, one being found only in Lauhut and Baisha: (57)

Gloss

PHl

Gloss

PHl

older sister trip clsfr

*ުi:͈ *ƷҬ:͈

non-gltns. rice one

*C-mҬ:ު *tçhҬ:ު

shadow

*[hw/‫]ڛ‬Ҭ:͈

There are also two unique examples of a high vowel which failed to diphthongize at all (58a-b), another example in which the high vowel failed to diphthongize in the majority of languages (58c), and one in which it failed to diphthongize in Qi (58d):

144 (58) (a)

三

three

fu:3

tshu:3

tshu:3

fu:

3

fo:

3

fu:

3

(c)

乳房

breast

tsi:2

tsi:2

(tsej1)

tsʎj1

tsʎj1

tsej1

*Cuٍ‫؛‬huު tshu:3 fu:

3

tshu:3 fu:

3

tshu:3 f u: h

3

*tçi:͈ tsi:5

tsej1

tsi:5 tsi:3

tsi:5 ti:3

(b)

噴

spray

*phu:2

*phu:2

*phu:2

*p u: h

5

----

----

(d)

母親

mother

mej3

(mej3)

paj3

Ʒaj4

maj1

----

*phu͈ *phu:5 ----

----

*p u: h

---5

*phu:5

*hmi:ު pi:6

paj3

phi:6

(me:1)

pi:6

(mej6)

There is very little to note in the development of the non-high vowels. There do not seem to

have been any changes correlated with tone category as in the case of the high vowels (but see note on

*a:j below). The single change which occurred in the *a: rime category was the backing in Cunhua to DZ:. The three reconstructions under comparison are presented below23:

(59)

Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

(a)

*ei

*i:

*i:

(c)

*ou

*u:

*u:

(b) (d) (e) (f)

(g) (h)

*ʅҬ *aj

*aҬ ---/*aw ---

*a

*ε:

*aj

*al *εw/*aw ---

*a:

*Ҭ: *i:͈/ު

*Ҭ:͈/ު *u:͈/ު *e: *a:

In the case of the high vowels in category A, Thurgood reconstructs what I consider to be the

final stage in the development of these vowels, although his reconstruction does obey the principle of Commonality. Ostapirat (2004) reconstructs a system similar to the one presented here, the only

difference (*ε: vs. *Ҭ:) being essentially notational. Neither Thurgood nor Ostapirat distinguish the reflexes of the high vowels in categories B/C

from those of the short mid diphthongs; this is almost certainly because the only language which can be

used to distinguish between these two series is Bouhin, the witness of which is occasionally compromised EHFDXVHRILWVFRQWDFWUHODWLRQVKLSZLWK+D(P2VWDSLUDW·V UHFRQVWUXFWLRQRI DOLVEDVHGRQWKH data in Wang & Qian (1951), in which they transcribe what I assume to have been Baisha *aҮ as a:l; my 23

Since the analysis in Ostapirat (1993) was replaced by Ostapirat (2004), only the latter will be treated here.

145 assumption is that this transcription did not reflect a genuine l, but is in error due to confusion over the

perception of final Ү (for an updated analysis of final *-l see Ostapirat 2009). The reason for this is that Proto-Kra-Dai final *l is preserved in two other Kra-Dai languages: Saek, a Northern Tai language, and Laha, a Kra language. The following forms show cases in these languages where final *l is preserved, and their Hlai cognates: (60)

Saek

Laha

PHl

body louse

mlʎl4

mdalA2

*thʅn

----

*Ʒin

be(come) to fly

field dike

cry, crow (v) stone

to teach

p al h

4

bҬl ‫ۦ‬al ‫ۦ‬al ri:l

1

4 4

2

sDZ:l2

wasp

t i:l h

heavy

4

----

-------------------

khalC1

*C-mʅn *Ci͈ʅ:n *Ci͈ʅ:n *tçhi:n *shun *thin

*khҬn

In these examples, it is apparent that the regular reflex of Kra-Dai final *l is PHl final *n. It is therefore untenable to suggest that the series reconstructed here as *Ҭ:h/ު be reconstructed with a final lateral in Hlai.

7KXUJRRGGRHVQ·WUHFRQVWUXFWDQ\WKLQJIRUthe rime I reconstruct as *u:͈ (which is also relatively

rare, with only nine clear examples). Ostapirat (2004) reconstructs the diphthong *εw, based partially on Jiamao evidenceEXWGRHVQ·WRIIHUWKHSDWKE\ZKLFKLWZRXOGKDYHHYROYHGLQWRWKHUHIOH[HVof the daughter languages; this generally odd change violates Directionality. Neither Thurgood nor Ostapirat reconstruct a PHl phoneme for the seventh series of

correspondences, probably owing to the fact that it is very rare (only three examples, all given below). There is a consensus in reconstructing the final series as *a:. Examples of the PHl open rimes are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

146 (61)

Examples of PHl open rimes

(a) 榕樹

banyan

rej1 (huj4)

gej1 Ӕʎjު4

火

fire

(pej1)

fej1

螺螄

snail

tshej1

tshej1

----

----

fʎj1

----

gej1 gej4

*i:

(b)

*hri:

被子

blanket

pej3 WԬDM3

faj3 faj3

疥瘡

scabies

nej3

naj3

哭

cry

ӔHM3

ӔDM3

gej4 xej1

fej1 fej1

fej1 fej1

tshej1 ----

tshej1 tshej1

fhej1

tshej1

tshej1 tshej1

naj3

ӔDM3 ӔDM3

ӔDM3 ӔDM3

矮

short

thʅҮ3

thaҮ3

輕

light (weight)

*khҬ:ު

khʅҮ3

khaҮ3

khaҮ3

ȮʅҮ1

女婿

son-in-law

*hlҬ:

ȮʅҮ1

ѴʅҮ1

ѴʅҮ1

ƷʅҮ1 ƷʅҮ1

ƷʅҮ1 ƷʅҮ1

ȮʅҮ1 ȮʅҮ1

ѴʅҮ1

ȮʅҮ1 ȮʅҮ1

ѴʅҮ1 ѴʅҮ1

----

ȮʅҮ1

ѴʅҮ1 ѴʅҮ1

thDZ:3

khDZ:3

faj3 (fuj3)

naj6

naj3

ӔDM6

ӔDM3

khaҮ5 khaҮ2

khaҮ5 khaҮ5

thaҮ3

thaҮ3

khaҮ3

khaҮ3

naj3

naj6

C-ӔLު

khaҮ2 khaw2

ȮʅҮ1

ѴʅҮ1

naj3

naj3

khʅҮ2 khDZ:5

ƷʅҮ1 ƷʅҮ1 *ȮҬ:

ѴʅҮ1

naj3

dry

want

ȮʅҮ1

ӔDM3

faj3 faj3

C-ni:ު

乾涸

要

ȮʅҮ1

ӔDM3

---

faj3 faj3

*ƷҬ:

ƷʅҮ1 Ʒʎw1

ƷʅҮ1 ƷʅҮ1

tshej1

---

faj3 faj3

(d)

ƷʅҮ1 Ʒow1

----

fej1

fej1

fhi:ު

*Ҭ: leaf

WԬRZ1

fej1

*tçhi:

葉子

Ȯʎ:1

hej4 (tsej4)

*fhi:

(c)

tsow1

hej4 xej1

*i:h/ު

ӔDM3

ӔDM6

*Ҭ:h/ު

thaw3

khaw3

*khҬ:͈ khaҮ2 khaҮ2

khaҮ5 khʅҮ2 *thҬ:ު

thaҮ3 thaҮ3

khaҮ3 khaҮ3

thaҮ3

thʅҮ3

khʅҮ3

thaҮ3

khaҮ3

thaҮ3

khaҮ3

147 (e)

*u:

(f) 沙

斑鳩

dove, pigeon

*khu:

khow1

khow1

khow1

跟

with

row1

row1

黃蜂

wasp

low1

low1

(khow5) khʎw1

vow4

low

4

khow1 khow1

vow1

Ӕʎwު4) gow4

plow1

---

pow

1

(phaw3) phaw3 p aj

3

how3

二

3

phow3 p aw h

3

kill

殺

haj

p aw h

3

khow1

fow4

‫ۦ‬ow1

----

(fow4)

plow1 plow

1

fow1

pow1 plow

1

plow

1

year

paw2

5

p aw

3

p aw h

3

p aw h

3

haw3

haw3

haw3

3

3

3

haw

haw

haw

*hlu:ު Ѵaw3 Ѵaw3

Ѵaw3 Ѵaw3

Ѵaw3 Ѵaw3

----

pho:2

pDZ:2

kDZ:2

phaw2

pow2 paw2

paw2 paw2

paw2

paw2

KӔX͈ kaw2

kho:2

2

2

kaw

phaw5

*hmu:͈

kaw

kaw

kaw

kaw2

*e:

----

*C-ӔH ӔH1 ӔH

1

---ӔH

----

1

背着手 hands in back

*m-le:

----

ple:1

----

phDZ:5

2

ӔH1

h

phaw2

pho:5

kaw2

ӔH1

phow3

phaw2

phaw5

2

goose

phaw3

phow2

kaw2

鵝

phaw3

*phu:͈

sleep (lie)

ӔRZ2 ka:

paw2

*phu:ު

3

Ѵaw3 Ѵaw3

年

(h)

haw3

Ȯow3 Ѵaw3 WԬDM 3 law3

phaw2

*u:ު

3

two

pha:5

Ʒa:5

plow1

haw3

haw

(phaw2) phaw2

睡

*͈u:ު

haw

sand

(vow1) mow2

*m-lu:

prick (finger)

h

khow1

khow1

*Cu‫ר‬u:

(g) 刺

khow1

khow1

*u:͈

-------

ple:1 ----

ple:

1

糍粑

rice cake

*C-ӑe:͈

-------

ӑe:2 ----

ӑe:5 ----

-------

----

----

----

pe:1 ple:

1

(ӑe:5) ӑe:2

ple:1 ple:1

ӑe:5 ----

148

*a:

(i) 厚

thick

na:1

na:1

眼睛

eye

tsha:1

tsha:1

種

to plant

ra:1 vDZ:4

(ra:1) vaު4

nDZ:1

hDZ:1

na:1

ha:1

*C-na: na:1 na:1

na:1 na:1

na:4

na:1

tsha:1

tsha:1

(va:4) va:1

hwa:4 va:1

na:1

na:4

*ٍ‫؛‬ha: tsha:1 tsha:1

tsha:1 tsha:1

tsha:1

tsha:1

*Cuhra: gwa:1 kDZ:1

gwa:4 ‫ۦ‬a:1

3.3.1 Interim Summary The reconstruction of five open rimes is possible in PHl, with the front mid vowel *e: being marginal: (62)

*i:

(*e:)

*Ҭ:

*u:

*a:

The high vowels have undergone parallel developments in category A, with the original vowels

tending towards diphthongization; those in categories B and C developed differently in Bouhin and

Greater Hlai, however, and it is this asymmetry between the two highest branches of Hlai which allows the original symmetry of the vowel inventory to be recovered. Due to its low frequency, the front mid vowel is considered to be of probable secondary origin, implying an original four-vowel system which consisted of three high vowels and one low vowel. This type of four-vowel system, while not

typologically common, is nevertheless attested in other synchronic language systems (Maddieson 1984: 126). 3.4 C losed Rimes with High Nuclei To make the treatment of the closed rimes more manageable, they will be divided into those with high nuclei in the present section and those with non-high nuclei in section 3.5. In addition, those rimes

149 in this section will be divided between high front nuclei (3.4.1), high back unrounded nuclei (3.4.2), and high back rounded nuclei (3.4.3).

There are two series of closed rimes with high nuclei. The general pattern is an opposition between short high versus short mid vowels in NCHl, as opposed to short versus long high vowels in other Hlai: (63)

(a)

NCHl:

(b)

Other Hlai:

iC

vs

eC

i:C

vs

iC

uC

vs

oC

u:C

vs

uC

ҬC

vs

ۣC

Ҭ:C

vs

ҬC

The two choices for reconstruction are between an original opposition between high and mid

vowels (where NCHl would be conservative), and an original opposition in vowel length of high vowels (where other Hlai would be conservative). I have chosen the latter, for two reasons. The first is that of

the various branches of Hlai, NCHl has had considerably more interaction with the Non-Hlai languages of Hainan, none of which have an opposition in vowel length to the best of my knowledge. This would therefore be an exotic feature which may be expected to be modified under the pressure of language

contact. The second reason is the pattern in (63a) is restricted to a specific subgroup, making it very likely that this was an innovation at the level of Proto-NCHl. In fact, the Baisha data in Wang & Qian

(1951) strongly suggest that the change in (63a) above was the result of a chain shift, as the patterns in high vowel rimes they record follow the following pattern: (64)

i:C ҬC

u:C

vs vs vs

eC ±& oC

In other words, it appears as though the short high rimes first lowered, and that the long high rimes only shortened afterward (apparently beginning with *Ҭ:C). It may therefore be suggested that only the short rime lowering occurred at the level of Proto-NCHl, and that long rime shortening proceeded on an individual basis after the breakup of NCHl into daughter branches. 3.4.1 Rimes with H igh F ront Nuclei There are altogether fourteen series of correspondences which may be reconstructed with high

front nuclei, seven long and seven short; their correspondences are given below:

150 (65)

Reflexes of rimes with high front nuclei

BHi:n

HaE:m LHu:t

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

i:w

i:w

i:w

i:w

iw

i:w

iw

i:

iw

iw

iw

iw

i:n LӔ

i:n LӔ

i:n LӔ

i:n LDӔ

i:n LDӔ

i:n LDӔ

in iʅӔ

in LӔ

LӔ LӔ

LӔ LӔ

LӔ LӔ

in LӔ

i:m

i:p i:t

i:ު

i:m

i:p i:t

i:ު

i:m

i:p i:t

i:k

i:m

i:p i:t

iaު

i:m

i:p i:t

iaު

i:m

i:p i:t

iak

im

ip it

iʅk

in

iު iު iު

im

ip it

iު

im

ip

it~ik ik

im

ip it it

im

ip it

iު

iw

iw

iw

iw

iw

iw

DZj

iw

iw

iw

ew

i:w

in

in

eӑ

en

en

in

en

en

en

en

en

en

im LӔ

ip it

ik

im LӔ

ip it

ik

S. Hlai (Savina)

im LӔ

ip

ec ik

im LӔ

ip et

i:ު

im LӔ

ip et

i:ު

im LӔ

ip it

ik

em HӔ

ep et

---

ʎn

HӔ eު eު

---

C. Hlai (Savina)

em en ep et

---

em en ep et

ik

----

iw

ieӔ

eӔ

LӔ

iep iet i: iw

---in ------it ek

---ien iep

iʎt eģk iw

---en ------ʎt ----

The reconstructions proposed here are therefore the following:

en ep et

---

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

iw

iem ien

em

i:m LӔ i:p i:t i:t

ew en

----

(i:p) et ----

em en ep et et

151 (66)

*i:w

*iw

*i:n *i:Ӕ

*in

LӔ

*i:m

*im

*i:p

*ip

*i:t

*it

*i:k

*ik

The reconstruction of these rimes is readily constrained by the principle of Symmetry, as is true

for all other classes of closed rimes.

3.4.1.1 Long Rimes with High Front Nuclei As discussed above, long rimes in NCHl languages shortened: (67)

*i:C

>

iC

There is some evidence that the diphthongs in NCHl were exempted from this otherwise

pervasive pattern. The Nadouhua reflex of PHl *i:w is i: with the final glide lost after a long nucleus but not after a short one. In addition, the reversal of features in the Cunhua short diphthong may have occurred at the time when the nucleus was still high, allowing the originally long diphthong to shorten

only after this change had occurred. In addition, the Meifu short diphthong seems to have not undergone

vowel lowering, leading to a merger between the long and short series. These scenarios are shown below: (68)

Cunhua:

i:w

>

i:w

Nadouhua:

i:w iw

> >

i: iw

Meifu:

i:w

>

iw

iw

iw

>

>

uj

> >

iw oj

iw

In Zandui, the long diphthong merged with its short counterpart as it did in the Meifu branch: (69)

Zandui

i:w iw

> >

iw iw

152 There were other changes in stop-closed rimes. In the Qi branch, there was a diphthongization

in the rimes with velar finals, where original long *i: broke first to iʅ, and then underwent schwa lowering to ia: (70)

*i:Ӕ

*i:k

> >

iʅӔ

iʅk

> >

LDӔ

iak

The nuclei of Cunhua rimes with velar codas also diphthongized to iʅ, following the general Hlai

dispreference for short rimes in this environment: (71)

*i:Ӕ

*i:k

> >

iʅӔ

iʅk

In Nadouhua, there was an across-the-board merger of labial and alveolar codas; in addition, all

final stops debuccalized to a glottal stop: (72)

*im

>

in

*iӔ *ip

> >

iӔ iު

*in

*it

*ik

>

> >

in

iު iު

There was a merger of the alveolar nasal with the velar in Moyfaw: (73)

*in

>

LӔ

Finally, Baisha underwent an interesting cross-merger, where (as in Meifu) the alveolar nasal merged with the velar, but where the velar stop merged with the alveolar, under the influence of the preceding vowel: (74)

*in *ik

> >

LӔ it

3.4.1.2 Short Rimes with High Front Nuclei There were a number of individual developments of short rimes in the Hlai subgroups and

daughter languages. The lowering to mid vowels in NCHl mentioned earlier was universal:

153 (75)

*iC

>

eC

A similar but more restricted change occurred in Lauhut, where alveolar-final rimes became palatalized as the vowel itself lowered to e: (76)

*in *it

> >

eӑ ec

The Tongzha and Zandui alveolar-final rimes also lowered to e, while *ik lengthened to i:k,

filling the gap left by original *i:k: (77)

*in

>

en

*ik

>

i:k

*it

*i:k

>

>

et

iʅk

> >

i:ު

iaު

The vowel e in Moyfaw was raised before the velar stop as well (there are no Changjiang

cognates, so it cannot be determined if this occurred at the level of the Meifu branch or not). Since there are only two examples, however, it should be kept in mind that these may have been loans from Lauhut: (78)

ek

>

ik

A merger of velar final rimes with alveolar-final rimes occurred in NECHl: (79)

HӔ

>

en

This was mirrored by the same merger of the stops in Yuanmen: (80)

ek

>

et

Finally, the Yuanmen diphthong lengthened, creating an environment in which raising occurred (see section 4.5.1): (81)

ew

>

e:w

>

i:w

A comparison of reconstructions is given below:

154 (82)

Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

(a) (b)

*i:w *i:m

*i:w *i:m

*i:w *i:m

(d)

LDӔ

LӔ

LӔ

(c) (e) (f)

(g)

*i:n

*i:n

*i:p *i:t

*i:p *i:t

*i:k

*i:k

*i:n *i:p *i:t *i:k

(h)

*iw

*iw

*iw

(j)

*iӑ

*in

*in

(i)

(k) (l)

(m) (n)

---

*im

LӔ

LӔ

*ip

*ip

*ic

*it

*ik

*ik

*im

LӔ

*ip *it

*ik

While 7KXUJRRG·VUHFRQVWUXFWLRQDJUHHVZLWKWKHSUHVHQWRQHLn positing a length distinction, WKHUHDUHWKUHHGLIIHUHQFHVEHWZHHQWKHP7KHILUVWLVWKDWKHUHFRQVWUXFWV LDӔ in (82d), based on the Qi

evidence. I consider this a secondary development, and it is also at odds with the fact that he reconstructs *i:k instead of *iak for the sixth series, violating Symmetry. The second difference is that he does not

reconstruct anything in (82i). Finally, he reconstructs *iӑ and *ic in (82j) and (82m), whereas I consider

the palatalization of the codas under the influence of the vowel to be a secondary development in Lauhut. 2VWDSLUDW·V UHFRQVWUXFWLRQDJUHHVZLWKWKHSUHVHQWRQHLQSRVLWLQJDOHQJWKGLVWLQFWLRQDQG is otherwise straightforward.

Examples of the PHl closed rimes with high front nuclei are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

155 (83)

Examples of PHl closed rimes with high front nuclei

(a) 藍色

blue

khi:w1

khi:w1

貓

cat

mi:w2 miw5

mi:w2 mi:2

賣

sell

ri:w3

gi:w3

khiw1

hiw4

khi:1

zi:3

khi:w1 khiw1

mi:w2 miw2

----

giw4

塞

plug up

----

----

舔

lick

zi:m2 (lʎm5)

zi:m2 (lin2)

分贈

give as gift

sin1

(gi:m3) gi:m3 ----

----

(b)

*khi:w

妻子

wife

liw1

liw1

*C-mi:wh

老鼠

mouse

mi:w5 miw2

niw1 tsDZj4

tiw1 tiwު4

尖刀

dagger

ziw3

ziw3

khi:w1 khiw1

khiw1 khiw1

khi:w1 khiw1

miw2 mi:w5 (miw1) miw2

*hri:wު

(c)

----

*i:w

gi:w6 xiw3

hiw6 xiw3

gi:w6

khiw3

lDZj1

----

*i:m

(d)

*tçhi:m

嘗

tshi:m1 tshi:m1 tshi:m1 tshi:m1 tshim1 (tshim2) tshi:m1 tshim1

tshim1

*hlji:mh zi:m2 lim2

gi:m3 ----

Ѵi:m2 ӑim2

---ӑim2

Ѵi:m2 ----

*hri:mު gi:m6 xim3

hi:m6 xim3

gi:m6

khim3

----

*iw

liw1

(zʎw3)

*C-liw liw1 liw1

liw1 liw1

liw1

thiw4 tew1

tiw4 ti:w4

Ѵiw6

Ѵiw6

lew1

li:w4

*hniw tiw1 tiw4

tiw4 tiw1 *hljiwު

ziw3 liw3

Ѵiw6

ziw3

zew3

tsi:w6

*im taste tshim1 ----

*tçhim tshim1 ----

(tshem1) tshim1 tshem1

項圈

necklet

khim1 ----

khim1 ----

放蠱

to poison

*kimު

kim3

kim3

kim3

kem3

liw4

----

tshem1

tshim1

tshem1

*khim khim1 ----

kim3

kem3

khim1 ----

kem3

---khem1

-------

kim3

kim3

kem3

kem3

156 (e) 錢

money

tsi:n1

tsi:n1

石頭

stone

tshi:n1

tshi:n1

舌頭

tongue

Ȯi:n3

Ѵi:n3

WԬLQ1

sin1

WԬLQ (g)

3

tsin1

sin1

lin

3

手指

finger

]LӔ2 ----

]LӔ2 ]LӔ2

吊

hang

ULӔ3

ULӔ3

liʅӔ4

OLӔ3

tsi:n1 WVLӔ1

*i:n

(f)

*tçi:n

飛

fly

Ʒin1

Ʒin1

答應

agree

thin1

thin1

好

good

tsi:n1 WVLӔ1

tshi:n1 tshLӔ1

tshi:n1 tshLӔ1

Ѵi:n3 ѴLӔ

3

Ѵi:n3 ѴLӔ

Lƾ 3

tshi:n1

tshi:n1

(tshLӔ4) tshin1

Ѵi:n3 ѴLӔ

3

Ѵi:n3 Ѵin

3

KOMLӔh ]LӔ2 ]LӔ2

ѴLDӔ2 ]LӔ2

ѴLDӔ2 ]LӔ5)

ѴLDӔ2 WVLӔ2

*‫ר‬LӔު ULӔ3 ----

ULDӔ6 ULӔ3

thLӔ3

thLDӔ3

----

tin1

*hli:nު

*thLӔު

tshiʅӔ3

WVLӔ1

tsi:n1

*tçhi:n

裂開/縫 crack, split thLӔ3

tsi:n1

thLӔ3 thLӔ3

thLӔ3

OLDӔ6 ULӔ3

thLDӔ3 thLӔ3

OLDӔ6 ULӔ6

thLDӔ3 thLӔ3

*in

Ʒen1

then1

Ȯin1

WԬHQ (h)

1

*Ʒin

Ʒen1

then1

Ʒeӑ1 Ʒen1

Ʒen1 Ʒen1

theӑ1 then1

then1 then1

then1

thin1

Ѵin1

Ʒen1

then1

Ѵin1

Ѵeӑ1

Ѵen1

Ѵen1

1

1

1

1

len

Ѵen

Ѵen

Lƾ

NLӔ

NLӔ1 ----

NLӔ1 ----

NLӔ1 ken1

螞蟥

leech

]LӔ1

]LӔ1

稻草

straw

ӔLӔ3

ӔLӔ3

]HӔު4

ӔZʎn3

Ʒen1

then1

*hlin

bare hills

ӑHӔ3

Ʒin1

*thin

童山

OLӔ4)

Ʒen1

NLӔ1 ken1

Ѵen

Ѵen1

NLӔ1 ken1

NLӔ1 ken1

ѴLӔ4

ѴLӔ4

ӔLӔ6

ӔLӔ3

KOMLӔ ]LӔ1 ----

ѴLӔ4

zen1

zen1

tsen4

&XӔLӔު ӔZLӔ3 ӔHQ3

ӔLӔ3

ӔHQ3

ӔHQ3

Ҫen6

157 (i)

*i:p

(j)

*ip

狗豆子 dogbean

*tçhip

指甲

fingernail

*C-li:p

li:p7

li:p7

li:p7

吳蚣

centipede

*‫ר‬i:p

ri:p7

ri:p7

ri:p8

秕子

husk w/out rice *hli:p

Ȯi:p7

Ѵi:p7

lip2

lip4

WԬLS

2

liު4

----

----

li:p7 lip7

ri:p7 lip7

Ѵi:p7

(Ѵip ) 9

(k)

lip7

rip7

Ѵi:p7 Ѵip

7

mit7

tsit

7

bail water

*hwi:t

vi:t7

vi:t7

vi:t8

----

viު4

----

go hunting

*hrip

rip7

gip7

gip8

----

(fiު5)

----

zep7

gip7 ----

zep7

----

khit7

mi:t7

戽水

hwi:t7

打獵

lep4

khit7

tsi:t8

----

Ѵip7

----

hold (two hands) *khit

----

tsiު

zip7

端

---tsit

Ѵip

7

zip7

tshep7

ӑit7

*hӑi:t

tsi:t7

Ѵi:p7

*hljip

----

(ӑit9)

dumpling

4

Ѵip

8

lightning

----

tship7

wrinkle

粽子

4

Ѵi:p7

rip8

閃電

----

tship7

皺紋

mi:t7

mit7

rip8

li:p8

tship7

*C-mi:t

mi:t7

miު4

li:p8

l/rip8

tship7

(l)

pinch

mit2

lip8

li:p7

*i:t

掐

mi:t7

li:p8

vet7

mi:t8 mit7

tshi:t8 tsit

8

(vi:ު8) vit8

(mit7) mit8

tsi:t8 tsit

8

vi:t7 vet8

ӑet2

----

tship7

Ѵip7

Ѵip7

tshep8

----

----

----

xep

tshep7

---8

----

*it

ӑʎު4

----

辣

spicy

rit7

git7

het4

tship7

(zeު5)

*C-ӑit ӑec7 ӑet7

khec7 ----

ӑet7

net8

ӑet7

ӑet8

khet7 k et h

ӑet7

7

ӑet8

khet7 k et h

7

khit7

khet7

*hrit gec7

(git7)

get8 xet7

het8 xet8

h/git8 khet7

158 (m)

*i:k

(n) 耙/掃

rake/sweep

*hrjik

zik7

zik7

ti:ު8

肅靜

silence

----

ުik7

小孩

child

lik7

lik7

魚籠

fish basket

*C-li:k

li:ު7

li:ު7

liaު7

翅膀

wing

phi:ު7

phi:ު7

滿

full

liʅk2

phiʅk2

thi:ު7 t iʅk h

2

liު4

phiު4

thi:ު7 t iު h

4

li:k7 liު7

lik7

liaު8 lit8

liak7 liު8

*phi:k phi:k7 phiު7

phiaު7 phik7

phiaު7 phit8

phiak7 phiު7

*thi:k thi:k7 t iު h

7

thiaު7 t ik h

7

thiaު7

(t iު ) h

8

thiak7 t iު h

7

----

----

----

*ik

----

----

----

rik7 ----

----

thi:ު8

tik8

ުi:ު7

(ުi:k7)

li:ު8

lik7

----

tset8

*ުik ުik7 ----

ުi:ު7

(ުik7)

----

----

*C-lik lik7 ----

li:ު7

(lik ) 7

----

3.4.2 C losed Rimes with H igh B ack Unrounded Nuclei The correspondences for the closed rimes with high back unrounded vowels are given below:

----

159 (84)

Correspondences of closed rimes with high back unrounded nuclei

HaE:m BHi:n

LHu:t

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

Ҭ:j

----

Ҭ:j

Ҭ:j

u:j

Ҭ:j

----

----

----

(uj)

----

----

Ҭ:n ҬӔ

Ҭ:n ҬӔ

Ҭ:n ҬӔ

Ҭ:n ҬӔ

Ҭ:n ҬDӔ

Ҭ:n ҬӔ

Ҭn ҬʅӔ

ʎn ʎӔ

ҬӔ ҬӔ

ҬӔ ҬӔ

ҬӔ ҬӔ

ʅn ҬӔ

---

---

Ҭk

---

Ҭ:m

Ҭ:p Ҭ:t

Ҭ:ު

Ҭ:m

Ҭ:p Ҭ:t

Ҭ:ު

Ҭ:m

Ҭ:p Ҭ:t

Ҭ:k

Ҭ:m

Ҭ:p Ҭ:t

Ҭ:ު

u:m

u:p

Ҭ:t

Ҭaު

Ҭ:m

Ҭ:p Ҭ:t

Ҭ:ު

um

-------

Ҭʅk

un~ʎn

-------

uު~ʎު

um~Ҭm um~Ҭm um~Ҭm um~om

up

Ҭު

up

Ҭk

up

Ҭk

up

Ҭު

Ҭm

Ҭm

Ҭm

Ҭm

um

Ҭm

am~om un

om~em om~em om

om

ҬӔ

ҬӔ

ҬӔ

ҬӔ

ҬӔ

ҬӔ

----

----

----

ʅӔ

Ҭt~ʅt

ʎު

Ҭn Ҭp Ҭt

Ҭn Ҭp Ҭt

S. Hlai (Savina)

Ҭn Ҭp Ҭt

Ҭn Ҭp Ҭt

Ҭn up

Ҭt

Ҭn Ҭp Ҭt

C. Hlai (Savina)

Ҭn~ʅn ʎn up~ʎp

ʎު

ʅӔ

ʅӔ

ʅӔ

ap~ep

op~ep

op

ʅt

ʅӔ

ʅk

----

----

Ҭۣn

Ҭۣn

ҬӔ

ҬۣӔ Ҭۣp Ҭۣt Ҭ:

Ҭۣm ҬۣӔ -------

Ҭۣk

ҬӔ u:p

---Ҭk

----

----

ҬӔ

----

±Ӕ

---Ҭt

----------

ʅt

u:m~Ҭm

um Ҭn

ʅk

op

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

----

Ҭۣm

ʅӔ

ʅn

±Ӕ

op ±N

In general, the same patterns which applied to the class of rimes with high front vowels reoccur

here. There is considerable variation in NCHl reflexes, presumably due to the marked nature of the high and mid back unrounded vowels. The reconstructions proposed here for these correspondences are given below:

160 (85)

*Ҭ:j

*Ҭ:m

*Ҭm

*Ҭ:p

*Ҭp

*Ҭ:n *ҬӔ

*Ҭn *ҬӔ

*Ҭ:t

*Ҭt

*Ҭ:k

3.4.2.1 Long Rimes with High Back Unrounded Nuclei With the exception of Zandui, there have been very few changes in the long rimes of the non-

NCHl languages. The three changes which have occurred in Zandui are that the vowel in the diphthong

rounded, probably through dissimilation; the vowels in rimes closed with bilabial stops became rounded

under their influence; and the vowels in rimes closed by velar stops have diphthongized, in the same way which occurred for those in section 4.4.1.1 above for the entire Qi branch: (86)

*Ҭ:j

>

u:j

*Ҭ:m *Ҭ:p

> >

u:m u:p

*ҬӔ

>

ҬʅӔ

*Ҭ:k

>

Ҭʅk

> >

ҬDӔ Ҭaު

In NCHl, the regular shortening of long rimes occurred: (87)

*Ҭ:C

>

*ҬC

The nucleus of the dipthong apparently rounded in Moyfaw (note, however, that since this is the

only reflex of this rime in NCHl, that it may be a loan): (88)

Ҭj

>

uj

The most common place of variation in NCHl is in the bilabial-final rimes, in which there was

sporadic rounding of the vowel. This happened in all six NCHl languages, but could not have occurred at the level of Proto-Northern Hlai, since the variation does not hold across identical lexical items: (89)

Ҭm Ҭp

> >

um up

161 Nadouhua also experienced rounding of the vowel in NCHl Ҭk rimes, under the influence of a

preceding labial or labiovelar: (90)

Gloss

Proto-Hlai

weave

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k

bone tender

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:k *m-lҬ:k

NCHl > > >

Nadouhua

*‫آ‬hwҬk

>

*‫ר‬wҬk *blҬk

> >

fuު4

vuު4 pjuު4

In addition, there were two cases of vowel-lowering which occurred, in Nadouhua and in

Yuanmen. In Nadouhua, anything which did not undergo secondary rounding shortened (merging with the PHl short *ҬC series) and lowered to a mid vowel, centralizing to schwa. Rimes with schwa, no matter their origin, then fronted to ʎC (there are no examples of original Ҭp or Ҭt in Nadouhua): (91)

Ҭm

>

ۣn

>

ʅn

>

ʎn

ҬӔ

>

ۣӔ

>

ʅӔ

>

ʎӔ

Ҭn Ҭk

> >

ۣn ۣk

> >

ʅn ʅk

> >

ʎn ʎު

In Yuanmen, the labial-FORVHGULPHVZKLFKGLGQ·WURXQGDQGDOYHRODU-closed rimes shortened and

lowered to merge with their counterparts from PHl *Ҭm/Ҭp and *Ҭn (there are no Yuanmen examples of original *Ҭt): (92)

Ҭm Ҭp Ҭn

> > >

ۣm ۣp ۣn

> > >

om op ʅn

3.4.2.2 Short Rimes with High Back Unrounded Nuclei The only change in this category which occurred in a non-NCHl language was in Zandui, where

the vowel became rounded under the influence of a following labial coda: (93)

*Ҭm *Ҭp

> >

um up

In NCHl, the typical short-vowel lowering applied, with an additional centralization of the vowel in many cases; note that this was only possible after the lowering of original schwa nuclei (see section 4.5.2):

162 (94)

*ҬC *ʅC

> >

ʅC aC

In Cunhua, the following variation occurs in *ʅm from earlier *Ҭm: (95)

*ʅm

>

*om/ʅm

>

om/am

There is only one example of original NCHl *ʅm in Nadouhua, the reflex of which is um. In all

other cases, the following shift occurred: (96)

ʅp

>

ʎު

ʅt

>

ʎު

ʅn

>

ʎn

The following changes occurred in the Meifu branch: (97)

ʅm

>

om/em

ʅn

>

ʅӔ

ʅp

ʅt

>

>

ap/ep (Changjiang), op/ep (Moyfaw)

ʅk

(Moyfaw)

Finally, the following occurred in the Run branch: (98)

ʅm

>

om

ʅn ʅt

> >

ʅӔ ʅk

ʅp

>

op

(Baisha) (Baisha)

A comparison of reconstructions is given below:

163 (99)

Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

(a) (b)

--*uam (b)

(*ε:j) *ε:m

*Ҭ:j *Ҭ:m

(d)

XӔE

*εӔ

*ҬӔ

(c) (e) (f)

(g)

*u:n (b)

*uap (b) ---

*ε:n *ε:p ---

*uak (b)

*ε:k

*Ҭ:n *Ҭ:p *Ҭ:t *Ҭ:k

(h)

---

*εm

*Ҭm

(j)

---

---

*ҬӔ

(i)

(k) (l)

---

*εn

---

*εp

---

*εt

*Ҭn *Ҭp *Ҭt

7KXUJRRGGRHVQ·WUHFRQVWUXFWDQ\WKLQJin (99h-l). For the first six series (excluding the first and

the sixth, for which there is only one clear example of each), he reconstructs a series of either pure long u:C rimes or diphthongized uaC rimes. These are all labeled with a (b) in his system, because they contrast with other rimes which are reconstructed identically based on other series of correspondences.

These are assumed to be loans (Thurgood 1991: 19). It is unclear why there is an asymmetry between the rimes with velar codas, with a pure vowel being reconstructed for thHWKLUGVHULHV XӔ EXWDGLSKWKRQJ for the sixth series (*uak), another violation of Symmetry.

2VWDSLUDW·V UHFRQVWUXFWLRQLVLGHQWLFDOZLWKWKHRQHSURSRVHGKHUHVDYHIRUWKHIDFWWKDWKH reconstructs high central vowels instead of high back vowels. He does not reconstruct anything in (99f) or (99j) as each is supported by only a single example, and his reconstruction of the first series is tentative (also based on only one example).

Examples of the closed rimes with high back unrounded vowels are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

164 (100)

Examples of closed rimes with high back unrounded vowels *Ҭ:j

(a) 竹子

bamboo

lҬ:j2 ----

---------

*m-lҬ:j͈ plҬ:j2 ----

(b) 飽

sated

plҬ:j5 (puj2)

pu:j5 ----

plҬ:j5 ----

*Ҭ:m

(c)

*khҬ:m

烤火

khҬ:m1 khҬ:m1 khҬ:m1 khҬ:m1 khu:m1 khҬ:m1 ުҬm2 khum1

khʎn1

蛋/卵

egg

zҬ:m1 zum1

zҬ:m1 zunު4

爬

crawl

khҬm1 khҬm1 khҬm1 khom1 *hjҬ:m zҬ:m1 zum1

zҬ:m4 zum1

zu:m4 zum1

*Cu͈Ҭ:m

hҬ:m1 hҬ:m1 hwҬ:m1 hҬ:m1 vu:m1 ӔXP1 ---ӔҬm1 ӔҬm1 ӔҬm1

zҬ:m1 zum4

ުom5

*Ҭm roast over fire

*ުҬm͈

ުҬm2

ުҬm5

ުun2

ުҬm2 ުom2

ުom2

不知道 not know

*hlҬmު

ȮҬm3 WԬDP3

ѴҬm3 ----

ѴҬm3 Ѵem3

烘

bake

hҬ:m1 rҬm3 Ҫom4 ----

gҬm3 ----

ѴҬm3 Ѵem3

ުum5

(ުum5)

Ѵum3 Ѵom3

ѴҬm3 Ѵom3

ުom2

ުom5

*CuhrҬmު gҬm3 kum1

gҬm6 ‫ۦ‬um3

-------

hҬm6 ----

165 (d)

*Ҭ:p

(e) 臭蟲

bedbug

kҬp7

kҬp7

呷

sip

tshҬp7

tshҬp7

搾

handspan

鱉

pt nosed turtle

*thҬ:p

thҬ:p7

thҬ:p7

thҬ:p7

搓洗

scrub

----

----

(pҬ:p7) fҬ:p7

thҬ:p7 ----

thup7

fҬ:p7 fup7

fҬ:p7

----

稻剪

rice knife

----

khҬ:p7 khҬ:p7 -------

castrate

ȮҬ:n1

ȮҬ:n1

骟子

pheasant

ȮҬ:n1

ȮҬ:n1

ȮҬn1

ȮҬn

1

----

----

thup7

fup7

fu:p7 fup8

fҬ:p7 fup7

*khҬ:p

k up h

7

(f) 閹

thup8

thҬ:p7

*fhҬ:p

----

----

thu:p7

ȮҬ:n1 ȮҬӔ1

k up h

---7

----

k up h

8

7

ȮҬm

3

ӔXS

2

seު4

hҬp7 Ӕʎު

4

*ȮҬ:n

重

heavy

khҬn1

khun1

淺

shallow

ȮҬ:n1 ȮҬӔ1

ȮҬ:n1 ȮҬӔ1

ȮҬ:n1 Ȯʅn1

ȮҬ:n1 ȮҬӔ

1

exit/open up

*thҬ:n

thҬ:n1 tshҬn1

thҬ:n1 thʎn1

thҬ:n1 thҬӔ1

ȮҬ:n1 ȮҬӔ

1

thҬ:n1 thҬӔ1

ȮҬ:n1 Ȯʅn

1

thҬ:n1 thʅn1

*kҬp kҬp7

kҬp7

(kҬp7) kep7

kup7

kҬp7

tshup7

tshҬp7

vup7

hҬp7

kop8

kop7

*tçhҬp

(g)

出/開

thҬ:n1 thҬn1

tship2

kʎު4

*Ҭ:n

*ȮҬ:n ȮҬ:n1

kup2

hҬp7

k up h

*Ҭp

tshҬp7 ----

tshҬp7 tshop7

----

----

*Cu͈Ҭp

hwҬp7 hҬp7 ӔDS

7

ӔRS

7

ӔRS

8

mop8

*Ҭn

khon1

thҬ:n3 fҬn

3

khʎn1

thҬn3 t ʎn h

3

刺

thorn

hҬn3 ӔҬn3

hҬn3 Ӕʎn3

*khҬn khҬn1 khʅӔ1

khҬn1 khʅӔ1

khҬn1 khʅӔ1

khҬn1 khʅn1

*thҬ[:]nު thҬn3 t ʅӔ h

3

thҬn3 t ʅӔ h

3

thҬn3 t ʅӔ h

3

thҬn3 thʅn3

*Cu͈Ҭnު hwҬn3 hҬn3 ӔʅӔ3 ӔʅӔ3

hun3 ӔʅӔ3

hҬn3 Ҫʅn6

166 (h)

*Ҭ:t

(i)

曾祖母 pat. grt grndma *tçҬt

扒/撓

dig up/scratch

*͈Ҭ:t

hҬ:t7

hҬ:t7

hҬ:t7

----

----

hҬ:t7 ----

----

hҬ:t7 hҬk

8

hҬ:t7 ----

tsҬt7 ----

*thҬt

----

----

thҬt7

層

layer

ȮҬt7

ѴҬt7

ginger

nҬӔ1

nҬӔ1

nҬӔ1 nҬӔ4

*khҬӔ

khҬӔ1 khҬӔ1 khҬӔ1 khҬӔ1 khҬDӔ1 khҬӔ1

放走

let go

ѴҬt7 Ѵʅt

7

ѴҬt7

8

Ѵʅk

kҬӔ1

薑

khҬӔ1

ѴҬt7

7

khҬӔ1

khҬӔ1

khҬӔ1

*phҬӔު

phҬӔ3 phҬӔ3 phҬӔ3 phҬӔ3 phҬDӔ3 phҬӔ3 phuʅӔ3 ---phҬӔ3 phҬӔ3 phҬӔ3 phҬӔ3

----

thʅt7

thʅt7

*hlҬt

kҬӔ1

nҬDӔ4

(tsҬk ) tʅt7

ѴҬt7

thʅk7

kҬӔ1

nҬӔ1

----

7

thҬt7

*kҬӔ

nҬӔ1

khHӔ1

----

----

tsҬt7

thҬt7

pull tight

nҬӔ1

----

----

thҬt7

緊

*C-nҬӔ

nҬӔ1

tsʅk

7

(k)

bamboo shoot

QHӔ1

----

tsҬt7

*ҬӔ

竹箏

nҬʅӔ1

----

tsҬt7

break (pulling)

----

nҬӔ1

tsҬt7

斷

----

(j)

*Ҭt

Ѵʅk

Ѵʅt7

*ҬӔ

----

kҬӔ1

(kʅӔ2)

kʅӔ1

kҬӔ1

(kʅӔ2)

kҬӔ1 ----

167 *Ҭ:k

(l) 成熟

ripe

tҬ:ު7

tҬ:ު7

織

weave (fabric)

WԬҬʅk2 feު4

*shҬ:k tҬ:k7 sҬު7

tshҬ:ު7 tshҬ:ު7 fҬ:k7 fҬʅk2

fuު4

骨頭

bone

rҬ:ު7

vҬʅk

rҬ:ު7 4

vuު

4

fҬު7

tҬ:ު7 sҬk7

tҬaު 7

tshҬk8

tҬ:ު7

tshҬު7

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k (fҬ:ު7) tshҬaު7 tshҬ:ު7 fҬk7

fҬk8

fhҬު7

fҬaު8

fҬ:ު8

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:k vҬ:k7 kҬު

7

fҬ:ު8 ‫ۦ‬Ҭk

7

fҬk

8

fҬު8

3.4.3 C losed Rimes with H igh B ack Rounded Nuclei The correspondences for the closed rimes with high back rounded vowels are given below:

168 (101)

Reflexes of closed rimes with high back vowels in the Hlai languages

HaE:m BHi:n

LHu:t

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

u:j

u:j

u:j

u:j

u:j

u:j

uj

uj

uj

uj

uj

uj

u:n XӔ

u:n XӔ

u:ӑ XӔ

u:n XӔ

u:n XDӔ

u:n XӔ

uʅn RӔ

un XӔ

un XӔ

un XӔ

un XӔ

un XӔ

u:n

u:t u:t

u:ު

u:n

u:t u:t

u:ު

u:n

u:t

u:c

u:k

u:n

u:t u:t

u:ު

u:n

u:t u:t

uaު

u:n

u:t u:t

u:ު

uʅn

uʅt uʅt ok

un

uު uު uު

XӔ

uު ut

uު

XӔ

uk ut

uk

XӔ

uk ut

uk

un

ut ut

uު

uj

uj

uj

uj

uj

uj

DZj

oj

uj

uj

oj

ow

un

un

uӑ

un

un

Ҭn

----

(u)ʎn

on

on

on

ʅn

ut~Ҭt

ʅt

un XӔ ut ut

un XӔ ut ut

S. Hlai (Savina)

un RӔ ut

uc

un RӔ ut ut

un XӔ ut ut

un~Ҭn ʅn XӔ ut

RӔ ʅt

ʎn

RӔ

----

(u)ʎު

C. Hlai (Savina)

RӔ RӔ oު ʅt

RӔ RӔ

ok ot

uj

uj

---XRӔ

---XRӔ

---XӔ

uot

---u:

uon

uot

----

uok

u:k

‫ڠ‬n XӔ

-------

---XӔ

‫ڠ‬t

-------

ʅt

----

oj

ut

ot

ʅt

u:k

uj

un

ok

RӔ

XӔ

uj

un

RӔ

ʅn

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

uoj

uon

RӔ

RӔ

ok ot

There are no examples of rimes with bilabial codas; in addition, there does not seem to be any

evidence for a final series of correspondences supporting the reconstruction of PHl *uk. The reconstructions proposed here for the series above are the following:

169 (102)

*u:j

*uj

*u:ӑ

XӔ

*uӑ

XӔ

*u:n

*un

*u:t

*ut

*u:c

*uc

*u:k

3.4.3.1 Long Closed Rimes with High Back Rounded Nuclei The most sweeping change in this series was the merger of the alveolar-final and palatal-final

rimes, which occurred in Bouhin, Ha Em, and Qi: (103)

*u:ӑ *u:c

> >

u:n u:t

Besides this, the only other change which occurred outside of NCHl was the now familiar

diphthongization of the velar-final rimes in Zandui: (104)

Diphthongization before velars in Zandui

XӔ

*u:k

> >

uʅӔ

uʅk

> >

XDӔ

uak

In NCHl, the regular high vowel shortening occurred: (105)

*u:C

>

uC

There was also a loss of palatal codas throughout NCHl. However, unlike other branches in

which the final palatals merged with the final alveolars, the distinction between palatals and alveolars has been preserved by an initial merger of the final alveolars with the velars in Baisha and the Meifu branch: (106)

*un

>

XӔ

*uӑ *uc

> >

un ut

*ut

>

uk

170 Besides this, the only other changes were in NWCHl. In Cunhua, these rimes diphthongized

before final alveolars, but lowered before final velars: (107)

*un

>

uʅn

*uӑ

>

uʅn

*ut

*uc

XӔ

*uk

> > > >

uʅt uʅt RӔ

ok

In Nadouhua, the palatals merged with the alveolars, and all oral stops lenited to glottal stop: (108)

*un

>

un

XӔ

>

XӔ

*uӑ

*ut

*uc *uk

>

> > >

un

uު uު uު

3.4.3.2 Short Closed Rimes with High Back Rounded Nuclei In Bouhin, Ha Em and Qi, the same merger of alveolar and palatal codas occurred that was illustrated for the long rimes: (109)

*uӑ *uc

> >

un ut

Baoting has the following reflexes; the causes underlying the variation are unclear: (110)

*un *uӑ

> >

un~Ҭn Ҭn

*uc

>

ut

*ut

>

ut~Ҭt

In Lauhut and Tongzha, *u lowered to o before the velar coda:

171 (111)

XӔ

>

RӔ

The regular NCHl vowel lowering occurred in this series: (112)

*uC

>

oC

7KHGLVWLQFWLRQEHWZHHQWKH3+O XӔDQG RӔVHULHVZDVPDLQWDLQHGLQ1&+Oby maintaining a height distinction: (113)

XӔ

RӔ

> >

RӔ DZӔ

The diphthong *uj never lowered in the Meifu branch, in parallel with *iw: (114)

*uj

>

uj

The same diphthong lengthened in Yuanmen (in parallel with ew), raising but in this case losing

the final glide: (115)

*uj

>

oj

>

o:j

>

u:j

>

u:

>

ow

The same organizing principle which maintained the distinction between original alveolar and

palatal codas in Baisha and the Meifu branch occurred here as well, as original alveolars merged with velars and original palatals became alveolars: (116)

*un

>

RӔ

*uӑ

>

on

*ut

*uc

>

>

ok

ot

In NWCHl and Yuanmen, the final alveolars and palatals underwent the following mergers

172 (117)

(a)

Cunhua and Yuanmen on ot

> >

ʅn ʅt

oc

>

ʅt

oӑ

(b)

>

ʅn

Nadouhua: on

>

uʅn

>

(u)ʎn

oӑ

>

uʅn

>

(u)ʎn

ot

oc

> >

(no examples) uʅt

>

(u)ʎު

A comparison of reconstructions is given below: (118)

Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

(a) (b)

*u:j *u:n (a)

*u:j *u:n

*u:j *u:n

(d)

XӔD

XӔ

XӔ

(f) (g)

*u:c *uak (a)

(c) (e)

---

*u:t

---

*u:t

*u:c *u:k

*u:ӑ *u:t

*u:c *u:k

(h)

*uj

*uj

*uj

(k)

RӔ

XӔ

XӔ

(i) (j) (l)

(m)

*un --*ut

*uc

*un --*ut

*uc

*un *uӑ *ut

*uc

For long rimes, Thurgood reconstructs a similar pattern to the one proposed here, with the

exception of the lack of a reconstruction in (118c) and the reconstruction of a diphthong in (118g). Those rimes marked with an (a) are in contrast with the same rime reconstructed in other sections. The reconstruction of *uak violates both Symmetry and Directionality, since a change from *u:k > uak is

much more likely than one from *uak > u:k. )RUVKRUWULPHV7KXUJRRG·VUHFRQVWUXFWLRQLVDJDLQVLPLODU to the present one, with the exception that he presents no reconstruction in (118j) (mirroring the lack of

173 one in (118c))DQGWKHUHFRQVWUXFWLRQRI RӔZKHUH,UHFRQVWUXFW XӔ7KLVLVOLNHO\GXHWRWKHIDFWWKDW the series with final palatal nasals are very rare ² only three examples of long rimes, and four examples of short.

2VWDSLUDW·V UHFRQVWUXFWLRQLVLGHQtical with the one presented here except for the fact that

the rimes ending in palatal nasals are still not reconstructed. order:

Examples of closed rimes with high back rounded vowels are given below, in the following

Bhin Cun (119)

鞭子

whip

tsu:j3 ----

tsu:j3 tsuj3

棉花

cotton

Ʒu:j3

Ʒu:j3

肥胖

fat

ru:j3

gu:j3

(Ʒu:(j)3) Ʒuj3

huj

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

Examples of closed rimes with high back rounded vowels

(a)

4

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

vuj

tsu:j3 ----

*u:j

(b)

*tçu:jު

賊

thief

Ʒuj1 ƷDZj1

Ʒuj1 Ʒoj1

腐爛

rotten

thuj1

thuj1

醉

drunk

tsu:j3 tsuj3

tsu:j3 tsuj33

tsu:j3 tuj3

*Ʒu:jު Ʒu:j3 Ʒuj3

Ʒu:j3 Ʒuj3

Ʒu:j3 Ʒuj3

Ʒu:j3 Ʒuj3

*hru:jު

3

gwej3 guj

3

gu:j6 xuj

3

hu:j6 xuj

3

hu:j6 k uj h

3

*uj

thoj1

muj1 ƷDZj

4

Ʒuj1 Ʒuj1

thuj1

puj1

4

Ʒuj1 Ʒuj1

Ʒuj1 Ʒoj1

Ʒuj1 Ʒow1

thuj1

thuj1

phuj4

puj4

*thuj thuj1

thoj1

pojު

*Ʒuj

thuj1 thuj1

thoj1

thow1

*hmuj puj1

puj4

1

1

puj

puj

poj

1

pow4

174 (c) 野

wild

tu:n1

tu:n1

身體

body

hu:n1

hu:n1

WԬXʅn1

ӔXʅn1

fun1

ӔXQ1

tu:n1 VXӔ1

*u:n

(d)

*shu:n

官

official

mun1

mun1

語言

language

*thun

thun1

thun1

thun1

毛

fur

tu:n1 VXӔ1

hu:n1 ӔXӔ1

hu:n1 ӔXӔ1

*khu:n͈

khu:n2

khu:n5

k uan

5

khu:n2 k un h

2

khu:n2 ----

發芽

to sprout

ުu:t7

ުu:t7

織

weave (net)

----

khu:t7 k uat h

2

khu:t7 ----

細

thin

(ުu:t9)

ުu:t7

----

ުuު4

ުu:t7 ުuު7

tshun1

2

hu:n1 ӔXӔ1

khu:n5 k XӔ h

2

hu:n1 Ҫun4

khu:n5 k un h

5

k uު

7

ުuު7

tshʅn1

muʎn1

thʎn1

mun1 mon1

thun1 thRӔ1

mun1 PRӔ1

thRӔ1

hun1

hun1

hun1

1

1

1

Ӕʅn

Ӕʎn

ӔRӔ

ӔRӔ

phut7

fut7

fut7

----

----

khu:t7 k uk h

7

khu:t7 k uk h

8

khu:t7 k ut h

7

ުu:t7 ުuk7

ުu:t7 ުuk8

ުu:t7 ުut7

hun1

thRӔ1

1

fhut

ުuk7

thun1

hun1

eliminate

ުu:t7

thun1

PRӔ1

1

消除 ުu:t7

mun1

hun1

ުu:t ުu:t7

mun4

----

ӔRӔ

----

fut7

Ҫʅn4

----

fut7

----

phut7

phut7

phut7 ----

釘

to nail

thut7

thut7 ----

phut7 ----

p ok h

fut7

fot7

*phut

----

thʅn1

*ut

曾祖父 pat. grt grndfa

----

mʅn4

*Cu͈un

(f)

ުu:t ުu:t7

mʅn1

*C-mun

*u:t

*khu:t

khu:t7 h

k XӔ h

(e)

ުuʅt2

tshXӔ1

----

*Cu͈u:n

先/從前 first/before

h

tu:n1

*un

7

fʅt7

phut7 p ok h

7

phut7 phʅt7

*thut thut7 ----

thut7

thok7

----

(thok7)

thut7 thʅt7

175 (g) 脫

take off

ku:n1

ku:n1

穿插

alternate

tu:n1

tu:n1

下飯

go with

ުu:n1

ުu:n1

----

----

----

----

ުuʅn

ުun

1

1

ku:ӑ 1 ----

*u:ӑ

(h)

*ku:ӑ

逃脫

get away

*C-luӑު

lun3

lun3

lun3

背脊

back (of body)

*tçhuӑު

tshun3

tshun3

tshun3

噗

puff

zun3

zun3

ku:n1 kun1

ku:n1 kun1

ku:n1 kun1

*shu:ӑ tu:ӑ 1 sun1

tu:n1 sun1

tu:n1

tshun1

tu:n1

tshun1

*ުu:ӑ ުweӑ1 ުon

1

ުu:n1 ުun

1

ުu:n1 ުun

1

ުu:n1 ުun

1

*uӑ

----

----

----

luӑ3

----

lun3

sʎn3

----

(Ȯun ) 3

(j)

螢火蟲 firefly

*ku:c

尾巴

tail

tshut7

tshut7

螞蟻

ant

mut7

put7

瘊子

wart

kuat5

kuު5

tu:t7

ts uʅt h

tu:t7 2

----

吻

kiss

zu:t7

zu:t7

(lu:t2)

----

kuc7 ----

ku:t7 kut7

----

----

----

kut7

tu:c 7 ----

tu:t7 sut

7

----

ts ut h

8

tu:t7

ts ut h

*‫ר‬ju:c ru:c7 tut7

tu:t8 ----

(tu:t8) ----

tu:t8 tut7

7

Ʒʅt

tshon3

tshun3

tshҬn3

thun6

tҬn6

lon3

tshun3

lʅn6

tshun3

tun6

(tan ) 1

ton

3

tʅn3

*uc

tshʅt2

*shu:c

----

----

*u:c

----

tshuӑ3

lҬn3

*‫ר‬juӑު

(i)

----

lon3

(lun3)

4

*tçhuc

sʎު4

puʎު

puc7 4

needle

ӔXW7

kut7

kʎު4

tshʅt7

tshut7 tshot7

tshut7

tshҬt7

phut8

put8

tshot8

tshʅt7

*hmuc

針

kʅt4

tshuc7

pʅt

7

put8 pot

7

pot

8

pʅt8

KӔXF kuc7 kʅt7

kut8 kot7

khut8 kot8

kut8 kʅt8

176 (k)

Xƾ

(l)

Xƾ

*ƷXӔ

(長)大 big, grow up

*C-OXӔ

OXӔ1

OXӔ1

ORӔ1

搖

shake

ӑRӔ2

ӑXӔ2

圈

animal pen

OXӔ2

OXӔ2

ORӔ2

2

2

劈

split

ƷXӔ1

ƷXӔ1

蚊子

mosquito

*C-ӑXӔ

ӑXӔ1

ӑXӔ1

ӑXӔ1

洞

hole

ƷRӔ1

ӑRӔ1

tshXӔ3 ts RӔ h

3

ƷXӔ1

ӑiw1

tshXӔ3 VXӔ

3

ƷXӔ1 ƷXӔ1

ӑXӔ1 ӑXӔ1

ӑXӔ1

ƷXӔ1

QXDӔ4 ӑXӔ1

ƷXӔ1 ƷXӔ1

ӑXӔ1 ӑXӔ4

tshXӔ3 ts XӔ h

3

tshXӔ3 ts XӔ h

3

tshXDӔ3 tshXӔ3 ts XӔ

ts XӔ

luaު8

lu:ު8

thuaު7

thu:ު7

h

3

h

3

ORӔ1

----

----

ORӔ1

----

ORӔ

ORӔ1

OXӔ1)

OXӔ4

OXӔ1

QXӔ2

ӑXӔ5

ORӔ5

OXӔ2

OXӔ5

2

2

ORӔ1

OXӔ1

OXӔ4

*C-ӑXӔ͈ ӑRӔ2 ӑRӔ2

ӑRӔ5 ӑRӔ2

ӑDZӔ2

ӑDZӔ2

*C-OXӔ͈

ORӔ

ORӔ

ORӔ

lDZӔ2

*u:k

窩

nest

ru:ު7

ru:ު7

包

wrap

lok4

luު4

thu:ު7 ts ok

2

thu:ު7 t uު h

4

腦

brain24

Ȯu:ު7

Ѵu:ު7

WԬRN2

24

ƷXӔ1

ƷXDӔ1

*tçhXӔު

(m)

h

ƷXӔ1

nuު4

*‫ר‬u:k ru:k7 luު7

ru:ު8 ruk7

ruk8

ruު8

*thu:k thu:k7 t uު h

7

thu:ު7 t uk h

7

8

t uk

thuު7

Ѵuaު7

Ѵu:ު7

h

*hlu:k Ѵu:k7 Ѵuު7

Ѵu:ު7 Ѵuk7

Ѵuk8

Ѵuު7

The Nadouhua form in this lexical set is irregular due to apparent spread of nasalization from the preceding member of the compound it is a part of, ƾDZ : 3 nuު4 OLWHUDOO\µKHDG-EUDLQ¶ 

177

3.4.4 Interim Summary A total of three groups of rimes with high vowels have been reconstructed here: those with high

front nuclei, those with high back unrounded nuclei, and those with high back rounded nuclei. Each of these series in turn has two subsets of rimes: those with long nuclei and those with short nuclei. The rimes which have been reconstructed in this section are repeated below: (120)

*i:w

*Ҭ:j

*i:m

*Ҭ:m

LӔ

*ҬӔ

*i:t

*Ҭ:t

*i:n

*i:p

*i:k

*iw

*im *in

*Ҭ:n

*Ҭ:p

*Ҭ:k

*u:j

*u:n *u:ӑ

XӔ *u:t *u:c

*u:k *uj

*Ҭm *Ҭn

*un

LӔ

*ҬӔ

XӔ

*it

*Ҭt

*ip

*ik

*Ҭp

*uӑ

*ut

*uc

There are two notable asymmetries in the rimes shown above, where the rimes with unrounded

nuclei pattern in opposition to the rimes with rounded nuclei. The first is that unrounded nuclei can be

followed by bilabial codas, but rounded nuclei cannot; the second is that rounded nuclei can be followed by palatal codas, but unrounded nuclei cannot (with the exception of the very marginal rime *Ҭ:j, which has only one example). In other words, there are natural co-occurrence restrictions preventing round vowels before bilabial codas, and non-round vowels before palatal codas

In addition to this, short rimes with velar stop codas are strongly disfavored (although *ik is reconstructible, it is very marginal in the actual lexical inventory). It is possible that original short rimes with high vowels underwent lengthening before velar stops, but this must remain speculation unless new evidence surfaces in favor of this hypothesis.

178 3.5 C losed Rimes with Non-H igh Nuclei This section is subdivided into the following four subsections: closed rimes with front mid vowels (3.5.1), closed rimes with central mid vowels (3.5.2), closed rimes with back mid vowels (3.5.3), and finally, closed rimes with low vowels (3.5.4). 3.5.1 C losed Rimes with Front M id Nuclei Although the patterns are robust enough to merit reconstruction, this category has far fewer

examples than most other categories (as is the case with open front mid rimes in section 3.3 above). It is difficult to say whether or not there are velar-final series represented in this category, due to the fact that

the *a:K series and the putative *e:K series have merged in all languages except for Bouhin, and words in Bouhin with an *e:K rime may be loans from Ha Em (see section 3.5.4). Given the low frequency of the other rimes, it is statistically likely that there are a few actual *e:K rimes which can be reconstructed, but

that the majority of rimes in which Bouhin has an *e:K reflex are probably *a:K rimes where Bouhin has borrowed from Ha Em. All cases of *e:K rimes below will therefore be placed in parentheses, and reconstructions will place the vowel in brackets to indicate its indeterminacy. (121)

Reflexes of closed rimes with mid front vowels

BHi:n

HaE:m LHu:t

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

e:w

e:w

e:w

e:w

e:w

e:w

ew

ʎw

e:w

e:w

iaw

i:w

e:p

e:p

e:p

e:p

e:p

e:p

ʎp

----

e:p

e:p

iap

----

e:m e:n

----

HӔ (e:ު

e:m e:n

---HӔ e:ު

S. Hlai (Savina)

e:m e:n

---HӔ

e:k

e:m e:n

---HӔ e:ު

e:m e:n

---HӔ e:ު

e:m e:n

---HӔ e:ު

C. Hlai (Savina)

---ʎn et

ʎӔ

ʎk

---en eު

ʎӔ ʎު

---e:n

---HӔ e:ު

e:m e:n

---HӔ Ҭ:

-------

-------

----

----

----

---(ʎӔ (ʎ:

------ʎӔ ʎk

ian et

LDӔ eު

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

---ʎm ʎp

em

------LDӔ eު)

em i:n i:t

LDӔ iaު)

179 The reconstructions proposed for these correspondence series are given below: (122)

*e:w *e:m *e:p *e:n

*e:t  HӔ

(*e:k) There have been few changes in these rimes, and those which have occurred all fall within NCHl.

In NWCHl, there was a shortening which happened in all rimes: (123)

*e:C

>

eC/ʎC

In Baisha, the following asymmetrical development occurred: (124)

*e:w

>

ʎ:w

>

iaw

*e:n

>

ʎ:n

>

ian

*e:m *e:p *e:t

 HӔ

(*e:k

> > > > >

em ʎ:p et

ʎӔ ek

> > > > >

em iap et

LDӔ eު)

In Yuanmen, the m-final rime was shortened, but the diphthong and alveolar-final rimes

remained long and underwent raising; the velar final rimes (if legitimate) lowered and diphthongized: (125)

*e:w

>

i:w

*e:p

>

(no examples)

*e:m *e:n *e:t

 HӔ

(*e:k

> > > > >

em i:n i:t

LDӔ iaު)

No comparison of reconstructions is given here, since neither Thurgood nor Ostapirat reconstruct

anything for this series of rimes, the one exception being the putative *e:K series, which Ostapirat (1993)

180 reconstructed as *-j-DӔDQG -j-ak, respectively, and the nasal final member for which Thurgood reconstructs *LӔ

Examples of these rimes are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

(126)

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Examples of closed rimes with mid front vowels *e:w

(a) 鐵鏟

iron shovel

*the:w

-------

-------

---the:w1

刀鈎

knifehook

*Ȯe:w͈

----

Ȯe:w2

----

----

----

---the:w1

Ȯe:w2 ----

Ȯe:w

2

鸚鵡

parrot (green)

*Ȯe:w͈

Ȯe:w2

Ȯe:w2

Ȯe:w5

----

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

----

Ȯe:w2 Ȯe:w2

Ȯe:w2

the:w1 ----

-------

----

----

Ȯe:w5

Ȯe:w5

----

Ȯiaw2

----

Ȯi:w5

181 (b)

*e:m

(c) 瘪

shrunken

*Ʒe:p

Ʒe:p7

----

Ʒep7

夾

press

he:p7

he:p7

疊

pile (clfr)

*C-le:p

le:p7 ----

le:p7 ----

le:p7 ----

癬

ringworm

*C-le:m͈

----

----

le:m2

撮

pick

tse:m3

tse:m3

----

le:m2

----

----

----

----

flat

Ʒe:n2

Ʒe:n2

Ʒʎn

2

Ʒen

2

木板

board

Ʒe:n2

Ʒe:n2

----

Ʒen2

----

le:m5 ----

*tçe:mު tse:m3 ----

(d) 扁

----

le:m5

Ʒe:n2 ----

tse:m6 tse:m3

----

tem3

----

tem3

Ʒe:n2

----

----

----

----

Ʒe:p7 ----

----

he:p7 ----

le:p7 ----

he:p7 he:p7

(e)

*e:t

*Ʒe:n͈

擦/塗抹 wipe/erase

*ުe:t

----

----

Ʒe:n5 ----

----

Ʒian

---2

Ʒi:n

5

Ʒe:n5 Ʒe:n2

Ʒe:n5 ----

Ʒe:n5 ----

ުet

2

---ުeު

4

Ʒe:p7

Ʒe:p7

----

he:p7

---liap7

le:p7 ----

----

----

----

----

*͈e:p

*e:n

*Ʒe:n͈ Ʒe:n2

*e:p

-------

----

----

ުet

8

----

ުi:t7

182 (f) 寬

wide

ƷHӔ1

ƷHӔ1

甜

sweet

ȮHӔ1

ȮHӔ1

上衣

clothes

YHӔ3

YHӔ3

ƷʎӔ1

tsʎӔ1

vʎӔ

4

ƷʎӔ1

ȮʎӔ1

vʎӔ

3

ƷHӔ1 ƷHӔ1

(g)

*Ʒ>H@Ӕ

得到

get

me:ު7

me:ު7

干飯

dry rice

me:ު7

me:ު7

尋找

search

ke:ު7

ke:ު7

ƷHӔ1 ƷHӔ1

ƷHӔ1 ƷLDӔ1

ƷHӔ1 ƷLDӔ1

*Ȯ>H@Ӕ ȮHӔ1 ȮHӔ1

ȮHӔ1 ȮHӔ1

ȮHӔ1 ȮLDӔ1

ȮHӔ1 ȮLDӔ1

*‫>ڛ‬H@Ӕު YHӔ3

IHӔ6

YHӔ6

YHӔ3

3

3

3

6

YHӔ

*[e]:k

>H@ƾ

YHӔ

YLDӔ

YLDӔ

----

----

----

----

mʎ"4

----

*C-m[e]:k me:k7 ----

me:ު7 mҬ:2

-------

me:ު7 ----

*C-m[e]:k me:k7 ----

me:ު7 ----

me:ު8

me:ު7

ke:ު7

ke:ު7

meު8

----

*k[e]:k ke:k7 ----

ke:ު7 ----

----

----

3.5.2 C losed Rimes with Mid Central Nuclei As in the case of rimes with high nuclei, there are both long and short rimes with mid central

vowels, reflexes of which are given below:

183 (127)

Reflexes of closed rimes with mid central vowels

BHin

HaEm

LHut

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

a:j

o:j

o:j

a:j

a:j

a:j

DZ:(j)25

DZj

o:j

o:j

uaj

u:j

an DӔ

o:n RӔ

o:n RӔ

o:n RӔ

DZ:n DZӔ

DZ:n DZӔ

an DӔ

DZn DZӔ

RӔ RӔ

RӔ RӔ

XDӔ XDӔ

u:n XDӔ

am

ap

o:p

at

o:t

ak

o:ު

aj

aw aw

B/C

om en an

RӔ op et at

ok

25

o:m

aj

aw

o:m

o:m

o:p

o:p

o:t

o:t

o:k

o:ު

aj

aj

aw

aw

ow/aw

an

an

B/C

am an DӔ ap at at

ak

B/C

om aӑ

DӔ op at

ac

ak

aw o:

B/C

am an an

DӔ op at at

ak

DZ:m

DZ:p DZ:t

DZ:ު aj

aw o:

B/C

am an an DӔ ap at at

ak

DZ:m

DZ:p DZ:t

DZ:ު aj

aw DZ:

B/C

am an an

DӔ ap at at

ak

am

ap

DZު

at

DZު

ak

DZު

aj

aj

aw

aw

aw

DZ:

B/C

am

on/an ian HӔ ap at

iat ak

DZn

B/C

an B/C

an an DӔ aު aު aު aު

o:m

o:p o:ު o:ު aj

aw o:

B/C

am DӔ

an DӔ ap aު at

----

o:m

o:p o:k o:k aj

aw o:

B/C

am DӔ

an DӔ ap ak at

uam

uap oު

oު~DZު aj

aw o:

B/C

am DӔ

an DӔ ap ak at

DZk~a:k ak

The parentheses around the final glides in Cunhua indicates that these glides are pronounced in connected speech, but deleted in isolation. See Ouyang (1998: 19).

uam

uap

u:t (~ʅt) oު~DZު aj

aw

o:B/C am an an DZӔ ap at at

ak

184 S. Hlai (Savina)

C. Hlai (Savina)

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

aj am

aj DZm

uaj (om)

DӔ

DZӔ

XDӔ

ģn

DZn

ap ģt

---DZt

ģk

DZ:

uap ---u:ު

aj

aj

aj

aw

o:

o:

aw

aw

om

am

en

an

an

----

RӔ

DӔ

op

ap

et at

at ----

----

----

The reconstructions proposed here for these correspondences are the following: (128)

----

*ʅ:j

*ʅ:m *ʅ:n *ʅӔ

*ʅ:p *ʅ:t *ʅ:k

*ʅj

*ʅw

*ʅw͈/ު *ʅm *ʅn *ʅӑ *ʅӔ

*ʅp *ʅt *ʅc

*ʅk

ģw am DӔ

---DӔ

ap ak at

----

185 3.5.2.1 Long Rimes with Mid Central Nuclei In the case of the one long diphthong, the nucleus either lowered, backed and rounded, or in a few cases did both. In Cunhua, *ʅ:j would have been expected to lower to a:j; however, the failure of original PHl *a:j to back to DZ:j apparently prevented this, forcing a shift instead of *ʅ:j to DZ:j. Both

diphthongs lost their glide in isolation, retaining it only in connected speech as the first member of a compound word: (129)

*ʅ:j *a:j

> >

DZ:j a:j

> >

DZ:(j)

a:(j)

The most common change in the stop-closed rimes was backing/rounding to long o:; this failed

to occur only in Cunhua and Bouhin: (130)

*ʅ:C

>

o:C

The nucleus in Zandui, Baoting, and Nadouhua lowered further to DZ:: (131)

o:C

>

DZ:C

There were unique developments in the Run branch, which paralleled those of the front mid

rimes in the last section. Although there were parallel developments in Baisha and Yuanmen in the

bilabial-final and velar-final rimes, the development of the alveolar-final rimes was quite different. In

Baisha (132a), the alveolar-nasal final rimes merged with the velar-nasal final rimes (only partial merger occurred in the case of original *ʅ:t, as variation between oު and DZު developed in the rime which backed from original *ʅ:k). In Yuanmen (132b), on the other hand, the alveolar-final rimes remained distinct

from the velars after the backing of the vowel, and then underwent the raising of long mid vowels which

occurred throughout the Yuanmen rime inventory. There are two examples which have ʅt, in which case it can be assumed that Yuanmen o:t shortened to ot, which then underwent the regular change to ʅt:

186 (132)

Evolution of *ʅ:C in Run

(a)

Baisha *ʅ:j

>

DZ:j

>

uaj

*ʅ:n *ʅӔ

> >

DZӔ DZӔ

> >

XDӔ XDӔ

*ʅ:m

*ʅ:p *ʅ:t

*ʅ:k (b)

>

> > >

DZ:m

DZ:p

o:k

>

> >

o:k~DZ:k >

uam

uap oު

oު~DZު

Yuanmen *ʅ:j

>

o:j

>

u:j

*ʅ:n

>

o:n

>

u:n

*ʅ:m *ʅӔ

*ʅ:p *ʅ:t *ʅ:k

> > > > >

DZ:m DZӔ

> >

DZ:p > o:t (~ot) > o:k~DZ:k >

uam XDӔ

uap u:t (~ʅt) oު~DZު

Finally, there was a non-identical development in both Cunhua and Bouhin which had the same

end result, leading to the merger in several categories between long *ʅ:C and short *ʅC. In Cunhua (133a), *ʅ:C lowered to a:C, and then shortened. In Bouhin (133b), *ʅ:C first shortened to ʅC, and then lowered: (133)

Shortening and lowering of *ʅ:C in Cunhua and Bouhin

(a)

*ʅ:C

>

a:C

>

aC

(b)

*ʅ:C

>

ʅC

>

aC

*ʅC

*ʅC

>

>

aC

aC

>

>

aC

aC

3.5.5.2 Short Rimes with Mid Central Nuclei The normal trajectory for the short diphthongs in tone category A was for the nucleus to lower to a:

187 (134)

*ʅj

*ʅw

> >

aj

aw

There are no reconstructible PHl rimes of the type *ʅj͈ or *ʅjު (see the next chapter for a

possible explanation involving changes in Pre-Hlai). The development of *ʅw͈/ު was rather different, in that monophthongization occurred in Qi as well as in NCHl: (135)

*ʅw͈ *ʅwު

> >

o:͈ o:ު

The tone category-conditioned split in reflexes in Cunhua *ʅn was treated in section 3.2 above.

Yet another unique development in Cunhua was that rimes with final velar nasals fronted and lengthened: (136)

*ʅӔ

>

HӔ

There was an interesting transfer in Cunhua of palatal features from the coda to the nucleus in

rimes with palatal codas: (137)

*ʅӑ *ʅc

> >

aӑ ac

> >

ian iat

Yuanmen, Moyfaw, and Tongzha all have a single rime which underwent unpredicted backing

and rounding, always before grave stops: (138)

Idiosyncratic backing and rounding

Yuanmen:

*ʅӔ

>

*DZӔ

Moyfaw:

*ʅk

>

*DZk

Tongzha:

*ʅp

>

op

Lauhut rimes backed and rounded when closed by a bilabial stop: (139)

*ʅm *ʅp

> >

om op

Finally, the development of the nucleus in Bouhin was dependent upon the place of the final stop,

as shown below:

188 (140)

*ʅm

>

om

*ʅn

>

en

*ʅӑ *ʅc

> >

an at

*ʅӔ

>

RӔ

*ʅp

*ʅt

*ʅk

>

>

>

op

et

ok

A comparison of reconstructions is given below: (141)

Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

(a)

*o:j

*ʅ:j

*ʅ:j

(c) (d)

*o:n

XDӔ

*ʅn *ʅӔ

*ʅ:n *ʅӔ

(b)

(e) (f)

(g)

*uam (a)

*uap (a) *o:t

*o:k

*ʅm

*ʅp *ʅt

*ʅk

*ʅ:m

*ʅ:p *ʅ:t

*ʅ:k

(h)

*aj

*aj

*ʅj

(j)

*o:

*ʅw

*ʅw͈/ު

(i)

(k) (l)

(m) (n) (o) (p) (q) (r)

*aw *am *an *aӑ

DӔ

*ap *at *ac ---

*aw

*am *an *aӑ

DӔ

*ap *at *ac ---

*ʅw

*ʅm *ʅn *ʅӑ *ʅӔ

*ʅp *ʅt *ʅc

*ʅk

For the long series of correspondences, Thurgood reconstructs a combination of o: and ua rimes

(violating both Symmetry and Directionality). The rimes marked with an (a) contrast with the identical rimes which were reconstructed in section 3.4.2.3. For the short series, Thurgood reconstructs short

189 rimes with a, which I consider to be a later stage after the PHl nucleus lowered (and which fails to

account for the Bouhin reflexes). He reconstructs the pure vowel o: for the third member of this series, not recognizing the correlation with tone category. Ostapirat (2004) reconstructs rimes with ʅ in the first series, and rimes with a in the second. This reconstruction is closer to the present one in vowel quality, but it still fails to explain the length

difference between the two series, and especially the chain shift in Bouhin. His reconstruction in (142j) (*ʅw) is identical with the present one. Examples are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun (142)

繩子

rope

Ȯa:j1

Ȯo:j1

多

many

Ȯa:j1

Ѵo:j1

網

net

ra:j3

go:j3

ȮDZj1

WԬDZ:(j)1 lDZj1

hDZ:(j)4

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

Examples of closed rimes with mid central nuclei

(a)

ȮDZ:(j)1

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

ӔDZj3

Ȯo:j1 Ȯo:j1

*ԥ:j

(b)

*Ȯʅ:j

雞

chicken

khaj1

khaj1

黎族

Hlai

Ȯaj1

Ѵaj1

耳朵

ear

zaj1

zaj1

Ȯa:j1

Ȯo:j1

Ȯa:j1

Ȯuaj1

Ȯa:j1

Ȯu:j1

*hlʅ:j Ѵo:j1 Ѵo:j1

Ѵa:j1

Ѵo:j1

Ѵa:j1

Ѵuaj1

Ѵa:j1

Ѵu:j1

*hrʅ:jު go:j3 go:j3

ga:j6

xo:j3

ha:j6

xuaj3

ha:j6

khu:j3

khaj1

WԬDM1

laj4

*ԥj

khaj1

laj1

najު4

*khʅj khaj1 khaj1

khaj1 khaj1

khaj1

khaj1

Ѵaj1

Ѵaj1

Ѵaj4

Ѵaj4

khaj1

khaj1

*hlʅj Ѵaj1 Ѵaj1

Ѵaj1 Ѵaj1

Ѵaj1

Ѵaj1

*hljʅj zaj1 zaj4

Ѵaj4

zaj1

zaj1

tsaj4

190 (d) 臼

mortar

raw1

raw1

鍋

pot

thaw1

thaw1

角

horn

law4

tshaw1

lawު4

raw1

*ԥw

(f)

*ԥwh/ު

*‫ר‬ʅw

明年/天 next year/tmrw

*͈ʅw͈

haw2

haw2

ho:5

山

mountain

haw3

haw3

頭

head

raw4

law4

law4

raw1

law4

raw1

raw4

hiaw5

*thʅw

thaw1

thaw1 thaw1

thaw1

thaw1

thaw1

thaw1

thaw1

thaw1

ӔDZ3

*͈ʅw

haw1

haw1

haw1

haw1

haw1

haw1

raw3

1

1

1

1

1

1

3

haw

haw

haw

haw

(e)

haw

haw

vaw

*ԥ:m

(f)

tçhʅ:m

ho:2

ӔDZj3

gaw3 ӔDZ:

3

sharp

黑色

black

tsham1

tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tshDZ:m1 tshDZ:m1 Ȯom3

Ȯam3

果子

fruit

water

tsham1

tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tshDZ:m1 tshDZ:m1 nom3

ham

1

sDZn1

hDZn

1

苦

bitter

ham1

ho:m1

ham1

hDZn1

tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tshuam1 tshuam1 ---*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:m

水

Ȯan3

nam3

(ham ) ts o:m

ts uam ts uam nam

*͈ʅ:m

嘴巴

mouth

mom3

pam3

1

ho:m1 ho:m1

h

ho:m1 ho:m1

1

h

hDZ:m1

huam1

1

h

hDZ:m1

huam1

1

ho:2

ho:5

ho:2

hDZ:5

ho:2

ho:5

*Cu͈ʅwު

hwow3 go:3 ӔR3

vo:3

ӔR3

hDZ:3

ӔR3

Ҫo:6

*Cuhrʅwު gwow3 go:6 go:

‫ۦ‬o:

3

ho:6 vo:

3

hDZ:6

vo:3

3

*ԥm

鋒利

tsham1

haw2

3

ƷRӔ4

nan

3

puʎn3

*Ȯʅmު Ȯom3 Ȯam3

Ȯam3 Ȯam3

Ȯam3 Ȯam3

(Ȯʅm3) Ȯam3

*C-nʅmު nom3

nam3

nam6

3

3

3

nam

nam

nam

nam3 nam6

*hm[ʅ/o]mު pom3 pDZm3

pam6 pDZm3

pham6 pom3

pam6 pDZm6

191 (g)

*ԥ:p

(h)

*shʅ:p

熄滅

die out

----

tsap7

縫

sew

ӑop7

ӑap7

晚

late

tshop7

tshap7

摔

throw

tap7

to:p7

鱗

fish scale

*C-lʅ:p

lap7

lo:p7

lo:p7

堆砌

pile up

----

lap2

----

lDZު4

(go:p7) go:p7 ----

ӔDZު

4

to:p7

so:p7

lo:p7 lo:p7

go:p8

7

7

go:p

tso:n1

tsan1

tsDZn1

田埂

field dike

han1

ho:n1

ӑan

1

ӑDZn

1

lo:p7

go:p7

sleep

(tso:n1) tso:n1

so:p7

WVRӔ1

xo:p

tshuap8 tshuap8 ----

lDZ:p8

luap8

lDZ:p7

luap8

hDZ:p8 xuap

8

ӑap2

hDZ:p8

k uap h

7

ӑRӔ

1

4

銀

silver

WVRӔ1

WVXDӔ1

tsDZ:n1 tu:n1

zo:n1 ӑRӔ

1

ro:n2

ro:n1 URӔ2

zDZ:n1 ӑXDӔ

1

lDZ:n2

UXDӔ2

hjDZ:n1 ӑu:n

4

lDZ:n2

ru:n2

tsap7

ӑop7 ӑap7

tshop7 ts ap h

fan1

tsDZ:n1

tsop7

tsap7

tsep7

nap8

ӑap7

tsap8

tap7

ӑap8

ӑap8

*tçhʅp

phen1

tso:n1

tsap7

ӑap7

seed

ran2

ORӔ2

----

saު

tsop7

ӑop7

秧/種

*‫ר‬ʅ:n͈

ro:n2

----

*tçʅp

*C-ӑʅp

*tçʅ:n

*Ci͈ʅ:n

hjo:n1

tsaު4

(j)

bamboo (big)

lDZn2

tDZ:p7

*ʅ:n

竹子

la:n5

tDZ:p7

*hrʅ:p

(i) 睡

to:p7

*ԥp

7

tshop7 ts ap h

7

tshap7 ts ap h

7

tshap7 tshap7

*ʅn

fon1

ӔHQ1 kon

4

fan1

fan1

IDӔ1

kan1

kanު

日

day

ven1

van1

hon4

*fhʅn

4

vanު4

fan1 IDӔ1

fan1

fan1

khan4

kan4

IDӔ1

fan1

KӔʅn kan1

kan4

4

1

NDӔ

NDӔ

1

NDӔ

kan4

van4

van1

KӔZʅn hwan1 van4

van4 YDӔ1

YDӔ1

van4

192 (k) 跳蚤

flea

mat7

po:t7

啃

gnaw

hat7

ho:t7

蓋子

lid

----

ko:t7

Ʒat4

----

kat

4

(paު4)

ӔDު5)

kDZު

po:t7

(pʅt9)

*ԥ:t

(l)

hmʅ:t

穿

wear

tshet7

tshat7

鼻子

nose

khet7

khat7

取/娶

take/marry

----

pat7

pat7

4

7

po:t8

(po:t9)

phDZ:t8 poު8

pDZ:t8

(pʅt8)

*Cu͈ʅ:t hwo:t7 go:t7 ӔRު7

ӔRN7

hDZ:t7 ӔRު8

hDZ:t7 ----

KӔʅ:t

4

ko:t7 ko:ު

7

ko:t8 ko:k

7

khDZ:t8 kDZt

8

kDZ:t8 ku:t

8

*ԥt

tshat2

khat2

Ʒat

4

saު4

khaު4

paު

*tçhʅt tshat7

tshaު7

tshat7

tshak7

tshat7

tshat7

khat7

khat7

phat8

pat8

Ȯat7

Ȯat7

kat7

tshak8

*khʅt khat7

khaު7

khat7

khak7

khak7

paު

pat8 pak

7

----

*ԥӑ

(n)

打噴嚏 sneeze

*Ȯʅӑ

淡

weak (taste)

*Ȯʅc

(Ȯat9)

Ȯat7

Ȯat7

白藤

white rattan (sm) *kʅc

(kat9)

kat7

kac7

kat7

kat7

4

7

7

8

Ȯan1

選擇

choose

----

Ѵan1

Ȯian1

----

----

----

脫

remove

lan3

lan3

----

----

Ȯaӑ1 ----

Ȯan1 ----

Ȯan1 Ȯan1

Ȯan1 Ȯan1

*hlʅӑ Ѵaӑ1

Ѵan1

Ѵan1

Ѵan1

1

1

1

1

Ѵan

Ѵan

Ѵan

Ѵan

*C-lʅӑު laӑ3 ----

lan3 lan3

----

lan3

lan3 lan6

----

*ԥc

tsiat2

kiat

khat7

*hmʅt

(m)

----

tshat7

2

Ȯaު4

kaު

買

buy

tshat7

tshat7

hiat2

----

Ȯac7 Ȯat7

kat

Ȯat7

kat

Ȯat8

kat

Ȯat7

kat7

*tçhʅc tshac7

tshiet7

tshat7 tshat7

tshat7 tshat8

tshat7 tshat7

193 (o) 樹漿

sap

thDӔ1

thRӔ1

皮膚

skin

QDӔ1

QRӔ1

相同

same

thDӔ3

thRӔ3

tshDӔ1

QDӔ1

thDZӔ1

nDZӔ1

ts DӔ h

3

t DZn h

3

thRӔ1 thRӔ1

catch

mak7

po:ު7

洗

wash

Ʒa:k4

tak7

WԬDN

pDZު4

to:ު7 2

fDZު

4

深

deep

Ȯak7

Ѵo:ު7

WԬDN2

lDZު4

(p)

*ԥƾ

*thʅӔ

臉/前面 face/front

*ȮʅӔ

ȮRӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

鼓

drum

ORӔ1

ODӔ1

thRӔ1 thRӔ1

thDZӔ1

thXDӔ1

thDZӔ1

thXDӔ1

*C-nʅӔ QRӔ1 QRӔ1

QRӔ1 QRӔ1

nDZӔ4

QXDӔ1

nDZӔ1

QXDӔ4

*thʅӔު thRӔ3 ----

thRӔ3 t RӔ h

(q) 捉

*ԥƾ

po:k7 po:ު7

3

so:ު

7

thDZӔ3 t XDӔ h

3

thDZӔ3 t XDӔ h

3

Ѵo:ު7

----

ȮDӔ1

ުRӔ1 ުHӔ

1

ުDӔ1 ----

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ODӔ4

ODӔ1

ުDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ODӔ1 ODӔ1

ODӔ1 ODӔ1

ODӔ1

lDZӔ4

*ުʅӔ

ުDӔ1

ުDӔ1

ުDӔ1

1

1

1

ުDӔ

ުDӔ

ުDӔ

(r)

*hmʅ:k

剁

chop

(tak7)

tak7

食指

index finger

*tç[ʅ/o]k

(tsak9)

tsak7

tsak7

tsoު8

7

8

po:ު8

po:k7

phDZ:ު8 pDZު8

pDZ:ު8 pDZު8

to:ު7 so:k

7

tDZ:ު7

ts DZު h

tDZ:ު7 8

ts DZު h

7

Ѵo:ު7

Ѵo:k7

ѴDZ:ު7 Ѵoު8

ѴDZ:ު7 Ѵoު7

4

toު5

----

貼

stick to26

phak7

phak7

----

ުDZӔ1

*ԥk

Ȯak2

tsak

ȮDZӔ1

*C-lʅӔ

----

*hnʅk tak7 ----

tsak7 ----

----

thak8

----

----

tsDZk

pha:k7 ----

phak7

pha:k7

The correspondences for short rimes with mid back rounded vowels are given below:

The Lauhut and Moyfaw rimes in this example are irregularly long.

tsDZު

tak8 tak8

tsok7 ----

*phʅk

3.5.3 Short Rimes with M id B ack Rounded Nuclei

26

ȮDӔ1

*ԥ:k

*hlʅ:k Ѵo:k7

OHӔ1

ȮDӔ1

田(野) field (wild)

*shʅ:k to:k7

tse:Ӕ1

ȮDӔ1

phak7 phak7

phak7 phak7

194 (143)

Examples of short rimes with mid back rounded vowels

BHi:n

HaE:m LHu:t

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Baisha Ymen

om

om

om

om

om

um

om

on

om

om

om

om

op ok

op uk

op ok

op ok

op oު

DZp DZk

op DZk

oު aު

op DZު

op DZk

op DZk

op DZk

RӔ

XӔ

RӔ

RӔ

S. Hlai (Savina)

RӔ

DZӔ

DZӔ

DӔ

C. Hlai (Savina)

DZӔaXDӔ DZӔ

om

om

----

----

op

RӔ

ok

DZӔ

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

om RӔ

DZӔ

DZӔ

ok

DZk

The reconstructions proposed here for these series are the following: (144)

*om *op

RӔ

*ok This class of rimes is defective in that it has no members with non-grave codas. I propose that if these additional rimes existed, they underwent regular peripheral vowel raising (see next chapter), which was blocked by grave finals: (145)

Pre-Hlai *on *ot

> >

Proto-Hlai

Pre-Hlai

*un

*oӑ

*ut

*oc

Proto-Hlai > >

*uӑ *uc

As mentioned in section 4.4.3, there was a shift at the level of NCHl from mid back vowels to

low back vowels before velar codas, which aided in keeping it distinct from the original *uC class, which lowered to *oC in NCHl: (146)

RӔ

*ok

> >

DZӔ

DZk

195 There was sporadic dissimilation of the nucleus in Cunhua before bilabial codas: (147)

*om *op

> >

om/ʅm > op/ʅp >

om/am op/ap

There are also three cases of fronting in Cunhua, two of them possibly conditioned by the initial: (148)

Gloss

PHl

Cunhua

bamboo

*Ȯom

tsem1

thunder

*ުom

ުem1

six

*hnom

tsem4

In Changjiang, there was sporadic lengthening of *DZӔto *DZӔODWHUGLSKWKRQJL]LQJWR XDӔ (149)

*DZӔ

>

DZӔaDZӔ >

DZӔaXDӔ

Raising before velar codas occurred in Ha Em: (150)

RӔ

*ok

> >

XӔ

uk

Finally, the Baoting rimes ending in *-m raised to u, whereas the other three rimes lowered to DZ: (151)

*om

>

um

RӔ

>

DZӔ

*op *ok

> >

DZp DZk

A comparison of reconstructions is given below: (152)

Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

(a)

*om

*um

*om

(c) (d)

*op *ok

--*uk

*op *ok

(b)

RӔ

XӔ

RӔ

196 7KXUJRRG·VUHFRQVWUXFWLRQVDUHLQDJUHHPHQWZLWKWKHRQHVSURSRVHGKHUH. Ostapirat (2004)

reconstructs these rimes with a short u, which violates Economy since these rimes would have to lower twice in NCHl before velar codas; it also violates Commonality by assuming that the rimes in all daughter languages except Ha Em have all independently lowered.

Examples of the PHl rimes with short mid rounded nuclei are given in the following order: Bhin Cun

(153)

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Examples of rimes with short mid rounded vowels

(a)

*om

(b) 抱/背

carry

----

ުop7

ުop7

ުop7

4

7

7

竹子

bamboo (big)

*Ȯom

Ȯom1

Ȯom1

Ȯom1

Ȯom1

Ȯom1

Ȯum1

1

1

1

1

tsem

1

瘍

----

Ȯom

itch

khom1

khon1

六

six

nom1

tom1

tonު4

Ȯom

Ȯom

Ȯom

*khom

(khum1) khҬm1 khom1

tsem4

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

khom1

khom1 khom1

khom1 khom1

khum1 khom1

*hnom tom1 tom4

tom4 tom1

thom4 tom1

tum4 tom4

*op

ުop

2

ުoު

*ުop

ުop

ުop

拳頭

fist

----

gop7

捧

hold (in hands)

*khop

----

khʅp7

khop7

----

----

----

----

----

ުop

8

ުDZp7

ުop7

*Cuhrop gop7 kap7

khop7 khop7

gop8 ‫ۦ‬ap7

khop7

----

gop8

khap7

khDZp7

vop8

khop7

vop7

khop7

197 (c)

(d) 落

fall

thok7

thuk7

病

sick

tshok7

tshuk7

腳

leg

篩子

sieve (lg)

*ȮRӔު

(ȮXӔ3)

ȮXӔ3

ȮRӔ3

房子

house

----

OXӔ3

脖子

neck

]RӔ3

]XӔ3

ȮDZӔ3

----

lDZӔ

4

ȮDӔ3

SMDӔ3

]DӔ

3

ȮRӔ3

ȮXDӔ3

ȮDZӔ3

ȮRӔ3 ȮDZӔ3

ȮDZӔ3 ȮDZӔ3

*m-ORӔު SORӔ3 pDZӔ3

SORӔ3 plDZӔ3

SRӔ3

plDZӔ3

plDZӔ3 plDZӔ3

KOMRӔު ]RӔ3 MXDӔ

3

*ok

Rƾ

ѴRӔ6

ѴRӔ6

3

3

zDZӔ

zDZӔ

ѴDZӔ6

tsDZӔ

6

thDZk2

*thok thok7

thaު4

sDZk2

khok7

thDZު7

saު4

h

thDZk7

tshoު7

tshDZk7

khoު7

khDZk7

thDZk8

thDZk7

tshok7 tshDZު7

tshok7 tshDZk7

tshDZk7

tshDZk7

*khok

khuk7

2

thDZk7

thoު7

*tçhok

khok7

(k ok ) (k oު ) k DZު h

thok7

4

h

7

khok7 k DZk h

7

k DZk h

8

khDZk7

3.5.4 C losed Rimes with Long Low Nuclei The rimes with low nuclei occur in both long and short forms. The correspondence series for

PHl rimes with long low nuclei are given below: (154)

Reflexes of PHl rimes with low vowels

BHi:n

HaE:m LHu:t

Tzha

Zdui

Bting

Cun

a:jB/C

a:jB/C

a:jB/C

a:jB/C

a:jB/C

a:jB/C

a:(j)B/C ajB/C

a:jB/C

a:jB/C

a:jB/C

uajB/C

a:m a:n

a:m a:n

a:m a:n

a:m a:n

a:m a:n

a:m a:n

DZm DZn

a:m DӔ

a:m DӔ

a:m DӔ

am uan

a:w

a:n DӔ

a:p a:t a:t

a:ު

a:w

a:n

HӔ a:p a:t a:t

e:ު

a:w

a:ӑ

HӔ a:p a:t a:c

e:k

a:w

a:n

HӔ a:p a:t a:t

e:ު

a:w

a:n

HӔ a:p a:t a:t

e:ު

a:w

a:n

HӔ a:p a:t a:t

e:ު

Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

a:w

a(w)

DZn

DZn

ʎӔ

DZp DZt DZt

ʎk

an an ʎӔ aު aު aު

ʎު

a:w

a:n

HӔ a:p a:ު o:t

e:ު

a:w

a:n

HӔ a:p a:k o:t Ҭ:

Baisha Ymen

a:w

a:n LDӔ

a:p a:ު a:t eު

a:w

an

LDӔ

ap uat

uat iaު

198 S. Hlai (Savina)

C. Hlai (Savina)

Baisha (Wang & Qian)

ajB/C aw

ajB/C aw

a:jB/C aw

an

an

DӔ

am

am

an DӔaʎӔ

a:m

an ʎӔ

ap

---LDӔ

ap

at

a:p

----

at

a:ު

at

a:~ʎ:

uat

ʎk

eު

The reconstructions proposed for these are the following27: (155)

*a:jB/C *a:w

*a:m *a:n *a:ӑ

DӔ

*a:p *a:t

*a:c *a:k The earliest change which seems to have occurred is in the series closed by velar stops, between

Bouhin and Greater Hlai. Bouhin remained conservative, maintaining a low central nucleus, whereas the nucleus in Greater Hlai fronted to the front low vowel: (156)

Development of PHl *a:K in Bouhin and Greater Hlai

Bouhin:

DӔ

>

DӔ

Greater Hlai:

DӔ *a:k

> >

ʎӔ ʎ:k

27

*a:k

>

a:k

(>

a:ު)

PHl *a:j occurred nearly exclusively in tone categories B and C. Evidence will be given in the next chapter that original *a:j in category A merged with *ԥ:j.

199 These finals then proceeded to develop in various ways, as detailed below. As in several

previous cases, Bouhin has two series of reflexes. The first, with the low central nucleus, have been

inherited directly into Bouhin (157a); the second, with the mid front nucleus, always have a direct correspondent in Ha Em, and generally reflect loanwords (157b) (although a few may be legitimate cases of PHl *e:K rimes, as discussed in section 3.5.1): (157)

Examples of Bouhin inherited *a:K versus borrowed *a:K

(a)

Gloss

PHl

Bouhin

Gloss

PHl

Bouhin

name

*phDӔ

phDӔ1

flesh (of fruit)

*C-ma:k

ma:ު7

chin

*͈DӔ

KDӔ1

bad

*‫ר‬ja:k

za:ު7

bamboo hat

(b)

KODӔު

ȮDӔ3

banana

Gloss

PHl

Bouhin

Ha Em

wide

*Ʒ>H@Ӕ

ƷHӔ1

ƷHӔ1

stir-fry

N>H@Ӕ

NHӔ1

keӔ1

comb

*sh>H@Ӕ

get

WHӔ1

*C-m[e]:k

phlegm

*͈[e]:k

mediate

me:ު7 he:ު

9

*hr[e]:k

ge:ު7

*hwa:k

va:ު7

WHӔ1

me:ު7 he:ު7 ge:ު7

Note that there are other indications of loans in the examples above, including tone 9 in phlegm, as well as the initial g in mediate, which does not occur in native Bouhin words.

Within NCHl, the following changes occurred. In Cunhua, there was a backing of remaining

low vowels in all positions, except in the diphthong where it remained unchanged. All rimes save the diphthong were subsequently shortened: (158)

*a:j

*a:C *a:K

> > >

a:j

DZ:C ʎ:K

> > >

a:(j) DZC ʎK

In Nadouhua, the low vowel was backed when it preceded the palatal nasal before the palatal

merged with the alveolar series. I assume this failed to happen before the palatal stop because it participated in debuccalization before this change, bleeding the environment. All rimes were reduced in length:

200 (159)

*a:C

>

a:C

>

aC

*a:c *a:K

> >

a:ު ʎ:K

> >

aު ʎK

*a:ӑ

>

DZ:ӑ

>

DZn

In the Meifu branch, a shift from alveolar to velar codas filled the gap left by the fronting of the

nucleXVLQRULJLQDO3+O DӔDQG DN7KHWLPLQJRIWKHORVVRIWKHSDODWDOFRGDVZDVGLIIHUHQWVRWKDW the oral stop was lost in time to condition the raising and backing of the vowel, but the nasal coda was

lost afterwards. The evolution of PHl *a:k in Moyfaw was highly irregular, ending in present-day Ҭ:B. A transition through a final glottal stop, subsequently lost, presumably conditioned its merger with the Tone B category: (160)

*a:n

>

DӔ

>

DӔ

DӔ

>

ʎӔ

>

HӔ

*a:ӑ

>

a:ӑ

>

a:n

*a:t

>

a:k

>

a:ު (CJ)/a:k (MF)

*a:k

>

ʎ:k

>

e:ު (CJ)/ iaު > Ҭ:B (MF)

*a:c

>

DZ:t

>

o:t

Baisha alveolar codas also became velars before the loss of the palatal place of articulation in the

codas, but after the fronting of the rimes in the original velar coda series. After this fronting occurred, the long vowel dipthongized before the nasal, whereas it shortened before the stop: (161)

*a:n

>

DӔ

>

DӔ

DӔ

>

ʎӔ

>

LDӔ

*a:ӑ

>

a:n

>

a:n

*a:t

>

a:k

>

a:ު

*a:k

>

ʎ:k

>

eު

*a:c

>

a:t

>

a:t

Yuanmen *a:c merged with *a:t, and rimes before alveolar codas were backed and raised to o:T.

*a:ӑ merged with *a:n subsequent to this change, filling the gap left by original *a:n (similar to the Meifu branch above). All low non-central vowels then underwent diphthongization, while rimes with pure a: were shortened:

201 (162)

*a:j

>

DZ:j

>

uaj

*a:m

>

a:m

>

am

*a:ӑ

>

a:ӑ

>

an

*a:w

*a:n

DӔ

>

> >

a:w

DZ:n ʎӔ

>

> >

a:w

uan LDӔ

*a:p

>

a:p

>

ap

*a:c

>

DZ:t

>

uat

*a:t

*a:k

> >

DZ:t

ʎ:k

> >

uat iaު

The evolution of rimes with long mid central vowels in Yuanmen is repeated here next to their

counterparts with low central vowels, so that the changes of these nuclei can be compared. In particular, it can be seen that the shift *a:T > DZ:T blocked the lowering of *o:C (from *ʅ:T) > DZ:C: (163)

Development of *ʅ:C versus *a:C in Yuanmen

(a)

*ʅ:j

>

o:j

>

u:j

*ʅ:n

>

o:n

>

u:n

*ʅ:m *ʅӔ

*ʅ:p *ʅ:t *ʅ:k

> > > > >

DZ:m DZӔ

> >

DZ:p > o:t (~ot) > DZ:k~o:k >

uam XDӔ

uap u:t (~ʅt) DZު~oު

(b)

*a:j

>

DZ:j

>

uaj

*a:n

>

DZ:n

>

uan

*a:m

DӔ

*a:p *a:t *a:k

> > > > >

a:m ʎӔ

a:p DZ:t

ʎ:k

> > > > >

am LDӔ

ap uat iaު

As in the case of the other palatal-final rimes, there was a complete merger with the alveolar series in Bouhin, Ha Em, and Qi: (164)

*a:n

>

a:n

*a:t

>

a:t

*a:ӑ

*a:c

>

>

a:n

a:t

A comparison of reconstructions is given below:

202 (165)

Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

(a) (b)

*a:j *a:w

*a:j *a:w

*a:j *a:w

(d)

*a:n

*a:n

*a:n

(c) (e) (f)

*a:m -----

(g)

*a:p

(i)

*uac

(h) (j)

*a:m -- DӔ

*a:p

*uat

*a:t

*a:c

*a:k

*a:k

*a:m *a:ӑ

DӔ *a:p *a:t

*a:c

*a:k

7KXUJRRGJHQHUDOO\UHFRQVWUXFWVULPHVZLWKDORQJORZYRZHO+HGRHVQ·WUHFRQVWUXFWDQ\WKLQJ

in (165e-f) KDYLQJUHFRQVWUXFWHG LӔZKHUH,UHFRQVWUXFW DӔZKLFKLVOLVWHGLQVHFWLRQ3.5.1 as more equivalent to *eӔ and he reconstructs diphthongs in (165h-i), violating Symmetry.

2VWDSLUDW·V UHFRQVWUXFWLRQLVLGHQWLFDOWRWKHSUHVHQWRQHVDYHIRUWKHRPLVVLRQRI Dӑ (of

which there are only four examples altogether).

Examples of rimes with low vowels are given below, in the following order: Bhin Cun

Ha Em Lhut Tzha Nadou Cjiang Mfaw

Zdui Bting Baisha Ymen

203 (166)

Examples of PHl rimes with low vowels

(a)

*a:j

(b)

甘蔗

*C-ma:jު

流

flow

ma:w1

ma:w1

星星

star

ra:w1 la:w4

ra:w1 laު4

白

white

kha:w1

kha:w1

(maj3)

ma:j3

見

see

la:j3 la:(j)3

la:j3 laj3

屎

excrement

*͈a:jު

ha:j3

ha:j3

ha:j3

ma:(j)3 maj3

ha:(j)3

haj3

ma:j3 ma:j3

ma:j3

ma:j6 ma:j3

ma:j3

muaj6

*C-la:jު la:j3 la:j3

ha:j3 ha:j3

(c) 抬

ma:j3

lift

la:j3 la:j3

ha:j3

la:j6 la:j3

ha:j3 ha:j3

la:j3 luaj6

ha:j3

huaj3

ma:w1

kha:w1

*a:m

(d)

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:m

甲虫

tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 ra:p7 hDZm1

han1

問

ask

(ga:m1) ga:m1 hDZm4 ӔDQު4 跨

step

ha:m2

ha:m2

ӑam5

ӔMʎn2

tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsham1 *hra:m ga:m1 ga:m4

ga:m4 xa:m1

ha:m4 xa:m1

ha:m4 kham1

*Ci͈a:m͈ hja:m2 ӑʎ:m2

za:m5

ӑa:m2

za:m5 ----

za:m5 ----

----

*a:w

maw1

khaw1

*C-ma:w ma:w1 ma:w1

ma:w1 ma:w1

ma:w1

la:w4 ra:w1

la:w4 ra:w4

kha:w1

kha:w1

la:p8

la:p8

tsha:p7 tsha:p8

tsha:p7 tshap7

ha:p7

ha:p7

ma:w1

ma:w4

*‫ר‬a:w ra:w1 la:w4

ra:w4 ra:w1 *kha:w

kha:w1 kha:w1

kha:w1 kha:w1

kha:w1

kha:w1

*a:p cockroach

*‫ר‬a:p

ra:p7

ra:p8

laު4

ra:p7 la:p7

ra:p7

挑

carry (shoulder) *ٍ‫؛‬ha:p

tsha:p7 ----

tsha:p7 haު4

谷粒

grain of rice

*͈a:p

ha:p7

ha:p7

ha:p7

hDZp2

ma:w4

----

tsha:p7 tsha:p7

ha:p7 ha:p7

tsha:p7 tsha:p7

ha:p7

ra:p8

ha:p8

(ra:p8)

hap7

204 (e) 沸騰

boil

Ȯa:n1

Ȯa:n1

tsDZn1

Ȯan1

Ȯa:n1 ȮDӔ1

*a:n

(f)

*Ȯa:n

窮

poor

va:t7

va:t7

粘

sticky

----

kha:t7

傳染

infect

----

kha:t7

Ȯa:n1 ȮDӔ1

月(亮) month/moon

*C-ӑa:n

ӑa:n1

ӑa:n1

ӑa:n1

上

above

ӑDZn1

kha:n1 k DZn h

1

ӔMDQ1

kha:n1 k an h

1

ӑa:n1 ӑe:n1

ӑDӔ1

kha:n1 k DӔ h

1

kha:n1 k DӔ h

1

----

----

la:n1

la:n4 la:n1

la:n1 lan4

*C-na:ӑު na:ӑ3

ka:n3

k uan h

----

-------

-------

na:n3 ----

KӔ>Dʅ]ӑު ka:ӑ 3 kan3

1

----

----

ka:n6 kan3

kha:n6 kan3

ka:n6 ----

kha:t7

kha:t7

kha:t7

kha:t7

va:ު8

vuat8

khaު8

khuat7

----

k a:ު h

kha:t7 7

k a:ު h

7

k aު h

8

khuat7

*a:c

ӔDZt2

Ȯa:t7 WԬDZt

va:t7

*kha:t

blood

----

----

kha:n1

kha:k7

血

----

bite

1

kha:ު7

kha:t7

ӔDW7

python

la:n1

k DӔ h

kha:t7

ӔDW7

蟒蛇

la:ӑ1

kha:n1

khaު4

va:t8

*kha:t

ӔDW7

la:n1

咬

----

va:k7

*C-ӔDF

la:n1

nDZn

ӑuan4

va:ު7

stop (turn off)

la:n1

nDZn

ӑa:n1

----

fa:t8

停

*C-la:ӑ

3

ӑDӔ1

----

va:t7

(h)

eat greedily

3

na:n4

Ȯuan1

*‫ڛ‬a:t

*a:ӑ

饞嘴

lDZn1

ȮDӔ1

Ȯa:n1

*kha:n

(g)

la:n1

Ȯa:n1

*a:t

2

----

Ѵa:t7 laު

4

ӔDF7 ӔRW7

ӔRW7

ӔDW8

ӔDW7

Ѵa:t7

ӔDW8

ӔXDW8

*hla:c Ѵa:c7

Ѵa:t7

Ѵa:t7

7

7

8

Ѵo:t

Ѵo:t

Ѵa:t

Ѵuat7

205 (i)

(j)

*phDӔ

高

high

pha:ު7

phe:ު7

皮

skin (of fruit)

*fha:k

pha:ު7

fe:ު7

fe:ު7

水獺

otter te:ު7

名字

name

phDӔ1

phHӔ1

剝

skin (a cow)

*ȮDӔު

ȮDӔ3

ȮHӔ3

ȮHӔ3

羊

sheep

phʎӔ1

ȮʎӔ3

]DӔ1 zʎӔ

1

phHӔ1

ȮHӔ3

]HӔ1 zʎӔު

4

phHӔ1 phHӔ1

ȮHӔ3 ȮHӔ3

phHӔ1 phHӔ1

ȮHӔ3

phHӔ1 phLDӔ1

ȮHӔ3 ȮLDӔ3

phHӔ1 phLDӔ1

ȮHӔ3 ȮLDӔ3

KMDӔ ]HӔ1 ----

*a:k

Dƾ

phʎk2

fʎk2

]HӔ4

]HӔ4

]HӔ1

na:ު7

1

1

4

4

]HӔ

]LDӔ

]LDӔ

tsʎk

phʎު4

fʎު4

----

*pha:k phe:k7 phe:ު7

fe:k7 fe:ު7

phe:ު7 phҬ:2

fҬ:2

phe:ު7

phe:ު7

fe:ު7

fe:ު7

the:ު8

te:ު8

pheު[8]

feު8

phiaު7

fiaު7

*hna:k te:k7 ----

te:ު8 tҬ:

2

teު

8

3.5.5 Interim Summary Four series of rimes with non-high nuclei have been reconstructed in this section, listed below:

tiaު8

206 (167)

*ʅ:j

*a:j

*e:m *e:n

*ʅ:m *ʅ:n

*a:m *a:n

 HӔ

*ʅӔ

(*e:k)

*ʅ:k

*e:w

*e:p *e:t

*a:w

*a:ӑ

DӔ

*ʅ:p *ʅ:t

*a:p *a:t *a:c

*a:k

*ʅj

*ʅw

*ʅm *ʅn *ʅӑ *ʅӔ

*ʅp *ʅt *ʅc

*ʅk

*om

RӔ

*op

*ok

There are several asymmetries which exist, both regular and idiosyncratic. In the case of the former, it can be seen that no *e:C rimes occur with palatal finals, a natural co-occurrence restriction; the lack of *ow can be explained the same way. There are noticeable gaps of rimes with palatal endings in

the *ʅ:C and *oC series; there are also gaps for *ʅ:w and alveolar-final rimes in the *oC series. Finally, there is an obvious distribution asymmetry in length, where *e:C and *a:C occur only long, and *oC occurs only short (in this case grave codas blocked peripheral vowel , 210, ing). 3.6 Conclusion The entire reconstructed system of PHl rimes is given and discussed in this section. A broader comparison of the three alternate systems of reconstruction is provided as well. 3.6.1 T he Present Reconstruction The system proposed here is given below. Any rimes which are reconstructed on the evidence

of three or fewer examples are placed in brackets to indicate their marginality in the system. The rime categories are displayed according to coda (or lack thereof):

207 O pen Rimes

(168) *i: *[e:]

*Ҭ:

*u:

*a: Final Glides

Labiovelar

Palatal

*i:w

*iw *[e:w]

*[Ҭ:j] *ʅ:j

*ʅw

*u:j *uj

*ʅj

*a:w

*a:j

Final Stops (O ral and Nasal) Labials

Alveolars

*i:m/*i:p

*Ҭ:m/*Ҭ:p

*i:n/*i:t

*Ҭ:n/*[Ҭ:t]

*[e:m]/*[e:p]

*ʅ:m/*ʅ:p

*[e:n]/*[e:t]

*ʅ:n/*ʅ:t

*im/*ip

*Ҭm/*Ҭp *ʅm/*ʅp

*a:m/*a:p

*in/*it *om/*op

*Ҭn/*Ҭt

*u:n/*u:t *un/*ut

*ʅn/*ʅt

*a:n/*a:t

Palatals

Velars *u:ӑ/*u:c *uӑ/*uc

*ʅӑ/*ʅc

LӔ LN

LӔ >LN@

>HӔ@> HN@

*a:ӑ/*a:c

*ҬӔ Ҭ:k

XӔ XN

*ʅӔ >ʅk]

RӔ RN

*[ҬӔ@ *ʅӔ ʅ:k

DӔ DN

Final L aryngeals *͈ *ު

XӔ

208 This system of rimes can be characterized generally as one with three levels of height and

backness, a length distinction, glide codas at two places of articulation and stop (both nasal and oral)

codas at four places of articulation. There are seven vowels, a number which is not highly marked (Maddieson 1984: 126). There are a number of gaps in the system, some of which are systematic, others of which are more idiosyncratic. These will be discussed in turn.

The most obvious gaps in the system are in the mid front and mid back vowels. The mid front

vowels are exclusively long, few in number, and are generally very marginal within the system (see next chapter for more details). The mid back vowels on the other hand are robust and are of Kra-Dai

etymological origin; however, there are only short rimes in this category, creating a sharp asymmetry and a typologically rare situation since mid vowels tend to be long compared with their lower counterparts (ibid: 129). There are no high back rounded vowels preceding labial finals, due to a natural co-

occurrence restriction (see section 3.4.4). Palatal finals occur only after high back vowels, short mid central vowels, and low vowels; it is unclear why there is an asymmetry in the mid central vowel

category in this way. Short rimes with final velar stops exist, but are quite rare (particularly before oral velar stops). This reflects a strong preference for long nuclei before velar codas, and it is possible that

some formerly short rimes lengthened in this environment. Finally, it is unclear why the rime *Ҭ:t is so rare, as there is nothing about the overall system which indicates that it should be so.

The reconstruction presented here has been compared with the reconstructions of Thurgood

(1994) and Ostapirat (2004); the differences between the present reconstruction and these alternative reconstructions have been discussed in previous sections, and an argument presented for the former when it differs from the latter. The three reconstructions are provided below for reference, so that the

similarities and differences between them may be easily compared (category labels are taken from the present reconstruction). As in the previous chapter, I do my best to arrange the system in question

DFFRUGLQJWRKRZ,SHUFHLYHWKHDXWKRU·VXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHV\VWHPDs a whole. Any mistakes in interpretation are my own.

209 (169)

Summary of Reconstructed Systems

(a)

Open rimes Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

*ei *ʅҬ

*i: *ε:

*i: *Ҭ:

*aj

*aj

*i:͈/ު

*εw

*u:͈

*ou

*aҬ ---

*aw ---

*a (b)

*u:

*al

*aw ---

*a:

*u:

*Ҭ:͈/ު *u:ު *e: *a:

Closed rimes with high front nuclei Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

*i:w

*i:w

*i:w

*i:n

*i:n

*i:n

*i:m

LDӔ *i:p *i:t

*i:k

*i:m

LӔ

*i:p *i:t

*i:k

*i:m

LӔ

*i:p *i:t

*i:k

*iw

*iw

*iw

*iӑ

*in

*in

---

LӔ

*ip *ic

*ik

*im

LӔ

*ip *it

*ik

*im

LӔ

*ip *it

*ik

210 (c)

Closed rimes with high back unrounded nuclei Thurgood ---

*uam (b) *u:n (b)

XӔE

*uap (b) ---

*uak (b)

PHl

(*ε:j)

*Ҭ:j

*ε:n

*Ҭ:n

*ε:m *εӔ

*ε:p ---

*ε:k

*Ҭ:m *ҬӔ

*Ҭ:p *Ҭ:t

*Ҭ:k

---

*εm

*Ҭm

---

*εp

*Ҭp

------(d)

Ostapirat

*εn --*εt

*Ҭn *ҬӔ *Ҭt

Closed rimes with high back rounded nuclei Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

*u:j

*u:j

*u:j

---

---

*u:ӑ

*u:n (a)

XӔD *u:t

*u:c

*uak (a)

*u:n

XӔ *u:t

*u:c

*u:k

*u:n

XӔ *u:t

*u:c

*u:k

*uj

*uj

*uj

---

---

*uӑ

*un

RӔ *ut

*uc

*un

XӔ *ut

*uc

*un

XӔ *ut

*uc

211 (e)

Closed rimes with front mid nuclei -----

-----

*e:w *e:m

---

---

*e:n

---- LӔ

(*a:k) (f)

---------

*e:p

*e:t  HӔ

(*e:k)

Closed rimes with central mid nuclei Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

*o:j

*ʅ:j

*ʅ:j

*o:n

*ʅn

*ʅ:n

*uam (a)

XDӔ *uap (a) *o:t

*o:k

*ʅm *ʅӔ *ʅp *ʅt

*ʅk

*ʅ:m *ʅӔ *ʅ:p *ʅ:t

*ʅ:k

*aj *aw

*aj *aw

*ʅj *ʅw

*am

*am

*ʅm

*o

*an *aӑ

DӔ

*ap *at *ac ---

*ʅw *an

*aӑ

DӔ

*ap *at *ac ---

*ʅwh/ު *ʅn *ʅӑ *ʅӔ

*ʅp *ʅt *ʅc

*ʅk

212 (g)

Closed rimes with back mid nuclei Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

*om

*um

*om

*op

---

*op

RӔ

*ok (h)

XӔ

*uk

RӔ

*ok

Closed rimes with low nuclei Thurgood

Ostapirat

PHl

*a:j *a:w

*a:j *a:w

*a:j *a:w

*a:n

*a:n

*a:n

*a:m -- LӔ *a:p *uat

*uac *a:k

*a:m -- DӔ *a:p *a:t

*a:c

*a:k

*a:m *a:ӑ

DӔ *a:p *a:t

*a:c

*a:k

3.6.2 7KXUJRRG¶VReconstruction 7KXUJRRG·VUHFRQVWUXFWHGULPHLQYHQWRU\LVVKRZQEHORZ

213 O pen Rimes

(170)

*o

*a Final Glides Labiovelar

Velar

Palatal

*i:w

*u:j

*iw

*uj *ow

*ʅҮ

*aw

*ej

*aҮ

*a:w

*o:j

*aj

*a:j

Final Stops (O ral and Nasal) Labials

Alveolars

*i:m/*i:p

*i:n/*i:t

*ip

*u:n (a/b)/*u:t *un/*ut

*uam (a/b)/*uap (a/b)

*a:m/*a:p

*uat

*o:n/*o:t

*om

*a:n

*am/*ap

*an/*at

Palatals

*iӑ/*ic

Velars *u:c

LӔ LN

XӔDE

*uac

LDӔ

XDӔ

*uc

*aӑ/*ac

LӔ LN

*uak (a/b) *o:k *a:k

DӔ

RӔ RN

214 7KXUJRRG·VUHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIDQRULJLQDOYRZHOOHQJWKGLVWLQFWLRQLVLQDOLJQPHQWZLWKWKH

present reconstruction. His open rime category is typologically marked due to the lack of high vowels,

the reflexes of which he reconstructs as diphthongs. I consider the greatest weakness of this system to be the duplication of rimes in the categories he labels (a) and (b), without adequate explanation about why

the second series should be considered to reflect loanwords (as noted above, this violates the principles of Commonality and Symmetry). There is also an inconsistency in the reconstruction of pure long high

vowels versus diphthongs in final nasal versus final oral stop categories, when the evidence seems to militate for symmetry between the two. He does not reconstruct precursors to the Hlai tone categories,

which leaves the alternations in Greater Hlai, Qi, and Cunhua (and the symmetry in the rimes which they disguise) unaccounted for.

3.6.3 2VWDSLUDW¶VReconstruction 2VWDSLUDW·V UHFRQVWUXFWLRQLVJLYHQEHORZ

215 O pen rimes

(171) *i:

*ε:

*u:

*a: Final Glides Labiovelar *i:w *iw

*εw *ʅw

*a:w *aw

Palatal (*ε:j) *ʅ:j

*u:j *uj

*a:j *aj

Final Stops (O ral and Nasal) Labials *i:m/*i:p

*ε:m/*ε:p

---/ ---

*ʅm/*ʅp

*im/*ip

*εm/*εp

Alveolars

*um/ ---

*am/*ap *a:m/*a:p

*i:n/*i:t

*ε:n/ ---

---/ ---

*ʅn/*ʅt

*in/*it

Palatals

---/*a:c

*u:n/*u:t *un/*ut

*an/*al/*at *a:n/*a:t Velars

---/*u:c ---/*uc *aӑ/*ac

*εn/*εt

LӔ LN

LӔ ik

*εӔ ε:k ---/ --*ʅӔ ʅk

XӔ XN

XӔ XN

DӔ---

DӔ DN

This reconstruction is parallel in many ways with the one suggested in this book. There is a full

high vowel inventory (lacking the marginal *e:), a length distinction in the high vowels, and a general symmetry in the rime system as a whole, once co-occurrence constraints are taken into account. Weaknesses of this system include the lack of inclusion of some of the less well-represented rime

categories which nevertheless show regular and expected patterns throughout the various Hlai languages;

216 the reconstruction of a final lateral which is not justified by the overall evidence, despite the data in Wang & Qian (1951), and the reconstruction of only short mid central vowels, which does not explain the long reflexes in the majority of the Hlai daughter languages (a violation of both Directionality and Commonality). Finally, there is no examination of the precursors to the Hlai tone categories, which forces the reconstruction of *εw when there is actually no need for it, since this is in complimentary distribution with what is otherwise reconstructed as *aw.

In summary, this chapter has provided a comprehensive reconstruction of the PHl rime inventory. Besides cataloguing the major types of sound change which have occurred in the history of the Hlai languages, other major contributions include the evidence for and reconstruction of the segmental

precursors of the PHl tone categories, outlining their subsequent development in the subgroups and

daughter languages. A generally balanced system with typologically normal gaps has been reconstructed, which includes five vowels (plus a marginal sixth), two final glides, four places of articulation for final stops, and a vowel length distinction. Putting aside the set of changes which occurred quite early and

distinguish Bouhin from Greater Hlai, it is almost invariably the NCHl languages which have undergone the most dramatic changes in the rime categories while the other branches remain more conservative.

It has also been shown that the four principles which apply to the reconstruction of initials apply

equally well to the reconstruction of rimes. Directionality is important in constraining such processes as

lengthening and diphthongization. Commonality is important in constraining the reconstruction to reflect

the proto-language and limiting the amount of internal reconstruction which is not appropriate at this level. Economy is important in checking the features of vowel nuclei, using the reflexes of the daughter languages to triangulate the appropriate point in the vowel space to reconstruct. Finally, Symmetry is particularly important in the case of the rimes, as the overall system is readily constrained by this principle, and its few asymmetrical aspects highlighted appropriately.

The focus of the next chapter will be Pre-Hlai, the precursor to Proto-Hlai. This stage of Hlai is reconstructible using a combination of internal evidence as well as external evidence from other branches

of Kra-Dai (in this case Tai). Unlike chapters two and three, chapter four will treat both the initial system and the rime system, with the goal of reconstructing the earliest possible stage of Pre-Hlai, and then showing the changes which occurred between that stage and Proto-Hlai.

217 C H A PT E R F O U R: PR E-H L A I The goal of this chapter is to develop a theory of the Pre-Hlai initial and rime inventories, and to trace the evolution of the Hlai initials and rimes from Pre-Hlai to Proto-Hlai. To this end, cognates between Proto-Hlai and Proto-Tai and its immediate daughters Proto-

Northern Tai and Proto-Southern Tai (Central + Southwestern Tai)28 are compared in this section in

order to develop a hypothesis of the original Pre-Hlai inventory of initials. Although reconstructions of other branches of Kra-Dai exist (most notably Proto-Kam-Sui (Thurgood 1988), Proto-Kra (Ostapirat 1999), and Proto-Lakkja (L-Thongkum 1992)), I do not refer to them here so as to keep interphyletic comparisons manageable, limiting the comparanda to Western Kam-Tai.

Section 4.1 gives a brief overview of the prosodic word shape inherited from Proto-Western

Kam-Tai (PWKT), and presents a comparison between the PHl initials and the Proto-Tai (PT) initials. Section 4.2 repeats this comparison for the rimes. Section 4.3 reviews and motivates the important changes which are hypothesized between Proto-Western Kam-Tai and Proto-Hlai29. 4.1 T he Pre-H lai Initials As alluded to in chapter two, the PHl phonological word consisted of two types: either (a)

monosyllabic or (b) disyllabic. Disyllabic words were certainly iambic, as this stress type is usually a

necessary precondition in Southeast Asia for an eventual transition to a strictly monosyllabic inventory: (1)

(a)

M |

Լࡢƫƫ

(b)

M /|

Ȣ Լࡢƫƫ

This first syllable in a disyllabic form (1b) is sometimes known as a semisyllable, presyllable, or

minor syllable (in contrast with the second main syllable; the term presyllable will be adopted here), and the disyllabic foot was what is sometimes called sesquisyllabic ¶V\OODEOH-and-a-KDOI· DWHUPFRLQHGE\

James Matisoff in Matisoff (1973) (see also Svantesson (1983), Shaw (1993), Cho & King (1996)). The first hypothesis adopted here is that moraic weight became assigned exclusively to the main (rightmost) syllable, and that the first syllable in a disyllabic form lost the ability to host a mora. The presyllable could carry segmental features (the inventory of which would become gradually restricted

over time), but was not associated with moraic content30. I hypothesize that this loss of and subsequent lack of a mora was correlated with the steady erosion of presyllables until their eventual extinction in the Hlai daughter languages. This kind of iambic system stands in contrast to other iambic systems which

28

This is the original classification of Tai given in Li (1977). Pittayaporn (2009) suggests that SWT may actually be a subgroup of C Tai. 29 As in chapters two and three, the four principles of language change and reconstruction given in chapter one are used in this chapter as well. 30 ,DGRSW&KR .LQJ¶V FRQYHntion of showing a moraless sesquisyllable (or semisyllable) with an Ȣ.

218 have remained more stable (such as those of the Semitic languages) and not been reduced to

monosyllables. The progression from full presyllable to moraless presyllable to monosyllable is shown below31: (2)

M /|

>

/|

ԼƫԼࡢƫƫ Example:

CiKUiZ

>

M

M |

ȢԼࡢƫƫ >

Լࡢƫƫ

C-KUMiZ

>

hrMiZ

The existence of a length distinction in rimes suggests that codas were optionally moraic, bearing

a mora in short rimes but not in long rimes32. PHl examples of each type are given below for

monosyllabic words (3a) and sesquisyllabic words (3b), with the bimoraic domain of each word in brackets (remembering that the initial *C in the forms in (3b) represents an initial consonant with unspecified features): (3)

(a)

dog

break spine

*hm[a:]

*p [ʅ:]nު

(b)

h

*tç [uӑ]ު h

waist

*Ci͈[a:]͈

sore

*Cuު[ʅw]

rough

*Cu‫[ר‬a:]w

The second hypothesis adopted here is that the lowest unit of prosodic timing was the foot, a fact

which would affect the organization of the segmental material associated to it. While this model predicts that the rime in both monosyllables and sesquisyllables should be identical, it also predicts three different types of initial consonants depending on their position within the foot. Under this model, the initial in a monosyllabic form lies at the edge of both the foot and the main syllable. On the other hand, there is an

asymmetry in sesquisyllabic forms between the foot-initial consonant, which marks the edge of a prosodic timing category, and the initial consonant of the main syllable which does not (and now plays the ambiguous role of a syllable onset but a prosodicaly medial segment):

31

A form such as C-hrMi:w in (3) may have been produced as [CʅࢌhrMi:w], with the intervening schwa

existing solely as an artifact of phonetic implementation, but not represented in underlying representations. 32 The laryngeal components of rimes in categories B and C do not appear to affect weight in any way, and are not considered to be potential mora-bearing units.

219 (4)

The two types of feet in Pre-Hlai

(a)

Monosyllable

(b)

Initial in main syllable domain |--Ļ----|

Sesquisyllable

Initial in foot domain Medial in foot domain ੣ _Ļ---|

>&9ғ  @ |--Ĺ----| Initial in foot domain

[(Cvࢌ &9ғ  @ -------Ĺ----Initial in main syllable domain

It is shown below that each of these three kinds of initials has evolved along a different trajectory, each set eventually becoming disjunct with the other two.

The initials below are organized according to their Proto-Western Kam-Tai categories. Proto-

Western Kam-Tai (PWKT) reconstructions are presented first, followed by Proto-Hlai (PHl), Proto-Tai (PTai), and finally the Proto-Northern Tai (PNT) and Proto-Southern Tai (PST) reconstructions upon which the Proto-Tai reconstructions are based.

4.1.1 Initial Stops The correspondences for the simple (non-cluster) PWKT stops are given below. Expected

phonemes with no supporting examples are placed in parentheses (there is no evidence in either PHl or PTai for initial *Ȱ): (5)

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

*p *t

*ph *th

*p *t

*p *t

*p *t

(*c

*tçh

*c

*c

*c)

*ٍ

*k *q *ު (b)

*ٍ‫؛‬h *k *kh h

*ު

*tr *k *q *ު

*hr *k *k *ު

*thr *k *x *ު

(*b *d

*ph *th

*b *d

*b *d

*b) *d

(*g

*kh

*g

*g

*g)

*Ϻ

*̥

*tçh *k

h

*Ϻ

*̥

*Ϻ

*‫ۦ‬

*Ϻ

*g

The first series (5a) is reconstructed in PWKT as an original series of plain stops, the second

series as original voiced stops. When the aspirated initial stops reconstructed for Proto-Hlai are compared

220 with their Proto-Tai cognates, there are two patterns which emerge. The first is that there is no voicing distinction in Proto-Hlai stops, and the second is that the uvular series has merged with the velar series.

Under this hypothesis, Proto-Tai is the more conservative of the two and the PHl inventory is the result of the merger of two Pre-Hlai categories: the uvular series with the velar series followed by that of the voiced obstruents with the voiceless obstruents, initiating a constraint on initial voiced obstruents in Hlai which has continued until the present day. Finally, the entire series of PHl obstruents underwent what

Ostapirat (2004) recognizes as redundant aspiration (what will be referred to below as main-syllable aspiration), resulting from a general rule which affected all eligible initials in Pre-Hlai (see section 4.3). This series of changes is shown below: (6)

PWKT

(a)

*p

>

*p

>

*ph

*ٍ

>

*ٍ

>

*ٍ‫؛‬h

*t

*c

*k *q *ު (b)

Pre-Hlai

> > > > >

PWKT

*t

*c

*k *k *ު

Proto-Hlai

> > > > >

Pre-Hlai

*th

*tçh *kh *kh *ު

Proto-Hlai

*b

>

*p

>

*ph

*Ϻ

>

*c

>

*tçh

*d *Ȱ *g

*̥

> > > >

*t *ٍ

*k *k

> > > >

*th *ٍ‫؛‬h *kh *kh

Examples of forms with original voiceless stops are given below. PTai forms are based on

Pittayaporn (2009) with some modifications:

221 (7) PWKT plain voiceless stops

(a)

(b)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

wing

*pi:k

*phi:k

---

---

pat. grandfather *pwu:[ު/h]

*paw

*tҬ:nު

*thҬ[:]nު

---

---

fall, drop

*tok

*t ok

*tok

*tok

tree (clsfr)

piece, lump fart

below wasp

*to[:]nު *tu:͈

*to[:]n[͈] *k-to[:]c *tҬ:ު

*mite[:]l

*thu:nު h

*t u:͈ h

*thun

*thu:[t/c] *t Ҭ:ު h

*thin

---

*tawh ---

*k-toc *taҮު

*m-tje:l

*pi:k

*pu:B *tҬ:nC

---

*tonC *tok

*taw

B

---

*hroc *taҮ

C

*di:l

*tawB

*to:nB *toc

*taҮC

*p-te:n

fruit ~ testicles

*ٍʅ[:]m

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:m

*tram

*hram

*thram

stone take, carry

*ٍi:l *ٍi:wު

*tçhi:n33 *ٍ‫؛‬hi:wު

*tri:l *tri:wު

*hri:l *hri:wC

*thri:n *thri:wC

headlouse

*Cuٍu:

carry (shoulder) *ٍa:p

weave ~ loom eye (d)

*pwawh

B

shallow

turtle

(c)

*p u:ު h

PST

*Cuٍۣ:k *p-ٍa:

in cupped hands *ko[:]p eat

old

*kʅӑ

*kʅw͈

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:p

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k *Cuٍ‫ ؛‬u: h

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:

*khop *k ʅn h

*k ʅw͈ h

*tra:p

*trwʅ:k *traw

*p-tra:

*hra:p

*hro:k *hraw *p-ta:

---

---

*kawh

*kaw

*kҬӑ

*kҬn B

*thra:p

*thru:k *thraw

*p-thra: *ko:p *kin

*kawB

(e)

arm

*qe:n

*khi:n

*qe:n

*ke:n

*xe:n

(f)

saddle

*ުa:n

*ުa:n

*ުa:n

*ުa:n

*ުa:n

basin bathe

marrow cradle

carry in arms open (mouth) 33

*ުDӔ͈ *ުa:p

*ުwʅ:k *ުu:[͈]

*ު[o/u]mު *Cuުa:[͈/ު]

*ުDӔ͈ *ުa:p *ުu:k *ުu:

*ުomު *Cuުa:͈

*ުDӔK *ުa:p

*ުwʅ:k *ުu:h

*ުumު *ުa:ު

*ުDӔ *ުa:p

B

*ުu:k *ުu:

B

*ުumު *ުa:C

*ުDӔB *ުa:p *ުo:k *ުu:B

*ުumު *ުa:C

The NWCHl and Jiamao reflexes indicate PHl *tçh. It is tentatively assumed that this indicates an

irregular development in Pre-Hlai of *ٍ > *c before the high vowel *i.

222 PHl correspondences with PTai voiced stops are far less common than the voiceless stops, and

there are only a few straightforward examples: (8) PWKT plain voiced stops

(a)

(b)

(c)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

land leech

*N-ta:k

*tha:k

*N-ta:k

*[t/d]a:k

*da:k

*Ϻim

*Ϻim

*Ϻim

louse (body) taste

hole ~ crack bruised person

*m-d[ʅ݂] *Ϻim

*Ϻo:Ӕ>ު/͈] *Ϻʅmު

*̥wҬn

*t ʅn h

*tçhim

*tç u:Ӕު h

*tçhʅmު *khun

*mlel

*Ϻo:ӔK *Ϻamު

*̥wҬn

*mlel

*Ϻo:Ӕ

B

*ϺamC

*‫ۦ‬wҬn

*mlen

*Ϻo:ӔB *ϺamC

*gwʅn

The evidence for the status of voicing in the initial in land leech is conflicting in PNT. The

solution that I propose to this paradox is the existence of an original initial nasal, which was lost early in most branches, but lasted long enough in Tai to lead to homorganic voicing of the initial in all but the Northern Tai languages Yay and Wuming. The best account for body louse may be that it was an original root beginning with *d which

underwent regular development in PHl, but which lenited in PTai under the influence of the preceding *m-.

There are three examples of voiced stop-liquid clusters. The tendency in Hlai appears to have

been for the medial liquid to be deleted: (9)

Gloss

PWKT

deceive ~ cheat EUDӔ dirty sweat *̥lwi: fishy

*̥ra:w

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

*phʅӔ *khi:

EUDӔ *̥lwi:

EUDӔ *‫ۦ‬i:

EUDӔ *̥laj

*kha:w

*̥ra:w

*‫ۦ‬a:w

*̥ra:w

4.1.2 M edial Stops Medial voiceless stops did not generally remain such by the time of Proto-Hlai. Presyllables, if

they existed, were lost and left former medial stops to develop along the same path as original initial

stops. The one exception was medial voiceless uvular stops, which underwent lenition via the following path: *C-q- > *C-؆- >*C-͈-:

223 (10)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

body hair horn

*puqwҬl *r-qʅw

*Cu͈un *͈ʅw

*p-qwҬl *r-qaw

*pwҬl *kaw

*xon *r-xaw

excrement

*N-qҮʅjު

*͈a:jު

*N-qҮajު

*‫ۦ‬ajު

*N-qi:ު

leg

bitter

*f-qa:

*N-qҮʅm

*͈a:

*͈ʅ:m

*f-qa:

*N-qҮam

*f-ka: *‫ۦ‬am

*xa:

*N-qom

Two series of intervocalic stop correspondences exist between PHl and PTai, depending on

whether the preceding vowel was schwa (11b) or some other vowel (11a): (11)

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

*C-b

*‫ڛ‬

*C-b

*C-b

*ުb

*C-Ȱ

*‫ר‬

*C-Ȱ

*C-Ȱ

*C-Ȱ

*C-d

*‫ר‬

*C-Ϻ

*hj

*C-g

*ުj

*͈

*C-̥ (b)

*C-d

*‫ۦ‬

*͈

*̥

*C-d *ުj *‫ۦ‬ *‫ۦ‬

*ުd *ުj *‫ۦ‬

*g

*Cʅުb

*Ʒ

*ުb

*ުb

*ުb

*CʅުȰ

*‫ר‬

*ުȰ

*ުȰ

*ުd

*Cʅުd

*Ȯ

*CʅުϺ *Cʅުg

*ުd

*tç *k

*ުj *x

*ުd *ުj *x

*ުd *ުj *x

This post-schwa development in (11b) is typologically similar to the development between

Proto-Malayo-Polynesian and Proto-North Sarawak (PNS) (Blust 1995a, 1997a, 1997b, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2006, 2007), where voiced stops geminated after schwa and followed various paths of change in the PNS daughter languages. In some cases, such as Bintulu and Long San Kenyah, this resulted in a partial or complete implosive series similar to the series in Proto-Hlai: (12)

PNS

Bintulu

Kenyah (Long San)

*Cʅb:

>

*Cʅުb

>

Ʒ

Ʒ

*Cʅd:

>

*Cʅުd

>

Ȯ

Ȯ

*CʅϺ:

>

*CʅުϺ

>

Ϻ

*Cʅg:

>

*Cʅުg

>

g

Ѐ

̟

224 Pre-Hlai intervocalic voiced stops generally lenited to approximants unless they followed schwa,

in which case they geminated, after which the geminate became preglottalized; the one exception to this was the retroflex voiced stop, which lenited in both environments. The developments posited between PWKT and PHl are shown below: (13)

PWKT

(a)

*C-b

>

*C-‫ڛ‬

>

*‫ڛ‬

*C-Ȱ

>

*C-‫ר‬

>

*‫ר‬

*C-d *C-Ϻ

*C-g

*C-̥ (b)

Pre-Hlai

> > > >

*C-‫ר‬ *C-j

*C-͈ *C-͈

Proto-Hlai

> > > >

*‫ר‬

*hj *͈ *͈

*Cʅުb

>

*Cʅުb

>

*Ʒ

*CʅުȰ

>

*Cʅ‫ר‬

>

*‫ר‬

*Cʅުd *CʅުϺ

*Cʅުg

> > >

*Cʅުd *CʅϺ

*Cʅg

> > >

*Ȯ *tç *k

Examples of medial voiced stops after non-schwa vowels are given below: (14)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

shoulder

*C-ba:͈

*‫ڛ‬a:͈

*C-ba:h

*C-ba:B

*ުba:B

(b)

bone

*Cudʅ:k

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:k

*C-dwʅ:k

*C-do:k

*ުdu:k

(c)

boat

*CuȰa:

*Cu‫ר‬a:

*C-Ȱuʅ

*C-Ȱuʅ

*C-ȰҬʅ

(d)

medicine granary

*C-Ϻa: *C-Ϻa:wު

*hja: *hja:wު

*ުja: *ުja:wު

*ުjҬʅ *ުjiʅwު

*ުja: *ުja:wު

pull ~ stretch

*C-Ϻiʅt

*hji:t

*ު[j]iʅt

*ުiʅt

*ުjiʅt

raw

stay, live at

*Cudi[:]p

*C-Ϻu:[͈]

*Cu‫ר‬i:p

*hjʅw

*C-dip

*ުju:h

*C-dip

*ުju:h

*ުdip

*ުju:h

225 (e)

(f)

thatch grass

*Ciga:

*Ci͈a:

*‫ۦ‬a:

*‫ۦ‬a:

*‫ۦ‬a:

handspan to dig

*CugҬ[:]p *Cigut

*Cu͈Ҭp *Ci͈ut

*‫ۦ‬Ҭ:p ---

*‫ۦ‬Ҭ:p *‫ۦ‬ut

*‫ۦ‬Ҭ:p ---

field dike

chin

smoke

*Cigʅ[:]l

*CḁDӔ

*Cu̥ʅ[:]n

*Ci͈ʅ:n

*͈DӔ

*Cu͈ʅ:n

*‫ۦ‬al

*̥DӔ

*̥wan

*‫ۦ‬al

*‫ۦ‬an

*‫ۦ‬DӔ

JDӔ

*‫ۦ‬wan

*̥wan

Examples of the medial stops following schwa are given below: (15)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

fly

*Cʅުbil

*Ʒin

*ުbil

*ުbil

*ުbin

overflow

*Cʅުba:͈

*Ʒa:͈

---

---

*ުba:B

leaf

*CʅުbҬ:

carry (shoulder) *Cʅުbe:k

*ƷҬ:

*Ʒi:k

---

---

*ުbe:k

(b)

face ~ nose winnow basket

*CʅުdʅӔ *CʅުdoӔު

*ȮʅӔ *ȮoӔު

*ުGDӔ *ުGRӔު

*ުGDӔ *ުGRӔC

*ުGDӔ *ުGRӔC

(c)

star

*CʅުȰa:w

*‫ר‬a:w

*ުȰa:w

*ުȰa:w

*ުda:w

(d)

stand

*CʅުϺu:n

*tçu:n

*[ުj]Ҭ:n

(*ުdҬn)

*ުjҬ:n

(e)

turbid

*Cʅުgun͈

*kun͈

---

---

*xunB

thing

*CʅުJR>@Ӕ

*‫ר‬a:

NRӔ

---

[RӔ

---

*ުbaҮ

*CʅުEXӔ

*CʅުȰ[a:]

---

*ުbaҮ

bamboo basket

which

*ƷXӔ

*ުbaҮ

---

[RӔ

*ުEXӔ

*ުdaҮ

[RӔ

There are a few groups of irregular correspondences. The first is a set of examples in which the

Proto-Hlai evidence indicates a preceding schwa, but the Proto-Tai evidence indicates a non-schwa vowel. Note that the PHl and PTai tone categories also fail to correlate: (16)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

orange ~ red black

*C[ʅު]djeӔ>ު] *C[ʅު]dʅm[ު]

*Ȯe:Ӕު *Ȯʅmު

*C-djeӔ *C-dam

*C-diӔ *C-dam

*ުGHӔ *ުdam

thread

*C[ʅު]da:j[ު]

*Ȯʅ:j

*C-da:jު

*C-da:jC

*ުda:jC

226 In the next example, the PHl form indicates a medial stop but the PTai form indicates an initial

stop which devoiced: (17)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PT

PNT

PST

1st person

*[a]gu:

*͈u:

*ku:

*ku:

*ku:

The following examples show variation in place: palatal in PHl and alveolar in PTai: (18)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

extinguish

*Cʅު[d/Ϻ]ʅp

*tçʅp

*ުdap

*ުdap

*ުdap

dive

*Cʅު[d/Ϻ][o/ʅ]m *tçom

---

---

*ުdam

The following two examples have PTai forms which can be tentatively reconstructed as labial-

coronal sequences: (19)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

gall bladder

*Pʅުdi:

*Ȯʅj

*ުbli:

*ުbli:

*ުbli:

navel

*PuȰҬ:

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:

*ުblҬ:

*ުblҬ:

*ުblҬ:

The following forms have medial stops reconstructible in Pre-Hlai but voiceless initial stops in

PTai. There are several possible Middle Chinese loans in the examples below, indicating that a major (perhaps exclusive) source of forms with in this correspondence set may be loanwords. MC forms are from Baxter & Sagart (2014): (20)

Gloss

MC

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

board

板 *pænު

*Ʒe:n͈

*pe:nު

*pe:nC

*pe:nC

crab

---

*Ʒu:͈

*p[aw]

*paw

*pu:

duck

---

*Ʒit

*pjʅt

*pit

*pet

(b)

castrate

---

*ȮҬ:n

*to:n

*to:n

*to:n

(d)

cross over

過 *kwah

*kuaު

*kwa:h

*kwa:B

*kwa:B

hoe

---

*kwa:k

---

*[k]wa:k

*kuʅk

to ladle

sword

杓 *dϴak

劍 *kjæmh

*Ȯok

*kҬ:m͈

*tak

---

*tak

---

*tak

*kiʅmh

227 Finally, the following examples show correspondences between PHl medial voiced stops and

PTai initial voiced stops. These are also probably explainable as loans: (21)

Gloss

MC

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

raft goose

簰 *bea ---

*Ʒʅj *Ʒun͈

*be: ---

*be: ---

*be: *bҬnB

copper

銅 *duwӔ

*ȮXӔ

GRӔ

GRӔ

GRӔ

bag

money

袋 *dojh 錢 *dϴen

*Ȯa:jު *tçi:n

---

*Ϻe:n

---

*Ϻe:n

*dajB *Ϻe:n

4.1.3 F ricatives While PWKT *f and *s were maintained as *fh and *sh in Proto-Hlai, the PWKT palatal and

velar fricatives *ç and *x narrowed in stricture and merged with the aspirated reflexes of *c and *k by the time of PHl. All originally voiced fricatives devoiced; the voiced velar fricative *‫ ۦ‬devoiced to *x,

eventually merging with *kh. A medial uvular fricative *‫ ܡ‬is reconstructed which developed into PHl *͈ (like the intervocalic uvular stops in (10) and (14) above) and PTai *x. The following are the correspondences for the PWKT fricatives: (22)

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

*f

*fh

*f

*f

*f

*x

*h

*x

*s *ç

*x

*C-‫ܡ‬ (b)

*v *z

*‫ۦ‬

*s *tçh h

*kh *͈

*fh *s

h

*kh

*s *s

*x

*s *s

*h

*s *s

*x

*v

*v

*v

*‫ۦ‬

*‫ۦ‬

*‫ۦ‬

*z

*z

The evolution of the PWKT fricatives into Proto-Hlai is shown below:

*z

228 (23)

PWKT

(a)

*f *s

> >

*fh *sh

> >

*fh *sh

*x

>

*xh

>

*kh

*ç

*C-‫ܡ‬ (b)

*v *z

*‫ۦ‬

Pre-Hlai

> > > > >

*çh

*C-͈ *fh *s

h

*xh

Proto-Hlai

> >

*tçh *͈

>

*fh

>

*kh

>

*sh

Examples of the PWKT voiceless fricatives are given in (24) and voiced fricatives in (25): (24)

Gloss

PSDK

PHl

PTai

PNT

(a)

rain

*C-fwҬn

*fhun

*C-fwҬn

*C-fwҬn

millet

cloud dream (b)

you (pl) teach wart

(c)

(d)

pestle ~ pound snail

white

green dry

(e)

*fja:Ӕު *fja:ު *fʅn *su:

*so[:]l

*so:[c/t] *ça:k *çi:

*xa:w

*xe:w

*xwҬ:͈

*f a:Ӕު h

*fha:ު *fhʅn

*shʅw *s un h

*s u:c h

*tçha:k *tç i: h

*kha:w *k i:w h

*k Ҭ:͈ h

*fja:Ӕު *fja:ު ---

PST

*fҬʅӔ

C

*fҬʅC ---

*fwʅn

IDӔC *fa:C *fan

*su:

*su:

*su:

---

---

*so:t

*so:l

*so:l

*so:n

*sa:k

*sa:k

*sa:k

*xa:w

*ha:w

*xa:w

*xwҬ:h

*hҬ:

*xaҮB

---

*xe:w

*saj

*he:w B

---

*xe:w

step across

*C-‫ܡ‬DP>͈/ު]

*͈a:m͈

*xa:mު

*ha:mC

*xa:mC

lie face down

*Nu‫ܡ‬ʅ[:]m

*Cu͈ʅ:m

*N-xwamު

KӔZDPު

*xwamު

cry, crow

*Ci‫ܡ‬ʅ[:]l

*Ci͈ʅ:n

*xal

*hal

*xan

229 (25)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PT

PNT

PST

(a)

cloud fire

*va:ު *vwi:

*fha:ު *fhi:

--*vwi:

--*vi:

*va:C *vaj

foam ~ bubble

YRӔ>ު]

*f XӔު

---

---

YRӔ

tooth

*vjʅn

*fhjʅn h

*van

*van

*van

(b)

wash clothes

*zʅ[:]k

*shʅ:k

*zak

*zak

*zak

(c)

itch

*‫ۦ‬wʅm

*khom

*‫ۦ‬wʅm

*‫ۦ‬um

*‫ۦ‬om

There is one potential example of prenasalized *f: (26)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

seed

*N-fʅn

*fhʅn

*N-fan

*fan

*van

The following items are most likely Chinese loanwords: (27)

Gloss

MC

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

pick up, gather

拾 *dϴip

*sip

*kjep

*kip

*kep

ginger

薑 *kMDӔ

*k ҬӔ h

[LӔ

KLӔ

*xiӔ

4.1.4 Nasals and Laterals Since PWKT nasals and laterals developed in a similar way, they will be treated together. There

are a total of four correspondence sets between PHl and PTai nasals/laterals . Examples are presented from a Hlai perspective, and solutions are suggested in order to explain the mixed correspondences.

4.1.4.1 Preaspirated Nasals and Laterals Two sets of correspondences exist for PHl aspirated nasals and laterals: one set with PTai plain

sonorants and another with PTai voiceless sonorants. The first correspondence set is reconstructed as a series of plain sonorants which became preaspirated in initial position in PHl. The second set is reconstructed as a series of voiceless (and probably slightly aspirated) sonorants:

230 (28)

PWKT

Proto-Hlai

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

*m *n

*hm *hn

*m *n

*m *n

*m *n

*Ӕ

*hӔ

*Ӕ

*Ӕ

*Ӕ

*ӑ

*hӑ

*ӔZ *l (b)

*ӑ

*hӔZ *hl

*ӔZ *l

*ӑ

*ӔZ *l

*ӑ

*ӔZ *l

*Pࣞ

*hm

*Pࣞ

*Pࣞ

*Pࣞ

*Ӕࣞ

*hӔ

*Ӕࣞ

*Ӕ

*Ӕ

*Qࣞ

*hn

O ࣞ

*Qࣞ

*hl

O ࣞ

*Qࣞ

O ࣞ

*Qࣞ

O ࣞ

The development of both series from PWKT to PHl is shown below. In the case of the first

series, preaspiration developed by the time of PHl. This precipitated the merger of the two categories,

since voicelessness in the second series had been strengthened to full preaspiration by the time of PreHlai: (29)

PWKT

(a)

*m

>

*m

>

*hm

*ӑ *Ӕ

> >

*ӑ *Ӕ

> >

*hӑ *hӔ

*n

*ӔZ (b)

*l

*Pࣞ *Qࣞ *Ӕࣞ *O ࣞ

Pre-Hlai

>

> > > > > >

*n

*ӔZ *l

*hm *hn *hӔ *hl

Proto-Hlai

>

> > > > > >

*hn

*hӔZ *hl

*hm *hn *hӔ *hl

Examples of plain sonorant initials are given below:

231

(30)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

return

*mҬʅ

*hmҬ:

---

---

*mҬʅ

beard

*mҬ[:]m[ު/͈]

*hmҬ:mު

*mumh

*mum

drunk

mother ant (b)

(c)

*mwi:

*me:[ު/͈] *moc

*hmuj

*hmi:ު *hmuc

---

*me:h *moc

*mwi:

B

*me:B *moc

---

*mumB *me:B *moc

paddy

*na:[͈]

*hna:͈

*na:

*na:

*na:

mos. yngr bro

*n[r]a:ު

*hnҬ:ު

*na:ު

*na:ު

*na:ު

otter

to shoot dye

*na:k

*ӑҬ:

*ӑwʅmު

*hna:k

*hӑҬ:

*hӑomު

*na:k

---

*hӑwʅmު

*na:k

*na:k

---

*ӑum

C

*ӑҬ:

*ӑo:mC

(d)

silver

*ӔMʅn

*hӔʅn

*ӔMDQ

*ӔMDQ

*Ӕۣn

(e)

day

ӔMZʅn

KӔZʅn

ӔMZDQ

ӔMZDQ

ӔZDQ

(f)

tongue

*li:nު

*hli:nު

*li:nު

*li:nC

*li:nC

deep blood

*lҮʅk *la:c

*hlʅ:k *hla:c

*lҮak *lҬʅt

*lak *lҬʅt

*lҬk *lҬʅt

sesame

child

ӔUD

*lҬ:k

KӔҬ:

*hlҬ:k

ӔUD

*lҬ:k

ӔUD

*lҬk

Ӕa:

*lu:k

Examples of voiceless sonorants are given below34:

34

Many of these are animal names, and an animal prefix has been suggested to account for these (Ostapirat 1999, Thurgood 1988b).

232

(31)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

dog

Pࣞ D

*hma:

Pࣞ D

Pࣞ D

Pࣞ D

pig

Pࣞ X

*hmʅw

Pࣞ X

Pࣞ X

flea widow

Pࣞ ʅ[:]t

Pࣞ DM>Kު]

*hmʅ:t

*hmʅ:jު

Pࣞ DW

Pࣞ DM>Kު]

Pࣞ DW

Pࣞ DM

Pࣞ DW

Pࣞ X B

Pࣞ DMC

(b)

mouse

QࣞMX

*hniw

QࣞX

QࣞX

QࣞX

(c)

grey hair

Ӕw ࣞ ʅ:k

KӔXN

Ӕw ࣞ ʅ:k

*hu:k

ӔRࣞ N

(d)

many

ODࣞ M

*hlʅ:j

ODࣞ M

ODࣞ M

ODࣞ M

Hlai: (32)

above

QࣞҬʅ

*hnҬ:

---

---

QࣞҬʅ

The items in (32) are examples of loose lateral clusters in which the first member was lost in

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

fish

*p-la:

*hla:

*pla:

*pla:

*pla:

spittle

*m-la:j

*hlʅ:j

*m-la:j

*mla:j

*m-la:j

The autonym in (34) is in variation between PHl *hl and PTai *d; if these two forms are truly cognate, then an original lateral may be implied which hardened irregularly to *d in Tai. (34)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

autonym

*[l]ʅj

*hlʅj

*daj

*daj

*daj

4.1.4.2 Medial Nasals and Laterals PHl medial nasal and lateral correspondence sets also split into two series. When the

correspondence is with a voiceless PTai sonorant, a voiceless presyllable initial is reconstructed. When it

was with a plain PTai sonorant, a voiced presyllable initial is reconstructed. There appears to have been a constraint in PTai on the devoicing of a retroflex sonorant; items with these medials are listed in the voiceless series by default, with the caveat that the voicing status of the presyllable initial is ambiguous:

233

(35)

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

*C-m

*C-m

*Pࣞ

*Pࣞ

*Pࣞ

*C-ә

*C-n

*ә

*ә

*n

*C-n

*C-n

*C-Ӕ *C-l

*C-Ӕ *C-l

*Cil

*Ӕࣞ

O ࣞ

*hlj

*C-ѱ

O ࣞ

*C-l

*Ciѱ (b)

*Qࣞ

*ѱ

*hlj

*CV-m35 *C -n

*ѱ

*C -ӑ V

*CV-Ӕ *C -l

O ࣞ *ѱ *ѱ

*Ӕࣞ

O ࣞ

O ࣞ *l *l

*m

*m

*m

*C-ӑ

*ӑ

*ӑ

*ӑ

*n

*C-Ӕ

*Ӕ

*C-l

V

*Ӕࣞ

O ࣞ

*Qࣞ

*C-m *C-n

V

*Qࣞ

*l

*n *Ӕ *l

*n *Ӕ *l

The development of these two series in PHl is given below. Retroflex sonorants merged with alveolars in Pre-Hlai, while voiced presyllable initials devoiced: (36)

PWKT

(a)

*C-m *C-n

> >

*C-m *C-n

> >

*C-m *C-n

*C-Ӕ

>

*C-Ӕ

>

*C-Ӕ

*C-ә *C-l *Cil *C-ѱ *Ciѱ (b)

> > > > >

*CV-m > *C -n V

*C -ӑ V

*C -Ӕ *CV-l V

35

Pre-Hlai

> > > >

*C-n *C-l *lj *C-l *lj

Proto-Hlai

> > > > >

*C-n *C-l *hlj *C-l *hlj

*C-m

>

*C-m

*C-ӑ

>

*C-ӑ

*C-n *C-Ӕ *C-l

> > >

*C-n *C-Ӕ *C-l

CV here represents an originally voiced initial in a sesquisyllabic form.

234

(37) (a)

(b)

The following are examples of medial nasals preceded by originally voiceless initials: Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(flesh of) fruit

*C-ma:k

*C-ma:k

Pࣞ DN

Pࣞ DN

Pࣞ DN

grow up

*C-ma:[ު]

*C-ma:

Pࣞ Dު

Pࣞ D

Pࣞ DC

bear

*C-mwҬj

*C-muj

Pࣞ ZҬj

Pࣞ Ҭʅj C

Pࣞ L

thick

*C-na:

*C-na:

QࣞD

QࣞD

QࣞD

this

*C-ni:[͈/ު]

*C-ni:͈

Qࣞi:ު

Qࣞi:C

Qࣞi:C

skin

*C-nʅ[:]Ӕ

*C-nʅӔ

QࣞDӔ

QࣞDӔ

QࣞDӔ

(b)

water

*C-әʅmު

*C-nʅmު

*әamު

*әamC

namC

(c)

gill

*CiӔa:k

*C-Ӕa:k

ӔҬ ࣞ ʅk

ӔҬ ࣞ ʅk

ӔҬ ࣞ ʅk

cry

*t-Ӕi:ު

*C-Ӕi:ު

*t-hajު

*tajC

*hajC

(d)

bamboo shoot

goose

*C-Ӕa:n͈

*C-nҬӔ

*C-ӔDQ͈

---

*ha:nh

*әa:Ӕ

*ha:nB

---

*ha:nB

big far

*C-luʅӔ *k-lʅj

*C-OXӔ *C-lʅj

--*klaj

--*klaj

OXࣞ ʅӔ *klaj

yellow

&LODӔ

*hlja:Ӕ

---

---

O ࣞҬʅӔ

leech

SLOLӔ

KOMLӔ

SOLӔ

SOLӔ

SOLӔ

drum (e)

*C-әDӔ

remainder gadfly

*k-l-

*Cila: *Cila:k

*C-lʅӔ

*hlja: *hlja:k

*kloӔ

O ࣞҬʅ

O ࣞҬʅk

*kloӔ

O ࣞҬʅ

O ࣞҬʅk

*kloӔ

O ࣞҬʅ

O ࣞҬʅk

(f)

fingernail firefly

*Ciѱe[:]p *C-ѱip

*C-li:p *C-lip

*ѱje:p ---

*ѱi:p *ѱip

*lep ---

(g)

steal

*Ciѱʅk

*hljok

*ѱak

*ѱak

*lak

The following are examples of medial nasals preceded by originally voiced initials:

235

(38)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

yam

*CV-mʅn

*C-mʅn

*man

*man

*man

*C-mҬ:

*mwҬ:

*mwҬ:

*mҬ:

you

hand cat

*C -mҬ: V

*C umҬ: V

*C -me:w[͈] V

*C-mҬ: *C-mi:w͈

---

*me:w

---

*me:w

*maҮ *me:w

(b)

younger sib

*CV-nuoӔ>͈/ު]

*C-n[o/u]Ӕ͈

*nuoӔު

*nuʅӔު

*no:Ӕު

(c)

mosquito

*CV-ӑX>@Ӕ

*C-ӑu:Ӕ

*ӑXӔ

*ӑXӔ

*ӑXӔ

sew

*C -ӑʅp V

*C-ӑʅp

*ӑjep

*ӑip

*ӑep

(d)

branch (road)

*CV-ӔD>ު/͈]

*C-Ӕa:ު

---

---

ӔDB

(e)

forget

*CV-lҬ:m[͈]

*C-lҬ:m͈

*lҬ:m

*lum

*lҬ:m

*hljip

---

---

*m-le:p

mute

sickle

lightning

*CV-Ӕwʅm[ު]

*C -liʅm V

*mile[:]p

*C-Ӕom

*C-li:m

ӔZDPު

*liʅm

ӔZDPC

*liʅm

ӔZDPC

*liʅm

A few exceptions which may be cognate include the following: (39)

Gloss

PWKT

Proto-Hlai

PT

PNT

PST

(a)

head hair

*p-[ә]om

*C-[ә]om

*prom

*prom

*phrom

(b)

stinger

*m-lʅj

*C-nʅj

*m-laj

*laj

*m-laj

(c)

moon

*P-݂a:n

*C-ӑa:n

*ުblҬʅn

*ުblҬʅn

*ުblҬʅn

(d)

child

*C-[d/l]ek

*C-lik

---

---

*ުdek

The reconstruction of the PHl form for head hair (39a) is very tentative. PHl *C-[ә] is

reconstructed based on Bouhin and Ha Em forms which indicate *hn and Moyfaw and Baisha forms which indicate *‫ ר‬-- they may not be cognate. If this reconstruction is correct, than lenition of

intervocalic *ә to *r in PT may be postulated. If cognate with the PTai form, the PHl word stinger (39b) represents a rare coalescence of a nasal and alveolar lateral. The case of moon (39c) is problematic, in that it must assume a shift in Pre-Hlai from *݂ to *ӑ; the two forms may not be cognate. If the two

236 words for child (39d) are cognate, either an irregular lenition must be assumed in Hlai or an irregular fortition in Tai.

Finally, there is one comparison which is probably irregular due to borrowing from Chinese occurring at different times (see OC *[N-kʅ.]rޯanު for the rhotic in PST): (40)

Gloss

MC

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

lazy

懶 *lanު

*C-la:nު

---

---

*gra:nC

4.1.4.3 *m-l Clusters This series of PHl laterals participates in an extremely heterogeneous group of correspondences

with PTai, and it appears that in at least some cases the PHl labial nasal may be secondary. The PWKT reconstructions below are extremely tentative: (41)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

swim ~ float

*[m-]lwʅ:j

*m-li:

---

---

*lo:j

(b)

termite

*m-lu[ʅ]k

*m-lu:k

*plu[ʅ]k

*pluk

*pluʅk

(b)

near

*-lҬ:ު

*m-lҬ:ު

*klaҮު

*klaҮC

*klaҮC

In the (41a), the original nasal was not retained in PTai, if it indeed existed in PWKT. In the case of (41b), it appears that a tight cluster formed in Pre-Tai, giving rise to an excrescent stop which devoiced by the time of PTai (*ml > *mbl > *bl > *pl). Finally, in the case of (41c), it appears as

though there is an original root *-lҬ:ު which was prefixed independently in each of the two branches of PWKT.

4.1.5 Rhotics Comparison with Proto-Tai shows that Proto-Hlai retains evidence for two series of rhotics at the retroflex and uvular places of articulation, respectively. In some cases it can also be shown that the PWKT retroflex lateral *ѱ lenited to *r when part of a tight cluster. PWKT *‫ ׮‬appears to have merged with *hr by the time of Proto-Hlai unless the latter followed schwa, in which case it developed in the

same way as *CʅJ7KLVLVWKHVDPHWKLQJWKDWKDSSHQHGLQWKH1RUWK6DUDZDNODQJXDJH,GD·DQ%HJDN where Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *‫ ׮‬merged with reflexes of *̥ following schwa (for the reinterpretation of traditional PAn *g as *̥ see Norquest & Downey (2013)):

237

(42)

Gloss

PMP

PNS

,GD·DQ%HJDN

(a)

gong

*ʅ̥XӔ

---

JNXӔ

(b)

heavy

*bʅ‫׮‬ʅqat

*bʅ‫׮‬at

bʅgkat

core of tree

*tʅ‫׮‬as

*tʅ‫׮‬as

tʅgkas

rattan sp. gulp, drink

rustle, rustling

*sʅ̥a *tʅ̥uk

-----

*dʅ‫׮‬ʅs

---

sʅgko tʅgkuk

rʅgkos

The correspondences for PHl rhotics are given below: (43)

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

*r

*hr

*r

*r

*r

*kѱ *Cʅ‫׮‬

*hr *k

*kѱ *[K-]‫׮‬

*kr *hr

*kl *[K-]‫׮‬

The development of the rhotic phonemes (including medial *ѱ) from PWKT to PHl is shown below (44)

PWKT

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*r

>

*r

>

*hr

*‫׮‬ *Cʅ‫׮‬

> >

*‫׮‬ *Cʅުg

> >

*hr *k

*C-ѱ

>

*C-r

>

*C-r

Examples of rhotics are given in (45). Initial retroflex rhotics are shown in (45a), rhotics which

are part of clusters in (45b), rhotics derived from retroflex laterals in (45c), and uvular rhotics in (45d):

238

(45)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

house

*rwa:n

*hrҬ:n

*rwa:n

*ra:n

*rҬʅn

bran

*ram

*hrom

*ram

*ram

*ram

we (incl) banyan know

(b)

*ru: *ri:

*Curʅ:[ު]

*hru: *hri:

*CuhrҬ:

*raw *raj

*rwo:ު

*raw *raj

*ro:C

*raw *raj

*ru:C

taro

*pira:k

*hra:k

*prҬʅk

*prҬʅk

*phrҬʅk

ask

*c-ra:m

*hra:m

*cra:m

*cra:m

*tha:m

spicy hot

*p-ret

*hrit

---

---

*phret

(c)

head/hairknot

*kuѱʅwު

*Cuhrʅwު

*kѱawު

*krawC

*klawC

(d)

laugh

*qi‫׮‬a:w

*hrja:w

*q‫[׮‬Ҭʅw]

*hriʅw

*qh‫׮‬uʅ

Examples of uvular rhotics preceded by schwa are given below: (46)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

road yawn

*Cʅ‫׮‬o[:]n *tʅ‫׮‬a:w

*ku:n *ka:w

*‫׮‬on *t‫׮‬a:w

*hron *hra:w

*hon *C-‫׮‬a:w

machete

*Ϻ-mʅ‫׮‬a:ު

*ka:ު

*Ϻmra:ު

*Ϻra:ު

*bra:ު

jar ~ steamer

(47)

*qʅ‫׮‬ʅj

*kʅj

*q‫׮‬aj

*hraj

There are two examples of PWKT clusters where the uvular liquid was lost in Hlai:

*qh‫׮‬aj

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

dove ribs

*k-‫׮‬u: *k-‫׮‬a:Ӕު

*khu: *kha:Ӕު

*k‫׮‬aw ---

*hraw ---

*kh‫׮‬aw *kh‫׮‬a:ӔC

In several other cases, a high front vowel or glide appears to have conditioned an irregular shift

in Pre-Hlai from retroflex and uvular liquids to various alveolar segments; not all of the following examples may be valid, and the PWKT forms are tentative, but there are enough examples to suggest a pattern:

239

(48)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

chaff

*k-ѱe:p

*hli:p

*k-ѱe:p

*ѱe[:]p

*kle:p

sieve mushroom

*ki‫׮‬ʅӔ *Cu‫׮‬et

*hljoӔ *Ȯit

*k‫׮‬ҮDӔ *‫׮‬wet

KUDӔ *hret

*kh‫׮‬ҬӔ *hrwet

centipede

*k-re[:]p

*‫ר‬i:p

---

---

*khrep

4.1.6 Glides There is only one Proto-Hlai word with a glide that has a potential cognate in Proto-Tai, and the

correspondence is irregular: (49)

Gloss

village

PWKT

PHl

*Cʅ[ުb/w]a:n[ު] *C-wa:n

PTai

*ުba:nު

PNT

*ުba:nC

PST

*ުba:nC

It is unclear whether this should be reconstructed to the level of PWKT ² if so, it presupposes either an irregular lenition in PHl or an irregular fortition in PTai. 4.1.7 Interim Summary Through the comparison of PHl with PTai, it is possible to reconstruct a general first

approximation of the PWKT initials. There is evidence that the PWKT prosodic word inventory was essentially the same as that posited for Pre-Hlai and Proto-Hlai, consisting of both monosyllabic and

sesquisyllabic words. The number of exceptional examples to otherwise general correspondence sets

indicates that the evolution of initials in the various branches of PWKT has not always been similar, nor has it been without variation both between and within the daughter languages. The system of PWKT initials which has been reconstructed in this section is shown below (expected but unattested phonemes are placed in brackets):

240

(50)

PWKT Initial Consonants *p

*t

*f *v

*s *z

*b

*m [*w] *Pࣞ

> ࣞZ@

*d

*n *l

*ٍ

*r

ࣞn

[*c]

*k

*ç

*x *‫ۦ‬

*Ϻ

*ӑ [*j]

> ࣞӑ]

ࣞl

[*g]

*ӔZ

*q

*̥

*ު

*‫׮‬

ࣞӔZ

> Mࣞ@

PWKT Medial Consonants

*C-b *C-f

*C-m

*C-d *C-n *C-l

[*C-w] *CV-m *CV-n [*CV-w]

*CV-l

*C-ٍ

*C-Ȱ

*C-Ϻ

*C-g

*C-ӑ

*C-ӑ

*C-Ӕ

*C-ѱ

*C-r [*CV-ӑ] *CV-ӑ [*CV-ѱ]

*C-q

*C-̥ *C-‫ܡ‬

*C-ު

*C-‫׮‬ *CV-Ӕ

It is evident that the position of a consonant in a prosodic word has determined its evolution

from PWKT to PHl. This is most glaring in the case of obstruents, but the same is also true of sonorants, the latter being particularly permeable to vocalic transfer within sesquisyllabic words. The specific PreHlai changes which have been shown in the initials in this section will be discussed in section 4.3. The PWKT initial inventory itself is on balance more typologically normative than Hlai,

primarily because it has plain obstruents and sonorants in word-initial position where PHl has aspirated obstruents and preaspirated sonorants. It has one more place feature (uvular), but nothing that is

typologically irregular. The gaps which exist in word-initial position are not unusual. There is no evidence for retroflex voiced oral or nasal stops, a retroflex or uvular fricative series or a voiced palatal fricative; these are less

common places of articulation where gaps are more likely to occur. Glides are also missing, but this may

241 be an artifact of the comparative data since initial glides have a fairly low frequency in both Proto-Hlai and Proto-Tai. The gaps in medial position include most voiceless stops and fricatives, and glides are conspicuously absent here as well. 4.2 The Pre-Hlai Rimes This section is divided into three subsections. The first compares and discusses the PWKT tone categories. The second section is devoted to the open rimes, and the final section focuses on the closed rimes.

4.2.1 Tone Categories The correspondences between PHl and PTai tone categories are generally straightforward: (51)

PHl

PT

A

A

C D

C D

B

B

Pending more in-depth tonal reconstruction, the PTai tone categories B and C are reconstructed

here merely as *-h and *-ު respectively. Based on the PHl evidence presented in chapter 3, the PWKT tone categories can tentatively be reconstructed as the following: (52)

Tone

PWKT

PHl

PTai

A B

*‡ *-͈

*‡ *-͈

*‡ *-h

D

*-ުࢄC

*-ުࢄC

*-C

C

*-ު

*-ު

*-ު

This tentative reconstruction must await complete validation until the reconstruction of the Proto-

Tai tone system. Tone category letters will continue to be used with PNT and PST forms.

Although correspondences are largely regular, there are some exceptions. There are some cases

in which PHl tone A corresponds with PTai tone B or C and vice versa, possibly implying that the glottal feature was lost in one branch before it could participate in tonogenesis, while it was retained in the other branch:

242

(53)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

cradle

*ުu:[͈]

*ުu:

*ުu:h

*ުu:B

*ުu:B

stay, live at

*C-Ϻu:[͈]

*hjʅw

*ުju:h

*ުju:B

*ުju:B

(b)

piece, lump

paddy cat

forget (c)

*na:[͈]

*C -me:w[͈] V

*CV-lҬ:m[͈]

*thun

---

---

*to:nB

*hna:͈

*na:

*na:

*na:

*C-lҬ:m͈

*lҬ:m

*lum

*lҬ:m

*C-mi:w͈

*me:w

*me:w

*me:w

know

*Curʅ:[ު]

*CuhrҬ:

*rwo:ު

*ro:C

*ru:C

thread

*C[ʅު]da:j[ު]

*Ȯʅ:j

*C-da:jު

*C-da:jC

*ުda:jC

grow up mute

village (d)

*to[:]n[͈]

foam ~ bubble orange ~ red black

*C-ma:[ު]

*CV-Ӕwʅm[ު]

*C-ma:

*C-Ӕom

*Cʅ[ުb/w]a:n[ު] *C-wa:n

YRӔ>ު]

*C[ʅު]djeӔ>ު] *C[ʅު]dʅm[ު]

*fhXӔު *Ȯe:Ӕު *Ȯʅmު

Pࣞ Dު

ӔZDPު *ުba:nު ---

*C-djeӔ *C-dam

Pࣞ DC

ӔZDPC *ުba:n

C

---

*C-diӔ *C-dam

Pࣞ DC

ӔZDPC *ުba:nC

YRӔ

*ުGHӔ *ުdam

In other cases, PHl has tone B while PTai has tone C and vice versa. These cases are more

difficult to explain, and at least some of them may indicate cases of parallel borrowing from another

language family. Another possibility is that they are chance look-alikes which are not ultimately cognate: (54)

Gloss

(a)

PHl

PT

PNT

PST

stove *su:[ު/͈] pat. grandfather *pwu:[ު/h]

*shu:ު *phu:ު

--*pwawh

*sawh *pawB

--*pu:B

fork (road)

*C-Ӕa:ު

---

---

ӔDB

mother

*me:[ު/͈]

beard hole ~ crack

*mҬ[:]m[ު/͈] *Ϻo:Ӕ>ު/͈]

widow (b)

PWKT

*CV-ӔD>ު/͈]

*Pࣞ a:j[ު/͈]

*hmi:ު

*hmҬ:mު *tçhu:Ӕު *hmʅ:jު

*me:h

*mumh *Ϻo:ӔK

Pࣞ DM>Kު]

*me:B

*mumB *Ϻo:ӔB

Pࣞ DMB

*me:B *mumB *Ϻo:ӔB

Pࣞ DMC

this open (mouth)

*C-ni:[͈/ު] *Cuުa:[͈/ު]

*C-ni:͈ *Cuުa:͈

Qࣞi:ު *ުa:ު

Qࣞi:C *ުa:C

Qࣞi:C *ުa:C

step across

*C-‫ܡ‬DP>͈/ު]

*͈a:m͈

*xa:mު

*ha:mC

*xa:mC

younger sib

*CV-nuoӔ>͈/ު]

*C-n[o/u]Ӕ͈

*nuoӔު

*nuʅӔު

*no:Ӕު

243

4.2.2 Open Rimes Although correspondences between PHl and PTai low open rimes *a: are relatively

straightforward, there is a high degree of variation in the high open rimes in terms of variation between pure vowels and diphthongs. These two categories will therefore be treated separately.

4.2.2.1

High Open Rimes There are three sets of correspondences which occur between PHl high open rimes and PTai:

(55)

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

*i:

*i:

*aj

*aj

*aj

*u:

*u:

*aw

*aw

*aw

*Ҭ:

*Ҭ:

*aҮ

*aҮ

*aҮ

(b)

*i:

*i:

*i:

*i:

*i:

(c)

*wi:

*i:

*wi:

*i:

*aj

*wu:

*u:

*wu:

*aw

*u:

*Ҭ: *u:

*wҬ:

*Ҭ: *u:

*Ҭ:

*Ҭ: *u:

*wҬ:

*Ҭ: *u:

*Ҭ:

*Ҭ: *u:

*aҮ

(55a) appears to be the most common and regular correspondence set, in which the high open

vowels diphthongized at the level of Proto-Tai. (55b) is more restricted, and includes examples of PT

forms in which high vowels did not undergo this regular diphthongization; this category includes two function words (this and 1st person) which actually show variation in the Tai daughter languages between pure and diphthongized forms. (55c) is also a restricted category in which diphthongization occurred in

one branch of Tai but not the other; coarticulations are tentatively reconstructed on the preceding initial to account for this variation. Examples are given below in (56-58):

244

(56)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

snail

*çi:

*tçhi:

---

*saj

---

cry

banyan (b)

*ri:

*C-Ӕi:ު *hri:

*t-hajު *raj

*taj

*tҬ:ު

*thҬ:ު

*taҮު

*taҮC

you

*CV-mҬ:

*C-mҬ:

---

---

leaf

turtle

headlouse stove

we (incl) dove

*CʅުbҬ: *-lҬ:ު *tu:͈

*Cuٍu:

*su:[ު/͈] *ru:

*k-‫׮‬u:

*ƷҬ:

*m-lҬ:ު *thu:͈

*Cuٍ‫ ؛‬u: h

*shu:ު *hru: *k u: h

*ުbaҮ *klaҮު

*hajC

*raj

below

near (c)

*t-Ӕi:ު

C

*raj

*ުbaҮ *klaҮ

C

*taҮC

*ުbaҮ *maҮ

*klaҮC

*tawh

*tawh

*tawh

---

*sawh

---

*traw *raw

*k‫׮‬aw

*hraw *raw

*hraw

*thraw *raw

*kh‫׮‬aw

(57)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

this

*C-ni:[͈/ު]

*C-ni:͈

Qࣞi:ު

Qࣞi:C

Qࣞi:C

(b)

navel

*PuȰҬ:

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:

*ުblҬ:

*ުblҬ:

*ުblҬ:

hand to shoot

*C umҬ: *ӑҬ: V

*C-mҬ: *hӑҬ:

*mwҬ: ---

*mwҬ: ---

*mҬ: *ӑҬ:

(c)

1st person

*[a]gu:

*͈u:

*ku:

*ku:

*ku:

(58)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

dirty sweat fire

*̥lwi: *vwi:

*khi: *fhi:

*̥lwi: *vwi:

*‫ۦ‬i: *vi:

*̥laj *vaj

(b)

dry

*xwҬ:͈

*khҬ:͈

*xwҬ:h

*hҬ:B

*xaҮB

(c)

pat. grandfather *pwu:[ު/h]

*phu:ު

*pwawh

*pawB

*pu:B

cradle

*ުu:[͈]

*ުu:

*ުu:h

*ުu:B

*ުu:B

245 There are two examples in which it appears an original PWKT sequence of glide-vowel was

reinterpreted in PHl as a diphthong: (59)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

drunk

*mwi:

*hmuj

---

*mwi:

---

mouse

QࣞMX

*hniw

QࣞX

QࣞX

QࣞX

Finally, there are a handful of more complex comparisons shown below in (60): (60)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

mother

*me:[ު/͈]

*hmi:ު

*me:h

*me:B

*me:B

(b)

swim ~ float

*[m-]lwʅ:j

*m-li:

---

---

*lo:j

(c)

know

*Curʅ:[ު]

*CuhrҬ:

*rwo:ު

*ro:C

*ru:C

(d)

return above

*mҬʅ

QࣞҬʅ

*hmҬ: *hnҬ:

-----

-----

*mҬʅ

QࣞҬʅ

(e)

mos. yngr bro

*n[r]a:ު

*hnҬ:ު

*na:ު

*na:ު

*na:ު

sesame

ӔUD

KӔҬ:

ӔUD

ӔUD

Ӕa:

With the exception of (60b), these all appear to be regular based on other comparisons with

closed rimes. PWKT mid vowels were normally raised to high vowels by the time of Proto-Hlai, the

PWKT dipthongs *iʅ, *Ҭʅ and *uʅ monophthongized in PHl to *i:, *Ҭ:, and *u: respectively, and *ʅ: and *a: following *r backed to *ۣ: and then raised again along with the other peripheral mid vowels. These developments are shown below: (60)

PWKT

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*e:

>

*e:

>

*i:

*Ҭʅ

>

*Ҭʅ

>

*Ҭ:

*wʅ:j *rʅ: *ra:

> > >

*we: *ۣ: *ۣ:

> > >

*i:

*Ҭ: *Ҭ:

246 4.2.2.2 Low Open Rimes Correspondences between PHl and PTai low open rimes are generally straightforward: (61)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

eye open (mouth)

*p-ٍa: *Cuުa:[͈/ު]

*ٍ‫؛‬ha: *Cuުa:͈

*p-tra: *ުa:ު

*p-ta: *ުa:C

*p-thra: *ުa:C

shoulder

*Caba:͈

*‫ڛ‬a:͈

*C-ba:h

*C-ba:B

*ުba:B

leg

thatch grass overflow cloud

paddy dog fish

grow up thick

fork (road) machete

*f-qa:

*Ciga:

*Cʅުba:͈ *va:ު

*na:[͈]

Pࣞ D

*p-la:

*C-ma:[ު] *C-na:

*C -ӔD>ު/͈] *Ϻ-mʅ‫׮‬a:ު V

*͈a:

*Ci͈a: *Ʒa:͈

*fha:ު

*hna:͈ *hma: *hla:

*C-ma: *C-na:

*C-Ӕa:ު *ka:ު

*f-qa: *‫ۦ‬a: -----

*na:

Pࣞ D

*pla:

Pࣞ Dު

QࣞD

--*Ϻmra:ު

*f-ka: *‫ۦ‬a: ---

*‫ۦ‬a:

*ުba:B

---

*va:C

*na:

*na:

Pࣞ D

*pla:

Pࣞ D

*xa:

C

QࣞD

--*Ϻra:ު

Pࣞ D

*pla:

Pࣞ DC

QࣞD

ӔDB *bra:ު

Complications only occurred when the PTai rime was preceded by a high glide (normally

resulting from a presyllable vowel leading to vocalic transfer across the medial consonant). In these cases, the glide and low vowel coalesced into a high-mid dipththong in either PNT (62a) or at the level of PTai (62 b-c): (62)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

cloud

*fja:ު

*fha:ު

*fja:ު

*fҬʅC

*fa:C

(b)

remainder

*Cila:

*hlja:

O ࣞҬʅ

O ࣞҬʅ

O ࣞҬʅ

(c)

boat

*CuȰa:

*Cu‫ר‬a:

*C-Ȱuʅ

*C-Ȱuʅ

*C-ȰҬʅ

medicine

*C-Ϻa:

*hja:

*ުja:

*ުjҬʅ

There is one more irregular form in which the Tai rime is presumed to be irregular:

*ުja:

247 (63)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

which

*CʅުȰ[a:]

*‫ר‬a:

---

---

*ުdaҮ

4.2.3 Closed Rimes In the case of the closed rimes, the one overarching question which can be asked is: what is the

origin of the length distinction in rimes? When the PHl data is compared with PT, there is a general

tendency (albeit with several exceptions) for vowel length to correlate. One possibility is that there may have been an inherited feature which existed in, and was inherited from, PWKT, that led to, but which was not itself, a length distinction. The most obvious candidate is stress, the presence of which is often typologically and phonetically associated with long rimes (see for example Hayes (1995)), and the

absence of which is associated with short rimes. Since it has been argued in the first half of this chapter that Pre-Hlai (and by inference its predecessor) possessed an inventory which included at the very least bisyllabic words, a stress distinction would have been possible (but would have necessarily preceded the shift to strict iambic rhythm). The other possibility is that the length distinction was already present in

Proto-Western Kam-Tai, was inherited in the daughter languages, and discrepancies which exist in length are due to secondary changes which occurred after the break-up of Western Kam-Tai into its daughter branches.

Given the available data, the first solution is the more economical one. Taking the item raw (67a

below) as an example, the difference in vowel length between PHl and PTaiFDQEHSURMHFWHGDVYDULDWLRQ LQVWUHVVEHWZHHQ &XGtS!3+O &X‫ר‬LS DQG &~GLS!37ai *C-dip). However, since this solution is rather tentative at present, the length discrepancies between PHl and PTai will merely be noted for now. Comparisons in this section are not subdivided according to the rime coda as was done in

chapter three, as there are not enough examples to justify this approach. The rime categories are instead grouped together by nucleus only.

4.2.3.1 High Front Rimes The correspondences for this category are given below: (64)

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

*i:C

*i:C

*i:C

*i:C

*i:C

*e:C

*i:C

*e:C

*e:C

*e:C

*iʅC *iC

*eC

*i:C *iC *iC

*iʅC *iC

*eC

*iʅC *iC

*eC

*iʅC *iC

*eC

248 The first major change which has occurred in this rime category has been the merger in Hlai of

the PWKT high and mid rimes, due to the raising of the latter category. The second is the monophthongization of the diphthong *iʅ: (65)

PWKT

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*i:C *iʅC

> >

*i:C *iʅC

> >

*i:C *i:C

*iC

>

*iC

>

*iC

*e:C *eC

> >

*i:C *iC

> >

*i:C *iC

This raises the question of why there still exist *e:C rimes in PHl (no short *eC rimes are

reconstructed). This question will be treated in section 4.2.6.

Examples of PWKT long high and mid front rimes and diphthongs are given below:

(66)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

take, carry tongue

*ٍi:wު *li:nު

*ٍ‫؛‬hi:wު *hli:nު

*tri:wު *li:nު

*hri:wC *li:nC

*thri:wC *li:nC

wing

*pi:k

*p i:k

---

---

*pi:k

stone

(b)

*ٍi:l

h

*tri:l

*hri:l

*thri:n

green cat

*xe:w *CV-me:w[͈]

*khi:w *C-mi:w͈

*xe:w *me:w

*he:w *me:w

*xe:w *me:w

chaff

*k-ѱe:p

*hli:p

*k-ѱe:p

*ѱe[:]p

*kle:p

arm

*qe:n

carry (shoulder) *Cʅުbe:k (c)

*tçhi:n

sickle

pull ~ stretch

*CV-liʅm *C-Ϻiʅt

*khi:n *Ʒi:k

*C-li:m *hji:t

*qe:n ---

*liʅm

*ު[j]iʅt

*ke:n ---

*liʅm *ުiʅt

*xe:n

*ުbe:k *liʅm *ުjiʅt

The following forms do not correspond in vowel length in one or more branches. The PST forms

in (67b) also indicate a mid vowel; note however that in both cases retroflex initials are involved which may have conditioned vowel lowering:

249 (67)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

raw

*Cudi[:]p

*Cu‫ר‬i:p

*C-dip

*C-dip

*ުdip

(b)

fingernail

*Ciѱe[:]p

*C-li:p

*ѱje:p

*ѱi:p

*lep

centipede

*k-re[:]p

*‫ר‬i:p

---

---

*khrep

Examples of PWKT short high and mid front rimes are given below: (68)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

taste

*Ϻim

*tçhim

*Ϻim

*Ϻim

*Ϻim

leech

SLOLӔ

KOMLӔ

SOLӔ

SOLӔ

SOLӔ

fly

firefly (b)

*Cʅުbil *C-ѱip

*Ʒin

*C-lip

*ުbil ---

*ުbil *ѱip

*ުbin ---

spicy hot

*p-ret

*hrit

---

---

*phret

child

*C-[d/l]ek

*C-lik

---

---

*ުdek

mushroom

*C[u]‫׮‬et

*Ȯit

*‫׮‬wet

*hret

*hrwet

The following forms are problematic in both in vowel length and height, and the reconstruction

of the PWKT reconstruction must therefore remain tentative: (69)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

wasp

*mite[:]l

*thin

*m-tje:l

*di:l

*p-te:n

lightning

*mile[:]p

*hljip

---

---

*m-le:p

4.2.3.2 High Back Unrounded Rimes There are no good examples of short rimes in this category. Correspondences are given below

(note that the only two examples of *ʅ:C in PTai have been colored by a preceding *u): (70)

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

*Ҭ:C *ҬʅC

*Ҭ:C *Ҭ:C

*Ҭ:C *ҬʅC

*Ҭ:C *ҬʅC

*Ҭ:C *ҬʅC

*uCʅ:C

*Ҭ:C

*wʅ:C

*o:C

*u:C

250 The changes which occurred between PWKT and PHl are the following: (71)

PWKT

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*Ҭ:C

>

*Ҭ:C

>

*Ҭ:C

*ʅ:C

>

*ۣ:C

>

*Ҭ:C

*ҬʅC

>

*ҬʅC

>

*Ҭ:C

Examples are given below: (72)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

forget

*CV-lҬ:m[͈]

*C-lҬ:m͈

*lҬ:m

*lum

*lҬ:m

*lҬ:k

*lҬk

*lu:k

shallow child

(b)

weave ~ loom bone

*tҬ:nު *lҬ:k

*Cuٍʅ:k

*Cudʅ:k

*t Ҭ[:]nު h

*hlҬ:k

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k *Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:k

---

*trwʅ:k

*C-dwʅ:k

---

*hro:k

*C-do:k

*tҬ:nC

*thru:k *ުdu:k

There are two cases in which the length between PHl and PTai rimes disagrees: (73)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

beard handspan

*mҬ[:]m[ު/͈] *CugҬ[:]p

*hmҬ:mު *Cu͈Ҭp

*mumh *‫ۦ‬Ҭ:p

*mumB *‫ۦ‬Ҭ:p

*mumB *‫ۦ‬Ҭ:p

There are two instances in which centralization of PWKT low rimes has been conditioned by a

retroflex initial (*a:C > *ۣ:C), after which the Hlai nuclei underwent regular raising: (74)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

house bamboo shoot

*rwa:n *C-әDӔ

*hrҬ:n *C-nҬӔ

*rwa:n ---

*ra:n *әa:Ӕ

*rҬʅn ---

Incidentally, some Middle Chinese loans in PHl imply that the rime *Ҭ:C is derived in at least

some cases from a form with an original sequence *jaC. Compare the below PHl forms with the Middle Chinese forms (Baxter & Sagart 2014) from which they are probably borrowed:

251 (75)

Gloss

PHl

MC

sword release

*kҬ:m͈ *phҬӔު

*kjæmh

SMDӔK

two (a pair)

*C-lҬӔ͈

OMDӔު

ginger

*khҬӔ

measure (rice)

*C-lҬӔު

*kjDӔ

OMDӔK

This presumes a similar situation with *ja: sequences in PT, where the original sequence *jaC first

coalesced to *ҬʅC in Pre-Hlai, and then underwent the regular shift to *Ҭ:C by the time of Proto-Hlai.

4.2.3.3 High Back Rounded Rimes In general, the correspondences in this rime category mirror those of the high front rimes: (76)

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

*u:C

*u:C

*u:C

*u:C

*u:C

*uC

*uC

*uC

*uC

*uC

*uʅC *o:C

*u:C *u:C

*wҬC

*uʅC *o:C

*uC

*oC

*wҬC

*uC

*oC

*uʅC *o:C *wҬC *oC

*uʅC *o:C *wʅC *oC

As with the high front rimes, there was a merger of the PWKT mid back rimes with the high

back rimes in Hlai, due to the raising of the mid back vowels to high back vowels; the diphthongs *uʅC and *wҬC also monophthongized to *u:C and *uC respectively: (77)

PWKT

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*u:C

>

*u:C

>

*u:C

*uC

>

*uC

>

*uC

*uʅC *o:C

> >

*wҬC > *oC

>

*uʅC *u:C

> >

*wҬC > *uC

>

*u:C *u:C *uC *uC

Examples of PWKT long high and mid back rounded rimes and diphthongs are given below. In

(78a) it is assumed that unrounding in PT was conditioned by the palatal initial:

252 (78)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

stand

*CʅުϺu:n

*tçu:n

*[ުj]Ҭ:n

(*ުdҬn)

*ުjҬ:n

(b)

hole ~ crack

*Ϻo:Ӕ>ު/͈]

*tçhu:Ӕު

*Ϻo:ӔK

*Ϻo:ӔB

*Ϻo:ӔB

foam ~ bubble

YRӔ>ު]

*f XӔު

---

---

YRӔ

(c)

wart

termite

*so:[c/t]

*m-lu[ʅ]k

*shu:c h

*m-lu:k

---

*plu[ʅ]k

---

*so:t

*pluk

*pluʅk

The following forms do not correspond in vowel length: (79)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

mosquito

*CV-ӑX>@Ӕ

*C-ӑu:Ӕ

*ӑXӔ

*ӑXӔ

*ӑXӔ

(b)

tree (clsfr)

*to[:]nު

*thu:nު

---

---

*tonC

road

*Cʅ‫׮‬o[:]n

*ku:n

*‫׮‬on

*hron

*hon

fart

*k-to[:]c

*thu:[t/c]

*k-toc

*hroc

*toc

The PNT and PST rimes in the following two examples do not correspond in height, and the

PWKT reconstruction must remain tentative: (80)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

grey hair

Ӕw ࣞ ʅ:k

KӔXN

Ӕw ࣞ ʅ:k

*hu:k

ӔRࣞ N

marrow

below:

*ުwʅ:k

*ުu:k

*ުwʅ:k

*ުu:k

*ުo:k

Examples of PWKT short high and mid back rounded rimes and the diphthong *wҬC are given

253 (81)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

to dig turbid

*Cigut *Cʅުgun͈

*Ci͈ut *kun͈

-----

*‫ۦ‬ut ---

--*xunB

(b)

ant

*moc

*hmuc

*moc

*moc

*moc

(c)

bear

*C-mwҬj

*C-muj

Pࣞ ZҬj

Pࣞ Ҭʅj

Pࣞ L

rain

*C-fwҬn

*f un

*C-fwҬn

*C-fwҬn

*fwʅn

bamboo basket

person body hair

*CʅުEXӔ

*̥wҬn

*puqwҬl

*ƷXӔ

*khun h

*Cu͈un

---

*̥wҬn

*p-qwҬl

---

*‫ۦ‬wҬn *pwҬl

*ުEXӔ

*gwʅn *xon

There are three cases in which the length between PHl and PTai disagree; in (82b) it is the PHl

form which is irregular: (82)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

piece, lump teach

*to[:]n[͈] *so[:]l

*thun *shun

--*so:l

--*so:l

*to:nB *so:n

(b)

big

*CV-luʅӔ

*C-OXӔ

---

---

OXࣞ ʅӔ

4.2.3.4 Front Mid Rimes PHl *e:C rimes are exceptions to the rule that all front mid vowels raised to front high vowels in

Pre-Hlai, which presents a conundrum. There are in fact only eight robust examples of PHl long front mid rimes, only one of them having a PT cognate: (83)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

orange ~ red

*C[ʅު]djeӔ>ު]

*Ȯe:Ӕު

*C-djeӔ

*C-diӔ

*ުGHӔ

Some of these may ultimately be loans from Chinese, which entered Pre-Hlai after peripheral

vowel raising and main-syllable aspiration:

254 (84)

Gloss

PHl

MC

OC

flat board

*Ʒe:n͈ *Ʒe:n͈

*penު < *pænު
H@Ӕ͈

<
Kު]

*hmʅ:jު

Pࣞ DM>Kު]

Pࣞ DMB

Pࣞ DMC

spittle

*m-la:j

*hlʅ:j

*m-la:j

*mla:j

many

thread

*O ࣞa:j

*C[ʅު]da:j[ު]

*hlʅ:j *Ȯʅ:j

ODࣞ M

*C-da:jު

ODࣞ M

*C-da:j

ODࣞ M

*m-la:j C

*ުda:jC

There is only one other potential PTai cognate with a PHl form in *ʅ:j. The expected PHl

correspondence of PTai HZRXOGEH LEXWLW·VSRVVLEOHWKHSUHFHGLQJXYXODUUKRWLFLQIOXHQFHGLW·V

development. It is also possible that this is an early loan from Old Chinese, borrowed independently in each branch. (88)

Gloss

OC

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

cast-net

羅 *rޯaj

*hrʅ:jު

*q‫׮‬e:

*hre:

*qh‫׮‬e:

There is one other example of a PHl mid vowel rime corresponding to a PTai low vowel rime. If

cognate, it can be postulated that the original low vowel was raised in Pre-Hlai under the influence of the preceding rhotic, but to *ʅ: instead of *ۣ:: (89)

Gloss

PWKT

deceive ~ cheat EUDӔ

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

*phʅӔ

EUDӔ

EUDӔ

EUDӔ

Examples of the short mid central rimes are given below:

256 (90)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

autonym far

*[l]ʅj *k-lʅj

*hlʅj *C-lʅj

*daj *klaj

*daj *klaj

*daj *klaj

jar ~ steamer

*qʅ‫׮‬ʅj

*kʅj

*q‫׮‬aj

*hraj

*qh‫׮‬aj

stinger

horn head/hairknot old

bruised black

water

dream tooth seed

silver day

yam

face ~ nose extinguish

*m-lʅj

*r-qʅw *kuѱʅwު *kʅw͈ *Ϻʅmު

*C[ʅ]dʅm[ު] *C-әʅmު *fʅn

*vjʅn

*N-fʅn *ӔMʅn

ӔMZʅn

*C -mʅn V

*CʅުdʅӔ *Cʅު[d/Ϻ]ʅp

*C-nʅj *͈ʅw *Cuhrʅwު *khʅw͈

*tç ʅmު h

*Ȯʅmު

*C-nʅmު *fhʅn

*f jʅn h

*f ʅn h

*hӔʅn

KӔZʅn

*C-mʅn *ȮʅӔ *tçʅp

*m-laj *r-qaw *kѱawު *kawh *Ϻamު

*C-dam *әamު ---

*van

*N-fan *ӔMDQ

ӔMZDQ *man

*ުGDӔ *ުdap

*laj

*m-laj

*kaw *krawC *kawB *Ϻam

C

*C-dam *әam

C

---

*van *fan

*ӔMDQ

*ӔMZDQ *man

*ުGDӔ *ުdap

*r-xaw *klawC *kawB *ϺamC

*ުdam namC *fan

*van *van

*Ӕۣn

ӔZDQ *man

*ުGDӔ *ުdap

There are two sets of exceptions in this class as well. The first (91a) are probably original pure

high vowels which have diphthongized irregularly in Hlai. The second (91b) have irregular high or front vowels in PTai or its daughters, all of which can tentatively be explained by postulating a preceding or final palatal consonant. (91)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

gall bladder

*Pʅުdi:

*Ȯʅj

*ުbli:

*ުbli:

*ުbli:

you (pl)

*su:

*s ʅw

*su:

*su:

*su:

stay, live at pig

(b)

sew

eat ~ feed (n.) louse (body)

*C-Ϻu:[͈]

Pࣞ X *CV-ӑʅp *kʅӑ

*m-d[ʅ݂]

*hjʅw h

*hmʅw *C-ӑʅp *k ʅn h

*t ʅn h

*ުju:h

Pࣞ X

*ުju:h

Pࣞ X

*ުju:h

Pࣞ X

*ӑjep

*ӑip

*ӑep

*mlel

*mlel

*mlen

*kҬӑ

*kҬn

*kin

In the case of drumWKHULPHFDQ·WEHUHFRQVWUXFWHGSRVVLEO\EHFDXVHERWK3+ODQG37ai have

borrowed this item independently from Mon-Khmer:

257 (92)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

drum

*k-l-

*C-lʅӔ

*kloӔ

*kloӔ

*kloӔ

4.2.3.6 Mid Back Rimes PHl *oC generally corresponds with PTai *o[:]C and *wʅ[:]C. Examples are given below: (93)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

head hair

*p-[ә]om

*C-[ә]om

*prom

*prom

*phrom

fall, drop

*tok

*thok

*tok

*tok

*tok

winnow basket

*CʅުdoӔު

*ȮoӔު

*ުGRӔު

*ުGRӔC

*ުGRӔC

(b)

thing

*Cʅުgo>@Ӕ

NRӔ

[RӔ

[RӔ

[RӔ

(c)

itch

*‫ۦ‬wʅm

*khom

*‫ۦ‬wʅm

*‫ۦ‬um

*‫ۦ‬om

(d)

dye

*ӑwʅ[:]mު

*hӑomު

*hӑwʅ:mު

*ӑumC

*ӑo:mC

in cupped hands *ko[:]p

*khop

---

---

*ko:p

The next most common correspondence with PHl *oC is PTai *aC. In some cases, the the PHl

vowel may have been colored by a preceding retroflex of uvular consonant: (94)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(e)

dive

*Cʅު[d/Ϻ][ʅ]m

*tçom

---

---

*ުdam

steal

*Ciѱʅk

*hljok

*ѱak

*ѱak

*lak

(b)

mute bran

sieve

*CV-Ӕwʅm[ު] *rʅm

*ki‫׮‬ʅӔ

*C-Ӕom *hrom

*hljoӔ

ӔZDPު *ram

*k‫׮‬ҮDӔ

There are two exceptions to the correspondence sets above:

ӔZDPC *ram

KUDӔ

ӔZDPC *ram

*kh‫׮‬ҬӔ

258 (95)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

younger sib

*CV-nuoӔ>͈/ު]

*C-n[o/u]Ӕ͈

*nuoӔު

*nuʅӔު

*no:Ӕު

(b)

carry in arms

*ު[u]mު

*ުomު

*ުumު

*ުumު

*ުumު

4.2.3.7 Low Rimes There are two primary kinds of correspondences between PHl *a:C and PTai rimes: those with

and without the complications of vocalic transfer from preceding high front vowels (or in a couple of cases influence from a palatal initial or final consonant). These series are given below: (96)

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

*a:C

*a:C

*a:C

*a:C

*a:C

*a:C

*a:C

*ҬʅC

*ҬʅC

*ҬʅC

The first series is by far the most numerous, and is uncomplicated. The second series can be

reconstructed as sesquisyllabic forms which had an initial high vowel that conditioned vocalic transfer and ultimate raising of the final vowel in PTai. Examples are given below:

259 (97)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

fishy granary

*̥ra:w *C-Ϻa:wު

*kha:w *hja:wު

*̥ra:w *ުja:wު

*‫ۦ‬a:w *ުjiʅwު

*̥ra:w *ުja:wު

white

*xa:w

*k a:w

*xa:w

*ha:w

*xa:w

star

yawn step across ask

saddle goose

village basin chin ribs

*CʅުȰa:w *tʅ‫׮‬a:w *C-‫ܡ‬DP>͈/ު] *c-ra:m *ުa:n

*C-Ӕa:n͈

land leech

pestle ~ pound otter (flesh of) fruit (b)

h

*ka:w *͈a:m͈ *hra:m *ުa:n

*C-ӔDQ͈

*Cʅ[ުb/w]a:n[ު] *C-wa:n *ުDӔ͈

*ުDӔ͈

*k-‫׮‬a:Ӕު

*k a:Ӕު

*C-̥DӔ

carry (shoulder) *ٍa:p bathe

*‫ר‬a:w

*ުa:p

*N-ta:k *ça:k *na:k

*C-ma:k

*͈DӔ h

*ٍ‫ ؛‬a:p h

*ުa:p

*t a:k h

*tç a:k *hna:k h

*C-ma:k

*ުȰa:w

*t‫׮‬a:w *xa:mު *cra:m *ުa:n

*ha:nh

*ުba:nު *ުDӔK *̥DӔ ---

*tra:p *ުa:p

*N-ta:k *sa:k *na:k

Pࣞ DN

*ުȰa:w

*hra:w *ha:mC *cra:m *ުa:n

*ha:n

B

*ުba:nC *ުDӔB *‫ۦ‬DӔ ---

*hra:p *ުa:p

*[t/d]a:k *sa:k *na:k

Pࣞ DN

*ުda:w

*C-‫׮‬a:w *xa:mC *tha:m *ުa:n

*ha:nB

*ުba:nC *ުDӔB

JDӔ

*kh‫׮‬a:ӔC *thra:p *ުa:p

*da:k *sa:k *na:k

Pࣞ DN

laugh

*qi‫׮‬a:w

*hrja:w

*q‫[׮‬Ҭʅw]

*hriʅw

*qh‫׮‬uʅ

blood

*la:c

*hla:c

*lҬʅt

*lҬʅt

*lҬʅt

moon yellow gill

gadfly taro

*P-݂a:n

&LODӔ

*CiӔa:k *Cila:k *pira:k

*C-ӑa:n *hlja:Ӕ *C-Ӕa:k *hlja:k *hra:k

*ުblҬʅn -- ӔҬ ࣞ ʅk

O ࣞҬʅk *prҬʅk

*ުblҬʅn -- ӔҬ ࣞ ʅk

O ࣞҬʅk *prҬʅk

*ުblҬʅn

O ࣞҬʅӔ

ӔҬ ࣞ ʅk

O ࣞҬʅk *phrҬʅk

The centralization of the PTai nucleus in the items moon and blood may not be due to vocalic

transfer, but rather to influence from an initial palatal (moon) or final palatal (blood). There are two exceptional forms: (98)

Gloss

PWKT

PHl

PTai

PNT

PST

(a)

millet

*fja:Ӕު

*fha:Ӕު

*fja:Ӕު

*fҬʅӔC

IDӔC

(b)

excrement

*N-qҮʅjު

*͈a:jު

*N-qҮajު

*‫ۦ‬ajު

*N-qi:ު

260 In the case of millet, the palatal coarticulation of the initial has led to centralization only in PNT.

In excrement, the expected PHl reflex is *ʅ:j, but this may have lowered under the influence of the preceding uvular initial.

4.2.3.8 Interim Summary The comparison of PHl rimes with those of PTai, as in the case of the initials, uncovers a core group of regular correspondences as well as a smaller but significant group of exceptions. This includes the tone categories, which generally match up regularly, but occasionally include mismatches between branches.

The tentative inventory of PWKT rimes, reconstructed here, which developed into the PHl rimes

is the following: (99)

Open rimes *i:

(*e:)

*Ҭ: *ʅ:

*u:

*a:

*Ҭʅ Closed rimes *i:C *iC

*Ҭ:C *ҬC

*u:C *uC

*eC

*ʅC

*oC

*e:C *ʎ:C *iʅC

*ʅ:C *a:C

*ҬʅC

*o:C

*uʅC

The most significant finding in this section is that the PWKT mid vowels underwent raising in Pre-Hlai, merging with their high counterparts by the time of Proto-Hlai. It has also been hypothesized

that some PHl peripheral mid vowels reflect original low vowels which raised to mid vowels, filling the gap left by the original mid vowels.

The reconstruction of the PWKT rime inventory ultimately reveals an eight-vowel system, with three levels of height and backness, the diphthongs *iʅ, *Ҭʅ, and *uʅ, and a length distinction. The *ʎ:C category is still marginal, and if ignored leaves a seven-vowel system.

261 4.3 Changes Between Pre-Hlai and Proto-Hlai The goal of this section is to move through the various changes which occurred after PWKT in Pre-Hlai, leading ultimately to the inventory of initials and rimes reconstructible for Proto-Hlai. For

every different change, the motivation for and mechanisms by which the change may have taken place are described if possible; consequences of the change are stated; and typologically relevant example from other languages are also provided. 4.3.1 Elimation of Uvulars At some point in Pre-Hlai, uvular became defunct as a place of articulation. Evidence was

presented above, based on the PTai evidence, for the presence of the following categories in PWKT: *q,

*C-q, *̥, *C-̥, *C-‫ܡ‬DQG &ʅ‫׮‬. The members of this category all initially merged with the velar series (systemic realignment), with the intervocalic velars later undergoing the normal change to glottal fricatives: (100)

PWKT

Proto-Hlai

q ̥

> >

q q

> >

k k

> >

kh kh

C-̥

>

C-̥

>

C-‫ۦ‬

>

͈

C-q

C-‫ܡ‬

Cʅ‫׮‬

> > >

C-̥ C-؆

Cʅg

> > >

C-‫ۦ‬ C-‫ۦ‬

Cʅުg

Examples are given below: (101)

PWKT

> > >

͈ ͈ k

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

(a)

arm

*qe:n

>

*ki:n

>

*khi:n

(b)

person

*̥wҬn

>

*kwҬn

>

*khun

(c)

thigh

*f-qa:

>

*C-‫ۦ‬a:

>

*͈a:

(d)

chin

*C-̥DӔ

>

*C-‫ۦ‬a:Ӕ

>

*͈a:Ӕ

(e)

to cry, crow

*Ci‫ܡ‬ʅ:l

>

*Ci‫ۦ‬ʅ:l

>

*Ci͈ʅ:l

(f)

yawn

*tʅ‫׮‬a:w

>

*Cʅga:w

>

*ka:w

262 4.3.2 Intervocalic Lenition It was shown in section 4.1 that Pre-Hlai medial voiced stops underwent a process of intervocalic lenition following non-schwa vowels, distinguishing them further from the preglottalized voiced stops which had already developed after schwa in PWKT. This intervocalic lenition can be seen as a reduction in the magnitude and/or increase in the sonority of intervocalic gestures, so that voiced stops became approximants36: (102)

CVbV >

CV‫ڛ‬V

CVȰV >

CV‫ר‬V

CVdV > CVϺV

>

CVgV >

CV‫ר‬V CVjV

CV͈V

This is an archetypical example of temporal compression, resulting in a diminuition of duration

of intervocalic consonants: (103)

ƴ /|

[Ȣ Լࡢƫƫ] /| /\

[CvCV] ੋ

Site of temporal compression Lavoie (1999) argues that this kind of lenition can be seen primarily as a reduction in timing,

where a shorter voiceless stop may be perceived as a voiced stop, and a shorter voiced stop may be

perceived as an approximant. The consonants most vulnerable to lenition are those which occupy the onset position of the second syllable of a bisyllabic foot. It is important to note that her findings do not

predict there to be a lenition from voiced stop to approximant through the intermediate stage of a fricative, but rather directly from one to the other.

Another typological parallel of this change is provided in Ferlus (1982), which describes intervocalic lenition in Vietnamese similar to that posited here for Pre-Hlai. In Vietnamese, intervocalic stops (both voiced and voiceless) were lenited to fricatives and approximants, some of which went on to merge with other phonemes. The schema which Ferlus outlines is the following (which I have modified by reversing the order he suggests for intervocalic voicing and lenition, avoiding spirantization of intervocalic voiceless stops):

36

This lenition was originally suggested in Ostapirat (2004).

263 (104)

Proto-VN

Voicing

-p/b-t/d-

> >

-b-d-

> >

-ǜ-ð-

> >

v z

-t‫آ‬/d‫ޓ‬-

>

-d‫ޓ‬-

>

-ϴ-

>

z

-s/ç-

-c/Ϻ-k/g-

> > >

-z-

-Ϻ-g-

Lenition

> > >

-r-

-ϴ-‫ۦ‬-

Modern VN37

> > >

z

z ‫< ۦ‬g(h)>

The Pre-Hlai lenition erased the class of plain intervocalic voiced obstruents, and added a new

series of approximants into the Hlai phoneme inventory which was allophonic (at this point) in wordmedial position. At the same time, anterior preglottalized voiced stops became implosives while the posterior ones deglottalized and devoiced. Examples are given below: (105) (a)

Pre-Hlai shoulder

*C-ba:͈

>

*C-‫ڛ‬a:͈

>

*‫ڛ‬a:͈

boat medicine

*CuȰa: *C-Ϻa:

> >

*Cu‫ר‬a: *C-ja:

> >

*Cu‫ר‬a: *hja:

hang

thatch grass (b)

Proto-Hlai

*C-dLӔު

*Ciga:

>

>

*C-‫ר‬LӔު

*Ci‫ۦ‬a:

>

>

*‫ר‬LӔު

*Ci͈a:

fly

*Cʅުbil

>

*ުbin

>

*Ʒin

slant

*CʅުJHӔ

>

JLӔ

>

*ki:Ӕ

face stand

*CʅުdʅӔ *CʅުϺu:n

> >

*ުdʅӔ *Ϻu:n

> >

*ȮʅӔ *tçu:n

4.3.3 Vocalic Transfer As discussed in chapter two and section 4.2 above, another byproduct of temporal compression

was the reinterpretation of the features of the high vowels i and u, if they were in the first syllable of a

sesquisyllabic word, as coarticulations of the certain onsets of the second syllable (see also Ostapirat (2004)). In chapter 2, it was shown that this occurred following the breakup of PHl in the Central Hlai

retroflex affricate (*ٍ‫؛‬h) velar nasal (*Ӕ FRURQDODSSUR[LPDQWV*‫ר‬, *hr), and glottals (*͈, *ު). There were also a group of initials reconstructed in PHl which already hosted palatal coarticulations: (108)

37

*fhj

*hlj

*‫ר‬j

*hrj

The convention is followed here of placing orthography within angled brackets.

264 As discussed above, these are also cases of vocalic transfer. It appears as though vocalic transfer

was first favored in the case of *i preceding the coronal liquids *l, *‫ר‬, and *r, and therefore occurred early. There is only one secure instance of *fhj (from Pre-Hlai *vj), so it seems that this was an exceptional case, probably due to the fact that *v was an obstruent (more sonorous consonants are generally weaker barriers to vocalic transfer than less sonorous consonants): (109)

Civ Cil

> >

CΞvj CΞlj

Ci‫ר‬ Cir

> >

&Ξ‫ר‬j &Ξrj

The asymmetry between the lengths of the two syllables in sesquisyllabic forms may have played

a role in this change as well. In the examples below, the boundary between the two vowels of a word is shown in (110a), a full bisyllabic word where the medial consonant acts as a clearly defined boundary, and in (110b), the sesquisyllabic equivalent, where there is bleedthrough as the vowel space remains roughly proportionate in overall timing, despite the imbalance in syllable length: (110)

(a)

CilDƾ [V | V]

>

(b)

CΞOMiƾ [V|V]

There are two typological parallels which can be cited as examples of intersyllabic vocalic

transfer. The first is Proto-Paman, the roots of which were normally bisyllabic trRFKHHVZLWKFRQWUDVWLYH YRZHOOHQJWKLQWKHILUVWV\OODEOH6PLWK ,QVHYHUDO1RUWK3DPDQODQJXDJHVLQFOXGLQJ$ZӔWLओ P stress shift occurred and the final syllable became stressed. In words with a short initial syllable, the

initial consonant was lost and features of the vowel were transferred into the remaining syllable (111a). In words with a long initial syllable, the same phenomenon occurred, but a vestigial schwa remained at the beginning of the word (111b).

265 (111)

(a)

Gloss

Proto-Paman

mother's mother skin

NiPL

&iNXU

PiM NiZ‫ۦ‬

3sg obl.

*ӑtӔX

ӔM~

arm

StQWD

sun tooth (b)

>

$ZӔWLओ P

nȰMi

S~ӔD

P~OLU

ӔZi OZtȾ

Gloss

Proto-Paman

what

ӔiQL

ʅQiM

south

MtSDU

ʅǜpW

armpit

>

ӔiPXU

smoke

ʅPiZ‫ۦ‬

&tSXM

father's father

ʅǜԱU

S~OD

two

$ZӔWLओ P38

ʅOZi

N~ٍi-

(< ʅǜMiW

(< ʅǜM~U

ʅȾZtW ओ

7KHVHFRQGH[DPSOHLVRIWKH2FHDQLFODQJXDJHV5RWXPDQDQG.ZDUD·DHVHH%OHYLQV *DUUHWW 1998, Heinz 2005, Norquest 2001, 2003), both of which have a register39 distinction where in the conservative (citation) register, syllables are of the shape CV, but in the innovative (discourse) register, there is a metathesis of C2 and V2 within the foot. This is essentially the mirror-image of the vocalic

transfHUZKLFKLVSRVWXODWHGIRU+ODLDQGVKRZQLQ$ZӔW ओLPDERYHDQGLVFRUUHODWHGZLWKVWUHVVWURFKDLF

LQWKHFDVHRI5RWXPDQDQG.ZDUD·DHDVRSSRVHGWRLDPELFLQ+ODLDQG$ZӔWLओ P1RWHDOVRWKDWWKLVFDVH involves a shift from the syllable (separated by periods in the examples below) to the foot as the primary domain of timing and stress: (112)

Rotuman

.ZDUD·DH

Gloss

Citation

Discourse

Gloss

Citation

Discourse

floor erroneous

SXS~L VHVpYD

SXS~L VHVpDY

to climb to bail

DE~L GDO~PD

DE~L GDO~ʅm

zealous

fe.ުpQL

fe.ުpQ

their name

VDWiGD

VDWiQG

people

fa.mo.ri

IDPԱU

seaweed

DOiJH

DOŲӔJ

Notice the lenition of AwӔWiओ m intervocalic stops, similar to that posited for Hlai. Register here is used in the sociolinguistic sense, not the phonological sense discussed in other parts of this book. 38 39

266 It is significant that in the data of both Blevins & Garrett (1998) and Heinz (2005), words in the

.ZDUD·DHGiscourse register show optional voiceless vowels following certain consonants in their corresponding position in the citation register: (113)

.ZDUD·DH(Blevins & Garrett 1998: 530; Heinz 2004: 29) Citation

Discourse

cat

I~si

K~LVL ࣞ

name

ViWD

ViWĖ

thin

NiGR

NiRGRࣞ

Citation

Discourse

fear

Piުu

Pi‫ުټ‬Xࣞ

to burst

E~VX

E~VXࣞ

wife

ުiIH

ުiɮKHࣞ

This indicates the historical process by which this metathesis occurred involved an original

articulation of V2 on both sides of C2, with later devoicing and loss of the latter half of V2 altogether. The corresponding situation in Hlai may have been similar, occurring on the opposite edge of the word: (114)

Pre-Hlai

tooth

*CiC

Proto-Hlai >

*CL ࣞCj

>

*Cj

The consequences of this change are that high vowel information from the presyllable became

associated with the main syllable initial and was therefore preserved within the domain of the main

syllable. This complicated the medial consonant inventory by creating a new class of palatalized medial consonants. Examples are given below: (115)

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

(a) (b)

tooth lift

*Civʅn *CidҬn͈

> >

*CL ࣞvjʅn *CL ࣞ‫ר‬jҬn͈

> >

*fhjʅn *‫ר‬jҬn͈

(d)

permeate

*Cirʅp

>

*CL ࣞrjʅp

>

*hrjʅp

(c)

yellow

*Cila:Ӕ

>

*CL ࣞlja:Ӕ

>

KOMDӔ

4.3.4 Initial Obstruent Devoicing The first instance of devoicing occurred in Pre-Hlai, affecting initial obstruents in both

monosyllabic (106a-b) and sesquisyllabic words (106c-d ² *H- represents an initial fricative in a sesquisyllabic form). The cumulative list of devoiced initials from section 4.2 is given below. There is no direct evidence for (106d) as mergers in PHl and PTai would have obscured it as an independent category, but it is listed below as a logical possibility:

267 (106)

(a)

(c)

*b

>

*p

*Ϻ *g

> >

*c *k

*d

>

(b)

*t

*CV-C >

*C-C

(d)

*v

>

*f

*‫ۦ‬

>

*x

*z

>

*HV-C >

*s

*H-C

There is little evidence in PTai for voiced stops in Pre-Hlai. Some of the few examples which

exist are given below: (107) (a)

(b)

(c)

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

cheat

*bra:Ӕ

>

*pʋ:Ӕ

>

*phʅ:Ӕ

hole

*Ϻo:Ӕު

>

*cu:Ӕު

>

*tçhu:Ӕު

land leech

*da:k

>

*ta:k

>

*tha:k

sky

*va:ު

>

*fa:ު

>

*fha:ު

itch

*‫ۦ‬DZm

>

*xom

>

*khom

wash clothes

*zʅ:k

>

*sʅ:k

>

*shʅ:k

yam

*CV-mʅn

>

*C-mʅn

>

*C-mʅn

sickle

*C -liʅm

>

*C-li:m

>

*C-li:m

sew

*CV-ӑʅp V

>

*C-ӑʅp

>

*C-ӑʅp

4.3.5 Main-syllable Aspiration The hypothesis presented above in section 4.2 is that the more exotic aspects of the PHl

consonant inventory were shaped by an increasing differentiation between the series of initial and medial consonants. More specifically, this differentiation occurred via a form of fortition of consonants which involved increased airflow at the left edge of the main syllable, leading to the aspiration of all initial

consonants that were not phonetically exempt. In monosyllabic words, this included all initials except the glottal stop. In sesquisyllabic words, this included all main-syllable initials which were not voiced (i.e. all preglottalized voiced stops and sonorants were excluded except for *hr, which may have been redundantly aspirated), again with the exception of the glottal stop.

There is no evidence that this change affected presyllable initials. It can therefore be stated that

aspiration occurred only at the left edge of the main syllable (and was therefore correlated with stress, if this had become fixed at the right edge of the prosodic word by this stage of Pre-Hlai). The general rule for main-syllable aspiration in monosyllabic words is given in (116a); that for sesquisyllabic words is given in (116b):

268 (116)

(a)

>&9ࡢ:)]

>&Yࢌ &9ࡢ:)]

(b)

ੋ

Target

ੋ

ੋ

Exempt Target (if voiceless and not glottal stop)

The Pre-Hlai initial consonants which were affected by this change are listed below: (117)

(a)

Obstruents

(b)

Sonorants

p

>

ph

m

>

hm

ٍ

>

ٍ

ӑ

>

hӑ

t

c

k f

s

ç

x

> > > > > > >

th h

c

h

k f

h

h

s

h

çh x

h

n Ӕ

ӔZ l

lj r

rj j

w

> > > > > > > > >

hn KӔ

KӔZ hl

hlj hr

hrj hj

hw

In light of the above discussion, the following description of Loloish (a branch of Tibeto-Burman)

languages from Bradley (1978) is relevant:

¶One interesting phenomenon in Maru and several other Burmish languages is the existence of aspirated, glottalized, and voiced stops in all positions of articulation. The glottalized stops are the reflexes of

certain *prefixed Proto-BL forms, while the aspirated stops are the reflexes of unprefixed *voiceless stops. This contrast is not found in Burmese dialects, which have merged the two manners of articulation to YRLFHOHVVDVSLUDWHGDVLQ¶VWDQGDUG·%XUPHVH·>HPSKDVLVadded]

+HUHWKHQLVDQH[DPSOHLQWKH/RORLVKIDPLO\ZKHUHWKHUHLVDFRQWUDVWEHWZHHQ¶SODLQ·LQLWLDOV

which exhibit allophonic aspiration, and a glottalized set of initials, which is the result of original

presyllables. The most important change this effected was to modify the initial inventory of monosyllabic words. Examples are given below:

269 (118) (a)

Pre-Hlai wing fall

*pi:k *tok

> >

*phi:k *thok

(to) wedge

*ci:m

>

*tçhi:m

headlouse chicken millet lips

*Cuٍu:

>

*kʅj

IDӔު

> >

*sunު

snail

>

*çi:

white (b)

Proto-Hlai

>

*xe:w

>

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hu: *khʅj *fhDӔު *shunު *tçhi:

*khi:w

return/come

*mҬʅ

>

*hmҬ:

shoot~bow

*ӑҬ:

>

*hӑҬ:

field

silver day

*na:͈

>

*Ӕʅn

>

ӔZʅn

tongue

lightning head sweep sheep

bail water

>

*li:nު

*ljip *Curʅwު *rjik

*ja:Ӕ

> > > > >

*wi:t

>

*hna:͈ *hӔʅn

KӔZʅn *hli:nު

*hljip *Cuhrʅwު *hrjik

*hja:Ӕ

*hwi:t

4.3.6 Monosyllabification and Voiced Obstruent Devoicing Monosyllabification seems to have occurred in stages, with the loss of presyllables occurring

early before the least sonorant medials, and later before more sonorant medials; with the exception of the initials which became implosives (119a), the remaining voiced medial obstruents deglottalized and devoiced upon becoming initial (119b): (119)

(a)

Cʅުb Cʅުd

> >

Ʒ Ȯ

Examples are given below:

(b)

CʅުϺ Cʅުg

> >

Ϻ g

> >

c k

270 (120)

Pre-Hlai

overflow gall bladder

*Cʅުba:͈ *Cʅުdʅj

> >

*Ʒa:͈ *Ȯʅj

> >

*Ʒa:͈ *Ȯʅj

turbid

*Cʅުgun͈

>

*gun͈

>

*kun͈

step on

Proto-Hlai

*CʅުϺʅ:m͈

>

*Ϻʅ:m͈

>

*tçʅ:m͈

The medial nasals and laterals still retained an unambiguous initial voiceless segment at the time

of PHl, as indicated by their inclusion in the class of high register initials described in chapter two40: (121)

C-m

>

C-m

C-ӑ

>

C-ӑ

C-n C-Ӕ

&XӔ C-l

C-w

> > > >

>

C-n C-Ӕ

&XӔ C-l

C-w

Although there are only a subset of approximants and glottals which can be directly reconstructed with initial presyllables at the stage of Proto-Hlai (see chapter two), the systemic evidence and the development of Pre-Hlai posited here imply that all sonorants must have been able to support

presyllables at the stage of PHl, even though direct evidence for them is not available in the reflexes of the modern languages. Those for which direct evidence for presyllables exists are the following: (122)

Cu‫ר‬

>

Cu‫ר‬

Ci͈

>

Ci͈

Cuhr Cu͈ Ciު Cuު

> > > >

Cuhr Cu͈ Ciު Cuު

The initials for which evidence of a former presyllable is structural and ultimately indirect are the following:

40

Where phonotactically possible, sonorants may have preserved an initial glottal stop as a vestige of the original presyllable initial, so that what is reconstructed in PHl as *C-m may have actually been *ުm; I see no way to distinguish one possibility from another, so the former reconstruction is used.

271 (123)

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

C-‫ڛ‬ C-‫ר‬

> >

‫ڛ‬ ‫ר‬

Cirj

>

rj

Ci‫ר‬j C-j C-͈

> > >

‫ר‬j hj ͈

Since there is no direct evidence from the Hlai daughter languages supporting the reconstruction of the presyllable in words with these initials, these are reconstructed without presyllables in Proto-Hlai.

The motivation for this change involved the continuous phonetic weakening of the presyllable in

sesquisyllabic forms, due to temporal compression acting on the foot and the ensuing gestural overlap. A likely path of change is the devoicing of all minor syllable nuclei concomitant with extreme shortening. When the first and second consonants of the foot came into contact, place information from the first

consonant could easily become unrecoverable through lack of a sufficient burst, leading to complete loss in pre-obstruent position (124a) and possibly to debuccalization in pre-sonorant position (124b): (124)

(a) (b)

Cʅࢌުgi CʅࢌOi

> >

Ji ުOi

Two typological examples, in which monosyllabification occurred in a way similar to that

posited here for Hlai, are shown below. As mentioned previously, Proto-Chamic stress was iambic, and

roots were typically bisyllabic (Thurgood 1999). When speakers of what became the language Tsat moved from mainland Southeast Asia to Hainan, there was pressure from language contact to reduce the bisyllabic lexicon to monosyllabic forms. When it was possible phonotactically for the first and second

consonant of a word to form a cluster (a stop plus a liquid, the latter then leniting to a palatal glide), then the initial consonant was preserved (125a). If no cluster was phonotactically possible, then the initial consonant was lost entirely (125b). The first of the two vowels was lost in every instance. (Tsat also developed tone, in conformity with the language area into which it became integrated): (125)

Reduction of bisyllabic forms to monosyllabic forms in Tsat

(a)

Gloss

P-Chamic

shoulder

EDUi

blood

GDUiK

moon

village

EXOiQ *palʅࡢj

> Tsat

Gloss

P-Chamic

phja:1

wet; damp

EDViK

sa:5

sja:

thick

NDSiO

pa:n1

phja:n1 5

pjaj3

(b)

flower

bamboo shoot

EXӔi

UDE~Ӕ

>

Tsat

ӔD1

phXӔ1

272 A Mon-Khmer example is the language Nhaheun, which descends from sesquisyllabic West

Bahnaric (Sidwell 2000), but has undergone monosyllabification, with intervocalic lenition also occurring in some environments: (126)

Gloss

P-W. Bahnaric

termite skirt

*kʅQWLiU *kʅGiӔ

WtDQ WiӔ

mortar

*tʅުSiO

GZiZ

son-in-law crab

>

*pʅViZ

*kʅުWiP

onion

*kʅުGLiP

stone

right side

*tʅmDZࡢ:

*cʅPi

Nhaheun

ViZ

JUiP JUtDP nwDZࡢ:

Pi:

m

4.3.7 Stop and Fricative Affrication Toward the end of the Pre-Hlai period, but before Proto-Hlai, the retroflex and palatal obstruents

underwent affrication: (127)

ٍh c

h

c

>

ٍ‫؛‬h

>

tç

>

tçh

At some point after initial obstruent devoicing, the dorsal fricatives underwent affrication and

merged with their affricate or stop counterparts: (128)

çh xh

> >

tçh kh

Examples are given below:

273 (129) (a)

Pre-Hlai head louse taste

*Cuٍu: *Ϻim

> >

*Cuٍhu: *chim

> >

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hu: *tçhim

pestle white

*ça:k *xa:w

> >

*çha:k *xha:w

> >

*tçha:k *kha:w

stand (b)

Proto-Hlai

*CʅުϺu:n

>

*Ϻu:n

>

*tçu:n

4.3.8 Peripheral Vowel Raising The most sweeping change in the Pre-Hlai rime inventory was that of the raising of the mid

vowels, allowing their merger with the high vowels (130a). This stands in opposition to the central vowel series. If the hypothesis presented in section 4.2 is correct, this was part of a chain shift which allowed the low peripheral vowel to raise in turn and fill the gaps left by the original mid vowels (130b): (130)

(a)

e(:C) > i(:C)

(b)

ʎ:(C) > e:(C)

ۣ(:C) > Ҭ(:C)

o(:C) > u(:C)

Note that as mentioned in section 3.5.3 above, short *oC rimes with grave codas were exempted from raising.

Examples are given below:

(131) (a)

(b)

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

wrinkle

*C-ӑe:wު

>

*C-ӑi:wު

needle

ӔRF

>

*hӔXF

small before

pile (clsfr)

*CV-lek *ko:n͈

*C-lʎ:p

> >

>

*C-lik *khu:n͈

*C-le:p

As noted above, this shift also included secondarily derived *ۣ: in the examples below:

274 (132)

Gloss

PWKT

(a)

know loom

*Curʅ: *Cuٍʅ:k

> >

*Cuhrۣ: *Cuٍۣ:k

> >

*CuhrҬ: *Cuٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k

mos. yngr bro sesame

*n[r]a:ު

ӔUD

> >

*nۣ:ު

Ӕۣ:

> >

*hnҬ:ު

KӔҬ:

bamboo shoot

*C-әDӔ

>

*C-nۣӔ

>

*C-nҬӔ

bone (b)

house

*Cudʅ:k

*rwa:n

PHl

>

>

*Cudۣ:k

*hrۣ:n

>

>

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:k

*hrҬ:n

4.3.9 Monophthongization If the PWKT reconstructions in section 4.2 are correct, then the following mergers took place in

the rime inventory via monophthongization: (133)

*iʅ(C) >

*i:(C)

*uʅ(C) >

*u:(C)

*Ҭʅ(C) >

*Ҭ:(C)

Examples are given below: (134)

Gloss

Pre-Hlai

pull

*C-Ϻiʅt

>

*hji:t

termite

*m-luʅk

>

*m-lu:k

above

*hnҬʅ

Proto-Hlai

>

*hnҬ:

4.3.10 Summary The goal of this section was to take the postulated PWKT initial and rime inventories as a

starting point and illustrate the changes which have occurred throughout Pre-Hlai which led to the ProtoHlai inventory. It has been shown that nine important changes occurred in Pre-Hlai. Those changes which affected the initials were the elimination of uvulars, intervocalic lenition, initial devoicing, vocalic transfer, main-syllable aspiration, monosyllabification, and fricative affrication. Those changes which

affected the rimes were peripheral vowel raising and monophthongization. The collective history of these changes is one in which category deletion and creation has led to alternating contractions and expansions in the initial inventory, and a reduction in the inventory of rimes.

275 The first contraction of the Pre-Hlai initial inventory occurred with the elimination of uvular as a

valid place of articulation. The medial consonant inventory was then modified through intervocalic

OHQLWLRQZKLFKHOLPLQDWHGLQWHUYRFDOLFYRLFHGVWRSVZKLFKGLGQ·WIROORZVFKZDEXWDGGHGDQHZVHULHVRI intervocalic approximants. The initial consonant inventory was reduced via the ongoing process of obstruent devoicing, where all voiced initial obstruents devoiced and merged with their voiceless

counterparts. Vocalic transfer then expanded the medial consonant inventory by creating a set of

consonants with secondary articulations. Stress-correlated main-syllable aspiration increased the gap between the set of initial consonants and the medial consonants. The now very asymmetrical sets of initial and medial obstruents were merged as the latter lost their presyllables in the first wave of

monosyllabification, while dorsal fricative affrication removed the posterior fricatives from the fricative series, merging them with the aspirated palatal affricate and velar stop, respectively.

The set of Pre-Hlai rimes underwent a dramatic reduction as a result of peripheral vowel raising,

where original peripheral mid nuclei merged with their high counterparts, and original peripheral low

nuclei rose to fill their vacated positions in the vowel space. Individual monophthongizations led to the merger of *iʅ, *Ҭʅ, and *uʅ with *i:, *Ҭ: and *u: respectively.

The set of changes described above explains most of the asymmetries in the PHl phoneme

inventory. The skewing of the PHl fricative inventory is explained by dorsal fricative affrication, which led to the elimination of fricatives at anterior places of articulation. The presence of the palatalized

labiodental fricative, lateral, tap and rhotic are the result of palatal vocalic transfer, which primarily targeted the latter three phonemes. Finally, the number of aspirated and preaspirated initials in proportion to plain initials is the result of main-syllable aspiration, which aspirated all possible word-initial consonants but had no effect on medial consonants.

There are two asymmetries which exist in the PHl rime inventory: long *e:C rimes without short

*eC rimes, and short *oC rimes without long *o:C rimes. The first has not been completely explained; however, it was shown above that there is evidence suggestive of the fact that these rimes are ultimately of secondary origin. 4.4 Conclusion The main focus of this chapter has been to compare Proto-Hlai with Proto-Tai, in view of

performing a preliminary reconstruction of Proto-Western Kam-Tai7DNLQJDELUG·V-eye view of the

changes described in section 4.3, it can be generalized that there have been four main structural changes which have occurred between PWKT and PHl. Intervocalic lenition and subsequent vocalic transfer were position-dependent and served to create important asymmetries between the inventory of initial and

medial consonants. Main-syllable aspiration was also position-dependent, and served to sharpen the

asymmetry between the initial and medial consonants. Monosyllabification was dependent on the sonority of the medial consonant in sesquisyllabic forms, and adjusted the ratio of monosyllabic words to sesquisyllabic words sharply in favor of the former. Finally, peripheral vowel raising led to a sharp

276 reduction in the rime inventory, the final effect of which was to decrease the number of peripheral mid vowel rimes and eliminate the inventory of peripheral low vowel rimes.

The reconstructed PWKT inventory of initials in (135) can be compared with that of PHl (136) below. There are some noticeable gaps in the inventory which are not reconstructible with the amount of evidence examined in this chapter; some of these may be filled in the future with more work on Tai: (135)

PWKT Initial Consonants *p

*t

*f

*s

*b *v

*m [*w] *Pࣞ

> Zࣞ @

*d

*ٍ

*z

*n *l

*r

*Qࣞ

[*c]

*k

*ç

*x

*Ϻ

*ӑ [*j]

[*ӑ]ࣞ

*O ࣞ

[*g]

*q

*̥

*ު

*‫ۦ‬

*ӔZ

*‫׮‬

*Ӕ(ࣞ w)

> M@ࣞ

PWKT Medial Consonants

*C-b

*C-f *C-m

*C-d *C-n *C-l

[*C-w] *CV-m *CV-n [*CV-w]

*CV-l

*C-ٍ

*C-Ȱ

*C-Ϻ

*C-g

*C-ӑ

*C-ӑ

*C-Ӕ

*C-ѱ

*C-r [*CV-ӑ] *CV-ӑ [*CV-ѱ]

*C-q

*C-̥ *C-‫ܡ‬

*C-‫׮‬ *CV-Ӕ

*C-ު

277 (136)

PHl Initial Consonants *ph *Ʒ

*th *Ȯ

h

h

*f (j) *hm *‫ڛ‬

*hw

*ٍ‫؛‬h

*s

*hn *hl(j) *‫(ר‬j)

*tçh *tç

*hӑ *hr(j)

*kh *k

*hӔZ

*ު *͈

*hj

PHl Medial Consonants *Cuٍ‫؛‬h *C-m

*C-w

*C-n *C-l

*Cu‫ר‬

*Ciު, *Cuު *C-ӑ

*C(u)Ӕ

*Ci͈, *Cu͈

*Cuhr

The differences between the PWKT (137) and the PHl (138) rime inventories are shown below: (137)

PWKT Open rimes *i:

(*e:)

*Ҭ: *ʅ:

*u:

*a:

*Ҭʅ PWKT Closed rimes *i:C

*Ҭ:C

*u:C

*e:C

*ʅ:C

*o:C

*iC

*eC *ʎ:C

*iʅC

*ҬC *ʅC *a:C

*ҬʅC

*uC *oC

*uʅC

278 (138)

PHl Open Rimes *i: *e:

*Ҭ:

*u:

*a:

PHl Closed Rimes *i:C

*Ҭ:C

*e:C

*ʅ:C

*iC

*ҬC *ʅC

*a:C

*u:C *uC *oC

The next section will be devoted to the treatment of Jiamao, its relationship with Hlai having

been a continuing challenge in Hlai comparative work. It will be shown that Jiamao has borrowed from

Hlai in the Pre-Hlai, Proto-Hlai and post-Proto-Hlai periods, and data from Jiamao is therefore important in supporting the reconstructions of all periods.

279 CHAPTER FIVE: JIAMAO The Jiamao language has been recognized since the publication of Ouyang & Zheng (1983) as being somehow related to but very different from the other Hlai languages. There are at least three

reasons for this. The first is that Jiamao shares less than half of its lexicon with the other Hlai languages; excluding more recent Chinese loans, this leaves a significant part of the lexicon (including some very

basic vocabulary) with an unknown origin. The second is that Jiamao shows no robust pitch distinction between tone categories A, B, and C, a distinction otherwise maintained robustly by all other Hlai languages (although this distinction is reflected secondarily in Jiamao vowel length). Finally, there is a

one-to-many correspondence between Proto-Hlai initials and rimes on the one hand, and Jiamao initials

and rimes on the other; some of these correspondences can be shown to correlate with Pre-Hlai reflexes which pre-date PHl.

The hypothesis that Jiamao is not originally a Hlai language at all was first advanced in

Thurgood (1992); it is suggested here that it is a (as of yet) language isolate which has been in long-term contact with Hlai; this hypothesis has the advantage of explaining the three facts listed above in the

following way. First, the non-Hlai part of the Jiamao vocabulary which has not been borrowed from

Chinese or other neighboring languages can be postulated as the oldest lexical stratum in Jiamao. Second, the distinction between the tone categories in vowel length as opposed to pitch can be understood to

reflect a distinction that was salient to Hlai speakers in one way, but salient to speakers of Jiamao in another, and this is reflected as such in the Jiamao reflexes; the inconsistency in tone category representation can be related to either misperception at the time of borrowing or to changes in

representation of tone category at different points in time in the Hlai donor language. Finally, the one-tomany correspondences in both initials and rimes can be explained if the assumption is made that they

represent different strata of loanwords into Jiamao from two or more distinct periods of contact. This chapter is structured in the following way. The Jiamao initials will be treated in section 5.1, with an emphasis on multiple correspondences with Proto-Hlai; these multiple correspondences will be

argued to reflect a distinction between borrowing from Pre-Hlai41 and borrowing from Proto-Hlai or one of its immediate daughters, primarily Ha Em, Lauhut, Baoting and Zandui. The Jiamao rimes will be treated in section 5.2, beginning with a discussion of the tone categories, and then moving to the segmental component of the rimes, again showing that multiple correspondences can be explained

according to the period during which the borrowing occurred. Finally, non-Hlai core lexical items will be given and discussed.

41

Citing Pre-Hlai forms is problematic from the perspective of the rime, because original Pre-Hlai peripheral mid vowels can only be separated from their high counterparts using external Kra-Dai evidence; the same is true in differentiating original *iʅm *Ҭʅ and *uʅ. Proto-Hlai peripheral mid vowel rimes therefore FDQ¶WEHXVHGLQWKH3UH-Hlai reconstructions.

280 5.1 Initials This section begins with a discussion of register, which when understood, will help to clarify the discussion of segmental initials which follows. Jiamao probably underwent registrogenesis through participation in the same language area that it shares with the Qi languages. There is a register division

in all tone categories, as well as a length distinction in category D in both registers, something which only exists otherwise in Baoting (and there only in high register). 5.1.1 Register The values of the tones in both high and low register as listed in Ouyang & Zheng (1983) are

given below (the tone numbers which are assigned therein to designate each tone category are given in parentheses): (1)

Jiamao tone reflexes Tone Category

High

Tone

Low

Tone

A

55

(1)

11

(4)

X

51

(5)

31

(2)

DLong

53

(9)

31

(8)

DShort

55

(7)

22

(10)

The unmarked tone category is designated as A, and the marked tone category as X. The same

pitch depression associated with low register which is apparent in the registrogenetic Hlai languages is very marked in Jiamao, where all low register tones are clearly lowered versions of their high register counterparts. Jiamao register is valuable in reconstruction for the same reasons it is in the other Hlai languages, as it indicates the voicing status of initials at the time of registrogenesis, regardless of the

status of their voicing in modern Jiamao. With an understanding of Jiamao register in place, it is now possible to proceed to the Jiamao

initials. These will be grouped by manner in the same way as the initials in chapters 2 and 4. Since it is argued that the influx of loans into Jiamao began at a stage before PHl, both Pre-Hlai and PHl reconstructions will be used as appropriate.

281 5.1.2 Stops The Hlai stop correspondences with Jiamao are the following: (2)

Pre-Hlai

PHl

Jiamao

*p *t

*ph *th

Ʒ, ph Ȯ, th

*k

*kh

h, kh

There is evidence above for two distinct layers of loans. The hypothesis presented here is that

Pre-Hlai plain stops were borrowed before main-syllable aspiration occurred, possibly while some were still members of sesquisyllabic forms, and afterwards followed two distinct paths of development. The

bilabial and alveolar stops underwent implosion, in keeping with the general island-wide diffusion of this sound change. The velar stop, on the other hand, underwent lenition to a fricative, and eventually debuccalized. A second round of borrowing occurred after the aspiration of the Hlai initials, and

occurred at the stage of PHl or after. These were all borrowed as aspirated initials, and remained

unchanged. These two layers of Hlai loanwords into Jiamao and their subsequent developments are shown below: (3)

Hlai Pre-Hlai PHl

*p

ੈ *ph

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

p>Ʒ

*t

੔

p

Hlai

h

੔

t>Ȯ

੔

th

Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*k

੔

k>x

PHl

*kh

੔

kh

ੈ

ੈ *th

Jiamao

Examples are given below. Presyllables are not shown in the Pre-Hlai forms due to lack of direct corroboratory evidence from the Hlai languages, but their presence may be hypothesized:

282 (4)

(a)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

slap break

*pi:k *pʅ:nު

Ʒia5 ƷҬan1

flee stick to

*phiw *phʅk

phiw1 phak7

(c)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

exit

*tҬ:n

ȮDӔ1

rotten

*thuj

thҬj5

fork (road)

pot

seven

*pa:

*tʅw *tu:

Ʒow1

Ȯaw

1

Ȯaw1

high

solid

to breed

*pha:k

*t ʅ:m͈ h

*thDӔ

phҬ:5

thDZ:m5 thHӔ1

(e)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(f)

PHl

Jiamao

old

*kʅw͈

hi:w1

full

*khҬ:m

khDZm1

nose leg

*kʅt

*kok

hDZ:t

9

hDZ:k9

chicken ascend

*k ʅj h

*kha:n

khaj1

khuʅn1

There is one group of exceptions in the category of alveolar stops, in which palatalization occurred before an original high front vowel: (5)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

sound chopsticks

*thi:w *thi:p

tshew1 tshep7

*tçhiw *tçhip

full

*thi:k

tshia5

*tçhiʅު

One other exceptional correspondence occurs in this category: (6)

Gloss

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

louse

*tʅn

ten1

*din

The expected Jiamao initial for this word is Ȯ, but the actual initial and register for this word is indicative of *d. As shown in the last chapter, the Pre-Hlai form is descended from an original *m-d; whether or not this somehow explains the unexpected Jiamao initial is unclear.

283 5.1.3 Affricates The reflexes of the Hlai affricates are the following: (7)

Pre-Hlai

PHl

Jiamao

*ٍ *c

*(Cu)ٍ‫؛‬h *tçh

t ts, tsh

Jiamao, like Bouhin and Ha Em, preserves no evidence for the presyllable in *Cuٍ‫؛‬h. There is

only one extant reflex of these initials, indicating that they were either borrowed in the same way from both Pre-Hlai as well as PHl, or that what were originally two reflexes merged into a single reflex. I

make the tentative assumption that Pre-Hlai *ٍ underwent affrication and aspiration after early instances

of borrowing, merging later with PHl *ٍ‫؛‬h; this affricate then shifted to a fricative ‫ ؛‬and participated in a

chain shift with *s (see below), so that ‫ ؛‬shifted to s, which then participated in the regional shift of s to t. The palatal affricate, if the one example below in (9) is indicative, was borrowed as a plain affricate from Pre-Hlai; after aspiration in PHl, the aspirated affricate was borrowed as such. Both remained unchanged until the shift of palatals to alveolars: (8)

Hlai Pre-Hlai

*ٍ

PHl

*ٍ‫؛‬

ੈ

h

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

ٍ‫؛‬h > s > t

*c

੔

C-c > tç > ts

੔

ٍ‫ > ؛‬s > t

*tçh

੔

tçh > tsh

h

ੈ

Jiamao

Examples are given below: (9)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

repay

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:mު

tiam1

weave (fabric)

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k

ta:k9

(c)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

light (a fire)

*cujު

tsej1

snail

*tçhi:

tshaj1

wear

*tç ʅt

tshDZ:t9

sick eye

*ٍ‫؛‬hok *ٍ‫؛‬ha:

ta:k9 tow1

head louse below

hole

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hu: *Cuٍ‫؛‬hʅw

*tçhXӔު h

taw1 ta:w1

tshua1

284 There is one exceptional correspondence in this category: (10)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Baoting

tree

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅj

tshaj1

tshaj1

This irregular initial probably indicates a relatively late date of borrowing, most likely from either Baoting or Zandui. 5.1.4 Fricatives The relexes of the Hlai fricatives in Jiamao are given below: (11)

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

*f

*fh

p

*s

*sh

tsh

*vj

*fhj

tsh

The most straightforward assumption in the case of the fricatives is that they were borrowed into Jiamao without modification, only later undergoing changes internal to Jiamao: (12)

Hlai Pre-Hlai PHl

*f ੈ

*fh

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

f >p

੔

f >p

*vj ੈ

Hlai

੔

vj > fçh > tsh

੔

fj > fçh > tsh

Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*s

੔

sh > tsh

PHl

*sh

੔

sh > tsh

ੈ

*fhj

Jiamao

The fricatives appear to have been stable throughout the first two waves of borrowing, with only

one reflex apiece in Jiamao. PHl *fh participated in a rather late change in Jiamao in which fricatives

were hardened to stops, and the Jiamao reflex is therefore p. This gap was then available to be filled, so like Bouhin and Yuanmen, the only case in which Jiamao has a reflex f is as a reflex of *C-w. There is more than one way that it can be conjectured that *fhj led to tsh in Jiamao, but I hypothesize an

intermediate stage of fçh (with the aperture of the glide assimilating to that of the preceding fricative).

285 This is parallel to the development of *ٍ‫؛‬hw to f in NCHl and Lauhut discussed in chapter two, and is similar to a change called High Vowel Frication in Bantu, an example of which is given in Shona (Mathangwane 1999: 88): (13)

Examples of High Vowel Frication in Shona Proto-Bantu

Shona

Example

Proto-Bantu

SL ࣡

sw

stick

-SηP ࣡ࡢ ER

WX࣡

> >

pf

forge

-WX࣡ࡢG-a

Shona > >

swimbo pfura

Unlike all other fricatives which hardened to plain stops, *s seems to have undergone an earlier

change to an affricate (an identical shift with Run). This cleared the way for the sibilant chain shift mentioned above: (14)

Pre-Hlai *s *ٍ

PHl > >

*sh

*ٍ‫؛‬h

Jiamao ੔ ੔

sh ‫؛‬

> tsh

> s

> t

Examples are given below. Note that only three examples of *fhj exist, and of these, there is only corroboration for this reflex in tooth in the NWCHl and Meifu branches: (15)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

(b)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

go

*fhi:

paj1

scrub

*v[j]Ҭ:p

tshuʅp9

dream

*f ʅn

pDZ:n

tooth

*vjʅn

tshDӔ1

hairbun

*fhunު h

pDZӔ1

seed 1

(c)

PHl

Jiamao

poke a hole you (pl)

*shҬӔު *shʅw

tshDӔ5 tshaw1

thread needle

*shok

tshDZ:k9

There is one exceptional correspondence in this category:

*v[j]ʅn

tshan1

286 (16)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

return

*shut

tsDZk7

*[ުϺ]۠k

In the case of this word, the expected Jiamao initial would be aspirated tsh, and if related, it is unclear why it is unaspirated.

5.1.5 Medial Preglottalized Stops The reflexes of the Pre-Hlai medial preglottalized stops are the following. There are three

reflexes each of *Ʒ and *Ȯ, and two each of *tç and *k (as in chapter two, a reflex in bold font indicates that it is correlated with low register): (17)

Pre-Hlai

PHl

Jiamao

*Cʅުb

*Ʒ

p, Ʒ, f

*CʅުϺ

*tç

ts, tsh

*Cʅުd *Cʅުg

*Ȯ *k

t, Ȯ, Ѵ k, h

Reflexes of words borrowed at the time of PHl or subsequently are straightforward. Those

borrowed during the Pre-Hlai period, however, show two sets of correspondences. In one case, the

presyllable seems to have merely dropped off, leaving plain voiced stops which later devoiced. In the

other, additional intervocalic lenition occurred (possibly due to the loss of the glottal stop), in which the stops shifted to voiced fricatives or, in the case of the alveolar, to a lateral. The palatal and velar IULFDWLYHVGHYRLFHGEHIRUHUHJLVWURJHQHVLVZKHUHDVWKHELODELDOIULFDWLYHGLGQ·Wdo so until afterward:

287 (18)

Hlai Pre-Hlai

*Cʅުb ੈ

PHl

*Ʒ

Jiamao

Hlai

੔ ੣

ުb > b> p

*Cʅުd

੔

Ʒ

*Ȯ

Jiamao

Hlai

ުϺ > Ϻ > ts

*Cʅުg

Hlai Pre-Hlai

*CʅުϺ ੈ

PHl

*tç

੔ ੣

ǜ!v > f

ੈ

z > s > ts

h

੔

ੈ

tç > ts

*k

Jiamao ੔ ੣

ުd > d > t

੔

Ȯ

l>Ҁ>Ѵ

Jiamao ੔ ੣

੔

ުg > g > k ‫>ۦ‬x>h k>k

Examples are given below: (19)

(a)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

leaf

*CʅުbҬ:

pi:1

decorate

*Ʒi:n͈

Ʒiʅn5

to hoe

*Ʒʅw͈

ƷDZ:w5

overflow end

*Cʅުba:͈

*Cʅުbʅ:jު

pDZ:

1

pҬj5

duck

*Ʒit

Ʒet7

(c)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

fly

*Cʅުbin

fin4

(d)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(e)

PHl

Jiamao

porcupine

*Cʅުdʅj

ti:1

bright

*Ȯinު

Ȯin1

dregs

*Cʅުda:k

tҬ:5

ladle

*Ȯok

ȮDZ:k9

thief feed

bamboo

*Cʅުbuj *Cʅުbu:͈

*CʅުdDZm

fuj4 fo:4

tʅm1

bamboo

*Ȯom

Ȯum5

288 (f)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

castrate fear

*CʅުdҬ:n *Cʅުda:ު

ѴҬӔ4 ѴDZ:4

(g)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(h)

PHl

Jiamao

elder bros wife

*CʅުϺu:

tshu:1

bear fruit

WoLӔ

WVHӔ1

extinguish

*tçʅp

tsep7

stand

*CʅުϺu:n

tshu:n1

(i)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

yawn

*Cʅުga:w

hDZ:5

jump (j)

*tçu:nު PHl

tsuʅn1 Jiamao

able

*ki:w

kiw1

grind (rice)

*ka:n͈

ka:n5

jar

*kʅӔު

kDZӔ1

Note the timing of the devoicing of voiced stops which entered Jiamao in the first wave of

borrowing compared with the changes which occurred in the plain voiceless stops which entered at the same time: (20)

p

>

Ʒ

ުb

>

p

k

>

x

ުg

>

k

t

>

Ȯ

ުd

>

t

Exceptional correspondences are given below: (21)

Gloss

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

castrate

*CʅުdҬ:n

thҬӔ4

*[l]Ҭ:Ӕ

front

*CʅުdʅӔ

t iʅӔ h

4

>O@HӔ

(b)

soak light, insipid

*Cʅުdʅ:mު *Cʅުdʅc

tsiʅm4 tsia2

*[‫ר‬j]em *[‫ר‬j]iʅު

(c)

sink

*CʅުϺʅ:n

tsen4

*[‫ר‬j]in

grandmother

*CʅުϺҬ:ު

tsʅ:

2

*[‫ר‬j]ģ:ު

289 5.1.6 Initial Nasals There are two correspondences for each of the +ODLLQLWLDOQDVDOVZLWKWKHH[FHSWLRQRI KӔZ which has followed the development of most other Hlai languages in merging with *hw. The reflexes of Pre-Hlai *ӑ vary between ӑ and n, apparently conditioned by the following vowel ² n before low vowels and ӑ elsewhere. (22)

Pre-Hlai

PHl

Jiamao

*m

*hm

m, p

*ӑ

*hӑ

ӑ/n, ts

*n

Ӕ

ӔZ

*hn

n, t

KӔ

Ӕ, k

KӔZ

v

The development of the initial nasals is shown below. The reflexes in the second wave of

borrowing indicate that this wave was not borrowed precisely at the time of PHl, but shortly thereafter from one of the daughter languages, almost certainly Ha Em (which was not only present in the same vicinity, but had evolved in a way that best explains the form of the Jiamao borrowings): (23)

Hlai Pre-Hlai PHl

*m

ੈ *hm

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

m>m

*n

੔

mb > b > p

ੈ *hn

Jiamao

Hlai

Hlai

Jiamao ੔

n>n

੔

nd > d > t Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*ӑ

੔

ӑ > ӑ/n

Ӕ

੔

Ӕ!Ӕ

PHl

*hӑ

੔

ӑϺ > Ϻ > ts

KӔ

੔

ӔJ!J!k

ੈ

Hlai Pre-Hlai PHl

 ӔZ

ੈ

KӔZ

Jiamao ੔

w > hw > v)

੔

hw > v

ੈ

290 Examples are given below: (24)

(a)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

beard

*mҬ:mު

mum2

ant

*hmuc

puʅt8

mouth

*mʅmު

muʅӔ4

dog

*hma:

pow4

come

*mҬ:n

mҬӔ4

wet

*hmʅnު

pʅ:n4

(c)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

mos y. brother

*nҬ:ު

ni:4

long

*hna:wު

tow4

otter

*na:k

nҬ:2

wetfield

*hna:͈

tow4

six

*nom

nʅm4

dragon

*hnʅӔ

tʅӔ4

(e)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(f)

PHl

Jiamao

shoot

*ӑҬ:

ni:4

unhusked rice

*hӑ>H@Ӕ

WVLӔ2

surround

*ӑa:wު

nʅ:w2

card (cotton)

*ӑҬ:

ni:4

(g)

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

(h)

PHl

Jiamao

aunt

ӔLQ

ӔLʅn2

necklace

KӔLZ

kew4

(i)

PHl

Jiamao

wind

KӔZʅ:t

vҬat7

lay down lid

day

ӔX͈

Ӕʅ:t

KӔZʅn

ӔDZ:4 ӔҬt8

needle fog

vDZ:n1

There are several exceptional correspondences in this category as well:

KӔXF

KӔDZު

kuʅt8 kDZ:w4

291 (25)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

hemp mother

hmi:n hmi:ު

mian1 ma:j5

*[hm]e:n *[hm]ʅ:jު

frog (inedible)

KӔҬ:͈

ӔDM

*[hӔ]ʅj

glutinous rice

hӔDު

ӔRZ1 1

*[hӔ]a:

(b)

mouse

hniw

kew4

KӔLZ

(c)

yawn

KӔDS

hDZ:p8

*͈۠:p

The forms in (25a) are all in high register; the best explanation for this is that they were borrowed after main-syllable aspiration, so that preaspirated nasals conditioned high register (and therefore before the

shift to poststopped nasals in Greater Hlai). The word mouse (25b) irregularly reflects an original initial

KӔ7KHZRUGyawn in (25c) indicates an irregular original glottal fricative, which may have formed under the presence of the preceding word in the compound hDZ:5 hDZ:p8. 5.1.7 Medial Nasals The correspondences of the Hlai medial nasals in Jiamao all occur in high register, indicating

that they were still either medial or preglottalized at the time of registrogenesis. The same variation in the palatal series that occurred initially also occurs medially: (26)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

*C-m

m

*C-ӑ *C-Ӕ

ӑ/n Ӕ

*C-n

&XӔ

n

Ӕ

There was no change between the stages of Pre-Hlai and PHl, and there is only one set of reflexes for each initial:

292 (27)

Hlai Pre-Hlai PHl

*C-m ੈ *C-m

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

C-m > m

੔

C-m > m

*C-n ੈ

Hlai

*C-n

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao ੔

C-n > n

੔

C-n > n Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*C-ӑ

੔

C-ӑ > ӑ/n

*C-Ӕ

੔

C-Ӕ!Ӕ

PHl

*C-ӑ

੔

C-ӑ > ӑ/n

*C-Ӕ

੔

C-Ӕ!Ӕ

ੈ

Hlai

Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

&XӔ

੔

C-Ӕ!Ӕ

PHl

&XӔ

੔

C-Ӕ!Ӕ

ੈ

ੈ

Examples are given below: (28)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

poison

*C-mi:n

mi:n5

bamboo shoot

*C-nҬӔ

QDӔ1

(c)

PHl

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

year before last *C-ӑҬ:

na:1

tattoo face

*C-ӔX

ӔDZ5

moon

nuʅn1

liver

*C-ӔDQ

ӔXʅn1

hand foreigner

*C-mҬ: *C-mʅ:j

ma:1 muʅj1

cow

*C-ӑiw

(e)

PHl

Jiamao

wild potato

&XӔD

ӔRZ1

rest head

*C-ӑa:n

&XӔDQ

naw1

water thick

cry

ӔXʅn1

There are three kinds of exceptional correspondences in this category:

*C-nʅmު *C-na:

*C-ӔLު

na:m1 now1

ӔDM1

293 (29)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

shake salt

*C-ӑoӔ͈ *C-ӑa:wު

ӑuʅӔ4 nDZ:w4

*ӑRӔ *n۠:w

branch (tree)

*C-ӔDP͈

Ӕʅm

Ӕģmު

alcohol

*C-ӔDZ͈

Ӕʅ:w2 2

Ӕģ:wު

(b)

wear (hat)

&XӔʅwު

ӑiaw1

*ުӑe:w

(c)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Baoting

bear

*C-muj

muj4

muj1

In (29a), the low register of these forms indicates that the nasals were initial, not medial; they may have been borrowed as such. The originally velar nasal in (29b) appears to have palatalized under the

influence of the following rime. Finally, the word bear (29c) appears to be a recent borrowing from Baoting.

5.1.8 Laterals The Jiamao correspondences for initial Hlai laterals are given below. In all cases, there is a one-

to-one correspondence: (30)

Pre-Hlai

PHl

Jiamao

*l

*hl

Ѵ

*m-l

*m-l

l

*Cilj *C-l

*hlj *C-l

ts l

Amongst the four categories of laterals, the only one which underwent a significant change between Pre-Hlai and PHl is the plain lateral, which became aspirated before PHl. Although Jiamao has a modern aspirated reflex for this initial, the fact that it occurs in low register indicates that it must have

been borrowed as a voiced segment, most probably a plain lateral. It could have later become aspirated

in one of two ways: either (1) by first developing into the voiced lateral fricative Ҁ (the hypothesis advocated here), probably under the influence of Baoting and the other Qi languages which had inherited this initial as a reflex of *hlj, or (2) by undergoing unconditioned spontaneous aspiration.

294 (31)

Hlai Pre-Hlai PHl

*l ੈ

*hl

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

l>Ҁ>Ѵ

੔

l>Ҁ>Ѵ

*Cilj ੈ

Hlai

*hlj

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao ੔

lj > dϴ > ts

੔

lj > dϴ > ts Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*C-l

੔

C-l > l

*m-l

੔

m-l > p-l > l

PHl

*C-l

੔

C-l > l

*m-l

੔

m-l > p-l > l

ੈ

ੈ

Examples are given below: (32)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

tongue

*hli:nު

Ѵi:n4

leech

KOMLӔ

WVLӔ4

fish

*hla:

Ѵow4

steal

*hljok

tsa:k8

brain

*hlu:k

Ѵu:ު8

neck

KOMRӔު

WVDӔ2

(c)

PHl

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

fingernail

*C-li:p

lep7

bamboo

*m-lҬ:j͈

luʅj5

change clothes uncover

*C-lʅw *C-la:k

law1 lҬa5

termite near

*m-lu:k *m-lҬ:ު

lua5 la:1

The exceptional correspondences in this categoryare given below. At least three of these appear

to be more recent borrowings:

295 (33)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

heart

*hla:wު

tshia:w1

*[s]iʅ:w

(b)

choose

*hlʅӑ

tsDZn4

*[‫ר‬j]۠n

(c)

measure (rice)

*C-lҬӔު

ѴDZӔ4

*l۠Ӕ

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Ha Em

spade

*hlja:w͈

za:w4

za:w2

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Zandui

warm

*hlun͈

thu:n5

Ѵun5

(d)

(e)

not know

*hlҬmު

t um h

4

Ѵum3

5.1.9 Approximants The Jiamao reflexes of the Hlai approximants are given below. Single reflexes in Jiamao

indicate stability of these intitials between Pre-Hlai and PHl. (34)

Pre-Hlai

PHl

Jiamao

*C-‫ڛ‬

*‫ڛ‬

v

*Ci‫ר‬j

*‫ר‬j

ts

*C-‫ר‬

*Cu‫ר‬ *r

*Cirj *Cur

*‫ר‬

*Cu‫ר‬ *hr *hrj

*Cuhr

l

l k

ts k

The development of these initials is on balance similar to those in other Hlai languages. Jiamao

patterns with Bouhin and Ha Em in not undergoing vocalic transfer in the *Cu‫ ר‬and *Cuhr initials. The reflex of *hr must have velarized very early to *‫ۦ‬, hardened to a voiced stop and ultimately devoiced:

296

(35)

Hlai

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*‫ڛ‬

੔

‫>ڛ‬v

*‫ר‬

੔

‫>ר‬l

PHl

*‫ڛ‬

੔

‫>ڛ‬v

*‫ר‬

੔

‫>ר‬l

Jiamao

Hlai

ੈ

Hlai

ੈ

Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*Ci‫ר‬j

੔

‫ר‬j > dϴ > ts

*Cu‫ר‬

੔

‫>ר‬l

PHl

*‫ר‬j

੔

‫ר‬j > dϴ > ts

*Cu‫ר‬

੔

‫>ר‬l

Jiamao

Hlai

ੈ

Hlai

ੈ

Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*r

੔

‫>ۦ‬g>k

*Cirj

੔

‫ר‬j > dϴ > ts

PHl

*hr

੔

‫>ۦ‬g>k

*hrj

੔

‫ר‬j > dϴ > ts

ੈ

Hlai

*Cur

੔

*Cuhr

੔

ੈ

ੈ

Jiamao

‫>ۦ‬g>k ‫>ۦ‬g>k

Note that Jiamao l in low register is always the reflex of PHl *‫ר‬, whereas Jiamao l in high register is the reflex of PHl *C-l.

Examples are given below:

297 (36)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

length clsfr master

*‫ڛ‬ʅnު *‫ڛ‬DӔ

viʅn4 vҬ:4

skirt mortar

*‫ר‬i:nު *‫ר‬ʅw

liʅn2 lu:4

(c)

PHl

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

kiss42

*‫ר‬ju:c

tsuʅt9

bone

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:k

liʅk10

boat

*Cu‫ר‬a:

lDZ:4

clothes

sieve

bamboo inst.

*‫ڛ‬DӔު

*[‫ר‬j]ʅw *‫ר‬jʅj

vo:4

tsi:w

4

tsaj2

intestine

earth

*‫ר‬a:jު

*Cu‫ר‬ʅn

lҬj4

len4

(e)

PHl

Jiamao

(f)

PHl

Jiamao

sell

*hri:wު

ki:w1

calf (of leg)

*hrjinު

tsin4

sweep

*hrjit

tset10

cicada taro

*hrʅ:j

*hra:k

kuj

1

kҬ:5

(f) pus

PHl *Cuhriwު

Jiamao ku:1

100

*Cuhra:n

kҬ:n1

head

*Cuhrʅwު

laugh

*hrja:w

tsu4

ki:w1

Exceptional correspondences in this category are given below. At least two of these (37f) are probably recent loans from Baoting: (37)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

poor

*‫ڛ‬a:t

fҬ:t8

*vҬʅt

(b)

day bfr last

*‫ר‬u:ު

tsa:w4

*‫ר‬jʅ:w

(c)

to lead

*hrujު

luʅj2

*‫ר‬ojު

(d)

42

red

lizard magpie

*hra:nު *hrjҬӔ *hrju:t

ѴҬ:n

4

liʅӔ4 luʅt8

The high register in this Jiamao form is irregular.

*lҬʅn *‫ר‬eӔ *‫ר‬ot

298

(e)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Baoting

cricket not

*Cu‫ר‬u:Ӕު *Cuhri:͈

fuʅӔ4 vaj1

IXӔ6 hwaj2

Many of these exceptional reflexes remain mysterious; based on the examples above, there was occasionally some confusion between plain *‫ר‬, palatalized *‫ר‬j, and *hr. 5.1.10 Glottals The Jiamao reflexes of Hlai glottal fricatives and stops are given below: (38)

Pre-Hlai

PHl

Jiamao

*‫ۦ‬

*͈

h

*Cu‫ۦ‬

*Cu͈

h

*Ci‫ۦ‬ *ު

*Ciު *Cuު

*Ci͈ *ު

*Ciު *Cuު

h/z ު ު ު

Jiamao again patterns with Bouhin and Ha Em in not undergoing vocalic transfer in forms with

medial glottal segments and preceding high vowels. There are two exceptions to this. One is *Ci͈,

where the Jiamao reflex is often z in low register before low vowels; z is also occasionally the reflex of *͈ if followed by a high front vowel in the rime. The other exception is *Ciު, for which there is only one Jiamao example. This example (steam) shows evidence for vocalic transfer, but it is also possible based on the rime that this is a relatively recent borrowing from Baoting. The Jiamao reflex of *Ciު must therefore be considered very tentative.

299 (39)

Hlai Pre-Hlai PHl

*‫ۦ‬ ੈ *͈

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

͈ > h/z

੔

͈ > h/z

*ު ੈ

Hlai

*ު

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao ੔

ު

੔

ު Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*Ci‫ۦ‬

੔

͈(j) > h/z

*Ciު

੔

---

PHl

*Ci͈

੔

͈(j) > h/z

*Ciު

੔

(ުj > ts)

Jiamao

Hlai

ੈ

Hlai

ੈ

Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*Cu‫ۦ‬

੔

͈>h

*Cuު

੔

ު

PHl

*Cu͈

੔

͈>h

*Cuު

੔

ު

ੈ

ੈ

Examples are given below: (40)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

horn

*͈ʅw

haw4

field dike

*Ci͈ʅ:n

hҬan4

(c)

PHl

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

spirit

*Cu͈Ҭ:

ha:4

thatch grass

*Ci͈a:

zow4

bite

*Cu͈ʅ:t

hҬʅt10

bitter

*͈ʅ:m

ziam4

shit step

gourd

*͈a:jު *͈a:m͈

*Cu͈Ҭ:p

hҬaj2 hDZ:m2

huʅp8

leak crippled

step

*Ci͈ʅp *Ci͈DӔ͈

*Ci͈a:m͈

hDZ:p9 KHӔ2

za:m5

(e)

PHl

Jiamao

(f)

PHl

Jiamao

wash

*ުu:t

ުuʅt9

steam

*Ciުun͈

tsun1

dense bathe

*ުʅ:t *ުa:p

ުҬʅt7 ުҬp9

300 (g)

PHl

Jiamao

get up open

*CuުҬ:͈ *Cuުa:͈

ުa:1 ުow1

Exceptional correspondences are given below: (41)

Gloss

Pre-Hlai

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

I43

*‫ۦ‬u:

kaw1

*gʅw

pluck/scratch hunchback

*‫ۦ‬Ҭ:t

*‫ۦ‬om͈

kҬat

7

kDZ:m

1

*gۣ:t

*g۠:m

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(b)

go

*͈i:

haj1

*hʅj

(c)

pond

*Ci͈XӔ͈

ުjDZӔ5

*ުj۠Ӕު

(d)

(e)

tree heart

*Cu͈ʅc

ުiʅt

7

*ުet

swollen

*ުun

fun4

*‫ڛ‬u:n

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Baoting

earthworm (lg)

*Cu͈ʅn

van1

van1

In general, the forms in (41a) appear to have been borrowed with an original velar fricative *‫ۦ‬, merging with loans from PHl forms with initial *hr. The word in (41d) seems to have developed an excrescent fricative ‫ ڛ‬in initial position, which later devoiced. The word in (41e) is a late loan from Baoting. 5.1.11 Glides The Jiamao reflexes of the Hlai glides are the following:

43

Thurgood (p.c.) suggests that the first person pronoun in (41a) may be a loan from Utsat.

301 (42)

Pre-Hlai

PHl

Jiamao

*j *w

*hj *hw

ts v

*C-w

*C-w

f

The only difference between the Pre-Hlai and PHl initial glides is that the latter became preaspirated. The Jiamao reflexes of the glides occur in high register, indicating that they were

preaspirated at the time of registrogenesis. Any glides originally borrowed as unaspirated must have therefore later become preaspirated, merging with the glides borrowed later. (43)

Hlai

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

Pre-Hlai

*j

੔

hj > Ϻ > ts

*w

੔

hw > v

PHl

*hj

੔

hj > Ϻ > ts

*hw

੔

hw > v

ੈ

ੈ

Hlai

Jiamao

*C-w

੔

ǜ!֝ > f

*C-w

੔

ǜ!֝ > f

ੈ

Examples are given below: (43)

(a)

PHl

egg *hjҬ:m elder male inlaw *hjʅwު old

*hja:

Jiamao

(b)

tsum1 tsi:w1

a bundle of rice *hwiw ghost *hwʅ:t plantain

*hwa:k

vew1 vҬat9

(c)

PHl

Jiamao

done

*C-wuj

fuʅj1

nine

*C-wҬ:ު

fʅ:1

tso:1

village

PHl

*C-wa:n

There are two exceptional correspondences in this category, both of which may be recent loans:

Jiamao

vҬa5

fuʅn1

302 (45)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Baoting

corner extend

KMXӔ *hja:ު

tshuʅӔ1 tsDZ:4

]XӔ4 *zDZ:3

5.1.12 Summary In examining the initial consonants of PHl and Jiamao, the largest complications in

correspondences between the two can be explained in terms of a model in which there were (at least) two

periods of borrowing from Hlai into Jiamao. The first period was in the latter part of the Pre-Hlai period, but before main-syllable aspiration. The second period was around the time of reconstructed Proto-Hlai, and extending into the early period of Proto-Hlai disintegration. When there are at least two Jiamao

reflexes, the additional witness of Jiamao as external evidence for the various stages of Hlai can be quite valuable. Despite the fact that regular correspondences between Jiamao and Hlai can be identified once the nature of the borrowing relationship has been explicated, there remains a residue of Jiamao forms

which seem related to Hlai but have unexpected correspondences; when they do not seem to be recent

loans, these forms are explainable in at least some cases as due to errors in transmission during borrowing, and reinforce the hypothesis that Jiamao is a non-Hlai language which has been in intense contact with Hlai for quite some time. 5.2 Rimes In comparison with the Jiamao initial correspondences, the Jiamao rime correspondences are

much more complicated, and often seem to reflect more than two layers of loanwords. These layers can be sorted out to a certain degree using a combination of reference directly to various stages of Hlai, as well as relying on the Jiamao initials to provide constraints on linearization of borrowing, provided that there are two distinct layers in the class of initials in question.

There are still numerous exceptions to the generalizations which apply to different strata of vocabulary; it is my opinion that these can only be accounted for by both transmission errors at the time of the loans themselves as well as occasional idiosyncratic changes which occurred later, after the loans

entered the language. Although in some rime categories it is possible to suggest a general progression of loanword strata, it is not presently possible to do this in all cases; where this stratification is evident, it is laid out in as much detail as possible.

Based upon comparison with the timeline of the Jiamao initials, the following general principles

of Jiamao sound change chronology are relatively secure:

(i) There were two different changes involving schwa, one earlier, one later (ii) Diphthongs in closed rimes originate in formerly pure vowels.

303

In the case of (i), the two changes are in keeping with similar changes which affected the Hlai

languages, as well as the Be languages to the north. These changes were the following, with (a) preceding (b): (46)

(a)

(b)

ʅ>DZ

ʅ>a

In the majority of cases, it is probably safe to assume that a Jiamao word with the first reflex is an earlier loan; the one exception to this is the Proto-Hlai rime category *oC, which, given the phonetic similarity, may be suspected of being of more recent origin if it corresponds to a Jiamao rime DZ[:]C, either long or

short. On the other hand, a Jiamao word with the latter reflex can not automatically be assumed to be a later loan, since it is only known that its individual path of development had led to a schwa nucleus by the time at which the change ʅ > a occurred.

In the case of (ii), the generalization can be made that low-centered diphthongs of the type VaC

(where V is some high vowel) originated in long low vowels, and that mid-centered diphthongs of the

type VʅC (where V is some high vowel) originated in mid vowels (short in the case of unrounded nuclei, long in the case of rounded nuclei). Moreover, words with these diphthongs may be assumed not to originate in the most recent layer of loanwords, since more recent loanwords have often filled their original positions in the vowel space. The general schema is as follows: (47)

ʎ:C

۠:C

> >

iaC

ҬaC

eC

>

iʅC

oC

>

uʅC

ۣC

>

ҬʅC

The only regular exception to this rule is in the case of velar-final rimes which, as in the case of

some of the Hlai languages, provided an environment for the diphthongization of long high vowels (where K represents both oral and nasal velar stops): (48)

i:K

>

iʅK

>

iaK

u:K

>

uʅK

>

uaK

Ҭ:K

>

ҬʅK

>

a:K

There are two specific areas in which Jiamao is particularly sporadic in its correspondences,

which suggest that the categories in question were not available in the early language. The first is the

class of Hlai Ҭ rimes, both open and closed, long and short. Reflexes of this rime class, while not completely random, are dispersed into an above-average number of categories, most often ending up in one of the Hlai ʅ categories, but also into the i and u categories as well. This suggests that there was

simply no original Jiamao Ҭ category (although there certainly is in present-day Jiamao), and that words

304 were assigned to other rime categories in accordance with how they were perceived at the time of borrowing.

The second category which shows a large amount of unpredictable variation is vowel length. The correlation with Hlai vowel length improves in the more recent stratum of loans, but in the earlier

stratum (or strata), there is noticeable variation in all categories except a:C, a category which contained

only long members in PHl. Even in this category, Jiamao displays a sharp tendency to favor short rimes

if the coda is a bilabial stop (nasal or oral). Due to the difficulty of fixing rime strata to specific stages of Hlai, only Proto-Hlai forms will be compared below, even if their initials indicate a Pre-Hlai borrowing. 5.2.1 Tone Categories The Jiamao table of tone values is repeated below: (49)

Tone Category

High

Tone

Low

Tone

A

55

(1)

11

(4)

X

51

(5)

31

(2)

DLong

53

(9)

31

(8)

DShort

55

(7)

22

(10)

With the exception of the rimes which end in an oral stop (category D), the default category for

borrowed Hlai vocabulary is Jiamao category A. There is also a significant minority of forms in Jiamao category X, which seem to be represented more or less equally across Hlai categories A, B, and C. The

only regular correlation with Jiamao category X is with long Hlai rimes with final velars, which lenited to glottal stops in Jiamao, conditioning tone X before finally disappearing: (50)

V:k

>

V:ު

>

V:X

Examples of this are given below: (51)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

shoulder pole

*fhi:k

pia5

*fiʅު

termite gill

*m-lu:k

*C-ӔDN

lua

5

ӔҬa5

*ުluʅު

*ުӔҬʅު

305 Examples of Jiamao category X in correlation with other Hlai tone categories are given below: (52)

Gloss

(a)

(b)

(c)

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

mountain valley *khʅӔ

khDZӔ5

*kh۠Ӕު

pickle

mDZӔ

*ުm۠Ӕު

burn

PHl

*ƷʅӔ

*C-mʅӔ

ƷDZӔ5

5

*Ʒ۠Ӕު

cockscomb

*fhi:w͈

pi:w5

*fiʅwު

branch (tree)

*C-ӔDP͈

Ӕʅm

Ӕģmު

drink

partridge beard neck

*hru:n͈

*tha:nު

*hmҬ:mު

KOMRӔު

ku:n5 2

Ȯa:n5

mum

2

WVDӔ

2

*guʅnު

*tʅ:nު

*mu:mު *‫ר‬jʅӔު

It is possible that in a small number of cases, Jiamao category X represents faithful borrowings

of Hlai category C words with glottal stop (the examples in 52c above all appear to be early loans). In

general, however, this lack of correlation between tone categories throughout apparently all vocabulary strata is an important piece of evidence that the Hlai vocabulary in Jiamao is borrowed, not native,

because it strongly indicates that the cues correlating with tone category were not perceived in the context in which these words were learned, and that the learners were biased towards other kinds of cues (such as vowel length, discussed below).

Although there is no discernible correlation between the Jiamao A and X categories on the one hand, and the Hlai A, B, and C categories on the other, this distinction seems to have been preserved in

another way, where high vowels (53a-f) and short mid central rimes (53g-j) in Hlai tone categories B and C underwent lengthening, often followed by the lowering of the nucleus, but not always:

306 (53) (a)

this

PHl

Jiamao

*C-ni:͈

nʎ:5

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

uncle small sore

*tçhi:ު *C-ni:ު

tsha:j1 na:j1

cry

*C-ӔLު

ӔDM1

(c)

get up

*CuުҬ:͈

ުa:1

(d)

short near

*thҬ:ު *m-lҬ:ު

tha:1 la:1

(e)

blow

*ުu:͈

ުa:w1

(f)

ash

*shu:ު

tsha:w1

turtle

*thu:͈

Ȯa:w1

three

*ٍ‫؛‬huު

ta:w1

(g)

(i)

power

fall down

tomorrow

water

clothing clsfr instruct

*khu:͈

*Ȯʅw͈ *͈ʅw͈

*C-nʅmު *fhʅnު *C-Ӕʅnު

kha:w1

Ȯa:w1 ziaw4

na:m1 pa:n1 ӔDQ1

(h)

(j)

memorial

*C-mu:ު

ma:w1

Fas y. sis husb

*hjʅwު

tsi:w1

fill w/ rice

*k ʅwު

hi:w1

head

meat

wet open (eyes)

*Cuhrʅwު h

*hrʅmު

*hmʅnު *C-lʅӔު

ki:w1

kʅ:m1 pʅ:n4 lʅӔ1

The diphthongization and lengthening of the rimes in (53a-f) above is an exaggerated case of the diphthongization which occurred in Greater Hlai in the same environment.

It must be noted that from this point on, the terms Pre-Hlai and Proto-Hlai are replaced with Stratum 1 and Stratum 2 respectively, as the points of Jiamao borrowing from the point of view of the rimes is quite difficult to fix with any certainty. This is because for the initials, there is one important change (main-syllable aspiration) which occurred toward the end of the Pre-Hlai period and therefore

makes periodization rather easy; in the case of the rimes, these kinds of obvious changes are for the most part absent (it is likely that Jiamao borrowing began after peripheral vowel raising, which is the only real change in the rimes which could have been used this way).

An example illustrating this point is the following:

(54)

Gloss

Pre-Hlai

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

jar

*CʅުgʅӔު

*kʅӔު

kDZӔ1

*g۠Ӕ

(b)

pickle sap

together

*C-mʅӔ *tʅӔ

*tʅӔު

*C-mʅӔ *thʅӔ

*t ʅӔު h

mDZӔ

5

Ȯa:1

tha:1

*ުm۠Ӕު *tʅࢦ:

*thʅࢦ:

307 It is argued below that the change *ʅӔ!DZӔ preceded the change *ʅӔ!a: in Jiamao, so that

the examples in (54a) above are assumed to have been borrowed at a period prior to those in (54b).

However, the initial of sap indicates that it was borrowed in Pre-Hlai, before main-syllable aspiration, whereas the initial of together indicates that it was borrowed after main-syllable aspiration had already

occurred. These would therefore be assigned to different strata of borrowing based on the initials, but it

is clear that they both participated in the same change in the rime, which the items in (54a) did not. The

only logical conclusion is that sap was borrowed first, followed by together, and that both were preceded by jar and pickle. There are many instances of this phenomenon in the Jiamao lexicon, but although it complicates periodization, it is important to underscore that the periodization for the initials and that for the rimes never conflict, despite the difficulty in linearizing them absolutely. It is for this reason,

therefore, that the labels Pre-Hlai and Proto-Hlai are replaced with Stratum 1 and Stratum 2 below. 5.2.2 Open Rimes The open rimes, as in the case of the initials, generally have two discernible layers of loans with

occasional exceptions. The Jiamao reflexes of the open rimes are shown below: (55)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

*i:

i:, aj

*u:

u:, aw

*Ҭ:

i:, a:

*i:͈/ު *Ҭ:͈/ު

a:j, aj a:, ʅ:

*u:ު

a:w

*u:͈

*e: *a:

DZ:, a:w

ʎ:

DZ:, Ҭ:, ow, o:

The loan chronology and subsequent changes of the Hlai open rimes are shown below:

308 (56)

Hlai Stratum 1 Stratum 2

*i: ੈ

*ʅj

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

i: > i:

੔

ʅj > aj

*i:͈/ު ੈ

Hlai

*ʅj͈/ު

Jiamao

੔

ʅ:j > a:j

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

Stratum 1

*Ҭ:

੔

Ҭ: > i:

*Ҭ:͈/ު ੔

ۣҮ > ʅ:

Stratum 2

*ʅҮ

੔

ʅҮ > a:

*ʅҮ͈/ު ੔

ʅ:Ү > a:

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

ੈ

Hlai

ੈ

Stratum 1

*u:

੔

u: > u:

*u:͈(/ު) ੔

ʅw > DZw > DZ:

Stratum 2

*ʅw

੔

ʅw > aw

*ʅw͈/ު ੔

ʅ:w > a:w

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

ੈ

Hlai Stratum 1

Stratum 2

ੈ

*a:

*e:

੔

e: > ʎ:

ੈ

*a:

੔

a: > DZ:/ۣ: > DZ:/Ҭ:

੔

a: > o:/u: > o:/ow

The two strata of loans pattern similarly throughout the high vowels. In the earliest layer, Hlai

(or more specifically Greater Hlai) vowels were still pure. By the time of the second layer, these vowels had lengthened, and they underwent a process of diphthongization just as they did in the Hlai languages. The difference, however, is that in the Hlai languages they were kept distinct from the original series of

short schwa-centered diphthongs (*ʅj and *ʅw) by lowering only to mid vowels; in Jiamao, they lowered completely, allowing the two series to merge: (57)

*i:

>

*ʅj

>

aj

*u:

>

*ʅw

>

aw

*Ҭ:

*ʅj

*ʅw

>

> >

*ʅҮ

*ʅj

*ʅw

>

> >

a:

aj

aw

309 The development of high vowels with final laryngeals is shown below. In the earlier stratum,

the vowel was still pure, but diphthongized in Jiamao due to the final laryngeal. In the later stratum, it patterned with the other high vowels with final laryngeals, so it was borrowed as a diphthong and then lengthened, again due to the final laryngeal: (58)

Stratum 1

*i:͈/ު

੔

---

ʅҮ ʅw

> >

ۣҮ DZw

Stratum 2

*ʅj͈/ު

੔

ʅ:j

>

a:j

ʅ:w

>

a:w

*Ҭ:͈/ު ੔ *u:͈/ު ੔

*ʅҮ͈/ު ੔ *ʅw͈/ު

ʅ:Ү

>

> >

ʅ: DZ:

a:

Finally, the low vowel *a: has a total of four reflexes, two of them with specific conditioning

factors. In the first layer, backing occurred; it was modified to a back unrounded vowel if preceded by a high back vowel, which then raised to a high vowel. In the second layer, *a: first raised to *o:, where it

remained if preceded by a palatal glide; otherwise it finally diphthongized to ʅw with subsequent coloring of the nucleus: (59)

Stratum 1

a:

>

a:

>

DZ:

>

DZ:

Stratum 2

a:

>

o:

>

ʅw

>

ow

uCa:

hja:

>

>

uCۣ:

hjo:

>

>

ۣ:

hjo:

>

Ҭ:

Examples are given below: (60)

(a)

PHl

mos y. bros wife *hmi:

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

mi:4

snail

*tçhi:

tshaj1

fire

*fhi:

paj1

go

*fhi:

paj1

(c)

PHl

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

leaf shoot

*ƷҬ: *hӑҬ:

pi:1 ni:4

ladder hand

*phҬ: *C-mҬ:

Ʒa:1 ma:1

card (cotton)

*hӑҬ:

ni:4

spirit

*Cu͈Ҭ:

ha:4

310 (e)

PHl

Jiamao

(f)

PHl

Jiamao

eight knee

*hru: *‫ר‬u:

ku:1 lu:4

seven head louse

*thu: *Cuٍ‫؛‬hu:

Ȯaw1 taw1

(g)

PHl

Jiamao

uncle

*tçhi:ު

tsha:j1

cry

*C-ӔLު

ӔDM1

o. bros wife

*tçu:

tshu:1

I

small sore

*͈u:

*C-ni:ު

kaw1

na:j1

(h)

PHl

Jiamao

(i)

PHl

Jiamao

nine

*C-wҬ:ު

fʅ:1

short

*thҬ:ު

tha:1

get up

*CuުҬ:͈

ުa:1

grandma

*tçҬ:ު

tsʅ:

2

near

*m-lҬ:ު

la:1

(j)

PHl

Jiamao

(k)

PHl

Jiamao

sleep (lie)

KӔX͈

ӔDZ:4

turtle

*thu:͈

Ȯa:w1

distribute run

*ku:͈

*Cuhru:͈

kDZ:

1

kDZ:1

power blow

*k u:͈ h

*ުu:͈

kha:w1 ުa:w1

(l)

PHl

Jiamao

ash

*shu:ު

tsha:w1

(m)

PHl

Jiamao

rice cake

*C-ӑe:͈

ӑe:2

memorial three

*C-mu:ު *Cuٍ‫؛‬huު

ma:w1 ta:w1

(n)

PHl

Jiamao

(o)

PHl

Jiamao

boat

*Cu‫ר‬a:

lDZ:4

fork (road)

*pha:

Ʒow1

grandfather

*na:ު

nDZ:

field

*hna:͈

tow4

overflow

*Ʒa:͈

pDZ:1 4

dog

*hma:

pow4

311 (p)

PHl

Jiamao

(q)

PHl

Jiamao

to plant

*Cuhra:

kҬ:1

old smoke

*hja: *hja:

tso:1 tso:1

medicine

*hja:

tso:1

Exceptions are listed below: (61)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

this

*C-ni:͈

nʎ:5

*ުne:ު

(b)

navel

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:

lo:2

*‫[ר‬a:]ު

(c)

return thin

k.o. frog you

look up at

*hmҬ: *hrҬ:

KӔҬ:͈

*C-mҬ:

KӔҬ:ު

pʅ:

4

kaj1 ӔDM

1

mʅj Ӕʅj

1

4

*hmģ: *gʅj

*ުӔʅj

*ުmģj

Ӕģj

(d)

year

*hmu:͈

ma:1

*ުmʅ:

(e)

two

*hlu:ު

Ѵiaw4

*le:w

(f)

five

*hma:

pu:4

*hmu:

feed

*Ʒu:͈

mat. grandfather *ٍ‫ ؛‬a:ު h

fo:4

tʅ:

1

*‫[ڛ‬a:]

*ٍģ:

The Jiamao reflex of two in (61e) is what would normally be expected for PHl *ʅw͈/ު (see section 5.2.7 below), which indicates that this is how it was borrowed. 5.2.3 High Front Rimes The correspondences between PHl and Jiamao rimes with high front nuclei are given below:

312 (62)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

(a)

*i:w *i:m

ew, iw, i:w em

*i:n

iʅn, in, i:n

*i:p *i:t

LӔ

*i:k

ep, ip

et, it, i:t HӔLDLӔ iaX, i:X

(b)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

*iw *im

ew, iw em, im

*in

in

*ip *it

LӔ

*ik

ep, ip et, it LӔ

et, i:k, it

The Jiamao reflexes can be generally grouped into three sets in the case of the long rimes, and

two in the case of the short rimes. The long rime reflexes could be interpreted in two ways ² they could either reflect three strata of borrowing, or otherwise two of the reflexes could represent a single strata, with variation resulting from inconsistency at the point of borrowing. While recognizing both

possibilities, I tentatively choose the latter hypothesis, under the assumption that there was a great deal of confusion in borrowing words with long rimes, some borrowed long and some borrowed short:

313 (63)

Hlai Stratum 1

*i:w ੈ

Stratum 2

*i:w

Jiamao ੔ ੣

i:w > iw

੔

i:w

Hlai Stratum 1

*i:m ੈ

Stratum 2

*i:m

Jiamao

Hlai

---

*i:p

im > em

ੈ

---

*i:p

Jiamao

Hlai

੔ ੣

i:n > in

*i:t

in > en > iʅn

ੈ

੔

i:n

*i:t

Jiamao

Hlai

iʅӔ!LD

*i:k

LӔ!HӔ

ੈ

i:Ӕ

*i:k

੔ ੣

੔

Hlai Stratum 1

*i:n ੈ

Stratum 2

*i:n Hlai

Stratum 1

LӔ ੈ

Stratum 2

LӔ

iw > ew

੔ ੣

੔

There was no similar confusion in the case of the short rimes:

Jiamao ੔ ੣

੔

i:p > ip ip > ep --Jiamao

੔ ੣

i:t > it

੔

i:t

it > et

Jiamao ੔ ੣

੔

iʅk > iaު > iaX --i:k > i:ު > i:X

314 (64)

Hlai Stratum 1 Stratum 2

*iw ੈ *iw

Jiamao ੔

iw > ew

੔

iw

Hlai

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

Stratum 1

*im

੔

im > em

*ip

੔

ip > ep

Stratum 2

*im

੔

im

*ip

੔

ip

Jiamao

Hlai

ੈ

Hlai

ੈ

Jiamao

Stratum 1

*in

੔

---

*it

੔

it > et

Stratum 2

*in

੔

in

*it

੔

it

Jiamao

Hlai

ੈ

Hlai

ੈ

Jiamao

Stratum 1

LӔ

੔

---

*ik

੔

it > et

Stratum 2

LӔ

੔

LӔ!LӔ

*ik

੔

ik > i:k

ੈ

ੈ

After the first layer of borrowing, there was a lowering of the nucleus of short rimes and a

shortening of the nucleus of long rimes, similar to what occurred in NCHl: (65)

i:C iC

> >

iC

eC

This shift appears to have occurred early enough before the alveolar nasal to allow it to participate in the diphthongization of short mid vowels which affected the rimes *eC and *ۣC. Length distinctions seem to have remained intact in this final layer of borrowing.

Examples are given below. Stratum one borrowings corresponding to long rimes are given in

(66a), and stratum two borrowings in (66b). Stratum one borrowings corresponding to short rimes are given in (66c), and stratum two in (66d):

315 (66)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

sound

*thi:w

tshew1

necklace

KӔLZ

kew4

blue

plug up

bear fruit

stick into

chopsticks fingernail

bail water

*khi:w

*tçhi:m

WoLӔ

*C-ӔLS *t i:p h

*C-li:p *hwi:t

PHl

Jiamao

able

*ki:w

kiw1

hang

*‫ר‬LӔު

lin4

vet7

to heat

*shi:t

tshit7

khew1

tshem1 WVHӔ1 ӑep7

ts ep h

centipede

*‫ר‬i:p

lip8

7

lep7

underwear skirt

*fhi:n͈ *‫ר‬i:nު

piʅn1 liʅn2

money roll (child)

*tçi:n *m-li:n

tsin1 lin1

finger slap

KOMLӔ͈ *phi:k

tsia4 Ʒia5

to tear

*C-ӑi:k

ӑit7

PHl

Jiamao

be cheap

*khi:t

khi:t9

phi:1

wing

*phi:k

phi:5

NLӔ1

chimney

*Ȯi:k

ti:2

decorate

full

shoulder pole

*Ʒi:n͈

*t i:k h

*f i:k h

Ʒiʅn5

ts ia h

5

pia5

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

cockscomb

*fhi:w͈

pi:w5

wear (lower)

*phi:n

phi:n1

wild sell

tongue

ill omen

make way rice wine slant

*hlji:w *hri:wު *hli:nު

*hwi:n *phLӔު *ƷLӔ͈

NLӔ

tsi:w4 ki:w1 Ѵi:n4

vi:n1 ƷLӔ5

carry

*Ʒi:k

fi:2

316 (c)

PHl

a bundle of rice *hwiw mouse *hniw taste

*tçhim

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

vew1 kew4

escape

*phiw

phiw1

poison

*kimު

kim1

calf fly

*hrjinު *Ʒin

tsin4 fin4

tsem4

dogbean

*tç ip

ts ep

wrinkle

*C-ӑit

ӑet7

duck

sweep

h

*Ʒit

*hrjik

h

a pinch

bright

7

Ʒet7

lightning

throw away

tset10

leech

silence

*C-ӑimު

*Ȯinު

*hljip *fhit

KOMLӔ *ުik

ӑim1

Ȯin1 lip7 fit7

WVLӔ4 ުi:k9

The handful of exceptions in this category are given below: (67)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

polished rice

*tçi:mު

tsiam1

*Ϻe:m

(c)

(c)

(d)

hemp pus

cow

*hmi:n

*Cuhriwު *C-ӑiw

mian

1

ku:1

naw

1

*ުme:n *gu:

*ުnʅw

splash

*tçhin͈

tshit7

*tçhi:t

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Lauhut

clean

*tçhLӔ͈

tshiʅӔ5

tshLӔ2

The word splash in (67c) is one of two cases in Jiamao where the precursor to Tone B influenced transmission in such a way as to result in the replacement of the final nasal with a stop at the same place of articulation. The word clean in (67d) is probably a loan from Lauhut. 5.2.4 High Back Unrounded Rimes The following are the correspondences long Ҭ:C rimes and short ҬC rimes:

317 (68)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

(a)

*Ҭ:j *Ҭ:m

uʅj um, DZm, DZ:m

*Ҭ:n

ҬӔ

*Ҭ:p

*ҬӔ

*Ҭ:k

up, uʅp

DZӔDӔ

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

*Ҭp

DZ:p

*Ҭt

uʅt

(b)

*Ҭn

DӔDZ:n

iʅk, a:k

It is more difficult to suggest a chronology for this series of rimes, although we can at least infer

that rimes in DZ and with diphthongs are not the most recent layer. It can also be assumed that mid vowels

in some cases correspond to high vowels that were borrowed as short rimes and then underwent lowering, as in the case of the high front rimes above. I tentatively suggest the following chronology:

318 (69)

(a)

Hlai

Stratum 1

*Ҭ:j

Jiamao ੔

Hlai Stratum 1

*Ҭ:m ੈ

Stratum 2

*Ҭ:m

Jiamao

Hlai

੔ ੣

u:m > um

*Ҭ:p

ʅm > DZm

ੈ

੔

ʅ:m > DZ:m

*Ҭ:p

Hlai Stratum 1

*Ҭ:n

ʅj > oj > uʅj Jiamao ੔ ੣

u:p > up

੔

---

ʅp > op > uʅp

Jiamao ੔ ੣

Hlai

ҬӔ!ҬӔ ʅӔ! DӔ Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

Stratum 1

*ҬӔ

੔

ʅӔ!DZӔ

*Ҭ:k

੔

ʅk > ek > iʅk

Stratum 2

*ҬӔ

੔

ʅӔ!DӔ

*Ҭ:k

੔

ʅ:k > a:k

(b)

Hlai

Jiamao

Hlai

Stratum 1

*Ҭm

੔

--

*Ҭp

੔

--

ੈ *Ҭp

Jiamao

Hlai

Stratum 2

ੈ

ੈ *Ҭm Hlai

ੈ

Jiamao ੔

ʅ:p > DZ:p

੔

-Jiamao

Stratum 1

*Ҭn

੔

ʅ:n > DZ:n

*Ҭt

੔

ʅt > ot > uʅt

Stratum 2

*Ҭn

੔

ʅӔ!DӔ

*Ҭt

੔

--

ੈ

ੈ

There is a tendency (but not an absolute rule) for back vowels to trigger velarization of an alveolar coda:

319 (70)

Ҭ:n Ҭn

੔ ੔

ҬӔ!ҬӔ ʅӔ!DӔ

Examples are given below. Stratum one borrowings corresponding to long rimes are given in (71a), and stratum two borrowings in (71b). Stratum one borrowings corresponding to short rimes are given in (71c), and stratum two in (71d): (71)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

bamboo

*m-lҬ:j͈

luʅj5

beard

*hmҬ:mު

mum2

rice knife

*khҬ:p

hup7

egg

*hjҬ:m

tsum1

rotten

*thҬ:m

ȮDZm1

wash

*fh[j]Ҭ:p

tshuʅp9

full

pt nosed turtle pumpkin

*khҬ:m

*t Ҭ:p h

*Cu͈Ҭ:p

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

crawl

*Cu͈Ҭ:m

hDZ:m4

cheat

*phҬ:m

phDZ:m1

khDZm1

Ȯuʅp9 huʅp8

come castrate

*hmҬ:n *ȮҬ:n

mҬӔ4 ѴҬӔ4

shallow

*thҬ[:]nު

ȮDӔ1

let go

*phҬӔު

ƷDZӔ5

poke a hole

*shҬӔު

tshDӔ5

bamboo shoot

*C-nҬӔ

QDӔ1

pheasant

child bone

*ȮҬ:n

*hlҬ:k *Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:k

thҬӔ4

Ѵiʅk8 liʅk10

clear (sky)

ripe weave (fabric)

*hlҬӔު

*shҬ:k *Cuٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k

ѴDӔ2

tsha:k9 ta:k9

320 (c)

PHl

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

handlength heavy

*Cu͈Ҭp *khҬn

hDZ:p8 khDZ:n1

thorn

*Cu͈Ҭnު

KDӔ4

break (pull)

*thҬt

Ȯuʅt9

astringent

*hmҬnު

The exceptions in this category are the following: (72)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

filth

*C-nҬn͈

nҬa1

*ުnҬʅࢦ

two

measure (rice)

(b)

*C-lҬӔ͈ *C-lҬӔު

lҬDӔ

*ުlۣӔު

5

ѴDZӔ

*l۠Ӕ

4

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Baoting

ginger

*khҬӔ

khҬʅӔ5

khҬӔ1

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Zandui

not know

*hlҬmު

thum4

Ѵum3

pull tight

*kҬӔ

kҬӔ5

kҬӔ1

Three of these (72b) may be recent loans from either Baoting or Zandui. 5.2.5 High Back Rounded Rimes The reflexes of the u:C and uC rimes are given below: (73)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

(a)

*u:j

uj, u:j

*u:t

uʅt

*u:n

uʅn, u:n

*u:c

(uʅt)

*u:k

uaX, u:ު

XӔ

XDXӔ

(b)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

*uj

ej, uʅj, uj

*ut

DZk, ut

*un *uӑ *uc

DZӔXӔXQ DZn uʅt, ut

SDӔ4

321 These reflexes can also be organized into a rough framework of two layers, in which short reflexes which later lowered to mid vowels are a distinguishing feature of the first layer: (74)

(a)

Hlai

Stratum 1

*u:j

Stratum 2

ੈ *u:j

Jiamao ੔

uj

੔

u:j

Hlai

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

Stratum 1

*u:n

੔

on > uʅn

*u:t

੔

ot > uʅt

Stratum 2

*u:n

੔

u:n

*u:t

੔

---

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

---

*u:c

੔

---

ੈ *u:c

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

uʅӔ!XD

੔

XӔ

*u:k ੈ

ੈ

Hlai Stratum 1 Stratum 2

*u:ӑ ੈ *u:ӑ Hlai

Stratum 1 Stratum 2

XӔ ੈ

XӔ

ੈ

*u:k

Jiamao ੔

(ot > uʅt)

੔

--Jiamao

੔

uʅު > uaX

੔

u:k > u:ު

322 (b)

Hlai

Stratum 1

*uj ੈ

Stratum 2

*uj

Jiamao ੔ ੣

u:j > uj

੔

oj > uʅj

Hlai

ʅj > ej

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

Stratum 1

*un

੔

ʅӔ!DZӔ

*ut

੔

ʅk > DZk

Stratum 2

*un

੔

XQ!XӔ

*ut

੔

---

Jiamao

Hlai

ੈ

Hlai

ੈ

Jiamao

Stratum 1

*uӑ

੔

ʅn > DZn

*uc

੔

ot > uʅt

Stratum 2

*uӑ

੔

---

*uc

੔

ut

ੈ

ੈ

In the case of the short rimes, the back vowel conditioned velarization of alveolar codas: (75)

un un ut

੔ ੔ ੔

ʅӔ!DZӔ

XQ!XӔ ʅk > DZk

Examples are given below. Stratum one borrowings corresponding to long rimes are given in (76a), and stratum two borrowings in (76b). Stratum one borrowings corresponding to short rimes are given in (76c), and stratum two in (76d):

323 (76)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

fat

*hru:jު

kuj1

plum tree

*C-mu:j

mu:j1

wild

*shu:n

tshuʅn1

drink

*hru:n͈

ku:n5

body fart

*Cu͈u:n *thu:t

huʅn4 Ȯuʅt9

stand

*tçu:n

tshu:n1

tree clsfr

ten

wash

*thu:nު

*fhu:t *ުu:t

Ȯuʅn1

sow (seed)

*C-mu:nު

mu:n1

puʅt9 ުuʅt9

hole

*tçhXӔު

tshua1

daughter

*ުXӔ

ުu:1

white hair

KӔXN

kua2

wrap

*thu:k

thu:ު9

termite

*m-lu:k

lua5

(c)

PHl

Jiamao

water buffalo

*shujު

tshej1

dissect

*Ʒuj͈

rain

*fhun

burn

thief bear

rainbow lead nod

return

get away

*tçhujު

*Ʒuj *C-muj

*ٍ‫ ؛‬un *Cut‫آ‬hun h

*C-ӔXW *shut

*C-luӑު

copper brain nest

*hlu:k *‫ר‬u:k

WXӔ1 Ѵu:ު8 lu:ު8

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

puj1

drunk

*hmuj

puʅj4

pDZӔ1

household clsfr *Ȯun

tsej1

fuj4 muj4

tDZӔ tDZӔ1 1

ӔDZk7

done lead

*C-wuj *hrujު

fuʅj1 luʅj2 WXӔ1

lips (upper) a group of ten

*s unު *hmun

tail

*tçhuc

tshuʅt9

needle

KӔXF

kuʅt8

h

tshXӔ1 SXӔ4

tsDZk7 lDZn1

ant

Exceptions are given below:

*ȮXӔ

*hmuc

puʅt8

324 (77)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

door fold

*C-mu:n *C-mu:n

muan1 ma:n1

*ުmo:n *ުmʅ:n

(b)

pond

*Ci͈XӔ͈

ުjDZӔ5

*ުj۠Ӕު

(c)

have

*Ȯu:k

tDZk9

*ުd۠k

(d)

fur

*Cu͈un

hDZӔ4

*͈۠Ӕ

(e)

(f)

(g)

swollen

fun

*‫ڛ‬u:n

big

*C-OXӔ

lo:1

*ުl[a:]

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Tongzha

steam

*Ciުun͈

tsun1

zun5

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Baoting

rotten

*thuj

thҬj5

thuj1

dust

cricket

pimple worship

(h)

*ުun

4

*f XӔު h

*Cu‫ר‬XӔު *Cu‫ר‬ut *phuc

puʅӔ

5

fuʅӔ4 lup8 phut7

IXӔ3 IXӔ6 lup8 phut7

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Zandui

parrot (black)

WoXӔ͈

WVXDӔ5

WVXDӔ5

vine basket

NXӔު

NXDӔ1

NXDӔ3

The majority of these (77f-h) appear to be more recent loans from various Qi languages. 5.2.6 Mid Front Rimes The Jiamao reflexes of this small number of forms are all completely regular, and are presumably of recent origin given the lack of diphthongization of these rimes:

325 (78)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

*e:m *e:p

e:m e:p

*e:n (79)

e:n

Hlai Stratum 2

*e:m

>

Hlai Stratum 2

*e:n

Jiamao

Hlai

e:m

e:p

Jiamao >

e:p

Jiamao >

e:n

Examples are given below: (80) ringworm board sunken

PHl

Jiamao

*C-le:m͈ *Ʒe:n͈

le:m5 Ʒe:n5

*Ʒe:p

pe:p9

The initial of the last form would normally indicate an early level of borrowing; it is possible that this could merely be a mistransmission of the initial. 5.2.7 Mid Central Rimes There is a very large amount of variation in this rime class, with the nucleus having been influenced by both the preceding initial as well as the tone category and the place of the coda. There is less variation in the long rimes; the variation in the short rimes, on the other hand, is unmatched (there DUHDWRWDORIVHYHQ¶UHJXODU·FRUUHVSRQGHQFHVRI ʅn).

326 (81)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

*ʅ:j

ej, Ҭj, uj, uʅj, a:j

*ʅj *ʅҮ

i:, aj, a:j ʅ:, a:

*ʅw͈/ު

iaw, i:w

*ʅw *ʅ:m *ʅ:p

DZ:m, iam, am ʅp, ap

*ʅ:t

Ҭʅt, Ҭat

*ʅ:n

*ʅӔ

*ʅ:k

u:, aw, a:w

*ʅm *ʅp

Ҭan

ʅ:m, a:m DZ:p, ep, ʅp, ap

*ʅn

DZ:n, iʅn, uʅn, en, ʅ:n, an, a:n

*ʅt

DZ:t, at

*ʅӑ

Ҭʅn, DZn

*ʅc

DZӔDZӔD

iʅt, et, a:t, at

*ʅӔ

DZk, DZ:k, a:, ak

DZӔDZӔʅӔDӔ

*ʅk

DZk, ak

The following tentative schema, as in the case of the Ҭ rime class, should be considered only an

approximation, with details to be worked out as work on Jiamao becomes more refined: (82)

(a)

Hlai

Stratum 1

*ʅ:j ੈ

Stratum 2

*ʅ:j

Jiamao ੔ ੣

੔

Hlai Stratum 1

*ʅ:m ੈ

Stratum 2

*ʅ:m

Ҭj, ʅj > ej uj, oj > uʅj ʅ:j > a:j Jiamao

੔ ੣

੔

Hlai

Hlai

om > ʅm > am *ʅ:p ʅ:m > DZ:m

ੈ

ʎ:m > iam

*ʅ:p

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao ੔ ੣

੔

op > ʅp > ap op > ʅp --Jiamao

Stratum 1

*ʅ:n

੔

---

*ʅ:t

੔

ۣt > Ҭʅt

Stratum 2

*ʅ:n

੔

۠:n > Ҭan

*ʅ:t

੔

۠:t > Ҭat

ੈ

ੈ

327

Hlai Stratum 1

*ʅӔ ੈ

੔ ੣

Hlai

ʅӔ!DZӔ

*ʅ:k

ʅӔ!DZӔ

ੈ

ʅӔ!D

*ʅ:k

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao ੔ ੣

ʅ:k > DZ:k

*ʅӔ

(b)

Hlai

Stratum 1

*ʅj

੔

ʅj > i:

*ʅҮ

੔

ʅҮ > ʅ:

Stratum 2

*ʅj

੔

ʅj > aj/a:j

*ʅҮ

੔

ʅ: > a:

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

੔

ʅw > u:

*ʅw͈/ު ੔

੔

ʅw > aw/a:w

ੈ *ʅw͈/ު ੔

ʎ:w > iaw

Jiamao

Hlai

੔ ੣

--

*ʅp

--

ੈ

੔

ʅ:m > a:m

*ʅp

Jiamao

Hlai

Hlai Stratum 1 Stratum 2

*ʅw ੈ *ʅw Hlai

Stratum 1

*ʅm ੈ

Stratum 2

*ʅm Hlai

Stratum 1

*ʅn ੈ

Stratum 2

*ʅn

ੈ

੔ ੣

en/on > iʅn/uʅn *ʅt en, ʅn > DZ:n

ੈ

੔

ʅ[:]n > a[:]n

*ʅt

੔

ʅk > DZk

Stratum 2

ੈ

੔

Jiamao

ʅ:k > a: Jiamao

e:w > i:w Jiamao

੔ ੣

op > ʅp

੔

ʅp > ap

ʅp > DZ:p

Jiamao ੔ ੣

---

੔

ʅt > at

ʅt > DZ:t

328 Hlai Stratum 1 Stratum 2

*ʅӑ ੈ *ʅӑ

Jiamao

Hlai

੔

ۣn > Ҭʅn

੔

--

*ʅc ੈ

Hlai

*ʅc

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao ੔

et > iʅt, ʅt > at

੔

et, ʅ:t > a:t Jiamao

Stratum 1

*ʅӔ

੔

ʅ>@Ӕ!DZ>@Ӕ

*ʅk

੔

ʅk > DZk

Stratum 2

*ʅӔ

੔

ʅӔ!DӔ

*ʅk

੔

ʅk > ak

ੈ

ੈ

The various reflexes in the first stratum of *ʅ:j appear to be conditioned by the preceding initial,

according to whether or not it is bilabial (uʅj), alveolar (Ҭj), lateral (ej), or rhotic (uj) (see examples below in (87)).

There are a small number of rimes in modern Jiamao with a schwa nucleus. In order to explain

their lack of lowering to a, I hypothesize that these forms had an o nucleus until recently, when it dissimilated with the following coda, as in the following example: (83)

ʅ:p > op > ʅp The tendency for short rimes in Hlai tone category C to lengthen has already been mentioned

above, and need not be repeated here. Another interesting development in the short diphthongs is the tendency in the earliest stratum to monophthongize when in category A: (84)

ʅj > i:

ʅw > u: The nucleus of Hlai *ʅw͈/ު seems to have been prone to fronting in Jiamao:

(85)

Stratum 1

*ʅw͈/ު >

e:w

>

iaw

Stratum 2

*ʅw͈/ު >

iʅw

>

i:w

Besides cases where lengthening is induced via association with Hlai tone C, there were two

other situations in which lengthening occurred. The first was in the case of items participating in the change ʅ > DZ (86a), and the other was before oral palatal stops (86b):

329 (86)

(a)

ʅp > DZ:p ʅn > DZ:n ʅt > DZ:t ʅӔ!DZ:Ӕ

(b)

ʅc > a:t

In some instances, rimes before an oral palatal stop were fronted: (87)

(a)

ʅc > et > iʅt

(b)

ʅc > et

Examples are given below. Stratum one borrowings corresponding to long rimes are given in

(88a), and stratum two borrowings in (88b). Stratum one borrowings corresponding to short rimes are given in (88c), and stratum two in (88d):

330 (88)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

rope saliva

*Ȯʅ:j *hlʅ:j

tҬj1 ѴҬj4

hen

*hrʅ:j

ka:j5

muntjac

*C-lʅ:j

lej1

cicada

*hrʅ:j

kuj1

widow

*hmʅ:jު

puʅj4

foreigner

*C-mʅ:j

muʅj1

many

iron

*hlʅ:j

*hrʅ:j

Ѵej4

kuj

1

times (hit)

*C-wʅ:j

fuʅj1

kidney

*C-nʅ:m

nam1

sharp

*tçhʅ:m

tshiam1

solid

*thʅ:m͈

thDZ:m5

bitter

*͈ʅ:m

ziam4

close (eyes)

*hӑʅ:p

ӑap7

break stay

*phʅ:nު *ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:n͈

ƷҬan1 tҬan1

arrow

*C-Ӕʅ:t

sap

*thʅӔ

to smoke

chew dense

together skin

*Cu͈ʅ:n

*Cu͈ʅ:t *ުʅ:t

*t ʅӔު *C-nʅӔ h

redeem

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:mު

tiam1

pile up

*hrʅ:p

kʅp7

ӔҬʅt7

wind

KӔZʅ:t

vҬat7

Ȯa:1

jar

*kʅӔު

kDZӔ1

spread water

*phʅӔ͈

phDZӔ1

hҬan4

hҬʅt10 ުҬʅt7

t a: na:1 h

1

ghost

pickle crooked

imitate

*hwʅ:t

*C-mʅӔ *hwʅӔ͈

*tçhʅӔ

vҬat9

mDZӔ5 vDZӔ5

tshDZӔ5

wash

*shʅ:k

tsha:5

exchange

*Ʒʅ:k

ƷDZ:k7

deep

*hlʅ:k

Ѵa:2

overhear/see

*phʅ:k

phDZk7

hide

*phʅ:k

phak7

deaf

*hlʅ:k

Ѵa:2

331 (c)

PHl

Jiamao

(d)

PHl

Jiamao

porcupine gall bladder

*Ȯʅj *Ȯʅj

ti:1 ti:1

chicken Hlai

*kʅj *lʅj

khaj1 Ѵaj4

float mortar

*Ʒʅw *‫ר‬ʅw

fu:4 lu:4

you (pl) pot

*shʅw *thʅw

tshaw1 Ȯaw1

tomorrow

*͈ʅw͈

ziaw4

Fas y. sis hus

*hjʅwު

tsi:w1

banyan

*thʅwު

Ȯiaw1

fill w/ rice

*khʅwު

hi:w1

wear (hat)

&XӔʅwު

far

ӑiaw1

horn

head

*C-lʅj

*͈ʅw

*Cuhrʅwު

haw4

ki:w1

water

*C-nʅmު

na:m1

meat/wild pig

evening

*tçhʅp

tshDZ:p9

care for (sprout) *Ȯʅp

leak

*Ci͈ʅp

hDZ:p9

extinguish

*tçʅp

Ȯep7

hang up

KӔʅp

kap8

sew

cloth rice

*C-ӑʅp

*Ȯʅp

*Cu‫ר‬ʅp

ӑDZ:p9

tʅp7 lʅp

*hrʅmު

laj1

kʅ:m1

tsep7

8

longyan long/thin thing

*Ʒʅnު *Ȯʅn͈

piʅn1 tiʅn1

livestock clsfr reins

*hmʅn *hmʅn

puʅn4 puʅn4

louse hungry

*thʅn *C-‫ר‬ʅn

ten1 len4

take turns seed

*tçhʅn *fhʅn

tshan1 tshan1

tooth feed (n.)

*fhjʅn *khʅn

tshDӔ1 KDӔ1

rub (rope)

*phʅn

ƷDZ:n1

clothing clsfr

*fhʅnު

pa:n1

long clsfr

earth

dream day

*‫ڛ‬ʅnު

*Cu‫ר‬ʅn

*fhʅn

KӔZʅn

viʅn4

len4

pDZ:n1 vDZ:n1

silver

move

instruct stem

KӔʅn

*͈ʅn͈

*C-Ӕʅnު *C-Ӕʅn

kuʅn4

han2

ӔDQ1 ӔDQ1

332 wet

*hmʅnު

pʅ:n4

close

*C-Ӕʅt

ӔDW7

grass wear

*tçhʅt

tshDZ:t9

nose

*khʅt

hDZ:t9

gnat

*C-mʅt

mDZ:t9

KӔʅnު

kʅ:n4

sneeze

*Ȯʅӑ

tҬʅn1

choose

*hlʅӑ

tsDZn4

sparrow

*phʅc

Ʒat7

clear land

*hmʅc

pet8

tree core

*Cu͈ʅc

ުiʅt7

buy

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅc

ta:t9

drag out

*hwʅc

va:t9

pinch

strangle

red vine

*Ȯʅӑު

*‫ר‬ʅc

*kʅc

tҬʅn1

lat10

kiʅt7

forbidden food

*C-Ӕʅc

ӔDW9

drum

*C-lʅӔ

lDZӔ1

burn

*ƷʅӔ

ƷDZӔ5

pry

*khʅӔ͈

khDӔ1

dragon

*hnʅӔ

tʅӔ4

finger

*tçʅk

tsDZk7

stick to

*phʅk

phak7

be

*tçʅӔު

WVDӔ1

The exceptions in this group are given below:

open eyes

*C-lʅӔު

lʅӔ1

333 (89)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

soak

*Ȯʅ:mު

tsiʅm4

*[‫ר‬j]em

(b)

sink

*tçʅ:n

tsen4

*[‫ר‬j]in

(c)

lid

KӔʅ:t

ӔҬt8

ӔҬ:t

(d)

sift

*[‫ר‬j]ʅw

tsi:w4

*‫ר‬jiʅw

ta:w

*ٍʅ:w

four

below

fall down

*ٍ‫ ؛‬ʅwު h

*Cuٍ‫ ؛‬ʅw h

*Ȯʅw͈

tiʅw1 1

Ȯa:w

1

*ٍew

*Ȯʅ:w

(e)

mouth

*hmʅmު

muʅӔ4

PRӔ

(f)

bug

*Ci͈ʅn͈

zDZ:t8

*j۠:t

(g)

groan

*kʅӔ

kiʅӔ1

*geӔ

(h)

greedy

*Ʒʅt

ƷҬt7

*ƷҬ:t

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Baoting

to hoe

*Ʒʅw͈

ƷDZ:w5

ƷDZ:5

(i)

The form in (89e) shows the same dissimilation between the initial and coda which occurred in Cunhua:

mom > moӔ!PXʅӔ4. The form in (89f) is another form which is in tone category B in Hlai, and which seems to have conditioned the misperception of the final nasal as an oral stop in Jiamao. The word to hoe (89h) is probably a recent loan from Baoting. 5.2.8 Mid Back Rimes The reflexes of the PHl *oC rimes are given below:

334 (90)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

*om *op

um, ʅm, DZ:m, a:m, am up, DZp

RӔ

XӔʅӔDZӔDӔDӔXʅӔ

*ok

DZ:k, a:k

These reflexes overlap to a very large extent with the short *ʅC rimes above, and it is likely that

there was mistransmission in both directions, with both *oC rimes being borrowed as ʅC, and *ʅC rimes

as oC. This is also the one case where an DZ:C or DZC reflex may not reflect descent from an earlier schwamedial form. A tentative schema of borrowing is given below: (91)

Hlai Stratum 1

*DZm ੈ

Stratum 2

*om

Jiamao

Hlai

DZ:m, om > ʅm

*DZp

ʅ[:]m > a[:]m

ੈ

um

*op

Jiamao

Hlai

੔ ੣

DZӔRӔ!ʅӔ

*DZk

ʅ>@Ӕ!D>@Ӕ

ੈ

੔

XӔ

*ok

੔ ੣

੔

Hlai Stratum 1

*DZӔ ੈ

Stratum 2

RӔ

Jiamao ੔

DZp

੔

up Jiamao

੔ ੣

--

੔

DZ:k

ʅ:k > a:k

There are two examples of rimes which I hypothesize to have been oC, only recently shifting to ʅC: (92)

om > ʅm RӔ!ʅӔ

There are also cases where an *oC rime either raised to uC or was borrowed that way to begin with: (93)

om > um op > up RӔ!XӔ

335 Examples are given below. Stratum one borrowings are given in (94a), and stratum two borrowings in (94b): (94)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

bamboo (big)

*Ȯom

tʅm1

bamboo (big)

*Ȯom

Ȯum5

thing clsfr

*͈om

kDZ:m4

ambush

*thomު

tham1

wine medicine

*Cu͈om

hDZ:m4

husk six

mute

*hrom *hnom

*C-ӔRP

kʅm1 nʅm4

ӔDZ:m1

bury simmer

itch

*hlom͈ *m-lomު

*khom

Ѵum4 thum4

kham1

cover

*khop

khDZp7

carry

*ުop

ުup7

winnow basket

*ȮRӔު

tuʅӔ1

well

*thRӔ͈

thDZӔ5

shake

*C-ӑRӔ͈

ӑuʅӔ4

hunchback

NRӔ

kDZӔ1

to clean

NRӔު

kuʅӔ1

thing

NRӔ

neck

KOMRӔު

WVDӔ2

vine basket

to fish

*‫ר‬RӔު

lʅӔ2

insert forcefully *tçhRӔު

tshDӔ5

fall

*thok

ȮDZ:k9

sick

ta:k9

leg

*khok

hDZ:k9

resemble

monkey

*ȮRӔ

*C-nok

ȮDӔ1

messy

nDZ:k9

steal

There are a small number of exceptions in this category: (95)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

sit

WoRӔު

tsiʅӔ1

*ϺHӔ

dive

*tçom

tsem

1

*Ϻim

(b)

rice husk

*hmok

pʅ:k8

*hmģ:k

(c)

pomelo

*Ʒom

ƷuʅӔ5

*ƷRӔު

*ƷRӔ

kDZӔ1

*C-ӑRӔު

*ٍ‫؛‬hok

*hljok

SXӔ1 ӑXӔ1

tsa:k8

336 The nucleus of the two words in (95a) seems to have been fronted under the influence of the preceding

palatal initials. (95c) appears to be another case of dissimilation, as in the case of mouth above: Ʒom > ƷRӔ!ƷuʅӔ5.

5.2.9 Low Rimes The *a:C rimes, like the rimes at the other points of the cardinal vowel triangle, are more straightforward and predictable than rimes in other categories (although there is still an appreciable amount of variation). The reflexes of these rimes are given below: (96)

Proto-Hlai

Jiamao

*a:j

Ҭj, Ҭaj, a:j

*a:m

ʅm, DZm, DZ:m, a:m

*a:n *a:t

Ҭ:n, uʅn, DZ:n, a:n (Ҭ:t)

*a:c

uʅt, a:t

DӔ *a:k

Ҭ:, ҬDHӔ Ҭ:, Ҭa

*a:w

u:, Ҭ:w, ʅ:w, DZ:w, a:w

*a:p

Ҭp, DZ:p

One salient feature of the diphthongs is that there was an early stratum of *a:w rimes which were apparently borrowed as *ʅw, later shortening to u:. (97)

*a:w ੔ʅw > u:

There seems to have been a strong tendency towards raising in the first stratum of *a:C loans, which followed the progression below: (98)

*a:C > ۣ:C > Ҭ:C

This was the first change which apparently led to the creation of a *Ҭ:C category in Jiamao, where none

had existed before when Hlai *Ҭ[:]C rimes were in the process of being borrowed (generally mixing with the Hlai *ʅ[:]C category).

337 The outcome of the second raising which occurred in the *a:C category at a later point in time

depended on the codas: (99)

a:j > ۠:j > Ҭaj a:w > DZ:w a:P > DZ:P

a:T > oT > uʅT a:Ӕ!ʎӔ!HӔ

a:k > ۠:ު > ҬaB The tendency for long rimes with bilabial codas to be shortened can be observed here as well: (100)

a:m > om > ʅm a:m > ʅm > DZm a:p > Ҭp

A schema of borrowing and subsequent changes is given below:

338 (101)

Hlai Pre-Hlai

*a:j ੈ

PHl

*a:j

Jiamao

Hlai

੔ ੣

ۣ:j > Ҭj

*a:w

۠:j > Ҭaj

ੈ

੔

a:j

*a:w

Jiamao

Hlai

om > ʅm

*a:p

Hlai Pre-Hlai

*a:m ੈ

PHl

*a:m

੔ ੣

੔

*a:n ੈ

PHl

*a:n

PHl

DӔ ੈ

DӔ

ʅw > u:, ۣ:w > Ҭ:w

੔

ʅ:w, a:w

DZ:w

Jiamao ੔ ੣

DZ:p

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

੔ ੣

ۣ:w > Ҭ:n

*a:t/a:c ੔ ੣

ۣ:t > Ҭ:t

੔

a:n

*a:t/a:c ੔

a:t

Jiamao

Hlai

Jiamao

੔

ۣࢦ: > Ҭ:~Ҭު

*a:k

੔

ʎӔ!HӔ

on > uʅn

੔

ۣ:p > Ҭp

*a:p

Hlai Pre-Hlai

੔ ੣

a:m

Hlai Pre-Hlai

DZ:m, ʅm > DZPੈ

Jiamao

ੈ

ੈ *a:k

---

ot > uʅt

੔

ۣ:ު > Ҭ:B

੔

۠:ު > ҬaB

Examples of each stratum are given below. Stratum one borrowings are given in (102a), and

stratum two borrowings in (102b):

339 (102)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

(b)

PHl

Jiamao

end intestine

*Ʒa:jު *‫ר‬a:jު

pҬj5 lҬj4

service envy

*Ȯa:j͈ *C-ӔDM͈

Ȯa:j5 ӔDM1

cold

*kha:j͈

khҬaj1

forehead

*Ȯa:w

tu:1

fog

KӔDZު

kDZ:w4

fishy

*kha:w

hu:1

cotton

*͈a:wު

hDZ:w4

sugarcane shit

laugh

surround alcohol

*C-ma:jު *͈a:jު

*hrja:w

*hӑa:wު

*C-ӔDw͈

mҬaj1 hҬaj2

tsu:4

nʅ:w2 Ӕʅ:w2

salt

*C-ӑa:wު

nDZ:w4

stew

*C-ӔDZ͈

ӔDZ5

spade

*hlja:w͈

za:w4

mountain forest *Ȯa:wު

tҬ:w1

lift (two people) *ٍ‫؛‬ha:m

tDZm1

step

*C-͈a:m͈

hDZ:m2

branch (tree)

Ӕʅm2

step

*Ci͈a:m͈

za:m5

carry on shoulder *ٍ‫؛‬ha:p yawn

KӔDS

tDZ:p9

bathe

*ުa:p

ުҬp9

partridge

*tha:nު

Ȯa:n5

red

*hra:nު

ѴҬ:n4

remainders

*Ȯa:n

Ȯuʅn1

snore

*Cu‫ר‬a:n

lҬ:n4

moon

*C-ӑa:n

nuʅn1

grind (rice)

100

*C-ӔDP͈

*ka:n͈

*Cuhra:n

hDZ:p8

ka:n5

kҬ:n1

poor

*‫ڛ‬a:t

fҬ:t8

blood

*hla:c

Ѵuʅt8

village

stop (turn off)

*C-wa:n

*C-ӔDF

fuʅn1

ӔDW9

340 name

master

*phDӔ *‫ڛ‬DӔ

phҬ:1 vҬ:4

ribs

*khDӔު

khHӔ1

big brother

*ުDӔު

ުHӔ1

crippled

*Ci͈DӔ͈

KHӔ2

sweet

*ȮDӔ

tҬ:ު7

high

*pha:k

phҬ:5

land leech

*tha:k

ȮҬa5

otter

*hna:k

nҬ:

plantain

*hwa:k

vҬa5

sheep

dregs

KMDӔ

*Ȯa:k

tsҬ:ު7

tҬ:5

2

gill

*C-ӔDN

ӔҬa5

The following exceptions exist in this series of rimes: (103)

Gloss

PHl

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

(a)

smell

*͈a:j

huʅj4

*͈oj

(b)

yawn

*ka:w

hDZ:5

*h۠:ު

(c)

white

*kha:w

khow1

*kha:

steer

*C-na:w

now1

*C-na:

long

*hna:wު

tow4

*hna:

(d)

clothes

*‫ڛ‬DӔު

vo:4

*w[a:]

(e)

testicle

*hma:nު

pDZ:n2

*hm۠:nު

(f)

millet skin (of fruit)

*fhDӔު *fha:k

pҬa1 pua5

*fҬʅ *fuʅު

(g)

phlegm

*͈a:k

ha:k8

*͈ʅ:k

The examples in (103c) all lost their labiovelar codas, either at the point of borrowing or sometime afterwards, and followed the regular development of *a:. 5.2.10 Summary The Jiamao to Hlai rime correspondences are significantly more complex than those of the

initials, which may suggest a number of possible facts. The first is that there may have been more than

341 two discrete periods of borrowing, as implied by the initial correspondences, or that the two periods of

borrowing may not have been discrete. On the other hand, this high degree of variation in rime reflexes

may indicate that the speakers of Jiamao were less adept at perceiving differences in the Hlai rime categories than those of the initials, and that the higher degree of confusion over rime identity resulted in the Hlai loans being dispersed cross-categorically in a less-discriminating fashion.

It is apparent that part of the confusion in rime transmission involved the Hlai tone categories.

The fact that Hlai tone categories B and C correlate with Jiamao rime length in specific contexts mentioned above indicates that Thurgood (1991: 427) is correct when he suggests that Jiamao speakers ¶IRFXVHGRQ+ODLYRLFHTXDOLW\FKDUDFWHULVWLFVLJQRULQJSLWFKFKDUDFWHULVWLFV· 5.3 The Non-Hlai Lexicon of Jiamao

A select group of Jiamao core vocabulary is discussed in this section, with the twofold purpose

of exemplifying its differences with Hlai on the one hand, and of highlighting the non-Hlai core

vocabulary for other scholars who may see a connection with another language or language family. 5.3.1 Prounouns The pronoun schema (including the deictics) for PHl and Jiamao is given below: (104)

PHl

Jiamao

1sg

*͈u:

kaw1

3sg

*C-na:

nej5

1pl excl 1pl incl

3pl

*fhʅw *hrʅw

*‫ר‬u:͈

ުaw1 tej1

PHl

Jiamao

2sg

*C-mҬ:

mʅj1

this (proximal)

*C-ni:͈

nʎ:5

2pl

mow

5

that (medial) that (distal)

*shʅw

*͈ʅҮ͈ *C-ma:͈

tshaw1

kʎ:4 mDZ:5

Of the Jiamao personal pronouns given above, the only ones which seem to be directly related to

the Hlai ones are in the second person (and even there, the rime of the 2sg pronoun is irregular). Although the 1sg pronoun appears related (more so because of its resemblance to PTai), the resemblance

may be deceptive, as the initial k in Jiamao is normally a reflex of either PHl *k or *hr (although see the

alternate explanation in section 5.1). Amongst the deictics, the proximal and distal pronouns appear to be related to Hlai (although in the case of the proximal pronoun, the vowel is irregular) but the medial appears to be unrelated.

342 5.3.2 Numerals The PHl numerals and their Jiamao equivalents are given below: (105)

PHl

Jiamao

one two

*tçhҬ: *hlu:ު

kҬ:2 Ѵiaw4

four

*ٍ‫ ؛‬ʅwު

tiʅw

three five 100

*Cuٍ‫؛‬huު h

*hma:

*Cuhra:n

ta:w1 1

pu:4

PHl

Jiamao

six seven

*hnom *thu:

nʅm4 Ȯaw1

nine

*C-wҬ:ު

fʅ:1

eight ten

*hru:

*fhu:t

ku:1

puʅt9

kҬ:n1

On the face of it, this semantic group seems to be more uniform, as all of the Jiamao numerals

are related to their Hlai counterparts (the numeral one is only tentatively reconstructible in PHl, and VKRXOGQ·WWKHUHIRUHEHFRQVLGHUHGDFRXQWHUH[DPSOH +RZHYHULQFDVHVZKHUHLWLVGLVFHUQLEOHLW

becomes clear that these numerals were not all borrowed at the same time. Focusing on the initials, it

becomes clear that five (with an oral stop reflex), is part of a later stratum than six (with a nasal stop reflex); seven also appears to be part of an earlier stratum. Moving to the rimes (and remembering that as a category they are generally more complex), eight (with a pure vowel) appears to be earlier than that of

seven (with a diphthong). 5.3.3 Kinship Terms

There are several kinship terms which stand out in Jiamao as being of non-Hlai origin: (106)

PHl

Jiamao

ancestor

*phut phu:ު

pʅ:w4 tuʅn4

wife

*khʅw͈

na:w5

Father's y. sister *fhҬ:ު

fi:4

PHl

Jiamao

man

*pha:ު C-ma:n

phҬ1 tsʅ:4

child

*hlҬ:k C-lik

Ѵiʅk8 lat7

woman

*hmi:ު khʅw͈

younger sibling KUXӔ

mҬ2 ta:w1

nuʅj5

The words for man, woman, and child above are interesting for the reason that they all seem to

have compounded the initial part of each Hlai form (also compounds themselves) to an older, native form; the rimes of the first two can be explained to be the result of neutralization, common in the case of the first member of Jiamao compound words.

343 5.3.4 Body Parts There is a large amount of basic body terminology which is unique to Jiamao, such as the following: (107)

PHl

Jiamao

face ear

*ȮʅӔ *hljʅj

phan1 kDZ:1

arm

*k i:n

tҬ:n

shoulder

*‫ڛ‬a:͈ h

sweat

*Cuުʅn

vet10

1

ުҬat7

PHl

Jiamao

chin throat

*͈DӔ *khʅ:k

tshDZӔ1 lDZ:k8

lung

*kʅw͈

vuʅӔ4

breast urine

*tçi:͈ *Ȯu:

ӑen5

tsem5

Of these, the words for face (~ nose), shoulder, arm, and chin are particularly diagnostic of

Western Kam-Tai languages, and the absence of the usual Kra-Dai forms here is conspicuous. 5.3.5 Animals, Insects, and Plants Jiamao words for animals (a), insects (b), and plants (c), are compared below: (108)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

horse

KӔDު

pʅ:5

pangolin squirrel

*C-mҬnު *C-ӑa:t

tsa:4 lʅ:n5

cat

*C-mi:w͈

crab

*Ʒu:͈

bird

*shʅc (b)

gadfly

mosquito beetle

ӑa:w5

tsha:k9 nDZ:k9

PHl

Jiamao

*hlja:k

nҬa5

*C-ӑXӔ *‫ר‬a:p

tshak7 pa:p8

PHl

Jiamao

pig

*hmʅw

pʅj4

porcupine bat

*tçhinު *CuhrҬ:k

lu:4 low2 thiʅk7

monkey

shrimp snake

bee

moth bedbug

*C-nok

*Cu‫ר‬DӔ *hlja:͈

nDZ:k9 tshDӔ1

ުDZ:5

Ʒuʅt7

PHl

Jiamao

*kʅ:j

tej1

*thʅmު *kҬp

tsi:w4 ȮDZ:p9

344 (c)

PHl

Jiamao

PHl

Jiamao

bamboo (thin) *C-la:w wt sesame hemp *kha:n

Ʒa:1 ven4

white rattan (sm) *kʅc mat grass *hrji:wު

lej1 lʅ:p7

mushroom

tshDӔ1

flower

ӔҬa1

muskmelon

*ުʅj

cotton pit (fruit)

*͈a:wު *ުu:k

sesame

*Ȯit

KӔҬ:

KDӔ1

ƷDZk7 hDZ:w4 hҬʅt7 tiaw4

coconut

*Ciުun͈

fruit chaff

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:m *hli:p

*ٍ‫؛‬hDӔ

pDZ:5 tshuʅk7 mҬat7 vu:4 vit8

Of the terms above, it is interesting to note that the Jiamao word for bird is very similar to words

with that meaning in other branches of Kra-Dai (compare PTai *әok), whereas Hlai has an unrelated word. See below for other Jiamao-Tai parallels. 5.3.6 Natural Objects The following words are common vocabulary falling under the general semantic umbrella of nature: (109)

PHl

Jiamao

sky

*fha:ު

vuʅj1

hail

wasteland mountain ash

*s in͈ h

KPXӔ

*Cu͈ʅwު *shu:ު

ts a: h

fa:2

5

tsow1 fa:1

PHl

Jiamao

star

*‫ר‬a:w

tsap7tsin5

forest

*hrʅӔ

ӔXʅn5

frost

typhoon sand

*hljin *hwʅn͈ *phu:͈

nDZ:w4 vuʅj1 phDӔ1 Ȯej1

5.3.7 Material Culture The following words relate to material culture, and are generally well-represented within the Hlai languages proper:

345 (110)

PHl

Jiamao

house animal pen

*hrҬ:n *shu:n͈

ѴҬ:2 ӔDW7

cradle

*ުu:

ުʅ:j1

bench

bamboo hat shoes net (small) fan jar

dagger

*thim͈

KODӔު *kʅ:mު *hrʅ:jު

KZRӔު *kʅj

*hljiwު

ӔXʅn1 kuʅn3 lDZ:j5 lʅm5 piw1 p DӔ h

lej5

5

Ѵiʅk8 khua1

PHl

Jiamao

FKLOG·VKRXVH trough

*kujު *[ٍ‫]؛‬hu:

ȮDZ:1 tDZӔ1

road

*ku:n

tin1

mat

earring arrow

fish basket

vine basket bowl/basin

*thҬ:k

KZLӔ͈ *shi:p *C-li:k

*tç ʅw͈ h

*Cuުa:w

a handle (knife) *fhi:nު

tsiʅk8 tshiaw1 pe:1 Ʒa:w1

Ʒi:n1 lDZ:1 la:k9

Ʒuʅn1

5.3.8 Adjectives and Verbs The following list of adjectives (111) and verbs (112) contain a large amount of basic vocabulary,

some of which is regularly represented in all branches of Kra-Dai (and conspicuous by its absence in Jiamao):

346 (111)

PHl

Jiamao

black yellow

*Ȯʅmު

KOMDӔ

tshej1 tsaj4

good

*hlin

PDӔ1

salty

old (thing) early fast

wide hard

dense

live, fresh horizontal blind

beautiful hot

afraid

dry round

empty fine

*Cu͈a:nު *ka:wު *ka:wު *hjinު *ƷDӔ

*tçhʅ:nު *thi:t

*Cu‫ר‬i:p *‫ר‬in͈

*m-la:w

*hlin C-mҬ:n *Cuٍ‫؛‬hʅwު *Ȯa:ު

*‫ר‬a:n͈ *Cuhrom *Cu‫ר‬aj͈ *ުu:t

WDӔ2

ުjDZ:t9 puʅt8

tshLDӔ5 vi:

4

lʅ:w4 ni:t9

Ѵuʅt8 lʅӔ4

khiw1 nDZk

7

ުMXӔ1 ѴDZ:4

kha:1 la:w1 khDӔ1 ӑʅ:p

8

PHl

Jiamao

grey indigo

*hma:w͈ *tçhLӔ

phu:1 ta:1

bad

*‫ר‬ja:k

ުaj1

spicy new late

slow

narrow soft

sparse rotten

vertical lazy

young

cool (water) thin

sterile (egg) few straight

*hrit

*hma:n *fhʅӔ *shi:ު *Ʒi:p

*hmu:t

KӔZDQު *ުҬ:nު *͈ʅn

*C-la:nު

kʅӔ5

Ѵaw4 liaw1 tsʅӔ2 vi:n5

puʅk7 fuʅn1

ӑҬ:t8 tiam1

lҬam2

*hlҬ:k C-mҬ:n mҬ2 niaw1 *hrʅn

Ʒe:k7

*Cuhra:wު *‫ר‬jʅw͈

tsum1 luʅӔ2 tʅ:k8

*C-li:ު

*C-mu:c

ӔDZ1

kҬӔ5

347 (112)

PHl

Jiamao

do listen

*‫ڛ‬u:k *m-lҬ:

OHӔ1 ӔHM2

vomit

*fha:k

ުDZӔ1

eat

*C-lu:͈

bite hit

KӔDӑު *tha:j͈

cut rice

*thun

light fire

*ުҬm͈

flow

*C-ma:w

take

*hmʅt

kill

*͈u:ު

play

*hrjҬ:k

get

*C-m[e]:k

answer

*t in h

fall

weave (net)

*hla:͈ *khu:t

tej5

phҬ:w1 5

lDZ:t8

understand look

*khXӔ *kiw

min4 taj2 maj1

lick

*hlji:m͈

Ѵe:p8

hold in mouth cast (seed) winnow boil

swim

mi:2

pick up

tse:2

liaw1

mҬʅn1 hDZ:n

Jiamao

swallow

Ȯa:n1 tʅp8 tu:

PHl

4

ުa:5

tsha:1

call

arrive give die

braid (lg)

weave (fabric)

*Ciުʅ:m͈ *fhʅ:m *fhʅ:n͈ *fhʅn͈ *Ȯa:n

*m-li:

*tçhi:wު *tça:n

*Ȯa:nު *ȮҬ:

kuat10 tDZm5 ުia1 vat7

puʅt8 lDZn1

khʎ:5 lʅ:w4 kow4 vow1

mҬan1

*hla:w͈; *hlju:j lDZ:t9 *m-li: *hwi:

ta:1

tshup7

5.3.9 Locatives, Time Words, and Classifiers Finally, the following are three groups of lexically closed groups, each with its own collection of

basic vocabulary. The first group lists locatives (113a), the second time words (113b), and the final one classifiers (113c): (113)

(a)

PHl

Jiamao

top front

*phi:ު hnҬ: *phi:ު ȮʅӔ

law1law1 pha:j5 thiʅӔ4

left

*phi:ު KZLӔ

haj2 huʅj4

side

everywhere

*fhDӔ

KӔRPKӔDMު

pha:j5

vow1 la:j4

PHl

Jiamao

inside outside

*phi:ު ުu:k *hljҬ:n

tshu:1 ke:4 lDZ:w4

right

*phi:ު hnin͈

pha:j5 pet10

opposite side

*hlҬn͈

ުe:k9

348 (b)

PHl

Jiamao

2 years ago 2 days ago

*hmu:͈ ‫ר‬Ҭ: *hwʅn ‫ר‬Ҭ:

mҬ2 lut10 vDZ:n1 tsu:n4

last year

*hmu:͈ phʅnު

mҬ2 lʅ:j4

from before next year (c)

*tçhi khu:n͈ *hmu:͈ ȮʅӔ

tshi1 vDZ:n1 mDZ:5 ma:1 thiʅӔ4

PHl

Jiamao

trip clsfr

*ku:n

lem1

land measure

*tçha:n

hҬan1

pile clfr

person clsfr

bundle clsfr layer

piece (of)

*C-le:p *tçu:n *Ʒi:k

*hlҬt *thun

Ʒa:k9

ӔXʅn1

puʅk9 fҬ:n Ȯat7

4

PHl

Jiamao

3 days later 2 days later

*hwʅn Cu͈a:t *hwʅn Cu͈Ҭ:

kҬ2 kut10 kҬ2 ka: 2

noon

*ٍ‫؛‬hDKӔZʅn

kҬ2 Ȯuʅn5

morning

*ka:wު Ȯom

ziaw4 hDZm4

PHl

Jiamao

tree clsfr

*khҬӔ͈

nDZ:w5

pile clsfr

*phʅwު

tsu:n5

needle clsfr speech clsfr

*tçhXӔ *fha:k

long thing clsfr *Ci͈a:͈ pair (of)

*hlҬ:m

C

tshin5 tuʅӔ5 tҬj1

ުum1

5.4 Conclusion Although there is no doubt about the significance of the Hlai component in the Jiamao

vocabulary, the data in the previous sections indicate strongly that this vocabulary is ultimately borrowed, and that Jiamao was not originally a Hlai language (contra Ostapirat (2004)). The correspondence

between Hlai and Jiamao initials indicate strongly that there have been at least two stages of borrowing, the first occurring during what was probably late Pre-Hlai, and the second during and/or shortly after the period of Proto-Hlai unity itself.

There is nothing to indicate that Jiamao began borrowing Hlai vocabulary until sometime after

the first occurrence of devoicing, intervocalic lenition and the first instance of vocalic transfer occurred in Pre-Hlai. It is possible that Jiamao came into contact with Hlai before the first monosyllabification which occurred before obstruents, and certainly before main-syllable aspiration occurred in Hlai. It also seems

unlikely that Jiamao began borrowing before peripheral mid vowel raising, but given the large degree of variation in the Jiamao rime correspondences, it is difficult to be absolutely certain. There are a handful of lexical items which appear related to Tai:

349 (114)

Gloss

Jiamao

Pre-Jiamao

PTai

PNT

PST

rake expose to sun

phʅ:1 tҬa5

*phģ: *[ٍ/d]Ҭʅު

--*p-ta:k

--*p-ta:k

*phҬʅ *p-ta:k

turbid

huʅt

*͈ot

---

---

*got

fern

butterfly sting GRQ·W

elbow chisel

official

firewood answer coarse fear

slippery

scale (of fish) last (year) bird to play

to bark ear

winnow a cold

kҬ:t9

*gҬʅt

8

ƷҬa Ȯa:n4

*ƷҬʅ *[Ȯ]ʅ:n

1

ުjow5

*ުja:ު

ts ua h

5

ts i:w h

5

hҬa2 fҬӔ

ӑʅ:p

*ӑģ:p

8

ѴDZ:4

*l۠: 5

li:t9

lʅ:j nDZ:k9 4

liaw1 ki:w

1

kDZ:1

*͈Ҭʅު *͈۠:n

4

ӑҬan

*siʅwު *‫ڛ‬ҬӔ

4

hDZ:n

*suʅު

vat7 vҬat7

*ުӑۣ:nު *ުliʅt

*‫ר‬ģ:j *ުn۠:k *ުle:w *giʅw *g۠:

*hwʅt *hwۣ:t

*ku[:]t

*ުbwa:ު --*ުja:h

*s[uo]k *si:wh ---

*vwҬ:l

*N-xa:n *ӑࣞa:p

ODࣞ Z

*mlҬ:lh *klec

*kla:j *әok ---

*‫׮‬awh

*C-‫׮‬wҬʅ -----

*kut

*ުba: ---

*ku:t

*ުbҬʅC *ުdanC

C

*ުjҬʅB

*ުja:B

*s[uʅ]k

*so:k

*si:w

*si:wB

B

*ha:k

---

*vwҬl

*vwҬ:n

KӔDQ

*xa:n

*ӑࣞa:p

*ӑࣞa:p

ODࣞ Z

*mlҬ[:]n

ODࣞ Z B

*klec

*kla:j *әok

*mlҬ:nB *klet

*kla:j *nok

---

*hraw

B

*rҬʅ -----

*liʅwB *hawB

*kh‫׮‬u: *fat *hwat

It is difficult to know what to make of these parallels. The items above are not numerous enough

to suggest that Jiamao is a Tai language with a heavy Hlai superstratum, and the correspondences SDUWLFXODUO\LQWRQH DUHQ·WDOZD\VZKDWZRXOGEHH[SHFWHGZKLFKVXJJHVWVWKDt the Tai vocabulary represents another layer of loanwords in Jiamao.

As Thurgood (1997: fn. 7) points out, Jiamao is of extreme value in the reconstruction of Proto-

Hlai, and the validation of the stage of Pre-Hlai which existed prior to main-syllable aspiration is particularly important. It is vexing that the origin of the native Jiamao vocabulary is not more

forthcoming, but future research (including non-linguistic data) may yet provide further clues into the elusive origin of this Southeast Asian language isolate.

350 CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION This final chapter is divided into three sections. The first section presents a summary of findings throughout the various parts of this book, and the second provides an overview of the empirical and theoretical contributions of this book. The final section provides a brief discussion of future research. 6.1 Summary of Findings There are a number of different issues which have been treated in this book and, hopefully,

clarified to some degree. The first of these is the phylogenetic structure of the Hlai language family. The evidence presented in chapter one provided evidence for a phylogenetic tree, based on innovations

inferred from comparison of daughter branches and languages with Proto-Hlai. This tree retains all of the traditional groups from Ouyang & Zheng (1983) except for the Ha branch, where it was shown that each

¶+D·ODQJXDJHHLWKHUUHSUHVHQWV%RXKLQDQG+D(P RULVSDUWRI/DXKXW DVHSDUDWHEUDQFKRI+ODLDQG that these are probably grouped together based on shared cultural context as opposed to actual common descent. It was also argued that vocalic transfer across approximants was more likely to be shared via

common descent as opposed to cross-language diffusion, and that this criteria was therefore a valuable

one for subgrouping the Central Hlai languages. It was shown that subsequent to the fission of Proto-Hlai into branches, and of these branches into daughter languages, there were several points of intimate contact between various languages in different areas around the island. This contact shows up primarily through loan words, which are discernible through irregular reflexes of segments and tones, but also through various sound changes which have diffused within their respective areas.

An inventory of initials was reconstructed in chapter two for Proto-Hlai and evidence was

provided for two types of words, monosyllabic and sesquisyllabic. There is occasionally evidence for the nature of the first vowel in a sesquisyllabic word, preserved in coarticulations on (primarily) approximants which occurred as a result of vocalic transfer. There is a noticeable difference in the kinds of initials which are reconstructed as word-initial as opposed to syllable-initial within a sesquisyllabic

word. Most in the former category are reconstructed as aspirated, whereas most in the second category (with the exception of the glottal stop) are more sonorous, and include primarily voiced members. Perhaps the most important force driving the evolution of Hlai initials was shown to be temporal

compression, which led to continuous reduction of multiple segments in the onset until only a single

segment remained. The rime inventory was reconstructed in chapter three, including both the laryngeal as well as

segmental components of the Proto-Hlai rimes. The four Kra-Dai tone categories were examined in the

context of Proto-Hlai, and the three-way contrast in the first three categories (the fourth category ending in voiceless oral obstruents) was reconstructed as plain versus breathy voice versus constricted glottis. The segmental rime inventory was reconstructed, with three levels of height, three degrees of backness, and a length distinction in closed rimes. Several places of interaction between rime nuclei and final

351 laryngeal elements were highlighted, including the diphthongization of high vowels before laryngeals in Greater Hlai.

Proto-Hlai was compared with Proto-Tai in chapter four. Comparison with Proto-Tai enabled a tentative reconstruction of Proto-Western Kam-Tai, from which a general evolution to Proto-Hlai could be inferred. Several changes were illustrated involving the initials, the most far-reaching of which

include the first initial devoicing, intervocalic lenition and main-syllable aspiration. Two processes which began in Pre-Hlai but were only completed after the breakup of Proto-Hlai were monosyllabification and vocalic transfer. The most fundamental change in the rimes was shown to be peripheral mid vowel raising, which led the original mid vowels *e and *o and the secondarily-derived *ۣ to rise and merge with original *i, *u and *Ҭ, allowing original *ʎ to rise in turn to *e.

The Jiamao language was the focus of chapter five. Jiamao has been a consistent enigma in the

area of Hlai comparative work, and the idea originally advanced in Thurgood (1992) that Jiamao is

originally a non-Hlai language was reinforced heavily in this chapter. Data was presented which shows that a subset of the Jiamao initials have two reflexes of Proto-Hlai initials, indicating two layers of

borrowing; the nature of these reflexes also indicate that the earliest contact with Jiamao occurred during a later period of Pre-Hlai. Comparison of the rimes supported this analysis and, if anything, showed that it may be necessary to invoke more than two strata of loanwords in order to explain Jiamao variation,

although another factor was undoubtedly transmission errors during borrowing. The fact that the Jiamao

tone system is only loosely correlated with that of Proto-Hlai, along with the evidence given for a large group of core vocabulary of non-Hlai origin, serves to underscore the ultimately non-genetic relationship between Jiamao and Hlai.

6.2 Empirical and Theoretical Contributions The empirical contributions of this book include the collection of the lexicon of Nadouhua, the

documentation of Changjiang as a previously unrecorded Hlai language and the collection of much of its

lexicon, and the double-checking of the data collected in Ouyang & Zheng (1983) and Ouyang (1998) for the other ten Hlai languages and Jiamao. Audio recordings of approximately two hundred basic vocabulary items were also made in all thirteen languages used in this book with the help of the

consultants listed in chapter one. The cumulative data for over 1,000 vocabulary items has been included in the appendix, with accompanying reconstructions based on the analysis given herein.

The collective study of the Hlai languages provides an excellent case study in the dynamics of language contact in a delimited linguistic area, and this book has contributed to an better understanding of the complexities of language contact. While the products of contact with non-Hlai languages (especially Chinese) are easily recognized, the effects of intra-family language contact can be more difficult to

distinguish and interpret. Because of the amount of contact which has taken place between the various Hlai languages, there are two principles which have been necessarily emphasized. The first is that when using lexical criteria for subgrouping, it is extremely important to check for regular correspondences. It was noted that in most cases, irregular correspondences are not random, but are the consequence of

352 replacement by a cognate form from a related language. Irregular correspondences are therefore not only important to note for theoretical reasons, but also because they can provide crucial clues about a contact

situation which has either gone unrecognized or been underappreciated. The second principle is that when using phonological changes as criteria for subgrouping, care must be taken to separate less common changes which are likely one-time events from more common changes which are prone either to diffusion or to independent occurrence within languages. Less common changes which can be argued to have

occurred before the diffusion of more general changes are particularly important evidence in subgrouping, as the likelihood is high that these kinds of changes are in evidence only in languages which have descended from a common ancestor. The implementation of the two principles above has allowed a

subgrouping of the Hlai languages to be performed with high confidence, the most notable features of which are the recognition of the initial split between Bouhin and Greater Hlai, and the use of vocalic transfer as a crucial criterion for inclusion in the Central Hlai subgroup.

There are several theoretical contributions which have been made in this book which pertain to

an understanding of language change. One outstanding generalization is that speakers of languages in

contact situations which are under pressure to conform to a particular template (the monosyllable in this

case) may adopt different strategies on their way to convergence. For example, while consonant clusters

were generally disfavored, the strategy adopted in Central Hlai to form monosyllables in the case of *m-l sesquisyllables was to allow the ultimate formation of a cluster pl, whereas the initial consonant was lost in Bouhin and Ha Em. A similar example occurred in the case of post-PHl vocalic transfer, where the information from an original high vowel in a presyllable was preserved as a coarticulation on the main

syllable initial in Central Hlai; all information from these vowels was lost completely in Bouhin and Ha

Em. This fact is of great value in the enterprise of phonological reconstruction, as the greater the degree of variation is between the daughter languages, the larger the total amount of information is which is

retained form comparison. Another important generalization which can be made based on the data in this book is that the

more heterogeneous the reflexes of the daughter language, the more complex the proto-phoneme is likely

to be from which they descended. It was shown in chapter one that general similarity among the reflexes of the daughter languages is indicative that an identical, or nearly-identical, proto-phoneme can be reconstructed. When there is a large degree of variation, as in the case of the initials which either hosted coarticulations in Proto-Hlai or gained them later in Central Hlai, a more complex phoneme must

necessarily be reconstructed in order to account for the variation. The reason for this is that there are

fewer opportunities for mistransmission in the case of simple phonemes, whereas the chances that mistransmission will occur in the case of complex phonemes is higher. This can be due to misperception RQWKHSDUWRIWKHOHDUQHU&KDQJHLQ%OHYLQV· PRGHO WRYDULDWLRQRQWKHSDUWRIWKHVSHDNHU (Choice in the same model), or some combination of both.

A third generalization which can be made is that language change, being non-teleological, can sometimes drift away from the typological norm; the results of such a change may be inherently unstable, however, and further change back toward the typological norm may occur due to biases inherent in the articulatory and auditory systems. An example of this was the change called main-syllable aspiration,

353 which resulted in the aspiration of obstruents and the preaspiration of sonorants if they were initial both

in the word and the main syllable. This change resulted in a typologically marked situation in Proto-Hlai, in which only preaspirated sonorants occurred in this environment, to the exclusion of plain sonorants. However, this ended up being a temporary state of affairs, as the preaspirated nasals either became unaspirated (Bouhin) or became poststopped nasals (Greater Hlai), and the glides were reanalyzed as weak fricatives, leaving the liquids as the only sonorants which remain preaspirated in some of the

daughter languages. In most cases the end results of these changes were either merger with existing categories or repopulation of former categories, a change referred to here as systemic realignment.

A fourth generalization is that when the evidence forces the conclusion that the same sound

change has occurred multiple times in the history of a language family, it should be considered that a

general constraint is involved. This was seen to be true in Hlai in the case of a constraint against voiced

obstruents. It was shown in chapter four that PWKT voiced obstruents underwent devoicing in Pre-Hlai. It was also shown in chapter two that devoicing occurred again after the break-up of Proto-Hlai but

before registrogenesis, and a third time after registrogenesis. Since there is no evidence which suggests that voiced obstruents (which arise as the result of sound change) remain voiced for any duration, the

most economical analysis is therefore to recognize a general constraint against voiced obstruents which

may apply whenever the appropriate environment is created; this is preferable to positing three separate obstruent devoicings which were ultimately unrelated.

There are three generalizations which can be made about vocalic transfer. The first is that in situations which involve prosodic change (i.e. the several examples give in chapter four, section 4.3.3), the linearization of consonant and vowel phonemes becomes more easily confused, often leading to a reanalysis of vowel position within the word. In Hlai, this led to a form of metathesis in which the features of original presyllable high vowels were reanalyzed as coarticulated glides hosted by the

following consonant. The second generalization is that vocalic transfer interacts with sonority, and it was observed that the higher the sonority of a consonant, the greater the chances of vocalic transfer occurring across it (the one exception being the glides, which may have been exempt from this change due to their inherent similarity with high vowels). The third generalization is that vocalic transfer did not occur

simultaneously in the case of the two high vowels. In several cases, vocalic transfer of the front vowel i had already occurred in Pre-Hlai, but vocalic transfer of the back vowel u did not occur until the break-up of Proto-Hlai, in Central Hlai, although it occurred in several of the same environments.

Finally, this book has made theoretical contributions involving the reconstruction of two

important constituents of the Proto-Hlai (and ultimately Kra-Dai) phonological word. The first is the presyllable and the sesquisyllabic word. Ostapirat (2004, 2005) presented the first formal reconstruction of Proto-Hlai in which the existence of sesquisyllabic forms were necessary to fully explain the reflexes

RIWKHGDXJKWHUODQJXDJHV7KLVERRNKDVHODERUDWHGRQ2VWDSLUDW·VLPSRUWDQWREVHUYDWLRQE\UHILQLQJWKH reconstruction of sesquisyllabic forms (chapter two) and using this knowledge to improve our understanding of Proto-Western Kam-Tai word shape and related changes in Proto-Tai (chapter four).

The second constituent which has been reconstructed is the category of word-final laryngeals which

were the precursors of the tone categories B and C. The evidence supporting the reconstruction of final

354 laryngeals was given in chapter three, and the methodology for the reconstruction of these laryngeals for Hlai was proposed here for the first time. Although the analysis provided here is exploratory, this is a

significant achievement in Hlai comparative studies, and provides a model which can be used in other parts of the Kra-Dai phylum (and ultimately in other language families and phyla of Southeast Asia where paradigmatic tone categories exist). 6.3 Future Research The purpose of this final section is to outline several possible ways for potential research to

proceed, and reasons to do so. Focusing first on Hlai-internal research, the Lauhut dictionary compiled

by Zheng & Ouyang (1993) is solid proof that additional data collection is both possible and worthwhile.

The dictionary is a valuable collection of the Lauhut lexicon which is probably nearly exhaustive. While it becomes obvious upon close inspection that a large portion of the modern lexicon contains borrowings from various Hainan Chinese sources, it also demonstrates that there are a number of native Hlai words

which exist that were not available in Ouyang & Zheng (1983). The dictionary therefore offers a readymade list of vocabulary which may be elicited in the other Hlai languages, offering the possibility of

greatly expanding the inventory of Proto-Hlai forms included in this book. It is also highly recommended that data collection is done in parts of Hainan which have not yet beHQVDPSOHG7KH¶GLVFRYHU\·RI

Changjiang during the preparatory fieldwork for this book, coupled with the anecdotal accounts of my consultants, indicates that the existence of as-yet unrecorded Hlai languages or dialects is likely, and all

of these have the potential to add evidence to Proto-Hlai reconstruction (as well as other areas of inquiry), as Changjiang has done here. Finally, as the present reconstruction has focused solely on phonological reconstruction of the lexicon, there is obviously room for reconstruction in other parts of the grammar,

most notably syntax. It also goes without saying that sociolinguistic research will pay dividends, given the complex mosaic of ethnic and social groups which interact with each other across Hainan. As the

Hlai languages in general, and some languages in particular (most notably Nadouhua and Yuanmen) are

under pressure from Chinese, resulting in gradual but steady language-shift, any research yet to be done

upon Hlai languages is better done sooner rather than later. This is especially true since, while Hlai (like many minority languages) is recognized by the Chinese government, there has never been a writing system developed for any of the Hlai languages and there is no apparent effort being made by the government toward language preservation.

Moving to the topic of Hlai-external research, reconstructions of other Kra-Dai branches need to be revisited and brought current with advances in Western Kam-Tai, including the theory developed here of sesquisyllabic proto-forms. Advances in this area are already being made: Ostapirat·V (1999)

reconstruction of Proto-Kra already relies on sesquisyllabic theory to a certain degree, and Andy Castro

(Castro 2011, Castro & Pan 2014) has advanced a sesquisyllabic analysis for some aspects of Proto-KamSui. As compatative work continues which includes more recently available language data, the reconstruction

of Kra and Kam-Sui will ultimately enable a comparison with PWKT, allowing a reconstruction of Proto-

355 Kra-Dai itself; this will also allow the Kra-Dai subgrouping presented in chapter one to be tested more

rigorously. It is only at this point that Kra-Dai can best be compared with other language phyla with an

eye to uncovering the nature of their prehistorical relationships. The present state of Austronesian studies makes this a promising venture, and recent work on Mon-Khmer family reconstructions, largely due to the work of Paul Sidwell, will enable further comparisons. Continuing work on Sino-Tibetan and Hmong-Mien reconstruction is also desirable; Ratliff (2010) marks a recent advance in the latter.

Detailed materials continue to be published (the majority by Chinese linguists) which will faciliate these endeavors, and once appropriate family- and phylum-level reconstructions have been performed, the relevance to Kra-Dai may be pleasantly surprising.

356 APPENDIX: HLAI LANGUAGE DATA AND PROTO-HLAI RECONSTRUCTIONS

The data presented in this appendix is based on the wordlist published in Ouyang & Zheng

(1983), and has been supplemented by WKHDXWKRU·V fieldwork in Hainan during the academic year of 2003-2004. Lexical items are presented in both Chinese and English, and are in alphabetical order

according to the standard Mandarin reading. The order in which the languages are given is the following: BH

Cun

HE

LH

Nadou CJ

TZ

MF

ZD BS

BT

YM

JM

SSH

WQBS

SCH

7KHWKUHHODQJXDJHVDWWKHIDUULJKWDUHIURP6DYLQD·V GLFWLRQDU\DQG:DQJ 4LDQ·V

(1951) wordlist; the abbreviations are the following: SSH

SCH

= SavLQD·V6RXWKHUQ+ODL%RXKLQ

WQBS

6DYLQD·V&HQWUDO+ODL4L :DQJ 4LDQ·V%DLVKD

6DYLQD·VIRUPVKDYHEHHQFRQYHUWHGKHUHWRWKH,QWHUQDWLRQDO3KRQHWLF$OSKDEHWDVFORVHO\DV possible based on the Vietnamese orthography which he used for his transcriptions. The only instances in which this is non-transparent are of vowel length in diphthongs, where he uses the finals and to indicate long nuclei, and the finals and to indicate short nuclei. For example, and

indicate [a:j] and [a:w], and and indicate [aj] and [aw], respectively. In the case of WKHWRQHVWKHIROORZLQJFRQYHQWLRQVKDYHEHHQDGRSWHGZKHUH¶Y·UHSUHVHQWs the rime nucleus): Khong (mid level):

v

Huyen (low falling):

Nga (high broken):

Yࡨ

Nang (low broken):

Sac (high rising):

Yࡢ

Hoy (low rising):

Y࡯ Y࡯ࢌ Yࡎ

Proto-Hlai forms are given to the immediate left of the lexical items. If there is agreement at the

highest level of the Hlai phylogenetic tree (between Bouhin and one or more Greater Hlai languages), then a Pre-Hlai form is given to the left of the Proto-Hlai form. If not, then a proto-form is given

appropriate to the level to which it can be reconstructed, and it is indicated to the left which node of the tree the form is reconstructible to, using the following abbreviations:

357 GHl

= Greater Hlai

ECHl NCHl

= East Central Hlai = North Central Hlai

CHl

= Central Hlai

NWCHl = Northwest Central Hlai NECHl = Northeast Central Hlai Qi Meifu Run

Items which are not cognate with any other forms and which therefore do not contribute to

reconstruction (both loanwords from Chinese and lexical isolates) have been removed for ease of

exposition. Two important exceptions are Bouhin and Ha Em, which both form individual branches at a high level in the tree, the lexical isolates of which may therefore represent inherited Proto-Hlai forms

even if they do not agree with Greater Hlai (in the case of Bouhin) or Central Hlai (in the case of Ha Em). The other exception is Jiamao, which appears without brackets when it appears to be a Hlai borrowing,

but is placed in brackets otherwise. Forms which appear to be borrowed between Hlai languages (based on the criteria given in chapter one) are placed in parentheses. Irregular correspondences that are not

obviously due to borrowing are placed in brackets. Note that to simplify presentation, reconstructed Greater Hlai and Central Hlai forms are given as Proto-Hlai in the body of the book.

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

short

*tҬ:ު

*thҬ:ު

AI 矮

thʅҮ3 t DZ: h

愛

love

GHl:

*ުʅ:p

3

thaҮ3 t aw h

3

(ުo:p7) ުo:p7 ----

----

ӔRS7

ӔDS7

thaҮ3 t aҮ

thaҮ3

thaҮ3

thaҮ3

3

3

t ʅҮ

3

t aҮ

t aҮ

ުo:p7

ުo:p7

ުDZ:p7

ުDZ:p7

7

7

h

ުo:p

h

ުo:p

h

h

ުuap

tha:1

3

t DOঔ

----

h

ުuap

8

thʅ࡯Ү

[ta:k9 tsi:1]

(DZࡎp)

----

[ka:p7]

----

----

7

XDSঔ

AN 安裝

安

安

set up

press

press

*C-Ӕʅp

*C-mʅc

Qi:

Run:

*C-Ӕʅp

*C-mʅc

*kom

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] ʅm͈ h

----

mat7 ----------

----

mat7 ----

-------

ӔRS7

ӔRS7

ӔDS8

7

7

ӔDS

ӔDS7

8

8

mat7

----

----

----

----

----

kom5

kum5

kʅm5

----

----

ӔDZ5

-------

----

ӔDS

mac7 ----------

ӔDS

mat

7

-------

ӔDS

----

----

ts am

ts am

---ӔDZ2

ӔDZ5 ӔDZ2

h

2

h

5

----

----

----

AO 熬

fry, roast

*C-ӔDZ͈

*C-ӔDZ͈

ӔDZ2 ӔDZ2

ӔDZ2 ӔDZ2

ӔDZ2 ӔDZ2

---ӔDZ2

358

BA 八

扒

扒

扒

芭蕉

eight

dig up

*ru:

*Cu‫ۦ‬Ҭ:n͈

*hru:

*Cu͈Ҭ:n͈

ru:1

gow1

----

Ӕʎwު

hҬ:n2 ----

4

hҬ:n2 Ӕʎn

2

gow1

gow4

how4

4

1

1

gow

xow

hwҬn2 hҬn5 ----

----

how4

xow

k ow

----

hҬn5

ӔʅӔ

h

mʅn

2

ku:1

G~

aw

----

hҬۣ࡯ࢌn

----

1

2

[RZখ

----

GHl:

*shinު

----

tin3

teӑ3

ten3

----

----

----

----

----

dig up

*C-‫ۦ‬Ҭ:t

*͈Ҭ:t

hҬ:t7

----

----

hҬ:t7

hҬ:t7

hҬ:t7

kҬat7

hҬࡎ ۣt

----

vҬa5

YDࡎ

vʎࡎ[Ӕ]

----

[kDZӔ5]

Ҭࡎ t

----

khat7

[mak7]

----

----

kҬ:m1 [mak7] kҬm1

-------

----

ItHQ

----

banana

NECHl: *wa:k

*k Ҭ:t h

*hwa:k

----

----

----

va:ު7 zʎk

2

拔(草) pull up (grass)

拔(釘) pull out (nail)

*ުҬt

*[k/x]ʅc

*ުҬt

*khʅc

ުҬt7 ުʅt

ve:ު7 ----

2

----

*CʅުgҬ:m NCHl:

*kҬ:m *khop

kҬ:m1 ---khop2 ----

把(刀) knife clsfr

*pi:n͈

*phi:n͈

phi:n2

KZ>D@Ӕު

----

7

----

k Ҭt h

7

hwe:k7 ve:ު8 ve:ު

vҬ:

ުҬt7

ުҬt7

7

khat7

拔(土) pull up (earth)

NCHl:

k Ҭt

----

khat7 k iat

----

----

h

ުҬt7

2

h

----

----

2

ު[ot]

7

khac7 ----

khat7 k at h

7

----

8

hҬk

k Ҭt

ve:ު8

ve:ު7

veު

8

ު[u]t7 -------

k at h

8

kҬ:m1 kҬ:m1 ku:m1 khop7 k[o]m1 kҬm1

phi:n2 YHӔ

3

phi:n2

phi:n5

3

3

YHӔ

YHӔ

h

viaު

7

8

----

----

(YHӔ6) phi:n5 YLDӔ

3

YLDӔ

6

[tet7]

----

----

veުখ

----

----

----

359

dig up

把

耙

tool clsfr

rake

*C-lҬӔު Run:

*Cirik Run:

*C-lҬӔު *ުw[a]:k *hrjik

*‫[ר‬a]:Ӕ

lҬӔ3

lҬӔ3

----

----

zik7

zik7

----

lҬӔ3

----

----

lҬӔ

veު

3

rik7

----

(Ʒe:ު8)

ti:ު8

----

8

(pha:6)

----

ULDӔ

1

----

viaު

[tet7]

lҬ࡯ ۣӔ

----

[phʅ:1]

----

----

khow1

xa:w

----

[ven4]

----

----

[lej1]

NDࡎW

----

[kҬ2]

PqM

----

[Ȯuʅn5]

YqQ

----

7

(phʅ:3) ULDӔ

4

----

----

BAI 白

white

*[k/x]a:w

*kha:w

kha:w1 k a:w h

白麻

白藤

白天

white hemp

white rattan

daytime

*[k/x]a:n

*Cʅުgʅc

*mi:ު

*ӔZʅn

*kha:n

*kʅc

*hmi:ު

*hӔZʅn

1

kha:n1 ----

termite

k a:w

kha:n1

kha:n1

----

h

1

----

kha:w1 k a:w h

1

kha:n1 k DӔ h

1

kha:w1 k a:w h

1

kha:n1

kha:w1 k a:w h

1

kha:n1

k DӔ

k uan

h

1

h

1

kat7

kac7

kat7

kat7

kat7

2

4

7

7

8

7

kiat

mej3 Ʒaj

4

ven1 hon

kaު

kat

kat

kat

p[e]j3

paj3

[2]

3

p[Ҭ]

hwan1

van4

van4

van1

1

1

4

p[u]

van1

vanު

4

paj

van

4

paj6

kat

phaj6 3

YDӔ

paj

3

YDӔ

paj3 paj

[3]

van

khDZখ

----

NDWখ

----

----

ӔXN

KӔXN

ӔXު7 ----

ku:ު7 ----

ku:k7 ----

ku:ު8 kuk7

khuaު8 ----

ku:ު8 kuު8

kua2

-------

----

*m-lu:k

*m-lu:k

lu:ު7

lu:ު7

plu:k7

plu:ު7

puaު7

plu:ު7

lua5

OXࡎ

----

lok

4

pu:

2

puު

7

pluk

7

pluk

8

pluު

7

SOXNখ

360

白蟻

k aw

kha:w1

1

h

kat[9]

4

白頭髮 white hair

kha:w1

百

拜

hundred

worship

*Cura:n

*puc

*Cuhra:n

*phuc

ra:n1 ----

p ʅt

擺手

wave (hand)

wave (hand)

*ުu[:]j

CHl:

*ުu[:]j

*hwin

phut7

p uʎު

2

h

ުuj1 ުuj

4

ުu:j1 ުuj

1

----

ven

gwa:n1 gwa:n4 va:n4

----

phut7 h

擺手

ga:n1

phut7

ph‫ࡢڠ‬t

----

ުu:j1

----

~:j

----

vin1

[fit7]

----

----

[tsaw4]

----

----

----

zʎ࡯Ӕ

----

----

----

----

(thҬn1) ---th[ʅ]n1

(thDZ࡯n) ----

----

thum1

----

----

NRӔ

‫ۦ‬DӔ

1

YDӔ

vuan

phuc7

phut7

phut7

phut7

----

ven4

----

p ot h

ުuj

1

----

----

2

ven4

----

[5]

----

7

----

----

----

1

----

1

ުuj

----

GiQ

1

ުu:j1

1

hwa:n4 kҬ:n1

----

----

----

ven

4

YDӔক

----

----

YHQখ

BAN 斑鳩

dove

*[k/x]u:

*khu:

khow1 k ow h

搬

搬運

move (object)

transport

*Ci[d/r][ʎ]Ӕު Run:

ӔZʅ:jު

*[‫ר‬/hr]j[e]Ӕު *hj[e]Ӕު

KӔZʅ:jު

[5]

zeӔ3

khow1 k ʎw h

1

]HӔ3

----

----

va:j3

ӔDZj

k ow h

1

UHӔ3 ]HӔ

3

vo:j3

----

khow1

3

khow1 k ow h

1

WHӔ6

WVHӔ

vo:j

k ow h

1

---3

hwo:j3 va:j6 ----

khow1

]LDӔ

]LDӔ

va:j6

va:j3

*thʅ:n

(tho:n1) tho:n1 than1 ----

tho:n1 thRӔ1

tho:n1 th[DZ]Ӕ1

thDZ:n1 thRӔ1

半

half (of number) CHl:

*thom

----

thom1

thom1

thom1

ts om

t on h

1

----

t om h

1

vu:j6

(t om ) ---h

4

----

khRZখ

----

----

thRPক

361

GHl:

----

6

3

half (of object)

1

1

WHӔ6

半

h

k ow h

3

vuaj

3

khow1

半

half (of number) CHl:

Run:

*fhin

*f un͈ h

----

----

----

feӑ1

----

----

fiӔ

----

fiӔ

1

----

fun

1

fʅn

2

----

----

----

[khDZ:p9]

----

----

5

----

BANG 綁

綁

蚌

tie

tie

mussel

GHl:

GHl:

NWCHl: *[c/ç]i:

*fhʅ:t

*shʅn

*C-Ӕʅ:nު *tçhi:

(pho:t7) fo:t7 ----

----

----

Ӕan

tan3 3

tshej1 ----

ӔDZn

3

tshej1 ----

fo:t7

fo:t7

----

fo:k

fDZ:t7

7

foު

fDZ:t7

f[u]t

8

7

----

tan3

----

----

tan3

----

----

----

tshej1

tshej1

tshej1

tshej1

tshaj1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ts ej h

----

1

ts ej h

1

----

----

GHl:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hʅ:Ӕު

----

tshRӔ3

tshRӔ3

----

(khop9) (khDZp7) [khDZ:p7] va:3

va:6

----

----

wrap

*tu:k

*thu:k

thu:ު7

thu:ު7

thu:k7

thu:ު7

thuaު7

thu:ު7

thu:ު9

thXࡎ

thXࡎRN

skin (a cow)

*CʅުGDӔު

*ȮDӔު

ȮDӔ3

ȮHӔ3

ȮHӔ3

ȮHӔ3

ȮHӔ3

ȮHӔ3

----

----

3

3

ȮLDӔ

----

3

3

thak7

thak7

thak7

----

----

Run:

*hwa:ު

----

----

----

----

----

BAO 包

剝

tshok2

ȮʎӔ

3

剝

skin (a cow)

Qi:

*thʅk

----

ȮHӔ

3

-------

thuު7

ȮHӔ -------

thuk7

ȮHӔ

thak7 ----

thuk8

ȮLDӔ

----

thuު7

----

thXNখ

----

----

362

----

thuު4

剝

薄

飽

peel (bark)

thin

sated

*si:n͈ CHl: *rҬ:

*[k/x]Ҭ:m

*shi:n͈ *Ȯi:nު *hrҬ:

*khҬ:m

ti:n2

ti:n2

----

----

rʅҮ1 ----

Ӕʎު

carry

GHl:

*ުop

carry (a child)

*ުu:nު

*ުu:nު

豹

暴露

暴露

ȮLӔ

Ȯi:n3

ȮLӔ

3

Ȯin

3

gʅҮ1

gʅҮ4

hʅҮ4

4

1

1

gʅҮ

xʅҮ

hʅҮ4

xʅҮ

[ӑi:t9]

----

----

kaj1

dʅࡢҮ

ʅࡢҮ

3

k ʅҮ h

1

k um

k ʎn

k Ҭm

k Ҭm

k Ҭm

khom

----

ުop7

ުop7

ުop7

----

ުDZp7

4

7

7

1

ުop

h

ުoު

----

ުuʅn

3

抱

4

Ȯi:n3

khҬ:m1 khҬ:m1 khҬ:m1 khҬ:m1 khu:m1 khҬ:m1 khDZm1

2

抱

Ȯi:n3

----

gʅҮ1

h

抱/背

Ȯi:n3

1

----

ުun

3

h

1

ުop

h

1

ުop

ުu:n3 ުun

3

h

1

ުop

ުop

8

ުu:n3 ުXӔ

3

1

----

----

----

xʅ‫ۦ‬খ

xҬࡢ ۣm ---khҬPখ

ުup7

----

----

ުun5

----

----

7

----

----

RSখ

----

carry (firewood) *ުomު

*ުomު

ުom3

ުom3

ުom3

ުom3

----

(ުDZm3) ----

zP

----

leopard

*Cu͈u:jު

hu:j3

hu:j3

hu:j3

gu:j3

hu:j3

hu:j3

----

----

----

[ުMHӔ5]

----

----

----

----

----

expose

expose

*Cu‫ۦ‬u:jު

*Cu‫ۦ‬a:w͈

*tҬ:n

*Cu͈a:w͈

*thҬ:n

----

----

ha:w2 ----

thҬ:n1 ----

----

----

ha:w2 ----------

----

----

----

(huj ) 3

hwa:w2 ---ӔDZ

ӔDZ

----

thҬ:n1

2

----

2

----

----

ӔXM

----

Ҫuj

3

----

ӔDZ

2

thҬ:n1 ----

6

----

Ҫa:w

2

thҬ:n1 ----

----

ӔXMঔ

----

----

363

BEI 背

北

carry (on back) GHl:

north

*pʅjު Run:

ECHl:

NWCHl: 背脊

back (of body)

背着手 put hands

behind back

被

被子

get

blanket

*[c/ç]uӑު

CHl:

*CʅުdҬ: CHl:

GHl:

*fhLӔ

*phʅjު

*f [a]:Ӕ h

*hnҬ: *hjʅ:k

*tçhuӑު

*m-le:

*ȮҬ:

*hnҬ:Ӕ͈ *fhi:ު

(SLӔ1) ----

phaj3

3

Ȯaj1 zok

----

----

p [e:] h

phaj3 3

----

zoު

2

tshun3

4

tshun3

----

sʎn

3

----

----

----

----

ȮʅҮ1

tsҬʅӔ

5

(pej3) [WԬ]aj

ILӔ1

----

p [u]j h

ILӔ1

3

ȮʅҮ1 Ȯʎ:

----

ILDӔ1

ILDӔ1

ILӔ

ILӔ

1

IHӔ5

(SteӔ)

----

----

----

----

1

pha[:]j3 phaj3

----

ILDӔ

tʅҮ1

tʅҮ4

----

----

----

----

----

tshuӑ3

tshun3

tshun3

tshҬn3

[tu:t9]

‫࡯ڠآ‬n

----

[te:k8 tҬ:n1]

----

----

[mҬʅn1]

----

----

paj1

(SqM)

IqM

----

----

ple:1 ----

tҬӔ2

----

ts on h

3

ple:1 ple:

1

----

ȮʅҮ

----

ts un h

3

pe:1

ts un h

3

ple:1

ple:

1

ple:

1

ȮʅҮ1

ȮʅҮ1

1

1

faj3

faj3

faj3

faj3

3

3

3

3

1

faj

1

----

----

faj

ILDӔ

----

----

1

1

faj

ILDӔ1

ILӔ

1

ȮʅҮ

faj

ȮʅҮ faj3

f[u]j

3

----

----

----

----

----

IDMঔ

364

蓓蕾

bud

*ٍ[ʎ]Ӕ CHl:

*Cuުop CHl:

Run:

*ٍ‫؛‬h[e]Ӕ

*Cuhrʅwު *Cuުop *C-Ӕʅn *t u:k

tshHӔ1 ----

tshHӔ1 feӔ

1

ުop7

----

----

tshHӔ1 -------

----

tshHӔ1 ‫ۦ‬o:

3

gop7

----

ӔDӔ

1

ho:6

tshHӔ1

[ӔDZ:1]

----

----

ӔDQ4

----

[ުow1]

----

----

phu:n1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

na:m1

----

----

hDZ:t9

----

----

----

----

t uk h

8

t uު h

7

----

----

h

BEN 錛子

adze

*pu:n

*phu:n

phu:n1 p u:n h

笨

stupid

GHl:

*hmʅ:j

[3]

(po:j1) ----

phu:n1 p un h

1

po:j1 ----

phu:n1

phu:n1

----

po:j1

pa:j4

----

4

1

p un h

po:j

1

----

po:j

----

----

puaj

1

pu:j

1

----

----

BI 鼻涕

mucus

*C-nʅmު

*C-nʅmު

nom3 nam

3

*[k/x]ʅt

*khʅt

khet7 k at h

2

nose flute

Qi:

*hlju:n͈

-------

鼻子

nose

*[k/x]ʅt

*khʅt

khet7 k at h

nan

nam3

nam6

nam3 6

3

3

nam

3

nam

3

nam

nam

khat7

khat7

khat7

khat7

khat7

k aު h

4

-------

2

nom3

k aު

7

-------

khat7 h

k aު h

4

khat7 k aު h

7

k ak h

7

k ak h

7

k at h

7

----

----

Ѵu:n2 ----

Ѵu:n2 (tu:n2)

Ѵu:n2 ----

tsuʅn2

-------

----

khat7

khat7

khat7

hDZ:t9

xʎࡢt

----

k ak h

7

k ak h

7

k at h

7

khDNঔ

365

鼻簫

nam3

秕子

閉

壁虎

chaff

close (eyes)

gecko

*li:p

*ӑʅ:p

*hli:p

*hӑʅ:p

Ȯi:p7 WԬLS

2

ӑap7 tsap

Ѵi:p7 ----

tso:p7

4

tsDZު

4

Ѵi:p7 Ѵip

Ѵi:p7

[9]

tso:p7 ----

Ѵi:p7

Ѵip

Ѵi:p7

Ѵip

7

Ѵip

8

----

tso:p

7

[Ȯap7]

ӑiģࡎp

----

----

----

----

----

[tek7]

----

----

pha:j5

(pʎࡢӔ)

----

----

----

p[e]j3

p[Ҭ](1) -------

----

----

*Ci[d/r]i:nު

*[‫ר‬/hr]ji:nު

zi:n3

zi:n3

ri:n3

ti:n6

(va:w1) ti:n6

NECHl:

*ުwa:w

----

----

ti:n

----

‫ۦ‬a:w

[4]

----

(thʅp7)

mej3

3

----

(thap7)

*hmi:ު

----

----

7

*mi:ު

----

[vu:4vit8]

----

va:w

va:w

IHӔ1

IHӔ1

1

1

1

[4]

----

----

----

BIAN 邊

side

GHl:

*fh>D@Ӕ

(SHӔ1) IHӔ1 fʎӔ

IHӔ

Ӕa:j2

Ӕo:j2

1

邊緣

邊緣

edge

edge

*C-Ӕʅ:j͈

*CʅުJLӔ

*C-Ӕʅ:j͈

*NLӔ

[5]

----

ӔDZj

NLӔ1 ----

edge

CHl:

KӔDZ

-------

編

braid

*pʅn

*phʅn

phen1 p on h

1

NLӔ1 ----

f[i]Ӕ

1

IHӔ1 f[i]Ӕ

1

ILDӔ

----

(Ӕa:j2)

ӔDM5

----

Ӕa:j2

----

ӔiM

----

NLӔ1

----

NLDӔ1

NLDӔ1

[tiʅӔ5]

[‫]ۦ‬tӔ

----

---ka:w1

ka:w4 ka:w4

----

-------

----

phan1

phan1

----

----

----

----

----

----

NLӔ

ka:w1 ----

-------

----

phan1

phan1

p an h

[3]

p an h

----

----

----

1

-------

----

ILDӔ

1

p an h

1

----

phan1

----

----

----

366

邊緣

2

IHӔ1

編

編

蝙蝠

鞭打

鞭打

鞭子

扁

braid

*C-‫ۦ‬ʅc

*͈ʅc

hat7

hat7

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

braid (large)

*m-li:

*m-li:

lej1

lej1

plej1

plej1

pej1

plej1

[ta:1]

----

----

bat

whip

flat

----

----

----

----

pej

----

4

----

plej

1

*Cʅުbʅnު

*Ʒʅnު

Ʒen3

Ʒan3

*CurҬ:k

*CuhrҬ:k

rҬ:ު7

(rҬ:ު7) g[u]:k7 gҬ:ު8

to lash (a child) *fi:t

to lash

----

*fa:nު

*CʅުϺu:jު NCHl:

[*Cʅުbʎ:n͈]

*fhi:t

*fha:nު

*tçu:jު *Ȯuj

*Ʒe:n͈

----

----

phi:t7 f[ʎ]t

2

fa:n3 ----

tsu:j3 ȮDZj

1

Ʒe:n2 Ʒʎn

2

----

-------

----

gҬު

fi:t7

fi:t7

----

fa:n3 ----

tsu:j3 tsuj

3

Ʒe:n2 Ʒʎn

2

----

fit

----

7

7

------tsu:j3 Ȯuj

1

Ʒe:n2 ----

‫ۦ‬Ҭk fi:t7 7

fa:n3 IDӔ

3

tsu:j3 tsuj

3

Ʒe:n5 ----

plej

plej

1

1

----

----

----

----

----

bqQ

----

vҬaު8

hҬ:ު8

[thiʅk7]

drҬࡎ :

----

[tʅp8]

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

7

fit

----

----

(vҬk ) vҬު 7

fi:t7 fit

7

fi:t7

8

(fit )

----

fa:n3

tsu:j3

tsu:j3

8

----

tsuj

----

3

----

Ʒian

tuj

Ʒi:n

5

vҬNঔ

----

----

3

---2

----

----

----

367

扁擔

shoulder pole

GHl:

GHl:

變

change

*CilҬ:͈

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅj

*fhi:k

*hljҬ:͈

----

tshaj1

----

haj

(pi:ު9) ----

zʅҮ2 ----

1

fi:ު7 fiު

tshaj1 ----

fiު

zaҮ2 ----

ts aj h

fi:k7

4

tshaj1

fik

zaҮ2 ----

----

----

----

----

fiaު7

fiak7

pia5

(SLࡎ )

----

----

zʅࢌҮ

----

Ȯuʅp9

----

----

ު[jo]w3 ުjow5

----

----

[Ѵaj4]

----

----

----

1

fiaު7

7

tshaj1

fit

7

ѴaҮ2

fiު

7

----

zʅҮ

7

----

zaҮ

2

----

2

tsaҮ

2

----

ILWঔ

----

BIE 鱉

point-nosed turtle

別

別人

癟

GRQ·W

others

*tҬ:p

*ުiwު

*ުa[:]w

*thҬ:p

*ުiwު

*ުa[:]w

thҬ:p7 ----

ުiw3

----

ުiw3

----

1

thҬ:p7 ----

thҬ:p7 t up h

7

thu:p7 t up h

8

thҬ:p7 t up h

ު[jo]w3 ު[jo]w3 ުiw3

----

ުaw1 ު[a:]

thҬ:p7

7

ުiw

ުiw

ުiw

ުa:w1

ުa:w1

ުa:w1

1

1

ު[a:]

ުa:w1

1

ުa:w

ުa:w1 1

7

[Ӕ]a:

3

3

ުa:w

ުiw3

3

ު[a:ު ]

----

----

----

shrivelled

[*Cʅުbʎ:p]

*Ʒe:p

Ʒe:p7

----

Ʒe:p7

Ʒe:p7

Ʒep7

Ʒe:p7

pe:p9

----

----

hail

CHl:

*shin͈

----

----

teӑ2

[s]en5

ten5

----

[tsha:5]

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

BING 冰雹

----

----

se[m]

ts en h

2

ts en h

5

t‫ آ‬HQঘ h

368

----

2

槟榔

柄

柄

餅

病

betelnut

GHl:

*C-lʅӔު

(ORӔ3)

ORӔ3

ORӔ3

ORӔ3

lDZӔ6

l[o]Ӕ3

luʅӔ1

(lDZӔ)

----

a handle

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅw͈

*Cu͈ʅw͈

haw2

haw2

hwow2 go:5

vo:5

hDZ:5

----

----

----

2

2

[Ʒuʅn1]

[‫@آ‬uHQ

----

handle clsfr

cookie

sick

GHl:

*ުa:n͈

*[ٍ/c]ok

*fhi:nު

*ުa:n͈

*tçhok

----

----

tshi:n3 ----

ުa:n2 ----

tshok7 sDZk

2

----

----

fi:n3 fin

3

------tshuk7 saު

4

----

----

----

ӔR

fi:n3

fi:n3

fin

----

ӔR

----

3

----

ުa:n5

----

ުDӔ

2

tshok7 ts DZު h

7

mo:

fi:n[6]

ILӔ

3

----

tshok7 ts DZk h

7

2

fi:n3 fin

3

----

----

----

----

ުa:n5

----

----

----

tshoު7

tshDZk7

ta:k9

VyN

----

----

----

ts DZk h

7

ts DZk h

7

----

t‫ آ‬DZNখ h

BO 菠蘿

pineapple

*C-[d/Ȱ]a:ު

*‫ר‬a:ު

ra:3 ----

ra:3 ----

ra:3

r[Ҭ]a6

----

ra:

3

----

----

3

6

ra:

ra:

[tsa:5]

----

----

----

*C-mun

mun1

mun1

plu:n2

----

----

----

----

----

----

pla:5 ----

[fʅ:j1]

-------

----

mu:n3

mu:n1

Pon

----

CHl:

*m-lu:n͈

----

----

----

SOXӔ2

----

----

撥開

pull open

*m-la:͈ NWCHl:

*m-la:͈ *Ȯ[a]:Ӕު

la:2 ȮʎӔ3

---ȮHӔ3

pla:2 ----

pla:5 ----

pa:5 ----

播種

sow (seed)

*C-mu:nު

*C-mu:nު

mu:n3

mu:n3

mu:n3

mu:n3

mu:n6

----

----

mun

3

PXӔ

3

PXӔ

3

mun

6

----

----

369

*C-mun

伯父

伯母

脖子

uncle

aunt

neck

*[c/ç]i:ު

ӔLQ

*CiloӔު

*tçhi:ު

KӔLQ

KOMRӔު

tshej3 ----

ӔLQ1 ----

]RӔ3 lDZӔ

4

跛

簸

簸箕

crippled

winnow

winnowing basket

Ci‫[ۦ‬ʎ]Ӕ͈

GHl: Run:

GHl:

Ci͈[e]Ӕ͈

*fhʅn͈ *hwit

*ȮRӔު

KHӔ2 ----

(pen2) fan

5

(ȮXӔ3) ȮDZӔ

3

tshaj3

tshaj3

----

----

(ӔLQ1) ----

]XӔ3

ts aj h

ki:n1

]DӔ

----

KMHӔ2 2

fan2

f[u]ʎn

ȮDӔ

3

f[Ҭ]Ӕ

2

ȮRӔ3

ȮXDӔ

3

----

----

ki:n4

ӔLʅn2

----

----

ѴDZӔ6

WVDӔ2

z[DZ࡯]Ӕ

----

hʎࢌӔ

----

[vat7]

----

----

tuʅӔ1

----

----

(ƷDZ:m1) [ƷDZ:m5]

----

----

Ȯ[o]p7 Ȯap8

Ȯ[ʅ]p7 Ȯap7

Ȯep7

-------

----

lDZ:m4

lDZ:m4

[tuj4]

----

----

3

khi:n4

(NLӔ ) 4

ѴRӔ6

ѴRӔ6

3

3

zDZӔ

zDZӔ

]HӔ5 ӑHӔ

f[Ҭ]Ӕ

2

----

tsDZӔ

(]HӔ5) hHӔ2

----

fan5

5

6

]HӔ5

2

f[Ҭ]n2 2

ȮXӔ3

ӑHӔ

2

tsha:j1

h

NLӔ

[MXD@Ӕ

tshaj3

ts [Ҭ]j (taj )

3

1

3

KHӔ2

tsh[i:]3

ki:n4

]RӔ3

3

ӔM[ʎ:]

tshaj3

ӑDӔ

2

fan5

fan5

8

8

vet

vet

ȮRӔ3

ȮRӔ3

ȮDZӔ3

3

3

3

ȮDZӔ

ȮDZӔ

ȮDZӔ

----

----

‫ޓ‬DZӔখ

----

----

----

BU 補

mend (clothes)

GHl:

*fhʅ:n

---fan

1

fo:n1 ----

fo:n1

fo:n1

1

1

IRӔ

IRӔ

fill gaps with seedlings

*Cʅުdʅp

*Ȯʅp

Ȯ[u]p7 ----

Ȯap7 ----

Ȯop7 Ȯap7

捕捉

catch

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅ:m

*‫ר‬ʅ:m

ram1

ro:m1

ro:m1

ro:m4

4

1

----

----

Ȯop7 Ȯap7

lo:m

ro:m

IXDӔ

1

ruam

1

fhu:n1

ruam

4

IXDӔখ

----

370

補苗

fDZ:n1

捕鼠器 mousetrap

不

不

不懂

not

*Ci‫ۦ‬ʅ:p

*ުʎ:m͈ CHl:

*Ci͈ʅ:p

*ުe:m͈

*Cuުʅӑު

hap7

ho:p7

----

----

ުe:m2

3

3

不要

ުwan

ta:1

----

ӑo:p

ӑuap

8

van6

van3

3

3

‫ۦ‬an

van

ӑuap

[khiap9]

----

----

[ӔDZ:1]

ުʎࡢm

----

YH࡯Mࢌ

8

----

van

6

----

YDQঔ

*wi:

----

----

----

vej4

----

vej[4]

[Ʒʎ:5]

----

not understand

*lҬmު

*hlҬmު

ȮҬm3

----

----

ѴҬm3

Ѵum3

ѴҬm3

thum4

dҬ࡯ ۣm ----

GHl:

不是

7

hjDZ:p7

Qi:

*rҬ:ު

不能

7

zDZ:p7

not

----

----

WԬDP

3

不肯

zo:p7

ӑ[e]p

ުe:m2 v[ʎ]n

hjo:p7

not willing

not able

not be

GRQ·W

*ުʅjު

*Cʅުga:͈ NWCHl GHl:

*ުiwު

*hrҬ:ު

*hmҬ:ު *ުʅjު

*ka:͈

*ުwʅӑު *Cuhri:͈

*ުiwު

rʅҮ1

----

v[ʎ]n

(gaj2)

----

Ѵem

3

paҮ3 gʅҮ

1

----

Ѵom

3

Ѵom

3

(taj2)

[taj2]

dʅࡢҮ

----

ުaj1

----

----

[ӔDZ:1 OHӔ7 mҬ:4]

Ný

----

vaj1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ުaj3

ުaj3

3

3

3

3

3

ުwan

3

gaj2

----

(ުwaj ) kwaj

----

2

ުaj

ka:5

ka:5

2

2

5

gwaj2 ‫ۦ‬aj

2

ka:

vaj2 vaj

2

ު[jo]w3 ު[jo]w3 ުiw3 ުiw

3

ުaj

ka:5 ka:

gwaj2

2

ުiw3

ުaj

ka:2

----

phaҮ6

ުaj3

ުaj

----

------

ުaj3

ka:2 3

----

ުaj3 ުaj

ka:2

ުiw3

Ѵem

----

ުaj3

vaj

----

----

3

paҮ3

----

5

----

ުiw

3

ުiw

3

ka:

hwaj2 vaj

5

ު[jo]w3 ުjow5 ުiw

3

----

----

----

----

----

371

不愉快 unhappy

GHl:

NWCHl: GHl:

NWCHl: 不知道 not know

*lҬmު

*‫ר‬ja:k

*ުwʅӑު *fhʅt

*C-lʅ:m͈ *hlҬmު

me:m3 v[ʎ]n

3

Ȯin1

布

步

cloth

step

GHl:

*C-‫ۦ‬a:m͈

*CuhrҬ:

*Ȯʅp

*͈a:m͈

re:k7

ުwan

3

fat7

lam

WԬDP rʅҮ1

ѴҬm3 ----

----

ha:m2 ----

[ӔDZ:1]

----

----

----

(vi1)

[vi4]

----

----

Ѵum3

ѴҬm3

thum4

dҬ࡯ [ۣ]m ----

gʅҮ1

[Ȯuʅj5]

dʅࡢҮ

----

Ȯ[ʅ]p7

tʅp7

dRࡎS

----

[tsʅ:m5]

KýP

----

Ʒa:n3

----

----

nDZ:3 na:1 n[a]:[3]

-------

----

tҬ:m1

----

----

teު

fak

----

----

7

Ѵem

----

8

(vi1)

3

ѴҬm3 Ѵem

3

----

Ѵom

(ުwʎު ) gʅҮ

‫ۦ‬ʅҮ

vʅҮ

Ȯap7

Ȯop7

Ȯop7

----

4

7

7

Ȯaު

Ѵom

3

3

gwʅҮ1 gwʅҮ4 ----

4

(Ȯap7)

tҬ

ѴҬm3

gʅҮ1

----

----

----

2

----

2

ȮҬm3

te:ު8

fat7

lDZn

2

3

*CurҬ:

ze:ު7

ha:m2 ----

1

Ȯap

1

Ȯap

----

Ȯap

ha:m5

----

----

----

1

Ȯap

8

ha:m5 ha:m

2

7

ha:m5 ham

5

----

----

----

----

----

----

CAI 猜測

guess

CHl:

*Ʒa:ӑ

----

----

----

----

----

Ʒa:n1

----

----

just now

*C-nʅwު

*C-nʅwު

naw3 naw3 n[o]w3 ----

naw3 n[DZ]:3

no:3 no:3

踩

step

*sҬ:m

*shҬ:m

tҬ:m1

tҬ:m1

tҬ:m1

ts am h

1

tҬ:m1 ----

sҬm

1

Ʒa:n1

----

Ʒan

no:3 no:3

sҬm

1

----

ts um h

1

1

tshum1

----

----

----

372

才

Ʒa:n1

踩

踩

菜

step

step on

vegetable

Qi:

*fa:w

*CʅުbҬ:

NWCHl: *ٍʅj

NCHl: Run:

*tçʅ:m͈

*fha:w

----

----

----

----

pha:w1 ----

*ƷҬ:

ƷʅҮ1

*s a:jު

WԬDM

h

3

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅj

tshaj1

*ުu:ӑ

ުuʅn

1

*hӔʅn

-------

fa:w1 ----

3

tshaj1 ުun

1

tsDZ:m5

----

fa:w1 fa:w

tsDZ:m5

[tshʎ:1]

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

bʅҮ

----

[tsan1]

‫آ‬iM

----

[kҬ2]

PqM

----

[mDZ:t9]

YjӔ

----

(ts uam ) ---h

----

fa:w

1

ƷʅҮ1 faj

----

1

----

1

----

ƷʅҮ1

----

----

tshaj1

tshaj1

(khan6) ----

----

----

----

----

ުun

----

NDӔ

1

kan

3

6

----

----

----

NDӔঔ

CANG 蒼蠅

a fly

*mi:ު Run:

ZDӔު Run: 藏

store up

*Ci>GU@XӔ Run:

*hmi:ު

*C-ӑu:Ӕ

KZDӔު *t a:͈ h

*[‫ר‬KU@MXӔ

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] Ҭ:ު h

mej3 ----

YDӔ3 ----

]XӔ1 ----

p[e]j3 ----

pҬ(1)

----

pҬ

pҬ

1

YHӔ3 YHӔ

3

]XӔ1 lunު

4

(QXDӔ4) ----

3

KZHӔ3 YHӔ3 3

YHӔ

YHӔ

UXӔ1

WXӔ4

[Ȯ]XӔ

ӑXӔ

(tha:5)

----

t a:

3

[1]

ӑXӔ

1

h

4

2

thXDӔ4

WXӔ

ts aҮ

1

h

t a: h

3

5

t a:গ h

WXӔ4

ts aҮ h

ӑu:Ӕখ

[pej1]

----

----

[tDZӔ1]

‫آ‬iZ

----

3

----

CAO trough

*[ٍ/c]u:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hu:

tshow1 ----

tshow1 ----

tshow1 ts ow h

1

tshow1 ts ow h

1

tshow1 ts ow h

1

tshow1 ts ow h

1

----

373

槽

草

grass

草木灰 plant ash

Ӕʅnު

*su:ު

KӔʅnު

*shu:ު

ӔHQ3

kan3

kan3

kan6

4

3

3

3

kan

kan

tow3 WԬDM

taw3 ----

3

kan

khan6

NDӔ

taw3

NDӔ

kan

3

taw3

----

kan6

saw

taw3

ts aw h

ӔqQ

ND࡯nࢌ

[fa:1]

----

----

6

taw3

3

kʅ:n4

3

ts aw h

3

----

t‫ آ‬ģZঔ h

CENG 層

layer, level

*lҬt

*hlҬt

ȮҬt7

ѴҬt7

----

----

ѴҬt7 Ѵʅt

ѴҬt7

ѴҬt7

7

8

Ѵʅk

7

ѴҬt7

Ѵʅk

Ѵʅt

[fҬ:n4]

----

----

7

----

CHA 插

插

insert

GHl:

insert forcefully GHl:

*C-ӑok

*tçhRӔު

----

ӑuk7

----

----

(tshXӔ3) tshXӔ3 ts DZӔ

----

ӔLS7

ӔLS7

h

插

岔

杈子

insert

fork (in road)

branch (tree)

*C-ӔLS

*pa:

Run: *C-ӔDP͈

*C-ӔLS

*pha:

*C-ӔDު *C-ӔDP͈

3

ni:p

2

pha:1 p DZ: h

3

ӔDP2

1

ӔDP2 ----

7

7

ӑDZk

ӑDZk

tshRӔ3 ts DZӔ

3

ӑi:p7 ӑip

ӔLS

pha:1 p a: h

ts DZӔ

3

ӑi:p7

7

p a: h

----

----

tshRӔ3

tshDZӔ3

tshDӔ5

----

----

ӑi:p7

ӑi:p7

ӑep7

----

----

Ʒow1

----

----

Ӕʅm2

ӔýP

ӔjP

----

----

----

(ުip )

8

7

(ӔD4) ӔD

1

ӔDP2

ӔDP5

2

2

ӔDP

----

ӔLS

7

pha:1

1

(ӑuk7)

----

tshRӔ3 h

----

ӔDP

pha:1 ӔD

3

ӔDP2

3

ӔDP5

(ӔDP ) ӔDP 5

2

----

----

ӔL:pঔ

----

----

374

----

pha:1 p a:

ӑok7

h

----

h

ӑok7

CHAI 柴刀

柴火

machete

firewood

*Cʅުga:ު

ӔXQު

*ka:ު

KӔXQު

ka:3 kDZ:

3

ӔXQ3 ----

ka:3 ----

ka:3

ka:3

ka:3

ka:3

3

3

3

3

ka:

ka:

ka:

kun3

kun3

kun6

3

3

3

kʎn

kon

khun6

NRӔ

NRӔ

3

ka:

kun6 kʅn

[Ȯow5]

----

----

[fҬӔ4]

Ӕ‫࡯ڠ‬n

N~Q

----

----

----

6

----

NRӔঔ

CHAN 饞嘴

饞吃

gluttonous

eat greedily

*C-la:ӑ

*Cʅުbʅt

*ti:w

纏

蟬

tangle

cicada

*fi:t

NCHl: *mi:ު

*rʅ:j

*C-la:ӑ

*Ʒʅt

*thi:w

*fhi:t

*hmi:t *hmi:ު

*hrʅ:j

la:n1 la:n

1

Ʒet7 ----

thi:w1 ----

phi:t7 ----

mej3 ----

ra:j1

lDZn

la:ӑ1

la:n1

la:n4

1

1

1

1

la:n

Ʒat7

Ʒat7

----

thi:w1 ----

fi:t7 ----

p[e]j3 ----

go:j1 ----

Ʒaު

la:n

Ʒ[Ҭ]t7

7

thi:w1 t iw h

la:n

1

----

----

7

----

ƷҬt7

thi:w1

----

thi:w1

tshew1

----

----

(khu:t7) [hu:t9]

----

----

Ʒa[t]

t iw h

1

-------

7

7

8

----

go:j1 ----

----

(ƷҬt9)

fi:t7

pҬ(1)

lan

4

----

fi:t7 pit

la:n1

pit

pit

---pҬ

3

ga:j4 xo:j

1

----

----

pit

8

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ha:j4

ha:j4

kuj1

----

----

----

----

----

[ts]u:j

1

----

----

375

----

la:n1

蟬

鏟

cicada

shovel

Run:

*C-QLӔ

Run:

*C-na:j͈

*[c/ç]a:c

*tçha:c

----

----

----

(QLӔ2)

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

tsha:t7 ----

----

(QLDӔ1) ----

----

QLӔ

QLӔ

1

----

----

tsha:t7

----

----

----

na:j

tsha:c 7 tsha:t7

----

na:j

2

tsha:t7

----

(ts a:t ) ts a:t

ta:w3

ta:w6

3

3

h

7

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

tow4

Qj:w

Wi:w

lҬj4

djM

----

tsem4

----

----

----

----

----

1

h

8

2

----

(ts a:t ) h

7

----

----

----

CHANG 長

long

*na:wު

*hna:wު

na:w3 tsa:w

4

腸

嘗

intestine

taste

*C-[d/Ȱ]a:jު

*[c/ç]im *NCHl

*‫ר‬a:jު

*tçhim *Ʒu:n

ra:j3

la:(j)

4

tshim1 ----

ta:w3 taw

tha:w6

3

ta:w

ra:j3

ra:j3

ra:j6

la:j6

3

3

3

laj

3

tshim1 Ʒun

1

la:j

ta:w

ra:j

tshim1 Ʒun

1

ta:w

3

ra:j

tshem1 ts em h

1

ta:w6 ta:w

6

la:j6 ruaj

tshim1 ts em h

1

6

tshim1 ts em h

1

WDZঔ

----

----

CHAO 炒

stir-fry

*Cʅުg[ʎ]Ӕ

*k[e]Ӕ

NHӔ1 ----

NHӔ1 NHӔ

1

NHӔ1

NHӔ1

NHӔ1

NHӔ1

1

1

1

1

NHӔ

NHӔ

NLDӔ

NLDӔ

----

376

CHE 車

vehicle

*[c/ç]iʅ

*tçhiʅ

tshia1 ts iʅ h

車輪

扯破

5

tshia1

tshia1

h

h

ts iʎ

1

ts ie

1

tshia1

tshia1

h 1

h 1

(ts ia )

ts i:

tshia1

ts i:

h

tshia3

1

‫آ‬pD

----

----

t‫آ‬hi:খ

wheel

*mi:ު

*hmi:ު

mej3

(mej3)

paj3

----

(ުHӔ1)

(ުHӔ1)

ުHӔ3

to tear

*ުi:k

*ުi:k

ުi:ު7

ުi:ު7

ӑi:k7

ӑiaު7

ӑiaު8

ӑiak[8]

ӑit7

Ξ

puʅӔ5

(SoӔ) ----

tsen4

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

Run:

CHl:

*khok

*C-ӑi:k

----

----

----

----

----

paj3

----

ӑit

khDZk8

7

ӑit

khDZk7

ӑiު

8

8

----

CHEN 塵土

沉

dust

sink

GHl: Run:

GHl:

*fhXӔު

*C-Ӕʅ:n *vʅn

*tçʅ:n

(SXӔ3) IXӔ3 IRӔ

3

fun

3

(tso:n1) tso:n1 ----

----

(van1)

van1

IXӔ3

IXӔ3

IXӔ

IXDӔ3

IXӔ

3

ӔXDӔ

3

tsan1

tso:n

1

IDӔ1

tso:n1 1

IXӔ3

WVRӔ

1

Ӕ[u]n

1

fan4

tsDZ:n1 WVXDӔ

1

tsDZ:n1 tu:n

1

----

----

CHENG 稱呼

稱呼

call

call

GHl:

CHl:

*hwʅn

*tça:n

-------

-------

----

----

YDӔ

YDӔ

1

----

tsa:n

van4

1

---1

tsa:n

tsa:n1 1

----

----

van

4

tsa:n1 ----

----

----

377

----

----

hwan1

撑

成功

成熟

support

succeed

ripe

*[ٍ/c]ʅw͈ CHl: CHl:

*sҬ:k

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hʅw͈ *t a:j͈ h

WoLӔ

*shҬ:k

tshaw2

tshaw2

----

t aj h

----

----

----

tsiӔ

tҬ:ު7

tҬ:ު7

WԬҬʅk

fill with rice

GHl: Run:

*khʅwު *ުҬ:

za:1

k aw h

3

feު

4

khaw3 k DZ: h

----

tsi:Ӕ1

1

2

盛飯

2

tshaw2

3

----

tҬ:k7 sҬު

7

khaw3 k o: h

3

tha:j5 -------

tha:j5

tha:j5

----

t uaj h

WVLDӔ1

---tҬ:ު7 sҬk

7

kho:3 k o: h

3

----

tҬaު7

ts Ҭk h

ts Ҭު h

kho:3

khDZ:3

1

1

ުʅҮ

----

----

----

----

----

t‫ آ‬i:Ӕখ h

tҬ:ު7 8

----

5

WVLDӔ1

----

[tʅp8]

tsha:k9 7

tҬࡎ :

t‫ آ‬±Nখ

----

h

hi:w1

----

----

[tej5]

ࢌ lD࡯Z

khD࡯Qࢌ

[tej5]

----

----

(ުjDZӔ5)

ުjDZӔ5

oӔ

----

IDӔ1

[liaw1]

----

----

ުʅҮ

ʅҮখ

CHI 吃

eat

*C-lu:͈ Qi

Run: 吃草

池塘

遲

graze

pond

late

*Cʅުgomު Qi:

GHl:

ECHl: *fʅӔ

*C-lu:͈ *k ʅn h

*C-lʅ:k *komު *kʅmު

*[‫ڛ‬/hw]a:Ӕ *Ci͈XӔ͈ *fhʅӔ

low2 la:

5

kom3 ----

ުXӔ3 ----

phRӔ1 IHӔ

1

law2 law

2

kom3 ----

YHӔ1 ----

IDӔ1 IDӔ

1

la:2

law

2

kom3 ----

law5

khan1

law

lDZު

2

khan1 lDZު

8

kam3

kam3

kam3

3

3

3

kom

hju:[k7] ]XӔ5 ----

----

IDӔ1

IDӔ1

----

8

IDӔ

1

kom

]XDӔ5 YLDӔ

1

IDӔ1 ----

kom

----

fDZӔ

1

lDZުখ

----

----

----

378

翅膀

wing

*pi:k

*phi:k

phi:k7 p iʅk h

2

phi:ު7 p iު h

4

phi:ު7

phiaު7

p iު h

p ik

7

h

7

phiaު7 p it

h 8

phiak7

phi:5

fLࡎ

----

tshҬ:7

VDࡎ

‫آ‬ʎࡎ:

tu:n3

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

zDZ:t8

----

----

[mak7]

----

----

p iު h

7

----

CHONG 舂

舂

舂

pound rice

pound rice

pound

to powder 蟲

insect

*[c/ç]a:k Run:

*su:nު

*C-lu:n

*Ci‫ۦ‬ʅn͈

*tçha:k *p ʅw h

*shu:nު

*C-lu:n

*Ci͈ʅn͈

tsha:ު7 ts ʎk h

2

tu:n3 ----

lu:n1 ----

hen2 ӑan

5

tshe:ު7 sʎު

4

ts e:ު h

tu:n3 ----

tu:n3 sun

3

lu:n1 ----

han2 ӔMHQ

tshe:k7

2

lu:n1 lun

1

hjan2 ӑan

7

tshe:ު7 ts Ҭ: h

2

----

tshe:ު7 p aw h

3

tu:n3

VXӔ

3

lu:n1

(lun ) 1

ts XӔ h

3

---OXӔ

1

tshe:ު7 p aw h

3

tshun3

lun

4

zan5

zan5

2

2

ӑDӔ

ӑan

hut7

hut7

hut7

2

ӑDӔ

huc7

hjan5 2

----

----

----

ӑDӔগ

CHOU 抽

抽打

抽打

pull out (book)

to whip

to whip

ECHl:

*fi:t

CHl:

*C-͈uc

*fhi:t

*fha:n

ӑit8 ----

phi:t7 -------

----

fi:t7 ----------

----

fi:t7 fit

7

fa:n3 ----

----

fi:t7 fit

7

-------

----

fi:t7 fit

----

fi:t7

8

(fit )

----

fa:n3

[tʅp8]

----

----

----

----

----

8

(fat ) 7

fat

7

k a:tখ h

----

----

379

----

khat7

抽穗

醜

to ear grain

ugly

*Cʅުbʅw

*Ci[d/Ȱ]a:k

*Ʒʅw

*‫ר‬ja:k

Ʒaw1

Ʒaw1

----

Ʒaw

1

za:ު7

ze:ު7

lʎk

lʎު

4

*C-mҬ:n NCHl: NCHl: 臭

smelly

*Ci[d/Ȱ]a:k

*C-‫ۦ‬a:j NCHl: 臭蟲

bedbug

*CʅުgҬp

*C-mҬ:n *C-la:jު *‫ר‬juj

*‫ר‬ja:k

*͈a:j

*Ci͈ʅ:j *kҬp

4

Ʒow1 ----

Ʒaw1

Ʒaw1

Ʒow1

1

1

1

Ʒaw

the:ު8

te:ު8

Ʒaw

re:k7

te:ު8

7

2

te:ު

tҬ:

Ʒaw

teު

8

mҬ:n1 mҬ:n1 mҬ:n1 mҬ:n1 thuj4 la:(j)

3

za:ު7 ----

----

la:j

ze:ު7 lʎު

ha:j1

4

ha:j1

ӑDZ:(j)

1

kҬp7

ӑDZj

1

kҬp7

kup

kʎު

2

4

[ު]uj

mҬӔ

re:k7

te:ު8

the:ު8

7

2

3

te:ު

1

tҬ:

teު

8

ha:j1

ha:j1

1

1

ӑo:j

ha:j1

ӑo:j

kҬp7

kҬp7

(kҬp ) kep 7

1

7

ӑuaj

tiaު

kup7 kop

----

[ުaj1]

----

----

----

----

[ުaj1]

----

----

huʅj4

----

----

[ȮDZ:p9]

----

----

ȮDӔ1

thҬࡢ ۣn

----

mҬ:n1 [huʅj1] tsow

4

te:ު8 tiaު

7

ӑu:j

4

kҬp7 kop

8

----

7

ha:j1

1

----

7

----

----

----

tʎުখ

ӑ\DMক

NRSখ

CHU 出

exit

*tҬ:n

*thҬ:n

thҬ:n1 ts Ҭn h

出賣

betray

*sʅw͈

*shʅw͈

taw2 ----

1

thҬ:n1 t ʎn

thҬ:n1

1

t Ҭn

taw2

taw2

h

----

h

so:

1

2

thҬ:n1 t ҬӔ h

1

taw5 so:

2

thҬ:n1 t ҬӔ h

1

to:5

ts o: h

thҬ:n1 t ʅn h

1

tDZ:5 2

ts o: h

---5

t ҬӔখ h

-------

----

380

除草

鋤地

鋤地

鋤頭

to weed

to hoe

*C-lu:n͈

CHl:

*C-lu:n͈

*Ʒʅw͈

lu:n2

----

----

lu:n2

----

----

l[RӔ]

----

----

lu:n5 OXӔ

2

Ʒo:

lun

2

Ʒo:5

2

Ʒo:

ƷDZ:5

2

5

Ʒo:

[tshuʅt9]

----

----

ƷDZ:w5

----

----

2

Ʒo:5 Ʒo:

2

lu:n5

OXӔ

2

Ʒow2

----

lu:n2

----

pRগ

to hoe

*Cʅުbʅn͈

*Ʒʅn͈

Ʒen2

Ʒan2

Ʒan2

Ʒan5

----

----

----

----

----

a hoe

[*Cʅުgwa:k]

*kwa:k

ka:ު7

ka:ު7

kwa:k7 Ʒo:5

Ʒo:5

ƷDZ:5

kuak7

Ni

----

2

5

tshDZ:t9

‫>آ‬t@t

‫آ‬iW

CHl:

*Ʒʅw͈

----

----

(kok ) 2

----

----

Ʒo:

----

Ʒo:

2

----

Ʒo:

2

----

Ʒo:

----

----

CHUAN 穿

put on (upper)

*[c/ç]ʅt

*tçhʅt

tshet7 ts at h

穿

put on (lower)

*pi:n

*phi:n

穿插

thread (a needle) *sok

interweave

p i:n

1

tok7

WԬDZk

4

phi:n1 ----

*shu:ӑ

tu:n1 ----

*C-mҬnު

*C-mҬnު

mҬn3 mҬn

3

phi:n1 p in h

----

*su:ӑ

ts a[ު] h

tuk7 2

tshat7

1

tshat7 7

ts ak h

phi:n1 p LӔ h

1

tok7

tok7

7

7

sDZު

7

sDZk

tshat7 ts ak h

8

tshat7 ts at h

7

t‫آ‬DNখ

phi:n1

phi:n1

phi:n1

----

----

tok7

tDZk7

tshDZ:k9

tok

----

----

ts DZk h

8

----

ts DZk h

7

----

----

tu:n1 ----

tu:ӑ 1 sun1

tu:n1 sun1

tu:n1 tshun1

tu:n1 tshun1

----

-------

----

mҬn3

mҬn3

mҬn3

mҬn6

mҬn3

[tsa:4]

----

----

men

3

----

mʅӔ

3

mʅӔ

3

mʅn

6

----

381

穿山甲 pangolin

*shok

saު

phi:n1 h

穿針

tshat7

2

傳染

船

串

infect

boat

*pa:t

GHl: *Cu[d/Ȱ]a:

fish string (clsfr) GHl: GHl:

NCHl: 串

rice string (clsfr) GHl:

*pha:t *k a:t h

*Cu‫ר‬a:

*ku:c *s ok h

*kha:

*hӑ[a]Ӕ

pha:t7 ----

ra:1 vDZ:

kha:t7

pha:t7

----

k a:ު h

ra:1

vaު

4

----

WԬDZk

va:1

k[DZ]:

4

ku:t7 2

7

----

k a:

(WVHӔ1) WVHӔ1 ----

----

----

QHӔ1

k a:ު h

7

---1

ku:c7 h

kha:t7

1

WVHӔ1 ----

‫ۦ‬a:

k aު h

8

ku:t7

WVHӔ4 WVHӔ

k uat h

[ުuʅj4]

----

----

7

----

----

lDZ:4

di

----

----

tDZk7

tshDZ:k9

----

----

WVLӔ2

----

----

[na:j1]

----

----

kut

7

kha:t7

fa:4 ----

1

kut

kha:t7

----

k a:

8

h

tshHӔ4

1

WVHӔ4

1

1

WVLDӔ

WVLDӔ

QHӔ1

QHӔ4

QHӔ1

1

1

4

1

IDখ

----

----

CHUANG 瘡

瘡

sore, ulcer

sore, ulcer

GHl:

*Cuުʅw

*C-Q>D@Ӕ

*Cuުʅw

----

----

ުaw1

床

bed

blanket clsfr

*t[ʎ@Ӕ͈

*Ci‫ۦ‬ʅ:n

*th[e@Ӕ͈

*Ci͈ʅ:n

QHӔ

[3]

----

vaw

ުwaw

1

床

QHӔ1

1

thHӔ2 ----

han1

thHӔ2 ----

1

QLDӔ

----

----

----

----

----

----

iZ

----

thHӔ2

thHӔ5

thHӔ5

thHӔ5

----

thɮӔ

----

zDZ:n1

(zDZ:n1) hҬan4

----

----

t HӔ

2

hjo:n1 ӑo:n

1

----

t HӔ h

2

zo:n1 ӑRӔ

1

----

----

ӑXDӔ

1

----

ӑu:n

4

----

----

----

382

(zDZ:n ) ӑDZn 1

QLDӔ

ުwow1 ----

h

ho:n1

QHӔ

床墊

mattress

*Cʅުga:n

*ka:n

ka:n1 ----

ka:n1 ----

ka:n1 ----

ka:n1

ka:n1

1

1

kuan

NDӔ

ka:n1

NDӔ

[pҬa5 tʅ:n1]

----

----

ުa:w1

۠ࢌw

----

hҬan4

hģn

----

nuʅn1

----

----

[thiaw4 ta:w1]

----

----

tshDӔ5

----

----

ӑʎ:5

----

----

1

----

CHUI 吹

炊烟

blow

smoke

*ުu:͈

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅ:n

*ުu:͈

*Cu͈ʅ:n

ުow2

ުow2

ުow2

ުow5

ުow5

ުow5

5

2

2

2

2

5

ުow

han1

ӔXDQ

ުʎw

ho:n1 1

ӔDZn

1

ުow

ުow

hwo:n1 go:n1 ӔRQ

1

ӔRӔ

ުow

ުow

vDZ:n1

1

ӔXDӔ

ӑa:n1

na:n1

1

1

hDZ:n1

[Ӕ]u:n

1

4

ުRZগ

----

CHUN 春

spring

*C-ӑa:n

GHl: Run:

*C-ӑa:n

*ުʅӔ

ӑa:n1 ----

ӑa:n1 ----

laj2 na:2 ުDӔ1

*hwʅn

----

----

*shҬӔު

tҬӔ3

tҬӔ3

ӑa:n1 ----

ުDӔ1 ----

ӑDӔ

ӑa:n4

ӑDӔ

ӑuan

4

ުDӔ1

ުDӔ1

ުDӔ1

1

1

4

ުDӔ

YDӔ

van

----

----

CHUO 戳

poke

*sҬӔު

----

----

tҬӔ3 ----

tҬӔ3 sҬӔ

3

tҬDӔ3 ts ҬӔ h

3

tҬӔ3

ts ҬӔ h

3

----

CI rice cake

GHl:

*C-ӑe:͈

me:ު9 ----

ӑe:2 ----

-------

ӑe:5 ----

(ӑe:5) ӑe:

2

ӑe:5 ----

----

383

糍粑

次

刺

刺

times

thorn

prick (finger)

*C-wʅ:j

*Cu‫ۦ‬Ҭnު

*pʅwު

*C-wʅ:j

*Cu͈Ҭnު

*phʅwު

pa:j1 ----

porcupine

*[c/ç]inު

*tçhinު

fDZj

hҬn3 ӔҬn

p aj

(fa:j1)

3

p aw

3

h

tshin3

3

----

(WԬLQ )

fa:j1 fu:j

1

ӔʅӔ

ӔʅӔ

ӔʅӔ

phow3

phaw3

phaw3

3

p aw h

3

p aw

3

h

3

tshen3

----

ts en h

3

hҬn3 Ҫʅn

----

KDӔ4

hҬ࡯ [ۣ]n ----

[tshua5]

----

6

p aw

phow3

3

p aw

tshen3

tshin3

h

ts en h

3

h

3

ts en h

ND࡯Mࢌ

fuʅj1

1

hwҬn3 [h]Ҭn3 [h]un3

tsheӑ3

----

3

fuaj

1

3

phaw3

fa:j1

‫ۦ‬o:j

1

Ӕʎn

3

fa:j1

ko:j

6

hҬn3

phaw3 h

刺猬

fo:j1

----

----

p Rগ

----

h

[lu:4 low2]

----

----

3

----

CONG 從前

before

GHl:

*[k/x]u:n͈

*tçhi

*khu:n͈

----

tshi1

----

----

khu:n2

clump

GHl:

KURӔު

khu:n2

5

(JXӔ3) ----

h

----

----

k u[a]n k un h

叢

tshi1

2

JXӔ3

ts i

khu:n2

khu:n5

----

k XӔ h

JRӔ3

----

----

----

----

tshi1

----

----

khu:n5

khu:n5

[vDZ:n1 mDZ:5]

kh~on

----

[fuk7]

----

----

----

VýZ

----

----

h 1

2

----

(k un ) k un h

2

JRӔ6

KRӔ6

3

3

xDZӔ

xDZӔ

h

2

h[o]Ӕ6 k DZӔ h

3

----

----

----

CU 粗糙

coarse

*Cu[d/Ȱ]a:w

*Cu‫ר‬a:w

----

[f]aު

---4

fa:w4

kwa:w ---1

fa:w4 fa:w

4

----

fa:w

4

----

384

va:w

4

----

CUAN 竄

flee

*piw

*phiw

phiw1 ----

phiw1 ----

phiw1

phiw1

p iw

----

phiw3

1

p iw

Ʒow3

fa:n1

fa:n1

1

1

fuan

phat7

phat7

h

h

p iw

1

h

[2]

p iw h

phiw1

----

----

fuʅn1

EjZ

----

----

----

----

1

----

CUN 村庄

village

*Cʅުbʅwު CHl:

*Ʒʅwު

*C-wa:n

Ʒaw3 fDZn

1

Ʒaw3 fan

1

kwa:n

1

‫ۦ‬DӔ

IDӔ

fa:n1 1

IDӔখ

CUO 搓

搓

搓洗

撮

撮

twist (rope)

twist (rope)

scrub

pick

pick

*pʅc

*pʅn

GHl:

[*CʅުϺʎ:mު]

Qi:

*phʅc

*phʅn

*fhҬ:p

*tçe:mު

*C-ӑimު

phat7 ----

phen1 ----

phat7 ----

p an

1

(pҬ:p7) fҬ:p7 ----

----

tse:m3

tse:m3

----------

sʎ:ު -------

p at h

phan1 h

phac7 7

phan1 p an h

1

fҬ:p7 fup

7

4

tse:m3 ----------

phat7 p at h

p at

7

h

phan1 p an h

p at

8

h

fҬ:p7 fup

7

phan1

ƷDZ:n1

----

----

fu:p7

fҬ:p7

tshuʅp9

----

----

----

----

----

ӑim1

----

----

fup

8

tse:m

(tem )

ӑim3

ӑim6

----

3

----

----

fup

7

tse:m[6] ---3

----

phan1 ----

1

7

----

tem

3

ӑim3 ----

----

IXSখ

----

----

385

DA 答應

reply

*tin

*thin

thin1 t en h

打

hit

*ta[:]j͈

打柴舞 firewood dance *sʅ:p GHl: CHl:

*[c/ç]a:k

打盹兒 doze off

*CʅުϺʅ:n

NWCHl: *C-ӔXW

打

slap

*pi:k

*tha[:]j͈

*shʅ:p

*hrʅ:p

*tçu:nު *tçha:k

*tçʅ:n *ku:͈

*C-ӔXW

*phi:k

roll (a child)

*m-li:n

*m-li:n

t en h

thaj2

theӑ1 t en

1

h

tha:j2

----

t aj h

tap7

t a:j

2

h

----

tsha:ު7 ----

tshe:k7 ----

(tso:n1) tso:n1 ka:

li:n1 ----

p iު

pjinު

tso:n

phi:k7 p iު h

7

pli:n1 4

ts Ҭ:

----

2

ӔXW7

ts eު

phiaު7 p ik

7

pli:n1 1

ts uap h

tshe:ު7 ts iaު

tsDZ:n1

tsDZ:n1

WVXDӔ

1

ӔRN

8

phiaު7 p it

h 8

(li:n1) SOLӔ

1

----

[tʅp8]

thýM

----

tsuʅn1

----

----

tshҬ:5

----

----

[thaw1]

(tsDZ࡯Ӕ)

----

ӔDZk7

Ӕ‫ࡢڠ‬t

----

ILࡎ

----

----

----

8

8

h

----

5

tDZ:p7 8

tshe:ު7

ӔXW8

7

SOLӔ

h

ts uap

WVRӔ

h

t uaj

2

[hDZ:n4]

1

tha:j5

h

tshe:ު7

ӔRN

t en h

tsu:n3

3

1

ӔXW

li:n1

to:p7

1

7

p iʅk

h

tso:n1

4

4

t a:j

2

tsun

thin1

1

tha:j5

tso:n1

2

h

h

----

ӔXW7

2

t en h

h

ӔXW7

phi:ު7

t a:j

2

tshe:ު7

ӔXW7

phi:ު7

then1

1

tha:j5

----

kaw

2

Ӕʎު

t en h

go:p7

5

Ӕʅt

then1

1

tha:j2

go:p7

----

h

打滾

thin1

1

h

7

tu:n

1

ӔXW7 Ӕʅt

8

(phiaު7) Ʒia5 p iު h

7

(li:n1) plin

1

[lam1] lin1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

386

打滾

roll

GHl:

*CiުRӔު

(ުXӔ3) zDZӔ

3

打哈欠 yawn

*Cʅުga:w

*ka:w

ka:w1 kaw

1

ӔDS

打鼾

snore

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅӔ

*Cu[d/Ȱ]a:n

打(記號) hit target

打開

打獵

open

go hunting

*m-lu:k

*C-ӔD͈ CHl: *rip

KӔDS

*‫ר‬ʅӔ

*Cu‫ר‬a:n

*m-lu:k

*C-ӔD͈

*Cuުa:͈ *hrip

ӔDp7 ----

UDӔ1 ----

ra:n1 ----

lu:ު7 ----

ӔD2 ----

rip7 ----

ުXӔ3 ----

kaw

2

------URӔ1 ----

ra:n1 ----

lu:ު7

ӔD2 ----

gip7 ----

zDZӔ

3

ka:w1

----

ުMRӔ3

ka:w1 ka:w

1

----

]RӔ3

]RӔ3

3

3

zDZӔ ----

ka:w

----

URӔ4

4

1

ORӔ

va:n1 ko:n

1

plu:k7 7

ުwa:2 ----

gip7 ----

zDZӔ

ka:w

URӔ

ka:w

kha:p8

ka:p8

8

[p]uk

gwa:5 ‫ۦ‬a:

fa:n4

1

puaު7 pluk va:5 va:

gip8

----

----

kap

fa:n4

2

2

xep

hDZ:5

kaw

ND࡯ࢌ

hDZ:p8

ӔiS

NDࢤS

diӔ

----

lҬ:n4

diQ

----

[tʅp8]

----

----

ުow1

ӔD࡯ࢌ

Yt

[tuʅn2]

----

----

----

(YDӔ ) IDӔ

7

----

8

lDZӔ4

1

plu:ު7

----

4

-------

fa:n4

----

1

ka:p

[tsa:m4]

3

----

1

URӔ1

puު

zDZӔ

ka:p8

----

ުjDZӔ3

8

f[u]n

plu:ު7 pluު

7

ުwa:5 5

(tu:n4) 8

----

kģZঔ

NDSখ

----

4

va:

----

IDӔখ

----

----

----

387

打噴嚏 sneeze

打水

打聽

fetch water

inquire

*[c/ç]in͈

*tçhin͈

tshin2

tshin2

----

tshen5

tshen5

tshin5

tshit7

‫آ‬ΞQ

----

GHl:

*Ȯʅӑ

ުen1

Ȯan1

Ȯaӑ1

Ȯan1

Ȯan1

Ȯan1

tҬʅn1

pQ

----

1

1

[tDZ:p9]

YiM

----

[ӔHM2]

KueӔ

----

----

----

----

nʅ:w2

----

----

lo:1

O~Ӕ

----

[kҬ2]

YpQ

----

[kut10]

hDࡎW

----

GHl:

*C-‫ۦ‬LӔ>ު]

GHl:

打圍

大

大大 后天

surround

big

3 days after tomorrow

*ӑa:wު

*C-OXӔ

*Ӕwʅn CHl:

*Cu‫ۦ‬a:t CHl:

*Ʒʅ:k

*͈LӔ>ު]

*hljʅj

*hӑa:wު

*C-OXӔ

*hӔwʅn *hmʅjު

*Cu͈a:t *Cu͈i:t

----

Ȯian

1

va:j1 ----

KLӔ3 ---------ӑa:w3 ----

----

----

----

Ʒo:ު7 Ʒoު

----

Ʒo:k7 ----

4

KLӔ1

KLӔ1

----

----

zaj1

zaj1

----

----

tsa:w3 ----

tsa:w3 ----

----

----

----

Ȯan

Ʒo:ު7 Ʒo:k

ƷDZ:ު7

Ʒoު

Ʒoު

8

KLDӔ1

8

KLDӔ1

[Ӕ]LӔ

1

Ѵaj4

1

1

zaj

tsa:w6 tsa:w

3

----

----

Ѵaj4 zaj

Ȯan

ƷDZ:ު7

7

----

KLӔ

1

----

tsaj

4

tsha:w6 tsa:w6 tsa:w

----

3

OXӔ1

OXӔ1

ORӔ1

OXӔ4

OXӔ1

1

1

OXӔ

ORӔ1

1

1

1

4

van1

----

loӔ

ven1 ----

ha:t[9] ӔDZt

2

ORӔ

----

----

ha:t7

ӔZDު

hwi:t7 4

----

ORӔ

paj6 ----

OXӔ

phaj6 paj

3

OXӔ

paj[4] paj

3

vi[aު8] vi[aު7] ---ӔLN

7

ӑit

[7]

Ҫit

[7]

----

----

----

----

----

----

OXӔখ

SDMঔ

WLWঔ

388

大后天 2 days after tomorrow

*Ӕwʅn CHl:

*Cu‫ۦ‬Ҭ: NCHl: 大前年 2 years ago

*mu:͈

ECHl:

NCHl: 大前天 day before yesterday

*hӔwʅn *hmʅjު

*Cu͈Ҭ: *C-ӑҬ:

*hmu:͈

*‫ר‬Ҭ:

*tç Ҭ:n h

ven1

van1

----

----

----

----

paj6

van4

----

----

hʅҮ1

hʅҮ1

hwʅҮ1 vʅҮ1

1

[2]

----

ӔʅҮ

vʅҮ1

1

1

ӑʅҮ

pow2

paw2

pho:2

2

2

ӔRZ

ӔMʎ:

mow2 Ʒa:

5

paw2 paw

2

(rut9)

ts Ҭn h

1

ma:2

----

rʅҮ1

1

VHӔ

----

paw

paw

rʅҮ4

ts Ҭn h

1

paj[4]

[kҬ2]

YpQ

----

hwʅҮ1 [ka:2]

hʅࡢҮ

----

mҬ2

----

----

paj

6

ҪʅҮ

[1]

pDZ:2

paw

2

SDMঔ

ӑLWঔ

----

----

----

[lut10]

----

----

----

----

----

*Ӕwʅn

*hӔwʅn

ven1

van1

----

----

----

van1

vDZ:n1

YpQ

----

ECHl:

*‫ר‬Ҭ:

(rut9)

ma:2

rʅҮ1

rʅҮ4

----

----

[tsu:n4]

dXࡎW

----

GHl:

*͈un

(hun1)

hun1

hun1

guj6

----

luʅj2

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

SDMঔ

----

DAI 帶領

to lead

Qi:

*hrujު

----

huʎn

1

----

hon

belt

*Cʅުdʅ:j

*Ȯʅ:j

Ȯa:j1 ----

Ȯo:j1 Ȯoj1

Ȯo:j1 Ȯo:j1

戴

wear (hat)

&XӔʅwު

&XӔʅwު

ӔDZ3

ӔDZ3

ӔZRZ3 ----

ӔDZ

ӔDZ:

3

ӔR

3

1

Ȯa:j1 Ȯo:j1

ӔZR

3

huj6

h[u]n

1

----

Ȯa:j1 Ȯuaj1

Ȯa:j1 Ȯu:j1

tҬj1

da:j WXDMখ

----

ӔDZ:6

ӔDZ:3

ӑiaw1

ӔjZ

----

ӔR

3

Ҫo:

6

----

389

帶子

3

hon

1

戴

戴

戴

wear (hat)

Qi:

wear (necklace) *[k/x]i:nު

wear (earrings)

*C-mi:Ӕ

*CuhU>D@Ӕ

----

----

----

JZHӔ1 -------

----

KZHӔ1 ----

----

----

*khi:nު

khi:n3

khi:n3

----

khi:n3

khi:n3

khi:n3

[tuʅj1]

----

----

[tuʅj1]

PteӔ

----

ti:1

----

----

tsia2

----

----

tsum1

zҬ࡯ ۣm

----

*C-PLӔ

----

----

----

PLӔ1 ----

----

----

PLӔ1 ----

----

k LӔ h

PLӔ1 ----

3

PLDӔ1 PLӔ

1

----

----

k in h

PLDӔ4 ----

3

PLDӔ1 PLӔ

4

----

----

----

DAN 膽

淡

蛋/卵

gall bladder

light, insipid

egg

*Cʅުdʅj

*Cʅުdʅc

*jҬ:m

*Ȯʅj

*Ȯʅc

*hjҬ:m

DANG 擋

block

*Cʅުbʅ:m͈ NCHl:

*Ʒʅ:m͈ *Ʒi:n͈

Ȯaj1 Ȯaj

Ȯaj1 ----

1

Ȯaj1

Ȯaj1

Ȯaj1

Ȯaj1

1

1

1

1

Ȯaj

Ȯaj

Ȯaj

Ȯaj

Ȯat[9]

Ȯat7

Ȯac7

Ȯat7

Ȯat7

Ȯat7

2

4

7

7

8

7

tsiat

zҬ:m1 ----

Ʒam2 ----

Ȯaު

Ȯat

zҬ:m1 zunު

4

Ʒo:m2 Ʒin

2

Ȯat

zҬ:m1 zum

1

Ʒo:m2 Ʒin

2

Ȯat

zҬ:m4 zum

1

Ȯat

zu:m4 zum

1

Ʒo:m5 Ʒo:m

2

zҬ:m1 zum

4

----

----

‫ޓ‬XPখ

----

ƷDZ:m5

----

----

----

ka:3

----

----

Ni

----

----

----

DAO knife (large)

*Cʅުga:ު

*ka:ު

ka:3

ka:3

ka:3

ka:3

ka:3

3

3

3

3

3

kDZ:

ka:

ka:

ka:

ka:

ka:3

NDঔ

390

刀

刀鈎

刀篓

倒伏

倒塌

knifehook

[*Cʅުdʎ:w͈]

*Ȯe:w͈

Ȯe:w2

Ȯe:w2

Ȯe:w2

----

----

----

----

----

----

knife basket

GHl:

*m-loӔު

la:3

OXӔ3

SORӔ3

ru:ު8

luaު8

lu:ު8

----

----

----

----

----

----

[hum2]

----

----

----

----

----

khom[1] -------

----

[vow1]

----

----

(ka:j3)

----

la:j4

----

----

[vow1]

dýQ

----

[nDZӔ1]

----

----

bend down

collapse

CHl:

*Cʅުdʅw͈ GHl:

*tu:͈

*‫ר‬u:k

*Ȯʅw͈ *Ʒu:k

*thu:͈

----

lok

5

thow2 ts a: h

搗

pound with pestle

到處

everywhere

*su:ӑ͈

Ӕom

ӔD[:]jު Run: 到達

arrive

*Cʅުda[:]nު

*shu:ӑ͈

KӔRP

KӔD[:]jު *‫ר‬a:ު

*Ȯa[:]nު

luު

4

Ȯaw2 Ȯo:

5

tu:n2 ----

ӔRP1 ----

ӔDM3 ----

Ȯan3 ȮDZn

3

稻草

straw

&XӔLӔު

&XӔLӔު

ӔLӔ3 ӑHӔ

----

3

----

----

4

Ʒu:ު7

Ʒu:k7

----

Ȯo:

thaw2

thaw2

----

t aw

----

ӔLӔ3

thow5

Ȯo:

2

tho:5

5

thDZ:5

tu:n5

tu:n5

tu:n5

h

sun

2

kom4 kom

ka:j6 ka:j

h

ts un h

1

3

ra:

2

3

Ȯa:n3

Ȯa:n3

Ȯa:n3

3

3

3

ӔZLӔ3

ӔZ[ʎ]n ӔHQ 3

----

Ȯo:

2

tu:ӑ2

ȮDӔ

3

ȮDZ:5

t aw

----

Ȯa:n3

ruު

t aw

ka:j3

----

Ȯo:

ruk

8

t aw

----

ka:j3

----

8

2

kom1

----

7

----

2

----

kom1

ruk

----

2

h

tu:n2

Ȯan

2

----

3

ȮDӔ ӔLӔ3 ӔHQ

3

ȮDӔ ӔLӔ6 ӔHQ

3

h

5

ts un h

ra:

5

3

Ȯa:n3 Ȯuan

3

ӔLӔ3

Ҫen

6

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

391

稻穀

稻子

稻剪

稻剪

稻穗

稻穗

paddy

*mok

*hmok

mok7

puk7

pok7

pok8

----

pDZk8

pʅ:k8

PyN

----

rice

*C-mu:nު

*C-mu:nު

mu:n3

mu:n3

mu:n3

mut7

mut8

mut7

muʅt9

mRQ

----

8

8

lin4 la:t9 hup7

Otem

----

WVLӔ2

----

----

mi:n1

----

----

sickle

sickle

ear of rice

ear of rice

CHl:

*C-li:m GHl:

*C-muc *C-li:m *k Ҭ:p h

NECHl:

*‫ר‬e:w

*ӑ[a]Ӕ

*hӑ[a]Ӕ

NWCHl: *C-mi:nު

*C-muc

*C-mi:nު

----

mʅt

2

li:m1

(lin ) 1

----

----

muʎު

----

4

lin

1

mi:n3 ----

muʎު

k up

----

----

7

----

(WVHӔ1) WVHӔ1 mʅt

m[u]t

k up h

----

2

7

----

7

khҬ:p7 khҬ:p7 li:m1

----

----

mʅt

----

4

mi:n3 ----

h

7

re:w

4

WVHӔ1

WVHӔ4

1

1

WVHӔ

mi:n3 min

3

WVHӔ

mi:n3

(min ) 3

----

mot

mʅt

(khҬp7) li:m1 k up

k up

----

----

h

8

----

h

7

----

----

----

----

le:w

4

tshHӔ4 WVLDӔ

1

mi:n6 PLӔ

3

WVHӔ4 WVLDӔ

1

mi:n3 min

6

----

----

DE 得到

get

*C-m[ʎ]:k

*C-m[e]:k

me:ު7 ----

me:ު7 ----

me:k7 ----

me:ު7 mҬ:

2

----

me:ު7

mҬ:5

mʎࡢ:

dʅҮ

thaw3

thaw3

thaw5

]iӔ

thiZ

----

----

----

DENG 等候

await

*h[l]jʅ:Ӕ

Meifu:

*C-Ӕʅ:Ӕ

CHl:

*thʅw

]DӔ1 ----

]RӔ1

thaw3

]RӔ1

ӔRӔ1

thaw3 ӔRӔ1

thaw3

thaw3

thģZঔ

392

*[Cil/j]ʅ:Ӕ

瞪眼

glare

GHl: Run:

*C-la:wު *ުwa:wު

pa:n3

la:w3

----

la:w3

----

la:w3

----

la:w

3

----

----

va:w

3

va:w

----

----

----

[kDZӔ1]

Ӕ‫ࡢڠ‬t

----

3

----

DI 低頭

滴

地

地方

弟妹

lower head

*C-ӔXW Run

*Cu͈ʅ:m

ӔXW7 Ӕʅt

ӔXW7

(ӔXު )

2

5

ӔXW7 ӔRު

ӔXW7

----

----

7

ӔXDP

3

ӔXW[9]

Ҫuam

6

----

drip (clsfr)

GHl:

*khok

Ȯak7

khuk7

khok7

khok7

----

----

----

dģࡎk

----

ground, earth

*Cu[d/Ȱ]ʅn

*Cu‫ר‬ʅn

ren1

ran1

van1

fan4

fan4

fan4

len4

dpn

fan

1

1

4

[len4]

----

----

[nuʅj5]

GXyӔ

KXR࡯ࢌӔ

ӔDQ1

----

----

place

*Cʅުgom

younger sibling *UXӔ

Meifu: Run:

蒂

*C-ӔXW

stem

GHl: CHl:

*kom

*hUXӔ *ުe:Ӕު

*C-n[u/o]Ӕ͈ *khʅӔ

*C-Ӕʅn

----

----

----

vanު

kom1 ----

kom1

kom1

kom1

kum1

1

1

1

1

----

(khRӔ1) khRӔ1 ӔR[Ӕ]

1

khok7

kom1

Ӕ[ʎӔ]

1

1

kum

‫ۦ‬DӔ

ȮDZk7

NZDӔ

JXӔ1

----

khDZk7

4

----

UXӔ1

----

IDӔ

kom

JXӔ1

JXӔ4

3

3

ުHӔ

khRӔ1 (ӔDӔ ) 1

ުHӔ

khRӔ1 ӔDӔ

1

fan

kom

KXDӔ4 QRӔ

2

ӔDQ4 ӔDӔ

[4]

kom

KXӔ4 QRӔ

2

ӔDQ1 ӔDQ

[1]

----

IDӔখ

----

QRӔগ

----

393

DIAN 顛倒

upside-down

ECHl:

*m-lom

pa:n3

----

plom1

----

pom1

plum1

[tsa:m4]

SýQ

----

CHl:

*m-lʅj

----

----

plaj1

plaj1

paj1

plaj1

----

----

----

----

----

tsej1

V:j

----

lin4

dueӔ

----

lʅӔ2

GUzӔ

O~

ުa:5

----

----

CHl:

點火

ignite

*[c/ç]ujު

*m-lҬn

*tçhujު

----

----

----

paj

----

----

[3]

----

----

pjʎn

2

tshuj3 ts oj h

3

tshuj3 ts oj h

3

----

----

plaj

----

1

plaj

1

----

plaj

1

----

plҬn1

----

----

tshuj3

tshuj3

tshuj3

tshuj3

----

pʅӔ2

ts uj h

3

ts uj h

3

plʅӔ1

ts oj h

3

plʅӔ1

----

----

ts ow h

----

3

----

DIAO 吊

hang

*C-[d/Ȱ]LӔު

*‫ר‬LӔު

ULӔ3 liʅӔ

4

釣魚

掉

to fish

to fall

*C-[d/Ȱ]oӔު Run

*la:͈ Qi:

*‫ר‬RӔު

*C-lep *hla:͈ *ުa:͈

(UXӔ3) ----

Ȯa:2 ----

ULӔ3 OLӔ

3

UXӔ3 ----

(Ȯa:2) ----

ULӔ3 ----

ULDӔ6 ULӔ

3

OLDӔ6 ULӔ

3

OLDӔ6 ULӔ

6

URӔ3

URӔ6

ORӔ6

3

3

lep

ORӔ6

7

8

ުa:5

----

rDZӔ

rDZӔ

Ѵa:2

[l]a:

2

----

Ѵa:

2

lep

ުa:5 ----

ҀLӔঔ

----

----

394

DIE 跌倒

跌倒

疊

fall down

*Cʅުdʅw͈

*Ȯʅw͈

Ȯaw2 ----

Ȯaw2 ----

Ȯaw2 Ȯo:

2

Ȯo:5

Ȯo:5

ȮDZ:5

2

2

5

Ȯo:

Ȯo:

Ȯo:

Ȯa:w1

diZ

----

----

fall down

GHl:

*hlu:n͈

----

Ѵu:n2

Ѵu:n2

Ѵu:n5

----

----

[lam1 lin1]

----

----

pile (clsfr)

*C-lʎ:p

*C-le:p

le:p7

le:p7

le:p7

le:p7

----

le:p7

[Ʒa:k9]

----

----

net clsfr

*[k/x]u:

*khu:

khow1

[h]ow1 khow1

khow1

khow1

khow1

----

----

----

[thi1]

thjZ

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

DING 頂

鼎鍋

釘

定居

tripod

to nail

settle down

*tʅw

*thʅw

----

thaw1 ----

----

----

thaw1

thaw1

t aw h

1

----

k ow h

1

thaw1 t aw h

1

k ow h

1

thaw1 t aw h

1

k ow h

1

thaw1 t aw h

1

----

----

GHl:

*hjҬ[:]nު

zaj1

zҬn3

zҬ:n3

zҬ:n6

----

----

[ުa:w4]

----

----

*tut

*thut

thut7

thut7

thut7

thut7

----

thut7

----

----

----

[liaw1]

----

----

*Ci[d/r]Ҭ:k NECHl:

*[s /hn]oӔު h

*tçoӔު

----

----

----

zҬ:ު[9] WXӔ3 ----

----

----

----

WRӔ3 ----

----

t ok h

7

to[:]Ӕ6 tsDZӔ

3

----

----

(t ok ) h

7

thҬaު8 tsDZӔ

3

t ʅt h

7

tҬ:ު8 ----

----

----

----

395

GHl:

*[‫ר‬/hr]jҬ:k

----

DIU 丟

丟失

throw away

GHl:

lose (something) *tok

*fhit

*thok

(SHӔ3) fit[8] ----

(fiު )

thok7

thuk7

5

t DZk h

2

t aު h

f[it]7

fet7

----

fet

thok7

t [o]ު

4

h

thok7 7

fit7

7

h

thoު7

t DZk h

[v]et7 fet

7

thDZk7

t DZk

7

h

f et

t DZk

8

fit7

phʎ࡯Ӕ

phʎࡢt

ȮDZ:k9

thyN

----

7

h

7

IHWঔ

----

DONG 東

east

*pʅjު Run: *ٍa:

CHl:

ӔZʅn

CHl:

東西

東西

*phʅjު

*f [a]:Ӕ h

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:

*p a:k h

KӔZʅn

*thҬ:n

raw3 p uj h

3

tsha:[2] p ʎk h

2

ven1 ----------

ph[e]j3 p e: h

3

p ʎު

p aj h

tʅҮ1 h

phaj3

pha[:]j3 phaj3 p aj

3

h

phe:k7

4

----

p e:ު h

7

----

-------

----

----

----

2

van4

----

tsha:1

tsha:1

GӔ

----

van4

van1

----

----

1

4

----

----

ILDӔ

----

YDӔ

thҬ:n1

----

----

----

1

tsha:1 p Ҭ:

----

1

ILDӔ

3

h

pha[:]j3 ----

----

WRӔঔ

van

thҬ:n1 t ҬӔ h

----

1

----

thҬ:n1 t ʅn h

----

1

thing

GHl:

NRӔ

(NXӔ1)

NXӔ1

NRӔ1

NRӔ1

----

----

kDZӔ1

(N~Ӕ)

----

thing

*C-mu:͈

*C-mu:͈

----

maw2

mow2

maw5

mo:2

mDZ:5

ma:w1

----

----

2

2

2

----

maw

----

maw

----

maw

----

maw

----

2

maw

2

----

mģZগ

396

----

----

冬

winter

*C-ӑa:n

*ka:j͈

冬瓜

懂

melon

understand

*Cu‫ۦ‬Ҭ:p NCHl:

>N[@XӔ

*C-ӑa:n

*kha:j͈

*Cu͈Ҭ:p

*hm[a]:Ӕު *khXӔ

ӑa:n1 ----

kha:j2 ----

hҬ:p7 ƷʎӔ

4

動

move

ECHl:

NWCHl: Run:

洞

hole

>Fo@XӔު

*͈ʅn͈ *ުu:j

*C-ӑoӔ͈ *tçhXӔު

k RӔ

1

----

threaten

*ުҬӔ

*ުҬӔ

kha:j2 ----

ުuʅj

ku:j3 SHӔ

tshXӔ3 ts RӔ

3

ުҬӔ1 ----

khXӔ1 ----

ުuj

ӑa:n1

ӑa:n1

na:n4

1

1

1

ӑuan

kha:j5

kha:j5

ӑDӔ

ӑDӔ

kha:j2 k a:j h

k a:j h

tshXӔ3 VXӔ

3

ުҬӔ1 ----

k a:j

2

h

hwҬ:p7 g[o]p7 ----

SHӔ

khXӔ1

khXӔ1

3

k [o]Ӕ

1

han2

1

ӑDӔ

kha:j5

2

h

----

1

h

恫嚇

----

3

khXӔ1 h

ӑa:n1

(hen ) 2

tshXӔ3 ts XӔ

3

ުҬӔ1 ----

1

han5

----

h

k [o]Ӕ h

tshXӔ3 ts XӔ h

3

ުҬӔ1 ުҬӔ

1

2

ӑa:n1

k uaj h

3

[4]

k XӔ h

1

han5

SLDӔ

ӑDZӔ

khҬaj1

----

----

huʅp8

----

----

xuoӔ

----

han2

----

----

tshua1

‫آ‬oӔ

----

kh[u]Ӕ1 [min4 taj2] k XӔ h

1

h[ʅ]n5 ӑDZӔ

2

----

5

hҬ:p7

khXDӔ1

----

4

vu:p7 SLDӔ

nuʅn1

2

tshXDӔ3 tshXӔ3

----

----

SLDӔঔ

----

----

ts XӔ

ts XӔ

ުҬDӔ1

ުҬӔ1

----

----

----

lҬ:[4]

----

----

----

h

3

ުҬӔ

1

h

3

----

t‫ آ‬XӔঔ h

----

DOU 都

all

*C-[d/Ȱ]Ҭު GHl:

*Ȯi:ު

*ުja:ު

r[i]:3 ----

Ȯi:3 ----

rҬ:3 ----

za:3 ----

---Ȯi:

3

za:

3

----

397

CHl:

*‫ר‬Ҭު

蔸

斗笠

豆子

stump (of rice)

bamboo hat

bean

*wiw

*ODӔު

GHl:

NWCHl:

*hwiw

*hODӔު

*Ci͈ʅw *Ȯʅӑ

viw1 ----

ȮDӔ3 ----

viw1 ----

ѴHӔ3 OHӔ

Ȯian

haw1 1

viw4

viw4

1

1

vew

vew

ѴHӔ3

ѴHӔ3

ѴHӔ3

ѴHӔ3

3

3

3

3

viw

1

3

----

hwiw1

Ȯan

1

ѴHӔ

viw

ѴHӔ

viw[4]

ѴLDӔ

vew1

YtZ

----

[kuʅn3 lDZ:j5]

djӔ

----

[tshҬa5]

----

----

[1]

ѴLDӔ

----

----

hjaw1

zaw1

zaw1

hjaw1

thim2

thim5

thim5

(ӔDQ1) ӔXʅn1

----

----

ӔDW8

ӔDW7

Ӕʅt7Ӕʅ:t8

----

----

fʅҮ4

lo:2

dʅࡢҮ

----

[lҬj4]

----

SRࡎN

[ުXӔ1]

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

DU 獨木凳 bench

賭

肚臍

gamble

navel

*tim͈

*C-Ӕʅt

*Cu[d/Ȱ]Ҭ:

*thim͈

*C-Ӕʅt

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:

thim2 ----

ӔHW7

belly

*mok

*hmok

----

----

rʅҮ1 vow

mok7 ƷDZk

----

ӔDW7

4

肚子

thim2

4

rʅҮ1 ----

(pok7) paު

4

----

t em h

ӔDW7

2

ӔDW7

----

ӔDN

ӔDN

7

fʅҮ4

1

1

‫ۦ‬ʅҮ

pok7

pok8

7

7

pDZު

pDZk

----

----

8

vʅҮ1 kʅҮ

----

fʅҮ4

4

(fʅҮ )

f ʅҮ

phoު8

pDZk8

pDZk

8

h

pDZk

[2]

8

----

----

fʅҮক

pDZNখ

DUAN 端

hold with

NWCHl

*khit

*ުҬn

khit7

khit7

1

1

ުʅn

ުʎn

khec7 ----

khet7 k et h

7

khet7 k et h

7

khit7 k et h

7

----

398

both hands

*[k/x]it

短

short

GHl:

*thʅc

th[e]t[9] that7 ts iat h

斷

break

*[k/x]Ҭt CHl:

NWCHl: 斷

break

*[c/ç]a:w NWCHl:

*khҬt *t Ҭt h

*f ʅc

2

khҬt7 fiat

2

----

t at h

khҬt7 faު

thac7

4

that7 t at

7

h

thҬt7 ----

that7 t at

7

h

thҬt7

t at

8

h

thҬt7

t ʅk h

that7

t ʅt

7

h

[tha:1]

7

t ʅt h

t DWখ

----

h

thҬt7

7

th[ʎࡢ]t

Ȯuʅt9

khҬࡢ t

----

‫آ‬i:w

----

[Ȯuʅn1]

----

----

[tsu:n5]

----

----

kʅp7

----

----

[thok7]

-------

----

7

----

h

*tçha:w *hlʅӑ

tsha:w1 tsha:w1 tsha:w1 tsha:w1 tsha:w1 tsha:w1 [khiaw5] WԬLDQ

3

lan

3

----

ts a:w

ts a:w

ts a:w

phow3

pho:3

pho:3

phDZ:3

h

1

h

1

h

1

----

DUI 堆

堆

堆砌

a pile

pile (clsfr)

build by piling

*pʅwު

*pʅwު

GHl:

*phʅwު

*phʅwު

*hrʅ:p

phaw3 ----

phaw3 ----

phaw3 p DZ: h

3

phaw3 ----

p DZ: h

phow3 p DZ: h

(go:p7) go:p7 ----

ӔDZު

thun3 ----

thun3 ----

4

3

3

p o: h

3

pho:3 p o: h

3

go:p7

go:p8

7

7

go:p

xo:p

p o: h

p o:

3

h

pho:3

phDZ:3

p o: h

3

p o:

3

h

hDZ:p8 xuap

8

3

hDZ:p8

k uap h

7

----

----

----

DUN 墩子

pier

*tunު

*thunު

thun3 thRӔ3

thun3 thRӔ3

thun3 thRӔ3

thҬn3 thʅn3

399

炖

to stew

GHl: CHl:

Meifu: 鈍

dull

*Ci[d/Ȱ]a:k

*[c/ç]ʅ:m

*ުujު

*Ʒa:w *ުuӔ͈ *‫ר‬ja:k

*tçhʅ:m

tsi:n3

ުuj3

----

----

za:ު7

----

----

----

tsham1 ----

ުuj3

----

ުRӔ

Ʒa:w1

ުRӔ

2

te:ު8

----

7

2

8

tҬ:

Ʒa:w

1

re:k7 te:ު

----

Ʒa:w

2

----

----

----

[ӔDZ:1]

----

----

----

----

Ѵej4

da:j

tra:j

Ѵej4

da:j

tra:j

1

----

teު

tiaު

7

tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tshDZ:m1 tshDZ:m1 tshiam1 ----

ts o:m

ts o:m

ts uam ts uam

Ѵo:j1

Ѵo:j1

Ѵa:j1

Ѵa:j1

1

1

Ѵuaj

Ѵa:j1

Ѵa:j1

h

1

h

1

h

1

h

1

----

----

----

DUO 多

多少

many

how many

*lʅ:j

*lʅ:j

*C-[d/Ȱ]a:

躲

hide (from rain) *C-Ӕʅw

*hlʅ:j

*hlʅ:j

Ȯa:j1

WԬDZ:(j) Ȯa:j1

WԬDZ:(j)

hide (something) *C-mʅӑ Run:

lDZj

1

Ѵo:j1 1

lDZj

1

Ѵo:j

Ѵo:j1 ----

Ѵo:j

Ѵo:j

1

Ѵuaj

1

1

Ѵu:j

1

Ѵa:j1 Ѵu:j

1

ѴXDMখ

----

*‫ר‬a:

ra:1

ra:1

ra:[3]

ra:[2]

la:4

la:4

la:j4

da:

la:

*C-Ӕʅw

ӔDZ1

ӔDZ1

ӔDZ1

ӔDZ1

ӔDZ4

ӔDZ1

[kDZ:1]

----

----

1

1

1

4

[miʅt8]

mģࡢn

----

----

----

ӔDZ

----

1

躲藏

1

Ѵa:j1

*C-mʅӑ *hljʅӑ͈

man1 mian

1

man1 ----

----

ӔDZ

maӑ1 ----

----

ӔDZ

man1 ----

----

----

ӔDZ

ӔDZ

(me:t8) man1 zan

2

tsan

2

----

----

----

400

剁

chop

GHl:

Meifu:

*h[n/ӑ]ʅk

*[tç/hӑ]ʅp

(tak7)

tak7 Ȯak

tak7

2

(tsak7)

----

tsap

7

thak8 tsap

tak8

tsak

7

tshDZp7 tak

8

----

----

Ӕʎ:

----

8

----

E 鵝

goose

*C-Ӕʎ: CHl: CHl:

額頭

forehead

*m-la:ު

*Cʅުda:w

*C-ӔH

*C-Ӕa:n͈ *Ʒun͈

*m-la:ު

*Ȯa:w

ӔH1

ӔH1

----

----

raw3 lDZ:

vicious

GHl:

*‫ר‬ja:k

pja:

5

Ȯa:w1 Ȯa:w

(ze:ު7) lʎk

4

GHl:

餓

鱷魚

hungry

crocodile

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅn

*Cʅުgʅjު

*fhʅn

*‫ר‬ʅn

*kʅjު

(fan1) ----

ren1 lon

3

Ȯa:w1 ----

ze:ު7 lʎު

ӔH

1

1

Oj

----

Ȯa:w1

Ȯa:w1

Ȯa:w1

Ȯa:w1

tu:1

diZ

----

1

1

te:ު8

----

----

----

fan1

fan1

----

----

----

lan4

lan4

len4

dpQ

----

kaj1

----

----

----

----

Ȯa:w re:k7

----

----

----

----

(Ȯa:w ) Ȯa:w 4

the:ު8 2

IDӔ

1

ran1

ran4

4

1

ODӔ

----

Ȯa:w

----

kaj3

SRӔঘ

----

fan1

kaj3

ӔXDQ

2

----

fan1

4

ƷRӔ

2

----

tҬ:

ran1

(Ӕʅ:n5) Ӕʅ:n5

pla:3

te:ު

----

Ʒun5

pla:3

7

lanު

kaj

ӔDQ5

4

4

3

ӔH

la:3

1

惡毒

ӔH1

UDӔ

teު

8

----

1

----

----

(UDӔ ) 4

ran

4

kaj3

kaj3

kaj3

kaj3

3

3

3

3

kaj

kaj

kaj

kaj

----

----

----

----

ҀDӔক

----

401

ER 兒女

offspring

*lҬ:k

*hlҬ:k

ȮҬ:ު7

ѴҬ:ު7

WԬҬʅk

2

兒女

兒媳

offspring

Qi:

*Ȯiު

----

daughter-

*lҬ:k

*hlҬ:k

ȮҬ:ު7

in-law

Qi:

*C-liw

耳朵

耳環

二

ear

earring

two

*Cilʅj

*C-PLӔ GHl:

*lu:ު

*Ȯiު

*C-liw

*hljʅj

*C-PLӔ

KZLӔ͈ *hlu:ު

----

WԬҬʅk liw1

----

----

ѴҬ:ު7

ѴҬ:k7

----

WԬDM

ѴҬk

7

ѴҬaު7 ѴҬk

8

1

1

liw

1

zaj1

Ѵaj4

Ѵaj4

4

1

1

liw

4

zaj

zaj

KZLӔ2 PLӔ

1

lew

zaj

YLDӔ2 PLӔ

1

Ѵiʅk8

dҬࡎ :

----

----

----

----

Ѵiʅk8

----

----

[na:w5]

OtZ

----

[kDZ:1]

zaj

thiM

[tshiaw1]

----

----

Ѵiaw4

d۠w

WUiZ

ӑa[:]n1 [tan2]

ӑpQ

----

ѴҬު

7

----

1

----

3

----

Ȯi3

Ѵ[Ҭ]ު7

Ȯi3

liw4

YLӔ2

Ȯow3

----

liw1

[n]ajު

viʅӔ

ѴҬk

8

liw1

zaj1

3

ѴҬk

ѴҬaު7

liw1

zaj1

PLӔ1

ѴҬk

7

----

7

liw

4

Ѵ[a]k7

Ȯi3

----

1

laj

ѴҬk

7

----

2

lDZj

leު

ѴҬ:k7

4

Ȯi3

ѴҬު

7

liw1 li:w

4

Ѵaj4

tsaj

YLDӔ2 ----

4

YLDӔ5 YLӔ

2

Ѵaw3

Ѵaw3

Ѵaw3

Ѵaw3

Ѵaw3

3

3

3

3

3

law

Ѵaw

Ѵaw

Ѵaw

Ѵaw

Ѵ±Nখ

----

----

----

‫ޓ‬DMখ

----

ѴģZঔ

FA 發抖

tremble

*C-ӑʅn

*C-ӑʅn

ӑen1

ӔMDQ

1

ӑan1

ӑan1

nan4

1

1

1

ӑDӔ

ӑDӔ

ӑDӔ

ӑan

4

ӑDӔখ

402

----

ӑan1

發誓

發芽

發芽

swear

to sprout

to bud (tree)

*C-ma:n

*ުu:t Run:

*tun͈

*C-ma:n

*ުu:t *ުҬt

*thun͈

ma:n1 ----

ުu:t7 ުuʅt

thun2 t ʅn h

*ٍa:

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:

2

5

tsha:1 ----

ma:n1 ----

ުu:t7 ----

thun2 t ʎn h

1

tsha:1 ----

ma:n1

ma:n1

----

PDӔ

1

ma:n4

ma:n1

[mi:n5]

PiQ

----

ުu:t7

[tDZk7]

Xࡎot

----

----

ުu:t7

ުu:t7

ުu:t7

7

7

8

ުuk

ުuk

thun2

t [Ҭ]n h

1

tsha:1 ts a: h

1

thun5 t RӔ h

2

tsha:1 ts a: h

1

ުʅk

----

ުʅt

7

----

----

thun5

thҬn5

----

----

----

tsha:1

tsha:1

[ުa:1]

----

----

[thum1]

----

----

[tsa:m4]

zʅࢌҮ

----

----

----

----

ts a: h

1

----

----

FAN 番石榴 guava

翻身

煩亂

turn over

upset

CHl:

*jҬ:͈

*C-bҬ:

*kʅwު

*hjҬ:͈

*‫ڛ‬Ҭ:

tha:j2 ----

zʅҮ2 ----

vʅҮ1 ----

------zaҮ2 ----

vʅҮ1 ----

----

ko:3

----

----

zaҮ2 ----

vʅҮ

4

kDZ:3

3

3

ko:

zaҮ2 zʅҮ

2

vʅҮ1

ko:3

(vʅҮ1)

ko:

----

zaҮ

2

----

(tsam ) 5

----

----

vʅҮ

----

----

vʅҮ1

[lu:j4]

----

----

1

----

----

reproduce

*t[ʎ]Ӕ

*th[e]Ӕ

thHӔ1 ----

thHӔ1 ----

thHӔ1 thHӔ1

thHӔ1 thHӔ1

thHӔ1 thLDӔ1

thHӔ1 thLDӔ1

thHӔ1

-------

----

反當

instead of

*lҬn͈

*hlҬn͈

ȮҬn2

ѴҬn2

ѴҬn2

ѴҬn5

ѴҬn5

ѴҬn3

[ުe:k9]

----

----

----

----

----

ѴҬӔ

2

lʅӔ

3

----

----

403

繁殖

反面

opposite

*m-lҬt NCHl: Run:

飯

*m-lҬt

*m-lҬ:n͈ *m-lҬ:nު

----

lҬn

---5

plҬt7

----

plҬt7

----

plҬӔ

2

pҬt7

plҬt7

plҬӔ

3

plʅn

[pha:j1 tu:t9]

----

----

3

SO±Ӕঔ

cooked rice

*ta:͈

*tha:͈

tha:2

tha:2

tha:2

tha:5

tha:5

tha:5

thow1

thi

thi

way

GHl:

*pha:jު

----

pha:j3

pha:j3

----

phat7

pha:j3

phat7

----

----

pha[:]j3 pha:j5

fjM

----

[ѴҬ:2]

dҬࡢ ۣn

SOyӔ

[tshup7]

----

----

tshDZ:5

tha:2

tha:2

tha:2

tha:2

tha:2

thDগ

FANG 方法

方向

房子

紡

direction

house

weave (fabric)

CHl:

*pʅjު Run:

GHl:

*wi:

*p ʅt

----

h

*phʅjު

*f [a]:Ӕ h

*m-ORӔު

*hwi:

----

phaj3 ----

rҬ:n1 ----

put (down)

*ٍʅ:n͈

vej1

(huj )

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:n͈

put (down)

NECHl:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] Ҭ:ު h

OXӔ3

SMDӔ vej1

p an h

han

----

----

----

----

----

p aj

p aj

3

h

pDZӔ

plDZӔ

3

3

vej

p at h

tsho:n2 ts o:n h

2

----

ts ʅҮ

3

ILDӔ

7

ILDӔ

1

1

SRӔ3

plDZӔ3

plDZӔ

plDZӔ

3

3

vej1

vej1

vej1

1

1

1

vej

1

h

3

SORӔ3

hwej1 1

p at

7

pha[:]j3 phaj3

SORӔ3

(tsho:n2) tsho:n2 5

放置

----

----

phaj3 h

3

5

放置

phaj3

----

h

vej

vej

----

----

plDZӔঔ

----

tsho:n5

tshDZ:n5

tshDZ:n5

----

(‫آ‬DZࢌn)

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ts aҮ h

3

----

ts aҮ h

3

----

----

404

放

放

放

放走

放蠱

放牧

put (on )

put (in)

put (down in)

*sa:n

GHl:

GHl:

*sha:n

*fhXӔ

*fhʅt

ta:n1 ----

ta:n1 ----

(SXӔ1) IXӔ1 ----

----

(pat7)

fat7

----

ta:n1 ----

ta:n1

VDӔ

ts DӔ

1

IXӔ1 ----

h

IXӔ1

f[o]Ӕ

1

fat7

----

ta:n1

fat7

----

1

----

fak

ts uan h

----

[ުXӔ1]

----

----

pDZ:Ӕ1

----

----

----

----

----

1

IXӔ1 IXӔ

1

fat7

fat7

fak

7

ta:n1

fa[p]

8

----

----

7

let go

*pҬӔު

*phҬӔު

phҬӔ3 phҬӔ3 phҬӔ3 phҬӔ3 phҬDӔ3 phҬӔ3 ƷDZӔ5 phuʅӔ3

----

phҬӔ3

phҬӔ3

phҬӔ3

phҬӔ3

phҬ࡯ ۣӔ ----

to poison

*C-mi:n

*C-mi:n

mi:n1

mi:n1

mi:n1

mi:n1

mi:n4

mi:n1

mi:n5

----

----

----

thaw3

----

----

----

fin4

EtQ

----

kuj1

GRM KXMঔ

uj

[ki:w1]

ࢌ ND࡯Z

bҬࡢ ۣn

graze

*tu:ު

*thu:ު

----

thow3 ----

----

thaw3 ----

----

PLӔ

1

thaw3 t aw h

3

thaw3 t aw h

3

----

t aw h

3

----

t aw h

3

----

----

----

FEI 飛

fly

*Cʅުbin

*Ʒin

Ʒin1

Ʒin1

Ʒeӑ1

Ʒen1

Ʒen1

Ʒin1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Ʒen

Ʒen

Ʒen

fat

*ru:jު

*hru:jު

ru:j3 huj4

gu:j3 vuj3

吠

to bark

GHl:

*‫ڛ‬unު

ӔDZ1

v[Ҭ]n3 vun3

----

----

g[we]j3 gu:j6 guj3 xuj3

----

Ʒen

Ʒen

hu:j6 xuj3

hu:j6 khuj3

fun6

vun6

v[u]n3

3

3

6

YRӔ

YRӔ

v[DZ]Ӕ

SHQখ

----

405

肥胖

Ʒen

吠

沸騰

肺

to bark

boil (intr)

lung

GHl:

*Cʅުda:n

*Cʅުgʅw͈

*hrʅc

*Ȯa:n

*kʅw͈

(gat7) ----

Ȯa:n1 tsDZn

gat7 ӔDZު

4

Ȯa:n1 Ȯan

1

kaw2

1

kaw2

kaw

kDZ:

5

2

gac7

gat8

----

xat

---xat

7

Ȯa:n1

Ȯa:n1

1

1

1

kaw2 ----

ȮDӔ

ȮDӔ

k[aw]5 ko:5 ko:

2

ko:

[tsu:t9]

‫ۦ‬ģࡎt

----

Ȯa:n1

[puʅt8]

diQ

----

[vuʅӔ4]

k۠ࢌw

----

kDZ:1

k۠ࢌw

----

[z]i:m6 ----

----

----

ӔDQ1

----

----

ުin3

----

uQ

----

ƷDӔ1 ƷDZӔ1

ƷDZӔ5

-------

----

----

8

Ȯa:n1 ȮDӔ

hat8

Ȯuan

1

kDZ:5 ko:

2

5

----

----

NRগ

FEN 分配

分贈

吩咐

distribute

give a gift

instruct

*Cʅުgu:͈

GHl:

*C-Ӕʅnު

*ku:͈

*hri:mު

*C-Ӕʅnު

kow2

kaw2

----

----

焚燒

grave

to burn

*ުinު

Meifu: *CʅުbʅӔ

*ުinު *jinު *ƷʅӔ

kaw

2

(gi:m3) gi:m3

gi:m3

----

ko:5

kDZ:5

kaw

2

gi:m6

ӔHQ3

ӔDQ3

ӔDQ3

ӔDn3

ӔDQ6

ӔDQ3

3

3

3

3

6

ުin3 ----

ƷRӔ1 ----

ӔDQ

ӔDӔ

xim

hi:m6

3

xim

kaw

5

----

Ӕ[ʅ]n

----

kow5

----

1

墳墓

kaw2

ӔDӔ

ުin3

ުeӑ3

ުen3

3

3

3

ުen

ƷDӔ1 ƷDӔ1

zen

ƷDӔ1 ----

zen

ƷDӔ1 ƷDӔ1

3

ӔDӔ

ӔDQ

ުen3

(zen ) 3

ƷDӔ1 ƷDӔ1

khim3

ުen3

----

----

----

----

406

粉刺

pimple

*Cu[d/Ȱ]ut Qi:

NCHl:

*Cu‫ר‬ut *‫ר‬wup

*[tç]Ҭ:n

rut7

tsҬn

rut7 1

vut7

----

fҬp8

----

----

tҬn

fok

1

(lup8)

lup8

----

----

vDZ:t7

vҬat7

YtZ

----

[pu:k7]

----

----

----

----

----

‫آ‬iP

----

na:m1

----

----

[tej1]

(kDZࡢj)

----

ӑDZ:p9

ӑyS

----

----

8

----

FENG 風

封住

鋒利

the wind

sealed

sharp

*wiw CHl: *lun

*lin

*[c/ç]ʅ:m

*hwiw

KӔZʅ:t *hlun

*hlin

*tçhʅ:m

viw1 hDZt

honey

*C-nʅmު

*C-nʅmު

ӔDZު

4

Ȯun1 ----

縫

tsham1 ts am

1

nom3 nam

*C-ӑʅp

*C-ӑʅp

(ko:j1) kDZ:

1

ӑop7 ӑap

Ѵun1

2

vo:k

7

vDZ:t8

(voު )

7

Ѵun1

----

----

8

----

ѴRӔ

Ѵeӑ1

vʅt

7

1

ѴRӔ

Ѵen1

----

Ѵun1 Ѵʅn

1

Ѵen

1

----

Ѵen

1

Ѵen

1

1

tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tshDZ:m1 tshDZ:m1 tshiam1 sDZn

ts o:m

ts o:m

ts uam ts uam

nam3

nom3

nam3

nam6

nam3

3

3

6

1

nan

h

1

h

1

h

1

1

3

3

nam

nam

ko:j1

ko:j1

ka:j1

1

1

kuaj

ӑop7

ӑop7

nap8

ӑap7

7

7

8

8

kDZj

1

ӑap7 ----

ko:j

ӑap

ko:j

ӑap

nam

h

ka:j1

ӑap

1

nam

ka:j1

p uan h

ӑap

3

vu:ުঔ

----

----

----

----

----

ӑDSখ

407

FU

sew

*kʅ:j

Ѵun1

----

3

GHl:

vo:k

Ѵin1

----

hwo:t7 viw4

4

----

Ȯin1

h

蜂蜜

viw1

孵

伏

伏擊

浮

斧子

腐爛

incubate

to prostrate

ambush

float

axe

rotten

*pʅ:k CHl:

GHl: Run:

*tҬmު GHl:

*Cʅުbʅw

[*Cʅުbuʅ͈] NWCHl: *tuj

*phʅ:k

*C-mok *C-mok

*Cu͈ʅ:mު *thҬmު *t omު

phak7 p ak h

----

thҬm3

thҬm3

t am

*Ʒʅw

Ʒaw1

*Cu͈a:ӑ *thuj

h

父親

富

decay

father

rich

*tҬ:m

*pa:ު Run:

*C-b[ʎ]Ӕ CHl:

*thҬ:m

*pha:ު *Ʒa:͈

*‫[ڛ‬e]Ӕ

*C-mun

3

----

Ʒua2 ӔDZn

1

thuj1 t oj

1

----

----

ӔZDZn

1

t oj

1

7

mDZk7

8

8

mDZk

mok7

(ӔRP ) ӔXDP

thom3

thom3

t om

3

----

----

----

biZ

----

----

EXý

----

thҬj5

----

----

thҬ:m1 ȮDZm1

----

----

po:5

phj

Ej

[Ѵaj4 hҬa2]

----

----

Ʒow1

1

1

1

1

Ʒua2 ----

thuj1

Ʒua5 ----

h

Ʒua5

2

5

Ʒu:

thuj1

t oj

1

h

t ow

1

h

pha:3

pha:3

pha:3

pha:3

h

----

1

----

h

Ʒa:

1

2

YHӔ1

mun1

mun4

4

1

1

YHӔ

YHӔ

3

Ʒaw

thuj1

t uj

1

t [ua]m h

Ʒua5 Ʒu:

thuj1

t uj h

Ʒaw

pha:3

----

----

Ҫuam

Ʒaw1

3

t Ҭm

vʎӔ

----

Ʒaw1 Ʒaw

t om h

t Ҭm

4

----

6

Ʒow1

3

----

YHӔ1

[phak7]

----

t om h

----

YHӔ1

----

3

----

----

phģࡢk

th[a]m3 tham1

thҬ:m1 thҬ:m1 thҬ:m1 thҬ:m1 thu:m1

----

mDZ:k9

mDZk

----

Ʒaw

Ʒua2

thuj1

p o:k h

moު8

2

h

Ʒaw1

h

p o:k

7

mok7

mo[:]k7 mok7

----

h

*Ʒuʅ͈

----

pho:k7 h

(muk7) muk7

h

腐朽

2

pho:ު7

PRӔ

1

t om h

1

pha:3 Ʒa:

5

----

m[u]n

4

----

----

----

----

SXঘ

----

----

SDগ

PRӔখ

408

覆蓋

覆蓋

cover up

cover up

*pҬt

CHl:

*phҬt

*m-lom

phҬt7 -------

phҬt7 -------

----

phҬt7 ----

----

(khop9) ----

p ʅk h

plom2

----

phҬt7 7

plom5 ----

[khDZp7]

----

p ʅt

----

[ts]um5 ----

h

plom

2

[8]

plom

5

----

----

----

----

----

SORPগ

GAI 蓋

蓋

to cover

*sunު

*shunު

tun3

tun3

tun3

(tu:n6)

----

----

----

----

----

to cover

CHl:

*khop

----

----

khop7

khop7

khop7

khDZp7

khDZp7

----

----

tom1

tom1

tsam2

WyP

----

kҬDӔ5

----

----

----

----

ӔҬt8

----

----

----

----

----

----

k ap h

蓋

蓋

蓋子

to cover (blanket) *som

to cover (blanket) CHl:

lid

GHl:

*shom

*kҬӔ͈

KӔʅ:t

----

5

tom1 ------------kat

4

----

s[DZ]Ӕ3

----

tom1 ----

tom1 som ----

----

4

----

som

1

----

ko:t7 ko:k

7

kҬӔ5

----

ko:t7

k [a]p h

1

----

kDZު

----

7

ko:t8 ko:k

----

----

----

----

----

----

2

kҬӔ

kҬӔ

khDZ:t8

kDZ:t8

5

7

(kDZt )

Ȯa:w1

Ȯa:w1

Ȯa:w1

1

1

1

8

ku:t

8

----

----

----

kҬӔগ

ku:ުখ

GAN 乾

dry (clothes)

GHl:

*Ȯa:w

----

----

Ȯa:w1 ----

Ȯa:w

Ȯa:w

Ȯa:w

WDZখ

409

----

Ȯa:w1

乾涸

dry

*[k/x]Ҭ:͈

*khҬ:͈

khʅҮ2 k DZ: h

乾飯

dry rice

*ta:͈

*tha:͈

乾淨

甘薯

甘薯

甘蔗

肝

clean

yam

>Fo@LӔ͈ CHl:

Ӕwʅ:j GHl:

*C-m[e]:k

*tçhLӔ͈

*C-li:Ӕ͈ *hӔwʅ:j

*C-mʅn

h

tha:2

ts DZ:

2

tha:2

me:ު7

mʎު

tshLӔ2

----

va:j1

h[DZ]j

4

tshLӔ2

----

2

khaҮ5 k ʅҮ h

2

tha:5 ----

me:k7 ----

2

h

OLӔ

ts LӔ

2

man1

man1

4

1

1

PDӔ

khʅࢌҮ

----

thow1

----

----

me:ު7

----

----

----

OLDӔ2

OLDӔ5

tshiʅӔ5

‫آ‬iɮӔ

----

h

h

k aҮ h

2

t a:

-------

kha:1

h

me:ު7

tshLӔ2

khaҮ5

tha:5

man1 ӔDZjު

4

k aҮ h

----

me:ު7

----

khaҮ2

tha:2

----

2

PDӔ

k aҮ h

5

tha:5 t a:

2

h

me:ު8 meު

khaҮ5

8

ts LӔ

2

----

5

----

ts LӔ

5

----

PDӔ

1

man

----

----

----

t‫ آ‬LӔগ h

mDZ:n1

YjM

PRQ

4

----

yam

Qi:

*C-PXӔ

----

----

----

PXӔ1

PXDӔ4

PXӔ1

----

----

----

sugarcane

*C-ma[:]jު

*C-ma[:]jު

maj3

ma:j3

ma:j3

ma:j3

ma:j6

ma:j3

PjM

----

3

3

3

muaj

mҬaj1

ӔDQ1

ӔXʅn1

ӔiQ

----

(hwa5) [hua2]

----

----

liver

*C-ӔDn

*C-ӔDQ

----

----

ma:(j) ӔDQ1 ӔDZn

1

趕

k aw

5

h

*C-m[ʎ]:k

khaҮ2

drive cattle

*C-lu:t Run:

*C-lu:t *͈u

lu:t7 ----

3

----

maj

3

ӔDQ1 ӔDQ

----

ma:j

ma:j

ӔDQ1

ӔDQ1

ӔDQ4

1

1

1

1

ӔDӔ

lu:t7

lu:t7

----

ma:j

----

----

ӔDӔ lu:t7 ----

ӔDӔ ---hu:

1

----

ӔXDQ

6

4

hu:

1

----

PDMঔ

----

----

410

趕

趕上

敢

感冒

hurry

ECHl:

*C-lu:jު

----

----

lu:j3

lu:j3

lu:j6

lu:j3

----

----

----

overtake

*nʅ:n͈

*hnʅ:n͈

nan2

to:n2

to:n2

to:n2

thDZ:n2

tDZ:n2

[phe:k9 khuʅn1]

nģࢌn

----

2

2

2

----

----

----

dare

catch cold

CHl:

GHl:

*[k/x]ʅt

*ުҬ:͈

*hlʅ:m

*khʅt

GANG 剛才

剛剛

缸

鋼

a moment ago

just (now)

jar

steel

GHl:

*C-nʅwު

GHl:

*Cu‫ۦ‬a:c

*ުʅnު

*C-nʅwު

*kʅӔު

*Cu͈a:c

----

----------

Ȯam1 ----

khet7 ----

(ުan3) ----

----

----------

Ѵo:m1 lDZn

1

khat7 ----

ުan3 ----

na[:]w3 naw3 ----

----

NRӔ3) NRӔ3 ----

----

h[a]t7

ha:t7 ----

----

WRӔ

----

WRӔ

ުaҮ2

ުaҮ5

(ުʅҮ ) ުʅҮ 4

2

----

WXDӔ ----

t[u]n

2

----

ުaҮ

2

ުaҮ

5

----

----

----

Ѵo:m1

----

----

----

[mҬ2]

dģࡢm

----

khat7

----

----

khat7

[vҬat7]

----

----

ުan3

ުan3

[tsa:t9]

----

----

no:6

nDZ:3

[tsa:t9]

----

----

3

6

kDZӔ1

----

----

h[uaު]7 hwa:t[8] huaު7

----

----

----

----

----

----

k ak h

ުan3

ުan3

3

3

ުan

naw3 ----

NRӔ3 ----

ުan

7

no:[6] no:

3

NRӔ3 ----

hwa:c7 hwa:t7 ----

----

----

----

----

----

no:

----

no:

kDZӔ3 NXDӔ

3

----

kDZӔ3 NXDӔ

3

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

411

----

----

GAO 高

high

*pa:k

*pha:k

pha:ު7 p ʎk h

高興

happy

GHl:

GHl: Qi 睪丸

testicles

*hlin

*tçҬ:

*tçʅw͈

2

-------------

*jҬ:m

*hjҬ:m

zҬ:m1

ުiw2 ----

zum

1

*m-lʅj

-------

7

tsʅҮ1 ----

4

-------

phe:ު7 p Ҭ: h

2

phe:ު7 p iaު h

1

1

1

Ѵen

Ѵen

tsʅҮ1 tsʅҮ

1

zҬ:m4

----

8

Ѵin1

zҬ:m1

----

p eު h

Ѵen1

----

----

phe:ު7

Ѵen1

ުu:k7 ----

zҬ:m1 zunު

p e:ު h

----

----

----

phe:k7

Ѵeӑ1

tsʅҮ1

----

Run:

4

----

*ުu:k

*hma:nު

p ʎު h

Ѵin1

ECHl:

*ma:nު

phe:ު7

----

zum

pa:n6 SDӔ

3

Ѵen

IDࡎ

p HNখ

phʎࡢt

h

----

----

----

----

tsaw5

tsaw5

----

----

----

----

ުu:ު7

----

----

----

zu:m4

zҬ:m1

tsum1

----

----

pha:n3

pa:n6

pDZ:n2

----

----

----

----

1

phҬ:5

7

----

----

plaj

[pl]ʅҮ1

3

----

plaj

3

----

----

----

----

GE 哥哥

哥哥

elder brother

*ު[ʎ@Ӕު

*ު[e@Ӕު

ުHӔ3

ުHӔ3

ުHӔ3

ުHӔ3

ުHӔ3

ުHӔ3

ުHӔ1

ʎ࡯Ӕ

ʎࡢӔ

elder brother

CHl:

*hlʅwު

----

----

Ѵaw3

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

Ѵaw

3

----

----

----

----

----

----

412

----

----

胳臂

arm

*[k/x]i:n

*khi:n

khi:n1 k in h

胳肢

armpit

*CʅުϺʅk GHl: GHl:

割

割

個

個

個

個

reap

*tʅt

CHl:

*tçʅk *tçi

*‫ר‬ik

*thʅt

*k i:w͈ h

1

tsok7 ------lik

k [i:] h

1

tsi2 tsi

k iw

1

----

that7

khi:w2

k i:

k iw

h 2

khi:n1 k LӔ h

1

h

2

khi:n1 k LӔ h

----

1

tsi3

ts ok h

rik[8]

(liު )

5

k LӔ h

----

1

5

thet7

khi:n1

tsak7

ri[t]7

1

h

khi:n1

7

----

rek

----

----

k iw h

2

[tҬ:n1]

xten

----

tsi1

tsi1

----

----

(lit9)

lit7

----

----

----

----

thpW

----

k in h

1

----

[ts]i[t]7 -------

khi:n1

----

7

k iw h

2

k iw h

5

----

----

----

----

reap

*tu[n/ӑ]

*thu[n/ӑ]

thun1

thun1

----

thun1

thun1

thҬn1

[phҬ:w1]

----

----

object clsfr

*C-‫ۦ‬om

*͈om

hom1

hom1

hom1

hom1

hom1

hum1

kDZ:m4

KyP

----

5

1

1

1

1

person clsfr

animal clsfr

child clsfr

*CʅުϺu:n

*C-lʅӔ

*C-‫ۦ‬Ҭ:ު

*tçu:n

*C-lʅӔ

*͈Ҭ:ު

----

----

tsu:n1 ---------hʅҮ3 ----

----

----

(hon ) tsu:n1 tsunު ------haҮ3 ----

4

----

hom

tsu:n1 ---------haҮ3 ----

hom

tsu:n1 WVXӔ

1

ODӔ1 ----

----

hom

hʅҮ

3

hom

----

----

tsu:n1

tsu:n1

[ӔXʅn1]

t‫~آ‬on

----

ODӔ1

ODӔ1

----

OyӔ

----

1

4

----

hʅ࡯Ү

----

----

ODӔ

haҮ3

----

haҮ3 ----

----

lDZӔ

----

haҮ

3

----

ODӔখ

----

413

GEI 給

給

give

give

CHl:

NCHl: *CʅުdҬ:

*ndҬӔ͈ *ku:͈ *ȮҬ:

----

----

tsҬʅӔ

5

ȮʅҮ1

tҬӔ2

tʎn

Ȯʎ:

2

----

kaw

kaw

2

[mҬan1]

----

----

2

kģZগ

----

ȮʅҮ1

ȮʅҮ1

ȮʅҮ1

----

dʅࡢҮ

----

kej1

van4

van4

van1

[tat7]

dtew

----

----

----

[vi:2]

YDࡎW

----

[tҬj1]

----

----

----

1

----

tҬӔ

2

ȮʅҮ1

----

----

kaw

2

----

----

----

----

GEN 根

root

*ri:w CHl Qi:

NCHl: Run: 跟

with

*Cu[d/Ȱ]u:

*hri:w *ki:

*hwʅn

ri:w

k ҬʅӔ h

5

gi:w k ʎӔ h

k ҬӔ

2

h

[3]

kej

1

rip

rip

8

8

ҀLSখ

*khҬӔ͈ *‫ר‬i:p

*Cu‫ר‬u:

row1 vow

4

row1

vow1

[Ӕ]ʎwު [g]ow 4

4

fow4 ‫ۦ‬ow

1

----

(fow ) 4

[v]ow[1] [Ȯuʅn1] fow

1

----

GONG 弓

弓弦

bow

bowstring

*C-bʅc

GHl:

*‫ڛ‬ʅc

*hru:

vat[9]

vat7

vac7

fat8

vat8

vat7

4

4

7

7

8

8

viat

vaު

(gow1) gow1 ----

----

vat

vat

vat

gow1

gow4

4

1

gow

xow

vat

how4

[h]ow

1

how4 ----

YDWখ

----

414

公雞

rooster

*pa:ު

*pha:ު

pha:3 p DZ: h

*[k/x]ʅj

*khʅj

公路

road

公水牛 a steer

*Cʅުgu:n

*pa:ު

*C-na:w

*[‫ר‬/hr]ja:n

*ku:n

*pha:ު

*C-na:w

p a:

3

h

khaj1 k aj h

*Ci[d/r]a:n

pha:3

khaj1 k aj

1

h

za:n1 ----

ku:n1 ----

共同

together

*ުX>@Ӕ͈

*tʅӔު

*shujު

*ުu[@Ӕ͈

pha:3

*thʅӔު

----

------ު[u]Ӕ2

3

na:w1 ------foj

----

p a: h

khaj1 ----

k aj h

ra:n1

pha:3

----

t RӔ

3

p a: h

khaj1 k aj

1

h

khaj1 k aj

1

h

ku:n1

----

ku:n1

----

N~on

----

NXӔ

----

----

----

1

NXӔ

pha:3

----

pha:3

----

----

----

now1

----

----

tshej1

----

----

ުXӔ5

[OHӔ5]

~oӔ

----

thDZӔ3

[lem1]

thjӔ

----

1

----

3

----

1

4

na:w ----

ުXӔ

2

3

ުXDӔ5 ުXӔ

2

thRӔ3 t RӔ

3

thDZӔ3 t XDӔ h

na:w ----

ts oj h

ުXӔ5

h

na:w tuj3

----

t RӔ

----

----

1

3

----

----

1

h

xiM

----

na:w1

thRӔ3

khaj1

----

1

na:w4

ުXӔ

----

[puan2]

na:w1

ުXӔ2

fj

1

na:w1 na:w

---3

ta:n4

h

2

thRӔ3

----

3

----

p a:

3

----

3

h

(ra:n )

----

p a:

p a:

3

ta:n4

----

h

pha:3

khaj1

----

ުXӔ2

h

----

ku:n1

kun

p a:

na:w

----

----

h

na:w1

thDӔ3

za:n1

pha:3

----

----

1

1

1

CHl:

3

pha:3

3

ts ow h

----

----

3

----

----

----

----

----

----

415

供飯

供飯

offer food

offer food

*ru:k

CHl:

CHl:

*hru:k

*tha:͈

*tçhʅ:j

ru:ު7

gu:ު7

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

guު

7

----

----

----

gu:k7

----

----

----

gu:ު8 xuk

7

-------

----

----

----

----

----

tha:5

tha:5

thow1

----

----

[vҬat9]

----

----

pow4

Pi

SD࡯ࢌ

tshep7

----

----

Ѵiʅk8

ȮҬࡎ :

----

Ѵak9 ѴҬa2

[l]Dࡨ

----

----

t a: h

----

----

t a:

2

h

tsha:j1

----

ts uaj h

1

5

tsha:j1 ts u:j h

1

----

----

----

GOU 狗

dog

狗豆子 dogbean

*ma:

*[c/ç]ip

*hma:

*tçhip

ma:1 ----

pa:1

pa:1

pa:4

4

4

1

paު

tship7

tship7

----

----

pa:

tship7 ----

pa:

pha:4 pa:

tship7 ts ep h

7

pa:4 pa:

1

tship7 ts ep h

8

4

tship7 ts ep h

7

SDখ

----

GU 孤兒

orphan

*lҬ:k Qi:

*la:k

*hlҬ:k *Ȯiު

*hla:k

ȮҬ:ު7

WԬҬʅk

ѴҬ:ު7 2

[l]a:ު7 ----

----

Ѵe:ު7 ----

ѴҬ:k7 ----

Ѵe:k7 ----

Ȯi3

ѴҬk

ѴҬaު7

7

ѴҬk

Ѵe:ު7

Ѵe:ު7

ѴҬ:

2

8

Ѵeު

8

Ȯi3

ѴҬު

7

Ѵe:ު7 Ѵiaު

7

----

Ѵʎުখ

416

姑

KXVEDQG·V sister

*mi:ު

*CʅުdҬӔ CHl: Qi: 姑父

)DWKHU·V\ounger *jʅwު VLVWHU·VKXVEDQG

姑父

)DWKHU·Velder

VLVWHU·VKXVEDQG 姑母

Father's

younger sister 姑母

姑母

Father's

*C-wҬ:ު

*ȮҬӔ

*‫[ڛ‬a]:Ӕ *hӔi:n

*hjʅwު

*tçhi:ު

*C-wҬ:ު

younger sister

Run:

*hwa:͈

Father's

ӔLQ

KӔLQ

elder sister 姑娘

*[c/ç]i:ު

*hmi:ު

girl

mej3 ----

ȮҬӔ1 ----

zaw3 ----

tshej3 ----

pʅҮ3 ---------ӔLQ1 ----

(mej3) ----

ȮҬӔ1 ----

zaw3 ----

tshaj3 ----

faҮ3 ---------(ӔLQ1) ----

pҬ(1) ----

YHӔ1 ----

zaw3 zo:

3

tshaj3 ----

---paj

phaj6

ki:n4 ----

-------

----

----

----

YHӔ4

ki:n4

ӔLʅn2

----

----

YLDӔ

tsi:w1

----

----

tsha:j1

----

----

faҮ3

[fi:4]

----

----

----

----

----

----

ki:n4

ӔLʅn2

----

----

----

zo:6

zDZ:3

3

3

6

zo:

zo:

tshaj3 ts aj

3

faҮ3 ----

zo:

tsh[i:]3

3

faҮ3 faҮ ---va:

ki:n4 NLӔ

1

tshaj3

ts [Ҭ]j (taj ) h

3

----

ki:n1

----

zo:6

----

----

-------

3

1

h

faҮ3

paj

3

5

----

va:

5

khi:n4

(NLӔ ) 4

2

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

NLӔক

*hlҬ:k

ѴҬ:k7 ѴҬ:ު7 WԬҬʅk2 lʎު4

ȮҬ:ު7 ѴҬk7

ѴҬ:ު7 ѴҬk7

ѴҬaު7 ѴҬk8

ѴҬު7 ѴҬު7

----

-------

----

*ުXӔ

*ުXӔ

ުXӔ1

ުXӔ1

ުXӔ1

ުXDӔ1

ުXӔ1

ުu:1

----

----

----

ުXӔ1 ----

ުXӔ

1

ުXӔ

1

ުXӔ

1

ުXӔ

1

----

417

*lҬ:k

骨頭

bone

*Cu[d/Ȱ]Ҭ:k

*Cu‫ר‬Ҭ:k

rҬ:ު7

rҬ:ު7

vҬʅk

4

古代

ancient

GHl: Qi:

GHl: CHl: 谷倉

谷粒

鼓

granary

a grain

drum

*ja:wު

*C-‫ۦ‬a:p

*C-lʅӔ

*phҬ:n *Cu‫ר‬a: *hja:

*C-ma:n *hja:wު

*͈a:p

*C-lʅӔ

----

kҬު

7

fҬ:ު8 ‫ۦ‬Ҭk

7

fҬaު8 fҬk

8

phҬ:n1 phҬ:n1 phҬ:n1 fa:4

---ӑRӔ3 -------

----

----

p ҬӔ

p ҬӔ

za:1

za:1

ma:n1

ma:n4

1

1

----

zaw

ha:p7 2

ORӔ1 OHӔ

1

h

----

za:w3

----

hDZp

vuު

4

vҬ:k7

1

PDӔ

h

1

PDӔ

za:w3

za:w6

za:w6

fҬ:ު8 fҬު fa:4 ----

ma:n1 muan ----

za:w

3

za:w

3

za:w

za:w

ha:p7

ha:p7

ha:p7

ha:p7

ha:p7

7

7

8

ODӔ1 ----

ha:p

ha:p

hap

ODӔ4

ODӔ1

1

1

1

4

ODӔ

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

[pʅ:k8]

----

----

lDZӔ1

OyӔ

OD࡯Ӕࢌ

[OXӔ4]

----

----

[kDZ:t9]

thjZ [±Ӕগ

----

7

ODӔ1 ODӔ

----

6

ODӔ1 ODӔ

fҬࡎ ok

[5]

3

ha:p

drҬࡎ :

8

3

----

liʅk10

lDZӔ

fҬNখ

----

----

----

----

----

GUA 瓜棚

刮

squash lattice

scratch

*t[ʎ@Ӕު Run:

*ta:w CHl:

*th[e@Ӕު *t HӔ͈ h

*tha:w *hrҬn

thHӔ3 ----

tha:w1 ----

----

t HӔ h

3

tha:w1 Ӕʎn2

thHӔ3 t HӔ h

3

tha:w1 ----

----

t HӔ h

3

gҬn2 ----

----

t LDӔ h

[2]

----

t LDӔ h

[2]

[k]Ҭn[5] hҬn2 xʅӔ2 khʅn5

----

418

寡婦

widow

*mi:ު

*[ٍ/c]un CHl: 掛

掛

掛搭

hang up

*ka:͈

*hmi:ު

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hun *hmʅ:jު *kha:͈

mej3 Ʒaj

4

tshun1 ----

kha:2 ----

(mej3) ----

tshun1 ----

kha:2 k a: h

paj3

p[i:]6

----

paj

tshun1 ----

kha:2 k a:

2

h

2

phaj6 paj

3

pa:j6 ----

k a:

pa:j6

3

6

kha:5 k a:

2

paj

h

2

ma:j5

PqM

----

puʅj4

‫ࡢڠآ‬n

----

----

xý

----

6

pha:j6 puaj

kha:5 h

3

p[i:]6

pu:j

kha:5 k a: h

5

----

----

k a:গ h

hang up

Qi:

KӔʅp

----

----

----

kap8

khap8

kap8

kap8

----

----

set up

*C-‫ۦ‬u:j

*͈u:j

hu:j1

hu:j1

hu:j1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

huj

----

----

-------

----

----

----

1

ӔDW8

ӔDW7

ӔDW7

ӔpW

----

[hҬa2]

m‫ࡢڠ‬n

----

huj

1

----

----

GUAN 關

官

棺材

to close

an official

coffin

*C-Ӕʅt NCHl:

*C-mun

*C-Ӕʅt *hӔʅ:t

*C-mun

ӔHW7

ӔDW7

4

4

kat

kDZު

mun1 mʅn

1

ӔDW7

ӔDW7

ӔDN

ӔDN

7

mun1

muʎn

1

koު

7

mun1

mun1

mun4

mun1

1

1

1

4

mon

PRӔ

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅj

tshaj1 ----

tshaj1 haj1

tshaj1 ----

tshaj1 tshaj1

GHl:

NRӔ͈

(NXӔ2)

NXӔ2

NRӔ2

NRӔ5

----

maw

----

PRӔ

k[o]Ӕ

2

mʅn

8

kXNখ

----

-------

-------

tshaj1

-------

----

----

----

[tDZ:2]

----

----

----

----

----

419

*ٍʅj

3

k[oު]

8

鰥寡

罐子

widowed

jar

GHl:

*Cʅުgʅj

*hmʅ:jު

*kʅj

(po:j3) ----

kaj1

po:j3 ----

kaj1

----

kaj

po:j3 ----

kaj1

1

----

tut7

tut7

pa:j6 ----

pha:j6

pa:j6

3

6

puaj

puʅj4

----

----

[lej5]

----

----

tsDZk7

----

----

vDZ:t7

vҬat9

vģࡢt

----

tsha:j1

----

----

----

phut7

phut7

x~oj

----

[lam1 lin1]

----

----

pu:j

kaj1

kaj1

1

kaj

kaj1

1

1

tut7

tut7

kaj

kaj

----

----

GUI 歸還

鬼

鬼

跪

to return (tr)

*sut

*shut

tut7 ----

----

sok

7

sok

7

ru

tҬt7 ru

3

spirit

*wʅ:t

*hwʅ:t

vat7

vo:t7

hwo:t7 vo:t8 ----

----

vDZ:t8

spirit

CHl:

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:j

----

----

----

----

tsha:j1

kneel

*ku:j͈ Qi:

*khu:j͈ *p ut h

----

hDZ:

----

hDZj

1

khu:j2 k uj h

5

1

khu:j2 ----

----------

----------

----

ts uaj h

phut7 k uj h

2

6

----

1

tshu:j1

k uj h

5

----

----

t‫آ‬hXDMখ

----

GUN 滾

roll

*C-lun

*C-lun

lun1 ----

lun1 ----

lun1

lun1

1

1

ORӔ

ORӔ

lun4 ----

lun1

(lin ) 4

----

420

GUO 鍋

pot

*tʅw

*thʅw

thaw1

ts aw h

鍋巴

rice crust

*Cʅުgin CHl:

*tʅw

*kin

*t LӔ h

*thʅw

1

kin1 ken

fruit

*ٍʅ:m

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:m

[*Cʅުguʅު] CHl: Qi:

*kuʅު *Ȯuʅ

*Cuhrʅ:j

1

----

1

thaw1

ts aw

1

tsham1 ham

1

過(渡) pass

t aw h

kin1

h

果子

thaw1

thaw1 ----

thaw1 t aw h

1

1

1

ken

thaw1 ----

thaw1

t aw

1

thLӔ1

ken

thaw1

t aw h

keӑ1

h

t aw

1

h

thLӔ1 t en h

thaw1

thLӔ1 t en

1

h

----

thaw1

thjZ

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

‫آ‬am

----

1

----

thaw1

Ȯaw1

1

----

tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tshDZ:m1 tshDZ:m1 [mҬat7] hDZn

1

(ham ) ts o:m

ts uam ts uam va:j1

1

kua3

kua3

Ȯua3

3

3

3

kuʅ

thaw1

Ȯuʅ

Ȯu:

h

1

gwa:j1 Ȯu:

3

h

1

ku:

[2]

h

1

thģZঔ

----

----

KRPঔ

hwa:j1

kua5

NXj

----

te:ު8

[SDӔ1]

kҬࡢ

----

[la:1]

dpM ----

----

----

----

HAI 害羞

shy

CHl:

*ri: CHl:

*‫ר‬jʎ:k

*hri: *C-la:jު

------rej1 ----

------gej1 Ӕʎjު4

------gej1 gej4

te:ު8 ----

la:j3 xej1

the:ު8 teު

8

la:j6 la:j3

tiaު

7

la:j3 luaj6

----

421

HAN 含

contain

含羞草 Mimosa pudica

GHl:

CHl:

GHl:

*C-ӔXW

汗

sweat

*C-nʅmު

*Cuުʅn

*fhʅ:m

KӔʅnު

*tçʅ:n

*C-ӔXW

*C-nʅmު

*Cuުʅn

(po:m1 fo:m1) ----

----

tshaj1

ƷʅҮ1

-------

----

nom3 ----

ުen1 von

1

汗垢

dirty sweat

1

fo:m

kan6

----

ӔXW7

NDӔ

tso:n1 ----

nam3 ----

ުwan

1

WVRӔ ӔXW7 ӔRN

WVXDӔ

1

ӔRN

8

nam3

nam6

3

3

nam

ުw[om3] [ު]wan1 van1 (van )

‫ۦ‬DӔ

YDӔ

1

1

----

kʅ:n4

----

----

[thaw1]

----

----

ӔDZk7

----

----

nam3

----

QzP

QjP

ުwan1

[ުҬat7]

pQ

vwģn

tsDZ:n1 tu:n

1

ӔXW7

3

nam

----

fuam

kan

ӔXW8

7

[tDZm5]

1

6

tsDZ:n1

nom3 nam

ުan1

NDӔ

tso:n1

fDZ:m1

kan6

3

1

----

fuam

1

khan6

3

ӔXW7

----

fo:m

fDZ:m1

1

Ӕʅt

8

nam6

van

1

----

----

----

----

QDPঔ

YDӔখ

GHl:

*C-nʅmު

----

nam3

nom3

nam3

nam6

----

na:m1

----

----

GHl:

*tha:mު

-------

tha:m3 ----

tha:m3 tha:m3

tha:m3 tha:m3

tha:m3 ----

tha:m3 ----

[nҬa1]

-------

----

*ki:

*khi:

khej1

----

khej1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

k ʎj h

1

k ʎj h

1

----

khej1

----

----

----

khej1

----

----

----

----

422

汗垢

dirty sweat

----

----

ӔXW7

fo:m1

1

kan3

tso:n1

----

fo:m1

旱

dry

旱螞蟥 land leech

旱鴨

land duck

*C-[d/Ȱ]a:n͈ NCHl: *ta:k

*C-ӔDQ͈

*‫ר‬a:n͈

*C-Ӕa:t *tha:k

*C-ӔDQ͈

ra:n2 ӔDZt

2

tha:ު7 ----

ӔDQ2 ӔDQ

1

漢人

Chinese

*C-mʅ:j

*C-mʅ:j

ma:j1 mDZ:

1

ra:n2 ----

the:ު7 ----

ӔDQ2 ----

mo:j1 ----

ra:n2 ----

the:k7 t e:ު h

7

ӔDQ2 ӔDQ

2

ra:n2

la:n2

2

2

UDӔ

the:ު7 t Ҭ: h

2

----

ӔDQ

2

mo:j1

ma:j1

1

1

mo:j

mo:j

la:n2

UDӔ

ӔXDW

the:ު7 t eު h

8

----

----

ȮҬa5

----

----

8

the:ު7 t iaު h

[kha:1]

7

ӔXĦWখ

----

----

----

----

----

----

ma:j4

ma:j1

muʅj1

PiM

----

ga:j2

tuj5

djM

----

ti:1

----

----

[PDӔ1]

GtQ

tlen

----

----

muaj

1

mu:j

4

----

----

HANG 行

row (clsfr)

*rʅ:j͈

*hrʅ:j͈

ra:j2

go:j2

----

----

go:j2 ----

ga:j2 xo:j

2

----

xuaj

2

----

----

HAO 毫豬

好

porcupine

good

*Cʅުdʅj

*lin

*Ȯʅj

*hlin

Ȯaj1 Ȯaj

Ȯaj1

Ȯaj1

Ȯaj1

Ȯaj1

Ȯaj1

1

1

1

1

1

----

Ȯin1

Ѵin1

Ѵeӑ1

Ѵen1

Ѵen1

Ѵin1

1

1

1

1

1

WԬHQ

1

len

Ȯaj

Ѵen

Ȯaj

Ѵen

Ȯaj

Ѵen

Ȯaj

Ѵen

----

ѴHQখ

423

HE 喝

喝

drink

drink

CHl:

*ru:n͈

Meifu: *tʅӔު

和

核

and

fruit pit

*ުXӔ͈ Run:

*ުiw͈ CHl:

*Ci͈a:w

*hru:n͈ *ku:n͈ *thʅӔު

*ުXӔ͈

*C-mʅj *ުiw͈ *ުu:k

------ru:n2 ----

thDӔ3 ----

ުXӔ2 ----

ުiw2 ----

----

hja:w1

---gu:n2 ----

----

hja:w1

----

----

----

(ku:n2) gu:n2

----

gu:n2

ku:n5

----

----

thDZӔ3

[OHӔ5 lem1]

----

----

[Ʒe:1]

~oӔ

----

[hҬʅt7]

----

----

dzP

----

----

----

NXӔ

----

----

2

thRӔ3 t RӔ

4

----

----

------

3

t RӔ

3

t XDӔ

t XDӔ

ުXӔ2

ުXӔ5

ުXDӔ5

ުXӔ5

ުXӔ

2

ުiw2

thRӔ3

----

3

h

ުXӔ2

ӑa:w

NXӔ

2

thRӔ3

ުuު

----

1

----

----

ުu:k7 ----

h

ުXӔ

2

ުu:ު7 ----

h

maj

1

ުuaު7 ----

h

3

maj

1

ުu:ު7 ުuު

7

----

----

----

----

----

HEI 黑色

black

*Cʅުdʅmު

*Ȯʅmު

Ȯom3 ----

Ȯam3 Ȯan

Ȯom3

Ȯam3

Ȯam3

3

3

3

3

Ȯam

han1

han1

Ȯam

Ȯam

Ȯ[ʅ]m3 [tshej1] Ȯam

3

WDPঔ

HENG 橫

horizontal

*C-‫ۦ‬ʅn

*͈ʅn

hen1 ----

----

----

han1

han1

han1

1

1

1

KDӔ

KDӔ

han

[tiam1]

----

424

HONG 烘

烘

bake

bake

*CurҬmު

GHl:

*CuhrҬmު

*ުLӔ

rҬm3

gҬm3

----

----

----

ުiʅӔ

紅色

red

紅螞蟻 red ant

GHl: Qi:

*muc

*Cu‫ۦ‬Ҭ:ު

紅藤

虹

red vine

rainbow

*CʅުJXӔ Run:

CHl:

*hra:nު *hla:t

*hmuc

*Cu͈Ҭ:ު

NXӔ *kat

*C-mʎ:k *tçhomު

ުLӔ

CHl:

*ުok

*ٍ‫ ؛‬un h

----

ga:n3

----

ӔDQ

3

mut7

put7

----

puʎު

hʅҮ3

----

NXӔ1

NXӔ1

NRӔ

kun

1

1

mej3

ts DZ[Ӕ] ުok7 hʅn

1

---3

---ުuk7 ----

ga:n3 -------

4

haҮ3

----

h

*ުok

----

1

ȮHӔ3

kum

1

ުLӔ1

1

gҬm3

----

gҬm6 ‫ۦ‬um

3

-------

----

hҬm6

[ӔXʅt9]

d>@P

----

ުLDӔ1

----

----

----

----

----

----

ުLӔ

1

ga:n3 [DӔ

3

-------

Ѵa:t7

[ѴҬ:n4]

dʎ࡯Ӕ

WODࢤ

----

----

----

----

----

[ު]waҮ3 [ku:t9]

----

----

NXӔ1

kiʅt7

----

----

tsDZӔ2

PqM

----

yN

----

----

----

pʅt

8

hwaҮ3 gwaҮ3 vaҮ3 ----

ӔʅҮ

ӔDҮ

NXӔ1

NXӔ1

NXDӔ1

----

NXӔ

1

----

mҬ

tshun1

----

----

3

----

3

kat

8

meު

tsho[p7] tshom3

----

Ѵa:t7

----

3

ުLӔ

1

----

8

----

kat

7

miaު

----

----

tshun1

tshu[m]1 tDZӔ1

----

----

----

----

[7]

tsh[a]m3 tshDZm3

ts ʅn h

----

1

----

----

425

哄

coax

*CʅުϺʅw Qi:

*tçʅw *tçut

tsaw1

tsaw1

----

----

tsaw1 ----

tsut7

----

tsaw

1

tsҬt7

tsaw

1

----

----

(xDZࡨ:)

----

nDZ:k9 tshDӔ1

(QXࡎN)

----

[mҬ2 tshiaw5]

----

----

hDZ:k8

----

----

pha[:]j3 pha:j5

fjM

----

Ȯu:n3

‫࡯ڠآ‬n

----

t[s]aw

tsҬt7

1

----

HOU 喉嚨

猴子

throat

monkey

GHl: Run:

*C-nok

*khʅ:k *t i:w h

*C-nok

(kho:ު9) kho:ު7 ----

----

nok7

瘊子

wart

*su:c

*shu:c

nDZk

----

tu:t7

tu:t7

ts uʅt h

吼

後面

roar

rear

*C-‫ۦ‬ok

*pʅjު

*͈ok

*phʅjު

hok7

CHl:

NCHl:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]huӑު *Ȯu:nު

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hi:

----

huk7

----

----

phaj3

ph[e]j3

p uj h

*[ٍ/c]uӑު

2

p e:

3

h

tshun3 tsuʅn

3

k o:k h

nuk7

5

kho:k7

3

tshun3 Ȯun

3

7

kho:ު7 k o:k h

7

kho:ު7 t iw h

(lDZ:ު10) [lDZ:k8]

1

t iw h

1

nok7

nok7

noު8

7

nDZk

nDZk7

7

8

8

tu:t7

----

nDZk

tu:c 7 ----

hok7 ----

phaj3 ----

Ȯu:n3 ----

nDZk

sut

nDZk

tu:t7

ts ut

7

h

hok7 hDZk

7

8

----

p aj

3

Ȯu:n3 ts ej h

1

7

hDZk7

hDZk

hDZk

8

pha[:]j3 phaj3 h

ts ut h

----

7

----

Ȯu:n3

(ts ej ) ts ej h

4

h

1

Ȯuʅn3

----

nDZNখ

----

----

----

----

426

後年

two years later

*mu:͈

*C-ӑҬ:

*hmu:͈

*C-ӑҬ:

mow2 Ʒa:

5

two days later

*Ӕwʅn CHl:

*C-ӑҬ:

*hӔwʅn *hmʅjު

*C-ӑҬ:

ӑʅҮ1 ӑow

ven1 ----

ӑʅҮ1 ӑow

1

厚

thick

*C-na:

*C-na:

paw

2

1

後天

paw2

ӑʅҮ1 ӔMʎ:

pow2 ----

ӑʅҮ1

1

----

van1

----

----

ӑʅҮ1 ӔMʎ:

5

paw2

pho:2

2

2

paw

paw

ӑʅҮ1

nʅҮ4

1

1

ӑʅҮ

ӑʅҮ

paj6

----

van4

----

ӑʅҮ1 ----

paj

3

ӑʅҮ1

nʅҮ4

1

1

ӑʅҮ

ӑʅҮ

----

paw ----

ӑʅҮ paj3 paj

ӑʅҮ1 ӑʅҮ

na:4

na:1

1

1

1

1

1

4

na:

----

----

[kҬ2]

YpQ

----

[na:1]

ӑʅࡢҮ

----

now1

na:

----

[tsip7]

----

----

[tshXӔ1]

----

----

[1]

na:1 na:

na:1

6

na:1 na:

----

4

na:1 na:

----

2

na:1 nDZ:

ma:1

na:

----

----

SDMঔ

ӑʅҮখ

QDখ

HU 狐狸

fox

*nom[ު]

*C-muc

*hnom[ު]

*C-muc

nom3 ----

mut7 mʅt

5

------mut7 ----

----

tom4

----

t[u]m

1

muc7 ----

mut7

m[u]t

7

(thum4) tum4 tom

tom

(mut7)

mut7

1

mut

8

4

m[u]t

8

----

----

beard

*mҬ:mު

*hmҬ:mު

mҬ:m3 pҬ:m3 pҬ:m3 pҬ:m6 phu:m6 pҬ:m6 mum2 Ʒu[Ӕ]5 puʎn2 pum3 pum3 pum3 pҬm6

mҬ࡯ ۣm pҬࡢ ۣm SXPঔ

葫蘆

bottle gourd

GHl:

*hra:j͈

(ga:j2)

----

----

ga:j2 ӔDM

2

ga:j2

ga:j2

ha:j2

2

2

2

ga:j

xa:j

xa:j

----

(vuaj ) 2

[Ȯuk7]

----

----

427

鬍子

蝴蝶

butterfly

*mi:ު

*Cilom

蝴蝶

戶

戽水

butterfly

*hljom

mej3 mʎj

1

zom1 ----

pej3 ----

zom1 ----

pҬ(1)

----

pҬ

pҬ

1

zom1

----

zom

zom

4

----

----

Ѵom4

Ѵom4

----

3

----

zom

1

tsom

1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

4

----

----

Qi:

*kʅӔު

mej3

----

----

NDӔ3

NDӔ3

NDӔ3

[ƷDӔ5]

PqM

Qi:

*kʅӔ

mҬӔ1 -------

----

----

NRӔ1

kDZӔ1

kDZӔ1

[ƷҬa1]

mҬࡢ ۣӔ ----

*Ȯun

Ȯun1

Ȯun1

Ȯun1

Ȯun1

Ȯun1

ȮҬn1

WXӔ1

d~Q

----

1

1

vet7

----

----

[ӔҬa1]

‫آ‬ʎࡢӔ

----

household clsfr *Cʅުdun

bail water

*hmi:ު

*wi:t

NWCHl:

*hwi:t *f ʅ:j h

----

----

vi:t7

f[DZj]

----

----

vi:t7 1

fDZj

1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ȮRӔ

hwi:t7 ----

----

----

ȮRӔ

vi:t8

Ȯʅn

1

vi:[ު]8

v[e]t

7

vit

8

vi:t7

v[e]t

8

----

----

----

----

HUA 花

flower

*ٍ[ʎ@Ӕ

*ٍ‫؛‬h[e@Ӕ

tshHӔ1 hʎӔ

1

花邊/紋 lace, pattern

*pa:nު

*pha:nު

pha:n3 ----

tshHӔ1 ----

pha:n3 ----

tshHӔ1 ts HӔ

tshHӔ1

tshHӔ1

tshHӔ1

1

1

ts HӔ

1

ts LDӔ

ts LDӔ

pha:n3

pha:n3

pha:n3

pha:n3

h

----

h

p DӔ h

3

h

p DӔ h

3

h

1

p uan h

3

t‫ آ‬LDӔখ h

[liaw4 ӔҬa1]

fjQ

----

----

428

滑

滑脫

slippery

slip off

*Cʅުgi:t Qi:

*m-lʅc Run:

*ki:t

*hӑҬ:n *m-lʅc

*m-lҬt

ki:t7 kit

ki:t7

2

----

----

lat7

----

----

ki:t7 kit

7

plac7 ----

tsҬ:n4 kit

[8]

----

plat

tshҬ:n4 tsҬ:n4 ----

kit

----

plat[9]

plʅt

7

NL ࡎet

----

[mut7]

----

----

[kua4]

----

----

----

----

----

[ުaj1]

]Dࡎ

tʎࡎk

----

----

[tsʅӔ2]

----

----

law1

----

----

7

plʅt

7

ӑҬan5

7

nҬnঔ

----

HUAI 懷念

懷孕

壞

yearn

pregnant

bad

(*C-ӔXp) GHl: GHl: Run:

*Ci[d/Ȱ]a:k

(*C-ӔXp) *C-ӔXM͈ *ުʅ:m

*hj[a]:Ӕު *‫ר‬ja:k

ӔXS7 ----

zow3 ----

za:ު7 lʎk

4

壞 (蛋) rotten (egg)

*Cura:wު

*Cuhra:wު

ӔXM2 ----

ުo:m1 ----

ze:ު7 leު

4

(ga:w3) ga:w3 va:

3

----

ӔXM2 ----

ުo:m1 ----

---ӔXM

----

ުo:m1 ުo:m

1

re:k7

te:ު8

7

2

te:ު

tҬ:

ӔXM2

----

2

ӔRS

----

8

ުDZ:m1

3

]LDӔ

]LDӔ

the:ު8

te:ު8

teު

8

gwa:w3 gwa:w6 va:w6 ----

----

va:w

WRӔ3

fa:j1

fa:j1

3

6

tiaު

7

hwa:w6 [tsum1 luʅӔ2] va:w

3

----

----

tʎުখ

----

HUAN 緩慢

換

slow

change clothes

GHl: Qi:

*C-lʅw

*hnʅӔު *f ʅ:j h

*C-lʅw

WXӔ1 ----

law1

----

law1 ----

----

WRӔ

3

----

fa:j1

WXDӔ

6

law1

law1

law4

law1

1

1

1

4

law

law

law

law

----

----

429

----

WRӔ3

換

exchange

CHl:

*m-lʅj

---laj

----

pjʎު

4

plaj1 4

paj

4

plaj1 plaj

paj1

plaj1

----

1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

HUANG 荒地

黃蜂

wasteland

wasp

NCHl:

*Ȯa:wު

GHl:

KPXӔ

*m-lu:

*m-lu:

----

----

Ȯaw -------

----

low1

low1

low

wasp

GHl:

*thin

t e[Ӕ] h

黃蜂

wasp

t en h

SXӔ1 ----

pow

theӑ1

1

Ȯa:w

SXӔ4 SXӔ

----

plow1 plow

1

then1 t en h

----

3

1

1

thin1 1

----

----

plow1

----

----

----

----

SXӔ1

4

黃蜂

----

----

3

1

Ȯa:w

3

----

phXDӔ4

----

[fa:2]

----

----

pow1

plow1

law1

l۠ࡢw

----

thin1

----

----

----

----

plow

1

then1 t en h

----

plow

1

then1

1

----

----

----

*hmi:ު

mej3

pej3

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

*C-la:͈

*C-la:͈

la:2

la:2

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ӑiw1 ӑi:w4

naw1

ӑtZ ----

----

ѴHӔ4

[tsaj4]

zʎࡢӔ

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

黃牛

cow

*C-ӑiw

*C-ӑiw

ӑiw1 ----

ӑiw1 ӔMLZ1

ӑiw1 ----

ӑiw1 ӑiw1

niw4 ӑew1

黃色

yellow

*Cil[a]Ӕ

*hlj[a]Ӕ

(]HӔ1) ]HӔ1

]HӔ1

ѴHӔ4

ѴHӔ4

4

4

1

----

]HӔު

]HӔ

----

]HӔ

----

(]LDӔ ) WVLDӔ 4

4

----

----

‫ޓ‬LDӔখ

430

*mi:ު

HUI 灰色

揮動

回

回來

grey

GHl:

NCHl:

*hma:w͈ *m-OXӔ͈

----

pa:w2

----

----

----

SOXӔ

2

*wit

*hwit

vit7

vit7

hwec7

vet8

trip clsfr

*CʅުbҬ:͈

*ƷҬ:͈

ƷʅҮ2

ku:n1

ku:n1

ku:n1

come back

NWCHl:

GHl:

*mҬ:

*ުu:j

*ku:n

*hmҬ:

*C-lҬӔ

ުuʅj1

ުuj1

----

mʅҮ1 ----

lҬӔ1 lҬʅӔ

1

會

SXӔ

2

to wave

*C-lҬӔ

回去

pa:w2

go back

able

*mҬ:

*Cʅުgi:w NWCHl: Run:

*hmҬ:

*ki:w

*k uӔ h

*hmʅҮު

mʅҮ1 ----

ki:w1 k RӔ h

1

vet7

----

pʅҮ1 pʎު

4

lҬӔ1 lʎn

1

pʅҮ1 pʎު

4

ki:w1 k RӔ h

1

----

vet7

----

SOXӔ

2

ƷʅҮ

ku:n1

[lem1]

bʅࢌҮ

----

p[a:j]4

pʅ:4

mʅࡢҮ

pʅҮ

----

----

lҬࡢ ۣӔ

----

p[a:j]4

pʅ:4

mʅࡢҮ

----

kiw1

PDࡎ

----

----

lҬӔ1

----

----

pʅҮ1

p[a:]Ү4 phʅҮ4

p[aj]

ki:w1 ----

1

lҬӔ1

pʅҮ

paҮ

ki:w1

----

1

kiw

1

----

----

ku:n1

vet8

paҮ

4

----

[viʅn4]

p[a:]Ү4 phʅҮ4

lҬӔ1

SOXӔ

[phu:1]

5

[f]it7

----

lҬӔ1

----

----

vet8

2

pʅҮ1

----

1

paҮ

3

----

paҮ

4

----

paҮ

4

ki:w1 paҮ

6

----

SDOখ

----

----

----

431

HUN 昏迷

混合

混雜

unconscious

blend

mix

*nʅp Run:

*C-ӑu:k

CHl:

CHl:

*hnʅp

*hlʅmު

*hmʅw͈ *C-ӑu:k

*‫ר‬om

*‫ר‬ʅp

nop7 ----

ӑu:ު7 -------

tap7

top7

----

tap7

ӑu:ު7 ӑuު

4

ȮҬm1

----

----

zap7 ----

Ȯaު7 ----

ӑu:k7 ----

----

tap7

----

rop7 ----

----

paw5

paw2

Ѵem3

ӑu:ު7 ӑuk

7

rom1

----

----

----

----

[le:w1]

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

paj1

(pej)

IpM

tham3

tham1

‫آ‬tQ

----

khaj1

khaj1

xiM

----

Ѵom3

----

ӑu:ު7

ӑuk

ӑuު

8

[7]

rom4

lom4

(lDZm4)

1

1

4

rom

rom

rop8

[t]om

l[o]p9

rap

lap8

rap

7

[t]ap

8

8

----

----

----

----

HUO 火

火把

fire

torch

GHl:

*[c/ç]in Qi:

*fhi:

*tçhin *t ʅm h

(pej1) ----

tshin1 ----

fej1

fej1

fej1

fej1

1

1

1

1

fʎj

fej

tshin1 ----

fej

tsheӑ1 ----

fej1

fej

tham3 ts en h

1

f ej h

tham3

ts e[ު] h

8

1

----

fʎMখ

----

JI 雞

chicken

*[k/x]ʅj

*khʅj

khaj1 1

k aj h

1

khaj1 k aj h

1

khaj1 k aj h

1

khaj1 k aj h

1

k aj h

1

k DMখ h

432

k aj h

khaj1

雞冠

cockscomb

雞冠花 cockscomb flower

*Cʅުdʎ:͈ CHl:

*ٍ[ʎ@Ӕ

CHl:

*[k/x]ʅj

雞蝨

雞窩

積累

積水

chicken louse

chicken roost

accumulate

accumulate water

*jʅwު

*Ȯe:͈

*f i:w͈ h

*ٍ‫؛‬h[e@Ӕ

*fhi:w͈

*khʅj

*hjʅwު

Run:

*hjʅw͈

*C-[d/Ȱ]u:k

*‫ר‬u:k

Qi:

*ٍҬ:mު Qi:

*C-nʅmު

*Cu[d/Ȱ][ʎ@Ӕު

*m-lʅ:mު *ٍ‫؛‬hҬ:mު *‫ڛ‬Ҭ:mު

*C-nʅmު

*Cu‫[ר‬e@Ӕު

Ȯe:2

Ȯe:2

----

----

tshHӔ1 ----

raw3 ----

khaj1 ----

zow3 zaw

3

ru:ު7 lok

fi:w2

4

fiw

----

Ȯe:2

----

fiw

3

---4

k aj h

zaw3 zo:

zo:

----

ts LDӔ h

1

fiw

k aj

1

fi:w5

pi:w5

----

----

khaj1

khaj1

----

----

[tshi:t7 fow1]

----

----

lu:ު8

----

----

----

----

na:m1

----

----

[vҬ:n4]

----

----

ts LDӔ

zo:[3]

zDZ:3 zo:

2

ruk

tshҬ:m3 tshҬ:m3 tshҬm3 fҬ:m6

----

1

k aj

zo:

----

----

h

h

plo:m3 luaު8

----

[ӔҬa1]

tshHӔ1

1

h

3

----

5

----

khaj1

zo:6

3

tshHӔ1

2

khaj1

----

h

fiw5

2

----

zow3

ts HӔ

1

fi:w5

----

----

tshHӔ1

pi:w5

f iw

2

h

----

khaj1

luު

tshHӔ1

fi:w5

fiw

2

----

----

fiw5

fiw

[1]

tshHӔ1

[ӑ]DZ:

fi:w5

1

5

plDZ:m3 ----

8

vu:m6

hum

----

ts um

ts um

nom3

nam3

nom3

nam3

nam6

3

nam

nam3

3

6

nam

YHӔ3

IHӔ6

IHӔ6

IHӔ6

3

3

3

6

3

----

UHӔ3 YHӔ

3

----

UHӔ3 ----

h

3

----

NHӔ

h

3

nam

‫ۦ‬HӔ

ts um

vҬ:m3 vҬam1

h

3

ILDӔ

ts om h

3

ILDӔ

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

433

麂子

忌嘴

忌日

muntjac

taboo food

death

anniversary

*C-lʅ:j

*C-Ӕʅc

GHl:

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅw͈ CHl: 忌諱

祭祀

taboo

sacrifice

GHl:

*Cʅުbʅn Run:

*C-lʅ:j

*C-Ӕʅc

KӔZʅn

*Cu͈ʅw͈

*C-mʅwު *C-mʅwު

*Ʒʅn

*C-li:͈ *ٍ‫ ؛‬ʅ:j

la:j1 lDZ:

1

Ӕ[e]t7 ----

(van1) ----

haw2 ----

lo:j1 lDZj

1

ӔDW7 ----

van1 ----

haw2 ----

(maw3) maw3 ----

----

----

Ʒan1

----

----

lo:j1

la:j1

1

1

lo:j

luaj

ӔDF7

ӔDW7

ӔDW8

ӔDW7

7

7

7

8

lo:j

ӔDW

hwan1 ----

ӔDW

la:j4

ӔDW

hairbun

(*C-ӑet) CHl:

(*C-ӑet) *f unު h

----

ӑet7 ----

ӔDW

van1

1

1

4

van

YDӔ

hwow2 maw3

van

maw6

mow3

6

3

----

ӔDZ

mow3

maw3

maw6

mow3

3

3

6

----

Ʒan1 ----

2

maw Ʒan1

(Ʒan ) 1

maw

maw Ʒan1 lej

ts uaj

maw

maw ---lej

2 1

ts u:j h

fun3

fun3

fun3

3

3

3

3

IRӔ

IRӔ

----

----

ӔDW9

----

----

vDZ:n1

----

----

ma:w1

----

----

ma:w1

----

----

----

----

----

pDZӔ1

----

----

----

hʎࡢ:p

----

2

fun3 IRӔ

lej1

4

van4

h

ӑet[9]

lu:j

1

van4

h

髻

la:j1

fʅn

OXDMখ

----

----

----

----

----

1

----

JIA 夾

press under arm *C-‫ۦ‬ʎ:p

*͈e:p

he:p7 ----

he:p7 ----

he:p7 ----

he:p7 he:p

7

-------

he:p7 ----

----

434

夾

甲蟲

press together

beetle

*[c/ç]i:p CHl:

*mi:ު

*C-[d/Ȱ]a:p

假如

架

嫁

if

handle clsfr

marry

*C-la:jު

GHl:

*[k/x]u:jު CHl:

*tçhi:p *t i:p h

*hmi:ު

*‫ר‬a:p

*C-la:jު

*fhi:nު

*khu:jު

*hmҬ:

tshi:p7 ----

mej3 ----

ra:p7 ----

la:j3 ----

phi:n3 ----

khu:j3 ----

tshi:p7 ----

pej3

----

pҬ

1

ra:p7

thi:p7 ts ip h

pҬ(1)

----

laު

tshi:p7

7

---pҬ

3

[kҬ2]

----

----

[pa:p8]

----

----

----

----

----

----

ften

----

pʅ:4 low5

xuoj

----

[Ѵiʅk8 khua1]

----

----

[vet10]

Yý YDক

----

[vҬam1]

v‫ࡢڠ‬n

----

----

----

8

3

la:j

----

----

8

3

fi:n3 ----

pʅҮ1 ----

la:j

fi:n3 ILӔ

3

ra:p ---la:j

ra:p

la:j3 luaj

3

fi:n3 ILӔ

3

6

fi:n3 ILӔ

3

p[a:Ү] 4 -------

t LSখ

----

----

7

la:j3

---h

7

la:j3

khu:j3

7

la:p8

ra:p

----

t ip h

la:p8

la:j3

----

7

ra:p8

la:p

fi:n3

t ip h

thi:p7

ra:p7

4

----

thi:p7

p[a:j]4

----

p ʅҮ[ު] h

7

----

----

----

----

----

JIAN 尖刀

dagger

*Ciliwު

*hljiwު

ziw3 ----

ziw3

ziw3

Ѵiw6

3

3

3

ziw

zʎw

liw

Ѵiw6 zew

3

Ѵiw6

tsi:w

6

shoulder

*C-ba:͈

*‫ڛ‬a:͈

va:2 vDZ:5

va:2 va:2

va:2 va:2

fa:2 va:2

va:2 (va:5)

va:5 va:2

撿

collect

*sip

*ship

tip7

vun1

vun1

fun4

vun4

vun1

7

1

GHl:

*‫ڛ‬un

(sip ) 2

feު

4

----

sep

YRӔ

(vun ) 1

----

435

肩膀

----

剪

cut

碱(水) alkali (water)

見

件

劍

濺

箭

箭

see

clothing clsfr

sword

splash

arrow

arrow

*rʅp

NCHl: GHl:

*C-la:jު

*fʅnު

GHl:

*[c/ç]in͈

*C-Ӕʅ:t NCHl: *si:p

*hrʅp

*hrʅ:p *hjʅ:k

*C-la:jު

*fhʅnު

*kҬ:m͈

*tçhin͈

*C-Ӕʅ:t *hlʅmު *shi:p

----

gap8

----

lDZު

4

(zo:ު7) zo:ު7 zak

----

2

la:j3

la:(j)

la:j3 3

[p]en3 -------

laj

3

----

ro:p

zo:k7 ----

7

zo:ު8 zo:k

WԬDm

3

ti:p7

----

----

----

zDZ:ު8

----

[na:m1 fa:1]

----

----

[maj1 tshuʅӔ5]

OjM

----

pa:n1

[p]qQ

----

----

zoު

7

----

zoު

8

8

la:j3

la:j3

la:j6

3

3

3

luaj

la:j

la:j

la:j

la:j3 6

fan3

fan3

fan3

3

3

3

3

3

fan

----

ӔDW7

----

fan3

----

5

----

fan3

tsh[e]n2 tshin2

----

[k]ap7

IDӔ

IDӔ

IDӔ

kҬ:m2 kҬ:m2 ----

----

WԬLQ

gop7

ӔRW7 ----

ti:p7 ----

----

kҬm

tsheӑ2

tshen5

ts en h

ӔRW7 ----

ti:p7 ----

2

2

ts en h

2

ӔRW7 ӔRN ti:p7

7

(tip ) 7

fan

----

----

----

IDӔঔ

----

----

----

----

----

tshen5

tshin5

tshit7

----

----

ӔҬʅt7

----

----

[pe:1]

----

----

----

----

ts en h

2

----

5

ӔDZ:t7

Ѵam

3

ti:p7

ts ip h

ts en h

8

Ѵam

3

ti:p7

ts ip h

7

----

----

----

t‫ آ‬LSখ h

436

JIANG 薑

繮繩

降

ginger

*kҬӔ

*khҬӔ

khҬӔ1 khҬӔ1 khҬӔ1 khҬӔ1 khҬDӔ1 khҬӔ1 khҬʅӔ5 ----

khHӔ1

khҬӔ1

khҬӔ1

khҬӔ1

khҬӔ1

xҬۣӔ

----

reins

*mʅn

*hmʅn

men1

pan1

pan1

pan4

phan4

pan4

puʅn4

PpQ

----

ta:w1

----

----

ƷDZ:k7tha:1

(bDZࡎ:)

----

phDZӔ1

IjӔ

YD࡯:ࢌ j

tҬn1

----

----

----

te:ު7

tshҬa5

WDࡎ

----

haw4

KiZ

----

fall

NCHl: *ٍҬ:ު

*Ȯʅ:j

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hҬ:ު

ȮDZ:(j)

1

tshʅҮ3 ----

ȮDZj

pan

1

Ȯ[DZ]:j

4

tshaҮ3 ----

tshaҮ3

1

tshaҮ3

ts a[w] ts ʅҮ h

3

h

3

SDӔ

pan

1

4

tshaҮ3

tshaҮ3

ts aҮ h

ts aҮ

3

h

3

khҬӔখ

----

----

JIAO 交換

澆水

教

嚼

角

exchange

to water

teach

chew

horn

GHl: CHl:

*pʅӔު

*sun

*sa:k

NWCHl: *C-‫ۦ‬ʅw

(*Ʒʅ:k) *m-lʅj

*phʅӔު

*shun

*sha:k

*p [a]:k

(Ʒo:ު7) Ʒo:ު7 laj

pjʎު

4

phDӔ3 ----

4

phRӔ3 p DZn h

tun1

3

tun1

----

----

ta:ު7

plaj1 paj

4

phRӔ3 ----

phRӔ3 p RӔ

3

tun1

tun1

1

1

te:k7

te:ު7

p XDӔ h

3

ts RӔ h

1

te:ު7

phDZӔ3 p XDӔ h

3

----

haw1

haw1

haw1

haw1

haw1

haw1

1

1

1

1

1

1

haw

haw

2

haw

h

haw

8

ts iaު h

haw

7

----

----

----

----

hģZখ

437

haw

4

ts eު

plaj

1

*͈ʅw

h

sҬ:

phDZӔ3

tun1

VRӔ

1

p ʎk

2

----

pl[Ҭ]j

plaj1

h

h

p ʎު

plaj

paj1

1

h

VRӔ

te:ު7

plaj1

角落

腳

corner

leg

MXӔ

*kok

KMXӔ

*khok

]XӔ1 ----

khok7 k ok h

腳趾

攪拌

toe

stir

叫 (馬) cry (horse)

叫 (馬) cry (horse)

叫 (鳥) cry (bird)

叫做

覺

be called

sleep clsfr

*sit

Run: *C-‫ۦ‬un͈ CHl:

GHl:

CHl:

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅӔ

*CʅުϺa:n

*puj

*shit

*hlji:Ӕ͈ *͈un͈

*hrun͈ *ުLӔB

*ki:k

*‫ר‬ʅӔ

*tça:n

*phuj

tit7

khuk7 k oު h

4

----

hun2 ----

ӔDw1 -------

kiʅk

hun2 ----

ުLӔ2 -------

2

UDӔ1 ----

tsa:n1 ----

phuj1 p DZj

----

1

kiު

4

URӔ1 ----

tsa:n1 ----

phuj1 ----

]XӔ1 ]XӔ

4

tit7

----

h

k DZk

7

tec7

khok7 k DZk h

7

(sip ) 7

gun2 JRӔ

[4]

ުLӔ2

[RӔ

kik

----

8

tet7 ]LӔ

URӔ

1

k DZk h

hun2

(k RӔ ) h

p uj

p uj

----

----

[la:5]

K‫ټ‬Q

----

----

----

----

kiaު7

kiak7

----

----

----

lDZӔ4

lDZӔ4

[hu:1]

diӔ

----

[kow4]

t‫آ‬iQ

----

[lem1]

----

----

----

----

UXDӔ

1

----

UXDӔ

4

1

1

tsap9 tsia4

ӔiZ

1

h

k DZNখ

[kow4]

1

1

----

----

1

h

xyN

----

----

tsa:n1

phuj1

hDZ:k9

5

tsa:n1

phuj1

----

h

tsa:n1 WVDӔ

----

7

tsa:n1 WVDӔ

tshuʅӔ1 tshDZ:k9

2

----

URӔ4

khDZk7

WVLӔ

5

[RӔ

7

]XӔ

(tet7)

2

kiaު7

ro:Ӕ1

k DZk h

2

ުLӔ

7

khoު7

(la:5)

2

----

]XӔ

]XӔ1 4

gun2

----

----

]XDӔ4 1

tet7

----

kik

]XӔ

1

khok7 h

]XӔ1

WVDӔ

phuj1 p oj h

1

tuan

phuj1

p ow h

1

----

----

----

----

----

438

JIE

2

]XӔ1

結果

bear fruit

*CʅުϺLӔ

WoLӔ

WVLӔ1 tsiʅӔ

1

*ٍʅ:m

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:m

tsham1 ham

1

結束

結束

接

揭開

conclude

conclude

connect

uncover

GHl:

*Cʅުba:jު Run:

*ުҬ:

*Cu‫ۦ‬a:Ӕ Qi:

Run: 節

劫

姐夫

joint; node

rob

HOGHUVLVWHU·V

GHl:

*jʅwު

*Ʒa:jު *Ʒʅ:jު *ުҬ:

*Cu͈a:Ӕ

*C-l[a]:k *hwa:͈ *thun͈

*ki:t

*hjʅwު

------Ʒa:j3 ----

ުʅҮ1 ----

KDӔ1 ----

thun2 ---------zaw3 ----

tsin

1

WVLӔ1 ----

WVLDӔ1

WVLDӔ1

WVLӔ

WVLDӔ1

WVLӔ

1

WVHӔ1

----

1

----

----

----

----

[lʅ:j2]

----

----

----

bjM

----

[tsu:5]

----

----

lҬa5

KjӔ

----

[tow1]

th‫ټ‬Q

----

tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tshDZ:m1 tshDZ:m1 mҬat7 hDZn

----

ts o:m

ts uam ts uam

tsho:p7

tsho:p7

tsho:p7

----

1

sDZު

4

------ުʅҮ1 ----

le:ު7 ----

thun2 ----

ki:t7 ----

zaw3 ----

h

----

1

ts o:p h

----

7

----

----

----

zaw3 zo:

3

8

---Ʒa:j3 Ʒu:j

3

1

1

1

ުʅҮ

thun5

----

----

ުʅҮ1

thun2

ki:t7

1

ުʅҮ1

----

t RӔ

3

h

ުʅҮ1

----

2

ts uap h

Ʒuaj

KZHӔ1 le:ު7

h

1

Ʒa:j3

----

ުʅҮ1

h

t RӔ h

2

----

ުʅҮ

le:ު8 va:

2

thun5 t RӔ h

2

ުʅҮ

le:ު[9] va:

2

thҬn5 t ʅn h

5

----

----

----

----

----

YDগ

----

----

----

----

----

----

zo:6

zo:6

zDZ:3

tsi:w1

----

----

3

3

6

kit

7

zo:

----

zo:

----

zo:

----

----

439

husband

*tun͈

*tçhʅ:p

WVLӔ1

姐姐

解剖

elder sister

cut open

(fish belly) 疥瘡

scabies

*ުi:͈ CHl:

*Cʅުbuj͈

*C-ni:ު

*ުi:͈

*k Ҭ:ު

ުej2

ުej2

h

----

*Ʒuj͈

Ʒuj2

*C-ni:ު

ƷDZj

k aw h

Ʒuj2 ----

5

nej3

*khom

----

ӔZʅn

KӔZʅn

ven1

----

----

----

[ު]aҮ3 khaҮ3 k ʅҮ

ުej

Ʒuj2

Ʒuj5

Ʒuj5

2

2

2

Ʒuj

naj3

----

GHl:

3

khaҮ3

h

3

Ʒuj

2

Ʒoj

khaҮ3

[ުu:1]

ɮM

----

Ʒuj5

puj1

----

----

na:j1

nej

----

----

Ʒow

5

naj3

naj3

naj6

naj3

3

3

3

6

naj

naj

naj

naj

ʎMক

----

----

kh[Ҭ]m1 khom1

khom1

khom1

khum1

kham1

----

----

van1

van4

van4

van1

vDZ:n1

YpQ

----

4

nʎ:5

QɮM

----

[tat7]

dtew

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

JIN 今天

today

hon

vanު

4

*C-ni:͈ Run: 筋

tendon

*ri:w Qi:

Run: 僅

only

GHl:

*C-ni:͈

*C-ne:͈ *hri:w

*hwʅn

*C-ӑi:w *C-mʅnު

nej2

n[a:]

5

ri:w1 ----

hwan1 1

1

YDӔ

1

YDӔ

van

nej2

nej2

nej5

nej2

nej5

2

3

2

2

2

nʎj

4

gi:w1 ----

(man3) man3 ----

----

YDӔ

nej

gi:w1 ----

man3 ----

nej

ne:

ne:

van4

van4

van1

1

1

4

xiw

-------

ӑiw

-------

ӑiw

man3 ----

YDӔখ

nʎক

ӑLZখ

----

440

緊

緊

緊密

近

進

浸泡

tight

pull tight

dense

near

enter

soak

*mʅ:nު Qi:

*CʅުgҬӔ

*ti:t

*m-lҬ:ު

NWCHl: *lu:t

CHl:

*hmʅ:nު *hwʅt *kҬӔ

*thi:t

*m-lҬ:ު *͈i:t

*hlu:t

*‫ר‬ok

man3 ----

kҬӔ1 ----

thi:t7 ----

lʅҮ3 hit

2

Ȯu:t7 ------lDZk

4

浸泡

禁母

po:n3 pDZn

3

kҬӔ1 ----

thi:t7 ----

laҮ3 hiު

4

po:n3

po:n6

3

3

SXDӔ

kҬӔ1

kҬӔ1

SRӔ

kҬӔ1 ----

SRӔ

kʅӔ

1

thi:t7

t it

h 7

3

kʅӔ

plaҮ3

3

3

plʅҮ

[ki:n2]

----

----

kҬӔ5

kҬࡢ Ӕ

----

thi:t7

[ni:t9]

----

----

plaҮ3

la:1

lʅ࡯Ү

plʅ࡯Ү

[thaw4]

----

----

----

----

----

pu:n

kҬӔ1

(kʅӔ )

thi:t[9] t it

paҮ3

plaҮ

3

----

plaҮ

3

Ѵu:t7

Ѵu:t7

Ѵu:t7

Ѵu:t7

4

7

7

8

Ѵuk

rok8

loު8

lDZk8

8

8

luު

---laު

4

Ѵuk

Ѵuk

rok7 lDZު

----

7

3

2

h 7

plaҮ3 plaҮ

hwat7

2

thi:t[9]

----

vat7

Ѵu:t7 Ѵut

7

rDZk

rDZk

----

----

----

SODOঔ

ѴXNখ

ҀDZNখ

soak

GHl:

*Ȯʅ:mު

(Ȯo:m3) Ȯo:m3 ----

----

Ȯo:m3

Ȯo:m3

----

ȮDZ:m3

tsiʅm4

----

----

witch

*mi:ު

*hmi:ު

mej3

(mej3)

paj3

pi:6

phi:6

pi:6

ma:j5

----

----

3

3

3

6

kim1

----

----

Qi:

*Cʅުgimު

*hmiު *kimު

----

kim3 ----

----

kim3 ----

----

paj

----

paj

----

paj

----

paj

kim3

kim3

kim3

kim3

3

3

3

3

kem

kem

kem

kem

----

----

----

441

禁忌

prohibit

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅw͈

*Cu͈ʅw͈

haw2

haw2

----

hwow2 go:5

----

vo:5

[ma:w1]

----

----

ӔDZ

ӔDZ

hwa:j1

gwa:j1

va:j1

hwa:j1

----

----

----

mu:n3

mut7

mut8

----

muʅt9

Pon

----

(tsiam1) (tsiam1) tsiam1

----

----

nam6

nam3

na:m1

----

----

3

6

[tam1]

----

----

thDZӔ5

(th‫ټ‬Ӕ)

----

2

ӔDZ

hDZ:5

2

2

----

----

JING 經過

精稻

pass

ECHl:

*Cu͈ʅ:j

----

----

non-glutinous

*C-mu:nު

*C-mu:nު

mu:n3

mu:n3

rice

CHl:

*C-mҬ:ު CHl: 精液

semen

*C-nʅmު

CHl:

NCHl: 井

a well

GHl: CHl:

*C-muc

*C-mҬ:ު *tçi:mު

*C-nʅmު

*m-l[a]:Ӕ *hli:k

*thoӔ͈

*tçXӔު

----

----

----

mʅҮ3 ----

nom3 ----

tsu:2

----

nam3 ----

----

(thXӔ2) ts RӔ

3

4

mʅҮ3

QDӔ2

----

h

muʎު

----

thXӔ2 ----

----

tsi:m3 ----

----

----

mot

tsi:m3 tsim

3

nom3 ----

nam3 ----

[ު]ik

----

tshXӔ3

tshXӔ3

----

ts XӔ h

8

----

3

----

mʅt

8

----

nam

pl[o]Ӕ2 SOHӔ1 7

----

nam

SHӔ1

SOHӔ1

7

7

Ѵit

-------

Ѵiު

-------

----

----

----

QDPঔ

ѴLWখ

thRӔগ

442

頸瘤

neck tumor

*ٍʅ:m

*CiloӔު Qi:

Run:

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:m

*hljoӔު *k ʅ:k h

*t i:w

tsham1 ----

]RӔ3 ----

tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tshDZ:m1 tshDZ:m1 [pam2] ----

----

----

ts uam ts uam

]XӔ3

]RӔ3

khDZ:ު7

khDZ:ު7

]DӔ

----

3

h

----

1

t iw h

1

h

----

----

[ުDZ:5]

----

----

fʅ:1

pʅ࡯Ү

fʅҮ

[ުjDZ:t9]

NýZ

----

Ӕj:w

----

[Ȯi:n5]

----

----

hDZ:m4

----

----

----

----

----

1

(ުDZ:5) t iw h

1

----

----

h

JIU 九

久

nine

long ago

*C-wҬ:ު

*Cʅުga:wު

*C-wҬ:ު

*ka:wު

pʅҮ3 ----

酒窩

酒藥

alcohol

dimple

k.o. medicine

*C-ӔDZ͈ NWCHl: *C-nʅ:k

*C-lҬ:mު CHl:

NECHl:

*C-ӔDZ͈ *p u: h

ka:w3 ka:w

*C-nʅ:k

*C-lҬ:mު *Cu͈om

*hja:

ӔDZ2 p ew h

1

naު7 ----

lҬ:m3 ----------

faҮ3

faw

kwaҮ

3

3

酒

faҮ3

3

ka:w3 kaw

3

Ӕa:w3 p ʎw h

1

to:ު7 ----

lҬ:m3 ----------

faҮ3 ‫ۦ‬ʅҮ

3

faҮ3

faҮ3

3

3

faҮ

faҮ

ka:w3

ka:w3

ka:w3

ka:w3

3

3

3

3

ka:w

ӔDZ3 ӔDZ

2

to:k7 ----

ka:w

ӔDZ5 ----

to:ު8 to:k

7

hwom1 gom1

ka:w

ӔDZ2 ----

(Ӕʅ:w5) Ӕʅ:w2 ӔDZ

2

---toު

ka:w

---tDZު

8

vom1

hum1

ӔRP

----

----

----

----

----

4

1

1

4

1

za:

za:

ӔRP

8

1

za:

Ҫom

4

za:

IDOঔ

----

----

----

----

----

443

舊

舊

臼

old

*C-ma:n

*C-ma:n

----

mDZn

ma:n1 1

ma:n4

1

1

1

PDӔ

PDӔ

PDӔ

ma:n1

----

----

----

----

PDӔখ

GHl:

*khʅw͈

khaw2

khaw2

khaw2

----

----

----

hi:w1

ࢌ ) ([D࡯Z

----

mortar

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅw

*‫ר‬ʅw

raw1

raw1

raw1

raw4

law4

law4

lu:4

driw

----

4

1

1

4

ni:4

----

----

mi:4

----

----

----

Ȯʎ࡯Ӕ

----

[ti:1]

----

----

[tuʅӔ5]

---KRPখ

----

PRWKHU·V

younger brother 舅母

ma:n1

old

----

law

4

舅父

----

ma:n1

PRWKHU·V

\EURWKHU·VZLIH

*nҬ:ު

*mi:

*hnҬ:ު

*hmi:

nʅҮ3 nDZ:

3

m[i:]1 ----

----

lawު

4

taҮ3 ----

pej1 ----

----

law

taҮ3 ----

----

----

raw

taҮ6 tʅҮ

----

raw

thaҮ6

taҮ6 taҮ

pej4

phej4

pej4

1

4

4

pej

taҮ

raw

5

3

pej1

----

(pej )

2

pej

----

----

----

pʎMক

JU 橘黃

舉

句

orange

lift

speech clsfr

*CʅުGDӔު

*Ci[d/Ȱ]Ҭn͈

GHl: NECHl:

*ȮDӔު

*‫ר‬jҬn͈

*f[a]:k *͈om

ȮHӔ3 ----

zҬn2 ----

Ȯen2 ----

ȮHӔ3 ----

zҬn2 ----

fe:ު7 ----

ȮHӔ3

ȮHӔ3

ȮHӔ3

3

ȮHӔ

ȮHӔ3

3

3

3

rҬn2

tҬn2

ȮHӔ

----

fe:k7 ----

tʅӔ

2

fe:ު7 hom1

ȮLDӔ ---tʅӔ

2

fe:ު7 hom1

ȮLDӔ

tҬn2 tʅn

5

fe:ު7 ----

----

W±Ӕগ

444

JUAN 聚集

圈

assemble

animal pen

*tu:nު

NECHl: *su:n͈

*thu:nު

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] umު h

*shu:n͈

thu:n3 ----

tu:n2 ---

thu:n3 ----

thu:n3

ts um h

tu:n2 fun

2

3

tu:n2 ----

thu:n3

ts um h

3

tu:n5 VXӔ

2

thu:n3

ts um h

3

tu:n5

[OHӔ5lem1]

----

----

[lDZӔ5]

----

----

hjDZ:n3

----

----

----

ka:n5

[kҬ:t9]

----

----

ts um h

3

tu:n5

ts XӔ h

thu:n3

2

ts un h

5

----

----

JUE 蕨草

fern

GHl:

GHl:

*Ci͈ʅ:nު

*ka:n͈

tҬ:n3 ----

WXӔ1 ----

ho:n3 ----

ka:n2 ----

hjo:n3 ----

ka:n2 ----

zo:n3 ----

----

ӑXDӔ

3

ka:n5 NDӔ

2

ka:n5

----

(NDӔ ) kuan 5

5

----

----

KAI 開

開荒

開荒

open up

develop land

develop land

*tҬ:n GHl:

*mʅc

Qi:

*thҬ:n

*Cuٍ‫ ؛‬in͈ h

*hmʅc

*kut

thҬ:n1 ----

m[e]t7 ----------

tshin2 t ʎn h

1

pat7 ----------

feӑ2 ----

pac7 ----------

thҬ:n1

thҬ:n1

[ުow1]

thҬࡢ ۣn

----

2

----

----

pat8

----

----

pet8

----

----

----

----

----

fen

pat

7

kut7 ----

pat

8

kut7 ----

----

pat

8

kut7 ----

----

----

----

445

開始

begin

*C-ӑoӔު

*Curʅwު

開玩笑 joke

GHl: Run:

*tʅӔު

*C-ӑRӔު

*Cuhrʅwު

*Cu͈ʅӔ

*C-na:wު *thʅӔު

ӑRӔ3 ----

raw3 ----

ӑXӔ3 ----

gaw3 ----

(KRӔ1) KRӔ1 ----

----

thDӔ3

thRӔ3

----

----

ӑRӔ3

ӑRӔ3

3

3

QRӔ

QRӔ6

ӑDZӔ

ӑ[o]Ӕ

3

gwow3 go:6 go:

‫ۦ‬o:

3

ho:6 vo:

3

KZRӔ1 KRӔ1

ӑDZӔ3

----

----

----

hDZ:6

----

----

----

hDZӔ1

[tsok7]

----

----

tha:1

----

----

[tha:n1]

----

----

[tha:n1]

býZ

----

[phat7]

----

----

----

----

3

vDZӔ1

ӔRӔ

1

ӔRӔ

3

na:w

na:w

thRӔ3

thRӔ3

thDZӔ3

thDZӔ3

1

3

t RӔ

t RӔ

vo:n1

fo:n4

4

1

h

h

3

t XDӔ h

3

3

t XDӔ h

3

----

----

----

----

KAN 砍

砍

砍

chop

chop

chop

GHl: CHl:

GHl:

*Cʅުbi:wު

*‫ڛ‬ʅ:n

*ka:j͈ *‫ר‬ʅw͈

*Ʒi:wު

(vo:n1) vo:n1 van

----

Ʒaw2

raw2

4

----

Ʒi:w3 ----

look

CHl: Run:

*hlju:jު *C-lo:

-------

看

look

*Cʅުgiw

*kiw

kiw1

(ުiw ) 1

Ʒi:w3 ----

raw2 ----

Ʒi:w3

YXDӔ

ro:2

lo:2

2

2

ro:

ro:

Ʒi:w3

vDZ:n1 kuaj

5

(law5) ro:

Ʒiw3

2

Ʒi:w3

----

3

Ʒiw

Ʒiw

---zuj3

zu:j3 ----

Ѵu:j6 ----

---lo:1

---lo:4

----

---ORখ

----

kiw1

kiw1

kiw1

kiw1

----

[maj1]

NtZ

----

----

----

3

----

Ʒiw

YXDӔখ

3

----

Ʒiw

YRӔ

1

3

----

----

----

446

看

----

YRӔ

ka:j5

KANG 糠

糠心

扛

chaff

*rom

chaff hollowing *wa:ު

carry on

shoulder

*Cʅުbi:k

*hrom

*hwa:ު

*Ʒi:k

rom1 ----

(gom1) gom1 Ӕ[wʎ]nު gom 4

va:3

va:3

----

----

Ʒi:ު7 ----

Ʒi:ު7 Ʒiު

4

4

hwa:3 ----

Ʒi:k7 Ʒik

7

gom4

hom4

1

1

xom

xom

va:6 va:

gum4

[ts]om

Ʒiaު7 Ʒik

----

[RPখ

va:3

[vDZ:p9]

----

----

Ʒiaު7

Ʒiak7

fi:2

----

----

----

----

----

[tu:5]

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

Ʒit

7

----

va:6 ----

3

kʅm1

4

Ʒiު

8

7

----

----

KAO 烤

roast

CHl:

*ުLӔ

----

----

ުiʅӔ

1

烤火

roast over fire

*ުҬm͈

*ުҬm͈

ުҬm2 ުom

5

靠

靠

lean on

rely on

*[ٍ/c]ҬӔ

PLӔ͈

NECHl:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hҬӔ

KPLӔ͈ *ުҬ:Ӕު

ުin

1

ުҬm2 ުun

2

----

----

1

1

ުLӔ

ުLDӔ1

ުLӔ

ުҬm2 ުom

2

----

ުLӔ

ުLӔ

1

ުҬm5 ުom

2

1

ުum5

ުum5

2

5

ުom

ުom

tshҬӔ1 tshҬӔ1 tshҬӔ1 tshҬӔ1 tshҬDӔ1 tshҬӔ1 -------

----

----

ts ҬӔ

ts ҬӔ

ts ҬӔ

SLӔ2

SLӔ2

SLӔ2

----

----

----

----

----

----

h

1

ުҬӔ

3

h

1

ުҬӔ

3

h

1

ުҬӔ

3

[ުua5]

----

----

----

----

447

KE 顆

蝌蚪

咳嗽

tree clsfr

tadpole

cough

*tu:nު GHl: GHl: Run:

GHl:

*thu:nު

*k ҬӔ͈ h

*hnu:

*tçi:w *hriʅ

thu:n3 ----

(tow2) ----

(gia1) hia

1

客人

guest

*Cʅުbʅwު CHl:

*ުa:w Run:

*Ʒʅwު

*C-wa:n *ުa:w

*f a:w[͈] h

Ʒaw3 ----

ުa:w1 ----

khҬӔ2 khҬӔ2 khҬӔ5 thu:n3 t un

----

k ҬӔ

k ҬӔ

tow2

tow2

tow2

(tho:5)

h

3

----

gia1 ----

Ʒaw3 ----

ުa:w1 ----

h

----

2

tow

h

2

tsiw

2

1

----

Ȯuʅn1

thon

----

[ުuʅӔ5]

----

----

kia1

(‫ۦ‬ea)

----

fuʅn1

----

----

[low5]

----

----

hDZ:t7

hҬʅt10

hģࡢt

----

haw6

----

----

----

t un h

3

tow2 tiw

1

gia1

gia4

hia4

1

xi:

hia4

4

1

h 1

fa:[Ӕ]4

----

gi:

xi:

Ʒow3 ----

‫ۦ‬DӔ

1

ުa:w1 ----

ުa:w1 ުa:w

1

k i:

fa:n1

----

----

ުa:w1 fa:w

[4]

ުa:w1 f a:w h

5

kh±Ӕগ

----

[Lঘ

----

IDZঔ

KEN 啃

gnaw

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅ:t

*Cu͈ʅ:t

hat7 ----

ho:t7 ----

hwo:t7 go:t7 ӔRN

7

ӔRN

7

hDZ:t7 ӔRު

8

----

----

KONG 空

empty

ECHl:

NECHl:

*hru:ު

*hrʅwު

-------

-------

gaw3 ----

gaw6 xo:

3

haw6 xo:

3

----

----

448

空

empty

*Cu[d/Ȱ]ʅj͈

*Cu‫ר‬ʅj͈

raj2

raj2

5

2

vaj

vaj

----

gwaj

---2

----

GD࡯Mࢌ

IjM

[ȮRӔ2]

(taj)

----

taj4

----

----

1

----

tsaj2

(thej4)

hin5

[khow1 kha:1]

----

----

ӔDM1

ӔqM

----

ziam4

KiP

----

KýP

----

faj2

----

faj2

----

faj

2

----

KOU 口袋

pocket

GHl: CHl:

NCHl: 口弦

bamboo

instrument

*Ci[d/Ȱ]ʅj

*hnʅj͈

(taj2)

h

h

*tç ʅmު *Ȯa:jު *‫ר‬jʅj

ts am

3

(Ȯaj1) ----

taj2 Ȯaj

tshom3 ----

3

(raj1) ----

taj2

ts am h

raj1

3

taj4

----

taj

thaj2 Ȯa:j

taj2

Ȯuaj

3

thaj4 taj

1

3

----

----

KU 枯枝

哭

苦

dry branch

weep

bitter

*Cu‫ۦ‬in͈ Run

*C-ӔLު

*C-‫ۦ‬ʅ:m

*Cu͈in͈ *hni:

*C-ӔLު

*C-͈ʅ:m

hin2

hin2

----

hweӑ2

----

----

gwen5 ӔHQ

2

tej

1

tej

4

ӔHM3

ӔDM3

ӔDM3

ӔDM3

ӔDM6

ӔDM3

3

3

3

3

3

6

ӔDM

ӔDM

ham1 ham

1

ӔDM

ho:m1 hDZn

1

ӔDM

ӔDM

ӔDM

ho:m1

ho:m1

1

1

huam

za:m5

za:m5

ho:m

ho:m

hDZ:m1 1

hDZ:m1 huam

1

----

ӔDMঔ

----

KUA 跨

step over

*Ci‫ۦ‬a:m͈

*Ci͈a:m͈

ha:m2

ӔMʎn

2

hja:m2 ӑʎ:m

2

ӑa:m

2

----

(za:m5) -------

----

449

ӑam

5

ha:m2

跨

step over

*C-‫ۦ‬a:m͈

*C-͈a:m͈

----

----

----

----

----

ha:m5

----

----

----

ha:m5

ha:m

2

ham

hDZ:m2

----

----

tshLDӔ5

----

----

[tshHӔ2]

----

----

5

KDPখ

KUAI 快

fast

*jinު

*hjinު

zin3

zin3

(ӑҬn ) zen 3

快樂

happy

GHl:

CHl: Qi: 塊

筷子

piece

chopsticks

*tun

*ti:p

*hlin

*fhʅt

*tçu:ު *thun

*thi:p

z[Ҭ]n3 zin6

----

3

Ѵin1

----

----

-------

----

thun1 ----

thun1 t ʎn h

thi:p7 ----

5

thi:p7 t iު h

4

]HӔ

]HӔ

Ѵeӑ1

Ѵen1

Ѵen1

Ѵin1

1

1

1

3

3

Ѵen

fat7

Ѵen

tsaw5

----

fak

7

thun1 ----

thun1 t RӔ h

thi:p7 t ip h

z[ʅ]Ӕ

zin3

3

----

tsʅҮ1

zin6

7

1

thi:p7 t ip h

7

zen

6

Ѵen

‫[ޓ‬±]Ӕঔ

----

tsaw5

tsaw5

[khuaj4]

----

----

thun1

thҬn1

[Ȯat7]

th‫ټ‬Q

----

tshep7

thtep

----

----

t RӔ h

1

thi:p7 t ip h

7

----

t ʅn h

1

thi:p7 t ip h

7

----

thRӔখ

t LSঔ h

KUANG 寬

wide

*Cʅުb[ʎ@Ӕ

*Ʒ>H@Ӕ

ƷHӔ1 ƷʎӔ

1

ƷHӔ1 ƷʎӔ

1

ƷHӔ1

ƷHӔ1

ƷHӔ1

ƷHӔ1

1

1

1

1

ƷHӔ

ƷHӔ

ƷLDӔ

ƷLDӔ

[vi:4]

ƷʎࡢӔ

SLDӔখ

----

450

KUN 捆

捆

tie up

bundle clsfr

GHl:

*Cʅުbi:k

*khʅ:nު

*Ʒi:k

(kho:n3) kho:n3 ----

----

Ʒi:ު

Ʒi:ު

7

----

Ʒiު

kho:n3 k RӔ h

3

----

Ʒi:k7

7

Ʒik

4

7

kho:n3 k RӔ h

3

Ʒiaު7 Ʒik

7

khDZ:n3 k XDӔ h

3

Ʒiaު7

khDZ:n3

khҬan1

----

----

[puʅk9]

----

----

[thҬj1]

]tet

----

hiw2

[thҬj1]

----

----

hit8

[kʅӔ5]

drtW

----

mҬӔ4

mҬࡢ ۣn pҬࡢ ۣn

[kʅp7]

----

k u:n h

3

Ʒiak7

8

Ʒit

Ʒiު

----

----

7

8

7

----

LA 拉

拉

辣

pull (things)

pull (rope)

spicy

*ji:t

*riw͈

*rit

*hji:t

*hriw͈

*hrit

zi:t7

----

----

----

riw2

----

rit7

----

[z]eު

5

zit

zit

giw2

giw2

2

xiw

hiw2

2

2

gec7

get8

het8

7

8

giw

git7 4

----

----

giw2

----

het

----

git

xet

7

xew

----

xet

k et h

7

‫ޓ‬LWঔ

----

[HWখ

LAI 來

come

癩蛤蟆 toad

*mҬ:n Run: CHl:

*hmҬ:n *p Ҭ: h

*Cu͈ok

mҬ:n1 pҬ:n1 Ʒʅn

pʎnު

----

----

4

Ӕ[ua]k

5

----

4

pҬ:n1 pҬӔ

4

----

ӔDZk

7

pҬ:n4 pҬӔ

1

----

phҬ:n4 pҬ:n4 p [ʅ:] h

ӔDZk

voު7 [8]

ӔDZk

8

1

p ʅҮ[ު] h

7

hok7 ҪDZk

8

----

----

----

451

LAN 藍色

blue

*[k/x]i:w

*khi:w

khi:w1 k iw h

藍靛

懶惰

indigo

lazy

>Fo@LӔ NCHl:

*C-la:nު

*tçhLӔ

*f Ҭ:ު h

*C-la:nު

1

tshLӔ1 ----

la:n3 lDZn

[5]

爛

rotten

*ުҬ:nު

*ުҬ:nު

ުҬ:n3 ----

khi:w1 k i:

h 1

tshLӔ1 ----

la:n3 lan

3

ުҬ:n3 ----

khi:w1 k iw h

1

tshLӔ1 ----

khi:w1

khiw1

k iw h

k iw

1

h

(faҮ3) fʅҮ

3

la:n3

la:n3

3

3

ODӔ

----

tshLDӔ1 faҮ

3

khi:w1 k iw h

khew1

[t:w

----

[ta:1]

‫آ‬ueӔ

----

1

tshLDӔ1 f aҮ h

3

khLZখ

----

----

la:n3

[lҬam2]

----

----

----

[ӑҬ:t8]

----

----

3

----

----

khun3

----

khҬn3

[lu:3]

x‫࡯ڠ‬n

----

va:t9

----

----

ODӔ

ުҬ:n3

1

----

ުҬ:n3 ުҬӔ

----

----

----

----

LAO 撈

撈

嘮叨

老

drag

drag

nag

old

*[k/x]unު

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅc Run:

*C-Ӕʅm

*ja:

*khunު

*Cu͈ʅc *k ʅwު h

*C-Ӕʅm

*hja:

khun3 ----

hat7 ----

ӔDP1 ----

khun3 ----

hat[8] ----

ӔDP1 ----

khun3 k un h

3

hwac7 ----

ӔDP3 ----

k o[n] h

3

vat8 vat

----

k ʅn h

vat8

k o:

7

h

ӔDP3 ӔDP

3

3

3

v[Ҭ]t7 k o: h

3

ӔDP3

ӔDP5 tsDZk8

Ӕģ࡯m

----

tso:1

]j

----

----

----

za:1

za:1

za:4

za:4

za:1

1

4

4

1

1

4

za:

za:

za:

za:

----

----

452

zaު

----

ӔDP3

za:1 zDZ:

----

老

老鼠

old

mouse

*Cʅުgi:nު

*niw

*ki:nު

*hniw

ki:n3

ki:n3

----

----

niw1 tsDZj

tiw1

tiwު

4

4

ki:n3

ki:n3

----

ki:n3

NLӔ

NLӔ

3

tiw4

4

tiw

thiw4

1

1

rac7

rat8

----

----

----

kew4

QtZ

WηZ ࡯ࢌ

lat8

lat10

----

----

ުom1

[hu1 vuʅj1]

om

----

[hu1 vuʅj1]

----

----

khHӔ3

khHӔ1

xDࡨӔ

----

phDZ:3

[tshuʅj3]

----

----

kin

3

tiw1 tiw

ki:n3 3

tiw4

tew

ti:w

4

----

WHZঔ

LE 勒

strangle

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅc

*‫ר‬ʅc

rat7

rat[8]

----

----

----

rat

----

[t]at

[8]

----

8

----

LEI 雷

thunder

*ުom

*ުom

ުom1

ު[e]m

1

雷公

肋骨

thunder god

ribs

GHl:

*[k/x]DӔު

*C-ӑa:mު

*khDӔު

ުom1 ----

khDӔ3 k ʎӔ h

壘

pile up

*C-‫ۦ‬a:n CHl:

*͈a:n

*p ʅwު h

3

ha:n1 ----

(ުom1) ުom1

----

----

ުom

ӑa:m3

ӑa:m3

----

1

----

khHӔ3 k HӔ

-------

3

k HӔ

ha:n1

ha:n1

h

p DZ: h

3

h

3

p o: h

3

----

ުom

ުom

1

1

ӑa:m3

na:m6

3

3

ӑa:m

khHӔ3 k HӔ h

3

pho:3 p o: h

3

ӑa:m

khHӔ3 k LDӔ h

pho:3 ----

3

ӑa:m3 ӑam

6

----

----

----

ӑDPঔ

----

----

453

LENG 冷

cold

*[k/x]a:j͈

*kha:j͈

kha:j2 ----

kha:j2 k aj h

2

kha:j2 k a:j h

2

kha:j5 k a:j h

2

kha:j5 k a:j h

2

kha:j5 k uaj h

khҬaj1

xýM

----

5

khDMগ

LI 犁鏡

黎族

籬笆

裡面

part of plough

Hlai

fence

inside

*Cʅުdi:k

*lʅj

GHl:

GHl:

*ުu:k

鯉魚

carp

*la:

GHl:

*hlʅj

*kʅ:p

*phʅjު

*ުu:k

*hla:

*hӑa:t

*C-minު

Ȯi:ު7 ----

Ȯaj1 WԬDM

1

Ȯ[ik]7 ----

Ѵaj4

djM

KLjM

kDZ:p7

[lҬj4]

----

----

----

[tshu:1]

----

----

ުu:ު7

[ke:4]

‫ډ‬

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

1

1

1

1

laj

Ѵaj

ުu:ު[8] ުuު

4

Ѵa:1 la:

ko:p7

7

7

ko:p

phaj3 ----

ުu:k[8] ުuk

tsa:t7 ----

ko:p

Ѵaj

kDZ:p7 kuap

8

pha[:]j3 ---p aj h

----

3

Ѵaj

ko:p7

Ѵa:1

1

men

Ѵaj

7

(tsa:t7) tsa:t7 men

----

1

----

3

----

Ѵaj1

ph[e]j3

----

Ȯiak9

Ѵaj1

----

Ȯa:1

Ȯia[ު]7

Ѵaj1

----

----

Ȯik

7

----

Ѵaj1

----

----

----

Ȯiaު7

Ѵaj1

(ko:p7) ko:p7

----

Ȯi:k7

3

ުu:ު7 ުuk

7

----

----

----

ުuaު7 ުuk

7

ުuު

Ѵa:1

Ѵa:1

Ѵa:1

1

1

1

Ѵa:

Ѵa:

tsa:t8 tsa:t

7

Ѵa:

----

tsa:t

7

tsa:t8 8

tsuat

8

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

454

NWCHl:

*Ȯi:k

力氣

strength

*[k/x]u:͈

*khu:͈

khow2 k a: h

荔枝

lychee

*ٍʅ:m

*[ٍ/c]ʅ:jު

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:m

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hʅ:jު

khaw2 k aw

5

h

tsham1 ----

tsha:j3 ----

2

khaw2 k aw h

2

khaw5

kho5

k aw h

khDZ:5

k aw

5

h

kha:w1

k aw

2

h

2

tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tshDZ:m1 tshDZ:m1 [mҬat7] ----

----

ts o:m

ts uam ts uam

tsho:j3

tsho:j3

tsha:j3

tsha:j3

----

h

----

1

ts o:j h

3

h

1

ts uaj h

3

h

1

tsha:j3 ts u:j h

[tҬan1]

3

x۠ࢌw

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

t‫ آ‬XDMঔ h

LIAN 連接

臉

戀愛

connect

face

be in love

*[c/ç]u:nު NECHl:

*CʅުdʅӔ

*CirҬ:k

*tçhu:nު *Ʒa:

*ȮʅӔ

*hrjҬ:k

tshu:n3 ts uʅn h

3

tshu:n3 sun

3

tshu:n3

tshu:n3

tshu:n3

tshu:n3

1

h

1

1

Ʒa:

(ts un ) Ʒa: 3

Ʒa:

ȮRӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

1

1

1

1

1

1

WVHӔ

zҬ:ު7 ----

ȮDӔ

zҬ:ު7 ----

ȮDӔ

ȮDӔ

rҬ:k7 tҬk

7

ȮDӔ

tҬ:ު8 tҬk

7

ȮDZӔ

thҬaު 8 tҬ:ު8 (tҬk )

----

7

[tsiap7]

----

----

[phan1]

dyӔ

----

[lʅ:4]

zҬࡨ :

----

[Ʒe:k7]

(‫ۦ‬ģn)

iQ

[ѴDZӔ4]

‫آ‬ʎࡎ:

----

----

tDӔখ

----

LIANG 凉

cool (water)

GHl:

*hrʅn

(gan1) han

4

量

measure (fabric) GHl:

*phʅӔ

tshe:ު7

----

phDӔ1 ----

gan1

gan4

han4

han4

4

1

1

4

JDӔ

phDӔ1 p DӔ h

1

[DӔ

phDӔ1 p DӔ h

1

[DӔ -------

tsan

phDӔ1 ----

----

----

455

----

gan1

量

兩

measure (rice)

pair

*C-lҬӔު

*C-lҬӔ͈

*C-lҬӔު

*C-lҬӔ͈

lҬӔ3 ----

lҬӔ2 lҬʅӔ

4

亮

晾

bright

dry in sun

*Cʅުdinު NCHl: GHl: Run:

*Ȯinު

*C-OLӔ *kʅ:j

*͈a:͈

Ȯin3 ----

(ko:j1) ----

lҬӔ3 ----

lҬӔ3 l[o]Ӕ

3

lҬӔ2 OHӔ

2

Ȯin3 OLӔ

1

lҬӔ2 ----

Ȯeӑ3 OLӔ

1

ko:j1 ----

ko:j1 ----

lҬӔ[6] lҬӔ

3

----

lҬӔ3

lҬӔ

lҬӔ

3

----

lҬӔ

----

lҬӔ

[1]

Ȯen3

Ȯen3

OLӔ

ko:j

ha:

lҬDӔ5

----

----

Ȯin1

din

----

----

----

----

[ȮDZ:1]

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

4

----

1

lҬӔ

OLӔ

1

----

----

[6]

Ȯin3

OLӔ

1

lҬ࡯ ۣӔ

6

----

2

ѴDZӔ4

---ha:

2

5

----

----

OLӔঔ

----

LIAO 寮房

FKLOG·VKRXVH

*Cʅުgujު NECHl: Run:

*kujު

*m-loӔު *ѴҬ:k

kuj3 ----

kuj3 ----

kuj3 ----

kuj3

kuj3

plDZӔ

kuj3

plDZӔ

3

plDZӔ

3

3

ѴҬk8

*ުu:Ӕ

ѴҬު7

ުXӔ1

----

ުXӔ1

LIE 獵狗

hunting dog

*ma:

*ӑa:wު

*hma:

*hӑa:wު

ma:1 ----

ӑa:w3 ----

pa:1

pa:1

pa:4

4

1

1

paު

tsa:w3 ----

pa:

tsa:w3 ----

pa:

pha:4

pa:4

----

tsa:w6 tsa:w

3

pa:

1

tsha:w6 tsa:w6 tsa:w

3

----

----

----

456

裂開

crack, split

WLӔު

*thLӔު

thLӔ3

thLӔ3

ts iʅӔ h

3

thLӔ3

----

thLDӔ3

t LӔ h

thLDӔ3

t LӔ

3

h

thLDӔ3

t LӔ

3

h

t LӔ

3

h

[ket7]

thteӔ

----

[li:t9]

ODࢤS

----

khi:t9

xL ࡎet

khi:t

3

----

LIN 鱗

吝嗇

fish scale

stingy

*C-lʅ:p

*[k/x]i:t

*C-lʅ:p

*khi:t

lap7 lap

lo:p7 lDZު

2

khi:t7

lo:p7

7

7

lo:p

4

khi:t7

----

lo:p7

lo:p

khi:t7

----

lDZ:p8 luap

khi:t7

----

luap

8

khi:t7

k ik h

lDZ:p7

khi:t7

----

7

8

k it

h 7

OXDSখ

k i:t h

LING 靈魂

spirit

*Cu‫ۦ‬Ҭ:

*Cu͈Ҭ:

hʅҮ1

hʅҮ1

----

hwʅҮ1 gwʅҮ1 vʅҮ1

----

hwʅҮ1 ha:4

----

ӔʅҮ

ӔʅҮ

ma:w1

ma:w1

ma:w4

ma:w1

1

1

1

4

1

hʅࡢҮ

----

[lDZ:t8]

PiZ

----

tҬan1

]iZ

----

[thup7]

----

----

ҪʅҮ

1

4

----

LIU 流

flow

*C-ma:w

*C-ma:w

ma:w1 ma:w

1

留

瘤

stay

tumor

*jʅw Qi:

GHl:

*hjʅw

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] ʅ:n͈ h

*fhʅ:n

zaw1

ma:w1 maw

1

zaw1

ma:w zaw1

(ӑow ) (ӑawު ) zaw 1

nok7 ----

4

fo:n1 ----

4

fo:n1 ----

ma:w

tsho:n5 zaw

1

ma:w

tshDZ:n5

(zaw ) 4

fo:n1

f[o]n

fDZ:n1 1

IXDӔ

1

ma:w

tshDZ:n5 zaw

4

fDZ:n1 IXDӔ

1

----

----

----

457

六

six

*nom

*hnom

nom1

tom1

tom1

tom4

4

4

4

1

tsem

tonު

tom

thom4

tom

tum4

1

tom

tom

WKDӔ4

WDӔ4

nʅm4

QyP

WyP

tʅӔ4

----

----

[mҬat7]

----

----

piʅn1

----

----

Ѵa:2WDӔ5

dģࡢk

----

hDZ:p9

hyS

----

4

WRPখ

LONG 龍

龍眼

dragon

longyan

*nʅӔ

*ٍʅ:m

*Cʅުbʅnު

聾

deaf

*lʅ:k

*hnʅӔ

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:m

*Ʒʅnު

*hlʅ:k

QRӔ1 ----

tsham1 ----

Ʒen3 ----

Ȯak7 WԬDZk

5

WDӔ1

WDӔު

4

------Ʒan3 ----

Ѵo:ު7 ----

WDӔ1

WDӔ4

4

1

WDӔ

WDӔ

----

WDӔ

tDZӔ

1

4

tsho:m1 tshDZ:m1 ----

----

ts o:m

ts uam ts uam

Ʒan3

Ʒan3

Ʒan3

3

3

3

h

Ʒan3 ----

1

ƷDӔ

1

ƷDӔ

Ѵo:k7

Ѵo:ު7

7

7

Ѵo:k

h

Ѵo:k

ѴDZ:ު7 Ѵoު

8

h

1

Ʒan

ѴDZ:ު7 Ѵoު

7

----

----

----

Ѵu:ުখ

LOU 漏 (雨) leak (rain)

漏 (水) leak (water)

*Ci‫ۦ‬ʅp

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅӑ

*Ci͈ʅp

*‫ר‬ʅӑ

LU reed

GHl:

*fha:w

----

ran1 ----

hap7 ----

ran1 ----

(fa:w1) fa:w1 ----

----

hjop7 ----

raӑ1 lan

4

fa:w1 ----

zop7

zap7

7

8

ӑap

ӑap

---ran

fa:w1 fa:w

1

ӑap

7

----

----

lan4

----

----

----

fa:w1

----

[mҬaj1 tshDӔ1]

----

----

----

1

hjap7

----

----

----

----

----

458

蘆葦

hop7

路

鹿

露水

road

deer

dew

*Cʅުgu:n

GHl:

*C-nʅmު

*lʅӔު CHl:

*ku:n

*‫ר‬ʅ:jު

*C-nʅmު

*hlʅӔު

KӔDZު

ku:n1

ku:n1

----

kun

1

(ro:j3) ----

ro:j3

4

3

nam3

----

nan

3

ȮDӔ3

ѴRӔ 3

----

NXӔ

1

ro:j3 lDZjު

nom3

ku:n1

lDZn

3

ku:n1 NXӔ

1

ro:j

NXӔ

1

r[o]:j6

lo:j

ku:n1

3

l[DZ]:j6 ruaj

3

ku:n1 kun

nam3

nam6

nam3

3

3

3

6

nam

ѴRӔ 3

ka:w6

3

3

ѴRӔ

ѴRӔ

nam

kha:w6 ka:w

3

----

[haw4]

(dDZ࡯j)

l[DZ࡯ࢌ]j

na:m1

----

----

kDZ:w4

----

----

6

nom3 nam

N~on

1

l[DZ]:j6 ru:j

[tin1]

nam

ka:w6 ka:w

3

----

ҀXDMঔ

----

----

LUAN 亂

messy (yarn)

*[k/x]u:t

*khu:t

khu:t7

khu:t7

khu:t7

khu:t7

----

----

----

----

----

take turns

GHl:

*tçhʅn

(tshan1) tshan1

tshan1

tshan1

----

tshan1

tshan1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

khuk7

khuk8

khut7

----

LUN 輪換

ts a[Ӕ] h

3

san

1

----

ts DӔ h

1

ts DӔ h

1

ts an h

1

----

LUO 蘿蔔

radish

CHl:

*C-m[a]:k

-------

-------

me:k7 ----

me:ު7 mҬ:

2

----

meު

---8

----

PHNখ

459

鑼

籮筐

gong

vine basket

*C-lo:ު

*CʅުJXӔު NWCHl: Run:

螺螄

落

snail

fall

*[c/ç]i:

*tok

*C-lo:ު

NXӔު *ƷRӔ

*C-la:ު *tçhi:

*thok

lo:3 lDZ:

lo:3

1

----

NXӔ3

----

ƷRӔ

1

tshej1 ----

thok7 t DZk h

2

lo:3 ----

ƷRӔ

1

tshej1 ----

thuk7 t aު h

4

lDZ:6

lo:3

3

3

6

lo:

NXӔ3 ----

lo:

NXӔ3 NXӔ

3

tshej1 ----

tshej1 ts ej

t DZk

7

NXDӔ1

----

----

tshaj1 tow4

----

----

ȮDZ:k9

thyN

----

mian1

----

----

tan4

----

----

----

phat7

Ʒat7

----

----

3

6

la:

tshej1

thoު7

t DZk

----

NXӔ3

thok7 7

----

NXDӔ3

ts ej

h

lDZӔ1

lo:

1

h

thok7 h

----

h

1

t DZk h

8

la:

tshej1 ts ej h

1

thDZk7 t DZk h

7

----

----

t‫آ‬hʎMখ

----

MA 麻

麻木

麻雀

麻繩

hemp

numb

sparrow

hemp rope

*mi:n

*nʅn͈

*pʅc

*Cʅުda:j

*hmi:n

*hnʅn͈

*phʅc

*Ȯa:j

mi:n1 ----

nen2 ----

phat7 ----

Ȯa:j1

----

tan2 ----

phat7 ------ȮDZj

1

pi:n1 ----

tan2 ----

p at -------

SLӔ

7

phi:n4

1

SLӔ

tan4

----

2

2

WDӔ

phac7 h

pi:n4

p at

7

Ȯa:j1 ----

----

phat7 p at h

SLӔ

1

WDӔ

phat7 h

1

pi:n4

8

Ȯa:j1 Ȯuaj

1

p at h

7

----

----

p DWখ h

Ȯa:j1

(la:m ) 2

[la:m3]

-------

----

460

----

pi:n1

馬

螞蟥

horse

water leech

ӔDު

&LOLӔ

KӔDު

KOMLӔ

ӔD3

ka:3

ka:3

ka:6

4

3

3

3

kDZ:

ka:

]LӔ1

]LӔ1

(OLӔ )

]HӔު

4

螞蟻

罵

ant

scold

*muc

---

Qi:

*hmuc

[*C-la:k] *ުʅn͈

mut7 Ʒʅt

ka:

]LӔ1 4

put7

puʎު

4

la:ު[9]

4

----

ka:

ѴLӔ4

----

zen

zen

pʅt

pot

-------

pot

8

ުan5

7

8

la:ު

Ӕj

Ni

WVLӔ4

----

----

puʅt8

----

----

ުan5

[kʅj5]

----

----

kum[5]

----

----

----

plum5

Ѵum4

dzP

----

ta:t9

‫آ‬iW

----

ki:w1

d[u]w KLZঔ

----

ka:

6

4

put8 pʅt

8

ުan5 la:k

[pʅ:5]

tsen

phut8

7

ka:6

ѴLӔ4

1

put8

7

3

ѴLӔ4

1

puc7

la:ު7

----

ka:

kha:6

----

NDঔ

----

SRWখ

la:ުখ

MAI 埋

cover up

*Cʅުgom

*kom

kom1

kom1

kom

----

2

埋葬

買

賣

bury

buy

sell

*lom͈ Qi:

*ٍʅc

*ri:wު

*hlom͈

*m-lom͈ *ٍ‫؛‬hʅc

*hri:wު

Ȯom2

WԬDP

5

tshat7 hiat

2

ri:w3 hiw4

Ѵom2 lon

2

tshat7 ----

gi:w3 zi:3

kom1

kom1

1

1

kom

Ѵom2

plom5

Ѵom

Ѵom

2

2

tshac7 ts iet h

---giw4

kom

7

tshat7 ts at

----

kom

1

pom5 kom

1

tshat7

7

ts at

gi:w6 xiw3

hiw6 xiw3

h

h

8

kom1

kom

1

tshat7 ts at h

7

gi:w6 khiw3

----

NRPখ

t‫آ‬ha:t

461

MAN 瞞

滿

滿意

conceal

*Ci[d/Ȱ]om

----

zom1

l[u]nު

4

rom1

tom4

4

1

tom

tom

thom4 tom

1

tum4 tom

[mua2]

----

----

[4]

----

*ti:k

*thi:k

thi:ު7

thi:ު7

thi:k7

thiaު7

thiaު7

thiak7

tshia5

thLࡎ

thpģk

satisfied

*C-lʅ:m

*C-lʅ:m

lam1

lo:m1

lo:m1

lo:m1

lDZ:m4

lDZ:m4

----

----

----

vDZ:ު7

----

----

----

fa:j1

[tsʅӔ2]

----

----

slow

慢驣驣 slow-moving

蔓

zom1

full

GHl:

慢

*‫ר‬jom

GHl: CHl:

*C-ӔD[:]j

*Cu͈ʅ:k

*shʅjު *f a:j h

*C-Ӕa[:]j

thiʅk2

----

thiު4

----

(ho:ު7) ho:ު7 ----

----

----

taj3

----

----

ӔDM1

----

----

thik7

lo:m

thiު8

1

luam

hwo:k7 go:ު7

vDZ:ު7

----

ӔRN

taj3

fa:j1

----

ӔDM1

----

thik7

7

----

luam4

----

----

---ӔDM

ӔRު

8

fa:j1

----

ӔDM1

1

thiު7

faj

1

----

----

----

----

----

>ӔDZ:w2]

----

----

1

----

ӔDM1 ----

----

vine

ECHl:

*Ci͈ʅw

----

----

hjaw1

----

----

hjaw1

----

----

----

miscanthus

*Cʅުgʅw

*kʅw

kaw1

kaw1

kaw1

kaw1

kaw1

kaw1

nDZ:w5 ku:1

NiZ

----

1

1

1

1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

MANG 芒草

kaw

kaw

kaw

(kaw ) kaw

1

----

462

kaw

4

蟒蛇

python

*C-na:ӑު

*C-na:ӑު

----

----

nDZn

nDZn

3

3

na:ӑ3

----

----

na:n3

----

----

----

mi:w2

mi:w5

miw2

mi:w5

ӑa:w5

PΞZ

----

hDZӔ4

K~Q

----

zDZ:t8

----

----

[ni:4]

----

----

zow4

ha:

----

----

----

----

----

----

MAO 貓

cat

*C-mi:w͈

*C-mi:w͈

mi:w2 miw

2

miw

hun1

hun1

hun1

hun1

hun1

1

1

1

1

1

5

毛

毛蟲

fur, body hair

caterpillar

*Cu‫ۦ‬un

GHl:

GHl:

*Cu͈un

*Ci͈ʅn͈

*thRӔު

Ӕʅn

za:w1 ӑan

冒

冒

thatch grass

*Ci‫ۦ‬a:

to brave (water) *CʅުϺʅӔ

to brave (water) CHl:

*Ci͈a:

*tçʅӔ

*‫ר‬juӑު

mi:

2

Ӕʎn

han2

5

ӔMʎn

hun1

thXӔ3

t DZӔ h

茅草

mi:w2

5

ha:1 ӑDZ:

1

WVDӔ1 ----------

2

t DӔ h

1

ha:1 ӔMD

1

WVDӔ1 ----------

ӔRӔ

hjan2 ----

thRӔ3 ----

hja:1 ӑʎ:

1

WVDӔ1 ----------

miw

2

ӔRӔ

zan5 ----

miw

[1]

ӔRӔ

zan5 ӑDӔ

2

thRӔ3 ----

-------

za:1

za:1

1

1

ӑa:

ӑa:

WVDӔ1 WVDӔ

1

-------

miw

2

hun1 Ҫʅn

4

hjan5 ӑan

2

thXӔ3 t RӔ h

3

hja:1 ӑa:

4

PLZঔ

ӔRӔখ

----

----

ӑDখ

WVDӔ1

WVDӔ1

[pu:t9]

----

----

thun6 ton3

tҬn6 tʅn3

----

-------

----

----

----

----

463

MEI 沒有

not have

*ުʎ:m͈ CHl: Qi:

*Cʅުdu:k NCHl: 枚

每

美麗

needle clsfr

every

beauty

*[ٍF@XӔ

GHl:

*lin

*ުe:m͈ *ުwʅӑ *hwi:

*Ȯu:k *Ȯuk

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hXӔ

*‫ר‬ʅn͈

*hlin

ުe:m2

ުe:m2

3

3

v[ʎ]n

Ȯu:ު7 Ȯok

2

tshXӔ1 ----------

NCHl:

*C-mҬ:n *C-la:jު

----

Ȯoު

Ȯin1

WԬHQ

----

---4

----

tsh[Ҭ]Ӕ1 tshXӔ1 ----

----

ran2

ran2

----

1

*C-mҬ:n

ުwan

ުweӑ3

----

vej4 ‫ۦ‬an

van3

vej[4]

van

3

van

3

----

Ȯuaު7

----

----

tshXӔ1

Ȯu:ު7 ȮDZު

tshXDӔ1 tshXӔ1 ts XӔ

ran2

lan2

lan2

2

2

2

ran

UDӔ

1

h

UDӔ

1

h

Ѵeӑ1

Ѵen1

Ѵen1

Ѵin1

1

1

1

1

1

Ѵen

Ѵen

----

tDZk9

dXࡎ

----

tshin5

‫~آ‬oӔ

----

----

----

----

----

dtQ

----

1

Ѵin1 len

ʎࡢm

[8]

ts [o]Ӕ ts XӔ h

[ӔDZ:1]

3

Ѵen

Ѵen

mҬ:n1 mҬ:n1 mҬ:n1 mҬ:n1 mҬ:n4 mҬ:n1 [nDZk7] la:(j)

3

----

la:j

3

----

mҬӔ

mʅn

1

1

----

----

----

----

----

mҬࡢ ۣn -------

MEN 門

door

*hmomު

tshom1 ----

-------

pom3 ----

---pom3

---pom3

---pom6

[min4]

‫آ‬yP ----

----

GHl:

*C-mu:n

----

mu:n1

khu:n1

khu:n1

mu:n4

mu:n1

muan1

----

----

CHl:

*k u:n h

----

----

----

----

k XӔ h

1

mun

[5]

khXӔক

464

CHl:

門閂

門牙

door latch

incisors

GHl: Run:

*Civʅn

*Cira:w

*khʅӔ

*tç XӔު h

*fhjʅn

*hrja:w

----

khDӔ1

----

----

phen1 sen

1

za:w1 ----

fan1 ----------

khDӔ1 ----

fan1 ----

ra:w1 ----

khDӔ1

khDӔ1

----

ts XӔ h

3

fan1

fan1

1

1

sen

khDӔ1

f an h

ta:w4

tha:w4

1

1

tsa:w

----

----

tshaӔ1

----

----

tsu:4

----

----

----

----

----

3

fan1

IDӔ

ta:w

ts XӔ h

tshua3

1

ta:w4

tsa:w

4

----

----

----

MENG 蒙

蒙

矇矓

cheat

*pʅӔ

*phʅӔ

phDӔ1 ----

cheat

CHl:

*phҬ:m

----

hazy

*mҬӔު

*hmҬӔު

*mҬӔު

*hmҬӔު

NECHl:

*m-lu:Ӕ͈

phRӔ 1 -------

phRӔ 1 ----

phRӔ 1 p RӔ h

1

-------

phRӔ 1 ----

----

----

phҬ:m1 phu:m1 phҬ:m1 phDZ:m1 ----

phum1

phum1

----

----

mҬӔ3 pҬӔ3

pҬӔ3

pҬӔ6

----

----

----

----

----

mҬӔ3 pҬӔ3

pҬӔ3

pҬӔ6

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ƷuʅӔ

----

5

----

----

----

----

SOXӔ2

------

SOXӔ2

----

----

----

----

----

midge

GHl:

*C-mʅt

(mat7) mat2

mat7 ----

mat7 ----

mat7 mak7

mat8 ----

mat7 ----

mDZ:t9

-------

----

夢

dream

*fʅn

*fhʅn

phen1

fan1

fan1

fan1

fan1

fan1

pDZ:n1

----

----

1

1

fon

1

fan

1

----

IDӔ

IDӔ

f an h

1

IDӔখ

465

蠓

夢囈

sleeptalk

*ILӔު

*fhLӔު

ILӔ3

ILӔ3

----

----

----

ILӔ3

----

fen

ILӔ3 fen

3

ILӔ1 fen

3

[lDZ:w2 mDZӔ4]

----

----

----

----

lʅp8

dyS

IDࡎS

ƷLӔ5

----

----

ުҬʅt7

iW

----

[tej1]

(kDZࡢj)

----

[ƷDZk7]

ERM SXMঔ

----

3

----

MI 迷路

米

米酒

密

蜜蜂

get lost

rice

rice wine

dense

bee

*C-ӔҬ: Run:

*Cu[d/Ȱ]ʅp

*CʅުELӔ͈ NCHl: *ުʅ:t

GHl:

*C-ӔҬ:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] un͈ h

*Cu‫ר‬ʅp

*ƷLӔ͈ *p u: h

*ުʅ:t

*kʅ:j

ӔʅҮ1 ----

rop7

p ew

1

ުat7 ----

(ko:j1) 1

p ʎw

1

ުo:t7 ----

ko:j1 kDZj

1

ӔʅҮ1

----

ӔʅҮ

1

fop8

----

ƷLӔ2 h

ӔʅҮ1

----

----

ƷLӔ2

kDZ:

----

rap7

----

h

ӔʅҮ1

p ow h

1

ުo:t7 ----

ts RӔ h

2

fap8

----

ƷLӔ2

----

ƷLӔ

2

ުo:k

7

fap

ƷLDӔ5 ƷLӔ

ƷLӔ

ުDZ:t7

ުDZ:t7

8

7

ުoު

ka:j1

1

1

kuaj

Ʒu:j3 Ʒuj3

Ʒu:j3 Ʒuj3

ko:j

ƷLDӔ5 5

ko:j1 ko:j

5

8

2

ުo:t7

ts ʅn h

fap8

----

ƷLDӔ5

(pҬӔ3) [pҬӔ4]

ka:j1 1

ުu:t

ka:j1 ku:j

1

----

----

----

----

NXDMখ

MIAN 棉花

cotton

*Cʅުbu:jު

*Ʒu:jު

Ʒu:j3 Ʒu:(j)3

Ʒu:j3 Ʒuj3

Ʒu:j3 Ʒuj3

Ʒu:j3 Ʒuj3

466

MIAO 苗准

aim at

GHl:

*hrʅӑ

----

gan1

----

----

gaӑ1 ----

gan4 xan

1

----

gan4

xan

1

k an h

[Ȯuj4]

----

----

ma:1

m۠ࢌw

----

thiʅӔ4

dyӔ

----

1

----

MING 明年

next year

*mu:͈

*CʅުdʅӔ CHl: 明年

明天

next year

tomorrow

*hmu:͈

*ȮʅӔ

*͈ʅw͈

mow2 Ʒa:

paw2 paw

5

2

ȮRӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

5

2

2

haw

ho:

ho:

paw

2

---ho:

2

pho:2

paw2

2

2

paw

paw

ho:5

ȮDӔ1

2

5

ho:

ho:

pģZগ

KRগ

KӔRP

----

----

----

kom4

----

kum4

----

----

----

*C-ni:͈

*C-ni:͈

----

----

----

n[i:]5

----

nej5

----

----

----

*mi:ު

*hmi:ު

mej3

p[e]j3

----

----

phaj6

paj6

[kҬ2]

PqM

----

ho:5

hDZ:5

ziaw4

KýZ

----

2

5

phҬ:1

IjӔ

phqӔ

NECHl:

*͈ʅw͈ *͈ʅw͈

----

----

----

Ʒaj

----

----

4

haw2

haw2

h[i]aw ---5

name

paw

[4]

----

Qi:

*C-‫ۦ‬ʅw͈

名字

pow2

SDӔ

*phDӔ

phDӔ1

phHӔ1

----

ho:

2

haw2 ----

phHӔ1 phHӔ1

----

----

ho:

2

ho:5 ----

phHӔ1 phHӔ1

----

----

ho:

ho:

5

phHӔ1 phLDӔ1

----

----

----

ho:

phHӔ1 phLDӔ1

----

----

SDMঔ

KRগ

phi:DӔখ

467

phʎӔ1

phHӔ1

----

命中

hit target

*C-lʅ:m

*C-lʅ:m

lam1

lo:m1

lam

----

1

lo:m1

lo:m1

lo:m1

1

1

1

lo:m

lo:m

lDZ:m1

luam

[nҬʅn4]

lģࡢm

----

fҬ:m4

----

----

----

tshDZӔ1

tshDZӔ5

----

----

lDZ:4

dri

----

[tshDӔ1]

dtW

----

ka:n5

----

----

ka:j5

----

----

khaj1

----

----

luam

4

----

MO 摸

模仿

磨刀

蘑菇

磨米

feel

imitate

sharpen

mushroom

grind (rice)

GHl:

*[c/ç]ʅӔ

*C-[d/Ȱ]a: NWCHl: *Cʅުdit Meifu: CHl:

*‫ڛ‬Ҭ:m

-------

*tçhʅӔ

----

tshDӔ1

tshRӔ1

----

*‫ר‬a:

*‫ר‬a:t

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] inު h

VRӔ

1

----

vҬm

tshRӔ1

tshRӔ1

1

----

ts RӔ h

1

fu:m4 vҬm

[2]

tshDZӔ1 ts XDӔ h

1

----

ts XDӔ h

1

ra:1

ra:1

ra:1

ra:4

la:4

la:4

4

1

4

1

1

4

lDZt

*Ȯit

*ka:n͈

vҬ:m1 vҬ:m1 fҬ:m4

laު

Ȯit7

la:

Ȯit7

----

Ȯec7

----

----

ts en h

----

----

ra:

3

ka:n2

----

----

ra:

Ȯet7

ts en h

3

ka:n5 ----

ra:

Ȯet7

(Ȯet7)

----

Ȯet

----

7

ka:n5

----

NDӔ

2

----

----

----

----

----

MU 母雞

hen

GHl:

*[k/x]ʅj

*hrʅ:j

*khʅj

(ga:j1)

go:j1

go:j1

ga:j4

5

4

4

1

xuaj

khaj1

khaj1

ho:(j) khaj1 1

khaj1 k aj h

1

go:j

khaj1 k aj h

1

xo:j

k aj h

1

k aj h

1

1

ha:j4

k u:j h

khaj1 k aj h

1

1

----

----

468

k aj h

ӔDZjު

ha:j4

母雞

hen

*mi:ު

*[k/x]ʅj

*hmi:ު

*khʅj

mej3 Ʒaj

母指

mother

thumb

*mi:ު

*mi:ު

&LOLӔ͈

木板

木杵

board

pestle

[*Cʅުbʎ:n͈]

*[c/ç]a:k

*hmi:ު

*hmi:ު

KOMLӔ͈

*Ʒe:n͈

*tçha:k

khaj1 k aj

tree fungus

*Cʅުdit

*Cilʅj

*Ȯit

*hljʅj

k aj h

mej3 Ʒaj

paj

4

]LӔ2

----

zaj1 ----

(mej3)

paj3

3

Ʒen

2

tshe:ު7 ts ʎު h

h

4

paj

----

zaj1

paj

[n]ajު

4

----

]LӔ

2

tshe:k7 ts e:ު

----

ph[i:]6

7

ts Ҭ: h

Ȯet7 Ȯet

7

Ѵaj4 ----

2

PqM

----

khaj1

xiM

----

ma:j5

PqM

St

ma:j5

----

----

tsap9 tsia4

----

----

6

1

p[i:]6

[me]j

6

p[i:]6

[me: ]

ѴLDӔ2

ѴLDӔ2

5

2

WVLӔ

----

----

mʎখ

----

‫ޓ‬LӔক

Ʒe:n5

Ʒe:n5

Ʒe:n5

EɮQ

----

tshe:ު7

tshe:ު7

tshҬ:5

VDࡎ

----

[kDZ:1]

GtW

----

[tsʅ:2]

----

----

----

tshe:ު7

ma:j5

5

(]LӔ )

2

Ʒe:n

h

[me: ]

ѴLDӔ2

[me]j

k aj

1

ph[i:]6

3

p[i:]6

khaj1

1

2

zaj1

h

3

Ʒe:n5

----

k aj

1

Ʒe:n2

Ȯec7

khaj1

p[i:]6

----

h

Ȯit7

1

p[i:]6

4

Ʒe:n

[me: ]

3

k aj

1

----

Ʒe:n2

ph[i:]6

khaj1

]LӔ2

2

tsha:ު7

paj

paj3 paj

zin

----

Ȯit[9]

h

2

Ʒe:n2

ts ʎk

k aj

1

]LӔ2

----

paj

p[i:]6

4

3

paj

4

paj3

khaj1

(mej3)

mej3 Ʒaj

3

khaj1

1

h

木耳

paj

4

h

母親

(mej3)

ts eު h

Ȯet7 ----------

8

----

ts iaު h

---Ȯet

7

7

Ѵaj4 ----

----

----

----

----

469

木瓜

木棉

papaya

kapok

*Ciުun͈

*C-‫ۦ‬a:wު

*Ciުun͈

*͈a:wު

ުun2

ުun2

----

----

ha:w3 haw

3

木薯

yam

*Ӕwʅ:j GHl: Qi:

*C-‫ۦ‬a:wު

*hӔwʅ:j

*C-mʅn

*C-mu:Ӕ *͈a:wު

va:j1

h[DZ]j

4

ha:w3 ha:w

3

ha:w3 haw

----

----

----

----

ha:w3

3

3

3

3

man1

4

1

haw

zʅn

PDӔ

ha:w

PXӔ1 PDӔ

1

ha:w

PXDӔ4 PDӔ

1

ha:w

PXӔ1 man

ha:w3

ha:w3

ha:w3

3

3

3

3

ha:w

‫ټ‬Q

----

hDZ:w4

KjZ

----

mDZ:n1

YjM

----

hDZ:w4

----

----

[khʎ:5 lʅ:w4]

‫آ‬uZ

----

la:j4

da:

----

4

ha:w3 ha:w

[pDZ:5]

5

ha:w3

man1

3

]RӔ

5

ha:w3

ha:w

ha:w3

ުjҬn5

ha:w3

3

ӔDZjު

zun5

ha:w

ha:w

‫ޓ‬RӔক

----

----

----

NA 拿

哪

那

那

take

which

that (medial)

that (distal)

*[c/ç]i:wު

*C-[d/Ȱ]a:

*C-‫ۦ‬Ҭ:͈

*C-ma:͈ Run:

*tçhi:wު

*‫ר‬a:

*͈Ҭ:͈

*C-ma:͈

*C-na:[ު]

tshi:w3 ----

ra:1 ----

hʅҮ2 hDZ:

5

ma:2 ----

tshi:w3 ----

tshi:w3 ts iw h

ra:1

3

ra:1

----

----

ts iw h

3

ra:[2]

----

haҮ2

tshi:w3

----

haҮ2

haҮ5

2

2

hʅҮ

hʅҮ

ma:2

ma:2

ma:5

3

2

2

mo:

ma:

ma:

tshiw3 ts iw h

3

la:4

----

tshi:w3 ts iw h

3

la:4 ra:

4

----

----

haҮ[2]

h[ʅ]Ү5 [kʎ:4]

hʅࢌҮ

----

m[DZ]:2

ma:5

Pý

----

----

na:

3

----

n[o]:

mDZ:5 5

----

QDঔ

470

那樣

that way

GHl:

*C-ma:͈ ECHl: Run:

*ȮuӔ

*C-ma:͈ *͈Ҭ:͈

*C-na:[ު]

ުXӔ2 ----

ma:2 ----

ȮXӔ1 ----

ma:2 mDZ:

1

ȮRӔ1

ȮRӔ1

----

----

haҮ2 ----

haҮ5 ma:

2

ȮXӔ1

ȮXӔ1

1

1

ȮRӔ

ȮXӔ

ma:5 na:

hʅҮ5 n[o]:

3

[kʎ:4]

----

----

mDZ:5

----

----

phҬ:1

fj

----

5

----

----

NAN 男人

man

*pa:ު

*pha:ު

pha:3 p DZ: h

*C-ma:n

南

south

*pʅjު Run:

*CʅުdʅӔ

NWCHl: 南瓜

pumpkin

*ުi:

GHl:

CHl: NECHl: difficult

*Ci[d/Ȱ]a:k

*phʅjު

*f >D@Ӕ

ma:n1 ----

Ȯuj1

p a: h

3

ma:n1 ----

phej3

h

3

p uj

p e:

*ȮʅӔ

ȮRӔ1

ȮDӔ1

*kʅw *ުi:

*͈Ҭ:p

*hrʅ:j͈ *hm[a]:Ӕު *‫ר‬ja:k

h

kaw

1

ުej1 ----

za:ު7 lʎk

4

h

3

kaw

1

hҬ:p7 ----

ze:ު7 leު

4

pha:3 p a: h

pha:3 p a:

3

h

ma:n1 ----

phaj3 p aj

3

----

pha:3 p a: h

pha:3 p a:

3

h

ma:n4

----

PDӔ

1

pha[:]j3 phaj3

muan

ILDӔ

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

1

1

1

1

ȮDӔ

ȮDӔ

ުej1

ȮDӔ

ga:j2

----

SHӔ

3

re:k7

(ze:ު ) 7

te:ު8 tҬ:

2

ha:j2 SLDӔ

3

the:ު8 teު

8

PiQ

----

----

----

[mҬa5]

----

----

huʅp8

----

----

[ުaj1]

]Dࡎ

----

pha[:]j3 [haj2]

ILDӔ

h

[tsʅ:4]

4

1

3

1

ȮDӔ

hҬ:p7 k uaj h

te:ު8 tiaު

7

p Dঔ h

ma:n1

3

h

p aj

3

5

PDӔখ

----

----

----

tʎުখ

471

難

*C-ma:n

3

pha:3

NAO 撓

腦

scratch

brain

*C-‫ۦ‬Ҭ:t

*͈Ҭ:t

Meifu:

*k Ҭ:t

*lu:k

*hlu:k

h

hҬ:t7

hҬ:t7

----

----

Ȯu:ު7 WԬRN

hҬ:t7 k Ҭt h

Ѵu:ު7

2

[n]uު

lҬ:ު7

lҬ:ު7

7

Ѵu:k7 4

hҬ:t7 k Ҭt h

7

Ѵu:ު7

Ѵuk

hҬk

Ѵuk

7

hҬ:t7

kҬat7

hҬࡎ ۣt

----

Ѵu:ު7

Ѵu:ު8

----

----

[ӑʅ:p8]

lҬࡎ :

----

kiw1

----

----

ple:ު7

lҬa5

----

----

mʅҮ1

mʅj1

mҬ࡯ :

mʅࡢҮ

----

8

Ѵuaު7

Ѵuk

7

hҬ:t7

Ѵuު

8

7

K±Nখ

ѴXNখ

NEN 嫩

tender

*m-lҬ:k Run:

*m-lҬ:k *ުu:t

lҬʅk

4

pjuު

4

plҬ:k7 plҬ:ު7 7

pҬު

plҬk

ki:w1

ki:w1

7

(ުu:t7) ުuk

8

plҬ:ު7 ުut

7

----

NENG 能幹

able

GHl:

NECHl:

*ki:w *Ȯʅj͈

Ȯiw3

ki:w1

----

----

----

Ȯaj

2

---Ȯaj

ki:w1 Ȯaj

2

5

----

NI 泥(土) mud 你

you (sg)

GHl: *C-mҬ:

*m-la:k *C-mҬ:

ren1

le:ު7

----

pjʎު

mҬ:1

m[DZ]:

4

mʅҮ1 5

mʎ:

1

ple:k7 pe:ު

7

mʅҮ1 mʅҮ

1

ple:ު7

pe:ު7

2

8

plҬ:

mʅҮ1 mʅҮ

1

pleު

mʅҮ4 m[ʅ:]

1

----

mʅҮ[ު]

8

----

m[DZ:]খ

472

你們

you (pl)

GHl:

*sʅw

溺

膩

drown

greasy

*lom

NWCHl: *ުa:jު

*C-mҬ:

*shʅw

*hlom *t ok h

*ުa:jު

(mʅj3) ma:

1

t[u:]1 ----

Ȯom1 t DZk

mʅҮ1 mʎ:

taw1 ----

Ѵom1

2

t aު

ުa:j3

----

h

h

----

5

4

mʅҮ1

----

----

----

----

----

----

t[a:]1

taw1

taw1

taw1

tshaw1

----

----

1

1

----

saw

----

saw

Ѵom1

Ѵom1

1

1

Ѵom ----

----

----

ުa:j

Ѵom

ުa:j3 3

----

----

ts [ʅ:] h

1

----

Ѵom

1

(ުa:j6) ----

ts [ʅҮު] h

7

----

----

----

[ȮDZ:k9]

ȮyP

----

ުa:j3

[ުem1]

----

----

ma:1

PiZ

p۠w

ӑҬ:t10

----

----

[nDZ:k9]

WDࡎW

----

[tsem5]

d۠ࡢw

----

----

ުuaj

3

----

----

NIAN 年

黏

year

sticky

*mu:͈

*C-ӑҬt Run:

*hmu:͈

*C-ӑҬt *ުe:t

mow2 Ʒa:

5

ӑҬt7

paw2

pow2

paw2

pho:2

2

2

2

2

paw

ӑҬt7

----

----

paw

ӑҬt[9] ----

paw

ӑҬt[9] ----

paw ----

pDZ:2

paw

2

----

8

ުet

ުi:t

tat7

tat7

7

pģZগ

----

NIAO 鳥

bird

*sʅc

*shʅc

tat[9]

ts iat h

尿

urine

*Cʅުdu:

*Ȯu:

tat7 2

Ȯow1

Ȯow1 ----

tat7

7

7

sat

sat

ts at h

8

ts at h

8

Ȯow1

Ȯow1

Ȯow1

Ȯow1

1

1

1

1

Ȯow

Ȯow

Ȯow

Ȯow

----

WRZখ

473

----

faު

4

tac7

NING 擰 凝固

twist solid

*Ci‫ۦ‬ʅӑު CHl:

*tʅ:m͈

*Ci͈ʅӑު *Ci͈ʅt

*thʅ:m͈

hen3

han3

----

hjaӑ3

----

tham2

tho:m2

----

----

----

tho:m2 ----

zat7

zat7

----

tho:m5 t o:m h

2

ӑat

hjat7

8

thDZ:m5 t uam h

2

ӑat

[vu:t8]

----

----

thDZ:m5

----

----

[kҬ2]

----

----

[nҬa5]

----

----

ku:1

G>q@w

----

ȮDӔ1

thҬࡢ ۣn

----

kha:w1

kh۠ࢌw

----

8

thDZ:m5 t uam h

5

ӑa:Wখ ----

NIU 牛虻

gadfly

*mi:ު

*Cila:k

*hmi:ު

*lja:k

mej3

pej3

----

pҬ(2)

----

za:ު7

----

ze:ު7

----

-------

ze:k7

----

----

----

----

Ѵe:ު8 zҬ:

---pҬ

3

----

Ѵe:ު8

zeު

2

(ziaު )

8

8

----

----

NONG 膿

pus

*Curiwު NECHl:

*Cuhriwު *C-ne:Ӕ

riw3 vDZj

giw3

3

(ުiw )

thҬ:n1

thҬ:n1

3

gwiw3 QLӔ

1

gwiw6 ‫ۦ‬iw

3

viw6

hiw6

QLDӔ

1

QLDӔ

4

----

NU 努力

exert

*tҬ:n

*thҬ:n

ts Ҭn h

*[k/x]u:͈

*khu:͈

1

khow2 5

1

khaw2 k aw h

t ҬӔ h

2

1

khaw2 k aw h

2

thҬ:n1 t ҬӔ

thҬ:n1

1

t ҬӔ

khaw5

kho:5

h

k aw h

2

h

1

k aw h

2

thҬ:n1 t ʅn h

1

khDZ:5

k aw h

5

----

----

474

k a: h

t ʎn h

thҬ:n1

NUAN 暖和

warm

*lun͈

NCHl:

*hlun͈ *hlom

Ȯun2

----

----

Ѵun2

----

Ѵom

1

Ѵun5

Ѵo[Ӕ]

Ѵun5 [2]

Ѵun5

Ѵom

[2]

Ѵom

thu:n5

----

----

mҬ2

Pon

----

ӔRZ1

Ӕj

----

Ѵiʅk8

dҬࡎ :

----

[mҬ2]

PqM

----

[ta:w1]

x۠ࢌw

----

1

----

NUO 糯稻

glutinous rice

*C-mu:nު CHl:

*C-ӔDު

*C-mu:nު *C-muc *C-ӔDު

NY 女兒

daughter

*lҬ:k Qi:

*mi:ު

*[k/x]ʅw͈

女人

woman

*hlҬ:k *Ȯiު

*hmi:ު

*khʅw͈

mu:n3

mu:n3

----

muʎު

4

mu:n3 mʅt

7

mut7 ----

ӔD3

ka:3

ka:3

ka:6

4

3

3

3

kDZ:

ka:

ȮҬ:ު7

WԬҬʅk

ѴҬ:ު7 2

mej3 Ʒaj

4

khaw2 ----

ka:

leު

ѴҬ:k7

4

ѴҬk

----

paj3

7

---khaw2 k DZ: h

2

mej3 ӔDZ1

pej3 ӔD5

*[k/x]ʅw͈

*khʅw͈

khaw2

khaw2 k DZ: h

paj3 ----

2

k o:

k o:

2

2

kho:5 k o: h

kha:6

ka:6

mot

ka:

3

ѴҬaު7 ѴҬk

8

paj

kho:5 h

mʅt

8

phaj6

-------

khaw2 h

ѴҬk

7

pҬ

2

8

2

Ȯi3

ѴҬު

7

paj[4] paj

3

kho:5

(k o: ) h

6

5

[4]

kh[o]:5 k o: h

5

----

----

----

----

----

phaj6 paj3

paj6 paj[4]

mҬ2

PqM pa:jঔ

----

kho:5

kh[o]:5

[ta:w1]

x۠ࢌw

----

k o: h

5

k o: h

5

khRগ

475

*hmi:ު

k o: h

Ȯi3

3

khaw2

mut7

ka:

----

----

*mi:ު

----

ka:

mut8

女婿

son-in-law

*lҬ:

*hlҬ:

ȮʅҮ1 WԬRZ

1

ѴʅҮ1 low

[2]

ѴʅҮ1

ѴʅҮ1

ѴʅҮ1

ѴʅҮ1

1

1

1

1

ѴʅҮ

ѴʅҮ

ѴʅҮ

ѴʅҮ

Ѵa:4

----

----

[ުDZӔ1]

----

----

[phok7]

----

----

[khuʅn1]

----

----

----

----

ѴDZ:4

Gj

WOi

----

----

----

ѴʅҮখ

OU 嘔吐

vomit

GHl:

*fha:k

ުa:ު7 fʎk

2

fe:ު7 ----

fe:k7

fe:ު7

7

7

fe:ު

(fek )

fe:ު7 feު

fe:ު7

f iaު

8

h

7

----

PA 趴 (行) lie face-down

GHl:

*Cu͈ʅ:mު

(ho:m3) ho:m3 ӔRP

----

na:n1

na:n1

[5]

趴

爬

climb (tree)

crawl

*C-na:n

*Cu‫ۦ‬Ҭ:m

*C-na:n

*Cu͈Ҭ:m

----

afraid

*Cʅުda:ު NCHl:

*Ȯa:ު

*C-m[a]:Ӕ

ӔRP

ӔRP

Ӕuam

na:n1

na:n1

na:n4

1

1

3

----

----

3

QDӔ

3

QDӔ

hDZ:m3

Ҫuam

6

na:n1 nuan

4

hҬ:m1 hҬ:m1 hwҬ:m1 hҬ:m1 vu:m1

hҬ:m1 hDZ:m4

ӔXP

----

ӔҬm

ӔҬm

ӔҬm

Ȯa:3

Ȯa:3

Ȯa:3

Ȯa:3

Ȯa:3

Ȯa:3

3

3

3

1

怕

hwo:m3 go:m[6] vDZ:m5

mʎӔ

1

1

PHӔ

1

PHӔ

1

1

Ȯa:

1

Ȯa:

Ҫom

4

Ȯa:

----

----

----

WDঔ

PAI 拍

clap

---

[*phDӔ͈]

phDӔ2 ----

phDӔ2 ----

phDӔ2 p DӔ h

2

phDӔ5 p DӔ h

2

-------

phDӔ5 ----

fDZӔঔ

476

排列

派遣

arrange

dispatch

*rʅj

GHl:

*hrʅj

*Ʒʅj

raj1

gaj1

----

gaj1

----

----

----

Ʒaj1

----

haj4

1

1

k aj

Ʒaj1

Ʒaj1

Ʒaj1

1

1

1

xaj

Ʒaj1

----

gaj4

----

Ʒaj

xaj

Ʒaj

haj4

[Ʒa:j2]

----

----

pha:j4

----

----

kaw4

[ުu:t9]

----

----

----

----

----

----

ӔDM5

----

ӔiM

----

ƷDZ:5

[tsha:k9]

b۠ࢌw

----

h

Ʒaj

1

----

----

PAN 攀折

攀折

break (stem)

break (stem)

*Ӕʅw

NCHl:

*hӔʅw *ުu:ު

Run:

*C-ӔXW

*C-Ӕʅ:j͈

*C-Ӕʅ:j͈

----

ުʎw

3

-------

kaw1 ----

kaw1

(ުew ) 3

----

----

----

kaw4 kaw

1

----

----

----

kaw

1

(ӔXW8)

----

ӔXW

7

----

ӔXW

8

----

----

PANG 旁邊

螃蟹

胖

side

crab

fat

*Cʅުbu:͈ NCHl: *ru:jު

*Ʒu:͈

*k a:͈ h

*hru:jު

ӔDM2 ----

Ʒow2 Ʒa:

5

ru:j3 huj

4

ӔRM2 ӔDZj

2

Ʒaw2 Ʒaw

2

gu:j3 vuj

3

(ӔDM2) ----

Ʒow2 k a: h

2

ӔDM5 ӔRM

2

ӔXDM

Ʒaw5

Ʒo:5

Ʒaw

2

g[we]j3 gu:j6 guj

3

ӔDM2

xuj

3

2

Ʒaw

2

hu:j6 xuj

3

----

k a: h

5

hu:j6 k uj h

3

----

k Dগ h

kuj1

duoj ----

----

477

PAO 跑

run

跑味兒 stale

泡沫

泡沫

foam

foam

*Curu:͈

*lujު

GHl:

CHl:

*Cuhru:͈

*hlujު

*fhu:t

*fhXӔު

row2

gow2

gow2

gow2

5

2

2

2

vaw

Ӕʎw

Ȯuj3

Ѵuj3

----

----

(puat7) fu:t7 fu[a]t

2

----

fuު

4

----

----

----

gow Ѵuj3 ----

‫ۦ‬ow

----

3

3

Ѵuj

fu:t7

7

7

---IXӔ

3

vow

2

----

fu:t7 fuk

ha:m5

----

Gýw

----

[vi:3 fin4]

----

----

(Ѵu:j ) 3

----

----

----

fu:t7

puʅt9

----

----

IXDӔ3

IXDӔ3

----

----

----

ުa:w1

----

----

[YXӔ5]

----

----

----

ʎࡢӔ

----

----

----

vow

kDZ:1

5

Ѵuj3

Ѵoj

fuk

how2

----

IRӔ

3

IRӔ

3

----

----

PEN 噴

spray

(with mouth) 噴

盆

spray

basin

*pu͈

*phu͈

phu:2 p u: h

*la:w

*ު[a]Ӕ͈

*hla:w

*ު[a]Ӕ͈

5

Ȯa:w1 ----

phu:2 ----

Ѵa:w1 ----

(ުHӔ2) ުHӔ2 ----

----

phu:2 ----

Ѵa:w1 ----

ުHӔ2 ----

phu:5

p u[t] h

7

ުu:5

p u: h

ުu:5 5

p u: h

5

Ѵa:w1

Ѵa:w1

Ѵa:w1

1

1

1

Ѵa:w

ުHӔ5 ----

Ѵa:w -------

Ѵa:w

ުHӔ5 ----

----

----

----

478

PENG 朋友

捧

friend

hold in two hands

碰見

meet

GHl:

CHl:

NWCHl: *[ٍF@XӔ͈ NWCHl:

*phi:nު

*khop *ުҬn

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hXӔ͈ *C-la:jު

----

phi:n3

----

----

----

----

ުʅn

1

tshXӔ2

tshXӔ2

3

3

la:

laj

----

phi:n3 p LӔ h

khop7

ުʎn

1

phi:n3

k op h

7

tshXӔ2 ----

3

khop7 k op h

7

tshXӔ5 ts XӔ h

2

phi:n3

pҬʅn5

----

----

[KXӔ1]

----

----

tshXDӔ5 tshXӔ5 tshXӔ2

----

----

----

----

ƷXDӔ1

ƷXӔ1

[pҬaj1]

b~oӔ

----

----

phi:n3 p in h

----

khDZp7

k op h

3

7

k op h

7

----

----

----

PI 劈

split

*CʅުEXӔ

*ƷXӔ

ƷXӔ1 ƷRӔ

1

皮

skin (of fruit)

*fa:k

*fha:k

skin

*C-nʅӔ

*C-nʅӔ

pha:ު7 fʎk

QDӔ1

fart

*tu:c

*thu:c

QDӔ

t uʅt

fʎު

4

nDZӔ

1

thu:t7 h

fe:ު7

QRӔ1

1

屁

ƷXӔ

1

2

皮膚

ƷXӔ1

2

thu:t7 t uު h

4

ƷXӔ1 ƷXӔ

1

ƷXӔ1 ƷXӔ

1

fe:k7

fe:ު7

7

2

fe:ު

fҬ:

ƷXӔ

1

fe:ު7 feު

fiaު

8

QRӔ1

1

1

QXDӔ

thu:[t]7 thu:t7

thu:t7

t ut h

7

QRӔ

t ut h

7

nDZӔ4 1

t ut h

8

pua5

fDࢤ

----

na:1

nģӔ

----

Ȯuʅt9

th~ot

----

7

nDZӔ1 QXDӔ

4

thu:t7 t ut h

7

p u:Ӕঔ h

fe:ު7

QRӔ1 QRӔ

ƷXӔ

1

----

nXDӔখ

t XWখ h

479

PIAN 片

land clsfr

*[ٍ/c]a:n

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]ha:n

tsha:n1 ----

tsha:n1 ----

tsha:n1 ts DӔ h

1

tsha:n1 ts DӔ h

1

tsha:n1 ts DӔ h

1

tsha:n1 ts uan h

[hҬan1]

----

----

----

----

----

[huʅp8]

KpM

----

1

thLDӔখ

PIAO 飄動

瓢

瓢

to wave

ladle

*C-lit Run:

*Cu‫ۦ‬i:

*C-lit *ުwit

*Cu͈i:

lit7

---hej1 ----

lit7

lec7

----

----

hej1 Ӕʎj

hwej1

1

ӔHM

1

let7

----

let

vet

7

---ӔHM

lit7

[7]

vej1 ӔHM

1

vet

7

----

Ҫej

1

4

----

----

ladle

Qi:

*hru:j

----

----

----

gu:j1

hu:j1

hu:j1

----

----

----

level

CHl:

*thʅ:j

----

----

tho:j1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

PING 平

----

----

----

t o:j h

1

t uaj h

1

----

t XDMখ h

PO pour

*Cʅުba:nު

*Ʒa:nު

Ʒa:n3 ----

Ʒa:n3 ----

Ʒa:n[1] ----

Ʒa:n3 ƷDӔ3

-------

潑

pour

CHl:

*hwi:t

----

----

hwi:t7

tso:5

tso:5

CHl:

*tçʅw͈

----

tsDZ:

2

----

----

v[i]t

8

Ʒa:n3 ----

[ѴDZm2]

bjQ ----

----

tsDZ:5

----

----

----

vet8

----

480

潑

破

break

*pʅ:nު

*phʅ:nު

phan3 p an h

3

pho:n3 p DZn h

3

pho:n3 p RӔ h

3

pho:n3 p RӔ h

3

phDZ:n3 p XDӔ h

3

phDZ:n3 p u:n h

ƷҬan1

3

----

p XDӔঔ

----

h

PU

噗

噗

puff

puff

CHl:

*Ci[d/Ȱ]uӑު

*m-liw͈

*‫ר‬juӑު

------zun3 ----

(piw2) ----

pliw2

pliw5

piw

[p]iw

2

zun3 ----

2

----

[Ȯ]un

tun6 3

t[a]n

[1]

----

----

[pu:t9]

----

----

thun6

tҬn6

----

----

----

Ȯaw1

th[~]

thaw

----

ton

----

3

tʅn

3

----

----

QI 七

妻子

seven

wife

*tu:

*mi:ު

GHl:

妻子

wife

*thu:

*hmi:ު

*khʅw͈

th[u:]1 ----------------

thow1 t ʎw h

1

paj3 paj

3

khaw2 ----

thow1 t ow h

1

paj3 ----

khaw2 ----

thow1 t ow h

1

paj6 pҬ

*hmi:ު

mej3 ----

mej3 ----

-------

-------

*C-liwު

*C-liwު

liw1

liw1

Ȯun1

----

CHl:

*Ȯun

lDZj

1

----

liw

1

2

kho:5 ----

ȮRӔ

t ow h

1

paj[4]

----

ȮRӔ

4

t RZখ h

----

----

----

[na:w5]

----

----

-------

----

---SDMখ

----

liw1

----

OtZ

----

paj

[4]

khDZ:5 k o: h

-------

1

thow1

----

5

----

----

WRӔক

481

*mi:ު

1

----

kho:5 k o:

t ow h

phaj6

3

h

thow1

棲息

漆

起來

氣

perch

lacquer

get up

air

*CʅުϺʅwު

GHl:

NCHl: *CuުҬ:͈

*CʅުϺҬ:

*tçʅwު

tsaw3

tsaw3

----

*tçhit

----

tsha:j1

*tç ʅt

ts at

h

h

*CuުҬ:͈

*tçҬ:

1

ުʅҮ2

-------

tsʅҮ1

----

----

tso:3

tso:3

3

3

tso:

tso:

tshet7

----

----

tsʅҮ1

----

tshec7

ުaҮ2

----

tsaw3

ts a[t] h

tsDZ:3

ts e[ު] h

ުwaҮ2 gwaҮ5 vaҮ5 ----

‫ۦ‬ʅҮ

vaҮ

tsʅҮ1

tsʅҮ1

tsʅҮ1

1

1

2

----

tsʅҮ

----

----

----

----

----

ުwaҮ5 ުa:1

ʅࡢҮ

vʅࡢҮ

----

t‫آ‬ʅࡢҮ

----

Ȯan4

tҬʅn1

----

----

le:w4

----

----

----

mit7

pet7

PLeࡎ t

----

tsha:j5

Ӕ~on

----

to:

tshat7 7

[ӔDZm2]

2

tsʅҮ

3

---7

ts et h

7

vaҮ

5

tsʅҮ1 tʅҮ

1

----

----

YDOগ

----

QIA 掐

pinch

*Cʅުdʅӑު

*Ȯʅӑު

Ȯan3

ts ian h

掐

掐

pinch

Qi:

*‫ר‬e:w

----

pinch

*C-mi:t

*C-mi:t

mi:t7

-------

----

mit

Ȯan3 3

----

4

Ȯan ----

mi:t7

mi:t8

mit

7

----

3

re:w4 ----

mi:t7 mit

----

----

----

mi:t7 miު

----

----

----

2

Ȯaӑ3

7

----

mit

----

7

mit

8

----

----

----

QIAN 千

1,000

*C-ӔXQ NECHl:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] ʅ:j h

*C-Ӕin

ӔXQ1 ----

ӔXQ1 ----

ӔXQ1

Ӕ[i:]n

tsha:j1 1

ӔHQ

1

tsha:j1

(ӔHQ ) 4

tsha:j1 ӔHQ

[5]

ӔHQখ

482

Qi:

*C-ӔXQ

牽

lead

*Cuٍun

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hun

tshun1 fʅn

1

前面

front

*pʅjު

*phʅjު

*ȮʅӔ

phaj3

p [u]j

ph[e]j3 [2]

ȮRӔ1

WVHӔ

day before Yesterday

*Ӕwʅn

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅwު

鉗子

潛水

tongs

dive

*[c/ç]i:p

*CʅުϺom

*hӔwʅn

*‫ר‬ʅwު

*tçhi:p

*tçom

ven1

shallow

*tҬ:nު

*thҬ:nު

----

raw3

----

tsom1

[fҬ]n

money

*CʅުϺi:n

*tçi:n

tsi:n1 WԬLQ

1

phaj3 p aj h

----

p aj

3

h

IRӔ

fʅn

1

fjM

----

thiʅӔ4

ȮyӔ

----

vDZ:n1

YpQ

----

tsa:w4

djZ

----

----

1

1

1

thҬn3 t ʎn

3

tsi:n1 1

----

ts ip

7

ȮDZӔ

----

----

paj

van1 pҬ

3

3

law3

----

tshi:p7 h

ȮDӔ

raw6

----

----

tsin

----

raw3

tshi:p7

h

pҬ (1)

law3

[pl]aw raw 3

tshi:p7 ts ip h

7

----

tsum1

tsem1muat7

----

----

ȮDӔ1

----

----

----

----

1

1

t ʅӔ h

3

tsi:n1 WVLӔ

1

t ʅӔ h

3

tsi:n1 WVLӔ

1

[pl]ģZঔ ----

1

thҬn3

SDMঔ

----

tsom1

thҬn3

WDӔখ

tshi:p7

tsom1 tsom

3

----

----

tsom1 tsom

----

pha:j5

1

ȮDӔ

----

[h]aj3

1

ȮaӔ

‫ࡢڠآ‬n

phaj3 ----

3

WRӔ1

1

ȮDӔ1

----

thҬ:n3

IRӔ

tshҬn1

ȮDӔ1

tsom1

tsom

----

1

tshun1

ȮDӔ1

----

tshi:p7

tshun1

ȮDӔ1

----

----

fun1

ȮDӔ1

----

3

錢

3

van1

1

淺

p [e:] h

Ȯan

1

前天

fʎn

1

h

*CʅުdʅӔ

tshun1

tsom

thҬn3 t ʅӔ h

3

tsi:n1 WVLӔ

1

tom

1

thҬn3 t ʅn h

3

tsi:n1 tin

1

----

----

t [Ҭ]Ӕখ h

tsin1

t‫آ‬ten ----

----

483

QIANG 牆

嗆

wall

choke

ULӔު Run:

GHl:

KULӔު

*m-l[a]:k *khʅ:nު

ULӔ3 ----

JLӔ3

JLӔ3

----

----

(kho:n3) kho:n3 ----

k DZn h

JLDӔ6 [LӔ

kho:n3 k RӔ

3

h

3

kho:n3 k RӔ h

KLDӔ6

----

----

----

----

khDZ:n3

khDZ:n3

khҬan1

----

----

pleު8

3

3

pliaު7

k XDӔ h

3

k u:n h

3

SHWঔ

----

QIAO 悄悄地 quietly

敲

敲

撬

knock

*rip

*hrip

(gip7)

gip7

gip7

----

----

----

[tsʅӔ2]

----

----

*toӔ͈

*thRӔ͈

th[DZ]Ӕ2

thXӔ2

thRӔ2

thRӔ5

th[u]Ӕ5

th[u]Ӕ5

[ȮDZk7]

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

t DZӔ h

2

----

----

t DZӔ h

2

----

t DZӔ h

2

t DZӔ h

5

----

----

knock

Qi:

*ƷXӔު

----

----

----

(ƷXDӔ3) ƷXDӔ3 ----

----

ƷXӔ3

[tʅp8]

----

----

pry

*[k/x]ʅӔ͈

*khʅӔ͈

khDӔ2

khDӔ2

khDӔ2

khDӔ1

khDӔ1

khDӔ1

khDӔ1

----

----

----

----

----

----

k [e]Ӕ h

2

----

k DӔ h

2

----

----

----

----

----

484

QIE 切

cut

GHl:

CHl:

*hrʅt

*thʅmު

(gat7)

gat7

----

gat7

----

----

----

----

----

t an

gat8

hat8

xak

----

t am

ުun3

ުun3

ުun3

ުun3

3

3

3

3

h

3

tham3

t am h

3

t am h

tak8

----

----

----

----

[ODӔ5]

----

----

----

Q

----

mu:j1

----

----

[mҬ2]

----

----

----

----

----

----

khat7

8

----

3

h

xak

7

t am

3

h

3

[DNখ

----

QIN 勤勞

hard-working

*ުunު Run:

*ުunު *Ȯʅj͈

ުʅn

ުʎn

ުRӔ

----

ުRӔ

Ȯaj

---Ȯaj

2

5

----

QING 青梅樹 plum tree

青年

youth

*C-mu:j

*lҬ:k

*C-mu:j

*hlҬ:k

mu:j1

mu:j1

----

muj

ȮҬ:ު7

WԬҬʅk

ѴҬ:ު7 2

GHl:

青蛙

frog

*Cʅުga:t Run:

*C-mҬ:n

*ka:t

*ka:p

1

----

mu:j1 muj

1

ѴҬ:k7 ----

mu:j1 muj

1

ѴҬ:ު7 ѴҬk

7

----

----

mҬӔ

ka:t7

ka:t7

ka:t7

ka:t7

----

1

----

mu[a]j mu[:]j ѴҬaު7 ѴҬk

8

----

----

mu:j1

1

pha:3tsan3 mҬ:n1 mҬ:n1 mҬ:n1

----

m[u]j4

Ѵ[a]k ѴҬު

4

7

mҬ:n4 mҬ:n1 [niaw1] mҬӔ

mʅn

ka:t7

ka:t7

1

ka:p

8

4

ka:p

7

[la:k8]

----

----

----

----

485

輕

light (weight)

*[k/x]Ҭ:ު

*khҬ:ު

khʅҮ3 k DZ: h

傾聽

listen

GHl:

*Cilʅj

傾聽

傾斜

清

清

清理

*͈LӔ

*hljʅj

3

-------------

khaҮ3 k aw h

3

KLӔ1 ----

zaj1 ----

khaҮ3 k aҮ h

3

KLӔ1

khaҮ3 k ʅҮ h

3

KLDӔ1

----

[Ӕ]LӔ

1

zaj1 ----

khaҮ3 k aҮ h

3

KLDӔ1 ----

Ѵaj4

Ѵaj4

1

1

zaj

zaj

khaҮ3 k aҮ h

khDZ:5

3

KLӔ1 KLӔ

khʅҮ

k DOঔ

----

h

----

----

----

----

----

----

[5]

Ѵaj4

tsaj

[1]

listen

*m-lҬ:

*m-lҬ:

lʅҮ1

----

----

----

pʅҮ1

plʅҮ1

[ӔHM2]

lʅࡢҮ

----

slant

*CʅުJLӔ

NLӔ

NLӔ1

NLӔ1

NLӔ1

NLDӔ1

NLDӔ1

NLDӔ1

NLӔ1

NteӔ

----

clear

clear

to clean

*ra:w

*lҬӔު

*sʅc

*hra:w

*hlҬӔު

*shʅc

----

----

----

----

(ka:w1) ga:w1 ----

----

ȮҬӔ3

----

---tat7

----

---tat7

----

----

----

----

----

NLӔ

1

ga:w1

ga:w4

4

1

ga:w ------tac7 ----

‫ۦ‬a:w

ѴҬӔ3 ------sat

7

----

----

NLӔ

1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ѴҬDӔ3

ѴҬӔ3

ѴDӔ2

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ѴҬӔ

3

-------

ѴҬӔ

3

-------

----

----

----

486

清理

蜻蜓

晴

to clean

dragonfly

clear (sky)

請(叫) invite

CHl:

*hlҬӔު

-------

----

----

----

----

----

ѴҬDӔ3

----

----

----

ѴҬӔ

[tshHӔ3]

----

----

3

----

ECHl:

*Cu͈ʅ:k

----

----

hwo:k7 go:ު7 ----

----

----

hDZ:ު7

----

----

----

*mi:ު

*hmi:ު

mej3

pej3

pҬ(1)

----

----

----

tham1/thap9

----

----

*[c/ç]in

*tçhin

tshin1

tshin1

tsheӑ1

----

----

----

[thiw5]

----

----

*lҬӔު

*hlҬӔު

ȮҬӔ3

ѴҬӔ3

ѴҬӔ3

ѴҬӔ3

ѴҬDӔ3

ѴҬӔ3

ѴDӔ2

----

----

[kow4]

----

----

fҬ:t8

YDࡎW

----

(hu:n1) huʅn3

----

----

GHl:

*hrʅjު

----

----

----

----

Ʒaj1 ----

----

----

----

----

----

----

gaj3

----

----

----

----

----

ѴҬӔ

----

ѴҬӔ

3

gaj6

haj6

3

3

xaj

----

----

3

gaj3

----

----

----

xaj

ѴҬӔ

3

haj6

k aj h

3

----

----

----

----

[Ҁ]a:Mগ

QIONG 窮

poor

*C-ba:t

*‫ڛ‬a:t

va:t7 ----

va:t7

va:t7

----

va:k

7

fa:t8

va:k

va:t8 7

va:ު

va:t7

8

vuat

8

va:ުখ

QIU 丘

mound

GHl:

*Ci͈ʅ:n

----

ӔMDZnު

hjo:n1 4

----

zo:n1 ӑRӔ

1

----

ӑXDӔ

1

ӑu:n

4

----

487

----

ho:n1

秋

autumn

*C-ӑa:n

*tʅt C-mu:nު CHl: 蚯蚓

earthworm

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅn Meifu: Run:

*C-ӑa:n

ӑa:n1 ----

ӑa:n1 ----

ӑa:n1 ----

*Ȯaӑު

----

----

----

*Cu͈ʅn

hen1

han1

hwan1

*C-lu:͈

----

----

ӑDӔ

1

*thʅt C-mu:nު thet7mu:n3 that7mu:n3 Ȯaӑ3

*C-Ӕʅӑ

ӑa:n1

ӔDQ

1

----

----

ӑDӔ

1

----

----

Ȯan

gwan1 ӔDQ

ӑa:n1 ----

[taw1 ku1 nuʅn1] ----

----

----

----

van1

----

----

[phe:k9]

luoj

----

----

----

----

----

---3

van1

----

----

hwan1

1

2

low

low

lu:j3

lu:j6

lu:j3

khuj4

kuj4

5

ӑDӔগORZক

QU 驅逐

蛆

蛆

取

expel

maggot

maggot

take

*C-lu:jު

ӔXM

NECHl: CHl:

*C-lu:jު

KӔXM

*Ȯ[a]:k *Ci͈ʅn͈

lu:j3 ----

ӔXM1 kDZj

4

----

ӑan

lu:j3

lu:j3

----

----

kuj1

kuj1

----

Ȯe:ު

7

---5

luj

ӔMʎn

2

3

kuj4 ȮҬ:

2

----

Ȯeު

8

----

Ȯiaު

7

----

----

----

zan5

zan5

hjan5

zDZ:t8

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

Qi:

*C-͈a:jު

----

----

----

ha:j3

ha:j3

ha:j3

----

----

----

GHl:

*hmʅt

----

pat7

pat7

pat8

phat8

pat8

pat8

----

----

4

7

Run:

*hmu:jު

----

Ʒat

4

----

paު

----

paު

----

pak

7

----

puj

3

----

puj

6

----

----

488

娶

去

去年

marry

go

last year

*Cʅުga:k NCHl: *C-‫ۦ‬i: Run:

*mu:͈

*pʅnު

*ka:k *ȮҬ: *͈i:

*p ʅҮ h

*hmu:͈

*pʅnު

(ke:ު9) ke:ު7

ke:k7

ke:ު7

ke:ު7

1

1

1

tsow

Ȯʎ:

hej1

hej1

hej1

hej1

1

1

1

1

----

hʎj

mow2 Ʒa:

5

phen3 p an h

3

2

----

ke:ު7

hej

ȮʅҮ

ȮʅҮ hej1

hej

p ʅ[:] h

paw2

pow2

paw2

pho:2

2

2

2

2

paw

phan3 p an h

3

paw ----

p DӔ h

3

ȮʅҮ

paw

phan3 p DӔ h

3

paw

phan3 p DӔ h

3

hej1 1

p ʅҮ[ު] h

----

(kʎࡎ:)

----

haj1

KpM

----

mҬ:2

----

----

[lʅ:j4]

----

----

7

pDZ:

paw

2

phan3 p an h

3

----

----

pģZগ

p DӔঔ h

QUAN 全部

all

*Cʅުba:jު NECHl:

*Cʅުba:jު NECHl: 泉水

spring water

*C-nʅmު

*Ʒa:jު *‫ר‬i:k

*Ʒa:jު *‫ר‬i:k

*C-nʅmު

Ʒa:j3 ----

Ʒa:j3 ----

nom3 ----

Ʒa:j3 ----

Ʒa:j3 ----

nam3 ----

Ʒa:j3 ----

Ʒa:j3 liު

7

Ʒa:j3 rik

7

Ʒa:j3 rik

7

Ʒa:j3 rit

Ʒa:j3

7

Ʒu:j

Ʒa:j3

Ʒa:j3

rit

7

----

----

pҬj5

----

----

Ʒu:j

na:m1

----

----

3

nom3

nam3 nam

nam6

3

nam

nam3

3

3

6

nam

nam

pҬj5

3

----

----

----

*tçʅӔ

WVRӔ3 ----

WVDӔ3 ----

WVDӔ3 ----

WVDӔ6 WVDӔ3

---WVDӔ3

WVDӔ6 WVDӔ6

[tow1]

-------

----

CHl:

*‫ר‬juӑު

----

----

----

----

thun6

tҬn6

[len4]

----

----

----

----

ton

3

----

ton

3

tʅn

3

----

489

*CʅުϺʅӔ

拳頭

fist

GHl:

CHl:

勸解

mediate

*ra:k CHl:

*Cuhrop

*C-mҬ:

*hra:k

*C-l[a]:Ӕ

-------------

gop7 ----------

(ge:ު7) ge:ު7 ----

----

YHӔ2

YHӔ2

gop7

gop8

7

7

gap

‫ۦ‬ap

----

gop8

vop

vop

8

mʅҮ1

mʅҮ1

mʅҮ1

1

1

1

mʅҮ

mʅҮ

ge:k7

ge:ު8

7

2

ge:ު

xҬ:

mʅҮ OHӔ4 ----

----

----

----

----

----

----

OHӔ1

----

----

pʅ:Ӕ1

----

----

khuʅn2

x‫ࡢڠ‬n

----

liʅn2

----

----

tsha:m1

t‫آ‬yP

----

7

----

mʅҮ

4

OHӔ1 OLDӔ

4

YRSখ

mʅҮখ

----

QUE 缺口

gap

*C-b[ʎ]Ӕ͈

*‫[ڛ‬e]Ӕ͈

----

----

YHӔ2 ----

IHӔ2

YHӔ2

YHӔ5

2

2

2

YHӔ

YLDӔ

YLDӔ

----

QUN 群

裙子

group

skirt

*[k/x]un

*C-[d/Ȱ]i:nު

*khun

*‫ר‬i:n

khun1 ----

ri:n3 lin

4

khun1 ----

ri:n3 ----

khun1 k RӔ h

1

ri:n3 ----

khun1 k RӔ h

1

ri:n6

khun1 k RӔ h

1

li:n6

ULӔ

ULӔ

3

3

khun1 k ʅn h

1

li:n6 rin

6

----

ҀLӔঔ

RAN 染

dye

*ӑomު Qi:

*hӑomު *tç ʅmު h

(tsom3) tsom3 ----

----

tsom3 ----

tshom3 tsom

3

tsham3 ----

tsham3 ----

----

490

RANG 讓路

make way

SLӔު Qi:

*phLӔު *f LӔު h

phLӔ3 ----

-------

phLӔ3 p LӔ h

3

ILDӔ3

ILDӔ3

p LӔ h

ILDӔ3

p LӔ

3

h

p LӔ

3

h

phi:1

----

----

[ުuan4]

----

----

3

[v]LӔঔ

RAO 繞過

make detour

ZLӔ

KZLӔ

YLӔ1 ----

YLӔ1 ----

KZLӔ1 YLӔ

4

YLDӔ4 YLӔ

1

YLDӔ4

YLDӔ4

YLӔ

YLӔ

1

4

----

RE 熱

hot

*Cuٍʅwު

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hʅwު

tshaw3 faw

3

熱

熱

hot

to heat

CHl:

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅ:mު

*shi:t

*‫ר‬ʅ:mު

------ram3 ----

tshaw3 fDZ:

3

------ro:m3 ----

fow3 fo:

3

ti:t7 ----

----

----

[ުMXӔ1]

‫آ‬jZ

----

3

----

----

ti:t7

ti:t7

ti:t7

tshit7

----

----

fo:

----

ts it

----

h 8

ro:m3

ro:m6

3

3

lo:m

----

ro:m

lDZ:m6 ruam

3

----

ts LWখ h

----

ruam

[hi:t8]

----

----

[Ѵaj4]

j:w ӔDZক

----

6

----

REN 人

person

*ުa:w NCHl:

*ުa:w *Cu͈a:w

ުa:w1 ӔDZ1

ުa:w1 ӔD[5]

ުa:w1 ӔDZ1

ުa:w1 ުa:w1 ުa:w1 (ުa:w1) (ӔDZ4) Ҫa:w1

491

人們

people

*[k/x]un

*ުa:w

NCHl: 認識

know

GHl:

*khun

*ުa:w

*Cu͈a:w *khXӔ

khun1 ----

ުa:w1 ުa:

1

----

k RӔ h

*CurҬ:

紉針

thread needle

*sok

*CuhrҬ:

*shok

1

rʅҮ1 ----

tok7

WԬDZk

khun1 ----

[5]

khXӔ 1 ----

1

ުa:w1 ----

gʅҮ1 ----

khXӔ 1 k RӔ

1

khun1

k RӔ h

khun1

k RӔ

1

h

ުa:w1

----

----

----

----

----

[min4]

----

----

dʅࡢҮ

----

tshDZ:k9

WyN

----

phHӔ3

[fat7]

----

----

vDZ:n1

YpQ

vģ࡯nࢌ

h

ުa:w1

1

ުa:w1

(ުa:w ) (ӔDZ ) Ҫa:w khXӔ 1 ----

4

phaҮ3 ----

kʅҮ

‫ۦ‬ʅҮ

vʅҮ

tok7

tok7

tok7

7

7

sDZk

----

k ʅn

1

gwʅҮ1 gwʅҮ4 ---1

----

khun1

1

h

tuk7 2

k RӔ h

ުa:w1 ӔD

khun1

1

sDZk

khXӔ1 ----

[g]wʅҮ4 [taj2]

1

vʅҮ

1

tDZk7

ts DZk h

1

8

ts DZk h

7

----

----

----

----

----

RENG 扔

throw

*p[ʎ]Ӕު

*ph[e]Ӕު

RI 日

day

ӔZʅn

KӔZʅn

phHӔ3 ----

ven1 hon

4

phHӔ3 ----

p HӔ h

van1

vanު

phHӔ 3 3

hwan1 4

van

4

phHӔ3 p HӔ h

3

----

p LDӔ h

3

----

van4

van4

van1

1

1

4

YDӔ

YDӔ

van

----

YDӔখ

492

日常

daily

*rʅ:m

ӔZʅn

*hrʅ:m

KӔZʅn

r[o]m1 ----

ven1 ----

go:m1 ----

van1

vanު

go:m1

go:m4

4

1

go:m

hwan1 4

van

4

xo:m

hDZ:m4 xuam

1

hDZ:m4

k uam h

van4

van4

van1

1

1

4

van

tho:3

thDZ:3

YDӔ

YDӔ

----

----

----

----

----

----

[fҬʅn1]

----

----

[Ȯiaw1]

----

----

kʅ:m1

PýP

iP

mҬa5

----

----

[ӑen5]

t‫آ‬t

t‫آ‬ej

1

----

----

RONG 榕樹

banyan

*tʅwު

*thʅwު

thaw3

(t DZ: ) h

榕樹

banyan

*ri:

*hri:

3

rej1

(huj ) 4

thaw3 ----

gej1

Ӕʎjު

4

thaw3 ----

tho:3 3

3

t o:

t o:

gej1

gej4

hej4

hej4

4

1

1

gej

t o: h

h

xej

h

xej

3

[ts]ej

4

----

----

ROU 肉

肉

meat

flesh (of fruit)

GHl:

*C-ma:k

*hrʅmު

*C-ma:k

mam2 ----

gam3 ӔDQ

3

ma:ު7 mek

2

me:ު7 mʎު

4

gom3 ުun

1

gam6

ham6

3

3

xam

me:k7

me:ު7

7

2

me:ު

mҬ:

xam

me:ު8 meު

8

ham6

k am h

3

me:ު7 miaު

8

[DPঔ

----

RU 乳房

breast

*CʅުϺi:͈ NCHl:

*tçi:

*tçiު

tsi:2

tsi:2

1

1

tsʎj

tsʎj

(tsej1) tsej

1

tsi:5

tsi:5

1

3

tsej

tsi:

tsi:5 ti:

3

t‫آ‬Lঔ

493

Run:

*tçi͈

入赘

marry into

ZLIH·VIDPLO\

*[k/x]a:n

*pu:n͈

CHl:

*kha:n

*phu:n͈

*m-ORӔު

kha:n1 ----

phu:n2 -------

kha:n1 ----

k DӔ h

phu:n2 ----

1

phu:n2 p XӔ h

----

----

kha:n1

2

SORӔ3

----

----

kha:n1 k DӔ h

1

----

p XӔ h

2

SORӔ3 ----

kha:n1 k DӔ h

1

kha:n1 k uan h

kuʅn1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

1

----

----

SRӔ3

pl[o]Ӕ3 [ѴҬ:2]

----

----

plDZӔ

----

----

3

plDZӔ

phu:t8

pu:t8

puʅk7

(S~RW)

f[yN]

huj4

[tDZ:k9]

----

----

fDZ:n5

[ުia1]

----

----

tem

----

3

----

RUAN 軟

soft

GHl:

NWCHl:

*hmu:t ުi:Ӕު

(pu:t9) ުiʅӔ

3

pu:t7 ުLӔ

3

pu:t7

pu:t8

----

puk

puk

7

8

----

SXNখ

SA 撒(沙) cast (sand)

撒(種) cast (seed)

*Curuj

GHl:

*Cuhruj

*fhʅ:n͈

ruj1 ----

(ruj1) ----

(po:n2) fo:n2 fan

fon

ުi:m1

ުi:m1

5

2

guj1

guj4

(huj1)

4

1

1

guj

‫ۦ‬uj

[x]oj

fo:n2

fo:n5

2

2

IRӔ

fDZ:n5

IRӔ

IXDӔ

2

----

f u:n h

5

----

----

SAI 塞

stop up

*ުi:m CHl:

*ުi:m

*tç i:m h

----

sin

1

tshi:m1 tshi:m1 tshi:m1 tshi:m1 tshem1 ts im h

[2]

ts im h

1

ts im h

1

ts im h

1

----

494

鰓

gill

*C-ӔDN

*C-ӔDN

ӔDު7

ӔHު7

Ӕʎk

ӔHު

2

4

ӔHN7

ӔHު7

7

2

ӔHު

ӔҬ:

ӔHު8 ӔHު

ӔHު7

8

ӔLDު

tshu3

tshu3

tshu3

3

3

h 3

ӔҬa5

ӔDࡎ

----

ta:w1

‫آ‬:

‫~آ‬:

----

[]~W

----

tset10

----

WLWࡎ

tshu:1

----

----

SDӔ4

----

----

[ӔXʅn5]

----

----

8

----

SAN 三

three

*Cuٍuު

*Cuٍ‫؛‬huު

tshu3

tshu3

3

3

fu

fo

fu3 fu

fu

3

fu

fu

IXঔ

SAO 掃

掃

嫂子

sweep

sweep

HOGHUEURWKHU·V wife

*Cʅުguc NCHl: GHl:

*CʅުϺu:

*kuc

*p ʅ:n͈ h

*hrjik

*tçu:

kut[9]

p a:n h

---5

----

kuc7

p DZn h

2

zik7

----

----

tsow1

tsow1

----

----

----

p [a]:n p o:n h

2

rik7

h

---2

ti:ު8

----

kʅt

7

thi:ު8

----

tik8

----

tsow1

tsow1

1

1

tsow

pҬn3

pҬn6

tsow

kot

----

8

tset

8

tsow1

tsow1

(tsow ) tow 4

1

NRWখ

----

----

SE 澀

astringent

*mҬnު

*hmҬnު

mҬn3 ----

pҬn3 ----

----

----

phҬn6 pʅӔ

3

pҬn6 pʅn

6

----

SEN forest

*rʅӔ

NWCHl:

*hrʅӔ

*s u:n h

URӔ1

tԬuʅn

1

JDӔ1 fun

1

JDӔ1 ----

JDӔ4

KDӔ4

1

1

[DӔ

[DӔ

KDӔ4

ts un h

1

----

495

森林

SHA 殺

沙

紗

kill

*C-‫ۦ‬u:ު

*͈u:ު

how3 haj

3

haw3

haw3

haw3

haw3

haw3

3

3

3

3

3

haw

haw

haw

haw

haw

[tse:2]

KjZ

----

hģZঔ

sand

*pu:͈

*phu:͈

phaw2

phaw2

phow2

phaw5

pho:5

phDZ:5

[Ȯej1]

ph۠ࡢw

phz

yarn

CHl:

*Ȯʅn͈

----

----

Ȯan2

Ȯan5

Ȯan5

Ȯan5

----

----

----

Ʒu:j3

[ƷDZk7]

----

----

tsi:w4

----

----

*Curuj Qi:

*Cuhruj *Ʒu:jު

pha:5

----

----

ruj1 vDZj

phaw2

1

guj1 ----

phaw2

phaw2

----

----

guj1

‫ۦ‬uj

ȮDӔ

2

Ʒu:j3

----

phaw2

1

Ʒu:j3 voj

1

phaw5

----

vow

1

phģZগ

----

----

SHAI 篩

sift

*Ci[d/r]ʅw NCHl: Run:

篩子

sieve

GHl:

NCHl: Run:

*Ci[d/r]ʅw

*[‫ר‬/hr]jʅw *hjoӔ *‫ר‬oӔު

*ȮoӔު *hjoӔ *‫ר‬oӔު

*[‫ר‬/hr]jʅw

zaw1 zDZӔ

4

(ȮXӔ3) zDZӔ

4

zaw1 ----

zaw1 ----

ȮXӔ3 ----

zaw1 ----

raw1

[jua]Ӕ

4

ȮRӔ3

[jua]Ӕ

4

raw1 ----

taw4 zDZӔ

1

ȮRӔ3 zDZӔ

1

taw4 ----

thaw4 rDZӔ

3

taw4 rDZӔ

6

----

ȮRӔ3

----

----

(dӔ)

----

thaw4

taw4

tsi:w4

----

----

rDZӔ3

----

rDZӔ6

----

----

----

496

曬

to sun

*ٍLӔު Run:

*ٍ‫؛‬hLӔު *Cuުi:

tshLӔ3 ----

tshLӔ3 KLӔ

3

tshLӔ3 WVKLӔ

3

tshLDӔ3 (‫ۦ‬ej ) 1

tshLDӔ3

tshLDӔ3

1

1

vej

vej

tҬa5

‫آ‬ueӔ

----

[tsow1]

KjZ

Yy

----

SHAN 山

mountain

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅwު

*Cu͈ʅwު

haw3

haw3

ӔDZ

ӔDZj

3

山谷

山林

山腰

mountain valley *[k/x]ʅӔ

mountain forest *Cʅުda:wު

mountainside

*khʅӔ

*Ȯa:wު

3

kh[o]Ӕ1 khRӔ1 ----

----

Ȯa:w3

Ȯa:w3

----

hwow3 go:3 ӔR

ӔR

3

khRӔ1 k RӔ

ӔR

3

khRӔ 1

Ҫo:

3

6

ӔRঔ

khDZӔ1

khDZӔ5

----

----

Ȯa:w3

Ȯa:w3

Ȯa:w3

tҬ:w1 ުXDӔ1

----

----

3

3

3

k RӔ

Ȯa:w3 3

Ȯa:w

hDZ:3

khDZӔ1

1

h

----

vo:3

h

1

Ȯa:w

----

Ȯa:w

----

Ȯa:w

----

----

*Ci‫ۦ‬a:͈

*Ci͈a:͈

ha:2

----

hja:2

hja:5

----

----

----

----

----

*C-ӑa:͈

*C-ӑa:͈

ӑa:2

ӑa:2

ӑa:2

ӑa:2

----

thom1

thum1

----

----

hDZ:3

----

----

----

CHl:

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅwު

*t om h

*Cu͈ʅwު

----

----

ts om h

1

haw3 ӔDZ

3

----

t on h

1

haw3 ӔDZj

3

----

----

----

----

ӑa:

----

2

hwow3 go:3

vo:3

3

3

----

ӔR

ӔR

ӑa:

2

Ҫo:6

----

----

----

lightning

*Cilip

*hljip

zip7 lep4

zip7 (Ѵip7) ([f]iު5) zep7

Ѵip7 zep7

Ѵip7 l[i]p7

Ѵip7 (Ѵip7)

lip7

------ҀLSখҀDZখ

扇子

a fan

GHl:

KZRӔު

(YXӔ3)

YXӔ3

YRӔ6

YRӔ6

vDZӔ3

[phDӔ5]

YӔ

3

3

----

van

3

KZRӔ3 vDZӔ

3

vDZӔ

vDZӔ

----

vDZӔঔ

----

497

閃電

骟子

pheasant

*[k/x]ʅj

*khʅj

khaj1 k aj h

*CʅުdҬ:n

*ȮҬ:n

khaj1 k aj

1

h

ȮҬ:n1 ȮҬn

1

1

ȮҬ:n1 ----

khaj1 k aj h

khaj1 k aj

1

h

ȮҬ:n1

khaj1 k aj

1

h

ȮҬ:n1

ȮҬ[m] ȮҬӔ 3

1

khaj1 k aj

1

h

ȮҬ:n1 ȮҬӔ

1

khaj1

xiM

----

thҬӔ4

dҬࡢ ۣn

----

huʅn2

----

----

khuʅn1

xiQ

----

1

ȮҬ:n1 Ȯʅn

1

----

----

SHANG 傷口

上

wound

ascend

GHl:

*[k/x]a:n

*Ci͈a:nު

*kha:n

]DӔ1 ----

kha:n1 k DZn h

上

上面

1

----

k an

ӑHӔ

3

kha:n1 h

hja:n3

1

kha:n1 k DӔ h

1

ascend

CHl:

*tçʅnު

----

----

tsan3

top

*pʅjު

*phʅjު

phaj3

ph[e]j3

phaj3

*nҬ:

*hnҬ:

----

----

----

----

nʅҮ1 tsow

4

上午

ha:n3

noon

tʅҮ1 tʎު

4

----

p [e]j h

za:n3

za:n3

hja:n3

3

3

[1]

ӑDӔ

ӑDӔ

kha:n1 k DӔ h

1

k DӔ h

1

kha:n1 k uan h

1

k DӔখ h

tsan3

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

fjM

----

[law1 law1]

nʅࡢҮ

----

p aj h

3

tʅҮ1

tʅҮ4

1

1

tʅҮ

kha:n1

----

tsan3 ----

3

ӑDӔ

tʅҮ

----

----

tan3

----

thʅҮ4 tʅҮ

1

tʅҮ4 tʅҮ

4

----

----

----

*pha:k

tsha:1 phʎk2

phe:ު7 ----

phe:k7 phe:ު7

phe:ު7 phҬ:[3]

phe:ު7 ----

phe:ު7 phiaު7

[tow1]

‫آ‬i ----

----

ӔZʅn

KӔZʅn

ven1

van1

hwan1

van4

van4

van1

vDZ:n1 ȮDӔ5

YpQ

----

1

1

4

hon

4

----

van

4

YDӔ

YDӔ

van

----

498

GHl:

上衣

upper garment

*C-b[ʎ]Ӕު

*‫[ڛ‬e]Ӕު

YHӔ3 vʎӔ

4

YHӔ3 vʎӔ

3

YHӔ3

IHӔ 6

YHӔ6

YHӔ3

3

3

3

6

YHӔ

YHӔ

YLDӔ

YLDӔ

vo:4

vʎӔ

----

>KDӔ1]

----

----

tsej1

V:j

----

----

----

[tʅ:k8]

]ýw

Wz

[phat7]

----

----

Ѵi:n4

GuHQ ѴLӔঔ

WOtHQ

YLDӔঔ

SHAO 燒

burn

GHl: CHl:

Run: 燒

burn

*[c/ç]ujު

*‫ר‬ʅӔ

*ުi:Ӕ

*t [a]:k

tshҬӔ1 UDӔ1 ----

lanު

tshuj3

tshuj3

少

潲雨

tree top, tip

few

slanted rain

*Ci‫ۦ‬ʅ:nު

*Ci[d/Ȱ]ʅw͈ NCHl:

*pi:w͈ Qi:

4

UDӔ4

----

ުLDӔ1

ުLӔ

t eު

1

h

8

----

t iaު h

7

----

h

*tçhujު

ts DZj h

梢

UDӔ1

*Ci͈ʅ:nު

*‫ר‬jʅw͈

*k ʅmު h

*phi:w͈ *f ʅ:n͈ h

3

han3

----

zaw2

k am

3

phi:w2 ----

zaw2 k an h

3

phi:w2 ----

ts uj h

ho:n3

----

h

soj

3

tshuj3 3

hjo:n3 ӑRӔ

3

raw2

k am h

3

phi:w2 p iw h

2

tshuj3 ts uj h

3

zo:n3 ӑRӔ

3

to:2

k am h

3

phi:w5 p iw h

2

tshuj3 ts oj h

3

zDZ:n3 ӑXDӔ

3

tho:2 to:

ts ow h

3

(zDZ:n3) [lDZӔ1] ӑu:n

6

tDZ:2 to:

2

fDZ:n5 p iw h

tshuj3

2

[2]

fDZ:n5 p iw h

5

----

----

WRগ

----

SHE 舌頭

tongue

*li:nު

*hli:nު

Ȯi:n3 WԬLQ3

Ѵi:n3 lin3

Ѵi:n3 ѴLӔ3

Ѵi:n3 ѴLӔ3

Ѵi:n3 ѴLӔ3

Ѵi:n3 Ѵin3

499

蛇

射

snake

*Cila:͈

*hlja:͈

za:2

za:2

za:2

Ѵa:2

Ѵa:2

Ѵa:2

[Ʒuʅt7]

]j

thj

shoot

*ӑҬ:

*hӑҬ:

ӑʅҮ1

tsʅҮ1

tsʅҮ1

tsʅҮ4

tshʅҮ4

tsʅҮ4

ni:4

ӑʅࡢҮ

----

4

1

tsDZ:4

]j

----

[ƷDZӔ5]

----

----

huʅn4

K~on

----

kiʅӔ1

----

----

NWCHl:

NWCHl:

*C-nu:ު

*Ʒi:w͈

naj3

naw3

Ʒiw

5

Ʒiw

2

za:2

za:2

tsʅҮ

za:2

tsʅҮ

(phuat7)

tsʅҮ

1

tsʅҮ

4

‫ޓ‬Dগ

----

SHEN 伸

伸

stretch

stretch

*ja:ު

*Cʅުgʅwު Run:

NWCHl: 身體

呻吟

深

body

groan

deep

*Cu‫ۦ‬u:n

GHl:

Meifu: *lʅ:k

*hja:ު

*C-gʅwު *ުҬ:

*hji:t *Cu͈u:n

*kʅӔ

*kҬӔ *hlʅ:k

za:3

za:3

----

----

ko:3 zit

5

(ziު )

hu:n1

hu:n1

5

ӔXʅn

(NDӔ1) NDӔ

1

Ȯak7 WԬDN

2

ӔXQ

za:6

3

3

za:

ko:3

1

za:3

1

za:

ko:3

z[DZ]:6 za:

ko:3

----

ko:

hu:n1 ӔXӔ

1

3

ko:3

ުʅҮ

3

1

hu:n1 ӔXӔ

1

hu:n1 ӔXӔ

z[DZ]:3 za:

3

ko:3

ުʅҮ

1

hu:n1

1

Ҫun

4

NDӔ1

NDӔ1

NDӔ1

NDӔ1

NDӔ1

1

1

1

1

1

kan

Ѵo:ު7 lDZު

4

kʅӔ

kʅӔ

Ѵo:k7

Ѵo:ު7

7

7

Ѵo:k

Ѵo:k

NDӔ

ѴDZ:ު7 Ѵoު

8

kDZӔ

ѴDZ:ު7 Ѵoު

7

‫ޓ‬Dখ

----

ӔXӔখ

k ±Ӕঔ h

Ѵa:2

dģࡢk

Ѵu:ުখ

tlDZࢤ:

500

深夜

deep night

GHl: CHl:

*[c/ç]ʅp

嬸母

IDWKHU·VEURWKHU·V *mi: wife

腎

滲透

kidney

permeate

*C-nʅ:m

GHl:

*pha:k *hlʅ:k *tçhʅp

*hmi:

*C-nʅ:m

*hrjʅp

thun1 ----

tshop7 ----

m[i:]1 Ʒaj

4

nam1 ----------

phe:ު7 lDZު

4

tshap7 saު

4

pej1 ----

no:m1 ----

zap7 ----

phe:k7 ----

tshop7 ----

pej1 ----

no:m1 ----

rop7 tap

7

Ѵo:ު7

p e:k h

ѴDZ:ު7 7

tshop7 ts ap h

7

pej4

Ѵoު

8

tshap7 ts ap h

7

phej4

pej

pej

1

no:m1 no:m

1

---tap

Ѵoު

ѴDZ:ު7

4

----

----

tshDZ:p9

----

----

mi:4

----

----

----

7

tshap7 ts ap h

----

7

pej4 pej

Ѵa:2

----

4

nDZ:m4

nDZ:m1

nam1

----

----

----

(zup8)

[ƷҬ:n5 ȮDӔ1]

----

----

[Ѵuʅt8]

GtHS

ILHࡎ S

Ѵaw4

t۠ࡢw

tl۠w

----

7

tsap

fi:p8

fi:p8

8

----

tsap

8

----

----

SHENG 生

生

生火

raw

give birth

light fire

*Cu[d/Ȱ]i:p

*lu:

*Cu‫ר‬i:p

*hlu:

ri:p7 vip

4

Ȯow1 ----

ri:p7 ----

Ѵow1 lʎw

1

vi:p7 gip

7

Ѵow1 ----

‫ۦ‬ip

7

fip

8

fi:p8 fip

8

Ѵow1

Ѵow1

Ѵow1

1

1

1

Ѵow

Ѵow

Ѵow

ILSখ

----

*C-mu:

mow1 ----

mow1 ----

mow1 mow1

mow1 mow1

---mow1

---[ӑin4] mow[1]

-------

----

*fi:

*fhi:

(pej1)

fej1

fej1

fej1

fej1

fej1

----

----

1

1

1

----

----

fej

fej

fej

f ej h

paj1 1

----

501

*C-mu:

生氣

angry

*tҬ:n

Qi:

Run: *C-ӔDQ

生銹

to rust

*[k/x]ʅn

*thҬ:n

*Cuުa:͈ *‫ר‬in͈

*C-ӔDQ

*khʅn

thҬ:n1 -------

NECHl: 聲音

繩子

繩子

剩餘

voice

rope

rope

remainder

*ti:w

*Cʅުdʅ:j

*[k/x]a:

*Cila:

*hla:c

*C-Ӕwʅjު *thi:w

*Ȯʅ:j

*kha:

*hlja:

-------

----

----

(khan1) khan1 k DZn

k an

1

h

tan2

----

thi:w1

thi:w1

----

t i:

Ȯa:j1

ȮDZ:(j) kha:1 ----

za:1 ----

1

Ѵa:t7

----

1

----

t ҬӔ

1

gwa:5 ----

ӔDQ1

ӔDQ1

----

k DӔ h

1

Ѵa:c7 3

thi:w1

----

----

k DӔ

1

1

za:1 ----

k a: za:1 ----

----

----

----

----

tshew1

----

----

tҬj1

ȮiM

----

----

----

----

tsow4

----

----

----

3

6

ӔDM

thi:w1 t iw

ӔDM

Ҫaj

thiw1

kha:1

----

----

3

kha:1

1

----

Ѵa:t7

Ȯuaj

h

khan1

Ѵa:t7

1

kha:1

----

Ѵa:t7

1

kha:1

ӔiQ

ӔXDQ

k DӔ h

Ȯa:j1

Ȯo:j

ӔXʅn1

ӔDQ1

khan1

Ȯo:j1

ȮDZj

----

2

[1]

Ȯo:j1 1

----

ren

2

t iw

1

----

1

ުwa[j]5 ުa:1

h 1

h

----

t ʅn

va:5 ren

thҬࡢ ۣn

h

----

khan1 h

----

ӔDQ4

----

khan1

ӔDM

thҬ:n1 h

----

ӔDQ1

----

thҬ:n1

----

----

ӔDQ1

h

*la:c

thҬ:n1

h

1

Ȯo:j

k a: h

1

t iw h

1

Ȯa:j1

k a: h

Ѵa:4

----

1

1

za:

za:

1

1

thi:w1 t iw h

1

Ȯa:j1 Ȯu:j

1

kha:1 k a: h

1

----

tsa:

4

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

502

剩餘物 remainders

*Cʅުda:n

*Ȯa:n

Ȯa:n1 ----

Ȯa:n1 ----

Ȯa:n1 ----

Ȯa:n1 ȮDӔ

1

----

----

Ȯuʅn1

----

----

thDӔ1

thDӔ1

[nҬʅn4]

----

----

[kua5 lu:n2]

----

----

ten1

----

----

pʅ:n4

PqQ

pan

puʅt9

ph~RW

I~RW

tshi:n1

----

----

tso:1

-------

----

tshi:n1

‫آ‬tHQ

----

----

----

----

SHI 失火

失時

虱子

濕

十

石精

*tʅӔ

lose the chance *C-[d/Ȱ]ujު

louse

wet

ten

benzine

stone

*tʅn

NWCHl: *mʅnު

*fu:t

NCHl: *[c/ç]i:n

*thʅӔ

*‫ר‬ujު

*thʅn

*hmʅt *hmʅnު

*fhu:t

*f u:c h

*tçhi:n

thRӔ1 ----

ruj3 ----

5

men3 Ʒan

----

4

phu:t7 ----

tshi:n1 ----

thDӔ1 t DӔ h

1

t DӔ h

1

t DӔ h

ruj3

ruj6

luj6

3

3

3

luj

than1 paު

4

pan3 pan

3

fu:t7 fuު

4

tshi:n1 ----

ruj

than1 ----

pan

fu:t7

----

za:1 ----

za:1 ----

za:1 ----

*[c/ç]i:n

*tçhi:n

tshi:n1

tshi:n1

tshi:n1

1

1

ts LӔ

t DӔ h

t an

1

h

ts LӔ

1

pan

6

fu:t7 fut

7

tshi:n1

ts LӔ

1

7

tshi:n1

(ts LӔ ) ts in h

4

za:4 za:1

tshi:n1

1

pan6

fu:t7

tshi:n1

h

than1

SDӔ

za:4 ----

1

row

6

than1

fut

1

luj6

3

7

h

*hja:

sin

SDӔ

fut

7

h

phan6

3

fu:t7

tshi:n1

h

1

pan6

[1]

fut

t DӔ h

pan3

roj

than1

t [a]Ӕ

1

3

*ja:

sin

thDӔ1

ruj3 loj

then1 Ʒat

thDӔ1

h

1

za:1 za:4

tshi:n1

tshi:n1

(ts LӔ ) ts in h

4

h

1

----

----

----

SDӔঔ

IXWঔ

----

t‫آ‬hLӔখ

503

石頭

catch fire

食指

index finger

&LOLӔ͈

GHl: CHl:

*C-ӑa:wު

KOMLӔ͈

*tçʅk

]LӔ2 zak

]LӔ2 ----

4

(tsak9)

*tçok

tsak

*C-ӑa:wު

4

ӑa:w3 ӑa:w

3

使用

use

*CʅުgҬӔ͈

*kҬӔ͈

kҬӔ2 kҬʅӔ

5

屎

試

世代

是

excrement

try

generation

be

*C-‫ۦ‬a:jު

*CʅުbҬ:n CHl:

*pҬ:n

CHl:

*͈a:jު

ha:j3

ha:(j)

*ƷҬ:n

3

----

*phҬ:n

*C-mʅn

----

ӑa:w3 ----

kҬӔ2 keӔ

2

ha:j3

ƷҬ:n1

*Ʒi

tsak7

haj

3

ƷҬ:n1 ----

]LӔ2

ѴLDӔ2

----

]LӔ

----

----

kҬӔ2 ----

5

2

tsak7

tsoު8

7

8

tsDZk

ӑa:w3

ѴLDӔ2

(]LӔ )

2

tsak7

ѴLDӔ2

tsDZު

ӑa:w6

3

3

kҬӔ5 kҬӔ

2

kҬӔ

2

ha:j3

3

3

3

ha:j

ha:j

ha:j

Ʒi1

Ʒi1

----

1

1

[2]

Ʒi

Ʒi

Ʒi

tsok7

tsDZk7

----

----

ӑa:w3

nDZ:w4

----

----

kҬӔ5

[]RӔ5]

----

----

ha:j3

hҬaj2

KjM

----

----

bҬࡢ ۣn

----

----

----

WVDӔ1

t‫آ‬jӔ

----

----

----

----

----

kҬDӔ5

ha:j3

----

WVLӔ

ӑa:w

ha:j3

----

------

ӑa:w3 ӑa:w

tsap9tsia4

----

huaj

3

ƷҬ:n1 Ʒi

1

phҬ:n1 phҬ:n1 phҬ:n1 phҬ:n1 phҬ:n1 phҬ:n1 [kit7] ----

----

p ҬӔ

p ҬӔ

p ҬӔ

p ʅn

(WVDӔ3)

(WVDӔ3)

man1

man1

man4

man1

1

1

1

4

man

1

----

h

1

PDӔ

h

1

PDӔ

h

1

PDӔ

h

1

man

----

----

----

----

KDMঔ

----

----

----

SHOU prepare for burial

*C-lu:t Run:

*C-lu:t

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] Ҭ:mު h

lu:t7 ----

lu:t7 luު

4

lu:t7 lut

7

lu:t7 lut

7

lu:t7

ts um h

3

lu:t7

tshum3

----

504

收殮

手

手指

瘦

hand

finger

thin

*C-mҬ:

*Cili:Ӕ͈

*C-li:ު

*C-mҬ:

KOMLӔ͈

*C-li:ު

mʅҮ1

mʅҮ1

1

1

mow ]LӔ2 ----

mʎw ]LӔ2 ]LӔ

2

mʅҮ1 ----

]LӔ2

mʅҮ1

mʅҮ4

mʅҮ1

1

1

4

mʅҮ

mʅҮ

ѴLDӔ2

]LӔ

]LӔ

2

mʅࡢҮ

----

tsap9 tsia4

]ΞHӔ

WOqģӔ

[ӔDZ1]

OqM

----

pa:1

----

----

tshi:1

tʎࡢӔ

----

fuʅn1

YjQ

----

tshDZ:m3 tiam1

----

----

fuj1 fow1

fuʅj1

S~:j IRMখ

----

kha:4

xjM

----

mʅҮ

ѴLDӔ2

ѴLDӔ2

5

2

(]LӔ )

2

ma:1

WVLӔ

lej3

lej3

lej3

lej3

lej6

lej3

3

3

3

3

3

6

lʎj

lʎj

lej

lej

lej

lej

mʅҮখ

‫ޓ‬LӔক

lʎMঔ

SHU 叔父

father's younger *fҬ: brother

梳

疏

comb

sparse

*s[ʎ]Ӕ

*wa:nު

*fhҬ:

*sh[e]Ӕ

*hwa:nު

phʅҮ1 ----

WHӔ1 ----

va:n3 hDZn

4

贖

redeem

*ٍʅ:mު

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅ:mު

tsham3 ----

fʅҮ1 ----

WHӔ1 ----

va:n3 van

3

----

cooked

*C-wuj

*C-wuj

puj1 fDZj1

fuj1 fDZj1

數

count

*[k/x]a:jު

*kha:jު

kha:j3

kha:j3 k aj

fʅҮ1

1

4

fʅҮ

fʅҮ1

fʅҮ

f ʅҮ h

WHӔ1

WHӔ1

1

1

ts LDӔ

hwa:n3 va:n6

va:n6

VHӔ

YDӔ

3

WHӔ1

VHӔ

YDӔ

h

YDӔ

3

3

1

WHӔ1

ts LDӔ

1

h

1

va:n3 vuan

3

6

----

ts o:m

ts uam tshuam3

fuj1 guj1

fuj1 ‫ۦ‬uj1

fuj1 foj1

h

kha:j3 k a:j h

3

3

kha:j3 k o:j h

3

h

3

kha:j3 k uaj h

3

kha:j3 k u:j h

3

fʅҮঔ

t‫آ‬hLDӔ

----

----

----

505

熟

----

----

fʅҮ1

tsho:m3 tsho:m3 ----

----

h

----

樹

樹漿

tree

tree sap

*ٍʅj

*tʅӔ

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅj

*thʅӔ

tshaj1 ----

thDӔ1

ts DӔ h

樹心

樹枝

豎

tree core

tree branch

vertical

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅc

GHl:

*Cu͈ʅc

*kha:

1

hat7 ----

ުa:3 ----

tshaj1 haj

tshaj1 ts aj

1

h

thRӔ1

thRӔ1

t DZӔ h

t RӔ

1

h

hat7

ӔZDު

1

hwac7 4

kha:1

k [ʎ]: h

1

ӔDW

7

kha:1 1

k a: h

1

tshaj1 ts aj h

1

thRӔ1 t RӔ h

1

hwat7 ӔDW

7

kha:1 k a: h

1

tshaj1 ts aj h

tshaj1 ts aj

1

h

thDZӔ1 t XDӔ h

1

hwat7 ӔDW

8

kha:1 k a: h

1

tshaj1

1

t XDӔ

Ȯa:1

----

----

[ުiʅt7]

----

----

khow1

ý

----

1

hwat7 Ҫat

8

kha:1 k a: h

t‫ آ‬DMখ

----

h

thDZӔ1 h

‫آ‬iM

1

----

----

k Dখ h

Qi:

*hnXӔ

----

----

----

WXӔ4

thXDӔ4

WXӔ4

----

----

----

*ٍʅj

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅj

tshaj1

tshaj1

tshaj1

tshaj1

tshaj1

tshaj1

tshaj1

‫آ‬iM

----

[lʅӔ4]

----

----

[ުDZ:p9]

-------

----

*C-[d/Ȱ]in͈ NWCHl:

*‫ר‬in͈

*Ȯa:ӑ

----

----

----

rin2

----

----

rin2

ȮDZn

1

----

reӑ2

ȮDZn

1

lin

2

----

ts aj h

1

----

ts aj h

ren2

len2

2

2

ren

ren

1

----

ts aj h

1

lin2 ren

2

----

----

----

SHUAI 摔

throw

*sʅ:p

*shʅ:p

tap7 ----

to:p7 ----

to:p7 so:p7

to:p7 so:p7

tDZ:p7 tDZ:p7 tshuap8 ----

506

SHUAN 拴

tie

*C-Ӕʅ:nު

*C-Ӕʅ:nު

ӔDQ3 ӔDQ

3

ӔRQ3 ӔDZn

3

ӔRn3

ӔRQ3

3

3

ӔRӔ

ӔRӔ

(ӔXDQ2) ӔDZ:n3 ӔXDӔ

ӔXQ

Ѵu:m3

ѴҬ:m3

3

[NXӔ1]

----

----

[ުum1]

----

----

6

----

SHUANG 雙

雙

pair

pair

雙生子 twins

*lҬ:mު

CHl:

*lҬ:k Qi:

*pa:

霜

frost

GHl:

*hlҬ:mު

*fhi:k

*hlҬ:k *Ȯiު

*pha:

*hljin

ȮҬ:m3 -------

----

----

----

----------------------

ѴҬ:m3 ----

fiު

----

----

----

zi[Ӕ]1 4

----

----

----

----

----

Ȯi3

ѴҬaު7

Ȯi3

Ѵiʅk8

----

----

Ʒow1

----

----

[nDZ:w4 vuʅj1]

----

----

----

----

pha:1 p a: h

1

zeӑ1

Ѵen4

4

1

zen

Ѵom

3

----

ѴҬk

----

Ѵum

3

----

7

----

----

zenު

7

----

----

Ѵum

3

fi:k7

----

ѴҬ:m3

zen

----

ѴҬk

8

pha:1 p a: h

1

Ѵen4 ----

ѴҬު

7

pha:1 p a: h

Ѵin4 ----

1

----

----

----

----

507

SHUI 誰

who

*ުa:ު Run:

*C-[d/Ȱ]a:

水

water

*C-nʅmު

*ުa:ު *ުa: *‫ר‬a:

*C-nʅmު

ުa3

ުa[w]

ުa3 [5]

ra:1 ----

nam

3

水壩

dam

*tʅ:mު

*thʅ:mު

t am

waterwheel

GHl:

*‫ڛ‬ʅn͈

3

----

van

水溝

ditch

*sa:j͈

*C-nʅmު

*sha:j͈

*C-nʅmު

sa:(j)

nom3 nam

3

ditch

Qi:

*ȮLӔ͈

-------

水牛

water buffalo

*sujު

*shujު

tuj3

4

1

[3]

WԬDZj

nam3 nan

tho:m3 ----

3

faj

la:

ra:

nam3 nan

3

ra:

[5]

nam3

nam6

nam3

3

3

6

nam

nam

tho:m3 t o:m

3

van2 ----

sa:j

t o:m h

3

----

YDӔ

2

ta:j2

----

sa:j

2

nom3 nam

3

nam

tho:m3

----

nam

3

t uam h

3

----

da:

----

na:m1

QzP

QiP

thDZ:m3

[WLӔ5]

t uam h

----

----

3

ҀDক

QDPঔ

----

van2

----

----

----

----

ta:j2

[va:j5]

----

----

----

nam3

na:m1

----

----

----

-------

----

tshej1

W:j

----

----

----

----

----

ȮLӔ5 ----

ȮLӔ5 ----

tuj3

tuj3

tuj3

tuj3

3

3

3

suj

----

----

----

-------

suj

nam

thDZ:m3

----

2

j

[6]

3

-------

foj

la:[1]

nom3

h

2

ުa

[ka:j5]

1

la:2 ra:

ުa[4]

nam

6

ȮLӔ5 ----

ts oj h

3

tuj3

ts ow h

3

----

----

----

t‫آ‬hRMঔ

508

水溝

ުa

ra:[2]

ta:j2 5

----

1

ra:1

----

ta:j2

ުa[j][1]

ra:1

van2

5

ުa3

----

3

tham3 h

水車

----

laު

nom3

ުa3

水獺

稅

otter

tax

*na:k

*C-‫ۦ‬LӔ

*hna:k

na:ު7 tsʎk

*͈LӔ

4

KLӔ1 hLDӔ

[5]

睡

睡

sleep

GHl:

sleep (lay down) ӔX͈

*tçʅ:n

te:k7 ----

KLӔ1 ----

(tso:n1) tso:n1 tsan

KӔX͈

1

ӔRZ2 ka:

5

tsDZn

te:ު7

te:ު8

----

tҬ:

the:ު8 teު

2

tiaު

8

nҬ:2

QDࡎ

----

8

----

KLӔ1

KLDӔ1

----

KLDӔ1

----

----

----

tso:n1

tso:n1

tsDZ:n1

tsDZ:n1

----

(t‫آ‬DZࡢn)

----

1

1

ӔDZ:4

Ӕ۠ࢌw

----

li:n4

[hu:1]

GtHQ

----

phHӔ2

SHӔ2

SHӔ2

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

[tҬj1 ѴҬ:w4]

----

----

----

----

----

WVRӔ

kaw2

kaw2

kaw2

kho:2

2

2

2

2

kaw

WVRӔ

----

1

kaw

te:ު8

kaw

WVXDӔ

1

tu:n

1

kDZ:2

kaw

kaw

2

----

[Ѵuajখ]

----

SHUO 說

talk

*C-[d/Ȱ]i:n NECHl:

*‫ר‬i:n

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] im͈ h

ri:n1 ----

ri:n1 ----

ri:n1

ts em h

2

ri:n4

ts em h

2

----

ts em h

2

----

t‫آ‬hHPগ

SI 絲瓜

絲線

sponge gourd

silk thread

*m[ʎ]Ӕު

*hm[e]Ӕު

NECHl:

*‫ר‬DӔ͈

GHl:

*fhun͈

PHӔ3 -------------

----------

fun2 ----

SHӔ3 ----

SHӔ

3

----

OHӔ

[3]

fun2 ----

SHӔ2

----

UHӔ

2

fun5 IRӔ

2

----

ULDӔ

5

---IRӔ

2

----

ULDӔ

5

fun5 fʅn

5

----

----

----

509

----

SHӔ3

私生子 bastard

*lҬ:k

*hlҬ:k

ȮҬ:ު7

WԬҬʅk

ѴҬ:k7 2

CHl:

Run:

撕

to tear

*ުi:k

NWCHl: NECHl:

撕

死

死

四

*hju:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] a:[͈] h

*hӔa:wު *ުi:k

*Ȯ[a]:Ӕު *Cuުi:k

ȮʅҮ1 ----

-------

ѴҬ:ު7 ----

ѴҬaު7

ѴҬk

7

zow1

----

Ȯi3

----

zow4 zow

1

ѴҬk

8

ȮʎӔ

3

ުi:ު7 ȮHӔ

3

ުi:k7

zow1

h

h

ts a:

2

ka:w

giު

7

ުiaު7 ‫ۦ‬ik

8

ѴҬު

ުiaު7 vit

----

----

[vҬam1]

----

----

ts a:

----

Ξ

----

1

ka:w

----

----

6

ުiaު7 viު

8

Ѵiʅk8 7

zow4 3

ުi:ު[9]

Ȯi3

7

----

to tear

ECHl:

*C-ӑi:k

----

----

ӑi:k7

ӑiaު7

niaު8

ӑiak7

ӑi:t9

----

----

die

*la:w͈

*hla:w͈

Ȯa:w2

Ѵa:w2

Ѵa:w2

----

----

Ѵa:w2

----

----

----

Ѵu:j4

[lDZ:t9]

GyP

thuj

tiʅw1

‫آ‬j:w

‫آ‬y

----

----

----

----

----

die

CHl:

*͈Ҭt

----

four

*ٍa:wު

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:wު

tsha:w3 tsha:w3 tshaw3

CHl:

CHl:

*hlju:j

*ٍ‫ ؛‬ʅwު

----

----

----

hʎު4

h

haw

hDZ:

3

3

hҬt7

----

----

Ѵa:w

2

Ѵu:j4

h[Ҭ]ު7 h[DZ]k7

ts o: h

----

tsho:3

Ѵu:j4 zuj3

----

----

zuj6

tsho:3

tshDZ:3

3

3

ts o:

3

ts o:

ts o:

h

h

h

3

ӑi:tঔ

ѴDZঘ

‫ޓ‬XMঔ

t‫آ‬hRঔ

*ުLӔ͈

*ުLӔ͈

ުLӔ2 ----

ުLӔ[1] ----

ުLӔ[1] ----

ުLDӔ5 ުLӔ2

ުLDӔ5 ުLӔ2

ުLDӔ5 ުLӔ5

ުLDӔ5

-------

----

四腳蛇 lizard

CHl:

*hrjҬӔ

tshʅҮ3

zaҮ3

rҬӔ1

tҬӔ4

thҬDӔ4

tҬӔ4

liʅӔ4 pow4 tsʅ2

----

----

----

----

tҬӔ

4

tҬӔ

1

tsҬӔ

1

tsҬӔ

4

----

510

四腳蛇 lizard

飼料

feed (n.)

GHl:

*khʅn

(khan1) khan1 k Ҭn

k an

ӑa:t7

ӑa:t7

h

1

h

1

khan1 k aӔ h

1

khan1

khan1

k DӔ h

khan1

k DӔ

1

h

k an

1

h

KDӔ1

----

----

[lʅ:n5]

----

----

1

----

SONG 松鼠

squirrel

*C-ӑa:t

*C-ӑa:t

----

----

ӑa:t7 ----

ӑa:t7

ӑ[o]:t

7

na:t7 ӑa:t

ӑa:t7

8

ӑuat

tʅҮ1

tʅҮ1

[tshe:t9]

----

----

----

----

----

----

ުi:k9

----

----

[Ȯe:5 ުDZ:5 ]

----

----

fow1

----

----

8

----

SU 甦醒

肅靜

肅靜

嗉子

awaken

silence

silence

crop

*sҬ:

*ުʅt

Run: GHl: Run:

GHl:

*shҬ:

*ުʅt

*ѴҬ:Ӕު *ުik

*hlji:[ު] *khʅn

tʅҮ1 ----

ުet7 ---------(ުo:2) ----

tʅҮ1 ----

(ުet7) ----

ުik7 ----

khan1 ----

tʅҮ1 ----

ުat7 ----

ުik7 ----

khan1 ----

tʅҮ1 sʅҮ

1

------ުi:ު7 ުik

7

khan1 ----

ts ʅҮ h

1

----

ѴҬӔ

3

ުi:ު7 zej

ѴҬӔ

3

ުi[:]k7 tsej

4

6

----

k DӔ h

----

1

khan1 k an h

1

----

----

----

----

SUAN 酸

sour

*C-wa:ު

*C-wa:ު

pa:3 ----

fa:3 fa:

3

fa:3 ----

fa:2 ----

fa:3

fa:3

3

3

fa:

fa:

IDঔ

511

酸菜

pickled

vegetables 算盤

abacus

*CiULӔ

GHl:

*hrMLӔ

*hljҬ:͈

]LӔ1

]LӔ1

----

----

----

zaҮ2

----

----

ULӔ1

WLDӔ4

----

WLӔ

1

zaҮ2

WVLӔ

1

ѴaҮ2

----

thLDӔ4

----

WLDӔ4 WVLӔ

[pa:5]

----

----

----

----

----

4

ѴaҮ2

ѴaҮ2

----

tsaҮ

2

----

----

SUI 碎

smash

*nom Run:

*hnom

*hӑom͈

nom1

tom1

Ȯom

----

4

tom1

tom4

----

tom

1

----

tum4

tsom2

----

----

----

2

ѴҬaު7

Ѵ[a]k7

Ѵiʅk8

hģࡢn

----

(pʅ:w6) pʅ:w4

----

----

khut7

kiʅt7

----

----

[tshXDӔ1]

----

----

tsom

----

SUN 孫子

grandson

*C-‫ۦ‬ʅӑ CHl:

*phu:ު CHl:

*͈ʅӑ

*hlҬ:k *phu:ު *f u:ު

han1

WԬҬʅk

han1 2

phow3

h

----

*khuc

----

----

phaw3 ----

ѴҬ:k7

ѴҬk7

ѴҬk

ѴҬk

7

7

fow3

[v]aw

3

phaw3 faw

3

ѴҬk

8

faw3 faw

3

----

----

Ѵ±Nখ

pģZঔ

SUO 梭子

shuttle

GHl:

k uat h

簑衣

straw rain cape

*Cʅުbi:n͈ Qi:

*Ʒi:n͈ *ƷҬ:

Ʒi:n2 ----

khut7 2

----

Ʒi:n2 ----

khuc7 ----

Ʒi:n2 ----

----

k ot h

7

ƷʅҮ1 ----

----

k ot h

-------

7

k ʅt h

7

ƷʅҮ1 ----

----

----

512

TA 他

他們

he/she

they

*C-na:

CHl:

*C-[d/Ȱ]u:͈ NCHl:

*C-na:

*khun

*‫ר‬u:͈

*C-na:

na:1 na:

[5]

---ki

na:1

na:1

1

1

1

na:

na:

----

(raw1) [5]

na:

na:1

n[ʅ]:

na[ު]

1

----

k RӔ h

----

[5]

na:4

----

----

raw2 na:

na:

khun1

----

1

na:

na:1

----

k RӔ

1

h

raw2

k ʅn

1

h

(law2) na:

lDZ:2

raw

n[o]:

hwan2

van2

van2

van5

2

2

2

[5]

Qj

na:

----

----

----

[mow5]

----

----

[phDӔ1]

----

vģ࡯n

----

----

----

----

----

‫آ‬i

----

5

1

2

nej5 8

[2]

n[DZ:]খ

----

----

TAI 台風

苔蘚

抬

typhoon

moss

*wʅn͈

GHl:

lift (two people) *ٍa:m

*hwʅn͈

*C-nʅӔު

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:m

ven2 ----

sun

*ٍa:

ӔZʅn

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:

KӔZʅn

van

YDӔ

5

-------

YDӔ

2

QRӔ3 ----

YDӔ

QRӔ3

QRӔ3

3

3

QRӔ

van

nDZӔ6

QRӔ

nDZӔ3

QXDӔ

QXDӔ

3

6

tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tDZm1 hDZm

han

ts a:m

ts a:m

ts a:m

ts am

tsha:1

tsha:[2]

tsha:1

tsha:1

tsha:1

tsha:1

1

太陽

van2

----

ven1

hDZ:

h

3

ts a:

4

h

1

h

1

1

ts a:

hwan1

van4

van4

van1

1

1

4

YDӔ

4

h

YDӔ

[3]

ts a:

h

[3]

h

van1

vanު

1

h

YDӔ

1

----

tow1

----

----

t‫ آ‬Dখ h

van

vDZ:n1

YpQ

YDӔক

----

513

hon

4

1

----

太陽穴 temples

*C-‫ۦ‬ʅw

ILӔ

*͈ʅw

*fhLӔ

haw1 ----

phLӔ1 ----

haw1 ----

ILӔ1 ----

haw1

haw1

haw1

1

1

1

haw

ILDӔ1

ILDӔ1

haw

ILӔ1 ILӔ

1

haw

ILӔ

1

ILӔ

1

haw1

haw4

----

----

ILDӔ1

pia1

----

----

ki:w1

----

----

ުXӔ2

thXӔ4

----

----

na:m1

----

----

ha:k8

----

----

[tha:2]

YiӔ

----

----

ILӔ

1

----

----

TAN 罈子

jug

*Cʅުgʅj

*ުXӔ͈

痰

phlegm

*C-nʅmު

*kʅj

*ުXӔ͈

*C-nʅmު

kaj1

kaj1

----

kaj

ުXӔ2

NWCHl: 潭

pool

*͈a:k

*k ʅk h

ZDӔ KZDӔ

----

ުXӔ2

----

----

nom3 nam

3

GHl:

kaj1

1

nam3 nan

3

(he:ު9) he:ު7 k ak h

5

YDӔ1 ----

k aު h

4

YHӔ1 ----

kaj1

kaj1

kaj1

1

1

1

kaj

ު[o]Ӕ2 ----

kaj

ުXӔ2

----

ުRӔ

----

2

nom3 ----

kaj

----

nam3

nam6

nam3

3

3

6

nam

nam

nam

h[a]:k7 h[a:p]7 h[a:p]7 h[a]:t7 he:ު

7

hҬ:

2

KZHӔ1 YHӔ4 ----

YHӔ

1

(heު )

hiaު

----

YHӔ[4]

7

YLDӔ

1

7

(YLDӔ ) 1

----

----

QDPঔ

----

----

card (cotton)

*ӑҬ:

*hӑҬ:

ӑʅҮ1 ----

tsʅҮ1 ----

tsʅҮ1 tsʅҮ4

tsʅҮ4 tsʅҮ1

tshʅҮ4 tsʅҮ1

tsʅҮ1 tsʅҮ4

ni:4

-------

----

炭

coal

*lҬ:͈

*hlҬ:͈

ȮʅҮ2

ѴaҮ2

ѴaҮ2

ѴaҮ2

----

----

[ުDӔ1 paj1]

----

----

WԬDZ:

5

----

----

ѴʅҮ

2

----

----

----

514

彈

探望

探望

visit

visit

GHl:

*ުi:p

*khʅ:m͈

*ުi:p

----

kho:m2 kho:m2 kho:m5 khDZ:m5 khDZ:m3 [tak8 tej1 ]

---ުi:p7 ----

----

----

----

----

k o:m

k uam

k uam

----

ުi:p7

----

----

ުi:p7

----

----

----

[lem1]

----

----

lDZn1

----

----

[ުjam4]

----

----

tshDZ:5

[Ʒi:n1 lDZ:1]

----

----

ƷXӔ1

SXӔ1

----

----

ުiު

h

----

4

2

ުip

7

h

2

----

h

5

----

----

----

TANG 趟

trip clsfr

ӔDMު Run:

KӔDMު *hӔʅ:jު

ӔDM3 ----

---zuj

ka:j3

ka:j6

kha:j6

ka:j6

3

3

3

6

3

ka:j

lun3

luӑ3

ka:j

kuaj

ku:j

----

TAO 逃脫

討厭

escape

annoying

*C-luӑު

*ުa:jު

Meifu:

*C-luӑު

*ުa:jު

lun3 ----

ުa:j3

*ުʅjު

(lun ) 2

----

ުa:j3

(ުaj ) 5

lun3

(lun )

lon

3

ުa:j3 ުaj

3

ުa:j3 ުaj

3

3

(lun3) lon

3

lʅn

6

ުa:j3 ުa:j

lҬn3

ުa:j3 ުuaj

3

3

----

----

TENG 藤籮

藤簍

rattan basket

rattan slat basket

*[Cil/j]u:k CHl:

*CʅުbuӔ

*h[l]ju:k

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] ʅw͈ h

*ƷuӔ

zu:ު7 ----

zu:ު7 ----

ƷXӔ1

ƷXӔ1

1

1

ƷRӔ

ƷRӔ

tshaw2

tsho:5

----

----

ƷRӔ1

Ʒo[m]

ts o: h

ƷRӔ1 1

tsho:5

ƷRӔ

1

2

Ʒ[o]Ӕ1 ƷRӔ

1

----

ƷRӔ

1

----

----

515

TI 梯子

ladder

啼 (雞) cry (chicken)

蹄

hoof

GHl:

*Ci‫ۦ‬ʅ:n

*C-lʎ:ު CHl:

NWCHl: 剃頭

shave head

ECHl:

NECHl:

*phҬ:

*Ci͈ʅ:n

*C-le:ު

*tç i:nު h

*shi:p

*pha:w *‫ר‬ji:n͈

----

phʅҮ1

----

p ʎ: h

han1 ӑan

ho:n1 ӑDZn

1

1

le:3

[s]ip

1

le:3 2

-------

fiު

4

-------

phʅҮ1 p ʅҮ

phʅҮ1

1

p ʅҮ

hjo:n1

zo:n1

h

ӑRӔ

1

tshi:n3 ts LӔ h

3

h

1

ӑRӔ

1

tshi:n3 ts LӔ h

3

pha:w1

pha:w1

2

2

tin

tin

phʅҮ1 p ʅҮ h

1

zDZ:n1

p ʅҮ h

Ʒa:1

1

tha:

p ʅҮখ

phʅҮ

h

hģn

----

[ka:w5]

----

----

pha:w1

----

----

2

----

[thʅӔ1]

fa:3

[vuʅj1]

(pa:)

----

tow4

QD࡯ࢌ

Wj

ӑXDӔ

1

tshi:n3 ts LӔ h

2

---tin

phʅҮ1

(zDZ:n1) hҬan4 ӑu:n

4

tshi:n3 ts in h

5

----

----

----

TIAN 天

田

田埂

sky

wetfield

field dike

*fa:ު

*na:͈

*fha:ު

*hna:͈

(pa:3) fDZ:

3

na:2 ----

fa:3

fa:3

fa:3

fa:3

3

3

3

3

fa:

fa:

fa:

ta:2

ta:2

ta:2

2

2

2

ta:

ta:

ta:

fa:

tha:2 ta:

2

f a: h

3

ta:2 ta:

2

IDঔ

WDঘ

*Ci͈ʅ:n

han1 ӑan1

ho:n1 ӑDZn1

hjo:n1 ӑRӔ1

zo:n1 ӑRӔ1

zDZ:n1 ӑXDӔ1

hjDZ:n1 ӑu:n4

hҬan4

hģࡢn ----

----

*na:͈

*hna:͈

na:2

ta:2

ta:2

ta:2

tha:2

ta:2

tow4

QD࡯ࢌ

----

2

2

2

----

ta:

ta:

ta:

ta:

2

ta:

2

----

516

*Ci‫ۦ‬ʅ:n

田雞

田雞

k.o. frog

k.o. frog

田(野) wild field

ӔҬ:͈

Qi:

NCHl: *ުʅӔ

KӔҬ:͈

*shi:t

*ުҬp *ުʅӔ

ӔʅҮ2 -------

sweet

*Cʅުd[ʎ]Ӕ

*Ȯ[e]Ӕ

ުʎp

5

ުRӔ1 ުHӔ

ȮHӔ1 tsʎӔ

1

甜瓜

填

舔

muskmelon

fill with earth

lick

*ުʅj

*C-lҬ:p Run:

*Cili:m͈ NCHl: NCHl:

*ުʅj

*C-lҬ:p *m-lom

*hlji:m͈

*C-li:m͈

*C-ӑi:m͈

kawު

kaҮ2 4

----

1

甜

kaҮ2

ުaj1 ---------zi:m2 ----

ުʎު

kaҮ2

----

----

----

5

ުDӔ1 ----

ȮHӔ1 ȮʎӔ

1

ު[e]j1 ----

lҬ:p7 ----

zi:m2 lim

2

khaҮ2 kaҮ

ުep

ުep

----

----

ti:p7

----

----

ުXDӔ1

[DZࡢ]Ӕ

----

tҬ:ު7

dʎࡢӔ

----

[huʅp8 KDӔ1]

----

----

----

----

----

Ѵi:m2

[Ѵe:p8]

----

----

tshҬn5

[tDZk7]

----

----

2

ti:t7

ti:t7

ުop

7

ӔDM1

kaҮ

2

----

7

kaҮ2

ުop

7

7

ުDӔ1

ުDӔ1

ުDӔ1

ުDӔ1

1

1

1

1

ުDӔ

ުDӔ

ުDӔ

ުDZӔ

ȮHӔ1

ȮHӔ1

ȮHӔ1

ȮHӔ1

1

1

1

1

ȮHӔ

ȮHӔ

ȮLDӔ

ȮLDӔ

ުaj1

ުaj1

ުaj1

ުaj1

1

1

1

1

ުaj

ުaj

lҬ:p7

ުaj

lҬ:p7

----

lup

zi:m2

----

lim

lҬ:p7

plom

7

plom

1

Ѵi:m2

1

----

ӑim

2

ުaj

ӑim

2

----

2

----

----

DӔখ

WLDӔখ

DMখ

----

ӑLPখ

TIAO 挑

pick out (thorn) *[ٍ/c]Ҭn͈

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hҬn͈

tshҬn2 ----

tshҬn2 ----

tshҬn2

tshҬn5

ts [o]Ӕ ts ҬӔ h

2

h

2

tshun5

ts [o]Ӕ ts ʅn h

2

h

5

----

517

挑

carry on

shoulder 挑

條

條

條

調皮

burden clsfr

pants clsfr

skirt clsfr

long/thin clsfr

naughty

*ٍa:p

*fi:k

*Ci‫ۦ‬a:͈

*Ci[d/r]u:t

*Cʅުdʅn͈

*C-na:

*nʅ:Ӕ GHl: 跳

跳躍

jump

leap

*CʅުϺu:nު

*pit

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:p

*fhi:k

*Ci͈a:͈

*[‫ר‬/hr]ju:t

*Ȯʅn͈

*C-na:

*hnʅ:Ӕ *hljʅj

*tçu:nު

*phit

tsha:p7 ----

(pi:ު9) ----

ha:2 ----

zu:t7 ----

tsha:p7 haު

4

fi:k7 fiު

4

ha:2 ----

zu:t7 ----

tsha:p7 ts a:p h

7

fi:ު7 fik

ts a:p h

7

fiaު7 fik

7

hja:2 ӑʎ:

tsha:p7

2

ru:t7 ----

7

Ȯa:j1 ӑa:

tsha:p7 ts a:p h

fiaު7 fit

7

Ȯa:j1 ӑa:

tu:t8

----

2

(tuk )

7

ts ap h

7

----

----

tҬj1

Ký

----

tu:t8

----

----

----

tiʅn1

dɮQ

----

now1

----

----

na:1

----

----

tsuʅn1

t‫آ‬on

----

[Ȯet7]

----

----

f iު

Ȯa:j1 ӑa:

2

----

Ȯan2

Ȯan5

Ȯan5

Ȯan5

5

2

2

2

2

5

na:1 ----

QDӔ1 laj

4

tsu:n3 ----

phit7

(p it ) h 1

na:1 ----

zaj1 ----

tsu:n3 ----

phit7 ----

Ȯan

na:1 ----

Ȯan

na:4

na:1

1

1

4

na:

QRӔ 1

----

zaj

tsu:n3 WVXӔ

1

tsu:n3

3

WVXӔ

phec7

phet7

----

Ȯan

na:1 na:

zaj1

ȮDӔ

3

p et h

7

na:

nDZӔ4 zaj

1

tsu:n3 WVXӔ

3

phet[9] [f]et

7

t‫ آ‬DSখ

----

h

7

Ȯan2 Ȯan

‫آ‬iS

pia9

Ȯen2 Ȯan

tDZ:p9

7

fiak7 h

2

tuk

8

tsha:p7

nDZӔ1 tsaj

4

tsu:n3 tun

3

phit[9] ----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

518

跳蚤

flea

*mʅ:t

*hmʅ:t

mat7 Ʒat

po:t7 paު

4

4

po:t7

(pʅt ) 5

po:t8

phDZ:t8

----

poު

8

pDZ:t8 pʅt

[taw1 pow4]

mģࡢt

pDZࢤt

phak7

[b]iN

----

kuj1

Gi:j

ha:j

----

----

----

za:w4

----

----

[ӔHM2]

lʅࡢҮ

plʅࡢҮ

8

----

TIE 貼

鐵

鐵鏟

鐵鍬

stick to

iron

iron shovel

spade

*pʅk

*rʅ:j

*[ٍ/c]ʎ:wު CHl:

*Cila:w͈

*phʅk

*hrʅ:j

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hʎ:wު *t e:w h

*hlja:w͈

phak7 ----

ra:j1

phak7 ----

go:j1

----

----

pha[:]k7 phak7 ----

p a[:]k p ak h

ga:j4

4

1

go:j

----

----

----

za:w2

za:w2

za:w2

----

za:

7

go:j1

tshe:w3 tshe:w3 the:w1

2

phak7 7

ha:j4

xo:j

xuaj

----

t e:w h

----

h

1

p ak h

7

ha:j4

1

----

k u:j h

1

----

----

----

Ѵa:w2

Ѵa:w2

2

2

za:w

plʅҮ1

pʅҮ1

za:w

phak7

Ѵa:w2

tsa:w

2

----

[XDMখ

----

‫ޓ‬DZগ

TING 聽

聽說

listen

hear it said

*m-lҬ:

NWCHl: GHl:

*m-lҬ:

*hlji:Ӕ͈ *hOLӔ

lʅҮ1

lʅҮ1

liʅӔ

]LӔ

5

2

(WLӔ1)

(liʅӔ )

----

ӔDW7

ӔDW7

3

停

stop (turn off)

*C-ӔDc

*C-ӔDF

ѴLӔ1

----

pʅҮ

4

ѴLӔ1 ----

plʅҮ

1

ѴLDӔ1 ----

plʅҮ

1

---ѴLӔ

ӔDW7

ӔDW8

7

7

8

ӔRW

ӔDW

plʅҮ

1

plʅҮখ

----

[ӔHM2 low1 vҬ:n4] ----

----

ӔDW7

ӔDW9

----

----

1

ӔDF7 ӔRW

plʅҮ1

ӔXDW

----

8

-------

519

ӔDZt

2

plʅҮ1

TONG 同

同伴

銅

same

companion

copper

*CʅުGXӔ

*tʅӔު

*CʅުGXӔ

*ȮXӔ

*thʅӔު

*ȮXӔ

ȮXӔ1 ----

thDӔ3 ----

ȮXӔ1 ȮRӔ

1

痛

hurt

*[ٍ/c]ok

*tçhok

tshok7 sDZk

2

童山

bare hill

*CʅުJLӔ

*kLӔ

NLӔ1

ȮXӔ1 ----

thRӔ3 ----

ȮXӔ1 ----

tshuk7 saު

4

----

ȮXӔ1

ȮXӔ1

1

1

1

-------

ȮRӔ

thRӔ3 t RӔ h

3

----

----

ȮXӔ

tshok7 ts DZk

7

ken

1

t XDӔ h

3

ȮXӔ

ts DZk h

7

NLӔ1 ken

thDZӔ3

1

tshok7

tshoު7 ts DZk h

ȮDӔ2

----

----

[thaw1 khRӔ1]

thjӔ

----

----

WXӔ1

d~oӔ

----

tshDZk7

ta:k9

VyN

----

ȮXӔ

ȮXDӔ1

1

NLӔ1

----

ȮRӔ1 ȮRӔ

thRӔ3

h

NLӔ1

----

ȮRӔ1

8

NLӔ1

thDZӔ3 t XDӔ h

3

----

ts DZk h

7

----

----

----

t‫ آ‬DZNখ h

NLӔ1

----

----

----

ѴDZk8

tsa:k8

]yN

----

phDZ:ު7

phDZk7

----

----

ho:6

hDZ:6

ki:w1

GjZ

[f]y

3

3

1

ken

1

ken1

----

TOU 偷

偷聽

頭

steal

overhear

head

*Cilok

*pʅ:k

*Curʅwު

*hljok

*phʅ:k

*Cuhrʅwު

zok7 ----

zuk7

zok7

Ѵok8

Ѵoު8

4

7

7

8

zaު

(pho:ު8) pho:ު7 ----

p DZު

raw3

gaw3

h

ӔDZ:

3

pho:k7 ----

zDZk

pho:ު7 p DZk h

7

gwow3 go:6 go:

3

zDZk

‫ۦ‬o:

3

----

p DZު h

vo:

8

tsDZk

----

vo:

‫ޓ‬DZNখ

----

YRঔ

520

vaw

3

4

zDZk

8

頭髮

hair (head)

*nom

ECHl:

NCHl: NCHl: *Curʅwު

*hnom *Ȯʅn͈

*Cu͈un

nom1 Ӕʅn

1

head louse

*Cuٍu:

Ӕʎn

1

Ȯan2 ----

Ȯan5

Ȯan5

1

1

rom

rom

Ȯan5 Ҫʅn

tiʅm3

QyP

WyP

ki:w1

GjZ

y

taw1

‫آ‬iZ

----

4

ӔRӔখ

*‫ר‬om

*Cuhrʅwު

raw3 vaw

3

頭虱

tom1

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hu:

tshow1 few

1

gaw3 ӔDZ:

3

tshow1 fʎw

1

gwow3 go:6

ho:6

hDZ:6

3

3

3

----

‫ۦ‬o:

fow1

fow1

1

1

fow

vo:

tshow1

fow

fow

1

vo:

tshow1 f ow h

1

YRঔ

----

TU 凸

塗抹

protrude

GHl:

*Ȯunު

thun2

Ȯun3

----

----

----

ȮҬn3

ȮҬ:n1

----

----

erase

*C-ni:n͈

*C-ni:n͈

ni:n2

ni:n2

ni:n2

gwa:t8

(me:2)

hwat8

[me:k9]

----

----

2

8

[ުDZӔ1]

----

----

Qi:

Run: 吐

spit silk

*C-wunު

*Cuhra:t *ުe:t

*C-wunު

----

----

vun3 ----

----

----

----

----

----

v[Ҭ]n3 vun3 ----

----

----

QLӔ

fun[3]

vo[n]

----

ުet

vun[3] 3

vun

3

ުi:t

7

vҬn3 vʅn

[3]

----

HWখ

YXQঔ

to spit

*p[w]i͈

*ph[w]i͈

phi:2 ----

phi:2 phuj2

phi:2 ----

phi:5 phi:2

phi:5 phuj5

phi:2 phi:1

phi:1

-------

----

吐奶

spit up (milk)

*CʅުbҬn͈

*ƷҬn͈

ƷҬn2

ƷҬn2

ƷҬn2

ƷҬn5

----

ƷҬn5

[ުak7]

----

----

----

----

ƷʅӔ

2

ƷʅӔ

2

ƷʅӔ

5

Ʒʅn

5

----

521

吐痰

TUI 推 腿

push leg, thigh

*C-ӑu:n͈ GHl: CHl:

*C-ӑu:n͈ fh[a]Ӕ͈ ͈a:

ӑu:n2 ----

ӑu:n2

ӑu:n2

----

ӑXӔ

2

(SHӔ2) feӔ2 fʎӔ

[Ʒ]HӔ

5

2

ӑXӔ

2

ha:1 ha:

ӑu:n5

ha:

ӑXӔ

ha:1 ha:

1

ӑu:n5

----

----

----

ha:1

[hDZ:k9]

(pʎࢌӔ)

----

[kuat10]

ࢌ ) (DZ࡯m

zDZ࡯m

ӑ[u:]5

5

ha:1

1

----

ha:

1

1

----

KDখ

TUN 吞

swallow

GHl:

*Ciުʅ:m͈

(ުo:m2) ުo:m2 zam

ުjon

ƷLӔ2

ƷLӔ2

5

臀部

臀部

buttock

buttock

*CʅުELӔ͈

*ƷLӔ͈

----

2

----

ުjo:m2 zo:m

2

ƷLӔ2 ----

zo:m5 zo:m

2

ƷLӔ5 Ʒen

2

zDZ:m5 zuam

2

ުjDZ:m5 zuam

5

‫ޓ‬XDPঘ

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

Qi:

*C-m[a]:k

----

----

----

----

me:ު8

me:ު7

[phDӔ5]

----

----

Qi:

*͈a:jު

----

----

----

----

ha:j3

ha:j3

hҬaj2

----

----

NECHl:

*tç i: h

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ts ej h

----

1

----

(ts ej ) ts ej h

4

h

1

----

t‫ آ‬ʎMক h

TUO take off

*Cila:w͈ Run:

*hlja:w͈ *hljuc

za:w2 law5

za:w2 z[DZ]:2

za:w2 za:w2

Ѵa:w2 za:w2

Ѵa:w2 zot8

Ѵa:w2 tsʅt8

[tsuʅt10]

]ýZ ‫ޓ‬RWঔ

----

脫

shed

*C-lʅӑު

*C-lʅӑު

lan3

lan3

laӑ3

lan3

lum6

lan3

----

----

----

t uʅt h

3

----

----

lan

3

lan

3

lan6

----

522

脫

脫

駝背

shed

hunchback

*Cʅުgu:ӑ

NCHl:

*͈om͈

GHl:

*hroӔ͈

NWCHl: Run:

庹

唾沫

armspan

saliva

*ku:ӑ

*la:n͈

*C-nʅmު

*tç Ҭnު h

*hwʅ:n

*hla:n͈

*C-nʅmު

ku:n1 -------

hom

(JXӔ2) ts ʅn

3

(ta:n2) WԬDZn

5

nom3 nam

3

*lʅ:j

*hlʅ:j

[l]a:j1 ----

-------

[4]

h

ku:n1

----

hom JRӔ2

sʎn

Ѵa:n2

nam3 nan

hom

2

YXDӔ

1

Ѵa:n5

Ѵa:n5

2

2

2

ѴDӔ

ѴDӔ

hom ----

vu:n

Ѵa:n5 Ѵuan

nam6

nam3

3

6

Ѵo:j1

Ѵo:j1

Ѵa:j1

1

1

Ѵo:j

hjut7

----

Ѵo:j

Ѵa:j1 Ѵuaj

1

[kDZӔ1ku4]

----

----

[kDZ:m1]

----

----

[thuʅt8]

(WýQ)

----

na:m1

QzP

----

ѴҬj4

[l]a:j

----

5

3

nam

----

4

nam3 nam

----

5

3

nam

[n]DZj

kun

[pun1]

1

nom3

3

1

hom

2

Ѵa:n2

ku:n1

----

----

----

ѴDӔ

2

kun ----

----

----

3

kun

ku:n1 1

----

2

JXӔ2

ku:n1 1

----

----

lan

ku:ӑ 1

nam Ѵa:j1 Ѵu:j

1

----

----

----

----

QDPঔ

ѴXDMখ

WA 挖

挖

dig hole

dig hole

*Ci‫ۦ‬ut Meifu:

*Cʅުbʅn͈

*Ci͈ut *k Ҭ:t

hut7

h

----

*Ʒʅn͈

----

----

Ʒan2 ----

k Ҭt h

Ʒan2 ----

7

k Ҭt h

7

Ʒan[3] ----

----

(ުjҬt7) [taw1]

h‫ࡢڠ‬t

----

Ʒan[3]

Ʒan5

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

523

----

hut7

挖

挖

挖

dig with knife

*Cʅުbʅw͈

*Ʒʅw͈

Ʒaw2 ----

----

Ʒow2 Ʒo:

Ʒo:5

Ʒo:5

ƷDZ:5

2

2

5

2

Ʒo:

Ʒo:

[hDZk8]

----

----

[taw1]

----

----

----

----

----

IHӔ1

----

----

----

thaw1

----

----

----

ѴҬ:n4

[lDZ:w4]

----

----

tʅ:1

----

----

nDZ:4

-------

----

Ʒo:

dig out

GHl:

͈ujު

----

huj3

huj3

----

----

huj3

dig out

CHl:

*khuj

----

----

----

khuj1

khuj1

khuj1

----

tile

GHl:

CHl:

*fh[a]Ӕ

*thʅw

----

k oj h

瓦

Ʒaw2

1

-------------

k oj h

1

IHӔ1 ----------

----

----

k uj h

1

----

----

k uj h

1

IHӔ1

----

----

----

(k uj ) h

1

----

ILDӔ

1

thaw1

----

----

----

----

t aw h

1

k ow h

1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

WAI 外

outside

外祖父 PRWKHU·V father

外祖母 PRWKHU·V mother

*CilҬ:n Run: *ٍa:ު

*na:ު

*hljҬ:n *hlji:nު *ٍ‫؛‬ha:ު

*hna:ު

zҬ:n1 ----

tsha:3 ----

na:3 ----

zҬ:n1 ----

tsha:3 ha:

[1]

(na:3) ----

zҬ:n1 zҬӔ

4

tsha:3 ts a: h

ta:3 ta:3

3

ѴҬ:n4 zҬӔ

ѴҬ:n4

1

]LӔ

tsha:3

----

ts a: h

ta:6 ta:3

3

3

ts a: h

---ta:3

tsin

6

tsha:3 3

ts a: h

ta:6 ta:6

3

----

----

524

外孫

maternal

grandson

*lҬ:k

*ٍa:ު

*hlҬ:k

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:ު

han1

WԬLʅk

ѴҬ:ު7 2

tsha:3 ----

----

tsha:3 ----

ѴҬ:k7 ----

ѴҬk7

----

ѴҬk

ѴҬk

7

tsha:3 ----

ts a: h

3

----

ts a: h

Ѵiʅk8

hģࡢn

----

tsha:3

tʅ:1

----

----

----

8

tsha:3

Ѵ[a]k7

3

ts a: h

3

----

----

WAN 彎

彎

crooked, curved *Ciުut

*Ciުut

ުut[9]

crooked, curved CHl:

*hwʅӔ͈

(QRӔ2) QRӔ2

----

完盡

完整

end

finish

complete

*Cʅުba:jު NECHl:

*m-lun͈ NECHl:

*C-PXӔު

*Ʒa:jު *Ʒʅ:jު *m-lun͈ *‫ר‬i:t

*C-PXӔު

----

vDZӔ

vDӔ

Ʒa:j3

Ʒa:j3

3

完結

ުut7

----

lun2 ----

PXӔ3 ----

2

----

lun2 ----

PXӔ3 ----

ުjut7

----

----

----

vDZӔ

vDZӔ

2

Ʒa:j3

3

3

liު

7

PXӔ3 ----

XࡎW

----

vDZӔ2

vDZӔ

vDZӔ5

(nDZࢌӔ)

----

pҬj5

Ej:j

----

----

O‫ټ‬Q

----

----

----

----

Ʒuaj

plun5 ri[k]

vDZӔ

7

PXӔ3 ----

----

vDZӔ

[4]

Ʒa:j3

Ʒo:j

plun2

ުu:t9

2

Ʒa:j3 Ʒo:j

ުjut[9]

----

KZRӔ2 YRӔ2 2

ުu:t[9]

Ʒa:j3

3

Ʒu:j

3

pun5

plҬn5

7

8

rit

rit

PXDӔ6 PXӔ

3

PXӔ3

PXӔ[3]

----

----

----

----

----

play

*CirҬ:k Run:

*hrjҬ:k *ުu:Ӕު

zҬ:ު7 zҬʅk4

zҬ:ު7 leު4

rҬ:k7 tҬk7

tҬ:ު8 tҬk7

thҬaު 8 tҬ:ު8 ުXӔ3 ުXӔ3

[liaw1]

zҬࡨ : ----

----

玩弄

dally

*C-ӑa:m

*C-ӑa:m

ӑa:m1

ӑa:m1

ӑa:m1

ӑa:m1

na:m4

[tsum1]

ӑiP

----

1

1

1

----

----

ӑa:m

ӑa:m

ӑa:m

ӑa:m1 ӑam

4

----

525

玩

玩耍

晚

晚飯

play

evening

dinner

GHl: Run:

*[c/ç]ʅp

*Cu͈ʅӔ *ުu:Ӕު *tçhʅp

(KRӔ1) KRӔ1 ----

----

tshop7

tshap7

----

evening

bowl, basin

cupboard

tshop7

tshop7

4

ts ap h

7

ts ap h

7

ުXӔ

ުXӔ

3

ts ap

----

----

tshDZ:p9

‫آ‬yS

----

3

tshap7 h

[liaw1]

7

tshap7 ts ap h

7

----

----

ru:j1

kaw2

----

----

ko:2

----

[thow1]

G‫ټ‬RM

----

GHl:

*fhʅn

tshop7

fan1

fan1

fan1

fan1

fan1

tshDZ:p9

‫آ‬yS

----

1

1

1

[kҬ2]

PqM

----

tshDZ:p9

‫آ‬yS

----

----

----

fon

*hmi:ު

*Cuުa:w

*hmi:ު

*tçhʅp

*Cuުa:w

mej3

*CʅުϺa:n͈

*Cuުa:w

*tça:n͈

*Cuުa:w

----

----

----

p[e]j3

----

p[u:]

tshop7 ----

ުa:w1 va:w

1

碗櫥

ӔRӔ

1

hDZӔ1

*hӔʅw͈

*[c/ç]ʅp

碗

ӔRӔ

1

------

GHl:

1

晚上

saު

KZRӔ1 JRӔ1

tsa:n2 ----

ުa:w1 va:w

1

[2]

tshap7 saު

4

ުa:w1 ުwa

1

ުa:w1 ----------

paj3 ----

tshop7 ----

----

----

IDӔ

IDӔ

paj6 paj

paj

tshop7 ts ap

fan

phaj6

3

h

----

7

paj6 paj

3

tshap7 ts ap h

7

ުwa:w1 gwa:w1 va:w1

[3]

tshap7 ts ap h

7

[ka:n5]

t‫آ‬iQ

----

ުwa:w1 [thow1]

----

----

tsa:n2

tsa:n5

tsa:n5

tsa:n5

2

2

5

WVDӔ

WVDӔ

ުwa:w1 gwa:w1 -------

----

va:w

1

t‫ آ‬DSখ

vwa:w

va:w

----

----

i:w

‫ۦ‬a:w

1

IDӔক

h

ުwa:w1 [la:k9]

----

1

----

va:w

1

tuan

----

YDZগ

----

----

526

WANG 網

網袋

忘記

net

net bag

forget

*rʅ:jު

[*Cʅުda:jު]

*C-lҬ:m͈

*hrʅ:jު

*Ȯa:jު

*C-lҬ:m͈

ra:j3

hDZ:(j)

go:j3 4

Ȯa:j3 ----

lҬ:m2 ----

ӔDZj

3

Ȯa:j3 Ȯaj

[1]

lҬ:m2 lon

2

go:j3

ga:j6

3

3

go:j

Ȯa:j3 ----

lҬ:m2 ----

ha:j6

xo:j

xuaj

Ȯa:j3 Ȯa:j

ha:j6

Ȯa:j

lҬ:m5

----

----

djM

----

[ӔDZm3]

lҬࡢ ۣm

----

thum4

----

----

ުuj

----

----

thu:ު7

----

----

----

tshҬt7

tshuʅt9

‫ࡢڠآ‬t

----

3

Ȯa:j3 Ȯuaj

3

lu:m2

lum

djM

h

----

3

[piw1]

k u:j

3

3

lҬ:m5

(lҬm ) lҬm

2

5

2

hXDMঔ

----

----

WEI 煨

圍

圍

尾巴

simmer

surround

surround

tail

CHl:

GHl:

CHl:

*[c/ç]uc

*m-lomު

*kXӔ͈

*thu:k

*tçhuc

-------

to feed

*Cʅުbu:͈

*Ʒu:͈

----

----

----

----

2

Ʒow2

4

[pu]m NXӔ5

----

----

thu:ު7 t uk h

tshuc7 ts ʅt h

7

7

tshut7 ts ot h

3

plom

NXDӔ5

NXӔ5

plom

-------

t uk h

2

2

2

NXӔ

5

8

tshut7

Ʒo:5

Ʒaw5 Ʒaw

3

ts ot

Ʒow2 Ʒaw

plum3

7

Ʒaw2 Ʒaw

l[DZ]m3

h

8

Ʒaw

2

----

ts ʅt h

7

ƷDZ:5

Ʒaw

5

----

----

----

t‫ آ‬XWখ h

fo:4

býZ ----

----

527

Ʒa:

sʎު

----

----

tshut7

plom3

3

thu:ު7

----

tshut7

5

----

NXӔ2

----

ts ʅt

plom3

----

----

h

餵

----

WEN 紋面

蚊帳

tattoo face

mosquito net

*C-Ӕu:

NECHl:

mosquito

*Ʒʅw͈

NECHl:

*hwʅt

*rʅ:jު

*hrʅ:jު

*C-ӑXӔ

蚊子

*C-Ӕu:

*C-ӑXӔ

*C-ӑXӔ

*C-ӑXӔ

ӔRZ1

ӔRZ1

----

----

----

epidemic

*lu:nު Qi:

Run: 聞

smell

*C-‫ۦ‬a:j NCHl:

*hlu:nު *tçʅj

*kʅ:j *͈a:j

*Ci͈ʅ:j

----

----

----

----

----

ra:j3 ----

ӑXӔ1 ----

ӑXӔ1

----

ӑXӔ1

----

ӑXӔ1

ӑRӔ

ӑ[iw]

(tu:n3) ----

ha:j1

ӑDZ:(j)

1

Ѵu:n3 ----

ha:j1 ӑDZj

1

ӑXӔ

1

Ѵu:n3 ----

vak

8

(faj3) 3

xo:j

ӑXӔ1 ӑXӔ

ӑXӔ1 ӑXӔ

1

tsaj1 ----

ha:j1

1

1

ӑo:j

ӔRZ1

ӔDZ5

----

----

[tҬp8]

----

----

ga:j6

----

----

----

ӑXӔ1

----

----

----

tshak7

ӑ~oӔ

----

tsaj1

----

----

huʅj4

KiM

----

Ʒo:

5

----

3

ha:j1 ӑo:j

Ʒo:

2

ga:j6

1

ӑXӔ1 1

ӔRZ4

----

vak

----

ӑXӔ1

Ʒo:

2

7

go:j3

----

ӔRZ1

----

----

go:j3

1

瘟疫

ӔRZ1

xuaj

QXDӔ4 ӑXӔ

1

QXDӔ4 ӑXӔ

1

tsaj1

kuaj

----

ӑXӔ

4

ӑXӔ1 ӑXӔ

4

tsaj1 1

ha:j1 ӑuaj

vat

8

4

ku:j

1

ha:j1 ӑu:j

4

----

YDNখ

[h]XDMঔ

ӑXӔখ

ӑXӔখ

----

ӑ\DMখ

528

吻

kiss

*Ci[d/Ȱ]u:c NECHl: *tʅӔު

問

ask

GHl:

*‫ר‬ju:c

*[h/ު]ju:nު *thʅӔު

*hra:m

zu:t7 lu:t

2

thDӔ3 ----

zu:t7

ru:c7

----

tut

thRӔ3 ----

(ga:m1) ga:m1

tu:t8

(tu:t8)

]XӔ

7

zun

2

thRӔ3 ----

thRӔ3 t RӔ h

3

2

thDZӔ3 t XDӔ h

3

ga:m1

ga:m4

ha:m4

4

1

1

4

hDZm

ӔDQު

4

ga:m

tshej1

tshej1

tshej1

xa:m

xa:m

tu:t8 tut

tsuʅt9

]Xࡎot

----

tha:1

----

----

kDZ:1

(‫ۦ‬am)

ࢌ KD࡯P

tshaj1

----

----

[vuʅj4]

----

----

lu:ު8

----

----

[kaw1]

h۠w

----

du: ----

----

7

thDZӔ3 t XDӔ h

3

ha:m4 k am h

1

----

----

----

WO 蜗牛

snail

*[c/ç]i:

*C-ӑa:mު Meifu: 窩

我

我們

nest

I

we (excl)

*C-[d/Ȱ]u:k

*C-‫ۦ‬u:

CHl: Run:

*tçhi:

*C-ӑa:mު *f a:ު h

*‫ר‬u:k

*͈u:

*fhʅw *fhҬ:

----

URӔ1 ----

ru:ު7 lok

4

----

ӑa:m3 ----

ru:ު7 luު

ts ej h

4

1

---fa:

ts ej h

1

ӑa:m3 fa:

3

ru:k7 luު

tshej1

7

3

7

how1

how1

how1

how1

5

1

1

1

how

fa[:]1 faw1

faw1 faw1

(kʅ: ) row1 (ha:5)

hʎw

taw1 faw1

how

ts ej h

1

na:m6 ӑa:m

3

ru:ު8 ruk

tshej1

luaު8 ruk

ts ej h

1

ӑa:m3 ӑam

6

lu:ު8 ruު

8

how1 h[o:]

tshej1

1

faw1 f[ʅ:]1

8

how1

how[ު]

7

fow1 [ުaw1] fʅҮ[ު]7

----

----

----

h[o:]খ

529

WU 烏龜

烏鴉

污垢

污垢

巫婆

吳蚣

五

摀

turtle

crow

dirt

dirt

witch

centipede

five

cover mouth with hand

*tu:͈

*ުa:k

CHl: CHl: *C-nҬn͈

*mҬӔ Run:

*C-[d/Ȱ]i:p

*ma:

*pҬ:m

*thu:͈

*ުa:k

thow2 ----

ުa:k ----

h

h

*C-nҬn͈

*hmҬӔ

*C-l[a]:k *‫ר‬i:p

*hma:

*phҬ:m

----

ުa:ު[9]

*khi:

*t a:mު

thaw2

3

(ުa:ު7) ުʎު

4

----

k ʎj

k ʎj

1

h

nҬn2

1

----

----

ƷҬʅӔ

----

ri:p7

ri:p7

lip

ma:1 ƷDZ:

4

----

Ȯa:w1

th۠ࢌw

----

ުҬ:5

Dࡎ

----

tha:m3

----

----

----

nҬn5

nҬa1

----

----

[tshua5]

----

----

lip8 pow4

dr[t]p

----

pu:4

Pi

SD࡯ࢌ

-------

----

t aw

t aw

ުe:k7

ުe:ު7

ުe:ު7

ުe:ު7

7

2

-------

pҬӔ1 ----

ri:p7 lip

7

ުҬ:

khej1 ----

nҬӔ

2

pҬӔ4 pҬӔ

1

ri:p8 rip

7

pa:1

pa:4

4

4

1

pa:

pa:

h

h

ުeު

5

ުiaު

8

tha:m3 t a:m h

nҬn5

pa:1 paު

thDZ:5

2

ުe:ު

t aw

tho:5

2

----

mҬӔ1 pҬӔ1

4

----

thaw5 h

nҬn2

----

4

thaw2

3

----

nʅӔ

7

khej1

----

2

phҬDӔ4 pҬӔ4 (liak )

liaު

li:p8

li:p8

8

rip

8

pha:4 pa:

1

rip

7

8

pa:4 pa:

4

phҬ:m1 phҬ:m1 phҬ:m1 phҬ:m1 phu:m1 phҬ:m1 phDZ:m1 ------phum1 phum1 phum1 phum1

thģZগ

ʎުখ

----

----

----

ҀLSখ

SDখ

530

霧

fog

*Cu‫ۦ‬ʅ:n

CHl:

*Cu͈ʅ:n

*hӔa:wު

han1 ----

kuwު9 ----

ho:n1 ----

kuwު7 ----

hwo:n1 ----

----

----

ӔRӔ

ka:w3

ka:w6

----

1

ka:w

3

ӔXDӔ

1

kha:w6 ka:w

3

----

----

----

----

ka:w6

kDZ:w4

----

----

----

ka:w

6

----

----

XI 西

west

GHl:

*phʅjު

----

p uj h

GHl:

*thҬ:ު

---t DZ: h

西

west

*pʅjު Run:

Ӕwʅn Qi:

*tok

*phʅjު

*f >D@Ӕ h

KӔwʅn

*ٍ‫ ؛‬DKӔwʅn h

*thok

3

3

phaj3 ----

ven1 ----

thok7 ----

ph[e]j3 p e: h

3

thaҮ3 t aw h

3

-------------------

phaj3

----

----

----

----

----

----

thaҮ3

----

----

----

----

----

----

pha[:]j3 ----

----

----

---- tsha:1van4 tsha:1van4 tsha:1van1 ----

----

----

phaj3

t aҮ h

-------

3

phaj3

t aҮ h

3

----

----

----

----

pha[:]j3 phaj3 ----

ILDӔ

1

----

----

YDӔ

----

thok7

thoު7

----

----

1

t DZk h

8

ILDӔ1

van

4

----

----

----

----

thDZk7

----

----

----

----

----

inhale

*wҬp NECHl:

*hwҬp *tçu:t

vҬp7 ----

vҬp7 ----

hwҬp7 vҬp8 ---tsut7

vup8 [t]ut8

vҬp7 tut7

[tan1]

-------

----

錫

tin

*la:k

*hla:k

Ȯa:ު7

Ѵe:ު7

----

----

Ѵe:ު7

[Ѵap8 Ѵiʅn2]

dDࡎ

----

----

----

----

Ѵe:ު7 ----

Ѵeު

8

----

----

531

吸氣

熄滅

膝蓋

extinguish

knee

GHl:

*Curʅwު

*tçʅp

*Cuhrʅwު

[z]op7 ----

raw3

gaw3

vaw

----

3

*C-[d/Ȱ]u:

蟋蟀

cricket

蓆草

蓆子

洗

accustomed

mat grass

mat

wash

row1

row1

----

lʎwު

4

tsop7

tsop7

tsap7

4

7

7

tsaު

tsap

gwow3 go:6 ----

----

row1

row4

4

1

low

(row ) 4

mej3

pej3

pҬ(1)

*Cu[d/Ȱ]uӔު

*Cu‫ר‬uӔު

UXӔ3

UXӔ3

[g]XӔ3 IXӔ6

*C-[d/Ȱ]a:j͈

GHl: Qi:

GHl:

*ުu:t

NCHl:

*kit

*‫ר‬a:j͈

*hrji:wު

*hmi:wު thҬ:k

*ުu:t

*ça:wު

----

----

----

ra:j2

ra:j2

----

----

ra:p7

[h]iw

4

zi:w3 li:

3

thҬ:ު[9] thҬ:ު7 ----

----

ުu:t7

ުu:t7

saw

3

fa:

3

----

-------

----

ket

ra:j2

ra:j2

----

ra:j

ri:w3 tiw

3

thҬ:k7 t Ҭk h

ުu:t7 ----

tiw

7

t Ҭk h

7

ުu:t7

sa:w

3

djZ

----

lu:4

d۠ࡢw

----

3

low4 row

4

----

ҀRZঔ

----

----

IXӔ6

IXӔ6

fuʅӔ4

----

----

----

----

----

[lʅ:p7]

----

----

tsiʅk8

thҬࡎ :

----

----

ket

2

(liw6) tsiw

thҬaު7 t Ҭk h

-------

ket

7

3

thҬ:ު7

[thDZk9]

tap

----

ra:j

3

----

[kҬ2]

(lDZ:j1)

pi:w6

----

7

----

7

2

8

tsep7

phaj6 ----

7

tsap

vo:

low4

row

(tsep7)

hDZ:6

----

*hmi:ު

----

tsap ho:6

*mi:ު

NECHl: 習慣

*‫ר‬u:

tsap7

8

la:j2 ra:j

2

pi:w6 tsiw

6

thҬ:ު7 t Ҭު h

ުu:t7 ----

7

----

----

----

----

t ±Nখ h

ުuʅt9

~RW

----

----

532

洗

洗

洗

洗澡

喜鵲

wash

wash (clothes)

wash (head)

bathe

magpie

CHl:

CHl:

*sʅ:k

*ުa:p

*sʅc

CHl: CHl: 細

thin

*ުu:t

*Cuhrʅ:j

*khҬ:p

*shʅ:k

*ުa:p

*shʅc

*C-ӑa:mު *hrju:t *ުu:t

----

----

----

gwa:j1

----

----

----

----

----

WԬDN

to:ު7 2

ުa:p[9] ----

tat[9] -------

fDZު

ުa:p7 ---tat7

----

k op

to:k7

to:ު7

----

7

vuaj

1

----

tDZ:ު7

tDZ:ު7

tsha:5

----

----

ުҬp9

----

----

tat7

[nDZ:k9]

----

----

tu:t8

[luʅt8]

----

----

[ӑʅ:p8]

----

----

----

----

ުa:p7

7

7

8

----

sat

ӑa:m3

ުa:p

----

ts at h

ӑa:m

ުap

8

ӑa:m

3

ުu:t7

ުu:t7

ުu:t7

4

7

7

8

ުuk

ts DZު h

7

ުa:p7

----

3

ުuk

8

tat7

tu:t8

YXDMখ ----

ުa:p7

7

YZD࡯:ࢌ j

----

h

----

----

----

ުa:p7

ުa:p

vu:j

----

1

----

ުu:t7 ުuު

gwa:j4

ts DZު

ުa:p

so:k

va:j4

7

7

tac7

----

ުu:t[9]

----

h

so:k

4

----

----

----

khҬ:p7 ----

----

tak7

gwa:j4

ުuk

7

----

tsut

8

ުu:t7 ުut

7

----

----

DSখ

----

----

----

XIA sip

*[c/ç]Ҭp Run:

*tçhҬp *‫ר‬ju:t

tshҬp7 tshҬp7 tsh[i]p2 seު4

tshҬp7 ----

蝦

shrimp

*Cu[d/Ȱ@DӔ

*Cu‫ר‬DӔ

UHӔ1

pҬ:m2 IHӔ4

CHl:

*hmҬ:m͈

vʎӔ

4

UHӔ1

YHӔު

4

JHӔ

4

tshҬp7 tshop7

pҬm

2

tshup7 tut8

tshҬp7 tut7

[tsem4]

-------

----

IHӔ4

IHӔ4

[ުDZ:5]

----

----

1

1

ILDӔ

fLDӔ

----

533

呷

瞎

blind

*m-la:w

*m-la:w

la:w1 Ʒa:w

4

下

下

下

下巴

descend

descend

descend

chin

*ٍu:ު

*C-lu:j

CHl:

*C-‫ۦ‬DӔ

*ٍ‫؛‬hu:ު

*C-lu:j

*‫ר‬jʅw

*͈DӔ

---haj

go with (food)

*ުu:ӑ

*ުu:ӑ

bottom

*pʅjު

*Cuٍʅw

下去

go down

*C-lu:j Qi:

*phʅjު

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hʅw

*C-lu:j *hlu:j

4

lu:j1

ts aw h

lu:j1

----

lawު

KDӔ1 hʎӔ

KHӔ

1

ުu:n1 ުuʅn phaj3 ----

tshaw1 faw

KHӔ1

ުu:n1 ުun

1

ph[e]j3 ----

----

ts aw h

3

----

----

pla:w1 pla:w

----

----

----

----

O~RM

----

thaw4

taw4

[ta:w1]

----

ࢌ WD࡯Z

[tshDZӔ1]

KjӔ

----

[ӑin4]

----

----

----

----

----

taw

taw

1

1

1

1

1

ު[o]n phaj3 p ej

3

fow1

1

ުun

1

----

p aj h

3

tshaw1

faw

1

faw

faw

lu:j1

lu:j1

lu:j1

lu:j1

----

1

luj

1

SODZখ ----

KHӔ1

ު[we]ӑ1 ުu:n1

pla:w

tshaw[1] ----

KHӔ1

KHӔ

Oj:w

----

KHӔ1

KHӔ

[khiw1]

1

KHӔ1

1

----

pla:w

1

1

1

----

pa:w1

----

1

taw4

h

tshaw1

pla:w

1

luj

---4

pla:w1

----

----

----

----

3

lu:j1

----

----

pa:w

4

tshaw3

----

3

1

下面

pjawު

pla:w1

----

1

下飯

la:w1

KLDӔ

ުu:n1 ުun

1

KLDӔ

ުu:n1 ުun

1

----

----

tģZখ

----

----

----

----

----

fjM

----

tshaw1

tshaw1

ta:w1

‫آ‬iZ

----

----

O~RM

----

----

----

faw

1

Ѵu:j1 ----

faw

1

Ѵu:j1 ----

----

----

----

534

下去

夏

go down

summer

CHl:

*C-ӑa:n

*na:͈ CHl:

*‫ר‬jʅw

*C-ӑa:n

*hna:͈ *s i:t h

----

----

----

lawު

ӑa:n1

---4

ӑa:n1

----

taw

ӑa:n1 ӑDӔ ti:t7

----

taw4 taw

1

1

ta:2

----

----

----

----

ta:2

----

---ӑa:n1

----

na:2

taw4

----

----

[pu4 nʅm4]

----

----

nuʅn1

----

----

----

----

----

1

----

ӑa:n1

ӑDӔ

1

----

----

[ta:w1]

ӑuan

4

----

ts it

h 8

[ts]it

7

----

----

----

XIAN 先

first

*[k/x]u:n͈

*khu:n͈

khu:n2 k uan h

先

鹹

5

蜆

k un h

2

khu:n2 ----

khu:n5 k XӔ h

2

k XӔ h

2

*C-‫ۦ‬u:n͈

*͈u:n͈

hu:n2

hu:n2

hu:n2

salty

*Cu‫ۦ‬a:nު

*Cu͈a:nު

ha:n3

ha:n3

hwa:n3 gwa:n3 va:n3

----

ӔDZn

hold in mouth

clam

*C-ӔDQ

*C-ӔDQ

ӔDQ1 ----

----

ӔZDQ ӔDQ1 ӔDQ

1

----

3

----

khu:n5

first

3

銜

khu:n2

----

----

khu:n5 k un h

5

----

----

----

----

----

hwa:n3 [WDӔ2]

KjQ

YiQ

ӔDQ1

ӔXʅn1

ӔiQ

----

----

ӔDӔ

ӔDӔ

----

ӔDQ1

ӔDQ1

ӔDQ4

1

1

1

ӔXDQ

3

ӔDӔ

3

ӔDӔ

ӔDӔ

k XӔগ h

----

----

----

4

*tçhi:

tshej1 ----

tshej1 ----

tshej1 ----

tshej1 tshej1

tshej1 tshej1

tshej1 tshej1

tshaj1

-------

----

GHl:

*Ʒʅn͈

(Ʒan2)

Ʒan2

Ʒan2

Ʒan5

Ʒan5

----

[pow4]

----

----

----

----

----

(Ʒan ) 2

----

----

----

535

*[c/ç]i:

陷井

陷井

陷落

pitfall trap

*C-OXӔ

*C-OXӔ

OXӔ1

OXӔ1

OXӔ1

OXӔ1

----

lXӔ1

----

----

----

pitfall trap

Qi:

*fh[a]:Ӕު

----

----

----

----

IHӔ3

IHӔ3

thuʅӔ4

----

----

Ѵut8

[tsuk8]

----

----

----

----

----

----

Ӕ[a]j5

ӔDM1 tow1

----

----

----

----

----

----

thjӔ

----

----

----

----

to cave in

NECHl: *SXӔ Qi:

NECHl: 羨慕

envy

CHl:

*C-ӔDM͈

*tç XӔު h

*phXӔ *hljut

*hlom *‫ר‬ja:k

*C-ӔDM͈

----

----

----

----

phXӔ1 ----

----

----

phXӔ1 ----

phXӔ1 ----

4

7

ӔDM2

Ӕ[e]j2

[ӑ]aj

5

ӔDM

te:ު

2

3

----

Ѵom

---tҬ:

----

ts XӔ h

3

Ѵut8

1

re:ު7

lʎު

----

ts XӔ h

(ze:k7) -------

----

Ѵom

----

1

---teު

2

----

----

8

ӔDM2

ӔD:j5

2

2

Ӕ[a]j

ȮRӔ1

ȮXӔ1

ȮXӔ1

1

1

ӔDM

ӔDM

ӔDM2

2

----

----

----

----

----

----

XIANG 相同

same

GHl:

*tʅӔު

*ȮXӔ

*thʅӔު

-------

believe

*[c/ç]im Run:

*tçhim

*tçҬ:Ӕ͈

----

thDӔ3

ts DӔ h

相信

ȮXӔ1

3

tshim1 ----

thRӔ3 t DZn h

-------

3

ȮRӔ1 ----

thRӔ3 ----

tshim1 ----

----

ȮRӔ

thRӔ3 t RӔ h

3

tshim1 ----

ȮXӔ

thDZӔ3 t XDӔ h

3

tshim1 tsҬӔ

2

thDZӔ3 t XDӔ h

3

tshim1 tҬӔ

5

----

----

t‫آ‬±Ӕগ

536

香

香菇

fragrant

mushroom

*tu:n͈

*Cʅުdit Qi:

GHl:

鑲

響

向著

項鍊

項圈

inlay

sound

toward

necklace

necklet

GHl:

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅӔ

*CʅުϺok

GHl:

*kim

*thu:n͈

*Ȯit

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] ʅӔު h

*tçhinު

*m-lom

*‫ר‬ʅӔ

*tçok

*hӔLZ

*khim

thu:n2 ----

Ȯit[9] ---------(lum1) ----

UDӔ1

thu:n2 t un h

2

Ȯit7 ----

tshin3 ----

lum1 ----

roӔ1

----

----

tsok7

tsuk7

----

tin1 ----

khim1 ----

----

ki:w1 ----

khim1 ----

thu:n2 t XӔ h

2

Ȯec7 ----

tsheӑ3 ----

plom1 ----

URӔ1 ----

tsok7 ----

ki:w1 ----

khim1 ----

thu:n5 t XӔ h

2

t XӔ h

----

2

----

tshen3 ts en h

3

plom1 plom

1

URӔ4 URӔ

1

tsok7 tsDZk

7

ki:w4 kiw

1

khim1

thu:n5 t un h

tshDӔ3

----

----

thu:n5

[hDZӔ1]

th~on

----

tshDӔ1

dtW

----

5

tshDӔ3 Ȯet

7

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

------

plum1

[luʅn2]

----

----

hu:1

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

plom

1

lDZӔ4

plom

1

lDZӔ4

UXDӔ

1

----

UXDӔ

4

----

tsDZk

tDZk

8

7

----

----

----

----

khiw4

ki:w4

kew4

----

----

----

----

[tuʅj2]

----

----

----

k em h

1

----

----

----

----

537

項圈

necklet

CHl:

CHl:

象

resemble

GHl:

*hӔʅn

*khi:nު

*ȮXӔ

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ȮXӔ1

----

----

----

kan4

----

khan4

NDӔ

----

1

----

khi:n3

----

----

----

ȮRӔ1

----

kan

----

----

----

----

----

----

ȮDӔ1

----

----

----

thj:w

tliʎࡢt

[phʅ:k9]

----

----

----

K~ot

----

4

khi:n3 ----

----

k in h

----

----

kan4

3

----

ȮRӔ

ȮXӔ

1

1

----

----

----

XIAO 削

削

削

削

peel

*li:t

*hli:t

Ȯi:t7

peel

Qi:

*pha:t

----

h

h

p en

*͈u:t

hu:t7

peel

peel

NCHl: *C-‫ۦ‬u:t

*[k/x]uӑ

*p inު

*khuӑ

----

Ѵi:t7

Ѵi:t7

----

----

----

3

----

khun1 ----

---hu:t7 ----

khun1 ----

Ѵi:t7

----

----

p en h

Ѵi:t7

3

hu:t7 ----

khuӑ1 ----

----

pha:t7 p en h

3

hu:t7 hut

Ѵi:t7 ----

pha:t7 p en h

3

----

pha:t7 p en h

3

----

phHQঔ

[8]

hut

khun1

----

khun1

----

----

----

k on h

1

hut

----

8

----

7

----

----

----

peel

*C-lҬn͈ NECHl:

*C-lҬn͈ *C-lʅ:n͈

lҬn2 ----

lҬn2 ----

lҬn2 ----

---lo:[n]2

---OXDӔ2

-------

[lu:t7]

-------

----

消除

eliminate

*fut

*fhut

phut7

fut7

fut7

fut7

fut7

fut7

phok7

----

----

----

----

----

----

fo[t]

7

fʅt

7

----

538

削

小

小

small

small

GHl:

CHl:

小姑子 husband's sister *UXӔ

*ju:

小孩

child

*lҬ:k Qi:

*C-lik

小米

millet

*IDӔު

*ުin͈

*hnok

tik[9] ----------

calf (of leg)

*Cirinު

----------

ުeӑ2 -------

---ުin

tok8

----

----

----

----

WtN

----

thoު8

tDZk8

tʅ:k8

----

WRࡎN

----

2

tDZk

----

tDZk

7

8

tDZk

8

----

tDZNখ

*hUXӔ

UXӔ1

JXӔ1

JXӔ1

JXӔ4

KXDӔ4

KXӔ4

----

----

----

*hju:

zow1

zow1

zow1

zow4

zow4

zow1

[fi:4]

----

----

1

4

Ѵiʅk8

dҬࡎ :

----

*hlҬ:k *Ȯiު

*C-lik

*fhDӔު

----

----

ȮҬ:ު7 ----

lik7 ----

phDӔ3 fʎӔ

3

小腿

ުin2

*hrjinު

zin3 ----

----

----

ѴҬ:ު7 lʎު

4

lik7 ----

IHӔ3 fʎӔ

----

----

ѴҬ:k7 ѴҬk

7

lik7

---Ȯi3

----

ѴҬk

7

lik

----

zow

ѴҬaު7

li:ު7

ѴҬk

8

IHӔ3

pҬa1

----

----

tsin4

]uQ

----

----

3

3

reӑ3 ----

ten6

(ren ) 3

ѴҬNখ

----

3

zin3

ѴҬު

7

l>p@k

IHӔ3

IHӔ

Ȯi3

----

[lat7]

IHӔ3

IHӔ

zow

----

lik7

----

7

----

li:ު8

IHӔ3

3

----

----

ILDӔ

then6 tsen

3

f LDӔ h

3

tin6

tsen

6

ODOখ

----

t‫آ‬HQঔ

539

小姨子 wife's younger sister

笑

laugh

*UXӔ

*hUXӔ

UXӔ1

JXӔ1

JXӔ1

JXӔ4

KXDӔ4

hu[a]Ӕ4 ----

----

----

GHl:

*hjʅwު

----

zaw3

zaw3

zo:6

zo:6

zow1

[mi:4]

----

----

3

3

tsu:4

]i:w

WD࡯:ࢌ w

----

[ުua5]

----

----

(lʅm2)

[lʅm5]

NjP

----

*Cira:w

*hrja:w

----

----

----

----

za:w1 za:w

4

za:w1 laު

4

----

----

----

zo:

----

zo:

zo:

ra:w1

ta:w4

tha:w4

1

1

1

ta:w

ta:w

----

tsa:w

6

ta:w4

tsa:w

4

----

----

t‫آ‬DZঔ

XIE 斜靠

鞋子

寫

洩氣

lean over

shoes

*CuӔD

*Cʅުgʅ:mު

*CuӔD

*kʅ:mު

ӔD:1 ----

kam3 ----

ӔD:1 ----

ko:m3 kDZn

2

ӔZD:1 ----

ko:m3 ----

ӔZD:1 ӔD:

ӔXD4

1

----

ko:m3

----

----

----

kuam

3

----

----

NXDPঔ

write, draw

GHl:

*tha:jު

----

tha:j3

tha:j3

tha:j3

tha:j3

tha:j3

----

----

thi:j

discouraged

*fiw͈

*fhiw͈

(piw2)

fiw2

fiw2

fiw5

fiw[3]

----

----

----

----

2

1

vDZ:ު7

hDZ:ު7

----

----

----

NECHl:

*hwa:jު

----

----

----

----

----

fiw

va:j3

few

va:j3

few2

----

fi:w5

----

----

XIN 心

heart

GHl:

*Cu͈ʅ:k

(ho:ު7) ho:ު7 ----

----

ӔRN

7

ӔRު

7

----

----

540

----

hwo:k7 go:ު7

心臟

新

囟門

heart (body)

new

fontanelle

GHl:

*ma:n CHl:

*C-bҬn͈ NECHl:

*hla:wު

*hma:n

*C-nʅwު *‫ڛ‬Ҭn͈ *hwu:

----

Ѵa:w3

----

----

ma:n1 ƷDZn

4

vҬn2 ----

Ѵa:w3 ----

pa:n1

pa:n1

4

4

panު

SDӔ

Ѵa:w3

Ѵa:w3

Ѵa:w3

3

3

3

Ѵa:w

Ѵa:w

no:3

SDӔ

PiQ

nDZࡢ:

[na:5]

----

----

[tsap7 tsin5]

driZ

----

ha:j1

huʅj4

----

----

kha:w1

hu:1

----

----

phuj1

[tshe:t9]

----

----

vi:n1

----

----

6

no:

fҬn2

vҬn2

4

4

1

1

vow

[Ѵaw4]

Ѵa:w

3

vҬn2 vow

----

nDZ:3

vҬn2 vʎnު

----

no:6 no:

1

tshia:w1

vҬn[2]

vow

vow

4

ѴDZঔ

QRঔ

----

XING 星星

star

*C-[d/Ȱ]a:w

*‫ר‬a:w

ra:w1

ra:w1

la:w

laު

4

腥

smelly

*C-‫ۦ‬a:j NCHl:

*[k/x]a:w

醒

awaken

*lҬ:n CHl:

*͈a:j

*Ci͈ʅ:j *kha:w

*hlҬ:n *p uj h

ha:j1

ӑDZ:(j)

1

kha:w1 ----

ȮҬ:n1 p DZj h

1

4

ha:j1 ----

kha:w1 ----

ѴҬ:n1 ----

ra:w1

ra:w4

la:w4

la:w4

4

1

1

4

la:w

ha:j1 ----

kha:w1 ----

ѴҬ:n1 ----

ra:w

ra:w

ha:j1

ha:j1

ӑo:j

ӑuaj

1

kha:w1 k a:w h

1

ѴҬ:n1 ѴҬӔ

1

ra:w

----

1

kha:w1

(k a:w ) ---h

4

ѴҬ:n1 ѴҬӔ

1

Ѵʅn

[3]

ҀDZখ

----

----

----

XIONG 凶兆

bad omen

*wi:n

*hwi:n

vi:n1

----

hwi:n1 vi:n4 ----

YLӔ

1

vi:n4 YLӔ

1

vi:n1 vin

4

----

541

----

vi:n1

胸膛

chest

*fʅnު

*fhʅnު

[p]en3 Ʒon

1

熊

bear

*C-muj

*C-muj

muj1 mDZj

fan3 ----

muj1 ----

1

fan3

fan3

3

3

faӔ

muj1 ----

----

IDӔ

fan3

IDӔ

f an

3

h

muj1

muj4

1

1

muj

moj

pan1 tsaj4

[p]qQ

----

muj4

----

----

[ުa:w1]

zҬࢌ :

----

----

----

----

[tҬ:n1]

xten

----

3

muj1

mow

4

IDӔঔ

PRMখ

XIU 休息

rest

GHl: Qi:

Run: 修理

袖子

fix

sleeve

*C-[d/Ȱ]i:m͈ CNEHl:

*[k/x]i:n

*ٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k *tçҬ:

*khu:͈ *‫ר‬i:m͈ *Ʒi:n

*khi:n

[z]Ҭ:ު7 tshҬ:ު7 tshҬ:k7 tsʅҮ1 hҬʅk

hʎު

ri:m2

ri:m2

2

lim

5

khi:n1 k in h

*C-b[ʎ]Ӕު

*‫[ڛ‬e]Ӕު

1

YHӔ3 vʎӔ

4

----

----

ts Ҭk

ri:m2

ri:m2

h

lim

2

khi:n1 k i:

h 1

YHӔ3

4

ven

OXӔ2 ----

OXӔ2 ----

3

khi:n1 ----

YHӔ3 ----

7

ƷLӔ

2

k aw h

2

----

k LӔ

1

ƷLӔ

k aw h

Ʒin

khi:n1 k LӔ h

tsʅҮ1 5

li:m2

2

khi:n1 h

tsʅҮ1

1

5

khi:n1 k in h

1

IHӔ6

YHӔ6

YHӔ3

3

3

6

YLDӔ

OXӔ2 OXDӔ1

lDZӔ1 ORӔ2

YHӔ

YLDӔ

----

----

k LӔখ h

vo:4

vʎӔ

----

[ӔDW7]

-------

----

----

XU 蓄水

retain water

*C-OXӔ CHl:

*C-OXӔ *C-lʅӔ

ORӔ1 ----

ORӔ1 ORӔ1

542

XUAN 旋轉

選擇

癬

turn

choose

ringworm

*ӔDMު

GHl:

ECHl:

NECHl:

*hӔDMު

*hlʅӑ

*C-le:m͈ *ku:Ӕު

ӔDM3 ----------

ka:j3 kaj

3

Ѵan1

Ѵaӑ1

Ѵan1

1

1

tshin3

----

ka:j6

3

ka:j

----

----

ka:j3

3

----

Ѵan

le:m2 ----

ka:j

Ѵan

----

----

[van1]

ӔjM

----

Ѵan1

Ѵan1

tsDZn4

----

----

1

1

le:m5

----

----

Ѵuʅt8

GDࡎW

WODࡎW

KDӔ1

----

----

[liʅw2]

----

----

kuaj

Ѵan

le:m5

----

3

Ѵan

le:m2

NXӔ

le:m5

2

2

NXӔ

NXӔ

Ѵa:t7

Ѵa:t7

Ѵa:t7

Ѵa:t7

7

7

8

5

----

----

----

XUE 血

blood

*la:c

*hla:c

Ȯa:t7 WԬDZt

2

Ѵa:c7 laު

4

Ѵo:t

Ѵo:t

Ѵa:t

Ѵuat

7

ѴXDWখ

XUN 燻肉

尋找

smoke meat

search

*[ٍ/c]u:͈ Qi:

*Cʅުg[ʎ]:k NWCHl: NECHl:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hu:͈ *Cu͈ʅ:n *k[e]:k *‫ר‬Ҭt

*t a:w͈

tshow2 ----

ke:ު7 lҬt

4

------ke:ު7 lʎު

4

tshaw2 ----

ke:k7 ----

----

ts aw h

2

ke:ު7

t a:w h

2

vDZ:n1

ts aw h

2

ke:ު7

t a:w h

2

hDZ:n1

ts aw h

5

ke:ު7

t a:w h

5

----

----

h

543

YA 壓

鴨

牙齒

芽

啞

press

duck

tooth

bud, shoot

dumb, mute

*[ٍ/c]ʅ:t

NWCHl: CHl:

*Civʅn

*ٍa:

NWCHl: *C-Ӕom

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hʅ:t *tç ʅ:n h

*Ʒit

*fhjʅn

*ٍ‫؛‬ha: *‫ר‬ʅ:Ӕ

*C-ӔRP

tshat7 ts an h

1

----

sDZnު

4

----

----

1

tsha:1 ODӔ

4

ӔRP1 ӔDP

1

tsho:t7 ----

tsho:t7 ts o:t h

----

----

phen1 sen

tsho:t7

7

Ʒet7

----

----

ts oު h

8

Ʒet7

----

Ʒet

fan1

fan1

fan1

1

1

1

1

fen

sen

tsha:1 lDZnު

4

ӔRP1 ----

sen

tsha:1 ----

ts a: h

1

ts a:

Ʒet7

ʎࡢp

----

tshDӔ1

fpQ

----

[tDZk7]

‫آ‬i

----

ӔDZ:m1

----

----

tso:1

zҬࡎ :

----

f an

1

ӔRP1

ӔRP4

1

1

1

ӔRP

Ʒ[e]t7

h

ӔRP1 ӔRP

----

fan1

tsha:1 h

----

----

7

IDӔ

tsha:1

[kʅm5]

Ʒe[p]

8

fan1

----

ӔRP

1

tsha:1 ts a: h

1

ӔXP1

[m]om

4

----

SHWখ

IDӔখ

----

ӔRPখ

YAN 烟

smoke (tobacco) *[Cil/j]Ҭ:k CHl:

NCHl:

*h[l]jҬ:k *hja:

*Cu͈ʅ:n

zҬ:ު7 ӔXDQ

1

zҬ:ު7 ӔDZn

1

za:1

ӔDZ:n

za:4 1

----

za:4 ----

za:1 za:

4

----

soot

*Cʅުdi:k

*Ȯi:k

Ȯi:ު7 ----

Ȯi:ު7 ----

Ȯi:k7 ----

Ȯiaު7 Ȯik7

Ȯiaު7 Ȯit8

Ȯiak7 Ȯiު7

ti:2

-------

----

淹

flood

*C-bʅc

*‫ڛ‬ʅc

v[e]t7

vat7

vac7

[vat8]

vat8

vat7

[muan4]

----

----

4

7

8

8

viat

2

vaު

vat

vat

7

vat

vat

----

544

烟子

閹

腌

沿著

鹽

castrate

pickle

along

salt

*CʅުdҬ:n

GHl: Run:

*C-ni:nު

NWCHl: *C-ӑa:wު

*ȮҬ:n

*C-mʅӔ

*C-moӔ͈ *C-ni:nު *Cuhru:

*C-ӑa:wު

ȮҬ:n1 ȮҬn

1

眼睛

眼淚

ape

eye

tears

*Cu[d/Ȱ]i:

*ٍa:

*C-nʅmު

*Cu‫ר‬i:

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:

*C-nʅmު

----

----

ni:n3

ni:n3

vow

4

ӑa:w3 ӑa:w

(gej1) ----

tsha:1

nom3 nam

3

*ٍa:

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:

----

tsha:1 hDZ:

1

Ӕʎwު

3

(rej1) ----

tsha:1 hDZ:

1

nam3 nan

3

tsha:1 ha:

ȮҬӔ

1

PRӔ1 ----

4

ȮҬ:n1 ȮҬӔ

1

PRӔ1 PRӔ

1

ni:n3

ӑa:w3 ӑa:

ȮҬ:n1 1

(PRӔ1) PRӔ1

3

猿

ȮҬ:n1

ni:n3

QLӔ

ȮҬӔ

1

----

mDZӔ

2

Ȯʅn

mDZӔ

ӑa:w3

na:w6

ӑa:w3

3

3

3

6

vej1 ----

tsha:1 ha:

1

nom3 ----

tsha:1 ----

ӑa:w

ӑa:w

ӑa:w

fej4

fej4

fej4

1

1

4

‫ۦ‬ej

fej

tsha:1 ts a: h

1

fej

tsha:1 ts a: h

1

tsha:1 ts a: h

1

nam3

nam6

nam3

3

3

6

nam

tsha:1 ts a: h

1

nam

tsha:1 ts a: h

1

----

mDZӔ5

----

----

----

----

----

nDZ:w4

ӑjZ

----

[viʅn4 vҬat9]

----

----

tow1

‫آ‬i

----

na:m1

QzP

----

nam

tsha:1

tow1

ts a: h

‫آ‬i

----

ts a: h

----

----

----

6

ӑa:w3 ӑa:w

dҬࡢ ۣn

2

ni[Ӕ]

3

ѴҬӔ4

1

----

QLӔ

3

ȮҬ:n1

mDZӔ1

----

QLӔ

3

ȮҬ:n1

ӑDZঔ

----

1

1

QDPঔ

t‫ آ‬Dখ

t‫آ‬hDখ

h

YANG seedling

*Civʅn

*fhjʅn

phen1 fDZn

1

fan1

fan1

fan1

1

1

1

fan

IDӔ

IDӔ

fan1

ުҬӔ

1

fan1

ުҬӔ

1

tshan1

fpQ

----

----

545

秧

羊

sheep

MDӔ

*hMDӔ

]DӔ1

]HӔ1

zʎӔ

zʎӔު

1

仰

仰望

癢

face upward

*C-la:

*C-la:

la:1

4

la:1

----

]HӔ1 ----

----

CHl:

*hӔʅҮު

tha:w2

itch

GHl:

*khom

(khum1) kh[Ҭ]m1 khom1

----

kaҮ3 ----

k om

k on

k om

haw1

haw1

hjaw1

1

h

1

1

4

h

]LDӔ

la:1

la:4

1

1

la:

1

]LDӔ la:1 la:

tsҬ:ު7

]DӔ

----

[tsa:m4]

Oi

----

[1]

‫ޓ‬LDӔখ

----

kaҮ6

khaҮ6

k[ʅ]Ү6 Ӕʅj4

----

----

khom1

khom1

khum1

(x~P)

----

----

1

h

]HӔ1

la:

look up at

----

ƷʅҮ3

]HӔ4

]HӔ

la:1

----

]HӔ4

----

k om h

1

k om h

1

----

k om h

kham1

1

----

k RPখ h

YAO 腰

waist

*Ci‫ۦ‬ʅw Meifu:

*Ci‫ۦ‬a:͈

NWCHl: 妖怪

shake

GHl: CHl:

*͈ʅw

*Ci͈a:͈ *tç Ҭn h

*hwʅ:t *ٍ‫ ؛‬ʅ:j h

----

ha:2

ts ʅn h

3

OXӔ1 ----

----

ha:2

ts ʎn h

haw

1

3

vo:t7 ----

hja:2 ӑa:

2

----

zaw1

zaw1

hjaw1

[Ѵam2]

----

----

za:5

za:5

hja:5

zow4

----

----

2

2

vDZ:t7

vҬat9

----

----

-------

[ުuʅj1]

-------

----

ӑuʅӔ4

ӑyӔ

----

haw

1

ӑa:

vo:t8

----

----

----

ӑa:

----

ӑa:

tsha:j1 ts uaj h

1

GHl:

*ުҬӔ

khiw1 ----

ުҬӔ1 ----

ުҬӔ1 ----

ުҬӔ1 ުҬӔ1

-------

*ӑRӔ͈

*hӑRӔ͈

ӑRӔ2

ӑXӔ2

ӑRӔ2

ӑRӔ5

n[u]Ӕ2

2

2

----

----

ӑRӔ

ӑRӔ

ӑDZӔ

2

2

----

ӑ[u]Ӕ5 ӑDZӔ

2

----

ӑDগ

----

----

546

搖

monster

*Ci͈ʅw

搖籃

咬

舀

cradle

bite

ladle

*ުu:

GHl:

*Cʅުdok NCHl: Run:

舀

藥

要

ladle

medicine

want

CHl:

*ja:

*CʅުdҬ:

*ުu:

*hӔDӑު

*Ȯok

*k ʅwު h

*Cuުʅ:k Ʒʅ:k

*hja:

*ȮҬ:

ުow1

ުow1

----

ުʎw

1

than3

ka:n3

----

----

Ȯok7

k aw h

3

----

Ʒak

hawk

*rin͈

*hrin͈

----

k DZ: h

3

ުow

----

1

ka:ӑ3

ka:n6

kan

kan

kan

3

Ȯok7

k [ow] Ȯ[o]k h

3

7

Ʒo:ު9

----

ƷDZk

7

(vDZު7) vDZު

7

ƷDZ:ު7 Ʒoު

8

za:1

za:1

za:4

za:4

1

4

4

1

1

zDZ:

zaު

ȮʅҮ1 tsow

(gin2) ----

za:

ȮʅҮ1 Ȯʎ:

za:

za:

ȮʅҮ1

ȮʅҮ1

1

1

1

1

ȮʅҮ

gin2

geӑ2

gen2

hen2

2

2

2

----

gen

xen

ުʅ:j1

----

----

ka:n6

Ȯa:n1

thģ࡯n

NiQ

----

ȮDZ:k9

----

----

ƷDZ:ު7

[hi:w1]

----

----

za:1

tso:1

za:

----

lDZ:5

----

----

[phat7]

----

----

[pDZ:5 tshuʅk7]

~Q

zun

ުow

ȮʅҮ

xen

----

vDZު

7

----

za:

ȮʅҮ1

ȮʅҮ

----

4

kha:n6

3

Ȯok7

---4

(ުuj1)

za:1

1

鷂鷹

Ȯuk7

Ʒoު

----

3

---2

ުow1

[2]

----

ȮʅҮ

1

phat7 k en h

5

----

----

----

----

----

tʅҮখ

----

YE 椰子

coconut

*Ciުun͈ NECHl

*Ciުun͈

*hj[a]:Ӕ͈

ުun2 ----

ުun2 ުjʎn

2

ުjun2 ]HӔ

2

----

]HӔ

2

zun5 ]LDӔ

2

ުjҬn5 ----

‫ޓ‬LDӔখ

547

也

野雞

also

pheasant

*C-Ӕʅӑ

*[k/x]ʅj

*C-Ӕʅӑ

*khʅj

ӔDQ1 ----

*shu:n

----

khaj1 k aj h

*su:n

ӔDQ1

k aj h

tu:n1

WԬXʅn

1

野貓

wildcat

*C-mi:w͈

*C-mi:w͈

mi:w2 miw

5

GHl:

*shu:n

URӔ1

WԬXʅn

1

野薯

野薯

野性

野豬

yam

yam

the wild

wild boar

*CuӔD

NWCHl: *C-PXӔ Run:

*Cili:w

*C-lʅc

*CuӔD

*hwӔʅ:j *C-PXӔ *C-mʅn *hlji:w

*C-lʅc

ӔD1

hDZ[j]

1

----

zi:w1

lat7 liat

2

fun

1

mi:w2 2

tu:n1 fun

1

ӔD1

PXӔ1

----

1

tu:n1

mi:

ӔDZj

4

PXӔ1 ----

zi:w[3] ---lat7

----

ӔDQ

1

khaj1

1

ӔD[n]1

k aj

1

tu:n1 VXӔ

1

khaj1 k aj h

miw

2

tu:n1 VXӔ

1

ӔZD1 ----

1

tu:n1 VXӔ

PXӔ1 ----

zi:w1

miw

2

tu:n1 VXӔ

1

----

----

----

khaj1

----

khaj1

xij

----

tshuʅn1

W~on

----

[ӑa:w5]

----

----

tshuʅn1

----

----

ӔRZ1

----

----

mDZ:n1 tshuʅn1

----

----

tsi:w4

----

----

[pʅj4 tshuʅn1]

lģࡢt

----

----

k aj h

1

PXӔ1 PXӔ

1

Ѵi:w4 1

k aj

1

h

tu:n1

ts XӔ

1

miw2 miw

[1]

tu:n1

ts XӔ h

ӔZD1

ziw

----

h

mi:w5

ӔD

-------

1

mi:w2

----

ӔDQ

1

khaj1 h

ӔDQ1

1

ӔXD4 ӔD

1

----

ts un h

miw

2

----

ts un h

1

ӔZD1 Ҫa:

4

PXDӔ 4 PXӔ1 PDӔ

man

Ѵiw[2]

Ѵi:w4

1

ziw

1

4

tsiw

4

lat7

lat8

lat7

7

7

8

8

lat

1

mi:w5

lac7 lat

1

lat

lat

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ODWখ

548

葉子

夜盲

leaf

night-blind

*CʅުbҬ:

*C-[d/Ȱ]om Qi:

CHl:

CHl:

*ƷҬ:

*‫ר‬om

*mҬӔު *ٍ‫؛‬ha:

*khʅj

ƷʅҮ1

ƷʅҮ1

ƷʅҮ1

ƷʅҮ1

ƷʅҮ1

ƷʅҮ1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Ʒow

rom1

(rom1)

----

----

---hDZ:

-------

1

----

k aj h

Ʒʎw

rom1 ----

tsha:1 ----

ƷʅҮ

pҬӔ6 rom

1

tsha:1 ts a: h

1

bʅҮ

----

phҬӔ6 pҬӔ6 ----

----

pҬ:1

----

----

tsha:1

tsha:1

tow1

----

----

khaj1

----

----

[taw1]

----

----

[tsʅ:j4]

----

----

ƷʅҮ

----

ƷʅҮ

ts a: h

----

----

khaj1

khaj1

kha:1

kha:1

kha:1

tshXDӔ3 ----

----

1

ƷʅҮ

pi:1

----

----

----

1

khaj1 ----

pʅҮঔ

----

----

----

YI 腋

armpit

GHl: CHl:

*C-Ӕi:ު

一

one

one

一起

together

*CʅުbҬ:͈

*tç u:Ӕު h

*C-Ӕi:ު

taw2

ts RӔ h

3

ӔHM3 ----

----

ӔDM3 ----

----

----

k a: h

1

ts XӔ h

3

ӔDM3

ӔDM3 3

ӔDM

----

3

ӔDM

ӔDM6 3

ӔDM

3

ӔDM

----

----

tçhҬ:ު

----

----

tshʅҮ3

----

----

----

----

----

----

*CҬ[ު/͈]

kҬ2 ----

kҬ2 ----

tsҬ2 tsҬ1

ުҬ3 tsҬ3

tҬ5 tsҬ2

kҬ2 tsҬ2

kҬ2

kҬࡢ t‫آ‬ʅҮগ

Ҭࡢ

*ƷҬ:͈

ƷʅҮ2

ƷaҮ2

ƷaҮ2

ƷaҮ5

----

ƷaҮ5

[pa:k9]

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

tshe[j]3 tshʅҮ3

----

----

----

----

t‫آ‬hʅҮঔ

----

549

一

[c/ç]Ҭ:ު

*kha:

一十

醫治

依靠

group of ten

heal

lean on

*mun

*ja:

GHl:

*hmun

*hja:

*C-mʅӔ͈

mun1 ----

za:1

PRWKHU·VHOGHU

VLVWHU·VKXVEDQG 姨父

PRWKHU·VHOGHU

VLVWHU·VKXVEDQG 姨母

IDWKHU·V

younger sister 姨母

mothHU·V

elder sister 已經

溢

already

overflow

*[c/ç]ʅjު

*fҬ:

*ӔLQ

*mi:

*Cʅުba:jު *NECHl: *Cʅުba:͈ Run:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hejު

*fhҬ:

*hӔLQ

*hmi:

*Ʒa:jު *Ʒʅ:jު *Ʒa:͈ *‫ڛ‬a:͈

----

za:1

----

----

(PRӔ2) PRӔ2 mDZӔ

----

tshej3

tshaj3

3

姨父

pun1

----

phʅҮ1 ----

ӔLQ1 ----

m[i:]1 ----

Ʒa:j3 ----

----

fʅҮ1 ----

(ӔLQ1) ----

pej1 ----

Ʒa:j3 ----

pun1

pun4

phun4

1

1

4

SRӔ

SRӔ

pun4

(SRӔ )

pʅn

----

----

za:

----

za:4

za:4

4

1

1

za:

PRӔ2 -------

----

----

----

[ުua2 khaw1]

----

----

tshaj3

tshaj3

----

tshaj3

tsha:j1

----

----

fʅҮ1

pa:1

----

----

za:

----------

ki:n1 ----

pej1 ----

Ʒa:j3 ----

za:

za:

za:1

SRӔক

za:1

----

ts aj h

3

fʅҮ1 fʅҮ

1

ki:n4 NLӔ

1

pej4 ----

----

ts [Ҭ]j ---h

3

fʅҮ1

(fʅҮ )

Ʒo:j

3

----

khi:n4

ki:n4

ӔLʅn2

----

----

phej4

pej4

[fi:4]

----

----

4

4

----

bjM

----

pDZ:1

bý

----

(NLӔ ) 4

Ʒa:j3 Ʒuaj

3

1

----

pej

Ʒa:j3 Ʒu:j

3

Ʒa:5

Ʒa:5

Ʒa:5

5

2

2

2

2

2

Ʒa:

----

f ʅҮ h

Ʒa:2 Ʒa:

‫ޓ‬Dঔ

4

(pej )

Ʒa:j3

[2]

Ʒa:2 Ʒa:

----

[2]

Ʒa:2 ƷDZ:

lem1 SXӔ4

va:

va:

----

----

----

pXDMঔ

----

550

YIN 陰

cloudy

*C-ӔҬ:m CHl:

NCHl: 銀

銀元

silver

silver coin

*Ӕʅn

*Ӕʅn

*C-ӔҬ:m *hӔRPު

*C-ӔRPު *hӔʅn

*hӔʅn

ӔҬ:m1 ӔҬ:m1 kom3

kom6

3

3

----

----

ӔRP

ӔHQ1

kan1

kan1

kan4

4

1

4

kon

kanު

ӔHQ1

kan1

kon

*kha:w1

kha:w1 k a:w h

引

引火

引誘

to lead

ignite

tempt

*C-‫ۦ‬un ECHl:

*CʅުϺip CHl:

*C-lok CHl:

*C-͈uӑ *hrujު *tçip

*C-ӔDnު *C-lok

*C-lu:k

1

hun1 ----

tsip7 ----

lok7 ----

NDӔ

NDӔ

kan1

----

4

*[k/x]a:w1

4

----

hun1

guj3

huʎn

1

tsip7 ----

(lok7) ----

----

lu:ު7 luk

7

kan

kan4 kan

----

k a:w

1

kuʅn4

ӔpQ

ND࡯Qࢌ

kuʅn4

----

----

----

k a:w h

----

----

----

1

ӔRPঔ

NDӔখ

----

----

----

huj6

luʅj2

----

----

ӔDQ6

ӔDQ3

[ӑin2]

----

----

----

----

----

----

Ȯe:w5

----

----

----

----

----

luk

ӔXDQ

6

----

7

----

4

----

----

----

4

h

ӔDQ3

lu:k7 luk

kha:w1

hon

----

kan4

NDӔ

1

tsip7

khan4

1

guj6

----

kom

khan4

NDӔ

----

ӔRP

kum4

6

NDӔ

1

kha:w1

kum6

3

1

kan4

----

kha:w1

ӔRP

----

----

8

----

----

----

YING parrot (green)

*Cʅުdʎ:w

*Ȯe:w͈

Ȯe:w2 ----

Ȯe:w2 ----

Ȯe:w2

Ȯe:w5

Ȯe:w5

2

2

2

Ȯe:w

Ȯe:w

Ȯiaw

Ȯi:w5

----

551

鸚鵡

鸚鵡

鷹

parrot (black)

eagle

螢火蟲 firefly

*CʅުϺXӔ͈

*C-ӔDZ

*Cʅުgu:c

*C-lip

GHl: CHl: 影子

shadow

*[C-b/w]Ҭ: Qi:

NCHl: 硬

hard

*[c/ç]ʅ:nު

*tçXӔ͈

*C-ӔDZ

*ku:c

*lip

*C-lʅӔު *C-la:j

*[‫ڛ‬/hw]Ҭ: *hjʅwު

*Ci͈ʅ:wު *tçhʅ:nު

WVXӔ2 ----

ӔDZ1 -------

kuat

----

ӔDZ1 -------

5

lip7

5

----

vʅҮ2 ----

tshan3 3

ODӔ3 ----

----

WVXӔ

-------

Ӕ[a]w

kut

3

ӑa:w

ts RӔ h

3

----

----

lip7

[tsap9]

----

----

[tsin5]

----

----

[tҬa1]

vʅࡢҮ

----

[lʅ:w4]

‫آ‬ģ࡯n

sDZࡢn

[lDZn1]

OpM

----

7

la:j1

l[a]j

ӑaw

ӑaw

6

tshDZ:n3 ts XDӔ h

4

z[o]:3

3

3

----

lip

zo:3

ts RӔ h

-------

7

----

tsho:n3

----

ӔDZ

----

ӑa:w

tsho:n3

ӔDZ

----

3

----

4

----

zo:3

[vej2]

WXӔ

----

----

----

1

----

----

----

5

ӔDZ1

kut

ODӔ3

WVXDӔ5

ӔDZ4

7

----

3

3

ku:t7

----

hjaw3

tsho:n3

WVXӔ

1

----

WVXӔ5

2

ӔDZ1

----

ӑaw

WVXDӔ5

2

vʅҮ2

sDZn

WVXӔ5

lip[9]

----

(ODӔ3)

ts an

kuު

WVXӔ2

k[u]c7

lip7

----

h

WVXӔ2

3

tshDZ:n3 ts u:n h

3

----

ӔDZখ

----

----

----

----

IDZঔ

YOU 游泳

swim

*m-li:

*m-li:

lej1 lDZj

4

lej1

----

plej1 pej

4

plej1 plej

1

pej1

plej

1

plej1 plej

1

----

552

有

有

又

右

have

have

again

right

*CʅުϺu:͈

*Cʅުdu:k Run:

*C-lomު NECHl: *pʅjު Run: CHl:

柚子

pomelo

*Cʅުbom

*tçu:͈

*Ȯu:k *Ȯʅ:k

*C-lomު *C-lʅmު *phʅjު

*f [a]:Ӕ h

*hnin͈

*Ʒom

----

tsaw2

----

----

Ȯu:ު7 Ȯok

(Ȯoު ) 4

lom3

lom3

----

----

phaj3

p [u]j h

3

(tsen2) tsen

5

Ʒom1 ----

ph[e]j3 p aj h

tsaw

2

Ȯu:ު7

2

tsaw2

3

(tsen3) ----

------lom3 ----

phaj3 ----

teӑ2 ----

----

tsaw

2

Ȯu:ު7 Ȯuk

----

----

----

----

----

Ȯuaު7

Ȯu:ު7

tDZk9

GXࡎ

GXࡎRN

----

----

----

fjM

----

[pet10]

QtQ

----

ƷuʅӔ5

----

----

[ުja:m1]

----

----

----

7

ȮDZު

lom3

----

lem

3

phaj3 p aj h

3

ten2 ten

----

ȮDZު

8

lam

lam

3

phaj3

pha[:]j3 pha:j5

ILDӔ

ILDӔ

1

ten

2

Ʒom

1

[8]

----

3

1

----

Ʒ[e]m1 Ʒ[e]m1 Ʒom1 ----

----

---ten

2

----

2

Ʒum1

Ʒom

Ʒom

1

1

----

----

----

----

WHQগ

SRPখ

YU 瘀血

fish

GHl:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hʅmު

thok7 ----

tsh[o]m3 tshom3 ----

----

tsh[o]m3 -------

ts am h

3

tsham3 ts am h

3

----

GHl:

*hla:c

Ȯum3 WԬDZt2

Ѵa:t7 laު4

Ѵa:c7 ----

Ѵa:t7 Ѵo:t7

Ѵa:t7 Ѵa:t8

Ѵa:t7 Ѵuat7

Ѵuʅt8

-------

----

*la:

*hla:

Ȯa:1

Ѵa:1

Ѵa:1

Ѵa:1

Ѵa:1

Ѵa:1

Ѵow4

Gi

WOi

1

1

1

1

1

----

la:

Ѵa:

Ѵa:

Ѵa:

Ѵa:

ѴDঔ

553

魚

bruise

魚籠

fish cage

*C-li:k

*C-li:k

li:ު7

li:ު7

liʅk

liު

2

魚鰭

雨

fins

rain

*wik

GHl:

*hwik

*fhun

(vi:ު7) ----

(pun1) fʅn

1

語言

language

*tun

*thun

thun1

ts ʅn h

玉米

芋頭

corn

taro

1

4

li:k7

liaު7

liު

lik

7

vi[t]7 ----

hwik7 vet

7

7

liaު8 lit

8

vi:ު8 vet

7

vi:ު8 vet

8

fun1

fun1

1

1

1

1

thun1 t ʎn h

1

IRӔ

thun1 t RӔ h

1

thun1 t RӔ h

1

----

----

vet

fun1

IRӔ

f ʅn h

thun1 t RӔ h

vi[:t]7

[phi:5]

YL ࡎt

----

pDZӔ1

(p‫ڠ‬n)

----

[Ȯat9]

th~Q

----

8

fun1 IRӔ

liު

[Ʒa:w1]

8

fun1 fʎn

liak7

1

1

thun1 t ʅn h

1

----

----

IRӔখ

----

Qi:

*fh[a]:Ӕު

(ުo:j3)

ުo:j3

----

IHӔ3

IHӔ3

IHӔ3

----

(DZࢌj)

----

CHl:

*tça:jު

----

----

----

tsa:j3

----

tsa:j3

[mҬaj1]

----

----

kҬ:5

----

----

*ra:k

*hra:k

----

---ra:ު7 ----

----

---ge:ު7 ----

----

----

----

----

ge:k7

ge:ު8

7

2

ge:ު

xҬ:

----

tsa:j

3

he:ު8 xeު

8

----

tuaj

3

he:ު8 ----

----

----

----

YUAN round

*Cu‫ۦ‬om NCHl:

*Cu͈om *Cuުom

hom1 ----

(hom1) hwom1 gom1 ---kom1 ‫ۦ‬om1

---hum1 [z]om1 vom1

[la:w1]

luon ‫ޓ‬RPখ

pluon

遠

far

*C-lʅj

*C-lʅj

laj1

laj1

laj1

laj1

laj4

laj1

laj1

laj

----

1

1

1

1

1

4

laj

laj

laj

laj

laj

laj

ODMখ

554

圓

願意

willing

*Cʅުd[ʎ]Ӕ

GHl:

*Ȯ[e]Ӕ

Cu͈ʅ:k

ȮHӔ1 ----

ȮHӔ1 ----

(ho:ު7) ho:ު7 ----

----

ȮHӔ1 ----

ȮHӔ1

ȮHӔ1

1

1

ȮHӔ

hwo:k7 go:ު7 ----

ӔRN

7

ȮHӔ1

----

----

----

vDZ:ު7

hDZ:ު7

----

----

----

ӑa:n1

nuʅn1

ӑiQ

----

nuʅn1

djZ

----

ӑa:n1

----

ӑiQ

----

ӑa:n1

nuʅn1

ӑiQ

----

ȮLDӔ

----

----

----

----

----

YUE 月

month

*C-ӑa:n

*C-ӑa:n

ӑa:n1 ӑDZn

1

月初

beginning of month

*Curʅwު

*C-ӑa:n

月亮

岳父

moon

father-in-law

*C-ӑa:n

*pa:ު

*nʅӔ

*Cuhrʅwު

*C-ӑa:n

*C-ӑa:n

*pha:ު

*hnʅӔ

raw3 ----

ӑa:n1 ----

ӑa:n1 ӑDZn

ӑa:n1

ӑa:n1

ӑa:n1

na:n4

1

1

1

1

ӔMDQ

gaw3 ----

ӑa:n1 ----

ӑe:n

ӑuan

ho:6

hDZ:6

3

3

3

----

‫ۦ‬o:

ӑa:n1

ӑa:n1

na:n4

1

1

----

vo:

ӑDӔ

vo:

ӑDӔ

ӑuan4

ӑDӔখ

----

ӑa:n1

ӑa:n1

ӑa:n1

na:n4

1

1

1

ӑDӔ

ӑuan

pha:3

pha:3

pha:3

----

----

----

tDZӔ1 WXDӔ1

[tsha:j1]

---WXDӔখ

----

ӔMDQ

1

ӑe:n

pha:3

pha:3

pha:3

QDӔ1 ----

ӑDӔ

gwow3 go:6

1

----

ӑDӔ

4

----

WRӔ1 ----

----

WRӔ1 ----

ӑDӔ

p a: h

3

WRӔ1 WRӔ1

p a: h

3

thDZӔ1 WXDӔ1

4

----

ӑDӔখ

----

555

岳母

mother-in-law

*mi:ު

*nʅӔ

*hmi:ު

*hnʅӔ

mej3 ----

QDӔ1 ----

(mej3) ----

WRӔ1 ----

paj3

p[i:]6

----

paj

WRӔ1 ----

3

phaj6 paj

3

WRӔ4

thDZӔ4

1

1

WRӔ

WXDӔ

p[i:]6

----

----

----

tDZӔ4

[ӔLʅn2]

----

----

----

----

----

----

YUN 雲

cloud

CHl:

GHl:

孕穗 ZA 扎

rice plant

with seed

tie tightly

*C-mi:nު

*si:͈ Qi:

NWCHl:

*Ȯ[a]:k

*fha:ު

*C-mi:nު

*shi:͈ *f ʅ:t h

*C-Ӕʅ:nު

----

[z]e:ު7

----

----

----

----

mi:n3 ----

tej2

ӔDQ

3

Ȯe:ު7

----

----

----

----

dʎࡎk

fa:3

fa:3

----

----

pow1

(Sj)

fa:

3

3

3

mi:n1

----

----

fDZ:t7

[lʅ:w4]

----

----

haw3

haw3

[tsʎ:2]

----

----

3

3

Ȯe:ު

7

fa:3

----

Ȯe:k7

fa:

mi:n3 ----

----

fa:

mi:n3 ----

ӔDZn

saj

mi:n3

(min )

fo:t7 saj

2

Ȯeު7

fa:

3

taj2

3

ȮҬ:2

2

Ȯiaު7

f a: h

mi:n6 PLӔ

3

fDZ:t7

ts aj h

2

3

----

min

6

----

teުখ

IDঔ

----

----

ZAI 宰

slaughter

*C-mi:k CHl:

*[C-]mi:k *͈ʅwު

mi:ު7 ----

mi:ު[8] haw

3

mi:k[8] miު

7

haw3 mik

[8]

haw

haw

----

556

ZAN 咱們

贊揚

we (incl)

praise

*ru:

*wʅj

*hru:

*hwʅj

r[u:]1 ha:

gaw1

ӔDZު

[5]

vaj1 vaj

ga:1 4

vaj1

vajު

1

gaw4

gaw

4

hwaj1 4

vaj

4

xaw

1

haw4

how4

x[ʅ:]

1

k [oު] h

vaj4

vaj4

vaj1

1

1

4

vaj

vaj

vaj

[tej1]

d[u:]

----

[tsʅӔ4]

----

----

[tshi:w5]

----

----

[puʅt8]

NjZ

----

[ziaw4]

----

----

[hDZm4]

----

----

tshi:n1

----

----

tsha:w1

----

----

7

x[DZ:]খ

----

ZAO 鑿子

awl

*Cʅުbʅn͈

*Ʒʅn͈

Ʒen2

Ʒan2

Ʒan2

Ʒan5

2

2

2

Ʒ[u]an Ʒan 5

早

early

*Cʅުga:wު

*ka:wު

ka:w3 ka:w

3

早晨

morning

GHl:

*Cʅުdom NCHl: 灶

stove

*ci:n

*su:ު

*ka:wު

*Ȯom

*hwa:nު *tçhi:n

*shu:ު

pa:3 ----

ka:w3 kaw

3

ka:w3

----

tshi:n1 ----

ƷDӔ

ƷDӔ

Ʒan

2

5

ka:w3

ka:w3

ka:w3

ka:w3

3

3

3

3

ka:w

ka:w

ka:w

ka:w

ka:w3 3

ka:w

ka:w3

3

ka:w

ka:w3 3

3

ka:w

(Ȯom1) Ȯom1

Ȯom1

Ȯom1

Ȯum1

3

3

3

6

kaw

ka:w

----

YDӔ

tshi:n1

tshi:n1

----

----

YDӔ

tshi:n1 ts LӔ h

1

tow3

taw3

taw3

taw3

3

3

3

3

faw

saw

saw

YDӔ

vuan

----

tshi:n1

(ts LӔ ) ts in h

4

taw3

ts aw h

3

h

1

taw3

ts aw h

3

pDӔগ

----

----

YDӔখ

----

----

557

WԬDM

Ʒan5

ka:w3

3

Ȯom1

ƷDӔ

----

ZEI 賊

thief

*Cʅުbuj

*Ʒuj

Ʒuj1

Ʒuj1

Ʒuj1

Ʒuj1

Ʒuj1

1

1

1

1

1

ƷDZj

Ʒoj

Ʒuj

Ʒuj

Ʒuj1

Ʒoj

Ʒow

fuj4

E~:j

----

OHӔ5

----

----

la:j4

----

----

[pʅ:w4 tuʅn4]

phut

----

1

SRMখ

ZEN 怎樣

how

GHl:

*C-[d/Ȱ]a:

*ȮXӔ

*‫ר‬a:

ުXӔ2 ----

ra:1

ȮXӔ1 ----

ra:1

----

----

ȮRӔ1 ----

ra:[3] ----

ȮRӔ1 ----

ȮXӔ1

ȮXӔ1

1

1

ȮRӔ

ra:[2]

ȮXӔ

la:[1]

----

la:4

----

ra:

[6]

WRӔখ

----

ZENG 曾祖父 pat. great

grandfather

曾祖母 pat. great

grandmother

增加

increase

*put

*CʅުϺҬt

GHl:

*phut

*tçҬt

*C-ma:

phut7 ----

tsҬt7 -------

phut7 ----

tsҬt7 ----

ma:1

----

----

phut7 ----

phut7 p ok h

tsҬt7 ----

7

tsҬt7 tsʅk

7

ma:1

ma:1

1

1

ma:

ma:

phut7

phut7

p ok h

7

tsҬt7 tsҬk

7

----

p ʅt h

7

---tʅt

----

[tsʅ2 tuʅn4]

----

----

----

----

----

tҬ:5

----

----

7

----

ma:

p RNঔ h

[1]

t‫آ‬±Nঔ

----

ZHA dregs

GHl:

*Ȯ[a]:k

----

tsʎk

Ȯe:ު7 4

----

Ȯe:k7 ----

Ȯe:ު7 ȮҬ:

2

Ȯe:ު7 Ȯeު

8

Ȯe:ު7 Ȯiaު

7

----

558

渣滓

搾

眨眼

蚱蜢

handspan

wink

grasshopper

*Cu‫ۦ‬Ҭp

GHl: Run:

*mi:ު

*Cʅުgit CHl:

*Cu͈Ҭp

*C-lip

*C-ӑi:p *hmi:ު

*kit

*hnҬ:k

hҬp7 ӔXS

hҬp7

2

Ӕʎު

rop7

lip7

lep

4

mej3 ----

kit7

4

----

pej3 ----

kit7

----

----

hwҬp7 hҬp7 ӔDS

ӔRS

(li:p9)

(li:p9)

7

----

pҬ(1) ----

kec7 ----

7

lep

vup7 ӔRS

hҬp7

[m]op

8

hDZ:p8

----

----

liap7

----

----

8

----

----

7

ӑip

ުҬ3

----

----

ުet7 la:w3

----

----

thҬaު8

tҬ:ު8

[luj5]

----

----

(law5)

lu:4

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

1

4

[vi:n5]

----

----

pҬ

3

tҬ:ު8 ----

ӑip

----

7

----

7

----

(tҬk ) 7

tҬު

8

----

----

W±Nঔ

ZHAI 摘

摘

to pick

to pick

*C-[d/Ȱ]u:

GHl:

NWCHl: Run:

窄

narrow

*Cʅުbi:p

*‫ר‬u:

*C-lu:ު

KӔ[a]:k *‫ר‬Ҭ

*Ʒi:p

row1 -------

----

law3

kʎk

2

Ʒi:p[9] ----

row1

kʎު

4

Ʒi:p7 ----

row1 ----

law3 ----

Ʒi:p7 Ʒip

7

row4

low4

1

1

row -------

Ʒi:p7 Ʒip

7

row

rҬ

Ʒi:p7 Ʒip

8

----

rҬ

Ʒi:p7 Ʒip

7

----

----

SLSখ

559

ZHAN 粘

站

stick

stand

GHl:

*CʅުϺu:n

*kha:t

man1 ----

*tçu:n

kha:t7 k aު h

tsu:n1 ----

4

tsu:n1 tsun

1

kha:t7 k a:ު h

7

tsu:n1 WVXӔ

1

kha:t7 k a:k h

7

tsu:n1 WVXӔ

1

kha:t7 k aު h

kha:t7 k uat

8

h

tsu:n1 WVXӔ

1

tsu:n1 tun

[khan5]

mģࡢn

----

tshu:n1

t‫~آ‬on

----

viʅn4

YqQ

----

lo:1

O~Ӕ

----

Ȯa:j5

----

----

[nҬʅn4]

----

----

[lu:j2]

----

----

7

1

----

t‫آ‬XӔখ

ZHANG 張

flat clsfr

*C-bʅnު

*‫ڛ‬ʅnު

ven3 van

4

長大

grow up

*C-OXӔ

*C-OXӔ

van3 ----

van3

fan6 3

YDӔ

van3

3

YDӔ

van6 3

6

van

YDӔ

OXӔ1

OXӔ1

ORӔ1

ORӔ1

OXӔ4

OXӔ1

1

1

1

1

1

4

ORӔ

ORӔ

OXӔ

ORӔ

OXӔ

OXӔ

YDӔঔ

----

ZHAO 招待

著火

照料

serve

catch fire

take care of

*Cʅުda:j͈ Run: *tʅӔ

*ުXӔ͈

*Ȯa:j͈

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç] Ҭ:ު h

*thʅӔ

*ުXӔ͈

Ȯa:j2 ----

thRӔ1 ----

ުXӔ2 ----

Ȯa:j2 ----

thDӔ1 t DӔ h

1

ުXӔ2 ----

Ȯa:j2 ----

thDӔ1 t DӔ h

1

ުXӔ2 ----

----

Ȯa:j5

----

ts aҮ h

thDӔ1 t DӔ h

1

ުXӔ5 ުXӔ

2

3

thDӔ1 t DӔ h

1

----

ުXӔ

2

Ȯa:j5

ts aҮ h

3

----

t [a]Ӕ h

-------

1

----

----

----

560

ZHE 螫

sting

遮羞布 underwear

遮蓋

遮蓋

cover

cover

折樹枝 bend (branch)

折樹枝 break (branch)

折疊

fold

*[ٍ/c]ʅӔު Run:

*fi:n͈

*fʅӔ͈

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hʅӔު *C-ӑʅj *fhi:n͈

*fhʅӔ͈

NCHl:

*hPLӔ͈

GHl:

*C-ӔXW

*[c/ç]ʅ:k Run:

*C-mu:n

*tçhʅ:k *tç i:k h

*C-mu:n

tshDӔ3

tshRӔ[2] tshRӔ3

----

(pi:n2) ----

phDӔ2

this

*C-ni:͈

*C-ni:͈

----

fi:n2

fi:n2

----

----

----

----

----

SLӔ

2

ުut8

ӔXW7

----

----

tshak7

3

----

sDZު

mu:n1 muʅn

4

mu:n1 ----

nej2 nʎj3

tshRӔ3 ts RӔ h

3

fi:n5 ILӔ

IRӔ5

2

2

---SLӔ

2

ӔXW7 ----

----

mu:n1 ----

nej2 nej2

4

ӑaj

f in h

SLӔ

ts o:k

7

mu:n1

nej5 nej2

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ӔXW7

[pua5]

XࡎW

----

tshDZ:ު7

----

‫آ‬ģࡢk

----

ma:n1

----

----

nʎj5

QpM n[ʎ:]ক

----

----

SLӔ

2

8

----

ts it

h 8

mu:n4

(mun ) PXӔ 1

----

5

----

ӔXW

tsho:ު7

piʅn1

----

ӔXW8

----

----

----

[tiʅm5]

2

ӔXW7

----

fDZӔ5

SLӔ

2

[Ȯa:n4]

fDZӔ5 ----

----

ӑaj

fi:n5

ILӔ

IRӔ

h

tshDZӔ3

1

2

IRӔ2 IRӔ

tshDZӔ3

fi:n5

2

tsho:ު 7 tsho:k7

----

nej2 nʎj3

ts RӔ

IRӔ2

1

這

----

h

1

nej2 n[e:]2

----

ts iު h

7

mu:n1 mun

4

nej5 n[i:5]

----

----

----

----

----

561

這樣

this way

*CʅުGXӔ

*C-ni:͈

鷓鴣

partridge

*ta:nު

*ȮXӔ

*C-ni:͈

*tha:nު

ުXӔ2 ----

nej2 ----

tha:n3 t DZn h

3

ȮXӔ1 ----

nej2 ----

tha:n3 t an h

3

ȮRӔ1

ȮRӔ1

----

----

nej2

nej

tha:n3 t DӔ h

3

ȮXӔ1

1

1

ȮRӔ

nej5

----

ȮXӔ1

n[en ]

tha:n3 t DӔ h

3

----

----

nʎ:5

----

----

Ȯa:n5

thjQ

----

kuʅt8

Ӕ‫ࡢڠ‬t

----

[pa:t9]

----

----

[WDӔ1]

----

----

[ѴDZm2]

----

----

[Ӕ]a:n1 ӔXʅn1 [m]uan4

ӔiQ ----

----

ȮXӔ

nej2

2

>OHӔ5]

nej5

3

n[i: ]

tha:n4

tha:n3

t DӔ h

3

5

t uan h

3

----

----

----

ZHEN 針

真

砧板

斟

枕

needle

true

*ӔXF

CHl:

chopping block CHl:

pour out

rest head

*CʅުϺo:͈

*CuӔDQ

*hӔXF

*Ȯʅt

*thim͈

*tço:͈

*CuӔDQ

ӔXW7

kut7

4

4

kʅt

(Ȯat7) ---------tso:2 ----

ӔDQ1 ----

kʎު ----

kuc7 kʅt

7

Ȯat7

----

----

----

thim2

----

----

kut8 kot

khut8 kot

7

Ȯat7 Ȯak

Ȯak

----

t em

2

(t em ) t em h

5

tso:5

tso:5

2

2

2

ӔDQ1 ----

Ȯat

7

----

tso:2

tso:

Ȯat7

----

2

tso:

8

7

tso:2 tso:

kʅt

8

Ȯat7

7

h

kut8

tso:

[Ӕ]a:n1 ӔZDQ1 ӔXDQ4 ӔDQ1 ӔDQ1 ӔDQ1

h

5

tsDZ:5 to:

5

NRWখ

----

----

----

562

枕頭

pillow

*CuӔDQ

*Curʅwު

*CuӔDQ

*Cuhrʅwު

ӔDQ1 ----

raw3

ӔDQ1 ----

gaw3

vaw

3

ӔDZ:

3

[Ӕ]a:n1 ӔZDQ1 ӔXDQ4 ӔDQ

ӔDQ

1

ӔDQ

1

gwow3 go:6 go:

‫ۦ‬o:

3

ӔiQ

----

ki:w1

djZ

----

[kiʅp7]

----

----

lʅӔ1

----

----

tsun1

----

----

[haj2]

----

----

[mҬa5]

dyӔ

----

[m]uan

4

ho:6

hDZ:6

3

3

vo:

3

1

[Ӕ]a:n1 ӔXʅn1

vo:

ӔDӔখ

YRঔ

ZHENG 爭奪

睜眼

蒸

正面

compete for

open eyes

steam

front

*C-ӑa:w

GHl:

*Ciުun͈ Meifu: GHl:

*CʅުdʅӔ

*C-ӑa:w

*C-lʅӔު

*Ciުun͈ *ުun͈

*hrʅ:m

*ȮʅӔ

ӑa:w1 ----

(ODӔ3) ----

ުun2

ӑa:w1 ----

ODӔ3 ----

ުun2

ުʅn

----

5

----

----

ȮRӔ1

WVHӔ

1

----

Ȯan

ӑa:w1

na:w4

ӑa:w1

1

1

1

4

ӑa:w

ODӔ3

3

3

ODӔ

ުRӔ

]RӔ

go:m4

4

1

ȮDӔ

1

----

zʅn

2

go:m1 go:m

l[a]Ӕ

6

----

2

xo:m

ӑa:w ODӔ3

----

zun5

ުRӔ

ӑa:w ODӔ6

ODӔ

ުjun2

---1

ӑa:w

ODӔ3

2

go:m1

----

ӑa:w1

5

----

xuam

1

hDZ:m4

k uam h

1

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

ȮDӔ1

1

1

1

ȮDӔ

ȮDӔ

ȮDZӔ

----

----

----

----

----

563

正午

high noon

*ٍa:

*NCHl *ӔZʅn

GHl:

*ٍ‫؛‬ha:

*hmʅjު *hӔZʅn

*ȮʅӔ͈

tsha:1 ----

tsha:[2] p [e:] h

ven1 ----

(ȮDӔ2) ----

2

van1

vanު

tsha:1 paj

3

hwan1 4

ȮDӔ2 ----

YDӔ

1

ȮDӔ2

tsha:1

tsha:1

tsha:1

----

----

----

van4

van4

van1

[Ȯuʅn5]

----

----

1

1

4

----

----

----

Ʒuʅn1

----

----

paj

3

YDӔ

YDӔ

ȮDӔ5

----

----

----

van

Ȯ[e]Ӕ[2] ȮDӔ5

----

----

Ȯ[e]Ӕ

----

phu:n3

[2]

----

----

----

ZHI 支

pen clsfr

隻(雞) chicken clsfr

隻

芝麻

枝

livestock clsfr

sesame

branch

*pu:nު

*C-lʅӔ

*mʅn

*ӔҬ: Qi:

*[k/x]a:

*phu:nު

*C-lʅӔ

*hmʅn

*hӔҬ:

*hӑҬ:n *kha:

phu:n3 ----

ORӔ1

phu:n3 ----

ODӔ1

----

----

men1 ----

ӔʅҮ1 kow

4

kha:1 ----

pan1 ----

kʅҮ1 kʎު

phu:n3 ----

phu:n3 p XӔ h

3

p XӔ h

3

p un h

ODӔ1

ODӔ1

ODӔ4

ODӔ1

1

1

1

4

ODӔ

ODӔ

ODӔ

pan1

pan4

4

1

SDӔ

SDӔ

kʅҮ4

4

1

kʅҮ

kha:1 ----

kha:1 kha:1

lDZӔ

phan4 SDӔ

1

kʅҮ1

4

kʅҮ

kha:1 kha:1

3

pan4 pan

tDZӔ1

OyӔ

----

puʅn4

PpQ

----

[tiaw4]

ӔʅࡢҮ

----

khow1

-------

----

4

tshҬ:n4 tsҬ:n4 kʅҮ

kʅҮ

kha:1 kha:1

kha:1 kha:1

1

p XӔঔ h

[2]

ODӔখ

----

----

564

知道

know

*[k/x]XӔ Meifu:

*CurҬ: CHl: 織

weave (fabric)

*CuٍҬ:k

*khXӔ *k XӔ h

*CuhrҬ: *hmҬ:ު

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k

khXӔ 1

khXӔ 1

k RӔ h

k uʎު

1

h

rʅҮ1

gʅҮ1

----

----

weave (net)

*[k/x]u:t

*khu:t

fҬʅk

fuު

khu:t7

khu:t7

*ٍʅj

*CuٍҬ:k

*ٍ‫؛‬hʅj

*Cuٍ‫؛‬hҬ:k

2

tshaj1

tshaj1

----

----

指甲

point

fingernail

*sҬ:ު

Meifu: *C-li:p

*shҬ:ު *s Ҭ: h

*C-li:p

1

khXӔ 1

khXӔ1

[min4]

[XRӔ

----

----

[Ȯuʅj5]

----

pʅࡢҮ

----

----

[tsha:1]

----

----

tshaj1

----

----

tshҬaު7 tshҬ:ު7 ta:k9 ----

----

----

----

7

----

----

tsej1

tʅ࡯Ү

----

li:p7

lep7

Otep

----

k RӔ h

1

gʅҮ

4

fҬު

7

khu:t7 k uު

fҬ:ު7

tshҬaު7 tshҬ:ު7 ta:k9

fҬk

7

khu:t7

tshaj1

ts aj

1

ts aj h

1

fҬ:ު7

tʅҮ3

1

1

lip

liު

khu:t7

tshaj1

tʅҮ3

4

khu:t7

tshaj1

tʅҮ3

2

f Ҭު

k uk

tʅҮ3

li:p7

fҬk

k uk

h

7

sʅҮ

li:p7 lip

7

fҬk

sʅҮ

li:p7 lip

7

paҮ

6

8

7

h

fҬު

li:p7

3

7

h

----

paҮ

----

----

----

‫ۦ‬ʅҮ

1

fҬʅk

----

khXDӔ1

gwʅҮ1 gwʅҮ4 phaҮ6

tshҬ:ު7 tshҬ:ު7 fҬ:k7 2

指

4

k u[a]t ---h

織布機 loom

k RӔ h

tshҬ:ު7 tshҬ:ު7 fҬ:k7 2

織

4

khXӔ 1

h

h

k ut

8

h

----

ts ʅҮ

3

li:p8 lip

8

7

tshaj1

----

h

7

----

lip

8

----

SDOঔ

----

----

----

----

----

OLSখ

565

蜘蛛

spider

ECHl: ECHl: ECHl: ECHl:

蜘蛛

spider

ECHl:

NECHl: CHl:

直

侄

straight

nephew

*C-mu:c ECHl: GHl:

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hʅp *s ʅp h

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hi: *s a:j͈ h

*khomު *k ʅw

Ȯip7

Ȯap7

tshop7

tap7

tshap7

tap7

tam1

dtS

----

Ȯa:j2

Ȯej2

tshej2

ta:j5

tshej5

ta:j5

ta:j5

[ ]a:j

----

----

----

----

khom3

khom3

kh[a]m3 ----

----

----

----

xuoӔ

----

----

----

h

----

*khXӔ

----

*C-mu:c *kҬӔ͈ *ѴҬ:k

----

----

-------

----

----

mu:t[9] ----

han1

只

紙

only

paper

*C-ӑʅӔ

*[c/ç]iʅު

*fhҬ:

WԬҬʅk

*C-ӑʅӔ

*tçhiʅު

phʅҮ1 ----

ӑ[o]Ӕ2 ----

tshia3 ----

----

ѴҬ:k7 2

*fҬ:

mu:t7

----

fʅҮ1 ----

ӑRӔ 2 ----

tshia3 ----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

k aw h

----

1

khXӔ1

----

k XӔ h

mu:c7 ----

ѴҬ:ު7 ѴҬk

7

1

kҬӔ5 mut

7

ѴҬk7 ѴҬk

k aw h

1

----

k aw h

1

khu[:]Ӕ1 khXӔ1

kҬӔ5

kҬӔ5

----

----

ѴҬaު 7

ѴҬk7

Ѵiʅk8

----

----

pa:1

----

----

----

h

1

----

ѴҬު

7

fʅҮ1

fʅҮ1

fʅҮ1

1

1

1

1

ӑRӔ 2 ӑRӔ

2

tshia3 ----

fʅҮ

----

ӑRӔ

2

tshia3 ----

----

----

8

fʅҮ

----

k XӔ

1

fʅҮ1 fʅҮ

----

k XӔ h

ѴҬk

7

----

fʅҮ

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

tshia3

----

----

‫آ‬qD

----

----

ts i:

h 3

----

ts i:

h 3

----

t‫ آ‬i:ঔ h

566

雉

pheasant

GHl:

*fha:

----

fa:1

----

fa:1

----

----

fa:1

fa:1

fa:1

1

1

1

fa:

fa:

fa:

fow1

----

----

----

thyP

----

fun4

~Q

----

----

----

----

tshan1

fpQ

----

kҬ:1

dra:

----

khDZ:n1

xҬࡢ n

----

----

ZHONG 中間

腫

種

種

middle

swell

a kind of

seed

*tom Run: *ުun

GHl:

*Civʅn

*thom *tçҬ: *ުun

*C-mu:͈

*fhʅn

th[Ҭ]m1 thom1

重

to plant

heavy

*Cura:

*[k/x]Ҭn

*Cuhra:

*khҬn

thom1

ts om

t on

t om

ުun1

ުun1

ުun1

ުun1

ުun1

ުun1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

ުʅn

h

ުʎn

(maw2) maw2 ----

----

phen1 fon

k on

ުRӔ

ުRӔ

mow2

maw5

2

2

maw

(tsʅҮ ) tʅҮ 4

maw

1

ުʅn

mo2

maw

mDZ:5 2

maw

fan1

fan1

fan1

1

1

1

1

fan

IDӔ

4

(vaު )

1

1

fan1

4

h

ުRӔ

h

1

(ra:1)

khҬn1

1

fan1

ra:1 vDZ:

h

t om

(tsʅҮ1) thum1

1

h

1

種

thom1

khun1 k ʎn h

1

IDӔ

gwa:1 kDZ:

1

khҬn1 k ʅӔ h

1

IDӔ

gwa:4 ‫ۦ‬a:

1

khҬn1 k ʅӔ h

1

fan

(va:4) va:

1

khҬn1 k ʅӔ h

2

1

hwa:4 va:

1

khҬn1 k ʅn h

1

t‫آ‬ʅҮখ

----

----

----

----

kh±Ӕখ

567

ZHOU 粥

gruel

*ta:͈

*tha:͈

tha:2

ts DZ: h

*C-nʅmު

*C-nʅmު

tha:2 ----

5

nom3

nam3

nam

----

3

妯娌

EURWKHU·VZLIH

*tʅӔު

*CʅުdҬӔ

肘

elbow

*Ci‫ۦ‬XӔ͈

*thʅӔު

*ȮҬӔ

*Ci͈XӔ͈

thDӔ3

thRӔ3

----

----

ȮҬӔ1

ȮҬӔ1

----

----

KXӔ2

ӑ[a]Ӕ

5

咒罵

皺紋

curse, swear

wrinkle

*C-‫ۦ‬i:nު

*C-ӑit

*͈i:nު

*C-ӑit

hi:n3 ----

ӑit[9] ӑet

2

KXӔ2 ----

hi:n3 ----

ӑit7 ӑʎު

4

tha:2 ----

nom3 ----

thRӔ3 ----

ȮҬӔ1 ----

KMXӔ2 ----

hi:n3 ----

tha:5 t a: h

tha:5 t a:

2

h

tha:5 t a:

2

h

nam3

nam6

nam3

3

3

6

nam

thRӔ3 t RӔ h

3

ȮҬӔ1 ȮҬӔ

1

]XӔ5 ӑXӔ

nam

----

----

----

----

----

----

ȮҬDӔ1

ȮҬӔ1

[ުu:1]

----

----

tshua5

----

----

ha:6

ha:4

----

----

ӑet7

----

----

[pʅj4]

PiZ

ࢌ SD࡯Z

ȮҬӔ

1

ha:6

ȮҬӔ

1

]XDӔ5

hi:n3

2

]XӔ5 ӑXӔ

2

h[en]

3

----

ӑet7

net8

ӑet7

7

7

8

8

ӑet

na:m1

thXDӔ3

t XDӔ

ӑec7 ӑet

----

----

thDZӔ3

ӑXӔ

KLӔ

----

3

h

2

3

nam

thDZӔ3

thow1

5

ӑet

ӑet

----

----

----

----

----

ZHU 豬

pig

*mʅw

*hmʅw

maw1

pawު4

pow1 paw4

paw4 paw1

phaw4 ----

pow4 paw4

----

568

----

paw1

豬油

竹排

竹箏

lard

bamboo raft

bamboo shoot

GHl:

*Cʅުbʅj

*C-nҬӔ

*fhҬӔ

*Ʒʅj

*C-nҬӔ

----

fҬӔ1

----

----

Ʒaj[3]

Ʒaj1

----

竹子

竹子

竹子

bamboo (thin)

bamboo (big)

bamboo (big)

*C-la:w

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅ:n͈

*Cʅުdom

*C-la:w

*‫ר‬ʅ:n͈

nҬʅӔ

QHӔ

*Ȯom

1

la:w1

----

ran2

ro:n2 lDZn

5

2

Ȯom1

ts[e]m

1

竹子

bamboo

(big and long) 主人

煮

host

to boil

*m-lҬ:j͈

*C-bDӔ

*C-[d/Ȱ]ʅӔ͈

*m-lҬ:j͈

*‫ڛ‬DӔ

*‫ר‬ʅӔ͈

lҬ:j2 ----

YDӔ1 vʎӔ

Ȯom1 -------

nҬӔ

la:w1

----

fҬӔ

1

Ʒaj1

Ʒaj1

1

1

Ʒaj

nҬӔ1 nҬӔ

1

fҬӔ1

nҬDӔ4 nҬӔ

1

1

1

la:w

ro:n2

ro:n2

lDZ:n2

2

2

ORӔ

la:w

URӔ

----

----

[tҬa1]

----

----

QDӔ1

nҬࡢ ۣӔ

----

la:w1

[tʅm1 Ʒa1]

----

----

lDZ:n2

----

dģ࡯nࢌ

lDZ࡯n

tʅm1Ȯum5

----

----

fҬӔ

Ʒaj

la:w4

----

----

1

(Ʒa:j4)

la:w1

UXDӔ

2

1

nҬӔ1 nҬӔ

4

----

ru:n

2

Ȯom1

Ȯom1

Ȯom1

Ȯum1

1

1

1

1

Ȯom

----

Ȯom

plҬ:j5 (puj ) 2

Ȯom

Ȯom

----

----

----

GD࡯Ӕࢌ

lDZ࡯Ӕ

----

4

1

YHӔ

1

YLDӔ

4

URӔ2

URӔ2

lDZӔ2

2

2

lDZӔ

ORӔ

URӔ

----

vҬ:4

----

4

2

ҀXDӔগ

----

YHӔ1

URӔ2

----

----

YHӔ4

UDӔ2

nҬӔখ

tʅm1 luʅj5

IHӔ4

veӔ

----

plҬ:j5

YHӔ1

vʎӔު

----

pu:j5

YHӔ1

4

----

nҬӔ1

plҬ:j2

----

fҬӔ

Ʒaj

1

la:w1

----

la:n

----

nҬӔ1

1

----

fҬӔ1 1

Ʒaj1

----

nҬӔ1

fҬӔ1

UXDӔ

2

YLDӔ

lDZӔ2 UXDӔ

2

----

YLDӔখ

----

569

煮

住

柱子

蛀

蛀蟲

to boil (potatoes) *Cʅުbu: ު

live at

pillar

cavity

moth

*Ci[d/r]Ҭ:k NECHl:

*CuӔʅw͈ CHl:

*tʅmު

*Cu‫ۦ‬u:

*C-bu: ު

*[‫ר‬/hr]jҬ:k *tçRӔު

*CuӔʅw͈

KӔʅ:n *thʅmު

*Cu͈u:

Ʒow3 ----

zҬ:ު7 ----

ӔDZ2 ----

thom3 ----

how1 ----

Ʒaw3

Ʒow3

Ʒaw3

Ʒaw3

Ʒow3

3

3

3

3

3

Ʒaw

Ʒaw

zҬ:ު7

WRӔ3

(tsun ) ---1

ӔDZ2 ----

tham3 ----

how1 ----

Ʒaw

tҬ:ު8 tҬk

7

ӔZRZ2 ko:n4 ----

ӔR

thom3

tham3

----

2

t am h

3

Ʒaw

thҬaު8 tsDZӔ

3

khDZ:n4 ӔR

2

tham3 t am h

3

hwow1 gwow1 -------

ӔRZ

ӔRZ

ުjaj1

jaj1

zaj1

1

8

1

1

Ʒaw

tҬ:ު8 tDZӔ

----

----

----

[liaw1]

zҬࡨ :

----

kҬan4

Ӕ۠ࢌw

----

[tsi:w4]

----

----

haw4

----

----

[han2]

----

----

Ʒiʅn5

----

----

3

kDZ:n4 ku:n

4

tham3 t am h

3

----

Ҫow

4

----

----

----

----

----

ZHUAN 轉

turn

GHl: Run:

*Ciުʅj *Ciުʅt

-------

ުaj1 ުjaj

1

kaj

3

zaj

zat

ުjaj1 zat

7

----

ZHUANG 裝飾

decorate

*Cʅުbi:n͈

*Ʒi:n͈

Ʒi:n2 ----

Ʒi:n2 ----

Ʒi:n2 ----

Ʒi:n5 ƷLӔ

2

Ʒi:n5 Ʒin

2

Ʒi:n5 Ʒin

5

----

570

ZHUI 追趕

chase

*C-lu:jު

*C-lu:jު

lu:j3

ho:n1

hwo:n1 lu:j3 ----

----

lu:j6

lu:j3

[phe:k9]

luoj

----

prepare

*rʅp

*hrʅp

----

gap7

gop7

----

----

hap8

----

----

----

catch

*mʅ:k

*hmʅ:k

mak7

po:k7

po:ު7

po:ު8

phDZ:ު8

pDZ:ު8

[ha:m1]

mģࡢk

----

7

7

GHl:

*Cu͈ʅ:n

----

----

----

----

----

ZHUN 準備

----

----

----

----

----

----

----

ZHUO 捉

濁

濁

turbid

turbid

GHl:

*Cʅުgun͈

*C-nҬm

*kun͈

Ʒa:k

4

QXӔ1 ----

pDZު

4

nҬm1 nDZn

3

----

----

----

----

po:ު

po:k

pDZު

8

pDZު

8

po:ުঔ

nҬm1

nҬm1

----

----

----

Q~oӔ

----

----

kun5

kun5

----

[huʅt8]

----

----

2

2

[na1]

-------

----

[lDZ:5]

----

----

----

----

----

NRӔ

----

----

NRӔ

kʅn

5

----

----

ZI 自己

self

*pha: ު

tshi1 ----

pha:3 ----

pha:3 ----

---pha:3

GHl:

*tçҬ:ު

ka:3

tsaҮ3

tsaҮ3

tsaҮ6

tsDZ:

4

----

----

---pha:3

tsʅҮ

3

---pha:3

tshaҮ6 tsaҮ

3

tsaҮ6 tsaҮ

6

----

571

GHl:

ZONG 鬃毛

鬃毛

粽子

mane

mane

rice dumpling

GHl:

CHl:

*ӑi:t

*C-ӔLQ͈

*C-ӔDN

*hӑi:t

ӔXQ2 ------------tsit

4

ӔLQ2 -------

-------

----

----

----

tsiު

ӔLQ2

tsi:t7 4

----

ӔLQ5

----

----

ӔLQ

ӑe:ު7 ӔҬ:

ӑeު

2

tsit

Ӕ~Rn

----

----

----

----

tsi:t8

----

----

----

fej1

paj1

----

----

----

t‫آ‬iP

----

phjw

----

ӑe:ު7 ӑiaު

7

tshi:t8

7

[hDZӔ4 ӔDM1]

----

ӔHު8

tsi:t8 tsit

----

2

8

7

tsit8

----

----

----

ZOU 走

走

go

*fi:

*fhi:

(pej1) ----

fej1

fej1

fej1

1

1

fej

fej1

1

1

f ej

fʎj

fej

fej

h

1

go

*CʅުϺa:m͈

*tça:m͈

tsa:m2

tsa:m2

tsa:m2

----

----

----

grandfather

*pu:ު

*phu:ު

phow3

phaw3

phow3

phaw3

phaw3

(phʅ:w6) pʅ:w4

----

----

----

----

----

----

fʎMখ

----

ZU 祖父

祖母

grandmother

*CʅުϺҬ:ު

*tçҬ:ު

----

tsʅҮ3 ----

----

tsaҮ3 ----

----

tsaҮ3 ----

p aw h

3

p aw h

3

tsaҮ3

tsaҮ3

3

3

tsʅҮ

tsaҮ

----

p ģZঔ h

tsʅҮ 3 taҮ

3

tsʅ:2

t‫آ‬ʅ࡯Ү

WVDOঔ

----

572

祖宗

ancestor

*put

*pu:ު

詛咒

curse

*tʅn

*phut

*phu:ު

*thʅn

phut7

phut7

----

phut7

----

----

----

phaw3

---than1

----

than1

----

----

7

phaw3 p aw h

than1 ----

phut7

p ok h

phow3

----

phut7

3

than1 t DӔ h

----

----

phXࡎW

----

(phʅ:w6) pʅ:w4 tuʅn4

phjw

----

than1

than1

[ӔDP5]

----

----

taw1

taw1

[hDZk8]

----

----

taw1

----

----

----

pam6

muʅӔ4

PzP

pģ࡯m

na:1tshXӔ1

WQ

----

p ok h

----

7

phaw3 p aw h

----

3

----

1

----

----

----

----

ZUAN 鑽

鑽子

to drill

drill (n)

*sʅw

*sʅw Run:

*shʅw

*shʅw

KӔXW

taw1

taw1

----

taw1

----

taw1

----

taw1

----

saw

ts aw

1

taw1

----

taw1

----

h

taw1

ts aw

1

h

----

----

kut

1

kut8

8

----

----

ZUI 嘴巴

嘴唇

嘴唇

mouth

lips (upper)

lips (lower)

*mʅmު NCHl: *sunު

CHl:

*hmʅmު

*hmomު *shunު

*[ٍ‫؛‬/tç]hʅ:j

mom3 Ʒo[Ӕ] tun3

WԬʅn ----

pam6

3

3

p[uʎn] pDZm 3

tun3 5

pom3

----------

pDZm

tun3

tun3

3

3

VRӔ

tsho:j1 ----

pham6

p[o]m

3

tun3

VRӔ

ts RӔ h

tsha:j1 ts o:j h

1

-------

3

pDZm

6

tҬn3 ----

ts u:j

t‫ آ‬RӔঔ h

---h

p[o]Pঔ

---1

-------

----

573

----

4

pam3

罪

醉

crime

drunk

*C-ma:ު

*muj

*C-ma:ު

*hmuj

ma:3

ma:3

----

----

muj1 ƷDZj

ma:3 ----

puj1

pojު

4

4

ma:3

ma:6

ma:3

3

3

ma:

6

phuj4

puj4

ma:

puj1

puj4

1

1

puj

puj

ma:

poj

1

pow

[tuj5]

Pj

----

puʅj4

m~:j

SM

phDZ:n1

GjZ

----

fjM

----

4

----

----

ZUO 昨天

yesterday

*pʅnު

*phʅnު

phen3 p an h

左

left

*pʅjު Run:

*ZLӔ

NCHl:

坐

sit

*phʅjު

*f [a]:Ӕ h

*hZLӔ

*Cuުʅj

3

phaj3

p aj

3

h

do

3

3

YLӔ 1

YLӔ 1

1

1

(]DӔ )

ުwaj

Qi:

*Cu‫ר‬a:w

----

----

GHl:

*tçRӔު

(WVXӔ3) WVXӔ3

----

----

*C-bu:k Qi: Run:

*‫ڛ‬u:k *‫ڛ‬uk

*C-li:͈

phan3

phan3

p DӔ h

p DӔ

3

h

phaj3

WVDӔ

vu:ު[9] vok4

vu:ު7 (voު4)

3

3

phaj3

----

p aj h

3

phan3 p DӔ h

3

phaj3 ILDӔ

1

phan3 p an h

3

pha[:]j3 haj2 ILDӔ

1

phDӔঔ

----

KZLӔ 1 YLDӔ4 kwaj1

YLӔ1

----

----

----

YteӔ

----

----

fa:w4

----

fa:w4

[huʅj4]

----

----

WVRӔ3

WVRӔ3

tsDZӔ3

tsiʅӔ

(t‫آ‬Ӕ)

----

vDZު7 lej2

[OHӔ1]

YXࡎ ----

YRࡎN

----

tsom

5

做

p an h

ph[e]j3

p uj h

phan3

----

WVRӔ3

WVXDӔ

3

vu:k7 vuު7

tsDZӔ

YLӔ1

YLӔ4

----

----

3

tsDZӔ

vok8 vuk7

voު8 lej2

[1]

tDZӔ3

YLӔখ

----

t‫آ‬DZӔঔ

574

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Weidert, Alfons. 1987. Tibeto-Burman Tonology. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Yip, Moira. 2002. Tone. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Zheng, Yiqing & Ouyang Jueya. 1993. Li Han cidian. Chengdu: Sichuan Minzu Chubanshe.

Author Index

Baxter & Sagart ............................. 226, 250

Myers & Tsay ....................................... 122

Bhaskararao & Ladefoged ....................... 75

Norquest ................................................ 265

Benedict............................................ 6-7, 18 Blevins ................................... 9, 18, 47, 352 %OHYLQV *DUUHWW«««««««-66

Blust ................................................ 14, 223 Bradley .................................................. 268 Bybee ...................................................... 45 &DVWUR««««««««««««« &DVWUR 3DQ««««««««««

Cho & King ........................................... 217 Crothers ................................................. 118 Edmondson, et al. .................................. 108 (GPRQGVRQ 6ROQLW««««6

Ferlus ......................................... 67-68, 262

Norman ................................................... 70 Norquest & Downey.............................. 236

Ostapirat 1, 3, 6-7, 20, 44, 58, 60, 64, 68, 712, 76, 81, 86, 93-94, 98, 104, 108-11, 114, 116, 144-45, 154, 163, 172-73, 179, 18889, 195-96, 202, 208-12, 214-16, 217, 220, 263, 348, 353-54 Ouyang.................................................. 1, 6 2X\DQJ )X«««««««««««6

Ouyang & Zheng ... 1, 3, 5-7, 19, 57, 279-80, 350-51, 354, 356 Peiros 7, 44, 58, 60, 64-5, 68, 71, 76, 81, 86, 93-94, 98, 104, 108-11, 113, 116 Pittayaporn ..................... 128, 132, 217, 220

Haudricourt ............................................... 7

Ratliff .................................................... 355 Ross .......................................................... 9 Savina6, 57-59, 62-63, 65-66, 70, 74, 79, 83, 88, 96, 101, 138-39, 150, 159, 168, 178, 184, 194, 198, 356 Shafer ........................................................ 7

Heinz ................................................ 265-66

Shearer & Hongkai .................................... 3

Fu (Guangzhong) ....................................5-6 )X=KHQQDQ «««««««««««-6

Gedney .......................................... 121, 136 Hansell ...................................................... 2 Hayes .................................................... 247

Shaw ..................................................... 217

Honda .................................................... 126

Shintani ............................................. 18, 67

Ladefoged & Maddieson.................... 68, 75

Smith..................................................... 264

Li ««««««««««««««7

Svantesson............................................. 217

Kingston ........................................ 117, 126

Sidwell ...........................................272, 355

Lavoie ................................................... 262

Solnit..................................................... 2, 7

Liang & Zhang .......................................... 2

Thurgood 7, 14, 44, 53-54, 58, 60, 64-65, 68, 71, 76, 81, 86, 93, 98, 104, 108-13, 116, 117, 121, 126, 129, 141, 144-45, 154, 163, 172, 179-80, 188, 195-96, 202, 208-14, 217, 231, 271, 279, 300, 341, 349, 351 Wang & Qian .. 6-7, 57-58, 62-63, 65-66, 70, 74, 79, 83, 88, 96, 101, 131, 138-39, 150, 159, 168, 178, 184, 194, 198, 216, 356 Weidert ............................................ 122-23

L-Thongkum...................................... 2, 217 Maddieson ... 13, 73, 100, 107, 108, 148, 208 Mathangwane ........................................ 285

Matisoff ... 7, 18, 36, 44, 58, 60, 64-5, 68, 71, 76, 81, 86, 93-94, 98, 103-04, 108-12, 217 Mortensen.............................................. 122

Yip .......................................................... 50

Zheng & Ouyang ................................... 354

Language Index

Angami.................................................... 75 Athabaskan ............................................ 117 Austroasiatic .............................................. 3

Austronesian .................................. 3, 7, 355 $ZӔW ओLP............................................. 264-65

Baisha 4-7, 15, 17, 23, 36-39, 41, 52, 57, 8485, 121, 130-31, 143-44, 149, 152, 162, 169, 171, 179, 185-86, 200, 356 Bantu ..................................................... 285 Baoting.... .. 16-17, 33-34, 41, 52, 54, 56, 9798, 103, 120, 123, 132-33, 139, 142-43, 170, 185, 195, 279-80, 284, 293, 297-98, 300, 302, 320, 324, 333 Be ......................................... 1-2, 18, 22, 67 Bintulu................................................... 223

Bouhin ..4-6, 15-16, 20-22, 23-25, 27, 29-33, 41-42, 46-48, 52, 57-58, 64, 70-71, 73-76, 80, 84-86, 89, 91, 93-94, 97-98, 101-03, 119, 126, 128, 138-40, 143-44, 148, 16970, 178, 185-87, 189, 198-99, 201, 216, 235, 283-84, 295, 298, 350, 352-53, 35657 Central Hlai (CHl) 6, 21-22, 25-26, 29, 57, 59, 63-64, 73, 80, 85, 89-92, 101-104, 108, 114, 142, 263, 350, 352-53, 356-57 Chamic ................................. 3, 141-42, 271 Changjiang .... 3-5, 14, 19, 21, 23, 35, 39-41, 52-54, 56, 78, 85, 92, 98, 102, 111, 127, 129, 135, 153, 162, 195, 351, 354 Chepang ................................... 122-23, 136

Chinese ..3-6, 16, 20, 30, 279, 351, 354, 35657 Cunhua .3-7, 15-16, 19-12, 40-42, 46, 52-54, 56, 58-60, 64, 67, 71, 75, 84-86, 89, 91, 97-99, 102, 111, 118-20, 122-25, 133-35, 137, 139, 141-42, 144, 151-52, 162, 170, 172, 183, 185-87, 195, 199, 214, 333 East Central Hlai (ECHl) ..22, 25-27, 29, 48, 103, 357

Eastern Kra-'DL««««««««««

Greater Hlai. (GHl) 16, 21-24, 29-30, 47, 58, 74, 76, 80, 84, 91, 94, 120, 122-23, 125, 137, 139-41, 143, 148, 198, 214, 216, 291, 306, 308, 351-53, 356-57 Ha Em 4-5, 16, 20-22, 25, 27, 29-33, 35, 4142, 46, 48, 52, 64, 80, 85-86, 89, 91, 9394, 101, 103, 126, 128, 139-40, 143-44, 169-70, 178, 195-96, 199, 201, 235, 279, 283, 289, 295, 298, 350, 352, 357 Hainanese ..... 3, 8, 18, 51-52, 67, 70, 79, 107 Hakka ........................................................ 3

Hmong-Mien ..................................... 3, 355 ,GD·DQ%HJDN .................................... 236-37

Jiamao ... 1, 3-7, 21-23, 33-35, 41-42, 60, 64, 68, 71, 107, 114, 132, 145, 221, 278, 279349, 351, 357 Kam-Sui ..................................1-2, 108, 354 Kam-Tai«««««««««««««

Khmer ..................................................... 68

Kra ..........................................1-2, 145, 354 Kra-Dai . 1-2, 7, 15, 42, 44, 50, 98, 108, 121, 123, 136, 145, 208, 216-17, 279, 343-45, 350, 353-55 .ZDUD·DH .......................................... 265-66 Laha ...................................................... 145 Lakkja .................................................... 1-2 Lakkja-%LDR««««««««««««

Lauhut . 4-6, 16, 20-22, 26-27, 29, 35-36, 4142, 46, 52, 64, 89-90, 97-98, 120, 126, 128, 142-43, 153-54, 170, 187, 193, 279, 285, 316, 350, 354 Loloish .................................................. 268 Long San Kenyah .................................. 223

Meifu ... 3-4, 19-23, 28-29, 35, 39-42, 46-49, 71-72, 88, 90-91, 93, 98, 102, 121, 126, 151-53, 162, 169, 171, 200, 285, 357 Middle Chinese ..226, 229, 236, 250, 253-54

Mien .............................................. 3, 18, 67 Mon-Khmer .........2, 124, 126, 256, 272, 355 Moyfaw . 5, 16, 19, 21, 23, 35-37, 39-41, 52, 92-93, 98, 102, 120, 127-28, 141, 152-53, 160, 162, 187, 193, 200, 235 Nadouhua .. 3-7, 14, 19-22, 39-42, 52-54, 56, 64, 71, 74-75, 84-85, 87, 92, 111, 120, 129, 133, 135, 141, 151-52, 161-62, 170, 172, 176, 185, 199, 351, 354 Nhaheun ................................................ 272 North Central Hlai (NCHl) 21-22, 25-29, 46, 48-49, 55, 64, 71, 86, 91-92, 103-04, 122, 124, 149, 151-52, 159-62, 169, 171, 179, 187, 194, 196, 199, 216, 285, 314, 357 North Paman.......................................... 264 North Sarawak ....................................... 236

Northeast Cenral Hlai (NECHl) ... 27-29, 46, 48, 90, 153, 357 Northern Tai .............................. 2, 145, 222

Northwest Central Hlai (NWCHl) 4, 19, 2223, 27-29, 39, 46, 63-65, 71, 75-76, 84, 90, 126, 134, 170-71, 179, 221, 285, 357 Oceanic.............................................. 9, 265 2OG&KLQHVH«««««««««««5

Pre-Hlai . 1, 44-45, 49, 60, 65, 68, 70, 76, 89, 106, 108, 116, 140, 187, 194, 216, 217278, 279-302, 304, 306-07, 338, 348-49, 351, 353, 356 Proto-Be ...................................... 15, 28, 63

Proto-Southern Tai (PST) .. 3, 217, 219, 236, 241, 248, 252 Proto-Tai (PTai) .... 1-2, 15, 85, 217, 219-20, 222-23, 225-27, 229, 232, 235-36, 239, 241-243, 246-47, 249-50, 253-61, 266-67, 275, 341, 344, 351, 353-54 Proto-9LHWLF«««««««««««4

Proto-Western Kam-Tai (PWKT) ..217, 219, 227-30, 236-41, 247-52, 255, 260-62, 274-77, 351, 353 Qi3-4, 6, 17, 19-23, 26-27, 29, 34-35, 39, 41, 46-48, 56-57, 63-64, 84-86, 90-91, 103, 118-19, 122, 124-26, 143-44, 152, 154, 160, 169-70, 187, 201, 214, 280, 293, 324, 356-57 Rotuman ................................................ 265 Run 3-4, 15, 17, 20-23, 28-29, 39, 41, 46-49, 71, 84, 91-92, 102, 118, 125-26, 162, 18586, 285, 357 Saek ...................................................... 145 Shona .................................................... 285

Southern Min .................................. 3, 8, 51 Southwest Mandarin .................................. 3 Tai... 1-2, 216, 222, 232, 235, 243, 246, 276, 334, 348-49 Tai-%H««««««««««««««

Tai-Kadai .................................................. 6

Proto-Kra ....................................... 217, 354

Tongzha ... 4-6, 17, 21, 23, 34, 39, 41-42, 48, 52, 54, 89, 93, 102-03, 119, 132, 153, 170, 187, 324 Tsat ............................................ 3, 271, 300

Proto-Lakkja .......................................... 217

Vietnamese ................................. 67, 262-63

Proto-Northern Central Hlai (PNCHl).... 149

Western Kam-Tai ....... 2, 217, 247, 343, 354

Proto-Northern Tai (PNT).. 3, 217, 219, 222, 241, 246, 252, 260 Proto-Paman ..................................... 264-65

Wuming ................................................ 222

Proto-Kam-Sui............................... 217, 354 Proto-Kra-Dai ....................... 7, 50, 145, 354

Vietic .................................................... 126

Proto-Malayo-Polynesian........ 141, 223, 236

West Bahnaric ....................................... 272

Proto-North Sarawak (PNS)........... 223, 237

Proto-Qi «««««««««««««9

Western Kra-'DL«««««««««« Yay ....................................................... 222

Yuanmen .. 4-5, 15-17, 19, 21, 23, 37-39, 4142, 46-48, 52, 54-55, 67, 70-71, 79-80,

84-86, 97-98, 118-20, 131-32, 153, 161, 171-72, 179, 185-87, 200-01, 284, 334 Yue ............................................................ 3

Zandui . 4-5, 14, 16-17, 21, 23, 34-35, 41-42, 52-55, 75, 79-80, 86, 103, 118-19, 123, 132-33, 139, 142, 151, 153, 160-61, 169, 185, 279, 284, 295, 320, 324

Topic Index

abrupt glottal stop ................... 117, 126, 135 affrication . 59, 70-71, 104, 114, 272-75, 283 alveolarization ...... 6, 18, 28, 63, 67, 152-53, 169-72, 199-201, 283 areal changes .................. 18, 23, 40, 67, 126 aspiration .... 30, 58, 60, 72, 75, 84, 108, 220, 267-68, 281, 283, 293, 353 assimilation.................................... 120, 141

asymmetry9, 13, 44-45, 68, 73, 88, 100, 102, 113, 115, 117, 148, 163, 177, 179, 206, 208, 216, 218, 264, 275 backing ..... 27, 120, 142, 144, 185, 187, 199200, 245, 309 bimoraic ................................................ 218 bleeding ................................................. 199

borrowing .. 2, 5, 9, 16, 29, 31, 35, 37, 41-42, 236, 242, 279, 281, 283-84, 288-89, 29394, 298, 302, 304-07, 312, 314, 319, 322, 325, 329, 340-41, 348, 351, 354, 357 breathy voice/phonation ..... 53, 75, 117, 123, 126-27, 129-30, 134-37, 350 chain shift ..... 26, 65, 90, 149, 189, 273, 283, 285 Chao pitch system.................................. 125

clusters .. 7, 12, 25, 51, 56, 64-65, 84-86, 93, 98, 106, 112-14, 222, 232, 236-38, 271, 352 coalescence .... 45-46, 64, 106, 235, 246, 251 coarticulation .. 18, 26, 46, 48, 63-64, 73, 88, 90, 94, 102, 107-08, 112-13, 117, 134, 243, 260, 263, 350, 352-53 coloring ...............24, 32, 141, 249, 257, 309

Commonality (of Features)10-13, 42, 44, 60, 65, 68, 71, 79, 86, 89, 104, 114, 116, 13738, 144, 196, 214, 216, constraints .. 13, 23, 30, 49, 63, 97, 114, 118, 137, 215, 220, 232, 302, 353

contact .... 1, 3, 4, 8, 14, 17, 20, 22-23, 29-43, 51-52, 54, 79, 86, 107, 132, 139-40, 144, 149, 279, 302, 348, 350-52 contour reduction................................... 132

contour tone ............................. 35, 126, 128 co-occurrence restriction ........ 177, 206, 208

creaky voice/phonation54, 117, 124, 126-30, 132, 134-37 deaffrication ................................. 27, 64, 67 deaspiration .................................. 23, 28, 75 debuccalization . 25, 100, 104, 120, 152, 199, 271, 281 declination (pitch)................... 127, 131, 136 deglottalization ........... 79, 86, 102, 263, 269 deletion ....... 25, 48, 102, 106, 120, 128, 274 GHQDVDOL]DWLRQ««««««««««

depalatalization.................. 27-28, 67, 80, 90 desibilantization................................... 8, 67

devoicing ... 23, 25, 44, 48-51, 54, 57, 64, 75, 85, 91-93, 97-98, 102-03, 107, 117, 13536, 226-27, 232-33, 236, 263, 266-67, 269-72, 274-75, 286, 288, 295, 300, 348, 351, 353 diffusion . 8-9, 14, 18-19, 23, 29, 41-43, 107, 138, 281, 350, 352 diphthongization ...... 24, 27-28, 117-19, 123, 138-43, 148, 152, 160, 163, 169-70, 179, 195, 200, 216, 243, 256, 303, 306, 308-09, 314, 324, 351 Directionality (of Change) 10-11, 13, 42, 44, 71, 76, 86, 93-94, 104, 114, 116, 137, 145, 172, 188, 216 disyllabic ............................................... 217 downstep (pitch) ............................... 131-32 Economy (of Change). 10, 12-13, 42, 44, 93, 98, 114, 116, 137, 196, 216 epenthesis ................................................ 85 Evolutionary Phonology ............................ 9

exceptions19, 75, 84, 97, 112, 127, 130, 139, 141, 143, 235, 241, 247, 253, 256-57, 260, 282, 298, 302, 307, 311, 316, 320, 323, 332, 335, 340 falling pitch/tone.. 117, 122, 126-28, 130-32, 134, 136-37 feature delinking .................................... 118 final laryngeals . 52, 117, 122, 125, 137, 207, 309, 353 foot ............................ 217-19, 262, 265, 271 fortition 26, 45, 47, 49, 71, 86, 90, 93, 97-98, 102, 106, 114, 235, 239, 267 fronting..... 24, 141, 161, 187, 195, 198, 200, 328-29, 336 gemination ........................................ 223-24 gesture reduction ..................................... 45

glottal closure (final stops)126, 131, 133-34, 137 Hainan .. 1, 3, 5-6, 8-9, 16, 18, 20, 22, 41-42, 51-52, 67, 149, 271, 354, 356 hardening.... 23, 28, 84, 91, 232, 284-85, 295 high pitch ......................... 117, 126-27, 136

high register34, 38, 49-54, 56, 58, 79, 84-86, 89, 91, 97, 104, 108, 129, 132-35, 270, 280, 291, 296-97, 301 High Vowel Frication ............................ 285 iambic............................. 217, 247, 265, 271 implosion8, 13, 18, 54, 58, 66-69, 72-73, 75, 108-09, 223, 263, 269, 281 innovation 8-9, 14-20, 23-25, 42-43, 71, 121, 149, 265, 350 interdentalization ..................................... 28

internal reconstruction ..............12, 114, 216

irregular correspondences30, 33, 43, 61, 225, 351-52, 357 kinship terms ............................. 32, 37, 342 labialization .............. 11, 63, 65, 90, 93, 100 labiodentalization..................................... 80

language change ................... 9-13, 217, 352

laryngeal constriction .............................. 76 laryngeal distinctions ............................. 121 laryngeal segments ........................... 122-23

laryngealization ........................ 54, 113, 129 length distinction154, 208, 214-16, 218, 247, 260, 280, 314, 350 lengthening ..... 117, 119, 153, 171, 177, 187, 195, 208, 216, 305-06, 308-09, 328 lenition .. 59, 70, 114, 170, 222, 224, 235-36, 239, 262-63, 265, 271-72, 274-75, 281, 286, 304, 348, 351 lexical tone .............................................. 50 lexicon................. 14, 17, 279, 341, 351, 354 linkage....................................................... 9

loans.. 8, 14, 16-17, 30-31, 34, 36-37, 39-41, 61, 93-94, 114, 137, 140, 153, 160, 163, 178, 199, 214, 226-27, 229, 250, 253-55, 279-81, 297, 300-05, 307-08, 316, 320, 324, 333, 336, 341, 349-51, 357, low pitch ............. 38, 117, 122, 126-27, 132

low register 11, 18, 38, 49-51, 53-57, 73, 75, 78-79, 85-86, 89, 91, 97, 102, 126, 129, 131-35, 280, 286, 293, 296, 298 lowering .....24, 26-27, 32, 119, 125, 141-42, 149, 151-53, 161, 170-71, 179, 185-86, 189, 194-96, 201, 248, 260, 305, 308, 314, 317, 321, 328 main-syllable aspiration ..... 45, 47, 220, 253, 267, 274-75, 281, 291, 302, 306-07, 34849, 351-52 merger .. 23, 25, 28-29, 47-48, 64, 75, 80, 84, 89, 91, 97, 103, 107, 119-20, 129, 134-35, 140-42, 150-53, 161, 169-71, 178, 185-86, 198-201, 220, 227, 230, 233, 236, 248, 251, 254, 261-62, 266, 268, 272-75, 283, 308, 351, 353 metathesis...................... 18, 25, 265-66, 353 mistransmission .. 5, 10, 13, 42, 78, 279, 302, 325, 333-34, 341, 351-52 monophthongization124, 187, 245, 248, 251, 274-75, 328

monosyllabic 217-18, 239, 266-68, 271, 275, 350 monosyllabification .... 269, 271-72, 274-75, 348, 351 mora(ic) ............................................ 217-18

register (phonological) 11, 18, 34, 38, 49-58, 73, 75, 78-79, 81, 84-86, 89, 91, 97-98, 102, 104, 108, 117, 125-26, 129-35, 270, 280, 282, 286, 291, 293, 296-98, 301 reJLVWHUVRFLROLQJXLVWLF «««««-66

non-teleological change ............... 9, 42, 352

registrogenesis .. 7, 18, 26, 39, 44, 49-54, 5758, 75, 79-81, 85-86, 91-92, 97, 102, 10708, 121-22, 129, 131, 134-35, 280, 286, 291, 301, 353 retention ............................................ 14, 71

multiple correspondences (Jiamao) ........ 279

palatalization .. 12, 28, 57, 59, 60, 71, 73, 83, 86, 89, 91, 93, 100, 107, 153-54, 266, 275, 282, 293, 298 peak-sliding ........................................... 128 peripheral vowel raising 194, 206, 245, 248, 250-51, 253-54, 260, 273-75, 306, 348, 351 peripheralization ............................... 117-20

phonation ... 52, 117, 121-23, 126-27, 134-35 phylogenetic tree ... 2, 9, 20-21, 42, 350, 356 pitch contour........... 37, 121-22, 125-26, 134 pitch distinction ...................... 128, 134, 279 SLWFKORZHULQJ«-37

pitch raising ..... 117, 127-29, 132-33, 135-37 pitch trajectories ..................... 127, 130, 135 population................................... 3-4, 22, 42 poststopping .............................75, 291, 353

preaspiration23, 30, 47, 54, 56-57, 73-77, 80, 83-85, 93, 96-97, 100, 102, 104, 106-08, 110, 113, 229-30, 240, 275, 291, 301, 353 preglottalization .... 25, 68, 76, 79-80, 83, 86, 104, 106, 108, 114, 224, 262-63, 267, 286, 291 prenasalization ........... 23, 47, 74-76, 80, 229 presyllable . 12, 25, 49, 63, 65, 80, 90-91, 93, 97-98, 100-03, 106-07, 114, 217-18, 222, 232-33, 246, 266-71, 275, 281, 283, 286, 352-53 prosodic timing ...................................... 218

prosodic word ....................217, 239-40, 267 raising 153, 171, 179, 185, 195, 255, 258-59, 309, 334, 336-37

register split...... 36, 50, 52-53, 121, 129, 133

rhinoglottophilia ........ 18, 25, 29, 49, 103-04 rising pitch/tone.............. 126, 128, 132, 134

rounding . 27, 117, 119-20, 125, 141, 160-61, 185, 187 secondary articulations 25, 73, 88, 106, 142, 275 sesquisyllabic48, 65, 85-86, 89, 107, 217-18, 233, 239-40, 258, 263-64, 266-67, 271-72, 275, 281, 350, 353-54 sesquisyllable ..... 11, 25, 85-86, 217-19, 352 shortening..... 24, 26, 28, 117, 119, 149, 151, 160-61, 169, 179, 185-86, 199-200, 254, 271, 314, 336-37 stricture ........... 47, 85, 89, 97, 107, 122, 227

subgrouping.. 1-2, 8-9, 13-20, 23, 26-29, 4142, 350-52, 354 symmetry ...................... 9, 114, 148, 214-15 Symmetry (System) 10, 13, 42, 45, 114, 117, 137, 151, 154, 163, 172, 188, 202, 214, 216 systemic realignment .. 9, 45, 47-48, 67, 10607, 117, 120-21, 261, 353 temporal compression. 45-46, 64, 79, 85, 97, 103, 106, 262-63, 271, 350 tense voice/phonation 117, 126, 130-32, 136 theory of sound change........... 1, 42, 44, 116

tone category5, 35-36, 38-39, 50, 52-53, 116, 121-28, 130-37, 139-42, 144, 186-87, 189, 198, 214, 216, 225, 241, 255, 260, 279-80, 304-05, 325, 328, 333, 341, 350, 353-54

tone contour............................... 35, 53, 126 tonogenesis .... 29, 117, 121-23, 126, 128-29, 132-35, 241 trochaic.................................................. 265

unrounding ........................117, 119-20, 251

variation9, 53, 59-60, 67-68, 73, 85, 93, 103, 114, 121, 123-24, 137, 141, 159-60, 162, 170, 185, 226, 232, 239, 243, 247, 291, 304, 312, 325, 336, 341, 348, 351-52 YHODUL]DWLRQ«««««««..295, 318, 322 Vietnamese orthography .............. 6, 63, 356

vocalic transfer 18, 25, 29, 64, 80-81, 89, 91, 101, 103-04, 108, 114, 240, 246, 258-59, 263-65, 274-75, 295, 298, 348, 350-53 voicing....... 18, 51, 57, 75, 107, 122-23, 129, 134-35, 220, 222, 232, 262-63, 280 vowel length ..... 149, 214, 216, 247-49, 252, 264, 279, 304-05, 356 weakening .............................. 117, 120, 271

591

Appendix: Hlai Language Data and Proto-Hlai Reconstructions The data presented in this appendix is based on the wordlist published in Ouyang & Zheng (1983), and has been supplemented by the author’s fieldwork in Hainan during the academic year of 2003–2004. Lexical items are presented in both Chinese and English, and are in alphabetical order according to the standard Mandarin reading. The order in which the languages are given is the following: BH Cun

HE Nadou

LH CJ

TZ MF

ZD BS

BT YM

JM

SSH WQBS

SCH

The three languages at the far right are from Savina’s (1931) dictionary and Wang & Qian’s (1951) wordlist; the abbreviations are the following: SSH SCH WQBS

= Savina’s Southern Hlai (Bouhin) = Savina’s Central Hlai (Qi) = Wang & Qian’s Baisha

Savina’s forms have been converted here to the International Phonetic Alphabet as closely as possible based on the Vietnamese orthography which he used for his transcriptions. The only instances in which this is non-transparent are of vowel length in diphthongs, where he uses the finals and to indicate long nuclei, and the finals and to indicate short nuclei. For example, and indicate [a:j] and [a:w], and and indicate [aj] and [aw], respectively. In the case of the tones, the following conventions have been adopted (where ‘v’ represents the rime nucleus): Khong (mid level): Sac (high rising): Nga (high broken):

v v́ v̋

Huyen (low falling): Hoy (low rising): Nang (low broken):

v̀ v̀̆ v̠

Proto-Hlai forms are given to the immediate left of the lexical items. If there is agreement at the highest level of the Hlai phylogenetic tree (between Bouhin and one or more Greater Hlai languages), then a Pre-Hlai form is given to the left of the ProtoHlai form. If not, then a proto-form is given appropriate to the level to which it can be reconstructed, and it is indicated to the left which node of the tree the form is reconstructible to, using the following abbreviations:

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi 10.6084/9789004300521_008

2

Appendix GHl CHl ECHl NCHl NWCHl NECHl Qi Meifu Run

= = = = = =

Greater Hlai Central Hlai East Central Hlai North Central Hlai Northwest Central Hlai Northeast Central Hlai

Items which are not cognate with any other forms and which therefore do not contribute to reconstruction (both loanwords from Chinese and lexical isolates) have been removed for ease of exposition. Two important exceptions are Bouhin and Ha Em, which both form individual branches at a high level in the tree, the lexical isolates of which may therefore represent inherited Proto-Hlai forms even if they do not agree with Greater Hlai (in the case of Bouhin) or Central Hlai (in the case of Ha Em). The other exception is Jiamao, which appears without brackets when it appears to be a Hlai borrowing, but is placed in brackets otherwise. Forms which appear to be borrowed between Hlai languages (based on the criteria given in chapter one) are placed in parentheses. Irregular correspondences that are not obviously due to borrowing are placed in brackets. Note that to simplify presentation, reconstructed Greater Hlai and Central Hlai forms are given as Proto-Hlai in the body of the book.

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

AI 矮

short

*tɯ:ʔ

*thɯ:ʔ

愛

love

GHl:

*ʔə:p

AN 安裝

set up

*C-ŋəp

*C-ŋəp

安

press

*C-məc

*C-məc

安

press

AO 熬

Appendix

中文

thəɰ3 thɔ:3 (ʔo:p7) —

thaɰ3 thaw3 ʔo:p7 —

thaɰ3 thaɰ3 ʔo:p7 ʔo:p7

thaɰ3 thəɰ3 ʔo:p7 ʔo:p7

thaɰ3 thaɰ3 ʔɔ:p7 ʔuap8

thaɰ3 thaɰ3 ʔɔ:p7 ʔuap7

tha:1

ŋop7

ŋap7

ŋop7

ŋop7

ŋap8

ŋap7

[ka:p7]

Qi: Run:

— mat7 — *kom — *[ʈʂ/tç]həmɦ —

— mat7 — — —

ŋap7 mac7 — — —

ŋap7 mat7 mat7 — —

ŋap8 — — kom5 tsham2

ŋap8 — — kum5 tsham5

decoct

*C-ŋa:wɦ

*C-ŋa:wɦ

ŋa:w2 ŋa:w2

ŋa:w2 ŋaw2

ŋa:w2 ŋa:w2

— ŋa:w2

— ŋa:w2

ŋa:w5 ŋa:w2

ŋa:w5

— —

—

BA 八

eight

*ru:

*hru:

*Cuɣɯ:nɦ

*Cuɦɯ:nɦ

gow1 gow4 hwɯn2 —

gow4 xow1 hɯn5 —

how4 xow1 — ŋəŋ2

how4 khow1 hɯn5 mən2

dú: xow˧ hɯɤ̀̆n —

aw

dig up

gow1 ŋɛwʔ4 hɯ:n2 ŋɛn2

ku:1

扒

ru:1 — hɯ:n2 —

[ta:k9 tsi:1]

— kəm5

—

—

—

— — — — —

—

— —

—

3

—

thə̀ ɰ tha:l˥ (ɔ̠ p) uap˥

4

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

扒

dig up

GHl:

*shinʔ

— —

tin3 —

teɲ3 —

ten3 —

— —

— —

—

— —

—

扒

dig up

拔(草)

pull up (grass)

*ʔɯt

*ʔɯt

拔(釘)

pull out (nail)

*[k/x]əc

*khəc

拔(土)

pull up (earth) *Cəʔgɯ:m NCHl: knife clsfr *pi:nɦ NCHl: tool clsfr *C-lɯ:ŋʔ Run: rake *Cirik Run:

*kɯ:m *khop *phi:nɦ *hw[a]:ŋʔ *C-lɯ:ŋʔ *ʔw[a]:k *hrjik *ɾ[a]:ŋ

hɯ:t7 — va:ʔ7 zɛk2 ʔɯt7 ʔət2 khat7 khiat2 kɯ:m1 khop2 phi:n2 — lɯ:ŋ3 — zik7 —

— — ve:ʔ7 — ʔɯt7 — khat7 — — — phi:n2 veŋ3 lɯ:ŋ3 — zik7 —

— khɯt7 hwe:k7 ve:ʔ7 ʔɯt7 — khac7 — kɯ:m1 khop7 phi:n2 ve:ŋ3 lɯ:ŋ3 — rik7 —

hɯ:t7 khɯt7 ve:ʔ8 vɯ:2 ʔɯt7 ʔ[ot]7 khat7 khat7 kɯ:m1 k[o]m1 phi:n5 ve:ŋ3 — lɯŋ3 ti:ʔ8 —

hɯ:t7 hɯk8 ve:ʔ8 veʔ8 ʔ[u]t7 — — khat8 ku:m1 kɯm1 (ve:ŋ6) viaŋ3 (ɓe:ʔ8) veʔ8 (pha:6) riaŋ1

hɯ:t7 khɯt7 ve:ʔ7 viaʔ8 — — khat7 — kɯ:m1 kɯm1 phi:n5 viaŋ6 — viaʔ7 (phə:3) riaŋ4

hɯ̠ ɤt — va̠: veʔ˧ ɯ̠ t — — — — — fíen — lɯ̀ ɤŋ — — —

—

banana

*ɦɯ:t *khɯ:t *hwa:k

kɯat7

芭蕉

*C-ɣɯ:t NECHl: *wa:k

white

*kha:w

kha:w1 kha:w1

kha:w1 khaw1

kha:w1 kha:w1

kha:w1 kha:w1

kha:w1 kha:w1

kha:w1 kha:w1

khow1

xa:w khaw˧

—

把(刀) 把 耙

*[k/x]a:w

[kɔŋ5] [mak7] [mak7] [tet7] [tet7] [phə:1]

vɛ̠[ŋ] — — — — — —

Appendix

BAI 白

vɯa5

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

白麻

white hemp

*[k/x]a:n

*kha:n

白藤

white rattan

*Cəʔgəc

*kəc

白天

daytime

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

*ŋwən

*hŋwən

*ŋu:k

*hŋu:k

白頭髮 white hair 白蟻

termite

*m-lu:k

*m-lu:k

百

hundred

*Cura:n

*Cuhra:n

拜

worship

*puc

*phuc

擺手

wave (hand)

*ʔu[:]j

*ʔu[:]j

擺手

wave (hand)

CHl:

*hwin

kha:n1 — kat[9] kiat2 mej3 ɓaj4 ven1 hon4 ŋu:ʔ7 — lu:ʔ7 lok4 ra:n1 — phut7 phət2 ʔuj1 ʔuj1

kha:n1 — kat7 kaʔ4 p[e]j3 p[u][2] van1 vanʔ4 ku:ʔ7 — lu:ʔ7 pu:2 ga:n1 — phut7 phuɛʔ4 ʔu:j1 ʔuj1

kha:n1 — kac7 kat7 paj3 paj3 hwan1 van4 ku:k7 — plu:k7 puʔ7 gwa:n1 ko:ŋ1 phuc7 — ʔu:j1 ʔuj1

kha:n1 kha:ŋ1 kat7 kat7 paj6 p[ɯ]3 van4 vaŋ1 ku:ʔ8 kuk7 plu:ʔ7 pluk7 gwa:n4 ɣa:ŋ1 phut7 phot7 — ʔuj2

kha:n1 kha:ŋ1 kat7 kat8 phaj6 paj3 van4 vaŋ1 khuaʔ8 — puaʔ7 pluk8 va:n4 va:ŋ1 phut7 — — —

kha:n1 khuan1 kat7 kat7 paj3 paj[3] van1 van4 ku:ʔ8 kuʔ8 plu:ʔ7 pluʔ7 hwa:n4 vuan[5] phut7 — ʔu:j1 —

— ven1

— —

— —

ven4 —

ven4 —

vin1 ven4

[ven4] [lej1] [kɯ2] [ɗuən5] kua2 lua5 kɯ:n1 phut7 — [fit7]

— — ka̠t ka:t˧ mèj — vèn — — — lu̠ : plu:k˧ dán va:ŋ˦ phʊ́ t — ú:j — — ven˧

—

Appendix

中文

— — — — — — — — —

5

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

BAN 斑鳩

dove

*[k/x]u:

*khu:

6

中文

khow1 khɛw1 ze:ŋ3 — vo:j3 ŋɔj3 tho:n1 — — thon1 — —

khow1 khow1 re:ŋ3 ze:ŋ3 hwo:j3 [p]o:j3 tho:n1 thoŋ1 thom1 — feɲ1 fiŋ1

khow1 khow1 te:ŋ6 tse:ŋ 3 va:j6 vo:j3 tho:n1 th[ɔ]ŋ1 thom1 thom1 — fiŋ1

khow1 khow1 — ziaŋ3 va:j6 vuaj3 thɔ:n1 thoŋ1 thom1 (thom4) — fun2

khow1 khow1 te:ŋ6 ziaŋ6 va:j3 vu:j6 (thɯn1) th[ə]n1 thum1 — — fən5

BANG 綁

tie

GHl:

*fhə:t

綁

tie

蚌

mussel

GHl: NWCHl: *[c/ç]i:

*shən *C-ŋə:nʔ *tçhi:

fo:t7 — tan3 ŋɔn3 tshej1 —

fo:t7 — tan3 — tshej1 —

fo:t7 fo:k7 — — tshej1 —

fɔ:t7 foʔ8 — — tshej1 tshej1

fɔ:t7 f[u]t7 tan3 — tshej1 tshej1

搬 搬運 半 半 半

(pho:t7) — — ŋan3 tshej1 —

[tsaw4] — — — — —

[khɔ:p9] — tshaj1

— khow˧ zɛ̀ŋ — — — (thɔ̀ n) — — thom˦ — —

— — — — — —

— — — — — —

— — —

Appendix

khow1 khow[5] move (object) *Ci[d/r][ɛ]:ŋʔ *[ɾ/hr]j[e]:ŋʔ ze:ŋ3 Run: *hj[e]:ŋʔ — transport *ŋwə:jʔ *hŋwə:jʔ va:j3 — half (of object) GHl: *thə:n (tho:n1) than1 half (of number) CHl: *thom — tshom1 half (of number) CHl: *fhin — Run: *fhunɦ —

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

GHl: Run:

*[ʈʂ/tç]hə:ŋʔ — *hwa:ʔ —

tsho:ŋ3 —

tsho:ŋ3 —

— —

(khop9) va:3

(khɔp7) [khɔ:p7] va:6

— —

—

thu:ʔ7 tshok2 ɗa:ŋ3 ɗɛŋ3 — — ti:n2 — rəɰ1 —

thu:ʔ7 thuʔ4 ɗe:ŋ3 ɗeŋ3 — — ti:n2 — gəɰ1 ŋɛʔ4

thu:k7 thuʔ7 ɗe:ŋ3 ɗe:ŋ3 — — ɗi:n3 — gəɰ1 gəɰ4

thu:ʔ7 thuk7 ɗe:ŋ3 ɗe:ŋ3 thak7 — ɗi:n3 ɗiŋ3 gəɰ4 xəɰ1

thuaʔ7 thuk8 ɗe:ŋ3 ɗiaŋ3 thak7 — ɗi:n3 ɗiŋ3 həɰ4 xəɰ1

thu:ʔ7 thuʔ7 ɗe:ŋ3 ɗiaŋ3 thak7 — ɗi:n3 ɗin3 həɰ4 khəɰ1

thu:ʔ9

thu̠ : thu:k˧ — — — — — — də́ ɰ xəɣ˧

thu̠ ok

khɯ:m1 khum1 — ʔop2 — ʔuən3 ʔom3 —

khɯ:m1 khɛn1 ʔop7 ʔoʔ4 — ʔun3 ʔom3 —

khɯ:m1 khɯm1 ʔop7 ʔop7 ʔu:n3 ʔun3 ʔom3 —

khɯ:m1 khɯm1 ʔop7 ʔop7 ʔu:n3 ʔuŋ3 ʔom3 —

khu:m1 khɯm1 — ʔop8 — — — —

khɯ:m1 khom1 ʔɔp7 ʔop7 — — (ʔɔm3) —

khɔm1

xɯ́ ɤm khɯm˧ — op˧ — — òm —

—

BAO 包

wrap

*tu:k

*thu:k

剝

skin (a cow)

*Cəʔda:ŋʔ

*ɗa:ŋʔ

剝

skin (a cow)

Qi:

*thək

剝

peel (bark)

薄

thin

*si:nɦ CHl: *rɯ:

*shi:nɦ *ɗi:nʔ *hrɯ:

飽

sated

*[k/x]ɯ:m

*khɯ:m

抱/背

carry

GHl:

*ʔop

抱

carry (a child)

*ʔu:nʔ

*ʔu:nʔ

抱

carry (firewood) *ʔomʔ

*ʔomʔ

— thak7 [ɲi:t9] kaj1

ʔup7 ʔun5 —

Appendix

中文

— — — ə́ ɰ

— — —

7

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

豹

leopard

*Cuɣu:jʔ

*Cuɦu:jʔ

暴露

expose

*Cuɣa:wɦ

*Cuɦa:wɦ

暴露

expose

*tɯ:n

*thɯ:n

BEI 背

carry (on back) GHl:

*fhi:ŋ

北

north

*phəjʔ *fh[a]:ŋ *hnɯ: *hjə:k *tçhuɲʔ

背脊

*pəjʔ Run: ECHl: NWCHl: back (of body) *[c/ç]uɲʔ

背着手 put hands behind back 被 get blanket

*m-le:

*Cəʔdɯ: CHl: GHl:

*ɗɯ: *hnɯ:ŋɦ *fhi:ʔ

hu:j3 — ha:w2 — thɯ:n1 —

hu:j3 — ha:w2 — — —

hu:j3 — hwa:w2 ŋa:w2 — —

gu:j3 (huj3) — ŋa:w2 thɯ:n1 —

hu:j3 ŋuj3 — ŋa:w2 thɯ:n1 —

hu:j3 ɱuj6 — ɱa:w2 thɯ:n1 —

—

(pi:ŋ1) — phaj3 ph[u]j3 ɗaj1 zok2 tshun3 — — — ɗəɰ1 tsɯəŋ5 (pej3) [tθ]aj3

fi:ŋ1 — — ph[e:]3 — zoʔ4 tshun3 sɛn3 — — ɗəɰ1 ɗɛ:1 faj3 faj3

fi:ŋ1 — phaj3 — təɰ1 — tshuɲ3 — ple:1 — tɯ:ŋ2 — faj3 faj3

fiaŋ1 fiŋ1 pha[:]j3 — təɰ4 — tshun3 tshon3 ple:1 ple:1 — ɗəɰ1 faj3 faj3

fiaŋ1 fiŋ1 phaj3 fiaŋ1 — — tshun3 tshun3 pe:1 ple:1 ɗəɰ1 ɗəɰ1 faj3 faj3

fiaŋ1 fiŋ1 — fiaŋ1 — — tshɯn3 tshun3 ple:1 ple:1 ɗəɰ1 ɗəɰ1 faj3 f[u]j3

fe:ŋ5

[ʔje:ŋ5] —

— — [tu:t9] [te:k8 tɯ:n1] [mɯən1] paj1

— ŋuj˥ — — — —

—

(píeŋ) — — — — — ʃʊ̀ n — — — — — (pèj) faj˥

—

— —

— — — — — fèj

Appendix

被子

CHl:

8

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

蓓蕾

bud

*ʈ[ɛ]:ŋ CHl: *Cuʔop CHl: Run:

*ʈʂh[e]:ŋ *Cuhrəwʔ *Cuʔop *C-ŋən *thu:k

tshe:ŋ1 — ʔop7 —

tshe:ŋ1 feŋ1 — —

tshe:ŋ1 — — —

tshe:ŋ1 ɣo:3 gop7 ŋaŋ1

ho:6 — ŋan4 thuk8

tshe:ŋ1 — — thuʔ7

[ŋɔ:1] [ʔow1]

— — — —

— —

BEN 錛子

adze

*pu:n

*phu:n

phu:n1 phu:n[3]

phu:n1 phun1

phu:n1 phun1

phu:n1 —

— —

phu:n1 —

—

— —

—

笨

stupid

GHl:

*hmə:j

(po:j1) —

po:j1 —

po:j1 po:j4

pa:j4 po:j1

— puaj1

— pu:j1

—

— —

—

BI 鼻涕

mucus

*C-nəmʔ

*C-nəmʔ

nom3 nam3 khat7 khaʔ7 — — khat7 khaʔ7 ɬi:p7 ɬip[9]

nam3 nam3 khat7 khak7 ɬu:n2 — khat7 khak7 ɬi:p7 ɬip7

nam6 nam3 khat7 khak7 ɬu:n2 (tu:n2) khat7 khak7 ɬi:p7 ɬip8

nam3 nam6 khat7 khat7 ɬu:n2 — khat7 khat7 ɬi:p7 ɬip7

— — — — — — xɛ́t khak˥ — —

—

*khət

nam3 nan3 khat7 khaʔ4 — — khat7 khaʔ4 ɬi:p7 —

na:m1

*[k/x]ət

nom3 nam3 khet7 khat2 — — khet7 khat2 ɗi:p7 tθip2

nose flute

Qi:

*hlju:nɦ

鼻子

nose

*[k/x]ət

*khət

秕子

blighted grain

*li:p

*hli:p

tsuən2 hɔ:t9 [vu:4vit8]

— — — —

9

鼻簫

hɔ:t9

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

閉

close(eyes)

*ɲə:p

*hɲə:p

壁虎

gecko

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

*Ci[d/r]i:nʔ NECHl:

*[ɾ/hr]ji:nʔ *ʔwa:w

side

GHl:

*fh[a]:ŋ

邊緣

edge

*C-ŋə:jɦ

*C-ŋə:jɦ

邊緣

edge

*Cəʔgi:ŋ

*ki:ŋ

邊緣

edge

CHl:

*hŋa:w

編

braid

*pən

*phən

編

braid

*C-ɣəc

*ɦəc

編

braid (large)

*m-li:

*m-li:

ɲap7 tsap4 mej3 — zi:n3 —

tso:p7 tsɔʔ4 p[e]j3 — zi:n3 —

tso:p7 — p[ɯ](1) — ri:n3 ti:n3

— tso:p7 — — ti:n6 ɣa:w[4]

(thap7) — — — (va:w1) va:w1

(thəp7) — — — ti:n6 va:w[4]

[ɗap7]

(pe:ŋ1) fɛŋ1 ŋa:j2 — ki:ŋ1 — — — phen1 phon1 hat7 — lej1 —

fe:ŋ1 feŋ[5] ŋo:j2 ŋɔj2 ki:ŋ1 — — — — — hat7 — lej1 —

fe:ŋ1 f[i]ŋ1 (ŋa:j2) — ki:ŋ1 — ka:w1 — phan1 phan[3] — — plej1 pej4

fe:ŋ1 f[i]ŋ1 ŋa:j5 — — kiŋ1 — — phan1 phan1 — — plej1 plej1

fe:ŋ1 fiaŋ1 — — kiaŋ1 — — ka:w1 phan1 phan1 — — pej1 plej1

fe:ŋ1 fiaŋ1 ŋa:j2 — kiaŋ1 — ka:w4 ka:w4 phan1 phan1 — — plej1 plej1

[pha:j5]

— [tek7]

— [tiəŋ5] — — — [ta:1]

ɲiɐ̠p — — — — —

—

(pɛ́ŋ) — ŋá:j — [ɣ]íŋ — — — — — — — — —

—

— —

— — — — — —

Appendix

BIAN 邊

10

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

蝙蝠

bat

*Cəʔbənʔ

*ɓənʔ

ɓen3 —

ɓan3 —

— —

— —

— —

— —

—

bèn —

—

*Curɯ:k

*Cuhrɯ:k

rɯ:ʔ7 — phi:t7 f[ɛ]t2 fa:n3 — tsu:j3 ɗɔj1 ɓe:n2 ɓɛn2 — — (pi:ʔ9) — zəɰ2 —

(rɯ:ʔ7) — fi:t7 — fa:n3 — tsu:j3 tsuj3 ɓe:n2 ɓɛn2 tshaj1 haj1 fi:ʔ7 fiʔ4 zaɰ2 —

g[u]:k7 gɯʔ7 fi:t7 fit7 — — tsu:j3 ɗuj1 ɓe:n2 — tshaj1 — fi:k7 fiʔ7 zaɰ2 —

gɯ:ʔ8 ɣɯk7 fi:t7 fit7 fa:n3 faŋ3 tsu:j3 tsuj3 ɓe:n5 — tshaj1 tshaj1 fiaʔ7 fik7 ɬaɰ2 zəɰ2

vɯaʔ8 (vɯk7) fi:t7 fit8 — — tsu:j3 tsuj3 — ɓian2 tshaj1 — fiaʔ7 fit7 — zaɰ2

hɯ:ʔ8 vɯʔ7 fi:t7 (fit8) fa:n3 — tsu:j3 tuj3 — ɓi:n5 — — fiak7 fiʔ7 — tsaɰ2

[thiək7]

drɯ̠ : vɯk˥ — — — — — — — — — — (pi̠:) fi:t˥ zə̆ ɰ —

—

thɯ:p7 —

thɯ:p7 —

thɯ:p7 —

thɯ:p7 thup7

thu:p7 thup8

thɯ:p7 thup7

ɗuəp9

— —

—

to lash (a child) *fi:t

*fhi:t

鞭打

to lash

*fa:nʔ

*fha:nʔ

鞭子

whip

扁

flat

*Cəʔɟu:jʔ NCHl: [*Cəʔbɛ:nɦ]

*tçu:jʔ *ɗuj *ɓe:nɦ

扁擔

shoulder pole

GHl:

*ʈʂhəj

GHl:

*fhi:k

change

*Cilɯ:ɦ

*hljɯ:ɦ

soft-shelled turtle

*tɯ:p

*thɯ:p

變

BIE 鱉

[təp8]

— — — pia5 —

— — — — — — —

11

鞭打

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

別

don’t

*ʔiwʔ

*ʔiwʔ

別人

others

*ʔa[:]w

*ʔa[:]w

癟

shriveled

[*Cəʔbɛ:p]

*ɓe:p

BING 冰雹

hail

CHl:

*shinɦ

槟榔

betelnut

GHl:

*C-lə:ŋʔ

柄

a handle

*Cuɣəwɦ

*Cuɦəwɦ

柄

handle clsfr

GHl:

*fhi:nʔ

餅

pastry

*ʔa:nɦ

*ʔa:nɦ

病

sick

*[ʈ/c]ok

*tçhok

12

中文

ʔiw3 — ʔaw1 ʔ[a:]1 ɓe:p7 —

ʔiw3 — ʔa:w1 [ŋ]a:1 — —

ʔ[jo]w3 ʔiw3 ʔa:w1 ʔa:w1 ɓe:p7 —

ʔ[jo]w3 ʔiw3 ʔa:w1 ʔa:w1 ɓe:p7 —

ʔiw3 ʔiw3 ʔa:w1 ʔ[a:]1 ɓep7 —

ʔ[jo]w3 ʔjow5 ʔiw3 ʔa:w1 [ɬaj4] ʔ[a:ʔ7] ɓe:p7 pe:p9 —

— — — — — —

—

— — (lo:ŋ3) — haw2 — tshi:n3 — ʔa:n2 —

— — lo:ŋ3 — haw2 — fi:n3 fin3 — —

teɲ2 — lo:ŋ3 — hwow2 — fi:n3 fin3 — —

[s]en5 se[m]2 lo:ŋ3 — go:5 ŋo:2 fi:n3 fiŋ3 ʔa:n5 ʔa:ŋ2

ten5 tshen2 lɔ:ŋ6 — vo:5 ŋo:2 fi:n[6] — — —

— tshen5 l[o]:ŋ3 — hɔ:5 mo:2 fi:n3 fin3 ʔa:n5 —

— tʃhen˩ (lɔŋ) — — — [ʃ]ìen — — —

—

tshok7 sɔk2

tshuk7 saʔ4

tshok7 tshɔʔ7

tshok7 tshɔk7

tshoʔ7 tshɔk7

tshɔk7 tshɔk7

[tsha:5] luəŋ1 — [ɓuən1] — ta:k9

—

— — — — —

Appendix

sók tʃhɔk˧

—

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

BO 菠蘿

pineapple

*C-[d/ɖ]a:ʔ

*ɾa:ʔ

撥開

pull open

播種

sow (seed)

*C-mun CHl: *m-la:ɦ NWCHl: *C-mu:nʔ

*C-mun *m-lu:nɦ *m-la:ɦ *ɗ[a]:ŋʔ *C-mu:nʔ

伯父

uncle

*[c/ç]i:ʔ

*tçhi:ʔ

伯母

aunt

*ŋi:n

*hŋi:n

脖子

neck

*Ciloŋʔ

*hljoŋʔ

跛

crippled

Ciɣ[ɛ]:ŋɦ

Ciɦ[e]:ŋɦ

簸

winnow

簸箕

winnowing basket

GHl: Run: GHl:

*fhənɦ *hwit *ɗoŋʔ

Appendix

中文

ra:3 — mun1 — la:2 ɗɛŋ3 mu:n3 — tshej3 — ŋi:n1 — zoŋ3 lɔŋ4 he:ŋ2 — (pen2) fan5 (ɗuŋ3) ɗɔŋ3

ra:3 — mun1 — — ɗeŋ3 mu:n3 — tshaj3 — (ŋi:n1) — zuŋ3 zaŋ3 he:ŋ2 ŋj[ɛ:]2 fan2 f[u]ɛn2 ɗuŋ3 ɗaŋ3

ra:3 — plu:n2 — pla:2 — mu:n3 mun3 tshaj3 — ki:n1 — zoŋ3 [jua]ŋ3 hje:ŋ2 ɲe:ŋ2 f[ɯ]n2 f[ɯ]ŋ2 ɗoŋ3 ɗuaŋ3

r[ɯ]a6 ra:3 — pluŋ2 pla:5 — mu:n3 muŋ3 tshaj3 tshaj3 ki:n4 kiŋ1 ɬoŋ6 zɔŋ3 ze:ŋ5 ɲe:ŋ2 fan5 f[ɯ]ŋ2 ɗoŋ3 ɗɔŋ3

— ra:3 — — pa:5 — mu:n6 muŋ3 tsh[i:]3 tsh[ɯ]j3 khi:n4 (kiŋ4) ɬoŋ6 zɔŋ3 ze:ŋ5 — fan5 vet8 ɗoŋ3 ɗɔŋ3

— ra:6 — — pla:5 — mu:n3 mun6 tshaj3 (taj5) ki:n4 — ɬɔŋ6 tsɔŋ6 (ze:ŋ5) ɲaŋ2 fan5 vet8 ɗɔŋ3 ɗɔŋ3

[tsa:5] — [fə:j1] mu:n1 tsha:j1 ŋiən2 tsaŋ2 he:ŋ2 [vat7] tuəŋ1

— — — — — — mùon — — — — — z[ɔ̀ ]ŋ ʒɔŋ˧ hɛ̆ŋ — — — — —

— — — — — — — — — —

13

English

BU 補

mend (clothes) GHl:

*fhə:n

fill gaps with seedlings catch

*Cəʔdəp

*ɗəp

*C-[d/ɖ]ə:m

*ɾə:m

*Ciɣə:p

*Ciɦə:p

*ʔɛ:mɦ CHl: Qi:

*ʔe:mɦ *Cuʔəɲʔ *wi: *hlɯmʔ

補苗 捕捉

捕鼠器 mousetrap

Pre-Hlai

不

not

不

not

不懂

not understand *lɯmʔ

not willing

不能

not able

Proto-Hlai

*rɯ:ʔ GHl: *ʔəjʔ

*hrɯ:ʔ *hmɯ:ʔ *ʔəjʔ

*Cəʔga:ɦ NWCHl

*ka:ɦ *ʔwəɲʔ

— fan1 ɗ[u]p7 — ram1 — hap7 — ʔe:m2 v[ɛ]n3 — —

fo:n1 — ɗap7 — ro:m1 — ho:p7 — ʔe:m2 ʔwan3 — —

fo:n1 fo:ŋ 1 ɗop7 ɗap7 ro:m1 lo:m4 hjo:p7 ɲ[e]p7 ta:1 — — —

fo:n1 fo:ŋ1 ɗop7 ɗap7 ro:m4 ro:m1 zo:p7 ɲo:p7 van6 ɣan3 vej4 —

fɔ:n1 fuaŋ1 ɗ[o]p7 ɗap8 lɔ:m4 ruam1 zɔ:p7 ɲuap8 van3 van3 — —

(ɓɔ:m1) fhu:n1 ɗ[ə]p7 ɗap7 lɔ:m4 ruam4 hjɔ:p7 ɲuap8 — van6 vej[4] —

ɗɯm3 tθam3 rəɰ1 — ʔaj3 — ka:2 v[ɛ]n3

— — paɰ3 — ʔaj3 ʔaj3 ka:2 ʔwan3

— ɬem3 paɰ3 gəɰ1 ʔaj3 ʔaj3 ka:2 —

ɬɯm3 ɬem3 —-— ʔaj3 ʔaj3 ka:5 ka:2

ɬum3 ɬom3 phaɰ6 — ʔaj3 ʔaj3 ka:5 ka:2

ɬɯm3 ɬom3 (taj2) — ʔaj3 ʔaj3 ka:5 ka:5

[ɓɔ:m5] ɗep7 [tuj4] [khiap9] [ŋɔ:1] [ɓɛ:5] thum4

— fuaŋ˧ — — — — — — ʔɛ́m van˥ — —

dɯ̀ ɤm — [taj2] də́ ɰ — ʔaj1 — — [ŋɔ:1 leŋ7 mɯ:4] kă: —

— — — — — vè̆j — — — —

Appendix

不肯

14

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

不是

not be

GHl:

*Cuhri:ɦ

不要

don’t

*ʔiwʔ

*ʔiwʔ

GHl: NWCHl: GHl: NWCHl: *lɯmʔ

*ɾja:k *ʔwəɲʔ *fhət *C-lə:mɦ *hlɯmʔ

*Curɯ:

*Cuhrɯ:

不愉快 unhappy

不知道 not know

布

cloth

GHl:

*ɗəp

步

step

*C-ɣa:mɦ

*ɦa:mɦ

CAI 猜測

guess

CHl:

*ɓa:ɲ

才

just now

*C-nəwʔ

*C-nəwʔ

gaj2 (ʔwaj2) ʔiw3 — ze:ʔ7 ʔwan3 fat7 lɔn2 ɬɯm3 — gəɰ1 (ʔwɛʔ4) ɗap7 ɗaʔ4 ha:m2 —

gwaj2 kwaj2 ʔ[jo]w3 ʔiw3 re:k7 — fat7 — ɬɯm3 ɬem3 gwəɰ1 gəɰ1 ɗop7 ɗap7 — —

gwaj2 ɣaj2 ʔ[jo]w3 ʔiw3 te:ʔ8 tɯ2 (vi1) fak7 ɬɯm3 ɬem3 gwəɰ4 ɣəɰ1 ɗop7 ɗap7 ha:m5 —

vaj2 vaj2 ʔiw3 ʔiw3 — teʔ8 — — ɬum3 ɬom3 — vəɰ1 — ɗap8 ha:m5 ha:m2

hwaj2 vaj5 ʔ[jo]w3 ʔiw3 — — (vi1) — ɬɯm3 ɬom3 gəɰ1 — ɗ[ə]p7 ɗap7 ha:m5 ham5

vaj1

— — naw3 n[o]w3

— — naw3 —

— — naw3 n[ɔ]:3

ɓa:n1 — no:3 no:3

ɓa:n1 — no:3 no:3

ɓa:n1 ɓan1 nɔ:3 n[a]:[3]

ɓa:n3

ʔjow5 [ŋɔ:1] [vi4] thum4 [ɗuəj5] təp7 [tsə:m5]

na:1

— — — — — — — — dɯ̀ [ɤ]m — də́ ɰ — do̠ p — hăm —

—

— — — —

—

— — — — — — —

—

15

(gaj2) vaj5 ʔiw3 — me:m3 v[ɛ]n3 ɗin1 lam2 ɗɯm3 tθam3 rəɰ1 — (ɗap7) — ha:m2 —

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

踩

tread

*sɯ:m

*shɯ:m

踩

tread

Qi:

*tçə:mɦ

踩

step on

*fa:w

*fha:w

菜

vegetable

*Cəʔbɯ: NWCHl:

*ɓɯ: *sha:jʔ

*ʈəj NCHl: Run: CANG 蒼蠅

a fly

store up

CAO 槽

trough

tɯ:m1 tsham1 — — pha:w1 — ɓəɰ1 tθa:(j)3

tɯ:m1 — — — fa:w1 — ɓəɰ1 faj3

tɯ:m1 sɯm1 — — fa:w1 fa:w1 ɓəɰ1 —

tɯ:m1 sɯm1 — — — fa:w1 — —

— tshum1 tsɔ:m5 (tshuam1) — — — —

tɯ:m1 tshum1 tsɔ:m5 — — — — —

—

— — — — — — bəɰ —

—

*ʈʂhəj *ʔu:ɲ *hŋənʔ

tshaj1 ʔuən1

tshaj1 ʔun1

tshaj1 —

tshaj1 ʔun1

(khan6) kaŋ3

— kan6

[tsan1]

ʃáj kaŋ˥

—

*mi:ʔ Run: *wa:ŋʔ Run: *Ci[d/r]u:ŋ Run:

*hmi:ʔ *C-ɲu:ŋ *hwa:ŋʔ *tha:ɦ *[ɾ/hr]ju:ŋ *[ʈʂ/tç]hɯ:ʔ

mej3 — va:ŋ3 — zu:ŋ1 —

p[e]j3 — ve:ŋ3 veŋ3 zu:ŋ1 lunʔ4

pɯ(1) pɯ1 hwe:ŋ3 ve:ŋ3 ru:ŋ1 [ɗ]uŋ[1]

— pɯ3 ve:ŋ3 ve:ŋ3 tu:ŋ4 tuŋ1

(nuaŋ4) ɲuŋ1 (tha:5) tha:2 thuaŋ4 tshaɰ3

— ɲuŋ4 — tha:5 tu:ŋ4 tshaɰ3

[kɯ2]

mèj ɲu:ŋ˧ và:ŋ tha:˨ — —

—

*[ʈ/c]u:

*[ʈʂ/tç]hu:

tshow1 —

tshow1 —

tshow1 tshow1

tshow1 tshow1

tshow1 tshow1

tshow1 tshow1

[tɔ:ŋ1]

ʃáw —

—

[tshɛ:1] — —

[mɔ:t9] [pej1]

— — —

— —

Appendix

藏

16

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

草

grass

*ŋənʔ

*hŋənʔ

草木灰 plant ash

*su:ʔ

*shu:ʔ

CENG 層

layer, level

*lɯt

CHA 插

insert

ŋèn — — tʃhɐw˥

kà̆ n

[fɯ:n4]

— —

—

—

— — — — — ŋi:p˥ — — ŋăm —

—

ŋen3 kan4 tow3 tθaj3

kan3 kan3 taw3 —

kan3 kan3 taw3 —

kan6 kaŋ3 taw3 saw3

khan6 kaŋ3 taw3 tshaw3

kan6 kan6 taw3 tshaw3

kə:n4

*hlɯt

ɗɯt7 —

ɬɯt7 —

ɬɯt7 ɬət7

ɬɯt7 ɬək7

ɬɯt7 ɬək8

ɬɯt7 ɬət7

GHl:

*C-ɲok

插

insert forcefully GHl:

*tçhoŋʔ

插

insert

*C-ŋi:p

*C-ŋi:p

岔

fork (in road)

杈子

branch (tree)

*pa: Run: *C-ŋa:mɦ

*pha: *C-ŋa:ʔ *C-ŋa:mɦ

— — (tshuŋ3) tshɔŋ3 ŋi:p7 ni:p2 pha:1 phɔ:3 ŋa:m2 —

ɲuk7 — tshuŋ3 — ŋi:p7 — pha:1 pha:1 ŋa:m2 —

ɲok7 ɲɔk7 tshoŋ3 tshɔŋ3 ɲi:p7 ɲip7 pha:1 pha:1 ŋa:m2 ŋa:m2

ɲok7 ɲɔk7 tshoŋ3 tshɔŋ3 ɲi:p7 ŋip7 pha:1 pha:1 ŋa:m5 ŋa:m2

— — tshoŋ3 — ɲi:p7 ŋip8 (ŋa:4) ŋa:3 ŋa:m2 (ŋa:m5)

(ɲuk7) — tshɔŋ3 — ɲi:p7 (ʔip7) pha:1 ŋa:3 ŋa:m5 ŋam2

[fa:1]

tsha:ŋ5 ɲep7 ɓow1 ŋəm2

Appendix

中文

—

— — — ŋàm

17

18

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

CHAI 柴刀

machete

*Cəʔga:ʔ

*ka:ʔ

ka:3 kɔ:3

ka:3 —

ka:3 ka:3

ka:3 ka:3

ka:3 ka:3

ka:3 ka:3

[ɗow5]

— —

—

柴火

firewood

*ŋunʔ

*hŋunʔ

ŋun3 —

kun3 kɛn3

kun3 kon3

kun6 koŋ3

khun6 koŋ3

kun6 kən6

[fɯŋ4]

ŋʊ̀ n koŋ˥

kún

CHAN 饞嘴

gluttonous

*C-la:ɲ

*C-la:ɲ

*Cəʔbət

*ɓət

*ti:w

*thi:w

*fi:t NCHl: *mi:ʔ

*fhi:t *hmi:t *hmi:ʔ

*rə:j

*hrə:j

Run:

*C-ni:ŋ

la:ɲ1 la:n1 ɓat7 ɓaʔ7 thi:w1 thiw1 fi:t7 pit7 pɯ(1) — go:j1 — (ni:ŋ2) — — —

la:n1 la:n1 ɓ[ɯ]t7 ɓa[t]7 thi:w1 thiw1 fi:t7 pit7 — pɯ3 ga:j4 xo:j1 — — — —

la:n4 la:n1 — — — — — pit8 — — ha:j4 — (niaŋ1) niŋ1 — na:j2

la:n1 lan4 (ɓɯt9) — thi:w1 — (khu:t7) pit8 — — ha:j4 [ts]u:j1 — niŋ1 — na:j2

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —

—

eat greedily

la:n1 lɔn1 ɓat7 — thi:w1 — fi:t7 — p[e]j3 — go:j1 — — — — —

—

饞吃

la:n1 la:n1 ɓet7 — thi:w1 — phi:t7 — mej3 — ra:j1 — — — — —

纏

wind around

蟬

cicada

cicada

Run:

*C-na:jɦ

tshew1 [hu:t9] — kuj1 — —

— — — — — — —

Appendix

蟬

ɓɯt7

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

鏟

shovel

*[c/ç]a:c

*tçha:c

tsha:t7 —

tsha:t7 —

tsha:c 7 —

tsha:t7 (tsha:t7)

tsha:t7 tsha:t8

— — (tsha:t7)

— —

—

*na:wʔ

*hna:wʔ

na:w3 tsa:w4 ra:j3 la:(j)4 tshim1 —

ta:w3 taw3 ra:j3 laj3 tshim1 ɓun1

ta:w3 ta:w3 ra:j3 la:j3 tshim1 ɓun1

ta:w6 ta:w3 ra:j6 ra:j3 tshem1 tshem1

tha:w6 ta:w3 la:j6 ra:j3 tshim1 tshem1

ta:w6 ta:w6 la:j6 ruaj6 tshim1 tshem1

tow4

nà:w taw˥ dà:j — — —

tá:w

CHANG 長 long 腸

intestine

*C-[d/ɖ]a:jʔ

*ɾa:jʔ

lɯj4

嘗

taste

*[c/ç]im *NCHl

*tçhim *ɓu:n

CHAO 炒

stir-fry

*Cəʔg[ɛ]:ŋ

*k[e]:ŋ

ke:ŋ1 —

ke:ŋ1 keŋ1

ke:ŋ1 ke:ŋ1

ke:ŋ1 ke:ŋ1

ke:ŋ1 kiaŋ1

ke:ŋ1 kiaŋ1

—

— —

—

CHE 車

vehicle

*[c/ç]iə

*tçhiə

tshia1 tshiə5

tshia1 tshiɛ1

tshia1 tshie1

tshia1 tshi:1

tshia1 tshi:1

tshia1 (tshia1)

tshia3

ʃéa tʃ hi:˧

—

車輪

wheel to tear

*hmi:ʔ *khok *ʔi:k

mej3 — ʔi:ʔ7

(mej3) — ʔi:ʔ7

paj3 — ɲi:k7

— paj3 ɲiaʔ7

(ʔeŋ1) khɔk8 ɲiaʔ8

(ʔeŋ1) khɔk7 ɲiak[8]

ʔeŋ3

扯破

*mi:ʔ Run: *ʔi:k

—

CHl:

*C-ɲi:k

—

—

—

ɲit7

ɲit8

ɲiʔ8

ĭ: —

tsem4

ɲit7

Appendix

中文

— —

19

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

CHEN 塵土

dust

GHl: Run:

沉

sink

GHl:

*fhu:ŋʔ *C-ŋə:n *vən *tçə:n

CHENG 稱呼 call

GHl:

*hwən

稱呼

call

CHl:

撑

support

成功

succeed

*[ʈ/c]əwɦ CHl: CHl:

成熟

ripe

*sɯ:k

盛飯

fill with rice

GHl: Run:

(pu:ŋ3) foŋ3

fu:ŋ3 fun3

fu:ŋ3 fuŋ3

fu:ŋ3 fuŋ3

(tso:n1) —

tso:n1 —

tsan1 tso:n1

van1 — — — tshaw2 thaj2 — tsiŋ1 tɯ:ʔ7 feʔ4 khaw3 khɔ:3

hwan1 — — tsa:n1 tshaw2 — tsi:ŋ1 — tɯ:k7 sɯʔ7 khaw3 kho:3

(van1) — *tça:n — — *[ʈʂ/tç]həwɦ tshaw2 *tha:jɦ — *tçi:ŋ — — *shɯ:k tɯ:ʔ7 tθɯək2 *khəwʔ za:1 *ʔɯ: khaw3

fu:ŋ3 ŋ[u]n1 fan4 tsɔ:n1 tu:n1

puəŋ5

(pùoŋ) —

—

tso:n1 tso:ŋ1

fuaŋ3 ŋuaŋ1 faŋ1 tsɔ:n1 tsuaŋ1

tsen4

— —

—

van4 vaŋ1 — tsa:n1 tha:j5 — — — tɯ:ʔ7 sɯk7 kho:3 kho:3

— vaŋ1 tsa:n1 — tha:j5 — tsiaŋ1 — tɯaʔ7 tshɯk8 kho:3 ʔəɰ1

— van4 tsa:n1 — tha:j5 thuaj5 tsiaŋ1 — tɯ:ʔ7 tshɯʔ7 khɔ:3 ʔəɰ1

—

— — — — — — — tʃhi:ŋ˧ tɯ̠ : tʃhœk˧ — əɰ˧

—

— [təp8] — tsha:k9 hi:w1

— — — — —

Appendix

English

20

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

CHI 吃

eat

吃草

graze

池

pond

遲

late

*C-lu:ɦ Qi Run: *Cəʔgomʔ Qi: GHl: ECHl: *fəŋ

*C-lu:ɦ *khən *C-lə:k *komʔ *kəmʔ *[ʋ/hw]a:ŋ *Ciɦu:ŋɦ *fhəŋ

翅膀

wing

*pi:k

*phi:k

*[c/ç]a:k Run: *su:nʔ

*tçha:k *phəw *shu:nʔ

*C-lu:n

*C-lu:n

*Ciɣənɦ

*Ciɦənɦ

CHONG 舂 pound rice 舂

pound rice

舂

pound to powder insect

蟲

low2 la:5

law2 law2

a[:]2 law2

law5 law2

khan1 lɔʔ8

khan1 lɔʔ8

[tej5]

là̆ w lɔʔ˧

khà̆ n

kom3 — ʔu:ŋ3 — phoŋ1 feŋ1 phi:k7 phiək2

kom3 — ve:ŋ1 — faŋ1 faŋ1 phi:ʔ7 phiʔ4

kom3 — hju:[k7] — faŋ1 — phi:ʔ7 phiʔ7

kam3 kom3 zu:ŋ5 — faŋ1 faŋ1 phiaʔ7 phik7

kam3 kom3 zuaŋ5 viaŋ1 faŋ1 — phiaʔ7 phit8

kam3 kom3 (ʔjɔŋ5) — faŋ1 fɔŋ1 phiak7 phiʔ7

[tej5]

— — ùoŋ — — — fi̠: —

—

tsha:ʔ7 tshɛk2 tu:n3 — lu:n1 — hen2 ɲan5

tshe:ʔ7 sɛʔ4 tu:n3 — lu:n1 — han2 ŋjen2

tshe:k7 tshe:ʔ7 tu:n3 sun3 lu:n1 lun1 hjan2 ɲan2

tshe:ʔ7 tshɯ:2 — suŋ3 lu:n1 (lun1) zan5 ɲaŋ2

tshe:ʔ7 phaw3 tu:n3 tshuŋ3 — luŋ1 zan5 ɲaŋ2

tshe:ʔ7 phaw3 tu:n3 tshun3 — lun4 hjan5 ɲan2

tshɯ:7

sa̠: — — — — — — ɲaŋ˨

ʃɛ̠:

ʔjɔŋ5 [liaw1] phi:5

— — zɔ:t8

Appendix

中文

— — —

— — —

21

English

CHOU 抽

pull out (book) ECHl:

*C-ɦuc

抽打

to whip

*fi:t

*fhi:t

抽打

to whip

CHl:

*fha:n

抽穗

to ear grain

*Cəʔbəw

*ɓəw

醜

ugly

*Ci[d/ɖ]a:k

*ɾja:k

smelly

*C-mɯ:n NCHl: NCHl: *Ci[d/ɖ]a:k

*C-mɯ:n *C-la:jʔ *ɾjuj *ɾja:k

bedbug

*C-ɣa:j NCHl: *Cəʔgɯp

*ɦa:j *Ciɦə:j *kɯp

臭

臭蟲

Pre-Hlai

22

中文

Proto-Hlai

khat7 — fi:t7 — — — ɓaw1 ɓaw1 ze:ʔ7 lɛʔ4 mɯ:n1 —

huc7 — fi:t7 fit7 fa:n3 — ɓow1 — re:k7 te:ʔ 7 mɯ:n1 la:j3

hut7 — fi:t7 fit7 — — ɓaw1 ɓaw1 te:ʔ8 tɯ:2 mɯ:n1 [ʔ]uj1

hut7 — fi:t7 fit8 — (fat7) ɓaw1 ɓaw1 the:ʔ8 teʔ8 thuj4 mɯŋ1

hut7 — fi:t7 (fit8) fa:n3 fat7 ɓow1 ɓaw1 te:ʔ8 tiaʔ7 mɯ:n1 tsow4

[mak7]

za:ʔ7 — ha:j1 ɲɔ:(j)1 kɯp7 kup2

ze:ʔ7 lɛʔ4 ha:j1 ɲɔj1 kɯp7 kɛʔ4

re:k7 te:ʔ 7 ha:j1 ɲo:j1 kɯp7 (kɯp7)

te:ʔ8 tɯ:2 ha:j1 ɲo:j1 kɯp7 kep7

the:ʔ8 teʔ8 ha:j1 ɲuaj1 kup7 kop8

te:ʔ8 tiaʔ7 ha:j1 ɲu:j4 kɯp7 kop7

[ʔaj1]

[təp8] — — [ʔaj1] [huəj1]

huəj4 [ɗɔ:p9]

— kha:t˧ — — — — — — — — — —

—

— tɛʔ˧ — ɲyaj˦ — kop˧

—

— — — — —

— —

Appendix

ɲit8 — phi:t7 — — — ɓaw1 — za:ʔ7 lɛk4 mɯ:n1 la:(j)3

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

CHU 出

exit

*tɯ:n

*thɯ:n

出賣

sell out

*səwɦ

*shəwɦ

除草

to weed

*C-lu:nɦ

*C-lu:nɦ

鋤地

to hoe

CHl:

*ɓəwɦ

鋤地

to hoe

*Cəʔbənɦ

*ɓənɦ

鋤頭

a hoe

[*Cəʔgwa:k] CHl:

*kwa:k *ɓəwɦ

CHUAN 穿 put on (upper) *[c/ç]ət

*tçhət

穿

put on (lower)

*pi:n

*phi:n

穿針

thread (a needle) *sok

*shok

Appendix

中文

thɯ:n1 tshɯn1 taw2 — lu:n2 —

thɯ:n1 thɛn1 taw2 — — —

thɯ:n1 thɯn1 taw2 so:2 lu:n2 l[oŋ]2

thɯ:n1 thɯŋ1 taw5 so:2 lu:n5 luŋ2

thɯ:n1 thɯŋ1 to:5 tsho:2 lu:n2 luŋ2

thɯ:n1 thən1 tɔ:5 tsho:5 lu:n5 lun2

ɗaŋ1

— — ɓen2 — ka:ʔ7 (kok2)

— — ɓan2 — ka:ʔ7 —

ɓow2 ɓo:2 ɓan2 — kwa:k7 ɓo:2

ɓo:5 ɓo:2 ɓan5 — ɓo:5 ɓo:2

ɓo:5 ɓo:2 — — ɓo:5 ɓo:2

ɓɔ:5 ɓo:5 — — ɓɔ:5 ɓo:5

ɓɔ:w5

tshet7 tshat2 phi:n1 phi:n1 tok7 tθɔk2

tshat7 saʔ4 phi:n1 — tuk7 —

tshat7 tsha[ʔ]7 phi:n1 phin1 tok7 sɔʔ7

tshat7 tshak7 phi:n1 phiŋ1 tok7 sɔk7

tshat7 tshak8 phi:n1 — tok7 tshɔk8

tshat7 tshat7 phi:n1 — tɔk7 tshɔk7

tshɔ:t9

— [tshuət9]

— kuak7

phi:n1 tshɔ:k9

thɯ́ ɤn thɯŋ˧ — — — —

—

— po:˨ — — ká: —

—

ʃ[í]t tʃak˧ — — tok —

ʃát

— —

— —

— —

23

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

穿插

interweave

*su:ɲ

*shu:ɲ

*C-mɯnʔ

*C-mɯnʔ

*pa:t GHl: *Cu[d/ɖ]a:

*pha:t *kha:t *Cuɾa:

穿山甲 pangolin 傳染

infect

船

boat

串

fish string (clsfr) GHl: GHl: NCHl: rice string (clsfr) GHl:

串

CHUANG 瘡 sore, ulcer

*ku:c *shok *kha: *hɲ[a]:ŋ

GHl:

*C-n[a]:ŋ

sore, ulcer

*Cuʔəw

*Cuʔəw

床

bed

*t[ɛ]:ŋɦ

*th[e]:ŋɦ

tu:n1 — mɯn3 mɯn3 pha:t7 — ra:1 vɔ:4 — tθɔk2

tu:n1 — mɯn3 men3 kha:t7 — ra:1 vaʔ4 ku:t7 —

tu:ɲ 1 sun1 mɯn3 — pha:t7 kha:ʔ7 va:1 k[ɔ]:1 ku:c7 kha:1

tu:n1 sun1 mɯn3 məŋ3 kha:t7 kha:ʔ7 — ɣa:1 ku:t7 kut7

tu:n1 tshun1 mɯn6 məŋ3 kha:t7 khaʔ8 fa:4 — — kut8

tu:n1 tshun1 mɯn3 mən6 kha:t7 khuat7 — — tɔk7 kha:1

—

— — — — — — dá: fa:˧ — —

—

(tse:ŋ1) —

tse:ŋ1 —

tse:ŋ1 —

tse:ŋ4 tse:ŋ1

tshe:ŋ4 tsiaŋ1

tse:ŋ4 tsiaŋ1

tsi:ŋ2

— —

—

— — ʔaw1 vaw1 the:ŋ2 —

ne:ŋ1 — — ʔwaw1 the:ŋ2 —

ne:ŋ1 ne:ŋ[3] ʔwow1 — the:ŋ2 the:ŋ2

ne:ŋ1 ne:ŋ1 — — the:ŋ5 the:ŋ2

ne:ŋ4 niaŋ1 — — the:ŋ5 —

ne:ŋ1 niaŋ4 — — the:ŋ5 —

[na:j1]

— — áw — thĕ:ŋ —

—

[tsa:4] [ʔuəj4] lɔ:4 tshɔ:k9

— —

— — — —

— —

Appendix

瘡

24

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

床

blanket clsfr

*Ciɣə:n

*Ciɦə:n

han1 (zɔ:n1)

ho:n1 ɲɔn1

hjo:n1 ɲo:n1

zo:n1 ɲo:ŋ1

zɔ:n1 ɲuaŋ1

(zɔ:n1) ɲu:n4

hɯan4

— —

—

床墊

mattress

*Cəʔga:n

*ka:n

ka:n1 —

ka:n1 —

ka:n1 —

ka:n1 ka:ŋ1

ka:n1 ka:ŋ1

ka:n1 kuan1

[pɯa5 tə:n1]

— —

—

CHUI 吹

blow

*ʔu:ɦ

*ʔu:ɦ

smoke

*Cuɣə:n

*Cuɦə:n

ʔow2 ʔɛw2 ho:n1 ŋɔn1

ʔow2 ʔow2 hwo:n1 ŋo:n1

ʔow5 ʔow2 go:n1 ŋo:ŋ1

ʔow5 ʔow2 vɔ:n1 ŋuaŋ1

ʔow5 ʔa:w1 ʔow5 hɔ:n1 hɯan4 [ŋ]u:n4

ʌ̆w ʔow˨ hɐn —

—

炊烟

ʔow2 ʔow5 han1 ŋuan1

CHUN 春

spring

*C-ɲa:n

*C-ɲa:n

ɲa:n1 — ʔaŋ1 —

ɲa:n1 ɲa:ŋ1 ʔaŋ1 ʔaŋ1

na:n1 ɲa:ŋ1 ʔaŋ1 vaŋ1

ɲa:n4 ɲuan4 ʔaŋ1 van4

— — — —

—

*ʔəŋ *hwən

ɲa:n1 — ʔaŋ1 —

nuən1

GHl: Run:

ɲa:n1 — laj2 na:2 —

*sɯ:ŋʔ

*shɯ:ŋʔ

tɯ:ŋ3 —

tɯ:ŋ3 —

tɯ:ŋ3 —

tɯ:ŋ3 sɯŋ3

tɯaŋ3 tshɯŋ3

tɯ:ŋ3 tshɯŋ3

tsha:ŋ5

— —

—

CHUO 戳

poke

[thiaw4 ta:w1]

Appendix

中文

—

—

25

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

CI 糍粑

rice cake

GHl:

*C-ɲe:ɦ

次

times

*C-wə:j

*C-wə:j

刺

thorn

*Cuɣɯnʔ

*Cuɦɯnʔ

刺

prick (finger)

*pəwʔ

*phəwʔ

刺猬

porcupine

*[c/ç]inʔ

*tçhinʔ

CONG 從前

before

GHl:

*tçhi

*[k/x]u:nɦ

*khu:nɦ

clump

GHl:

*hroŋʔ

CU 粗糙

coarse

*Cu[d/ɖ]a:w

*Cuɾa:w

me:ʔ9 — pa:j1 — hɯn3 ŋɯn3 phaw3 phaj3 tshin3 (tθin3)

ɲe:2 — fo:j1 fɔj6 hɯn3 ŋɛn3 phaw3 phaw3 — —

— — (fa:j1) ko:j1 hwɯn3 ŋəŋ3 phow3 phaw3 tsheɲ3 —

ɲe:5 — fa:j1 ɣo:j1 [h]ɯn3 ŋəŋ3 phaw3 phaw3 tshen3 tshen3

(ɲe:5) ɲe:2 fa:j1 fuaj1 [h]un3 ŋəŋ3 phaw3 phaw3 tshen3 tshen3

ɲe:5 — fa:j1 fu:j1 hɯn3 ɱən6 phow3 phaw3 tshin3 tshen3

ɲɛ:5

— — khu:n2 khu[a]n5 (guŋ3) —

tshi1 — khu:n2 khun2 guŋ3 —

tshi1 — khu:n2 — goŋ3 —

— tshi1 khu:n5 khuŋ2 goŋ6 xɔŋ3

— — khu:n5 (khun2) hoŋ6 xɔŋ3

— — khu:n5 khun2 h[o]ŋ6 khɔŋ3

tshi1

— va:w4

— [f]aʔ4

— kwa:w1

fa:w4 —

fa:w4 fa:w4

— fa:w4

—

fuəj1 haŋ4 [tshua5] [lu:4 low2]

[vɔ:n1 mɔ:5] [fuk7]

— — — — hɯ̀ [ɤ]n — — pho:˨ — —

—

— — khúon — — —

—

săw —

—

kà̆ j — — —

— —

Appendix

叢

26

中文

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

CUAN 竄

flee

*piw

*phiw

phiw1 —

phiw1 —

phiw1 phiw1

phiw1 phiw1

— phiw[2]

phiw3 phiw1

phiw1

— —

—

CUN 村庄

village

*Cəʔbəwʔ CHl:

*ɓəwʔ *C-wa:n

ɓaw3 fɔn1

ɓaw3 fan1

ɓow3 kwa:n1

fa:n1 ɣa:ŋ1

fa:n1 fa:ŋ1

fa:n1 fuan1

fuən1

bàw fa:ŋ˧

—

CUO 搓

twist (rope)

*pəc

*phəc

*pən

*phən

搓洗

scrub

GHl:

*fhɯ:p

撮

pick

[*Cəʔɟɛ:mʔ]

*tçe:mʔ

撮

pick

Qi:

*C-ɲimʔ

phac7 phat7 phan1 phan1 fɯ:p7 fup7 tse:m3 — — —

phat7 phat7 phan1 phan1 fɯ:p7 fup7 tse:m[6] tse:m3 ɲim3 —

phat7 phat8 phan1 — fu:p7 fup8 — (tem3) ɲim6 —

phat7 phat7 phan1 — fɯ:p7 fup7 — tem3 ɲim3 —

— — — — — fu:p˧ — — — —

—

twist (rope)

phat7 — phan1 phan1 fɯ:p7 — tse:m3 sɛ:ʔ4 — —

—

搓

phat7 — phen1 — (pɯ:p7) — tse:m3 — — —

DA 答應

respond

*tin

*thin

thin1 then1

thin1 then1

theɲ1 then1

then1 then1

then1 then1

thin1 then1

ɓɔ:n1 tshuəp9 — ɲim1

— —

— — —

—

27

[hɔ:n4]

—

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

打

hit

*ta[:]jɦ

*tha[:]jɦ

打柴舞 firewood dance *sə:p GHl: CHl: *[c/ç]a:k

*shə:p *hrə:p *tçu:nʔ *tçha:k

打盹兒 doze off

*Cəʔɟə:n NWCHl: *C-ŋut

*tçə:n *ku:ɦ *C-ŋut

slap

*pi:k

*phi:k

打滾

roll (a child)

*m-li:n

*m-li:n

打滾

roll

GHl:

*Ciʔoŋʔ

*Cəʔga:w

*ka:w

*ŋa:p

*hŋa:p

打哈欠 yawn

thaj2 — tap7 —

tha:j2 thaj2 go:p7 —

tha:j2 tha:j2 go:p7 —

tha:j5 tha:j2 to:p7 tsun3

tha:j5 tha:j2 tsu:n3 tshuap8

tha:j5 [təp8] thuaj5 tɔ:p7 tsuən1 tshuap8

thăj — — —

—

tsha:ʔ7 — (tso:n1) ka:5 ŋut7 ŋət2

tshe:k7 — tso:n1 kaw2 ŋut7 ŋɛʔ4

tshe:ʔ7 — tso:n1 tso:n1 ŋut7 ŋut7

tshe:ʔ7 tshɯ:2 tso:n1 tso:ŋ1 ŋut7 ŋok7

tshe:ʔ7 tsheʔ8 tsɔ:n1 tsuaŋ1 ŋut8 ŋok8

tshe:ʔ7 tshiaʔ7 tsɔ:n1 tu:n1 ŋut7 ŋət8

tshɯ:5

— — (tsɔ̀ ŋ) — ŋʊ́ t —

—

phi:ʔ7 phiək2 li:n1 — (ʔuŋ3) zɔŋ3 ka:w1 kaw1 ŋa:p7 —

phi:ʔ7 phiʔ4 li:n1 pjinʔ4 ʔuŋ3 — ka:w1 kaw2 — —

phi:k7 phiʔ7 pli:n1 — ʔjoŋ3 zɔŋ3 ka:w1 ka:w1 — —

phiaʔ7 phik7 pli:n1 pliŋ1 zoŋ3 zɔŋ3 — ka:w1 ka:p8 —

phiaʔ7 phit8 (li:n1) pliŋ1 zoŋ3 zɔŋ3 — ka:w1 kha:p8 ka:p8

(phiaʔ7) phiʔ7 (li:n1) plin1 ʔjɔŋ3 zɔŋ3 — ka:w4 ka:p8 kap8

ɓia5

fi̠: — — — — — kaw kɐw˥ ŋáp kap˧

—

[thaw1] ŋɔk7

[lam1] lin1 [tsa:m4] hɔ:5 hɔ:p8

—

— —

— — kà̆ : ka̰p

Appendix

打

28

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

打鼾

snore

*C-[d/ɖ]ə:ŋ

*ɾə:ŋ

*Cu[d/ɖ]a:n

*Cuɾa:n

*m-lu:k

*m-lu:k

*C-ŋa:ɦ CHl: *rip

*C-ŋa:ɦ *Cuʔa:ɦ *hrip

*[c/ç]inɦ

*tçhinɦ

GHl:

*ɗəɲ

打(記號) make a mark 打開

open

打獵

go hunting

打噴嚏 sneeze

打水

fetch water

GHl:

*ɓə:k

打聽

inquire

*C-ɣi:ŋ[ʔ]

*ɦi:ŋ[ʔ]

GHl:

*hljəj

*ɲa:wʔ

*hɲa:wʔ

打圍

surround

ro:ŋ1 — ra:n1 — lu:ʔ7 — ŋa:2 — gip7 — tshin2 — ɗan1 — ɓo:ʔ7 ɓoʔ4 hi:ŋ1 — zaj1 — tsa:w3 —

ro:ŋ1 lo:ŋ4 va:n1 ko:n1 plu:k7 puʔ7 ʔwa:2 — gip7 — — — ɗaɲ1 — ɓo:k7 — hi:ŋ1 — zaj1 — tsa:w3 —

ro:ŋ4 ro:ŋ1 fa:n4 (va:ŋ1) plu:ʔ7 [p]uk7 gwa:5 ɣa:2 gip8 — tshen5 — ɗan1 — ɓo:ʔ7 ɓo:k7 hiaŋ1 [ŋ]iŋ1 ɬaj4 zaj1 tsa:w6 tsa:w3

— — fa:n4 fa:ŋ1 puaʔ7 pluk8 va:5 va:2 — xep8 tshen5 — ɗan1 ɗan1 ɓɔ:ʔ7 ɓoʔ8 hiaŋ1 — ɬaj4 zaj1 tsha:w6 tsa:w3

lɔ:ŋ4 — fa:n4 f[u]n4 plu:ʔ7 pluʔ7 ʔwa:5 va:5 (tu:n4) — tshin5 — ɗan1 ɗan1 ɓɔ:ʔ7 ɓoʔ8 — hiŋ1 — tsaj4 tsa:w6 —

lɯ:n4 [təp8] ʔow1 [tuən2] tshit7 tɯən1 [tɔ:p9] [ŋej2] — nə:w2

dáŋ — dán fa:ŋ˧ — — ŋà̆ : — — — ʃĭn — én — vá:j — hìeŋ — — — — —

— — — ví: — — — — — — —

29

raŋ1 — ra:n1 — lu:ʔ7 — ŋa:2 — rip7 — tshin2 — ʔen1 ɗian1 va:j1 — hi:ŋ3 — — — ɲa:w3 —

Appendix

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

大

big

*C-luŋ

*C-luŋ

大大 后天

3 days after tomorrow

*ŋwən CHl: *Cuɣa:t CHl:

*hŋwən *hməjʔ *Cuɦa:t *Cuɦi:t

大前年 3 years ago

*ŋwən CHl: *Cuɣɯ: NCHl: *mu:ɦ

*hŋwən *hməjʔ *Cuɦɯ: *C-ɲɯ: *hmu:ɦ

大前天 3 days ago

ECHl: NCHl: *ŋwən

*ɾɯ: *tçhɯ:n *hŋwən

ECHl:

*ɾɯ:

GHl: Qi:

*ɦun *hrujʔ

大后天 2 days after tomorrow

DAI 帶領

to lead

luŋ1 loŋ1 ven1 — ha:t[9] ŋɔt2

luŋ1 loŋ1 van1 — ha:t7 ŋwaʔ4

loŋ1 luŋ1 — — hwi:t7 —

loŋ1 loŋ1 paj6 — vi[aʔ8] ŋik7

luŋ4 luŋ1 phaj6 paj3 vi[aʔ7] ɲit[7]

luŋ1 luŋ4 paj[4] paj3 — ɱit[7]

lo:1

ven1 — həɰ1 ŋow1 mow2 ɓa:5 (rut9) tshɯn1 ven1 — (rut9) —

van1 — həɰ1 ŋjɛ:[2] paw2 paw2 ma:2 seŋ1 van1 — ma:2 —

— — hwəɰ1 — pow2 — rəɰ1 — — — rəɰ1 —

paj6 — vəɰ1 ŋəɰ1 paw2 paw2 rəɰ4 tshɯn1 — — rəɰ4 —

van4 — vəɰ1 ɲəɰ1 pho:2 paw2 — — — — — —

paj[4] paj6 hwəɰ1 ɱəɰ[1] pɔ:2 paw2 — — van1 — — —

[kɯ2]

(hun1) —

hun1 huɛn1

hun1 —

guj6 hon1

— hon1

huj6 h[u]n1

luəj2

[kɯ2] [kut10]

[ka:2] mɯ2 [lut10] vɔ:n1 [tsu:n4]

lúŋ lu:ŋ˧ vén pa:j˥ ha̠t ti:t˥

— — —

vén pa:j˥ hə́ ɰ ɲi:t˥ — — — — vén pa:j˥ du̠ t —

—

— —

—

— — — — —

Appendix

English

30

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

帶子

belt

*Cəʔdə:j

*ɗə:j

戴

wear (hat)

*Cuŋəwʔ

*Cuŋəwʔ

戴

wear (hat)

Qi:

*Cuhr[a]:ŋ

戴

wear (necklace) *[k/x]i:nʔ

*khi:nʔ

戴

wear (earrings) *C-mi:ŋ

*C-mi:ŋ

DAN 膽

gall bladder

*Cəʔdəj

*ɗəj

淡

insipid

*Cəʔdəc

*ɗəc

蛋/卵

egg

*jɯ:m

*hjɯ:m

DANG 擋

block

*Cəʔbə:mɦ NCHl:

*ɓə:mɦ *ɓi:nɦ

ɗa:j1 — ŋaw3 ŋaw3 — — khi:n3 — mi:ŋ1 —

ɗo:j1 ɗoj1 ŋaw3 ŋɔ:3 — — khi:n3 — mi:ŋ1 —

ɗo:j1 ɗo:j1 ŋwow3 ŋo:3 — — — — mi:ŋ1 —

ɗa:j1 ɗo:j1 — ŋwo:3 gwe:ŋ1 — khi:n3 khiŋ3 miaŋ1 miŋ1

ɗa:j1 ɗuaj1 ŋɔ:6 ŋo:3 — — khi:n3 — miaŋ4 —

ɗa:j1 ɗu:j1 ŋɔ:3 ɱo:6 hwe:ŋ1 — khi:n3 khin3 miaŋ1 miŋ4

tɯj1

ɗaj1 ɗaj1 ɗat[9] tsiat2 zɯ:m1 —

ɗaj1 — ɗat7 ɗaʔ4 zɯ:m1 zunʔ4

ɗaj1 ɗaj1 ɗac7 ɗat7 zɯ:m1 zum1

ɗaj1 ɗaj1 ɗat7 ɗat7 zɯ:m4 zum1

ɗaj1 ɗaj1 ɗat7 ɗat8 zu:m4 zum1

ɗaj1 ɗaj1 ɗat7 ɗat7 zɯ:m1 zum4

ti:1

ɓam2 —

ɓo:m2 ɓin2

ɓo:m2 ɓin2

ɓo:m5 ɓo:m2

— —

ɓɔ:m5 —

ɲiaw1 — [tuəj1] [tuəj1]

tsia2 tsum1

—

da:j tuaj˧ ŋàw — — — — — míeŋ —

—

— — — — zɯ̀ ɤm ʒu:m˧

—

— —

— — — —

— —

—

31

English

Appendix

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

DAO 刀

knife (large)

*Cəʔga:ʔ

*ka:ʔ

刀鈎

knifehook

[*Cəʔdɛ:wɦ]

*ɗe:wɦ

刀篓

knife basket

倒伏

bend down

倒塌

collapse

GHl: CHl: *Cəʔdəwɦ GHl: *tu:ɦ

*m-loŋʔ *ɾu:k *ɗəwɦ *ɓu:k *thu:ɦ

搗

pound with pestle everywhere

*su:ɲɦ

*shu:ɲɦ

*ŋom

*hŋom *hŋa[:]jʔ *ɾa:ʔ *ɗa[:]nʔ *Cuŋiŋʔ

到處

到達

arrive

*ŋa[:]jʔ Run: *Cəʔda[:]nʔ

稻草

straw

*Cuŋiŋʔ

ka:3 kɔ:3 ɗe:w2 — la:3 lok4 ɗaw2 ɗo:5 thow2 tsha:5 tu:n2 — ŋom1 — ŋaj3 — ɗan3 ɗɔn3 ŋiŋ3 ɲeŋ3

ka:3 ka:3 ɗe:w2 — luŋ3 luʔ4 ɓu:ʔ7 — thaw2 — tu:n2 — kom1 — ka:j3 — ɗa:n3 ɗan3 ŋiŋ3 ŋw[ɛ]n3

ka:3 ka:3 ɗe:w2 — ploŋ3 — ɓu:k7 ɗo:2 thaw2 thaw2 tu:ɲ2 — kom1 — ka:j3 — ɗa:n3 ɗa:ŋ3 ŋwiŋ3 ŋen3

ka:3 ka:3 — — ru:ʔ8 ruk7 — ɗo:2 thow5 thaw2 tu:n5 sun2 kom4 kom1 ka:j6 ka:j3 ɗa:n3 ɗa:ŋ3 ŋiŋ3 ŋen3

ka:3 ka:3 — — luaʔ8 ruk8 ɗɔ:5 ɗo:2 tho:5 thaw2 tu:n5 tshun2 khom[1] — (ka:j3) ra:3 ɗa:n3 ɗa:ŋ3 ŋiŋ6 ŋen3

ka:3 ka:3 — — lu:ʔ8 ruʔ8 — ɗo:5 thɔ:5 thaw5 tu:n5 tshun5 — — — ra:3 ɗa:n3 ɗuan3 ŋiŋ3 ɱen6

— — — — [hum2] — [vow1] [la:j4] [vow1] [nɔ:ŋ1]

— ka:˥ — — — — — — — — — — — — — — dăn — — —

ká: — — — — — — — — —

Appendix

English

32

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

稻穀

paddy

*mok

*hmok

稻子

rice

稻剪

sickle

*C-mu:nʔ CHl: *C-li:m GHl:

*C-mu:nʔ *C-muc *C-li:m *khɯ:p

稻剪

sickle

稻穗

ear of rice

稻穗

mok7 — mu:n3 mət2 li:m1 (lin1) — — (tse:ŋ1) mət2 mi:n3 —

puk7 — mu:n3 muɛʔ4 khɯ:p7 lin1 — — tse:ŋ1 muɛʔ4 mi:n3 —

pok7 — mu:n3 mət7 khɯ:p7 khup7 — — tse:ŋ1 tse:ŋ1 mi:n3 min3

pok8 — mut7 m[u]t7 li:m1 khup7 — re:w4 tse:ŋ4 tse:ŋ1 mi:n3 (min3)

— — mut8 mot8 (khɯp7) khup8 — — tshe:ŋ4 tsiaŋ1 mi:n6 miŋ3

pɔk8 — mut7 mət8 li:m1 khup7 — le:w4 tse:ŋ4 tsiaŋ1 mi:n3 min6

pə:k8 muət9 lin4 la:t9 hup7

mók — mùon — líem —

—

— — — —

—

Appendix

中文

— —

—

ear of rice

NECHl: *ɲ[a]:ŋ NWCHl: *C-mi:nʔ

*ɾe:w *hɲ[a]:ŋ *C-muc *C-mi:nʔ

DE 得到

get

*C-m[ɛ]:k

*C-m[e]:k

me:ʔ7 —

me:ʔ7 —

me:k7 —

me:ʔ7 mɯ:2

— —

me:ʔ7 —

mɯ:5

mɛ́: —

dəɰ

DENG 等候

await

zo:ŋ1 thaw3

zo:ŋ1 ŋo:ŋ1

thaw3 ŋo:ŋ1

thaw3 thaw3

thaw3 thaw3

thaw5

záŋ thɐw˥

tháw

glare

*h[l]jə:ŋ *thəw *C-ŋə:ŋ *C-la:wʔ *ʔwa:wʔ

zaŋ1 —

瞪眼

*[Cil/j]ə:ŋ CHl: Meifu: GHl: Run:

pa:n3 —

la:w3 —

la:w3 —

la:w3 la:w3

— va:w3

— va:w3

—

— —

—

tsi:ŋ2 mi:n1

—

33

34

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

DI 低頭

lower head

滴

drip (clsfr)

*C-ŋut Run GHl:

*C-ŋut *Cuɦə:m *khok

地

ground, earth

*Cu[d/ɖ]ən

*Cuɾən

地方

place

*Cəʔgom

*kom

弟妹

younger sibling *ru:ŋ Meifu: Run: stem GHl: CHl:

*hru:ŋ *ʔe:ŋʔ *C-n[u/o]ŋɦ *khə:ŋ (kho:ŋ1) *C-ŋən ŋo[ŋ]1

upside-down

ECHl:

*m-lom

CHl:

*m-ləj

CHl:

*m-lɯn

蒂

DIAN 顛倒

ŋut7 ŋət2 ɗak7 — ren1 — kom1 — ru:ŋ1 —

pa:n3 — — — — —

ŋut7 (ŋuʔ5) khuk7 — ran1 vanʔ4 kom1 — gu:ŋ1 —

ŋut7 ŋoʔ7 khok7 — van1 kwaŋ1 kom1 kum1 gu:ŋ1 ʔe:ŋ3

ŋut7 — khok7 khɔk7 fan4 ɣaŋ1 kom1 kom1 gu:ŋ4 ʔe:ŋ3

— ŋuam3 — ɗɔk7 fan4 faŋ1 kom1 kom1 huaŋ4 noŋ2

ŋut[9] ɱuam6 — khok7 fan4 fan4 kum1 kom1 hu:ŋ4 noŋ2

[kɔŋ1]

kho:ŋ1 ŋ[ɛŋ]1

kho:ŋ1 (ŋaŋ1)

kho:ŋ1 ŋaŋ1

ŋan4 ŋaŋ[4]

ŋan1 ŋan[1]

— — — paj[3] — pjɛn2

plom1 — plaj1 — — —

— — plaj1 plaj1 plɯn1 pəŋ2

pom1 — paj1 plaj1 — pləŋ1

plum1 — plaj1 plaj1 — pləŋ1

ŋʊ́ t — dɐ̠k — dén faŋ˧ — — duóŋ noŋ˨

—

ŋa:n1

— —

—

[tsa:m4]

păn — — — — —

—

— len4 [len4] [nuəj5]

—

— fan — huò̆ŋ

— —

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

點火

ignite

*[c/ç]ujʔ

*tçhujʔ

tshuj3 tshoj3

tshuj3 tshoj3

tshuj3 tshuj3

tshuj3 tshuj3

tshuj3 tshoj3

tshuj3 tshow3

tsej1

sù:j —

—

DIAO 吊

hang

*C-[d/ɖ]i:ŋʔ

*ɾi:ŋʔ

*C-[d/ɖ]oŋʔ Run:

*ɾoŋʔ *C-lep

ri:ŋ3 — roŋ3 rɔŋ3

riaŋ6 riŋ3 roŋ6 rɔŋ3

liaŋ6 riŋ3 loŋ6 lep7

liaŋ6 riŋ6 loŋ6 lep8

dìeŋ ɮi:ŋ˥ dròŋ —

—

to fish

ri:ŋ3 liŋ3 ruŋ3 —

lin4

釣魚

ri:ŋ3 liəŋ4 (ruŋ3) —

掉

to fall

*la:ɦ Qi:

*hla:ɦ *ʔa:ɦ

ɗa:2 —

(ɗa:2) —

ɬa:2 [l]a:2

ʔa:5 —

— ɬa:2

ʔa:5 —

ʔa:5

— —

—

DIE 跌倒

fall down

*Cəʔdəwɦ

*ɗəwɦ

GHl:

*hlu:nɦ

疊

pile (clsfr)

*C-lɛ:p

*C-le:p

ɗaw2 ɗo:2 ɬu:n2 — le:p7 —

ɗo:5 ɗo:2 ɬu:n5 — le:p7 —

ɗo:5 ɗo:2 — — — —

ɗɔ:5 ɗo:5 — — le:p7 —

dáw — — — — —

—

fall down

ɗaw2 — ɬu:n2 — le:p7 —

ɗa:w1

跌倒

ɗaw2 — — — le:p7 —

DING 頂

net clsfr

*[k/x]u:

*khu:

khow1 —

[h]ow1 —

khow1 —

khow1 khow1

khow1 khow1

khow1 khow1

—

— —

—

ləŋ2

[lam1 lin1] [ɓa:k9]

Appendix

中文

lú:

— —

35

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

鼎鍋

tripod

*təw

*thəw

36

中文

to nail

*tut

定居

settle down

*Ci[d/r]ɯ:k GHl: NECHl:

DIU 丟

throw away

GHl:

*fhit

丟失

lose (something)*tok

*thok

DONG 東

east

*phəjʔ *fh[a]:ŋ *ʈʂha: *pha:k *hŋwən

GHl:

*pəjʔ Run: *ʈa: CHl: *ŋwən

thaw1 thaw1 zɯn3 — thut7 — tuŋ3 —

thaw1 — zɯ:n3 — thut7 — toŋ3 —

thaw1 thaw1 zɯ:n6 — thut7 thok7 to[:]ŋ6 tsɔŋ3

thaw1 thaw1 — — — (thok7) thɯaʔ8 tsɔŋ3

thaw1 thaw1 — — thut7 thət7 tɯ:ʔ8 —

[thi1]

(pe:ŋ3) — thok7 thɔk2

fit[8] (fiʔ5) thuk7 thaʔ4

f[it]7 — thok7 th[o]ʔ7

fet7 fet7 thok7 thɔk7

[v]et7 fet7 thoʔ7 thɔk8

fit7 fhet7 thɔk7 thɔk7

raw3 phuj3 tsha:[2] phɛk2 ven1 —

ph[e]j3 phe:3 təɰ1 phɛʔ4 — —

phaj3 phaj3 phe:k7 phe:ʔ7 — —

pha[:]j3 phaj3 tsha:1 phɯ:2 van4 —

phaj3 fiaŋ1 tsha:1 — van4 vaŋ1

pha[:]j3 — fiaŋ1 tsha:1 — van1 van4

[ʔa:w4] — [liaw1]

fit7 ɗɔ:k9

thàw — — — — — — —

— — — —

phɛ̀ŋ fet˥ thók —

phɛ́t

— — dùŋ toŋ˥ — —

—

—

— —

Appendix

釘

thaw1 — *hjɯ[:]nʔ zaj1 — *thut thut7 — *[ɾ/hr]jɯ:k zɯ:ʔ[9] *[sh/hn]oŋʔ — *tçoŋʔ

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

CHl:

*thɯ:n

— —

— —

— —

thɯ:n1 —

thɯ:n1 thɯŋ1

thɯ:n1 thən1

(kuŋ1) — — — ɲa:n1 — kha:j2 — hɯ:p7 ɓɛŋ4 khu:ŋ1 khoŋ1 — ʔuəj1

kuŋ1 — maw2 maw2 ɲa:n1 — kha:j2 — ku:j3 peŋ3 khu:ŋ1 — — ʔuj1

koŋ1 — mow2 maw2 ɲa:n1 ɲa:ŋ1 kha:j2 kha:j2 hwɯ:p7 — khu:ŋ1 kh[o]ŋ1 han2 —

koŋ1 — maw5 maw2 ɲa:n1 ɲa:ŋ1 kha:j5 kha:j2 g[o]p7 pe:ŋ3 khu:ŋ1 kh[o]ŋ1 han5 (hen2)

— — mo:2 maw2 na:n4 ɲa:ŋ1 kha:j5 kha:j2 vu:p7 piaŋ3 khuaŋ1 khuŋ1 han5 ɲɔŋ2

— — mɔ:5 maw2 ɲa:n1 ɲuan4 kha:j5 khuaj5 hɯ:p7 piaŋ[4] kh[u]ŋ1 khuŋ1 h[ə]n5 ɲɔŋ2

tshu:ŋ3 tshoŋ3 ʔɯ:ŋ1 —

tshu:ŋ3 suŋ3 ʔɯ:ŋ1 —

tshu:ŋ3 tshuŋ3 ʔɯ:ŋ1 —

tshu:ŋ3 tshuŋ3 ʔɯ:ŋ1 ʔɯŋ1

tshuaŋ3 tshuŋ3 ʔɯaŋ1 ʔɯŋ1

tshu:ŋ3 tshuŋ3 ʔɯ:ŋ1 —

東西

thing

GHl:

*koŋ

東西

thing

*C-mu:ɦ

*C-mu:ɦ

冬

winter

*C-ɲa:n

*C-ɲa:n

*ka:jɦ

*kha:jɦ

*Cuɣɯ:p NCHl: *[k/x]u:ŋ

*Cuɦɯ:p *hm[a]:ŋʔ *khu:ŋ *ɦənɦ *ʔu:j *C-ɲoŋɦ *tçhu:ŋʔ *ʔɯ:ŋ

冬瓜

wax gourd

懂

understand

動

move

洞

hole

ECHl: NWCHl: Run: *[c/ç]u:ŋʔ

恫嚇

threaten

*ʔɯ:ŋ

kɔŋ1 ma:w1 nuən1 khɯaj1 huəp8 [min4 taj2] han2

tshua1 —

— —

—

(kúŋ) — — mɐw˨ — — — — — piaŋ˥ xuoŋ — — —

—

ʃùoŋ tʃhuŋ˥ — —

Appendix

中文

— — — — — —

— —

37

English

DOU 都

all

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

蔸

*C-[d/ɖ]ɯʔ GHl: CHl: stump (of rice) *wiw

*ɾɯʔ *ɗi:ʔ *ʔja:ʔ *hwiw

斗笠

bamboo hat

*la:ŋʔ

*hla:ŋʔ

豆子

bean

GHl: NWCHl:

*Ciɦəw *ɗəɲ

*timɦ

*thimɦ

DU 獨木凳 bench

38

中文

gamble

*C-ŋət

*C-ŋət

肚臍

navel

*Cu[d/ɖ]ɯ:

*Cuɾɯ:

肚子

belly

*mok

*hmok

ɗi:3 —

rɯ:3 —

za:3 —

— ɗi:3

lɯ:[4] za:3

—

— —

—

viw1 — ɗa:ŋ3 — — ɗian1

viw1 — ɬe:ŋ3 leŋ3 haw1 ɗan1

hwiw1 viw1 ɬe:ŋ3 ɬe:ŋ3 hjaw1 —

viw4 viw1 ɬe:ŋ3 ɬe:ŋ3 zaw1 —

viw4 vew1 ɬe:ŋ3 ɬiaŋ3 zaw1 —

viw[4] vew[1] ɬe:ŋ3 ɬiaŋ3 hjaw1 —

vew1

víw — dàŋ — — —

—

thim2 — ŋet7 — rəɰ1 vow4

thim2 — ŋat7 — rəɰ1 —

thim2 — ŋat7 — vəɰ1 kəɰ1

thim5 them2 ŋat7 ŋak7 fəɰ4 ɣəɰ1

thim5 — ŋat8 ŋak8 fəɰ4 (fəɰ4)

(ŋa:n1) ŋuən1 — ŋat7 ŋət7/ŋə:t8 — fəɰ4 lo:2 fhəɰ[2]

— — — — də́ ɰ fəɰ˦

—

mok7 ɓɔk4

(pok7) paʔ4

pok7 pɔʔ7

pok8 pɔk7

phoʔ8 pɔk8

pɔk8 pɔk8

— pɔk˧

po̠ k

[kuən3 lɔ:j5] [tshɯa5]

[lɯj4]

— —

— —

Appendix

賭

r[i]:3 —

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

短

hold with both hands short

*[k/x]it NWCHl GHl:

*khit *ʔɯn *thəc

斷

break

斷

break

*[k/x]ɯt CHl: NWCHl: *[c/ç]a:w NWCHl:

*khɯt *thɯt *fhəc *tçha:w *hləɲ

DUI 堆

a pile

*pəwʔ

*phəwʔ

堆

pile (clsfr)

*pəwʔ

*phəwʔ

堆砌

build by piling GHl:

*hrə:p

DUN 墩子

pier

*thunʔ

DUAN 端

*tunʔ

Appendix

English

中文

khit7 ʔən1 th[e]t[9] tshiat2 khɯt7 fiat2

khit7 ʔɛn1 that7 — khɯt7 faʔ4

khec7 — thac7 that7 thɯt7 —

khet7 khet7 that7 that7 thɯt7 thək7

khet7 khet7 that7 that8 thɯt7 thət7

khit7 khet7 that7 that7 thɯt7 thət7

[ʔuŋ1]

tsha:w1 tθian3

tsha:w1 lan3

tsha:w1 —

tsha:w1 tsha:w1

tsha:w1 tsha:w1

tsha:w1 tsha:w1

[khiaw5]

ʃá:w —

—

phaw3 — phaw3 — (go:p7) —

phaw3 phɔ:3 phaw3 — go:p7 ŋɔʔ4

phow3 phɔ:3 phow3 phɔ:3 go:p7 go:p7

pho:3 pho:3 pho:3 pho:3 go:p8 xo:p7

pho:3 pho:3 pho:3 pho:3 hɔ:p8 xuap8

phɔ:3 pho:3 phɔ:3 pho:3 hɔ:p8 khuap7

[ɗuən1]

— — — — — —

—

thun3 —

thun3 —

thun3 thoŋ3

thun3 thoŋ3

thun3 thoŋ3

thɯn3 thən3

[thok7]

— —

—

[tha:1] ɗuət9

[tsu:n5] kəp7

— — th[ɛ́]t that˧ khɯ́ t —

— — —

— —

39

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

炖

to stew

鈍

dull

GHl: CHl: Meifu: *Ci[d/ɖ]a:k

*ʔujʔ *ɓa:w *ʔuŋɦ *ɾja:k

*[c/ç]ə:m

*tçhə:m

DUO 多

many

*lə:j

*hlə:j

多少

how many

*lə:j

*hlə:j

*C-[d/ɖ]a:

*ɾa:

hide (from rain) *C-ŋəw

*C-ŋəw

躲藏

hide (something)*C-məɲ Run: chop GHl: Meifu:

*C-məɲ *hljəɲɦ *h[n/ɲ]ək *[tç/hɲ]əp

剁

tsi:n3 —

ʔuj3 —

ʔuj3 ʔoŋ2

— ʔoŋ2

ɓa:w1 ɓa:w1

— ɓa:w1

za:ʔ7 — tsham1 —

— — tsho:m1 —

re:k7 te:ʔ7 tsho:m1 tsho:m1

te:ʔ8 tɯ:2 tsho:m1 tsho:m1

— teʔ8 tshɔ:m1 tshuam1

ɗa:j1 tθɔ:(j)1 ɗa:j1 tθɔ:(j)1

ɬo:j1 lɔj1 ɬo:j1 lɔj1

ɬo:j1 ɬo:j1 ɬo:j1 —

ɬa:j1 ɬo:j1 ɬa:j1 ɬo:j1

ra:1 — ŋaw1 ŋaw1 man1 mian1 (tak7)

ra:1 — ŋaw1 — man1 — tak7 ɗak2

ra:[3] — ŋaw1 ŋaw1 maɲ1 — tak7 —

ra:[2] — ŋaw1 ŋaw1 man1 — (tsak7) tsap7

—

— —

—

— [ŋɔ:1] tiaʔ7 tshɔ:m1 tshiam1 tshuam1

— — — —

—

ɬa:j1 ɬuaj1 ɬa:j1 ɬuaj1

ɬa:j1 ɬu:j1 ɬa:j1 ɬu:j1

ɬej4

da:j ɬuaj˧ da:j —

tra:j

la:4 — ŋaw4 ŋaw1 (me:t8) zan2 thak8 tsap7

la:4 — ŋaw1 ŋaw4 man1 tsan2 tak8 tsak8

la:j4

da: — — — mɐ́n — —

la:

ɬej4

[kɔ:1] [miət8] tshɔp7 tak8

—

tra:j

— — — —

Appendix

躲

40

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

E 鵝

goose

額頭

forehead

*C-ŋɛ: CHl: CHl: *m-la:ʔ

*C-ŋe: *C-ŋa:nɦ *ɓunɦ *m-la:ʔ

*Cəʔda:w

*ɗa:w

GHl:

*ɾja:k

GHl:

*fhən

惡毒

vicious

餓

hungry

*C-[d/ɖ]ən

*ɾən

鱷魚

crocodile

*Cəʔgəjʔ

*kəjʔ

ER 兒女

offspring

*lɯ:k

*hlɯ:k

兒女

offspring

Qi:

*ɗiʔ

Appendix

中文

ŋe:1 —

ŋe:1 —

ŋe:1 ŋe:1

ŋa:n5 ŋe:1

ɓun5 ɓoŋ2

(ŋə:n5) ŋuan2

ŋə:n5

ŋɛ: poŋ˩

—

raw3 lɔ:5 ɗa:w1 ɗa:w1 (ze:ʔ7) lɛk4 (fan1) — ren1 lon4 kaj3 kaj3

la:3 pja:3 ɗa:w1 — ze:ʔ7 lɛʔ4 fan1 — ran1 lanʔ4 kaj3 —

pla:3 — ɗa:w1 ɗa:w1 re:k7 te:ʔ7 fan1 — ran1 laŋ4 kaj3 kaj3

pla:3 — ɗa:w1 ɗa:w1 — tɯ:2 — faŋ1 ran4 raŋ1 kaj3 kaj3

— — ɗa:w1 (ɗa:w4) the:ʔ8 teʔ8 fan1 — lan4 (raŋ4) kaj3 kaj3

— — ɗa:w1 ɗa:w1 te:ʔ8 — fan1 — lan4 ran4 kaj3 kaj3

—

là: — dá:w — — — — — dén ɮa:ŋ˦ — —

—

ɗɯ:ʔ7 tθɯək2 — —

ɬɯ:ʔ7 leʔ4 — —

ɬɯ:k7 ɬɯk7 — —

ɬ[a]k7 ɬɯk7 ɗi3 —

ɬɯaʔ7 ɬɯk8 — —

ɬ[ɯ]ʔ7 ɬɯʔ7 ɗi3 —

ɬiək8

dɯ̠ : ɬœk˧ — —

—

tu:1 — — len4 kaj1

—

— — — — —

—

41

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

兒媳

daughterin-law

*lɯ:k Qi: *C-liw

*hlɯ:k *ɗiʔ *C-liw

42

中文

ɗɯ:ʔ7 tθɯək2 liw1 lɔj1 zaj1 laj4

ɬɯ:ʔ7 — liw1 liw1 zaj1 [n]ajʔ4

ɬɯ:k7 ɬɯk7 liw1 liw1 zaj1 zaj4

ɗi3 ɬɯk7 liw1 liw1 ɬaj4 zaj1

ɬɯaʔ7 ɬɯk8 liw4 lew1 ɬaj4 zaj1

ɗi3 ɬɯʔ7 liw1 li:w4 ɬaj4 tsaj4

ɬiək8 [na:w5]

ear

*Ciləj

*hljəj

[kɔ:1]

耳環

earring two

*C-miŋ *hwi:ŋɦ *hlu:ʔ

miŋ1 viəŋ3 ɗow3 tθa:(j)3

vi:ŋ2 — ɬaw3 law3

hwi:ŋ2 miŋ1 ɬaw3 ɬaw3

viaŋ2 miŋ1 ɬaw3 ɬaw3

viaŋ2 — ɬaw3 ɬaw3

viaŋ5 viŋ2 ɬaw3 ɬaw3

[tshiaw1]

二

*C-miŋ GHl: *lu:ʔ

FA 發抖

tremble

*C-ɲən

*C-ɲən

swear

*C-ma:n

*C-ma:n

發芽

to sprout

發芽

to bud (tree)

*ʔu:t Run: *tunɦ

*ʔu:t *ʔɯt *thunɦ

*ʈa:

*ʈʂha:

ɲan1 ŋjan1 ma:n1 — ʔu:t7 — thun2 thɛn1 tsha:1 —

ɲan1 ɲaŋ1 ma:n1 — ʔu:t7 ʔuk7 thun2 th[ɯ]n1 tsha:1 tsha:1

ɲan1 ɲaŋ1 ma:n1 ma:ŋ1 ʔu:t7 ʔuk7 thun5 thoŋ2 tsha:1 tsha:1

nan4 ɲaŋ1 ma:n4 — ʔu:t7 ʔək8 thun5 — tsha:1 —

ɲa[:]n1 ɲan4 ma:n1 — ʔu:t7 ʔət7 thɯn5 — tsha:1 tsha:1

[tan2]

發誓

ɲen1 — ma:n1 — ʔu:t7 ʔuət2 thun2 thən5 tsha:1 —

ɬiaw4

[mi:n5] [tɔk7] — [ʔa:1]

—

— — dʌw ɬɐw˥

—

ɲén ɲaŋ˧ mán — u̠ ot — — — — —

—

— tháj

tráw

— — — —

Appendix

耳朵

— — líw — zaj ʒaj˧

English

FAN 番石榴 guava

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

CHl:

*kəwʔ

Appendix

中文

tha:j2 — zəɰ2 — vəɰ1 — the:ŋ1 — ɗɯn2 — — lɯn5

— — zaɰ2 — vəɰ1 — the:ŋ1 — ɬɯn2 — — —

— — zaɰ2 — vəɰ1 vəɰ4 the:ŋ1 the:ŋ1 ɬɯn2 — plɯt7 —

ko:3 — zaɰ2 zəɰ2 (vəɰ1) vəɰ1 the:ŋ1 the:ŋ1 ɬɯn5 ɬɯŋ2 plɯt7 plɯŋ2

ko:3 ko:3 — zaɰ2 — — the:ŋ1 thiaŋ1 ɬɯn5 ləŋ3 pɯt7 plɯŋ3

kɔ:3 [thum1] ko:3 — [tsa:m4] (tsam5) vəɰ1 [lu:j4] — the:ŋ1 the:ŋ1 thiaŋ1 ɬɯn3 [ʔe:k9] — plɯt7 [pha:j1 tu:t9] plən3

— — zə̆ ɰ — — — — — — — — plœŋ˥

—

tha:2 tshɔ:5

tha:2 tha:2

tha:2 tha:2

tha:5 tha:2

tha:5 tha:2

tha:5 tha:2

thow1

thá: tha:˨

thá:

翻身

turn over

*jɯ:ɦ

*hjɯ:ɦ

—

煩亂

upset

*C-bɯ:

*ʋɯ:

繁殖

reproduce

*t[ɛ]:ŋ

*th[e]:ŋ

反當

instead of

*lɯnɦ

*hlɯnɦ

反面

opposite

飯

cooked rice

*m-lɯt NCHl: Run: *ta:ɦ

*m-lɯt *m-lɯ:nɦ *m-lɯ:nʔ *tha:ɦ

FANG 方法

way

GHl: CHl:

*pha:jʔ *phət

— —

pha:j3 —

pha:j3 —

— —

phat7 phat7

pha:j3 phat7

phat7

— —

—

方向

direction

*pəjʔ Run:

*phəjʔ *fh[a]:ŋ

phaj3 —

phaj3 —

phaj3 phaj3

pha[:]j3 phaj3

phaj3 fiaŋ1

pha[:]j3 pha:j5 fiaŋ1

fàj —

—

— — — —

43

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

房子

house

GHl:

*m-loŋʔ

紡

weave (fabric)

*wi:

*hwi:

放置

put (down)

*ʈə:nɦ

*ʈʂhə:nɦ

放置

put (down) *[ʈʂ/tç]hɯ:ʔ *sha:n

放

put (on)

NECHl: *sa:n

放

put (in)

GHl:

*fhu:ŋ

放

put (down in)

GHl:

*fhət

放走

let go

*pɯ:ŋʔ

*phɯ:ŋʔ

放蠱

to poison

*C-mi:n

*C-mi:n

放牧

graze

*tu:ʔ

*thu:ʔ

44

中文

luŋ3 pjaŋ3 vej1 — tsho:n2 — — — ta:n1 — fu:ŋ1 — fat7 — phɯ:ŋ3 — mi:n1 — thaw3 —

ploŋ3 pɔŋ3 hwej1 vej1 tsho:n2 tsho:n2 — tshəɰ3 ta:n1 — fu:ŋ1 — fat7 — phɯ:ŋ3 phɯŋ3 mi:n1 — thaw3 thaw3

ploŋ3 plɔŋ3 vej1 vej1 tsho:n5 — — — ta:n1 sa:ŋ1 fu:ŋ1 f[o]ŋ1 fat7 fak7 phɯ:ŋ3 phɯŋ3 mi:n1 miŋ1 thaw3 thaw3

poŋ3 plɔŋ3 vej1 vej1 tshɔ:n5 — — tshaɰ3 ta:n1 tsha:ŋ1 — — fat7 fak8 phɯaŋ3 phɯŋ3 mi:n4 — — thaw3

plɔŋ3 plɔŋ3 vej1 vej1 tshɔ:n5 — — tshaɰ3 ta:n1 tshuan1 fu:ŋ1 fuŋ1 fat7 fa[p]7 phɯ:ŋ3 phɯŋ3 mi:n1 — thaw3 thaw3

[ɬɯ:2] [tshup7] — — [ʔuŋ1] pɔ:ŋ1 — ɓɔŋ5 mi:n5 —

dɯ́ ɤn plɔŋ˥ — — (ʃɔ̆ n) — — — — — — — —

plóŋ

phɯ̀ ɤŋ — — — — —

—

— — — — — —

— —

Appendix

rɯ:n1 — vej1 (huj5) (tsho:n2) han5 — — ta:n1 — (pu:ŋ1) — (pat7) — phɯ:ŋ3 phuəŋ3 mi:n1 — thow3 —

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

FEI 飛

to fly

*Cəʔbin

*ɓin

肥胖

fat

*ru:jʔ

*hru:jʔ

吠

to bark

GHl:

*ʋunʔ

吠

to bark

GHl:

*hrəc

沸騰

boil (intr)

*Cəʔda:n

*ɗa:n

肺

lung

*Cəʔgəwɦ

*kəwɦ

FEN 分配

distribute

*Cəʔgu:ɦ

*ku:ɦ

分贈

give a gift

GHl:

*hri:mʔ

吩咐

instruct

*C-ŋənʔ

*C-ŋənʔ

Appendix

中文

ɓin1 ɓen1 ru:j3 huj4 ŋa:w1 — (gat7) — ɗa:n1 tsɔn1 kaw2 kaw5

ɓin1 ɓen1 gu:j3 vuj3 v[ɯ]n3 — gat7 ŋɔʔ4 ɗa:n1 ɗan1 kaw2 kɔ:2

ɓeɲ1 ɓen1 g[we]j3 guj3 vun3 — gac7 — ɗa:n1 ɗa:ŋ1 kaw2 —

ɓen1 ɓen1 gu:j6 xuj3 fun6 voŋ3 gat8 xat7 ɗa:n1 ɗa:ŋ1 k[aw]5 ko:2

ɓen1 ɓen1 hu:j6 xuj3 vun6 voŋ3 — xat8 ɗa:n1 ɗa:ŋ1 ko:5 ko:2

ɓin1 ɓen1 hu:j6 khuj3 v[u]n3 v[ɔ]ŋ6 hat8 — ɗa:n1 ɗuan1 kɔ:5 ko:5

fin4

kow2 — (gi:m3) — ŋen3 ŋ[ə]n1

kaw2 — gi:m3 — ŋan3 ŋan3

kaw2 kaw2 gi:m3 — ŋan3 ŋaŋ3

kow5 — gi:m6 xim3 ŋan3 ŋaŋ3

ko:5 kaw2 hi:m6 xim3 ŋan6 ŋaŋ3

kɔ:5 kɔ:1 kaw5 [z]i:m6 — khim3 ŋan3 ŋa:n1 ŋan6

kuj1 [ki:w1] [tsu:t9] [puət8] [vuəŋ4]

bín pen˧ dùoj huj˥ kà̆ w — ɣɐ̠t — dán — kʌ̆w ko:˨

—

kʌ̆w — — — — —

—

uj bɯ́ ɤn — — —

— —

45

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

墳墓

grave

焚燒

to burn

*ʔinʔ Meifu: *Cəʔbəŋ

*ʔinʔ *jinʔ *ɓəŋ

粉刺

pimple

*Cu[d/ɖ]ut Qi: NCHl:

*Cuɾut *ɾwup *[tç]ɯ:n

FENG 風

the wind

封住

sealed

*wiw CHl: *lun

*hwiw *hŋwə:t *hlun

鋒利

sharp

*lin

*hlin

*[c/ç]ə:m

*tçhə:m

*C-nəmʔ

*C-nəmʔ

GHl:

*kə:j

*C-ɲəp

*C-ɲəp

蜂蜜

縫

honey

sew

ʔin3 — ɓoŋ1 — rut7 tsɯn1

ʔin3 ʔen3 ɓaŋ1 ɓaŋ1 rut7 —

ʔeɲ3 zen3 ɓaŋ1 — vut7 —

ʔen3 zen3 ɓaŋ1 ɓaŋ1 fɯp8 tɯn1

ʔen3 (zen3) ɓaŋ1 ɓaŋ1 — fok8

ʔin3 ʔen3 ɓaŋ1 ɓɔŋ1 (lup8) —

—

viw1 hɔt4 ɗun1 — ɗin1 — tsham1 tsham1 nom3 nam3 (ko:j1) kɔ:1 ɲop7 ɲap2

viw1 ŋɔʔ4 ɬun1 — ɬin1 — tsho:m1 sɔn1 nam3 nan3 ko:j1 kɔj1 ɲap7 —

hwo:t7 vo:k7 ɬun1 — ɬeɲ1 — tsho:m1 tsho:m1 nom3 nam3 ko:j1 ko:j1 ɲop7 ɲap7

viw4 vo:k7 ɬun1 ɬoŋ1 ɬen1 ɬen1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 nam3 nam3 ka:j1 ko:j1 ɲop7 ɲap7

vɔ:t8 (voʔ7) — ɬoŋ1 — ɬen1 tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 nam6 nam3 ka:j1 kuaj1 nap8 ɲap8

vɔ:t7 vət8 ɬun1 ɬən1 — ɬen1 tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 nam3 nam6 ka:j1 — ɲap7 ɲap8

vɯat7

ɓɔŋ5 lup8

[pu:k7] — tshiam1 na:m1 [tej1] ɲɔ:p9

ìn — — — — —

—

víw vu:ʔ˥ — — — — ʃám — — — (kɔ́ j) — ɲóp ɲa:p˧

—

— —

— — — — — —

Appendix

English

46

中文

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

FU 孵

incubate to prostrate

伏擊

ambush

*phə:k *C-mok *C-mok *Cuɦə:mʔ *thɯmʔ *thomʔ

phak7 phak2 (muk7) — thɯm3 tham3

pho:ʔ7 — muk7 — thɯm3 —

pho:k7 pho:k7 mo[:]k7 — thom3 thom3

mok7 pho:k7 mok7 (ŋom2) thom3 thom3

moʔ8 mɔk8 mok7 ŋuam3 — thom3

mɔk7 mɔ:k9 mɔk8 — [phak7] ɱuam6 th[a]m3 tham1 th[ua]m3

phɐ́k — — — — —

—

伏

*pə:k CHl: GHl: Run: *tɯmʔ GHl:

浮

float

*Cəʔbəw

*ɓəw

axe

腐爛

rotten

[*Cəʔbuəɦ] NWCHl: *tuj

*ɓuəɦ *Cuɦa:ɲ *thuj

腐朽

decay

*tɯ:m

*thɯ:m

父親

father

富

rich

覆蓋

cover up

*pa:ʔ Run: *C-b[ɛ]:ŋ CHl: *pɯt

*pha:ʔ *ɓa:ɦ *ʋ[e]:ŋ *C-mun *phɯt

ɓaw1 — ɓua2 ŋwɔn1 thuj1 thoj1 thɯ:m1 — pha:3 — ve:ŋ1 — phɯt7 —

ɓow1 ɓaw1 ɓua2 — thuj1 thuj1 thɯ:m1 — pha:3 — ve:ŋ1 ve:ŋ4 phɯt7 —

ɓaw1 ɓaw1 ɓua5 — thuj1 thuj1 thɯ:m1 thɯm1 pha:3 — mun1 ve:ŋ1 phɯt7 phək7

ɓaw1 ɓaw1 ɓua5 ɓu:2 thuj1 thoj1 thu:m1 thɯm1 pha:3 ɓa:2 mun4 moŋ1 (khop9) —

ɓow1 ɓaw1 ɓua5 ɓu:5 thuj1 thow1 thɯ:m1 thom1 pha:3 ɓa:5 — m[u]n4 — phət[8]

báw — buă pu:˩ — — — — phà: pa:˨ — moŋ˧ — —

—

斧子

ɓaw1 — ɓua2 ŋɔn1 thuj1 thoj1 thɯ:m1 — pha:3 — ve:ŋ1 vɛŋ4 phɯt7 —

— — thɯj5 ɗɔm1 po:5 [ɬaj4 hɯa2] [khɔp7]

— —

— — — bà: — —

47

48

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

覆蓋

cover up

CHl:

*m-lom

— —

— —

plom2 —

plom5 —

— plom2

[ts]um5 — plom5

— plom˨

—

GAI 蓋

to cover

*sunʔ

*shunʔ

to cover

CHl:

*khop

蓋

to cover (blanket)*som

*shom

蓋

to cover (blanket)

CHl:

*kɯ:ŋɦ

tun3 — — — tom1 — —

tun3 — khop7 — tom1 som1 —

(tu:n6) s[ɔ]ŋ3 khop7 kh[a]p7 — som1 kɯ:ŋ5

— — khop7 — tom1 — kɯaŋ5

— — khɔp7 — tom1 — —

— — — — tóm — —

—

蓋

tun3 — — khap5 tom1 — —

蓋子

lid

GHl:

*hŋə:t

— — kat4

— ko:t7 kɔʔ4

— ko:t7 ko:k7

— ko:t8 ko:k7

kɯŋ2 khɔ:t8 (kɔt8)

kɯŋ5 kɔ:t8 ku:t8

GAN 乾

dry (clothes)

GHl:

*ɗa:w

乾涸

dry

*[k/x]ɯ:ɦ

*khɯ:ɦ

乾飯

dry rice

*ta:ɦ

*tha:ɦ

— — khəɰ2 khɔ:5 tha:2 tshɔ:2

ɗa:w1 — khaɰ2 khaw2 tha:2 —

ɗa:w1 — khaɰ2 khaɰ2 tha:2 —

ɗa:w1 ɗa:w1 khaɰ5 khəɰ2 tha:5 —

ɗa:w1 ɗa:w1 khaɰ5 khaɰ2 tha:5 tha:2

ɗa:w1 ɗa:w1 khaɰ5 khaɰ5 tha:5 tha:5

— khɔp7 tsam2 —

ŋɯt8

—

thow1

— taw˧ khə̆ ɰ — — —

— —

—

— — —

Appendix

kha:1

kɯŋ˨ — ku:ʔ˧

—

English

Proto-Hlai

*C-m[ɛ]:k

*C-m[e]:k

me:ʔ7 —

me:ʔ7 mɛʔ4

me:k7 —

me:ʔ7 —

me:ʔ8 meʔ8

me:ʔ7 —

—

*tçhi:ŋɦ *C-li:ŋɦ *hŋwə:j *C-mən *C-mu:ŋ

tshi:ŋ2 — va:j1 h[ɔ]j4 — — maj3 ma:(j)3 ŋa:n1 ŋɔn1 lu:t7 — — — nan2 — — — ɗam1 —

tshi:ŋ2 — man1 ŋɔjʔ4 — — ma:j3 maj3 ŋa:n1 ŋan1 lu:t7 — — — to:n2 — — — ɬo:m1 lɔn1

tshi:ŋ2 liŋ2 man1 maŋ1 — — ma:j3 ma:j3 ŋa:n1 ŋa:ŋ1 lu:t7 — lu:j3 — to:n2 to:ŋ2 ʔaɰ2 (ʔəɰ4) ɬo:m1 —

— tshiŋ2 man1 maŋ1 mu:ŋ1 — ma:j3 ma:j3 ŋa:n1 ŋa:ŋ1 lu:t7 — lu:j3 — to:n2 to:ŋ2 ʔaɰ5 ʔəɰ2 — —

liaŋ2 tshiŋ2 — maŋ1 muaŋ4 — ma:j6 ma:j3 ŋa:n4 ŋa:ŋ1 — hu:1 lu:j6 — thɔ:n2 tuaŋ2 — ʔaɰ2 — —

liaŋ5 tshiŋ5 — man4 mu:ŋ1 — ma:j3 muaj6 ŋa:n1 ŋuan4 (hwa5) hu:1 lu:j3 — tɔ:n2 t[u]n2 — ʔaɰ5 — —

tshiəŋ5

乾淨

clean

甘薯

yam

甘薯

yam

*[c/ç]i:ŋɦ CHl: *ŋwə:j GHl: Qi:

甘蔗

sugarcane

*C-ma[:]jʔ

*C-ma[:]jʔ

肝

liver

*C-ŋa:n

*C-ŋa:n

趕

drive cattle

趕

hurry

*C-lu:t Run: ECHl:

*C-lu:t *ɦuə *C-lu:jʔ

趕上

overtake

*nə:nɦ

*hnə:nɦ

敢

dare

CHl:

*ʔɯ:ɦ

感冒

catch cold

GHl:

*hlə:m

— —

ʃiĕŋ tʃhi:ŋ˨ mɔ:n1 vàj — — — — mɯaj1 màj ma:j˥ ŋuən1 ŋán — [hua2] — — — — — [phe:k9 khuən1] nɐ̆n — — — — [mɯ2] dɐ́m —

— — mùon — — — — — — — —

49

Pre-Hlai

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*[k/x]ət

*khət

khet7 —

khat7 —

khat7 —

— khak7

— —

khat7 —

[vɯat7]

— —

—

(ʔan3) — na[:]w3 — (ko:ŋ3) — h[a]t7 —

ʔan3 — naw3 — ko:ŋ3 — ha:t7 —

ʔan3 ʔan3 naw3 — ko:ŋ3 — hwa:c7 —

ʔan3 ʔan3 no:[6] no:3 ko:ŋ3 — hwa:t7 —

ʔan3 — no:6 no:3 kɔ:ŋ3 kuaŋ3 h[uaʔ]7 —

ʔan3 — nɔ:3 no:6 kɔ:ŋ3 kuaŋ3 hwa:t[8] —

[tsa:t9]

— — — — — — — —

—

pha:ʔ7 phɛk2 — —

phe:ʔ7 phɛʔ4 ɬin1 —

phe:k7 phe:ʔ7 ɬeɲ1 —

phe:ʔ7 phɯ:2 ɬen1 ɬen1

phe:ʔ7 pheʔ8 ɬen1 ɬen1

phe:ʔ7 phiaʔ7 ɬin1 ɬen1

— — — —

tsəɰ1 — ʔiw2 —

tsəɰ1 — ʔu:k7 —

tsəɰ1 tsəɰ1 — —

tsaw5 — — —

tsaw5 — [pl]əɰ1 ʔu:ʔ7 — —

a moment ago

GHl:

*ʔənʔ

剛剛

just (now)

*C-nəwʔ

*C-nəwʔ

缸

jar

GHl:

*kə:ŋʔ

鋼

steel

*Cuɣa:c

*Cuɦa:c

GAO 高

high

*pa:k

*pha:k

高興

happy

GHl:

*hlin

testicles

GHl: Qi ECHl:

*tçɯ: *tçəwɦ *ʔu:k

[tsa:t9] kɔ:ŋ1 huaʔ7

phɯ:5 —

— — —

fa̠: phek˧ — —

phɛ́t

— — — —

—

—

—

Appendix

GANG 剛才

睪丸

50

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*jɯ:m

*hjɯ:m

*ma:nʔ Run:

*hma:nʔ *m-ləjʔ

GE 哥哥

elder brother

*ʔ[ɛ]:ŋʔ

*ʔ[e]:ŋʔ

哥哥

elder brother

CHl:

*hləwʔ

胳臂

arm

*[k/x]i:n

*khi:n

胳肢

armpit

*Cəʔɟək GHl: GHl:

*tçək *tçi *ɾik *thət *khi:wɦ *thu[n/ɲ] *ɦom

割

reap

割

reap

*tət CHl: *tu[n/ɲ]

個

object clsfr

*C-ɣom

zɯ:m1 zunʔ4 — —

zɯ:m1 — — —

zɯ:m4 zum1 pa:n6 pa:ŋ3

zu:m4 — pha:n3 plaj3

zɯ:m1 — pa:n6 plaj3

tsum1

ʔe:ŋ3 — — — khi:n1 khin1 tsok7 — — lik1 thet7 khiw5 thun1 — hom1 —

ʔe:ŋ3 — — — khi:n1 kh[i:]1 tsi2 tsi1 ri[t]7 (liʔ5) that7 khi:2 thun1 — hom1 (hon5)

ʔe:ŋ3 — ɬaw3 — khi:n1 khiŋ1 tsak7 — rik[8] — khi:w2 khiw2 — — hom1 hom1

ʔe:ŋ3 — — ɬaw3 khi:n1 khiŋ1 — tshok7 [ts]i[t]7 — — khiw2 thun1 — hom1 hom1

ʔe:ŋ3 — — — khi:n1 khiŋ1 tsi3 — — rek7 — khiw2 thun1 — hom1 hom1

ʔe:ŋ3 — — — khi:n1 khin1 tsi1 — (lit9) — — khiw5 thɯn1 — hum1 hom1

ʔe:ŋ1

pɔ:n2

— [tɯ:n1] tsi1 lit7 — [phɯ:w1] kɔ:m4

— — — —

—

ɛ̀ŋ — — — xíen — — — — — thét — — — hóm —

ɛ́ŋ

—

— — — — — — —

51

zɯ:m1 zum1 — —

Appendix

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

個

person clsfr

*Cəʔɟu:n

*tçu:n

個

animal clsfr

*C-ləŋ

*C-ləŋ

個

child clsfr

*C-ɣɯ:ʔ

*ɦɯ:ʔ

GEI 給

give

給

give

CHl: NCHl: *Cəʔdɯ:

GEN 根

root

跟

with

*ri:w CHl Qi: NCHl: Run: *Cu[d/ɖ]u:

tsu:n1 — — — həɰ3 —

tsu:n1 tsunʔ4 — — haɰ3 —

tsu:n1 — — — haɰ3 —

tsu:n1 tsuŋ1 laŋ1 — haɰ3 həɰ3

tsu:n1 — laŋ1 laŋ1 haɰ3 —

tsu:n1 — laŋ1 lɔŋ4 — haɰ3

[ŋuən1]

*hnɯ:ŋɦ *ku:ɦ *ɗɯ:

— tsɯəŋ5 ɗəɰ1 —

— tɛn2 ɗəɰ1 ɗɛ:1

tɯ:ŋ2 kaw2 — —

— tɯŋ2 ɗəɰ1 —

— kaw2 ɗəɰ1 —

— kaw2 ɗəɰ1 —

[mɯan1]

*hri:w *ki: *hwən *khɯ:ŋɦ *ɾi:p *Cuɾu:

ri:w khɯəŋ5

gi:w khɛŋ2

kej1 khɯ:ŋ[3]

van4 kej1

van4 rip8

van1 rip8

[tat7]

row1 vow4

row1 [ŋ]ɛwʔ4

vow1 [g]ow4

fow4 ɣow1

— (fow4)

[v]ow[1] [ɗuən1] fow1

— —

—

tʃúon — lóŋ laŋ˧ hə̀ ɰ —

—

— kɐw˨ də́ ɰ —

—

díew ɮi:p˧

—

— —

—

— —

—

Appendix

English

52

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

GONG 弓

bow

*C-bəc

*ʋəc

弓弦

bowstring

GHl:

*hru:

公雞

rooster

*pa:ʔ

*pha:ʔ

*[k/x]əj

*khəj

*Ci[d/r]a:n

*[ɾ/hr]ja:n

*Cəʔgu:n

*ku:n

*pa:ʔ

*pha:ʔ

*C-na:w

*C-na:w

CHl:

*shujʔ

*ʔu[:]ŋɦ

*ʔu[:]ŋɦ

公路

road

公水牛 buffalo steer

共同

together

Appendix

中文

vat[9] viat4 (gow1) — pha:3 phɔ:3 khaj1 khaj1 za:n1 — ku:n1 — pha:3 — na:w1 na:w1 — — ʔ[u]ŋ2 —

vat7 vaʔ4 gow1 — pha:3 pha:3 khaj1 khaj1 za:n1 — — kun1 pha:3 pha:3 na:w1 — — foj3 ʔu:ŋ2 —

vac7 vat7 gow1 gow4 pha:3 — khaj1 — ra:n1 — ku:n1 — pha:3 pha:3 na:w1 na:w1 — — ʔu:ŋ2 ʔuŋ2

fat8 vat7 gow4 xow1 — pha:3 khaj1 khaj1 ta:n4 (ra:n1) ku:n1 kuŋ1 pha:3 pha:3 na:w1 na:w1 — — ʔu:ŋ5 ʔuŋ2

vat8 vat8 how4 [h]ow1 pha:3 pha:3 khaj1 khaj1 — — — kuŋ1 — — na:w4 na:w1 tuj3 tshoj3 ʔuaŋ5 ʔuŋ2

vat7 vat8 how4 — — pha:3 khaj1 khaj1 ta:n4 — ku:n1 — pha:3 — na:w1 na:w4 — tshow3 ʔu:ŋ5 —

[vi:2] [tɯj1] — khaj1 [puan2] — — now1 tshej1 [leŋ5]

va̠t vat˧ — — fà: — xáj — — — kúon — — — — — — — úoŋ —

— — — — — — — — — —

53

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*tə:ŋʔ

*thə:ŋʔ

offer food

*ru:k

*hru:k

供飯

offer food

CHl:

*tha:ɦ

CHl:

*tçhə:j

*ma:

*hma:

*[c/ç]ip

*tçhip

*lɯ:k Qi: *la:k

*hlɯ:k *ɗiʔ *hla:k

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

GOU 狗

dog

狗豆子 dogbean

GU 孤兒

姑

orphan

husband’s sister

thaŋ3 — ru:ʔ7 — — — — —

tho:ŋ3 thoŋ3 gu:ʔ7 — — — — —

tho:ŋ3 tho:ŋ3 gu:k7 guʔ7 — — — —

tho:ŋ3 tho:ŋ3 gu:ʔ8 xuk7 — — — —

thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3 — — tha:5 tha:2 tsha:j1 tshuaj1

thɔ:ŋ3 — — — tha:5 tha:5 tsha:j1 tshu:j1

[lem1]

ma:1 — tship7 —

pa:1 paʔ4 tship7 —

pa:1 pa:4 tship7 —

pa:4 pa:1 tship7 tshep7

pha:4 pa:1 tship7 tshep8

pa:4 pa:4 tship7 tshep7

pow4

ɗɯ:ʔ7 tθɯək2 [l]a:ʔ7 — mej3 —

ɬɯ:ʔ7 — ɬe:ʔ7 — (mej3) —

ɬɯ:k7 — ɬe:k7 — pɯ(1) —

ɗi3 ɬɯk7 ɬe:ʔ7 ɬɯ:2 — paj3

ɬɯaʔ7 ɬɯk8 ɬe:ʔ7 ɬeʔ8 phaj6 paj3

ɗi3 ɬɯʔ7 ɬe:ʔ7 ɬiaʔ7 — —

ɬiək8

— thow1 [vɯat9]

tshep7

ɬak9 ɬɯa2 —

thàŋ — — — — — — —

—

má: pa:˧ — —

pà̆ :

ɗɯ̠ : — [l]a̋: ɬɛʔ˧ — —

—

— — —

—

— —

Appendix

供飯

54

中文

姑父 姑父 姑母 姑母 姑母 姑娘

English

Pre-Hlai

*Cəʔdɯ:ŋ CHl: Qi: Father’s younger *jəwʔ sister’s husband Father’s elder *[c/ç]i:ʔ sister’s husband Father’s *C-wɯ:ʔ younger sister Father’s younger sister Run: Father’s *ŋi:n elder sister girl *lɯ:k *ʔu:ŋ

Proto-Hlai *ɗɯ:ŋ *ʋ[a]:ŋ *hŋi:n *hjəwʔ *tçhi:ʔ *C-wɯ:ʔ

*hwa:ɦ *hŋi:n *hlɯ:k *ʔu:ŋ

bone

*Cu[d/ɖ]ɯ:k *Cuɾɯ:k

古代

ancient

GHl: Qi: GHl: CHl:

*phɯ:n *Cuɾa: *hja: *C-ma:n

ɗɯ:ŋ1 —

ve:ŋ1 —

ki:n4 —

ve:ŋ4 viaŋ1

ki:n4 —

ŋiən2

— —

—

zaw3 — tshej3 — pəɰ3 — — — ŋi:n1 — ɬɯ:k7 tθɯək2 ʔu:ŋ1 — rɯ:ʔ7 vɯək4 — — ɲoŋ3 —

zaw3 — tshaj3 — faɰ3 — — — (ŋi:n1) — ɬɯ:ʔ7 lɛʔ4 ʔu:ŋ1 — rɯ:ʔ7 vuʔ4 phɯ:n1 — za:1 —

zaw3 zo:3 tshaj3 — faɰ3 — — — ki:n1 — ɗɯ:ʔ7 ɬɯk7 ʔu:ŋ1 ʔuŋ1 vɯ:k7 kɯʔ7 phɯ:n1 — za:1 —

zo:6 zo:3 tshaj3 tshaj3 faɰ3 — — — ki:n4 kiŋ1 ɬɯ:ʔ7 ɬɯk7 ʔu:ŋ1 ʔuŋ1 fɯ:ʔ8 ɣɯk7 phɯ:n1 phɯŋ1 ma:n1 ma:ŋ1

zo:6 zo:3 tsh[i:]3 tsh[ɯ]j3 faɰ3 faɰ3 — va:5 khi:n4 (kiŋ4) ɬɯaʔ7 ɬɯk8 ʔuaŋ1 ʔuŋ1 fɯaʔ8 fɯk8 fa:4 phɯŋ1 ma:n4 ma:ŋ1

zɔ:3 zo:6 tshaj3 (taj5) faɰ3 — — va:2 ki:n4 — ɬɯʔ7 ɬɯʔ7 ʔu:ŋ1 ʔuŋ1 fɯ:ʔ8 fɯʔ8 fa:4 — ma:n1 muan[5]

tsi:w1

— — — — — — — — — ki:ŋ˦ — — — — drɯ̠ : fɯk˧ — — — —

—

tsha:j1 [fi:4] — ŋiən2 — ʔu:1 liək10 — —

— — — — — — fɯ̠ ok — —

55

骨頭

ɗɯ:ŋ1 —

Appendix

中文

56

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

谷倉

granary

*ja:wʔ

*hja:wʔ

— —

za:w3 zaw3

za:w3 za:w3

za:w6 za:w3

za:w6 za:w3

— za:w6

—

— —

—

谷粒

a grain

*C-ɣa:p

*ɦa:p

*C-ləŋ

*C-ləŋ

ha:p7 ha:p7 laŋ1 laŋ1

ha:p7 ha:p7 laŋ1 laŋ1

ha:p7 ha:p8 laŋ4 laŋ1

ha:p7 hap7 laŋ1 lɔŋ4

— — lóŋ —

—

drum

ha:p7 — laŋ1 —

[pə:k8]

鼓

ha:p7 hɔp2 loŋ1 leŋ1

GUA 瓜棚

squash lattice

寡婦

widow

掛

hang up

*[ʈ/c]un CHl: *ka:ɦ

*[ʈʂ/tç]hun *hmə:jʔ *kha:ɦ

掛

hang up

Qi:

*hŋəp

掛搭

set up

*C-ɣu:j

*ɦu:j

the:ŋ3 — tha:w1 — mej3 ɓaj4 tshun1 — kha:2 — — — hu:j1 —

— theŋ3 tha:w1 ŋɛn2 (mej3) — tshun1 — kha:2 kha:2 — — hu:j1 —

the:ŋ3 the:ŋ3 tha:w1 — paj3 — tshun1 — kha:2 kha:2 — — hu:j1 —

— the:ŋ3 gɯn2 — p[i:]6 paj3 pa:j6 — kha:5 kha:2 kap8 — — huj1

— thiaŋ[2] [k]ɯn[5] xəŋ2 phaj6 paj3 pha:j6 puaj3 kha:5 kha:2 khap8 — — huj1

— thiaŋ[2] hɯn2 khən5 p[i:]6 paj6 pa:j6 pu:j6 kha:5 kha:5 kap8 — — —

— — thà:w xœŋ˨ mèj — ʃʊ́ n — xă: kha:˨ — — — —

—

scratch

*th[e]:ŋʔ *the:ŋɦ *tha:w *hrɯn *hmi:ʔ

[luŋ4]

刮

*t[ɛ]:ŋʔ Run: *ta:w CHl: *mi:ʔ

lɔ:ŋ1

[kɔ:t9] ma:j5 puəj4 — kap8

— — — — — —

Appendix

—

là̆ ŋ

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

GUAN 關

to close

官

an official

*C-ŋət NCHl: *C-mun

*C-ŋət *hŋə:t *C-mun

棺材

coffin

*ʈəj

*ʈʂhəj

GHl:

*koŋɦ

Appendix

中文

ŋet7 kat4 mun1 mən1 tshaj1 — (kuŋ2) — (po:j3) — kaj1 —

ŋat7 kɔʔ4 mun1 muɛn1 tshaj1 haj1 kuŋ2 maw3 po:j3 — kaj1 kaj1

ŋat7 ŋak7 mun1 mon1 tshaj1 — koŋ2 — po:j3 — kaj1 —

ŋat7 ŋak7 mun1 moŋ1 tshaj1 tshaj1 koŋ5 k[o]ŋ2 pa:j6 — kaj1 kaj1

ŋat8 koʔ8 mun4 moŋ1 — — — — pha:j6 puaj3 kaj1 kaj1

ŋat7 k[oʔ]8 mun1 mən4 — — — — pa:j6 pu:j6 kaj1 kaj1

ŋat7 [hɯa2] tshaj1 [tɔ:2] puəj4

ŋét ku:k˧ mʊ́ n — — — — — — — — —

— — — —

鰥寡

widowed

GHl:

*hmə:jʔ

罐子

jar

*Cəʔgəj

*kəj

GUI 歸還

to return (tr)

*sut Run:

*shut *ɾuəʔ

tut7 —

tut7 —

tut7 sok7

tut7 sok7

tut7 ru3

tɯt7 ru6

tsɔk7

— —

—

鬼

spirit

*wə:t

*hwə:t

CHl:

*ʈʂhə:j

跪

kneel

*ku:jɦ Qi:

*khu:jɦ *phut

hwo:t7 — — — — —

vo:t8 — — — — —

vɔ:t8 — tsha:j1 tshuaj1 phut7 khuj2

vɔ:t7 — tsha:j1 tshu:j1 phut7 khuj5

vɐ́t — — tʃhuaj˧ xúoj —

—

spirit

vo:t7 — — hɔj1 khu:j2 —

vɯat9

鬼

vat7 — — hɔ:1 khu:j2 khuj5

[lej5]

—

—

— —

57

phut7

—

58

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

GUN 滾

roll

*C-lun

*C-lun

lun1 —

lun1 —

lun1 loŋ1

lun1 loŋ1

lun4 —

lun1 (lin4)

[lam1 lin1]

— —

—

GUO 鍋

pot

*təw

*thəw

*Cəʔgin CHl: *təw

*kin *thiŋ *thəw

thaw1 thaw1 keɲ1 ken1 thaw1 — tsho:m1 (ham1) ɗua3 ɗu:3

thaw1 thaw1 thiŋ1 ken1 thaw1 thaw1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 gwa:j1 ɗu:3

thaw1 thaw1 thiŋ1 then1 — thaw1 tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 va:j1 ku:[2]

thaw1 thaw1 thiŋ1 then1 — — tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 hwa:j1 —

thàw thɐw˥ — — — — ʃam hom˥ kuà —

—

rice crust

thaw1 thaw1 kin1 — thaw1 — tsho:m1 hɔn1 kua3 ɗuə3

ɗaw1

鍋巴

thaw1 tshaw1 kin1 ken1 thaw1 tshaw1 tsham1 ham1 kua3 kuə3

— — rej1 —

— — gej1 ŋɛjʔ4

— — gej1 gej4

te:ʔ8 — la:j3 xej1

the:ʔ8 teʔ8 la:j6 la:j3

te:ʔ8 tiaʔ7 la:j3 luaj6

[paŋ1]

kɯ́ — déj —

—

fruit

*ʈə:m

*ʈʂhə:m

過(渡)

pass

[*Cəʔguəʔ] CHl: Qi:

*kuəʔ *ɗuə *Cuhrə:j

HAI 害羞

shy

CHl:

*ɾjɛ:k

*ri: CHl:

*hri: *C-la:jʔ

— [mɯat7] kua5

[la:1]

— — — —

—

Appendix

果子

—

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

HAN 含

contain

GHl:

*fhə:m

含羞草 Mimosa pudica

CHl:

*hŋənʔ

GHl:

*tçə:n

*C-ŋut

*C-ŋut

*C-nəmʔ

*C-nəmʔ

*Cuʔən

*Cuʔən

GHl:

*C-nəmʔ

GHl:

*tha:mʔ *khi:

汗

汗垢

sweat

dirty sweat

汗垢

dirty sweat

*ki:

旱

dry

*C-[d/ɖ]a:nɦ *ɾa:nɦ NCHl: *C-ŋa:t

Appendix

中文

(po:m1 — tshaj1 — — —

fo:m1) — ɓəɰ1 — tso:n1 —

fo:m1 fo:m1 kan3 — tso:n1 —

fo:m1 fo:m1 kan6 kaŋ3 tso:n1 tso:ŋ1

fɔ:m1 fuam1 khan6 kaŋ3 tsɔ:n1 tsuaŋ1

fɔ:m1 fuam1 kan6 kan6 tsɔ:n1 tu:n1

[tɔm5]

ŋut7 — nom3 — ʔen1 von1 — — — — khej1 khɛj1 ra:n2 ŋɔt2

ŋut7 — nam3 — ʔan1 ʔwan1 nam3 — tha:m3 — — khɛj1 ra:n2 —

ŋut7 — nom3 nam3 ʔw[om3] (van1) nom3 — tha:m3 tha:m3 khej1 khej1 ra:n2 —

ŋut7 ŋok7 nam3 nam3 [ʔ]wan1 ɣaŋ1 nam3 — tha:m3 tha:m3 — — ra:n2 ra:ŋ2

ŋut8 ŋok8 nam6 nam3 van1 vaŋ1 nam6 — tha:m3 — — khej1 la:n2 ra:ŋ2

ŋut7 ŋət8 nam3 nam6 ʔwan1 van1 — — tha:m3 — — — la:n2 ŋuat8

ŋɔk7

kə:n4 [thaw1]

— [ʔɯat7] na:m1 [nɯa1] — [kha:1]

— — — — — —

—

— — nòm nam˥ én vaŋ˧ — — — — — — — ŋuɑt˧

—

— —

nàm vwɐn — — — —

59

English

旱螞蟥 land leech

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*ta:k

*tha:k

60

中文

tha:ʔ7 — ŋa:n2 ŋan1 ma:j1 mɔ:1

the:ʔ7 — ŋa:n2 — mo:j1 —

the:k7 the:ʔ7 ŋa:n2 ŋa:n2 mo:j1 mo:j1

the:ʔ7 thɯ:2 — ŋa:n2 ma:j1 mo:j1

the:ʔ7 theʔ8 — — ma:j4 muaj1

the:ʔ7 thiaʔ7 — — ma:j1 mu:j4

ɗɯa5 —

— — — — má:j —

—

旱鴨

land duck

*C-ŋa:nɦ

*C-ŋa:nɦ

漢人

Chinese

*C-mə:j

*C-mə:j

HANG 行

row (clsfr)

*rə:jɦ

*hrə:jɦ

ra:j2 —

go:j2 —

go:j2 —

ga:j2 xo:j2

— xuaj2

ga:j2 —

tuj5

dà:j —

—

HAO 毫豬

porcupine

*Cəʔdəj

*ɗəj

*lin

*hlin

ɗaj1 ɗaj1 ɬeɲ1 ɬen1

ɗaj1 ɗaj1 ɬen1 ɬen1

ɗaj1 ɗaj1 ɬen1 ɬen1

ɗaj1 ɗaj1 ɬin1 ɬen1

— — dín ɬen˧

—

good

ɗaj1 — ɬin1 len1

ti:1

好

ɗaj1 ɗaj1 ɗin1 tθen1

HE 喝

drink

CHl:

*Ciɦa:w

*ru:nɦ Meifu:

*hru:nɦ *ku:nɦ

hja:w1 — (ku:n2) kuŋ2

— ɲa:w1 gu:n2 kuŋ2

— — — —

hja:w1 — gu:n2 —

— — — —

—

drink

— — gu:n2 —

—

喝

— — ru:n2 —

muəj1

[maŋ1]

—

tlen

—

Appendix

ku:n5

—

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*tə:ŋʔ

*thə:ŋʔ

thaŋ3 —

tho:ŋ3 —

tho:ŋ3 tho:ŋ3

tho:ŋ3 tho:ŋ3

—-thuaŋ3

thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3

[leŋ5 lem1]

— —

—

*ʔu:ŋɦ Run: *ʔiwɦ CHl:

*ʔu:ŋɦ *C-məj *ʔiwɦ *ʔu:k

ʔu:ŋ2 — ʔiw2 —

ʔu:ŋ2 — ʔiw2 ʔuʔ4

ʔu:ŋ2 ʔuŋ2 ʔu:k7 —

ʔu:ŋ5 ʔuŋ2 ʔu:ʔ7 —

ʔuaŋ5 maj1 ʔuaʔ7 —

ʔu:ŋ5 maj1 ʔu:ʔ7 ʔuʔ7

[ɓe:1]

úoŋ — — —

—

和

and

核

fruit pit

HEI 黑色

black

*Cəʔdəmʔ

*ɗəmʔ

ɗom3 —

ɗam3 ɗan3

ɗom3 ɗam3

ɗam3 ɗam3

ɗam3 ɗam3

ɗ[ə]m3 [tshej1] ɗam3

dòm tam˥

—

HENG 橫

horizontal

*C-ɣən

*ɦən

hen1 —

han1 —

han1 —

han1 haŋ1

han1 haŋ1

han1 han1

[tiam1]

— —

—

HONG 烘

bake

*Curɯmʔ

*Cuhrɯmʔ

GHl:

*ʔi:ŋ

紅色

red

GHl: Qi:

*hra:nʔ *hla:t

gɯm3 kum1 — — ga:n3 —

gɯm6 ɣum3 — — ga:n3 xa:ŋ3

— — ʔiaŋ1 ʔiŋ1 ɬa:t7 —

hɯm6 — — ʔiŋ1 ɬa:t7 —

d[ù]m — — — dɛ̀ŋ —

—

bake

gɯm3 — ʔi:ŋ1 ʔiŋ1 ga:n3 ŋan3

[ŋuət9]

烘

rɯm3 — — ʔiəŋ1 ɗe:ŋ3 —

[hɯət7]

— [ɬɯ:n4]

Appendix

中文

—

— tla̰:

61

English

紅螞蟻 red ant

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*muc

*hmuc

*Cuɣɯ:ʔ

*Cuɦɯ:ʔ

62

中文

mut7 — həɰ3 — ku:ŋ1 koŋ1

put7 puɛʔ4 haɰ3 — ku:ŋ1 kun1

— — hwaɰ3 — ku:ŋ1 —

— — gwaɰ3 ŋəɰ3 ku:ŋ1 kuŋ1

— — ʔuk7 — tsaw1 —

tsho[p7] — tshun1 — tsaw1 —

紅藤

red vine

*Cəʔgu:ŋ Run:

虹

rainbow

CHl:

*ku:ŋ *kat *C-mɛ:k *tçhomʔ

*ʔok CHl: *Cəʔɟəw Qi:

*ʔok *ʈʂhun *tçəw *tçut

mej3 tshɔ[ŋ]3 ʔok7 hən1 tsaw1 —

— pət8 [ʔ]waɰ3 — ku:ŋ1 kat7 miaʔ[7] tshɔm3 — tshu[m]1 tshən1 tsɯt7 t[s]aw1

—

tshom3 mɯ3 — — tsut7 tsaw1

— — vaɰ3 ŋaɰ3 kuaŋ1 kat8 meʔ8 tsh[a]m3 — tshun1 — — tsaw1

[ku:t9] kiət7

tsɔŋ2 tɔŋ1

coax

tsɯt7

HOU 喉嚨

throat

GHl: Run:

*khə:k *thi:w

(kho:ʔ9) —

kho:ʔ7 —

kho:k7 kho:k7

kho:ʔ7 kho:k7

kho:ʔ7 thiw1

(lɔ:ʔ10) thiw1

[lɔ:k8]

猴子

monkey

*C-nok

*C-nok

wart

*su:c

*shu:c

nuk7 — tu:t7 —

nok7 nɔk7 tu:c 7 —

nok7 nɔk7 tu:t7 sut7

noʔ8 nɔk8 — tshut8

nɔk7 nɔk8 tu:t7 tshut7

nɔ:k9 tsha:ŋ1

瘊子

nok7 nɔk5 tu:t7 tshuət2

—

mèj — ók — — —

—

(xɔ̋ :) —

—

(nu̠ k) nɔk˧ [mɯ2 tshiaw5] — —

— —

— —

— —

Appendix

哄

— — — — — —

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

吼

roar

*C-ɣok

*ɦok

後面

rear

*pəjʔ

後年

*[ʈ/c]uɲʔ CHl: NCHl: two years later *mu:ɦ *C-ɲɯ:

後天

two days later

*ŋwən CHl: *C-ɲɯ:

厚

thick

*C-na:

HU 狐狸

fox

*nom[ʔ]

hok7 — *phəjʔ phaj3 phuj3 *[ʈʂ/tç]huɲʔ tshun3 *ɗu:nʔ tsuən3 *[ʈʂ/tç]hi: *hmu:ɦ mow2 ɓa:5 *C-ɲɯ: ɲəɰ1 ɲow1 *hŋwən ven1 *hməjʔ — *C-ɲɯ: ɲəɰ1 ɲow1 *C-na: na:1 nɔ:1

*hnom[ʔ]

nom3 —

huk7 — ph[e]j3 phe:3 tshun3 ɗun3

hok7 — phaj3 — ɗu:n3 —

hok7 hɔk7 pha[:]j3 phaj3 ɗu:n3 tshej1

— hɔk8 phaj3 — ɗu:n3 (tshej4)

hɔk7 hɔ:k8 hɔk7 pha[:]j3 pha:j5 — ɗu:n3 ɗuən3 tshej1

— — fàj — ʃʊ̀ n —

—

paw2 paw2 ɲəɰ1 ŋjɛ:1 van1 — ɲəɰ1 ŋjɛ:5 na:1 na:1

pow2 — ɲəɰ1 — — — ɲəɰ1 — na:1 na:1

paw2 paw2 ɲəɰ1 ɲəɰ1 paj6 — ɲəɰ1 ɲəɰ1 na:1 na:1

pho:2 paw2 nəɰ4 ɲəɰ1 van4 paj3 nəɰ4 ɲəɰ1 na:4 na:1

— paw2 — ɲəɰ4 paj3 paj6 ɲəɰ1 ɲəɰ[1] na:1 na:4

— — — — vén pa:j˥ ɲə́ ɰ ɲəɰ˧ na: na:˧

—

— —

— —

tom4 t[u]m1

(thum4) tom1

tum4 tom4

ma:1 na:1 [kɯ2] [na:1] now1

[tsip7]

— —

Appendix

中文

— —

— — — —

—

63

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*C-muc

*C-muc

鬍子

beard

*mɯ:mʔ

*hmɯ:mʔ

葫蘆

bottle gourd

GHl:

*hra:jɦ

蝴蝶

butterfly

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

*Cilom

*hljom

Qi:

*kəŋʔ

Qi:

*kə:ŋ

蝴蝶

butterfly

household clsfr *Cəʔdun

*ɗun

戽水

bail water

*wi:t NWCHl:

*hwi:t *fhə:j

HUA 花

flower

*ʈ[ɛ]:ŋ

*ʈʂh[e]:ŋ

mut7 mət5 mɯ:m3 ɓu[ŋ]5 (ga:j2) — mej3 mɛj1 zom1 — mej3 —

mut7 — pɯ:m3 puɛn2 ga:j2 ŋaj2 pej3 — zom1 — — —

muc7 — pɯ:m3 pum3 ga:j2 ga:j2 pɯ(1) pɯ1 zom1 zom4 — —

mut7 m[u]t7 pɯ:m6 pum3 ga:j2 xa:j2 — pɯ3 — zom1 kaŋ3 —

(mut7) mut8 phu:m6 pum3 ha:j2 xa:j2 — — ɬom4 zom1 kaŋ3 —

mut7 m[u]t8 pɯ:m6 pɯm6 — (vuaj2) — — ɬom4 tsom4 kaŋ3 —

[tshuŋ1]

mɯ:ŋ1 — ɗun1 — vi:t7 f[ɔj]1

— — ɗun1 — vi:t7 fɔj1

— — ɗun1 — hwi:t7 —

ko:ŋ1 — ɗun1 ɗoŋ1 vi:t8 v[e]t7

kɔ:ŋ1 — ɗun1 ɗoŋ1 vi:[ʔ]8 vit8

kɔ:ŋ1 — ɗɯn1 ɗən1 vi:t7 v[e]t8

[ɓɯa1]

tshe:ŋ1 hɛŋ1

tshe:ŋ1 —

tshe:ŋ1 tshe:ŋ1

tshe:ŋ1 tshe:ŋ1

tshe:ŋ1 tshiaŋ1

tshe:ŋ1 tshiaŋ1

[ŋɯa1]

mum2 [ɗuk7] — — [ɓaŋ5]

tuŋ1 vet7

— — mɯ̀ ɤm pu:m˥ — — — — — — mèj —

—

mɯ́ ɤŋ — dún — — —

—

ʃɛ́ŋ tʃhi:aŋ˧

—

pɯ́ ɤm — — — —

— —

Appendix

戶

64

中文

English

花邊/紋 lace, pattern 滑

slippery

滑脫

slip off

HUAI 懷念

yearn

懷孕

pregnant

壞

bad

壞 (蛋) rotten (egg)

HUAN 緩慢 換

slow

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*pa:nʔ

*pha:nʔ

*Cəʔgi:t Qi: *m-ləc Run:

*ki:t *hɲɯ:n *m-ləc *m-lɯt

(*C-ŋup) GHl: GHl: Run: *Ci[d/ɖ]a:k

(*C-ŋup) *C-ŋu:jɦ *ʔə:m *hj[a]:ŋʔ *ɾja:k

*Cura:wʔ

*Cuhra:wʔ

GHl: Qi: change clothes *C-ləw

*hnə:ŋʔ *fhə:j *C-ləw

pha:n3 — ki:t7 kit2 — —

pha:n3 — ki:t7 — lat7 —

pha:n3 — ki:t7 kit7 plac7 —

pha:n3 pha:ŋ3 tsɯ:n4 kit[8] — plat7

pha:n3 pha:ŋ3 tshɯ:n4 — — plət7

pha:n3 [liaw4 ŋɯa1] phuan3 tsɯ:n4 ɲɯan5 kit7 plat[9] [mut7] plət7

fàn — ki̠et nɯn˥ — —

ŋup7 — zow3 — za:ʔ7 lɛk4 (ga:w3) va:3

ŋu:j2 — ʔo:m1 — ze:ʔ7 leʔ4 ga:w3 —

ŋu:j2 — ʔo:m1 — re:k7 te:ʔ7 gwa:w3 —

— ŋuj2 ʔo:m1 ʔo:m1 te:ʔ8 tɯ:2 gwa:w6 —

— — — ziaŋ3 the:ʔ8 teʔ8 va:w6 va:w3

ŋu:j2 ŋop8 ʔɔ:m1 ziaŋ6 te:ʔ8 tiaʔ7 hwa:w6 va:w3

[kua4]

— — — — za̠: tɛʔ˧ — —

—

tuŋ1 — law1 —

to:ŋ3 — law1 —

to:ŋ3 — law1 law1

fa:j1 to:ŋ3 law1 law1

fa:j1 — law4 law1

fa:j1 tuaŋ6 law1 law4

[tsəŋ2]

— — — —

—

— [ʔaj1] [tsum1 luəŋ2]

law1

—

Appendix

中文

— —

— tɛ̠k —

—

65

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

換

exchange

CHl:

*m-ləj

NCHl:

*ɗa:wʔ

GHl:

*hmu:ŋ

HUANG 荒地 wasteland

黃蜂

wasp

*m-lu:

*m-lu:

黃蜂

wasp

GHl:

*thin

黃蜂

wasp

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

*C-la:ɦ

*C-la:ɦ

黃牛

cow

*C-ɲiw

*C-ɲiw

黃色

yellow

*Cil[a]:ŋ

*hlj[a]:ŋ

66

中文

— laj4

— pjɛʔ4

plaj1 paj4

plaj1 plaj1

paj1 —

plaj1 —

—

— —

—

— ɗaw3

— —

— —

— —

— ɗa:w3

— ɗa:w3

—

— —

—

— — low1 low4 — the[ŋ]1 mej3 — la:2 — ɲiw1 — (ze:ŋ1) —

pu:ŋ1 — low1 — thin1 then1 pej3 — la:2 — ɲiw1 ŋjiw1 ze:ŋ1 zeŋʔ4

pu:ŋ1 — plow1 pow1 theɲ1 — — — — — ɲiw1 — ze:ŋ1 ze:ŋ4

pu:ŋ4 puŋ1 plow1 plow1 then1 then1 — — — — ɲiw1 ɲiw1 ɬe:ŋ4 ze:ŋ1

phuaŋ4 — pow1 plow1 then1 then1 — — — — niw4 ɲew1 ɬe:ŋ4 (ziaŋ4)

— — plow1 plow1 thin1 then1 — — — — ɲiw1 ɲi:w4 ɬe:ŋ4 tsiaŋ4

[fa:2]

— — lʌ́w — — — — — — — ɲíw — zɛ́ŋ ʒiaŋ˧

—

law1 — — — naw1 [tsaj4]

— — — — — —

Appendix

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

HUI 灰色

grey

揮動

to wave

回

trip clsfr

回來

come back

GHl: NCHl: *wit NWCHl: *Cəʔbɯ:ɦ GHl: *mɯ:

*hma:wɦ *m-luŋɦ *hwit *ʔu:j *ɓɯ:ɦ *ku:n *hmɯ:

*C-lɯ:ŋ

*C-lɯ:ŋ

回去

go back

*mɯ:

*hmɯ:

會

able

*Cəʔgi:w NWCHl: Run:

*ki:w *khuŋ *hməɰʔ

HUN 昏迷

unconscious

*nəp Run:

*hnəp *hləmʔ *hməwɦ

Appendix

中文

— — vit7 ʔuəj1 ɓəɰ2 — məɰ1 — lɯ:ŋ1 lɯəŋ1 məɰ1 — ki:w1 khoŋ1

pa:w2 — vit7 ʔuj1 ku:n1 — pəɰ1 pɛʔ4 lɯ:ŋ1 lɛn1 pəɰ1 pɛʔ4 ki:w1 khoŋ1

pa:w2 puŋ2 hwec7 vet7 ku:n1 — pəɰ1 — lɯ:ŋ1 lɯŋ1 pəɰ1 p[aj]4 ki:w1 —

— pluŋ2 vet8 vet7 ku:n1 ɓəɰ2 p[a:]ɰ4 — — lɯŋ1 p[a:]ɰ4 pəɰ1 ki:w1 kiw1

— pluŋ2 — vet8 ku:n1 — phəɰ4 paɰ1 — lɯŋ1 phəɰ4 paɰ1 — paɰ3

— pluŋ5 [f]it7 vet8 ku:n1 — p[a:j]4 paɰ4 — — p[a:j]4 paɰ4 ki:w1 paɰ6

[phu:1]

nop7 —

tap7 —

top7 tap7

— tap7

— ɬem3 paw5

— ɬom3 paw2

—

— —

—

bə̆ ɰ — mə́ ɰ pa:l˧ lɯ́ ɤŋ — mə́ ɰ — ma̠: —

—

— —

—

[viən4] [lem1] pə:4 — pə:4 kiw1

pəɰ — — —

67

68

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

混合

blend

*C-ɲu:k

*C-ɲu:k

ɲu:ʔ7 —

ɲu:ʔ7 ɲuʔ4

ɲu:k7 —

ɲu:ʔ7 ɲuk7

— ɲuk8

ɲu:ʔ7 ɲuʔ[7]

[le:w1]

— —

—

混雜

mix

CHl:

*ɾom

rom1 — rop7 —

rom4 rom1 rop8 rap7

lom4 rom1 l[o]p9 rap8

(lɔm4) [t]om4 lap8 [t]ap8

— — — —

—

*ɾəp

ɗɯm1 — ɗaʔ7 —

—

CHl:

— — zap7 —

(pej1) — tshin1 —

fej1 fɛj1 tshin1 —

fej1 fej1 tsheɲ1 —

fej1 fej1 tham3 tshen1

fej1 fej1 tham3 tshe[ʔ]8

fej1 fhej1 tham3 —

paj1

(pej) fɛj˧ ʃín —

féj

khaj1 khaj1 ɗe:2 — tshe:ŋ1 — raw3 —

khaj1 khaj1 ɗe:2 — tshe:ŋ1 — ɗe:2 —

khaj1 khaj1 fi:w2 fiw[1] tshe:ŋ1 — — —

khaj1 khaj1 fi:w5 fiw2 tshe:ŋ1 tshe:ŋ1 fi:w5 fiw2

khaj1 khaj1 fiw5 fiw2 tshe:ŋ1 tshiaŋ1 fiw5 fiw2

khaj1 khaj1 fi:w5 fhiw5 tshe:ŋ1 tshiaŋ1 fi:w5 —

khaj1

xáj khaj˧ — — — — — —

—

fire

GHl:

*fhi:

火把

torch

*[c/ç]in Qi:

*tçhin *thəm

JI 雞

chicken

*[k/x]əj

*khəj

雞冠

cockscomb

*Cəʔdɛ:ɦ CHl: *ʈ[ɛ]:ŋ

*ɗe:ɦ *fhi:wɦ *ʈʂh[e]:ŋ

CHl:

*fhi:wɦ

雞冠花 cockscomb flower

tham1

pi:w5 [ŋɯa1] pi:w5

—

—

— — —

Appendix

HUO 火

—

English

雞蝨

chicken louse

雞窩

chicken roost

積累

accumulate

積水

accumulate water

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*[k/x]əj

*khəj

*jəwʔ Run: *C-[d/ɖ]u:k Qi: *ʈɯ:mʔ Qi: *C-nəmʔ

*hjəwʔ *hjəwɦ *ɾu:k *m-lə:mʔ *ʈʂhɯ:mʔ *ʋɯ:mʔ *C-nəmʔ

*Cu[d/ɖ][ɛ]:ŋʔ *Cuɾ[e]:ŋʔ 麂子

muntjac

*C-lə:j

*C-lə:j

忌嘴

taboo food

*C-ŋəc

*C-ŋəc

忌日

death anniversary

GHl:

*hŋwən

*Cuɣəwɦ CHl: GHl:

*Cuɦəwɦ *C-məwʔ *C-məwʔ

忌諱

taboo

khaj1 — zow3 [ɲ]ɔ:3 — luʔ4 tshɯ:m3 — nam3 — re:ŋ3 — lo:j1 lɔj1 ŋat7 — van1 —

— — zaw3 zo:3 — — tshɯm3 tshum3 nom3 — ve:ŋ3 ke:ŋ3 lo:j1 lo:j1 ŋac7 ŋat7 hwan1 —

khaj1 khaj1 zo:6 zo:3 plo:m3 — fɯ:m6 tshum3 nam3 nam3 fe:ŋ6 ɣe:ŋ3 la:j1 lo:j1 ŋat7 ŋat7 van4 van1

khaj1 khaj1 zo:[3] zo:2 luaʔ8 ruk8 vu:m6 tshum3 nam6 nam3 fe:ŋ6 fiaŋ3 la:j4 luaj1 ŋat8 ŋat7 van4 vaŋ1

khaj1 khaj1 zɔ:3 zo:5 plɔ:m3 — vɯ:m3 tshom3 nam3 nam6 fe:ŋ6 fiaŋ6 la:j1 lu:j4 ŋat7 ŋat8 van1 van4

khaj1

haw2 — (maw3) —

haw2 — maw3 —

hwow2 — mow3 —

maw3 ŋaw2 maw3 maw3

maw6 maw6 maw6 maw3

mow3 maw3 mow3 maw6

ma:w1

[tshi:t7 fow1] lu:ʔ8 vɯam1 na:m1 [vɯ:n4] lej1 ŋa:t9 vɔ:n1

ma:w1

— — — — — — — — — — — — — luaj˧ — — — —

—

— — — —

—

— — — — — — — —

—

69

khaj1 — zow3 zaw3 ru:ʔ7 lok4 tshɯ:m3 hum3 nom3 — re:ŋ3 ve:ŋ3 la:j1 lɔ:1 ŋ[e]t7 — (van1) —

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

祭祀

sacrifice

*Cəʔbən Run:

髻

hairbun

(*C-ɲet) CHl:

*ɓən *C-li:ɦ *ʈʂhə:j (*C-ɲet) *fhunʔ

JIA 夾

press under arm *C-ɣɛ:p

*ɦe:p

夾

press together

甲蟲

beetle

*[c/ç]i:p CHl: *mi:ʔ

*tçhi:p *thi:p *hmi:ʔ

*C-[d/ɖ]a:p

*ɾa:p

if

*C-la:jʔ

*C-la:jʔ

架

handle clsfr

GHl:

*fhi:nʔ

嫁

marry

*[k/x]u:jʔ CHl:

*khu:jʔ *hmɯ:

— —

ɓan1 —

ɓan1 —

ɓan1 (ɓan1) fun3 foŋ3

ɓan1 lej2 tshuaj1 fun3 foŋ3

— lej2 tshu:j1 fun3 fən3

ɲet[9] —

ɲet7 —

fun3 foŋ3

he:p7 — tshi:p7 — mej3 — ra:p7 — la:j3 — phi:n3 — khu:j3 —

he:p7 — tshi:p7 — pej3 — ra:p7 laʔ4 la:j3 — fi:n3 — khu:j3 —

he:p7 — tshi:p7 — pɯ(1) pɯ1 ra:p7 la:p7 la:j3 la:j3 fi:n3 — pəɰ1 —

—

— —

—

pɔŋ1

— —

—

he:p7 he:p7 thi:p7 tship7 — pɯ3 ra:p8 ra:p7 la:j3 la:j3 fi:n3 fiŋ3 p[a:ɰ] 4 —

— — thi:p7 thip7 — — la:p8 ra:p8 — la:j3 fi:n3 fiŋ3 — —

he:p7 — — thi:p7 — thip7 — [kɯ2] — la:p8 [pa:p8] ra:p8 la:j3 — luaj6 fi:n3 — fiŋ3 p[a:j]4 pə:4 low5 phəɰ[ʔ]7

hɛ́:p — — thi:p˧ — — — — — — fíen — xuoj —

— — — — — — —

Appendix

假如

70

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

JIAN 尖刀

dagger

*Ciliwʔ

*hljiwʔ

肩膀

shoulder

*C-ba:ɦ

*ʋa:ɦ

撿

collect

剪

cut

碱(水)

alkali (water)

*sip GHl: *rəp NCHl: GHl:

*ship *ʋun *hrəp *hrə:p *hjə:k

見

see

*C-la:jʔ

*C-la:jʔ

件

clothing clsfr

*fənʔ

*fhənʔ

劍

sword

GHl:

*kɯ:mɦ

濺

splash

*[c/ç]inɦ

*tçhinɦ

箭

arrow

*C-ŋə:t NCHl:

*C-ŋə:t *hləmʔ

Appendix

中文

ziw3 — va:2 vɔ:5 tip7 (sip2) — — (zo:ʔ7) zak2

ziw3 zɛw3 va:2 va:2 vun1 feʔ4 gap8 lɔʔ4 zo:ʔ7 —

ziw3 liw3 va:2 va:2 vun1 — gop7 — zo:k7 —

ɬiw6 ziw3 fa:2 va:2 fun4 sep7 [k]ap7 ro:p7 zo:ʔ8 zo:k7

ɬiw6 zew3 va:2 (va:5) vun4 voŋ1 — — zɔ:ʔ8 zoʔ8

ɬiw6 tsi:w6 va:5 va:2 vun1 (vun1) — — — zoʔ8

[ɬiək8 khua1]

la:j3 la:(j)3 [p]en3 — — — tsh[e]n2 tθin5 ŋat7 tθam3

la:j3 laj3 fan3 fan3 kɯ:m2 — tshin2 — ŋo:t7 —

la:j3 la:j3 fan3 faŋ3 kɯ:m2 — tsheɲ2 tshen2 ŋo:t7 —

la:j3 la:j3 fan3 faŋ3 — kɯm2 tshen5 tshen2 ŋo:t7 ŋo:k7

la:j6 la:j3 fan3 faŋ3 — — tshen5 tshen2 — ɬam3

la:j3 luaj6 fan3 fan3 — — tshin5 tshen5 ŋɔ:t7 ɬam3

[maj1 tshuəŋ5] là:j — pa:n1 [p]èn faŋ˥ — — — tshit7 — — ŋɯət7 — —

[vet10] [vɯam1] — [na:m1 fa:1]

— — vă: va:˦ vʊ́ n — — — — —

— — — — — — — — — —

71

72

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

箭

arrow

*si:p

*shi:p

ti:p7 —

ti:p7 —

ti:p7 —

ti:p7 (tip7)

ti:p7 tship8

ti:p7 tship7

[pe:1]

— tʃhi:p˧

—

JIANG 薑

ginger

*kɯ:ŋ

*khɯ:ŋ

降

fall

*mən NCHl: *ʈɯ:ʔ

*hmən *ɗə:j *[ʈʂ/tç]hɯ:ʔ

khɯ:ŋ1 khɯŋ1 pan1 pan4 tshaɰ3 tsha[w]3

khɯ:ŋ1 khɯŋ1 pan4 ɗ[ɔ]:j1 tshaɰ3 tshəɰ3

khɯaŋ1 khɯŋ1 phan4 paŋ1 tshaɰ3 tshaɰ3

khɯ:ŋ1 khɯŋ1 pan4 pan4 tshaɰ3 tshaɰ3

xɯɤŋ khɯŋ˧ mén — — —

—

reins

khɯ:ŋ1 kheŋ1 pan1 ɗɔj1 tshaɰ3 —

khɯəŋ5

繮繩

khɯ:ŋ1 — men1 ɗɔ:(j)1 tshəɰ3 —

JIAO 交換

exchange

教

teach

*sun

*shun

嚼

chew

角

horn

*sa:k NWCHl: *C-ɣəw

*sha:k *ph[a]:k *ɦəw

(ɓo:ʔ7) laj4 phaŋ3 — tun1 — ta:ʔ7 phɛk2 haw1 haw1

ɓo:ʔ7 pjɛʔ4 pho:ŋ3 phɔn3 tun1 — te:ʔ7 phɛʔ4 haw1 haw1

plaj1 paj4 pho:ŋ3 — tun1 soŋ1 te:k7 — haw1 haw1

plaj1 plaj1 pho:ŋ3 pho:ŋ3 tun1 soŋ1 te:ʔ7 sɯ:2 haw1 haw1

paj1 pl[ɯ]j1 phɔ:ŋ3 phuaŋ3 tun1 tshoŋ1 te:ʔ7 tsheʔ8 haw1 haw1

plaj1 plaj1 phɔ:ŋ3 phuaŋ3 tɯn1 — te:ʔ7 tshiaʔ7 haw1 haw1

(bɔ̠ :) — fàŋ — — — ta̠: — háw hɐw˧

—

to water

(*ɓə:k) *m-ləj *phə:ŋʔ

ɓɔ:k7tha:1

澆水

GHl: CHl: *pə:ŋʔ

puən4 ta:w1

phɔŋ1 — tshɯa5

—

và̆ :j — — —

Appendix

haw4

—

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

角落

corner

*ju:ŋ

*hju:ŋ

腳

leg

*kok

*khok

腳趾

toe

*sit Run:

*shit *hlji:ŋɦ

攪拌

stir

叫 (馬) cry (horse)

*C-ɣunɦ CHl: GHl:

*ɦunɦ *hrunɦ *ʔi:ŋB

叫 (馬) cry (horse)

CHl:

*ki:k

叫 (鳥) cry (bird)

*C-[d/ɖ]ə:ŋ

*ɾə:ŋ

叫做

be called

*Cəʔɟa:n

*tça:n

覺

sleep clsfr

*puj

*phuj

JIE 結果

bear fruit

*Cəʔɟi:ŋ

*tçi:ŋ

zu:ŋ1 — khok7 khok2 tit7 —

zu:ŋ1 — khuk7 khoʔ4 tit7 —

zu:ŋ1 zuŋ4 khok7 khɔk7 tec7 —

zu:ŋ1 zuŋ1 khok7 khɔk7 tet7 (sip7)

zuaŋ4 zuŋ1 khoʔ7 khɔk8 tet7 ziŋ5

zu:ŋ1 zuŋ4 khɔk7 khɔk7 (tet7) tsiŋ2

tshuəŋ1 tshɔ:k9 — — hɔ:k9 xók khɔk˧ tsap9 tsia4 — —

—

hun2 — ŋa:w1 — — kiək2 raŋ1 — tsa:n1 — phuj1 phɔj1

hun2 — ʔi:ŋ2 — — kiʔ4 ro:ŋ1 — tsa:n1 — phuj1 —

gun2 goŋ[4] ʔi:ŋ2 — — kik7 ro:ŋ1 — tsa:n1 tsa:ŋ1 phuj1 phuj1

gun2 xoŋ2 — ʔiŋ2 kiaʔ7 kik7 ro:ŋ4 ro:ŋ1 tsa:n1 tsa:ŋ1 phuj1 phuj1

(la:5) xoŋ2 — — kiaʔ7 — lɔ:ŋ4 ruaŋ1 tsa:n1 tsa:ŋ1 phuj1 phoj1

hun2 (khoŋ5) — — kiak7 — lɔ:ŋ4 ruaŋ4 tsa:n1 tuan1 phuj1 phow1

[la:5]

—

tsi:ŋ1 tsiəŋ1

tsi:ŋ1 tsin1

tsi:ŋ1 —

tsiaŋ1 tsiŋ1

tsiaŋ1 tsiŋ1

tsiaŋ1 —

[kow4] — [hu:1] [kow4] [lem1]

tseŋ1

hŭn — ŋá:w — — — dáŋ — tʃán — — —

— —

— — — — —

—

73

— —

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*ʈə:m

*ʈʂhə:m

conclude

GHl:

*tçhə:p

結束

conclude

接

connect

*Cəʔba:jʔ Run: *ʔɯ:

*ɓa:jʔ *ɓə:jʔ *ʔɯ:

揭開

uncover

節

joint; node

*Cuɣa:ŋ Qi: Run: *tunɦ

*Cuɦa:ŋ *C-l[a]:k *hwa:ɦ *thunɦ

劫

rob

GHl:

*ki:t

姐夫

elder sister’s husband elder sister

*jəwʔ

*hjəwʔ

*ʔi:ɦ CHl: *Cəʔbujɦ

*ʔi:ɦ *khɯ:ʔ *ɓujɦ

姐姐 解剖

cut open (fish belly)

tsham1 ham1 — — ɓa:j3 — ʔəɰ1 — ha:ŋ1 —

tsho:m1 hɔn1 tsho:p7 sɔʔ4 — — ʔəɰ1 — le:ʔ7 —

tsho:m1 — tsho:p7 — — — ʔəɰ1 — hwe:ŋ1 —

tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tsho:p7 tsho:p7 — — ʔəɰ1 ʔəɰ1 le:ʔ7 —

tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 — tshuap8 ɓa:j3 ɓuaj3 ʔəɰ1 ʔəɰ1 le:ʔ8 va:2

tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 — — ɓa:j3 ɓu:j3 ʔəɰ1 ʔəɰ1 le:ʔ[9] va:2

thun2 — — — zaw3 — ʔej2 — ɓuj2 ɓɔj5

thun2 — ki:t7 — zaw3 — ʔej2 khaw3 ɓuj2 —

thun2 thoŋ2 ki:t7 — zaw3 zo:3 khaɰ3 — ɓuj2 ɓuj2

thun5 thoŋ2 — kit7 zo:6 zo:3 [ʔ]aɰ3 khəɰ3 ɓuj5 ɓuj2

thun5 thoŋ2 — — zo:6 zo:3 khaɰ3 ʔej2 ɓuj5 ɓoj2

thɯn5 thən5 — — zɔ:3 zo:6 khaɰ3 — ɓuj5 ɓow5

mɯat7 [lə:j2] — [tsu:5] lɯa5

[tow1] — tsi:w1 [ʔu:1] puj1

— — — — bà:j — — — hàŋ va:˨ thŭn — — — — — ĕj ɛj˦ — —

— — — — —

— — — — —

Appendix

結束

74

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

疥瘡

scabies

*C-ni:ʔ

*C-ni:ʔ

GHl:

*khom

*ŋwən

*hŋwən

*C-ni:ɦ Run: *ri:w Qi: Run: GHl:

*C-ni:ɦ *C-ne:ɦ *hri:w *hwən *C-ɲi:w *C-mənʔ *hmə:nʔ *hwət *kɯŋ *thi:t

JIN 今天

today

筋

tendon

僅

only

緊

tight

緊

pull tight

*mə:nʔ Qi: *Cəʔgɯŋ

緊密

dense

*ti:t

nej3 — — —

naj3 — kh[ɯ]m1 —

naj3 naj3 khom1 —

naj3 naj3 khom1 —

naj6 naj3 khom1 —

naj3 naj6 khum1 —

na:j1

ven1 hon4 nej2 n[a:]5 ri:w1 —

van1 vanʔ4 nej2 nɛj2 gi:w1 —

hwan1 vaŋ1 nej2 nej3 gi:w1 —

van4 vaŋ1 nej5 nej2 van4 xiw1

van4 vaŋ1 nej2 ne:2 van4 ɲiw1

van1 van4 nej5 ne:2 van1 ɲiw4

vɔ:n1

(man3) — man3 — kɯŋ1 — thi:t7 —

man3 — po:n3 pɔn3 kɯŋ1 — thi:t7 —

man3 — po:n3 po:ŋ3 kɯŋ1 — thi:t7 —

— — po:n6 po:ŋ3 kɯŋ1 kəŋ1 thi:t[9] thit7

— — vat7 puaŋ3 kɯŋ1 kəŋ2 thi:t[9] thit7

man3 — hwat7 pu:n3 kɯŋ1 (kəŋ2) thi:t7 —

—

kham1

nɛ:5 [tat7]

[ki:n2] kɯŋ5 [ni:t9]

nej — — —

—

vén vaŋ˧ nĕj nɛ:˦ díew ɲi:w˧

—

— — — — kɯ́ ŋ — — —

—

Appendix

中文

—

— —

— — —

75

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

近

near

進

enter

*m-lɯ:ʔ NWCHl: *lu:t

*m-lɯ:ʔ *ɦi:t *hlu:t

浸泡

soak

CHl:

*ɾok

浸泡

soak

GHl:

*ɗə:mʔ

禁母

shamaness

*mi:ʔ Qi: *Cəʔgimʔ

*hmi:ʔ *hmiʔ *kimʔ

76

中文

ləɰ3 hit2 ɗu:t7 — — lɔk4 (ɗo:m3) — mej3 — kim3 — haw2 —

laɰ3 hiʔ4 ɬu:t7 luʔ4 — laʔ4 ɗo:m3 — (mej3) — kim3 — haw2 —

plaɰ3 plaɰ3 ɬu:t7 ɬuk7 rok7 lɔʔ7 ɗo:m3 — paj3 paj3 kim3 kem3 hwow2 ŋaw2

plaɰ3 pləɰ3 ɬu:t7 ɬuk7 rok8 — ɗo:m3 — pi:6 paj3 kim3 kem3 go:5 ŋaw2

paɰ3 plaɰ3 ɬu:t7 ɬuk8 loʔ8 rɔk8 — — phi:6 paj3 kim3 kem3 vo:5 ŋaw2

plaɰ3 plaɰ3 ɬu:t7 ɬut7 lɔk8 rɔk8 ɗɔ:m3 — pi:6 paj6 kim3 kem3 hɔ:5 —

la:1

—

[thaw4] — tsiəm4 ma:j5 kim1

prohibit

*Cuɣəwɦ

*Cuɦəwɦ

JING 經過

pass

ECHl:

*Cuɦə:j

— —

— —

hwa:j1 —

gwa:j1 —

va:j1 —

hwa:j1 —

non-glutinous rice

*C-mu:nʔ CHl: *C-mɯ:ʔ CHl:

*C-mu:nʔ *C-muc *C-mɯ:ʔ *tçi:mʔ

mu:n3 — məɰ3 —

mu:n3 muɛʔ4 məɰ3 —

mu:n3 — tsi:m3 —

mut7 — tsi:m3 tsim3

mut8 mot8 (tsiam1) —

— muət9 mət8 (tsiam1) tsiam1 —

精稻

[ma:w1]

plə̀ ɰ

— —

—

mùon — — —

—

— — — — — —

—

Appendix

禁忌

lə̀ ɰ pla:l˥ — ɬu:k˧ — ɮɔk˧ — — — — — — — —

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

精液

semen

*C-nəmʔ

*C-nəmʔ

井

a well

頸瘤

neck tumor

CHl: NCHl: GHl: CHl: *ʈə:m

*m-l[a]:ŋ *hli:k *thoŋɦ *tçu:ŋʔ *ʈʂhə:m

*Ciloŋʔ Qi: Run:

*hljoŋʔ *khə:k *thi:w

JIU 九

nine

*C-wɯ:ʔ

*C-wɯ:ʔ

久

long ago

*Cəʔga:wʔ

*ka:wʔ

酒

alcohol

酒窩

dimple

*C-ŋa:wɦ NWCHl: *C-nə:k

*C-ŋa:wɦ *phu: *C-nə:k

nom3 — tsu:2 — (thuŋ2) tshoŋ3 tsham1 — zoŋ3 —

nam3 — naŋ2 — thuŋ2 — tsho:m1 — zuŋ3 zaŋ3

nom3 — pl[o]:ŋ2 [ʔ]ik7 tshu:ŋ3 — tsho:m1 — zoŋ3 —

nam3 — ple:ŋ1 — tshu:ŋ3 tshu:ŋ3 tsho:m1 — khɔ:ʔ7 —

nam6 nam3 pe:ŋ1 ɬit7 — — tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 khɔ:ʔ7 thiw1

nam3 nam6 ple:ŋ1 ɬiʔ7 — — tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 (ʔɔ:5) thiw1

na:m1

pəɰ3 — ka:w3 ka:w3 ŋa:w2 phew1 naʔ7 —

faɰ3 faw3 ka:w3 kaw3 ŋa:w[3] phɛw1 to:ʔ7 —

faɰ3 kwaɰ3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ŋa:w[3] ŋa:w2 to:k7 —

faɰ3 ɣəɰ3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ŋa:w5 — to:ʔ8 to:k7

faɰ3 faɰ3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ŋa:w2 — — toʔ8

faɰ3 faɰ3 ka:w3 ka:w3 (ŋə:w5) ŋaw2 — tɔʔ8

fə:1

[tam1] thɔŋ5 [pam2] [ʔɔ:5]

[ʔjɔ:t9] ŋə:w2 [ɗi:n5]

— nam˥ — ɬi:t˧ (thŭŋ) thoŋ˨ — — — —

—

pə̀ ɰ fa:l˥ kă:w — ŋà:w — — —

fəɰ

Appendix

中文

— — — —

— — —

77

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

酒藥

brewer’s yeast

*C-lɯ:mʔ CHl:

*C-lɯ:mʔ *Cuɦom *hja: *C-ma:n

78

中文

lɯ:m3 — — — — mɔn1 khaw2 — raw1 law4 nəɰ3 nɔ:3

lɯ:m3 — — — ma:n1 — khaw2 — raw1 lawʔ4 taɰ3 —

hwom1 ŋom1 — za:4 ma:n1 ma:ŋ1 khaw2 — raw1 law4 taɰ3 —

gom1 — — za:1 ma:n1 ma:ŋ1 — — raw4 raw1 taɰ6 təɰ3

vom1 ŋom1 — za:1 ma:n4 ma:ŋ1 — — law4 raw1 thaɰ6 taɰ5

hum1 ɱom4 — za:4 ma:n1 — — — law4 raw4 taɰ6 taɰ2

hɔ:m4 —

— — — — — ma:ŋ˧ (xà̆ w) — dráw — — —

— —

舊

old

NECHl: *C-ma:n

舊

old

GHl:

*khəwɦ

臼

mortar

*C-[d/ɖ]əw

*ɾəw

舅父

mother’s *nɯ:ʔ younger brother

*hnɯ:ʔ

舅母

mother’s *mi: y. brother’s wife

*hmi:

m[i:]1 —

pej1 —

pej1 —

pej4 pej1

phej4 (pej4)

pej4 pej4

mi:4

— pɛj˦

—

JU 橘黃

orange

*Cəʔda:ŋʔ

*ɗa:ŋʔ

*Ci[d/ɖ]ɯnɦ *ɾjɯnɦ

句

speech clsfr

GHl: NECHl:

ɗe:ŋ3 ɗe:ŋ3 rɯn2 — fe:k7 —

ɗe:ŋ3 ɗe:ŋ3 tɯn2 təŋ2 fe:ʔ7 hom1

ɗe:ŋ3 ɗiaŋ3 — təŋ2 fe:ʔ7 hom1

ɗe:ŋ3 ɗiaŋ3 tɯn2 tən5 fe:ʔ7 —

ɗɛ̀ŋ — — tœŋ˨ — hom˧

—

lift

ɗe:ŋ3 — zɯn2 — fe:ʔ7 —

—

舉

ɗe:ŋ3 — zɯn2 — ɗen2 —

hi:w1 lu:4 ni:4

[ti:1] [tuəŋ5]

— — — —

— —

Appendix

*f[a]:k *ɦom

—

Appendix

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

JUAN 聚集

assemble animal pen

*thu:nʔ thu:n3 *[ʈʂ/tç]humʔ — *shu:nɦ tu:n2 —

thu:n3 — tu:n2 fun2

thu:n3 tshum3 tu:n2 —

thu:n3 tshum3 tu:n5 suŋ2

thu:n3 tshum3 tu:n5 tshuŋ2

thu:n3 tshum3 tu:n5 tshun5

[leŋ5lem1]

圈

*tu:nʔ NECHl: *su:nɦ

JUE 蕨草

fern

GHl:

*Ciɦə:nʔ *ka:nɦ

ho:n3 — ka:n2 —

hjo:n3 — ka:n2 —

zo:n3 — ka:n5 ka:ŋ2

— ɲuaŋ3 ka:n5 (ka:ŋ5)

hjɔ:n3 — ka:n5 kuan5

—

GHl:

tɯ:n3 — tu:ŋ1 —

*thɯ:n *Cuʈʂhinɦ *hməc

thɯ:n1 — m[e]t7 — — — ɲoŋ3 — raw3 —

tshin2 thɛn1 pat7 — — — ɲuŋ3 — gaw3 —

feɲ2 — pac7 — — — ɲoŋ3 noŋ3 gwow3 go:3

thɯ:n1 fen2 pat8 pat7 kut7 — ɲoŋ3 ɲɔŋ3 go:6 ɣo:3

thɯ:n1 — — pat8 kut7 — noŋ6 ɲ[o]ŋ3 ho:6 vo:3

— — — pat8 kut7 — ɲɔŋ3 — hɔ:6 —

[ʔow1]

KAI 開

open up

開荒

develop land

*tɯ:n GHl: *məc

開荒

develop land

Qi:

*kut

開始

begin

*C-ɲoŋʔ

*C-ɲoŋʔ

*Curəwʔ

*Cuhrəwʔ

[lɔ:ŋ5]

[kɯ:t9]

pet8 — — —

— — — —

—

— — — —

—

thɯ́ ɤn — — — — — — — — —

—

—

—

— — — —

79

中文

English

開玩笑 joke

80

中文

Proto-Hlai

GHl: Run: *tə:ŋʔ

*Cuɦə:ŋ *C-na:wʔ *thə:ŋʔ

(ho:ŋ1) — thaŋ3 —

ho:ŋ1 — tho:ŋ3 —

hwo:ŋ1 ŋo:ŋ1 tho:ŋ3 tho:ŋ3

ho:ŋ1 ŋo:ŋ1 tho:ŋ3 tho:ŋ3

vɔ:ŋ1 na:w3 thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3

hɔ:ŋ1 na:w3 thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3

[tsok7]

*ʋə:n *ka:jɦ *ɾəwɦ

(vo:n1) van4 ɓaw2 — ɓi:w3 — — — kiw1 (ʔiw1)

vo:n1 — raw2 — ɓi:w3 — — zuj3 kiw1 —

vo:n1 vo:ŋ4 raw2 — ɓi:w3 ɓiw3 zu:j3 — kiw1 —

fo:n4 vo:ŋ1 ro:2 ro:2 ɓi:w3 ɓiw3 ɬu:j6 — kiw1 —

ka:j5 vuaŋ1 lo:2 ro:2 ɓiw3 ɓiw3 — lo:1 kiw1 —

vɔ:n1 kuaj5 (law5) ro:2 ɓi:w3 ɓiw3 — lo:4 — —

[tha:n1]

rom1 — va:3 —

(gom1) ŋ[wɛ]nʔ4 va:3 —

gom1 gom4 hwa:3 —

gom4 xom1 va:6 va:3

hom4 xom1 va:6 —

gum4 kəm1 [ts]om4 va:3 [vɔ:p9] —

KAN 砍

chop

砍

chop

GHl: CHl: GHl:

砍

chop

*Cəʔbi:wʔ

*ɓi:wʔ

看

look

看

look

CHl: Run: *Cəʔgiw

*hlju:jʔ *C-lo: *kiw

KANG 糠

chaff

*rom

*hrom

糠心

chaff core

*wa:ʔ

*hwa:ʔ

tha:1

[tha:n1] [phat7] — [maj1]

— — — —

—

— vuaŋ˧ băw — — — — lo:˧ kíw —

—

— xom˧ — —

—

—

— — — —

—

Appendix

Pre-Hlai

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

扛

carry on shoulder

*Cəʔbi:k

*ɓi:k

KAO 烤

roast

CHl:

*ʔi:ŋ

烤火

roast over fire

*ʔɯmɦ

靠

lean on

*[ʈ/c]ɯ:ŋ

靠

rely on

KE 顆

tree clsfr

蝌蚪

tadpole

咳嗽

cough

客人

guest

ɓi:ʔ7 —

ɓi:ʔ7 ɓiʔ4

ɓi:k7 ɓik7

ɓiaʔ7 ɓik7

ɓiaʔ7 ɓit8

ɓiak7 ɓiʔ7

fi:2

— —

—

— ʔin1 ʔɯm2 ʔun2 tshɯ:ŋ1 — pi:ŋ2 —

— ʔiŋ1 ʔɯm2 ʔom2 tshɯ:ŋ1 — pi:ŋ2 —

— ʔiŋ1 ʔɯm5 ʔom2 tshɯ:ŋ1 tshɯŋ1 — ʔɯŋ3

ʔiaŋ1 ʔiŋ1 ʔum5 ʔom2 tshɯaŋ1 tshɯŋ1 — ʔɯŋ3

— ʔiŋ1 ʔum5 ʔom5 tshɯ:ŋ1 tshɯŋ1 — ʔɯŋ3

—

— — — — — — — —

—

*mi:ŋɦ NECHl:

— ʔiəŋ1 *ʔɯmɦ ʔɯm2 ʔom5 *[ʈʂ/tç]hɯ:ŋ tshɯ:ŋ1 — *hmi:ŋɦ pi:ŋ2 *ʔɯ:ŋʔ —

*tu:nʔ GHl: GHl: Run: GHl:

*thu:nʔ *khɯ:ŋɦ *hnu: *tçi:w *hriə

thu:n3 — (tow2) — (gia1) hia1

khɯ:ŋ2 thun3 tow2 — gia1 —

khɯ:ŋ2 — tow2 — gia1 gi:4

khɯ:ŋ5 khɯŋ2 tow2 tow2 gia4 xi:1

thu:n3 khɯŋ2 (tho:5) tsiw1 hia4 xi:1

— thun3 tow2 tiw1 hia4 khi:1

ɗuən1

thùon khœŋ˨ — — (ɣea) xi:˩

—

*Cəʔbəwʔ CHl:

*ɓəwʔ *C-wa:n

ɓaw3 —

ɓaw3 —

ɓow3 —

fa:[ŋ]4 ɣa:ŋ1

— —

fa:n1 —

fuən1

— —

—

[tu:5] — [ʔua5]

[ʔuəŋ5] kia1

Appendix

中文

— — —

— —

81

English

82

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*ʔa:w Run:

*ʔa:w *fha:w[ɦ]

ʔa:w1 —

ʔa:w1 —

ʔa:w1 —

ʔa:w1 ʔa:w1

ʔa:w1 fa:w[4]

ʔa:w1 fha:w5

[low5]

— faw˥

—

KEN 啃

gnaw

*Cuɣə:t

*Cuɦə:t

hat7 —

ho:t7 —

hwo:t7 ŋo:k7

go:t7 ŋo:k7

hɔ:t7 ŋoʔ8

hɔ:t7 —

hɯət10

hɐ́t —

—

KONG 空

empty

— — raj2 vaj5

— — raj2 vaj2

gaw3 — — gwaj2

gaw6 xo:3 — —

haw6 xo:3 faj2 —

haw6 — faj2 faj2

— — dà̆ j —

—

empty

*hru:ʔ *hrəwʔ *Cuɾəjɦ

—

空

ECHl: NECHl: *Cu[d/ɖ]əjɦ

KOU 口袋

pocket

taj2 ɗaj3

tshom3 —

taj2 tsham3

thaj2 ɗa:j3

taj2 ɗuaj3

[ɗoŋ2]

(taj) —

—

Jew’s harp

*hnəjɦ *tçhəmʔ *ɗa:jʔ *ɾjəj

(taj2) tsham3

口弦

GHl: CHl: NCHl: *Ci[d/ɖ]əj

(ɗaj1) —

(raj1) —

raj1 —

taj4 taj1

thaj4 taj1

taj4 —

tsaj2

— —

—

KU 枯枝

dry branch

*Cuɣinɦ Run

*Cuɦinɦ *hni:

hin2 —

hin2 —

hweɲ2 —

gwen5 ŋen2

(thej4) tej1

hin5 tej4

[khow1 kha:1]

— —

—

—

fàj

Appendix

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

哭

weep

*C-ŋi:ʔ

*C-ŋi:ʔ

苦

bitter

*C-ɣə:m

*C-ɦə:m

KUA 跨

step over

*Ciɣa:mɦ

*Ciɦa:mɦ

跨

step over

*C-ɣa:mɦ

*C-ɦa:mɦ

KUAI 快

fast

*jinʔ

快樂

happy

塊 筷子

ŋaj3 ŋaj3 ho:m1 hɔn1

ŋaj3 ŋaj3 ho:m1 ho:m1

ŋaj3 ŋaj3 ho:m1 ho:m1

ŋaj6 ŋaj3 hɔ:m1 huam1

ŋaj3 ŋaj6 hɔ:m1 huam1

ha:m2 ɲam5 — —

ha:m2 ŋjɛn2 — —

hja:m2 ɲɛ:m2 — —

za:m5 ɲa:m2 ha:m5 —

za:m5 — — ha:m2

*hjinʔ

zin3 (ɲɯn3)

zin3 zen3

z[ɯ]n3 zeŋ3

zin6 zeŋ3

GHl:

*hlin

piece

CHl: Qi: *tun

*fhət *tçu:ʔ *thun

chopsticks

*ti:p

*thi:p

— — — — thun1 — thi:p7 —

ɬin1 — tsəɰ1 — thun1 thɛn[5] thi:p7 thiʔ4

ɬeɲ1 — fat7 — thun1 — thi:p7 thip7

ɬen1 ɬen1 tsaw5 fak7 thun1 thoŋ1 thi:p7 thip7

ŋa:j1

ŋèj ŋa:j˥ hám —

—

(za:m5) — — ha:m5 hɔ:m2 ham5

hăm — — ha:m˧

—

zin6 z[ə]ŋ3

zin3 zen6

tshiaŋ5

— ʒ[œ]ŋ˥

—

ɬen1 ɬen1 tsaw5 — thun1 thoŋ1 thi:p7 thip7

ɬin1 ɬen1 tsaw5 — thɯn1 thən1 thi:p7 thip7

[tsheŋ2]

— — — — thŭn thoŋ˧ thíep thi:p˥

—

ziam4

[khuaj4] [ɗat7] tshep7

—

—

— — —

83

ŋej3 ŋaj3 ham1 ham1

Appendix

中文

English

84

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

KUANG 寬 wide

*Cəʔb[ɛ]:ŋ

*ɓ[e]:ŋ

ɓe:ŋ1 ɓɛŋ1

ɓe:ŋ1 ɓɛŋ1

ɓe:ŋ1 ɓe:ŋ1

ɓe:ŋ1 ɓe:ŋ1

ɓe:ŋ1 ɓiaŋ1

ɓe:ŋ1 ɓiaŋ1

[vi:4]

ɓɛ́ŋ pi:aŋ˧

—

KUN 捆

tie up

GHl:

*khə:nʔ

(kho:n3) —

kho:n3 —

kho:n3 kho:ŋ3

khɔ:n3 khuaŋ3

khɔ:n3 khu:n3

khɯan1

—

—

捆

bundle clsfr

*Cəʔbi:k

*ɓi:k

ɓi:ʔ7 —

ɓi:ʔ7 ɓiʔ4

kho:n3 kho:ŋ3 — ɓi:k7 ɓik7

ɓiaʔ7 ɓik7

ɓiaʔ7 ɓit8

ɓiak7 ɓiʔ7

[puək9]

— —

—

LA 拉

pull (things)

*ji:t

*hji:t

*riwɦ

*hriwɦ

辣

spicy

*rit

*hrit

— — giw2 giw2 gec7 git7

— — giw2 xiw2 get8 xet7

— zit7 hiw2 xew2 het8 xet8

— zit8 hiw2 — hit8 khet7

zíet ʒi:t˥ — — drít xet˧

—

pull (rope)

— — giw2 — git7 [z]eʔ5

[thɯj1]

拉

zi:t7 — riw2 — rit7 het4

LAI 來

come

*mɯ:n Run:

*hmɯ:n *phɯ:

mɯ:n1 ɓən4

pɯ:n1 pɛnʔ4

pɯ:n1 pɯŋ4

pɯ:n4 pɯŋ1

phɯ:n4 ph[ə:]1

pɯ:n4 mɯŋ4 phəɰ[ʔ]7

mɯ́ ɤn —

pɯ́ ɤn

中文

[thɯj1] [kəŋ5]

— —

Appendix

English

Proto-Hlai

癩蛤蟆 toad

CHl:

*Cuɦok

— ŋ[ua]k5

— —

— ŋɔk7

— ŋɔk[8]

voʔ7 ŋɔk8

hok7 ɱɔk8

[kəp7]

— —

—

LAN 藍色

blue

*[k/x]i:w

*khi:w

khi:w1 khiw1

khi:w1 khi:1

khi:w1 khiw1

khi:w1 khiw1

khiw1 khiw1

khi:w1 khiw1

khew1

xí:w khi:w˧

—

藍靛

indigo

爛

rotten

*ʔɯ:nʔ

*ʔɯ:nʔ

tshi:ŋ1 — la:n3 lɔn[5] ʔɯ:n3 —

tshi:ŋ1 — la:n3 lan3 ʔɯ:n3 —

tshi:ŋ1 — la:n3 la:ŋ3 ʔɯ:n3 —

(faɰ3) fəɰ3 la:n3 la:ŋ3 ʔɯ:n3 ʔɯŋ3

tshiaŋ1 faɰ3 — — — —

tshiaŋ1 fhaɰ3 la:n3 — — —

ʃìeŋ — — — — —

—

lazy

*tçhi:ŋ *fhɯ:ʔ *C-la:nʔ

[ta:1]

懶惰

*[c/ç]i:ŋ NCHl: *C-la:nʔ

LAO 撈

drag

*[k/x]unʔ

*khunʔ

撈

drag

嘮叨

nag

*Cuɣəc Run: *C-ŋəm[ʔ]

*Cuɦəc *khəwʔ *C-ŋəm[ʔ]

老

old

*ja:

*hja:

khun3 — hat7 — ŋam1 — za:1 zɔ:1

khun3 — hat[8] — ŋam1 — za:1 zaʔ4

khun3 khun3 hwac7 — ŋam3 — za:1 za:4

khun3 kho[n]3 vat8 vat7 ŋam3 ŋam3 za:4 za:1

— — vat8 kho:3 ŋam3 — za:4 za:1

khɯn3 khən3 v[ɯ]t7 kho:3 ŋam3 — za:1 za:4

[lɯam2] [ɲɯ:t8]

[lu:3] va:t9 ŋam5 tsɔk8 tso:1

— —

— — — —

85

xʊ̀ n — — — ŋɐ̀m — zà: —

Appendix

Pre-Hlai

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

老

old

*Cəʔgi:nʔ

*ki:nʔ

老鼠

mouse

*niw

*hniw

LE 勒

strangle

*C-[d/ɖ]əc

LEI 雷

thunder

雷公

86

中文

ki:n3 — tiw1 tiwʔ4

ki:n3 — tiw1 tiw4

ki:n3 kiŋ3 tiw4 tiw1

ki:n3 kiŋ3 thiw4 tew1

ki:n3 kin3 tiw4 ti:w4

—

— — níw tew˥

—

*ɾəc

rat7 —

rat[8] —

rac7 —

rat8 rat[8]

— [t]at8

lat8 —

lat10

— —

—

*ʔom

*ʔom

thunder god

GHl:

*C-ɲa:mʔ

肋骨

ribs

*[k/x]a:ŋʔ

*kha:ŋʔ

壘

pile up

*C-ɣa:n CHl:

*ɦa:n *phəwʔ

ʔom1 ʔ[e]m1 ʔom1 — kha:ŋ3 khɛŋ3 ha:n1 —

(ʔom1) — ɲa:m3 — khe:ŋ3 kheŋ3 ha:n1 phɔ:3

ʔom1 ʔom1 ɲa:m3 — — khe:ŋ3 ha:n1 pho:3

— — ɲa:m3 ɲa:m3 khe:ŋ3 khe:ŋ3 pho:3 pho:3

— ʔom1 na:m6 ɲa:m3 khe:ŋ3 khiaŋ3 pho:3 —

ʔom1 ʔom1 ɲa:m3 ɲam6 khe:ŋ3 — phɔ:3 —

[hu1 vuəj1]

om — — ɲa:m˥ xa̋ŋ — — —

—

LENG 冷

cold

*[k/x]a:jɦ

*kha:jɦ

kha:j2 —

kha:j2 khaj2

kha:j2 kha:j2

kha:j5 kha:j2

kha:j5 kha:j2

kha:j5 khuaj5

khɯaj1

xăj kha:j˨

—

kew4

[hu1 vuəj1] khe:ŋ1 [tshuəj3]

̆ tìw

— — —

Appendix

ki:n3 — niw1 tsɔj4

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

LI 犁鏡

part of plough

*Cəʔdi:k

*ɗi:k

黎族

Hlai

*ləj

*hləj

籬笆

fence

GHl:

*kə:p

裡面

inside

GHl:

*phəjʔ

*ʔu:k

*ʔu:k

carp

*la:

*hla:

力氣

strength

GHl: NWCHl: *[k/x]u:ɦ

*hɲa:t *C-minʔ *khu:ɦ

荔枝

lychee

*ʈə:m

*ʈʂhə:m

*[ʈ/c]ə:jʔ

*[ʈʂ/tç]hə:jʔ

鯉魚

Appendix

中文

ɗi:ʔ7 — ɗaj1 tθaj1 (ko:p7) — — — — — ɗa:1 — (tsa:t7) men3 khow2 kha:5 tsham1 — tsha:j3 —

ɗ[ik]7 — ɬaj1 laj1 ko:p7 — ph[e]j3 — ʔu:ʔ[8] ʔuʔ4 ɬa:1 la:1 tsa:t7 men3 khaw2 khaw2 tsho:m1 — tsho:j3 —

ɗi:k7 — ɬaj1 ɬaj1 ko:p7 ko:p7 phaj3 — ʔu:k[8] ʔuk7 ɬa:1 — tsa:t7 — khaw2 khaw2 tsho:m1 — tsho:j3 —

ɗiaʔ7 ɗik7 ɬaj1 ɬaj1 ko:p7 ko:p7 pha[:]j3 phaj3 ʔu:ʔ7 ʔuk7 ɬa:1 ɬa:1 tsa:t8 tsa:t7 khaw5 khaw5 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 tsha:j3 tsho:j3

— — ɬaj1 ɬaj1 kɔ:p7 kuap8 — — ʔuaʔ7 ʔuk7 ɬa:1 ɬa:1 — tsa:t8 kho5 khaw2 tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 tsha:j3 tshuaj3

ɗia[ʔ]7 — ɬaj1 ɬaj1 kɔ:p7 — — — ʔu:ʔ7 ʔuʔ7 ɬa:1 ɬa:1 tsa:t8 tsuat8 khɔ:5 khaw2 tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 tsha:j3 tshu:j3

ɗiak9 ɬaj4 [lɯj4] [tshu:1] [ke:4] — — kha:w1 [mɯat7] [tɯan1]

— — dàj — — — — — ṵ: — — — — — xʌ̆w — — — — tʃ huaj˥

— hiàj — — — — — — — —

87

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

LIAN 連接

connect

臉

face

*[c/ç]u:nʔ NECHl: *Cəʔdəŋ

*tçhu:nʔ *ɓa: *ɗəŋ

戀愛

be in love

*Cirɯ:k

*hrjɯ:k

LIANG 凉

cool (water)

GHl:

*hrən

量

measure (fabric) GHl:

*phəŋ

量

measure (rice) *C-lɯ:ŋʔ

*C-lɯ:ŋʔ

兩

pair

*C-lɯ:ŋɦ

*C-lɯ:ŋɦ

亮

bright

晾

dry in sun

*Cəʔdinʔ NCHl: GHl: Run:

*ɗinʔ *C-li:ŋ *kə:j *ɦa:ɦ

tshu:n3 tshuən3 ɗoŋ1 tseŋ1 zɯ:ʔ7 —

tshu:n3 sun3 ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 zɯ:ʔ7 —

tshu:n3 ɓa:1 ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 rɯ:k7 tɯk7

tshu:n3 (tshun3) ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 tɯ:ʔ8 tɯk7

tshu:n3 ɓa:1 ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 thɯaʔ 8 (tɯk7)

tshu:n3 ɓa:1 ɗaŋ1 ɗɔŋ1 tɯ:ʔ8 —

[tsiap7]

(gan1) han4 tshe:ʔ7 — lɯ:ŋ3 —

gan1 — phaŋ1 — lɯ:ŋ3 —

gan1 gaŋ4 phaŋ1 phaŋ1 lɯ:ŋ3 l[o]ŋ3

gan4 xaŋ1 phaŋ1 phaŋ1 lɯ:ŋ[6] lɯŋ3

han4 xaŋ1 — — — lɯŋ3

han4 tsan4 phaŋ1 — lɯ:ŋ3 lɯŋ6

[ɓe:k7]

lɯ:ŋ2 lɯəŋ4 ɗin3 — (ko:j1) —

lɯ:ŋ2 leŋ2 ɗin3 liŋ1 ko:j1 —

lɯ:ŋ2 — ɗeɲ3 liŋ1 ko:j1 —

— lɯŋ2 ɗen3 liŋ1 — ko:j1

— lɯŋ[1] ɗen3 liŋ1 — ha:2

— lɯŋ[6] ɗin3 liŋ4 — ha:5

[phan1] [lə:4]

[ɬɔ:ŋ4] ɬɔ:ŋ4 lɯaŋ5 ɗin1 —

— — dóŋ taŋ˧ zɯ̋ : —

—

(ɣɐn) — ʃɛ̠: — lɯ̀ ɤŋ —

án

— — din li:ŋ˥ — —

— —

— — — — —

Appendix

English

88

中文

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

LIAO 寮房

child’s house

*Cəʔgujʔ NECHl: Run:

*kujʔ *m-loŋʔ *ɬɯ:k *ʔu:ŋ

kuj3 —

kuj3 —

kuj3 —

kuj3 plɔŋ3

kuj3 plɔŋ3 ɬɯk8 ʔuŋ1

kuj3 plɔŋ3 ɬɯʔ7 ʔuŋ1

[ɗɔ:1]

— —

—

LIE 獵狗

hunting dog

*ma:

*hma:

pa:1 pa:1 tsa:w3 — thi:ŋ3 thiŋ3

pa:4 pa:1 tsa:w6 tsa:w3 thiaŋ3 thiŋ3

pha:4 — tsha:w6 tsa:w3 thiaŋ3 thiŋ3

pa:4 pa:1 tsa:w6 — thiaŋ3 thiŋ3

— — — — thíeŋ —

—

*hɲa:wʔ

pa:1 paʔ4 tsa:w3 — thi:ŋ3 —

—

*ɲa:wʔ

ma:1 — ɲa:w3 — thi:ŋ3 tshiəŋ3

lap7 lap2 khi:t7 —

lo:p7 lɔʔ4 khi:t7 —

lo:p7 lo:p7 khi:t7 —

lo:p7 lo:p7 khi:t7 khik7

lɔ:p8 luap8 khi:t7 —

lɔ:p7 luap8 khi:t7 khit7

[li:t9]

la̰p luap˧ xi̠et khi:t

—

həɰ1 —

həɰ1 —

hwəɰ1 —

gwəɰ1 ŋəɰ1

vəɰ1 ŋəɰ1

hwəɰ1 ɱəɰ4

ha:4

hə́ ɰ —

—

crack, split

*ti:ŋʔ

*thi:ŋʔ

LIN 鱗

fish scale

*C-lə:p

*C-lə:p

吝嗇

stingy

*[k/x]i:t

*khi:t

LING 靈魂

spirit

*Cuɣɯ:

*Cuɦɯ:

[ket7]

khi:t9

— —

khi:t

89

裂開

—

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

LIU 流

flow

*C-ma:w

*C-ma:w

留

stay

瘤

tumor

*jəw Qi: GHl:

六

six

LONG 龍 龍眼

聾

90

中文

ma:w1 maw1 zaw1 (ɲawʔ4) fo:n1 —

ma:w1 ma:w1 zaw1 zaw4 fo:n1 —

ma:w1 ma:w1 tsho:n5 zaw1 fo:n1 f[o]n1

ma:w4 ma:w1 tshɔ:n5 (zaw4) fɔ:n1 fuaŋ1

ma:w1 ma:w4 tshɔ:n5 zaw4 fɔ:n1 fuaŋ1

[lɔ:t8]

*nom

*hnom

nom1 tsem4

tom1 tonʔ4

tom1 tom4

tom4 tom1

thom4 tom1

tum4 tom4

dragon

*nəŋ

*hnəŋ

longyan

*ʈə:m

*ʈʂhə:m

*Cəʔbənʔ

*ɓənʔ

*lə:k

*hlə:k

noŋ1 — tsham1 — ɓen3 — ɗak7 tθɔk5

taŋ1 taŋʔ4 — — ɓan3 — ɬo:ʔ7 —

taŋ1 taŋ4 — — ɓan3 — ɬo:k7 ɬo:k7

taŋ4 taŋ1 tsho:m1 tsho:m1 ɓan3 ɓaŋ3 ɬo:ʔ7 ɬo:k7

thaŋ4 taŋ1 tshɔ:m1 tshuam1 ɓan3 ɓaŋ3 ɬɔ:ʔ7 ɬoʔ8

*Ciɣəp

*Ciɦəp

hop7 —

hap7 —

hjop7 —

zop7 ɲap7

zap7 ɲap8

deaf

LOU 漏 (雨) leak (rain)

má:w — záw — — —

—

nəm4

nóm tom˧

tóm

taŋ4 tɔŋ4 — tshuam1 ɓan3 ɓan3 ɬɔ:ʔ7 ɬoʔ7

tə:ŋ4

— — — — — — dɐ́k ɬu:ʔ˧

—

hjap7 ɲap7

hɔ:p9

hóp —

—

tɯan1 [thup7]

[mɯat7] piən1 ɬa:2taŋ5

— —

— — —

Appendix

ma:w1 ma:w1 *hjəw zaw1 *[ʈʂ/tç]hə:nɦ (ɲow1) *fhə:n nok7 —

English

Proto-Hlai

漏 (水) leak (water)

*C-[d/ɖ]əɲ

*ɾəɲ

ran1 —

ran1 —

raɲ1 lan4

— ran1

— —

lan4 —

—

LU 蘆葦

reed

GHl:

*fha:w

road

*Cəʔgu:n

*ku:n

鹿

deer

GHl:

*ɾə:jʔ

露水

dew

*C-nəmʔ

*C-nəmʔ

*lə:ŋʔ CHl:

*hlə:ŋʔ *hŋa:wʔ

fa:w1 — ku:n1 kun1 ro:j3 lɔjʔ4 nam3 nan3 ɬo:ŋ 3 lɔn3

fa:w1 — ku:n1 kuŋ1 ro:j3 lo:j3 nom3 nam3 ɬo:ŋ 3 ɬo:ŋ 3

fa:w1 fa:w1 ku:n1 kuŋ1 r[o]:j6 ro:j3 nam3 nam3 ka:w6 ɬo:ŋ 3

fa:w1 — ku:n1 kuŋ1 l[ɔ]:j6 ruaj3 nam6 nam3 kha:w6 ka:w3

— — ku:n1 kun1 l[ɔ]:j6 ru:j6 nam3 nam6 ka:w6 ka:w3

[mɯaj1 tsha:ŋ1] — — [tin1] kúon — [haw4] (dɔ̀ j) ɮuaj˥ na:m1 — — kɔ:w4 — —

—

路

(fa:w1) — ku:n1 — (ro:j3) — nom3 — ɗaŋ3 —

— —

—

Appendix

Pre-Hlai

中文

— l[ɔ̀̆ ]j — —

messy (yarn)

*[k/x]u:t

*khu:t

khu:t7 —

khu:t7 —

khu:t7 —

khu:t7 khuk7

— khuk8

— khut7

—

— —

—

LUN 輪換

take turns

GHl:

*tçhən

(tshan1) tsha[ŋ]3

tshan1 san1

tshan1 —

tshan1 tshaŋ1

— tshaŋ1

tshan1 tshan1

tshan1

— —

—

91

LUAN 亂

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

LUO 蘿蔔

radish

CHl:

*C-m[a]:k

鑼

gong

*C-lo:ʔ

*C-lo:ʔ

籮筐

vine basket

螺螄

snail

*Cəʔgu:ŋʔ NWCHl: Run: *[c/ç]i:

*ku:ŋʔ *ɓoŋ *C-la:ʔ *tçhi:

落

fall

*tok

*thok

MA 麻

hemp

*mi:n

*hmi:n

麻木

numb

*nənɦ

*hnənɦ

麻雀

sparrow

*pəc

*phəc

麻繩

hemp rope

*Cəʔda:j

*ɗa:j

— — lo:3 lɔ:1 ku:ŋ3 ɓoŋ1

— — lo:3 — — ɓoŋ1

me:k7 — lo:3 — ku:ŋ3 —

me:ʔ7 mɯ:2 — lo:3 ku:ŋ3 kuŋ3

— meʔ8 lɔ:6 lo:3 kuaŋ3 la:3

— — lo:3 lo:6 ku:ŋ3 la:6

—

tshej1 — thok7 thɔk2

tshej1 — thuk7 thaʔ4

tshej1 — thok7 thɔk7

tshej1 tshej1 thok7 thɔk7

tshej1 tshej1 thoʔ7 thɔk8

tshej1 tshej1 thɔk7 thɔk7

tshaj1 tow4

mi:n1 — nen2 — phat7 — ɗa:j1 —

pi:n1 — tan2 — phat7 — — ɗɔj1

pi:n1 — tan2 — phac7 phat7 — —

pi:n4 piŋ1 tan4 taŋ2 phat7 phat7 ɗa:j1 —

phi:n4 piŋ1 — taŋ2 phat7 phat8 ɗa:j1 ɗuaj1

pi:n4 piŋ1 tan4 — phat7 phat7 ɗa:j1 (la:m2)

mian1

lɔ:ŋ1 kuaŋ1

ɗɔ:k9

— ɓat7 [la:m3]

— mek˧ — — — —

—

— tʃhɛj˧ thók —

—

— — — — — phat˧ — —

—

— —

—

— — —

Appendix

English

92

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

馬

horse

*ŋa:ʔ

*hŋa:ʔ

螞蟥

water leech

*Ciliŋ

*hljiŋ

螞蟻

ant

*muc

*hmuc

罵

scold

— Qi:

[*C-la:k] *ʔənɦ

MAI 埋

cover up

*Cəʔgom

*kom

埋葬

bury

買

buy

*lomɦ Qi: *ʈəc

*hlomɦ *m-lomɦ *ʈʂhəc

賣

sell

*ri:wʔ

MAN 瞞

conceal

*Ci[d/ɖ]om

ka:3 ka:3 ziŋ1 zeŋʔ4 put7 puɛʔ4 la:ʔ7 —

ka:3 ka:3 ziŋ1 — puc7 pət7 — —

ka:6 ka:3 ɬiŋ4 zen1 put8 pot7 ʔan5 la:k7

kha:6 ka:3 ɬiŋ4 zen1 phut8 pot8 ʔan5 la:ʔ8

ka:6 ka:6 ɬiŋ4 tsen4 put8 pət8 ʔan5 —

[pə:5]

kom1 kom2 ɗom2 tθa:m5 tshat7 hiat2

kom1 — ɬom2 lon2 tshat7 —

kom1 kom1 ɬom2 ɬom2 tshac7 tshiet7

kom1 kom1 plom5 ɬom2 tshat7 tshat7

— kom1 pom5 kom1 tshat7 tshat8

kum[5] kom1 plum5 kom1 tshat7 tshat7

—

*hri:wʔ

ri:w3 hiw4

gi:w3 zi:3

— giw4

gi:w6 xiw3

hiw6 xiw3

gi:w6 khiw3

*ɾjom

zom1 —

zom1 l[u]nʔ4

rom1 tom4

tom4 tom1

thom4 tom1

tum4 tom[4]

tsi:ŋ4 puət8 [kəj5]

ŋà: ka:˥ — — — pot˧ — la:ʔ˧

ká: — — —

— — dòm kom˧ ʃát tʃha:t

—

ki:w1

d[ì]w hi:w˥

—

[mua2]

— —

—

ɬum4 ta:t9

— —

93

ŋa:3 kɔ:4 ziŋ1 (liŋ4) mut7 ɓət4 la:ʔ[9] —

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

滿

full

*ti:k

*thi:k

滿意

satisfied

*C-lə:m

*C-lə:m

GHl:

*Cuɦə:k

GHl: CHl: *C-ŋa[:]j

*shəjʔ *fha:j *C-ŋa[:]j

慢

slow

慢驣驣 slow-moving vine

ECHl:

*Ciɦəw

MANG 芒草

miscanthus

*Cəʔgəw

*kəw

蟒蛇

python

*C-na:ɲʔ

*C-na:ɲʔ

MAO 貓

cat

*C-mi:wɦ

*C-mi:wɦ

thi:ʔ7 thiək2 lam1 — (ho:ʔ7) — — — ŋaj1 — — —

thi:ʔ7 thiʔ4 lo:m1 — ho:ʔ7 — taj3 — ŋa:j1 — — —

thi:k7 thik7 lo:m1 — hwo:k7 — taj3 — ŋa:j1 — hjaw1 —

thiaʔ7 thik7 lo:m1 lo:m1 go:ʔ7 ŋo:k7 fa:j1 — — ŋaj1 — —

thiaʔ7 thiʔ8 lɔ:m4 luam1 vɔ:ʔ7 ŋoʔ8 fa:j1 — — — — —

thiak7 thiʔ7 lɔ:m4 luam4 vɔ:ʔ7 — fa:j1 faj1 ŋa:j1 — hjaw1 —

tshia5

kaw1 kaw1 — nɔn3

kaw1 kaw1 — nɔn3

kaw1 kaw1 na:ɲ3 —

kaw1 kaw1 — —

kaw1 (kaw4) — —

kaw1 kaw1 na:n3 —

nɔ:w5 ku:1

mi:w2 miw5

mi:w2 mi:2

mi:w2 miw2

mi:w5 miw2

miw2 miw[1]

mi:w5 miw2

ɲa:w5

— — [tsəŋ2] [ŋɔ:w2] —

—

thi̠: — — — — — — — — — — —

théɐk

káw — — —

—

mĭw miw˥

—

— — — — —

—

Appendix

蔓

94

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

毛

fur, body hair

*Cuɣun

*Cuɦun

毛蟲

caterpillar

GHl:

*Ciɦənɦ

GHl:

*thoŋʔ

*Ciɣa:

*Ciɦa:

hun1 ŋən1 za:w1 ɲan5 hun1 thɔŋ5 ha:1 ɲɔ:1 tsaŋ1 —

hun1 ŋɛn1 han2 ŋjɛn2 thuŋ3 thaŋ1 ha:1 ŋja:1 tsaŋ1 —

hun1 ŋoŋ1 hjan2 — thoŋ3 — hja:1 ɲɛ:1 tsaŋ1 —

hun1 ŋoŋ1 zan5 — thoŋ3 — za:1 ɲa:1 tsaŋ1 tsaŋ1

hun1 ŋoŋ1 zan5 ɲaŋ2 — — za:1 ɲa:1 tsaŋ1 —

hun1 ɱən4 hjan5 ɲan2 thuŋ3 thoŋ3 hja:1 ɲa:4 tsaŋ1 —

hɔ:ŋ4 zɔ:t8 [ni:4]

— — —

茅草

thatch grass

冒

to brave (water) *Cəʔɟəŋ

*tçəŋ

冒

to brave (water) CHl:

*ɾjuɲʔ

— —

— —

— —

— —

thun6 ton3

tɯn6 tən3

—

— —

—

MEI 沒有

not have

*ʔe:mɦ *ʔwəɲ *hwi: *ɗu:k *ɗuk *[ʈʂ/tç]hu:ŋ

ʔe:m2 v[ɛ]n3

ʔe:m2 ʔwan3

ʔweɲ3 —

vej4 ɣan3

van3 van3

vej[4] van3

[ŋɔ:1]

ɛ́m —

—

— ɗoʔ4 tsh[ɯ]:ŋ1 — ran2 —

— — tshu:ŋ1 — ran2 —

— — tshu:ŋ1 tsh[o]ŋ1 ran2 raŋ2

ɗuaʔ7 — tshuaŋ1 tshuŋ1 lan2 raŋ2

ɗu:ʔ7 ɗɔʔ[8] tshu:ŋ1 tshuŋ1 lan2 ran2

tɔk9

du̠ : — ʃúoŋ — — —

—

*ɾənɦ

ɗu:ʔ7 ɗok2 tshu:ŋ1 — — —

needle clsfr

每

every

GHl:

[pu:t9]

tshin5 —

— —

— —

95

枚

*ʔɛ:mɦ CHl: Qi: *Cəʔdu:k NCHl: *[ʈ/c]u:ŋ

zow4

hún ŋoŋ˧ — — — — ha: ɲa:˧ — —

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

美麗

beauty

*lin

*hlin

*C-mɯ:n NCHl:

*C-mɯ:n *C-la:jʔ

door

CHl:

*hmomʔ

門閂

door latch

門牙

incisors

GHl: CHl: GHl: Run: *Civən

*C-mu:n *khu:n *khəŋ *tçhu:ŋʔ *fhjən

*Cira:w

*hrja:w

MEN 門

cheat

*pə:ŋ

*phə:ŋ

蒙

cheat

CHl:

*phɯ:m

ɗin1 tθen1 mɯ:n1 la:(j)3

ɬin1 len1 mɯ:n1 —

ɬeɲ1 ɬen1 mɯ:n1 la:j3

ɬen1 ɬen1 mɯ:n1 —

ɬen1 ɬen1 mɯ:n4 mɯŋ1

ɬin1 ɬen1 mɯ:n1 mən1

—

tshom1 — — — — — phen1 sen1 za:w1 —

— — mu:n1 — khaŋ1 — fan1 — — —

pom3 — khu:n1 — khaŋ1 — fan1 — ra:w1 —

— pom3 khu:n1 — khaŋ1 — fan1 sen1 ta:w4 ta:w1

— pom3 mu:n4 khuŋ1 khaŋ1 tshuŋ3 fan1 faŋ1 tha:w4 tsa:w1

— pom6 mu:n1 mun[5] khaŋ1 tshuŋ3 fan1 fhan1 ta:w4 tsa:w4

[min4]

phaŋ1 — — —

pho:ŋ 1 — — —

pho:ŋ 1 — — —

pho:ŋ 1 pho:ŋ 1 phɯ:m1 —

— — phu:m1 phum1

pho:ŋ 1 — — phɯ:m1 phɔ:m1 phum1

[nɔk7]

muan1 tshua3 tshaŋ1 tsu:4

dín — mɯ́ ɤn —

—

ʃóm — — khu:ŋ˦ — — — — — —

—

— — — —

—

— — — —

— —

Appendix

MENG 蒙

96

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

矇矓

hazy

*mɯ:ŋʔ

*hmɯ:ŋʔ

*mɯ:ŋʔ NECHl:

*hmɯ:ŋʔ *m-lu:ŋɦ

pɯ:ŋ3 — pɯ:ŋ3 —

pɯ:ŋ3 — pɯ:ŋ3 —

pɯ:ŋ6 — pɯ:ŋ6 pluŋ2

— — — pluŋ2

— — — —

—

(mat7) mat2 phen1 fon1 fiŋ3 —

mat7 — fan1 fan1 fiŋ3 —

mat7 — fan1 — — —

mat7 mak7 fan1 faŋ1 fiŋ3 fen3

mat8 — fan1 faŋ1 fiŋ3 fen3

mat7 — fan1 fhan1 fiŋ1 fen3

mɔ:t9

ŋəɰ1 — rap7 — ɓi:ŋ2 phɛw1 ʔo:t7 — ko:j1 kɔj1

ŋəɰ1 — — — ɓi:ŋ2 phow1 ʔo:t7 — ko:j1 ko:j1

ŋəɰ1 ŋəɰ1 fop8 — ɓiaŋ5 ɓiŋ2 ʔo:t7 ʔo:k7 ka:j1 ko:j1

— tshoŋ2 fap8 — ɓiaŋ5 ɓiŋ2 ʔɔ:t7 ʔoʔ8 ka:j1 kuaj1

(pɯ:ŋ3) tshən5 fap8 fap8 ɓiaŋ5 ɓiŋ5 ʔɔ:t7 ʔu:t7 ka:j1 ku:j1

[pɯ:ŋ4]

蠓

midge

GHl:

*C-mət

夢

dream

*fən

*fhən

夢囈

sleeptalk

*fiŋʔ

*fhiŋʔ

MI 迷路

get lost

米

rice

*C-ŋɯ: Run: *Cu[d/ɖ]əp

米酒

rice wine

密

dense

*Cəʔbi:ŋɦ NCHl: *ʔə:t

蜜蜂

bee

GHl:

*C-ŋɯ: ŋəɰ1 *[ʈʂ/tç]hunɦ — *Cuɾəp rop7 — *ɓi:ŋɦ ɓi:ŋ2 *phu: phew1 *ʔə:t ʔat7 — *kə:j (ko:j1) kɔ:1

—

pɔ:n1 [lɔ:w2 mɔ:ŋ4]

ləp8 ɓi:ŋ5 ʔɯət7 [tej1]

— — — —

—

— — — faŋ˧ — —

—

— — dóp — — — át — (kɔ́ j) kuaj˧

—

—

— —

fa̠p — — —

97

mɯ:ŋ3 — mɯ:ŋ3 ɓuəŋ5

Appendix

中文

98

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

MIAN 棉花

cotton

*Cəʔbu:jʔ

*ɓu:jʔ

ɓu:j3 ɓu:(j)3

ɓu:j3 ɓuj3

ɓu:j3 ɓuj3

ɓu:j3 ɓuj3

ɓu:j3 ɓuj3

ɓu:j3 ɓuj3

[ɓɔk7]

bùoj puj˥

—

MIAO 苗准

aim at

GHl:

*hrəɲ

— —

gan1 —

gaɲ1 —

gan4 xan1

— xan1

gan4 khan1

[ɗuj4]

— —

—

MING 明年

next year

*mu:ɦ

*hmu:ɦ

next year

*C-ni:ɦ

*C-ni:ɦ

*mi:ʔ NECHl:

*hmi:ʔ *ɦəwɦ

pow2 paw[4] ɗaŋ1 ho:2 — — — — — ho:2

— paw2 — ho:2 kom4 — n[i:]5 — — ho:2

pho:2 paw2 ho:5 ho:2 — — — — phaj6 ho:5

paw2 paw2 ɗaŋ1 ho:5 kum4 — nej5 — paj6 —

mʌ̆w pɐw˨ dóŋ ho:˨ — — — — mèj pa:j˥

—

*ɗəŋ *ɦəwɦ *hŋom

paw2 paw2 ɗaŋ1 ho:2 — — — — p[e]j3 —

ma:1

*Cəʔdəŋ CHl: Qi:

mow2 ɓa:5 ɗoŋ1 haw5 — — — — mej3 ɓaj4

*C-ɣəwɦ

*ɦəwɦ

haw2 — phe:ŋ1 phe:ŋ1

ho:5 — phe:ŋ1 phe:ŋ1

ho:5 ho:2 phe:ŋ1 phiaŋ1

hɔ:5 ho:5 phe:ŋ1 phiaŋ1

hăw ho:˨ fàŋ phi:aŋ˧

—

*pha:ŋ

haw2 — phe:ŋ1 pheŋ1

ziaw4

*pa:ŋ

haw2 h[i]aw5 pha:ŋ1 phɛŋ1

明年

明天

name

— — [kɯ2]

phɯ:1

— — — —

phèŋ

Appendix

名字

tomorrow

thiəŋ4

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

命中

hit target

*C-lə:m

*C-lə:m

lam1 lam1

lo:m1 —

lo:m1 lo:m1

lo:m1 lo:m1

lo:m1 luam1

lɔ:m1 luam4

[nɯən4]

lɐ́m —

—

MO 摸

feel

GHl:

*ʋɯ:m

*[c/ç]ə:ŋ

*tçhə:ŋ

磨刀

sharpen

蘑菇

mushroom

磨米

grind (rice)

*C-[d/ɖ]a: NWCHl: *Cəʔdit Meifu: CHl:

*ɾa: *ɾa:t *ɗit *[ʈʂ/tç]hinʔ *ka:nɦ

vɯ:m1 — tsho:ŋ1 — ra:1 la:4 ɗec7 tshen3 ka:n2 —

fɯ:m4 vɯm1 tsho:ŋ1 tsho:ŋ1 ra:4 ra:1 ɗet7 tshen3 ka:n5 —

fu:m4 vɯm[2] tshɔ:ŋ1 tshuaŋ1 la:4 ra:1 ɗet7 — — —

fɯ:m4 — tshɔ:ŋ1 tshuaŋ1 la:4 ra:4 (ɗet7) ɗet7 ka:n5 ka:ŋ2

— — — — drá: — dít — — —

—

imitate

vɯ:m1 — tsho:ŋ1 soŋ1 ra:1 laʔ1 ɗit7 — — —

—

模仿

— — tshaŋ1 — ra:1 lɔt4 ɗit7 — — —

MU 母雞

hen

GHl:

*hrə:j

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

go:j1 go:j4 khaj1 khaj1 paj3 paj4

ga:j4 xo:j1 khaj1 khaj1 p[i:]6 paj3

ha:j4 xuaj1 khaj1 khaj1 ph[i:]6 [me:1]

ha:j4 khu:j1 khaj1 khaj1 p[i:]6 [me]j6

— — — — mèj —

—

*khəj

go:j1 ŋɔjʔ4 khaj1 khaj1 (mej3) paj3

ka:j5

*[k/x]əj

(ga:j1) ho:(j)5 khaj1 khaj1 mej3 ɓaj4

母雞

hen

tshɔŋ5 lɔ:4 [tshaŋ1] ka:n5

khaj1 ma:j5

Appendix

中文

— — — —

— —

99

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*[k/x]əj

*khəj

母親

mother

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

母指

thumb

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

*Cili:ŋɦ

*hlji:ŋɦ

木板

board

[*Cəʔbɛ:nɦ]

*ɓe:nɦ

木杵

pestle

*[c/ç]a:k

*tçha:k

木耳

tree fungus

*Cəʔdit

*ɗit

*Ciləj

*hljəj

papaya

*Ciʔunɦ

*Ciʔunɦ

木棉

kapok

*C-ɣa:wʔ

*ɦa:wʔ

木薯

yam

*ŋwə:j GHl: Qi:

*hŋwə:j *C-mən *C-mu:ŋ

khaj1 khaj1 mej3 ɓaj4 mej3 ɓaj4 zi:ŋ2 — ɓe:n2 — tsha:ʔ7 tshɛk2

khaj1 khaj1 (mej3) paj3 (mej3) paj3 zi:ŋ2 zin2 ɓe:n2 ɓen2 tshe:ʔ7 tshɛʔ4

khaj1 khaj1 paj3 paj4 paj3 — zi:ŋ2 — ɓe:n2 ɓe:n2 tshe:k7 tshe:ʔ7

khaj1 khaj1 p[i:]6 paj3 p[i:]6 paj3 ɬiaŋ2 ziŋ2 ɓe:n5 ɓe:n2 tshe:ʔ7 tshɯ:2

khaj1 khaj1 ph[i:]6 [me:1] ph[i:]6 — ɬiaŋ2 (ziŋ5) ɓe:n5 — tshe:ʔ7 tsheʔ8

khaj1 khaj1 p[i:]6 [me]j6 p[i:]6 [me:5] ɬiaŋ2 tsiŋ2 ɓe:n5 — tshe:ʔ7 tshiaʔ7

khaj1

ɗit[9] — zaj1 — ʔun2 — ha:w3 haw3 va:j1 h[ɔ]j4

ɗit7 — zaj1 [n]ajʔ4 ʔun2 — ha:w3 haw3 man1 ŋɔjʔ4

ɗec7 — zaj1 — — — ha:w3 ha:w3 man1 maŋ1

ɗet7 ɗet7 ɬaj4 — — — ha:w3 ha:w3 mu:ŋ1 maŋ1

ɗet7 — — — zun5 zoŋ5 ha:w3 ha:w3 muaŋ4 maŋ1

— ɗet7 ɬaj4 — ʔjɯn5 zən5 ha:w3 ha:w3 mu:ŋ1 man4

[kɔ:1]

ma:j5 ma:j5 tsap9 tsia4 ɓe:n5 tshɯ:5

[tsə:2] [pɔ:5] hɔ:w4 mɔ:n1

xáj — mèj mɛ:˧ — — — ʒi:ŋ˦ bĕn — sa̠: —

—

dít — — — ŭn ʒoŋ˦ hà:w — và:j —

—

pí: — — — —

— — — —

Appendix

木瓜

100

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*C-ɣa:wʔ

*ɦa:wʔ

ha:w3 ha:w3

ha:w3 haw3

ha:w3 ha:w3

ha:w3 ha:w3

ha:w3 ha:w3

ha:w3 ha:w3

hɔ:w4

— —

—

tshi:w3 — ra:1 — həɰ2 hɔ:5 ma:2 — ʔuŋ2 — ma:2 —

tshi:w3 — ra:1 — haɰ2 — ma:2 mo:3 ɗuŋ1 — ma:2 mɔ:1

tshi:w3 tshiw3 ra:1 — haɰ2 həɰ2 ma:2 ma:2 ɗoŋ1 — haɰ2 —

tshi:w3 tshiw3 ra:[2] — haɰ5 həɰ2 ma:5 ma:2 ɗoŋ1 — haɰ5 ma:2

tshiw3 tshiw3 la:4 — haɰ[2] — m[ɔ]:2 na:3 ɗuŋ1 ɗoŋ1 ma:5 na:3

tshi:w3 tshiw3 la:4 ra:4 h[ə]ɰ5 — ma:5 n[o]:5 ɗuŋ1 ɗuŋ1 həɰ5 n[o]:5

[khɛ:5 lə:w4]

ʃìw — da: — hə̆ ɰ — mă: na˥ — — — —

—

pha:3 phɔ:3 ma:n1 —

pha:3 pha:3 ma:n1 —

pha:3 pha:3 ma:n1 —

pha:3 pha:3 — —

pha:3 pha:3 ma:n4 ma:ŋ1

pha:3 pha:3 ma:n1 muan4

take

*[c/ç]i:wʔ

*tçhi:wʔ

哪

which

*C-[d/ɖ]a:

*ɾa:

那

that (medial)

*C-ɣɯ:ɦ

*ɦɯ:ɦ

那

that (distal)

那樣

that way

*C-ma:ɦ Run: GHl:

*C-ma:ɦ *C-na:[ʔ] *ɗuŋ

*C-ma:ɦ ECHl: Run:

*C-ma:ɦ *ɦɯ:ɦ *C-na:[ʔ]

*pa:ʔ

*pha:ʔ

*C-ma:n

*C-ma:n

NAN 男人

man

la:j4 [kɛ:4] mɔ:5 [kɛ:4] mɔ:5

phɯ:1 [tsə:4]

fà: pha:˥ mán maŋ˧

— — — — —

— —

101

NA 拿

Appendix

中文

102

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

南

south

*pəjʔ Run: *Cəʔdəŋ NWCHl:

*phəjʔ *fh[a]:ŋ *ɗəŋ *kəw

ɗuj1 phuj3 ɗoŋ1 kaw1

phej3 phe:3 ɗaŋ1 kaw1

phaj3 phaj3 ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1

pha[:]j3 phaj3 ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1

phaj3 fiaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1

pha[:]j3 [haj2] fiaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 [mɯa5] ɗaŋ1

— — — —

—

*ʔi: GHl: CHl: NECHl: *Ci[d/ɖ]a:k

*ʔi: *ɦɯ:p *hrə:jɦ *hm[a]:ŋʔ *ɾja:k

ʔej1 —

hɯ:p7 —

ʔej1 —

ga:j2 pe:ŋ3

ha:j2 piaŋ3

hɯ:p7 khuaj5

huəp8

— —

—

za:ʔ7 lɛk4

ze:ʔ7 leʔ4

re:k7 (ze:ʔ7)

te:ʔ8 tɯ:2

the:ʔ8 teʔ8

te:ʔ8 tiaʔ7

[ʔaj1]

za̠: tɛʔ˧

—

*C-ɣɯ:t Meifu: *lu:k

*ɦɯ:t *khɯ:t *hlu:k

hɯ:t7 — ɗu:ʔ7 tθok2

hɯ:t7 — ɬu:ʔ7 [n]uʔ4

hɯ:t7 khɯt7 ɬu:k7 ɬuk7

hɯ:t7 khɯt7 ɬu:ʔ7 ɬuk7

hɯ:t7 hɯk8 ɬuaʔ7 ɬuk8

hɯ:t7 — ɬu:ʔ7 ɬuʔ7

kɯat7

hɯ̠ ɤt hœk˧ — ɬu:k˧

—

*m-lɯ:k Run:

*m-lɯ:k *ʔu:t

lɯ:ʔ7 lɯək4

lɯ:ʔ7 pjuʔ4

plɯ:k7 pɯʔ7

plɯ:ʔ7 plɯk7

(ʔu:t7) ʔuk8

plɯ:ʔ7 ʔut7

[ɲə:p8]

lɯ̠ : —

—

南瓜

pumpkin

難

difficult

NAO 撓

scratch

腦

brain

NEN 嫩

tender

ɬu:ʔ8

—

—

Appendix

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

NENG 能幹

able

GHl: NECHl:

*ki:w *ɗəjɦ

ɗiw3 —

ki:w1 —

ki:w1 —

ki:w1 ɗaj2

— ɗaj2

ki:w1 ɗaj5

kiw1

— —

—

NI 泥(土)

mud

GHl:

*m-la:k

ren1 —

le:ʔ7 pjɛʔ4

ple:k7 pe:ʔ7

ple:ʔ7 plɯ:2

pe:ʔ7 pleʔ8

ple:ʔ7 —

lɯa5

— —

—

你

you (sg)

*C-mɯ:

*C-mɯ:

you (pl)

GHl:

*C-mɯ:

*səw

*shəw

məɰ1 məɰ1 məɰ1 — t[a:]1 saw1 ɬom1 ɬom1 — ʔa:j3

məɰ1 məɰ1 — — taw1 saw1 ɬom1 ɬom1 ʔa:j3 —

məɰ4 m[ə:]1 — — taw1 tsh[ə:]1 — ɬom1 (ʔa:j6) —

məɰ1 məj1 məɰ[ʔ]8 — — — taw1 tshaw1 tsh[əɰʔ]7 — — [ɗɔ:k9] — ʔa:j3 [ʔem1] ʔuaj3

mɯ̀ : m[ɔ:]˧ — — —

*hlom *thok *ʔa:jʔ

məɰ1 mɛ:1 məɰ1 mɛ:5 taw1 — ɬom1 thaʔ4 — —

mə́ ɰ

你們

mɯ:1 m[ɔ]:5 (məj3) ma:1 t[u:]1 — ɗom1 thɔk2 ʔa:j3 —

ɗóm — — —

—

*hmu:ɦ

mow2

paw2

pow2

paw2

pho:2

pɔ:2

máw

pʌw

ɓa:5

paw2

paw2

paw2

paw2

paw2

溺

drown

膩

greasy

*lom NWCHl: *ʔa:jʔ

NIAN 年

year

*mu:ɦ

ma:1

—

—

103

pɐw˨

—

104

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

黏

sticky

*C-ɲɯt Run:

*C-ɲɯt *ʔe:t

ɲɯt7 —

ɲɯt7 —

ɲɯt[9] —

ɲɯt[9] —

— ʔet8

— ʔi:t7

ɲɯ:t10

— —

—

NIAO 鳥

bird

*səc

*shəc

*Cəʔdu:

*ɗu:

tac7 sat7 ɗow1 ɗow1

tat7 sat7 ɗow1 ɗow1

tat7 tshat8 ɗow1 ɗow1

tat7 tshat8 ɗow1 ɗow1

ta̠t — dʌ́w tow˧

—

urine

tat7 faʔ4 ɗow1 —

[nɔ:k9]

尿

tat[9] tshiat2 ɗow1 —

NING 擰

twist

*Ciɣəɲʔ CHl:

*Ciɦəɲʔ *Ciɦət

hen3 —

han3 —

hjaɲ3 —

zat7 —

zat7 ɲat8

hjat7 ɲat8

[vu:t8]

— ɲa:t˧

—

凝固

solid

*tə:mɦ

*thə:mɦ

tham2 —

tho:m2 —

tho:m2 —

tho:m5 tho:m2

thɔ:m5 thuam2

thɔ:m5 thɔ:m5 thuam5

— —

—

NIU 牛虻

gadfly

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ *lja:k

pej3 — ze:ʔ7 —

pɯ(2) — ze:k7 —

— — ɬe:ʔ8 zɯ:2

— — — zeʔ8

— pɯ3 ɬe:ʔ8 (ziaʔ8)

— — — —

—

*Cila:k

mej3 — za:ʔ7 —

[tsem5]

[kɯ2]

—

Appendix

[nɯa5]

—

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

NONG 膿

pus

*Curiwʔ NECHl:

*Cuhriwʔ *C-ne:ŋ

riw3 vɔj3

giw3 (ʔiw3)

gwiw3 ni:ŋ1

gwiw6 ɣiw3

viw6 niaŋ1

hiw6 niaŋ4

ku:1

d[è]w —

—

NU 努力

exert

*tɯ:n

*thɯ:n

thɯ:n1 thɯŋ1 khaw2 khaw2

thɯ:n1 thɯŋ1 khaw5 khaw2

thɯ:n1 thɯŋ1 kho:5 khaw2

thɯ:n1 thən1 khɔ:5 khaw5

thɯ́ ɤn — khʌ̆w —

—

*khu:ɦ

thɯ:n1 thɛn1 khaw2 khaw2

ɗaŋ1

*[k/x]u:ɦ

thɯ:n1 tshɯn1 khow2 kha:5

kha:w1

—

warm

*lunɦ NCHl:

*hlunɦ *hlom

ɗun2 —

— —

ɬun2 ɬom1

ɬun5 ɬo[ŋ][2]

ɬun5 ɬom[2]

ɬun5 ɬom1

thu:n5

— —

—

NUO 糯稻

glutinous rice

*C-mu:nʔ CHl:

*C-mu:nʔ *C-muc

mu:n3 —

mu:n3 muɛʔ4

mu:n3 mət7

mut7 —

mut8 mot8

mut7 mət8

mɯ2

mùon —

—

*C-ŋa:ʔ

*C-ŋa:ʔ

ŋa:3 kɔ:4

ka:3 ka:3

ka:3 ka:3

ka:6 ka:3

kha:6 ka:3

ka:6 ka:6

ŋow1

ŋà: —

—

*lɯ:k Qi:

*hlɯ:k *ɗiʔ

ɗɯ:ʔ7 tθɯək2

ɬɯ:ʔ7 leʔ4

ɬɯ:k7 ɬɯk7

ɗi3 ɬɯk7

ɬɯaʔ7 ɬɯk8

ɗi3 ɬɯʔ7

ɬiək8

dɯ̠ : —

—

NY 女兒

daughter

105

NUAN 暖和

女人

English

woman

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

*[k/x]əwɦ

*khəwɦ

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

*[k/x]əwɦ

*khəwɦ

106

中文

mej3 ɓaj4 khaw2 — mej3 ŋa:w1 khaw2 — ɗəɰ1 tθow1

— — khaw2 khɔ:2 pej3 ŋa5 khaw2 khɔ:2 ɬəɰ1 low[2]

paj3 — khaw2 kho:2 paj3 — khaw2 kho:2 ɬəɰ1 ɬəɰ1

— pɯ3 kho:5 kho:2 — — kho:5 kho:2 ɬəɰ1 ɬəɰ1

phaj6 paj3 kho:5 (kho:5) phaj6 paj3 kho:5 kho:5 ɬəɰ1 ɬəɰ1

paj[4] paj[4] kh[o]:5 kho:5 paj6 paj[4] kh[o]:5 kho:5 ɬəɰ1 ɬəɰ1

[mɯ2]

[ʔɔŋ1]

[ta:w1] mɯ2 [ta:w1]

son-in-law

*lɯ:

*hlɯ:

OU 嘔吐

vomit

GHl:

*fha:k

ʔa:ʔ7 fɛk2

fe:ʔ7 —

fe:k7 fe:ʔ7

fe:ʔ7 (fek7)

fe:ʔ7 feʔ8

fe:ʔ7 fhiaʔ7

GHl:

*Cuɦə:mʔ

(ho:m3) ŋom[5] na:n1 — hɯ:m1 ŋum1

ho:m3 — na:n1 — hɯ:m1 —

hwo:m3 ŋo:m3 na:n1 — hwɯ:m1 ŋɯm1

go:m[6] ŋo:m3 na:n1 na:ŋ1 hɯ:m1 ŋɯm1

vɔ:m5 ŋuam3 na:n4 na:ŋ1 vu:m1 ŋɯm1

hɔ:m3 [phok7] ɱuam6 na:n1 [khuən1] nuan4 hɯ:m1 hɔ:m4 ɱom4

PA 趴 (行) lie face-down 趴

climb (tree)

*C-na:n

*C-na:n

爬

crawl

*Cuɣɯ:m

*Cuɦɯ:m

ɬa:4

—

— —

—

— — — — — —

—

— — — —

— —

Appendix

女婿

mèj — xʌ̆w — mèj pa:j˥ xʌ̆w kho:˨ — ɬəɰ˧

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

怕

afraid

*Cəʔda:ʔ NCHl:

*ɗa:ʔ *C-m[a]:ŋ

ɗa:3 mɛŋ1

ɗa:3 meŋ1

ɗa:3 me:ŋ1

ɗa:3 ɗa:3

ɗa:3 ɗa:3

ɗa:3 ɗa:3

ɬɔ:4

dà: ta:˥

tlá:

PAI 拍

clap

—

[*pha:ŋɦ]

*rəj

*hrəj

派遣

dispatch

GHl:

*ɓəj

pha:ŋ2 pha:ŋ2 gaj1 — ɓaj1 —

pha:ŋ5 pha:ŋ2 gaj4 xaj1 ɓaj1 ɓaj1

— — haj4 xaj1 ɓaj1 ɓaj1

pha:ŋ5 — haj4 khaj1 ɓaj1 ɓaj1

— fɔŋ˥ — — — —

—

arrange

pha:ŋ2 — gaj1 — ɓaj1 —

—

排列

pha:ŋ2 — raj1 — — —

PAN 攀折

break (stem)

*ŋəw NCHl:

*hŋəw *ʔu:ʔ

Run:

*C-ŋu:t

kaw1 (ʔew3) — —

kaw4 kaw1 — —

— kaw1 (ŋu:t8) ŋut7

kaw4 — — ŋut8

— — — —

—

break (stem)

kaw1 — — —

[ʔu:t9]

攀折

— ʔɛw3 — —

ŋa:j2 — ɓow2 ɓa:5

ŋo:j2 ŋɔj2 ɓaw2 ɓaw2

(ŋa:j2) — ɓow2 kha:2

ŋa:j5 ŋo:j2 ɓaw5 ɓaw2

ŋa:j2 ŋuaj2 ɓo:5 ɓaw2

ŋa:j5 — ɓɔ:5 kha:5

—

ŋá:j — bʌ̆w kha:˨

—

side

*C-ŋə:jɦ

*C-ŋə:jɦ

螃蟹

crab

*Cəʔbu:ɦ NCHl:

*ɓu:ɦ *kha:ɦ

pha:j4

—

[tsha:k9]

— —

—

—

107

PANG 旁邊

[ɓa:j2]

Appendix

中文

108

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

胖

fat

*ru:jʔ

*hru:jʔ

ru:j3 huj4

gu:j3 vuj3

g[we]j3 guj3

gu:j6 xuj3

hu:j6 xuj3

hu:j6 khuj3

kuj1

duoj —

—

PAO 跑

run

*Curu:ɦ

*Cuhru:ɦ *hlujʔ

泡沫

foam

GHl:

*fhu:t

泡沫

foam

CHl:

*fhu:ŋʔ

gow2 gow2 ɬuj3 — fu:t7 fuk7 — fuŋ3

gow2 ɣow2 — ɬuj3 fu:t7 fuk7 — —

ha:m5 vow2 — ɬoj3 — — fuaŋ3 foŋ3

how2 vow5 ɬuj3 (ɬu:j3) fu:t7 — fuaŋ3 foŋ3

dăw — — — — — — —

—

*lujʔ

gow2 ŋɛw2 ɬuj3 — fu:t7 fuʔ4 — —

kɔ:1

跑味兒 stale

row2 vaw5 ɗuj3 — (puat7) fu[a]t2 — —

*puɦ

*phuɦ *hla:w

盆

basin

*ʔ[a]:ŋɦ

*ʔ[a]:ŋɦ

phu:2 — ɬa:w1 — ʔe:ŋ2 —

phu:2 — ɬa:w1 — ʔe:ŋ2 —

phu:5 phu[t]7 ɬa:w1 ɬa:w1 ʔe:ŋ5 —

ʔu:5 phu:5 ɬa:w1 ɬa:w1 — —

ʔu:5 phu:5 ɬa:w1 ɬa:w1 ʔe:ŋ5 —

— — — — ɛ́ŋ —

—

*la:w

phu:2 phu:5 ɗa:w1 — (ʔe:ŋ2) —

ʔa:w1

噴

spray (with mouth) spray

PEN 噴

[vi:3 fin4] puət9 —

[vuŋ5] —

— — —

— —

Appendix

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

PENG 朋友

friend

GHl:

*phi:nʔ

捧

hold in two hands

CHl: NWCHl:

*khop *ʔɯn

碰見

meet

*[ʈ/c]u:ŋɦ NWCHl:

PI 劈

split

皮

Appendix

中文

— — — ʔən1

phi:n3 — — ʔɛn1

phi:n3 — khop7 khop7

phi:n3 phiŋ3 khop7 khop7

phi:n3 — — khop7

phi:n3 phin3 khɔp7 khop7

pɯən5

— — — —

—

*[ʈʂ/tç]hu:ŋɦ tshu:ŋ2 *C-la:jʔ la:3

tshu:ŋ2 laj3

tshu:ŋ2 —

tshu:ŋ5 tshuŋ2

tshuaŋ5 tshuŋ2

tshu:ŋ5 —

—

— —

—

*Cəʔbu:ŋ

*ɓu:ŋ

skin (of fruit)

*fa:k

*fha:k

皮膚

skin

*C-nə:ŋ

*C-nə:ŋ

屁

fart

*tu:c

*thu:c

ɓu:ŋ1 ɓoŋ1 pha:ʔ7 fɛk2 naŋ1 naŋ1 thu:t7 thuət2

ɓu:ŋ1 ɓuŋ1 fe:ʔ7 fɛʔ4 no:ŋ1 nɔŋ1 thu:t7 thuʔ4

ɓu:ŋ1 ɓuŋ1 fe:k7 fe:ʔ7 no:ŋ1 no:ŋ1 thu:[t]7 thut7

ɓu:ŋ1 ɓuŋ1 fe:ʔ7 fɯ:2 no:ŋ1 no:ŋ1 thu:t7 thut7

ɓuaŋ1 ɓuŋ1 fe:ʔ7 feʔ8 nɔ:ŋ4 nuaŋ1 thu:t7 thut8

ɓu:ŋ1 ɓuŋ1 fe:ʔ7 fiaʔ7 nɔ:ŋ1 nuaŋ4 thu:t7 thut7

[pɯaj1]

búoŋ phu:ŋ˥ fa̰: — nɐŋ nuaŋ˧ thúot thu:t˧

—

PIAN 片

land clsfr

*[ʈ/c]a:n

*[ʈʂ/tç]ha:n

tsha:n1 —

tsha:n1 —

tsha:n1 tsha:ŋ1

tsha:n1 tsha:ŋ1

tsha:n1 tsha:ŋ1

tsha:n1 [hɯan1] tshuan1

— thiaŋ˧

—

[huŋ1]

pua5 na:1 ɗuət9

—

— — —

109

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

PIAO 飄動

to wave

瓢

ladle

*C-lit Run: *Cuɣi:

*C-lit *ʔwit *Cuɦi:

瓢

ladle

Qi:

*hru:j

PING 平

level

CHl:

PO 潑

pour

潑

pour

破

PU 噗

lit7 — hej1 — — —

lit7 — hej1 ŋɛj1 — —

lec7 — hwej1 ŋej1 — —

let7 let7 — ŋej1 gu:j1 —

— vet[7] vej1 ŋej1 hu:j1 —

lit7 vet7 — ɱej4 hu:j1 —

—

— — héj — — —

—

*thə:j

— —

— —

tho:j1 —

— tho:j1

— thuaj1

— —

—

— thuaj˧

—

*Cəʔba:nʔ

*ɓa:nʔ

break

CHl: CHl: *pə:nʔ

*hwi:t *tçəwɦ *phə:nʔ

ɓa:n3 — — — phan3 phan3

ɓa:n3 — — tsɔ:2 pho:n3 phɔn3

ɓa:n[1] — hwi:t7 — pho:n3 pho:ŋ3

ɓa:n3 ɓa:ŋ3 tso:5 — pho:n3 pho:ŋ3

— — tso:5 v[i]t8 phɔ:n3 phuaŋ3

ɓa:n3 — tsɔ:5 vet8 phɔ:n3 phu:n3

[ɬɔm2]

bàn — — — — phuaŋ˥

—

puff

CHl:

*m-liwɦ

— —

(piw2) —

pliw2 piw2

pliw5 [p]iw2

— —

— —

[pu:t9]

— —

—

[huəp8] —

— ɓɯan1

— —

— —

Appendix

English

110

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

噗

puff

*Ci[d/ɖ]uɲʔ

*ɾjuɲʔ

zun3 —

zun3 —

— [ɗ]un3

tun6 t[a]n[1]

thun6 ton3

tɯn6 tən3

—

— —

—

QI 七

seven

*tu:

*thu:

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

thow1 thow1 paj3 —

thow1 thow1 paj6 pɯ3

thow1 thow1 phaj6 —

thow1 thow1 paj[4] paj[4]

th[ú:] thow˧ —

thaw

wife

thow1 thɛw1 paj3 paj3

ɗaw1

妻子

th[u:]1 — — —

GHl:

*khəwɦ

wife

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

棲息

perch

*C-liwʔ CHl: *Cəʔɟəwʔ

*C-liwʔ *ɗun *tçəwʔ

漆

lacquer

起來

get up

GHl: NCHl: *Cuʔɯ:ɦ

*tçhit *tçhət *Cuʔɯ:ɦ

氣

air

*Cəʔɟɯ:

*tçɯ:

— — mej3 — liw1 lɔj1 tsaw3 — tsha:j1 tshat1 ʔəɰ2 — tsəɰ1 —

khaw2 — mej3 — liw1 — tsaw3 — — — ʔaɰ2 — tsəɰ1 —

khaw2 — — — ɗun1 liw1 tsaw3 — tshec7 — ʔwaɰ2 — tsəɰ1 —

kho:5 kho:2 — — — ɗoŋ1 tso:3 tso:3 tshet7 tsha[t]7 gwaɰ5 ɣəɰ2 tsəɰ1 tsəɰ1

kho:5 — — — — ɗoŋ4 tso:3 tso:3 tshat7 tshe[ʔ] 7 vaɰ5 vaɰ2 tsəɰ1 tsəɰ1

khɔ:5 kho:5 — — liw1 — tsɔ:3 to:3 — tshet7 ʔwaɰ5 vaɰ5 tsəɰ1 təɰ1

妻子

— — [na:w5] — — [ŋɔm2] — ʔa:1 —

— — — — — — və́ ɰ —

111

— — — pa:j˧ líw toŋ˦ — — — — ə́ ɰ va:l˨ tʃə́ ɰ —

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

QIA 掐

pinch

*Cəʔdəɲʔ

*ɗəɲʔ

掐

pinch

Qi:

*ɾe:w

掐

pinch

*C-mi:t

*C-mi:t

QIAN 千

1,000

*C-ŋu:n Qi: NECHl:

牽

to lead

前面

front

前天

ɗan3 tshian3 — — mi:t7 mit2

ɗan3 — — — mi:t7 miʔ4

ɗaɲ3 — — — mi:t7 mit7

— — re:w4 — mi:t7 mit7

— ɗan3 — — mi:t8 mit7

ɗan4 — le:w4 — mit7 mit8

tɯən1

— — — — mi̠et —

—

*C-ŋu:n *[ʈʂ/tç]hə:j *C-ŋin

ŋu:n1 —

ŋu:n1 —

ŋu:n1 ŋ[i:]n1

tsha:j1 ŋen1

tsha:j1 (ŋen4)

tsha:j1 ŋen[5]

tsha:j5

ŋúon ŋen˧

—

*Cuʈun

*Cuʈʂhun

*pəjʔ

*phəjʔ

*Cəʔdəŋ

*ɗəŋ

*ŋwən

*hŋwən

*C-[d/ɖ]əwʔ

*ɾəwʔ

tshun1 fən1 phaj3 ph[u]j[2] ɗoŋ1 tse:ŋ1 ven1 — raw3 —

tshun1 fɛn1 ph[e]j3 ph[e:]3 ɗaŋ1 ɗan1 van1 — — —

fun1 — phaj3 phaj3 ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 pɯ (1) — raw3 —

tshun1 foŋ1 — phaj3 ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 — — raw6 —

tshun1 foŋ1 phaj3 — ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 — paj3 law3 [pl]aw3

tshɯn1 fən1 [h]aj3 — ɗaŋ1 ɗɔŋ1 van1 pɯ3 law3 raw3

toŋ1

ʃʊ́ n — fàj — ɗóŋ taŋ˧ vén pa:j˥ dàw [pl]ɐw˥

—

— pet7

pha:j5 thiəŋ4 vɔ:n1 tsa:w4

— —

— — — —

Appendix

day before yesterday

112

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

鉗子

tongs

*[c/ç]i:p

*tçhi:p

潛水

dive

*Cəʔɟom

*tçom

淺

shallow

*tɯ:nʔ

*thɯ:nʔ

錢

money

*Cəʔɟi:n

*tçi:n

QIANG 牆

wall

嗆

choke

*ri:ŋʔ Run: GHl:

QIAO 悄悄地 quietly

tshi:p7 — tsom1 — thɯn3 thɛn3 tsi:n1 tsin1

tshi:p7 tship7 tsom1 tsom1 thɯn3 thəŋ3 tsi:n1 tsiŋ1

tshi:p7 tship7 tsom1 tsom1 thɯn3 thəŋ3 tsi:n1 tsiŋ1

— — tsom1 tsom1 thɯn3 thəŋ3 tsi:n1 tsiŋ1

tshi:p7 — tsum1 tom1 thɯn3 thən3 tsi:n1 tin1

—

*hri:ŋʔ *m-l[a]:k *khə:nʔ

ri:ŋ3 — (kho:n3) —

gi:ŋ3 — kho:n3 khɔn3

gi:ŋ3 — kho:n3 kho:ŋ3

giaŋ6 xiŋ3 kho:n3 kho:ŋ3

hiaŋ6 pleʔ8 khɔ:n3 khuaŋ3

— pliaʔ7 khɔ:n3 khu:n3

—

*rip

*hrip

(gip7) — th[ɔ]ŋ2 — — —

gip7 — thuŋ2 — — —

gip7 — thoŋ2 thɔŋ2 — —

— — thoŋ5 thɔŋ2 (ɓuaŋ3) —

— — th[u]ŋ5 thɔŋ2 ɓuaŋ3 —

— [tsəŋ2] — th[u]ŋ5 [ɗɔk7] thɔŋ5 ɓu:ŋ3 [təp8] —

敲

knock

*toŋɦ

*thoŋɦ

敲

knock

Qi:

*ɓu:ŋʔ

tsem1muat7 ɗaŋ1 tsin1

khɯan1

— — — — — th[ɯ]ŋ˧ tʃíen —

—

— pet˥ — —

—

— — — — — —

—

— — —

—

— —

113

tshi:p7 — tsom1 tsom1 thɯ:n3 [fɯ]n3 tsi:n1 tθin1

Appendix

中文

114

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

撬

pry

*[k/x]əŋɦ

*khəŋɦ

khaŋ2 —

khaŋ2 kh[e]ŋ2

khaŋ2 —

khaŋ1 khaŋ2

khaŋ1 —

khaŋ1 —

khaŋ1

— —

—

QIE 切

cut

GHl:

*hrət

(gat7) —

gat7 —

gat7 —

gat8 xak7

hat8 xak8

tak8 khat7

—

— xak˧

—

CHl:

*thəmʔ

— —

— than3

— tham3

— tham3

tham3 tham3

— tham3

[la:ŋ5]

— —

—

*ʔunʔ Run:

*ʔunʔ *ɗəjɦ

ʔun3 ʔən3

ʔun3 ʔɛn3

ʔun3 ʔoŋ3

ʔun3 ʔoŋ3

— ɗaj2

— ɗaj5

—

ùn —

—

*C-mu:j

*C-mu:j

GHl:

*C-mɯ:n

*Cəʔga:t Run:

*ka:t *ka:p

mu:j1 muj1 ɬɯ:ʔ7 ɬɯk7 mɯ:n1 mɯŋ1 ka:t7 —

m[u]j4 mu[a]j1 ɬɯaʔ7 ɬɯk8 mɯ:n4 mɯŋ1 ka:t7 ka:p8

mu:j1 mu[:]j4 ɬ[a]k ɬɯʔ7 mɯ:n1 mən4 ka:t7 ka:p7

— — — — — — — —

—

*hlɯ:k

mu:j1 muj1 ɬɯ:k7 — mɯ:n1 — ka:t7 —

mu:j1

*lɯ:k

mu:j1 mu:j1 — muj1 ɗɯ:ʔ7 ɬɯ:ʔ7 tθɯək2 — pha:3tsan3 mɯ:n1 — — ka:t7 ka:t7 — —

QIN 勤勞

hard-working

QING 青梅樹 plum tree 青年

frog

[mɯ2] [niaw1] [la:k8]

— — —

Appendix

青蛙

youth

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

輕

light (weight)

*[k/x]ɯ:ʔ

*khɯ:ʔ

傾聽

listen

GHl:

*ɦi:ŋ

*Ciləj

*hljəj

傾聽

listen

*m-lɯ:

*m-lɯ:

傾斜

slant

*Cəʔgi:ŋ

*ki:ŋ

清

clear

*ra:w

*hra:w

清

clear

*lɯ:ŋʔ

*hlɯ:ŋʔ

清理

to clean

*səc

*shəc

清理

to clean

CHl:

*hlɯ:ŋʔ

ECHl:

*Cuɦə:k

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

蜻蜓

dragonfly

khaɰ3 khaw3 hi:ŋ1 — zaj1 — — — ki:ŋ1 — ga:w1 — — — tat7 — — — — — pej3 —

khaɰ3 khaɰ3 hi:ŋ1 — zaj1 — — — ki:ŋ1 — ga:w1 ga:w4 — — tac7 — — — hwo:k7 — pɯ(1) —

khaɰ3 khəɰ3 hiaŋ1 [ŋ]iŋ1 ɬaj4 zaj1 — — kiaŋ1 kiŋ1 ga:w4 ɣa:w1 ɬɯ:ŋ3 — — sat7 — — go:ʔ7 — — —

khaɰ3 khaɰ3 hiaŋ1 — ɬaj4 zaj1 pəɰ1 — kiaŋ1 — — — ɬɯaŋ3 ɬɯŋ3 — — ɬɯaŋ3 — — — — —

khaɰ3 khaɰ3 hi:ŋ1 hiŋ[5] ɬaj4 tsaj[1] pləɰ1 — kiaŋ1 kiŋ1 — — ɬɯ:ŋ3 ɬɯŋ3 — — — ɬɯŋ3 hɔ:ʔ7 — — —

khɔ:5

—

—

khəɰ kha:l˥ —

—

—

—

[ŋej2]

lə́ ɰ — kíeŋ — — — — — — — — — — — — —

—

ki:ŋ1 — ɬa:ŋ2 — [tsheŋ3] — [tham1/thap9]

—

— — — — — — —

115

khəɰ3 khɔ:3 — — — — ləɰ1 — ki:ŋ1 — (ka:w1) — ɗɯ:ŋ3 — tat7 — — — — — mej3 —

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*[c/ç]in

*tçhin

clear (sky)

*lɯ:ŋʔ

*hlɯ:ŋʔ

請(叫)

invite

GHl:

*hrəjʔ

QIONG 窮 poor

*C-ba:t

*ʋa:t

QIU 丘

mound

GHl:

*Ciɦə:n

秋

autumn

*C-ɲa:n

earthworm

*tət C-mu:nʔ CHl: *Cuɣən Meifu: Run:

蚯蚓

tshin1 — ɗɯ:ŋ3 — ɓaj1 —

tshin1 — ɬɯ:ŋ3 — gaj3 —

tsheɲ1 — ɬɯ:ŋ3 — gaj3 —

— — ɬɯ:ŋ3 ɬɯŋ3 gaj6 xaj3

— — ɬɯaŋ3 ɬɯŋ3 haj6 xaj3

— — ɬɯ:ŋ3 ɬɯŋ3 haj6 khaj3

[thiw5]

va:t7 —

va:t7 —

va:t7 va:k7

fa:t8 va:k7

va:t8 va:ʔ8

va:t7 vuat8

fɯ:t8

zo:n1 ɲo:ŋ1 ɲa:n1 ɲa:ŋ1 — — gwan1 ŋan1

— ɲuaŋ1 — ɲa:ŋ1 — ɗan3 van1 low2

(hu:n1) ɲu:n4 ɲa:n1 — — — hwan1 low5

huən3

— ho:n1 hjo:n1 — ŋjɔnʔ4 — *C-ɲa:n ɲa:n1 ɲa:n1 ɲa:n1 — — — *thət C-mu:nʔ thet7mu:n3 that7mu:n3 ɗaɲ3 *ɗaɲʔ — — — *Cuɦən hen1 han1 hwan1 *C-ŋəɲ — — ŋan1 *C-lu:ɦ

ɬa:ŋ2 [kow4]

— — — — — [ɮ]a:j˨

—

va̠t va:ʔ˧

—

— — [taw1 ku1 nuən1] — — — — van1 — ɲaŋ˨ low˦

— —

— — — —

Appendix

晴

116

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

QU 驅逐

expel

*C-lu:jʔ

*C-lu:jʔ

蛆

maggot

蛆

maggot

*ŋuj NECHl: CHl:

*hŋuj *ɗ[a]:k *Ciɦənɦ

Qi:

*C-ɦa:jʔ

GHl: Run: *Cəʔga:k NCHl: *C-ɣi: Run:

*hmət *hmu:jʔ *ka:k *ɗɯ: *ɦi: *phəɰ

*mu:ɦ

*hmu:ɦ

*pənʔ

*phənʔ

*Cəʔba:jʔ NECHl:

*ɓa:jʔ *ɾi:k

取

take

娶

marry

去

go

去年

last year

QUAN 全部

all

lu:j3 — ŋuj1 kɔj4 — ɲan5 — — — ɓat4 (ke:ʔ9) tsow1 hej1 —

lu:j3 — kuj1 — — ŋjɛn2 — — pat7 paʔ4 ke:ʔ7 ɗɛ:2 hej1 hɛj1

lu:j3 — kuj1 ɗe:ʔ7 — — — — pat7 paʔ7 ke:k7 — hej1 hej1

lu:j3 luj3 kuj4 ɗɯ:2 zan5 — ha:j3 — pat8 pak7 ke:ʔ7 ɗəɰ1 hej1 hej1

lu:j6 — khuj4 ɗeʔ8 zan5 — ha:j3 — phat8 puj3 ke:ʔ7 ɗəɰ1 hej1 phə[:]1

lu:j3 [phe:k9] — kuj4 — ɗiaʔ7 hjan5 zɔ:t8 — ha:j3 — — pat8 pat8 puj6 ke:ʔ7 — ɗəɰ1 hej1 haj1 phəɰ[ʔ]7

luoj — — — — — — — — — (kɛ̠:) — héj —

—

mow2 ɓa:5 phen3 phan3

paw2 paw2 phan3 phan3

pow2 paw2 — phaŋ3

paw2 paw2 phan3 phaŋ3

pho:2 paw2 phan3 phaŋ3

pɔ: paw2 phan3 phan3

mɯ:2

— pɐw˨ — pha:ŋ˥

—

ɓa:j3 —

ɓa:j3 —

ɓa:j3 —

ɓa:j3 rik7

ɓa:j3 rit7

ɓa:j3 ɓu:j3

pɯj5

— —

—

[lə:j4]

— — — — — —

—

117

English

Appendix

中文

泉水

拳頭

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

spring water

*Cəʔba:jʔ NECHl: *C-nəmʔ

*ɓa:jʔ *ɾi:k *C-nəmʔ

*Cəʔɟəŋ

*tçəŋ

CHl:

*ɾjuɲʔ

GHl:

*Cuhrop

CHl:

*C-mɯ:

fist

118

中文

ɓa:j3 — nom3 — tsoŋ3 — — — — — — — (ge:ʔ7) —

ɓa:j3 — nam3 — tsaŋ3 — — — gop7 — — — ge:ʔ7 —

ɓa:j3 liʔ7 nom3 nam3 tsaŋ3 — — ton3 gop7 gap7 məɰ1 məɰ1 ge:k7 ge:ʔ7

ɓa:j3 rik7 nam3 nam3 tsaŋ6 tsaŋ3 — — gop8 ɣap7 məɰ1 məɰ1 ge:ʔ8 xɯ:2

ɓa:j3 rit7 nam6 nam3 — tsaŋ3 thun6 ton3 — vop8 məɰ1 məɰ1 le:ŋ4 —

ɓa:j3 ɓu:j3 nam3 nam6 tsaŋ6 tsaŋ6 tɯn6 tən3 gop8 vop7 — məɰ4 le:ŋ1 liaŋ4

pɯj5 na:m1 [tow1] [len4] — — le:ŋ1

— — — — — — — — — vop˧ — məɰ˧ — —

— — — — — —

mediate

*ra:k CHl:

*hra:k *C-l[a]:ŋ

—

QUE 缺口

gap

*C-b[ɛ]:ŋɦ

*ʋ[e]:ŋɦ

ve:ŋ2 —

ve:ŋ2 —

ve:ŋ2 —

fe:ŋ2 ve:ŋ2

ve:ŋ2 viaŋ2

ve:ŋ5 viaŋ2

pə:ŋ1

— —

—

QUN 群

group

*[k/x]un

*khun

khun1 —

khun1 —

khun1 khoŋ1

khun1 khoŋ1

khun1 khoŋ1

khun1 khən1

khuən2

xʊ́ n —

—

Appendix

勸解

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

裙子

skirt

*C-[d/ɖ]i:nʔ

*ɾi:n

ri:n3 lin4

ri:n3 —

ri:n3 —

ri:n6 riŋ3

li:n6 riŋ3

li:n6 rin6

liən2

— ɮi:ŋ˥

—

RAN 染

dye

*ɲomʔ Qi:

*hɲomʔ *tçhəmʔ

(tsom3) —

tsom3 —

tsom3 —

tshom3 tsom3

tsham3 —

tsham3 —

tsha:m1

tʃóm —

—

RANG 讓路

make way

*pi:ŋʔ Qi:

*phi:ŋʔ *fhi:ŋʔ

phi:ŋ3 —

— —

phi:ŋ3 phiŋ3

fiaŋ3 phiŋ3

fiaŋ3 phiŋ3

fiaŋ3 phiŋ3

phi:1

— [v]i:ŋ˥

—

RAO 繞過

make detour

*wi:ŋ

*hwi:ŋ

vi:ŋ1 —

vi:ŋ1 —

hwi:ŋ1 viŋ4

viaŋ4 viŋ1

viaŋ4 viŋ1

viaŋ4 viŋ4

[ʔuan4]

— —

—

RE 熱

hot

*Cuʈəwʔ

*Cuʈʂhəwʔ

CHl:

*shi:t

熱

to heat

*C-[d/ɖ]ə:mʔ *ɾə:mʔ

fow3 fo:3 ti:t7 — ro:m3 lo:m3

— fo:3 ti:t7 — ro:m6 ro:m3

— — ti:t7 tshit8 lɔ:m6 ruam3

— — ti:t7 — — ruam6

ʃàw — — tshi:t˧ — —

—

hot

tshaw3 fɔ:3 — — ro:m3 —

[ʔjuŋ1]

熱

tshaw3 faw3 — — ram3 —

tshit7 [hi:t8]

Appendix

中文

— —

119

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

REN 人

person

人們

people

*ʔa:w NCHl: *[k/x]un

*ʔa:w *Cuɦa:w *khun

know

*ʔa:w NCHl: GHl:

*ʔa:w *Cuɦa:w *khu:ŋ

*Curɯ:

*Cuhrɯ:

認識

120

中文

ʔa:w1 ŋa:w1 khun1 — ʔa:w1 ʔa:1 — khoŋ1 rəɰ1 — tok7 tθɔk2

ʔa:w1 ŋa:[5] khun1 — ʔa:w1 ŋa:[5] khu:ŋ 1 — gəɰ1 — tuk7 —

ʔa:w1 ŋa:w1 khun1 khoŋ1 ʔa:w1 — khu:ŋ 1 khoŋ1 gwəɰ1 kəɰ1 tok7 sɔk7

ʔa:w1 (ʔa:w1) khun1 khoŋ1 ʔa:w1 (ʔa:w1) khu:ŋ 1 — gwəɰ4 ɣəɰ1 tok7 sɔk7

ʔa:w1 (ŋa:w4) khun1 khoŋ1 ʔa:w1 (ŋa:w4) — — — vəɰ1 tok7 tshɔk8

ʔa:w1 ɱa:w1 khun1 khən1 ʔa:w1 ɱa:w1 khu:ŋ1 — [g]wəɰ4 vəɰ1 tɔk7 tshɔk7

[ɬaj4] — — [min4] [taj2]

thread needle

*sok

*shok

tshɔ:k9

RENG 扔

throw

*p[ɛ]:ŋʔ

*ph[e]:ŋʔ

phe:ŋ3 —

phe:ŋ3 —

phe:ŋ 3 phe:ŋ3

phe:ŋ3 phe:ŋ3

— phiaŋ3

phe:ŋ3 —

RI 日

day

*ŋwən

*hŋwən

日常

daily

*rə:m

*hrə:m

ven1 hon4 r[o]m1 —

van1 vanʔ4 go:m1 —

hwan1 van4 go:m1 go:m4

van4 vaŋ1 go:m4 xo:m1

van4 vaŋ1 hɔ:m4 xuam1

van1 vɔ:n1 van4 hɔ:m4 — khuam1

[fat7]

— — — — — —

— —

—

vén vaŋ˧ — —

vɐ̀̆n —

Appendix

紉針

à:w ŋaw˦ — — — — — — də́ ɰ — tók —

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*ŋwən

*hŋwən

ven1 —

van1 vanʔ4

hwan1 van4

van4 vaŋ1

van4 vaŋ1

van1 van4

—

— —

—

thaw3 (thɔ:3) rej1 (huj4)

thaw3 — gej1 ŋɛjʔ4

thaw3 — gej1 gej4

tho:3 tho:3 gej4 xej1

tho:3 tho:3 hej4 xej1

thɔ:3 tho:3 hej4 [ts]ej4

[fɯən1]

— — — —

—

mam2 — ma:ʔ7 mek2

gam3 ŋan3 me:ʔ7 mɛʔ4

gom3 ʔun1 me:k7 me:ʔ7

gam6 xam3 me:ʔ7 mɯ:2

ham6 xam3 me:ʔ8 meʔ8

ham6 kham3 me:ʔ7 miaʔ8

kə:m1

măm xa:m˥ — —

ám

tsi:2 tsɛj1

tsi:2 tsɛj1

(tsej1) tsej1

tsi:5 tsej1

tsi:5 tsi:3

tsi:5 ti:3

[ɲen5]

tʃí: tʃi:˥

tʃej

kha:n1 — phu:n2 —

kha:n1 — phu:n2 —

kha:n1 kha:ŋ1 phu:n2 phuŋ2

kha:n1 kha:ŋ1 — phuŋ2

kha:n1 kha:ŋ1 — —

kha:n1 khuan1 — —

kuən1

— — — —

—

banyan

*təwʔ

*thəwʔ

榕樹

banyan

*ri:

*hri:

ROU 肉

meat

GHl:

*hrəmʔ

肉

flesh (of fruit)

*C-ma:k

*C-ma:k

RU 乳房

breast

*Cəʔɟi:ɦ NCHl: Run: *[k/x]a:n

*tçiɦ *tçi: *tçiʔ *kha:n

*pu:nɦ

*phu:nɦ

入赘

marry into wife’s family

[ɗiaw1]

mɯa5

—

—

—

—

121

RONG 榕樹

Appendix

中文

English

122

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

CHl:

*m-loŋʔ

— —

— —

ploŋ3 —

ploŋ3 —

poŋ3 plɔŋ3

pl[o]ŋ3 [ɬɯ:2] plɔŋ3

— —

—

RUAN 軟

soft

GHl: NWCHl:

*hmu:t ʔi:ŋʔ

(pu:t9) ʔiəŋ3

pu:t7 ʔiŋ3

pu:t7 —

pu:t8 puk7

phu:t8 puk8

pu:t8 —

puək7

(púot) pu:k˧

f[ók]

SA 撒(沙)

cast (sand)

*Curuj

*Cuhruj

GHl:

*fhə:nɦ

guj1 guj4 fo:n2 fo:ŋ2

guj4 ɣuj1 fo:n5 fo:ŋ2

(huj1) [x]oj1 fɔ:n5 fuaŋ2

huj4 — fɔ:n5 fhu:n5

— — — —

—

cast (seed)

(ruj1) — fo:n2 fon2

[tɔ:k9]

撒(種)

ruj1 — (po:n2) fan5

SAI 塞

stop up

*ʔi:m CHl:

*ʔi:m *tçhi:m

ʔi:m1 —

ʔi:m1 sin1

tshi:m1 tshim[2]

tshi:m1 tshim1

tshi:m1 tshim1

tshi:m1 tshim1

tshem1

íem —

—

鰓

gill

*C-ŋa:k

*C-ŋa:k

ŋa:ʔ7 ŋɛk2

ŋe:ʔ7 ŋeʔ4

ŋe:k7 ŋe:ʔ7

ŋe:ʔ7 ŋɯ:2

ŋe:ʔ8 ŋeʔ8

ŋe:ʔ7 ŋiaʔ8

ŋɯa5

ŋa̠: —

—

SAN 三

three

*Cuʈuʔ

*Cuʈʂhuʔ

tshu3 fu3

tshu3 fo3

fu3 fu3

tshu3 fu3

tshu3 fu3

tshu3 fhu3

ta:w1

ʃù: fu˥

ʃú:

[ʔia1]

—

Appendix

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

SAO 掃

sweep

掃

sweep

*Cəʔguc NCHl: GHl:

*kuc *phə:nɦ *hrjik

嫂子

elder brother’s *Cəʔɟu: wife

*tçu:

SE 澀

astringent

*mɯnʔ

SEN 森林

forest

SHA 殺

Appendix

中文

— phɔn2 zik7 — tsow1 —

kuc7 ph[a]:n2 rik7 — tsow1 tsow1

— pho:n2 ti:ʔ8 — tsow1 tsow1

— kot8 thi:ʔ8 — tsow1 (tsow4)

— kət7 tik8 tset8 tsow1 tow1

—

*hmɯnʔ

mɯn3 —

pɯn3 —

pɯn3 —

pɯn6 —

phɯn6 pəŋ3

pɯn6 pən6

*rəŋ NWCHl:

*hrəŋ *shu:n

roŋ1 tθuən1

gaŋ1 fun1

gaŋ1 —

gaŋ4 xaŋ1

haŋ4 xaŋ1

kill

*C-ɣu:ʔ

*ɦu:ʔ

沙

sand

*pu:ɦ

*phu:ɦ

紗

yarn

CHl:

*ɗənɦ

how3 haj3 phaw2 pha:5 — —

haw3 haw3 phaw2 phaw2 — —

haw3 haw3 phow2 phaw2 ɗan2 —

haw3 haw3 phaw5 phaw2 ɗan5 —

haw3 haw3 pho:5 phaw2 ɗan5 ɗaŋ2

[]út kot˧ — — — —

—

paŋ4

— —

—

haŋ4 tshun1

[ŋuən5]

— —

—

haw3 haw3 phɔ:5 phaw5 ɗan5 —

[tse:2]

hàw hɐw˥ phʌ́w phɐw˨ — —

—

tset10 tshu:1

[ɗej1] —

ti̠t —

phò: —

123

kut[9] pha:n5 — — tsow1 —

English

124

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*Curuj Qi:

*Cuhruj *ɓu:jʔ

ruj1 vɔj1

guj1 —

guj1 —

ɓu:j3 ɣuj1

ɓu:j3 voj1

ɓu:j3 vow1

[ɓɔk7]

— —

—

SHAI 篩

sift

*Ci[d/r]əw NCHl: Run:

*[ɾ/hr]jəw *hjoŋ *ɾoŋʔ

zaw1 zɔŋ4

zaw1 —

raw1 [jua]ŋ4

taw4 zɔŋ1

thaw4 rɔŋ3

taw4 rɔŋ6

tsi:w4

— —

—

篩子

sieve

GHl: NCHl: Run: *Ci[d/r]əw

*ɗoŋʔ *hjoŋ *ɾoŋʔ *[ɾ/hr]jəw

(ɗuŋ3) zɔŋ4

ɗuŋ3 —

ɗoŋ3 [jua]ŋ4

ɗoŋ3 zɔŋ1

ɗoŋ3 rɔŋ3

— rɔŋ6

—

(dùŋ) —

—

zaw1 — tshi:ŋ3 —

zaw1 — tshi:ŋ3 hiŋ3

raw1 — tshi:ŋ3 tshiŋ3

taw4 — tshiaŋ3 (ɣej1)

thaw4 — tshiaŋ3 vej1

taw4 — tshiaŋ3 vej1

tsi:w4

— — ʃìeŋ —

—

haw3 ŋaw3 kh[o]ŋ1 — ɗa:w3 —

haw3 ŋɔj3 kho:ŋ1 — ɗa:w3 —

hwow3 ŋo:3 kho:ŋ1 kho:ŋ1 ɗa:w3 ɗa:w3

go:3 ŋo:3 kho:ŋ 1 kho:ŋ1 ɗa:w3 ɗa:w3

vo:3 ŋo:3 khɔ:ŋ1 — ɗa:w3 ɗa:w3

hɔ:3 ɱo:6 khɔ:ŋ1 — ɗa:w3 ɗa:w3

[tsow1]

hàw ŋo:˥ — — — —

vó:

expose to sun

*ʈi:ŋʔ Run:

*ʈʂhi:ŋʔ *Cuʔi:

SHAN 山

mountain

*Cuɣəwʔ

*Cuɦəwʔ

山谷

mountain valley *[k/x]ə:ŋ

*khə:ŋ

山林

mountain forest *Cəʔda:wʔ

*ɗa:wʔ

tɯa5

khɔ:ŋ5 tɯ:w1 ʔuaŋ1

—

— —

Appendix

曬

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

山腰

mountainside

*Ciɣa:ɦ

*Ciɦa:ɦ

*C-ɲa:ɦ CHl: *Cuɣəwʔ

*C-ɲa:ɦ *thom *Cuɦəwʔ

閃電

lightning

*Cilip

*hljip

扇子

a fan

GHl:

*hwoŋʔ

骟子

pheasant

*[k/x]əj

*khəj

*Cəʔdɯ:n

*ɗɯ:n

GHl:

*Ciɦa:nʔ

SHANG 傷口 wound 上

ascend

*[k/x]a:n

*kha:n

上

ascend

CHl:

*tçənʔ

— — ɲa:2 thon1 haw3 ŋɔj3 zip7 ([f]iʔ5) vuŋ3 van3 khaj1 khaj1 ɗɯ:n1 —

hja:2 — ɲa:2 — hwow3 — (ɬip7) zep7 hwoŋ3 vɔŋ3 khaj1 khaj1 ɗɯ:n1 ɗɯ[m]3

hja:5 — ɲa:2 — go:3 ŋo:3 ɬip7 zep7 voŋ6 vɔŋ3 khaj1 khaj1 ɗɯ:n1 ɗɯŋ1

— — — ɲa:2 vo:3 ŋo:3 ɬip7 l[i]p7 voŋ6 vɔŋ3 khaj1 khaj1 ɗɯ:n1 ɗɯŋ1

— — thom1 ɲa:2 hɔ:3 ɱo:6 ɬip7 (ɬip7) vɔŋ3 — khaj1 khaj1 ɗɯ:n1 ɗən1

—

za:ŋ1 — kha:n1 khɔn1 — —

ha:n3 — kha:n1 khan1 — —

hja:n3 ɲe:ŋ3 kha:n1 kha:ŋ1 tsan3 —

za:n3 ɲa:ŋ3 kha:n1 kha:ŋ1 tsan3 —

za:n3 ɲa:ŋ3 kha:n1 kha:ŋ1 tsan3 —

hja:n3 ɲa:ŋ[1] kha:n1 khuan1 — tan3

huən2

thum1 — lip7 [phaŋ5] khaj1 thɯŋ4

khuən1 —

— — — — — — — — — — — ɮi:p˧ ɮaw˧ vùŋ — vɔŋ˥ xáj — — dɯ́ ɤn — —

— — xán kha:ŋ˧ — —

— — —

125

ha:2 — ɲa:2 tshom1 haw3 ŋaw3 zip7 lep4 (vuŋ3) — khaj1 khaj1 ɗɯ:n1 ɗɯn1

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

上面

top

*pəjʔ

*phəjʔ

*nɯ:

*hnɯ:

GHl:

*pha:k

*ŋwən

*hŋwən

上午

noon

upper garment *C-b[ɛ]:ŋʔ

*ʋ[e]:ŋʔ

SHAO 燒

burn

燒

burn

GHl: CHl: Run: *[c/ç]ujʔ

*ɾəŋ *ʔi:ŋ *th[a]:k *tçhujʔ

梢

tree top, tip

*Ciɣə:nʔ

*Ciɦə:nʔ

少

few

*Ci[d/ɖ]əwɦ NCHl:

*ɾjəwɦ *khəmʔ

phaj3 — nəɰ1 tsow4

ph[e]j3 — təɰ1 tɛʔ4

phaj3 ph[e]j3 təɰ1 təɰ1

— phaj3 təɰ4 təɰ1

— — thəɰ4 təɰ1

— — təɰ4 təɰ4

—

fàj — nə́ ɰ —

—

tsha:1 phɛk2 ven1 hon4 ve:ŋ3 vɛŋ4

phe:ʔ7 — van1 — ve:ŋ3 vɛŋ3

phe:k7 phe:ʔ7 hwan1 van4 ve:ŋ3 ve:ŋ3

phe:ʔ7 phɯ:[3] van4 vaŋ1 fe:ŋ 6 ve:ŋ3

phe:ʔ7 — van4 vaŋ1 ve:ŋ6 viaŋ3

phe:ʔ7 phiaʔ7 van1 van4 ve:ŋ3 viaŋ6

[tow1]

ʃá: — vén — vɛŋ viaŋ˥

—

tshɯ:ŋ1 —

raŋ1 lanʔ4

raŋ1 —

raŋ4 ʔiŋ1

ʔiaŋ1 theʔ8

— thiaʔ7

[ha:ŋ1]

— —

—

tshuj3 tshɔj3 han3 — zaw2 kham3

tshuj3 soj3 ho:n3 — zaw2 khan3

tshuj3 tshuj3 hjo:n3 ɲo:ŋ 3 raw2 kham3

tshuj3 tshuj3 zo:n3 ɲo:ŋ 3 to:2 kham3

tshuj3 tshoj3 zɔ:n3 ɲuaŋ3 tho:2 to:2

tshuj3 tshow3 (zɔ:n3) ɲu:n6 tɔ:2 to:[2]

tsej1

sù:j — — — zăw to:˨

—

[law1 law1]

vɔ:n1 ɗaŋ5 vo:4

[lɔŋ1] [tə:k8]

—

— —

— tò:

Appendix

上衣

126

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

潲雨

slanted rain

*pi:wɦ Qi:

*phi:wɦ *fhə:nɦ

phi:w2 —

phi:w2 —

phi:w2 phiw2

phi:w5 phiw2

fɔ:n5 phiw2

fɔ:n5 phiw5

SHE 舌頭

tongue

*li:nʔ

*hli:nʔ

蛇

snake

射

shoot

*Cila:ɦ NWCHl: *ɲɯ: NWCHl:

*hlja:ɦ *C-nu:ʔ *hɲɯ: *ɓi:wɦ

ɗi:n3 tθin3 za:2 naj3 ɲəɰ1 ɓiw5

ɬi:n3 lin3 za:2 naw3 tsəɰ1 ɓiw2

ɬi:n3 ɬiŋ3 za:2 za:2 tsəɰ1 tsəɰ4

ɬi:n3 ɬiŋ3 ɬa:2 za:2 tsəɰ4 tsəɰ1

ɬi:n3 ɬiŋ3 ɬa:2 za:2 tshəɰ4 tsəɰ1

SHEN 伸

stretch

*ja:ʔ

*hja:ʔ

伸

stretch

za:3 za:3 ko:3 —

za:6 za:3 ko:3 ko:3

body

*C-gəwʔ *ʔɯ: *hji:t *Cuɦu:n

za:3 — ko:3 (ziʔ5)

身體

*Cəʔgəwʔ Run: NWCHl: *Cuɣu:n

za:3 — ko:3 zit5 hu:n1 ŋuən1

hu:n1 ŋun1

hu:n1 ŋuŋ1

呻吟

groan

深

deep

GHl: Meifu: *lə:k

*kəŋ *kɯŋ *hlə:k

(kaŋ1) kaŋ1 ɗak7 tθak2

kaŋ1 kan1 ɬo:ʔ7 lɔʔ4

kaŋ1 kəŋ1 ɬo:k7 ɬo:k7

[phat7]

— —

—

ɬi:n3 ɬi:n4 ɬin3 ɬa:2 [ɓuət7] (phuat7) tsəɰ4 ni:4 tsəɰ4

dìen ɬi:ŋ˥ zà: ʒa:˨ ɲə́ ɰ —

tlíen

z[ɔ]:6 za:3 ko:3 ʔəɰ1

z[ɔ]:3 za:3 ko:3 ʔəɰ1

tsɔ:4

zà: ʒa:˧ — —

—

hu:n1 ŋuŋ1

hu:n1 ŋuŋ1

hu:n1 ɱun4

huən4

húon ŋu:ŋ˧

—

kaŋ1 kəŋ1 ɬo:ʔ7 ɬo:k7

kaŋ1 kaŋ1 ɬɔ:ʔ7 ɬoʔ8

kaŋ1 kɔŋ1 ɬɔ:ʔ7 ɬoʔ7

kiəŋ1

— khœŋ˥ dɐ́k ɬu:ʔ˧

—

[ɓɔŋ5]

ɬa:2

thà: —

—

tlɔ̰ :

127

English

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

深夜

deep night

GHl: CHl: *[c/ç]əp

*pha:k *hlə:k *tçhəp *hmi:

腎

father’s brother’s *mi: wife kidney *C-nə:m

滲透

permeate

GHl:

*hrjəp

*Cu[d/ɖ]i:p

*Cuɾi:p

嬸母

SHENG 生 raw

*C-nə:m

give birth

*lu:

*hlu:

生火

light fire

*C-mu:

*C-mu:

*fi:

*fhi:

*tɯ:n

*thɯ:n

生氣

angry

thun1 — tshop7 — m[i:]1 ɓaj4 nam1 — — —

phe:ʔ7 lɔʔ4 tshap7 saʔ4 pej1 — no:m1 — zap7 —

phe:k7 — tshop7 — pej1 — no:m1 — rop7 tap7

ɬo:ʔ7 phe:k7 tshop7 tshap7 pej4 pej1 no:m1 no:m1 — tap7

ɬɔ:ʔ7 ɬoʔ8 tshap7 tshap7 phej4 pej4 nɔ:m4 — — tsap8

ɬɔ:ʔ7 ɬoʔ7 tshap7 tshap7 pej4 pej4 nɔ:m1 — (zup8) tsap8

ɬa:2

ri:p7 vip4 ɗow1 — mow1 — (pej1) — thɯ:n1 —

ri:p7 — ɬow1 lɛw1 mow1 — fej1 — thɯ:n1 —

vi:p7 gip7 ɬow1 — mow1 mow1 fej1 fej1 thɯ:n1 —

fi:p8 ɣip7 ɬow1 ɬow1 mow1 mow1 fej1 fej1 thɯ:n1 thɯŋ1

fi:p8 fip8 ɬow1 ɬow1 — mow1 fej1 fej1 — —

fi:p8 fip8 ɬow1 ɬow1 — mow[1] fej1 fhej1 — thən1

[ɬuət8]

tshɔ:p9 mi:4 nam1 [ɓɯ:n5 ɗaŋ1]

ɬaw4 [ɲin4] paj1 —

— — — — — — — — — —

—

díep fi:p˧ tʌ́w — — — — — thɯ́ ɤn —

fi̠ep

— — — —

tlʌw — — —

Appendix

生

128

中文

Proto-Hlai

Qi: Run: *C-ŋa:n

*Cuʔa:ɦ *ɾinɦ *C-ŋa:n

to rust

*[k/x]ən

*khən

聲音

voice

*la:c NECHl: *ti:w

*hla:c *C-ŋwəjʔ *thi:w

繩子

rope

*Cəʔdə:j

*ɗə:j

繩子

rope

*[k/x]a:

*kha:

剩餘

remainder

*Cila:

*hlja:

剩餘物 remainders

*Cəʔda:n

*ɗa:n

SHI 失火

*təŋ

*thəŋ

生銹

English

catch fire

— — ŋa:n1 — khan1 khan1 ɬa:t7 — thi:w1 thi:1 ɗo:j1 ɗɔj1

— — ŋa:n1 — khan1 kha:ŋ1 ɬa:c7 ŋaj3 thi:w1 thiw1 ɗo:j1 ɗo:j1

gwa:5 — ŋa:n1 — khan1 kha:ŋ1 ɬa:t7 ŋaj3 thi:w1 thiw1 ɗa:j1 ɗo:j1

va:5 ren2 ŋa:n4 — khan1 kha:ŋ1 ɬa:t7 ŋaj3 thiw1 thiw1 ɗa:j1 ɗuaj1

ʔwa[j]5 ren2 ŋa:n1 ŋuan[1] khan1 — ɬa:t7 ɱaj6 thi:w1 thiw1 ɗa:j1 ɗu:j1

ʔa:1

kha:1 — za:1 — ɗa:n1 —

kha:1 — za:1 — ɗa:n1 —

kha:1 kha:1 za:1 — ɗa:n1 —

kha:1 kha:1 ɬa:4 za:1 ɗa:n1 ɗa:ŋ 1

kha:1 kha:1 — za:1 — —

kha:1 kha:1 — tsa:4 — —

—

thoŋ1 —

thaŋ1 —

thaŋ1 thaŋ1

thaŋ1 thaŋ1

thaŋ1 thaŋ1

thaŋ1 th[a]ŋ1

[nɯən4]

ŋuən1 — — tshew1 tɯj1

tsow4 ɗuən1

— — ŋán — — — — — — — ɗá:j —

— — — — — —

— — — — — —

—

— —

—

— —

129

— — ŋa:n1 — (khan1) khɔn1 tan2 — thi:w1 — ɗa:j1 ɗɔ:(j)1

Appendix

Pre-Hlai

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

失時

lose the chance *C-[d/ɖ]ujʔ

*ɾujʔ

虱子

louse

濕

wet

*tən NWCHl: *mənʔ

*thən *hmət *hmənʔ

十

ten

石精

benzine

*fu:t NCHl: *[c/ç]i:n

*fhu:t *fhu:c *tçhi:n

*ja:

*hja:

Proto-Hlai

stone

*[c/ç]i:n

*tçhi:n

食指

index finger

*Cili:ŋɦ

*hlji:ŋɦ

GHl: CHl: *C-ɲa:wʔ

*tçək *tçok *C-ɲa:wʔ

*Cəʔgɯ:ŋɦ

*kɯ:ŋɦ

use

ruj3 — then1 ɓat5 men3 ɓan4 phu:t7 — tshi:n1 — za:1 — tshi:n1 sin1 zi:ŋ2 zak4 (tsak9) tsak4 ɲa:w3 ɲa:w3 kɯ:ŋ2 kɯəŋ5

ruj3 loj3 than1 paʔ4 pan3 pan3 fu:t7 fuʔ4 tshi:n1 — za:1 — tshi:n1 sin1 zi:ŋ2 — tsak7 — ɲa:w3 — kɯ:ŋ2 keŋ2

ruj3 luj3 than1 — pan3 pan[1] fu:t7 fut7 tshi:n1 — za:1 — tshi:n1 tshiŋ1 zi:ŋ2 — tsak7 — ɲa:w3 — kɯ:ŋ2 —

ruj6 ruj3 than1 thaŋ1 pan6 paŋ3 fu:t7 fut7 tshi:n1 tshiŋ1 za:4 — tshi:n1 tshiŋ1 ɬiaŋ2 ziŋ2 tsak7 tsɔk7 ɲa:w3 ɲa:w3 kɯ:ŋ5 kɯŋ2

luj6 roj3 than1 thaŋ1 phan6 paŋ3 fu:t7 fut7 tshi:n1 (tshiŋ4) za:4 za:1 tshi:n1 (tshiŋ4) ɬiaŋ2 (ziŋ5) tsoʔ8 tsɔʔ8 ɲa:w6 ɲa:w3 kɯaŋ5 kɯŋ2

luj6 row6 than1 than1 pan6 pan6 fu:t7 fut7 tshi:n1 tshin1 za:1 za:4 tshi:n1 tshin1 ɬiaŋ2 tsiŋ2 tsok7 —-ɲa:w3 — kɯ:ŋ5 —

[kua5 lu:n2] ten1 pə:n4 puət9 tshi:n1 tso:1 tshi:n1 tsap9tsia4 tsɔk7 nɔ:w4 [zoŋ5]

— — — — mèn paŋ˥ phúot fu:t˥ — — — — ʃíen tʃhi:ŋ˧ — — — — — — — —

— — pan fúot — — — — — — —

Appendix

石頭

使用

130

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

屎

excrement

*C-ɣa:jʔ

*ɦa:jʔ

試

try

世代

generation

*Cəʔbɯ:n CHl: *pɯ:n

*ɓɯ:n *ɓi *phɯ:n

是

be

CHl:

*C-mən

手

prepare for burial hand

*C-lu:t Run: *C-mɯ:

手指

finger

*Cili:ŋɦ

瘦

thin

*C-li:ʔ

SHOU 收殮

SHU 叔父

ha:j3 haj3 ɓɯ:n1 — phɯ:n1 —

ha:j3 ha:j3 ɓi1 ɓi1 phɯ:n1 phɯŋ1

ha:j3 ha:j3 ɓi1 ɓi1 phɯ:n1 phɯŋ1

ha:j3 ha:j3 — ɓi[2] phɯ:n1 phɯŋ1

ha:j3 huaj3 ɓɯ:n1 ɓi1 phɯ:n1 phən1

hɯaj2

(tsaŋ3) man1

(tsaŋ3) —

man1 maŋ1

man1 maŋ1

man4 maŋ1

man1 man4

*C-lu:t lu:t7 *[ʈʂ/tç]hɯ:mʔ — *C-mɯ: məɰ1 mow1 *hlji:ŋɦ zi:ŋ2 — *C-li:ʔ lej3 lɛj3

lu:t7 luʔ4 məɰ1 mɛw1 zi:ŋ2 ziŋ2 lej3 lɛj3

lu:t7 lut7 məɰ1 — zi:ŋ2 ziŋ2 lej3 lej3

lu:t7 lut7 məɰ1 məɰ1 ɬiaŋ2 ziŋ2 lej3 lej3

lu:t7 tshum3 məɰ4 məɰ1 ɬiaŋ2 (ziŋ5) lej6 lej3

*fhɯ:

fəɰ1 —

— —

fəɰ1 fəɰ1

fəɰ1 fəɰ4

phəɰ1 —

hàj ha:j˥ bɯ́ ɤn — — —

—

tsaŋ1

tʃàŋ —

—

lu:t7 tshum3 məɰ1 məɰ4 ɬiaŋ2 tsiŋ2 lej3 lej6

—

— — mə́ ɰ məɰ˧ zĭeŋ ʒi:ŋ˦ lèj lɛj˥

—

fəɰ1 fhəɰ1

pa:1

— fəɰ˥

—

— [kit7]

ma:1 tsap9 tsia4 [ŋa:w1]

— —

— tlèɐŋ —

131

father’s younger *fɯ: brother

ha:j3 ha:(j)3 ɓɯ:n1 — phɯ:n1 —

Appendix

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

梳

comb

*s[ɛ]:ŋ

*sh[e]:ŋ

疏

sparse

*wa:nʔ

*hwa:nʔ

贖

redeem

*ʈə:mʔ

*ʈʂhə:mʔ

熟

cooked

*C-wuj

*C-wuj

數

count

*[k/x]a:jʔ

*kha:jʔ

樹

tree

*ʈəj

*ʈʂhəj

樹漿

tree sap

*tə:ŋ

*thə:ŋ

樹心

tree core

*Cuɣəc

*Cuɦəc

樹枝

tree branch

GHl:

*kha:

Qi:

*hnu:ŋ

*ʈəj

*ʈʂhəj

te:ŋ1 — va:n3 hɔn4 tsham3 — puj1 fɔj1 kha:j3 — tshaj1 — thaŋ1 tshaŋ1 hat7 — ʔa:3 — — — tshaj1 —

te:ŋ1 — va:n3 van3 — — fuj1 fɔj1 kha:j3 khaj3 tshaj1 haj1 tho:ŋ1 thɔŋ1 hat7 ŋwaʔ4 kha:1 kh[ɛ]:1 — — tshaj1 —

te:ŋ1 se:ŋ1 hwa:n3 va:ŋ3 tsho:m3 — fuj1 guj1 kha:j3 kha:j3 tshaj1 tshaj1 tho:ŋ1 tho:ŋ1 hwac7 ŋat7 kha:1 kha:1 — — tshaj1 —

te:ŋ1 se:ŋ1 va:n6 va:ŋ3 tsho:m3 tsho:m3 fuj1 ɣuj1 kha:j3 kho:j3 tshaj1 tshaj1 tho:ŋ1 tho:ŋ1 hwat7 ŋat7 kha:1 kha:1 tu:ŋ4 — tshaj1 tshaj1

te:ŋ1 tshiaŋ1 va:n6 va:ŋ3 — tshuam3 fuj1 foj1 kha:j3 khuaj3 tshaj1 tshaj1 thɔ:ŋ1 thuaŋ1 hwat7 ŋat8 kha:1 kha:1 thuaŋ4 — tshaj1 tshaj1

te:ŋ1 tshiaŋ1 va:n3 vuan6 tshɔ:m3 tshuam3 fuj1 fow1 kha:j3 khu:j3 tshaj1 tshaj1 thɔ:ŋ1 thuaŋ1 hwat7 ɱat8 kha:1 kha:1 tu:ŋ4 — tshaj1 tshaj1

tshi:1 fuən1 tiam1 fuəj1 kha:4 tshaj1 ɗa:1 [ʔiət7] khow1 — tshaj1

tɛ́ŋ tʃhiaŋ vàn — — — pú:j foj˧ xàj — ʃáj tʃhaj˧ — — — — ă: kha:˧ — — ʃáj —

— — — — — — — — — — —

Appendix

English

132

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

豎

vertical

*C-[d/ɖ]inɦ NWCHl:

*ɾinɦ *ɗa:ɲ

rin2 ɗɔn1

rin2 ɗɔn1

reɲ2 lin2

ren2 ren2

len2 ren2

lin2 ren2

[ləŋ4]

— —

—

SHUAI 摔

throw

*sə:p

*shə:p

tap7 —

to:p7 —

to:p7 so:p7

to:p7 so:p7

tɔ:p7 tshuap8

tɔ:p7 —

[ʔɔ:p9]

— —

—

SHUAN 拴 tie

*C-ŋə:nʔ

*C-ŋə:nʔ

ŋan3 ŋa:n3

ŋo:n3 ŋɔn3

ŋo:n3 ŋo:ŋ3

ŋo:n3 ŋo:ŋ3

(ŋuan2) ŋuaŋ3

ŋɔ:n3 ŋu:n6

[kuŋ1]

— —

—

SHUANG 雙 pair

*lɯ:mʔ

*hlɯ:mʔ

*lɯ:k Qi: *pa:

*hlɯ:k *ɗiʔ *pha:

GHl:

*hljin

ɬɯ:m3 — fi:k7 fiʔ7 — — — — zeɲ1 zen4

ɬɯ:m3 ɬum3 — — ɗi3 ɬɯk7 pha:1 pha:1 ɬen4 zen1

ɬu:m3 ɬum3 — — ɬɯaʔ7 ɬɯk8 pha:1 pha:1 ɬin4 —

ɬɯ:m3 ɬom3 — — ɗi3 ɬɯʔ7 pha:1 pha:1 [nɔ:w4 —

— — — — — — — — — —

—

*fhi:k

— — — — — — — — zi[ŋ]1 zenʔ4

[ʔum1]

CHl:

ɗɯ:m3 — — — — — — — — —

雙

pair

雙生子 twins

霜

frost

— ɬiək8 ɓow1 vuəj1]

Appendix

中文

— — — —

133

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

SHUI 誰

who

*ʔa:ʔ Run: *C-[d/ɖ]a:

*ʔa:ʔ *ʔa: *ɾa:

水

water

*C-nəmʔ

*C-nəmʔ

水壩

dam

*tə:mʔ

*thə:mʔ

水車

waterwheel

GHl:

*ʋənɦ

水溝

ditch

*sa:jɦ

*sha:jɦ

*C-nəmʔ

*C-nəmʔ

ditch

Qi:

*ɗiŋɦ

水牛

water buffalo

*sujʔ

*shujʔ

水獺

otter

*na:k

*hna:k

ʔa3 ʔa[w][5] ra:1 — nom3 nam3 tham3 tham3 — van5 ta:j2 sa:(j)5 nom3 nam3 — —

ʔa3 — ra:1 laʔ4 nam3 nan3 tho:m3 — van2 — ta:j2 faj2 nam3 nan3 — —

ʔa3 — ra:1 la:1 nom3 nam3 tho:m3 tho:m3 van2 — ta:j2 sa:j2 nom3 nam3 — —

ʔa3 — ra:[2] ra:[3] nam3 nam3 tho:m3 tho:m3 — vaŋ2 — sa:j2 — nam3 ɗiŋ5 —

ʔa[j][1] ʔa1 la:2 ra:[5] nam6 nam3 thɔ:m3 thuam3 — — — — — — ɗiŋ5 —

ʔa[4] ʔa1 la:[1] ra:[6] nam3 nam6 thɔ:m3 thuam3 van2 — ta:j2 — nam3 nam6 ɗiŋ5 —

[ka:j5]

tuj3 tθɔj3 na:ʔ7 tsɛk4

tuj3 foj3 te:k7 —

tuj3 suj3 te:ʔ7 —

tuj3 suj3 te:ʔ8 tɯ:2

tuj3 tshoj3 the:ʔ8 teʔ8

tuj3 tshow3 te:ʔ8 tiaʔ8

tshej1

— na:m1 [ti:ŋ5] — [va:j5] na:m1 —

nɯ:2

à — da: ɮa˦ nòm nam˥ — — — — — — — — — —

—

tù:j tʃhoj˥ na̠: —

—

— nám — — — — —

—

Appendix

水溝

134

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

稅

tax

*C-ɣi:ŋ

*ɦi:ŋ

睡

sleep

GHl:

*tçə:n

睡

sleep (lay down) *ŋu:ɦ

*hŋu:ɦ

SHUO 說

talk

*C-[d/ɖ]i:n NECHl:

SI 絲瓜

sponge gourd

*m[ɛ]:ŋʔ

silk thread

NECHl: GHl:

絲線

私生子 illegitimate child *lɯ:k

hi:ŋ1 — tso:n1 tsɔn1 kaw2 kaw2

hi:ŋ1 — tso:n1 tso:ŋ1 kaw2 kaw2

hiaŋ1 — tso:n1 tso:ŋ1 kaw2 kaw2

— — tsɔ:n1 tsuaŋ1 kho:2 kaw2

hiaŋ1 — tsɔ:n1 tu:n1 kɔ:2 kaw2

*ɾi:n ri:n1 *[ʈʂ/tç]himɦ —

ri:n1 —

ri:n1 tshem2

ri:n4 tshem2

— tshem2

li:n4 —

[hu:1]

díen tʃhem˨

—

*hm[e]:ŋʔ

pe:ŋ3 — — — fun2 — ɬɯ:k7 — — —

pe:ŋ3 — — le:ŋ[3] fun2 — ɬɯ:ʔ7 — zow1 —

pe:ŋ2 pe:ŋ3 — re:ŋ2 fun5 foŋ2 ɗi3 ɬɯk7 zow4 zow1

phe:ŋ2 — — riaŋ5 — foŋ2 ɬɯaʔ7 ɬɯk8 zow4 tsha:2 ka:w3

pe:ŋ2 — — riaŋ5 fun5 fən5 ɗi3 ɬɯʔ7 zow1 tsha:1 ka:w6

pe:ŋ2

— — — — — — — — — —

—

me:ŋ3 — — *ɾa:ŋɦ — *fhunɦ — — *hlɯ:k ɗɯ:ʔ7 tθɯək2 *hju: ɗəɰ1 *[ʈʂ/tç]ha:[ɦ] — *hŋa:wʔ

— — ŋɔ:4

— [tɯj1 ɬɯ:w4] ɬiək8 [vɯam1]

— — (tʃɔ́ n) [ɬuaj˧] ŋʌ̆w —

— — —

— — — —

135

CHl: Run:

hi:ŋ1 hiaŋ[5] (tso:n1) tsan1 ŋow2 ka:5

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

撕

to tear

撕

to tear

*ʔi:k NWCHl: NECHl: ECHl:

*ʔi:k *ɗ[a]:ŋʔ *Cuʔi:k *C-ɲi:k

死

die

*la:wɦ

*hla:wɦ

死

die

四

four

CHl: CHl: *ʈa:wʔ CHl:

*ɦɯt *hlju:j *ʈʂha:wʔ *ʈʂhəwʔ

四腳蛇 lizard

*ʔi:ŋɦ

*ʔi:ŋɦ

四腳蛇 lizard

CHl:

*hrjɯ:ŋ

feed (n.)

GHl:

*khən

SONG 松鼠

squirrel

*C-ɲa:t

*C-ɲa:t

ʔi:ʔ[9] ɗɛŋ3

ʔi:ʔ7 ɗeŋ3

ʔi:k7 giʔ7

ʔiaʔ7 ɣik8

ʔiaʔ7 vit8

ʔiaʔ7 viʔ7

—

ĭ: —

—

— — ɗa:w2 — — — tsha:w3 haw3

— — ɬa:w2 — — hɛʔ4 tsha:w3 hɔ:3

ɲi:k7 — ɬa:w2 — hɯt7 h[ɯ]ʔ7 tshaw3 tsho:3

ɲiaʔ7 — — — ɬu:j4 h[ɔ]k7 tsho:3 tsho:3

niaʔ8 — — ɬa:w2 ɬu:j4 zuj3 tsho:3 tsho:3

ɲiak7 — ɬa:w2 — ɬu:j4 zuj6 tshɔ:3 tsho:3

ɲi:t9

— ɲi:t˥ — ɬaw˩ dóm ʒuj˥ ʃà:w tʃho:˥

—

ʔi:ŋ2 — tshəɰ3 — (khan1) khɯn1

ʔi:ŋ[1] — zaɰ3 — khan1 khan1

ʔi:ŋ[1] — rɯ:ŋ1 tɯŋ4 khan1 khaŋ1

ʔiaŋ5 ʔiŋ2 tɯ:ŋ4 tɯŋ1 khan1 khaŋ1

ʔiaŋ5 ʔiŋ2 thɯaŋ4 tsɯŋ1 khan1 khaŋ1

ʔiaŋ5 ʔiŋ5 tɯ:ŋ4 tsɯŋ4 khan1 khan1

ʔiaŋ5

— — liəŋ4 pow4 tsə2 — — haŋ1 — —

—

ɲa:t7 —

ɲa:t7 —

ɲa:t7 —

ɲa:t7 ɲ[o]:t7

na:t7 ɲa:t8

ɲa:t7 ɲuat8

[lə:n5]

—

— [lɔ:t9] tiəw1

— —

— thuj ʃó:

— —

Appendix

飼料

136

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

SU 甦醒

awaken

*sɯ:

*shɯ:

肅靜

silence

肅靜

silence

嗉子

crop

*ʔət Run: GHl: Run: GHl:

*ʔət *ɬɯ:ŋʔ *ʔik *hlji:[ʔ] *khən

SUAN 酸

sour

*C-wa:ʔ

算盤

pickled vegetables abacus

SUI 碎

smash

酸菜

Appendix

中文

təɰ1 — ʔet7 — — — (ʔo:2) —

təɰ1 — (ʔet7) — ʔik7 — khan1 —

təɰ1 — ʔat7 — ʔik7 — khan1 —

təɰ1 səɰ1 — — ʔi:ʔ7 ʔik7 khan1 —

təɰ1 tshəɰ1 — ɬɯŋ3 ʔi:ʔ7 zej4 — khaŋ1

təɰ1 — — ɬɯŋ3 ʔi[:]k7 tsej6 khan1 khan1

[tshe:t9]

— — — — — — — —

—

*C-wa:ʔ

pa:3 —

fa:3 fa:3

fa:3 —

fa:2 —

fa:3 fa:3

fa:3 fa:3

fow1 fa:˥

—

—

*Ciri:ŋ

*hrji:ŋ

GHl:

*hljɯ:ɦ

zi:ŋ1 — — —

zi:ŋ1 — zaɰ2 —

ri:ŋ1 — zaɰ2 —

tiaŋ4 tiŋ1 ɬaɰ2 —

thiaŋ4 tsiŋ1 ɬaɰ2 —

tiaŋ4 tsiŋ4 ɬaɰ2 tsaɰ2

[pa:5]

— — — —

—

*nom Run:

*hnom *hɲomɦ

nom1 ɗom4

tom1 —

tom1 —

tom4 tom1

— tsom2

tum4 tsom2

—

— —

—

— ʔi:k9 [ɗe:5 ʔɔ:5]

—

— — —

—

137

138

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

SUN 孫子

grandson

*C-ɣəɲ CHl: *phu:ʔ CHl:

*ɦəɲ *hlɯ:k *phu:ʔ *fhu:ʔ

han1 tθɯək2 phow3 —

han1 — phaw3 —

ɬɯ:k7 ɬɯk7 fow3 [v]aw3

ɬɯk7 ɬɯk7 phaw3 faw3

ɬɯaʔ7 ɬɯk8 faw3 faw3

ɬ[a]k7 ɬiək8 — (pə:w6) pə:w4 —

hɐ́n ɬœk˧ — pɐw˥

—

GHl:

*khuc

— khuat2

khut7 —

khuc7 —

— khot7

— khot7

khut7 khət7

kiət7 —

—

—

straw rain cape *Cəʔbi:nɦ Qi:

*ɓi:nɦ *ɓɯ:

ɓi:n2 —

ɓi:n2 —

ɓi:n2 —

ɓəɰ1 —

— —

ɓəɰ1 —

[tshuaŋ1]

— —

—

TA 他

he/she

*C-na:

*C-na:

CHl:

*khun

*C-[d/ɖ]u:ɦ NCHl:

*ɾu:ɦ *C-na:

na:1 na:1 khun1 — — na:1

na:1 na:1 — khoŋ1 raw2 raw2

na:4 n[ə]:1 — khoŋ1 (law2) na:[5]

na:1 na[ʔ]8 — khən5 lɔ:2 n[o]:[2]

nà: n[ɔ:]˧ — — — —

na:

they

na:1 na:1 — — raw2 na:[5]

nej5

他們

na:1 na:[5] — ki1 (raw1) na:[5]

*wənɦ

*hwənɦ

ven2 —

van2 van5

hwan2 vaŋ2

van2 vaŋ2

van2 vaŋ2

van5 van2

SUO 梭子 簑衣

typhoon

— [mow5]

[pha:ŋ1]

— —

— —

vɐ̀n

Appendix

TAI 台風

shuttle

—

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

苔蘚

moss

GHl:

*C-nə:ŋʔ

抬

lift (two people) *ʈa:m

*ʈʂha:m

太陽

sun

*ʈa:

*ʈʂha:

*ŋwən

*hŋwən

*C-ɣəw

*ɦəw

*fi:ŋ

*fhi:ŋ

*Cəʔgəj

*kəj

*ʔuŋɦ

*ʔuŋɦ

*C-nəmʔ GHl: NWCHl:

太陽穴 temples

TAN 罈子

痰

jug

phlegm

— — tsha:m1 hɔm1 tsha:1 — ven1 hon4 haw1 — phi:ŋ1 —

no:ŋ3 — tsha:m1 han1 tsha:[2] hɔ:3 van1 vanʔ4 haw1 — fi:ŋ1 —

no:ŋ3 no:ŋ3 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:1 tsha:[3] hwan1 vaŋ4 haw1 haw1 fi:ŋ1 fiŋ1

no:ŋ3 no:ŋ3 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:1 tsha:[3] van4 vaŋ1 haw1 haw1 fiaŋ1 fiŋ1

nɔ:ŋ6 nuaŋ3 tsha:m1 tsha:m1 tsha:1 tsha:1 van4 vaŋ1 haw1 haw1 fiaŋ1 fiŋ1

nɔ:ŋ3 nuaŋ6 tsha:m1 tsham1 tsha:1 — van1 van4 haw1 — fiaŋ1 fiŋ1

—

— — — — ʃá: tʃha:˧ vén vaŋ˦ — — — —

—

kaj1 — ʔuŋ2 —

kaj1 kaj1 ʔuŋ2 —

kaj1 — ʔ[o]ŋ2 —

kaj1 kaj1 ʔuŋ2 ʔoŋ2

kaj1 kaj1 — —

kaj1 kaj1 ʔuŋ2 —

[ki:w1]

— — — —

—

*C-nəmʔ

nom3 nam3

nam3 nan3

nom3 —

nam3 nam3

nam6 nam3

nam3 nam6

na:m1

— nam˥

—

*ɦa:k *khək

(he:ʔ9) khak5

he:ʔ7 khaʔ4

h[a]:k7 he:ʔ7

h[a:p]7 hɯ:2

h[a:p]7 (heʔ7)

h[a]:t7 hiaʔ7

ha:k8

— —

—

tɔm1 tow1 vɔ:n1 haw4 pia1

[thuŋ4]

— — — — —

—

139

English

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

潭

pool

*wa:ŋ

*hwa:ŋ

彈

card (cotton)

*ɲɯ:

*hɲɯ:

炭

coal

*lɯ:ɦ

*hlɯ:ɦ

探望

visit

GHl:

*khə:mɦ

探望

visit

*ʔi:p

*ʔi:p

TANG 趟

trip clsfr

*ŋa:jʔ Run:

TAO 逃脫

escape

討厭

annoying

140

中文

ve:ŋ1 — tsəɰ1 — ɬaɰ2 — kho:m2 — — ʔiʔ4

hwe:ŋ1 — tsəɰ1 tsəɰ4 ɬaɰ2 — kho:m2 — ʔi:p7 —

ve:ŋ4 ve:ŋ1 tsəɰ4 tsəɰ1 ɬaɰ2 ɬəɰ2 kho:m5 kho:m2 — ʔip7

— viaŋ1 tshəɰ4 tsəɰ1 — — khɔ:m5 khuam2 — —

ve:ŋ[4] (viaŋ1) tsəɰ1 tsəɰ4 — — khɔ:m3 khuam5 ʔi:p7 —

[tha:2]

*hŋa:jʔ *hŋə:jʔ

ŋa:j3 —

— —

ka:j3 ka:j3

ka:j6 ka:j3

kha:j6 kuaj3

ka:j6 ku:j6

*C-luɲʔ

*C-luɲʔ

*ʔa:jʔ Meifu:

*ʔa:jʔ *ʔəjʔ

lun3 — ʔa:j3 —

lun3 (lun2) ʔa:j3 (ʔaj5)

luɲ3 (lun3) ʔa:j3 ʔaj3

lun3 lon3 ʔa:j3 ʔaj3

(lun3) lon3 ʔa:j3 ʔa:j3

lɯn3 lən6 ʔa:j3 ʔuaj3

váŋ — — — — — — — — —

—

[lem1]

— —

—

lɔn1

— — — —

—

ni:4 [ʔa:ŋ1 paj1] [tak8 tej1 ] —

[ʔjam4]

— — — —

—

Appendix

va:ŋ1 — ɲəɰ1 — ɗəɰ2 tθɔ:5 — — ʔi:p7 —

Appendix

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

TENG 藤籮

rattan basket

*[Cil/j]u:k CHl: *Cəʔbuŋ

*h[l]ju:k zu:ʔ7 *[ʈʂ/tç]həwɦ — *ɓuŋ ɓuŋ1 ɓoŋ1

zu:ʔ7 — ɓuŋ1 ɓoŋ1

tshaw2 — ɓoŋ1 ɓo[m]1

tsho:5 — ɓoŋ1 ɓoŋ1

tsho:5 tsho:2 ɓ[o]ŋ1 ɓoŋ1

tshɔ:5 — ɓuŋ1 ɓoŋ1

[ɓi:n1 lɔ:1]

GHl:

*phɯ:

*Ciɣə:n

*Ciɦə:n

蹄

hoof

*C-lɛ:ʔ CHl: NWCHl:

*C-le:ʔ *tçhi:nʔ *shi:p

phəɰ1 phɛ:1 ho:n1 ɲɔn1 le:3 fiʔ4

phəɰ1 phəɰ1 hjo:n1 ɲo:ŋ1 tshi:n3 tshiŋ3

phəɰ1 phəɰ1 zo:n1 ɲo:ŋ1 tshi:n3 tshiŋ3

phəɰ1 phəɰ1 zɔ:n1 ɲuaŋ1 tshi:n3 tshiŋ2

phəɰ1 phəɰ1 (zɔ:n1) ɲu:n4 tshi:n3 tshin5

ɓa:1

啼 (雞) cry (chicken)

— — han1 ɲan1 le:3 [s]ip2

剃頭

shave head

ECHl: NECHl:

*pha:w *ɾji:nɦ

— —

— —

pha:w1 tin2

pha:w1 tin2

— tin2

pha:w1 —

TIAN 天

sky

*fa:ʔ

*fha:ʔ

田

wetfield

*na:ɦ

*hna:ɦ

(pa:3) fɔ:3 na:2 —

fa:3 fa:3 ta:2 ta:2

fa:3 fa:3 ta:2 ta:2

fa:3 fa:3 ta:2 ta:2

fa:3 fa:3 tha:2 ta:2

fa:3 fha:3 ta:2 ta:2

藤簍

TI 梯子

rattan slat basket

ladder

— — — —

—

tha: phəɰ˧ hɐn — — —

phəɰ

[thə:ŋ1]

— —

—

[vuəj1]

(pa:) fa:˥ nằ: ta:˩

—

puŋ1

hɯan4 [ka:w5]

tow4

—

— —

tà:

141

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

田埂

field dike

*Ciɣə:n

*Ciɦə:n

*na:ɦ

*hna:ɦ

田雞

k.o. frog

*ŋɯ:ɦ

*hŋɯ:ɦ

田雞

k.o. frog

田(野)

wild field

Qi: NCHl: *ʔəŋ

*shi:t *ʔɯp *ʔəŋ

甜

sweet

*Cəʔd[ɛ]:ŋ

*ɗ[e]:ŋ

甜瓜

muskmelon

*ʔəj

*ʔəj

填

fill with earth

舔

lick

*C-lɯ:p Run: *Cili:mɦ NCHl: NCHl:

*C-lɯ:p *m-lom *hlji:mɦ *C-li:mɦ *C-ɲi:mɦ

142

中文

han1 ɲan1 na:2 — ŋəɰ2 — — ʔɛp5 ʔoŋ1 ʔeŋ1 ɗe:ŋ1 tsɛŋ1 ʔaj1 — — — zi:m2 —

ho:n1 ɲɔn1 ta:2 ta:2 kaɰ2 kawʔ4 — ʔɛʔ5 ʔaŋ1 — ɗe:ŋ1 ɗɛŋ1 ʔ[e]j1 — lɯ:p7 — zi:m2 lim2

hjo:n1 ɲo:ŋ1 ta:2 ta:2 kaɰ2 — — ʔep7 ʔaŋ1 ʔaŋ1 ɗe:ŋ1 ɗe:ŋ1 ʔaj1 ʔaj1 lɯ:p7 — zi:m2 lim2

zo:n1 ɲo:ŋ1 ta:2 ta:2 kaɰ2 — — ʔep7 ʔaŋ1 ʔaŋ1 ɗe:ŋ1 ɗe:ŋ1 ʔaj1 ʔaj1 lɯ:p7 lup7 ɬi:m2 ɲim2

zɔ:n1 ɲuaŋ1 tha:2 ta:2 khaɰ2 kaɰ2 ti:t7 ʔop7 ʔaŋ1 ʔaŋ1 ɗe:ŋ1 ɗiaŋ1 ʔaj1 ʔaj1 — plom1 — ɲim2

hjɔ:n1 ɲu:n4 ta:2 ta:2 kaɰ2 kaɰ2 ti:t7 ʔop7 ʔaŋ1 ʔɔŋ1 ɗe:ŋ1 ɗiaŋ1 ʔaj1 ʔaj1 lɯ:p7 plom1 ɬi:m2 —

hɯan4 tow4 ŋaj1 ti:p7 ʔuaŋ1 tɯ:ʔ7 [huəp8 haŋ1] — [ɬe:p8]

hɐ́n — nằ: — — — — — [ɔ́ ]ŋ aŋ˧ dɛ́ŋ ti:aŋ˧ — aj˧ — — — ɲi:m˧

— — — — — — — — —

Appendix

English

Pre-Hlai

TIAO 挑

pick out (thorn) *[ʈ/c]ɯnɦ

Appendix

中文

Proto-Hlai

*ʈa:p

挑

carry on shoulder burden clsfr

*[ʈʂ/tç]hɯnɦ tshɯn2 — *ʈʂha:p tsha:p7

*fi:k

*fhi:k

條

pants clsfr

*Ciɣa:ɦ

*Ciɦa:ɦ

條

skirt clsfr

*Ci[d/r]u:t

*[ɾ/hr]ju:t

條

long/thin clsfr

*Cəʔdənɦ

*ɗənɦ

調皮

naughty

*C-na:

*C-na:

跳

jump

*nə:ŋ GHl: *Cəʔɟu:nʔ

*hnə:ŋ *hljəj *tçu:nʔ

跳躍

leap

*pit

*phit

挑

tshɯn2 tsh[o]ŋ2 tsha:p7 haʔ4 fi:ʔ7 fik7 hja:2 ɲɛ:2

tshɯn5 tshɯŋ2 tsha:p7 tsha:p7 fiaʔ7 fik7 ɗa:j1 ɲa:2

tshun5 tsh[o]ŋ2 tsha:p7 tsha:p7 fiaʔ7 fit7 ɗa:j1 ɲa:2

tshɯn5 tshən5 tsha:p7 tsha:p8 fiak7 fhiʔ7 ɗa:j1 ɲa:2

[tɔk7]

(pi:ʔ9) — ha:2 —

tshɯn2 — tsha:p7 — fi:k7 fiʔ4 ha:2 —

zu:t7 — ɗen2 ɗan5 na:1 — naŋ1 laj4 tsu:n3 — phit7 (phit1)

zu:t7 — ɗan2 ɗan2 na:1 — zaj1 — tsu:n3 — phit7 —

ru:t7 — ɗan2 ɗan2 na:1 — zaj1 — tsu:n3 tsuŋ3 phec7 —

tu:t8 tuk7 ɗan5 ɗan2 na:1 na:1 no:ŋ 1 zaj1 tsu:n3 tsuŋ3 phet7 phet7

— (tuk7) ɗan5 ɗaŋ2 na:4 na:1 nɔ:ŋ4 zaj1 tsu:n3 tsuŋ3 phet[9] [f]et7

tu:t8 — ɗan5 ɗan5 na:1 na:4 nɔ:ŋ1 tsaj4 tsu:n3 tun3 phit[9] —

—

tɔ:p9 tshap7 pia9 tɯj1

tiən1 now1 na:1 tsuən1 [ɗet7]

— — ʃáp tʃha:p˧ — — hă: —

—

— — dĕn — — — — — tʃùon — — —

—

— — —

— — — — —

143

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

跳蚤

flea

*mə:t

*hmə:t

TIE 貼

stick to

*pək

*phək

鐵

iron

*rə:j

鐵鏟

iron shovel

鐵鍬

spade

*[ʈ/c]ɛ:wʔ CHl: *Cila:wɦ

TING 聽

listen

聽說

停

mat7 ɓat4

po:t7 paʔ4

po:t7 (pət5)

po:t8 —

phɔ:t8 poʔ8

pɔ:t8 pət8

[taw1 pow4]

mɐ́t —

pɔ̰ t

phak7 — *hrə:j ra:j1 — *[ʈʂ/tç]hɛ:wʔ tshe:w3 *the:w — *hlja:wɦ za:w2 —

phak7 — go:j1 — tshe:w3 — za:w2 za:2

pha[:]k7 — go:j1 go:j4 the:w1 — za:w2 —

phak7 pha[:]k7 ga:j4 xo:j1 — the:w1 ɬa:w2 za:w2

phak7 phak7 ha:j4 xuaj1 — — ɬa:w2 za:w2

phak7 phak7 ha:j4 khu:j1 — — ɬa:w2 tsa:w2

phak7

[b]ák — dá:j xuaj˧ — — — ʒaw˨

—

*m-lɯ: *hlji:ŋɦ *hli:ŋ

ləɰ1 liəŋ5 (ti:ŋ1)

ləɰ1 ziŋ2 ɬi:ŋ1

pləɰ1 pəɰ4 ɬiaŋ1

pləɰ1 pləɰ1 —

pəɰ1 pləɰ1 —

lə́ ɰ pləɰ˧ —

plə́ ɰ

stop (turn off)

*C-ŋa:c

*C-ŋa:c

(liəŋ3) ŋa:t7 ŋɔt2

— ŋa:t7 —

— ŋa:c7 ŋo:t7

— ŋa:t7 ŋo:t7

ɬiŋ1 ŋa:t8 ŋa:t8

pləɰ1 pləɰ1 [ŋej2 low1 — ŋa:t7 ŋuat8

[ŋej2]

hear it said

*m-lɯ: NWCHl: GHl:

kuj1 — za:w4

vɯ:n4]

ŋa:t9

— — —

ha:j — —

—

—

Appendix

English

144

中文

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

TONG 同

same

*Cəʔduŋ

*ɗuŋ

ɗuŋ1 —

ɗuŋ1 —

ɗoŋ1 —

ɗoŋ1 ɗoŋ1

ɗuŋ1 ɗoŋ1

ɗuŋ1 ɗuŋ1

ɗa:ŋ2

— —

—

同伴

companion

*tə:ŋʔ

*thə:ŋʔ

thaŋ3 —

tho:ŋ3 —

tho:ŋ3 —

tho:ŋ3 tho:ŋ3

thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3

thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3

[thaw1 khoŋ1]

thàŋ —

—

銅

copper

*Cəʔdu:ŋ

*ɗu:ŋ

*[ʈ/c]ok

*tçhok

童山

bare hill

*Cəʔgiŋ

*kiŋ

— — tshok7 tshɔk7 kiŋ1 ken1

— ɗuŋ1 tshok7 tshɔk7 kiŋ1 ken1

ɗuaŋ1 ɗuŋ1 tshoʔ7 tshɔk8 kiŋ1 ken1

— — tshɔk7 tshɔk7 kiŋ1 ken1

dúoŋ — sók tʃhɔk˧ — —

—

hurt

ɗu:ŋ1 — tshuk7 saʔ4 kiŋ1 —

tu:ŋ1

痛

ɗu:ŋ1 ɗoŋ1 tshok7 sɔk2 kiŋ1 —

TOU 偷

steal

*Cilok

*hljok

*pə:k

*phə:k

頭

head

*Curəwʔ

*Cuhrəwʔ

頭髮

hair (head)

*nom ECHl:

*hnom *ɗənɦ

zok7 zɔk7 pho:k7 — gwow3 go:3 ɗan2 —

ɬok8 zɔk7 pho:ʔ7 phɔk7 go:6 ɣo:3 ɗan5 rom1

ɬoʔ8 zɔk8 — phɔʔ8 ho:6 vo:3 ɗan5 rom1

ɬɔk8 tsɔk8 phɔ:ʔ7 — hɔ:6 vo:3 ɗan5 ɱən4

zók ʒɔk˧ — — dàw vo:˥ nóm ŋoŋ˧

—

overhear

zuk7 zaʔ4 pho:ʔ7 phɔʔ4 gaw3 ŋɔ:3 tom1 ŋɛn1

tsa:k8

偷聽

zok7 — (pho:ʔ8) — raw3 vaw3 nom1 ŋən1

ta:k9 —

phɔk7 ki:w1 tiəm3

— —

— [f]ó: tóm

145

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

NCHl: NCHl: *Curəwʔ

*Cuɦun *ɾom *Cuhrəwʔ

頭虱

head louse

*Cuʈu:

*Cuʈʂhu:

TU 凸

protrude

GHl:

*ɗunʔ

erase

*C-ni:nɦ *Cuhra:t *ʔe:t *C-wunʔ

spit silk

吐痰

to spit

*p[w]iɦ

*ph[w]iɦ

吐奶

spit up (milk)

*Cəʔbɯnɦ

*ɓɯnɦ

TUI 推

push

*C-ɲu:nɦ

*C-ɲu:nɦ

raw3 vaw3 tshow1 few1

gaw3 ŋɔ:3 tshow1 fɛw1

gwow3 — fow1 fow1

go:6 ɣo:3 fow1 fow1

ho:6 vo:3 tshow1 fow1

hɔ:6 vo:3 tshow1 fhow1

ki:w1

thun2 — ni:n2 —

ɗun3 — ni:n2 —

— — ni:n2 —

— — gwa:t8 niŋ2

— — (me:2) ʔet8

ɗɯn3 — hwat8 ʔi:t7

ɗɯ:n1

vun3 — phi:2 — ɓɯn2 —

v[ɯ]n3 — phi:2 phuj2 ɓɯn2 —

vun3 — phi:2 — ɓɯn2 ɓəŋ2

fun[3] vo[n]3 phi:5 phi:2 ɓɯn5 ɓəŋ2

vun[3] vun3 phi:5 phuj5 — ɓəŋ5

vɯn3 vən[3] phi:2 phi:1 ɓɯn5 ɓən5

[ʔɔŋ1]

ɲu:n2 —

ɲu:n2 —

ɲu:n2 ɲuŋ2

ɲu:n5 ɲuŋ2

— ɲuŋ5

ɲu:n5 ɲ[u:]5

taw1

[me:k9]

phi:1 [ʔak7]

—

dàw vo:˥ ʃáw —

ó:

— — — et˧

—

— vu:n˥ — — — —

—

— —

—

—

— —

—

Appendix

吐

*C-ni:nɦ Qi: Run: *C-wunʔ

抹

146

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

腿

leg, thigh

GHl: CHl:

fh[a]:ŋɦ ɦa:

(pe:ŋ2) fɛŋ5

fe:ŋ2 [ɓ]eŋ2

ha:1 ha:1

ha:1 ha:1

ha:1 ha:1

ha:1 ha:1

[hɔ:k9]

(pɛ̆ŋ) ha:˧

—

TUN 吞

swallow

GHl:

*Ciʔə:mɦ

*Cəʔbiŋɦ

*ɓiŋɦ

臀部

buttock

Qi:

*C-m[a]:k

Qi: NECHl:

*ɦa:jʔ *tçhi:

ʔjo:m2 zo:m2 ɓiŋ2 — — — — —

zo:m5 zo:m2 ɓiŋ5 ɓen2 — — — tshej1

zɔ:m5 zuam2 — — me:ʔ8 — ha:j3 (tshej4)

ʔjɔ:m5 zuam5 — — me:ʔ7 — ha:j3 tshej1

(ɔ̀̆ m) ʒuam˩ — — — — — tʃhɛj˦

zɔ̀ m

buttock

ʔo:m2 ʔjon2 ɓiŋ2 — — — — —

[kuat10]

臀部

(ʔo:m2) zam5 ɓiŋ2 — — — — —

*hlja:wɦ *hljuc *C-ləɲʔ

za:w2 law5 lan3 thuət3 ku:n1 — — hom[4]

za:w2 z[ɔ]:2 lan3 — ku:n1 — — —

za:w2 za:w2 laɲ3 — ku:ɲ 1 — — hom2

ɬa:w2 za:w2 lan3 lan3 ku:n1 kun1 — hom2

ɬa:w2 zot8 lum6 lan3 ku:n1 kun1 — hom2

ɬa:w2 tsət8 lan3 lan6 ku:n1 kun1 — hom5

[tsuət10]

ză:w ʒot˥ — — — — — —

—

take off

脫

shed

*Cila:wɦ Run: *C-ləɲʔ

脫

shed

*Cəʔgu:ɲ

*ku:ɲ

駝背

hunchback NCHl:

*ɦomɦ

[phaŋ5] hɯaj2

— [pun1] [kɔŋ1ku4]

— — —

— — —

147

TUO 脫

—

Appendix

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

庹

armspan

GHl: NWCHl: Run: *la:nɦ

*hroŋɦ *tçhɯnʔ *hwə:n *hla:nɦ

唾沫

saliva

*C-nəmʔ

*C-nəmʔ

*lə:j

*hlə:j

148

English

中文

(guŋ2) tshən3

guŋ2 sɛn3

goŋ2 —

— —

— vuaŋ1

— vu:n4

[kɔ:m1]

— —

—

(ta:n2) tθɔn5 nom3 nam3 [l]a:j1 —

ɬa:n2 lan2 nam3 nan3 ɬo:j1 [n]ɔj1

ɬa:n2 ɬa:ŋ2 nom3 nam3 ɬo:j1 ɬo:j1

ɬa:n5 ɬa:ŋ2 nam3 nam3 ɬa:j1 ɬo:j1

ɬa:n5 ɬa:ŋ2 nam6 nam3 ɬa:j1 ɬuaj1

ɬa:n5 ɬuan5 nam3 nam6 ɬa:j1 ɬu:j1

[thuət8]

(tăn) — nòm nam˥ [l]a:j ɬuaj˧

—

na:m1 ɬɯj4

— —

WA 挖

dig hole

*Ciɣut Meifu:

*Ciɦut *khɯ:t

hut7 —

hut7 —

hjut7 khɯt7

— khɯt7

— —

(ʔjɯt7) —

[taw1]

hʊ́ t —

—

挖

dig hole

*Cəʔbənɦ

*ɓənɦ

*Cəʔbəwɦ

*ɓəwɦ

挖

dig out

GHl:

ɦujʔ

挖

dig out

CHl:

*khuj

ɓan2 — ɓow2 ɓo:2 huj3 — — khuj1

ɓan[3] — ɓo:5 ɓo:2 — — khuj1 khuj1

ɓan[3] — ɓo:5 ɓo:2 — — khuj1 (khuj1)

ɓan5 — ɓɔ:5 ɓo:5 huj3 — khuj1 khow1

— — — — — — — —

—

dig with knife

ɓan2 — ɓaw2 — huj3 — — khoj1

—

挖

— — ɓaw2 — — — — khoj1

[hɔk8] [taw1]

— —

Appendix

—

—

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

瓦

tile

GHl:

*fh[a]:ŋ

CHl:

*thəw

*Cilɯ:n Run: *ʈa:ʔ

*hljɯ:n *hlji:nʔ *ʈʂha:ʔ

*na:ʔ

*hna:ʔ

*lɯ:k

*hlɯ:k

*ʈa:ʔ

*ʈʂha:ʔ

WAI 外

outside

外祖父 mother’s father 外祖母 mother’s mother 外孫 maternal grandson

WAN 彎

crooked, curved *Ciʔut

*Ciʔut

彎

crooked, curved CHl:

*hwə:ŋɦ

fe:ŋ1 — — —

— — — —

fe:ŋ1 — thaw1 —

— fiaŋ1 — thaw1

fe:ŋ1 — thaw1 —

—

zɯ:n1 — tsha:3 — na:3 — han1 tθiək2 tsha:3 —

zɯ:n1 — tsha:3 ha:[1] (na:3) — ɬɯ:ʔ7 — tsha:3 —

zɯ:n1 zɯŋ4 tsha:3 tsha:3 ta:3 ta:3 ɬɯ:k7 — tsha:3 —

ɬɯ:n4 zɯŋ1 tsha:3 tsha:3 ta:6 ta:3 ɬɯk7 ɬɯk7 tsha:3 tsha:3

ɬɯ:n4 ziŋ3 — tsha:3 — ta:3 — ɬɯk8 — tsha:3

ɬɯ:n4 tsin6 tsha:3 tsha:3 ta:6 ta:6 ɬ[a]k7 — tsha:3 tsha:3

[lɔ:w4]

ʔut[9] — (no:ŋ2) vɔŋ3

ʔut7 — no:ŋ2 vaŋ2

ʔjut7 — hwo:ŋ2 vɔŋ2

— — vo:ŋ2 vɔŋ2

ʔu:t[9] — vɔ:ŋ2 vɔŋ2

ʔjut[9] — vɔ:ŋ vɔŋ[4]

—

tə:1 nɔ:4 ɬiək8 tə:1

ʔu:t9 vɔ:ŋ5

— — — —

—

— — — — — — hɐ́n — — —

—

u̠ t — (nɔ̆ ŋ) —

—

— — — —

— —

149

— — — —

Appendix

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

完結

end

完盡

finish

完整

complete

*Cəʔba:jʔ NECHl: *m-lunɦ NECHl: *C-mu:ŋʔ

*ɓa:jʔ *ɓə:jʔ *m-lunɦ *ɾi:t *C-mu:ŋʔ

玩

play

*Cirɯ:k Run:

*hrjɯ:k *ʔu:ŋʔ

玩弄

dally

*C-ɲa:m

*C-ɲa:m

玩耍

play

晚

evening

GHl: Run: *[c/ç]əp

*Cuɦə:ŋ *ʔu:ŋʔ *tçhəp

晚飯

dinner

GHl:

*hŋəwɦ

GHl:

*fhən

*hmi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

*[c/ç]əp

*tçhəp

晚上

evening

ɓa:j3 — lun2 — mu:ŋ3 — zɯ:ʔ7 zɯək4

ɓa:j3 — lun2 — mu:ŋ3 — zɯ:ʔ7 leʔ4

ɓa:j3 ɓo:j3 plun2 liʔ7 mu:ŋ3 — rɯ:k7 tɯk7

ɓa:j3 ɓo:j3 plun5 ri[k]7 mu:ŋ3 — tɯ:ʔ8 tɯk7

ɓa:j3 ɓuaj3 pun5 rit7 muaŋ6 muŋ3 thɯaʔ 8 ʔuŋ3

ɓa:j3 ɓu:j3 plɯn5 rit8 mu:ŋ3 muŋ[3] tɯ:ʔ8 ʔuŋ3

ɲa:m1 — (ho:ŋ1) — tshop7 — ru:j1 — tshop7 fon1 mej3 — tshop7 —

ɲa:m1 — ho:ŋ1 — tshap7 saʔ4 kaw2 — fan1 — p[e]j3 p[u:][2] tshap7 saʔ4

ɲa:m1 ɲa:m1 hwo:ŋ1 ŋo:ŋ1 tshop7 tshap7 — — fan1 — paj3 — tshop7 —

ɲa:m1 ɲa:m1 go:ŋ1 ŋo:ŋ1 tshop7 tshap7 — — fan1 faŋ1 paj6 paj3 tshop7 tshap7

na:m4 ɲa:m1 —-ʔuŋ3 tshap7 tshap7 ko:2 — fan1 faŋ1 phaj6 paj3 tshap7 tshap7

ɲa:m1 ɲam4 hɔ:ŋ1 ʔuŋ3 tshap7 tshap7 — — fan1 fan1 paj6 paj[3] tshap7 tshap7

pɯj5 — — [liaw1] [tsum1] [liaw1] tshɔ:p9 [thow1] tshɔ:p9 [kɯ2] tshɔ:p9

bà:j — lŭn — — — zɯ̋ : — ɲám — — — ʃóp — dŭoj — ʃóp faŋ˦ mèj — ʃóp tʃhap˧

— — — — — — — — — — —

Appendix

English

150

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

碗

bowl, basin

*Cuʔa:w

*Cuʔa:w

碗櫥

cupboard

*Cəʔɟa:nɦ

*tça:nɦ

*Cuʔa:w

*Cuʔa:w

WANG 網

net

*rə:jʔ

*hrə:jʔ

網袋

net bag

[*Cəʔda:jʔ]

*ɗa:jʔ

忘記

forget

*C-lɯ:mɦ

*C-lɯ:mɦ

WEI 煨

simmer

CHl:

*m-lomʔ

圍

surround

GHl:

*ku:ŋɦ

圍

surround

CHl:

*thu:k

ʔa:w1 ʔwa1 ʔa:w1 — — —

ʔwa:w1 — tsa:n2 — ʔwa:w1 —

gwa:w1 ɣa:w1 tsa:n5 tsa:ŋ2 gwa:w1 —

va:w1 va:w1 tsa:n5 tsa:ŋ2 — va:w1

ʔwa:w1 va:w1 tsa:n5 tuan5 ʔwa:w1 —

[la:k9]

ra:j3 hɔ:(j)4 ɗa:j3 — lɯ:m2 —

go:j3 ŋɔj3 ɗa:j3 ɗaj[1] lɯ:m2 lon2

go:j3 go:j3 ɗa:j3 — lɯ:m2 —

ga:j6 xo:j3 ɗa:j3 ɗa:j3 lɯ:m5 lum2

ha:j6 xuaj3 — ɗa:j3 lu:m2 (lɯm5)

ha:j6 khu:j3 ɗa:j3 ɗuaj3 lɯ:m5 lɯm2

[piw1]

— — — — — —

— — ku:ŋ2 — — —

plom3 — — — thu:ʔ7 —

plom3 [pu]m3 ku:ŋ5 — thu:ʔ7 thuk7

l[ɔ]m3 plom3 kuaŋ5 — — thuk8

plum3 plom3 ku:ŋ5 kuŋ5 thu:ʔ7 —

[ka:n5] [thow1]

— [ŋɔm3]

thum4 ʔuj —

á:w vaw˨ tʃán — — —

vwa:w

dà:j huaj˥ dà:j — lɯ́ ɤm —

—

— — — — — —

— —

— —

— — —

151

ʔa:w1 va:w1 tsa:n2 — ʔa:w1 va:w1

Appendix

中文

152

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

尾巴

tail

*[c/ç]uc

*tçhuc

tshut7 tshət2

tshut7 sɛʔ4

tshuc7 tshət7

tshut7 tshot7

tshut7 tshot8

tshɯt7 tshət7

tshuət9

ʃʊ́ t tʃhu:t˧

—

餵

to feed

*Cəʔbu:ɦ

*ɓu:ɦ

ɓow2 ɓa:5

ɓaw2 ɓaw2

ɓow2 ɓaw2

ɓaw5 ɓaw2

ɓo:5 ɓaw2

ɓɔ:5 ɓaw5

fo:4

băw —

—

WEN 紋面

tattoo face

*C-ŋu: NECHl:

*C-ŋu: *ɓəwɦ

*C-ɲu:ŋ

*C-ɲu:ŋ

ŋow1 — — — go:j3 — ɲu:ŋ1 — ɲu:ŋ1 ɲuŋ1 ɬu:n3 —

ŋow1 ɓo:2 — vak7 ga:j6 xo:j3 ɲu:ŋ1 ɲuŋ1 ɲu:ŋ1 ɲuŋ1 tsaj1 —

ŋow4 ɓo:2 — vak8 (faj3) xuaj3 nuaŋ4 ɲuŋ1 nuaŋ4 ɲuŋ1 tsaj1 kuaj1

ŋow1 ɓo:5 — vat8 ga:j6 — ɲu:ŋ1 ɲuŋ4 ɲu:ŋ1 ɲuŋ4 tsaj1 ku:j1

— — — vak˧ — [h]uaj˥ — ɲu:ŋ˧ ɲúoŋ ɲu:ŋ˧ — —

—

*hwət *hrə:jʔ

ŋow1 — — — go:j3 — ɲu:ŋ1 — ɲu:ŋ1 ɲ[iw]1 ɬu:n3 —

ŋaw5

NECHl: *rə:jʔ

ŋow1 — — — ra:j3 — ɲu:ŋ1 — ɲu:ŋ1 ɲoŋ1 (tu:n3) — ha:j1 ɲɔ:(j)1

ha:j1 ɲɔj1

ha:j1 ɲo:j1

ha:j1 ɲo:j1

ha:j1 ɲuaj4

ha:j1 ɲu:j4

huəj4

há:j ɲyaj˧

—

蚊帳

mosquito net

mosquito

*C-ɲu:ŋ

*C-ɲu:ŋ

瘟疫

epidemic

聞

smell

*lu:nʔ Qi: Run: *C-ɣa:j NCHl:

*hlu:nʔ *tçəj *kə:j *ɦa:j *Ciɦə:j

— — tshak7 tsaj1

— — — — —

Appendix

蚊子

[tɯp8]

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

吻

kiss

*Ci[d/ɖ]u:c NECHl: *tə:ŋʔ

*ɾju:c *[h/ʔ]ju:nʔ *thə:ŋʔ

問

ask

GHl:

*hra:m

WO 蜗牛

snail

*[c/ç]i:

*tçhi:

窩

nest

*C-ɲa:mʔ Meifu: *C-[d/ɖ]u:k

*C-ɲa:mʔ *fha:ʔ *ɾu:k

我

I

*C-ɣu:

*ɦu:

我們

we (excl)

CHl: Run:

*fhəw *fhɯ:

WU 烏龜

turtle

*tu:ɦ

*thu:ɦ

zu:t7 — tho:ŋ3 — ga:m1 ŋanʔ4

ru:c7 tut7 tho:ŋ3 — ga:m1 ga:m4

tu:t8 zuŋ2 tho:ŋ3 tho:ŋ3 ga:m4 xa:m1

(tu:t8) zun2 thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3 ha:m4 xa:m1

tu:t8 tut7 thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3 ha:m4 kham1

tsuət9

tshej1 — roŋ1 — ru:ʔ7 lok4 how1 (kə:5) row1 (ha:5)

tshej1 — ɲa:m3 — ru:ʔ7 luʔ4 how1 hɛw1 taw1 faw1

tshej1 tshej1 — fa:3 ru:k7 luʔ7 how1 how1 fa[:]1 faw1

tshej1 tshej1 ɲa:m3 fa:3 ru:ʔ8 ruk7 how1 how1 faw1 faw1

tshej1 tshej1 na:m6 ɲa:m3 luaʔ8 ruk8 how1 h[o:]1 faw1 f[ə:]1

tshej1 tshej1 ɲa:m3 ɲam6 lu:ʔ8 ruʔ8 how1 how[ʔ]7 fow1 fəɰ[ʔ]7

tshaj1

thow2 —

thaw2 —

thaw2 —

thaw5 thaw2

tho:5 thaw2

thɔ:5 thaw5

ɗa:w1

tha:1 kɔ:1

[vuəj4] lu:ʔ8 [kaw1] [ʔaw1]

zu̠ ot — — — (ɣam) —

—

— — — — — — hʌw h[o:]˧ du: —

—

thʌ̆w thɐw˨

—

— hằm

— — — —

153

zu:t7 lu:t2 thaŋ3 — (ga:m1) hɔm4

Appendix

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

烏鴉

crow

*ʔa:k

*ʔa:k

污垢

filth

污垢

filth

CHl: CHl: *C-nɯnɦ

*khi: *tha:mʔ *C-nɯnɦ

巫婆

witch

吳蚣

centipede

*mɯ:ŋ Run: *C-[d/ɖ]i:p

*hmɯ:ŋ *C-l[a]:k *ɾi:p

五

five

*ma:

*hma:

摀

cover mouth with hand fog

*pɯ:m

*phɯ:m

*Cuɣə:n

*Cuɦə:n

CHl:

*hŋa:wʔ

GHl:

*phəjʔ

霧

XI 西

west

ʔa:ʔ[9] ʔa:k3 — khɛj1 nɯn2 — mɯ:ŋ1 ɓɯəŋ4 ri:p7 lip4 ma:1 ɓɔ:4 phɯ:m1 — han1 — kuwʔ9 —

(ʔa:ʔ7) ʔɛʔ4 — khɛj1 — — pɯ:ŋ1 — ri:p7 — pa:1 paʔ4 phɯ:m1 — ho:n1 — kuwʔ7 —

ʔe:k7 ʔe:ʔ7 — — nɯn2 — pɯ:ŋ1 — ri:p7 lip7 pa:1 pa:4 phɯ:m1 phum1 hwo:n1 — ka:w3 —

ʔe:ʔ7 ʔɯ:2 khej1 — nɯn5 nɯŋ2 pɯ:ŋ4 pɯŋ1 ri:p8 rip7 pa:4 pa:1 phɯ:m1 phum1 — ŋo:ŋ 1 ka:w6 ka:w3

ʔe:ʔ7 ʔeʔ8 tha:m3 tha:m3 — nəŋ2 phɯaŋ4 (liak8) li:p8 rip8 pha:4 pa:1 phu:m1 phum1 — ŋuaŋ1 kha:w6 ka:w3

ʔe:ʔ7 ʔiaʔ7 tha:m3 khej1 nɯn5 — pɯ:ŋ4 liaʔ7 li:p8 rip8 pa:4 pa:4 phɯ:m1 phum1 — — ka:w6 ka:w6

ʔɯ:5

— phuj3

ph[e]j3 phe:3

phaj3 phaj3

— phaj3

— —

— —

—

— nɯa1 [tshua5] lip8 [pow4] pu:4 phɔ:m1 — kɔ:w4

a̠: ɛʔ˧ — — — — — — dr[í]p ɮi:p˧ má: pa:˧ — — — — — —

—

— —

—

— — — — pằ: — — —

Appendix

English

154

中文

西

English

west

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

GHl:

*thɯ:ʔ

*pəjʔ Run: *ŋwən

*phəjʔ *fh[a]:ŋ *hŋwən

— thɔ:3 phaj3 — ven1

thaɰ3 thaw3 — — —

thaɰ3 thaɰ3 — — —

— thaɰ3 pha[:]j3 — tsha:1van4

— — phaj3 fiaŋ1 tsha:1van4

Qi: *tok

*ʈʂha: hŋwən — *thok thok7 — *hwɯp vɯp7 *tçu:t — *hla:k ɗa:ʔ7 —

— — — vɯp7 — ɬe:ʔ7 —

— — — hwɯp7 — — —

— thok7 — vɯp8 tsut7 ɬe:ʔ7 —

tsap7 tsaʔ4 gaw3 — row1 lɛwʔ4 pej3 —

tsop7 tsap7 gwow3 — row1 low4 pɯ(1) —

tsop7 tsap7 go:6 — row4 row1 — —

吸氣

inhale

錫

tin

*wɯp NECHl: *la:k

熄滅

extinguish

GHl:

*tçəp

膝蓋

knee

*Curəwʔ

*Cuhrəwʔ

*C-[d/ɖ]u:

*ɾu:

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

蟋蟀

cricket

[z]op7 — raw3 vaw3 row1 — mej3 —

— — — — —

vaŋ1 thoʔ7 thɔk8 vup8 [t]ut8 — ɬeʔ8

— — — pha[:]j3 — fiaŋ1 — tsha:1van1 van4 thɔk7 — — vɯp7 [tan1] tut7 ɬe:ʔ7 [ɬap8 ɬiən2] —

tsap7 tsap8 ho:6 — low4 (row4) phaj6 —

(tsep7) tap7 hɔ:6 vo:3 low4 row4 — —

— — dàw — dʌ́w ɮow˥ — —

tsep7 [thɔk9] lu:4 [kɯ2]

— — — — — da̠: —

—

Appendix

中文

— —

— — — — — — —

155

Proto-Hlai

習慣

accustomed

*Cu[d/ɖ]u:ŋʔ *Cuɾu:ŋʔ NECHl: *kit *C-[d/ɖ]a:jɦ *ɾa:jɦ

蓆草

mat grass

蓆子

mat

洗

wash

洗

wash

洗

wash (clothes) CHl:

*khɯ:p

洗

wash (head)

*sə:k

*shə:k

洗澡

bathe

*ʔa:p

*ʔa:p

喜鵲

magpie

*səc

*shəc

CHl: CHl:

*C-ɲa:mʔ *hrju:t

GHl: Qi: GHl:

*hrji:wʔ *hmi:wʔ thɯ:k

*ʔu:t NCHl: CHl:

*ʔu:t *[ç]a:wʔ *Cuhrə:j

ru:ŋ3 — ra:j2 — ra:p7 [h]iw4 thɯ:ʔ[9] — ʔu:t7 saw3 — — — — tak7 tθak2 ʔa:p[9] — tat[9] — — —

ru:ŋ3 — ra:j2 — zi:w3 li:3 thɯ:ʔ7 — ʔu:t7 fa:3 — — — — to:ʔ7 fɔʔ4 ʔa:p7 — tat7 — — —

[g]u:ŋ3 — ra:j2 — ri:w3 tiw3 thɯ:k7 thɯk7 ʔu:t7 — gwa:j1 — khɯ:p7 — to:k7 so:k7 ʔa:p7 ʔa:p7 tac7 — ɲa:m3 —

fu:ŋ6 ket7 ra:j2 ra:j2 pi:w6 tiw3 thɯ:ʔ7 thɯk7 ʔu:t7 sa:w3 gwa:j4 — — khop7 to:ʔ7 so:k7 ʔa:p7 ʔa:p7 — sat7 tu:t8 ɲa:m3

fu:ŋ6 ket7 (lɔ:j1) ra:j2 (liw6) tsiw3 thɯaʔ7 thɯk8 — — va:j4 vuaj1 — — tɔ:ʔ7 tshɔʔ8 ʔa:p7 ʔa:p8 tat7 tshat8 — ɲa:m3

fu:ŋ6 ket7 la:j2 ra:j2 pi:w6 tsiw6 thɯ:ʔ7 thɯʔ7 ʔu:t7 — gwa:j4 vu:j1 — — tɔ:ʔ7 tshɔʔ7 ʔa:p7 ʔap7 tat7 — tu:t8 tsut8

fuəŋ4 — [lə:p7] tsiək8 ʔuət9 — — tsha:5 ʔɯp9 [nɔ:k9] [luət8]

— — — — — — thɯ̠ : thœk˧ úot — — vuaj˧ — — — — — a:p˧ — — — —

— — — — — vwằ:j — — — — —

Appendix

Pre-Hlai

156

English

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

細

thin

*ʔu:t

*ʔu:t

ʔu:t[9] —

ʔu:t7 ʔuʔ4

ʔu:t7 ʔuk7

ʔu:t7 ʔuk7

ʔu:t7 ʔuk8

ʔu:t7 ʔut7

[ɲə:p8]

— —

—

XIA 呷

sip

tshɯp7 tsh[i]p2 (re:ŋ1) vɛŋ4

tshɯp7 seʔ4 re:ŋ1 veŋʔ4

tshɯp7 — pɯ:m2 ge:ŋ4

tshɯp7 tshop7 fe:ŋ4 pɯm2

tshup7 tut8 fe:ŋ4 fiaŋ1

tshɯp7 tut7 fe:ŋ4 fiaŋ1

— — — —

—

shrimp

*tçhɯp *ɾju:t *Cuɾa:ŋ *hmɯ:mɦ

[tsem4]

蝦

*[c/ç]ɯp Run: *Cu[d/ɖ]a:ŋ CHl:

瞎

blind

*m-la:w

*m-la:w

*ʈu:ʔ

*ʈʂhu:ʔ

下

descend

*C-lu:j

*C-lu:j

下

descend

CHl:

*ɾjəw

下巴

chin

*C-ɣa:ŋ

*ɦa:ŋ

下飯

go with (food)

*ʔu:ɲ

*ʔu:ɲ

下面

bottom

*pəjʔ

*phəjʔ

pla:w1 pa:w4 tshaw3 tshaw3 lu:j1 — — — he:ŋ1 he:ŋ1 ʔ[we]ɲ1 ʔ[o]n1 phaj3 phej3

pla:w1 pla:w1 — tshaw3 — luj1 taw4 — he:ŋ1 he:ŋ1 ʔu:n1 ʔun1 — phaj3

pa:w1 pla:w1 — — — — thaw4 taw1 he:ŋ1 hiaŋ1 ʔu:n1 ʔun1 — —

pla:w1 pla:w1 tshaw[1] — — — taw4 taw1 he:ŋ1 hiaŋ1 ʔu:n1 ʔun1 — —

là:w plaw˧ — — lúoj — — tɐw˧ hàŋ — — — fàj —

pla:w

descend

la:w1 pjawʔ4 — — lu:j1 — — lawʔ4 he:ŋ1 heŋ1 ʔu:n1 ʔun1 ph[e]j3 —

[khiw1]

下

la:w1 ɓa:w4 — haj3 lu:j1 — — — ha:ŋ1 hɛŋ1 ʔu:n1 ʔuən1 phaj3 —

[ʔɔ:5]

— — [ta:w1] [tshɔ:ŋ1] [ɲin4] —

Appendix

中文

—

— — tằw — — —

157

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*Cuʈəw

*Cuʈʂhəw *C-lu:j *hlu:j *ɾjəw

下去

go down

下去

go down

*C-lu:j Qi: CHl:

夏

summer

*C-ɲa:n

*C-ɲa:n

*na:ɦ CHl:

*hna:ɦ *shi:t

first

*[k/x]u:nɦ

*khu:nɦ

先

first

*C-ɣu:nɦ

*ɦu:nɦ

鹹

salty

*Cuɣa:nʔ

*Cuɦa:nʔ

銜

hold in mouth

*C-ŋa:n

*C-ŋa:n

蜆

clam

*[c/ç]i:

*tçhi:

tshaw1 faw1 lu:j1 — — — ɲa:n1 — na:2 —

tshaw1 faw1 lu:j1 — — lawʔ4 ɲa:n1 — ta:2 —

fow1 faw1 lu:j1 — — — ɲa:n1 — ta:2 ti:t7 —

tshaw1 faw1 lu:j1 luj1 taw4 — ɲa:n1 ɲa:ŋ1 — —

tshaw1 faw1 ɬu:j1 — — taw1 — ɲa:ŋ1 — tshit8

tshaw1 faw1 ɬu:j1 — taw4 taw1 ɲa:n1 ɲuan4 nuən1 [ts]it7

ta:w1

khu:n2 khuan5 hu:n2 — ha:n3 ŋɔn3 ŋa:n1 — tshej1 —

khu:n2 khun2 hu:n2 — ha:n3 ŋwan3 ŋa:n1 ŋan1 tshej1 —

khu:n2 — hu:n2 — hwa:n3 ŋa:ŋ3 ŋa:n1 ŋa:ŋ1 tshej1 —

khu:n5 khuŋ2 — — gwa:n3 ŋa:ŋ3 ŋa:n1 ŋa:ŋ1 tshej1 tshej1

khu:n5 khuŋ2 — — va:n3 — ŋa:n4 ŋa:ŋ1 tshej1 tshej1

khu:n5 khun5 — — hwa:n3 — ŋa:n1 ŋuan4 tshej1 tshej1

—

— [ta:w1] [pu4 nəm4] —

— [taŋ2] ŋuən1 tshaj1

ʃáw — lúoj — — — — — — —

—

— khu:ŋ˨ — — hàn — ŋán

—

— —

—

— — —

— ván —

Appendix

XIAN 先

158

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

GHl:

*ɓənɦ

陷井

pitfall trap

*C-lu:ŋ

*C-lu:ŋ

陷井

pitfall trap

陷落

to cave in

羨慕

envy

Qi: NECHl: *pu:ŋ Qi: NECHl: CHl:

*fh[a]:ŋʔ *tçhu:ŋʔ *phu:ŋ *hljut *hlom *ɾja:k

*C-ŋa:jɦ

*C-ŋa:jɦ

GHl:

*ɗuŋ

*tə:ŋʔ

*thə:ŋʔ

*[c/ç]im Run:

*tçhim *tçɯ:ŋɦ

XIANG 相同

相信

same

believe

(ɓan2) — lu:ŋ1 — — — phu:ŋ1 —

ɓan2 — lu:ŋ1 — — — phu:ŋ1 —

ɓan2 — lu:ŋ1 — — — phu:ŋ1 —

ɓan5 (ɓan2) lu:ŋ1 — — tshuŋ3 — ɬom1

ɓan5 — — — fe:ŋ3 tshuŋ3 ɬut8 ɬom1

— — lu:ŋ1 — fe:ŋ3 — ɬut8 —

[pow4]

(ze:k7) — ŋa:j2 [ɲ]aj5

— lɛʔ4 ŋ[e]j2 ŋaj2

re:ʔ7 te:ʔ7 ŋa:j2 ŋa:j2

— tɯ:2 ŋa:j5 ŋa:j2

— teʔ8 ŋa:j2 ŋ[a]j2

— — ŋ[a]j5 —

—

— — thaŋ3 tshaŋ3 tshim1 —

ɗuŋ1 — tho:ŋ3 thɔn3 — —

ɗoŋ1 — tho:ŋ3 — tshim1 —

ɗoŋ1 — tho:ŋ3 tho:ŋ3 tshim1 —

ɗuŋ1 ɗoŋ1 thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3 tshim1 tsɯŋ2

ɗuŋ1 ɗuŋ1 thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3 tshim1 tɯŋ5

—

— thuəŋ4 [tsuk8]

ŋa:j1 [tow1]

— —

— — — — — — — —

—

— — — —

—

— — thàŋ — — tʃœŋ˨

—

Appendix

中文

— — —

—

— —

159

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

香

fragrant

*tu:nɦ

*thu:nɦ

香菇

mushroom

*Cəʔdit Qi: GHl:

*ɗit *[ʈʂ/tç]həŋʔ *tçhinʔ

inlay

GHl:

*m-lom

響

sound

*C-[d/ɖ]ə:ŋ

*ɾə:ŋ

向著

toward

*Cəʔɟok

*tçok

項鍊

necklace

GHl:

*hŋi:w

項圈

necklet

*kim

*khim

項圈

necklet

CHl:

*hŋən

CHl:

*khi:nʔ

GHl:

*ɗuŋ

象

resemble

thu:n2 — ɗit[9] — — — (lum1) — raŋ1 — tsok7 — tin1 — khim1 — — —

thu:n2 thun2 ɗit7 — tshin3 — lum1 — ro:ŋ1 — tsuk7 — ki:w1 — khim1 — — —

thu:n2 thuŋ2 ɗec7 — tsheɲ3 — plom1 — ro:ŋ1 — tsok7 — ki:w1 — khim1 — — —

thu:n5 thuŋ2 — — tshen3 tshen3 plom1 plom1 ro:ŋ4 ro:ŋ1 tsok7 tsɔk7 ki:w4 kiw1 khim1 — kan4 kaŋ1

thu:n5 thuŋ2 tshaŋ3 — — — —-plom1 lɔ:ŋ4 ruaŋ1 — tsɔk8 khiw4 — — khem1 khan4 —

thu:n5 thun5 tshaŋ3 ɗet7 — — plum1 plom1 lɔ:ŋ4 ruaŋ4 — tɔk7 ki:w4 — — — kan4 kan4

— — — —

— — ɗuŋ1 —

— — — —

khi:n3 — ɗoŋ1 —

khi:n3 — — ɗoŋ1

— khin3 — ɗuŋ1

[hɔ:ŋ1] tshaŋ1 — [luən2] hu:1 — kew4 [tuəj2] — — ɗaŋ1

thúon — dít — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —

— — — — — — — — — — —

Appendix

鑲

160

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

XIAO 削

peel

*li:t

*hli:t

削

peel

削

peel

Qi: NCHl: *C-ɣu:t

*pha:t *phinʔ *ɦu:t

削

peel

*[k/x]uɲ

*khuɲ

削

peel

消除

eliminate

*C-lɯnɦ NECHl: *fut

*C-lɯnɦ *C-lə:nɦ *fhut

小

small

GHl:

*ʔinɦ

小

small

CHl:

*hnok

小姑子 husband’s sister *ru:ŋ

*hru:ŋ

child

*hju:

*lɯ:k Qi:

*hlɯ:k *ɗiʔ

ɗi:t7 — — phen3 hu:t7 — khun1 — lɯn2 — phut7 — tik[9] — — — ru:ŋ1 — zow1 — ɗɯ:ʔ7 —

ɬi:t7 — — — hu:t7 — khun1 — lɯn2 — fut7 — ʔin2 — — — gu:ŋ1 — zow1 — ɬɯ:ʔ7 lɛʔ4

ɬi:t7 — — phen3 hu:t7 — khuɲ1 — lɯn2 — fut7 — ʔeɲ2 — — — gu:ŋ1 — zow1 — ɬɯ:k7 ɬɯk7

ɬi:t7 — pha:t7 phen3 hu:t7 hut[8] khun1 khon1 — lo:[n]2 fut7 — — ʔin2 tok8 tɔk7 gu:ŋ4 — zow4 — ɗi3 ɬɯk7

ɬi:t7 — pha:t7 phen3 — hut8 — — — luaŋ2 fut7 fo[t]7 — — thoʔ8 tɔk8 huaŋ4 — zow4 zow1 ɬɯaʔ7 ɬɯk8

ɬi:t7 — pha:t7 phen3 — hut7 khun1 — — — fut7 fət7 — — tɔk8 tɔk8 hu:ŋ4 — zow1 zow4 ɗi3 ɬɯʔ7

— [phə:k9] — — [lu:t7] phok7 — tə:k8 — [fi:4] ɬiək8

thà:w — — phen˥ húot — — — — — — — tík — — tɔk˧ — — — — dɯ̠ : ɬɯk˧

tliɛ́t — — — — — — to̠ k — — —

161

小孩

*ju:

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*C-lik

*C-lik

小米

millet

*fa:ŋʔ

*fha:ŋʔ

小腿

calf (of leg)

*Cirinʔ

*hrjinʔ

*ru:ŋ

*hru:ŋ

GHl:

*hjəwʔ

小姨子 wife’s younger sister

162

中文

lik7 — pha:ŋ3 fɛŋ3 zin3 — ru:ŋ1 — — —

lik7 — fe:ŋ3 fɛŋ3 zin3 — gu:ŋ1 — zaw3 —

lik7 — fe:ŋ3 fe:ŋ3 reɲ3 — gu:ŋ1 — zaw3 —

li:ʔ7 lik7 fe:ŋ3 fe:ŋ3 ten6 (ren3) gu:ŋ4 — zo:6 zo:3

li:ʔ8 — fe:ŋ3 fiaŋ3 then6 tsen3 huaŋ4 — zo:6 zo:3

lik7 — fe:ŋ3 fhiaŋ3 tin6 tsen6 hu[a]ŋ4 — zow1 zo:6

[lat7] pɯa1 tsin4 — [mi:4]

l[é]k la:l˧ — — zìn tʃen˥ — — — —

— — — — —

笑

laugh

*Cira:w

*hrja:w

za:w1 za:w4

za:w1 laʔ4

ra:w1 ta:w1

ta:w4 ta:w1

tha:w4 tsa:w1

ta:w4 tsa:w4

tsu:4

zá:w tʃaw˥

tằ:w

XIE 斜靠

recline

*Cuŋa:

*Cuŋa:

*Cəʔgə:mʔ

*kə:mʔ

寫

write, draw

洩氣

discouraged

GHl: NECHl: *fiwɦ

*tha:jʔ *hwa:jʔ *fhiwɦ

ŋwa:1 — ko:m3 — tha:j3 — fiw2 fiw2

ŋwa:1 ŋa:1 ko:m3 — tha:j3 va:j3 fiw5 few[1]

ŋua4 — — kuam3 tha:j3 va:j3 fiw[3] few2

— — (ləm2) — tha:j3 — — fi:w5

— — kàm kuam˥ — — — —

—

shoes

ŋa:1 — ko:m3 kɔn2 tha:j3 — fiw2 —

[ʔua5]

鞋子

ŋa:1 — kam3 — — — (piw2) —

[ləm5] —

thá:j —

Appendix

—

—

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

XIN 心

heart

GHl:

*Cuɦə:k

心臟

heart (body)

GHl:

*hla:wʔ

新

new

囟門

fontanel

*ma:n CHl: *C-bɯnɦ NECHl:

*hma:n *C-nəwʔ *ʋɯnɦ *hwu:

XING 星星

star

*C-[d/ɖ]a:w

*ɾa:w

腥

smelly

*C-ɣa:j NCHl: *[k/x]a:w

*ɦa:j *Ciɦə:j *kha:w

awaken

*lɯ:n CHl:

*hlɯ:n *phuj

XIONG 凶兆

bad omen

*wi:n

*hwi:n

(ho:ʔ7) — — — ma:n1 ɓɔn4 vɯn2 —

ho:ʔ7 — ɬa:w3 — pa:n1 panʔ4 vɯn2 vɛnʔ4

hwo:k7 — ɬa:w3 — pa:n1 pa:ŋ4 vɯn2 vow4

go:ʔ7 ŋo:k7 ɬa:w3 ɬa:w3 no:3 pa:ŋ1 fɯn2 vow1

vɔ:ʔ7 ŋoʔ7 ɬa:w3 ɬa:w3 no:6 no:3 vɯn2 vow1

hɔ:ʔ7 — ɬa:w3 ɬa:w3 nɔ:3 no:6 vɯn[2] vow4

—

ra:w1 la:w4 ha:j1 ɲɔ:(j)1 kha:w1 — ɗɯ:n1 phɔj1

ra:w1 laʔ4 ha:j1 — kha:w1 — ɬɯ:n1 —

ra:w1 la:w4 ha:j1 — kha:w1 — ɬɯ:n1 —

ra:w4 ra:w1 ha:j1 ɲo:j1 kha:w1 kha:w1 ɬɯ:n1 ɬɯŋ1

la:w4 ra:w1 ha:j1 ɲuaj1 kha:w1 (kha:w4) ɬɯ:n1 ɬɯŋ1

la:w4 ra:w4 ha:j1 — kha:w1 — phuj1 ɬən[3]

[tsap7 tsin5]

vi:n1 —

vi:n1 —

hwi:n1 —

vi:n4 viŋ1

vi:n4 viŋ1

vi:n1 vin4

vi:n1

tshia:w1 [ɬaw4] [na:5]

huəj4 hu:1 [tshe:t9]

— — — ɬaw˥ mán no:˥ — —

— — nɔ́ : —

drá:w ɮaw˧ — — — — — —

—

— —

—

— — —

163

醒

Appendix

中文

164

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

胸膛

chest

*fənʔ

*fhənʔ

[p]en3 ɓon1

fan3 —

fan3 faŋ3

fan3 faŋ3

— faŋ3

fan3 fhan3

pan1 [tsaj4]

[p]èn faŋ˥

—

熊

bear

*C-muj

*C-muj

muj1 mɔj1

muj1 —

muj1 —

muj1 muj1

muj4 moj1

muj1 mow4

muj4

— moj˧

—

XIU 休息

rest

tshɯ:ʔ7 hɛʔ4

tshɯ:k7 —

tsəɰ1 tshɯk7

tsəɰ1 khaw2

tsəɰ1 khaw5

[ʔa:w1]

zɯ̆ : —

—

fix

*C-b[ɛ]:ŋʔ

*ʋ[e]:ŋʔ

ri:m2 — khi:n1 khi:1 ve:ŋ3 ven3

ri:m2 lim2 khi:n1 — ve:ŋ3 —

ri:m2 ɓiŋ2 khi:n1 khiŋ1 fe:ŋ6 ve:ŋ3

— ɓiŋ2 khi:n1 khiŋ1 ve:ŋ6 viaŋ3

li:m2 ɓin5 khi:n1 khin1 ve:ŋ3 viaŋ6

— — xíen khi:ŋ˧ vɛŋ —

—

sleeve

ri:m2 lim5 khi:n1 khin1 ve:ŋ3 vɛŋ4

—

袖子

*ʈʂhɯ:k *tçɯ: *khu:ɦ *ɾi:mɦ *ɓi:n *khi:n

[z]ɯ:ʔ7 hɯək2

修理

GHl: Qi: Run: *C-[d/ɖ]i:mɦ NECHl: *[k/x]i:n

[tɯ:n1] vo:4

— —

retain water

*C-luŋ CHl:

*C-luŋ *C-lə:ŋ

luŋ2 —

luŋ2 —

lo:ŋ1 —

lo:ŋ1 lo:ŋ1

luŋ2 luaŋ1

lɔ:ŋ1 loŋ2

[ŋat7]

— —

—

XUAN 旋轉

turn

*ŋa:jʔ

*hŋa:jʔ

ŋa:j3 —

ka:j3 kaj3

ka:j3 ka:j3

ka:j6 ka:j3

— kuaj3

— —

[van1]

ŋàj —

—

Appendix

XU 蓄水

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

選擇

choose

GHl:

*hləɲ

癬

ringworm

ECHl: NECHl:

*C-le:mɦ *ku:ŋʔ

XUE 血

blood

*la:c

XUN 燻肉

smoke meat

尋找

search

YA 壓

press

鴨 牙齒

— — — —

ɬan1 — tshin3 —

ɬaɲ1 ɬan1 le:m2 —

ɬan1 ɬan1 le:m5 kuŋ2

ɬan1 ɬan1 le:m2 kuŋ2

ɬan1 ɬan1 le:m5 kuŋ5

tsɔn4

— — — —

—

*hla:c

ɗa:t7 tθɔt2

ɬa:c7 laʔ4

ɬa:t7 ɬo:t7

ɬa:t7 ɬo:t7

ɬa:t7 ɬa:t8

ɬa:t7 ɬuat7

ɬuət8

da̠t ɬuat˧

tla̠t

*[ʈ/c]u:ɦ Qi: *Cəʔg[ɛ]:k NWCHl: NECHl:

*[ʈʂ/tç]hu:ɦ *Cuɦə:n *k[e]:k *ɾɯt *tha:wɦ

tshow2 — ke:ʔ7 lɯt4

— — ke:ʔ7 lɛʔ4

tshaw2 — ke:k7 —

— tshaw2 ke:ʔ7 tha:w2

vɔ:n1 tshaw2 ke:ʔ7 tha:w2

hɔ:n1 tshaw5 ke:ʔ7 tha:w5

ha:ŋ1

— — — —

—

duck

*[ʈ/c]ə:t NWCHl: CHl:

*[ʈʂ/tç]hə:t *tçhə:n *ɓit

tooth

*Civən

*fhjən

tshat7 tshan1 — — phen1 sen1

tsho:t7 sɔnʔ4 — — fan1 fen1

tsho:t7 — — — fan1 sen1

tsho:t7 tsho:t7 ɓet7 — fan1 sen1

— tshoʔ8 ɓet7 ɓet8 fan1 faŋ1

— — ɓ[e]t7 ɓe[p]7 fan1 fhan1

[kəm5]

— — ɛ́p pet˧ fén fa:ŋ˧

—

le:m5

[liəw2]

ɓet7 tshaŋ1

—

—

— —

165

English

Appendix

中文

166

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

芽

bud, shoot dumb, mute

*ʈʂha: *ɾə:ŋ *C-ŋom

tsha:1 laŋ4 ŋom1 ŋam1

tsha:1 lɔnʔ4 ŋom1 —

tsha:1 — ŋom1 ŋom1

tsha:1 tsha:1 ŋom1 ŋom1

tsha:1 tsha:1 ŋom4 ŋom1

tsha:1 [tɔk7] tsha:1 ŋum1 ŋɔ:m1 [m]om4

ʃá: — — ŋom˧

—

啞

*ʈa: NWCHl: *C-ŋom

*h[l]jɯ:k *hja: *Cuɦə:n *ɗi:k

zɯ:ʔ7 ŋuan1

zɯ:ʔ7 ŋɔn1

za:1 ŋɔ:n1

za:4 —

za:4 —

za:1 za:4

tso:1

zɯ̠ : —

—

烟子

smoke (tobacco) *[Cil/j]ɯ:k CHl: NCHl: soot *Cəʔdi:k *C-bəc

*ʋəc

閹

castrate

*Cəʔdɯ:n

*ɗɯ:n

腌

pickle

沿著

along

鹽

salt

GHl: Run: *C-ni:nʔ NWCHl: *C-ɲa:wʔ

*C-mə:ŋ *C-moŋɦ *C-ni:nʔ *Cuhru: *C-ɲa:wʔ

猿

ape

*Cu[d/ɖ]i:

*Cuɾi:

ɗi:k7 — vac7 vat7 ɗɯ:n1 ɗɯŋ1 mo:ŋ1 — ni:n3 niŋ3 ɲa:w3 ɲa:w3 vej1 —

ɗiaʔ7 ɗik7 [vat8] vat7 ɗɯ:n1 ɗɯŋ1 mo:ŋ1 mo:ŋ1 ni:n3 niŋ3 ɲa:w3 ɲa:w3 fej4 ɣej1

ɗiaʔ7 ɗit8 vat8 vat8 ɗɯ:n1 ɗɯŋ1 — mɔŋ2 — niŋ3 na:w6 ɲa:w3 fej4 fej1

ɗiak7 ɗiʔ7 vat7 vat8 ɗɯ:n1 ɗən1 mɔ:ŋ1 mɔŋ2 — ni[ŋ]6 ɲa:w3 ɲa:w6 fej4 fej4

— — — — dɯ́ ɤn — — — — — ɲàw ɲaw˥ — —

—

flood

ɗi:ʔ7 — vat7 vaʔ4 ɗɯ:n1 — mo:ŋ1 — ni:n3 ŋɛwʔ4 ɲa:w3 ɲa:3 (rej1) —

ti:2

淹

ɗi:ʔ7 — v[e]t7 viat2 ɗɯ:n1 ɗɯn1 (mo:ŋ1) — ni:n3 vow4 ɲa:w3 ɲa:w3 (gej1) —

YAN 烟

[muan4] ɬɯŋ4 mɔ:ŋ5 —

[viən4 vɯat9]

— — — — — —

Appendix

nɔ:w4

—

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

眼睛

eye

*ʈa:

*ʈʂha:

tsha:1

眼淚

tears

*C-nəmʔ

*C-nəmʔ

*ʈa:

*ʈʂha:

seedling

*Civən

*fhjən

羊

sheep

*ja:ŋ

*hja:ŋ

仰

face upward

*C-la:

*C-la:

仰望

look up at

CHl:

*hŋəɰʔ

癢

itch

GHl:

*khom

YAO 腰

waist

*Ciɣəw Meifu:

*Ciɦəw *ɦəw

tsha:1 ha:1 nom3 — tsha:1 —

tsha:1 tsha:1 nam3 nam3 tsha:1 tsha:1

tsha:1 tsha:1 nam6 nam3 tsha:1 tsha:1

tsha:1 tsha:1 nam3 nam6 tsha:1 tsha:1

tow1 tsha:1 na:m1

phen1 fɔn1 za:ŋ1 zɛŋ1 la:1 — tha:w2 — (khum1) khom1

fan1 fan1 ze:ŋ1 zɛŋʔ4 la:1 — ɓəɰ3 — kh[ɯ]m1 khon1

fan1 faŋ1 ze:ŋ1 — la:1 — kaɰ3 — khom1 khom1

fan1 faŋ1 ze:ŋ4 ze:ŋ1 la:1 la:1 kaɰ6 — khom1 khom1

fan1 ʔɯŋ1 ze:ŋ4 ziaŋ1 la:4 la:1 khaɰ6 — khom1 khom1

fan1 ʔɯŋ1 ze:ŋ1 ziaŋ4 la:1 la:[1] k[ə]ɰ6 — khum1 khom1

tshan1

haw1 —

haw1 —

hjaw1 haw1

zaw1 haw1

zaw1 —

hjaw1 —

tow1

tsɯ:ʔ7 [tsa:m4] ŋəj4 kham1

[ɬam2]

ʃá: nòm nam˥ ʃá: tʃha:˧

fén — zaŋ ʒiaŋ˧ lá: — — — (xúm) khom˧

— —

— tʃha:˧ — —

— — — — —

—

167

YANG 秧

nom3 nam3 tsha:1 hɔ:1

tsha:1 hɔ:1 nam3 nan3 tsha:1 ha:1

Appendix

中文

妖怪

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

monster

*Ciɣa:ɦ NWCHl: GHl: CHl: GHl:

*Ciɦa:ɦ *tçhɯn *hwə:t *ʈʂhə:j *ʔɯ:ŋ

shake

*ɲoŋɦ

*hɲoŋɦ

搖籃

cradle

*ʔu:

*ʔu:

咬

bite

GHl:

*hŋa:ɲʔ

舀

ladle

舀

ladle

*Cəʔdok NCHl: Run: CHl:

*ɗok *khəwʔ *Cuʔə:k ɓə:k

藥

medicine

*ja:

*hja:

要

want

*Cəʔdɯ:

*ɗɯ:

鷂鷹

hawk

*rinɦ

*hrinɦ

ha:2 tshən3 luŋ1 — khiw1 — ɲoŋ2 — ʔow1 — than3 — ɗok7 khaw3

ha:2 tshɛn3 vo:t7 — ʔɯ:ŋ1 — ɲuŋ2 — ʔow1 ʔɛw1 ka:n3 — ɗuk7 khɔ:3

hja:2 ɲa:2 — — ʔɯ:ŋ1 — ɲoŋ2 ɲoŋ2 ʔow1 — ka:ɲ3 kan3 ɗok7 kh[ow]3

za:5 ɲa:2 vo:t8 — ʔɯ:ŋ1 ʔɯŋ1 ɲoŋ5 ɲoŋ2 — ʔow1 ka:n6 kan3 ɗok7 ɗ[o]k7

za:5 ɲa:2 tsha:j1 tshuaj1 — — n[u]ŋ2 ɲɔŋ2 (ʔuj1) — kha:n6 kan3 (vɔʔ7) vɔʔ7

hja:5 ɲa:2 vɔ:t7 — — — ɲ[u]ŋ5 ɲɔŋ2 — ʔow4 ka:n6 — — vɔʔ7

zow4

— ɓak2 za:1 zɔ:1 ɗəɰ1 tsow1 (gin2) —

— ɓoʔ4 za:1 zaʔ4 ɗəɰ1 ɗɛ:1 gin2 —

— — za:1 za:4 ɗəɰ1 ɗəɰ1 geɲ2 gen2

ɓo:ʔ9 ɓɔk7 za:4 za:1 ɗəɰ1 ɗəɰ1 gen2 xen2

ɓɔ:ʔ7 ɓoʔ8 za:4 za:1 ɗəɰ1 ɗəɰ1 hen2 xen2

ɓɔ:ʔ7 — za:1 za:[2] — ɗəɰ1 phat7 khen5

[hi:w1]

vɯat9 [ʔuəj1] ɲuəŋ4 ʔə:j1 ɗa:n1 ɗɔ:k9

tso:1 lɔ:5 [phat7]

— ɲa:˨ — — — — ɲóŋ — — — thɐ̀n — — —

—

— — za: — — təɰ˧ — —

—

— — — — kán —

— — —

Appendix

搖

168

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

YE 椰子

coconut

也

also

*Ciʔunɦ NECHl *C-ŋəɲ

*Ciʔunɦ *hj[a]:ŋɦ *C-ŋəɲ

野雞

pheasant

*[k/x]əj

*khəj

*su:n

*shu:n

*C-mi:wɦ

*C-mi:wɦ

GHl:

*shu:n *Cuŋa: *hŋwə:j *C-mu:ŋ *C-mən *hlji:w

野貓

wildcat

yam

野薯

yam

野性

wilderness

*Cuŋa: NWCHl: *C-mu:ŋ Run: *Cili:w

野豬

wild boar

*C-ləc

*C-ləc

葉子

leaf

*Cəʔbɯ:

*ɓɯ:

ʔun2 — ŋan1 — khaj1 khaj1 tu:n1 tθuən1 mi:w2 miw5 roŋ1 tθuən1 ŋa:1 hɔ[j]1 mu:ŋ1 — zi:w1 — lat7 liat2 ɓəɰ1 ɓow1

ʔun2 ʔjɛn2 ŋan1 — khaj1 khaj1 tu:n1 fun1 mi:w2 mi:2 tu:n1 fun1 ŋa:1 ŋɔj4 mu:ŋ1 — zi:w[3] — lat7 — ɓəɰ1 ɓɛw1

ʔjun2 ze:ŋ2 ŋa[n]1 ŋan1 khaj1 khaj1 tu:n1 suŋ1 mi:w2 miw2 tu:n1 suŋ1 ŋwa:1 — mu:ŋ1 — zi:w1 — lac7 lat7 ɓəɰ1 ɓəɰ1

— ze:ŋ2 ŋan1 ŋan1 khaj1 khaj1 tu:n1 suŋ1 mi:w5 miw2 tu:n1 suŋ1 ŋwa:1 ŋa:1 mu:ŋ1 muŋ1 ɬi:w4 ziw1 lat7 lat7 ɓəɰ1 ɓəɰ1

zun5 ziaŋ2 — — khaj1 khaj1 tu:n1 tshuŋ1 miw2 miw[1] tu:n1 tshuŋ1 ŋua4 ŋa:1 muaŋ 4 maŋ1 ɬiw[2] ziw1 lat8 lat8 ɓəɰ1 ɓəɰ1

ʔjɯn5 — — — — khaj1 — tshun1 mi:w5 miw2 — tshun1 ŋwa:1 ɱa:4 mu:ŋ1 man4 ɬi:w4 tsiw4 lat7 lat8 ɓəɰ1 ɓəɰ1

[pɔ:5 tshuək7] — khaj1 tshuən1 [ɲa:w5] tshuən1 ŋow1 mɔ:n1 tshuən1 tsi:w4 [pəj4 tshuən1] pi:1

ún ʒiaŋ˧ — — xáj — túon — — — — — — — — — — — lɐ́t lat˧ bəɰ pəɰ˥

zun — — — — — — — — — —

169

野薯

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

夜盲

night-blind

*C-[d/ɖ]om Qi: CHl:

*ɾom *hmɯ:ŋʔ *ʈʂha:

CHl:

*khəj

GHl: CHl: *C-ŋi:ʔ

*kha: *tçhu:ŋʔ *C-ŋi:ʔ

[c/ç]ɯ:ʔ

tçhɯ:ʔ

YI 腋

armpit

one

一

one

一起

together

*Cəʔbɯ:ɦ

*ɓɯ:ɦ

一十

group of ten

*mun

*hmun

醫治

heal

*ja:

*hja:

*Cɯ[ʔ/ɦ]

rom1 — — hɔ:1 — khaj1

(rom1) — — — — —

rom1 — tsha:1 — — —

pɯ:ŋ6 rom1 tsha:1 tsha:1 khaj1 —

phɯ:ŋ6 — tsha:1 — khaj1 —

pɯ:ŋ6 — tsha:1 tsha:1 khaj1 —

pɯ:1

taw2 tshoŋ3 ŋej3 — — —

kha:1 — ŋaj3 — — —

kha:1 — ŋaj3 ŋaj3 tshəɰ3 —

kha:1 — ŋaj3 ŋaj3 — tshe[j]3

tshuaŋ3 kha:1 ŋaj6 ŋaj3 — tshəɰ3

— tshuŋ3 — ŋaj3 — —

[taw1]

kɯ2 — ɓəɰ2 — mun1 — za:1 —

kɯ2 — ɓaɰ2 — pun1 — za:1 —

tsɯ2 tsɯ1 ɓaɰ2 — pun1 poŋ1 za:1 za:4

ʔɯ3 tsɯ3 ɓaɰ5 — pun4 poŋ1 za:4 za:1

tɯ5 tsɯ2 — — phun4 (poŋ4) za:4 za:1

kɯ2 tsɯ2 ɓaɰ5 — pun4 pən[2] za:1 za:[2]

kɯ2

tow1 khaj1

[tsə:j4] —

[pa:k9] lem1 puŋ4 —

— — — — — —

—

— — — — — tʃhəɰ˥

—

kɯ́ tʃəɰ˨ — — — poŋ˦ za: ʒa:˥

ɯ́

— —

— —

— — —

Appendix

一

170

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

依靠

lean on

GHl:

*C-mə:ŋɦ

姨父

*[c/ç]əjʔ

*[ʈʂ/tç]hejʔ

*fɯ:

*fhɯ:

*ŋi:n

*hŋi:n

*mi:

*hmi:

已經

mother’s elder sister’s husband mother’s elder sister’s husband father’s younger sister mother’s elder sister already

溢

overflow

*Cəʔba:jʔ *NECHl: *Cəʔba:ɦ Run:

*ɓa:jʔ *ɓə:jʔ *ɓa:ɦ *ʋa:ɦ

YIN 陰

cloudy

銀

silver

*C-ŋɯ:m CHl: NCHl: *ŋən

*C-ŋɯ:m *hŋomʔ *C-ŋomʔ *hŋən

銀元

silver coin

*ŋən

*hŋən

姨父 姨母 姨母

(mo:ŋ2) mɔŋ3 tshej3 — phəɰ1 — ŋi:n1 — m[i:]1 — ɓa:j3 — ɓa:2 ɓɔ:5

mo:ŋ2 — tshaj3 — fəɰ1 — (ŋi:n1) — pej1 — ɓa:j3 — ɓa:2 ɓa:2

mo:ŋ2 — — tshaj3 — — — ki:n1 — pej1 — ɓa:j3 — ɓa:2 ɓa:2

— — tshaj3 tshaj3 fəɰ1 fəɰ1 ki:n4 kiŋ1 pej4 — ɓa:j3 ɓo:j3 ɓa:5 ɓa:2

— — — tsh[ɯ]j3 fəɰ1 (fəɰ4) khi:n4 (kiŋ4) phej4 (pej4) ɓa:j3 ɓuaj3 ɓa:5 va:2

[ʔua2 khaw1] — tshaj3 — fəɰ1 fhəɰ1 ki:n4 — pej4 pej4 ɓa:j3 ɓu:j3 ɓa:5 va:2

ŋɯ:m1 —

ŋɯ:m1 —

kom3 ŋom3

kom6 ŋom3

— ŋom3

kum6 kom6

ŋen1 kon4 ŋen1 kon4

kan1 kanʔ4 kan1 —

kan1 kaŋ4 kan1 —

kan4 kaŋ1 kan4 kaŋ1

khan4 kaŋ1 khan4 kaŋ1

kan4 kan4 kan4 kan4

— — — — — — — — — — bà:j puaj˥ bă: —

—

kum4

— ŋom˥

—

kuən4

ŋén kaŋ˧ — —

kà̆ n

tsha:j1 pa:1 ŋiən2 [fi:4] — pɔ:1

kuən4

— — — — — —

—

171

English

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*[k/x]a:w1

*kha:w1

*C-ɣun ECHl: *Cəʔɟip CHl:

172

中文

kha:w1 — hun1 huɛn1 tsip7 —

kha:w1 — guj3 — tsip7 —

kha:w1 — guj6 hon1 ŋa:n3 —

— kha:w1 — — ŋa:n6 —

— kha:w1 huj6 — ŋa:n3 ŋuan6

—

*C-ɦuɲ *hrujʔ *tçip *C-ŋa:nʔ

kha:w1 kha:w1 hun1 — tsip7 —

luəj2

— — — — — —

—

引

to lead

引火

ignite

引誘

tempt

*C-lok CHl:

*C-lok *C-lu:k

lok7 —

(lok7) —

lu:k7 luk7

lu:ʔ7 luk7

— luk8

— —

—

— —

—

YING 鸚鵡

parrot (green)

*Cəʔdɛ:w

*ɗe:wɦ

*Cəʔɟu:ŋɦ

*tçu:ŋɦ

鷹

eagle

*C-ŋa:w

*C-ŋa:w

螢火蟲 firefly

*Cəʔgu:c

*ku:c

*C-lip

*lip

GHl: CHl:

*C-ləŋʔ *C-la:j

ɗe:w2 ɗe:w2 tsu:ŋ2 — — — k[u]c7 — lip[9] — laŋ3 —

ɗe:w5 ɗe:w2 tsu:ŋ5 tsuŋ2 ŋa:w1 ŋ[a]w1 ku:t7 kut7 — — — —

ɗe:w5 ɗiaw2 tsuaŋ5 tsuŋ2 ŋa:w4 ŋa:w1 — kut7 — — — —

ɗe:w5 ɗi:w5 tsu:ŋ5 tuŋ5 ŋa:w1 ŋa:w4 — — lip7 lip7 la:j1 l[a]j4

— — — — — ŋaw˧ — — — — — —

—

parrot (black)

ɗe:w2 — tsu:ŋ2 — ŋa:w1 — — kuʔ5 lip7 — laŋ3 —

—

鸚鵡

ɗe:w2 — tsu:ŋ2 — ŋa:w1 — — kuat5 lip7 — (laŋ3) —

[ɲin2]

tsuaŋ5 [vej2] — [tsap9]

—

— — — — —

Appendix

[tsin5]

—

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

影子

shadow

vəɰ2 ɲaw3

hjaw3 ɲa:w3

zo:3 ɲa:w3

zo:3 ɲaw3

z[o]:3 ɲaw6

[tɯa1]

və́ ɰ —

—

hard

*[ʋ/hw]ɯ: *hjəwʔ *Ciɦə:wʔ *tçhə:nʔ

vəɰ2 —

硬

*[C-b/w]ɯ: Qi: NCHl: *[c/ç]ə:nʔ

tshan3 tshan3

tsho:n3 sɔn3

tsho:n3 tsho:ŋ3

tsho:n3 tsho:ŋ3

tshɔ:n3 tshuaŋ3

tshɔ:n3 tshu:n3

[lə:w4]

ʃɐ̀n faw˥

sɔ́ n

YOU 游泳

swim

*m-li:

*m-li:

*Cəʔɟu:ɦ

*tçu:ɦ

有

have

又

again

右

right

*Cəʔdu:k Run: *C-lomʔ NECHl: *pəjʔ Run: CHl:

*ɗu:k *ɗə:k *C-lomʔ *C-ləmʔ *phəjʔ *fh[a]:ŋ *hninɦ

*Cəʔbom

*ɓom

plej1 pej4 tsaw2 tsaw2 — — lom3 — phaj3 — teɲ2 — ɓ[e]m1 —

plej1 plej1 — tsaw2 ɗu:ʔ7 ɗuk7 lom3 lem3 phaj3 phaj3 ten2 ten2 ɓom1 ɓom1

pej1 plej1 — — ɗuaʔ7 ɗɔʔ8 — lam3 phaj3 fiaŋ1 — ten2 — ɓom1

plej1 plej1 — — ɗu:ʔ7 ɗɔʔ[8] — lam3 pha[:]j3 fiaŋ1 — ten2 ɓum1 ɓom1

léj — — — du̠ : — — — fàj — nín ten˨ — pom˧

—

have

lej1 — tsaw2 — ɗu:ʔ7 (ɗoʔ4) lom3 — ph[e]j3 phaj3 (tsen3) — ɓ[e]m1 —

[lɔn1]

有

lej1 lɔj4 — — ɗu:ʔ7 ɗok2 lom3 — phaj3 ph[u]j3 (tsen2) tsen5 ɓom1 —

柚子

pomelo

— tɔk9 — pha:j5 [pet10] ɓuəŋ5

Appendix

中文

— du̠ ok — — — —

173

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

YU 瘀血

bruise

GHl:

*[ʈʂ/tç]həmʔ thok7 — *hla:c ɗum3 tθɔt2 *hla: ɗa:1 — *C-li:k li:ʔ7 liək2 *hwik (vi:ʔ7) — *fhun (pun1) fən1 *thun thun1 tshən1 *fh[a]:ŋʔ (ʔo:j3) — *tça:jʔ — — *hra:k ra:ʔ7 —

GHl: 魚

fish

*la:

魚籠

fish cage

*C-li:k

魚鰭

fins

*wik

雨

rain

GHl:

語言

language

*tun

玉米

corn

Qi: CHl:

芋頭

taro

*ra:k

tsh[o]m3 — ɬa:t7 laʔ4 ɬa:1 la:1 li:ʔ7 liʔ4 vi[t]7 — fun1 fɛn1 thun1 thɛn1 ʔo:j3 — — — ge:ʔ7 —

tshom3 — ɬa:c7 — ɬa:1 ɬa:1 li:k7 liʔ7 hwik7 vet7 fun1 foŋ1 thun1 thoŋ1 — — — — ge:k7 ge:ʔ7

tsh[o]m3 — ɬa:t7 ɬo:t7 ɬa:1 ɬa:1 liaʔ7 lik7 vi:ʔ8 vet7 fun1 foŋ1 thun1 thoŋ1 fe:ŋ3 — tsa:j3 — ge:ʔ8 xɯ:2

— tsham3 ɬa:t7 ɬa:t8 ɬa:1 ɬa:1 liaʔ8 lit8 vi:ʔ8 vet8 fun1 foŋ1 thun1 thoŋ1 fe:ŋ3 — — tsa:j3 he:ʔ8 xeʔ8

tsham3 tsham3 ɬa:t7 ɬuat7 ɬa:1 ɬa:1 liak7 liʔ8 vi[:t]7 vet8 fun1 fhən1 thun1 thən1 fe:ŋ3 — tsa:j3 tuaj3 he:ʔ8 —

[ʔja:m1] ɬuət8 ɬow4 [ɓa:w1] [phi:5] pɔŋ1 [ɗat9] — [mɯaj1] kɯ:5

— — — — dá: ɬa:˥ — — vi̠t — (pʊn) foŋ˧ thún — (ɔ̆ j) — — — — —

— — tlá: — — — — — — —

Appendix

English

174

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

YUAN 圓

round

遠

far

*Cuɣom NCHl: *C-ləj

*Cuɦom *Cuʔom *C-ləj

願意

willing

*Cəʔd[ɛ]:ŋ

*ɗ[e]:ŋ

GHl:

Cuɦə:k

month

*C-ɲa:n

*C-ɲa:n

beginning of month

*Curəwʔ

*Cuhrəwʔ

*C-ɲa:n

*C-ɲa:n

YUE 月 月初

月亮

moon

*C-ɲa:n

*C-ɲa:n

岳父

father-in-law

*pa:ʔ

*pha:ʔ

Appendix

中文

hom1 — laj1 laj1 ɗe:ŋ1 — (ho:ʔ7) —

(hom1) — laj1 laj1 ɗe:ŋ1 — ho:ʔ7 —

hwom1 kom1 laj1 laj1 ɗe:ŋ1 — hwo:k7 —

gom1 ɣom1 laj1 laj1 ɗe:ŋ1 ɗe:ŋ1 go:ʔ7 ŋo:k7

— [z]om1 laj4 laj1 ɗe:ŋ1 ɗiaŋ1 vɔ:ʔ7 —

hum1 vom1 laj1 laj4 ɗe:ŋ1 — hɔ:ʔ7 —

[la:w1]

ɲa:n1 ɲɔn1 raw3 —

ɲa:n1 ŋjan1 gaw3 —

ɲa:n1 ɲe:n1 gwow3 —

ɲa:n1 ɲa:ŋ1 go:6 ɣo:3

na:n4 ɲa:ŋ1 ho:6 vo:3

ɲa:n1 ɲuan4 hɔ:6 vo:3

nuən1

ɲa:n1 — ɲa:n1 ɲɔn1 pha:3 —

ɲa:n1 — ɲa:n1 ŋjan1 pha:3 —

ɲa:n1 — ɲa:n1 ɲe:n1 pha:3 —

ɲa:n1 ɲa:ŋ1 ɲa:n1 ɲa:ŋ1 pha:3 pha:3

na:n4 ɲa:ŋ1 na:n4 ɲa:ŋ1 pha:3 pha:3

ɲa:n1 ɲuan4 ɲa:n1 ɲuan4 pha:3 —

—

laj1 — —

nuən1

nuən1 —

luon ʒom˧ laj laj˧ — — — —

pluon

ɲán ɲa:ŋ˧ dàw

—

ɲán — ɲán ɲa:ŋ˧ — —

—

— — —

—

— —

175

*nə:ŋ

*hnə:ŋ

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

*nə:ŋ

*hnə:ŋ

CHl:

*ɗ[a]:k

GHl:

*fha:ʔ

rice plant with seed

*C-mi:nʔ

*C-mi:nʔ

ZA 扎

tie tightly

*si:ɦ Qi: NWCHl:

ZAI 宰

slaughter

YUN 雲

孕穗

mother-in-law

cloud

naŋ1 — mej3 — naŋ1 —

to:ŋ1 — (mej3) — to:ŋ1 —

to:ŋ1 — paj3 — to:ŋ1 —

to:ŋ1 to:ŋ1 p[i:]6 paj3 to:ŋ4 to:ŋ1

thɔ:ŋ1 tuaŋ1 phaj6 paj3 thɔ:ŋ4 tuaŋ1

tɔ:ŋ1 tuaŋ1 p[i:]6 — tɔ:ŋ4 —

[tsha:j1]

— tuaŋ˧ — — — —

—

— — — — mi:n3 —

[z]e:ʔ7 — fa:3 — mi:n3 —

ɗe:k7 ɗe:ʔ7 fa:3 fa:3 mi:n3 —

ɗe:ʔ7 ɗɯ:2 fa:3 fa:3 mi:n3 (min3)

— ɗeʔ7 — fa:3 mi:n6 miŋ3

— ɗiaʔ7 — fha:3 — min6

—

— teʔ˧ (pà:) fa:˥ — —

dɛ̠k

*shi:ɦ *fhə:t *C-ŋə:nʔ

tej2 ŋan3

— ŋɔn3

taj2 saj2

fo:t7 saj2

fɔ:t7 tshaj2

fɔ:t7 —

[lə:w4]

— —

—

*C-mi:k

*[C-]mi:k

mi:ʔ7

mi:ʔ[8]

CHl:

*ɦəwʔ

—

haw3

mi:k[8] miʔ7

haw3 mik[8]

haw3 haw3

haw3 haw3

[tsɛ:2]

— —

—

— [ŋiən2]

pow1 mi:n1

— —

fa: —

Appendix

Proto-Hlai

岳母

English

176

Pre-Hlai

中文

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

ZAN 咱們

we (incl)

*ru:

*hru:

贊揚

praise

*wəj

*hwəj

ZAO 鑿子

awl

*Cəʔbənɦ

*ɓənɦ

早

early

*Cəʔga:wʔ

*ka:wʔ

早晨

morning

GHl:

*ka:wʔ

stove

*Cəʔdom NCHl: *ci:n

*ɗom *hwa:nʔ *tçhi:n

*su:ʔ

*shu:ʔ

*Cəʔbuj

*ɓuj

灶

ZEI 賊

thief

r[u:]1 ha:[5] vaj1 vaj1

gaw1 ŋawʔ4 vaj1 vajʔ4

ga:1 gaw4 hwaj1 vaj4

gaw4 xaw1 vaj4 vaj1

haw4 x[ə:]1 vaj4 vaj1

how4 [tej1] kh[oʔ]7 vaj1 [tsəŋ4] vaj4

d[u:] x[ɔ:]˧ — —

—

ɓen2 ɓ[u]an5 ka:w3 ka:w3 pa:3 — ɗom1 — tshi:n1 — tow3 tθaj3

ɓan2 ɓan2 ka:w3 kaw3 ka:w3 kaw3 (ɗom1) — tshi:n1 — taw3 faw3

ɓan2 ɓaŋ2 ka:w3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ɗom1 va:ŋ3 tshi:n1 — taw3 saw3

ɓan5 ɓaŋ2 ka:w3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ɗom1 va:ŋ3 tshi:n1 tshiŋ1 taw3 saw3

— ɓaŋ2 ka:w3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ɗom1 va:ŋ3 — (tshiŋ4) taw3 tshaw3

ɓan5 ɓan5 ka:w3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ka:w3 ɗum1 vuan6 tshi:n1 tshin1 taw3 tshaw3

[tshi:w5]

— paŋ˨ kà:w — — — — vaŋ˧ — — — —

—

ɓuj1 ɓɔj1

ɓuj1 ɓoj1

ɓuj1 ɓuj1

ɓuj1 ɓuj1

ɓuj1 ɓoj1

ɓuj1 ɓow1

fuj4

bú:j poj˧

—

[puət8] [ziaw4] [hɔm4] tshi:n1 tsha:w1

—

— — — — —

177

English

Appendix

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

ZEN 怎樣

how

GHl:

*ɗuŋ

*C-[d/ɖ]a:

*ɾa:

*put

*phut

*Cəʔɟɯt

*tçɯt

GHl:

*C-ma:

ZENG 曾祖父 pat. great grandfather 曾祖母 pat. great grandmother 增加 increase

dregs

GHl:

*ɗ[a]:k

搾

handspan

*Cuɣɯp

*Cuɦɯp

眨眼

wink

GHl: Run:

*C-lip *C-ɲi:p

ʔuŋ2 — ra:1 —

ɗuŋ1 — ra:1 —

ɗoŋ1 — ra:[3] —

ɗoŋ1 — ra:[2] —

ɗuŋ1 ɗoŋ1 la:[1] —

ɗuŋ1 ɗuŋ1 la:4 ra:[6]

leŋ5

— toŋ˧ — —

—

phut7 — tsɯt7 — — —

phut7 — tsɯt7 — ma:1 —

phut7 — tsɯt7 — ma:1 ma:1

phut7 phok7 tsɯt7 tsək7 ma:1 ma:1

phut7 phok7 tsɯt7 tsɯk7 — —

phut7 phət7 — tət7 — ma:[1]

[pə:w4 tuən4]

phut phok˥ — tʃœk˥ — —

—

— tsɛk4 hɯp7 ŋup2

ɗe:ʔ7 — hɯp7 ŋɛʔ4

ɗe:k7 — hwɯp7 ŋap7

ɗe:ʔ7 ɗɯ:2 hɯp7 ŋop7

ɗe:ʔ7 ɗeʔ8 vup7 ŋop8

ɗe:ʔ7 tɯ:5 ɗiaʔ7 hɯp7 hɔ:p8 [m]op8

— — — —

—

rop7 lep4

lip7 —

(li:p9) —

(li:p9) lep7

— ɲip7

— ɲip7

— —

—

la:j4

[tsə2 tuən4] —

liap7

—

— —

—

Appendix

ZHA 渣滓

178

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

蚱蜢

grasshopper

*mi:ʔ

*hmi:ʔ

*Cəʔgit CHl:

*kit *hnɯ:k

to pick

*C-[d/ɖ]u:

*ɾu:

摘

to pick

窄

narrow

GHl: NWCHl: Run: *Cəʔbi:p

*C-lu:ʔ *hŋ[a]:k *ɾɯə *ɓi:p

ZHAN 粘

stick

GHl:

*kha:t

站

stand

*Cəʔɟu:n

*tçu:n

*C-bənʔ

*ʋənʔ

ZHANG 張 flat clsfr

pej3 — kit7 —

pɯ(1) — kec7 —

ʔɯ3 pɯ3 tɯ:ʔ8 —

— — thɯaʔ8 (tɯk7)

— — tɯ:ʔ8 tɯʔ8

ʔet7 la:w3

— — — tœk˥

—

row1 — — kɛk2

row1 — law3 kɛʔ4

row1 — law3 —

row4 row1 — —

low4 row1 — rɯ1

(law5) — — rɯ4

lu:4

— — — —

—

ɓi:p[9] —

ɓi:p7 —

ɓi:p7 ɓip7

ɓi:p7 ɓip7

ɓi:p7 ɓip8

ɓi:p7 ɓip7

[vi:n5]

— pi:p˧

—

man1 — tsu:n1 —

kha:t7 khaʔ4 tsu:n1 tsun1

kha:t7 kha:ʔ7 tsu:n1 tsuŋ1

kha:t7 kha:k7 tsu:n1 tsuŋ1

kha:t7 khaʔ8 tsu:n1 tsuŋ1

kha:t7 khuat7 tsu:n1 tun1

[khan5]

mɐ́n — tʃúon tʃu:ŋ˧

—

ven3 van4

van3 —

van3 vaŋ3

fan6 vaŋ3

van6 vaŋ3

van3 van6

viən4

vèn vaŋ˥

—

[luj5]

—

tshu:n1

—

—

—

179

ZHAI 摘

mej3 — kit7 —

Appendix

中文

180

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

長大

grow up

*C-luŋ

*C-luŋ

luŋ1 loŋ1

luŋ1 loŋ1

loŋ1 luŋ1

loŋ1 loŋ1

luŋ4 luŋ1

luŋ1 luŋ4

lo:1

lúŋ —

—

ZHAO 招待

serve

照料

take care of

*ʔu:ŋɦ

*ʔu:ŋɦ

ɗa:j2 — thoŋ1 — ʔu:ŋ2 —

ɗa:j2 — thaŋ1 thaŋ1 ʔu:ŋ2 —

ɗa:j2 — thaŋ1 thaŋ1 ʔu:ŋ2 —

— — thaŋ1 thaŋ1 ʔu:ŋ5 ʔuŋ2

ɗa:j5 tshaɰ3 thaŋ1 thaŋ1 — ʔuŋ2

ɗa:j5 tshaɰ3 — th[a]ŋ1 — —

— — — — — —

—

catch fire

*ɗa:jɦ *[ʈʂ/tç]hɯ:ʔ *thəŋ

ɗa:j5

著火

*Cəʔda:jɦ Run: *təŋ

ZHE 螫

sting

*[ʈ/c]ə:ŋʔ Run:

*[ʈʂ/tç]hə:ŋʔ tshaŋ3 *C-ɲəj —

tsho:ŋ[2] —

tsho:ŋ3 tsho:ŋ3

tsho:ŋ3 tsho:ŋ3

tshɔ:ŋ3 ɲaj1

tshɔ:ŋ3 ɲaj4

[ɗa:n4]

— —

—

*fi:nɦ

*fhi:nɦ

fi:n5 fiŋ2 fo:ŋ5 fo:ŋ2 — piŋ2 ŋu:t7 —

fi:n5 fiŋ2 fɔ:ŋ5 — — piŋ2 ŋu:t8 ŋut8

fi:n5 fhin5 fɔ:ŋ5 — — piŋ2 ŋu:t7 —

— — — — — — u̠ t —

—

*fhə:ŋɦ

fi:n2 — fo:ŋ2 fo:ŋ2 — piŋ2 ŋu:t7 —

piən1

*fə:ŋɦ

fi:n2 — fo:ŋ2 — — piŋ2 ŋu:t7 —

遮羞布 underwear 遮蓋

cover (tracks)

遮蓋

cover (tracks) *hmi:ŋɦ *C-ŋu:t

[lu:j2]

[tiəm5] — [pua5]

— —

— — —

Appendix

NCHl: 折樹枝 bend (branch) GHl:

(pi:n2) — phaŋ2 — — — ʔut8 —

[nɯən4]

English

Pre-Hlai

折樹枝 break (branch) *[c/ç]ə:k Run: 折疊 fold *C-mu:n

Proto-Hlai *tçhə:k *tçhi:k *C-mu:n

這

this

*C-ni:ɦ

*C-ni:ɦ

這樣

this way

*Cəʔduŋ

*ɗuŋ

*C-ni:ɦ

*C-ni:ɦ

tshak7 — mu:n1 muən1 nej2 nɛj3 ʔuŋ2 — nej2 —

tsho:ʔ 7 sɔʔ4 mu:n1 — nej2 nɛj3 ɗuŋ1 — nej2 —

tsho:k7 — mu:n1 — nej2 nej2 ɗoŋ1 — nej2 —

tsho:ʔ7 tsho:k7 mu:n1 (mun1) nej5 nej2 ɗoŋ1 — nej5 nej2

— tshit8 mu:n4 muŋ1 nej2 n[e:]2 ɗuŋ1 ɗoŋ1 nej2 n[en3]

tshɔ:ʔ7 tshiʔ7 mu:n1 mun4 nej5 n[i:5] ɗuŋ1 ɗuŋ1 nej5 n[i:5]

— ma:n1 nɛj5 [leŋ5] nɛ:5

ʃɐ́k — — — néj n[ɛ:]˦ — — — —

— — — — —

鷓鴣

partridge

*ta:nʔ

*tha:nʔ

tha:n3 thɔn3

tha:n3 than3

tha:n3 tha:ŋ 3

tha:n3 tha:ŋ 3

tha:n[4] tha:ŋ 3

tha:n3 thuan3

ɗa:n5

thàn —

—

ZHEN 針

needle

*ŋuc

*hŋuc

CHl:

*ɗət

砧板

chopping block CHl:

*thimɦ

斟

pour out

*tço:ɦ

kuc7 kət7 ɗat7 — thim2 — tso:2 tso:2

kut8 kot7 ɗat7 ɗak7 — them2 tso:5 tso:2

khut8 kot8 ɗat7 ɗak7 — (them5) tso:5 tso:2

kut8 kət8 ɗat7 ɗat7 — them5 tsɔ:5 to:5

ŋʊ́ t kot˧ — — — — — —

—

true

kut7 kɛʔ4 — — — — tso:2 tso:2

kuət8

真

ŋut7 kət4 (ɗat7) — — — tso:2 —

*Cəʔɟo:ɦ

[pa:t9] [ta:ŋ1] [ɬɔm2]

Appendix

中文

— — —

181

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

枕

rest head

*Cuŋa:n

*Cuŋa:n

枕頭

pillow

*Cuŋa:n

*Cuŋa:n

*Curəwʔ

*Cuhrəwʔ

*C-ɲa:w

*C-ɲa:w

ZHENG 爭奪 compete for open eyes

GHl:

*C-ləŋʔ

蒸

steam

正面

front

*Ciʔunɦ Meifu: GHl:

*Ciʔunɦ *ʔunɦ *hrə:m

*Cəʔdəŋ

*ɗəŋ

*ʈa: *NCHl *ŋwən

*ʈʂha: *hməjʔ *hŋwən

GHl:

*ɗəŋɦ

正午

high noon

ŋa:n1 — ŋa:n1 — raw3 vaw3

ŋa:n1 — ŋa:n1 — gaw3 ŋɔ:3

[ŋ]a:n1 ŋa:n1 [ŋ]a:n1 ŋa:n1 gwow3 go:3

ŋwa:n1 ŋa:n1 ŋwa:n1 ŋa:n1 go:6 ɣo:3

ŋuan4 ŋa:n1 ŋuan4 ŋa:n1 ho:6 vo:3

[ŋ]a:n1 ŋuən1 [m]uan4 [ŋ]a:n1 ŋuən1 [m]uan4 hɔ:6 ki:w1 vo:3

ŋán — ŋán ŋaŋ˧ dàw vo:˥

—

ɲa:w1 — (laŋ3) — ʔun2 ʔən5 — — ɗoŋ1 tse:ŋ1 tsha:1 — ven1 — (ɗaŋ2) —

ɲa:w1 — laŋ3 — ʔun2 — go:m1 — — ɗan1 tsha:[2] ph[e:]2 van1 vanʔ4 ɗaŋ2 —

ɲa:w1 ɲa:w1 laŋ3 laŋ3 ʔjun2 ʔoŋ2 go:m1 go:m4 — ɗaŋ1 tsha:1 paj3 hwan1 vaŋ1 ɗaŋ2 —

ɲa:w1 ɲa:w1 laŋ3 laŋ3 zun5 ʔoŋ2 go:m4 xo:m1 ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 tsha:1 paj3 van4 vaŋ1 ɗaŋ5 —

na:w4 ɲa:w1 laŋ6 — — zoŋ2 — xuam1 ɗaŋ1 ɗaŋ1 tsha:1 — van4 vaŋ1 ɗ[e]ŋ[2] —

ɲa:w1 ɲa:w4 laŋ3 l[a]ŋ6 — zən5 hɔ:m4 khuam1 ɗaŋ1 ɗɔŋ1 tsha:1 — van1 van4 ɗaŋ5 ɗ[e]ŋ[2]

— — — — — — — — dóŋ — — — — — — —

—

[kiəp7] lə:ŋ1 tsun1 [haj2] [mɯa5] — [ɗuən5] —

— —

— — — — — — —

Appendix

睜眼

182

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

ZHI 支

pen clsfr

*pu:nʔ

*phu:nʔ

隻(雞)

chicken clsfr

*C-ləŋ

*C-ləŋ

隻

livestock clsfr

*mən

*hmən

芝麻

sesame

枝

branch

*ŋɯ: Qi: *[k/x]a:

*hŋɯ: *hɲɯ:n *kha:

知道

know

*khu:ŋ *khuŋ *Cuhrɯ: *hmɯ:ʔ *Cuʈʂhɯ:k

織

weave (fabric)

*[k/x]u:ŋ Meifu: *Curɯ: CHl: *Cuʈɯ:k

織

weave (net)

*[k/x]u:t

*khu:t

*ʈəj

*ʈʂhəj

織布機 loom

Appendix

中文

phu:n3 — loŋ1 — men1 — ŋəɰ1 kow4 kha:1 — khu:ŋ 1 khoŋ1 rəɰ1 — tshɯ:ʔ7 fɯək2 khu:t7 khu[a]t2

phu:n3 — laŋ1 — pan1 — kəɰ1 kɛʔ4 kha:1 — khu:ŋ 1 khuɛʔ4 gəɰ1 — tshɯ:ʔ7 fuʔ4 khu:t7 —

phu:n3 — laŋ1 laŋ1 pan1 paŋ4 kəɰ1 kəɰ4 kha:1 kha:1 khu:ŋ 1 khoŋ1 gwəɰ1 gəɰ4 fɯ:k7 fɯʔ7 khu:t7 khuʔ7

phu:n3 phuŋ3 laŋ1 laŋ1 pan4 paŋ1 kəɰ4 kəɰ1 kha:1 kha:1 khu:ŋ 1 khoŋ1 gwəɰ4 ɣəɰ1 fɯ:ʔ7 fɯk7 khu:t7 khuk7

— phuŋ3 laŋ4 laŋ1 phan4 paŋ1 tshɯ:n4 kəɰ1 kha:1 kha:1 khuaŋ1 — phaɰ6 paɰ3 tshɯaʔ7 fɯk8 khu:t7 khuk8

phu:n3 phun3 laŋ1 lɔŋ4 pan4 pan4 tsɯ:n4 kəɰ[2] kha:1 kha:1 khu:ŋ1 — — paɰ6 tshɯ:ʔ7 fhɯʔ7 khu:t7 khut7

tshaj1 —

tshaj1 —

tshaj1 tshaj1

tshaj1 tshaj1

tshaj1 —

tshaj1 —

ɓuən1 tɔŋ1 puən4 [tiaw4] khow1 [min4] [ɗuəj5] ta:k9 [tsha:1] tshaj1

— phu:ŋ˥ lóŋ laŋ˧ mén — ŋə́ ɰ — — — xuoŋ — — pa:l˥ — — — — — —

— — — — — — pə́ ɰ — — —

183

English

指

point

指甲

fingernail

蜘蛛

spider

蜘蛛

spider

直

straight

侄

nephew

only

Proto-Hlai

*Cuʈɯ:k

*Cuʈʂhɯ:k

*sɯ:ʔ Meifu: *C-li:p

*shɯ:ʔ *shɯ: *C-li:p

ECHl: ECHl: ECHl: ECHl: ECHl: NECHl: CHl:

*[ʈʂ/tç]həp *shəp *[ʈʂ/tç]hi: *sha:jɦ *khomʔ *khəw *khu:ŋ

*C-mu:c ECHl: GHl:

*C-mu:c *kɯŋɦ *ɬɯ:k

*fɯ:

*fhɯ:

*C-ɲə:ŋ

*C-ɲə:ŋ

tshɯ:ʔ7 fɯək2 təɰ3 — li:p7 lip2 ɗip7 — ɗa:j2 — — — — — mu:t[9] — han1 tθɯək2 phəɰ1 — ɲ[o]ŋ2 —

tshɯ:ʔ7 — təɰ3 — li:p7 liʔ4 ɗap7 — ɗej2 — — — — — mu:t7 — ɬɯ:k7 — fəɰ1 — ɲo:ŋ 2 —

fɯ:k7 fɯʔ7 təɰ3 səɰ1 li:p7 lip7 tshop7 — tshej2 — — — — — mu:c7 — ɬɯ:ʔ7 ɬɯk7 fəɰ1 fəɰ1 ɲo:ŋ 2 ɲo:ŋ 2

fɯ:ʔ7 fɯk7 təɰ3 səɰ1 li:p7 lip7 tap7 — ta:j5 — khom3 khaw1 khu:ŋ1 khuŋ1 kɯŋ5 mut7 ɬɯk7 ɬɯk7 fəɰ1 fəɰ1 — ɲo:ŋ 2

tshɯaʔ7 — — tshəɰ3 li:p8 lip8 tshap7 — tshej5 — khom3 khaw1 khu[:]ŋ1 khuŋ1 — — ɬɯaʔ 7 ɬɯk8 fəɰ1 fəɰ1 — —

tshɯ:ʔ7 — — — li:p7 lip8 tap7 — ta:j5 — kh[a]m3 khaw1 khu:ŋ1 khuŋ1 kɯŋ5 — ɬɯk7 ɬɯʔ7 fəɰ1 fəɰ1 — —

ta:k9 tsej1 lep7 tam1 ta:j5 — — kɯŋ5 ɬiək8 pa:1 —

— — tə̀ ɰ — líep li:p˧ díp — [ ]a:j — — — xuoŋ — — — — — — — — —

— — — — — — — — — — —

Appendix

只

Pre-Hlai

184

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

紙

paper

*[c/ç]iəʔ

*tçhiəʔ

雉

pheasant

GHl:

*fha:

*thom *tçɯ: *ʔun

ZHONG 中間 middle 腫

swell

*tom Run: *ʔun

種

a kind of

GHl:

*C-mu:ɦ

種

seed

*Civən

*fhən

種

to plant

*Cura:

*Cuhra:

重

heavy

*[k/x]ɯn

*khɯn

ZHOU 粥

gruel

*ta:ɦ

*tha:ɦ

tshia3 — fa:1 —

tshia3 — fa:1 —

tshia3 — fa:1 fa:1

tshia3 tshi:3 fa:1 fa:1

— tshi:3 fa:1 fa:1

—

th[ɯ]m1 tshom1 ʔun1 ʔən1 (maw2) — phen1 fon1

thom1 thon1 ʔun1 ʔɛn1 maw2 — fan1 fan1

thom1 thom1 ʔun1 ʔoŋ1 mow2 maw2 fan1 faŋ1

thom1 thom1 ʔun1 ʔoŋ1 maw5 maw2 fan1 faŋ1

(tsəɰ1) (tsəɰ4) ʔun1 ʔoŋ1 mo2 maw2 fan1 faŋ1

thum1 təɰ1 ʔun1 ʔən1 mɔ:5 maw2 fan1 fan1

—

ra:1 vɔ:4 khɯn1 khon1

(ra:1) (vaʔ4) khun1 khɛn1

gwa:1 kɔ:1 khɯn1 khəŋ1

gwa:4 ɣa:1 khɯn1 khəŋ1

(va:4) va:1 khɯn1 khəŋ1

hwa:4 va:1 khɯn1 khən1

kɯ:1

tha:2 tshɔ:5

tha:2 —

tha:2 —

tha:5 tha:2

tha:5 tha:2

tha:5 tha:5

thow1

fow1

fun4 — tshan1

khɔ:n1

ʃèa tʃhi:˥ — —

—

thóm tʃəɰ˧ ún — — — fén —

—

dra: — xɯ́ n khœŋ˧

—

— —

—

—

— — —

—

185

tshia3 — — —

Appendix

中文

妯娌

English

brother’s wife

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

*C-nəmʔ

*C-nəmʔ

*tə:ŋʔ

*thə:ŋʔ

*Cəʔdɯ:ŋ

*ɗɯ:ŋ

elbow

*Ciɣu:ŋɦ

*Ciɦu:ŋɦ

咒罵

curse, swear

*C-ɣi:nʔ

*ɦi:nʔ

皺紋

wrinkle

*C-ɲit

*C-ɲit

ZHU 豬

pig

*məw

*hməw

豬油

lard

GHl:

*fhɯ:ŋ

竹排

bamboo raft

*Cəʔbəj

*ɓəj

竹箏

bamboo shoot

*C-nɯ:ŋ

*C-nɯ:ŋ

nom3 nam3 thaŋ3 — ɗɯ:ŋ1 — hu:ŋ2 ɲ[a]ŋ5 hi:n3 — ɲit[9] ɲet2

nam3 — tho:ŋ3 — ɗɯ:ŋ1 — hu:ŋ2 — hi:n3 — ɲit7 ɲɛʔ4

nom3 — tho:ŋ3 — ɗɯ:ŋ1 — hju:ŋ2 — hi:n3 — ɲec7 ɲet7

nam3 nam3 tho:ŋ3 tho:ŋ3 ɗɯ:ŋ1 ɗɯŋ1 zu:ŋ5 ɲuŋ2 hi:n3 hiŋ3 ɲet7 ɲet7

nam6 nam3 thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3 ɗɯaŋ1 ɗɯŋ1 zuaŋ5 ɲuŋ2 ha:6 h[en]3 net8 ɲet8

nam3 nam6 thɔ:ŋ3 thuaŋ3 ɗɯ:ŋ1 ɗɯŋ1 zu:ŋ5 ɲuŋ2 ha:6 — ɲet7 ɲet8

maw1 — — — ɓaj[3] — nɯ:ŋ1 nɯəŋ1

paw1 pawʔ4 fɯ:ŋ1 — ɓaj1 — nɯ:ŋ1 neŋ1

pow1 paw4 fɯ:ŋ1 — ɓaj1 — nɯ:ŋ1 nɯŋ1

paw4 paw1 fɯ:ŋ1 fɯŋ1 ɓaj1 ɓaj1 nɯ:ŋ1 nɯŋ1

phaw4 — — fɯŋ1 ɓaj1 ɓaj1 nɯaŋ4 nɯŋ1

pow4 paw4 fɯ:ŋ1 fɯŋ1 (ɓa:j4) ɓaj1 nɯ:ŋ1 nɯŋ4

na:m1 — [ʔu:1] tshua5 ha:4 ɲet7

[pəj4] — [tɯa1] na:ŋ1

— — — — — — — — — — — —

máw — — — — — nɯ́ ɤŋ nɯŋ˧

— — — — — —

pà̆ w — — —

Appendix

肘

186

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

竹子

bamboo (thin) *C-la:w

竹子

bamboo (big)

*C-[d/ɖ]ə:nɦ *ɾə:nɦ

竹子

bamboo (big)

*Cəʔdom

*ɗom

竹子

bamboo (big and long)

*m-lɯ:jɦ

*m-lɯ:jɦ

主人

host

*C-ba:ŋ

*ʋa:ŋ

煮

to boil

*C-[d/ɖ]ə:ŋɦ *ɾə:ŋɦ

煮

to boil (potatoes)

*Cəʔbu:ʔ

*ɓu:ʔ

住

live at

柱子

pillar

蛀

cavity

*Ci[d/r]ɯ:k NECHl: *Cuŋəwɦ CHl: *təmʔ

*[ɾ/hr]jɯ:k *tçoŋʔ *Cuŋəwɦ *hŋə:n *thəmʔ

*C-la:w

la:w1 — ran2 la:n5 ɗom1 ts[e]m1 lɯ:j2 —

la:w1 — ro:n2 lɔn2 ɗom1 — — —

la:w1 — ro:n2 lo:ŋ 2 ɗom1 ɗom1 plɯ:j2 —

la:w1 la:w1 ro:n2 ro:ŋ2 ɗom1 ɗom1 plɯ:j5 (puj2)

la:w4 la:w1 lɔ:n2 ruaŋ2 ɗom1 ɗom1 pu:j5 —

la:w1 — lɔ:n2 ru:n2 ɗum1 ɗom1 plɯ:j5 —

[təm1 ɓa1]

va:ŋ1 vɛŋ4 raŋ2 — ɓow3

ve:ŋ1 vɛŋʔ4 ro:ŋ2 lɔŋ2 ɓaw3

ve:ŋ1 ve:ŋ4 ro:ŋ2 lo:ŋ 2 ɓow3

fe:ŋ4 ve:ŋ1 ro:ŋ2 ro:ŋ2 ɓaw3

ve:ŋ4 viaŋ1 lɔ:ŋ2 ruaŋ2 ɓaw3

ve:ŋ1 viaŋ4 lɔ:ŋ2 ruaŋ2 ɓow3

vɯ:4

— zɯ:ʔ7 — ŋaw2 — thom3 —

ɓaw3 zɯ:ʔ7 (tsun1) ŋaw2 — tham3 —

ɓaw3 to:ŋ3 — ŋwow2 — thom3 —

ɓaw3 tɯ:ʔ8 tɯk7 ko:n4 ŋo:2 tham3 tham3

ɓaw3 thɯaʔ8 tsɔŋ3 khɔ:n4 ŋo:2 tham3 tham3

ɓaw3 tɯ:ʔ8 tɔŋ3 kɔ:n4 ku:n4 tham3 tham3

— təm1ɗum5 təm1 luəj5

— —

[liaw1] kɯan4 [tsi:w4]

— — dɐ̀̆n ɮuaŋ˨ — — — —

—

— viaŋ˧ dằŋ — —

—

— zɯ̋ : — ŋʌ̆w — — —

Appendix

中文

lɔ̀ n — —

lɔ̀ ŋ —

— — —

187

188

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

蛀蟲

moth

*Cuɣu:

*Cuɦu:

how1 —

how1 —

hwow1 —

gwow1 ŋow1

— ŋow1

— ɱow4

haw4

— —

—

GHl: Run:

*Ciʔəj *Ciʔət

— —

ʔaj1 ʔjaj1

ʔjaj1 kaj3

jaj1 zaj1

zaj1 zat8

ʔjaj1 zat7

[han2]

— —

—

*Cəʔbi:nɦ

*ɓi:nɦ

ɓi:n2 —

ɓi:n2 —

ɓi:n2 —

ɓi:n5 ɓiŋ2

ɓi:n5 ɓin2

ɓi:n5 ɓin5

ɓiən5

— —

—

ZHUAN 轉 turn

ZHUANG 裝飾 decorate

chase

*C-lu:jʔ GHl:

*C-lu:jʔ *Cuɦə:n

lu:j3 —

ho:n1 —

hwo:n1 —

lu:j3 —

lu:j6 —

lu:j3 —

[phe:k9]

luoj —

—

ZHUN 準備

prepare

*rəp

*hrəp

— —

gap7 —

gop7 —

— —

— —

hap8 —

—

— —

—

ZHUO 捉

catch

*mə:k

*hmə:k

mak7 ɓa:k4

po:k7 pɔʔ4

po:ʔ7 po:ʔ7

po:ʔ8 po:k7

phɔ:ʔ8 pɔʔ8

pɔ:ʔ8 pɔʔ8

[ha:m1]

mɐ́k po:ʔ˥

—

Appendix

ZHUI 追趕

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

濁

turbid

GHl:

*C-nɯm

濁

turbid

*Cəʔgunɦ

*kunɦ

ZI 自己

self

GHl:

*pha:ʔ

GHl:

*tçɯ:ʔ

ZONG 鬃毛

mane

GHl:

*C-ŋi:nɦ

鬃毛

mane

CHl:

*C-ŋa:k

粽子

rice dumpling

*ɲi:t

*hɲi:t

ZOU 走

go

*fi:

*fhi:

nɯm1 nɔn3 — —

nɯm1 — — —

nɯm1 — kun5 koŋ2

— — kun5 koŋ2

— — — kən5

—

tshi1 — ka:3 tsɔ:4

pha:3 — tsaɰ3 —

pha:3 — tsaɰ3 —

— pha:3 tsaɰ6 tsəɰ3

— pha:3 tshaɰ6 tsaɰ3

— pha:3 tsaɰ6 tsaɰ6

[na1]

ŋu:n2 — — — — tsit4

ŋi:n2 — — — — tsiʔ4

ŋi:n2 — — — tsi:t7 —

ŋi:n5 — ɲe:ʔ7 ŋɯ:2 tsi:t8 tsit7

— ŋin2 ŋe:ʔ8 ɲeʔ7 tshi:t8 tsit8

— — ɲe:ʔ7 ɲiaʔ7 tsi:t8 tsit8

[hɔ:ŋ4 ŋaj1]

(pej1) —

fej1 fɛj1

fej1 fej1

fej1 fej1

fej1 fej1

fej1 fhej1

paj1

[huət8]

[lɔ:5]

— —

núoŋ — — —

—

— — — —

—

ŋúon — — — — —

—

— fɛj˧

—

—

—

— —

189

nu:ŋ1 — — —

Appendix

中文

190

中文

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

走

go

*Cəʔɟa:mɦ

*tça:mɦ

tsa:m2 —

tsa:m2 —

tsa:m2 —

— —

— —

— —

—

tʃám —

—

ZU 祖父

grandfather

*pu:ʔ

*phu:ʔ

*Cəʔɟɯ:ʔ

*tçɯ:ʔ

祖宗

ancestor

*put

*phut

*pu:ʔ

*phu:ʔ

phow3 — tsaɰ3 — phut7 — phow3 — than1 —

phaw3 phaw3 tsaɰ3 tsəɰ3 phut7 phok7 phaw3 phaw3 than1 thaŋ1

phaw3 phaw3 tsaɰ3 tsaɰ3 phut7 phok7 phaw3 phaw3 than1 —

(phə:w6) — tsəɰ 3 taɰ3 — — (phə:w6) — than1 —

phàw phɐw˥ tʃə̀ ɰ tsa:l˥ phu̠ t — phàw — — —

—

grandmother

phaw3 — tsaɰ3 — phut7 — phaw3 — than1 —

pə:w4

祖母

phow3 — tsəɰ3 — phut7 — — — than1 —

taw1 — taw1 —

taw1 — taw1 —

taw1 — taw1 —

taw1 saw1 taw1 —

taw1 tshaw1 — kut8

taw1 tshaw1 taw1 kut8

[hɔk8]

— — — —

—

curse

*tən

*thən

ZUAN 鑽

to drill

*səw

*shəw

鑽子

drill (n)

*səw Run:

*shəw *hŋu:t

— pə:w4 tuən4 [ŋam5]

—

— — — —

—

Appendix

詛咒

tsə:2

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

ZUI 嘴巴

mouth

嘴唇

lips (upper)

*məmʔ NCHl: *sunʔ

*hməmʔ *hmomʔ *shunʔ

嘴唇

lips (lower)

CHl:

*[ʈʂ/tç]hə:j

罪

crime

*C-ma:ʔ

*C-ma:ʔ

醉

drunk

*muj

*hmuj

ZUO 昨天

yesterday

*pənʔ

*phənʔ

左

left

*pəjʔ Run: *wi:ŋ NCHl: Qi:

*phəjʔ *fh[a]:ŋ *hwi:ŋ *Cuʔəj *Cuɾa:w

Appendix

中文

mom3 ɓo[ŋ]4 tun3 tθən5 — — ma:3 — muj1 ɓɔj4

pam3 p[uɛn]3 tun3 — — — ma:3 — puj1 pojʔ4

pom3 pɔm3 tun3 soŋ3 tsho:j1 — ma:3 — puj1 puj1

pam6 pɔm3 tun3 soŋ3 tsha:j1 tsho:j1 ma:3 ma:3 puj4 puj1

pham6 p[o]m3 tun3 tshoŋ3 — — ma:6 ma:3 phuj4 poj1

pam6 pɔm6 tɯn3 — — tshu:j1 ma:3 ma:6 puj4 pow4

muəŋ4

phen3 phan3 phaj3 phuj3 vi:ŋ 1 (zaŋ1) — —

phan3 phan3 ph[e]j3 phaj3 vi:ŋ 1 ʔwaj1 — —

phan3 phaŋ3 phaj3 — hwi:ŋ 1 kwaj1 — —

phan3 phaŋ3 phaj3 phaj3 viaŋ4 viŋ1 fa:w4 —

phan3 phaŋ3 phaj3 fiaŋ1 — viŋ1 — —

phan3 phan3 pha[:]j3 fiaŋ1 — viŋ4 fa:w4 —

phɔ:n1

na:1tshuŋ1 — [tuj5] puəj4

haj2 — [huəj4]

mòm p[o]m˥ tùn tʃhoŋ˥ — — mà: — mú:j —

pɐ̀m

dàw pha:ŋ˥ fàj — víeŋ vi:ŋ˧ — —

—

— — — pùj

— — —

191

English

Pre-Hlai

Proto-Hlai

坐

sit

GHl:

*tçoŋʔ

做

do

*C-bu:k Qi: Run:

*ʋu:k *ʋuk *C-li:ɦ

192

中文

(tsuŋ3) tsom5 vu:ʔ[9] vok4

tsuŋ3 tsaŋ3 vu:ʔ7 (voʔ4)

tsoŋ3 tsuaŋ3 vu:k7 vuʔ7

tsoŋ3 tsɔŋ3 vok8 vuk7

tsoŋ3 tsɔŋ[1] voʔ8 lej2

tsɔŋ3 tɔŋ3 vɔʔ7 lej2

tsiəŋ [leŋ1]

(tʃùŋ) tʃɔŋ˥ vu̠ : —

— vo̠ k

Appendix