A Bridge between Cultures: Studies on Ottoman and Republican Turkey in Memory of Ali Ihsan Bagis 9781463225971

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A Bridge Between Cultures

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Analecta Isisiana: Ottoman and Turkish Studies

A co-publication with The Isis Press, Istanbul, the series consists of collections of thematic essays focused on specific themes of Ottoman and Turkish studies. These scholarly volumes address important issues throughout Turkish history, offering in a single volume the accumulated insights of a single author over a career of research on the subject.

A Bridge Between Cultures

Studies on Ottoman and Republican Turkey in Memory of Ali Ihsan Bagis

Edited by Sin an Kuneralp

The Isis Press, Istanbul

pre** 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by The Isis Press, Istanbul Originally published in 2006 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of The Isis Press, Istanbul. 2010

ISBN 978-1-61719-144-2

Printed in the United States of America

Ali ihsan Bagig 1941-2004 Born in §anliurfa, he graduated from Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters, Department of History in 1965. He as awarded a Ph.D. from the London School of Economics in 1974. He has been since that year a faculty member of Hacettepe University, Ankara where he founded the Department of International Relations and the Centre of Hydropolitics and Strategic Research. He died in a car accident on August 2, 2004. He has published Osmanli Ticaretinde Gayri Muslimler: Kapitiilasyonlar, Beratli Tticcarlar, Avrupa ve Hayriye Tticcarlari, 1750-1839, Ankara 1983; Britain and the Struggle for the Integrity of the Ottoman Empire. Sir Robert Ainslie's Embassy to Istanbul 1776-1794, Istanbul 1984; GAP: South Eastern Anatolia Project: The Cradle of Civilisation Regenerated, Istanbul, 1989 and edited Four Centuries of Turco-British Relations: Studies in Diplomitc, Economic and Cultural Affairs, London 1984 (with William Hale); Actual Situation and Prospects of Turkey's Bilateral Relations with Israel: Potential and Opportunities, Ankara, 1992; Water as an Element of Cooperation and Development in the Middle East, Ankara, 1994.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Andrew MANGO, Professor Ali ihsan Bagi§ — A Tribute Norman STONE, Turkey and the European Frontier Alain SERVANTIE, Enquêtes sur les nouveaux chrétiens d'Anvers et leurs relations avec la Turquie (1530-1548) Mehmet Alaaddin YALÇINKAYA, The Modernisation of the Ottoman Diplomatie Representations in Europe: The Case of the Embassy ofismail Ferruh Efendi to London (1797-1800) David BARCHARD, Veli Pasha and Consul Ongley. An AngloOttoman Diplomatie Relationship That Got Too Close Gtimeç KARAMUK, Die Rolle der Orientalischen Frage im Bismarck'sehen Bündnissystem Ali BÎRlNCi, Histoire de Mehmet Emin Bey, Chambellan et Voyageur en Asie Centrale Jacques THOBIE, La France et la Modernisation de VEmpire Ottoman Gül TOKAY, Liman von Sanders as a Prisoner of War in Malta (February -August 1919) Mesut UYAR, An American Military Observer of the Turkish Independence War: Charles Wellington Furlong

Rifat N. BALI, A Short History of the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) Activities in Turkey Gökhan ÇETINSAYA, Turkish Policy towards Iran during the Second World War Hajrudin SOMUN, Bosna and Herzegovina-Turkey 1992-1995 Mustafa TURKE§, Transformation of the Problems in Macedonia Erdal TÜRKKAN, Transition from Statism to Free Market Economy: The Turkish Experience Amikam NACHMANI, "A Most Monstrous Century": on the Causes, Consequences and Trends of 20th Century International Wars, Civil and Internal Strife

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PROFESSOR ALÌ iHSAN BAGI§ - A TRIBUTE Andrew MANGO

I first met Ali ihsan Bagi§ in Ankara, in the home of my friend the late Osman Okyar. Osman, bearer of an illustrious name in the history of modern Turkey, had made his mark as an economic historian, and held a Chair at Hacettepe University. Ali ihsan was a promising young lecturer in the same department. His work on Anglo-Turkish relations in the 18th century had kindled his interest in the economic history of the Ottoman Empire in modern times. He made an important contribution to this subject with his study of non-Muslim Ottoman merchants who acquired a diploma (berat) allowing them to benefit from the capitulations — the privileges granted to foreign envoys and residents in the Ottoman dominions. These "honorary foreigners" (known popularly as "sweet-water Franks"), whose status as protégés of foreign governments brought them considerable advantages in trade, came to play an important part in the Ottoman economy, and later formed the nucleus of a non-Turkish bourgeoisie. I found Ali ihsan's work interesting and useful, and I value the copy of his book which he signed for me in 1984. I must have met Ali Ihsan in London also, where as Head of BBC broadcasts in Turkish, I came to know most Turkish academics who spent time at British universities. Ali Ihsan's teachers at the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London had been my contemporaries as undergraduates a decade earlier. But while I have no recollection of any meetings we may have had in London, I have vivid memories of our convivial evenings in Kôrfez, a restaurant favoured by the scholarly community in Ankara. (Kôrfez has moved recently to larger and more impersonal premises, which, I am sure, will be gradually tamed by its faithful customers.) As Ali Ihsan was usually accompanied by his Swiss wife, Sylvette, our conversation switched from Turkish to English and then to French, as we discussed Turkey's past and present. I learnt of Ali Ihsan's background in the southeastern ancient city of Urfa (now §anliurfa), lying not far from the Syrian frontier. This naturally fed his interest in Turkey's relations with its MiddleEastern neighbours, a subject to which he devoted several learned articles. More importantly, Ali Ihsan's roots in Urfa explain his switch from economic history to the politics of water in the modern Middle East. Urfa was chosen as

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the regional headquarters of Turkey's equivalent of the Tennessee Valley Authority — the South-Eastern Anatolia Development Project (known by its Turkish acronym of GAP). Ali ihsan was the ideal person to explain it to the English-speaking public. I have made constant use of his book G.A.P. South Eastern Anatolian Project: The Cradle of Civilisation Regenerated, and I have often lent my copy (signed by the author in 1990) to academics and media commentators in Britain seeking to understand the economic and political impact of this vast project. Ali ihsan, by now a professor, became a world authority on the subject as the head of a special unit at Hacettepe University devoted to the study of water utilisation. GAP continues to make headlines, as it advances towards completion, and exerts a growing influence on the development of Turkey and its neighbours to the south. As its costs and benefits are analysed, Ali thsan's expertise will be sadly missed in sorting out fact from fiction in the controversy which is bound to surround this subject for years to come. Study of the past thus led Professor Ali Ihsan Bagi§ to help shape the present. His death in a tragic traffic accident has robbed the world of scholarship of an expert whose influence went well beyond the academic community. And those of us who had the privilege of knowing him will mourn the loss of a warm and generous friend in whose home in Ankara foreign visitors were sure to find a stimulating welcome. Tragically cut short as it was, the life of Professor Ali Ihsan Bagi§ will be remembered gratefully for his valuable contribution to our knowledge of the past and present condition of the cradle of our common civilisation.

TURKEY AND THE EUROPEAN FRONTIER Norman STONE

Every country has foreigners, perhaps even the foreigners that it deserves. On that criterion, Turkey 1 has done not badly at all. Nowadays, she is just about the only place between Athens and Singapore that attracts immigrants, the bulk of them refugees from east and south, but also from former Soviet territory (including 60,000 Armenians) But there are also tens of thousands of western Europeans, from humble toilers in the educational vineyards to bankers and industrial managers, many of them settled for years, and Turkey even has her own Gastarbeiter from the Balkans 2 . Such foreigners build upon a long, long tradition. It reaches right back to the very foundation of the Ottoman state in the early fourteenth century. True, a myth grew up much later on that the early Ottomans had been Gazis, 'fighters for the Faith', and a similar myth grew up on the Greek side to the effect that Byzantium had stood out bravely to the end against the hordes of Asia. Reality was much different: the first Osman was elected leader by three associates, who were Christian, and Byzantium was wrecked, not so much by the Turks, who were often in alliance, but by predatory Italians, cornering the Black Sea trade. With some justice, a Greek historian, Dimitri Kitzikis, refers to the early Ottoman empire as 'a Greek-Turkish condominium' 3 . It is true that, at certain moments, there were reactions against the foreigners, and it is also true that, in the latter stages of the Ottoman empire's existence, their links with potentially treacherous Christian minorities made for trouble. When Italy attacked in 1911, 70,000 Italians were apparently expelled, and there were some uncomfortable moments later on, even under the Republic. In the Thirties, foreigners (headed by Einstein and Bartok) were greatly welcomed,

' In this essay, for convenience, 'Turkey' is used where necessary to cover both the Ottoman empire and the modern Republic. On the official economic figures, Bulgaria and Rumania appear to be on much the same level as Turkey. Does anyone believe this? ^There is much argument as to the relationship of the early Ottoman and the late Byzantine. For an introduction and bibliography, v. Heath Lowry: The Nature of the Early Ottoman State (New York 2003).

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and did good, but in the later Forties the best of them generally, with regret, left, as a (mild) reaction to them set in 1 . But on the whole it has been a very interesting and happy story, and Turks of the stature of Ali Ihsan Bagi§2 had something to do with it. The list of foreigners who flourished, and contributed to Turkey, is very long and sometimes very distinguished indeed — they deserve a book devoted to them, though it would risk being long and shapeless. Take just the Hungarians (whose language is, in grammar and in the oldest —agricultural — words, quite close to Turkish): you could start from, say, one Urban, who designed the great gun that blew the great breach in the walls of Constantinople in 1453 and then move through the (convert) Ibrahim who introduced printing in the early eighteenth century to the great Central Asian archaeologist Sir Arminius Vambery as the British knew him but who began life as a young political exile in Istanbul and there waxed mighty, and then to the Hungarians who wrote the first version of the national anthem and who contributed to the reform of the language 3 . Germans (headed in 1933 by Einstein, who was offered the professorship of theoretical physics at Istanbul, accepted it, and then turned it down when he found that he was expected to teach) have been well to the fore in modern times, and in the past decade or so 1 Fritz Neumark: Zuflucht am Bosporus (Frankfurt/M 1980) is a superb memoir of this period, when some 700 of the best Central European academics were given refuge in Turkey. The minister of education (partly) responsible, Regit Galip, compared this to the flight of Byzantine scholars to Italy during the early Renaissance. Einstein would not stay because he was expected to teach. Bartok would have stayed but Hindemith knifed him. The refugee academics were expected, under the terms of their contracts, to be able to teach in Turkish within three years - a provision that, in this writer's opinion, ought to be reintroduced, because it is nowadays much too easy for foreigners to get around lazily in English. In the 1930's, Wilhelm Roepke, later architect of the West German 'Economic Miracle', had to leave because, being of a certain age, and not a gifted linguist, he failed the test of Turkish. On the other hand Ernst Reuter, who taught Town Planning at Ankara, and was later mayor of West Berlin, at the time of the Stalin Blockade in 1948-49, and Ernst Hirsch, who taught Jurisprudence at Istanbul and then became Rector of the Free University in Berlin, as well as Fritz Neumark, professor of Finance at Istanbul and then Rector of Frankfurt, all seem to have learned Turkish very rapidly indeed - some say, in the boat.

Ali Ihsan Bagi§ was a student at the London School of Economics in the 1960's and greatly throve, there. When I first came to Turkey (in 1995) he was immediately very friendly and helpful (not least in explaining to the university appointments board why it had not been necessary for a senior British academic to lake a Ph.D. - a complicated business, which goes back to Henry VIII and perhaps even to Henry II. Up to about 1970, 'Mr' in academic life counted as higher than 'Dr', and still does so in medicine). Ali Ihsan Bagig understood all this and much else about England. I used to tease him, that he was a bridge between the cultures, and that bridges got walked upon. I can still hear his laugh, very frequently in service. He was splendidly free from all pomposity. 3 A. Adnan Saygun: 'Bartok in Turkey' in Musical Quarterly vol. 37 1951 pp. 4-9 shows how Bartok (through Saygun) gained the confidence of the rustics whose songs he wished to record - a much-needed exercise, since they, far from having confidence, must have been inclined to run away at the sight of an official Turk, a foreigner in a soft hat, and an enormous (recording) machine. Bartok, explained Saygun, was from a long-lost brotherly tribe, and to show the consanguinity, he would say a sentence meaning the same in both languages. It began, 'In the cotton field there are many apples, camels, tents and axes ' (p. 9). v. also Tarik Demirkan: Macar Turancilar (Istanbul 2000) especially for the role of Count Paul Teleky, the later Prime Minister.

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there has been a considerable Russian contingent1. The interesting thing is the use that was made of them. Here, our conclusions would have to be positive, and even very positive. The Ottoman empire modernized, as non-European entities were almost bound to try and do, but the results have not been Russian, or Chinese, or Japanese — in each case, associated with Communism or Fascism and war. Nowadays, Turkey is associated with Europe, doing well over half of her trade with Europe, and expecting with every justification that European money will be invested in Anatolia. Already, a town such as Gaziantep, not far from the Syrian border, looks quite prosperous and go-ahead, and this should not come as a surprise, because the arterial roads now make a link possible to the industrial enterprises of Central Europe. One of them closely follows the old Roman road from 'Angora' to Tconium' (Konya) though at 'Coloneia Germanica' — Aksaray — it branches off (to 'Meliteme' — Malatya). As it happens the frontiers of the Roman empire, at its height, were more or less where Turkey's eastern frontier lies. Should the frontier of a united Europe now include Turkey? Before we look into the purely Turkish or Anatolian aspect of this, it is worth looking at other comparable cases. Of 'Westernization', the deliberate use of foreigners to keep the state capable of competing with others, there is, in the European space, one very clear parallel case — Russia. Here, too, there is much argument as to the nature of the original Russian state, and here, too, you might talk of 'the failure of the native model', in the sense that there was nothing within the civilization that could offer any help as regards modernity — no technology, no medicine beyond herbs, no sophisticated political philosophy, no institutions with a life of their own. In the Russian case, the failure of the native model even includes one of the great cathedrals of the Kremlin, built by native architects: it collapsed, and they brought in Italians. Peter the Great emerged, with an entirely new western capital and an Academy of Sciences that deliberated (under Leibniz) in German, and for some generations German was also the language of command in the army (even as late as 1914, half of the army commanders had German names — Sievers, Plefave, Pflug etc.). On the other side, the revolutionary, there is a mirrorimage of the problem: the Bolsheviks, who took over in 1917, were westernizing Marxists, and most just despised 'the Russia of icons and cockroaches' as Trotsky called it. The properly Russian revolutionary party, the Socialist Revolutionaries, were not Marxist, and spoke essentially for the

Horst Widmann: Bildung und Exil (Bern 1973) is authoritative. The catalogue of an exhibition on the subject (Haymatlos, ed. Sabine Hillebrecht) in the Berlin Akademie der Kuenste in 2000 is also astonishingly well-documented.

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peasantry. But they got nowhere — their divisions let the Bolsheviks in, although the Bolsheviks were not as popular. The parallels between Turkey and Russia are intriguing: far from being deadly rivals, they had a considerable amount in common. There are speculative aspects — what Russia owed to the Turco-Tatars, what Turkey owed to the Byzantines (on both of which there is a large literature1). There is the common programme of westernization, the Russians starting off considerably earlier than the Ottomans. There is the period of close collaboration between the Russian revolutionaries and the Turkish nationalists. Events forced them together, with the same enemies, but there was a sort of instinctive understanding as well. It might take three months for a letter to go from Ankara to Moscow, but somehow the Bolsheviks recognized that they must support Kemal Atatiirk rather than, say, Enver Pasha, and Atatiirk also deserves some recognition in this. Along with De Gaulle in 1943-44, when he had to deal with a heavily-Communist Resistance that might easily have taken over France, Atatiirk can be classed as one of very few western statesmen who took on the Communists from a position of weakness, and won. There is an interesting speculation: had Atatiirk not survived in 1921, Turkey might even have been the People's Republic of Anatolia . In the 1920's and 1930's, there was even a degree of 'sovietization' in any case — a Russian professor, Orlov, running five-year plans and the like (even to-day, little-noticed by the inhabitants, Turkey is in the middle of 'the ninth development plan'). In some ways, Turkey to-day is what Russia might have been had Stalin not abandoned 'the New Economic Policy' — limited free enterprise and investment — and substituted the collectivization of agriculture2. To-day, perhaps paradoxically, Turkey is better-off all round, without significant raw materials to speak of. She has survived the devastating problem of the 1970's when, as President Demirel said of the demographic crisis, she was adding to herself the population of Denmark every year. Nowadays, Istanbul alone has a population greater than most of the member states of the European Union, and there is no need to expatiate on the problems that this has caused: but Turkey's foreign trade has reached two-thirds of the Russian figure and Istanbul has become a considerable financial service-centre as well. N. Stone: 'Turkey in the Russian Mirror' in (ed.) L. and M. Erickson, Russia. War, Peace and Diplomacy (London 2004) pp. 86-100 for an introduction to this dimension of Eurasia. 2 (ed.) N.G. Kireyev: Turtsiya mezhdu Evropoy i Aziyey (Moscow 2001) is an outstanding account of modem Turkey from a Russian perspective - knowledgeable on all levels, and fortunately free of the moralizing that can sometimes afflict western European versions. Orlov's memoirs exist, but have not been seen by this writer. Recently, there has been a very readable and rather romantic account of the Bolshevik-Nationalist relationship, M. Perincek Atatiirk'un Sovyetlerle Gorii^meleri (Istanbul 2005). Stanford Shaw: From Empire to Republic (Ankara 2000) vol. II pp. 919-960 and vol. 3 pp. 1443-1588 refer to it in this connection.

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Russia and Turkey have stood at a tangent to Europe, but are they part of it? We might as well therefore try and answer the question, where are Europe's frontiers. Defining Europe is a perilous business and perhaps the British are the wrong people to ask because they do not have much of a problem as to identity. In fact it is quite difficult to agree even on the right name for the country — as Orwell says somewhere, any variant irritates at least someone ('UK' is passportese, 'Britain' is historically wrong, and the universally-used 'England' annoys the sort of Scotsman who would unthinkingly forget about Utrecht and Zeeland and refer to 'Holland'). At any event, the makers of the would-be European constitution gave themselves a great headache by attempting some sort of definition. Constitutional conferences are only a good idea if you tell them to keep it very short, as with the United States and post-war Germany.1 Voices were raised as to how Europe must include some reference to Christianity. In the Middle Ages, no doubt this would have been true enough — although much of northern Europe was still, at that stage, pagan. Nowadays a reference to religion would just cause offence and it duly did so. Besides, even if you involve Christianity there are great problems because Christianity is itself divided. Protestants around 1900 were on the whole richer than Catholics, and there were battles everywhere against Political Catholicism. In Bavaria, for instance, absolutely all of the other parties entered into electoral alliances in 1905 against the Catholics — alliances that included liberal Jews, conservative Protestants and left-wing trade unionists. But the power of political religion there, and in Belgium, and in Ireland was such that it could not be defeated, and for a long time it governed Italy. This is, incidentally, the best answer to critics of Turkey who fear political religion. No doubt they are right to fear its tendency to subjugate everything else, but it has only been in relatively recent times that political Catholicism has in that sense been manageable. The well-known Italian commentator, Indro Montanelli, said of it that it was 'the persecutor talking the language of the persecuted': modern Italy (or Ireland) had neither divorce nor contraception until very recently, and in Ireland adultery was even criminalized. The Turkish variant is part of a general European phenomenon though, as you would expect, Turkey has been following the European pattern a generation or so behind — if you like, Fifties Italy with the internet. That Italy had such a 'The Turkish Constitution of 1961 occupies forty-seven pages (in an English translation undertaken, among others, by Kemal Karpat). It, and the electoral provisions, were extremely enlightened, in the sense of proportional representation etc. with 'rights' all round. The Weimar Constitution of 1919 was similar, and similarly designed by outstanding political scientists, with the result that, in 1932, the Reichstag met on fewer days than there were elections of one sort and another. Democracy then collapsed. The moral would appear to be: keep professors well away from constitutions.

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strong Communist Party (as did France) really reflects a long, long tradition of anti-clericalism, and if we are looking for ways in which Turkey does differ from Europe then maybe the failure of a left-wing movement comparable with European ones is a good place to start 1 . There are other problems concerning religion as a foundation for Europe — for instance, the gap, now almost a thousand years old, between Orthodoxy and Catholicism. In the view of Alain Besançon, Orthodoxy is so very different that you cannot even include the countries that it rules in a European Union, because it is inimical to western ways. In a general sort of way, the Catholic countries have adapted to Copenhagen criteria more readily than, say, Russia or Romania, or for that matter until quite recent times Greece, but what can you make of this beyond a line you hear from Croats, wondering why they are the only Slavs represented in the Louvre? The difficulty is that such utterances, ostensibly weighty, explain both everything and nothing. The political sociology of religion is a very, very difficult subject. Besançon himself remarks that Europe ends at the line of Gothic cathedrals. But in view of what has happened with religion there, he should really have said at the line of empty Gothic cathedrals. So religion is not going to be very helpful 2 . There is another current line, popular in finger-waving Scandinavian circles: the definition of Europe in terms of traditional Rights of Man. This is also not really very helpful. As we now understand them, these are in Europe quite a recent phenomenon. In the days when the Europeans were building their nation-states, a rule of law might be observed, but it could be quite harsh. Margaret Thatcher was quite right when, in 1989, she greatly annoyed Mitterrand — at the time staging one of those enormous public ceremonies that the French go in for. She arrived in Calais, was interviewed by Le Figaro, was asked what she thought to the Rights of Man and answered that the Anglo-American Common Law tradition, and its recognition of individuals' rights, was a great deal superior — a sentiment which, incidentally, you would hear from almost any British lawyer contemplating the ways of European courts. Almost to a man and woman, they are not respectful, unless, as of course is now the case, they make a substantial living out of the profusion of human-rights law and European-level institutions 3 .

' For an introduction to political religion in modern Europe, v. N. Stone: Europe Transformed 1878-1919 {London, 'Fontana History of Europe', 1983)' passim. 2 Alain Besançon: 'La Russie est-elle européenne ?' in Commentaire No. 87 (autumn 1999) pp. 605 ff. 3 The episode is summed up in Margaret Thatcher: The Downing Street Years (London 1994). Her reward was to be placed disadvantageously in the official photograph of heads of government.

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But how solid is the European record as far as Copenhagen-criteria rights are concerned? It is not really very impressive at all. The Europeans now arrive to inspect Turkey's treatment of minorities. But until quite recent times, the Swedes were officially sterilizing Lapps — 70,000 of them — as not fit to reproduce. The French Republic was not at all good on the matter of linguistic minorities as now understood: the Republic, taking over in a country where only half of the population used French, firmly decreed that that was the language of the state, the only language, and if Breton school-chidren used Breton in the playground, they were beaten. In Wales the same happened with Welsh, under the government of Gladstone 1 . But if we are trying to define Europe, there is a further great difficulty. There are enormous differences within Europe. The largest, and in the Turkish context, the obvious one to stress is the north-south one. Until about 1650, the Mediterranean was the centre of the world, as its name states. Venice, Naples, Rome, Konstantiniyye, as the Sultans called it, were the great cities. Then something strange happened. The Atlantic world, Holland, England, America took over. There was a symbolic moment in 1630, when both Amsterdam and Naples suffered a great outbreak of the Plague. Naples never really recovered. Amsterdam, with remarkable understanding of effective counter-measures and a capacity to insist on their application, did. Istanbul was part of the same pattern. The declining Mediterranean is a very good subject, and a great question, which even attracted the young Max Weber when he was writing his first academic work. He addressed himself to the collapse of late-mediaeval Catalonia, which at one stage took over Greece and much of the Aegean, and wondered what the decline had to do with the rise of obscurantist religion in the Iberian peninsula. Benedetto Croce wondered the same thing about the kingdom of Naples and Sicily. Any historian of seriousness has looked into such matters, and it came as a considerable surprise when one of the German opponents of Turkey's membership, the well-known historian Professor Wehler, sniffed that Turkey's politics were clientelistic. Surely Wehler should have known that the politics of southern Europe just is clientelistic. As the state declined, people looked for security with the local big men — called caciques in Spain — because they could protect you from corrupt judges and marauding policemen. For much the same reasons, the family developed in far greater strength than in northern Europe. But in

J. and M. Ozouf: La République des instituteurs (Paris 1989) passim. For the fate of Breton children who were unfortunate enough to be caught talking Breton in the playground (beaten by a clog, wielded by the head-master); cf. www.bbc.co.uk/wales/storyofwelsh. On the fate of the Lapps in Sweden, v. www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2002 (US State Department reports on human rights in Sweden).

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Germany herself there was much difference between the (mainly) Protestant north and the (mainly) Catholic south, let alone with Austria 1 . If Europe is to be defined by religion we are in other words letting ourselves in for great problems. But we do not have to go on at this negative level, for there is an obvious enough definition of Europe to-day. It was in large part a post-war creation, and in large part was made either by AngloAmericans or their close sympathizers — the great makers of post-war Germany and Italy, who admired the Anglo-American ways. The very flag of the Union is actually copied from the flag that flew outside the Luxemburg head-quarters of the European Coal and Steel Community. It was mooted in 1950, at a time when the Americans were pushing the western Europeans to make sensible use of the huge sums of money allocated under the Marshall Plan. Left to themselves, the Europeans might have reverted to extreme protectionism, as they have been doing with agriculture (Turkish cherries cost twice as much in England as inferior French ones). The Americans banged the table, and forced them to exchange each other's currencies at a Bank of International Settlement in Basel, which still exists (as does the central organization of the Marshall Plan, now the OECD in Paris, though it now mainly recycles statistics). It was, even, an American who suggested the common currency — at the time, a step too far, as, perhaps, it still is. NATO was a military counterpart, from the same period. So was the very West German state itself, dating back to 1949, with that admirable constitution and an admirable record in living down its recent history. It is in this context that we can of course see Turkey's future: she was bound up in that Europe from the very start; her entry into the Korean War more or less coincided with her participation in the Marshall Plan and also her first properly democratic election2.

' H.-U. Wehler: 'Das Tuerkenproblem' in Die Zeit 12 September 2002 caused much stir. N. Stone "Vote Turkey this Christmas' in The Spectator 18.12.2004 pointed out that Wehler himself, in a much earlier historical article, had stressed German difficulties with the integration of migrant Poles in the Ruhrgebiet. The overall decline of great Mediterranean countries Spain especially, but also Italian states - is a theme that must serve as back- fore- and middle ground for the decline of the Ottoman empire in the seventeenth century. There is an enormous literature, and the best start is probably still Fernand Braudel's classic two-volume The Mediterranean in the Age of Philip II (University of California Press 1996). Volume Two is better-disciplined and lasts longer than Volume One. Max Weber's views on Catholicism, and its incompatibility with liberalism in politics and economics, also have classic status, but there are versions (relating both to Catalonia and Prussian Poland) that predate his famous (and slight) book of 1903, on Protestantism and Capitalism. As to them, Weber himself might easily have used a line with an equivalent sometimes heard in modern Turkey: 'Catholicism, Politics, Economics - choose Two'. Weber himself realized that he was wrong, but that his short and hastily-written book should still excite reactions, a century later, is surely of some significance. The latest biography is by Joachim Radkau: Max Weber. Die Leidenschaft des Denkens (Munich 2005). Michael J. Hogan: The Marshall Plan (London 1987); Alan S. Milward: The Reconstruction of Western Europe (London 1984) and John Gillingham: European Integration 1950 - 2003 (Cambridge 2003) are the outstanding accounts. The 'flag' of the ECSC was displayed at the Brussels Expo of 1958, and consisted of six yellow stars (for the member countries) with blue to represent steel, and black for coal (v. www.crwflags/fotw/flags/eu-ecsc.html ).

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Let us take a certain country in Mediterranean Europe. It has a thousand years of Islam, with great monuments all around. It had a world empire, its language spoken from the Mediterranean to the Pacific. Its ships and soldiers once struck terror in the Atlantic and the Indian oceans. Then comes decline in the seventeenth century. The decline is associated with a religion that many enlightened observers see as obscurantist; in the nineteenth century there are battles about this, and the army starts to have a great political part to play. The dynasty declines in quality, and even becomes downright mad. Foreigners exploit the backwardness, and there are minorities — one of them about a generation ahead of others, the other, mountain-based and tribal, good at supplying soldiers but generally about a generation behind. Is this Turkey? No, Spain. The Islamic aspect and the world empire are obvious enough. The minorities question is maybe less obvious but it is real enough. The Catalans had had their moment of greatness (oddly enough in decaying Byzantium) and then became rather like the Ottoman Greeks. The Basques were rather like the Kurds — a mountain people with six or seven dialects, often very successful once they migrated but otherwise very varied. The similarities between Turkey and Spain even extend to railways and it is curious to note that a Spanish company has recently delivered ten high-speed trains (the general idea seems to be that, with the 'Marmaray' project for a great tunnel under the Bosphorus, you will be able to go from the central train station at Ankara to Eminonii — Eminonii! — in two and a half hours). Why? Because there have been immense problems as regards railway-modernization in both countries. The state early on lost of control over the forestation of the central plateau, which became badly eroded and used at best for sheep. Efforts were then made to have the economy pick up by railways, and money was borrowed, but the work was very difficult because of splintering rock, steep gradients and extremes of climate. The railways were not profitable because there was not enough trade. In time they broke down but there was no money for modern repair so old parts were used. The railways were originally often in foreign ownership and of course there was nationalist resentment at this, but nationalization by itself did not do much to end the problem of 'worn-out rails and wagons, oldfashioned equipment that weakened the impulse which rapid transport gives to a whole economy', as Raymond Carr says. Not so long ago it took the same ten hours to go by train from Barcelona to Madrid as it does at night between Ankara and Istanbul. In the end, the railways even held the economy back and the whole problem was only solved in Spain when motor-roads snaked across

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the country much as has been done in Turkey and the country became rich enough to do something about modernization of the railways1. Spain too had a considerable problem over the role of the Church. Here are two parallel episodes. I learn from Adivar's history of Ottoman science that the ulema in the reign of Murad IV strongly objected to the presence of telescopes on the Galata Tower. It was the official observatory and initially, for obvious naval reasons, the Sultan wanted to know more. But to the ulema this was a blasphemous attempt to probe God's secrets and when He sent an earthquake, it was regarded as punishment and the telescopes were thrown off the Tower. §erif Mardin recounts a similar story about the school of mathematics set up in 1739, obviously a vital institution for artillerists: it was closed down 2 . In Spain at the same time clerical control was such that at the once-great university of Salamanca there was only one examinationquestion: 'What language do the Angels speak ?' to be answered in Latin. Now of course it would be utterly wrong to identify either religion as hopelessly obscurantist but that side did appear. Spain developed a long civil war in the outcome — not just that of the 1930's but the Napoleonic Wars and even the War of Spanish Succession a century before. Auden called Spain 'that arid square, that fragment nipped off from hot Africa, soldered so crudely to inventive Europe' (1937) and many a Spanish intellectual has echoed Ortega y Gasset's remark (1911) that Spain was the problem and Europe the solution. When Spain did join, there were many voices in opposition — in fact Turkey was accepted as an associate in 1963 at a time when Spain was refused. In 1986 she did become a member after several years of rather difficult discussion as to her olive oil, fisheries etc. (the latter having a transitional period of seventeen years). Curiously enough the Greeks attempted to derail the process, fearing the competition of another Mediterranean place. But look at Spain to-day 3 . Fears that the Spanish peasant would make for vast problems have proved entirely unreal — agriculture has been modernized and now has a trade surplus (since 1996) and state concerns were run down. In 1986 the bankrupt SEAT firm was sold to VW and it has flourished. Spanish banks ran into crisis in 1978 — just as did Turkey's in 2001. After Franco's death there has been a boom. A country long associated

1 Raymond Carr: Spain 1808-1975 ( 2 n d ed.1988 p. 409ff. but cf. pp. 265ff.) and various websites, e.g. www.tcdd.gov.tr...ankist or www.railway .technology .aue.spain for 10 July 2006.

^Charles Esdaile: The Peninsular War (Penguin 2003) is a very good account of the problem of backwardness (and the associated forms of religion) in Napoleonic Spain. Even foreign literature related to ship-building was banned, and Spanish warships suffered accordingly. After the battle of Trafalgar in 1805, a medal was struck, for award to captains whose ships had not been sunk; cf. §. Mardin: The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought (Princeton 1962) pp. 8 Iff. 3 The Economist 24 June 2004 has a useful survey of Spain, but cf. John Hooper: The New Spaniards (new edition Penguin 2006) and William Chislett of the Elcano Real Institute in Madrid: The Internationalization of the Spanish Economy and essays (in the Elcano website) comparing Spain and Turkey.

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with donkeys and 'mañana', a country with its own Black Legend in northern European eyes, now has the largest banks in Latin America and much else that is ultra-modern. By 2003 there was 150 milliard dollars' foreign money in Spain but there is also almost as much Spanish investment abroad — half to Latin America. Spain is now the sixth largest foreign-investing country. Overall, since 1975, the per capita income rose 21 times (the population rising from 36 million to 44). Turkey is following the Spanish trajectory and it is a pity that more Turks do not think about this — it would save them from making the mistakes that Spain made. Of these there are two big ones. The first was to allow an enormous part of the coast to be ruined by mass tourism — hideous concrete buildings put up in each other's back gardens and packed with the sort of small short-term profit that is everyone's long-term loss. The second was to let the native birth-rate collapse. In part this is no doubt because women have much more freedom than in the old religious days. But a large part of the answer lies in property prices — the imbalance between social housing, acquired by the lucky, and controlled rents. Nowadays the Spanish population is declining no doubt because in a couple both have to work. Europeans sometimes lecture the Turks as to women's rights and claim with pride that seventy-five per cent of European women work. As far as the character and even the existence are concerned of the small children upon whom any society's future depends can we be as sure as these Europeans are that this is necessarily a good thing ? With both Spain and Turkey, present prosperity emerged of course from a very harsh past lasting even for centuries. Anatolia was almost constantly at war from 1911 to 1923, and in a sense it was even a civil war, like Spain's. Here there are qualifications to make. The war was really forced upon Turkey by the Allied invasions of 1919 and the attempts both by Greeks and Armenians to seize this or that part of the country. Spain got Franco, Turkey had Atatiirk, but the two men were very different. Franco was a cruel man, and there are vignettes of his casually signing death sentences in the back of his car; there was a horrible moment when he got the Gestapo to send back, from occupied Paris, the former Catalan President, Luis Companys, who had actually been instrumental in saving the lives of some of Franco's friends and relatives. Poor old Companys, in his seventies, was shot. You cannot imagine vindictiveness of that sort in Atatiirk: quite the contrary, he behaved very chivalrously nearly all of the time. Franco on the subject of modern Spain would just have been a boring old man. Atatiirk on the subject of modern Turkey ? That would have been interesting1. Compare Andrew Mango: Ataturk (London 2000) with Paul Preston: Franco (Penguin 1995) for the entirely different qualities of the two men. The nearest comparable European is probably De Gaulle. A characteristic moment: at Kennedy's funeral in 1963, President Johnson and the head of the CIA told De Gaulle that they could not guarantee his security, and said that they should ride in an armoured limousine. De Gaulle replied that they indeed could do so, but that he would accompany Mrs Kennedy.

ENQUÊTES SUR LES NOUVEAUX CHRÉTIENS D'ANVERS ET LEURS RELATIONS AVEC LA TURQUIE (1530-1548) Alain SERVANTE

1. Charles Quint et les juifs L'attitude de l'empereur Charles-Quint à l'égard des communautés juives de ses domaines a été pour le moins fluctuante : qu'attendre d'un empereur héritant de domaines si composites, aux traditions si diversifiées, et soumis aux pressions contradictoires de ses conseillers ecclésiastiques, des juristes de formation érasmienne et des financiers qui en fin de compte étaient les principaux pourvoyeurs de fonds de ses entreprises militaires ? Il ne faisait pourtant pas de distinction entre anciens et nouveaux chrétiens à son service, comme on le voit dans le choix de Veltwyck comme ambassadeur1. La politique des rois catholiques d'expulsion des juifs de leurs territoires avait conduit à une émigration vers le Portugal. Puis après que le roi Manuel I (1492-1521), à la demande de son épouse, ait décidé de leur expulsion du Portugal, même ceux qui se sont convertis au catholicisme — les "nouveaux chrétiens"—, ont cherché, dès 1496, et encore plus après l'interdiction totale de l'exercice du culte mosaïque au Portugal en 1526, puis l'introduction de l'Inquisition en 1536, à émiger vers la France, l'Angleterre, les Pays-Bas et notamment vers la grande métropole d'Anvers, où certains

1 Dr H. Brugmans & Dr. A. Frank, Geschiedenis der Joden in Nederland, Amsterdam, Van Holkema & Warendorf, 1940, 173-188 ; dès 1495, diverses familles marranes s'établissent à Middelburg et Veere en Zélande.

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grands marchands ont continué à œuvrer pour le compte du roi de Portugal1. Le jeune empereur a montré initialement une certaine tolérance à l'égard des juifs et des nouveaux chrétiens établis dans ses royaumes : une capitulation du 23 novembre 1520 autorise les juifs établis dans le royaume de Naples à y rester, amenant le nombre de familles juives y installées de six cents jusqu'à près de cinq mille 2 . À Anvers, alors que le magistrat anversois prend des mesures draconiennes de contrôle à l'immigration de nouveaux chrétiens, le 30 mars 1526, Charles Quint leur accorde la permission de séjourner pendant trente jours aux Pays Bas, d'y vendre, acheter, échanger et s'y déplacer, et d'obtenir une prolongation de ce permis3. Le nouveau chrétien portugais Diego Mendès s'était assuré, pour le compte du roi du Portugal, en 1512, le monopole de l'approvisionnement en épices de la place d'Anvers, et de là, de tout le marché du Nord-Ouest de 1 L. Guicciardini, Description de touts les Pais-Bas, 1582, pp. 130, 180, 184, 192. L'auteur donne une longue description de la cité d'Anvers (99) et de la bourse, fondée en 1531; des foires de la Pentecôte, commençant 15 jours avant la Pentecôte, et de St Rémy ou St Bavon, commençant le "deuxième dimanche après notre dame d'aoust", qui duraient 6 semaines et servaient de termes pour les paiements à crédit (129). on trouve à Anvers "des tapis de Turquie ou imitez tels" (176). Sur le marché du poivre à Anvers, voir F. Edler de Roover, « The market for spices in Antwerp. 1538-1544 », Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, vol. 17 (1938) pp. 212-221. Voir aussi R.H. Tawney & E. Power, eds., « Guicciardini's description of the trade of Antwerp », Tudor Economic Documents, 1965, vol. Ill, pp. 149-173. Les Anversois ont, dans la suite des Portugais, envoyér trois navires chercher directement les épices à la source, dont l'un est revenu à bon port le 21 janvier 1522, chargé d'épices (Ernest van Bruyssel, Histoire du Commerce et de la Marine en Belgique, A. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven et Cie, Bruxelles-Leipzig, 1863, p. 283). J.A. Goiris, Etudes sur les colonies marchandes méridionales (Portugais, Espagnols, Italiens) à Anvers de 1488 à 1567, contribution à l'histoire des débuts du capitalisme moderne, Louvain, 1925 ; P. Grunebaun-Ballin, Joseph Naci - Duc de Naxos, Mouton, Paris La Haye, 1963 ; J. Reznik, Le duc Joseph de Naxos, Thèse pour le Doctorat d'Université présentée à la Faculté des lettres de l'Université de Paris, Librairie Lipschutz, Paris, 1936; H. Rose, « New information on the life of Joseph Nasi, duke of Naxos : the Venetian phase », in The Jewish Quaterly Review, LX (1970), n° 4, pp. 330-344 ; B. David, « Money, love and powers politics in sixteenth century Venice : the perpetual banishment and subsequent pardon of Joseph Nasi », in Italia Judaica, Rome, 1983, pp. 159-180. Sur la famille Mendès, voir particulièrement : Franco, Moïse, Essai sur l'histoire des Israélites dans l'empire Ottoman depuis les origines jusqu'à nos jours, Librairie A. Durlacher, 1897; réédition, Centre d'Études Don Isaac Abravanel, Paris, 1981, pp 53-61; mentionne également Amato Lusitano (15111568) ou Juan Rodriguez, né à Castel Branco, en Espagne en 1511, après des études de médecine à Salamanque, se réfugia à Anvers, puis en France, à Venise, Ferrare, Ancóne, avant de passer en 1555 à Raguse, et de là à Salonique; auteur d'un Curationum medicinalium centuriœ septem. Sur ce dernier, voir George Tucker, "To Louvain and Antwerp, and beyond: The contrasting itineraries of Diogo Pires (Didacus Pyrrhus Lusitanus, 1517-99) and Joâo Rodrigues de Castelo Branco (Amatus Lusitanus, 1511-68", in The Expulsion of the Jews and their Emigration to the Southern Low Countries (15th-16th C.), Medievalia Lovaniensia, Leuven University Press, 1998, pp. 83-114. L.M.E. Shaw, « The Inquisition and Portuguese Economy », Journal of European Economic History, vol. 18, 1989, pp. 415-431 ; J. Lucio de Azevedo, Histórìa dos Cristâos Novos Portugueses, Lisbonne, 1921 ; C. Roth, A History of the Marranos, Philadelphia, 2° éd. 1947 ; A.J. Saraiva, A Inquisiçào Portuguesa, Lisbonne, 1956 ; A.J. Saraiva, A Inquisiçào e os Cristâos Novos, Porto, 1969; Renata G. Fuks-Mansfeld, « Les nouveaux chrétiens portugais à Anvers aux XVI e et XVII e siècles", in Les Juifs d'Espagne: histoire d'une diaspora, éd. Henry Méchoulan, Liana Levi, Paris, 1992. 2

Felipe Ruiz Martin, « La expulsion de los Judios del reino de Napoles », Hispania, Madrid, (9), 1949, pp. 28-76, 179-240 ; Ferrorelli, N., Gli ebrei nell' Italia meridionale dell'età romana al secolo XVIII, Turin, 1915. Liste des édits et ordonnances de Charles V, 30 mars 1526.

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l'Europe, en collaboration avec des marchands flamands tel Jean Carie ou génois, tel Giovan-Carlo de Affaitati. Son chiffre d'affaires a rapidement atteint un montant considérable pour l'époque — entre 600.000 et 1200.000 ducats par an. Il obtint la protection des chanceliers impériaux Sauvage et Chièvres moyennant finances1. En 1527, Diego Mendès avait suffisamment de ressources pour contribuer 30.000 livres à l'emprunt contracté par Charles Quint chez le banquier Hochstetter2. Toutefois la tolérance montrée initialement a été remise en cause autour des années 1529-1530, à la fois par des conseillers politiques et judiciaires de la reine gouvernante Marie de Hongrie, poussant à une politique rigidement intolérante, et par les craintes impériales, après Mohacs et le premier siège de Vienne, que les Juifs constituent en quelque sorte une deuxième colonne de l'empire ottoman auquel ils fournissaient finances et même intelligence militaire. C'est ainsi que l'empereur a peu à peu cherché à étendre l'Inquisition vers ses autres domaines — Naples et les Pays-Bas, mais avec des accomodements pragmatiques, liés souvent aux difficultés économiques de l'heure.

2. Lettres patentes de l'empereur pour enquêter sur les nouveaux chrétiens d'Anvers, avril 1530 Entre octobre 1529 et le printemps 1530, l'émotion suscitée par le siège manqué de Vienne par Soliman le Magnifique amène l'empereur, alors en Italie, à élaborer une stratégie de résistance à la progression turque, incluant entre autres une ambassade auprès du Chah d'Iran. Le 17 avril 1530, à Mantoue, à la veille de son départ de cette ville, il confie par lettres patentes à son jeune conseiller Corneille de Schepper3 la mission d'enquêter sur les faux chrétiens qui, sous couvert de commerce, s'enfuient en Turquie avec tous leurs biens ou vendent aux Turcs des armes offensives. On lira ci-après une traduction française inédite de ces lettres, de la main du conseiller.

1 2 'S

Brugmans & Frank, op. cit, 172. R. Ehrenberg, Das Zeitalter der Fugger, II, p. 47.

Sur Corneille de Schepper (1502-1555), conseiller de la reine Marie de Danemark, puis du chancelier Gattinara, puis par après ambassadeur de l'empereur dans de nombreuses missions, y compris en Turquie en 1533-1534, voir mon article: "Ambassadeurs de Charles Quint auprès de Soliman le Magnifique", Anatolia Moderna, IX, Paris, 2001. Saint-Genois, "Missions diplomatiques. Corneille Duplicius de Schepper dit Scepperus, ambassadeur de Christian II, de Charles V, de Ferdinand 1er, et de Marie, reine de Hongrie, gouvernante des Pays-Bas, de 1523 à 1555", in Mémoires de l'Académie Royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux Arts de Belgique, tome XXX, Bruxelles, 1856 [Recueil du voyage du sieur Cornille Duplex Schepperus au grand Turck, descritpar luy-mesme (1533-34), Bib. Alb. II479 [Cat. 7425].

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Doc. 1 - Lettres patentes de Charles Quint, Mantoue, 17 avril

1530

Mission confiée à Corneille de Schepper, juifs (sans date) Charles, par la divine clémence empereur des Romains, tousjours auguste, roy de Germanie, de Castille, de Léon, de Grenade, d'Arragon, de Navarre, de Naples, de Sécille, de Maiorque, de Sardanne, des Isles, Indes et terre ferme de la mer océane, archiduc d'Austrice, duc de Bourgoingne, de Lothier, de Brabant, de Lembourg, de Luxembourg, et de Geldres, conte de Flandres, d'Artois, de Bourgoingne, palatin de Haynnault, de Hollande, de Zeelande, de Ferrette, de Haghenault, de Namur et de Zutphen, prince de Zwave, marquis du Sainct Empire, seigneur de Frize, de Salms, de Malines, & dominations en Asie et en Affricque. A tous qui ces présentes verront salut. Comme nous avons entendu/ plusieurs juifz et marans faignans et dissimulans estre chrestiens/ hentans, demeurans et commersans avecq les chrestiens/ et soubz espèce et habit de chrestien, les deceipvans et defraudans/ les ungs aiant cueillé et amassé toutz leurs biens et aussi rendu d'aulcuns se retirez vers l'Orient et ès terres, pays et seignories du Turcq et d'aultres indidèles et ennemis de la chrestienité/ les aultres attendants l'occasion du temps pour eux retirer plus commodieuse[ment] continuer leurs demurances en noz pays, terres et seigneuries/ aultres aussi pour fréquenter l'usaige et tours de marchandises /et achapter ce que prouffit leur semble/ et que après ilz puissent illecq envoyer et faire transporter par aulcungs ou mesmes emmener avecq eulx/ èsdit nos pays et terres souvent venir et se transporter/ et noz subiectz par fraudes et déceptions de leurs biens desnuer et d'iceulx biens les ennemis de notre foy et nostres secrètement et ouvertement aussi ayder et assister, affin que tant mieulx et plus commodieusement ilz se puissent après retirer, à touz leurs biens et mesnaige èsdits pays des indifèles et noz ennemis, comme desjà plusieurs d'eulx ont faict. Semblablement soyons advertiz qu'il y a aulcuns merchants qui secrètement venoient et font transporter armes offensives ausdits Turcqs et aultres ennemis de notre saincte foy/ puisque à nous appartient avoir regard à telz et semblables faintz et simulez chrestiens/ et pareillement à ces marchans qui emmènent et font transporter lesdites armes offensives et danrées prohibeez/ et iceulx faire chastier et punir, et donner ordre qu'ilz ne desnuent nos pays et subiects de leurs biens et d'iceulx aydent et assistant nous ennemis, sçavoir faisons que pour la bonne cognoissance et expérience que avons de la personne de notre amé et féal conseiller et secrétaire Messire Cornille Scepperus, confiant entièrement de ses sens de vertus, loyaulté, dextérité, prudhomie, ydonéité et souffisance, avons esleu, créé et député, eslisons, créons et députons par cet présentes/ led1 messire

^ Le texte cité ci-dessous est inédit dans sa version française d'époque (de la main de Schepper) qui figure sans date dans un dossier des archives de la Secrétairerie Allemande de 1540 (AGR SEA 845 f° 112-113 v.) Il s'agit de la traduction du texte latin, daté de Mantoue, 17 avril 1530, contresigné Valdes, conservé aux Archives d'Anvers, et publié dans le Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, p. 191-196. La première phrase, relative à la titulature, est assez différente du texte latin : ce dernier mentionne Jérusalem, omise ici, et ne donne pas le détail des domaines des Pays-Bas désignés « Gallia Belgiea » succinctement, ni ne mentionne les «dominations en Asie et en Affricque», comme si Schepper avait, dans une version française postérieure à l'original de quelques années agrémenté le texte en se basant sur la titulature officielle de l'empereur en 1540 (incluant Gueldres et Zutphen, qui n'apparaissent officiellement dans la titulature qu'en 1538).

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Cornillo pour notre commissaire en ceste affaire/ luy donnant faculté et puissance de en son lieu substituer et subvoyer ung ou plusieurs aultres commissaires/ idones touteffois où il ne pourra personnelement à l'exécution de ce estre présent/ avecq tel ou lymité povoir que par ceste luy donnons pour en notre lieu et nom et comme en ce noz commissaire ou commissaires se transporter en et par tous nos pays, terres et seigneuries d'embas, et illec lesdits fainctz et simulez chrestiens et aussi les aultres marchans armes offensives aux Turcqs envoiant et leurs marchandises et biens meubles et immeubles si paradventure en aient aulcuns/ et quelconques se soient ou qu'ilz se pourront trouver/ prendre ou faire prendre et emprisonner/ et aux officiers et juges ordinaires des lieux ou qu'ils prins seront/ les bailler en charge et garde pour procéder contre eulx faire et instruire leurs [prens ?]/ les décider juger et sententier sommairement et de plain par droict et justice. Et la cause cognue procéder jusques au dernier supplice si le cas le requiert et confiscation de leurdits biens/ et au surplus faire en toutes et singules les choses susdites circonstances et d'aprendre tout ce qu'ils verront estre besoing et nécessaire/ mandant et commandant très expressément et a certes à tout et quelconques nos lieutenans, gouverneurs, capitaines, officiers justiciers, leurs lieutenans et à chascun d'eulx de tous nosdits pays d'embas, villes, chasteaulx et places que toutes et quanteffois que per ledit messire Cornille notre commissaire que dessus ou par les aultres commissaires ses subdéléguez & députez, ilz seront requis et admonestés par ces nos présentes ou transcript authentiques d'icelles, ilz prennent, arrestent et détiennent ou facent prendre, arrester et détenir lesdits / sçavoir tant les personnes et corps desdits juifz faincts & simulez chrestiens se retirant aux Turcqs/ ou que pour attendre le temps plus commode et propice pour eulx en aller et retirer vinent et comersent dissimuléement & soubz l'ombre, espèce et habit de chrétiens en nosdits pays, terres, villes, ch a u x entre noz subiectz quelque part que ce soit/ ou que soubz ladite espèce ou dissimulation, traffiquer négocient et marchandent appertement et occultement/ et semblablement les marchans et personnaiges qu'ilz seront trouvez et promiz avoir mené/ ou estre en délibération de mener armes offensives ausdits Turcqs ou aultres choses prohibées que toutz et quelconques leurs biens meubles et immeubles si par adventure en aient quelcuns/ et quelconques ce soient/ et leurs marchandises de ainsy délinquans et despuans 1 nos subiectz lesquelles marchandises et biens nous est déclairé qu'ilz sont accoustumez soubz faulces enseignes et marques emmener ou envoier. Et pareillement toutes baies/ pacquetz, charges et bagaiges seignez et marquez des seignes 2 et marques des marchans quelconques/ de que quelles sera information légitime que en icelles soient contenuz biens et danrées desdits fainctz et simulez chrestiens/ lesquelles soient tenues et arresteez jusques au temps qu'il apparaistra certainement à qu'ilz appertiennent / et à qu'ilz soient. Ou aussi ces marchans qui aultreffois biens et marchandises d'iceulx soubz leurs marques et signes ont ailleurs envoié/ ou envoier trouvez seront/ sur ce par voie de justice soient requis et contrainctz déposer et tesmoingner la vérité/ de ce et de tout ce qu'ilz sçauront et les biens leurs commandez ou comis manifester/ et ès mains des juges assigner / quelque part que trouvez seront/ et prendre se pourront/ et en nulle sorte les délassent jusques à ce que cognu

' dépouillant. signe.

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d'iceulx délicts et après debuement 1 soit administrée la justice/ et declaire que d'icelles personnes et biens ainsy detenuz et arrestez par moien de droict soit à statuer/ et en oultre de ceulx qui comme dict est/ prins seront par toutz moiens légitimes et par droict permis la vérité soit cognues/ et d'eulx soit entendu par torture au cas que les qualitez de la justice ce requièrent, qu'est ce que entre eulx ilz ont désignez et quelz compaignons de ceste conspiration ilz ont eut et qu'ils sont ceulx qui de ceste affaire sçavent et cognoissent affin que après d'avoir eut d'iceulx / l'on puisse les aultres debuement que selon qu'ilz auront déservis/ chastier / et quant aux biens que ainsy adjugez et confisquez seront, voulons qu'ilz soient bien et léalement gardez au mesme lieu où la sentence contre lesdits délinquants sera donnée, et prononcée, sans ce que par vouloir ou mandement de quel qui ce soit ilz soient de là ostez ou distraitz jusques à ce qu'il apparaistra par aultres notre mandement ce que vouldrons que desdits biens soit faict. Schepper a reçu ces lettres patentes à Augsbourg, où il assistait à une diète de l'empire aux côtés du chancelier Gattinara, qu'il a veillé sur son lit de mort le 27 juin 1530 2 . Impliqué dans la gestion centrale de l'empire et donc incertain de pouvoir effectuer sur le terrain les enquêtes qui lui étaient confiés, il en a aussitôt délégué la tâches à Jean Vuysthinck d'Utrecht, devant notaire à A u g s b o u r g en juillet 1530 3 . Schepper, qui en e f f e t ne semble pas avoir participé directement aux poursuites contre les nouveaux chrétiens, sera envoyé c o m m e ambassadeur de l'empereur en Pologne, en Suisse, puis en 1533-34 à Constantinople, où il aura l'occasion de rencontrer des j u i f s réfugiés. Il note en effet dans son journal de voyage, q u ' à Constantinople, le 28 mai 1533, un rabbin originaire de Tolède lui explique le système des millets: « Après le disner, veint vers nous Rabbi Moyses, médecin espagnol de Tolède, juif, lequel, par commandement du roy catholique Ferdinande, s'estoit retiré bien jeusne des Espaignes. Il vint doncques vers nous de la part de Aloysio Grity, pour nous advertir qu'au moyen de plusieurs empeschements à lui survenuz, il ne pouvoit pour le jourd'huy traicter avec nous, mais que le lendemain, il nous envoyeroit quérir. Ledict Moyses disoit que les Juifs ne payoient pour chaque masle sinon un ducat, et si quelqu'un est bien riche, qu'il ne paye point davantaige de quattre ducats; que le mesme estoit indifféremment payé par les Crestiens et par les Turcqz ; que les larrecins, homicides, dissentions et aultres crimes semblables se punissoyent par les juges turcqz, mais en ce qui concerne les différens de leur loi, se jugeoit par les principaux desdicts juifs 4 . »

1 duement. Lettre du 28 juin 1530 à Erasme, La Correspondance d'Erasme, vol. VIII, lettre 2336 p. 591594. 3 Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, pp. 191-196. 4 Recueil du voyage du sieur Cornille Duplex Schepperus au grand Turck, précité dont nous préparons une nouvelle publication. 2

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À Edirne, le 21 juillet 1533: «Nous avons entendu qu'en ceste ville y avoit plusieurs juifs, entre lesquelz estoyent des hispaignols castillians, Samuel de Niebal, de Burgos, David de Seres, et aultre portugalois, Moyses David, et aultres appeliez de Vargas.»

Les lettres patentes posent toutefois plusieurs problèmes, qui méritent d'être examinés plus avant. Le texte latin parle d'arma ojfensiva ; la version française ajoute «et denrées prohibées». Pourquoi cette différence ? Aux XI-XII e siècles, le droit canon avait défendu aux chrétiens de fournir aux Sarrasins des grains, du bois, des munitions et des armes; les traités passés avec les infidèles étaient frappés de nullité per seEn 1453, le financier du roi de France Charles VII, Jacques Cœur, est, entre autres, «souspeçonné d'avoir envoyé des harnois de guerre aux Sarrazins, nos anciens ennemys et de la foy chrestienne... certaines grant quantités de harnois ou habillemens de guerre et autres armes invasives : c'est à savoir de cranequins, haches, guysarmes, couleuvrines, vouges, jaserans et autres habillemens de guerre»,

ainsi que cuivre et argent, offerts au Soudan d'Egypte 2 . Dans la suite des documents, rien n'indique que l'on ait effectivement mis à jour un trafic d'armes offensives par les nouvaux chrétiens des Pays-Bas — où les artilleurs développaient effectivement de nouvelles technologies d'armement — aux Turcs. De même, les rumeurs sur l'introduction de chariots d'affût adaptés aux canons par les juifs auprès des Turcs paraissent peu fondés ; les Turcs ont emprunté des charriots d'affût aux Hongrois au XV e siècle, d'où le nom de tabur cengi3, puis aux Français 4 . Ce qui manquait le plus aux Turcs, c'étaient les ingénieurs capables de développer les technologies les plus modernes, et l'information était venue à Charles Quint de Constantinople dès mars 1530 que «les maistres d'artillerie allemans qui

1

Nys, E., « La Théorie de l'équilibre européen », RD1LC, 25 (1893) pp. 38-39. Bonamy, «Mémoires sur les dernières années de Jacques Cœur », dans Buchon, Choix de Chroniques et mémoires relatifs à l'histoire de France, Able Pion, Paris, 1875, p. 584. Gabor Agoston, « Ottoman Warfare in Europe. 1453-1826 », in European warfare, 1453-1815 / edited by Jeremy Black. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1999, pp. 118-144. 4 Duffy, Chr. Siege Warfare: The Fortress in the Early Modern World, 1979, p. 210.. Gilles Veinstein, "Note sur les transferts technologiques des Séfarades dans l'Empire ottoman", in Coloniser au Moyen Age, sous la direction de Michel Balard et Alain Ducellier, Armand CoVm, Paris, 1995, pp. 268-273: cf. S.O.T. Chistensen, "The Marranos as Gunrunners. A Distorted Topos of the Clandestine European Expansion", dans Dimensöes da alteridade nas culturas de lingua portuguesa- o outro. Actas de 1° Simposio interdisciplinar de Estudios Portugueses, II, Lisbonne, 1987, pp. 111-132. 2

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ont esté emmenés l'année passée par led. Turc font icelle artillerie»1. Bien plus, lors de la conquête de Tunis, ce que l'on a trouvé était essentiellement donné par les Français à Barberousse, comme l'empereur l'indique à Rome en 1536 : « les bombardes & grande quantité d'artillerie tant de fer que de métal par nous trouvé en la Goulette bastille & en la ville de Thunis ayns pardessus les armes dudict roy

Quant aux «denrées prohibées», ajoutées peut-être après coup compte tenu de l'incapacité des enquêteurs à trouver des exportations d'armes, il ne peut s'agir d'épices et drogues, le principal commerce des nouveaux chrétiens, puisque l'empire ottoman était approvisionné depuis l'Egypte. Il ne s'agit pas non plus de marchandises de luxe : on a vu en 1533-1534 une démarche commerciale du tapissier Dermeyen qui a envoyé Pierre Coecke d'Alost pour vendre des tapisseries de Bruxelles à Constantinople, mais sans succès3. Quant aux métaux et composants de poudre (salpêtre) 4 , dont l'exportation était effectivement interdite, l'empire ottoman contrôlait suffisamment de mines premières nécessaires à la fabrication d'artillerie — fer, cuivre, charbon de bois, salpêtre, soufre — pour n'avoir pas besoin de chercher à s'en procurer en dehors. Seul manquait l'étain, dont le commerce n'est pas relevé. C'est ainsi que les documents ultérieurs relatifs aux enquêtes ne retiennent aucune vente d'armes ni de denrées prohibées, mais seulement le Avis de frère Bernardino Pomazani, mars 1530, AGR SEA 764 f° 158, inédit, cité par C. Piot, « Notes sur les relations diplomatiques de Charles-Quint avec la Perse et la Turquie », Extrait du Messager des Sciences Historiques de Belgique, Gand, 1843, dans Opuscules , I, 1 ; Piot pense qu'il s'agit d'un agent envoyé par l'empereur ; en fait il ne s'agit que d'un « avis ». Postel, La tierce partie des Orientales histoires, 42, « La pluspart de ces bombardiers icy sont Ponentins ou Occidentaus, asçavoir François, Italiens, Espagnols, Allemans, Hongres regniés, & Chrestiens. » Maurand, en 1546, voit à la fonderie de Tophane "des Allemands qui, au nombre de 40 ou 50, y font les pièces d'artillerie. » Lors de la campagne de 1532, l'envoyé bavarois à Budapest a été étonné de voir des canons pesant jusqu'à 100 quintaux (10.000 kg.) pouvant tirer des boulets d'un cental (Correspondenzen und Aktenstücke zur Geschichte des Verhältnisses der Herzöge Whilhelm und Ludwig von Bayern zu König Johann von Ungarn. Ed. August Muffat, Munich, 1857 {Quellen und Erörterungen zur Bayrischen und Deutschen Geschichte IV), p. 252, cité par Szakâly Ferenc, Lodovico Gritti in Hungary 1529-1534. A Historical Insight into the Beginnings of Turco-Habsburgian Rivalry (Studia Historica vol. 197), Budapest lCf. Colin Heywood, « The activities of the State canon foundry (Tophane-i amire) at Istanbul in the early sixteenth century, according to an unpublished Turkish source », Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju, 30 (1980, pp. 212 sq.). 2 Nouvelles de Rome touchant L'Empereur. Imprime en Anvers au Naveau par moy Michiel de Hoochstraten l'an mdxxxvi. Kellenbenz, « Jakob Rehlinger, ein Augsburger Kaufmann in Venedig », Beiträge zur Wirtschafts und Stadtgeschichte. Festschrift für Hector Ammann, Wiesbaden, 1965, pp. 362-379. 4 Gabor Âgoston, « Ottoman Gunpowder Production in Hungary in the Sixteenth Century : The Baruthane of Buda », in Hungarian-Ottoman Military and Diplomatic Relations in the Age of Süleyman the Magnificent, Lorand Eötvös University, Budapest, 1994 , 149-159. Gâbor Agoston, "Gunpowder for the Sultan's Army: New Sources on the Supply of Gunpowder to the Ottoman Army in the Hungarian Campaigns of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries", Turcica 25 (1993) 75-96.

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transfert de fonds et l'émigration illicite. Dès février 1531, des nouveaux chrétiens portugais qui venaient d'arriver à Anvers sont arrêtés, mais sont libérés en se référant aux lettres de sauf-conduit accordées par l'empereur en 1526 1 .

3. L'affaire Mendès, premier épisode

(1532-1533)

Au printemps 1532, alors que Soliman est parti de Constantinople avec l'intention d'envahir l'Allemagne, l'Empereur Charles Quint, qui a rejoint la diète de l'Empire à Ratisbonne, est approché par un certain David Reuben, imposteur venu de l'Inde au Portugal, se faisant passer pour l'ambassadeur d'un roi juif qu'il prétendait exister dans le Haybar, au fond de l'Arabie, et venant chercher des armes en son nom. Reuben était passé à Avignon, Ferrare et Mantoue, et promettant d'aider à la libération de la Terre Sainte des Turcs, « annonçant qu'il allait emmener les Juifs de leurs Etats pour les conduire dans son pays »Jusqu'à la supercherie soit découverte. Un secrétaire du roi du Portugal, Diego Perez, revenu au judaïsme sous le nom de Salomon Molkho, parcourt l'Italie et la Turquie, rencontrant les Cabbalistes de Salonique, publie un recueil de prédications annonçant pour 1540 la fin de la captivité d'Israël et l'arrivée du Messie, puis revient à Rome où Clément VII l'autorise à s'établir où il veut; lié à David Reuben, il se rend à Ratisbonne (1532) pour avoir une « controverse avec l'empereur sur les choses de la foi... mais l'empereur ne l'écouta point », le fait jeter en prison puis emmener à Mantoue, où il est condamné au bûcher. David Reuben est remmené en Espagne, et meurt en prison 2 . Le 5 juin 1532, le confesseur de l'empereur à Bruges reçoit la déposition du fils d'une femme d'origine juive, épouse d'un nouveau, médecin ordinaire du roi du Portugal. Cette femme, fuyant son mari, serait arrivée à Anvers avec ses quatre enfants en 1521, et recueillie par les membres de la colonie marrane, et en particulier Diego Mendès, Gabriel de Negro, Emanuel Serano et Loys Peres, et sur leurs conseils, craignant que son mari la fasse revenir au Portugal, elle serait partie pour Salonique avec ses enfants. Son fils, après des pérégrinations à travers toute l'Italie, avait abouti en piteux état à Anvers à la recherche de son père, allant, sur les conseils d'Emmanuel Serano, rival de Mendès, raconter sa vie au confesseur de l'empereur et 1 Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, p. 186. Joseph Ha-Cohen, La vallée des pleurs, Présentation apr J.P. Osier, Centre d'Etudes don Isaac Abravanel, Paris, p. 116-119 ; Franco, Moïse, Essai sur l'histoire des Israélites dans l'empire Ottoman depuis les origines jusqu'à nos jours, Librairie A. Durlacher, 1897; réédition, Centre d'Études Don Isaac Abravanel, Paris, 1981, pp. 52-53. Sanuto, Diarii, LIV, 145-148, signale son passage à Venise en 1531. 2

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affirmant que les personnes qui avaient conseillé sa mère étaient juifs et non chrétiens 1 . Ses allégations, confirmées par les espions gouvernementaux, ont servi à ouvrir un procès contre les principaux négociants nouveaux chrétiens, Gabriel de Negro, Emmanuel Serano, Loys Perez et en particulier contre Mendès. Le procureur général du Brabant, Boisot, fut désigné pour surveiller la marche de l'enquête menée devant le tribunal d'Anvers, mais le margrave de la ville traîna des pieds, gardant le prévôt envoyé de Bruxelles dans sa maison sous un prétexte de circonstance, donnant le temps à Gabriel de Negro et probablement aussi à Loys Perez de s'enfuir en Allemagne, libérant Manuel Serano pour défaut de motif à l'accusation. Boisot réussit toutefois à faire appréhender Mendès début juillet, le faisant transporter à Bruxelles et garder au secret, mettant ses livres sous scellés. Aussitôt, une délégation de marchands portugais, accompagnée du géographe Damien de Goes, s'est rendue à Bruxelles pour exposer les risques que la détention de Mendès ferait courir aux emprunts de l'empereur et aux foires des épices des années à venir. Mendès en effet, avait contribué aux emprunts que le roi du Portugal avait consenti à contracter pour aider l'empereur dans la guerre contre les Turcs — promettant 200.000 florins au facteur portugais qui devaient être remis aux Fugger pour les faire parvenir aux mandataires de l'empereur en Allemagne; il avait en outre en dépôt des sommes importantes appartenant à divers seigneurs portugais2. Le magistrat d'Anvers, défendant les privilèges de jurisdiction de la ville, s'est inquiété des abus de pouvoir et violation des privilèges de la ville commis par le procureur Boisot. De son côté, le roi du Portugal, averti, s'est inquiété des dettes que Mendès devait encore régler sur ses derniers achats d'épices ; le facteur portugais à Anvers s'en est ouvert auprès de l'empereur.

Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, p. 201-202. Cf. S. Ullmann, Histoire des juifs en Belgique jusqu'au 18e siècle (Notes et Documents), Anvers, Imprimerie et Lithographie Delplace, Koch & Co, p. 31. Le texte original signalé comme se trouvant aux AGR a disparu du dossier indiqué par l'auteur. 2 Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, pp. 186, 190, 202, 204, 207, 215, 230 ; AGR, Audience 1177 2 A n° 3.

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Doc. 2 - Lettre de Ruy Fernande/, facteur du roi du Portugal au pensionnaire de la ville d'Anvers Adrien Herbouts, 21 juillet 15321 A Monsieur Maistre Adrien, le Penssionaire de la ville d'Anvers en Bruselles Monssieur, Maistre Adrien, Je me recomende à vous. Je croys que vous estes adverty du cas de Diego, Mendez, noustre bon amy. Maistre Luys, le comisaire a tant fait hojourduy avecque Messieurs, que on luy a rendu Diego Mendez en sez mains arrière et l'ont amené sous la monnoie de Pittre Vastrate. Ilz ne veult que nulluy parle à luy et le tient ainssy estroit comme s'il fusist ung Turque, que eust toussjours mal vaicu. Jusques à maintenant il ne l'ont point encores accussé de riens ; toutefois le Brugumaistre m'a dit qu'ilz l'ont impossé qu'il est Juyf, ce qu'ilz sçaront byen mal à prouver, à mon advys ; néontmays, pour ce que l'homme est de pettite couraige, comme vous sçavez, s'on nelle laysse parler et veoir ses amys, il se mourira de deuil. Oultre cella, il doibt au Roy, mon Maistre, bien deux centz mylle ducatz, lesqueles il doibt païer en cez trois fêtes venantz... du Roy, et oultre, il doibt beaucop d'argent à gentz de ceste ville, et nous sommes sour le train du paiement délia feste. Véritablement, s'on nelle remest en sa maison et qu'il peusse veoir ses livres et ses comptes et tenir son crédit, il ne paiera au Roy, mon Maistre, ne à tous les aultres, par quoy beaucop de marchans et gens de bien pouroient faire banqueroutte, aussy bien en ceste ville que alleurs, et touchant les paiementz délia feste, ylz seront tous gâtés, à ceste causse, et oultre cecy, que c'est que plus me fait mal, c'est que le Roy mon maistre, m'escript que je fesisse prest deux centz mille ducatz, lesquelz il donne d'ayde à l'Empereur contre ceste guerre du Turc, comme on poura veoir pour les lettres que j'ay du Roy, lequel argent Diego Mendez me debvoit fornir ceste feste, et j'ay fait ung contract aveque luy pour la ditte somme, lequelle je doybs païer au Foccere 2 , pour les païer en Allemagne, comme l'on peult se demander. Je me dubte que se on ne laysse Diego Mendez arrire en sa maison et crédit, que ne pouray fornir laditte somme d'argent à l'Empereur, et pourtant je vous prie que sour toutez choses vous faites tant que on nelle tire point de ceste ville et que, donant sufissante causion de ce qu'on luy peult demander, qu'on le remaisse arrire en sa maison et crédit, car véritablement il en verra beaucop de maulx, et pour ce que vous entendes bien la matière, il ne vous fault pas dire beaucop. Faitez que les privilèges délia ville nous soient gardez, affin que les marchans peussent résider en la ville et nelles boutez point dehors. Monssieur, s'il vous semble qu'il soit profitable de promettre à quelque ung de cez Seigneurs de court ung, deux ou trois centz florins, afin qu'ilz tiènent la main et qu'on ne fasse tort à Diego Mendez pour avoir plus brief justice, pour faire sa marchandisse, je vous prie que les promettes par ceste ; je me oblige de vous rendre tous systost que verrés en ceste ville. En touchant voustre paine, je vous prometz que vous sera très bien païée. J'envoierey demain au matin Jorge de Barres et Damien de Goez, les deux scripvains du Roy, mes compagnons, devers la Roine et

* Archives d'Anvers, Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, 206-208. Fugger.

2

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Conseil, pour luy donner à cognoistre le cas et qu'elle nous veulle proveoir de justice, et touchant les deux cent mille ducatz que je doibis fornir à l'empereur, je vous prie que vous ne dites riens, pource que les scripvains apporteront les lettres du Roy avecque eulx et ilz parleront à vous plus largement. Aultre chose, synon que je vous recomende le cas le plus fortement qu'il m'est possible. D'Anvers, le xxj e jour de juillet de l'an 1532. Je suis vostre, le facteur, P. Ruy Fernandez

1

Doc. 3 - Note du Magistrat à l'empereur Charles Quint, 2 août

1532

A l'Empereur, Extract et copie translatée d'ung article contenu ès lettres du roy de Portugal envoyez par deçà à Monsieur son facteur, en date, etc. 2 Aussi je escripve du mesme affaire aux seigneurs de la ville, et vous leur direz de ma part que nous l'estimerons fort qu'ilz travaillent de leur cousté que ses biens vous soient délivrez, comme j'en espère qu'ilz feront, puisqu'ilz appartienent à moy, car les marchans qui les ont envoyé par delà ne l'ont encoires payé ; et à cause que je sçay la liberté du pays et les bons œuvres, lesquelz en la dicte ville, depuis pluiseurs ans ençà, en son train et nobilité, a receu du roy, mon seigneur et père, cui Dieu absoille, et aussi de Moy, je tiens fermement que, à ce respect et autres occasions, ilz feroient que les biens, venuz par-delà, seroient à tousjours seurez, de sorte que je ne pourroye jamais perdre quelque chose. Par quoy j'ay tousjours fait donner crédit aux marchans qui les achattèrent en nostre maison et envoyèrent par-delà, sans y prendre d'iceulx aulcune plaisgerie ou caution, et que, se astheure, je voye le contraire que je ne croy qu'il soit, il seroit mescier commander de muser le train et affaire d'espéceries en quelque autre lieu où ce qu'on fist ce qu'ilz ont jusques astheure tousjours fait ; puisque iceulx et tout le pays, par mon ayde, a tant gaigné, ne doibvent désirer que chose aulcune y succède que je perde. Escripvez-moi ce qu'on en faict, et la ayde qu'ilz vous donnent, car je le désire fort assavoir.

Doc. 4 -Requête de Ruy Fernandez, facteur du Portugal à Anvers, à l'empereur Charles Quint, 2 août 15323 A l'Empereur, Remonstre en toute humilité Ruy Fernandis, facteur du roy de Portugal, comme ledict remonstrant bien saysant que les poivres, succres, biens, espéceries, marchandises, desquelles partye puis naguères sont esté vendues et partant les crédites procédez d'icelles et grande qualité qui est encoires en ' Archives d'Anvers, Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, 208-211. ^ Archives d'Anvers, Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, 211-212 ^ Archives d'Anvers, Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, 212-214.

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estre à la maison de Diego Mendis en la ville d'Anvers, appertiennent à pluiseurs marchans résidens en Portugal, subjeetz de la Majesté dudict Roy, et est icelluy Diego Mendis d'iceulx que facteur et négociateur ; partant à icelluy remonstrant bientost après qu'il avoit entendu que le diet Diego Mendis estoit prins en corps et tous les susdietz biens aussi arrestez, ce que dessus humblement fut remonstré à Vostre Majesté, affin que à l'honneur et en faveur du diet Roy, les subgectz d'icelluy Roy, ne le Roy seront adommagiez, et peult estre combien icelle remonstrance n'a esté faicte autrement ne à autre intención que pour la cause susdicte, que aucuns aient prins et entendu comme se la dicte remonstrance aurait esté faicte unement et seullement en faveur du diet Diego Mendis ; aussi peult apparoir de ce que dessus, par le rescript du diet roy, fait le ij e jour d'aoust dernier, passé en Lixbonne, par lequel Sa Majesté signifée avoir esté advertí en poste, par lettres du facteur de Jehan Francisci de Laffetati, que le diet Diego Mendis, le xix e de juillet dernier passé, estoit au diet Anvers constitué prisonnier et que tous les biens et marchandises estans en sa maison aussi arrestées et que au diet Anvers estoient aussi arrestez, en corps et biens, pluiseurs nouveaulx cristiens ; escript en oultre le diet Roy, à cause que Sa Majesté ne sçavoit, par lettres du diet remonstrant, la cause de la capture du diet Diego Mendis et de l'arrestacion des biens ; aussi que le diet remonstrant scet bien que le diet Diego Mendis est facteur de Francisque Mendis, son frère, et Jeorge Lopez, Diego Redrigo Pinto et de ses frères, de Eduwart Tristram et de pluiseurs aultres marchans subjeetz résidens au diet Portugal, lesquels subjeetz avoient achatté des officiers de Sa Majesté et en sa maison nommée des Indes, scituée à la ville de Lixbon, les susdietz poivres, sucres, biens, espécieries et marchandises, debvent encoirent au diet Roy les deniers d'icellui achat, et que en cas le diet Diego Mendis aurait délinqué, que partant les biens des dietz subjeetz, marchans de Portugal, ne doibvent estre confisquez, a pour ce le diet Roy mandé et commandé au diet remonstrant et à icelluy envoyé mandat espécial que incontinent se transporterait vers Vostre majesté et autres juges, là où il appertiendra, et poursuyvir que les dictes spéceries, et tout ce que dessus, avec ce qui est procédé à luy remonstrant, serait délivré, et ce jusques à la somme que les subjeetz pour icelles debvent à Sa dicte Majesté ; a le diet Roy, à ceste fin, envoyé aussi certiffication de la quantité des espéceries et marchandises que ses dietz subjectif ont eu de luy et envoyé de par dechà, et à ceste cause, a le diet Roy encoires envoyé au diet remonstrant lettes de crédence pour Vostre Majesté Impériale ; aussi de ce que dit est apperra assez, conformément par les livres, lettres, missives et autres enseignemens du diet Diego Mendis, et tout ce non obstant, entendt le diet remonstrant que les commissaires par Vostre Majesté députez et commis, ont les susdietz poivres, succres, biens, espéceries et autres marchandises que dessus, fait peser et point au jour d'arrest, comme se les biens des dietz subjeetz de Portugal estoient condempnées au proffit de Vostre Majesté, à très grande confusion, eschandale de dommaige des dietz subjeetz, marchans de Portugal ; et tandiz que le diet arrest tiendra, est-il apparent qu'ilz supporteront encoires très grans dommaiges ; ce que le diet remonstrant, ensuyvant la charge et commandement de la Majesté de son Seigneur et Roy, a convenu remonstrer, pour sur ce estre pourveu de remède convenable. Supplie partant qu'il plaise à Vostre Majesté ordonner que lesdietz poivres, succres, biens, espéceries, marchandises et crédites procédé d'icelles, soyent délivrez ès mains du diet remonstrant, ensuivant le rescript et la requeste du diet Roy, soubz récépissé pertinent, et ce au prouffit des dietz ses subjeetz, marchans

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de Portugal, et jusques à la quantité qu'ilz sont redevables au dict roy ou que au dict suppliant soit permis de povoir administrer et vendre les susdictz poivres, sucres, biens, spéceries et marchandises, affin que, des deniers procédans, faire et tenir bonne et léal compte et reliqua, pour l'asseurance du dict Roy, des dictz subjetz et des autres ausquelz toucher pourroit. En ce faisant, etc.

Doc. 5 - Copie d'un billet1 Diego Mendis a une manière de faire en faisant sa marchandise qui tent à monopole ; assçavoir que lui et ung nommé Jehan Kaerle, quant ilz viengnent vers le roy de Portingal, ilz achatent de lui pour vj c , viij c ou xij c m ducatz à une fois d'espiceries, assçavoir noix, d o u x , gingembre, povere et autres espéceries, et conviengnent du paiement avec lui, et davantage mectent des condicions en leur marché que le Roy ne pourra à nullui vendre espiceries que à eulx, et s'ilz en vendent nomméement, ilz exclusent que l'on ne les amènera en ses pays de par-delà, qu'ilz appellent Flandres, affin que ilz les vendent à leur volenté, et que nulluy n'en aura que eulx, et les fault venir querre^ à eulx, autrement n'en aurez point. En faisant leur dicte marchandise, souvent vj, viij, x ou xij marchans, lesquelz ont pour emploier en ce que dessus, l'un x m , ung autre xij m , ung autre xx m ducatz, l'un plus et l'autre moins, que dèsent achater des dictes espiceries, et affin qu'ilz puissent mieulx conduire leur affaire, sont contens prendre et accepter en leur compagnie, et auront part, chascun à son avenant, au prouffit et dommaige ; bien entendu que les espiceries demeurent ès mains du dict Diego Mendis et Jehan Karle, et n'en pèvent les associerz joyr d'une once, affin que ne les vendent ou distribuent aux subgetz. Et quant le marchandise est venue par-delà, ceulx qui en ont affaire se ritirent vers les dictz Diego Mendis et Jehan Carie, pour en avoir ; ilz ballent la livre de poivre pour xxviij gros, et pour venir à leur entente, les autres marchans, qui sont associez comme dessus, dient et font dire qu'ilz ont du povre à vendre par ordonnance des dictz Diego et Carie ; mais ilz ne le veullent bailler que pour xxix gros, et n'oseroient moins dire, car ilz yroient contre leur promesse, et partant sont constrains, pour gaigner ung gros, retourner et aller aus dictz deux marchans, qui par ce moyen composent et destruisent les pays de par-deçà. A Lixbonne, les dictz deux marchans en font ainsi et constraindent le roy de leur vendre ses espiceries ; car ilz ont tous ou la pluspart des marchans associez comme dessus que n'oseroient reins achater sans eulx, pour ce que le roy aime mieulx à vendre à grosse somme une fois que de le vendre par petites parties. Et si s'avance d'en vendre aux autres marchans, les dictz Diego et Jehan Carie le lessent, et si le roy leur demande pourquoy ils n'achatent riens, ilz dient : « Vous avez commencé à vendre aux petiz compagnons, parfaictes.» et partant véant que ses espices lui demeurent en ses mains, est constraint besoingnir avec eulx.

' Archives d'Anvers, Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, 215-217. Chercher.

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Et encores oultre ce, à Lixbonne, s'ilz vendent leur espicerie à quelques marchans, ce qu'ilz font souvent ilz condicionnent expressément qu'ilz n'en manneront ne vendront aucune chose en Flandres, car ilz gardent ce quartier pour eulx. Et semblablement, quant ilz vendront, par-delà Anvers, à aucuns Almans, Oesterlins, François, Angloix ou autre nacion, ilz condicionnent expressément qu'ilz le mèneront hors du païs sans en vendre ou lesser une once par-delà ; dont la commune est fort traveillée, car, quant telz monipoles n'ont point de lieu, les povres marchans gaignent les ungs aux autres et à la marchandise son cours, et au compte nullui ne gaigne que eulx deux. Ilz en vendent aux marchans et grossiers 1 par-delà, qui le vendent par onces, livres et autrement, et ceulx-là ne les peuvent adommager, car ce qu'ilz achatent est peu de chose. Pour respondre à la requeste du roy, Diego Mendis l'a tout paié de par eulx deux ; mais ce que le roy demande, c'est la porcion des associez qui dénient encoire au roy aucuns terms qui ne expérez, pour ce qu'ilz n'ont la puissance de paier avant le terme, comme le dict Diego ; et néanmoins sont leur espiceries ès mains des dictz Diego et Carie. Le 12 août 1532, quand Mendès paraît devant la cour, les accusations d ' h é r é s i e tombent, tout autant que l ' a b u s de monopole, l'accusation se concentre sur les aspects externes : on lui reproche d'avoir continué d'expédier les biens des marranes à Venise chez le libraire hébraïsant Daniel Bomberg 2 . Mendès se défend, affirmant n'avoir effectué q u ' u n e opération purement commerciale, Venise n'étant d'ailleurs pas Salonique. Finalement il f u t décidé d'examiner les livres de Mendès par «gens neultraulx» et en secret, puis, début septembre, de libérer le banquier, sous caution de 50.000 ducats, payés au trésorier de la reine W o l f g a n g Haller, et sous contrainte de répondre à chaque appel et de fournir des renseignements sur les fonds des marranes en sa possession : « aussy sera le dit Diego Mendis tenu et obligié de affermer, révéler et déclairer par serment les biens, denrées, deniers et substances qu'il en ses mains et povoir, appertenant aux Juifz estans en Turquie et des autres nouveaulx chrestiens, lesquelz il scet estre retirez d'Anvers ou en chemin pour eulx transférer en Turquie, sur paine de confiscation de corps et biens

' Grossistes. n Sur Daniel Bomberg, cf. A. Goovaerts, Généalogie de la famille van Bomberghen, Bruxelles, 1914. L. Guicciardini, Description de touts les Pais-Bas, 1582, p. 174: « est sorty aussi d'Anvers, Daniel Bomberghe, homme sçavant & bien versé en Hébrieu; le fils duquel, nommé Charles, est docte et studieux, comme encore l'est son neveu Cornille: lequel semble que soit le remier, qui en ce pays ait fait imprimer des livres en Hébrieu». Décision de la reine Marie sur le cas de Diego Mendis, 7 et 13 septembre 1532 ; Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, p. 243.

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Le 8 octobre 1532, Granvelle écrit à Marie de Hongrie que l'empereur lui laisse les mains libres « l'affere de Bruxelles et de Diego Mendes, l'Empereur vous remet de fère touchant ledit Diego Mendes ainsi que adviserez pour le mieulx... » 1 La décision prise par la reine est ultérieurement confirmée par lettre de l'empereur du 10 novembre, tandis qu'il adoptait un édit défendant l'accès des Pays-Bas aux nouveaux chrétiens intentionnés d'aller en Turquie, et que par ailleurs une lettre du 27 novembre 1532 légitimait le monopole des épices, à la demande de son cousin le roi du Portugal 2 . Une douzaine d'autres Marranes furent également libérés moyennant le versement de 12.077 livres. Quelques mois après, l'empereur demande à vérifier ce que l'on envisage de décider. Il écrit, le 1 er février 1533, à Marie, de Bologne 3 : quant à l'appointement avec Diego Mendes, je tiens que y aurez fait pour le mieux et plus convenable, toutesfois ne vous en sçauroye dire plus avant jusques j'auray entendu comme la chose sera passée, par celluy que devez envoyer devers moy, comme vos dittes lettres contiennent...

La conviction que les « nouveaux chrétiens » et les juifs constituent une deuxième colonne informant Barberousse conduit peu à peu à leur expulsion des terres de l'empereur, notamment du royaume de Naples, particulièrement de Manfredonia 4 : l'empereur, d'Italie, en novembre 1532, décide l'expulsion immédiate des juifs du royaume de Naples, à l'exception de ceux qui se convertiraient au Christianisme. L'édit est publié le 5 janvier 1533 à Naples, mais son application est retardée jusqu'au 5 juillet 1534 ; certaines interventions demandent que restent au moins quatre cent familles « de las mas facultosas ». Au premier trimestre 1534, deux espions turcs pris dans le royaume de Naples déclarent faire partie d'une organisation complexe, dans tout le pays, aux ordres de Barberousse. A Manfredonia, plusieurs Juifs sont dénoncés pour leurs contacts permanents avec leurs parents de Salonique, et d'autres parties de l'empire ottoman où ils se rendaient fréquemment,

1

AGR Audience 123, f° 61. Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, pp. 206-208, 211-212, 214-215, 217sq. , 230, 235-236, 238,240, 244, 251 ; AGR, Audience 1177 2 A n° 3. 3 AGR Audience 48, f° 15 v°. 4 Simancas, Estado, leg. 1017, 39 ; cf. Paolo Preto, I servizi secreti di Venezia, EST, Milan, 1999, p. 482; F. Ruiz Martin, "La expulsion de los judíos del Reino de Ñapóles", II, Epoca de Carlos V, in Revista Hispania, xxxv (1950), pp. 73-79; N. Ferorelli, Gli Ebrei nell'Italia meridionale dalla età romana al secolo XVIII, Turin, 1915; José Maria del Moral, El virrey de Ñapóles Don Pedro de Toledo y la guerra contra el Turco, Madrid, CSIC, 1966, pp. 7 5 , 8 8 fn. 7; Dejanirah Couto, « L'espionnage portugais dans l'empire ottoman au XVI e siècle », dans La Découverte, le Portugal et l'Europe, Actes du colloque, Paris, 26-28 mai 1988, Fondation Calouste Gulbenkian, Centre Culturel Portugais, Paris, 1990, p. 250, fn. 22. Citant : Joâo Lúcio de Azevedo, Historia dos Cristâos Novos Portugueses, Clàssica Ed., Lisbonne, 1975 ; Cecil Roth, The House ofNasi, 2 vol., Philadelphie, 1948. 2

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soupçonnés d'informer les Turcs des préparatifs et projets de l'empereur 1 . L'expulsion est confirmée par l'empereur, depuis Tolède, le 24 mai 1534 ; puis, suite à des démarches, elle est reportée jusqu'à avril 1535 : le marquis de Villafranca écrit le 26 octobre 1534 à Charles V que les juifs qui donnent 1500 ducats de tribut par an pourraient bien financer quatre galères pour participer à la flotte de Doria 2 , en échange d'une prolongation de leur séjour pour dix ans moyennant le paiement d'un montant de 20.000 ducats soit 2000 ducats par an; toutefois l'accord de Charles ne vient qu'en janvier 1535. L'ordre d'expulsion sera renouvelé en 1540 — la plupart des Juifs avaient commencé à partir vers les Etats pontificaux, où ils devaient porter un signe distinctif rouge, ou vers Ferrare ou surtout vers la Turquie. Leur émigration sera achevée en octobre 15413.

4. L'affaire Anthoine Fernandez (1534) A peine l'affaire Mendès close, Marie de Hongrie fait arrêter, en décembre 1533, le nouveau chrétien Antonio Fernandez, «marchant de la nation du Portugal ayant f a i c t sa r é s i d e n c e e n la v i l l e d ' A n v e r s par l ' e s p a c e de douze à treize ans continuels, y faisant et exerçant grand train de marchandise»,

alors qu'il s'était mis en route pour se rendre à Lyon et à Venise «en ses affaires et négotiations». Fernandez est appréhendé à Leeuwe, près de Halle, au sud de Bruxelles, mis au secret au château d'Ecaussines pendant près de six mois, — en violation des privilèges d'Anvers, qui impliquaient qu'une personne appréhendée devait être présentée en justice dans les trois jours de sa détention. Le procureur désigné par la reine, Christian Baers, place les scellés sur les biens et documents de Fernandez, en contrevenance aux usages locaux et fait emprisonner ses domestiques, dont une « servante moresse ». Fernandez est accusé d'entretenir des relations avec les nouveaux chrétiens de Turquie pour le compte de Mendès

1 Don Pedro de Toledo à Charles Quint, de Naples, 26 avril 1534, AGS, Estado, leg. 1017 F 42-43 et 1018. 2 AGS, Estado, leg. 1017, F 77. Felipe Ruiz Martin, « La expulsion de los Judios del reino de Napoles », Hispania, Madrid, (9), 1949, pp. 28-76, 179-240 ; Ferrorelli, N., Gli ebrei nell' Italia meridionale dell'età romana al secolo XVIII, Turin, 1915. Les juifs d'Ancóne passent en 1544 à Raguse en espérant revenir à leur religion maternelle (Lettre de Baltazar de Faria au roi Joào III, de Rome, du 8 mai 1544, citée par Dejanirah Couto, « L'espionnage portugais dans l'empire ottoman au XVI e siècle », 1990, p. 258, fn. 54.).

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et qu'il avoit, en contervenant les ditz status et ordonnances, fréquenté les ditz pays de par-delà, sans congié ou licence, et fait marchandises avecq aucuns Juyfz ou nouveaux chrestiens, receupt et logié leurs personnes et marchandises et fait assistance à iceulx pour eulx retirer hors des dits pays en Turquie

et de fréquenter les Pays-Bas depuis trois ans sans avoir fait renouveler ses lettres de pas 1 . Simultanément les nouveaux chrétiens sont globalement accusés de gagner des fortunes grâce à leur cartel sur le commerce des épices, dont ils exclueraient les marchands locaux. Autrement dit, il est accusé d'immigration et émigration illégales, d'abus de position dominante, et de transferts frauduleux de fonds.

Doc. 6 - Raisons et motifs pour lesquels Anthoine Fernandez a été arrêté, 25 mai 15342 L'Empereur, nostre Sire, désirant pourveoir et obvier sur les abus concernant la foy catholicque, le faict des monnoies, la diversité des coustumes sur les monopoles, tant sur les victuailles que ès autres marchandises qui se font par les nouveaulx Chrestiens et autres marchans, sur les bancqueroutes et fugityfz, sur les vagabondes, sur ce que l'on trasporte, les chevaulx hors des pays de par-deça, que autrement, Sa Majesté, par délibération du Conseil et par I'advis de ses Nobles et Estaz de ses dictz pays, a faict pluiseurs belles et louables ordonnances fondez en droit en toute équité et grandt prouffit du bien publicque ; et jachoit que icelles ordonnances et status, depuis trois ans enchà, ont esté partout en iceulx pays publiées, ce non obstant, n'ont les officiers en leur endroit fait aucun debvoir pour exécuter les dites ordonnances et status, de sorte que icelles demeurent infraictueux, dont grant mal et inconvénient journellement s'ensuyt ; bien est vray que, depuis certain temps ença, ung commis, de par la dite Majesté Impériale, a prins et appréhendé ung appelle Anthoine Fernandis, à cause qu'il est Nouveau Chrestien et qu'il avoit, en contervenant les ditz status et ordonnances, fréquenté les ditz pays de pardeça, sans congié ou licence, et fait marchandises avecq aucuns Juyfz ou Nouveaux Chrestiens, receupt et logié leurs personnes et marchandises et fait assistance à iceulx pour eulx retirer hors des ditz pays en Turquie, etc. Ce venu à la cognoissance de la Royne Douaigière de Honguerie, Régente et Gouvernante, etc., a commis et député Maistre Chrestien Baers, secrétaire de la dite Majesté Impériale, pour prendre información sur le dit Anthoine et ses consors, circonstances et deppendans d'icelles. Et jachoit que par icelle información appert clèrement ce que dessus, et d'abondant que icelluy Anthoine, avecq ses consors, aussi Nouveaulx Chrestiens, dix ou douze en nombre, eulx tenans en Anvers, ont commis monopole ; et en cas que l'on pourrait avoir accès ou ouverture des livres, 1 Un permis de séjour dirait-on aujourd'hui. Voir aussi détention du marrane Jean Rodrigo, pour avoir négligé de se munir de ses lettres de sauf-conduit (janvier 1535). ^ Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, pp. 282-285.

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papiers, lettreaiges et munimens d'icelluy Anthoine, estant en la ville d'Anvers, dont le dit Maistre Chrestien Baers n'a peu avoir vision ou lecture, parce que l'homme ou serviteur du dit Anthoine, appellé Francisque Alvarys, ait emporté hors du comptoir du dit son maistre ses principaulx lettres et pappiers, l'on trouveroit aultres délictz. Appéra aussi clèrement que le dit Anthoine, avecq ses consors, nouveaulx Chrestiens, assçavoir Diego Mendis, Loys Fernandis, Ruy Perus, Diego de Camergo, Steven Perus, Fernande d'Espaigne, Emanuel Sarrano, le filz de Gonsale Fernandis, Rodrigo de Péris, Diego Dies, Loys de Cyvilia, Gabriel de Negro, ont secret entendement avecq les juyfz, nouveaulx Chrestiens ou aultres marchans, eulx tenant par-dechà ou au royaulme de Portingal, assçavoir, avec Jehan Charles, Lucas Geraldo, Chrestiens eulx tenans par-deçà, Francesque Mendis, frère de Diego Mendis, Anthoine Martines, son filz, Noene Henricus, Henrico Noenes, son frère, Aloncho de Torris, Diego de Torris, son frère, George Vixorda, Thomas Sarrano et aultres, de sorte que les ditz juyfz ou nouveaulx chrestiens eulx tenans au dit royaulme de Portingal, d'an en an font contractz avecque le dit roy du dit Portingal, de tous les espéceries et drogueries, à condicion que nulz Flamengs ou aultres marchans n'auront part ne porcion avec eulx, comme il appert par les ditz contractz, et, ce fait, envoyent iceulx juyfz ou nouveaux chrestiens, par-delà les dites espéceries ou marchandises par-delà, ès mains des ditz nouveaulx chrestiens par-delà, lesquelz les vendent à leur appétit, au très grand grief des marchands de par-delà et du bien publicque, de sorte que auparavant le dit monopole, l'on souloit avoir les dites espéceries la moictié meillieur marchié que l'on a à présent. Et, qui pis est, quant les ditz nouveaulx chrestiens, qui n'ont pas ung piet de terre par-delà, ont fait grand et inextimable gaing par-delà, ilz s'en vont et emportent avecq eulx grande quantité des biens, comme en argent comptant, par lettres de change, que autrement, en Turquie, et aultres pays, etc. Par quoy, actendu que selon le dernier contract, fait en novembre dernier avecq le dit roy de Portingal, les dites espéceries sont tous, assçavoir les poivres, ès mains des ditz juyfs ou nouveaulx chrestiens, et les drogueries ès mains de deux autres marchans, par égale portion, chargiez par eulx pour les mener par-delà, valissant deux ou trois cens mille ducatz, il fault avoir sur ce bon advis, actendu que, selon le contenu des dites ordonnances et status, les dites marchandises sont tous confisquez. Et pour manier cest affaire de bonne sorte, actendu que c'est une matière de grande importance et conséquence, et qu'il touche à la Majesté Impériale, aux marchans et bien publicque, et aussi la ville d'Anvers, il semble que la Royne Régente, etc., doit sur ce faire assembler son Conseil d'Estat, aucuns du Privé Conseil, deux ou trois du Grand Conseil de Malines, deux ou trois du Conseil de Brabant et de Flandres, y appelle ceulx des Finances, en présence de Sa Majesté, pour résoudre et conclure ce qu'il sera de faire en ceste matière. Et au surplus, actendu que le Procureur Général de Brabant ait tant affaire ès causes fiscales qu'il ne pourroit journellement vaquer en ceste ou semblables matières, circonstances et deppendences d'icelle, actendu aussi qu'il n'a substituyt, sera besoing commectre quelque personnaige expert pour prendre informacion sur l'entretenement des dites ordonnances et status, mesmement aussi pour prendre tous aultres informacions précédentes par ordonnance de la dite Royne, de ses conseilx, Finances et Chambres des Comptes, lequel aura povoir et puissance, en l'absence du dit Procureur

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Général, faire toutes les choses que à ung procureur général de Brabant appartient, et sur ce luy faiure expédier lettres de commission.

Cette nouvelle affaire suscite un immense émoi dans la communauté des négociants d'Anvers, qui inquiète des répercussions financières de la faillite éventuelle de Fernandez, résista à fournir les informations demandées, certains marchands menaçant de partir de la ville, beaucoup se faisant délivrer des attestations d'orthodoxie par des prêtres. Le magistrat de la ville souligne la complète illégalité du comportement des procureurs de la reine : Anthoine Fernandes a esté et est, par tant de temps, tenu et amené prisonnier hors du pays, et mal et sans droict et justice traicté et mis, par deux fois à torture, sans loy ou jugement ; semblablement ses serviteurs et servante ; son comptoir et secretz sont ouverts et visités en l'absence et sans le sceu des officiers et justice de la ville d'Anvers ; demain ou après demain, on pourrait nous faire le semblable. *

L'affaire a été réglée par lettre décision du Conseil secret du 5 octobre 1535, craignant que le départ des nouveaux chrétiens n'ait des conséquences commerciales désastreuses le retirement des marchans entraînerait une perte, dommage et intérest perpétuel, inestimable et irréparable

laissant aux marchands d'Anvers leurs anciens privilèges, libérant Fernandez mais maintenant en prison sa Moresse 2 . La même année 1535, la conquête du royaume de Tunis par CharlesQuint conduit également à une expulsion des Juifs de Tunisie 3 . Le succès de l'expédition en Afrique du Nord, les préparatifs d'une grande expédition contre les Turcs, et sur le plan interne des Pays-Bas l'écrasement des anabaptistes et à l'affaiblissement du luthérianisme, amènent l'empereur à relâcher la pression : par lettre du 27 février 1537 de Bruxelles, suite à une requête présentée par les nouveaux chrétiens le 15 février, il autorise les nouveaux chrétiens à s'installer à Anvers et aux Pays-Bas avec leurs familles et leurs biens, et à jouir de tous les droits des marchands, libres d'aller et venir et sans pouvoir être poursuivis hors du lieu de leur résidence.

1 BAA, VII, 343, 2 Septembre 1535, Mémoire du magistrat à la reine Marie de Hongrie. 2

Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, VII, pp. 251,254, 257, 265, 271-273, 281-285, 289, 293, 310, 305,330-334,423. 3 Abitbol, p. 91.

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chrétiens du royaume de Portugal de venir se fixer à Anvers et dans les autres villes des Pays Bas, en y jouissant de tous les droits, libertés et franchises dont jouissent les marchands étrangers 1 « De la part des nouveaulx chrestiens du royaulme de Portugal nous a esté remonstré comment ilz désirent doresenavant résider et demourer, hanter et converser [en] noz pays de pardeçà et mesmement en nostre ville d'Anvers, en payant les tonlieux et autres droiz accoustumez, ce qu'ilz n' oseraient bonnement faire ne attempter obstant certain edict et deffence de par nous faicte^, contenant que nulz nouveaulx chrestiens ne pourront venir ne résider en nosdicts pays de pardeçà sans saulfconduyt, lequel edict toutesfoiz leur semble qu'il se doibve entendre des nouveaulx chrestiens que se vouldroient transporter en Salonicque ou autre part pour apostazyer de la saincte foy catholicque, et ne seroit vraysemblablement à entendre des bons chrestiens nouveaulx qui désirent vivre comme bons et vrays chrestiens baptisez sont tenuz de faire, sans nostre congié et licence... » et leur donne « congié et licence de grâce espéciale par ces présentes, que doresenavant ilz puyssent et pourront librement et franchement avecq leurs femmes, enffans, serviteurs, familles, biens, denrées, marchandises, bagues, joyaulx et meubles quelzconcques ainsi que bon leur semblera venir demourer, hanter et fréquenter nostredicte ville d'Anvers ou autres villes de nosdicts pays de pardeçà, et y user de tous tels droiz, libertez et franchises dont usent autres marchans estrangiers, parmy payant les thonlieux et autres débites telz que lesdicts marchans estrangiers sont accoustumez de payer »... 27 février 1537. 5. Reprise des poursuites contre les nouveaux chrétiens (1538). Affaire Mendès (deuxième épisode, 1543-45) 3 Cette décision n ' a donné q u ' u n répit de courte durée à la communauté nouvelle chrétienne. Dès le 18 juillet 1538, de Bruxelles, Marie de Hongrie ordonnait à Guillaume van Lare d'arrêter les nouveaux chrétiens qui se seraient hasardés hors d ' A n v e r s pour se transporter en Turquie 4 . Le commissaire désigné paiera son salaire sur l'argent confisqué aux nouveaux chrétiens:

Liste chronologique des édits et ordonnances de Charles V, 27 février 1536 (vieux style) Recueil des ordonnances des Pays-Bas, 2e série- 1506-1700, t. IV, par MM. J. Lameere et H. Simont, Bruxelles, J. Gomaere, Imprimeur du Roi, 1907, pp. 10-12; AGR Audience 1177/2 : l'édition imprimée omet la titolature qui se trouve dans l'original des AGR. 2 T. III, p. 343, 14 août 1532. •^Voir pour toute cette affaire, Léon Voet, Antwerp, the Golden Age, Mercatorfonds, Anvers, 1973, pp. 266-269, renvoyant à J. A. Goris, Turksche kooplieden te Antwerpen in de XVI e eeuw, Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis, 1922 ; et J.A. Goris, Etudes sur les colonies marchandes méridionales à Anvers, 1477-1567, Louvain, Librairie Universitaire, 1925, pp. 556-577; P. Génard, « Poursuites judiciaires à Anvers pour « faict de religion » », Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, t. VII, p. 205 ; cf. P. Fredericq, Corpus documentorum Inquisitionis pravitatis Neerlandicce, Gand, 1902-1906 ; Kalkoff, Die Anfänge der Gegenreformation, Halle, 1903. 4 Liste chronologique des édits et ordonnances de Charles V, 18 juillet 1538.

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Comme il soit venu à la congnoissance de la royne douaigière de Honguerie, de Bohême, etc., régente et gouvernante pour l'Empereur en ses pays de pardeçà, qui puis aucuns jours en çà pluisieurs nouveaulx chrétiens se seraient secrètement absentez du royaulme de Portugal et arrivez en la ville d'Anvers, à intencion de fainctement et par dissimulacion eulx transporter et aller résider en Salonicque et ailleurs sous l'obéyssance du Turcq, où les juyfs tiennent leur demeure, pour appostazer de la saincte foy catholicque, enfraindant par ce tel saulf conduit qu'ilz pourraient alléguer avoir obtenu de Sa Majesté», commet «Guillaume de Lare, porteur des présentes, soy transporter et tenir en tous lieux où que besoing sera pour arrester, prendre et appréhender tous et quelzconques lesditz nouveaulx chrestiens»... «il aura d'autant le jour qu'il affermera y avoir esté occupé trente solz, de deux groz monnoie de Flandres le soit, par chacun jour, à en estre payé des deniers que viendront des amendes et confiscacions desdits nouveaulx chrestiens, non autrement... *

En janvier 1540, cent marranes portugais, parmi les plus pauvres, cordonniers, drapiers ou merciers, apportant vaisselle et linge, les ducats restants cousus dans la doublure de leurs habits, débarqués en Zélande, sont arrêtéset sévèrement interrogés sur la foi par le receveur, probablement terrorisés, incapables de fournir de caution, et finalement relâchés2. Le 16 décembre 1540, de Yalenciennes, Charles Quint tout en confirmant les dispositions de 1537, publie un édit défendant aux nouveaux chrétiens l'entrée des Pays-Bas, et une Ordonnance enjoignant à l'écoutète et au margrave d'Anvers de se faire dénoncer les juifs et ceux qui vivent selon les rites de la religion israélite : « ordonnant très sévèrement de notre part que tous ceux qui connaissent des personnes vivant comme des juifs, entretenant leurs cérémonies ou observant le sabbat des juifs, seront tenus de les dénoncer et signaler à vous-même ou au bourgmestre de la ville d'Anvers, sous peine d'être considérés comme faulteurs et réceptateurs des juifs et seront punis et corrigés comme tels » (en thiois) 3 ; ces dispositions seront reconfirmées par une lettre de l'empereur du 12 juillet 1542 au margrave d'Anvers 4 . Le 30 septembre 1541, du magistrat d'Anvers envoie une requête à l'évêque d'Arras, Granvelle avertance de ce que porte information de ceulx de la loy d'Anvers, endroict du faict des nouveaulx Chrestiens, estans venuz du 1 AGR Audience 1158, publié dans Recueil des ordonnances des Pays-Bas, 2e série- 15061700, t. IV, par MM. J. Lameere et H. Simont, Bruxelles, J. Gomaere, Imprimeur du Roi, 1907, p. 77. AGR, Audience 1177 2 A, f° 63 sq : « En la ville de Middlebourg les xve et xvie jours de mars xvcxl pardevât le gentmaister assisté de l'advocat sistat du grant conseil ... et deux interprétateurs entendans les langaiges portugaloix franchois et thiois ont esté examinés les ersonnes qui s'ensuivent et ont respondu côme il s'ensuyt. » Recueil des ordonnances des Pays-Bas, 2e série- 1506-1700, t. IV, par MM. J. Lameere et H. Simont, Bruxelles, J. Gomaere, Imprimeur du Roi, 1907 ; [Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, II, p. 224 sq. Ernest Ginsburger, « Marie de Hongrie, Charles Quint, les veuves Mendès et les néochrétiens », Revue des Etudes Juives, t. DXXXIII, pp. 179-191. 4 Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, II, p. 225.

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royaulme de Portugal à négocier et résider en la ville d'Anvers, ensemble leur advis en cest endroit» 1 - où il fait observer qu'à «débouter [les nouveaux chrétiens] de l'hantise, commerce et fréquentation des chrestiens, car ne pouvans négocier, hanter ne fréquenter ès pays de chrétiens, ne avecques chrestiens, ne faict à doubter que de ce ne prennissent occasion de prendre ailleurs leur refuge et soy transporter en Salonique, Turquie ou aultre pays infidelz, où que l'on les vouldroit recepvoir et admectre ». Ainsi les négociants résistent à l'expulsion des nouveaux chrestiens, qui font la fortune de la ville : « que n'y ayt aussy aultre considéracion pour laquelle deussent faire ladicte retraicte d'icy, au moins vers Salonicque, Turcquie ou ailleurs hors de Chrestienneté, là où, comme qu'ilz disent, ilz n'ont ne père, ne mère, ne frère, ne parent, ne alié, ne aultruy au monde, qui les apertient de riens, ains que ont ceulx-là demourans et résidens en Portugal, leurs respondans en faict et traficque de marchandise et négociation, envoyans les ungz aux aultres et reçoivans réciproquement les marchandises, dont ont de besoings et que servent pour l'ung pays et l'aultre. Et comme ilz disent avoir leurs négoces et affaires de leur train, dispers par tout le monde en plusieurs lieux d'Espaigne, Civilia 2 , Calismalis 3 , Corduba et de Portugal, comme Lixbonne et Algerbe, par toutes les Indes et toutz autres pais du monde, où que peuvent négocier, hanter et fréquenter librement et franchement, comme toutz aultres marchans estrangiers, comme une fois l'on scet qu'ilz font de très grandes affaires et traicte de marchandise...

Doc. 8- Lettre de l'empereur à Marie de Hongrie, juillet 1542, Monzon 4 Madame ma bonne sœur, Je vous ay nagaires faict envoyer les doubles et extraitz autentiques des examens et responses d'aulcuns nouveaulx chrestiens qui estaient venuz d'Anvers en Italie, en intention, comme ilz ont confessé de passer en Turquie, et ont esté détenuz à Milan, Pavie et Veneglano et interrogiez par Jean Wuystinck, substitut de Messire Cornille Sceppers, commissaire principal, et les officiers desdits lieux, par lesquelles confessions ilz chargent aulcuns que sont à Anvers d'induire les aultres à aler en Salonique et à ce leur donner les moïens et assister d'argent. Et combien que je ne doubte vous les aurez fait veoir et visiter et en aurez usé conforme à la raison et mon intention, de laquelle oultre la démonstration que j'en feiz estant par-delà vous ay souvent adverty par lettres, touttefois estant la chose de telle qualité et tant importante à nostre sainte foy, et le bien de mes païz, vous en ay bien volu escripre derechief, et vous prier et recommander très affectueusement que vous faictes procéder contre les suspects selon l'exigence et comme vous trouverez par la vision des dites

1 Ullmann, Histoire des juifs en Belgique, pp. 44-57. Séville. 3 Cadix. 4 AGR, Audience 53, f° 209; reproduit par J. Reznik, Le duc Joseph de Naxos, 2

1936, p. 235.

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pièces au cas appartenir, comme chose estant de ceste qualité et tant emportante. Au marcgrave d'Anvers, Cher et féal, avant notre partement de par delà, nous avons fait advertir de notre intention touchant les procédures que avons ordonné estre faictes contre les nouveaulx crestiens résidens en nostre ville d'Anvers observans les cérémonies de la loi judaïque. Et pour ce que depuis nostre dict partement, elles ne se sont continuées, comme l'avions ordonné, et que entendons journellement la persévérance et que plusieurs soubs umbre d'aller à Ferrare ou Venise et aultres costez passent en Turquie induitz et assistez par aultres de la mesme secte, faisant leur résidence audit Anvers qu'est chose très préjudiciable à nostre sainte foy et république crestienne et très dommageable et pernicieuse pour noz pays tant généralement que particulièrement, désirans à ce pourveoir, et affin que aultre plus grant mouvement ne s'en ensuive, avons nagaires escript à la royne douhagière d'Hongrie, de Bohème, régente, etc. , ma dame nostre bonne seur, qu'elle se feit informer de ce que dessus et présentement luy escripvons qu'elle face veoir en conseil les doubles et extraits authenticques des examens et confessions d'aulcuns de la mesme secte nagaires détenuz et interroguez à Milan, Pavie et Viglenano, et de faire procéder contre les coulpables comme elle cognoistra le cas de requérir. A quoy vous ordonnons très expressément et à certes et une fois pour toutes faire tout debvoir, en obéissant pleinement et entièrement à tout ce que nostre dicte sœur en mandera et ordonnera et de manier que tous coulpables et délinquans soient puniz et chastiez selon l'exigence des dits cas. Et que en ce il n'y eust faulte. Et encoires le vous recommandons très à certes. A tant, etc. De Montzon, le xij e de juillet 1542 Mendès cherche à gagner du temps : en 1540-41, il négocie avec le légat du pape pour obtenir le renvoi de la création de l'Inquisition au Portugal, mais ne veut verser q u ' u n accompte de 30.000 ducats, la somme totale ne devant être versée q u ' a u résultat 1 . En 1542, aux côtés de la nation génoise à Anvers, il contribue à un prêt de 219.800 livres 1 sol à Marie de Hongrie « pour emploier en ses urgens affaires et mesmes au payement des gens de guerre de cheval et de pied estans lors à la deffence desdist pays contre la France »2. En fait, l'étau se resserre : en 1542, Ferdinand de Habsbourg ordonne l'expulsion des juifs de Bohème qui se réfugient en Pologne 3 . Quand Diego Mendès meurt en 1543, il laisse sa fortune à sa veuve Brianda, épousée en 1539, et désigne comme exécuteur testamentaire sa bellesœur, Béatrice 4 , veuve de . de son frère Francesco Mendès, recueilli sa veuve, Béatrice de Luna, fortunée, venue du Portugal avec les membres de sa famille, 1 Herculano, Historia da Origem e estabelecimento da Inquisiçâo em Portugal, t. II, p. 174. Grunebaum-Ballin, Joseph Naci, duc de Naxos, Paris-La Haye, Mouton, 1968. 2 ADN B 2430 (registre 1542). 3 Joseph Ha-Cohen, La vallée des pleurs, p. 123. 4 Testament du 28 juin 1543 devant le notaire Guillaume Stricht à Anvers dans Bulletin des Archives d'Anvers, t. VII, pp. 252-253.

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dont sa fille Reyna. L'empereur veut faire saisir ses biens, ce que Béatrice prévient moyennant le versement de 40.000 ducats, mais Marie de Hongrie impose un prêt forcé à la maison de 200.000 florins. Charles Quint intervient aussi auprès de Marie de Hongrie, pour qu'elle demande le mariage d'un certain Francisco d'Aragon, soi-disant bâtard de la maison d'Aragon, qui avait promis 200.000 ducats à l'empereur, avec la fille de Mendès : « en considération du service qu'il m'a fait desçà por longtemps et aussi à l'impératrice de bonne mémoire avec laquelle il vint en Espaigne La reine Marie refuse toutefois d'intervenir en faveur de Francisco d'Aragon, et Charles Quint se rallie à sa sœur : « Je n'ay jamais entendu ny désirez que assistez en cette affaire synon avec dehue honnesteté et sans user de nulle espèce de contraincte desraisonnable » 2 . Les deux sœurs quittent Anvers, sous couvert de se rendre aux bains d'Aix-la-Chapelle, laissant partie de leurs biens dans leur maison, mais poursuivent leur route par Lyon vers Venise ; elles auraient liquidé leurs créances, et emporté plus de six cent mille ducats dans des coffres de grande dimension 3 . Quand le pot aux roses est découvert, la famille est loin, à Venise- leurs biens restés à Anvers sont saisis. Un convoi de marranes se rendant des Pays Bas vers l'Italie pour aller en Turquie est arrêté à Colmar le 7 mai 1545, et avoue avoir été aidé dans son départ par Béatrice de Luna 4 . La suite est bien connue. Juan Micas (Johannes Miquez, Micques, plus tard Joseph Nassi), né vers 1524, étudiant à Louvain en 1542, fils d'un médecin de Lisbonne et neveu des dames de Luna ; interviendra auprès de Marie de Hongrie, en 1546, comme facteur des dames Mendès, proposant de dédommager la reine en échange de la levée des séquestres sur les biens des sœurs, qui « n'estoyent estymées autres que bonnes crestiennes » mais portugaises et avaient bien droit de changer de domicile «et si elles avoient failly d'estre retirées secrètement d'Anvers — ce qu'elles pensoient leur estre loisible — que la faulte n'estoit si grande que pour ce tous leurs biens debvoient leur estre confisquez » « que semblait estrange à tout le monde de prendre les biens d'un marchand qui se retire » 5 . Quinze lettres sont échangées entre juillet 1546 et juillet 1547 entre l'empereur et sa sœur au sujet de l'affaire. L'empereur transige pour 30.000 écus le 1 er juillet 1546 ; trois 1 Lettre de Spire, du 28 avril 1544, AGR, t. VII., cf. Ulmann ; ceci laisse entendre que ledit Aragon était Portugais. 2 Lettre de l'empereur à Marie de Hongrie, Spire, 25 mai 1544. 3 Lettres de l'ambassadeur Navagero des 5 septembre et 21 octobre 1545, Venise, Biblioteca Marciana. Ernest Ginsburger, « Marie de Hongrie, Charles Quint, les veuves Mendès et les néo-chrétiens », Revue des Etudes Juives, t. DXXXIII, pp. 179-191 ; cf. Mme Fernanâ Halphen, « Gracia Mendès », Revue de Paris, 1er septembre 1929. 4 Ernest Ginsburger, Revue des Etudes Juives, t. DXXXIII, p. 56. ^ Lettre de Marie de Hongrie du 6 avril 1546 à Charles Quint.

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coffres sont saisis chez des marchands à Fiissen, près d'Augsbourg, appartenant aux Mendès, remplis de perles et de doublons d'or chez des marchands, mais les sœurs font saisir les biens de ces marchands à Venise, et l'archevêque d'Augsbourg intervient auprès de l'empereur en leur faveur . La reine refuse d'appliquer la transaction, et exige la comparution des fuyardes, écrivant le 16 juillet 1546 que le montant des créances et biens appartenant aux sœurs est bien supérieur à ce que Micas a proposé. Sur l'insistance de Marie, Micas propose une transaction sous forme d'un prêt sans frais de 200.000 livres, contre la cessation des poursuites et des lettres de pardon. L'empereur refuse le compromis « j e ne puys pardonner pour estre chose attachant à la foy » et Micas part sans rien obtenir. Une lettre de change est tirée sur les biens confisqués aux héritiers de Diego Mendès, en septembre 1548, depuis Valladolid, pour 90.000 livres destinés au grand écuyer de Boussu le 21 octobre à Anvers, suivi d'un nouveau prêt garanti de 60.000 écus sur la place de Ratisbonne 1 . Les sœurs Mendès, à Venise, se présentent sous le nom de Luna comme chrétiennes, et engagent des procès pour se partager l'héritage de leurs défunts se montant à plus de 10.000 ducats en plus de bijoux personnels ; elles quittent Venise en 1552, grâce à l'intervention de çavu§ Htiseyin puis Sinan, envoyés les réclamer à la demande de Amon de Luna, alias Moses Hamon, médecin personnel de Soliman, qui aurait souhaité marié un de ses fils à une héritière Mendès 2 .

6. L'expulsion des nouveaux chrétiens Les persécutions contre les juifs et nouveaux chrétiens se poursuivent : en janvier 1545, l'empereur adopte une ordonnance d'expulsion des juifs de Gueldre et Zutphen 3 . Les persécutions au Portugal amènent de nouveaux convois de nouveaux chrétiens aux Pays-Bas.

1

Carande, Carlos Vy sus Banqueros, 460,487-488. Maria Pia Pedani, In Nome del Gran Signore, Inviati Ottomani a Venezia dalla Caduta di Costantinopoli alla Guerra di Candia, Venise, Deputazione Editrice, 1994, pp. 153-159, citant Milano, Storia degli Ebrei, et Kellebenz, I Mendes. Lettre de Soliman au doge de Venise dans Mühimme Defteri de 1552, Uriel Heyd, « Moses Hamon, Chief Jewish Physician to Sultan Stileyman the Magnificent », Oriens, 16 (1963), p. 159. Graetz, Geschichte des Juden, IX, p. 366 ; P. Grunebaum-Ballin, Josef Naci, duc de Naxos, Paris, 1969. 3 Extrait des Grands Livres de Placards de Gueldre et Zutphan, vol. 1, f° 16, reproduit par J. Reznik, op. cit., pp. 238-239. 2

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Marie de Hongrie écrit à l'empereur, le 2 juin 1547 de Tornhout 1 : Journellement arrivent en Anvers grant nombre de nouvaux crestiens venans de Portugal, qui petit à petit se retirent par divers quartiers. Et ne sçay comment y remédier, car quand on les appréhendt, ilz se disent crestiens sans que on les sceit convaincre de quelque délict, sinon de leur fuyte de Portugal, pour laquelle excuse allèguent diverses raisons. Et quand on en parle au facteur de Portugal, il dit n'avoir charge de les poursuyvre ou charger, et si est à craindre qu'ilz se retirent quelque part pour laisser la foy cristienne.

A quoi l'empereur répond tout simplement le 20 juin : Quant aux nouveaux crestiens qui viennent journellement de Portugal et se retirent par-delà, il sera bien que y faictes prendre bon regard... 2

Début juillet 15473, Marie de Hongrie revient sur le sujet : «Quant aux nouveaux crestiens qui viennent journellement de Portugal en Anvers, ilz passent continuelement dudit Anvers en France et de là (comme l'on diet) vers Ferrare, sans que scet riens alléguer contre iceulx, en tant qu'ilz se dient bons cristiens et sçavent généralement respondre de la foy cristiene, combien que la présumtion soit grande que ilz ne se retirent dudit Portugal en si grand nombre, sans estre grandement suspeetz. Et quand on les interroge pourquoy ilz se retirent, disent qu'ilz le font pour avoir meilleure commodité de vivre, non sachans gaigner leur vie audit Portugal, que n'est vraysemblable. J'en ay par ci-devant fait parler avecq le facteur de Portugal pour y remédier, mesmes que si le roy de Portugal vouloit défendre leur partement de Portugal et pourvoir par publication que on se conformeroit de ce costé, mais il n'estoit de cest avis, et luy sembloit que on les debvoit laisser convenir et que si par bonne manière on les sçavoit faire demourer par-dechà que se fust esté bien fait, pour le prouffit que le pays en recepvroit, parce que sont gens industrieux. Ceulx d'Anvers se sont doulus de grant nombre qui y arrive et quant je leur ay demandé advis pour y pourveoir, ils désiroient que on leur eust accordé certain lieu vage où ilz ont ragrandi la ville pour illecq édifier et povoir demourer en portant une mareque comme font les Juifz en Allemaigne, ce que je ne trouvay raisonable, car s'ilz sont Juifz Vostre Majesté ne les vouldroit tollérer en voz pays mesmes les avoir fait retirer de Geldres, et s'ilz estaient cristiens, on leur feroit tort faire porter mareque. Monseigneur, il y a grande présumption contre eulx qui sont vrays Juifz, qui petit à petit se retirent vers la Salonicque, oires que on ne les scet convaincre et pour y pourveoir ne voye autre remède que entièrement leur défendre la hantize de vos pays. Mais en ce faisant est à craindre que la négociation de voz pays diminuera en tant que aulcun d'eulx font grand train de marchandise. Votre Majesté me pourra commander son bon plaisir... » 1 AGR, Audience 59, f° 160 (et non 109); reproduit par J. Reznik, Le duc Joseph de Naxos, 1936, p. 70, fn. 6. 2 AGR, Audience 59, F 175. 3 AGR, Audience 59, f° 192-193 (et non 187); reproduit par J. Reznik, Le duc Joseph de Naxos, 1936, p. 70-72, fn. 6.

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Doc. 9 - Lettre de l'empereur à Marie de Hongrie, 18 octobre 1547, Augsbourg1 Madame ma bonne seur, j'ay tousjours délaissé de respondre à plusieurs voz lettres et mesmes des xj, xvij e de juillet et xviij e du mois passé... Quant aux nouveaulx chrestiens qui arrivent journellement en Anvers, il me semble que debvriez user comme le roy de Portugal et les laisser passer sans permettre le séjour audit Anvers si vous n'avez raison ou occasion au contraire pour laquelle vous semble que l'on deust user autrement dont me pourez advertir et que l'on tienne tousjours grande advertance en leur endroit que leur commerce n'infecte le pays de leurs dompnables erreurs... A tant, d'Augsbourg, le xviij d'octobre 1547

Doc. 10 - Lettre de Marie de Hongrie à l'empereur, 22 avril 154S, Bruxelles2 De Bruxelles, le xxij e d'avril 1548, Monseigneur, estant arrivée le ix de ce mois en ceste ville j'ay comunicqué à ceulx du conseil d'Estat de Vostre Majesté les appostilles que avez fait mectre sur les mémoires des affaires de voz pays de par dechà pour les faire encheminer et effectuer suyvant vostre bon plaisir, en quoy on fera tout debvoir possible.... Quant aux nouveaux chrétiens qui viennent de Portugale en Anvers, je n'ay sceu entendre que depuis mon partement de par dechà vers Ausbourg en soyent arrivés aulcuns en voz pays. Et ceulx qui y estoient arrivez auparavant sont ou la plus part retirez et ordonneroy aux autres aussy eulx retirer sans en recepvoir nouveaulx et n'y a personne qui sert à parler de la rue des Juifz nouvellement faite en Anvers. Vray est que puis nagaires on fait pluseiurs nouvelles rues et que en aulcuns d'icelles plusieurs desdits nouveaux cristiens venus de Portugal ont logé, mais qu'ilz vivent publiquement comme juifs, l'on ne l'a jamais sceu enfoncher, quelque diligence que on y ayt fait et si on l'eust peu prouver on n'eust fallu de les faire chastier, comme on a fait en Zélande de plusieurs y appréhendez et exécutés. Et l'on en a autrefois prins plusieurs à Anvers, mais parce que on ne les sçavoit convaincre, on a esté constraint les relaxer. Et en ay autrefois fait parler avecq le facteur de Portugale, résident en Anvers, luy faisant remonstrer l'intérest que le roy son maître pouvoit avoir avecq le temps en laissant partir si grant nombre de gens de son royaulme, pour par son moyen recouvrir preuve de Portugale de la qualité desdits nouveaulx cristiens, mais il s'excusa et ne se volut mesler, disant que si on les ne vouloit laisser passer par yci, trouveraient aultres passages, fust par France ou Italie. Si ceulx qui ont fait ceste advertence à Vostre Majesté sçavoyent 1 AGR, Audience 59, f° 221 et 224; reproduit par J. Reznik, Le duc Joseph de Naxos, 1936, p. 236 ; voir aussi réponse de Marie de Hongrie, du 31 octobre 1547, AGR, audience 59 f° 229 ; nouvelle lettre de l'empereur de mars 1548, AGR, Audience, 60, f° 11, toutes deux reproduites dans Reznik, op. cit., 236-237.

^ AGR, Audience 60, f° 41 et 46 v°-47 r°; reproduit par J. Reznik, Le duc Joseph de Naxos, 1936, p. 237-238 ; voir également lettres du 3 mai 1548, ibid. f° 47, et réponses de l'empereur, des 7 et 16 mai 1548, ibid. f° 62 et 67, Reznik, op. cit. p. 238.

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aulcuns moyen de les convaincre et faire apparoir qu'ilz sont juifz ou vivent à la mode de juifz, en advertissant je feray faire tout debvoir possible pour les faire chastier, mais pour ce que extérieurement ilz vivent comme aultres cristiens et inerrogez de la foy sçavent très bien respondre à propoz, les juges ne les veullent condempner sur les suspicions que on a qu'ilz se retirent de Portugale pour tirer quelque part pour laisser la foy et vivre à la judaisque... Le 15 juillet 1549, dans une ordonnance adoptée à Gand, l'empereur révoque les privilèges accordés aux nouveaux chrétiens et met en demeure ceux qui sont venus aux Pays Bas depuis six ans, de partir dans le mois qui suit : différentes personnes, qui se disent être des nouveaux chrétiens, en invoquant la qualité de commerçant ou autre... en étant toutesfois pour la plupart des Juifs et marranes, alors que les autres retombent petit à petit dans leur croyance juive, entetenant dans leurs habitations le sabbat et d'autres cérémonies juives, tellement secrètement qu'il n'est pas possible de le constater et de le vérifier, si grands soient les suspicions ou les indices, et qui sont remarqués d'autant moins que d'autre part elles font profesion de foi chrétienne, de même que l'expérience a montré plus d'une fois que beaucoup d'entre elles, qu'on considérait comme de bons chrétiens, après avoir résidé longtemps dans nos pays d'outre frontières, et y avoir amassé or et argent, ont quitté ces pays prénommés et ont fixé leur demeure à Salonique et en d'autres lieux hors du royaume chrétien, où ils ont vécu publiquement comme des juifs, après donc s'être soustrait aux pays prénommés et avoir dérobé secrètement et ouvertement les biens prénommés aux pays chrétiens... ' Une autre ordonnance du 30 mai 1550 réitère les mêmes injonctions 2 . Les derniers n o u v e a u x chrétiens habitant A n v e r s quittent la ville pour Ferrare... * *

*

Ainsi, en vingt ans, l'on est passé d ' u n e tolérance limitée par la crainte de l'espionnage contrebalancée par des intérêts purement commerciaux à une persécution purement idéologique, quand les premières accusations n ' o n t pu être étayées d'aucune preuve concrète. La Contre Réforme était en route... Les n o u v e a u x chrétiens retrouveront dans l ' E m p i r e ottoman leurs libertés religieuses.

' Texte néerlandais et traduction française dans Ullmann, Histoire des juifs en Belgique, pp. 6466, qui transcrit non pas Salonicque mais « Salamancque », ce qui ne fait pas de sens. Ullmann, Histoire des juifs en Belgique, pp. 66-68.

THE MODERNISATION OF THE OTTOMAN DIPLOMATIC REPRESENTATIONS IN EUROPE: THE CASE OF THE EMBASSY OF ISMAIL FERRUH EFENDl TO LONDON (1797-1800) Mehmet Alaaddin YALÇINKAYA

In this paper, the embassy of Ismail Ferruh Efendi to London will be examined within the context of the modernisation of permanent Ottoman diplomatic representation in Europe in the era of Selim III. In order to see the historical motives that played a role in the establishment of permanent representations in Europe, developments in Ottoman foreign policy and its organisation will also be evaluated briefly, with a special emphasis on the activities of Ismail Ferruh Efendi as an ambassador to London. His influence on Ottoman foreign policy will then be studied through archival sources and other works that have hitherto been published. In the early stages of the reign of Selim III (1789-1807), the Ottoman Empire attempted to reorganise some of its basic institutions in line with European standards. The Sultan was determined to prevent his state from declining and meant to transform his Empire into a modern state. He strongly believed that this objective could only be achieved by modernising the vital institutions of the empire such as the army and the department of state, resiulkuttaplik in the Ottoman parlance.1 Indeed, diplomacy was one of the principal channels through which European ideas and methods were transmitted into the Ottoman Empire. This required the existence of permanent embassies in European capitals. However, there were no such embassies in any of the major European capitals until 1793.2 Therefore the first permanent 1

Selim III and his reforms have been examined by many researchers but the most striking work is written by Shaw. See, S.J. Shaw, Between Old and New, The Ottoman Empire under Sultan Selim III 1789-1807, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1971. ^ There are few studies on the establishment of the first permanent Ottoman embassies in European capitals and adaptation of European diplomatic rules by the Ottoman State. On this subject see, M.A. Yal?inkaya, The First Permanent Ottoman-Turkish Embassy in Europe: The Embassy ofYusufAgah Efendi to London (1793-1797), (Unpublished PhD. thesis Birmingham University 1993); "Mahmud Raif Efendi as the Chief Secretary of Yusuf Agah Efendi, The First Permanent Ottoman-Turkish Ambassador to London (1793-1797)", OTAM 5 (1994), pp. 385-434; "Bir Avrupa Diplomasi Merkezi Olarak Istanbul, 1792-1798 Donemin Ingiliz Kaynaklanna Gore", Osmanh I: Siyaset (Bilim Ed: Kemal fi?ek/Cem Oguz), Ankara 1999, s. 660-675; "Istanbul as an Important Centre of European Diplomacy (According to British. Sources During the Period, 1792-1798)", Great Ottoman-Turkish Civilisation, vol. I Politics, Ankara 2000, (Editor-in-chief Kemal C ^ e k ) , pp. 523-537; "Turk D i p l o m a s i s i n i n Modernlegmesinde Reisiilkuttab Mehmed Ragid Efendi'nin Rolti", The Journal of Ottoman Studies-Osmanli Ara^tirmalari XXL 2001, pp. 109-134.

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representation was established in London, with the appointment of Yusuf Agah Efendi. This study emphasizes the establishment of the first permanent embassies in London, especially the activities of the second ambassador, Ismail Ferruh Efendi (1797-1800), and Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations and diplomats of other countries in London; his political, social, cultural activities will also be examined.

a) Initial Stages of the Establishment of the Permanent Ottoman Embassies in Europe When Selim III became sultan in 1789, he was at first unable to initiate any reforms because of the lengthy wars on the European frontiers of the empire against Russia and Austria. However, in 1792 after the conclusion of the treaties of Zistovi in 1791 with Austria and Jassy in 1792 with Russia, the new Sultan started to reorganise Ottoman institutions on European lines. This reorganisation was not comprehensive, but mostly confined to military institutions. The reforms were called by the Ottomans Nizam-i Cedit (New Order). 1 One change was the establishment of the permanent Ottoman diplomatic representatives in major European capitals in 1792. This reform was the only original one and it had greater implications for the Ottoman state than the other reforms at the time. 2 According to the diplomatic reform scheme of the Sultan, ambassadors were to be appointed to the major European capitals as permanent resident envoys. They were to be replaced every three years, along with their staff which consisted of a secretary, first and second interpreter, attaché, treasurer and some young men from leading families who were sent abroad by the Ottoman state for training. Ambassadors had two important functions in their diplomatic missions: The first was to represent Ottoman interests and to have young men in their retinues to be trained to become civil servants by learning foreign languages and improving

1

For a general evaluation of the New Order see, E.Z. Karal, Selim Win Hat-ti Humayunlari Nizam-i Cedit -1789-1807, (Ankara, 1988, first edition 1946). 2 For earlier works on this reform period see, T. Naff, Ottoman Diplomacy and the Great European Powers, 1789-1802, (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation University of California 1961); "Reform and the Conduct of Ottoman Diplomacy in the Reign of Selim III 1789-1807", J AOS 83 (1963), 295-315; E. Kuran, Avrupa'da Osmanh Ikamet Elgiliklerinin Kurulu§u, ilk Elgilerin Siyasi Faaliyetleri, (Ankara, 1968) and M. A. Yal^nkaya, "III. Selim ve II. Mahmud Donemleri Osmanh Di§ Politikasi", TURKLER 12, (Ed. H. Celal Giizel, Kemal Qifek, Salim Koca), Yeni Tiirkiye yaymlan, Ankara, 2002, pp. 620-650; "The Eighteenth Century: A Period of Reform, Change and Diplomacy (1703-1789), THE TURKS (Ed. Kemal p e e k - C e m Oguz), Yeni Tiirkiye yayinlari, (Ankara, 2002), pp. 91-123.

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their general knowledge. The second was to protect the interests of Ottoman tradesmen in their commercial activities.1 The establishment of permanent diplomatic representations, starting in London, was decided at a meeting held on 13th July 1793 at Bebek in Istanbul between the Reisulkiittab and the British Ambassador. 2 The choice of the Porte for the place for the first permanent embassy in Europe was Britain, with whom she had long and good relations. The Porte had also had amicable relations with France for a long time. Therefore, sending the first permanent mission to Paris instead of London was considered, but the Porte was concerned that this move might offend the other great powers of Europe who were at war with France at this time, and they might refuse to accept an Ottoman minister. 3 According to Turkish and British archival sources, there were four distinguished personalities present, on the Turkish side: the Reisiilkiittab Mehmed Ra§id Efendi, the former Kadiasker of Rumelia, Tatarcik Abdullah Efendi, the Dragoman of the Porte Gheorghe Constantine Morozi, on the British side British ambassador in Istanbul Sir Robert Ainslie, his secretary Plobrond and Stephano Pisani, the interpreter. According to the mukaleme mazbatasi, (minutes of the meeting) Tatarcik Abdullah Efendi was acting as a secretary to the Chairman of the meeting. 4 The meeting lasted four hours and ended at midnight. During the meeting, topics concerning the establishment of the permanent embassy of the Ottoman Empire in London were discussed. Discussion mainly focused on the necessity and importance of the permanent embassies and reciprocal diplomacy between the different countries; necessary formalities concerning the appointment of the ambassador; ceremonies in honour of the Ottoman Ambassador at the court of London and the journey of the Ottoman mission to London. 5 Finally during the meeting, four categories of diplomatic representations were discussed: a) Ambassador (Fevkalade Btiyukelgi or Btiyukelgi) b) Envoys extraordinary and Ministers plenipotentiary {Fevkalade Ortaelgi) c) Ministers resident (Orta Elgi or Ministeri recidan)

1

Researchers have quoted this information from Ahmed Cevdet Pa§a. Similar information has also been given by chronicler Halil Nuri. I assume that Ahmed Cevdet had used preliminarily archival sources as well as the chronicles and Halil Nuri's history. See, Ahmed Cevdet Paga, Tarih-i Cevdet, tertib-i cedid, Vol. VI (Istanbul 1303), p. 73 and Halil Nuri, Tarih-i Nuri veya Tarih-i Osmani, A§ir Efendi (Siileymaniye Kiitiiphanesi), Tiirkge Yazma no: 239, p. 48. 2 For detailed information on this meeting and the discussion about the date of the meeting on the basis of archival sources see, Yalfinkaya, The Embassy ofYusufAgah Efendi, pp. 30-31. 3 Cevdet Pa§a, Tarih VI, p. 73-74. 4 Ainslie to Grenville, PRO FO 78/14 no: 18,25 July 1793 and BOA HH 15090A. 5 Ainslie to Grenville, PRO FO 78/14 no: 18,25 July 1793 and BOA HH 15090A.

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d) Charge d'Affaires (Maslahatgiizar).1 Actually, until the Congress of Vienna in 1815, there were no established diplomatic services or agreed forms of representations between countries. 2 Ainslie, who had the rank of ambassador in Istanbul, was referred to as Biiyiikelgi? At the meeting both sides ruled out the status of a Minister Resident, because this category was considered too low. The rank of the ambassador and ministers plenipotentiary were almost identical, apart from the expenses and the protocol. The ambassadors' expenses were 250 purses (kise) per year higher than those of Ministers plenipotentiary. Ainslie suggested that the rank of the Ottoman ambassador should be between that of an ambassador and a Minister plenipotentiary. At the court of London, Spain, Holland and formerly France were represented by Ambassadors; Austria, Russia, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark and Sicily were represented by Ministers plenipotentiary and Venice, Genoa and Parma were represented by Ministers resident. 4 In his report Ainslie sums up the debates on the rank of the Ottoman ambassador as follows: 5 The Porte prefers to appoint an Envoy Extraordinary which I observed might lead to Disputes about Precedency, and I advised to give the Turkish Minister the same Rank that I have at this court or leave the appointment to be determined by Your Lordship and him on the Spot which with his Mode of proceeding to London are still undetermined.

At the meeting they decided to keep this matter secret until the choice of the Turkish Minister should be published. After this consultation the Porte did not waste time in appointing Yusuf Agah Efendi as Ambassador on 23 July 1793.6 However, it was not until 6 August that the Ottoman government determined to give him a rank similar to that of the British Ambassador. 7 After completing his preparations Yusuf Agah Efendi and his retinue departed on 14 October 1793 by land through Bucharest, Budapest, Vienna and 1

BOA HH 15090A. Cevdet Pa§a, Tarih VI, pp. 210-212. Cevdet Pa§a deals with European diplomatic terms and their historical developments, also the Turkish equivalents. See also H. Nicolson, Diplomacy, (London 1969), p. 14. 3 BOA Name-i Humayun Defteri 9, varak 307. 4 BOA HH 15090A. See, The London Calendar; or, Court and City Register, for England, Scotland, Ireland and America, for the year 1793 under the heading "Foreign Ministers Residing in England". 5 Ainslie to Grenville, PRO FO 78/14 no: 18,25 July 1793. 6 Ainslie to Grenville, PRO FO 78/14 no: 18, 25 July 1793. For more information on Yusuf Agah Efendi see, M.A. Yalemkaya, "Osmanh Devleti'nin Yeniden Yapilanmasi Qaligmalannda Ilk Ikamet Elfisinin Rolii", Toplumsal Tarih 32 (Agustos 1996), pp. 45-53 and "Yusuf Agah Efendi", Ya^amlari ve Yapitlanyla Osmanh Ansiklopedisi II, Istanbul 1999, pp. 680-681. 7 Ainslie to Grenville, PRO FO 78/14 no: 19,10 August 1793. 2

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Germany and Ostend and arrived at Dover on 19 December 1793. On 21 December 1793, the first permanent Ottoman Ambassador arrived in London. 1 As the first Ottoman diplomatic representative, Yusuf Agah Efendi conducted the political relations of the Ottoman state, in conjunction with the British Minister for Foreign Affairs. However, it was not meant that his official relations were only limited to the head of the foreign office. He also had relations with other departments of the government when problems arose. Yusuf Agah Efendi, as a diplomat, was responsible for protecting the dignity of his country in London according to the law of nations. Considerable discretion in the interpretation of his instructions was permitted to him, in case it became necessary to take a sudden or urgent decision, because communication was difficult between Istanbul and London. Therefore, Yusuf Agah Efendi used his judgement in order to secure his country's interest. And his conduct set a pattern for his successors in European capitals and was taken model by the Porte. 2 When Yusuf Agah completed three years of his mission as ambassador in London, a new ambassador should have been appointed to take his place. However, although the three years period had expired, the Porte still did not appoint a new ambassador to London, although the ambassadors to other major European capitals had been nominated like : Esseyid Ali Efendi to Paris, Ibrahim Afif Efendi to Vienna, and Giritli Ali Aziz Efendi to Berlin. 3 Yusuf Agah Efendi pressed the Porte to appoint his replacement, as he and his retinue wanted to return to Istanbul as soon as possible for various reasons. As result, the Porte accepted Yusuf Agah Efendi's request and nominated Ismail Ferruh Efendi at the end of October 1796. After this nomination the Porte informed Yusuf Agah Efendi that Ismail Ferruh Efendi was to replace him, when he arrived in London. The Porte also noted that Ismail Ferruh was preparing his embassy's retinue and luggage and other necessities for the journey. Only after his arrival was Yusuf Agah Efendi permitted to return to Istanbul. 4

1

For detailed information on the journey and reception of the Ambassador at London see, Yal9inkaya, The Embassy of Yusuf Agah Efendi, pp. 40-46. 2 The conduct of the first permanent Ottoman embassy and for the setting up prospective embassies in the other European capitals see, Yal?mkaya, The Embassy of Yusuf Agah Efendi, pp. 51-54. See, Kuran, Avrupa'da Osmanli ikamet, p. 23 4 On the termination of Yusuf Agah Efendi's embassy see, Yaicinkaya, The Embassy of Yusuf Agah Efendi, pp. 145-150.

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b) Earlier Stages of Ismail Ferruh Efendi's Mission There are many studies dealing with Anglo-Turkish relations, but they have mostly neglected these relations during the ambassadorship of Ismail. They have mainly concentrated on political and military matters due to the occupation of Egypt by Bonaparte, also some diplomatic and economic ones, but they have hardly touched matters concerning social and cultural relations between Britain and the Ottoman Empire. In this subject two studies are to be mentioned, one is by E. Kuran and the other is by M.A. Yalfinkaya. The work of Kuran, is based on mostly Turkish and partly British archival sources, but detailed information is not given on Ismail Ferruh Efendi's life, appointment, journey, and his early social, cultural, commercial activities in London. Nevertheless, his work outlines the most striking political and diplomatical activities of the ambassador. 1 The work of Yal9inkaya, based on British and Turkish archival sources, and some literature dealing with the embassy of Ismail Ferruh Efendi to London, gives some brief information on Ismail Ferruh Efendi's life, appointment, journey to London, his staff, his diplomatical action in London and his social, cultural and commercial activities. 2 Apart from Kuran's and Yal9inkaya's works, brief information on Ismail Ferruh Efendi can be found in the works of Mehmed Siireyya, Findley, Uzun§ar§ih, ihsanoglu, Kologlu, Ghorbal, Herbette and Ortayli. Contemporary Ottoman historians such as Ahmed Vasif, Halil Nuri and Ahmed Cevdet did not include any detailed information on Ismail Ferruh Efendi and his embassy in London. The aim of this paper is to study the activity of the second permanent Ottoman ambassador in London. This study is based extensively on materials from the Prime Minister's Archives and from the Public Record Office and The Times. Ismail Ferruh Efendi was born in Ozchokow (Ozi) in most probably 1747. He was the son of a reputable merchant at Oczhokow and had been trained as a trader and this led him to "the directorship of Public corn magazines" in Istanbul. 3 The other documents at hand show that Ismail Ferruh Efendi was appointed as an ambassador to London on 29 October 1796 (26 1

See, Kuran, Avrupa'da Osmanli tkamet. M. A. Yalçinkaya, "Ismail Ferruh Efendi'nin Londra Bûyiikelçiligi ve Siyasi Faaliyetleri (1797-1800)", Pax-Ottomana: Studies in Memoriam Prof. Dr. Nejat Gôyûnç, (Ed. Kemal Çiçek), Sota and Yeni Turkiye Yayinlari, Haarlem- Ankara, 2001, p. 381-407. 3 The most precise information on Ismail Ferruh Efendi can be found in the reports of Spencer Smith, chargé at the British embassy in Istanbul 1796-1801. Smith to Grenville, PRO FO 78/18 10 April 1797. The same report has been used by Findley. See, C.F. Findley, Bureaucratic Reform in the Ottoman Empire, The Sublime Porte 1789-1992, New Jersey 1980, and pp. 131132. On the other hand Mehmet Siireyya notes that Ismail Ferruh Efendi was from Crimea. Therefore many Turkish scholars were influenced from Mehmet Siireyya's information about his origine. See, Mehmed Siireyya, Sicill-i Osmani, IV, p. 14. 2

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Rebiyiilahir 1211) in the place of Yusuf Agah Efendi. 1 Turkish sources note that Ismail Ferruh Efendi was also given the rank of stivari mukabelecisi and was promoted to be a member of Hacegan-i Divan-i Hiimayun,2 The appointment of Ismail Ferruh Efendi to the London embassy was welcomed by British Chargé d'Affaires in Istanbul. In a dispatch to Lord Grenville dated 1 November 1796, Smith reported that Ismail Ferruh Efendi was known to be friendly to Europeans.3 After his appointment Ismail Ferruh Efendi prepared his own retinue taking Yusuf Agah Efendi's regulations as a model which had been established for all the Ottoman embassies. According to Turkish sources we cannot find the exact figures, but we can extract some information about ismail Ferruh Efendi's retinue from the British sources one of which is the report of Smith (dated 10 April 1797) and news published in The Times (dated 25 July 1797). Smith reported that Ismail Ferruh Efendi had 15 persons in all. According to The Times, Ismail Ferruh Efendi had a "nephew, secretary, interpreter, and about twenty domestics in his suite". 4 In the light of Smith's report we can conclude that the retinue of the ambassador consisted of 6 persons other than the servants. Their names and titles are as follows: 5 Yusuf Efendi, Chief Secretary of Embassy Haci Silleyman Efendi, Imam Hasan Beyzade, Cousin of the ambassador John Arghiropolo, First Interpreter to the embassy George Arghiropolo, Second Interpreter to the embassy Non-Muslim Nobleman, Sent by John Stefan.

Towards the beginning of April 1797 Ismail Ferruh Efendi was provided with the necessary provisions, presents, expenses and staff by the Ottoman government. The date of his departure is only confirmed by Smith. Thus, he left Istanbul with his retinue on 9 April 1797. The departure of Ismail Ferruh Efendi is described by Smith as follows: 6

Halil Nuri, Tarih-i Nuri, Siileymaniye Kiitiiphanesi, A§ir Efendi, Turkish Manuscript 239, v. 293. Ahmed Vasif Efendi, Mehasinii'l Asar ve Hakaiku'l Ahbar, Istanbul Universitesi Kiitiiphanesi, Turkish Manuscript 5981, v. 151. According to Sicill-i Osmani, Ismail Ferruh Efendi was appointed in the month of Rebiyiilahir 1211. Smith did not give the appointment date but he informed about this appointment on his report, dated November 1, 1796. Another document at BOA HH dated 2 November 1796 is related to this appointment. 2 Ahmed Vasif, Mehasinii'l Asar, v. 151 and Halil Nuri, Tarih, v. 293. 3 Smith to Grenville, PRO FO 78/17 no:21,1 November 1796. 4 The Times, 25 July 1797. 5 Smith to Grenville, PRO FO 78/18 no: 6 , 1 0 April 1797. 6 Smith to Grenville, PRO FO 78/18 no: 6 , 1 0 April 1797.

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Ismail Effcndi sailed for England yesterday in a vessel chartered for the whole voyage of some European merchants engaged in the Black Sea trade with Russia. This consequence is a small brig called the Ramazan, commanded by an Englishman, named William Castle (long engaged in the same employ); and to be navigated, under the Ottoman flag, had passports from every foreign mission here; ... The Ramazan sailed with the advantage of clean bills of health to perform quarantine at Leghorn. At the same time Ismail Ferruh Efendi had taken his own commercial articles on board. Perhaps fixed in him by previous mercantile habits. In making his bargain with Captain Castle, which was for 12,000 Piasters (about £ 900 sterling), he stipulated for the privilege of 800 Quintals stowage, with a view to make a trading voyage by shipping some of his superfluous wheat for sale in Italy'. There is no information about Yusuf Efendi, Chief Secretary of Embassy, but he is described by Smith as "a person in the prime of life, and of promising manners. He has been brought up from youth in the confidential connection of the ambassador". 2 A l s o Smith's report includes some information on the Interpreters of the embassy. They were two young brothers of a respectable family of Istanbul. They were also long patronised by Ismail Ferruh Efendi and his neighbors in the country. Smiths describes these brothers "tho1 very inexperienced indeed for the station they fill, yet they have received an education, and evince & disposition, that inclines me to hope for the best. At any rate they are infinitely better chosen than any of their between in the other missions". 3 Furthermore one of his previous report dated 5 April 1797 Smith adviced Grenville on the Interpreters that:4 ... and of much education and talents as will I doubt not be usefully and becomingly employed in the new situation that must bring them in frequent communication with your Lordship's department. At least I may vouch for their earnest desire to show themselves not unworthy of any attention you may be pleased to honour them with, and to merit your constant approbation and confidence in the exercise of their official functions.

1 2 3 4

Smith to Grenville, Smith to Grenville, Smith to Grenville, Smith to Grenville,

PRO PRO PRO PRO

FO 78/18 no: 6 , 1 0 April 1797. FO 78/18 no: 6 , 1 0 April 1797. FO 78/18 no: 6 , 1 0 April 1797. FO 78/18,5 April 1797.

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After departing from Istanbul on 9 April 1797 there is no much evidence on the voyage of Ismail Ferruh Efendi. Although Smith reports that he had to have quarantine in Leghorn,1 the French sources noted his quarantine in Marseilles as Morah Seyyid Ali Efendi was at the same place. Moreover, before his departure to Paris, Seyyid Ali Efendi visited him on 23 June 1797 at the quarantine place. 2 Probably he left the quarantine at the end of June or the beginning of July and he arrived at Dover via Paris. He landed at Dover on 22 July 1797 and then moved to the town of Rochester where he stayed the night. On Sunday 23 July (28 Muharrem 1212) afternoon the Turkish mission arrived at Osborne's Hotel, in Adam-Street, Adelphi in London. 3 The Credential Letter Ceremony was delayed a few days, because King Georges III was in a summer palace in Kew. 4 On 24 July 1797 the interpreter of the new Ottoman embassy John Arghiropolo and Yusuf Agah Efendi's first interpreter Persiany made an official visit to the British Foreign Department in order to notify the British government that Ismail Ferruh Efendi had started his official mission. They were welcomed by George Canning the under secretary of state and gave him the summary of the credential letter. In this meeting Canning noted that Lord, Grenville wanted to have an interview with Ismail Ferruh Efendi before the delivery of the credential letter on 25 July. 5 A few days later on 27 July 1797 at St. James's after the levee, Ismail Ferruh Efendi, attended by his secretary, his interpreters and two other persons had an audience of the King. Ismail Ferruh delivered his credentials, he was introduced by Lord Grenville and, Sir S. Cotrell, was the master of ceremonies. 6 At the same time Yusuf Agah Efendi had his audience of leave with the King. 7 It appears from documents that the embassy was located on Upper Seymour Street, Portman Square in Central London. Ismail Ferruh Efendi like Yusuf Agah Efendi had attended social and cultural activities in London actively. Ottoman-Turkish customs were presented by the Ottoman ambassadors and their entourage to the British. The public also was delighted by them. This fascination was reflected in newspapers. Some anecdotes were 1 Smith informs his ministry that the ship «Ramazan» boarded by Ismail Ferruh Efendi was to perform quarantine at Leghorn. Smith to Grenville, PRO FO 78/18 no: 6 , 1 0 April 1797. 2 M. Herbette, Fransa'da ilk Daimî Turk Elçisi "Morali Esseyit Ali Efendi" (1797-1802), (Translated by Erol Ùyepazarci) Istanbul, 1997, p. 28. 3

The Times, 25 July 1797. For Turkish documents concerning the arrival of Ismail Ferruh Efendi to London and the credential letters see, BOA HH 12291 and Ali Emiri Selim III 20821. 4 There is no certain information about the King's return whether from Kew or Weymouth. See, The Times 26 July 1797 and 28 July 1797. 5 This document can be found in PRO FO 78/18. This record must have been written by one oi the clerks of the British Foreign Ministry on 24 July 1797. 6 The Times 27 July 1797. 7 The Times 28 July 1797.

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circulating about the new Ottoman ambassador. It seems that some people were eager to entertain him socially. One of the interesting jokes appeared in The Times on 29 July 1797.1 His Excellency ISMAEL FARO EFFENDI, the Turkish Ambassador, has been already honoured with a card of invitation from Countess B E.

Ismail Ferruh Efendi and his secretary Yusuf Efendi's participation to social events had attracted attention. Mirza Ebu Talip Han, an Iranian of Turkish origin but dwelling in India, in his travel to London, mentions that Ismail Ferruh and his secretary Yusuf Efendi had accepted the Freemason rules, and they were the first Muslims who learned the secrets of Freemasons. But there are no other sources to support this information. 2 The Turkish documents note that Ismail Ferruh's financial representative at the Porte was ibrahim Efendi, 3 responsible for collecting the salaries from the Ottoman Treasury and passing them on to Peter Tooke, the Levant Company's treasurer in Istanbul. 4 The Ottoman treasury sent the embassy's salaries twice a year according to the Islamic calendar. The payments for the first six months started from his arrival to London on 28 Muharrem 1212, the Treasury paying the expenses on 28 th Muharrem of all following years 1213, 1214, 1215 and the second six-monthly payments started on 28 Receb 1212 and every following year of 1213, 1214, 1215.5 Apart from salaries the Ottoman Treasury probably sent additional money to meet the extra expenses and payments of the western experts recruited to the service of the Porte. Due to the long distances and poor Ottoman postal and road systems, communications between the Ottoman embassy in London and the Porte were conducted by the British embassy and the Levant Company's couriers. We can infer this from the reports of the Ottoman ambassador and the representatives of the British embassy. They not only carried communications, but also the small packages for the Ottoman embassy which the Reisiilkiittab Efendi passed directly to the British representatives in Istanbul. Furthermore, the treasurer of the British embassy and the Levant Company, Peter Tooke transferred the Ottoman embassy's expenses from Istanbul to London through the same channels.6

1 2 3 4 5 6

The Times 27 July 1797. O. Kologlu, "Masonluk Kar§isinda ìlk Dogulu Tepkisi", Tarih ve Toplum 29 (1986), p. 64. BOA CH 2045. BOA Ali Emiri Selim III 16152 and BOA CH 5879. BOA CH 1330 and HH 12657. BOA Ali Emiri Selim III 16152 and BOA CH 5879.

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The documents show the six-monthly and yearly salaries and the travel expenses allocated to the ambassador and his party, which were as follows: 1 Yearly Salary

Travel

25.000 kuru?

50.000 kuru§

15.000 kuru§

Secretary

5.000 kurus

10.000 kuru§

4.000 kuruç

Muslim

1.500 kuru§

3.000 kuru§

2.000 kuru§

4.000 kuruj

8.000 kuru§

3.000 kuru§

3.000 kuru§

6.000 kuru§

2.500 kuru§

Name

Duty

Six-Monthly

Ismail Ferruh Efendi

Ambassador

Yusuf Efendi

Expenses

Salary

Hasan Begzade

Nobleman John Arghiropolo

First Interpreter

George Arghiropolo

Second Interpreter

Therefore, the Porte had allocated 77.000 Piasters per annum to its embassy. This figure indicates that the expenses of Ismail Ferruh Efendi's embassy were exactly the same as that of the salary of Yusuf Agah Efendi. Because, the Porte had taken Yusuf Agah Efendi's mission as a model for the diplomatic representation abroad at any rate, meanwhile, the value of the sterling over the kuru§ had slightly changed.2 As an ambassador protecting the rights of the Ottoman merchants in Britain, Ismail Ferruh was also responsible for obtaining supplies for the Porte. In a few instructions, dispatched to Ismail Ferruh Efendi, we learn that the Porte ordered Ismail Ferruh to buy ammunitions for the Imperial Navy. At the same time the Porte negotiated with Tooke to provide these ammunitions. Tooke had contacted his merchant partners Karlo Yensun and Petro LUyensun in London. 3 The Porte instructed Ismail Ferruh Efendi that he should also make diplomatic efforts to get the help of Grenville.4 One of the reports of Ismail Ferruh Efendi dated 12 October 1799 to the Porte indicates that he could not ship the material for the Ottoman navy due to the Dutch problem.5 The first time the Ottoman Empire had asked for a loan from a foreign country coincided with the time of the embassy of Ismail Ferruh Efendi. 1

The documents of BOA CH 1330 and BOA Ali Emiri Selim III only give the six-monthly salaries of Ismail Ferruh Efendi and his retinue. We cannot find any detailed information on the travel allowance, but only the document BOA HH 5843 notes that Ismail Ferruh Efendi and his retinue were to be paid travel allowances as had been done for his predecessor Yusuf Agah Efendi's embassy. 2 To compare the Turkish kuru§ with the English sterling at that period see, C. Issawi, The Economic History of Turkey 1800-1914, Chicago and London, 1980, p. 329. 3 The names of the British merchant names can be traced in BOA Ali Emiri Selim III 16152. 4 For instruction of the Porte see, BOA Ali Emiri Selim III 16152 and BOA CH 5879. 5 BOA HH 5993 (12 Ca 1214).

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Witnessing the sudden occupation of Ottoman Egypt by French forces, the Ottoman Empire had signed treaties with Russia, England and Sicily to defend its lands against French aggression. Those countries gave political and military support to the Ottoman Empire. But the Ottomans had financial and economical difficulties to wage the present war against France. Therefore the Porte decided to get financial support from Britain. The Porte instructed Ismail Ferruh Efendi to contact the British government for a loan. In December 1799, unofficial discussions between the Ottoman ambassador and Grenville had started on the basis of repaying the debt from the income of customs. In principle Britain decided to give a loan of a million sterling. This matter was again brought up on the agenda by the Reisiilkuttab. According to the instructions of the Porte, Ismail Ferruh Efendi was ordered to meet Grenville in order to double the amount. However, during the ratification of the El-Arish contract's meeting, Lord Grenville told ismail Ferruh Efendi that the British budged being in great difficulty Britain could not give the request loan. 1

c) Diplomatic Activities of ismail Ferruh Efendi At the early stages of his embassy, Ismail Ferruh Efendi had not met many political difficulties as a diplomat. He developed friendly relations with Lord Grenville just as his predecessor Yusuf Agah Efendi had. Moreover, after the Campio Formia treaty, Europe and the Mediterranean had been calm for a year. Also Ismail Ferruh Efendi had regularly dispatched news and articles of the newspapers concerning Turkey to the Porte. Ismail Ferruh Efendi had moderate views about Britain and Europe. His relations with the British Foreign Secretary and other ministers in the cabinet were very good. He was very careful when he met other ambassadors in London and his observations were objective.

1. ismail Ferruh Efendi's negotiations with Portuguese Ambassador Cheviliar Almieda ismail Ferruh Efendi formed a very good friendship with his foreign colleagues in London. According to his reports, he especially was on friendly terms with Portuguese ambassador Chevalier Almieda and US ambassador 1 The first study based on archival documents about the Ottoman attempts to obtain a loan from Britain is by Uzun9ar§ili. Later on, Kuran also studied this matter. Apart from these works, for the first time in this paper, the document BOA HH 5895 is used and gives similar information. I.H. Uzunfargili, "On Dokuzuncu Asir Ba§larma Kadar Tiirk-ingiliz Miinasebatina Dair Vesikalar", Belleten XIII (1949), pp. 573-648, esp. p. 594 and Kuran, Avrupa'da Osmanh Ikamet, p. 40.

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Rufus King. He saw the duties of the ambassador as a guiding role for his country's foreign affairs in international relations. Therefore, he was aware of his mission and duty representing his country's right on the basis of the law of nations at that time, ismail Ferruh Efendi's diplomatic activities gave fruits in the middle of 1798. Portuguese ambassador Chevalier Almieda offered Ismail Ferruh Efendi a mutual friendship and trade treaty between Portugal and the Ottoman state. 1 According to Almieda's treaty offer, the Ottoman state was to give some privileges to Portuguese merchants in the Ottoman territories. Ismail Ferruh Efendi sent Almieda's offers to the Porte. The Porte investigated this matter and in the document dated 11 October 1798, ordered ismail Ferruh Efendi not to reject, but advised him not to accept immediately either. 2 The Portuguese government insisted and thereupon, an English merchant who resided in Lisbon was appointed as Ottoman consul of Lisbon by Queen Maria I of Portugal. This person notified this situation to Ismail Ferruh Efendi and requested his support for his appointment to be confirmed by the Porte. Surely, Ismail Ferruh could not accept this situation which was against the rules of diplomacy. He informed the merchant that he could not be recognised by the Porte as the Ottoman consul, unless the two countries had signed treaties. He also particularly stressed that only the Sultan had the right to appoint people as diplomatic representatives abroad. 3 It seems that all the representations of the Portuguese government failed on this matter. On 12 June 1799, they made a last attempt. Almieda visited Ismail Ferruh Efendi and he told him that he was instructed by his government to get the mediation of the British government to negotiate a treaty with the Ottomans. Indeed, Lord Grenville sent an official note to Ismail Ferruh Efendi and in this note he wished to see a treaty of mutual friendship and trade between the Ottomans and the Portuguese. He also advised that this treaty should be discussed between the two countries' ambassadors in London. Without wasting time Ismail Ferruh Efendi informed the Porte about the mediation offer of Grenville. The Porte accepted on the condition that Portugal should send a delegate to Istanbul to negotiate. When Ismail Feruh Efendi received this instruction at the end of October 1799, he informed his

1 For the exchange of correspondence between the Portuguese ambassador and Ismail Ferruh Efendi, and the policy of the Porte on this issue see, BOA HH 6438 (1 Ca 1213) and BOA HH 6049 (8 L 1213). 2 BOA HH 6438 (1 Ca 1213) and BOA HH 6040 (8 L 1213). The Portuguese ambassador's activities on this matter and the responses of Ismail Ferruh Efendi and of the Porte are also briefly analysed by Kuran. See, Kuran, Avrupa'da Osmanli Ikamet, pp. 36-38. 3 Kuran, Avrupa'da Osmanli ikamet, p. 36.

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Portuguese counterpart. Portugal did not insist, and correspondence concerning the Portugal treaty affair ceased.1

2. ismail Ferruh Efendi's account of US ambassador Rufus King Ismail Ferruh Efendi was visited by the US ambassador Rufus King at the beginning of June 1799.2 As minister to Great Britain (1796-1803) Rufus King reconciled many differences between the US and Britain and proved himself to be an able diplomat. Rufus King had declined President Washington's offer of a Cabinet post, but he agreed in 1796 to serve as an ambassador to Great Britain, a position he would hold under three presidents. Demonstrating singular tact and foresight, he negotiated a settlement of Revolutionary War issues and initiated discussions on European interests in Latin America that would find fruition in the Monroe Doctrine. Rufus King retired in 1803, but he remained closely involved in politics. He told the Turkish ambassador that his government wanted to develop friendly relations with the Ottomans, so his government appointed the US envoy in Lisbon to Istanbul as a diplomatic representative. The US ambassador informed Ismail Ferruh Efendi that he also requested the mediation of Lord Grenville on this matter.3

3. ismail Ferruh Efendi's reports on Egyptian Question and his activities on this matter ismail Ferruh Efendi played a leading role after the ratification of the El-Arish agreement in London. On 24 January 1800 the El-Arish agreement had been concluded between the Ottomans, Britain and French forces in Egypt. According to this agreement, French forces led by General Kleber had to evacuate Egypt with their weapons and other equipment by sea. 4 British admiral Sidney Smith also accepted this agreement. Therefore, the Porte ordered Ismail Ferruh Efendi to handle the ratification of this agreement by the 1 The correspondence between Ismail Ferruh Efendi and the Porte on this matter is to be found in BOA HH 6082, BOA HH 6036 and BOA HH 6104. 2 For more information on Rufus King See, "King, Rufus (1755-1827)", Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 13, p. 392. 3 BOA HH 5898 (8 M 1214) and Kuran, Avrupa'da Osmanli ikamet, p. 37. 4 There are two important works dealing with the Egyptian Question between Ottomans and Europeans especially the French side. See, E.Z. Karal, Fransa-Misir ve Osmanli tmparatorlugu, 1797-1802, (Istanbul, 1938) and I. Sosyal, Fransiz ihtilali ve Turk-Fransiz Diplomasi Munasebetleri (1789-1802), (Ankara, 1987), esp. pp. 284-293. Also see, Kuran, ibid, p. 38.

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British government. He requested an interview with Lord Grenville, but the interview was delayed for a long time and on 6 March 1800 he finally met Lord Grenville. In this meeting ismail Ferruh Efendi learned that Britain did not want to ratify the El-Arish agreement. According to Grenville's explanations, the French forces had to be taken prisoners and not be allowed to go to mainland France. 1 We understand from one of Kleber's letters to the Directorate that the French forces were in bad condition in Egypt. Therefore, the British government informed Sydney Smith that they did not ratify the ElArish agreement and instructed him that French forces taken as prisoners must be brought to London. 2 The Ottomans regarded these developments and the refusal of the ElArish agreement to be unfair to their foreign policy. And the Porte decided to stick to the El-Arish agreement. But, due to poor communications, the Porte had not received the latest news from its ambassador in London. Therefore, Ismail Ferruh Efendi was ordered with an instruction dated 5 March 1800 to take the view of Lord Grenville on the ratification of the El-Arish agreement,3 but the mail was received at the embassy on 27 April. He sent the translation of the instruction with a note to Lord Grenville. Grenville replied on 13 May, he stated that Britain had the right to refuse the agreement, but British commanders were ordered to apply the agreement because of their respect to the Ottoman Empire. 4 When Sydney Smith informed the annulment of the El-Arish agreement to Kleber, the latter suddenly attacked the Ottoman forces who were badly beaten. 5 In this case, the Porte again pressed Britain to ratify the agreement. Therefore, ismail Ferruh Efendi was instructed to meet Grenville again. They met on 27 June 1800. In this meeting Grenville told Ismail Ferruh Efendi that his government had no objections against the El-Arish agreement. Actually Ismail Ferruh Efendi knew that this question could be solved only with the defeat of French forces in Egypt. He thought that when the French forces had been cut off from France and had no support, they could be defeated. He also revealed his thoughts to Lord Grenville 5 June 1800 in a meeting held at Grenville's house for the King's birthday dinner. Grenville did not make any comment, but in the meeting of 27 June he informed Ismail

1 More information on the interviews held between Ismail Ferruh Efendi and Lord Grenville on El-Arish and dates of this meeting can be found among the papers of BOA HH 41183. 2 Soysal, Turk-Fransiz, p. 294. 3 Mustafa Rasih Efendi to Ismail Ferruh Efendi, PRO FO 78/28 5 March 1800. 4 The report of Ismail Ferruh Efendi to the Porte on this issue, see: BOA HH 5595. 5 For more information see, Soysal, Turk-Fransiz, pp. 297-298.

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Ferruh Efendi that the British navy in the Mediterranean was ordered to stop French supplies to Egypt. 1

4. The effect of his embassy on Turkish-Anglo relationship and termination of his embassy Actually Ismail Ferruh Efendi can be regarded partly successful in his diplomatic activities in London. But in his term of duty, Anglo-Turkish relations reached their zenith. His embassy strengthened relations after Yusuf Agah Efendi's departure. For the first time an Anglo-Turkish defensive and offensive treaty was signed and the two countries with combined forces had defended the integrity of the Ottoman territories against French aggression. After Sir Robert Liston's departure from Istanbul, the British embassy was led by the Chargé d'affaires, Spencer Smith, and Lord Elgin (Thomas, Earl of Elgin) was appointed as an ambassador in December 1798 and arrived in Istanbul on 6 November 1799. Before his departure Lord Elgin had paid a visit to Ismail Ferruh Efendi in London. They talked about the presents of the King to the Sultan and to the Ottoman dignitaries and Ismail Ferruh Efendi also sent some information about European affairs by the newly appointed ambassador. It can be deduced from Ismail Ferruh Efendi's report that the British government gave much importance to Lord Elgin's embassy. Lord Grenville particularly paid attention to the presents to the Porte. It can be concluded from the same report that Grenville had sent twice for Ismail Ferruh Efendi to ask for advice about the presents and their ornaments.2 As a result of this, at the time of Lord Elgin in 1802, the Porte had given the title of Padi§ah to the British King as had been used for French, Austria and Russian kings. 3 When Ismail Ferruh Efendi completed the three years of his mission a new ambassador should have been appointed to take his place. Actually, he had earlier demanded his replacement to the Porte. However, although the three years period had expired, the Porte still did not appoint a new ambassador. But, it can be deducted from the documents that the Porte did not send any new mission to London. Ismail Ferruh Efendi stayed for an extra one more month

1 BOA HH 6593. This report was dispatched to the Porte by Ismail Ferruh Efendi on 6 S 1215 (29 June 1800), but it was wrongly dated as 6 M 1215 (30 May 1800). Also see, Kuran, Avrupa'da Osmanli ìkamet, p. 40 n. 63. 2 Uzun9ar§ih, Tiirk-ingiliz, p. 593. 3 Uzunjargili, Tiirk-ingiliz, p. 596.

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in London. He most probably left London in the second half of August 1800.1 His first interpreter John Arghiroplos was appointed as a chargé d'affaires. 2 There is no evidence about his return route, but it is most probable that he used the route of Belgium, Germany and Austria. It can be inferred from the document that Ismail Ferruh Efendi arrived in Istanbul on 24 September 1800 (5 Ca 1215) or a few days before this date. 3 All in all, Ismail Ferruh Efendi successfully defended Turkey's interests generally following the instructions of the Porte with a few exceptions. His reports contained valuable information on the foreign policy of the Ottoman Empire, especially the Egyptian Question period. He was able to confront the difficulties and when he did not receive any instructions, he used his own initiatives to solve the problems. As Yusuf Agah Efendi had done before, when Ismail Ferruh Efendi considered the policy of the Ottoman government to be mistaken, he was brave enough to criticise his superiors in Istanbul including Sultan Selim III. As an ambassador, he served under four different Reisulkiittabs. It is natural that when the Reisiilkiittab and the dragoman of the Porte were changed so often, the foreign policy of the Ottoman Empire was also affected. In spite of the changes in personnel in the Porte, Ismail Ferruh Efendi and his team successfully completed their diplomatic mission.

1 His final report to the Porte dated 14 August 1800 (23 Ra 1215). He probably departed a few days after this date. BOA HH 13989. 2 See, BOA HH 13170. 3 BOA HH 14073.

VELi PASHA AND CONSUL ONGLEY An Anglo-Ottoman Diplomatic Relationship That Got Too Close David BARCHARD

The Cretan Crisis of1858 and the Twilight of Ottoman Rule In the summer of 1858 a revolt on the island of Crete, then an outlying province of the Ottoman Empire, briefly caught the attention of Europe. The headline news was fairly straightforward: a liberal reforming Ottoman governor, Veliuttin Rifat Pasha, usually known simply as 'Veli Pasha', left the island ignominiously amid the fierce hostility of the Christian population, the active opposition of most of the foreign consuls, and a dispute with the Ottoman officials who had been sent to replace him. His only significant ally, the British Consul, Henry Ongley, departed equally abruptly. Neither man ever revisited the island, so far as is known, on which both of them had spent much of their lives. Obscure and long-forgotten it may be, but in retrospect the 1858 crisis was a turning point in Crete's history and points up the general dilemmas faced by the Ottoman Empire as a whole. For the first half of the 19th century, Crete had been an isolated but fairly typical province of the European zone of the Ottoman Empire. After 1858 the gravitational centre of Crete's social and political life shifted. Newly-emergent Christian Greek commercial families began to dominate the island's business life. The aspirations of the Christian population rather than the views of Ottoman Vali (governor-general) increasingly defined the viewpoint of foreign consuls on the island. For the next forty years, until the Ottoman withdrawal from the island, the dominant perception of Crete was shaped by philhellenes and Greek nationalists who saw the island as 'an occupied land' awaiting eventual liberation. The upheavals in Crete in 1858 also reflected a more general Ottoman failure not confined to that island alone: the defeat in the wake of the Crimean War of the Tanzimat reformers' dream of creating a socially and economically progressive multicultural order that could appeal to all Ottoman citizens regardless of their religion and culture. Veli Pasha's government in Crete was par excellence an energetic attempt to turn this idea into reality. After his

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failure, Ottoman political solutions for the Cretan problem were implicitly based instead on what today we would call 'power-sharing.' Finally, the crisis also had an international dimension, symptomatic of late Ottoman fragility. The breakdown of Veli Pasha's authority was initially provoked not by Greek nationalists, but by the Consuls of Austria and France and the rivalry they felt for their British colleague. This happened essentially because in his work as governor of the island, Veli Pasha aligned himself too closely with the British representative on Crete, Henry Ongley, who by 1856 had been Consul there for the previous nineteen years. It was a grave mistake: Ongley was a flawed man with poor judgement. As an ally and partner, he proved to be a source of fatal weakness, not least since there was no prospect of him being able to deliver British political support against the French and Austrian influence. This article is intended to give a case history, never previously written up, showing how an enlightened and well-intentioned Ottoman Vali1 attempted to introduce the reforms envisaged by the Haiti HUmayun in his province and how his reforms were thwarted by the continental European powers and spurned by nationalist Christians. But it is also a tragic-comic story of how an over-close partnership between a British consul and a Turkish administrator led to disaster for both.

The Arrival of the Governor On October 3 r d 1855, while the Crimean War was still continuing and four months before the promulgation of the Hatti Humayun, Veli Pasha arrived in Canea on board the "Amalfi", a Neapolitan steamer. It was more or less exactly four years since he and his father had been removed from the island. The island's enlightened new Ottoman governor came with very high hopes. The appointment was a home-coming. Veli had been born in Crete and lived there until the age of 28. His eldest child, iffet had also been born there

* In addition to the published sources cited in this article, I have to thank two of Veli Pasha's descendants for their interest and assistance with this article. The Pasha's great-grand daughter Mrs Iffet Sunalp, now of California, and her husband, the late General Halit Sunalp, provided me with several interesting facts, including those of Veli Pasha's origins (confirmed by written sources) as the grandson of an Orthodox priest on his mother's side, and how he paid for the building of churches during his time in Crete. Mr Nazmi Akiman helped me with other genealogical information and traditional anecdotes including some about Veli's reputed friendship with the Empress Eugénie. From Veli Pasha's great-great niece, Ms Niliifer Giilek, I was able to glean some details of the Pasha's reputation across the generations among his kinsmen as "Le beau Véli." I am also most grateful to Mr Charles Sarrell, for his biographical account of his kinsman, Henry Sarrell Ongley.

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around 1849. Though his father was Ottoman Albanian by background, Veli also had close family connections among the Cretan Christians. Veli's mother, Helena Bolonopoula, was the daughter of a Greek Orthodox priest in the village of Skouloufia between Candia [today's Iraklion] and Rethymno. Through this side of his family Veli may have been related to one of the main Greek nationalist painters of the 19th century, Constantinos Volonakis. Pandelis Prevelakis reports that Veli's father, Giritli Mustafa Naili Pasha, did not require his wife to abandon Christianity, but allowed her to worship privately in a small church in the garden: a circumstance which may shed light on Veli's own liberal attitudes in religious matters.1 With the new governor came an associate destined to become one of Veli's bitterest opponents. He was Joseph Caporal, a Frenchman who had been in the service of Veli's family for around a quarter of a century. Originally hired by Giritli Mustafa Naili as a barber, Caporal had evolved over time first into a Cretan official, and then into a family factotum and adviser. 2 Caporal had gone with Veli on his embassy to Paris, paid for by Giritli Mustafa Naili. There he had acted as an adviser for the ambassador—no doubt helping plug gaps in the young diplomat's knowledge of the Western world. But in England and France, Veli's visible reliance on Caporal provoked smiles and even mockery. Though Caporal came with Veli to Crete, his influence was now waning. 3 However his connections in the island, especially in the consulates of France and Austria were strong. Veli's own Cretan connections were about to be put to the test. The new governor seems to have assumed that what the islanders most wanted was progress and reorganisation of the kind envisaged by the Hatti Hiimayun. He does not seem to have anticipated opposition. The new Governor spent the obligatory days in quarantine and then took up his official duties on 7th October 1855.

An avant-garde Ottoman Governor Veli was around 33 years old at the time of his appointment as governor of Crete. He had grown up as a Cretan, with both Christian and Muslim relatives on the island, but he had been educated in Cairo in the palace of the ruler of Egypt, Mehmet Ali. There Veli had studied alongside Prince

1

Pandelis Prevelakis, Crète Infortunée, Les Belles Lettres, Paris 1975, p. 47. For an early account of Caporal 's "extraordinary influence", see C.R. Scott, Rambles Egypt and Candia 1837, p. 253. 2

3

in

FO 881/1550 Reports. Condition of the Island 1858-1862, Report of Mr Longworth, pp. 13-14.

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Sait, the obese fourth son of Mehmet Ali and Veli's near contemporary. He been taught French and English as well as Arabic and Persian and also given a naval education. 1 His father had evidently had a career of statesmanship and high office in mind for his son. During their four years after leaving Crete, Veli and his father had both enjoyed meteoric careers in Ottoman service which they can hardly have foreseen when they were plucked out of the island on the orders of the Sultan. Their fate was not exile but rapid preferment. Veli's only previous experience before he left Crete had been as a local lieutenant for his father. But in 1851 he was sent as governor to the frontline province of Bosnia where his liberalism and pro-Western attitudes attracted favourable attention.2 A year later, Veli went to Paris as Ottoman ambassador where he remained until June 1855 when he was removed mainly because of the bitter rivalry between Giritli Mustafa Naili Pasha and the much more powerful Mustafa Regit Pa§a, the leading statesman of the Tanzimat period, whose son, Mehmet Cemil, took Veli's place 3 . Veli's rapid rise to such prominence was linked by contemporaries to his father's position in the Sultan's government, but almost certainly more than nepotism was involved. His appointment to Paris preceded his father's first term as grand vizier by more than six months. The timing of this and later appointments suggests that Veli was not simply being advanced by his father but also being groomed by A'ali Pasha and Fuad Pasha, the two Tanzimat statesmen whose influence was in the ascendant as the Crimean War ended. A'ali and Fuad may well have regarded Veli as a promising candidate for eventual high office. 4 They themselves had served in Western European capitals at the outset of their careers, and perhaps saw a spell of service there as a form of training. A'ali and Fuad's careers had begun as palace scribes. Veli belonged to the second generation of the Westernising process in Turkey, one which reached adulthood after the reforms of Mahmut II and Mustafa Regit. He and his contemporaries were much better equipped than their predecessors for integration on easy terms into international high society. Veli and his 1 FO 195/457 Crete 1854 -1857, Ongley to de Redcliffe, 18 June 1857. For details of Prince Said and his upbringing, Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid Marsot, Egypt in the Reign of Muhammad Ali pp. 90-92. 2 For a contemporary account of Veli's benign and successful governorship in Bosnia, see Victor Morpurgo, Politique de la Russie en Orient: avenir de la Turquie, Giraud, Paris, 1854, pp. 65-6. It is interesting to see that in both Bosnia and Paris Veli encouraged the building of churches for local Ottoman Christians. 3 For an English account of their rivalry see Adolphus Slade, Turkey and the Crimean War, 1867,66,89. 4 Veli's younger brother Hilmi Pa§a had married into Fuat Pasha's family.

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upcoming contemporaries such as his rivals Mehmet Cemil and Ali Galip, the sons of Mustafa Regit Pa§a , must have looked poised for future greatness as statesmen. As it turned out, none of these particular individuals would attain it. The second and subsequent generations of Tanzimat officials were less distinguished than the first. Veli's relatively short time in Paris also left a strong mark on him. He was ambassador there at one of the high points in 19 th century TurkishEuropean relations, when Britain and France went to war with Russia to help the Ottoman Empire stave off the imminent threat of partition. Against this background someone who had moved so recently from the closed world of Crete to the capital, and then on to one of the greatest cities in Europe, might have been expected to cut an odd or even uncouth figure. But Veli in fact made a considerable name for himself in the French capital, though perhaps less as a diplomat than as a handsome young aristocratic gentleman in Parisian society who, as the Times later put it, "peopled Père Lachaise with broken hearts" 1 and seems to have been known on both sides of the Channel. 2 Veli in 1855 therefore was a very different sort of governor from his father twenty years earlier. Giritli Mustafa Naili, though receptive to Western influences, never had any formal education or travelled to the West. Two travellers' accounts show the change in personal styles that had taken place over twenty-five years. Robert Pashley, a strongly Hellenist English lawyer who met Giritli Mustafa Naili Pasha in the 1830s, did indeed regard the governor of Crete as a rare case of an Ottoman Muslim Pasha prepared to receive western visitors on their own terms rather than traditional Islamic-Oriental ones. But at that date, Mustafa Naili wore oriental costume and received his visitor in a room furnished along traditional eastern lines although Pashley was struck by the fact that the governor stood up to receive him and when bidding farewell. 3 Twenty years later Veli had left all this far behind. When he met Europeans as the Ottoman Governor of Crete, he did so pretty much as a

1

Times 25 September 1858. Contemporary French accounts of Veli during his two spells as ambassador in Paris include La princesse Julie Bonaparte, marquise de Roccagiovine et son temps: mémoires inédites, 18531870, ed. Isa Dardano Basso, Rome 1975, p.142 which refers to him as "l'ambassadeur de Turquie Vély-Pacha qui parle fort bien français"; Ernest Hamel, Histoire illustrée du second empire, Librairie de l'Echo de la Sorbonne, Paris 1874; L. (Louis) Thouvenel, Pages de l'histoire du Second Empire d'après les papiers de M. Thouvenel, ancien minstre des affaires étrangères (1854-1866), Plon-Nourrit, Paris, 1903; César Lecat Bazancourt. The Crimean Expedition to the Capture of Sebastopol, London, 1856 For Veli's attempts to get a church bvAU. in Paris for Ottoman subjects of Greek Orthodox faith, see correspondence, quoted in Ross Nicolas, Saint-Alexandre-sur-Seine/Saint-Alexandre-Nevski: l'église russe de Paris et ses fidèles, Editions du Cerf, Paris, 2005, pp. 90-1. 2

3

Robert Pashley, Travels in Crete, John Murray, London, 1838, pp. 173-174.

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fellow European, sporting the Grand Cordon of the Legion d'Honneur as well as the rank of mushir or marshal of the Ottoman Empire. The American writer, Bayard Taylor, who visited Veli in 1857 in Canea remarked of him that: "His costume, except the fez, was entirely European and he is the first Oriental I have seen who wears it [European dress] naturally and gracefully."^

At this date it was still remarkable that a Turkish governor sat in a rocking chair rather than cross-legged on a divan when receiving visitors. This was part of a life-style now consciously arranged along European aristocratic lines rather than Middle Eastern ones. Bayard Taylor describes a visit as a dinner guest to the Pasha's house in Halepa in 1857: "He has a country-house handsomely furnished in the most luxurious European style, the walls hung with portraits of prominent living sovereigns and statesmen. On the dinner table was an epergne of pure gold, two feet long and eighteen inches high; the knives, forks and spoons were also of the same metal. He had an accomplished French cook, and offered us beside the wine of Crete, Burgundy, Rhenish, and Champagne. He drank but sparingly however, and of a single kind. After dinner, I had a long conversation with him on the state of the Orient, and was delighted to find a Turk in his position imbued with such enlightened and progressive ideas. If there were nine men like him, the regeneration of the East would not be so difficult. One man, however—unless he fills the very highest administrative position—is almost powerless."2

But of course one aspect of modern life was not yet accessible to a young Ottoman grandee. Veli's wife and children lived in separate quarters, still known as a 'harem.' None of them seems to have been around during his dinner with Bayard Taylor. Veli, like other Tanzimat visitors to the West, had spent his time in Paris studying administration and technology with a view to applying reforms and innovations inside Turkey and also, apparently, visiting England, for which, despite his personal contacts with the French Imperial family, he was to show a distinct preference.

1 Bayard Taylor, Travels in Greece and Russia, New York 1866, p. 94. Bayard Taylor, Travels, p. 99.

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The Nature of the Problem: Crete in 1856 When Veli arrived in Crete, 'backwardness' rather than Greek nationalism appeared to him as the main hurdle to be overcome. In the mid19th century Crete had been an Ottoman province for 187 years, a relatively short time compared to most of the Empire's provinces, but during that time the island's social and administrative structures had been thoroughly Ottomanised. In many ways, as William Miller noted 1 , the set-up in Crete closely resembled that of lands in the Ottoman Balkans, and particularly that of Bosnia where Veli had been governor three years earlier. Like BosniaHerzegovina, Crete contained an indigenous Muslim minority speaking the local vernacular. Throughout the 19th century, Crete had a history of its own quite distinct from that of either Greece or Turkey or the straggling Vilayet of Rhodes (Cezayir-i Bahri-i Sefid) which included most of the other Ottoman islands from the Aegean Archipelago to Cyprus. While the islands of the Aegean archipelago were cultural and economic backwaters Crete had been for centuries a significant international trading centre for olive oil and other crops, and was in direct contact not only with Constantinople and Athens but also with northwest European commercial centres. This fact gave it a small foreign merchant community with a history stretching back to the rule of Venice and the late Middle Ages. The leading figures among these western traders doubled as consuls for the Christian powers, though not always their own countries. Historically Crete was not only important as an agricultural and commercial centre, but also as by far the best potential naval centre in the eastern Mediterranean, because of its deep water, all-weather anchorage at Suda Bay. In the Dark Ages and the early modern period, Crete had repeatedly been a pirate stronghold from which attacks on the coasts of Greece and Anatolia could be mounted. Had the politics of the early 19th century worked out differently, the island could just as easily have served as a major Mediterranean naval base for Britain, Russia, or France. Russian control of Cretan waters would probably have implied dominance over Constantinople as well. This is probably why Crete was excluded from the new Kingdom of Greece by the Great Powers in 1828 after the Greek War of Independence, The Duke of Wellington, British prime minister at the time, seems to have feared that as part of Greece, the island would become either a stepping-stone for Russian naval ambitions in the Mediterranean or relapse into piracy. So Crete remained part of the Ottoman Empire, even though between 1830 and 1840 it was not ruled from Istanbul but from Egypt. It was a time 1

William Miller, The Ottoman Empire and its Successors, Cambridge, 1936 pp. 358-9.

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of administrative continuity for the island under the uninterrupted government of Giritli Mustafa Naili Pasha. Under the pasha's rule, the economic life of the island, and in particular the olive oil trade, steadily revived. So did the fortunes of the island's Christians. The ascendancy of the Muslim Beys or landowners may have been waning before the Greek War of Independence. Certainly the Beys never fully recovered from the blows they suffered during it. Mustafa Naili introduced the system of monopolies for sales of staple products which formed the basis of the economic revival of Mehmet Ali's Egypt. Albano-Egyptian rule thus made matters worse for the Beys while it helped a new class of Christian merchants, some of them in-comers from the Ionian islands, to emerge. The growing preponderance of the Cretan Christians was reflected in the island's changing demographic balance.

The Island's Demography in the 1850's The 19 th century in Crete opened with the Muslim Cretans 1 in a condition of social, and economic ascendancy, and relative demographic strength. Though sources are sketchy, it appears that on the eve of the Greek War of Independence, Muslims in Crete accounted for just over two fifths of the population. Thereafter they faced a steady decline in both influence and numbers. The Cretan Muslim population may have entered the war as a community of up to 150,000, but they were reduced to less than half that number by the siege and illness during the war, a fact which one would not suspect from Greek accounts of the island during its unhappy years in the 1820's. 2 By the 1830's and 1840's, though legally they were still a ruling caste, the Cretan Muslims seem to have perceived very clearly the precariousness of their situation and the possibility of their eventual eviction. Though they still made up about 30% of the total population of the island, including foreigners, their share was shrinking. In 1858, according to British Foreign Office figures, the Cretan Muslims totalled 68,000 and the Cultural, religious, and political boundaries overlapped in 19 century Crete and the words "Mussulman" and "Turk" are interchangeable. Ongley in Crete use the word 'Turk' in cases where the general sense is 'Muslim.' Later Canea consuls almost always used "Christians" and "Mussulmans" or Muslims—a practice which I follow here as it best conveys the nature of the conflicts. 2 The Christian population seems to have fallen by about 21% during the War of Independence, while the number of Muslims dropped by 60%, thus setting the scene for events during the remainder of the century.

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Christians 150,231 out of a total of 221,265 inhabitants. The British naval surveyor, Captain Spratt, estimated the Muslims at about 70,00 in a population of 210,00. Some Greek sources claimed a much higher total population—300,000, of which only 20% was Muslim. Over half the Muslims, 39,784 or 58.5% lived in the towns; while only 7,181, fewer than 5%, of Cretan Christians did. However it is likely that many of the 2,650 inhabitants listed as 'foreigners' in 1858 were also ethnic and religious Greeks, either Hellenes from the mainland or Ionians still under British protection. Cretan Muslims would remain an overwhelming majority in the towns until the end of Ottoman rule but from the late 1850s the Christian middle class of the towns was expanding and acquiring greater political influence. 1

Political Life in Crete Before 1856 Against this background, the danger of expulsion from the island felt by the Cretan Muslims after 1830 was not imaginary. There was a Cretan Committee in Athens working for the union of the island with Greece, while the Mussulmanoi were isolated both from the Ottoman mainstream and their Albano-Egyptian rulers. Christian rule in Crete might easily lead—as it had already done in the Peloponnese—to the eviction of the Cretan Muslims, a point which Christian insurgents in 1841 had been quick to deny 2 . Despite later demonisation of the Pasha and his rule in nationalist accounts, Giritli Mustafa Naili's policies rested on an aspiration for MuslimChristian convergence. He seems to have believed that the way to survival for the Ottoman Empire was to create a partnership of Muslim landowners and Christian business classes 3 . He certainly aimed at retaining the support of the Christian majority on the island and preventing a confrontation between the 1 FO 881/1462, A.S. Green, Memorandum Relative to the Isle ofCandia 1821-1862, September 26 1866; T.A.B. Spratt, Travels and Researches in Crete, London 1865, pp. 49-50. See also Lily Makrakis, Elevtherios Benizelos, 1864-1910, M.I.E.T, Athens, 2001, pp. 48-9, n. 65. 2 See for example the denial of this printed in The Times for Monday 7 June 1841. A declaration signed by the insurgent leaders, A. Chaeretis and C. Bourdoumakis tells the Muslims "the Cretans do not desire to drive out nor do any injury to the Ottoman inhabitants of that country, but that on the contrary they may continue to reside in the country, which gave them birth and enjoy their property, as well as the same rights and privileges such as the Christians themselves enjoy, without any exception." The distinction between "Cretans" and "Ottomans" is nevertheless ominous. "Such o countrymen! such are our sentiments. Do not allow yourselves to be deceived by those whose interest it is to see both you and ourselves disappear from the land of Crete, the dear country of our birth." 3 Allan Cunningham Eastern Questions in the 19th Century, London, 1993, Volume II, p. 174. Cunningham's interpretation of the Pasha's thinking seems to rest on remarks by Sir Adolphus Slade which I have so far been unable to locate in Slade's own works.

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Christians and the Ottoman authorities and sometimes did to the disadvantage of the indigenous Muslim population. When the Pasha was removed from the island, Consul Ongley remarked : "The removal of Mustapha Pasha is viewed with great regret by the Christian population of the Island but the Turks in general are glad of it." Like his father, Veli Pasha was well aware of the precariousness of Ottoman power on the island. But, as events would prove, he underestimated just how fragile it was. 2

Consul Ongley Veli's closest ally, and apparently almost his only confidante, during the 33 months of his governorship would be the British Consul in Crete, Henry Sarell Ongley. Both men already knew each other well. Ongley was about 53 years old. He came from a family which had played an active part in the Levant Company, before its disbandment in 1827 and whose members continued to be close to the consular and diplomatic world throughout the twentieth century, one of them serving as ambassador to Turkey in the 1970's. Ongley himself was a trader who, among other things, had the monopoly on the import of coal tar soap into the island. 3 In 1855, Ongley had been in Crete as British Consul for eighteen years. Ongley's despatches reveal a distinctive and not entirely appealing personality in their author. His intentions may have been good but he often put his worst face forward. He was over-sensitive to personal slights and these often eclipsed other events for him. If, for example, the Consul of France galloped past him at high speed, forcing him off the path, he would report the fact to London. 4 Worse still, he had a marked tendency to make unsubtle recommendations in his reporting and to steer his readers clumsily towards conclusions which sound unduly personal and read more like special pleading than analysis. He thus sometimes exacerbated precisely the suspicions he was trying to dispel. Above all, he was trouble-prone. Ongley's early dispatches in the 1830s suggest that initially he, like his predecessors, at that time viewed Giritli Mustafa Naili Pasha, from a prudent distance with some awe. During the 1841 crisis on the island he had an open dispute with the governor. But as the years advanced the two became distinctly 1 2 3 4

FO 195/307 Ongley to Palmerston, 21 October 1851. La Vérité sur les Evénements à Candie, pp. 53-54. Soap was one of the main by-products of olive oil. See for example, FO 195/457, p. 267, Ongley to Bulwer, March 9 1857.

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friendlier and by the time of his sudden removal from Crete, Mustafa Naili seems to have known the English consul well enough to share relatively unguarded thoughts with him, admitting in October 1851, for example, that he did not know what his fate in Istanbul would be on his removal to the capital.1 The troubles visited on Ongley and Veli Pasha during the latter's governorship were the culmination of regular scraps between Ongley and the French and Austrian consuls on the island which then went back more than a decade and a half. London officials reading the despatches from Crete in the spring of 1858 perhaps recalled earlier complaints against Ongley over the years. In June and July 1841 for example Rifat Pasha had written on behalf of the Ottoman authorities alleging irregular activities by the consul. As in 1858, these complaints were evidently inspired by Joseph Caporal and the French and Austrian consuls on Crete. On this earlier occasion, the British Consul had been summoned to Istanbul to answer these charges but managed to acquit himself of them. 2 19th century Canea was a very small town. Its foreign consuls were a minute community within it, who often got on each other's nerves or affronted each other's dignity. At times when their governments were amicable and cooperating relatively easily, the consuls on Crete engaged in bellicosity towards each other, but even against this background, the tensions between Caporal and Ongley seem to have been exceptional. In both Paris and London, ministers were well aware of the possibilities of these confrontations. In 1856, no doubt partly because of what was happening in Crete, the French Foreign Ministry issued a printed circular letter instructing its consuls in the Orient 3 to work together and not get over ardent in competition with the English when advising the local pashas. The document was passed on to the Foreign Office and circulated to Ongley and other consuls. But, in Canea, at least it, failed to sooth things. 4 Veli Pasha, who must have watched these goings-on over many years, would have been well advised to maintain an even distance between the consuls on his return as governor. Instead he broke with Caporal and quickly developed personal and professional links with Henry Ongley including financial ones. It is difficult to say whether this partiality for Ongley was 1

FO 195/307, 10 October 1851. Ponsonby Papers, Durham University Library, 22 June 1841, and 12 July 1841. The row between the consuls coincided with the insurgency of the same year. For an indication that on this occasion too, bad advice from Ongley to Mustafa Naili Pasha may have played a part in causing events on the island go awry, see The Times for Wednesday 5 July, 1841. 3 i.e. the Ottoman Empire and the rest of the Middle East. 4 F O 160/74 1856 Instructions from London to Tripoli and Crete.

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based mainly on personal sympathy, Ongley's ability to act as a banker, or a desire to cultivate the British as the leading great power of the day 1 . Whichever was the case, within a few months of the new governor's arrival a fierce animosity had developed between him and the French Consul, Chatry de La Fosse, who had been on the island since 1848. "Mr Chatry de la Fosse has such a personal hatred to the Pasha that he eagerly seizes on every opportunity to thwart and annoy him," Ongley wrote to his Ambassador in January 1857.2

Veli 's Reform Programme Within a month of his arrival on the island, the new governor-general was hard at work on improvements and reforms intended to create a 19th century modern society in Crete. His conceptions of how to transform Crete were those of a modern administrator, or at least someone who had seen a modern state at close quarters, but his modus operandi inevitably had to be that of a latter-day Enlightenment ruler introducing changes from above by himself. Veli was aware from the outset that his available powers and resources would not be proportionate to the work involved in modernizing Crete. An Ottoman governor-general was effectively the equivalent of a French prefect, but Turkey was—his later apologia noted with some understatement—"only imperfectly developed administratively. " 3 The Albano-Egyptian administration of his father had set up local councils, essentially along Napoleonic lines in the 1830s but there was no provincial or communal budget in Crete (nor indeed as yet a national budget for the Empire: that would not come until 1862) and so the administration of the island operated without a regular income. 4 These deficiencies, he believed were the explanation for the backwardness and decay of public monuments. His inspiration was clearly the developments underway in Istanbul in the wake of the Crimean War and the urban reforms of Napoleon III. He tells us that "An august personne (i.e. presumably the Empress Eugénie) had told him before leaving Paris, what immense advantages he could bring to the island by giving it routes and voies de communication" and that he had broached his

1 British naval intervention on the island in 1841 had helped put down an insurrection against Veli's father and may have played a part in the Porte's decision to retain him as governor. 2 FO 195/457 p. 265. Ongley to de Redcliffe. 3 La Vérité p. 18. 4 La Vérité. P. 18.

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ideas to the Sultan and his ministers before leaving for the island and secured their approval. 1 The new governor began his work swiftly. Less than two months after his arrival, Mr Boone, Ongley's deputy in Canea, writing on 24 November 1855 in the consul's temporary absence, reported: "His Excellency is endeavouring to introduce numerous reforms in the island such as naming the streets in the principal towns and having the houses numbered as in Europe. He proposes to place lights or lamps in a part of this town for which purpose he has ordered them from France, he will also establish a street police similar to that existing in London."2

Veli's determination to introduce elements of Western European urban culture, such as street numbers and road sweeping, also took forms which involved direct interference with the way of life of the men of Canea. Boone went on to report that: "He has prohibited card playing in the public coffee shops and yesterday issued orders prohibiting the hanging of dirty canvas awnings over the shops in the bazaar, the throwing of dirt or rubbish in the streets or sitting in the streets or public thoroughfares; all those found guilty of trespassing in these particulars are to be either imprisoned for a definite period of time or are to be fined, for the first offence lightly and more severely in proportion for every repetition of the same offence."

The seeds of future problems were very quick to appear. Veli's social reforms had immediately triggered the open disapproval of a group of Cretan residents who were entitled to call upon the British consul for protection and who would eventually play the leading part in the governor's downfall. These were merchants and settlers from the Ionian Islands, at that stage still a British territory. Because of the British protection they enjoyed until the cession of the islands to Greece in 1864, the Ionians were a notoriously troublesome group for British diplomats in the Ottoman Empire, Greeks who were able cock a snoot at the Ottoman authorities. "Some few Ionians who have coffee shops here and whose principal gain is derived from persons playing at cards in their shops complain bitterly at these Regulations and have shewn some opposition. I have however considered it my duty to assist the Pasha in carrying out the Regulations as related to Ionians," Boone added. Another of Veli's projected improvements, modelled on changes being introduced at the same time in Istanbul, was street lighting for Canea. The 1 2

La Venté pp. 21-23 FO 195/457 Boone to de Redcliffe, November 24 t h 1855.

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innovation also did not go down well. Christian Cretans objected to it in newspapers published in Syra on the grounds that it might cause people to stumble into holes. Muslims demonstrated violently against it presumably on religious grounds, and a group headed by one Bahri Agha had to be arrested and its leader held for a while in the fortress island of Grabousa.1 Within a month or two on the island, Veli was considering ways to improve the Cretan infrastructure by building a network of roads as the auguste personne in Paris had advised him. He wanted to begin in Rethymo, the third town of the island, and entered into negotiations with its 'chiefs' — the local notables who mediated between government and the local population—to establish a voluntary arrangement under which the adult male population would work on the construction three days a week. He recruited a British engineer, Edward Woodward, who had worked in the Crimea and built roads in the Ionian Islands, to head the project. To improve maritime communications, Veli laid down new buoys at the entrance to Canea Harbour in October 1856 and had winch machinery constructed at his own expense to be used for dredging the harbour. However it was never used and lay rusting on the quayside for some years after he had departed.2. Finance There remained the problem of public finances or the lack of them. Veli examined alterations to the 6§iir or 'tithe'. He proposed that Crete should switch from a system in which the tithes of several villages were auctioned together to one tax farmer, to another in which the tithe was sold separately by the villagers themselves. The tithe was widely regarded by contemporaries as one of the main reasons for the under-population and backwardness of the Ottoman countryside, so the experiment was of considerable potential interest. The public finances of the island did indeed improve. Income from the tithe rose from 3.2 million francs in 1854-55 to 4.49 million francs in 1856-57, the first year of Veli's governorship.3

1 FO 195/600, Lionel Woodward, Report to Veli Rifaat Pasha, late Governor of Crete on his work on the island July 1856 to July 1858; FO 195/457, Ongley to de Redcliffe, May 8 1857. 2 Guarracino to Sir H. Bulwer, 1 December 1860, FO 195/600/. 3 See George Finlay, The Euthanasia of the Ottoman Empire, Blackwoods, May 1861. Figures for tithe income, taken from Memorandum Relative to the Island of Candia 1866; FO 881/1462 p.18. Tithe reform is described in FO 195/457 Ongley to Stratford January 30 1856. The idea may possibly have come from Veli's father, Mustafa Naili Pasha, whose career shows him to have been interested in fiscal reform.

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Education Both the Tanzimat statesmen and the emergent political forces among the Ottoman Christians attached importance to the establishment of schools and the expansion of education1. For the Ottomans, educational development involved two further questions. First was it possible to establish an educational system in which Christians and Muslims would attend school together? Second, what could be done to prevent the widening educational gap between Christians and Muslims? Veli lists the establishment of schools and hospitals among the objects of his governorship, but the latter (partly because of the earthquake in the autumn of 1856) appear to have been his priority. In June 1857 he was given authority: "to lay out about 900 pounds for the establishing of schools for the Mussulman population. The Government also provides at its expense four teachers, one of whom is for European languages. Books and stationary will also be paid for by the Government."

Ongley added: "The Pasha has explained his intention of allowing children of other Creeds to attend these schools." 2 A striking feature of Veli's attempted educational reforms was that he was attempting to carry them out with the cooperation of the Greek clergy and evidently had some success in doing so. When Bayard Taylor visited Candia in 1858, he was shown around the Greek school of the town by the Metropolitan who had, Taylor tells us, established a school "in which sixteen hundred children of both sexes were receiving instruction in it. The Metropolitan had run into severe difficulties with the Cretan clergy and especially the monasteries and was nicknamed by them, the 'Turkopolite.' He informed me that Vely Pasha intended establishing a school in the city in which both Greek and Turkish children were to be taught together, and I was very glad to find that he was himself strongly in favour of the measures. But if this plan ever has any success it will be in spite of the Greek population."3

1 Much of the expansion took place after 1878. See Stephanos Gontikakis, I Paideia sti kriti 1878-88; Vikelia Demotiki, Iraklion, 1992. 2 FO 195/457 18 June 1858, Ongley to de Redcliffe. 3 Taylor, Travels, 142-147. Taylor attributes the Archbishop's unpopularity with the local Christians to his Epirote origins.

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Culture Veli's governorship in Crete coincided with the period when the British government of Lord Aberdeen took advantage of its privileged standing immediately after the Crimean War with the Ottoman government to launch investigations for antiquities and manuscripts. As far as antiquities were concerned, this was a golden age for the collectors of the British Museum. Knowing that anything of value that was discovered would be removed, particularly at this period when the Empire could hardly say no to any request from its British ally, Ottoman officials were usually unenthusiastic when British antiquarians arrived on their turf. When Charles Newton of the British Museum arrived in Rhodes in 1852, thinly disguised as a vice-consul, he had had to struggle with suspicious and unfriendly local Ottoman administrators. A rather different and more pleasing welcome awaited the Reverend Henry Coxe, a Fellow of Brasenose College Oxford and Deputy Librarian of the Bodleian, who arrived in March 1857 on board the steamer, HMS Gladiator even though his chances of finding much were poor. "I fear he will find little or nothing to discover in this Island," wrote Ongley. 1 So indeed it proved. But not from want of cooperation from the Ottoman authorities in the shape of Veli who gave Coxe's investigation his full personal support. "It would be as unjust as it would be ungenerous to pass over as mere routine civility the attention paid to me by Veli Pasha. Not only did he himself institute inquiries in different parts of the island for my assistance but he most materially facilitated my own progress from place to place by furnishing me with mules, horses, and attendants to accompany me to all parts of the island which I might desire to visit.

"I can only wish that our united efforts had met with greater success." Coxe wrote afterwards. 2 The episode exposed the underlying tensions between the Orthodox Church and its Ottoman rulers. At every monastery visited by Coxe, the abbot and monks were able to produce at best only standard late medieval Greek Orthodox religious texts. This was unsurprising but the clergy used the opportunity to complain stridently that they had once indeed possessed the Classical manuscripts that their English guest was seeking but that the Turks had burnt them all. Veli's attempts at openness simply gave Christian clerical

' Report to Her Majesty's Government, on the Greek Manuscripts yet remaining in the Libraries of the Levant. By H. O. Coxe (Parliamentary Paper 1858.); FO 195/457 p. 273 March 16 1857. Coxe, op. cit., pp. 20-23.

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opponents of Ottoman rule the chance to denounce it to a visiting Westerner. Under a more repressive governor this might not have happened.

Humanitarian

Activities

Slavery A recurrent and important issue for Veli, because of its direct international implications and especial concern to Britain, was the slave trade between the Ottoman Empire and Africa. The ports of Crete were used as overnight stops by merchant vessels travelling from North Africa to Alexandria, Smyrna and Istanbul. Throughout the middle and later 19th century, British consuls in Canea were under instructions to watch for slave vessels and take action when any were identified. As a result of this pressure, the trade dwindled as the century advanced, but in the late 1850's slavers from North Africa were still a not uncommon sight, despite an edict by Abdiilmecit in 1854 intended to end slavery. Ten days after Veli's arrival as governor in Crete, he was confronted with the issue. An Ottoman brig, the "Fesula" arrived in Canea with a cargo of 86 slaves and their two Arab owners. The slaves were suffering from lack of food. Veli arrested the owners, placed them in irons, and ordered the slaves to be taken out of confinement in the Lazaretto and given food. He applied to the Porte for permission to set the slaves and ordered the imprisonment of the owners. On this last point he was opposed by the Muslim members of his own Council until he convinced the Kadi [Muslim judge] that they had been fed on the blood of cattle, at which point resistance to their release subsided. 1 On December 20 th 1856, another slaver, the "Mashallah" arrived from Tripoli in Libya (Barbary) with 36 passengers of whom 26 were blacks. Times were changing for the slave traders as a result of Ottoman measures to discourage the practice. "I am told that the price of slaves now in Barbary is exceedingly low owing to the difficulty of exporting them and the clearness of Provisions in the Pashalic of Tripoli," Ongley wrote. 2 Mehmet Darbashi, the Master of the ship, had documents showing that the blacks were free, but Veli Pasha, noting that there were no individual certificates, suspected a trick, and ordered them brought on shore, where they were allowed to communicate with the colony of blacks which now existed in the suburb of Gazi, south of Canea. The "Chiefs of the Free Negroes" explained to the slaves that they were legally free. "The result was that they all decided with evident satisfaction on remaining here."

1 2

FO 195/457 Ongley to de Redcliffe, April 24 1856. FO 195/457, p. 243, Ongley to the Earl of Clarendon, December 23 1856.

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Leprosy Veli Pasha may have had practical rather than idealistic motives for many of his reforms, but his relief measures for the numerous lepers of 19th Crete can only have been prompted by idealistic motives. Leprosy and the relatively large number of lepers was a serious chronic problem for Crete throughout the century. Veli's initiative was apparently only noted by Captain Spratt who wrote that Veli ordered half an okke of bread to be given to every leper daily. "This tardy charity is to them a great boon and relieves the local government of this island from a great blot."'

The next major attempt to deal with the problem of leprosy would come around 1900 when Prince George of Greece was the first High Commissioner of an autonomous Crete, But the Prince's solution, less humane than Veli's, was simply to turn the island of Spinalonga into a leper colony and confine the leper population there.

Earthquake relief On October 14th 1856, a major earthquake struck eastern Crete, causing severe damage across the island. Around Candia alone, 700 deaths were reported. "The population is living in tents and a few huts built up in haste," reported Ongley. "Many of the villages have been totally destroyed." Veli did not belong to the widespread category of Ottoman governors who responded slowly to a disaster. He opened his father's mansion at Perivolia as a hospital and relief centre for the wounded. It was almost the only habitable building left. Lionel Woodward was directed to help in the construction of huts and the clearing of badly damaged houses and the rebuilding of the city. "Veli Pasha is doing everything that a humane and energetical man can be expected to do under such circumstances," wrote Ongley.2 The evidence seems unassailable that Veli's reform projects for Crete were well-intentioned and essentially sensible. In more fortunate times he might have gone down in history as an outstandingly successful and enlightened administrator. Yet less than three years after he had arrived, he was forced off the island. ' T.B. Spratt, Travels and Researches in the Levant, London 1865, p. 41. FO 195/457 Ongley to de Redcliffe, 27 October 1856.

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"Annoyed by Mahomedans and Christians" — Veli Pasha and the Reception of the Hatti Hiimayun in Crete Few Ottoman administrators might have seemed less likely to be felled by religio-political conflict than Veli. He had grown up on an island where the difference between Muslims and Christians often meant relatively little and Albanian Muslim husbands privately told their Christian Greek wives that there was little real distinction between the two religions.1 In Bosnia as governor and again in Paris as Ottoman ambassador, Veli had encouraged the building of churches for Ottoman Christians. He was after all the grandson of a priest himself. In Crete he therefore embarked on a church-building programme too, but it would not pay him any dividends in popular support. Veli used his own funds (his family still owned extensive property in Crete) to engage in a programme of church-building.2 And he pressed the Ottoman Government to authorise large projects. On 17th June 1857, Veli announced to the Greeks of Canea that he had obtained permission from the Sultan for the construction of a new church together with the grant of 100,000 piastres towards its cost. "What Christian government ever helped to build a mosque? What Catholic country ever gave funds to a Protestant church," asked Bayard Taylor.3 This largesse was of course balanced by assistance to Crete's Muslims and Veli also encouraged mosque-building, though the Veli Pasha mosque in Rethymo is named after an 18th century predecessor. Nevertheless the programme ran up against opposition including that of the French consul. Chatry de la Fosse, according to Longworth, "found fault even with his [Veli's] liberality in providing the Christians of Canea with ground to build a church on, and he took the part of the fanatic Turks who were opposed to the concession."4 According to Veli's anonymous defence of his record in Crete, he also enabled 210 Christian pilgrims to use an Ottoman naval vessel to travel to the shrine of the Virgin on Tinos. "No other Turkish pasha that I have heard of, has shown so much indulgence and liberality of Christians" wrote Longworth afterwards. His conclusion was that Veli had overdone things. "The Pasha behaved with extraordinary liberality towards the Orthodox Greeks.... The 1

Richard Madden, Travels in Turkey, Egypt, Nubia, and Palestine, London 1833, pp. 147-8. This activity, though not the debacle of her ancestor's Cretan career, was still recalled by Veli's great-granddaughter, Mrs Iffet Sunalp, around 2000. 3 B. Taylor, Travels, p. 121. 4 FO 881/1550 Longworth, in Report on Condition of the Island 1858-1862,13. 2

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truth was that he began by humouring them too much, and this made them unreasonable."1

The Rescript of February 1856 Veli's governorship and his church-building programme coincided with a drastic change in the Ottoman legal and political environment. In the fourth month of Veli's stay on the island, the Haiti Humayun or 'Imperial Rescript' was proclaimed in Istanbul on 18th February 1856. Details of it reached Crete in early March.2 The decree, which conferred full legal equality on all Ottoman citizens regardless of their religion, was a radical departure from all previous Islamic state practice. Till now the ruling Islamic caste of an Islamic state had enjoyed substantial legal and social privileges and the economic benefits that flowed from them. Despite the changes in Crete in the first half of the 19th century, many restrictions were still in force on the island and were the subject of bitter complaints. These were monitored by the consuls of the Western powers, a practice which would grow more intensive and more politically important as the century advanced. Ottoman Christians were not allowed to inherit property from relatives who happened to be Muslim and their inheritance was handled by mosque officials. The testimony of non-Muslims could generally not be used against Muslims in open court, although this law was supposed to have changed already. In addition there were strong sanctions on conversion from Islam to Christianity, and the building of new churches or restoration of old ones was virtually impossible, though, as Veli's earlier encouragement of church-building shows, this prohibition was already breaking down before 1856. For Ottoman reforming administrators, the Rescript was a natural extension of the reconstruction which had begun under Mahmut II. The Hatti Humayun was in line with the general policies of the Tanzimat reformers. Mahmut II (1808-1839) had anticipated its provisions in a famous remark (if indeed he actually said it) that "henceforth he intended to recognize Muslims only in the mosque, Christians only in the church, and Jews only in the synagogue." 3 Even before the decree, the Ottoman government had begun to appoint Christian subjects to senior positions previously reserved only for ' La Vérité, p. 71 ; Report of Mr Longworth, 11 and 12. Manoulis Peponakis, Exislamismoi kai Epanekchristianismoi stin Kriti (1645-1899), Rethymno, 1997, pp. 104-5. 3 Eduard Engelhardt, La Turquie et le Tanzimat, ou, histoire des réformes dans l'Empire Ottoman depuis 1826jusqu'à nos jours, Paris, 1884, Vol. 1, p. 5. 2

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Muslims. In 1840 an Istanbul Christian Greek of Cretan descent, Kostaki Musurus, had been appointed Turkey's first envoy to Greece. From the perspective of the Turkish Tanzimat reformers like Veli, the Hatti Humayun was not just about religious toleration and equality. More importantly, it was also a blueprint for national regeneration. The spring of 1856 which saw the proclamation of the Haiti Humayun, also saw the Ottoman Empire embarking with relative optimism on administrative, economic, urban development, and educational reforms aimed at turning it into a modern state. The Rescript's text reflects this spirit, including proposals for the reform and regeneration of Ottoman society and the encouragement of economic progress. The non-Muslims were intended to share in this work. The patriarchates of the main millets or religious communities were expected to reform themselves and their communities: an outcome which by and large did not happen. 1 That was not however how the Haiti Humayun was perceived in Europe. It was known to have been hammered out in tough negotiations between A'ali Pasha, the Grand Vizier, and the British and French Ambassadors in Constantinople in the weeks between the ending of the Crimean War and the Peace Conference in Paris. It was part of a bargain which Britain and France extracted from the Ottomans in return for defending them in the Crimean War. European public opinion would never accept an Ottoman state whose Christian subjects did not exist on equal terms with the rest of the population. In British eyes the emancipation of Ottoman Christians perhaps resembled the United Kingdom's emancipation of Catholics over a quarter of a century earlier. But Catholic emancipation was child's play compared with the challenge that faced the Tanzimat statesmen. They faced potential opposition from both Muslims and Christians. For the Muslim lower classes, equality with Christians conflicted with some deep taboos, of which the strongest was acceptance of the right to change religion or apostatize from Islam and it meant the loss of entrenched social and legal privileges. For Christians, outside the elite who were taken into Ottoman public service, the Hatti Humayun was not seen as a route to a new common Ottoman citizenship but rather as a package of immediate benefits which also

1 The Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and the Tanzimat Reforms: The National Regulations of 1860 Dr. Maria Tsikaloudaki, paper given in March 2003 at a seminar on "The Greek Orthodox Church in the Modern Era" at the University of Haifa: http:/hcc.haifa.ac.il/Departments/history-school/conferences/greekorthodox_church/pdf/Tsikaloudaki_CongrGreekChurch.pdf

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offered a political lever against Ottoman administrators in local disputes through the consuls of the Western European powers. The Hatti Humayun in Crete In the spring of 1856 Veli, as he later reported, seriously underestimated the problems that enforcement of equality would create. In his anonymous defence, he tells us that "The Hatti Humayun was not really a change in Crete." There was already, he noted, an element of power-sharing on the island, evidently dating back to the 1830s and the reforms introduced by the Egyptians. Bishops already sat alongside mullahs and kadis in council. Equality, he thought, was not really the problem. 1 In fact the issue proved the most fatally controversial of Veli's governorship. The central issue was conversion. Conversion from Christianity to Islam in Crete was a relatively recent phenomenon, less than two hundred years old, which must have been reasonably well-remembered in many families. Furthermore Christians and Muslims were separated by a shifting and uncertain boundary. Until the middle of the 19 th century, intermarriage, such as that in Veli's own family, between Christian girls and Muslim men was fairly common. The frontier between Christian and Muslim ran inside family life, and the rewards for males who conformed outwardly to Islam were created a temptation to dissemble. There seem to have always been some Crypto-Christians among the Cretan Muslim population. The Greek War of Independence of the 1820's saw some Crypto-Christians renouncing Islam, though at a high risk. Those risks had now been removed and within a few months of the Hatti Humayun, a trickle of applications began by Cretan Muslims who wanted to register as Christians. The first applicants were in Rethymo and they sounded out not the Ottoman authorities, but the French consular agent there, to see if it was safe to do so. The French consul, de la Fosse, informed the governor, who asked for a delay of a few days while he checked with his masters in Istanbul. Veli's fears were of a flood of conversions and intercommunal violence. Ongley described his reactions: "Veli Pasha told me he had done this because the number of those in Crete who are likely to profess openly Christianity is so great that he fears the Mahomedans of the lower class might be guilty of some excesses towards them, and therefore he is desirous to have the Porte's opinion on the matter." ' La Vérité, p. 14. For the impact as seen by Cretan Christians, see Peponakis, Exislamoi.

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He also pointed out that the Hatti Hiimayun stated that no one could be forced to change their religion, but it did not explicitly state that Muslims could become Christians. 1 Veli's anxieties were heightened by the presence in Candia of one of the most famous figures in 19 th Century Ottoman Kurdish history, Bedirhan Bey, who had been exiled to the island with his family and foreigners at the insistence of the European powers late in 1847 for attacking and killing Nestorian Christians. 2 During his early years on Crete, Bedirhan Bey played the role of an uncompromising defender of traditional Sunni Islamic values. "The Kurdish exiles there [Candia] are the heads of the fanatical party," wrote Ongley and it was they who seemed most likely to create objections to the application of the edict of toleration. 3 The accepted view was that some thousands of Cretan Muslims were likely to become Christians. In fact, the figure turned out to be much lower, around 500. Most of these conversions passed off with relatively little incident, despite initial troubles. But in 1857 and 1858 a handful of cases became causes célèbres, with far-reaching consequences for Veli. Within a few weeks of 19th February 1856, a trickle of defections from Islam to Christianity was getting under way in Crete. There were reports that a Greek priest was instigating covert Muslims to register as Christians. The initial danger was that these conversions, by offending the deepest traditions of the Muslim lower classes, would provoke a fierce reaction from them. Veli told Ongley that he feared "that the conversions might cause some hostile movement on the part of the fanatical Turks in which, in the end, the Turks would be worsted, as the Christian element is superior in strength and numbers in every part of the island except the three cities." 4 Just under three months after the Rescript was promulgated, Ongley wrote to his ambassador on 12 May 1856: "In consequence of the publication of the new Hatti Sherif of the Sultan relating to Privileges and Reforms in Turkey, some of those individuals who are openly Mussulmans and in secret Christians have now openly professed the latter faith. About fifteen of them were brought before the Council of the City of Candia a few days ago, and a large crowd of fanatical Turks followed them. One of the police threatened them with decapitation 1

FO 195/457 Ongley to de Redcliffe, 8 April 1856, p.176. For an overview of Bedirhan's life, see Hasan Gôkçe "Bedir Khan Bey, der Emir of Cezire Einer der letzent autonomem Kurden-Fiirsten des 19. Jahrhunderts". in Hans-Lukas Kieser (ed.) Kurdistan und Europe Einblicke in die Kurdische Geschichte des 10. und 20. Jahrhunderts, Chonos Zurich 1997. esp. pp.104-5. (I am grateful to Dr Johan Strauss for this reference.) Contemporary details of the military defeat of Bedirhan which preceded his exile are given in The Times for Times Thursday 5 August 1847. 3 FO 195/457, June 20, 1856, Ongley to de Redcliffe. 4 FO 195/457, Ongley to de Redcliffe, May 12, 1856.

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but this man has been put under arrest in consequence of the representations of Mr. Vice-Consul Ittar." 1

At the centre of this storm were seven converts to Christianity in Candia. Veli ordered them to be held in protective custody in prison while he waited for instructions from Istanbul but after two weeks none had arrived so on the 28 th May, Ongley reported that they had been set free and accompanied by guards to protect them until they left the town. "I feel certain Veli Pasha will not allow any religious persecution here, so far as it is possible to prevent it," Ongley wrote, in his characteristic fashion which unconsciously created suspicions in the very act of trying to avert them. 2 Nonetheless the situation was entirely novel. Ongley added that his French colleague, de La Fosse was already predicting that the Ottoman authorities might respond by asking Veli to require the converts to leave the island. But in fact there was no such request. At the end of June 1856, there came another and more embarrassing case of family conversion, directly affecting members of the Ottoman administration in the island. The wife, daughter, and son-in-law of Dervi§ Efendi, the Treasurer at Candia, switched to Christianity and then immediately sought the protection of a Maltese merchant, Mr Ittar, who was vice-consul there for Britain, France, and Austria. Veli Pasha asked Ongley to instruct Ittar to hand over the three, promising that they would be protected. Ongley had no hesitation in complying. He pointed out to his French colleague that the episode raised the question of whether the Ottoman government was carrying the Hatti Humayun out of its own accord or only because of foreign pressures. Ongley was eager that it should be the former. Matters would have been easier if the Ottoman government had taken a strong line, but as Ongley reported "the authorities at Constantinople have given Veli Pasha carte blanche in this affair and enjoin him to do all he can to keep things quiet." Eventually the three were reunited on grudging terms, with Dervi§ Efendi threatening to do nothing worse to his daughter than disinherit her. But the Treasurer warned Veli that in the village of Episkopi, mass conversions to Christianity appeared to be under way, claiming that only four out of eighty "Turkish", i.e. Muslim, families remained. 3 A fortnight later, Veli paid a visit to Candia "to calm down the irritation said to exist there between the Christians and the Turks." ViceConsul Ittar was reporting rumours of insulting and beatings of the apostates, particularly in the Sitia district and said that in Candia itself, fear of Muslim 1 2 3

FO 195/457, Ongley to de Redcliffe, May 12 1856. ibid, 28 May 1856. ibid June 27 1856.

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reprisals was growing. Veli ordered that any Muslims beating Christians should be arrested and sent to Candia. As a precaution he had written to Istanbul asking for two battalions of soldiers to be sent to the island to help him maintain order. The risk, as he with great candour explained to Ongley, was that, with the rural Muslims being a vulnerable minority, "a few hot-headed fanatical Turks might bring about a state of things which the greater part of their countrymen would wish to avoid."1 The lack of proactive policy-making and clear guidelines from the Ottoman authorities in Constantinople left Veli in an unenviable situation. By the end of the summer, the converts were growing steadily bolder, and to Muslim eyes, more impudent. On September 29 Ongley reported that "the Christians do not always act with prudence." When the apostates returned to their villages, the Christians received them with "public manifestations of joy" which "led to some little disturbances."2 Furthermore the conversions were followed by property disputes. When only part of a family converted to Christianity, those who remained Muslim sued to seize their property from them, as the converts had inherited from Muslims and under Islamic law, Christians could not be the heirs of Muslims. As Ongley pointed out, this retrospective forfeiture was legal and practical nonsense but at this date the Christian converts could still be seen by ordinary Muslims as defectors from a ruling caste who lost their privileges when they abandoned it.3 In trying to make the edict of toleration a reality, Veli seems to have gone further and faster than many other Ottoman administrators. This, combined with his interest in attracting an international audience in Europe and America, gained him for a while the compliments of diplomats. A year later, in the spring of 1857, he was in correspondence with Carroll Spence, the American Minister in Istanbul. He had been put in touch with Spence by a Cretan Greek lady, Elizabeth Contaxachi, who was one of the governor's few ardent supporters. On May 26th 1857 Spence wrote to Veli warning that "this charter of civil and religious equality will be nugatory, unless the Ottoman functionaries, to whom the execution of its decrees are entrusted, exert themselves zealously to carry into effect its liberal enactments. "To those who have done so, the acknowledgements of all liberal governments are due, and I am pleased to express to you my conviction, that no governor general in Turkey is better entitled to them than your Excellency...Permit me therefore...to testify my sincere admiration for your character, as a philanthropist and a statesman."

1 2 3

FO 195/457, p. 211, Ongley to de Redcliffe, July 11 1856. FO 195/457, p. 226, Ongley to de Redcliffe, September 29 1856. ibid.

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Spence urged Veli to continue "on the path of reform" even though he might "be annoyed by Mahomedans and Christians" and promised that "your Excellency will nevertheless eventually reap the greatest reward a statesman can attain, the respect of all good and sensible men." 1 This forecast proved badly mistaken. The particularly thorny complication of the conversion issue was that it cut across distinctions of sex and class. Advocates of toleration and religious freedom in the Ottoman Empire had conceived of religious identification in terms of choices made by adults and essentially by adult males, in other words by heads of households and families. Yet the early cases that occurred in practice reveal the role played by women. These may reflect a difference between the public world of Ottoman Cretan men and the private world of their womenfolk. In the latter Christianity and crypto-Christianity perhaps lingered. The issue of female conversion was not new or confined to Crete: it was already an intrinsic problem both for the new order emerging in the Ottoman Empire and also in the interplay between the Empire and for the diplomats of the Christian Western powers that had now penetrated so deeply into its internal life. On several occasions in the 1840's, more than a decade before the Hatti Hiimayun, conversion disputes had already been one of the most awkward issues in the dealings of foreign ambassadors (who were invoked by converts as protectors) and the Ottoman government. The hardest cases involved teenage girls, whose ability to decide their religion was open to question and whose adherence to a particular religion might fluctuate with the progress or collapse of a romance. 2 On Crete the danger that romance and religion would become intertwined was clearly seen by the governor, though he saw it as being sometimes a problem of the deliberate seducing of Muslims away from their faith, a view which was later endorsed by Longworth. "Young Turks see the Greek girls fall in love with them and change their religion to marry them, while the young Greeks do not see the young Turkish girls and therefore are not induced to act in the same manner,"

Carroll Spence to Veli Pasha, 26 May 1857, Spence Collection Georgetown University. Veli and Spence were also in contact over a proposal by Veli to donate Cretan marble for the Washington Monument. See: also Spence Collection, Box: 1 Fold: 23 Correspondence: Elizabeth B. Kontaxaki to Carroll Spence; 7/28/1857 & 10/2/1857. 2 See for example the case described in the Times of 18 August 1847 in which the young A'ali Efendi deals with a case of conversion to, and subsequent apostasy from, Islam by a young girl in Damascus. For cases in Crete, see Peponakis, Exislamoi, pp. 98-103.

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Veli told Ongley. The consul himself noted "When young girls or married women, whether Greeks or Turks abandon their religion for the sake of their lovers, the Turkish population cannot view such a matter with satisfaction, nor do the Greeks in general like it." 1

The Breakdown with the Consuls As a result of these pressures, Veli Pasha's administration began to run into serious difficulties. By 1857 they were sufficiently great to call his position on the island into question. The trouble came initially, as we have seen, not from the local population but from the consuls of France, Austria, and Greece and the first manifestations of it appeared not on the island, but in the international press at the other end of Europe. Reporting on his investigation in Crete immediately after Veli's departure, Longworth described how ...an alliance sprung up and offensive measures soon resulted from it. Libels against Veli Pasha soon began to appear in foreign newspapers, in those of Athens, Trieste, and Belgium. Nobody could for a moment doubt from what sources these slanders emanated or avoid associating them with the known sentiments of the three Consulates....the abuse became as it proceeded more and more virulent, the charges more and more reckless. 2

On January 30th 1857, Ongley reported "I have also to complain of the behaviour of the French Consul towards myself on several occasions, but particularly within the last two months, as regards a vile and infamous libel against the Governor, myself, and several respectable ladies and gentlemen here, written there is every reason to believe by a M. Joseph Caporal, a Frenchman and published through the medium of his nephew, Adolphus Caporal, the former favourably known to the French government and an intimate friend of the Consul, the latter a man of very indifferent character." 3

These charges eventually culminated in accusations of murder: Veli was accused by Le Nord, a Belgian newspaper, of poisoning the French woman governess teaching his children and later of killing the Archbishop of Candia. The governor sued successfully in the Belgian courts for libel, winning

1 FO 195/457 Ongley to de Redcliffe 17 January 1857. and 1 s t April 1857. FO 881/1550 28 August 1858, Report by Consul Longworth on the Primary Causes, p. 12. 2 FO 881/1550 Reports. Condition of the Island 1858-1862, 13. 3 FO 195/457 Ongley to de Redcliffe, p. 248-50. January, 30 1857.

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substantial damages of 150 livres. The newspaper withheld the name of the writer of the article.1 Seen from a 21st century perspective, the most surprising feature of the contest between Veli Pasha and the consuls is the impunity with which fairly junior French and Austrian officials could proceed against an Ottoman official whom they did not like. Veli was by no means the first Ottoman governor to experience this. In January 1853, one of the greatest figures among the Tanzimat reformers, A'ali Pasha, had been sacked as governor of Izmir at the insistence of an unfriendly Austrian consul. By the spring of 1857, Cretan opinion was divided over the success of Veli Pasha's policies. The Governor was beginning to face a formidable range of enemies. These naturally included nationalist Greeks, who wanted the reform process to fail and traditionalist Muslims, but his main opponents in the early stages appear to have been simply Chatry de la Fosse and Stiglitz, the consuls of France and Austria, together with Joseph Caporal and his family, which was connected by marriage with the Austrian consul. Stiglitz's hostility to Veli appears to have been motivated entirely by private family concerns revolving around the slight to Joseph Caporal, his relative-bymarriage. In the early stages the opposition was not in principle philhellene. Chatry de la Fosse and his Chancelier and successor Derché seized any means they could to undermine Veli. This sometimes meant they criticized him not from a Christian standpoint but from a hard-line Muslim one. In February 1857, for example, Ongley reported that the French consul had been advising the Muslim opponents of street lighting in Canea how they should organise a petition against the governor and also that the consul was handing out money to the poor Muslims "apparently for the purposes of currying favour with them, for else why not have it distributed to both Turks and Greeks?"2 Their criticisms over church-building have been noted above. Their campaign against Veli in the European press having failed to dislodge him, the consuls decided to strike nearer home. They sent Joseph Caporal to the Ottoman capital to see "what could be done with the Embassies and the Porte to seek his removal." 3 But at this stage Veli was far from being a wholly isolated figure on Crete. Indeed in the spring of 1857, there was something of a groundswell of support for him, led by Elizabeth Kondaxachi, the governor's most enthusiastic ally. Kontaxachi's ardent friendship with

1

FO 881/1550 Turkey: Reports. Condition of Crete-. Longworth to Sir H. Bulwer, 28 September, 1858. 2 FO 197/457 Ongley to de Redcliffe, p. 263, February 21 1857. 3 ibid, p. 14.

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Veli may have been part of the character-assassination campaign by the Consuls. Be that as it may, Kondaxachi was an intelligent woman and an effective supporter. Early in 1857 she organised a petition to the Porte thanking the Sultan for granting the Hatti Hiimayun and expressing satisfaction in the way in which Veli Pasha was implementing it. A total of 2,500 signatures (roughly equivalent to one percent of the total population of the island) was collected. Kontaxachi then sailed to Istanbul 1 , accompanied by representatives from Candia and Canea, to present the petition to the Porte and to lobby foreign embassies on behalf of Veli Pasha. She had considerable success with the British and Americans, though less with the French ambassador, Edouard Thouvenel. Nonetheless her aim of securing Veli Pasha's position was achieved and the threat, real or imagined, of his withdrawal receded. Veli "received a Firman publicly acknowledging his services, and was rewarded with a decoration of the first class of Order of Merit from the Sultan." 2 Around the same time however, Chatry de la Fosse and Stiglitz received reinforcements with the arrival of a new Greek consul, Nicholas Canaris, on the island. The son of a Greek minister, Canaris landed in Canea on a Greek military gunboat on 29th May 1857, ignoring both the conventional 21-gun salute to the fortress and the quarantine regulations of which he had been forewarned. He also brushed aside Veli's polite attempts to find a solution for his problems. The Sanitary Department, over whom the governor had no authority, then held him for the full 21 days. Once in the saddle, Canaris quickly aligned himself with the Austrian and French consuls and his influence seems to have made their opposition to the governor more definitely philhellenic in tone. 3

The Opened Mail Packages During the spring of 1857, Veli Pasha also became drawn into a separate dispute between Ongley and Stiglitz. One of Veli's aims had been to open a new Austrian Lloyds steamship link between Crete and Syra. In May 1857 this came into operation. When the boat arrived, Ongley went on board (he and Stiglitz were both shipping agents) and found it was bearing mail 1

M. Caporal, evidently bent on a rival mission, was on the same boat. FO 195/457 p. 275, April 1st 1857 Ongley to de Redcliffe; FO 195/600, Longworth to Sir H. Bulwer, 28 September, 1858. 2

3

FO 195/457, Ongley to de Redcliffe, p.245, January 7 1857 (marked 'not sent home' in Constantinople) and 31 May 1857.

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packages with 'red pencil' letters intended for Canea and addressed to Stiglitz. Ongley, according to his own account intervened, thinking they had gone astray. He opened some of the packets and forwarded them to their destinations. A furious and protracted altercation then followed between the two consuls, with each accusing the other of improper behaviour to the governor and demanding the other be sacked. A few weeks later, Ongley was able to claim that he had caught Stiglitz tampering with mail and that a letter to the governor from his father in Istanbul had been diverted and opened. It is difficult to know what was really at stake. Was Ongley tampering with the mail of his rivals? His attempts to exculpate himself as usual only make the reader suspect him of evasion or worse—but it is curious that one of those whose letters was interfered with was a 'Signor Bolanaki", presumably a relative of Veli Pasha through his Cretan Greek mother. 1

The conversion scandals of 1857 While the consuls of England and Austria bickered, the religious disputes of the island continued. The governor faced a series of awkward decisions throughout 1856 and 1857, each of which was likely to offend one of the communities. The flow of converts after the Hatti Humayun had taken an unexpected turn and was now happening in both directions. While some Cretans wanted to become Christians, others wished to convert to Islam. At the end of 1856 Veli received applications from four Candia Greeks wanting to become Muslims. Three of the four were girls, but the other applicant was a priest. Veli withheld permission for the girls to convert and gave the priest sixty days to consider his choice, intending to make him "feel the odiousness and ridiculousness of his conduct." Later he did exactly the same to three Muslim minors who want to become Greeks to get away from the surveillance of their families. 2 Love and elopements continued to be the main motive in many conversions. On January 17th 1857, Ongley reported to Stratford that a 25year old girl had taken refuge in his house, saying she wanted to become a Christian. "It turned out that the reason for this was not conscientious feelings but a love affair with a Christian servant of her father and she was afraid of her father's anger....Her father says he will rather kill her than see her become a Christian."

1 2

FO 195/457 May 1857, Ongley to de Radcliff. La Vérité, p. 74.

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Ongley passed the young woman to the home of Veli's secretary, saying that "it was probable that, she would be allowed to marry the man she chose." 1 Then came two controversial applications by girl converts in opposite directions. In April 1857, the governor received an application from the daughter of a Cretan Christian, Pervolaraki Andoni, to become Muslim in order to marry someone called Ramazan whom her father opposed. Taking the view that she was too young to decide for herself, Veli refused permission. He tells us that the Greeks "highly approved" his decision 2 . Only a few days later however, Veli received an application from a young Muslim girl, apparently still in her teens, called Safiye who wanted to become a Christian 3 . Again it was in order to marry a servant, this time a person called Cocoli. Veli treated her in exactly the same way as he had done the Christian girl and refused permission, but quickly found himself confronted by an uproar. On 19 th May 1857 news of the Pasha's refusal to allow the conversion was published in the Parisian press, a development which must have been mortifyingly embarrassing to the former ambassador and perhaps contributed to his growing isolation. 4 The girl had been baptized by the "Monk Parthenius" 5 , an Ionian priest, (thus someone under British protection at that date) while members of her family claimed she had stolen money. In order to get her away from them, Veli took her into the women's quarters of his own household or 'harem.' Interviewed by the Cretan Judicial Council, the girl insisted that she wished to become a Christian and the Ionian priest backed her up, citing the Hatti Humayun. Cretan Christian opinion now came out against the decision. In its eyes, the former 'Safiye' was now Marigo. 6 Veli declared his intention to keep the girl in his household along with his daughter Iffet and his other children until she turned 21. Inside his house, Safiye/Marigo was considered as a Christian as of course was Veli's mother. 1

FO 195/1857, p. 254 Ongley to de Redcliffe, January 17 1857. La Vérité, p. 74. Veli adds that the girl later became Catholic and then tried to return to Islam. 3 La Vérité, p.74; FO 195/1857, April 1. and 30 June. Ongley gives the name of the girl as 'Chakir'=§akir—also the name of a wealthy Mussulman merchant punished by exile in the Mournies incident of 1833. Veli's conduct is easier to understand if the girl was a member of a leading Cretan family. 2

4

1M Vérité, p. 74. ^ FO 195/1857 p. 336 contains a signature giving the priest's full name as Parthenius Pannaiotti Mavromatti, but here and in FO 195 600, Ongley to Lord Clarendon, 6 January 1858, Ongley calls him Parthenius Baggi. Another Ionian Father Parthenius Kelaides, would be the driving force in Crete for union with Greece over the next three decades 6 La Vérité, p. 74; FO 195/457 14 April, p. 277, Ongley to de Redcliffe, and p. 322, 30 June 1857.

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She was periodically visited by Lucy Ongley to see that all was well. The girl was "treated by Veli Pasha's mother as quite a companion," Mrs Ongley reported. Nevertheless the governor was conscious of the possibilities that she would claim ill-treatment and be taken into hiding, while he would incur further bad publicity in Crete and abroad. His fears were born out by events. In late June Safiye/Marigo vanished, evidently smuggled out of the governor's house by her new co-religionists. "They take away the girl as if I had ill-treated her or was going to do so," Veli told Ongley indignantly, adding "If I do not find her, the Turks will say that I connived at her escape and am encouraging Turkish girls to become Christians." Ongley's reaction was that "the Monk Parthenius who has caused all the trouble should be sent out of the island." 1 In mid-July the girl was found. She had apparently been hiding in the monk's house. She now refused to have anything to do with her family but was taken by carriage to the Governor's house. Lengthy interrogations of the girl, Parthenius, and other witnesses, followed, were carried out in the presence of Veli's loyal friend and supporter, Elizabeth Kontaxachi. The girl refused to return to her family and said that she had lived at the houses of priests for months—a claim Parthenius stoutly denied in a statement which Ongley described as "a tissue of lies.") On the 18th July, Ongley decided to place Parthenius under arrest at the house of Bishop Kallistos of Canea. But before this could be done, the monk got wind of the decision and fled to the house of the French consul, declaring that he would not leave the building because of Ongley's plans to send him to Constantinople and he feared for his life. Later Ongley persuaded him to come to a meeting at which the monk apologized to the British consul and begged forgiveness. 2 . Safiye/Marigo meanwhile was handed over to her family and was supposed to have been taken by steamer to Constantinople. In fact, as Ongley reported a month later, she turned up in Syra, from where she was taken to Athens 3 . She thus became, as far as Christian propaganda was concerned, a living testimony to Veli Pasha's intolerance. Veli himself was now even more strongly convinced of the need to prevent young Christian men from seducing Muslim girls from their families and began to wonder if a law could not be passed to allow Muslim girls to marry Christian men, thus making the conversion issue irrelevant.

1 2 3

FO 195/457, p. 320 Ongley to de Redcliffe, June 30 1857. FO 195/457, pp. 331-6, July 18 1857, Ongley to de Redcliffe. FO 195/457 p. 361, August 22 1857, Ongley to de Redcliffe. La Vérité, p.74.

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At this point, the affair of the opened packages and the uncontrollable fury it generated between Ongley and the other consuls re-erupted. Ongley's reporting during the second half of 1857 focuses at excruciating length on his disputes with his Austrian and French colleagues and the demands of each side that the other be sacked. No doubt he felt to some extent that his professional life was at stake. But as a result the conversion scandals, and the effects they were having on Veli's standing in the island, are eclipsed in Ongley's reports. As Veli's disillusionment with the Cretan community deepened, his control over events slipped away. Apart from the complicated row with Stiglitz over the packages, the French consul, de la Fosse, was now, Ongley reported, saying openly that either he or Veli Pasha must leave the island while the chancelier of the Consulate, Derche, had defied protocol by letting the governor know that he was offended because he had not been to see him. 1 As already noted, 2 the weakness of the Ottoman Empire meant that consuls sometimes effectively enjoyed more power than a provincial governor. Caught between the consuls of Austria and France, and the two communities in Crete, Veli Pasha's only friends seem to have been Elizabeth Kontaxachi and Henry Ongley—the latter to judge both from his own account and the subsequent turn of events being now Veli's main source of advice.

The Final Act: January to July 1858 At the beginning of 1858, new Ottoman government regulations on conscription arrived in Crete. 3 Christians as well as Muslims were henceforth liable to military service. The requirement was logical. If the Ottoman Empire was ever to become a unified modern state, it would have to be able to call on all its citizens to defend it. But conscription was deeply unpopular in Ottoman rural society, and Christians regarded non-liability for military service as their one major advantage over their Muslim fellow-countrymen. The prospect of

Ongley notes that Derche was known by his own government to be a "difficult character" and caused problems with other British officials. Nine years later, Derche was also strongly disliked by the philhellene American consul, William Stillman. A year later Derche's successor shocked Charles Mismer, French secretary of the Grand Vizier A'ali Pasha , in Canea 1867 by flouting diplomatic convention by turning up late for an appointment with the head of the Ottoman government, "dressed like a colonel of the future [Paris] Commune", see Mismer Souvenirs du Monde Musulman, Hachette, Paris, 1892, p. 40. However consular misbehaviour involving foreign sovereigns could lead to retribution: Chatry de la Fosse seems to have left the island in the autumn of 1857 because of the excessive protests he made at not being invited to a dinner party to celebrate Queen Victoria's birthday that spring. 2 See above p. 44. The account of these months is based on Report by Consul Longworth on the Primary Causes of the Insurrection in Crete,

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serving in the Ottoman armies was an unwelcome twist to the freedoms conferred by the Hatti Hiimayun. Faced with strong opposition, the Ottoman government made a compromise. It introduced a bedel or commutation charge of 5,000 piastres for Christians. "Few Muslim communities would decline to purchase immunity from military service on these terms," James Longworth commented.1 Payment was to be made by local communities, rather than individuals. Furthermore as the new system had in theory been introduced two years earlier at the time of the Hatti Hiimayun, there was a backlog of payments to be collected. Given the fragility of his position, Veli Pasha, would have been well advised to stand aside, but his instincts were more those of an administrator than a politician, and he tried to direct the assessment process personally. "He ... drew great odium on himself thereby," wrote Longworth afterwards.2 The Christians in the countryside were in a self-confident mood during the first few months of 1858. The olive harvest ended in January. It was a bumper season and the farmers felt able to take a tough line, not least perhaps because they had more money in their pockets than usual and feared that the authorities were trying to take it away. Discontent was fanned in following weeks by rumours of more taxes, a tax on sheep and goat, which seems to have been wholly imaginary. The over-excitement and hysteria which was a recurrent feature of Cretan life though the 19th century had erupted and would grow stronger as the months passed. As signs of civil disobedience became more numerous, the government had increasingly to use force. In Selinos, on the south of the islands, five Seliniots took to the mountains refusing to pay recruitment tax. They were arrested and brought before the council and sent in March 1858 to Constantinople. Instead of strengthening his authority, this action made Veli appear harsh and injudicious. Then the population of Amaria and Agia Vassili on the south coast told their mudiirs [local officers) that they would not pay the military tax. Veli decided to go to the district himself and meet the dissidents at Akoumia. Accompanied only by his French secretary, two Turkish textwriters, and a small group of zaptiyes, [Ottoman constables], he sat in the porch of the church with the Orthodox priests and 'captains' of Akoumia.

1 FO 881/1550, Longworth, Report, 25 August 1858, reprinted in Public Print, February 20 1867 Crete p. 10. 2 FO 881/1550, Longworth, Report, p.10.

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Eventually he convinced the villagers to pay up and obtained the money a few days later. Even in these remote places there were signs of a hidden hand working against him. At the monastery of Asomatos, the abbot informed him that the Christians were 'being pushed by foreign emissaries.' The same story was told him in other villages. 1

The Insurrection Begins In the spring of 1858, violence against the government finally erupted. As always in 19th century Cretan revolts, the leader was a Christian chief working in Ottoman service who switched his loyalties. In the village of Lakos (today Lakki) 20km south of Canea, Mavroyeni, a zaptiye in Canea, declared a revolt, aided by three companions from Alikianou, Stellino Giorgaki, Hadji Kiriakio, and Carzoupi Bakrovardono. Despite Crete's history of insurrections, Longworth tells us in his report that contemporary newspapers took it as established fact that these events had been orchestrated by Derche and Stiglitz. A certain amount of concerted activity was publicly discernible. A few days after the insurrection had begun, the French consul sent for a French warship, the "Solon" and the chiefs were invited on board, though the French officers may not have understood the implications of parading the guests. The insurgents seem to have hoped for arms and ammunition, but received neither. Nonetheless the revolt started to gather force. Even so, in Longworth's view, writing soon after the event, it was Veli's misjudgements rather than the strength of the opposition which caused it to succeed in its aim of evicting him. "It is after all, probable that a movement thus hastily contrived for the purpose of getting rid of the Pasha would have proved no very serious affair or have failed even in its object, had not the pasha himself been deficient in resolution and presence of mind,"

Longworth wrote 2 . On 16th May, the second day of the Muslim §eker Bayrami, the holiday at the end of Ramazan, the insurgents struck directly against the government for the first time, murdering two Albanian soldiers at Melbesin

1 2

La Vérité, P.52-3. For a negative view, Longworth FO 881/1550, Longworth, Report p.10.

Report.

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Amari Kastelli. This was the signal for panic among Muslims in western areas of the coast. 1 Tensions between Cretan Christians and Muslims in rural communities were now very great. Hearing news of the murders, rural Cretan Muslims reacted as they always did at such times by fleeing for safety to Canea and the other fortified cities along the northern coast. A fresh Muslim flight to the towns would mean that the Ottoman government lost control of the countryside. Veli personally remembered the events of 1841 and other uprisings and no doubt knew that his predecessor, Mehmet Emin Pasha, had scotched an insurrection in 1854 by keeping the gates of the towns closed and refusing to allow an exodus of Muslims from the countryside. There was therefore a strong case for remaining firm. But the governor lost his nerve. Always mindful of the weakness of the Ottoman Muslim presence on the island and the fact that it could not be sustained without military support from outside, Veli responded by handing 500 guns to Muslims in Rethymno and allowed the flight into the towns to continue. He was now being accused of atrocities, apparently without any foundation, by the press in Athens. Spratt, possibly on the basis of what Veli or his associates told him, believed that this was done out of humanitarian motives to prevent bloodshed, but Longworth took the view that it had been a fatal mistake, permitting the insurrection to become general and causing the Ottoman government temporarily to lose control over most of the hinterland. Veli himself wrote proudly afterwards that "In all this insurrection there was not one Turkish shot fired against the Greeks or one Greek shot fired against the Turks." 2 The decision led inexorably to a disaster for the Cretan Muslims themselves, just as earlier and later flights of this kind also did. Once inside the walls, the defenders faced siege conditions and shortages of water and food. They also lost the summer crops they grew for food after the olive harvest was over. Though the troubles of 1858 were relatively brief by the standards of 19th century Cretan insurrections and lasted a mere three months, Spratt, one of the few 19th century Western observers at any date who paid attention to the sufferings the sieges inflicted on the Cretan Muslims, wrote:

* The timing of the attack is not mentioned by Ongley or other contemporaries. Many 19 century Cretan insurrections and inter-communal clashes coincide with Christian or Muslim religious holidays, especially in the spring. Veli reports being handicapped by the absence of some of his officials on holiday. The negotiations seven days later may also have been linked to the Pentecost festival on 23 May. In the next insurrection of 1866, the murder of Albanian soldiers also triggered a flight. 2 La Vérité, p. 54. See also p. 13. Explaining the geography of the island, Veli writes of "propriétaires et les cultivateurs musulmans disséminés sans défense sur d'immenses étendues où il leur est impossible de s'improviser des centres de résistance."

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"Thus crowded within the fortresses and fortified towns at the hottest season, and many of the Turks being without sufficient food and resources for their families, sickness and want spread amongst them; and, becoming more and more irritated day by day under the growing misery of their starving wives and children, whilst their crops were spoiling through no fault of their own, it was with difficulty that open violence was prevented and order maintained in Candia—alarms or panics frequently occurring."*

In 1858 the insurrectionists do not seem to have had any hopes of immediate union with Greece. Instead they forwarded their demands through Stiglitz and Derche whom they met on the 20 th May on Mount Eleousa. "I firmly believe that the whole affair is an intrigue of the French, Greek, and Austrian consulates," Ongley wrote, reporting the insurgents' meeting of 21st May. 2 On May 24th, Veli wrote to the insurgents, saying that he had treated them as a father rather than a governor, and pointing to the new religious freedom on the island and denying most of the new taxes. He told them to disperse and go to their homes and not to forward complaints to him through foreign consuls. "The consuls are here for no other purpose but that of looking after the interests of their own subjects, and not to interfere in the affairs of Ottoman subjects."3 However the disorders were being followed by the Ottoman government in Istanbul, where Caporal was by now living and the sands were running out for Veli's governorship. In late May the Ottoman government despatched three Imperial Commissioners to restore order. Two were Muslims, Admiral Ahmet Pasha and Remzi Efendi. The third, Adossides Efendi, was an Ottoman Greek, one of the new generation of Christian officials who would play a frontline role in Crete and elsewhere in the Empire over the next half century. "I have named these persons according to their rank," Longworth wrote afterwards, "But if precedence were allowed to actual influence and capacity, the order would have to be exactly inverted."4 The commissioners were not the harbingers of an Ottoman military invasion of the island. Instead they entered into talks with both Christians and Muslims. On 25th May, they and Veli signed a deal with the insurgents granting an amnesty and agreed to ask the Ottoman government to ease the proposed tax on straw. They also asked the Ottoman government to consider

1

T.B. Spratt Travels, pp. 52-3. FO 195/.600 May 21 1858. 3 The full text of his letter to the Cretans of May 21 1858 is reprinted in the Confidential Paper of February 20 1867. 4 FO 881/1550, Longworth, Report, p.16. 2

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whether or not to end the involvement of the Muslim clergy in assessing Christian inheritances. The Cretan district councils would be elected annually. Nonetheless these agreements did not stick, at least initially. Ongley, travelling around the countryside, found the population in a state of high excitement with the peasants obsessively fearful of new taxes. He thought that the consuls and French priests were responsible for fomenting the crisis. The violence caused by it was growing worse. Two more Albanian soldiers were murdered by Cretan Christians near Rethymno and on Saturday 29th May, there was fighting in Candia when Christians stabbed a Muslim in a pothouse brawl. A general attack by the town's Muslims on its Christians was averted with difficulty, partly thanks to the efforts of the exiled Kurdish chieftain from Jizre, Bedirhan Bey. Since a visit to Constantinople the previous year, Bedirhan had been living in hopes of release from the island and no longer sided with the hard-line Muslims. He sheltered Cretan Christians in his house and the danger of violence passed. 1

Tensions between Veli and the Imperial Commissioners Relations between the commissioners and the government had quickly broken down after their arrival. Despite their willingness to strike a deal with the Christians, Ahmet Pasha and Remzi Efendi were officials of a more conservative disposition than Veli and were soon on bad terms with him, partly because of his determination to cling on to the government of the island. By the second week of June, the commissioners had convinced themselves that they could inform the capital that they had restored peace. But the Muslim population still refused to leave the safety of the towns despite the conditions they had to endure inside the walls. Outside the towns, there were skirmishes between the two communities as Muslim groups forayed out to get water and food for their animals. 2 The Governor remained on his estate at Perivolia outside Canea. He was still in close contact with Henry Ongley, now his sole adviser and friend. According to Ongley, Veli believed that he had sufficient support among Cretan Muslims to undercut the commissioners and see him through the dispute. On the 7 t h June, the opponents of Veli and Ongley made their next move, one with fatal consequences for the British consul's career in Crete. The 1 2

FO 195/600, Ongley to Constantinople, May 2 8 , 2 0 , 2 4 , and 31 1858. Ongley to Alison, 9 June 1858, reprinted in Confidential Paper of 20 February 1867, p.5.

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insurgents and their supporters addressed a petition to the British Embassy in Constantinople. The signatories emphasized that they had not sent it through the British Consulate in Canea because of the partiality and improper actions of the consul. The document was afterwards described by Longworth during his investigations as "the calumnies of a few disreputable Ionians at Canea". 1 Names such as Calechorino and Cassimati, the signatures of Ionian merchant families fairly recently established on the island, are indeed conspicuous in the petition. The Ionians, who had been among the first to complain of Veli's reforms in November 1856, represented the future of Crete. Families in the protests against Veli were destined to dominate both commercial and British consular life for the remainder of the century, linking the latter closely with Greek nationalism. The petition offered several apparently damning reasons why its signatories had not sent it via Ongley. "1. Because the representative of the Great Power of Britain in this place has commercial interests on account of which he has sacrificed not only the interests of such foreigners as apply for his assistance, but even those of this own subjects. "2. Because he is on terms of the greatest intimacy with the present governor of Crete, Veli Pasha, against whom we are petitioning, and with whom he cooperates for our misfortune. "3. Because he does not enjoy the least favour on the part of the inhabitants of Crete, of whatever nationality they may be. "4. Because whenever the least disturbance is heard of on our part, he advises the Governor, Veli Pasha, to apprehend 50 or 60 of us and to torment them, whilst on the contrary we expect that on each occasion he would recommend him to act better and more wisely."2

It was probably no accident that the allegation about Ongley's personal business interests taking precedence over his duties as a consul was placed top of the list. The charge was a shrewd blow against the consul. The mid-Victorian Foreign Office was intensely uneasy about relying on merchants to act as its consuls and would end the practice in the next quarter century. An investigation into Ongley's affairs was now inevitable.3 Under different circumstances, and without such aspersions by the local British-protected community, the consul might have been entitled to the strong backing of his superiors. That in turn would have assisted Veli. But the 1

Longworth, Report,. P. 17 FO 195/600, p. 9 1 , 7 June 1858. Humble Petition of the Christian Inhabitants of all Crete to Her Britannic Majesty's Embassy. 3 For a 19th century discussion of the problems of the British consular service, see J.C. M'Coan, Consular Jurisdiction in Turkey and Egypt, William Ridgway, London 1878, esp. p.15. M'Coan's anxieties centre precisely on the sort of consular representation that the British had in Crete after 1860. 2

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reputation of both men had been too deeply undermined during the previous two years. In any case, the petition's arrival in Constantinople coincided with the ambassadorial interregnum between Viscount de Redcliffe's final departure from the city, after his resignation in support of Palmerston, and the arrival of his successor, Sir Henry Bulwer at the beginning of July. To judge from the absence of references to it in his final despatches from Crete, Ongley was completely unaware of the petition in the final weeks during June, a sign perhaps of how isolated he and the governor now were from events in the Austrian-French-Insurgent camp. After a short absence from Canea, Admiral Ahmet Pasha returned to the Cretan capital on June 17th. On 21st June, the first orders arrived indicating that Veli would definitely be recalled to Constantinople. His successor was to be Sami Pasha, the man who had also replaced him in Bosnia. The security situation remained urgent with clashes between the insurgents and local Muslims still taking place around the walls of the large cities and the Muslims, according to Longworth, burning the olive trees of their Greek neighbours1. Instead of accepting that his time in Crete was over, Veli Pasha continued to linger in his residence, conduct which attracted attention as far away as London. Crete was of course his homeland. Perhaps like other 19th century governors of Crete, Christian and Muslim, he harboured inside him a dream of becoming 'Prince of Crete'. He may well have realised that once he left, he would probably never see the island again. And he may have been fearful of the reception that would await him in Istanbul if he returned to the capital in disgrace and have retained some hopes of being able to use his personal influence on the island to retrieve the situation. So for two weeks after his recall, Veli did nothing but continue to argue that he was under no obligation to step down until his successor arrived. 2 However the insurrection continued and the tension got worse. On Saturday, 3rd of July, violence broke out in the centre of Canea itself after a young Christian robbed and murdered a Muslim shopkeeper. He was swiftly caught and detained by Ahmet Pasha. Excitement among the Cretan Muslims was now at fever pitch. Angry crowds demanding revenge for the killing began to carry the corpse around, eventually arriving at the building where Ahmet Pasha was and firing shots to demand the immediate execution of the killer. It was the worst outbreak seen in the town for more than a decade.

1 Longworth, Report on the Primary Causes, p.16. Longworth here emphasizes the good conduct of Greek farmers who he says were not in a rebellious mood. Burning of olive trees, by both Christians and Muslims, was a standard feature of Cretan insurrections, with the degree of damage inflicted deliberately varying according to the seriousness of the dispute. 2 FO 195/600 Ongley to Constantinople, June 7 , 1 7 , and July 7 1858.

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Ahmet Pasha was not the chief civil authority in Canea and had no specific authority to carry out an execution without the approval of the governor and the council—this would normally have required confirmation from Constantinople. Veli Pasha quickly heard of the incident and, after discussing the matter with Ongley, sent word that he would not endorse the execution and it could not take place without government approval. Told of this, Ahmet Pasha responded that he would take full responsibility and countermanded Veli Pasha's orders, saying that Veli was no longer governor. Then the admiral resolved the immediate issue of how to deal with the prisoner very simply: he handed him over to the crowd who promptly strangled him and dragged his body through the streets on a rope. Eventually the corpse was obtained by one of Veli Pasha's men who took it to the hospital which the governor had set up in the town. From there it was quietly handed over to the Orthodox clergy for burial.1 After Veli received news of all this, he held another crisis meeting with Ongley and, as Ongley naively reported to his superiors, asked him what he should do and whether he still had the powers of a governor. It was absolutely startling conduct for an Ottoman official but perhaps Veli did not realise that Ongley could not distinguish between a deeply private exchange between two officials who had become personal friends and allies, and a formal enquiry. Ongley responded that in his view Veli was indeed still governor and then reported both the question, and the advice he had given in response to it, back to his masters in Constantinople in a fashion which suggests he was completely blind to its implications. Ongley was uncomfortably close to bestowing office on an Ottoman official. But he seems merely to have thought that he was strengthening Veli's position. By way of explanation he added in his despatch "The Turks have openly opposed the recall of Veli Pasha and have let the Porte know it, they think that they have just as much right to have a voice in the matter as the Greeks and cry out 'We want Veli Pasha.'" The newly arrived British ambassador in Constantinople, Sir Henry Bulwer, read this account a few days later and was evidently aghast. At the bottom of the despatch Sir Henry wrote in his own hand: "The Porte ought to remove Vely Pasha at once from Candia; and indeed, it would be a bad thing to give Mr Ongley another consulate."2 London responded by sending in the navy. Three days later a British vessel, the "Desperate", a steam corvette, was anchored outside Canea. Its 1 This execution—if it can be considered an execution—was the last to take place in Crete until the governorship of Mahmut Celalettin Pasha in January 1894. 2 FO 195/600 Note by Bulwer dated 10 July 1858 at the foot of Ongley's despatch of 5 July.

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presence asserted the primacy of Britain over the other powers. As soon as the "Desperate" arrived on Monday 12th July, the British and Ionian community in Canea prepared a despatch, this time handed directly to Ongley, requesting that its Captain anchor directly off the town to assure their protection. By Tuesday morning the British ship lay opposite the town. The influence of Derché and Stiglitz was now waning. But the end had also come for Ongley and Veli's careers in Crete. Veli's time had run out at the same time as the "Desperate" arrived. Things had started well enough for him on Monday the 12th. Instructions came by post that morning from the Ottoman government. They still urged its three leading officials in Crete to act in concert and so implicitly recognized Veli's continuing authority. In the evening however, fresh instructions arrived. These told Yeli to leave the island at once. Ongley thought this abrupt change most unreasonable. He wrote to Constantinople: "It is very strange that [despite the morning's instructions] at sunset [they] say that Veli Pasha must leave immediately and that he was a révolutionnaire and that the consuls and insurgents demanded that he should go." 1

Hearing these instructions, Veli Pasha asked for time to consider them and rode straight to Ongley's house a mile outside the town. This time, on Ongley's account, he did not ask for advice but for asylum on board the "Desperate." This was another most extraordinary request: perhaps Veli momentarily supposed himself to be in urgent danger of arrest or worse. Ongley however received it without objection and went out to the ship to pass the message on to its captain, Commander Craigie, who replied he had no objection. But when Ongley returned, Veli Pasha had gone back into Canea for another confrontation with the commissioners. He would go at once, he said, if they would give him written confirmation that the insurgents and consuls had demanded his removal. The commissioners would not do so, and they were reluctant to give him any instructions in writing. They seem however to have been in close contact with Derché and Stiglitz, for Veli Pasha told Ongley at their next meeting that he had learned that the consuls had asked the admiral if he could not seize the Pasha and send him on board by force. Fearing that Ahmet Pasha was inclining to this idea and was about to send soldiers to detain him, Veli took refuge in Ongley's house the following day and remained there for the rest of his time in Crete. 1

FO 195/600, Ongley to Bulwer, 13 July 1858.

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By now Veli's family, including the nine-year-old iffet and his other children, had been on board the Ottoman steamer, "Feyzi Bahri", for six days. Veli had given instructions to the steamer to leave for Constantinople, but they had been countermanded by Ahmet Pasha who was unwilling to see the vessel go without Veli Pasha on board. Matters were in any case now more or less over. On the 13th July Veli's officially-designated successor Sami Pasha arrived on the "Purshut", a Turkish steamship. There were no longer any possible grounds for Veli to remain. He and his family sailed for Constantinople the same day. As always, Ongley managed to strike an irrelevant note in his political reporting, at least as far as conventional diplomacy was concerned. "The people who most regret the departure of Veli Pasha are the Blacks who certainly lose a great protector in him," he wrote 1 .

Consul Longworth's Mission Four days later in Constantinople, at the British Embassy's summer building in Therapia [modern Tarabya], James Longworth, a veteran member of the consular service and one who possessed no commercial ties, was told to take over as consul in Crete. Longworth was a fluent Turkish speaker, the author of a book on the Muslim Circassians and their conquest by Russia, a close friend and former Bosporus housemate of Henry Layard. He thus represented, as Ongley did, a pro-Ottoman strain in British diplomacy. This was perhaps exceedingly fortunate for Ongley's career prospects. Unusually, Longworth had to sign a deposition showing that he understood the instructions for his mission in Crete. He was to act "according to the letter and spirit of his instructions and produce a general report of the state of the island." He was to collect facts and communicate them confidentially, his central task being to explain what had gone wrong on the island and in particular whether or not, Henry Ongley was guilty of the very serious charges levelled against him. 2 Longworth arrived on the "Sheikh-i Saadi", a Turkish steamer, on the 23rd. Ongley departed on it the same day. By then he must have been aware that his future as an official was hanging in the balance.

1 2

FO 195/600, Ongley to Bulwer, 13 July 1858. FO 195/600, July 17 1858, with a signed undertaking written in Longworth's own hand.

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Longworth in Canea Once in Canea, Longworth was immediately plunged into the hysteria of 19th century Crete at times of crisis. Canea Christians complained to him about Ongley and the "intimacy" which had existed between him and Veli Pasha. Within a day of his arrival, Longworth was reporting his exasperation at the feverish tone of Cretan affairs. He quickly experienced, as many others before and after did, the hostility of M. Derche. With the state of excitement which prevails, a disinterested and dispassionate person finds it impossible to act impartially, [or] see things independently without giving offence to some party or other. My French colleague appears to suspect me of partisanship because I have hired some rooms belonging to a former dependent of Vely Pasha's. In fact I cannot engage a servant or have half an hour's talk with any individual without exposing myself to misconstruction,

he told Bulwer.1 The only agreed common point seemed to be a general indignation against the departed governor. After an interview with Admiral Ahmet Pasha on the day of his arrival, Longworth wrote again saying that the admiral, evidently still in high dudgeon, had made accusations against Veli Pasha of defying instructions by staying on the island. As yet, Longworth was inclined to side with the prosecution case. I will presently abstain from offering any remark with respect to them [the admiral's accusations] further than the expression of my belief that Vely Pasha will find it difficult to exculpate himself as to recent transactions, more particularly as regards his refusal to return to Constantinople after being deposed.-2

This prediction would prove completely wrong. The Admiral revealed that he was also forwarding a letter written to the Imperial Commission on the 7th July to the Ottoman government with a view to having a formal complaint made against Ongley. Where Ongley was concerned however, Longworth was from the outset inclined to be sympathetic, writing "I would only venture to express my belief on a prima facie view of the circumstances connected with the late unfortunate transactions in this Island that Mr Ongley has throughout, as far as he was conscious of it, been influenced by a sense of duty and a serious desire of

1 2

FO 195/600,23 July 1858, Longworth to Bulwer. FO 195/600 23 July, 1858.

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upholding British interests and carrying out the true object of British policy as conveyed to him in instructions from the government."1 During the next few weeks, Sami Pasha and the commissioners gradually restored some sort of calm by striking a series of bargains with the insurrection leaders, most of which centred on getting assurances from Constantinople that the island's inhabitants would not face new taxes. Skirmishing continued around the edges of the towns. Longworth was inclined to blame the Muslims and see the Christians as the moderates as far as the fighting went, though he added that, "Their demands have been preposterous enough." Veli's development projects were immediately axed once he had gone. His English engineer, Lionel Woodward, was dismissed within a week or two of his departure. Woodward had made progress in constructing the road from Canea to Rethymno but the network of highways which Veli had planned would never be built while Crete was under Ottoman rule. Stung by the failure of his projects, Woodward wrote a formal valedictory despatch in August: "Report to Veli Rifaat Pasha, late Governor of Crete on his work on the island July 1856 to July 1858." Like Bayard Taylor and Veli, Woodward was inclined to place blame for the failure of the public works programme squarely on Christian Cretan opposition to them. "The truth is that there are certain persons in Crete as well as in other parts of the World who are determined not to be satisfied. Had the road been begun in a superficial way, the very same persons who now cry out that it is too substantially done would have been the first to draw up a petition complaining of the unstable nature of the work. The same spirit pervaded the attacks made on all your Excellency's projects for improvement. I remember at the time when the lamps were first introduced into the streets of Canea, reading an article in the Syra newspapers dated from Canea in which the writer inveighed loudly against the folly of lighting the streets when the pavement was so bad."2

Soon the only memorial of Veli's improvements was the rusting winch and dredging machinery in Canea harbour which he had bought with his own money, but which had never been used. Longworth at least was appreciative of the road building work which Woodward had carried out in the teeth of Christian unwillingness to construct them. He observed: "How Mr Woodward, unassisted by skilled subordinates, and unfurnished with the commonest implements, has so far succeeded is a wonder 1

FO 195/600, p. 145,23 July 1858. FO 195/600 pp. 167-75, Lionel Woodward Report to Veli Rifaat Pasha, late Governor of Crete on his work on the island July 1856 to July 1858. 2

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to be explained only by inferences the most creditable to his good management and perseverance."1

Longworth's Report By the end of August, Longworth had concluded his investigation into the Cretan debacle. He had conducted a series of interviews at the consulate with the relevant parties, "the principal merchants, the Ottoman authorities, then the French, Austrian, and American authorities." Finally he had looked at Mr Ongley's accounts. He was now ready to report on the question of Ongley's guilt or innocence of the offences of which he had been accused.2 His first finding was that Ongley's enemies turned out to be less numerous than they had seemed during the insurrection. "The depositions of merchants were favourable to Mr Ongley without exception. It was most gratifying to observe the unanimity with which all spoke of his high standing and integrity." The reports that Ongley was purchasing tithes and tax farming rights turned out to have no evidence to support them. The French and the Austrians had, Longworth recorded, "nothing favourable or unfavourable" to contribute to the inquiry. The serious insults, calumnies, and accusations which the two sides had hurled at each other during the past three years evidently fell outside the remit of Longworth's investigations. Perhaps a bargain had been struck or, more likely, there was a stand-off. Neither Derché nor Stiglitz would have been very eager for the Foreign Office to probe their shadier tactics or their links with the insurrection—which, to judge by some contemporary newspaper reports were widely known and could be taken as proved. In any case, Stiglitz had been motivated by an entirely private family grievance, the breach between Veli and Joseph Caporal.3 The only voice now strongly raised against Ongley came from the Ionian community. Andreas Calechorino, father of the future British Viceconsul in Candia, complained against Ongley not as a merchant but because of alleged consular lapses. He claimed that Ongley had failed to press various claims of Calechorino's with the authorities because of his political partiality.

1

FO 881/1550 Longworth,Report, p . l l . This account is taken from FO 195/600, Longworth to Bulwer, August 28 1858, which contains material not printed in the 1867 version. 3 See for instance The Times editorial of 25 September 1858, printed below in Appendix A where the accusations against the consuls go far beyond anything in Ongley's despatches. 2

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Longworth made short work of this. "If the complainant had reason to be dissatisfied with Mr Ongley's proceedings in his case, there was nothing to prevent his referring it to Constantinople, and he may appeal if he pleases even at present. With respect to the imputation he casts on Mr Ongley's motives, I do not think that, unaccompanied as it is with an iota of proof, it carries much weight with it." 1 As far as Veli Pasha's commercial transactions with Mr Ongley went, he had had a private account of 508,586 piastres over the previous two and a half years, but "On the whole these commercial transactions appear to have been as advantageous to the Government and the Pasha as to Mr Ongley." 2 So, whatever reservations the Foreign Office and the Constantinople Embassy had about Henry Ongley, and his entitlement to a further posting, were dispelled.

The Later Lives of Ongley and Veli Ongley did not serve again in the Ottoman Empire perhaps because of the complaint that Ahmet Pasha had made about his letter of July 7th. On September 5th, just a week after Longworth's report, he was posted to Jassy [now Ia§i] in the emerging principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, soon to be known as Romania, and held that office till December 6th the same year. But he never had to travel north. Three weeks later, 28th September 1858, he was appointed Consul for Morea (the Peloponnese) resident in Patras. It was, Ongley must have reflected, about as close to Crete as one could get. He remained at Patras until his retirement in 1874, occasionally offering advice on Cretan matters in his despatches. He had till then remained apparently unscathed by further misfortunes but in 1875 his finances collapsed when he was forced to commute his pension for a lump sum to pay off the debts of his eldest son, also a consular official. His final years were spent in Limassol, presumably in relative poverty, where he died in 1892.3 Veli Pasha survived his Cretan disgrace without the problems which Longworth had forecast. While we do not know the reception which Veli received either from the Ottoman government or from his father when he landed at the Golden Horn, not long after his arrival, he was appointed to the Tanzimat Council, the central body planning the reform programme, and the 1 FO 195/600, Longworth to Bulwer, August 27, 1858. By the time of the Confidential Paper, Andreas's son Lysimachus Calechorino was British Vice-Consul in Candia. 2 Ibid. This biographical information comes from Lucy and Henry Sarell Ongley, an unpublished article by Charles Sarell.

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appointment seems to have been backdated by several weeks to June, before his departure from Crete. He was however sufficiently worried about possible damage to his reputation in France that he swiftly commissioned an anonymous defence— "La Vérité sur les Événements de Candie"—from E. Dentu, a French publisher which specialised in polemics and apologias. The book appeared in Paris before the end of the year. After two years on the Tanzimat Committee, Veli was re-appointed governor of Edirne in August 1860. Less than six months later however, he went back to Paris as ambassador, where he lasted sixteen months before being ousted for a second time in this post in May 1862 by Mehmet Cemil Pasha, the son of his father's hated rival, Mustafa Re§it Pasha. Thereafter his career seems to have remained on a plateau. Still he was a fairly senior figure in the Ottoman administration, serving as the governor of three large Anatolian provinces. In the memoirs of his cousin, Ismail Kemal Bey, we get a glimpse of Veli in his final posting as governor of Hudavendigar (Bursa) in 1877 1 . Ismail Kemal records how in 1877, when being sent into exile in Kiitahya by Abdiilhamit for his associations with the liberal politics of Midhat Pasha, he and his fellow prisoners were received "very kindly" by Veli who lent them money to cover their expenses, though only after carefully taking signed securities from them 2 . Veli's last years were passed under the anti-British and anti-constitutional despotism of Abdiilhamit II, presumably an uncongenial period for him. At his death in 1891, around the age of 70, the Pasha was buried in an elaborate marble sarcophagus beside that of his father in a graveyard for high officials at the Fatih Camii in Istanbul. Something of an Anglophile disposition seems to have lingered in the family. His sister in law, Mrs Hilmy Pasha, was a good friend of Sir Henry and Lady Layard during their embassy in Constantinople in the late 1870s, 3 while one of his grandsons would be a member of the pro-British ingiliz Muhipler Cemiyeti immediately after World War One, though another would be at the side of Atatiirk when he landed at Samsun.

1

See Sinan Kuneralp, Son Dönem Osmanli Erkän ve Ricali (1839-1922), Isis, Istanbul, 1999, p. 125. 2 Ismail Kemal Bey, Memoirs, edited by Somerville Story, Constable, London 1922, pp. 159-60. 3

See the diaries of Lady Layard.

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Crete after Veli Pasha Conditions in Crete remained tense during the summer of 1858 and for long afterwards. After Sami Pasha achieved an understanding with the insurrectionists, the revolt fizzled out. As conditions became safer the Muslims started to leave the safety of the fortified coastal towns. Longworth's initial impression had been that the Muslims were guilty of more aggression than the Christians, but in a long valedictory report written at the end of September, he painted a very bleak picture. The Governor was on the edge of resignation, because his task seemed hopeless, the Mussulmans were victims of daily murders, assassinations, burglaries and abduction. The districts of the interior were in a frightful state of anarchy and the Christians were forming secret associations all over the island, while there were continuing signs that the Ionian merchants were smuggling weapons and ammunition into the island. A society, composed chiefly of young men educated at Athens, have been collecting signatures in the four provinces of Rethymno to a memorial in which it is proposed to proclaim General Calergis Prince of Crete.

Longworth's recommendation was that a body of troops should be sent to the island for the judicious employment of "military repression." 1 But in fact Ottoman rule in Crete was currently too weak for any such possibility to be conceivable. The Empire's problems in the Balkans prevented the Porte from stationing a large force on the island. Sami Pasha and his successor, Hekim Ismail Pasha, retained control of Crete by striking deals with the 'chiefs and capitanoi' rather than using those forces they did have. Looking back on the aftermath to Veli Pasha's downfall, another Foreign Office specialist, Thomas Green, wrote in 1867: "The Governor-General was instructed by his Government to adopt all means to conciliate the Capitani ... instead of applying the force which he had at his disposal, [he] appealed to the Capitani, and he consequently soon became subservient to their interests. The result of this policy was that the Capitani became the masters of the situation, and the oppressors of the labouring and greater portion of the population. The greater number of these Capitani had been Chiefs in the late insurrection, but the Porte, thinking to maintain tranquillity through their instrumentality, took them into its service as Capitani, or Police Chiefs, Zaptiehs, and farmers of tithes."2 1 2

FO 881/1462 p. 25, Consul Longworth to SirH. Bulwer, September 28 1858. FO 881/1462, Green, Memorandum Relative to the Island ofCandia, 1867 p. 22.

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Even in the autumn of 1858, the Cretan Christians were now disillusioned with European governments, Longworth wrote, "with the exception of that of England .... The Chiefs or Capitani speak bitterly of the bad faith and inconsistency they have experienced at the hands of the Consular Body. They were induced by them to petition for the removal of Vely Pasha, against whom, they say they had no real ground of complaint. On the contrary, they now declare he was the best governor they ever had." 1 This was a vindication of a sort for Veli. However it was clear that the French and the Austrians strongly endorsed Greece's claim to Crete and the Cretan Christians could sense that the island was beginning to slip away from Ottoman control. Longworth remarked that he was being sounded out by the Chiefs about whether Britain would interfere if and when Greece attempted to assist a further uprising on the island. Ottoman power on the island would henceforth be drastically weaker than it had been at the start of 1858. The implications were spelt out two years later by the next consul at Canea, Frederick Guarracino: The prestige of the Sultan's government appears to be entirely lost in this island, whenever a Greek, of whatever class, he may be, can find an opportunity of expressing his thoughts, he invariably says "Why should we be governed by the Turkish any longer?" adding that this cannot and must not last. ... The general sentiment no doubt is in the desire of annexation to G r e e c e . 2 Along with Ottoman power, the Cretan Muslims now seemed to be clearly in retreat. There is, Guarracino wrote, Total neglect on the part of the Turks of all that concerns them personally. Even their private or landed property is neglected and there are few Turks who are not willing to dispose of this when any purchaser offers. Within the last two years a large quantity of landed property has passed from Turkish into Greek hands and it is only the scarcity of money in the place now that prevents a much further similar exchange. Among the largest purchasers of Muslim land in the years were some of the Ionians who had opposed Veli, particularly the Calechorino family.

1 2 3

FO 881/1462 Longworth to Bulwer, September 28,1858, pp. 25-6. FO 195/600 Guarracino to Bulwer, p. 571 December 1 1860. FO 195/600, p. 571, Guarracino to Bulwer, December 1 1860.

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The scene was being set for the next, and far bloodier, Cretan insurrection of April 1866 arid the three years of brutal struggle which would follow it.

Subsequent Accounts ofVeli Pasha's

Governorship

After he left the island, Cretan Christian memories of Veli became another part of the folklore of the struggle for union with Greece. Accounts of his governorship were predictable black and white tales of Ottoman oppression and the Christian Greek struggle against it. The story grew worse as time passed. Twenty years after Veli's departure, when the events were fairly recent, Edmond Desmazes for example wrote in 1878 of Veli Pasha on the basis of what he had heard as a Philhellene volunteer during the three years war in Crete between 1866 and 1869: « Par ses manières de gentilhomme osmanlis épris de réformes européennes, ce personnage des plus médiocres, avait su se faire à bon marche, sur le bord de la Seine, une réputation de haute capacité—grâce à cette presse boulevardier qui paye en réclames sans dignité ni conscience.

As time passed the picture was simplified. In 1897, for example, the London Greek Committee, one of the main Hellenic lobby groups in the British capital, recalled: "Uncurbed and undaunted, the Cretans rose again in May, 1858, the vexatious administration of Veli Pacha, who had succeeded his father, Mustafa, proving intolerable."

Veli was thus simply: "one of those neo-Turks whom a short residence in the west had endowed with a measure of charlatanism without touching their innate barbarity ... On the other hand, the demands of the [Christian] Cretans were of so sober and practical a character, and their attitude so correct and faultless, that the Turkish Government saw the expediency of at least a semblance of conciliation."^

Edmond Desmaze, Etudes & Souvenirs Helleniques, Paris 1878, p, 272-5. Desmaze was a communard and his views probably partly reflect the view he took of Veli's cordial dealings with the French Imperial family. 2 Anonymous, Crete and Greece - The London Greek Committee, London, 1897, p. 34.

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Henri Couturier, another philhellene, writing in 1898 describes how the Porte and Veli Pasha as its representative were alarmed by the number of conversions to Christianity after the proclamation of the Hatti Hümayun and used violence to repress them. Veli Pasha was assisted in this by the English consul, Mr Ongley, and the two men were driven off the island by the uprising which followed. A similar line is taken, perhaps not surprisingly, by some Cretan historians today. No historian of the late Ottoman Empire seems to have written about the events of 1856-1858 in Crete. None has considered the light they cast on the aims of the Hatti Hümayun, the ways in which these were frustrated, or on the recurrent suggestions by European historians that the Rescript was simply a cynical and insincere exercise in placating the European powers.1 The failure of Veli Pasha's Cretan governorship casts light on why the Ottoman Empire did not evolve, as the Tanzimat statesmen hoped, into a fully internationallyaccepted Western state along liberal lines. Among the causes of the debacle of the Tanzimat process and the course taken by the Ottoman Empire after 1871 was the scepticism and hostility of the continental European powers about the possibility of making a Muslim Empire into a European state and their support for its Christian adversaries. Veli Pasha's experiences in Crete shows how Austrian and French opportunism played out in one province. Britain's role in late Ottoman history is an ambiguous and shifting one. Diplomacy is never altruistic. Nonetheless if Britain had played an effective part in sustaining the Ottoman liberalism of the Tanzimat, the Ottoman lands as a whole might have experienced a 'softer landing.'. But the story of Henry Ongley and Veli Pasha in Crete shows that the endorsement of British officials is by no means necessarily a blessing.

APPENDIX Veli Pasha's downfall in Crete as satirically described in a Times leader. The following extract from an editorial in The Times of September 25 1858 gives a picture of Veli Pasha's downfall, as seen from London in the form of a melodrama. (An initial section, set on Mount Ida, is omitted here.)

1 e.g, A.J.P. Taylor, The Struggle for Mastery in Europe, Oxford, 1971.p 83-5. "The Turks gave a voluntary promise to reform...[which] counted for nothing; the Turks never put their promises into execution." Taylor here follows 1 9 ^ and early 20 t ' 1 century English and French liberal historians who believed that the Hatti Hiimayun was simply a dishonest gesture.

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The scene changes to Canea. Everything is in movement: the Pasha arrives. He is a gallant young gentleman, fresh from Paris, where he had immense success, drew copiously on his father, and peopled Père La Chaise with broken hearts. The Cretans are astonished but prefer mutton to weak tea. The Pasha is ably assisted in his duty as master of the house by his factotum, formerly surgeon barber to his father, now his pillar, tutor, and general major domo, who had been to Paris with him, seen him decorated with the croix, considers himself as a guarantee for the French tendencies of the Pasha, and expects to do much for French interests in Candia which are represented by from 15 to 20 subjects. At the tea kettle presides his wife. The next scene shows the Pasha in his studio, a well-sized room backing over the sea, with a comfortable divan in the way of furniture. The Pasha, seated in a corner, smokes, looks at his handsome figure, and begins to think he is big enough not to be any longer in need of a dry nurse, and that change is agreeable, In another house may be seen a medical gentleman pacing about the room, and holding one of his energetic monologues, which is interrupted by the entrance of the Greek Consul, who tries to condole but only increases the fury. The French Vice-Consul and the Austrian Consul follow with equally peaceful intentions and equally bad results. All agree that the Pasha is a monster and a traitor who has gone over to the English instead of following the wise counsels of the four gentlemen who are all more or less connected by relationship of friendship and who have therefore the right to rule Candia. The next scene is at Constantinople where the outraged medical man exposes all the villainies of Vely Pasha and succeeds at last in losing the pension which Vely Pasha's father had till then given to his convicted physician. We are again in the Sphakiot Mountains eating mutton. The confidential man of the Greek consul arrives; another sheep killed and the news asked for. The confidential man is silent and his tears roll down the mutton. General consternation and he begins. "You sons of Greeks, you are here joyfully singing and feasting while the barbarous Turk treads on your neck and a tyrannical pasha tramples your most sacred rights under his foot." General astonishment. He continues "Has he not given you nine days labour to make a road for your own use between the most important points of the island? Has he not upset your most cherished institutions with his new-fangled ideas, got out a dredging machine at his own expense to clear out the harbour of Canea to facilitate the exportation of your produce? Has he not ruined the most prosperous trade of paper lantern manufacturers by lighting the capital? Has he not erected a hospital for the Turks as well as the Orthodox, and thus forced these last to breathe the air infected by the Turks. Now to crown it all he is going to ask you for the arrears of the conscription tax which have not yet been paid up. It is indeed paid all over the empire and some of the districts have been fools enough to pay it here too, but remember that you are Greeks who never pay if they can help it. You have nothing to fear of the Consuls who, with the exception of England, have recognized your rights and drawn up a petition for you which has been signed by the people of Canea. Now if

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ever is the time for you to rise." Thus he speaks and his sweet tongue carries conviction into the minds of his audience; they begin to see that the island is ruined unless Vely pasha is recalled. Such is the true story of the outbreak. Impartial investigations on the spot have shown that the people at Retimo, Candia, Episcopi, and in the interior knew nothing at all about the petition until it arrived from Canea, where the Consuls reside, and the people in this district where likewise the first in arms. The others arose only when the Mahomedans thinking themselves in danger, assembled in the towns to resist the aggression. Vely Pasha's enemies accusing him of having ordered such a measure, which if true, was no doubt a false step, as it ought the two elements into open conflict; but it probably required no such order, for the Turks would scarcely deceive themselves about what awaited them if the rising was successful. Thus you see the people of Candia were the puppets, of which the Consuls held the strings, and they made them jump and kick until they had got rid of Vely Pasha, against whom the whole was directed. How completely the game succeeded is shown by the complaints which the people now utter of having been deserted by the Consuls since Vely Pasha has been removed. The deluded Cretans may have opened their eyes since and seen that they were the cat's-paw for consular rivalries but their eyes it seems, have likewise been opened to another fact which is more important than the removal of a pasha, and it is that people have only to rise to get what they want, and having succeeded once, there is danger they should try it next time on their own account.

DIE ROLLE DER ORIENTALISCHEN FRAGE IM BISMARCK' SCHEN BÜNDNISSYSTEM Güme? KARAMUK

Wenn sich auch Europas „Orientalische Frage" im weiteren Sinne nicht nur auf seine Beziehungen mit dem Osmanischen Reich beschränkte, sondern in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts auch mit den polnischen Teilungen verknüpft war und im fortschreitenden weltweiten Kolonialwettlauf der Grossmächte im 19. Jahrhundert sogar Zentralasien und den Fernen Osten umfasste, so bürgerte sie sich als spezifischer Begriff doch vorrangig als Frage der Aufteilung der osmanischen Territorien ein. Rein inhaltlich gesehen kam zwar eine Orientalische Frage nicht erst mit der letzten Niedergangsphase, also der Verfallsphase des Osmanischen Reiches, die wohlbegründet beim osmanisch-russischen Krieg von 1768-1774 und besonders frappant beim Vertrag von Kügük Kaynarca (1774) angesetzt werden kann, oder gar erst um die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts mit dem Erscheinen des „Kranken Mannes am Bosporus" auf; nein, sie bahnte sich thematisch bereits mit der ersten Fussfassung der Osmanen auf europäischem Boden an. 1 In der folgenden, auf die Zeitspanne der Bismarck'schen Bündnispolitik begrenzten Betrachtung indessen wird sie lediglich als eben jener namentlich etablierte Begriff im Rahmen der spätosmanischen Geschichte berücksichtigt. In groben Zügen betrachtet, überwog vom 16. bis zum ausgehenden 17. Jahrhundert, abgesehen von der zeitweise vermittelnden bzw. kooperativen Haltung Englands, Hollands und Frankreichs, die Einhelligkeit unter den übrigen europäischen Staaten in Bezug auf die Verdrängung der Türken aus Europa. Dann aber trat diesbezüglich eine Wende spätestens mit dem Kaynarca-Vertrag ein, in dem der Grundsatz eines fremden Protektorates über die christlichen Untertanen des Sultans am russischen Beispiel seinen Niederschlag fand und mit dem die Ohnmacht der Pforte, jemals wieder offensiv vorgehen zu können — angesichts des aktuellen Sachverhalts zwar Zur klassischen Anwendung sowohl im Hinblick auf die osmanische Stellung in Europa seit dem Spätmittelalter als auch in Verbindung mit der jeweiligen osmanischen Machtstufe einerseits und dem russischen Expansionsdrang nach den Meerengen und dem Mittelmeer und somit nach Istanbul - andererseits vgl. meine Ausführungen (nebst Auswertung klassischer Thesen zum Thema wie u.a. die von Sorel, Driault, Jorga und Sax) in: Ahmed Azmi Efendis Gesandtschaftsbericht als Zeugnis des osmanischen Machtverfalls und der beginnenden Reformära unter Selim III., XII+324 S., Fak., Kt„ Bern, Frankfurt/M.: Lang 1975 (Geist und Werk der Zeiten: 44), S. 28-36.

124

DIE ROLLE

DER

ORIENTALISCHEN

FRAGE

wohl begründet, aber entgegen dem späteren Verlauf der Dinge — nunmehr als besiegelt galt. Es war nun Russland, das die zwischenstaatlichen Fronten wesentlich mitprägen sollte. Mehr als zuvor machten sich daher im 19. Jahrhundert Divergenzen innerhalb der Pentarchie bemerkbar. Angesichts des russischen Drangs nach Südwesten und Westen, das das europäische Gleichgewicht zu zerstören drohte, tendierten die übrigen Grossmächte vorerst nach einer Erhaltung des Status quo an den Meerengen und auf dem Balkan, wo die formelle Souveränität oder zum mindesten die Suzeränität eines geschwächten und somit ungefährlichen Osmanischen Reiches ihren Interessen förderlicher war als die Existenz eines starken Russland, die sowohl den Zusammenhalt der Habsburger Monarchie auf dem Balkan bedrohte als auch den kolonialistischen Ambitionen Grossbritanniens und Frankreichs in Nordafrika und dem östlichen Mittelmeer wirksam im Wege stand. Wie deutlich diese Gefährdung wahrgenommen wurde, bezeugt der Krimkrieg, in den diese beiden Westmächte zugunsten des Osmanischen Reiches gegen Russland eingriffen, nachdem sie noch einige Jahrzehnte zuvor die bedrängte Lage der Pforte ausgenutzt und zum einen im nominell osmanischen Ägypten gegeneinander geraten waren und zum anderen im B ü n d n i s mit R u s s l a n d den griechischen Unabhängigkeitskampf militärisch unterstützt hatten. Der einst traditionelle Verbündete der Osmanen, Frankreich, hatte sich dann 1830 noch Algeriens bemächtigt und später auch Mehmed Ali von Ägypten bei seiner Erhebung gegen die Pforte beigestanden, für die sich wiederum Grossbritannien, Österreich und Preussen gemeinsam mit Russland in der Quadrupelallianz zusammengefunden hatten.1 Durch die Erfahrung des Hundertjährigen Krieges hatte England erkannt, dass es eine Inselmacht war, deren Zukunft nicht auf dem europäischen Kontinent lag; sich den Weltmeeren zuwendend, hatte es daraufhin im Laufe der neuzeitlichen Jahrhunderte sein Kolonialreich aufgebaut. Währenddessen hatte es aber — mittlerweile zu „Grossbritannien" umgewandelt — bis zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts dreimal erlebt, dass eine jede Hegemonie auf dem Kontinent letzten Endes diese seine Orientierung gefährdete und dass seine Sicherheit in erster Linie durch das europäische Gleichgewicht gewährleistet war: Die Vormacht Spaniens im 16. Jahrhundert und die beiden französischen Hegemonialphasen unter Ludwig XVI. und Napoléon. Nach dem Ausgleich mit Holland im 17. Jahrhundert blieb somit Frankreich als der erstrangige ' Zu den Ereignissen der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zum Pariser Frieden s. Stanford J. Shaw & Ezel Kural Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, Bd. II: Reform, Revolution, and Republic: The Rise of Modern Turkey, 1808-1975, Cambridge: University Press 1977, 17 ff., 29 ff., 49 ff., 56 ff., 133 ff.; Josef Matuz, Das Osmanische Reich. Grundlinien seiner Geschichte, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1985, S. 210 ff., 226 ff.

DIE

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DER

ORIENTALISCHEN

FRAGE

125

Rivale Grossbritanniens weltweit, den es jedoch im frühen 18. Jahrhundert und hernach im Siebenjährigen Krieg als Kolonialmacht eindeutig in den Schatten stellte. Dank der nach der napoleonischen Ära wieder ergriffenen und zunächst von Österreich und hernach von Preussen ausgeübten Gleichgewichtspolitik nun konnte das Vereinigte Königreich von Grossbritannien und Irland seine Energien in seiner „splendid isolation" weiterhin auf den Ausbau des „British Empire" kanalisieren, wobei sein Augenmerk in erster Linie auf die Festigung des Verbindungsweges nach Indien gerichtet war. Damit war die Orientalische Frage eng verknüpft, denn zum einen raffte sich Frankreich erneut zum Aufbau seines Kolonialreiches auf, wobei es sich diesmal auf das Mittelmeer konzentrierte, zum anderen waren Russlands Ausbreitungstendenzen nach den Meerengen, dem Kaukasus und Zentralasien hin für Grossbritannien eine offene Gefährdung des Zugangs nach Indien. Die britischen Interessen prallten also auf grösstenteils osmanischem Territorium mit den französischen und den russischen aufeinander; somit war denn auch die britische Orientpolitik zunächst weiterhin auf die Erhaltung des Osmanischen Reiches ausgerichtet.1 Was die Kontinentalmächte angeht, so hatte bereits zu Beginn der achtziger Jahre des 18. Jahrhunderts Kaiser Joseph II., der von der russischen Annexion der Krim keine Nachteile für Österreich erwartet hatte, dem „Griechischen Projekt" Kaiserin Katharinas II. nur widerwillig zugestimmt, um es nicht zu einem Konflikt mit Russland kommen zu lassen. 2 Im 19. Jahrhundert traten nun die Bedenken Habsburgs hinsichtlich der russischen Ansprüche vollends in den Vordergrund der österreichischen Balkanpolitik, die eindeutig auf dem Prinzip des europäischen Gleichgewichts beruhte. In den Briefen, die der ehemalige österreichische Staatskanzler Fürst Metternich seinem Amtsnachfolger Buol schrieb, betonte er, dass Österreich im eigenen Interesse die osmanische Präsenz auf europäischem Boden befürworten müsste und äusserte sich zur Rolle des „Staats der Mitte", als den er Österreich bezeichnete:3

Zur britischen Politik der Erhaltung der osmanischen Reichsintegrität s. Ali Ihsan Bagi§, Britain and the Struggle for the Integrity of the Ottoman Empire. Sir Robert Ainslie's Embassy to Istanbul, 1776- 1794, Istanbul: Isis Yay. Ltd., 1984; ders., „Ingiltere'nin Osmanli Imparatorlugu'nun Toprak Bütünlügü Politikasi ve Türk Diplomasisinin Qaresizligi", Qagda§ Türk Diplomasisi: 200 yilhk süreg, (Symposium-Berichte, Ankara, 15.-17.10.1997), hrsg. v. Ismail Soysal, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1999, S. 45-54. 2 Z u m eigentlichen Datum, Hintergrund, Inhalt und Quellenmaterial des „Griechischen Projektes" Katharinas II. s. Karamuk, Ahmed Azmi..., S. 154-167. J Briefe des Staatskanzlers Fürsten Metternich-Winneburg an den österreichischen Minister des Allerhöchsten Hauses und des Äusseren, Grafen Buol-Schauenstein, aus den Jahren 1852— 1859, hrsg. v. C. J. Burckhardt, München: Oldenbourg, 1934, insbesondere die Briefe vom 18.11.1853,27.5.1854 und 3.7.1854.

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Ins Schlepptau kann sich der Staat der Mitte weder in der östlichen noch in der westlichen Richtung nehmen lassen. 1

Es sollte dies die Rolle des unabhängigen Vermittlers sein, der seine Bewegungsfreiheit nicht preisgibt, indem er sich etwa „als Avantgarde des Ostens gegen den Westen oder des Westens gegen den Osten missbrauchen" lässt. 2 Eben dieser Leitsatz hat denn auch die Politik Bismarcks bestimmt, der sich öfters auf das Beispiel Metternichs berief. „Die österreichische Politik war unter Metternich geschickt genug, um jede Entschliessung der drei östlichen Grossmächte so lange zu verschleppen, bis / Österreich sich hinlänglich gerüstet fühlte, um mitzureden."-'

In der Reichstagssitzung vom 19.2.1878, zwei Wochen vor dem Diktatfrieden von San Stefano (Ye§ilköy) vom 3 . 3 . 1 8 7 8 4 , antwortete Bismarck auf eine Interpellation zum Standpunkt der Regierung in der Orientalischen Frage. In dieser Reichstagsrede, in der seine Grundhaltung zu diesem Thema zusammengefasst ist, äusserte er auch seine berühmte Definition der Rolle Deutschlands in einem vorgesehenen internationalen Friedenskongress: „Die Vermittlung des Friedens denke ich mir nicht so, dass wir nun bei divergirenden [sie] Ansichten den Schiedsrichter spielen und sagen: so soll es sein, und dahinter steht die Macht des deutschen Reichs, (sehr gut!) sondern ich denke sie mir bescheidener, ja — ohne Vergleich im übrigen stehe ich nicht an, Ihnen etwas aus dem gemeinen Leben zu zitiren [sie] — mehr die eines ehrlichen Maklers, der das Geschäft wirklich zu Stande

1Ebenda, Brief v. 3.7.1854. fy Ebenda. •^Zitat im Zusammenhang mit den Folgen der Juli-Revolution. [Otto von] Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, mit einer Einl. von Hermann Proebst, 3 Bde in 1 Bd., ungekürzte Ausg., München: Wilhelm Goldmann Verlag o.J., nach der kritischen Ausg., hrsg. v. Gerhard Ritter und Rudolf Stadelmann: Friedrichsruher Ausg., Bd. 13, 1932), (Goldmanns Gelbe Taschenbücher: 861, 862, 863), S. 211 f. 4Dies ist das Datum „neuen Stils" (n.St., Gregorianischer Kalender); nach dem „alten Stil" (a.St., Julianischer Kai.), den das russische Kaiserreich verwendete, ist das Vertragsdatum der 19.2.1878. Im 19. Jahrhundert betrug die Differenz der beiden Kalender, die in jedem Jahrhundert um einen Tag wächst, zwölf Tage.

DIE

R O L L E

DER

O R I E N T A L I S C H E N

bringen will. (Heiterkeit.) Sitzungsprotokoll]. *

[Bemerkungen

in

F R A G E

runden

127

Klammern

im

Der preussische Ministerpräsident ( 1 8 6 2 - 1 8 6 7 ) , Bundeskanzler

des

Norddeutschen B u n d e s ( 1 8 6 7 - 1 8 7 1 ) und deutscher Reichskanzler ( 1 8 7 1 - 1 8 9 0 ) O t t o Eduard L e o p o l d Fürst v o n B i s m a r c k ( 1 8 1 5 - 1 8 9 8 ) teilte n i c h t nur d i e Grundeinstellung

Metternichs

im

Hinblick

auf

diese

nichtengagierte

Vermittlerrolle in der internationalen Politik, sondern neigte auch w i e dieser zeitweise zu einer beinahe autokratischen Staatsführung, freilich ohne das parlamentarische berühmte

Regime

durch ein absolutistisches

„Blut-und-Eisen-Rede",

die

er

am

zu ersetzen. 29.9.1862

Seine

in

der

B u d g e t k o m m i s s i o n vor d e m Preussischen Landtag abhielt, bezeugt, w e n n a u c h e t w a s e i n s e i t i g u n d d a h e r irreführend, d i e s e s e i n e u n l i b e r a l e E i n s t e l l u n g : „Nicht durch R e d e n und Majoritätsbeschlüsse werden die grossen Fragen der Zeit entschieden — das ist der grosse Fehler v o n 1848 und 1 8 4 9 g e w e s e n - , sondern durch Eisen und Blut."^ W e n n auch nicht s o brüsk geäussert, so lassen auch die f o l g e n d e n Worte in seinen „Gedanken und Erinnerungen" seine Einstellung erkennen: „ N i e m a l s , auch in Frankfurt nicht, bin ich darüber i m Z w e i f e l g e w e s e n , dass der Schlüssel zur deutschen Politik bei den Fürsten und D y n a s t i e n l a g u n d n i c h t bei der P u b l i z i s t i k i n P a r l a m e n t und P r e s s e o d e r bei der Barrikade." 3

Bismarcks

Autoritätsbewusstsein

lässt

pragmatischen Haltung den parlamentarischen

sich

nicht

nur

Institutionen

in

seiner

gegenüber,

s o n d e r n a u c h in s e i n e n B e z i e h u n g e n zur K r o n e u n d z u a n d e r e n

Staaten

beobachten. D i e d e m heutigen Zeitgeist entsprechende, aber auch schon

zu

Die „Protokolle des Deutschen Reichstags (1867-1895)" sind als eine der Sammlungen der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek auf elektronischem Wege zugänglich: http://mdz.bibbvb. de/digbib/reichstag/. Bd. 51 umfasst die Sitzungen 1-30 der 2. Session der 3. Legislaturperiode. Die Protokolle der 6. Sitzung (19.2.1878) sind von hier aus zugänglich. Bismarcks Rede: S. 9599 (Ausspruch vom „ehrlichen Makler": S. 98). Auch in: Bismarck, Die gesammelten Werke, , hrsg. v. Herman von Petersdorff, Friedrich W.C. Thimme [u.a.], Berlin: O. Stollberg 1924-1935 (Friedrichsruher Ausgabe), Bd. 11: Reden 1869-1878, bearb. v. Wilhelm Schüssler, Berlin 1929, S. 527. (Von der Neuen Friedrichsruher Ausgabe, hrsg. v. Konrad Canis, Lothar Gall, Klaus Hildebrand u. Eberhard Kolb, bearb. v. Andrea Hopp [I] und Rainer Bendick [II], Paderborn: Schöningh 2004-2005, sind meines Wissens bisher zwei Bände erschienen, die ich nicht einsehen konnte. Diese Information beruht auf: Ewald Grothe: Rezension von: Andrea Hopp (Bearb.): Otto von Bismarck. Schriften 1871-1873, Paderborn: Schöningh 2004, in: sehepunkte 4 (2004), Nr. 12 [15.12.2004], URL: http://www.sehepunkte.historicuro.net/2004/12/6123-html [für Bd. 1] und auf einer Rezension von Rainer F. Schmidt in der Frankfiirter Allgemeinen Zeitung vom 8.8.2005, Nr. 182, S. 6, unter dem Titel „Kein ehrlicher Makler, Otto von Bismarcks rigide Politik in den Jahren 1874 bis 1876", in: http://www.faz.net/s/RubA330E54C3C12410780B68403AllF948B /Doc~E0D6909091C27463591DED055CB4BACD6~ATpl~Ecommon~Scontent.html [für Bd. 2]. ^Ebenda, Bd. 10: Reden 1847-1869, bearb. v. Wilhelm Schüssler, Berlin 1928, S. 140. a ^Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 221.

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seinen Lebzeiten von seinen Gegnern oft vertretene Ansicht seiner angeblichen Abneigung gegen die parlamentarische Ordnung kann allerdings in Anbetracht mancher Äusserungen, selbst auch Handlungen dieses ehemaligen Abgeordneten, der er war, nicht vorbehaltlos geteilt werden.1 Gleich nach dem obigen Zitat folgt ein Satz, der zu einer vorsichtigeren Einschätzung lädt: „Die Kundgebungen der öffentlichen Meinung der Gebildeten in Parlament und Presse konnten fördernd und aufhaltend auf die Entschliessung der Dynastien wirken, aber sie förderten zugleich das Widerstreben der letzteren vielleicht häufiger, als dass sie eine Pression in nationaler Richtung ausgeübt hätten.

Es ist der entschlossene und empirische Stil des Realpolitikers einer weltweit ausgesprochen krisenhaften Epoche, der der Staatsräson den Vorzug gab, aber auch der des eingesessenen, an der Tradition der konservativen Monarchie orientierten preussischen Junkers in einer Zeit des Umbruchs, der ihn auszeichnet.3 Die für die deutsche Reichsgründung unter preussischer Führung und die damit errungene internationale Stellung Deutschlands massgebende Person Bismarcks hat zweifellos auch die europäische Geschichte in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts mitbestimmt. Das „kleindeutsche" Reich, für das Bismarck eingetreten war und das folglich Österreich ausschloss, war nun der stärkste Staat der „Mitte". Dass es trotz der Übermacht seines Militärs

^Bismarcks Bemerkung im Zusammenhang mit einer juristischen Auseinandersetzung mit einem Untergebenen ist bezeichnend für seine Auffassung der Staatsführung: „...Mir kam es nur darauf an, als Vorgesetzter die amtliche Autorität zu wahren..." (ebenda, S. 397). 2 Ebenda, S. 221. 3 D i e Bismarck-Diskussion der Nachkriegszeit, geführt von massgebenden Kennern des Stoffs, findet sich u.a. in: Revision des Bismarckbildes. Die Diskussion der deutschen Fachhistoriker 1945-1955, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1972 (Wege der Forschung CCLXXXV) [Leonhard von Muralt allerdings, mein seliger Lehrer an der Universität Zürich, war Schweizer. An dieser Stelle ist es meine Pflicht, den Anregungen, die er in seinen Vorlesungen über Bismarck und über die Vorgeschichte des Ersten Weltkrieges in den Jahren 1967-1969 vermittelt hatte, dankbar zu gedenken]. Zur neuesten Bismarck-Forschung als Übersicht: Bruce Waller, „Bismarck: Bruce Waller Looks at Recent Debate about Modern Germany's Greatest Statesman", History Review, 1998, eingesehen bei: Questia Media America, Inc. http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001505080. Besonders lehrreich ist das äusserst detaillierte Standardwerk von Lothar Gall, Bismarck. Der weisse Revolutionär, 5. Aufl., Propyläen (Jan.) 1981; Gall nennt Bismarck einen „Mann des Übergangs, eines säkularen politischen und gesellschaftlichen Umbruchs..." (S. 724) und einen „konservative[n] Revolutionär" (S. 729). Galls Analyse der politischen Haltung Bismarcks s. u.a. S. 526 ff. Leider konnte ich bei der Abfassung des vorliegenden Artikels die in den folgenden Rezensionen behandelten Werke nicht erreichen: Karina Urbach: Rezension von: Friedrich Scherer: Adler und Halbmond. Bismarck und der Orient 1878-1890, Paderborn: Schöningh 2 00 1, in: sehepunkte 3 (2003), Nr. 5 [15.05.2003], URL: http://www.sehepunkte.historicum.net/2003/05/2742.html, Friedrich Kiessling: Rezension von: Konrad Canis: Bismarcks Aussenpolitik 1870-1890. Aufstieg und Gefährdung, Paderborn: Schöningh 2003, in: sehepunkte 4 ( 2 0 0 4 ) , Nr. 7 / 8 [ 1 5 . 0 7 . 2 0 0 4 ] , URL: http://www.sehepunkte.historicum.net/2004/07/5273.html.

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129

politisch dennoch keine eigentliche Hegemonialstellung in Europa innehatte,1 wohl aber zu einem angesehenen Zentrum der zwischenstaatlichen Beziehungen aufstieg, ist nicht zuletzt auf die höchst persönliche Haltung Bismarcks zurückzuführen.2 Nach dem französisch-preussischen Krieg von 1870/71, der seinen Höhepunkt in der Ausrufung des Deutschen Reiches und der Kaiserproklamation Wilhelms I. im Spiegelsaal von Versailles am 18.1.1871 fand und der Deutschland den Gewinn Elsass-Lothringens einbrachte,3 erkannte Bismarck die Gefahr eines erwachenden französischen Revanche-Bedürfnisses — nicht zu Unrecht, wie der Inhalt und die Ortswahl des Versailler Friedensdiktates von 1919 es zeigen sollten — und vermied eine nationalirredentistische Politik, um das allseits aufkommende Misstrauen gegen Deutschland zu dämpfen, indem er das Deutsche Reich bekanntlich als „saturiert" 4 bezeichnete. 5 Eben diese Anspruchslosigkeit im Hinblick auf weiteren Territorialgewinn machte Deutschland auf internationaler Ebene als Vermittler und Bündnispartner begehrt. Bismarcks aussenpolitische Leitgedanken, die er später im „Kissinger Diktat" 6 vom 15.6.1877 zusammenfasste, entsprangen denn auch dem Wunsch nach dieser angestrebten Vermittlerrolle, dank der die Sicherheit Deutschlands gewährleistet wäre. Sie betrafen generell die Vermeidung von Konflikten in Theodor Schieder, „Europa im Zeitalter der Nationalstaaten und Europäische Weltpolitik bis zum I. Weltkrieg (1870-1918)", Handbuch der Europäischen Geschichte, hrsg. v. Theodor Schieder, Bd. 6, S. 55, spricht von einer „höchstens ... latenten Hegemonie", auch S. 66. ^Bezeichnend hierfür seine Äusserung im Zusammenhang mit der (seiner Darstellung nach) u.a. vom russischen Staatskanzler Gortschakow inszenierten „Krieg-in-Sicht-Krise" von 1875, wonach Deutschland Frankreich hätte angreifen wollen, was aber der russische Kaiser verhindert hätte (Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 402 ff.): „Gerade der friedliche Charakter der deutschen Politik nach den überraschenden Beweisen der militärischen Kraft der Nation hat wesentlich dazu beigetragen, die fremden Mächte und die inneren Gegner früher, als wir erwarteten, wenigstens bis zu einem tolerari posse mit der neudeutschen Kraftentwicklung zu versöhnen und das Reich zum Teil mit Wohlwollen, zum Teil als einstweilen annehmbaren Friedenswächter sich entwickeln und festigen zu sehen." (Ebenda, S. 405). Zur „Krieg-in-Sicht-Krise" von 1875 vgl. sämtliche Aktenstücke in: Die Grosse Politik der Europäischen Kabinette 1871-1914. Sammlung der Diplomatischen Akten des Auswärtigen Amtes \GP\. Im Auftrage des Auswärtigen Amtes hrsg. v. Johannes Lepsius, Albrecht Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Friedrich Timme, 2. Aufl., Berlin: Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft für Politik und Geschichte m.b.H. 1924, I: „Der Frankfurter Friede und seine Nachwirkungen 1871-1877", Kap. VII: „'Ist Krieg in Sicht?' 1875", Nr. 155-193, S. 245-300. Vgl. auch die zusammenfassenden Darstellungen von Gall, [s. Anm. 15] S. 509 ff. und Schieder, [s. Anm. 16] S. 63 f. Zu dieser Entwicklung vgl. das Quellenmaterial ebenda, Kap. I: „Von Versailles bis Frankfurt", passim. Versailler Präliminarfrieden v. 26.2.1871: ebenda, Nr. 1, S. 3-6; Frankfurter Friedensvertrag v. 10.5.1871: ebenda, Nr. 17, S. 38-43. ^Bismarck nennt dieses Wort einen „...Ausdruck, dessen sich der Fürst Metternich mir gegenüber bediente... ", Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 208. Schieder, [s. Anm. 16] S. 54 f. ^Bismarck diktierte diese Maximen seinem Sohn, dem Grafen Herbert von Bismarck, damals Legationssekretär, während einem seiner fast alljährlichen Kuraufenthalte in Bad Kissingen. Text in: GP II: „Der Berliner Kongress, seine Voraussetzungen und Nachwirkungen", Nr. 294, S. 153 f.

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Europa durch Verlagerung der Krisen in die Randgebiete, d.h. nach Osten und dem Mittelmeer, wo einerseits — „ohne es auffällig zu machen" — ein Ausgleich zwischen Grossbritannien (Ägypten) und Russland (Schwarzes Meer) unter Aufrechterhaltung einer gemässigten Rivalität gefördert und anderseits die Gegensätze zwischen Grossbritannien und Frankreich „wegen Ägyptens und des Mittelmeers" etwas geschürt werden sollten. Frankreich sollte isoliert und Deutschland vor einer Konfrontation mit einer feindlichen Allianz bewahrt werden („cauchemar des coalitions"). Zu diesem Zweck sollten „alle Mächte ausser Frankreich" auf eine Zusammenarbeit mit dem Deutschen Reich angewiesen sein. Er bemühte sich, insbesondere Russland und Österreich-Ungarn, deren Rivalität möglichst gedämpft im Osten lokalisiert werden sollte, in ein gemeinsames Bündnissystem mit Deutschland zu integrieren, sowohl um eine französisch-russische Koalition zu verhindern als auch um einer Eskalation der Balkankrise zwischen der Doppelmonarchie und Russland vorzubeugen. Nicht umsonst hatte er noch gleich nach dem österreichisch-preussischen Krieg von 1866 auf eine engere Verbindung mit Österreich hingearbeitet. Dies wären somit für das Deutsche Reich die „wünschenswerten Ergebnisse der orientalischen Krisis", mit der sich die internationale Politik erstrangig zu beschäftigen hatte und bei der es um die Interessenkonflikte der Grossmächte im osmanischen Herrschaftsgebiet ging.1 Im Sinne dieses Konzeptes baute Bismarck sein Allianzsystem auf. Er versuchte bereits seit der Reichsgründung, „einen Bund der drei Kaiser gerichtet auf den in irgendeiner Form bevorstehenden Kampf zwischen [dem] System der Ordnung auf monarchischer Grundlage [und dem der] soziale[n] Republik" 2 zu erreichen. Nachdem Wilhelm I., Franz Joseph und Alexander II. im September 1872 in Berlin zusammengetroffen und im Oktober 1873 eine Vereinbarung zur Zusammenarbeit getroffen hatten, setzte in den drauffolgenden Jahren eine Erkaltung der Beziehungen Russlands zu den

1 Aufschlussreich in diesem Zusammenhang u.a. Gregor Schöllgen, Imperialismus und Gleichgewicht. Deutschland, England und die orientalische Frage 1871-1914, München: Oldenburg 1984. ^Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 442.

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Mittelmächten, insbesondere aber zu Deutschland ein,1 die Bismarcks „Streben nach einem monarchisch-konservativen Dreiburide nicht günstig war" 2 . Die Balkankrise desselben Jahrzehnts, die letzten Endes zum russisch-osmanischen Krieg von 1877/78 führte, 3 weckte in Europa erneut die Bedenken gegen den russischen Expansionsdrang wie einst zur Zeit des Krimkrieges. Die Forderungen, die Russland im Präliminarfrieden von San Stefano an die mittlerweile von nationalistischen Aufständen auf dem Balkan, oppositionellen Bewegungen türkischer Patriotengruppen und Verschuldung geplagte und dem internationalen Finanzkapital ausgelieferte Pforte 4 stellte und die von der osmanischen Regierung angenommen werden mussten, waren für Österreich-Ungarn und Grossbritannien unannehmbar, da sie unweigerlich die russische Dominanz auf dem Balkan und somit auch an den Meerengen begründen mussten. Im Gegensatz zu den anderen Grossmächten hatte Deutschland in dieser Region keine Absichten auf Landerwerb; es musste sich aber um die Milderung der Spannungen bemühen und einer Ausweitung des Krieges, der die Gefahr eines Zweifrontenkrieges für das Deutsche Reich mit sich bringen würde, vorbeugen, um die Sicherheit seines eigenen Besitzstandes zu wahren. So kam auf Antrag Russlands 5 unter Bismarcks Leitung als „ehrlicher Makler", wie er seine Rolle in der Reichstagsrede vom 19.2.1878 definierte 6 , der Berliner Kongress zustande (13.6.-13.7.1878), mit dessen Bestimmungen wie unter anderem die Unabhängigkeit Rumäniens, Serbiens

Zu den Hintergründen dieser Entwicklung vgl. Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 442 ff. (nennt diese Verbindung, die, gleich wie das formelle Bündnis vom 18.6.1881, unter der Bezeichnung „Drei-Kaiser-Bündnis" oder „Drei-Kaiser-Bund", zutreffender auch „Dreikaiserabkommen" bekannt ist, sowohl „Dreikaiserbund" als auch „Dreibund", der aber nicht zu verwechseln ist mit dem eigentlichen Dreibund vom 20.5.1882 zwischen Deutschland, Österreich-Ungarn und Italien); Moritz Busch, Bismarck: Some Secret Pages of His History; Being a Diary Kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during Twenty-Five Years' Official and Private Intercourse with the Great Chancellor, with Portraits, in Three Volumes, I, New York: Macmillan and Co. 1898), S. 178, eingesehen bei: Questia Media America, Inc.: http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=9977472 und II: S. 216-219, Questia Media America, Zur Entstehung des Dreikaiserabkommens vgl. die Aktenstücke in: GP I, Nr. 120-126, S. 197203 (Korrespondenz zum Dreiertreffen v. 1872), Nr. 127, S. 203 f. (Text der DeutschRussischen Militärkonvention vom 24.4./6.5.1873), Nr. 128, S. 204-206 (Brief Alexanders II. an Wilhelm I. v. 29.5./10.6.1873), Nr. 129, S. 206 f. (Text des Dreikaiserabkommens zw. Franz Joseph u. Alexander II. v. 25.5./6.6.1873 samt der Akzessionsurkunde Wilhelms I. v. 22.10.1873, von Wilhelm I. und Franz Joseph unterzeichnet: S. 207). ^Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 444. 3 Z u m Niederschlag dieser Ereignisse in Europa s. die Aktenstücke in: GP II, Kap. X: „Orientalische Krise 1876", Nr. 227-266, S. 29-115 und Kap. XI: „Konstantinopoler Konferenz, Londoner Protokoll und Russisch-türkischer Krieg 1877", Nr. 267-302 S. 119-165 ^ e r Staatsbankrott 1875 führte später 1881 bekanntlich zur Gründung der „Administration de la Dette Publique Ottomane". ^Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 421,435. 6 Vgl. oben, Zitat über Anm. 10.

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und Montenegros die letzte und endgültige Phase der osmanischen Auflösung eingeleitet wurde.1 Zur Verhinderung der russischen Ausbreitung in seine eigenen Interessensphären forderte und übernahm Grossbritannien von der Pforte noch vor Beginn des Kongresses den vorübergehenden Besitz Zyperns, das es bis 1960 behielt, und willigte demgegenüber an der Konferenz in die Überlassung der ostanatolisehen Provinzen Kars, Ardahan und Batum und gewisser Balkanterritorien des Osmanischen Reiches an Russland ein. Grossbritannien, dessen herkömmliche Orientpolitik auf die Erhaltung des Osmanischen Reiches gegründet war, sollte der Hauptprofiteur des Berliner Kongresses werden, wie die Entwicklung der folgenden Jahrzehnte es dann erwies. Als nämlich in den achtziger Jahren der bevorstehende Zusammenbruch des Osmanischen Reiches nicht mehr zu übersehen war, begann nach dem britischen Kabinettswechsel vom April 1880 mit der liberalen Politik Gladstones insbesondere seit der Besetzung Ägyptens 1882 die Abkehr von der traditionellen Orientpolitik, die zuletzt noch Disraeli (seit 1876 Lord Beaconsfield) ausgeübt hatte. Trotz der unmittelbaren Gewinne, die es in Ostanatolien und Bessarabien erzielte, war Russland von den Ergebnissen des Berliner Kongresses enttäuscht. Auf dem westlichen Balkan musste es in die habsburgischen Erwerbungen einwilligen. Die Bestimmungen von San Stefano, die Russland und Serbien Landgewinne eingebracht und die Osmanen beinahe gänzlich aus dem Balkan verdrängt hatten, waren teilweise aufgehoben, Österreich-Ungarn die Verwaltung Bosniens und der Herzegowina unter osmanischer Oberhoheit zugesprochen 2 und der russische Plan zur Errichtung eines Grossbulgarien unter russischem Protektorat wegen der Abtrennung des südlichen Teiles, Ostrumeliens, als autonome und eines Teils Makedoniens als unmittelbare osmanische Provinz nicht in Erfüllung gegangen. Nur das nördliche Bulgarien als tributäres Fürstentum der Pforte blieb als Einflussgebiet der Grossmächte und damit Russlands übrig. Um sich gegen die sichtliche Verstimmung Russlands, die sich in deutschfeindlichen Kundgebungen und dem sogenannten „Ohrfeigenbrief' Alexanders II. an seinen

Vgl. dazu allgemein das Quellenmaterial in: GP II, passim, insbesondere Kap. XII: „Berliner Kongress 1878", Aktenstücke Nr. 303-433, S. 169-337. Unter den zusammenfassenden Darstellungen s. Shaw & Shaw, [s. Anm. 2] S. 190 f.; Matuz, [s. Anm. 2] S. 239 f.; Schieder, [s. Anm. 16] S. 65 ff. 2 Zur Stellungnahme Deutschlands zur Frage der Besetzung Bosniens und der Herzegowina durch Österreich-Ungarn vgl. die Telegramme und Schreiben vom 11.4.-27.7.1878: ebenda, „Anhang. Deutschlands Stellung zur Okkupation Bosniens", Nr. 434-439, S. 341-344.

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Onkel Wilhelm I. vom 3./15.8.1879 1 manifestierte, 2 abzusichern, schloss Bismarck mit Österreich-Ungarn am 7.10.1879 den Zweibund, der ein Geheimvertrag3 war und die beiden Kontrahenten bei einem Angriff Russlands oder einer anderen, von Russland unterstützten Macht auf einen der beiden Partner zum gegenseitigen Beistand „mit voller Heeresmacht" verpflichtete. Sollte der Angriff der anderen Macht nicht von Russland unterstützt werden, so versprachen sich die Vertragspartner, „mindestens eine wohlwollende neutrale Haltung gegen den Hohen Mitkontrahenten zu beobachten". 4 Dass mit der „anderen Macht" in erster Linie Frankreich gemeint war, das Deutschland angreifen würde, ist offensichtlich. Als potentieller Angreifer ÖsterreichUngarns wiederum wurde Italien verdächtigt. Die Bundesgenossenschaft mit der Doppelmonarchie wurde für Bismarck, der vorerst das Bündnis mit Russland als vorteilhafter erachtet hatte und sich auch weiterhin um eine Verständigungspolitik mit Russland bemühte, unentbehrlich. 5 Sie sollte seiner Meinung nach in Anbetracht der unberechenbaren russischen Tendenzen auch in Zukunft aufrechterhalten werden. Die beiden folgenden Stellen aus seinen „Gedanken und Erinnerungen" drücken die Bedenken hinsichtlich eines lauernden „Renversement des alliances" von 1756 auch für die Zukunft aus:

^Datierung nach a.St. u. n.St., Brieftext: GP III: „Das Bismarck'sche Bündnissystem" Nr. 446, oS. 14-16. Im Zuasammenhang mit diesem Brief vgl. ebenda, Nr. 447, S. 16-20 (Bismarcks Brief an Wilhelm I. v. 24.8.1879, in dem er sein Bedauern über den Brief Alexanders ausdrückt), Nr. 448, S. 20-22 (Wilhelms Antwort an Alexander v. 28.8.1879), Nr. 450, S. 24 (das aus Warschau abgeschickte Telegramm Alexanders an Wilhelm v. 30.8.1879), Nr. 457, S. 36-39 (undatierte am 4.9.1879 in Alexandrowo geschriebene - Aufzeichnung Wilhelms über das Zusammentreffen mit Alexander), Nr. 465, S. 62-64 (Aufzeichnung Wilhelms als Forts, v. Nr. 457, undatiert, am 10.9.1879 über das Ausw. Amt zur Übermittlung an Bismarck übersandt), Nr. 466, S. 65-67 (Wilhelms Brief an Bismarck v. 10.9.1879 als Schluss der Aufzeichnungen seiner Unterredungen mit Alexander II) und Nr. 477, S. 78-83 (Bismarcks Brief an Wilhelm v. 15.9.1879 als Antwort auf dessen Aufzeichnungen); vgl. zu diesem Thema auch Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 437 f. Zusammenfassende Darstellung bei Gall, [s. Anm. 15] S. 592 ff. 3

Art. III, GP V: „Neue Verwickelungen im Osten", S. 289. Text des Vertrages: Ebenda, Nr. 1116, S. 288-290. Der hier abgedruckte Vertragstext wurde auf den Beschluss der Regierungen beider Staaten hin durch den Reichs- und Staatsanzeiger vom 3.2.1888 veröffentlicht, um, wie es heisst, „den Zweifeln ein Ende zu machen, welche an den rein defensiven Intentionen desselben auf verschiedenen Seiten gehegt und zu verschiedenen Zwecken verwertet werden." (Ebenda, S. 288). Der als Abschrift für Wilhelm I. ausgefertigte Entwurf zu diesem Vertrag ist die Anlage III des Immediatberichtes von Bismarck v. 24.9.1879: GP III, Nr. 485, S. 102-104. 4 Art. II, ebenda, S. 289. 5 Zu seinen Begründungen s. Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 445 ff., 453 ff. Seine Bedenken hinsichtlich einer potentiellen, gegen Deutschland gerichteten Koalitionsgefahr und seine Argumente für ein Bündnis mit Österreich-Ungarn finden sich auch in seinen Briefen an Wilhelm I. v. 31.8.1879 (GP III, Nr. 455, S. 26-36), v. 5.9.1879 (Ebenda, Nr. 458, S. 39-43) und wiederum v. 15.9.1879 (s. Anm. 30).

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„Eine Erneuerung der Kaunitzschen Koalition wäre für Deutschland, wenn es in sich geschlossen einig bleibt und seine Kriege geschickt geführt werden, zwar keine verzweifelte, aber doch eine sehr ernste Konstellation, welche nach Möglichkeit zu verhüten Aufgabe unsrer / auswärtigen Politik sein muss."l „Gelingt es der russischen Politik, Österreich zu gewinnen, so ist die Koalition des Siebenjährigen Krieges gegen uns fertig, denn Frankreich wird immer gegen uns zu haben sein, weil seine Interessen am Rheine gewichtiger sind als die im Orient und am Bosporus.

Zur Haltung Bismarcks in der Orientalischen Frage, die der jeweiligen Sachlage entsprechend entweder ein erstrangiges T h e m a der zwischenstaatlichen Beziehungen in Europa war oder auch bloss ein Teil eines weitgespannten Themenbündels sein konnte, geben seine Bemerkungen in der Reichstagsrede vom 5.12.1876 über die erforderliche Meidung eines Konfliktes mit Russland Aufschluss: „... Ich habe gesagt: ich werde zu irgend welcher aktiven Betheiligung [sie] Deutschlands an diesen Dingen nicht rathen [sie], so lange ich in dem Ganzen für Deutschland kein Interesse sehe, welches auch nur — entschuldigen Sie die Derbheit des Ausdrucks — die gesunden Knochen eines einzigen pommerschen Musketiers werth [sie] wäre. Ich habe ausdrücken wollen, dass wir mit dem Blute unserer Landsleute und unserer Soldaten sparsamer sein müssten, als es für eine willkürliche Politik einzusetzen, zu der uns kein Interesse zwingt." 3

Diese Worte drücken zwar die damalige — mit dem späteren „neuen Kurs" der wilhelminischen Zeit allerdings einer aktiven Einflussnahme zu weichenden — Enthaltung des Deutschen Reiches an der Verteilung der osmanischen Territorien aus, keineswegs aber das Fehlen eines diplomatischen Engagements für eine unkriegerische Beilegung des Balkankonfliktes. Bismarcks Hauptanliegen war stets die Verhinderung eines grossen europäischen Krieges, der dem Deutschen Reich in seiner Aufbautätigkeit der Gründerjahre nur schaden konnte. Der Zweibund nun, den er zu eben diesem Zweck zustandegebracht hatte, verfehlte sein Ziel nicht, denn nun näherte sich Russland angesichts einer zu erwartenden westlichen Frontbildung wieder dem Deutschen Reich. Die Folge dieser Annährung war der Abschluss des Dreikaiserbündnisses vom 18.6.1881 zwischen Wilhelm I., Franz Joseph und Alexander III. 4 Dieses war ^Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 455 f. Ebenda, S. 468. 3 Reichstagsrede vom 5.12.1876, „Protokolle des Deutschen Reichstags (1867-1895)", http://md?.hihhvb. de:80/dighih/reichstag. Bd. 45, 2. Legislaturperiode, 4.Session 1876, Sitzungen 1-24,24. Sitzung, S. 585. ^Text abgedruckt in: GP III, Nr. 532, S. 176-178, Zusatzprotokoll: S. 178 f. 2

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ein geheimer 1 Neutralitätsvertrag, der die geheimen Abkommen der drei Kaiserreiche von 1873 ersetzte.2 Sollte einer der drei Vertragspartner mit einer vierten Grossmacht kriegen, so sollten die beiden anderen wohlwollende Neutralität einhalten und sich um eine Lokalisierung des Konfliktes bemühen. 3 Dies sollte auch für den Fall, dass jene vierte Grossmacht das Osmanische Reich wäre, gelten, „mais seulement dans le cas où / un accord préalable aura été établi entre les trois Cours sur les résultats de cette guerre..." 4 Nur schon die Sondererwähnung der Pforte und der osmanischen Territorien in drei Artikeln des eigentlichen Vertrags und im Zusatzprotokoll lässt in aller Deutlichkeit erkennen, wie skeptisch sich die Vertragspartner hinsichtlich des Ausgangs eines osmanischen Krieges gegenüberstanden. Neue Modifikationen auf europäischem Boden des Osmanischen Reiches sollten nur mit dem Einverständnis aller drei Vertragspartner vorgenommen werden können.5 Die schon früher vereinbarte Schliessung der Meerengen war allseits zu respektieren; sollte sich die Pforte ihrerseits darüber hinwegsetzen oder auch nur den Versuch dazu wagen und diese Region den kriegerischen Unternehmungen irgend einer Macht zur Verfügung stellen, so würde sie sich in eine Kriegssituation versetzen und wäre nicht mehr im Genuss der Sicherheit, die ihrem Territorialbestand im Berliner Vertrag zugesichert worden war. 6 Die Selbstverständlichkeit, mit der das Osmanische Reich seitens der Grossmächte nunmehr als bevormundetes Teilungsobjekt betrachtet wurde, ist in Anbetracht solcher Verfügungen und Drohformulierungen nicht zu verkennen. Die französische Besetzung von Tunis im Jahre 1881, wo sich mittlerweile italienische Siedler niedergelassen hatten und das Italien als sein Kolonialterrain betrachtete, und das Übereinkommen der drei Imperien, das die Absicherung Österreich-Ungarns nach dem Zweibund zusätzlich stärkte, riefen Beunruhigung in Italien hervor, die Bismarck für eine Verbindung mit dem jungen Königreich auswertete. Am 20. Mai 1882 kam der Dreibund vertrag zwischen Deutschland, Österreich-Ungarn und Italien zustande. 7 Es war dies ein geheimes 8 auf fünf Jahre getroffenes Devensivabkommen 9 , das bei einem unprovozierten französischen Angriff auf Italien die beiden anderen 'Art. V, ebenda, S. 177. Art. VI, ebenda, S. 178. 3 Art. I, ebenda, S. 176. 4 Ebenda, S. 176 f. 5 Art. II, ebenda, S. 177. 6 Art. III, ebenda. 7 Text des Vertrages in: GP III, Nr. 571, S. 245-247. 8 Art. VI, ebenda, S. 246. 9 Art. VII, ebenda, S. 247. 2

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Vertragspartner, bei einem solchen auf Deutschland hingegen nur Italien zur Hilfeleistung mit allen Mitteln verpflichtete.1 Gesamthaft betrachtet, diente der Dreibund, dem am 30.10.1883 mit einem Sondervertrag mit Österreich-Ungarn auch Rumänien beitrat, 2 zur Festigung der Mitte, da ja die Absicherung gegen Osten durch das Dreikaiserbündnis vorläufig gewährleistet war. In seinem Schreiben an das Auswärtige Amt vom 22.5.1882 nannte Bismarck als Hauptzweck des Vertrages, „dem uns verbündeten Österreich für den Kriegsfall die Sorge der Deckung seiner italienischen Grenze nach Möglichkeit abzunehmen."3 Darüber hinaus gewährte der Dreibund auch Italien eine gewisse Sicherheit gegen eine bedrohliche französische Mittelmeerposition. Um eine solche zu begrenzen und Russlands Durchbruch zum Mittelmeer zu verhindern, vermittelte er zwischen den daran interessierten Staaten Grossbritannien, Italien und Österreich-Ungarn die geheime Mittelmeerentente vom 12.2. und 24.3.18874, wonach der Status quo im Mittelmeer und im Schwarzen Meer aufrechterhalten werden sollte. Etwaige Veränderungen sollten nur unter der Einwilligung aller Partner vorgenommen werden. Man versprach sich gegenseitigen Beistand in Nordafrika und bei einer Auseinandersetzung im Mittelmeer. Dieses Abkommen wurde am 12./. 12 desselben Jahres durch einen Notenaustausch zwischen den beteiligten Staaten zum geheimen Orientdreibund ausgebaut, der für die eigene Sicherheit den Frieden und den Status quo im Orient bezweckte und der die Partner zur Sicherung der Unabhängigkeit und Integrität des Osmanischen Reiches — „gardienne d'intérêts Européens importants" 5 / „guardian of important European interests" 6 - verpflichtete; die Pforte sollte ihre Balkanstellung und somit ihre Rechte über Bulgarien nicht verlieren. 7 Grossbritannien, das im Allianzsystem Bismarcks nicht als unmittelbarer

^Art. II, ebenda, S. 246. Text in der „Akzessionserklärung Deutschlands zum Österreichisch-Rumänischen Vertrage vom 30.10.1883" desselben Datums: GP III, Nr. 598, S. 281 f. 3 Ebenda, III, Nr. 572, S. 247. 4 Zur Bildung d. Mittelmeerentente s. die Aktenstücke in: GP IV: „Die Dreibundmächte und England", Kap. XXV: „Verhandlungen über eine Entente zwischen England und Österreich 1886", Nr. 861-878, S. 263-294 (Korrespondenz beginnt mit Dezember 1885), Kap. XXVI: „Verhandlungen über eine Entente zwischen Italien und England 1887", Nr. 879-894, S. 297316 Kap. XXVII: „Beitritt Österreich-Ungarns zur Entente zwischen Italien und England 1887", Nr. 895-906, S. 319-331. 5 Ebenda, Nr. 918, S. 354: Punkt 4 des Entwurfs der Vertreter Österreich-Ungarns, Italiens und Grossbritanniens in Istanbul („Bases d'un accord à trois"), das die Anlage I der Aufzeichnung des damaligen Staatssekretärs des Auswärtigen Amtes, Graf Herbert von Bismarck, vom 20.10.1887 (S. 353) ist. (Als Anlage II folgen die Bemerkungen des österreichisch-ungarischen Aussenministers, Graf Kalnoky, zu den „Bases ...": S. 355 f.). 6 Ebenda, Nr. 940, S. 394: Punkt 4 der Anlage „Proposed Reply", die mit der endgültigen Fassung d. Note v. 12.12.1887 übereinstimmt: S. 393 f. 7 D i e in Anm. 55 angegebene Note ist zugleich der Text des Vertrages. 2

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Vertragspartner des Deutschen Reiches figurierte, wurde somit mit dem Dreibund verkettet. Die Verhütung eines für alle Grossmächte und nicht zuletzt für Deutschland verhängnisvollen explosiven Balkankonfliktes hatte für Bismarck nebst der Isolierung Frankreichs einen derartigen Vorrang, dass er, um Russland für diese beiden Ziele zu gewinnen, diesem sogar zu einer verstärkten Schwarzmeer-Position zu verhelfen bereit war. Das heisst wiederum, dass eine russische Präsenz an den Meerengen die britischen Interessen durchkreuzen musste. Wie gefährlich aber eine solche Entwicklung aus britisch orientierter westlicher Sicht schon immer erschien, ist nicht zuletzt den Bedenken der Kaiserin Friedrich zu entnehmen, die sie, damals noch Kronprinzessin des Deutschen Reichs, im Brief vom 10.7.1880, also nach der Londoner Konferenz vom Juni 1880, an ihre Mutter, Königin Victoria, äusserte. Sie schreibt, dass die Orientalische Frage nicht gelöst werden könne, bevor Russland sein Endziel, die Einnahme Istanbuls, erreichte. Dies aber könne und dürfe England nicht zulassen und müsse sofort etwas dagegen unternehmen, weil es in wenigen Wochen zu spät sein würde und die Teilung der osmanischen Territorien unweigerlich grausam und blutig verlaufen müsste. Sie schlägt vor, dass britische Schiffe in die Meerengen einfahren könnten, um die Türken mit „douce violence"zur Einwilligung in die Übergabe der Finanzen und der Verwaltung in die Hände englischer Sachverständiger zu zwingen. Später sollte der Sultan seine Residenz nach Izmir oder gar nach Inneranatolien verlegen; Istanbul sollte bis zur Errichtung eines unabhängigen, unter der Garantie der europäischen Mächte zu stehenden Staates unter englischer Verwaltung bleiben. Als unabhängigen Herrscher dieses neuen Staates nennt sie nebst dreien von ihren vier Brüdern auch einige potentielle Kandidaten aus der Verwandtschaft.1 „Vicky"s Ansichten sind nicht nur als zeitgenössisches Dokument zur hochkolonialen Gesinnungswelt interessant, sondern auch bezeichnend für die Orientpolitik des Westens bis zum Zusammenbruch des Osmanischen Reiches und aufschlussreich für das Verständnis des Sevres-Vertrages von 1920. Aus ihren Briefen wird aber auch das gespannte Verhältnis der liberalen Kreise in Der Sekretärs des englischen Königs Edward VII., Frederick Ponsonby brachte die Briefsammlung der „Kaiserin Friedrich" (Victoria), Mutter Wilhelms II. und Tochter der Königin Victoria von Grossbritannien, fünf Monate vor ihrem Tod auf ihren Wunsch hin heimlich nach England und veröffentlichte sie Ende der Zwanziger Jahre teilweise. Die Einführung der engl. u. dt. Publikation ist der Schilderung dieser Vorgänge gewidmet. Letters of the Empress Frederick, ed. by the Right Honourable Sir Frederick Ponsonby, G.C.B., G.C.V.O., London: Macmillan and Co., Limited, St. Martin's Street 1929, Brief der Kronprinzessin v. 1 0 . 7 . 1 8 8 0 : S. 1 8 8 - 1 9 1 , e i n g e s e h e n bei: Questia Media America, Inc.-. http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=l 176255. Dt. Text: Briefe der Kaiserin Friedrich, hrsg. v. Sir Frederick Ponsonby, Berlin: Th. Knaur Nachf. Verlag 1929, Kap. VII: „Auswärtige Angelegenheiten, 1878-1886": http://www.kaiserinfriedrich.de/ponson 7.html.

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Deutschland zu Bismarcks autoritärer Haltung ersichtlich; sie lassen überdies Anzeichen einer deutlicher werdenden Entfremdung zwischen Grossbritannien und dem Deutschen Reich in den achtziger Jahren erkennen. Später allerdings, nach der Entlassung Bismarcks, vermochten die unter elterlichem Einfluss entwickelten liberalisierenden Tendenzen ihres Sohnes, Wilhelms II., trotzdem nicht, diesen Entfremdungsprozess aufzuhalten, da nun das Deutsche Reich Grossbritannien gegenüber als neuer Rivale im Kolonialwettlauf auftrat. 1 Hatte Bismarck in den achtziger Jahren angesichts des Drucks vor allem der öffentlichen Meinung unter innenpolitischem Berechnungszwang widerwillig eine vorübergehende Kolonialpolitik betrieben, 2 so wurde nun diese unter seinen Nachfolgern zur hauptsächlichen Orientierung in der Aussenpolitik, die in der spätosmanischen Zeit ein unmittelbares Engagement Deutschlands in der Orientalischen Frage und somit eine aktive und letzten Endes auch kein Fait accompli scheuende Einflussnahme auf die Pfortenpolitik bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg mit sich brachte. Das Dreikaiserbündnis, das gemäss Art. IV 3 auf drei Jahre abgeschlossen und am 27.3.1884 wiederum für drei Jahre verlängerten worden war, 4 konnte 1887 wegen der unüberwindbaren Gegensätze zwischen Österreich-Ungarn und Russland auf dem Balkan nicht mehr verlängert werden. Um Deutschland gegen Osten weiterhin abzusichern, schloss Bismarck diesmal mit Russland am 18.6.1887 ein geheimes bilaterales Neutralitätsabkommen auf drei Jahre, den Rückversicherungsvertrag, dessen dritter, vierter und fünfter Artikel5 denselben Artikeln des Dreikaiserbündnisses entsprechen, 6 wobei aber die Bestimmungen des dritten Artikels über die Schliessung und den Schutz der Meerengen durch das „ganz geheime Zusatzprotokoll" zugunsten Russlands entkräftet wurde, wie weiter unten dargelegt wird. Im Falle eines Krieges einer der beiden Vertragspartner mit einer dritten Grossmacht war der andere Partner zu wohlwollender Neutralität und zur Bemühung um eine Lokalisierung des Konfliktes verpflichtet, nicht *Zur deutschen Orientpolitik nach Bismarck (unter Berücksichtigung sowohl türkischen als auch deutschen und englischen Archivmaterials) s. H. Bayram Soy, Almanya'mn Osmanli Devleti üzerinde ingiltere ile niifus mücadelesi (1890-1914), Ankara: Phoenix 2004. 2 1 8 8 4 wurden Südwestafrika, Kamerun, Togo und die Pazifik-Kolonien, und 1885 nach der Kongo-Konferenz in Berlin Ostafrika als deutsche Schutzgebiete erworben. Zum kurzlebigen deutschen Kolonialreich s. Klaus J. Bade, Friedrich Fabri und der Imperialismus in der Bismarckzeil. Revolution - Depression - Expansion, Freiburg i.Br. 1975, Internet-Ausg.: www.imis.uniosnabrueck. de/BadeFabri.pdf. mit einem neuen Vorwort, Osnabrück 2005. Auch beim Plan der Bagdadbahn verhielt sich Bismarck vorsichtig. Zur Geschichte der Bagdadbahn vgl. immer noch Edward Mead Earle, Turkey, The Great Powers and the Bagdad Railway. A Study in Imperialism, (1923), New York: Russell & Russell 1966. 3 G P III, S. 177. ^Protokoll über die Vertragsverlängerung s. ebenda, Nr. 630, S. 334 f. 5 GP V, S. 254. 6 Text inkl. dem „ganz geheimen" Zusatzsprotokoll abgedruckt in: GP V, Nr. 1092, S. 253-255.

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aber, wenn einer der beiden Vertragspartner Österreich-Ungarn oder Frankreich angriff. 1 Auch bei dieser Vorsichtsmassnahme ist. trotz der förmlichen Übereinkunft das gegenseitige Misstrauen nicht zu übersehen. Deutschland verpflichtete sich zur Anerkennung der „historisch erworbenen Rechte Russlands auf der Balkanhalbinsel und insbesondere der Legitimität seiner vorherrschenden und entscheidenden Rolle in Bulgarien und Ostrumelien." Eine Modifikation des territorialen Status quo auf dem Balkan war ohne vorheriges Übereinkommen beider Höfe ausgeschlossen; jedem etwaigen Versuch in diesem Sinne sollten die beiden Mächte entgegentreten.2 Wie bereits erwähnt, war für Bismarck die Verlagerung der innereuropäischen Konflikte, von denen die auf dem Balkan die gefährlichsten waren, auf die Randgebiete dermassen vorrangig, dass er sich trotz der Bedenken, die Grossbritannien zweifellos hegen musste, nicht davon abhalten liess, Russland durch Festigung seiner Stellung in der Schwarzmeer-Region zum Vordringen nach den Meerengen hin zu ermutigen. Die deutlichsten Beweisstücke dazu bilden die Abmachungen im „ganz geheimen Zusatzprotokoll" des Rückversicherungsvertrages, in denen Deutschland Russland nebst der Anerkennung des Rechts, eine ordentliche und gesetzmässige Regierung in Bulgarien zu errichten,3 versprach, falls der Zar zur Wahrung der russischen Interessen selber „die Aufgabe der Verteidigung des Zugangs zum Schwarzen Meer" übernehmen sollte, wohlwollende Neutralität zu wahren und den Massnahmen „que Sa Majesté [l'Empereur de Russie] jugerait nécessaire de prendre pour garder la clef de Son Empire", moralischen und diplomatischen Beistand zu gewähren. 4 In der Bismarck'schen Terminologie ist der Begriff des „Schlüssels"als Benennung des Bosporus öfters anzutreffen; der „...Schlüssel zum russischen Hause, d.h. zum Schwarzen Meere, in der Gestalt eines russischen Verschlusses des Bosporus..." 5 , oder „..."[die] Stellung am Bosporus..., deren Russland zu bedürfen glaubt, um in den Besitz seines Hausschlüssels zu gelangen" 6 , um nur zwei Beispiele zu nennen; dabei fällt auf, dass er im Zusammenhang mit diesem Ausdruck die Dardanellen nicht erwähnt. Bei allem Entgegenkommen, den er Russland erwies, versäumte er es aber auch nicht, die Eintracht mit Grossbritannien zu wahren. In seinem Brief vom 22.11.1887, in dem er dem britischen Premierminister Salisbury die Rolle des Deutschen Reiches in der internationalen Politik darlegte, drückte er ^Art. I, ebenda, S. 253. Art. II, ebenda. 3 Punkt 1 des „Protocole additionnel et très secret", ebenda, S. 254. 4 Punkt 2 des „Protocole additionnel et très secret", ebenda, S. 255. ^Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 465. 6 Ebenda, S. 466. 2

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seine Ansichten über die Richtigkeit einer reservierten und daher nicht unmittelbar engagierten Haltung Deutschlands in der Orientalischen Frage aus: „Le Sultan est notre ami et il a toutes nos sympathies; mais de là jusqu'à nous battre pour lui, il y a une distance que nous ne pourrons proposer au peuple allemand de franchir."^

Bismarcks Absicht, Russland in sein Allianzsystem zu integrieren, gleichzeitig aber von Europa auf Zentralasien abzulenken, konnte in dem Masse verwirklicht werden als es während seiner Amtszeit weder zu einem russisch-französischen Bündnis noch zu einem offenen Balkankrieg zwischen Österreich-Ungarn und Russland kam. Auch gelang es ihm, Frankreichs Augenmerk von Elsass-Lothringen umzuleiten, indem er dessen Kolonialpolitik in Nordafrika unterstützte. Sowohl die britisch-französischen und französisch-italienischen Interessenkonflikte im Mittelmeer als auch die britischrussischen in Zentralasien verhinderten soweit eine formelle Verständigung unter diesen Antagonistenpaaren. Das sollte sich jedoch nach der Entlassung Bismarcks allmählich ändern. Der „neue Kurs" der neunziger Jahre bedeutete eine Abwendung vom Bismarck'sehen Allianzsystem, dessen Besonderheit und Stärke die Beteiligung Russlands und dessen Bundesgenossenschaft mit dem habsburgischen Rivalen gewesen war. 2 Dieses System, das, als ganzes Gebilde betrachtet, bei kontrollierbarer Wachhaltung der gegenseitigen kolonialistischen Ansprüche und somit Ablenkung der Reibereien von der „Mitte" Europas nach der Peripherie einen Kriegsausbruch unter den europäischen Staaten entsprechend seiner Zielsetzung zu vermeiden imstande gewesen war, konnte in der wilhelminischen Ära nicht mehr aufrechterhalten werden. 1890 wurde der Rückversicherungsvertrag, für dessen Erneuerung Russland sogar auf das Zusatzprotokoll zu verzichten bereit war, nicht mehr verlängert. Eine Annäherung zwischen Russland und Frankreich Hess nicht lange auf sich warten; bereits von 1890 an wurden zwischen Frankreich und Russland Verbindungen auf der Ebene der Generalstäbe aufgenommen und 1892 ein Militärabkommen vereinbart, das mit weiteren Vereinbarungen zum französischrussischen Bündnis von 1894 ausgebaut wurde. Grossbritannien suchte noch um die Jahrhundertwende, sich mit Deutschland zu verständigen; die BündnisverhandJungen zwischen 1898 und 1901 führten jedoch zu keinem Ergebnis, da die deutsche Regierung — nicht wie zu Bismarcks Zeiten, um l GP IV, Nr. 930, S. 376-380, Zitat S. 378. ^Wilhelms [II.] Überlegungen finden sich u.a. in seinem Brief vom 10.5.1888 an Bismarck, den er also noch als Kronprinz einen Monat vor seiner Kaiserkrönung geschrieben hatte, in: Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 600-604.

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durch die Meidung einer vertraglichen Bindung mit Grossbritannien einerseits ein russisch-französischen Bündnis und andererseits die parlamentarische Einschränkung der aussenpolitische Bewegungsfreiheit zu verhindern — die britisch-französischen und die britischrussischen Rivalitäten für unüberwindbar, sich selber als Bündnispartner wiederum weiterhin für unverzichtbar hielt und damit zur Wahrung seiner Interessen eine Politik der freien Hand bevorzugte. Diese Fehlkalkulation und Deutschlands Umorientierung zur „Weltpolitik" unter Wilhelm II. im Nahen und im Fernen Osten sowie in Nordafrika führte zum Zusammenbruch des Bismarck'sehen Bündnissystems bis auf seinen Kern, den Zweibund von 1879 — der Dreibund mit Italien blieb nur vorübergehend bis zum Eintritt Italiens in den Ersten Weltkrieg auf der Seite der Entente-Mächte im Jahre 1915 bestehen — und somit zur Isolierung der Mittelmächte, denen gegenüber sich der Entente-Block bildete. Mit dem britisch-japanisches Bündnis von 1902, der Entente cordiale zwischen Grossbritannien und Frankreich von 1904, die trotz der FaschodaKrise von 1898 das britisch-fransösische Einvernehmen in Nordafrika dokumentierte, und der Verständigung Grossbritanniens mit Russland vom Jahre 1907 über die gegenseitigen Interessen in Zentralasien und Iran, die wiederum die Bildung der Tripelentente bedeutete, waren die Fronten des Ersten Weltkriegs aufgebaut, 1 wofür aber nicht notwendigerweise die Errichtung des Zweibundes verantwortlich gemacht werden kann, sondern die ganz und gar gegen die Auffassung Bismarcks verstandene Handhabung desselben: Die Haltung der „Nibelungentreue", wie es der Reichskanzler Bernhard von Bülow angesichts der seit der österreichischen Annexion Bosniens und der Herzegowina im Jahre 1908 währenden Bosnien-Krise in seiner Reichstagsrede vom 29.3.19092 ausdrückte, d.h. Kriegsbrüderschaft bis zum Tode. Bismarcks Auffassung von zwischenstaatlicher Einigkeit und Treue war eine andere; sie bedeutete nicht blinde Hingabe und Aufopferung der eigenen Interessen, hatte er doch Österreich-Ungarn Jahre hindurch immer wieder an den defensiven Charakter des Zweibundes erinnert: ^Imperialistische Expansion u. Rüstungswettlauf der europäischen Mächte sowie Umsturz der Bündnisse nach 1890 s. Schieder, [s. Anm. 16] S. 79 ff, 110 ff.; Fritz Fischer, „Die Aussenpolitik des kaiserlichen Deutschland und der Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkriegs", in: Flucht in den Krieg? Die Aussenpolitik des kaiserlichen Deutschland, hrsg. v. Gregor Schöllgen, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1991, S. 25-67; Imanuel Geiss, „'Weltpolitik': Die deutsche Version des Imperialismus", ebenda, S. 148-169; Gregor Schöllgen, „Deutsche Aussenpolitik im Zeitalter des Imperialismus: Ein Teufelskreis?", ebenda, S. 170-186. Teilweise abgedruckt in: Unterrichtseinheit Nationale Identität, bearb. v. Wolfgang Gast, Anna-Pia Enslin [u.a.], Hamburg: Spiegel-Verlag, September 2000, S.31, erreichbar unter www.unikassel. dc/fl)9/mediaevistik/inde.\3.htm: Mythos Nibelungen im Kontext nationaler Identität. Unterrichtseinheit „Nationale Identität" von schule@ Spiegel als PDF-Dokument. www.uni-kassel.de/fb9/mediaevistik/Aktuelles/nationale identitaet.pdf. Dieser Abdruck beruft sich auf Fürst von Bülows Reden, hrsg.v. Wilhelm Massow, Bd. V: 1907-1914, Leipzig: Reclam 1914, S. 127 f.

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„Die Gefahren, welche für unsre Einigkeit mit Österreich in den Versuchungen russisch-österreichischer Verständigungen im Sinne der Zeit von Joseph II. und Katharina ... liegen, lassen sich, soweit das überhaupt möglich ist, paralysieren, wenn wir zwar fest auf Treue gegen Österreich, aber auch darauf halten, dass der Weg nach Petersburg von Berlin frei bleibt. Unsre Aufgabe ist, unsre beiden kaiserlichen Nachbarn in Frieden zu erhalten." 1

Diese Einstellung Bismarcks zog sich wie ein roter Faden durch seine Aussen-, somit auch Orientpolitik hindurch und prägte sein Allianzsystem, das aus einer Kette von Bündnissen bestand, deren einige Bestimmungen der einzelnen Glieder einander zu widersprechen schienen, aber im Grunde genommen darauf abzielten, die Kontrahenten von einem jeweils ins Auge gefassten Bündnisfall abzuhalten; dies wurde zu seiner Regierungszeit auch erreicht. Die Worte, die er bereits im Jahre 1876 ausgesprochen hatte, fassen seinen Standpunkt in der ihn grundsätzlich nur mittelbar interessierenden, aber als gegebener brennender Tatbestand der internationalen Politik eben doch unausweichlichen Orientalischen Frage treffend zusammen: „Je schwieriger die Situation sich zuspitzt, um so deutlicher müssen wir meines Erachtens uns gegenwärtig halten und in unserer diplomatischen Tätigkeit zum Ausdruck bringen, dass unser Hauptinteresse nicht in dieser oder jener Gestaltung der Verhältnisse des türkischen Reiches liegt, sondern in der Stellung, in welcher die uns befreundeten Mächte zu uns und untereinander gebracht werden. Die Frage, ob wir über die orientalischen Wirren mit England, mehr noch mit Österreich, am meisten aber mit Russland in dauernde Verstimmung geraten, ist für Deutschlands Zukunft unendlich viel wichtiger, als alle Verhältnisse der Türkei zu ihren Untertanen und zu den europäischen Mächten". 2

Güme§ Karamuk (Associate Prof. Dr. phil.), Hacettepe University, Ankara, Faculty of Letters, Department of History.

1 Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen, S. 457. ^Diktat Bismarcks vom 14.10.1876, niedergeschrieben von seinem Sohn Herbert von Bismarck, in: GP II, Nr.246, S.64-66. Zitat S. 64. Unter den weiteren Aktenstücken im gleichen Kap. X: („Orientalische Krise 1876", s. Anm. 26) in GP II, finden sich noch andere seiner Äusserungen zur empfohlenen Haltung in der Orientalischen Frage; besonders deutlich: Nr. 250, S. 71: „Die ganze Türkei mit Einrechnung der verschiedenen Stämme ihrer Bewohner ist als politische Institution nicht so viel wert, dass sich die zivilisierten Völker um ihretwillen in grossen Kriegen gegenseitig zugrunde richten sollten. Die Teilnahme an dem Geschick jener Länder und ihrer Bewohner wiegt tatsächlich bei keiner Regierung so schwer, wie die Besorgnis vor den Entwickelungen, die an die Stelle der jetzigen Zustände treten könnten, und vor ihrer Rückwirkung auf die Sicherheit und das Machtverhältnis der nächstbeteiligten europäischen Mächte selbst."

HISTOIRE DE MEHMET EMÌN BEY, CHAMBELLAN ET VOYAGEUR EN ASIE CENTRALE Ali BiRINCi

Mehmet Emin Bey, s'est signalé par un récit d'un voyage effectué en Asie Centrale, d'abord publié en feuilleton dans le Terctiman-i Hakikat puis en livre. Alors qu'il n'est pas seulement important pour cette oeuvre, mais aussi à cause de sa personnalité, il n'est quasiment pas connu. Et pourtant, sans conteste, il est, dans l'histoire ottomane, l'auteur du premier récit de voyage d'Istanbul en Asie [Centrale], Ces dernières années, ce récit a suscité un intérêt particulier, et a été réédité à trois reprises.

I. Famille, naissance, mariage et décès Mehmet Emin Bey, Darugazade de son patronyme, est né en 12711 (1854-1855), au Daguestan, dans la région ville de Sheki, nommée Nahve dans les sources ottomanes ou encore Nuha 2 . Son père le prénomma Mehmet Ali. Mais lorsqu'il entra au Palais, il fut nommé Mehmet Emin et c'est sous ce nom qu'il figure dans les registres officiels. Son grand-père s'appelait Ahmet Daruga. Son père, Abdürrahim Efendi, faisait le commerce du vers à soie avec l'Europe, en particulier avec Marseille. Quant à sa mère, elle s'appelait Dostu 3 . Mehmet Emin Efendi s'est marié trois fois. Sa première épouse était son aînée de onze ans et ne lui donna pas d'enfant. Il eut par contre un fils, Ahmet Sait Darga (25 avril 1899 - 1963), de sa seconde épouse, Meryem Munire et une fille, nommée Fatma Hayriye (épouse Kerimzade, 1905-13 ^L'année 1271 (calendrier de l'Hégire), correspond à 1270 dans le calendrier fiscal (mali) et couvre la période allant du 24 janvier 1854 au 13 mars 1855 dans le calendrier grégorien. ^Le dossier de Mehmet Emin Bey se trouve aux archives ottomanes de la Présidence du Conseil (Bagbakanlik), dans le registre (defter) des Sicill-i Ahval du Trésor Impérial, Tome VIII, p.331. Pour les autres enregistrements de Mehmet Emin dans la fonction publique, se reporter au Sicill-i Defter, Tome 163, p. 325. Après une requête, nous avons pu consulter ces registres. Les traductions de ces deux dossiers se trouvent dans le dossier de la Caisse de retraite de sa fille, Fatma Hayriye, au numéro MO.0006882. Les autres sources de renseignements sont mentionnées dans nos notes en bas de page. 3 Arkeoloji'nin Delikanhsi Muhibbe Darga Kitabi (entretien réalisé par Emine Çaykara), 1§ Bankasi Yay., Istanbul, 2003, pp. 43-44 et 80. Désormais référencié comme Çaykara, op.cit.

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janvier 1985), de sa troisième épouse, Zihniye1. Par ailleurs, il avait aussi un frère cadet, Hasan Behçet, qui devint général dans la cavalerie. Il installa ses filles dans les kiosques qu'il fit construire autour du sien, situé à Acibadem 2 . C'est dans ce kiosque, sis au numéro 14 de l'avenue Ni§anta§i, dans le mahalle de Osmaniye, quartier de Kadikôy, qu'il s'éteignit le 16 septembre 19253.

II. Formation C'est là où il est né, à Nahve, que Mehmet Emin Bey a été scolarisé dans une école primaire (iptidai). A l'âge de dix onze ans, son père l'aurait amené à Marseille, auprès de son neveu, Selim Efendi, qui y gérait la société familiale. Là, il l'aurait inscrit dans une école de Jésuites4. Placé auprès d'une famille française, il se retrouva seul membre de sa famille, lorsqu'intervint un an plus tard, le décès de Selim Efendi. La famille française le prit en charge et lui donna le nom de Emile Ali. Pendant trois ou quatre années, pour une raison inconnue, son père ne put venir à Marseille. C'est probablement à l'âge de seize ans, qu'Emin se rendit à Istanbul avec son père. D'après ses dires, Mehmet Emin entra alors au Lycée Galatasaray où il étudia jusqu'à la seconde. Il passa ensuite à l'Ecole de Droit (Hukuk Mektebi), qu'il quitta au bout de deux ans5. Alors qu'il souhaitait entrer dans l'armée, il fut refusé pour raisons de santé. Il travailla alors pendant une courte période comme secrétaire, puis sur le conseil d'un médecin qui y voyait un remède aux troubles nerveux auxquels il était sujet, au début du mois d'avril 1877, il partit en voyage pour l'Asie Centrale. C'est, comme on l'a mentionné plus haut, le premier voyage connu en Asie d'un Turc ottoman6. Mehmet Emin savait très bien le français, et on comprend à la lecture de son livre qu'il savait aussi bien le persan. On dit qu'il connaissait aussi d'autres langues, mais cela n'est pas recoupé par les informations figurant dans les registres7. En 1918, alors qu'il était retraité, il se rendit en Suisse en ' Ces renseignements proviennent du dossier de F. Hayriye Kerimzade (MO. 006882) dans les Archives de la Caisse de retraites (Emekli Sandigi Arçivi). Mais la requête pour attribution de pension à une veuve, faite après le décès de Mehmet Emin Bey et datée du 1er Te§rin-i sani 1341, est signée Meryem Miinire. La troisième épouse a donc dû utiliser l'état-civil de la seconde, à moins qu'il n'y ait eu erreur dans l'enregistrement. ^Çaykara, op.cit., p.48. 3

Emekli Sandigi Arçivi (Archives de la Caisse de retraites), dossier no. M0.006882. B O A , HH-SAD Tome 8, page 331. et Çaykara, op.cit., pp.43-44. ^Muhibbe Darga avance que son grand-père fut envoyé à Marseille à l'âge de dixonze ans et qu'il y demeura sept ou huit ans. Sur ses études à Istanbul, il fournit lui même des renseignements dans le Sicil (Tome 8, p.331). 6 C e s informations ne figurent pas dans les Sicil, mais dans son récit de voyage, cf. Seyahatname, Istanbul, 1295, pp. 167-168. ^Çaykara, op.cit., pp. 46-47.

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visite auprès de son fils Ahmet Sait, qui y suivait des études de médecine et qui était alors tombé malade1. Mehmet Emin Bey s'éteignit le 16 septembre 1925 à Istanbul et fut enterré au cimetière de Karacaahmet2.

III. Vie professionelle Juste après la guerre turco-russe de 1877-1878, et sous le nom de Mehmet Emin Bey, il commença sa carrière dans la fonction publique ottomane à la section stanbouliote de la Commission d'Implantation des Muhacir (iskan-i Muhacirin Komisyonu), du 19 juin 1878 jusqu'au 13 mars 1879. La publication en feuilleton dans le Terciiman-i Hakikat de son récit de son voyage en Asie centrale attira l'attention du Ministre de l'Education, Mtinif Pa§a, et Mehmet Emin Bey fut nommé secrétaire à la Commission des Ouvrages en langue ottomane et des Traductions ( T e l i f v e Tercüme Heyetï) pour une courte période (du 29 septembre 1879 - 1er Mars 1880 ?), il fut ensuite transféré au Secrétariat Impérial (kitabi-i §ehriyari) de Yildiz le 2 mars 1880, sur l'ordre du Sultan Abdulhamid qui avait lu son récit de voyage3. Mehmet Emin Bey fut nommé chambellan le 6 septembre 1882, accédant ainsi au premier cercle du Sultan, le corps des chambellans comprenant les hommes en qui le Sultan avait le plus confiance. Pendant vingt-sept ans, il réussit à exercer cette fonction auprès du Sultan dans un environnement délicat. Le Sultan appréciait Mehmet Emin et le disait "intelligent et plein de bon sens"4. Suite à la proclamation de la monarchie constutionelle, lorsque le Premier chambellan, Haci Ali Pacha prit sa retraite, et qu'il fut remplacé par le Second Chambellan, Nuri Pacha, Mehmet Emin Bey devint Second Chambellan le 12 août 19085. Mis en disponibilité le 27 avril 1909 après les événements dits du 31 Mars, il prit ensuite sa retraite, n'abandonnant pas alors seulement son métier, mais se séparant du Sultan auquel il avait lié son destin pendant de nombreuses années. Sous le règne du Sultan Vahdeddin qui le

!bOA - DH.EUM - SSM, dossier no 7, chemise no 46. ^Mehmet Mermi Haskan, Yiizyillar Boyunca Üsküdar, Istanbul, 2001, Tome II, p.680. 3 HH-SAD, Tome VIII, p. 331. Et Çaykara, op.cit., p. 45. Muhibbe Darga se trompe lorsqu'elle indique qu'il entra au palais à l'âge de 25 ans. Il devait avoir alors environ 23 ans. 4 A y j c Osmanoglu, Babam Abdiilhamid, Istanbul, 1960, p. 40. 5 Cf. dans les archives ottomanes : BOA.Y.MFV. Dossier no 313, chemise no 14. l.DH., dossier no 1468, chemise no 321 B 27. Ali Cevad, Ikinci Me^rutiyetin ilani ve 31 Mart Hadisesi (édition préparée par Faik Regit Unat), Ankara, 1960, p. 166.

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connaissait bien et avait confiance en lui, il fut nommé à la Direction Générale du Trésor Impérial et au conseil d'administration de cette direction. Il occupa ce poste du 17 avril 1920 au 25 février 19221 Mehmet Emin Bey reçut tout au long de sa carrière de fonctionnaire de nombreux grades, décorations et médailles. Dans l'ordre, il fut d'abord nommé d'abord au grade de fonctionnaire de deuxième classe, deuxième rang (le 8 septembre 1882), passa à la deuxième classe, rang extraordinaire (le 2 février 1883), puis à la deuxième classe, premier rang (le 3 juillet 1883), à la première classe, premier rang (le 10 août 1886), et enfin Hors classe (le 21 novembre 1892). Il fut décoré de l'Ordre Mecidiye, 4e classe (7 novembre 1880) ; de l'Ordre Osmaniye, 4e classe (2 novembre 1882) ; de l'Ordre Osmaniye, 3e classe (22 septembre 1883) ; de l'Ordre de Mecidiye, 3e classe (17 mars 1884), de l'Ordre Mecidiye, deuxième classe (11 novembre 1884), de l'Ordre Osmaniye, deuxième classe (30 mai 1889) ; de l'Ordre Mecidiye, première classe (31 août 1902) ; de l'Ordre Osmaniye, première classe (décembre 1904) ; et enfin du brillant de l'Ordre Ottoman (Murassa Osmanï). Sa femme, elle, reçut la médaille de la Compassion (§evkat), deuxième classe (21 avril 1889). La liste est longue des médailles reçues par Mehmet Emin Bey : la médaille d'argent de la Distinction (ímtiyaz) (12 octobre 1883), la médaille d'or de la Distinction (31 août 1885), la médaille de la Gloire (tftihar) (23 août 1886), la médaille d'argent du Mérite (Liyakat) (4 juillet 1891), la médaille de l'Exposition de l'Assistance (lane Sergisi) (16 juillet 1894) et la médaille de la Dévotion à la Patrie (Hamiyet-i vataniye) (17 mars 1897). 11 faut y ajouter les médailles étrangères : la médaille d'Allemagne, première classe (1890) ; l'Ordre de la Couronne Royale de Prusse, première classe (1890) ; l'Ordre de la Couronne d'Italie, première classe (1891) ; l'Ordre de Saint-Lazare (Italie), deuxième classe (1895) et celui de Saint-Maurice (Italie), première classe (23 décembre 1904) ; pour la Russie, l'ordre de Saint-Stanislas, première classe (22 février 1892) ; pour la Serbie, l'Ordre de Takovo, première classe (15 juillet 1888) et celui de Saint-Sava, première classe (1894) ; pour la Suède, l'Ordre de l'Etoile du Nord, deuxième classe (1885) ; pour le Montenegro, l'Ordre de Danilo, première classe (1888) ; pour la Belgique, l'Ordre de Léopold, deuxième classe (1894) ; pour la France la médaille de Commandeur de la Légion d'honneur (1886) ; pour le Vatican, l'Ordre Suprême du Christ (1897) ; pour le Siam, l'Ordre de Suborno (1892) ; l'Ordre de la Couronne de Roumanie, première classe (1897) ; pour la Perse, l'Ordre du Lion et du

1

HH-SAD, Tome VIII, p.331, Caisse des retraites (

Emekli Sandigi) dossier no

M0.006882.

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Soleil, première classe (1897) ; et pour l'Ethiopie, l'Ordre du Sceau de Salomon (1889)1.

La personnalité de Mehmet Emin Bey Pour commencer, il faut préciser que Mehmet Emin Bey fut une des figures les plus intègres de la Maison du Sultan au Palais de Yildiz. Parmi les innombrables témoignages de son savoir, rappelons le mot d'Halit Ziya qui disait de lui " c'est un homme de science " 2 . Fondamentalement, il ne dut son entrée au Palais qu'à son intelligence et sa science. Il n'écrivit pas de rapports de dénonciation (jurnal), ne fut coupable ni de corruption, ni de prévarication. Ce n'est qu'en raison de son excellent français qu'il était commis à la traduction de romans pour le Sultan Hamid 3 . Le plus savant des chambellans, il était un homme de plume. Lors de la cérémonie du Selamhk, c'est toujours lui qui lisait la prière impériale. A cet égard ses relations avec les ambassadeurs et les autres étrangers étaient bonnes 4 . Par ailleurs, à Yildiz, avec Mehmed Arif et Besim Bey, il était un des chambellans qui avaient le privilège de rester la nuit au Palais, ce qui encore une autre preuve de la confiance qu'il inspirait 5 . Au Palais, après le départ de Mahmud Bey, l'Huissier en chef, il était une des rares personnes à faire, derrière un rideau, la lecture de romans policiers et de récits de voyage au Sultan Abdiilhamid, jusqu'à ce qu'il s'endorme6. On vantait encore sa probité longtemps après qu'il eut quitté le Palais. Il y jouait le rôle d'un élement modérateur et c'est par son truchement que passaient les requêtes envoyées par les sujets du Sultan à Yildiz et c'est d'abord à lui qu'on s'adressait en cas de problème. Dans les ' Les grades, décorations et médailles sont enregistrées dans le Sicil. Il faut y ajouter une médaille d'une institution agricole française [note du traducteur : le Mérite agricole? ] que nous n'avons pas pu identifier. Pour les grades et décorations, voir aussi dans BOA. î. DH. : dossier no 862, chemise 68990 dossier no 877, chemises no 69372 et 69373 dossier no ?? , chemise no 70736 dossier no 896, chemise no 71252 dossier no 910, chemise no 72307 dossier no 931,chemise no 73786 dossier no 998, chemise no 78900 dossier no 124, chemise no 1322 dossier no 1091, chemise 85599 dossier no 1131, chemise no 88323 Voir aussi. BOA. t.HR., dossier no 324, chemise no 20996. 2

Halit Ziya Ugakhgil, Kirk Yil, Tome V, 1951, p. 13. Ziya §akir, Yarim Asir Evvel bizi Idare Edenler, Istanbul, 1943, Tome I, p. 248. 4 Osman Nuri, Abdulhamid-i Sani ve Devri Saltanati, Istanbul, 1327, Tome II, p. 500. ^Nizamettin Delilba§i, Hatiralarim, Istanbul, 1946, pp. 8-9. Haluk Y. §ehsuvaroglu, " Abdtilhamid'in Yildiz'daki Hususi Dairesi ve Oradaki Yagayig Tarzi ", ResimliTarih Dergisi, no 22, (octobre 1951), p. 1008. ^Tahsin Pa§a, Abdiilhamid ve YildizHatiralari, Istanbul, 1931, p. 15.

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relations sociales, il faisait preuve de sagesse et se comportait avec franchise et honneteté 1 . Après l'annonce du rétablissement de la Constitution, il perçut rapidement la nouvelle configuration politique dans ses moindres détails et incita toujours Abdùlhamid à se rendre à l'Assemblée Nationale ottomane à la fois parce que le moment le demandait et pour adoucir la tension politique, mais cela fut en vain 2 . Mehmet Emin Bey était quelqu'un d'influent à la Maison du Sultan. Lors de la seconde période constitutionelle, c'est lui qui soumettait au Sultan et lisait en sa présence le discours du trône écrit par Tahsin Pacha. Alors que le Sultan n'avait pas l'intention d'assister à la cérémonie inaugurale de l'Assemblée, c'est encore par son intermédiaire que ce Pacha lui expliqua l'utilité d'une telle visite. Il était aussi de ceux qui prièrent le Sultan de tenir au Palais de Be§ikta§ la cérémonie de voeux (muayede) du Kurban Bayram, le 30 janvier 1909 3 . Comme son marchand de père, il s'y entendait en négoce. Il faisait la culture du ver à soie et publia un des premiers ouvrages consacrés à cette question. Dans le même temps il s'occupa de construction et produisit du bois de construction. Lorsqu'Ahmet îhsan (Tokgôz), à cause d'un article écrit pour le Servet-i Ftinun et suite à une dénonciation de Baha Tahir et du Dr. Mustafa Munir Pacha, fut obligé d'interrompre ses activités d'imprimerie, Mehmet Emin Bey lui confia la direction de sa scierie. Dans cette tâche, il eut comme associé le chambellan Mehmet Arif Bey. Lorqu'il reprit la publication du Servet-i Ftinun, il fut aidé par Mehmet Emin Bey, ainsi que par Riza Bey et son ancien camarade de classe, le chambellan Mehmed Arif 4 . Malgré sa personnalité, il fut jalousé et fut en diverses occasions l'objet de rapports de dénonciation envoyés au Sultan. Si pendant une période, le souverain fut en froid avec lui, Mehmet Emin Bey ne fut pas pénalisé pour autant. En bref, soutenir qu'il fut celui des chambellans qui était le moins en cour est une erreur. Comment alors eût il été possible qu'il demeure à Yildiz pendant vingt sept ans? D'ailleurs Abdiilhamid II a montré jusqu'où s'élevait la confiance qu'il lui témoignait en lui confiant certaines questions d'argent 5 . 1 Pour des exemples allant dans ce sens : BOA-Y.PRK-E§A. Dossier no 14, chemise no 64. Ebubekir Hazim Tepeyran, Hatiralari, Istanbul, 1944, p. 402. Abdiilhak Hamid'in Hattralan (édition préparée par Inci Enginiin), Istanbul, 1994, p.323. Sur l'aide fournie, via Mehmet Emin Bey, par Abdiilhamid à Ahmet Ihsan éditeur du Servet-i Fiinun, cf. Ahmet Ihsan (Tokgôz), Matbuat Hatiralarim, Isdtanbul, 1930, Tome I, pp.65-68. 2 Ali Cevad , op.cit., p. 43. 3 Idem, pp. 17-18, 27-28, 35-36 et 55. 4 Ziya §akir, op.cit., p. 248 , et Ahmet Ihsan, op.cit., pp. 111-113 et 116-121. 5 Ziya §akir, op.cit., p. 248, Abdurahman §eref Efendi Tarihi (édition préparée par Bayram Kodaman et Mehmet Ali Ünal), Ankara, 1996, p.64 ; Sultan 11. Abdiilhamid'in SUrgiin Giinleri Hususi Doktor Atif Huseyin Beyin Hatirati (édition préparée par Metin M. Hulagu), Istanbul, 2003, p.324.

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De temps à autre, il était envoyé en mission en province 1 . Naturellement il fut un de ceux qui furent l'objet de la part du Sultan du plus de dons et de faveurs. C'est grâce au Sultan qu'il fit construire en 1883 sur l'avenue Ni§anta§i (Kadikôy) le kiosque où il vécut et s'éteignit 2 . Pour une autre période, il faut noter aussi un autre fait d'importance : après le rétablissement de la Constitution, personne ne s'en prit à ce chambellan de premier rang ; au contraire il fut promu Chambellan en second. Lors des événements dits du 31 mars (1909) alors qu'il figurait parmi ceux dont les insurgés réclamèrent l'emprisonnement, il ne fut l'objet d'aucun mauvais traitement et ne fut pas enseveli sous les décombres du despotisme, mais, comme on l'a mentionné, fut l'objet d'une nouvelle promotion 3 . Lors des jours funestes de l'armistice, pour des raisons ignorées, Mehmed Emin Bey fit une chose inédite et s'engagea en politique en rejoignant l'association des Amis de l'Angleterre 4 .

IV - Les oeuvres de Mehmet Emin Bey Même si cela est peu noté, rappelons que Mehmet Emin Bey a publié sept livres, qu'il s'agisse detraductions ou d'ouvrages écrits par lui. Sa production n'est donc pas négligeable, et son récit de voyage à lui seul suffirait pour le faire passer à la postérité. a- Voyage d'Istanbul en Asie Centale Le personnage de Mehmed Emin Bey est comme sorti d'un livre. Il lui avait été conseillé de voyager pour soigner les troubles nerveux dont il était affecté. Il fut, à notre connaissance le premier voyageur ottoman vers l'Asie 1 Envoyé en mission à Bursa, il s'y occupa des affaires financières du Sultan avec la banque allemande : BOA - Y - PRK - SRH, dossier no 2, chemise no 21. BOA -Y- PRK- HH, dossier no 33, chemise no 69. Pour certains bienfaits accordés à Mehmet Emin Bey, voir : BOA -Y -PRK-HH, dossier no 16, chemise no 19. BOA-Y-PRK-AZJ, dossier no 22, chemises, no 89. Pour le plan et le coût du konak qui fut construit pour lui sur l'avenue Nigantagi, voir BOA -Y- PRK - HH, dossier no 10, chemise no 51 et dossier no 12, chemise no 34. Le procès ouvert par M. Emin Bey contre Tunuslu Mahmud Pacha pour la hauteur excessive des murs du kioque dura des années. A ce sujet, cf. Semih Miimtaz S., Tarihimiz de Hayal olmus Hakikatler, Istanbul, 1948, p.48. 3 Ali Fuat Tiirkgeldi, Goriip i§ittiklerim, Ankara, 1949, p.34. Pour la liste des reliquats de l'Ancien Régime despotique cf. Salname-i Servet-i Fiinun , 1326, pp.132-133. 4 Fethi Tevetoglu, Milli Mucadele Yillarindaki Kuruluçlar, Ankara, 1988, pp.66 et 77-78 ; Cengiz Donmez, Milli Mucadeleye Karçi bir Cemiyet : Ingiliz Muhipleri Cemiyeti, Ankara, 1999, pp. 69, 75 et 117. Tevetoglu explique (p. 77), que Mehmet Emin Bey faisait partie "des jobards qui croyaient servir à la nation et à certaines personnalités en étant utile aux Anglais".

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Centrale et au début avril 1877, alors que la guerre russo-ottomane était sur le point d'éclater, il partit d'Istanbul sur un vapeur russe et au sixième jour accosta dans le port de Poti. La même année où il effectua ce voyage d'une durée de trois mois 1 , Mehmet Emin Bey commença sa carrière de fonctionnaire, le 19 juin 1877. On a vu qu'il avait attiré l'attention par la publication en feuilleton de son récit de voyage dans Tercuman-i Hakikat et fut engagé au Ministère de l'Education puis à la Maison du Sultan. Ce seyahatname conte un voyage menant d'Istanbul jusqu'à Khiva. L'auteur s'est rendu ensuite à Tachkent, Kokand, et par le Kashgar, est passé en Afghanistan et en Inde, avant de revenir à Istanbul. Mais de cette partie du voyage, il n'est pas question dans le récit 2 . Mehmet Emin bey raconte ce voyage dans un style très agréable et aisé. Il donne sur les lieux parcourus des renseignements très précieux sur la géographie et les hommes. Concernant les conditions du voyage, les coutumes, la chasse et ses formes, les raids opérés entre tribus, la vie nomade des familles, la vie quotidienne, les noces ou encore l'expansion de la Russie dans la région, il fournit de précieuses informations dans un style alerte et avec une expression pleine de vie 3 . Il donne au passage des informations importantes sur les débuts de l'imprimerie en Asie Centrale, à Khiva 4 . Il évoque aussi avec enthousiasme l'union des musulmans 5 . Le livre fut d'abord publié par l'imprimerie Kirkambar d'Ahmet Midhat Efendi, avec un avant-propos de celui-ci 6 . Une siècle après sa première édition, le livre a été à nouveau publié, par le Ministère de la Culture dans une adaptation en turc d'aujourd'hui, préparée par Riza Akdemir 7 , remettant cet ouvrage et son auteur à l'actualité. Une autre édition, avec une belle traduction a été publiée en 1998 à îzmir par Cahit Telci et Vehbi Giinay, avec une

1

Ce voyage n'a pas duré deux ans comme le soutient Caykara, op.cit., p.45. Metin Hlilagu, op.cit., p.234. 3 La valeur et la place de cet ouvrage dans la littérature de voyage a été notée depuis longtemps., Cf. îsmail Habib (Seviik), Tanzimattanberi, Istanbul, 1942, p.202 ; Orham §aik Gôkyay " Tiirkçede Gezi Kitaplari", Tiirk Dili, no 258, (1 mars 1973), p.462. Il est étonnant que Mustafa Nihat Ozhon dans Son AsirTurk Edebiyat Tarihi, Istanbul, 1941, pp.325-327, ne fasse as mention de ce livre. Cf. p. 78 de son Sehayatname pour la mention de la première imprimerie à Khiva. Pour de plus amples renseignements, voir Almaz Yazderbiyev, (traduction de Ahmet R. Anarberdiyev), Dogu 'da Matba Yayinlarin Tarihi, Istanbul, 2005, pp.62-73. Enfin une référence bibliographique curieusement omise dans l'ouvrage précédent : T: E: Ernazaraov et A. 1. Akbaraov, Istoria Peçati Turkistana (1870-1925), Tachkent, 1976, p. 287. -'Sur cet enthousiasme, cf. p.169 de son Sehayatname. 6 Pour l'avant-propos d'Ahmet Midhat Efendi , cf. Seyahatname, 1295, pp.2-25. ( l'ouvrage compte 303 pages). ^istanbul'dan Orta Asya'ya Seyahat, Ankara, 1986, 157 pages, (seconde édition en 2003, 143 pages). 2

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préface d'ismail Aka 1 , édition qui n'a connu qu'une faible diffusion.Le livre est actuellement introuvable quelque soit son édition. Il faudrait ajouter ici que les informations fournies n'ont pas encore été analysées. Imaginons par ailleurs ce que nous aurions pu apprendre si cet auteur qui dit avoir voyagé en France, en Angleterre et en Italie avait écrit un ouvrage comparant ces pays2.

b, La culture du ver à soie. C'est sa connaissance profonde de la culture du ver à soie — qui était déjà l'activité de son père Abdurrahim Efendi — qui permit à Mehmet Emin Bey d'écrire sur ce sujet un livre de 78 pages publié en 1296 à l'imprimerie Kirkambar 3 .

c. Mehmet Emin Bey, traducteur de Jules Verne. Si l'on excepte une traduction publiée auparavant à Bursa, Mehmet Emin Bey fut en Turquie, disons à Istanbul, le premier traducteur de Jules Verne4, précédant donc Ahmet Îhsan (Tôkgoz). Ces traductions furent publiées à l'Imprimerie Ottomane (Matbaa-i Osmaniye) que possédait le chambellan Osman Bey " dans une excellente édition, avec un papier et des illustrations de très bonne qualité, par ce que ces traductions étaient destinées au Sultan et aux hauts personnages de l'Etat ". Les références des deux traduction sont les suivantes : Merkez-i Arza Seyahat (Voyage au centre de la Terre), Istanbul, 1302, 416 pages. Be§ Hafta Balon île Seyahat (Cinq semaines en ballon), Istanbul, 1305, 351 pages.

ILe livre (165 pages) est publié par le Irfan Kiiltur Merkezi. est dommage que l'auteur donne si peu de renseignements d'ordre biographique (cf. Seyahatname, 1295, pp. 167-168) •^Selon Çaykara ( op.cit., p:43), Mehmet Emin Bey aurait cultivé le ver à soie chez lui pendant de longues années. 4 Pour de plus amples renseignements, cf. ïsmail Habib (Seviik), Avrupa Edbiyatt ve Biz, Istanbul, 1941, Tome II, pp. 243-246.

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d. professeur de persan Dans l'état-civil de Mehmet Emin Bey on ne rencontre aucune information indiquant une connaissance du persan. Mais on comprand qu'il connaissait aussi cette langue, par un ouvrage de 234 pages, intitulé Muallimi Farsi ( le professeur de persan), qu'il publia en 1308 à Istanbul. e. connaissances du monde Mehmet Emin Bey est aussi l'auteur d'un ouvrage de 68 pages décrivant les peuples de la terre, Tarif-i Ûmen, publié à l'Imprimerie ottomane en 1308. f. Un bestiaire illustré Le dernier ouvrage de Mehmet Emin Bey concerne les animaux. Il s'agit d'un bestiaire illustré, Musavver Tarif-i Hayvanat, comportant 71 pages et publié en 1301, toujours à l'Imprimerie ottomane. Même si Mehmet Emin Bey n'avait été que l'auteur du seul Seyahatname, il mériterait qu'on s'arrête sur sa personnalité et qu'on cherche à mieux la connaître. Le fait qu'il ait été quasiment ignoré jusque là était une perte immense. Après un long oubli, l'intérêt porté à son récit de voyage est une sorte de "résurrection", même l'on peut considérer qu'il s'agit là d'une reconnaissance bien tardive. Ses traductions de Jules Verne et son livre sur le ver à soie sont des premières dans leur genre. Enfin il faut d'abord souligner ici qu'il a su, dans l'atmosphère pesante du Palais de Yildiz et les conditions de l'époque, obtenir l'estime de tous, y compris du Sultan et rester une personnalité intègre loin de toutes les intrigues. Le fait qu'il n'ait pas rédigé ses mémoires est une perte inestimable pour notre histoire 1 . Rééditer son précieux récit de voyage dans la version originale, serait une manière aimable de rendre à cette oeuvre et à son auteur leur juste place. Celui qui porta ce premier regard vers le monde turc d'Asie Centarle le mériterait amplement2. [traduit du turc par Alexandre Toumarkine]

'pour deux photographies de Mehmet Emin Bey, cf. Çaykara, op.cit., p. 42 et 51. Mes remerciements vont au Directeur des Archives de la Caisse des Retraites, Mehmet Kiipeli et à ses adjoints Hiiseyin Aygiin et Ramiz Olgun pour leur aide précieuse. 2

LA FRANCE ET LA MODERNISATION DE L'EMPIRE OTTOMAN Jacques THOBIE

Ce sujet couvre les nombreux aspects posés par la question du développement d'un pays de la périphérie, à travers les transferts d'idées, d'hommes, de technologie et de services, de finance, et la création d'infrastructures. La France n'est pas seule dans ce processus et celui-ci s'opère généralement dans un climat de compétition plus ou moins sévère. Il faut essayer d'apprécier le rôle de la France, tant sur le plan de l'Etat que sur celui des opérateurs privés, dans les domaines économiques, financiers, culturels, et d'en dresser le bilan. Le plan comprendra trois parties : les influences idéologiques, les aides et transferts de savoir-faire, la mise en place d'infrastructures 1 .

I. La Diffusion d'Ides Nouvelles La France ne détient pas le monopole de la diffusion en Orient des idées nouvelles, une part devant être faite à la Grande-Bretagne, voire aux EtatsUnis, mais les Lumières et la Révolution française ont joué un rôle majeur dans ce domaine. Alors que la Renaissance et la Réforme étaient passées complètement inaperçues parmi les peuples musulmans, les idées véhiculées par la Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme, avec les modalités pour les rendre effectives, trouvèrent un accueil favorable parmi les dirigeants et penseurs musulmans et affecteront, plus ou moins fortement, toutes les couches de la société islamique. Il suffit de rappeler ici succinctement les grands messages de cette fin du XVIII e siècle. La liberté, d'abord, liberté individuelle sans doute, mais aussi liberté des peuples, qui sous-tend les appels à la lutte contre le despotisme intérieur et l'impérialisme étranger. Pour donner une réalité à cette liberté, il faut établir de nouveaux cadres et de nouvelles normes à l'organisation de l'Etat : rédiger des constitutions précisant les grandes règles de gouvernements

Ce papier inédit est le texte d'une communication prononcée au Séminaire en Commémoration du septième centenaire de l'Empire ottoman, à Khartoum, Shariqa Hall, le 4 décembre 1999.

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représentatifs et garantissant la séparation des pouvoirs, en dehors de toute considération religieuse ; ceci implique la définition d'un Droit nouveau ainsi que l'apparition, en dehors des docteurs de la Charia et des agents de l'autocratie, d'une nouvelle couche de juristes et d'hommes politiques. L'égalité eut sans doute moins d'impact, dans la mesure où le sousdéveloppement empêchait les fossés trop profonds entre les riches et les pauvres, sans parler des traditions morales et charitables de l'Islam. La conception révolutionnaire française de la nation aura beaucoup plus de mal à émerger, et les tentatives d'intellectuels d'éducation européenne, pour transposer le modèle occidental d'une organisation politique dégagée de toute référence religieuse, se heurtera à de solides obstacles. Et pourtant, dans un premier temps, c'est le caractère laïque des idées de la Révolution française qui, selon Bernard Lewis, explique leur succès dans le monde musulman du XIX e siècle, même si le renforcement de la puissance matérielle et l'instauration de la suprématie économique, politique et militaire de l'Europe dans une bonne partie des pays islamiques, doit être prise en compte. En effet, devant le constat de divorce entre les idées nouvelles et le christianisme, le monde islamique pouvait espérer « trouver le secret insaisissable de la puissance de l'Occident sans compromettre ses propres croyances et traditions »'. Naturellement, le cheminement des idées nouvelles dans l'Empire ottoman ne se fera pas de manière linéaire et régulièrement progressif. Le début du règne de Selim III, arrivé au pouvoir en 1789, est une période favorable, interrompue par la parenthèse de la guerre franco-ottomane issue de l'expédition d'Egypte de Bonaparte (1798-1801), intervention fort ambiguë, qui cumule mercantilisme colonial et occidentalisation se voulant libératrice. La déposition de Selim III, en 1807, ouvre à Constantinople une période de réaction qui se terminera avec la liquidation des janissaires par Mahmud II, en 1826, prologue à la longue période des Tanzimat, ponctuée par l'œuvre des grands réformateurs Re§id Pacha (1800-1858), Âli Pacha (1815-1871), Fuad Pacha (1815-1869) et Midhat Pacha (1822-1884). Ceux-ci ont entrepris une modernisation de tous les secteurs de l'administration ottomane, sur la base de deux textes fondateurs, pris sous Abdiil-Mecid (1839-1861), le Noble Rescrit de la Maison des Roses, en décembre 1839 et le Rescrit impérial (Khatt-i hiimayun) de 1856, le point culminant de la réforme étant la promulgation de la constitution, préparée par Midhat Pacha, en décembre 1876. Le parlement ottoman fut renvoyé par Abdul-Hamid II (1876-1909) lui-même, en février 1878, sans pour autant que le mouvement de réforme fût complètement arrêté : 1 Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modem laïcité, Fayard, 1988, p. 55.

Turkey, OUP, 1968, p. 54 ; trad, franç. Islam et

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toutefois, les mouvements révolutionnaires de 1908 et 1909 et la remise en vigueur du régime constitutionnel, soulignent la résurgence des idées réformatrices et libérales, dans un contexte d'irrésistible déclin. L'un des vecteurs les plus efficaces, et qui rend possibles tous les autres, pour le développement de l'influence française dans la modernisation de l'Empire, est la langue. Au XIX e siècle, le français devient la seconde langue des sujets ottomans éduqués, Turcs ou non-Turcs ; c'est alors par ce moyen que les Ottomans communiquent avec les Européens, directement ou par F intermédiaires d'interprètes, les drogmans notamment. Au XVIII e siècle, l'italien était la langue occidentale la plus utilisée dans l'Empire ottoman : quand Ottomans et Russes signent, en 1774, le traité de Kiitchùk-Kaynardji, le texte qui fait foi est le texte italien ; ensuite le français va progressivement remplacer l'italien et devenir un instrument majeur de la modernisation et de l'occidentalisation du pays, à l'époque des Tanzimat, au temps de la Révolution jeune-turque, et jusqu'à la fin de l'Empire ottoman. Il est intéressant de constater que les agents ordinaires de la modernisation et aussi les leaders des réformes connaissaient et utilisaient le français. Un très grand nombre de techniciens et de spécialistes étrangers envoyés dans l'Empire, tant dans le secteur civil que militaire, communiquaient en français avec leurs partenaires ottomans. C'était vrai aussi au plus haut niveau. Ainsi, Mahmud II, qui connaît peu le français, encourage vivement son apprentissage ; Abdiil-Mecid est sans doute le sultan de cette période qui a le mieux possédé le français, alors qu'Abdul-Aziz, qui a visité Paris, Londres et Vienne, n'en avait qu'une connaissance moyenne ; quant à Abdul-Hamid, il comprenait le français mais ne le parlait pas. Quant aux grands réformateurs, ils parlaient tous français. Re§id Pacha l'avait appris par lui-même et s'était perfectionné lors de son séjour à Paris comme ambassadeur : aux dires de ses contemporains, sa maîtrise du français était presque parfaite. Âli Pacha était moins à l'aise pour parler, mais son français écrit était excellent. Fuad Pacha était célèbre pour ses bons mots en français : selon un correspondant du Times, « Fuad parlait le français si couramment que, n'était son fez, il aurait pu passer pour un Français »'. Midfaat Pacha pouvait suivre sans interprète une conversation en français, mais ne le parla jamais couramment. Enfin, Cevdet Pacha, juriste chargé de la mise en place d'un code civil, ne parlait pas très bien le français, mais il le lisait facilement. Le français était particulièrement utilisé par les diplomates et les hauts fonctionnaires du ministère ottoman des Affaires étrangères. Le français devint même, ainsi que le montrent les archives ottomanes et françaises, la langue de ' Cité par Roderic H. Davison, « The French Language as a Vehicle for Ottoman Reform in the Nineteeth Century », dans De la Révolution française à la Turquie d'Atatiïrk, J.L. BacquéGrammont et E. Eldem éd., Ed. Isis, Istanbul-Paris, 1990, p. 129.

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communication entre les ambassadeurs, ministres et consuls avec leur propre ministre à Constantinople ; les notes adressées par le ministère des Affaires étrangères avec les autres Départements ministériels sont la plupart du temps rédigées en français. Mais il s'agit ici d'une sorte de régularisation : le français, langue internationale, est alors avant tout le langage de la diplomatie. Après le Congrès de Paris, en 1856, l'Empire ottoman aussi devient une grande puissance et entre dans le Concert européen avec l'emploi du français par ses hommes d'Etat et ses diplomates. Enfin, autre chemin vers la modernisation, le français est désormais utilisé dans la discussion des problèmes relatifs au statut politique de l'Empire et dans la manière de procéder pour y trouver une solution. C'est particulièrement clair à partir de 1867, année où Paris presse le gouvernement ottoman d'accélérer les réformes promises en 1856, et alors que nombre de Jeunes Ottomans, comme Namik Kemal, Ziya et Ali Suavi, ont échappé à l'arrestation en s'exilant à Paris, pour y continuer leur combat. Ainsi paraît, en 1867, la Lettre adressée à sa Majesté le Sultan par S.A. le Prince Mustafa Fazil Pacha, reproduite à de nombreux exemplaires tant en français que dans sa traduction turque : on y lit quelques aphorismes demeurés célèbres comme : « Sire, ce qui entre le plus difficilement dans le palais des princes, c'est la vérité », ou encore : « Le premier instituteur des peuples... c'est la liberté ». Peu après circule une Réponse à son Altesse Mustafa Fazil Pacha au sujet de sa lettre au Sultan attribuée, sans doute à tort, à Âli Pacha. En réponse aux pressions françaises, les représentations ottomanes à l'étranger sont priées de faire connaître des Considérations sur l'exécution du Khatti Hiimaoïun du 18 février 1856. Parmi de nombreux autres brochures et libelles en français, citons la parution à Paris, en 1868, par Hayreddin Pacha, des Réformes nécessaires aux Etats musulmans, en 1869 d'un Testament politique attribué à Fuad Pacha, et la publication, en 1910, d'un autre Testament politique, daté de 1871 et faussement attribué à Âli Pacha. Naît également une nouvelle littérature ottomane où de jeunes écrivains cherchent leurs modèles et leur inspiration dans les lettres françaises plutôt que dans les classiques persans1. Les initiateurs sont deux protégés de Re§id Pacha, Ibrahim §inasi (1825-1871) et Ziya Pacha (1825-1880) et aussi Namik Kemal (1840-1888). Ces trois auteurs firent à Paris des séjours plus ou moins prolongés. S'inspirant largement de Montesquieu et de Rousseau, N. Kemal, dans ses articles, ses romans, ses pièces et ses poèmes, initia les Turcs musulmans aux idées de liberté et de patrie, ainsi qu'aux vertus du régime parlementaire, sous une forme adaptée aux traditions et aux attitudes

1

B. Lewis, op. cit., pp. 132-142 ; tr. fr„ op. cit., pp. 125-133.

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islamiques ; si sa philosophie politique est d'inspiration française, son modèle en matière de régime représentatif est le parlement anglais. Les Jeunes-Turcs, dont beaucoup sont en exil à Paris à partir de 1895, reprendront en quelque sorte les méthodes des Jeunes Ottomans, par la publication de journaux en français, plus ou moins éphémères. Parmi les 13 journaux se réclamant de la Jeune Turquie, publiés intégralement ou partiellement en français, certains sont liés à des considérations plutôt individuelles, comme La Turquie contemporaine, La Turquie Libre, le Yildiz, publiés entre 1891 et 1893, VOsmanli (1897-1899) et La Fédération ottomane (1903) parus à Genève; en revanche, organes du Comité, le Mechveret supplément français, imprimé à Paris, paraît de 1895 à 1908, et VIdjtihat est publié à Genève, en français et en turc, de 1904 à 1910. Cette presse, sans réussir à devenir le porte-parole politique militant qu'elle désirait être au départ, contribua cependant à la propagande jeune-turque, et fut une presse extérieure de réflexion et d'information1. Un rôle incontestable est joué par les loges maçonniques françaises fonctionnant dans l'Empire, dans le processus de modernisation. C'est à l'époque des Tanzimat, et surtout entre 1850 et 1875, que la franc-maçonnerie ottomane connaît un réel essor. Parmi de nombreuses obédiences étrangères, le Grand Orient de France et le Grand Orient d'Italie ont une position dominante. Seulement à Istanbul, cinq loges d'obédience française sont en activité dans la seconde moitié du XIX e siècle : l'Etoile du Bosphore, l'Union d'Orient, Ser ( A m o u r ) , / Proodos (Le Progrès), La Renaissance. D'autres loges fonctionnent à Smyrne, Beyrouth, Salonique. Leur influence politique fut surtout importante avant 1876. A côté de leurs activités philanthropiques, ces loges accordaient une place importantes aux spéculations de l'esprit : c'est ainsi que les orientations positivistes et anti-théistes de l'Obédience provoquèrent un certain nombre de friction. Il n'en reste pas moins vrai que « c'est dans les Loges du Grand Orient que furent, en partie tout au moins, élaborées les idées nouvelles pétries de positivisme et d'anticléricalisme de l'intelligentsia ottomane de la seconde moitié du XIX e siècle » 2 .

1 Voir Gérard Groc, « La presse jeune-turque de langue française », dans Première rencontre internationale sur l'Empire ottoman et la Turquie moderne, E.Eldem et IFEA éd., Ed. Isis, Istanbul-Paris, 1991, pp. 429-440. Il faudrait naturellement mentionner l'existence d'une considérable presse (journaux, revues, brochures) paraissant en français dans l'Empire ottoman et en Egypte qui, quoique soumise à diverses contraintes, entretient et développe l'influence du français (G. Groc, I. Çaglar, La presse française de Turquie de 1795 à nos jours, histoire et catalogue, Ed. Isis, Istanbul, 1985, 261 pages. 2 Paul Dumont, « La Turquie dans les archives du Grand-Orient de France : les loges maçonniques d'obédience française à Istanbul du milieu du XlXè siècle à la veille de la première guerre mondiale », dans Economie et sociétés dans l'Empire ottoman, J.L. BacquéGrammont et P. Dumont éd., CNRS, 1983, pp. 171-201.

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On voit donc les maints aspects dans lesquels fonctionne la dialectique liant tendance à la modernisation et usage de la langue française. A tel point que la connaissance du français devient un des éléments de toute promotion professionnelle dans l'administration et les entreprises commerciales et industrielles modernes. Ainsi, en 1905, l'ambassadeur d'Allemagne doit expliquer à son Kaiser pourquoi les deux langues officiellement utilisées sur la ligne du Bagdad sont le turc et le français. Il apparaît donc difficile de concevoir la période des réformes et de la modernisation de l'Empire sans faire référence à l'influence de la langue française.

II. Les Envois de Spécialistes et Transferts de Savoir-faire Lorsque Selim III s'adresse officiellement à la France pour aider à la réforme de son armée, l'Empire a déjà l'expérience de l'action de Français dans le domaine de la modernisation. Sans insister sur le rôle de Français dans le secteur du développement de l'imprimerie (à Constantinople et à Beyrouth notamment), ni sur la vaine tentative de l'officier Rochefort, en 1716, d'instituer un corps d'officiers étrangers du génie dans l'armée ottomane, évoquons quelques exemples. Ainsi, en 1720, le Français (David) Guertchèque organise une brigade de sapeurs-pompiers à Constantinople ; le comte de Bonneval, après une carrière militaire mouvementée, se réfugie en Turquie, se fait musulman et se met au service du Sultan qui, en 1731, le charge de réformer le corps des bombardiers sur le modèle européen : il est fait pacha à deux queues 1 . Plus tard, en 1773-1775, le baron de Tott, officier français d'artillerie, concourt à la formation de nouveaux corps du génie et d'artillerie, et réorganise la fonderie de canons de Tophane. Enfin, en 1784, avec l'aide de l'ambassade de France, un nouveau programme de formation est mis en place sous la responsabilité de deux officiers français du génie 2 . Après un échange de correspondance avec Louis XVI, Selim III, après avoir pris l'avis d'une commission ou siégeait l'officier français Bertrand, décide de créer un nouveau corps d'infanterie régulière, entraîné et équipé à l'européenne. Suit un ensemble de mesures civiles et militaires, appelées l'Ordre nouveau (Nizam-i djedid) où les dispositions relatives à l'armée prennent la première place, avec notamment la création de nouvelles écoles militaires et navales. Des officiers français servaient de professeurs et d'instructeurs dans les domaines de l'artillerie, des fortifications, de la 1 Robert Mantran, « L'Etat ottoman au XVIII e siècle : la pression européenne », dans Robert Mantran (dir), Histoire de l'Empire ottoman, Fayard, 1789, p. 277. 2 Bernard Lewis, op. cit., pp. 47-50 ; tr. fr., op. cit., pp. 48-52.

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navigation et de l'intendance, tous les élèves devant obligatoirement apprendre le français. Le changement de régime en France ne modifie en rien le programme engagé : en 1793 et 1795, le gouvernement ottoman envoie des listes d'officiers et de techniciens qu'il désire recruter, et en 1796, l'ambassadeur de France, le général Aubert Dubayet, arrive à Constantinople avec toute une cohorte d'experts militaires. Après quatre années d'interruption, la coopération reprend et culmine avec la mission en Turquie du général Sébastiani en 1806-18071. A ce moment, le nouveau corps d'infanterie comprend 22.700 hommes et 1590 officiers 2 . Ces jeunes officiers de l'armée et de la marine, familiarisés avec certains aspects de la civilisation occidentale, par la lecture et les contacts personnels, ne pouvaient plus mépriser l'Occident infidèle et barbare ; ils devinrent les alliés des tenants de l'occidentalisation et découvrirent que l'Europe avait davantage à offrir que les mathématiques et la balistique. Pourtant, l'opposition des janissaires et la longue période de réaction qui suivit la déposition de Sélim III, entraîna un progressif démantèlement de son œuvre, ce qui n'est pas sans rapport avec les piètres performances de l'armée ottomane devant la flamboyante armée égyptienne. Ici aussi le rôle de la France fut considérable dans la création d'une armée et d'une flotte modernes dans l'Egypte de Mehmed Ali. Cette coopération est la convergence d'un appel du nouveau Pacha égyptien, arrivé au pouvoir en 1805, et désireux de mettre sur pied une armée moderne avec l'existence d'un vivier de militaires français remerciés à la suite de la chute de l'Empire. Dès le départ de l'armée française en 1801, sonnant la défaite militaire de l'expédition de Bonaparte, environ deux cents soldats désertèrent et restèrent en Egypte, la moitié environ se mettant au service des factions en lutte pour le pouvoir. Après 1805, ces « mamelouks français », dont au moins 5 officiers, entrèrent dans les armées du Pacha et participèrent aux campagnes d'Arabie et du Soudan. C'est précisément à ce moment que commença l'appel systématique de Mehmed Ali à des militaires étrangers, notamment français, le coup d'envoi étant donné avec l'arrivée fortuite, en 1819, du lieutenant Joseph Sève, chargé bientôt de la formation des cadres destinés à la mise en place du nouveau Nizam. De 1820 à 1849, 56 militaires des armées de terre, officiers de tous grades, se mirent, avec l'accord des autorités françaises, au service du vice-roi : 36 furent recrutés entre 1820 et 1826 qui marque la fin de la mission Boyer, 20 ensuite jusqu'à la fin du règne. Ce chiffre représente un peu plus de 50% de 1

Id., pp. 58-59 ; tr.fr., op. cit. pp. 57-60. Robert Mantran, « Les débuts de la question d'Orient 1774-1839 », dans R. Mantran (dir.), op. cit., p. 426.

2

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tous les militaires étrangers au service de l'Egypte. La proportion est encore beaucoup plus forte en ce qui concerne les marins : sur les 29 marins au service du Pacha, 25 (19 officiers et 6 officiers-mariniers) sont français ; Mehmed Ali a voulu former sa marine sur le modèle français, le véritable instructeur étant le capitaine de corvette J. Besson. Au total, 81 cadres de l'armée française vont servir en Egypte entre 1820 et le milieu des années 1840. Cette coopération se poursuit ensuite dans le contexte d'une armée et d'une marine passablement diminuées, selon la volonté du vice-roi et les disponibilités financières. En fin de compte, le retrait de la Mission militaire française est dû à la guerre franco-prussienne de 1870 : la nécessité de parer au plus pressé met fin à une institution qui a duré plus d'un demi-siècle1. Presque tout est à créer et va fonctionner essentiellement sur le modèle français, adapté aux réalités égyptiennes. La théorie, les règlements, les exercices, les manœuvres et la tactique sont ceux de l'armée française, tant pour l'infanterie que pour l'artillerie, la cavalerie et les fortifications. Toutes les Ecoles, de l'Ecole d'Etat-Major à l'Ecole de Musique militaire, en passant par les quatre Ecoles d'application, et l'Ecole de Médecine militaire, suivent le modèle français. Les résultats sont remarquables : l'armée régulière égyptienne grimpe de 20.000 hommes en 1822, à 60.000 en 1831 et 156.000 en 1838. Pour ce qui est de la marine, elle est entraînée sur le modèle français. C'est d'abord l'achat de navires construits en France puis, après le désastre de Navarin en 1827, qui voit le départ de la plupart des officiers français, la construction à Alexandrie, sous la direction de l'ingénieur J.C. Lefébure de Cérisy, de chantiers navals destinés à construire les navires nécessaires à la marine égyptienne. Ainsi, malgré Navarin, les bâtiments de guerre, sans compter les transports, passent de 22 en 1822 à 24 en 1830 et 32 en 1838, les effectifs croissant de 9.400 marins en 1830 à 19.500 en 1838. Nombre de ces officiers participèrent à des opérations de guerre. Je ne retiendrai ici que le rôle joué par Joseph Sève, dit Soliman Pacha, qui collabora au plus haut niveau avec le commandant en chef des armées égyptiennes en campagne, Ibrahim Pacha, depuis le jour de 1824, où celui-ci le prit avec lui pour mener la guerre en Morée. Général de brigade en 1829, major-général en 1833, Sève joue un rôle important dans la victoire de Konya, le 21 décembre 1832, qui ouvre aux forces égyptiennes la route de Constantinople. Toutefois la Paix de Kiitahya (5.5.1833), en attribuant la Syrie à Mehmed Ali, permet l'évacuation de l'Anatolie. Six ans plus tard, 1 Voir Samir Saul et Jacques Thobie, « Les militaires français en Egypte des années 1820 aux années 1860 » (46 pages dactyl.), dans Actes du colloque international d'Aix-en-Provence, La France et l'Egypte à l'époque des vice-rois 1805-1882, Daniel Panzac et André Raymond éd., Le Caire, Institut français d'Archéologie orientale, 1999, pp. 171-224. Ce passage en est naturellement fort inspiré.

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Mahmud, croyant venue l'heure de la revanche, attaque Ibrahim qui, grâce à une heureuse manœuvre de Sève, inflige une sévère défaite aux armées du Sultan à Nisib, le 24 juin 1839. Cette victoire ne pourra pas être exploitée, car l'Angleterre et ses alliés sont bien décidés à sauver l'Empire et à confirmer la vassalité de l'Egypte, objectif auquel en définitive la France se rallie. L'armée égyptienne, qui compte encore 50.000 hommes en 1842, sera à partir de 1851 réduite aux 18.000 hommes prévus par les accords de 1841. Quant à la marine, dès cette date, elle est presque complètement désarmée ou convertie au commerce. C'est pour l'Egypte — et pour la France à un moindre degré — un sérieux revers. Il existe un autre secteur où la France fait figure de modèle, c'est l'administration des Finances. Les structures financière modernes mises en place à Constantinople et dont nous parlerons plus loin, n'ont que peu affecté le fonctionnement interne de l'administration des Finances, le MaliyeA l'Anglais Babington Smith, le gouvernement constitutionnel préfère le Français Charles Laurent qui rejoint Constantinople en octobre 1908. Inspecteur des Finances, ancien Premier président de la Cour des comptes, administrateur de nombreuses sociétés, C. Laurent est chargé d'une mission délicate : transformer le corps archaïque et sclérosé du Maliye pour en faire une administration financière moderne, en évitant de heurter le sentiment national mis à vif par les événements révolutionnaires. C. Laurent ne conçoit pas sa mission hors de l'accord de la Banque impériale ottomane, qui est alors la cible privilégiée du Comité Union et Progrès. La première étape qui consiste à établir un vrai budget est rapidement franchie : soutenu par le grand vizir Hilmi pacha, Laurent présente, en avril 1909, le premier budget moderne de l'Etat ottoman. L'organisation d'une inspection des Finances est facilité par l'envoi en France, à fin de formation, d'une douzaine de jeunes fonctionnaires : en juillet 1909 est organisé le service du « contrôle financier de l'Empire » à la tête duquel est nommé l'inspecteur des Finances Jolly. Enfin, une commission, où siège un troisième Français, Louis Steeg, est chargée d'étudier les modifications à apporter à la législation fiscale. Autrement sensible est le dernier volet de la réforme entreprise qui consiste à définir les règles de la Comptabilité publique, à réorganiser la Cour des comptes et à normaliser le fonctionnement de la Trésorerie. Le premier aboutit à un texte calqué sur la réglementation française, qui est voté par le parlement ottoman, mais reste inapplicable vue l'opposition des ' Voir J. Thobie, Intérêts et impérialisme français dans l'Empire ottoman 1895-1914, Imprimerie Nationale, Publications de la Sorbonne, 1977, pp. 616-621. Des spécialistes français joueront un rôle important dans la réorganisation de la gendarmerie ottomane en Macédoine à partir de 1905.

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fonctionnaires impliqués. En mai 1910, les deux dernières grandes réformes sont en panne. Donner à la Cour des comptes un pouvoir effectif de contrôle suscite au sein du ministère une vive opposition, et surtout le projet de confier à la Banque ottomane le contrôle de la Trésorerie déchaîne la presse jeuneturque qui accuse la banque et Laurent de vouloir « mettre sous leurs griffes les finances de la Jeune-Turquie A l'occasion des discussions pour un éventuel emprunt ottoman, Laurent et le ministre français des Finances, Cochery, mettent comme condition l'acceptation par Constantinople d'un texte mettant la Comptabilité publique et la Cour des comptes sous l'autorité directe de fonctionnaires français. Le 22 octobre, la Chambre rejette le texte qui consacrerait, selon les députés, « la main-mise de la France sur les finances turques ». Laurent est rappelé à Paris et les Turcs réorganiseront leur Trésorerie et leur Cour des comptes avec l'aide de fonctionnaires français dont le rôle demeurera essentiellement technique2. Bien que les Allemands aient la haute-main sur l'armée de terre ottomane, Schneider réussit pourtant à placer des canons de montagne ; bien que les Anglais se soient chargés de maintenir opérationnelle une marine fatiguée, les chantiers de Normandie et de Penhoët obtiennent la construction de quelques canonnières ; ce sont les Français, en revanche, qui sont chargés, sans concurrent sérieux, de l'organisation de la jeune armée de l'air ottomane3. En avril 1914, le capitaine de Goys de Mezerac est mis à la disposition du gouvernement ottoman pour organiser l'aviation militaire turque. A partir de propositions antérieures de la maison Morane-Saulnier, la base principale est installée à San-Stéphano (Ye§ilkôy) où l'Ecole commence à fonctionner ; deux petits centres d'aviation sont installés près de Smyrne et aux Dardanelles. Les difficultés ne viennent pas du financement de matériels qui portent sur des sommes relativement modestes, mais de la concurrence que se font entre eux de nombreux constructeurs français. Conformément aux désirs d'Enver Pacha, qui envisage l'achat d'une cinquantaine d'appareils, de Mezerac a fait commander six Morane, six Caudron et trente hydravions Nieuport. Il a cru devoir refuser trois Blériot pour défectuosités importantes, ce qui entraîne les vives protestations du constructeur français. Cela ne met pas en cause le développement d'un secteur de coopération franco-ottomane qui prend un brillant départ. Le 24 août, tous les officiers français servant en Turquie sont rappelés en France.

' Le Tanin du 7.9.1910, par son rédacteur en chef, Hussein Djahid. Allouveau de Montréal succède à Jolly en mars 1913 ; Steeg est remplacé par Lejosne, puis par Cillère en mai 1914. En août 1913, un Français, Périer, est nommé procureur général près de la Cour des Comptes. 3 Jacques Thobie, op. cit., pp. 685-689. 2

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modernes

Le retard technologique et l'inexistence d'une accumulation du capital dans l'Empire ottoman et en Egypte créent une situation qui impose à ces pays, désireux de mettre en place des structures économiques modernes, la nécessité d'emprunter les sommes nécessaires à ces acquisitions. Or, la convergence de ces besoins et l'existence de surplus de capitaux dans les pays industriels va déclencher, à partir des années 1850, une période d'emprunts d'Etat ottoman et égyptien « à jets continus », où le capital français tient une place prépondérante. C'est ainsi, par exemple, qu'au moment des banqueroutes, prévisibles, égyptienne et ottomane, en 1875-1876, sur les 6 milliards de francs prêtés à l'Empire ottoman, le capital français compte pour 40%. Il convient de préciser que la grande majorité de ces sommes n'a point été utilisés pour des investissements productifs, mais a servi, tant bien que mal, à faire face aux déficits budgétaires et au fonctionnement des administrations. Pour assurer aux épargnants et aux négociants occidentaux une confiance suffisante, la création d'une structure bancaire moderne s'imposait. C'est ainsi que naît, en 1863, la Banque impériale ottomane. Banque privée aux capitaux franco-anglais et de plus en plus français, elle signe avec le gouvernement de Constantinople un contrat qui en fait la banque de l'Etat ottoman : contre des prêts à l'Etat et l'ouverture d'agences, la BIO obtient le privilège d'émission du papier-monnaie et joue un rôle important dans la Trésorerie ottomane. Outre ses activités de banque commerciale, la BIO mènera trois missions principales : assainir la situation monétaire, mettre en place les emprunts de l'Etat à l'étranger, participer aux investissements d'entreprises. La direction générale à Constantinople suit les instructions des Comités de Londres et de Paris. A partir de 1875, le Crédit Lyonnais ouvre des agences à Constantinople, Alexandrie, Smyrne et Jérusalem. Au printemps 1914, est installé un Crédit Foncier Ottoman, dont l'importance est sans commune mesure avec le Crédit Foncier Egyptien, créé en 1881, « vaisseau amiral » selon l'heureuse formule de Samir Saul, des entreprises françaises en Egypte, et pesant pour 43,4%. La BIO joue un rôle primordial dans la mise en place, en 1881, à la suite du décret de Muharrem, de l'Administration de la Dette publique ottomane, chargée de veiller au remboursement de l'ancienne dette amputée de près de la moitié. Cette administration cosmopolite, dont la présidence du Conseil est alternativement française et anglaise, gère six revenus (le tabac, le timbre, les spiritueux...) qui lui ont été concédés et en transfèrent le produit dans les banques des pays créditeurs : ainsi 25 à 30% des revenus de l'Empire

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échappent au ministère des Finances. Cette Administration emploie 5.000 personnes en 1914. Son fonctionnement régulier, gage de sécurité, va permettre la reprise des emprunts d'Etat : entre 1881 et 1914, sur 34 opérations importantes, 25 intéressent directement le marché parisien, et représentent en valeur 70% des émissions ottomanes ; il va aussi, quoiqu'à un moindre degré, faciliter les investissements d'entreprises, et ainsi encourager la mise en place de structures économiques modernes. Le tableau ci-dessous donne le résultat chiffré de la participation du capital français dans la totalité des importations ottomanes de capitaux étrangers. Il ressort du tableau ci-dessous que les 3 milliards de francs placés en titres ottomans (obligations et actions) représentent 56% de l'ensemble des placements étrangers ; en Egypte, le pourcentage est de 52%. Il en découle que le capital français est largement en tête des possesseurs étrangers de titres ottomans, devant l'Allemagne et l'Angleterre. On peut estimer que seulement 20% des 2,2 milliards de francs placés en fonds d'Etat et assimilés, ont directement contribué à la modernisation de l'Empire, notamment dans le secteur des chemins de fer.

La part française dans les fonds ottomans et égyptiens placés à l'étranger en 1914 (en millions de francs) Part française

Totalité

Emp.

Egypte

ottoman

%

E.O.+

Emp.

Egypte

ottoman

Placements

3.689

2.355

6.044

Investis-

1.787

2.385

4.173

5.476

4.740

10.217

%

1.257

53

3.453

56

1.199

50

2.093

50

2.456

52

5.546

54

E.O.+ Egypte

2.196 59,5 893

%

Egypte

50

sements

Totaux

3.089 56,4

Les investissements directs français dans l'Empire ottoman se ventilent de la façon suivante : 48% dans le secteur des communications, rail et routes, 19% dans le secteur bancaire dont nous avons déjà parlé, 11% pour les services d'Etat ou municipaux, 8% pour les ports et 6% pour les mines ; les 8% restant allant à diverses entreprises spécifiques, notamment commerciales. Si l'on tient compte des emprunts d'Etat consacrés à ce secteur, c'est plus de la moitié des sommes exportées qui sont consacrées aux chemins de fer, et cela n'a rien de surprenant : il s'agit soit de compléter l'articulation au réseau européen, avec le Salonique-Monastir (1890) et le Jonction Salonique

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Constantinople (1892) soit, pour un Empire agro-exportateur, de relier les riches arrières-pays agricoles au port le mieux équipé, avec le SmyrneCassaba et prolongements (racheté aux Anglais en 1894), le Beyrouth-Damas Hauran et Biredjik sur l'Euphrate (1890), le Jajfa-Jérusalem (1892) auquel s'ajoute ici la présence des Lieux-Saints attirant de nombreux pèlerins. Enfin en 1913, est obtenue la concession des Chemins de fer de la Mer Noire, 2.400 kms de voies avec Samsun comme tête de ligne. Un vaste programme de création et de rénovation des routes nationales est entrepris en 1911, où le capital français est fort majoritaire. Les services comprennent d'abord deux sociétés concernant l'ensemble de l'Empire. La Régie cointéressée des Tabacs de l'Empire ottoman (1883), où la BIO possède la moitié du capital, a été mise en place dans le cadre de l'Administration de la Dette et contrôle ainsi l'une des principales richesses du pays. L'Administration des Phares de l'Empire ottoman (1855) est gérée par une entreprise française, la Société' Collas et Michel, fort lucrative, et qui a la singularité de fonctionner sans capital 1 . Quant aux sociétés de services urbains, dont le capital est souvent partagé avec les Belges, elles sont nombreuses, comme les Eaux de Constantinople (1885), le Gaz de Beyrouth (1887), les Tramways de Salonique (1891) ; le capital français est intéressé dans le Consortium de Constantinople (1991) qui crée la Société des Tramways et de l'Electricité de Constantinople (1913). On retrouve le même phénomène en Egypte, avec les Eaux du Caire (1870), les Tramways d'Alexandrie (1895) et les concession du Gaz Lebon2. Le capital français est fort présent dans les ports avec les trois fleurons : les Quais de Smyrne (1869), le Port de Beyrouth (1892), les Quais de Constantinople (1895). En 1913, dans le cadre du Consortium des Ports de l'Empire ottoman, des sociétés françaises obtiennent la modernisation des ports d'Héraclée (Eregli), d'Inebolu, de Hai'fa, de Jaffa et de Tripoli de Syrie. Evoquons en Egypte le champion toutes catégories des communications maritimes : le Canal de Suez. Le capital français s'est intéressé aux richesses minières de l'Empire ottoman, dans le domaine du plomb argentifère, avec et les Mines de BaliaKaraïdin (1892), les Mines de Cassandra {1893), du charbon, avec les Mines d'Héraclée (1896), société contrôlée par la BIO, qui en fait une exploitation moderne et pleine de promesses. Le cuivre est recherché, en association avec le capital allemand, dans les Mines d'Arghana-Maden 1 Id., L'Administration générale des Phares de l'Empire ottoman et la société Collas et Michel 1860-1960, Paris, L'Harmattan, 2004, 299 pages. 2 Toutes les allusions à la situation égyptienne sont tirées de Samir Saul, La France et l'Egypte de 1882 à 1914, intérêts économiques et implications politiques, Comité pour l'Histoire économique et financière de la France, Paris, 1997, 767 pages.

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(1914). On notera que le capital français brille par son absence dans le domaine de la recherche pétrolière. Quant aux entreprises diverses, il s'agit surtout de sociétés commerciales, avec l'Oriental Carpet pour la vente de tapis, et les Etablissements Orosdi-Back (grands magasins, 1895) que l'on retrouve également en Egypte. En dehors de la Régie des Tabacs, il n'existe pratiquement pas de sociétés industrielles à capitaux français dans l'Empire ottoman, contrairement à l'Egypte avec la grosse affaire des Sucreries (1892).

Nombre d'élèves fréquentant les écoles « françaises » dans l'Empire ottoman et en Egypte en 1912 Pays

Garçons

Filles

Total

Empire ottoman

38.354 7.255

87.743

Egypte

49.389 13.114

Total

62.503

45.609

108.112

20.369

Source : Maurice PERNOT, Rapport sur un voyage d'étude à Constantinople, en Egypte et en Turquie d'Asie, janvier-août 1912, Firmin-Didot, 1913, 338 pages.

Il faut, pour finir, dire un mot des écoles françaises et de celles où l'enseignement se fait en français, qui jouent un rôle important dans la modernisation de l'Empire, en fournissant les employés et les cadres qui seront recrutés par les entreprises nouvelles fonctionnant dans l'Empire et en Egypte, mais aussi des fonctionnaires de haut niveau qui contribueront à développer le dynamisme de l'influence française. En même temps que l'Empire entreprend de moderniser son système d'enseignement, s'élargit, parfois sans autorisation, le réseau des écoles étrangères, notamment françaises : celles-ci comprennent les écoles congréganistes, très majoritaires, celles de la Mission Laïque et de l'Alliance Israélite Universelle : très tôt, les Frères des Ecoles chrétiennes et l'Alliance ont ouvert des sections commerciales et techniques. Citons l'Université Saint-Joseph de Beyrouth, le Lycée de Galatasaray de Constantinople, l'Ecole de Droit et l'Institut d'Archéologie du Caire. En 1912, les écoles « françaises » scolarisent dans l'Empire ottoman près de 88.000 élèves et 20.000 en Egypte, soit un total de 108.000 élèves, venant en majorité des populations «minoritaires». Pour l'Empire ottoman, on peut estimer que cette population scolaire représente 50% du total des élèves

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scolarisés dans les écoles étrangères, et 10% de la scolarisation totale dans l'Empire 1 .

Conclusion Cette modernisation des structures économiques de l'Empire ottoman présente quelques caractéristiques qui permettent d'en relativiser les résultats. Cette modernisation est sélective. Il ne peut, en effet, être question de créer des entreprises concurrentes des industries métropolitaines. C'est ainsi que dans le domaine du coton ou encore de la soie, où fonctionnent à Bursa et dans les environs de Beyrouth quelques entreprises françaises, celles-ci s'arrêtent au stade de la filature. Les fils sont exportés, et l'Empire importe ensuite des étoffes de la région lyonnaise. Nous trouvons le même scénario pour les mines, dont l'exploitation s'arrête au stade de l'extraction et d'un élémentaire conditionnement : il ne peut être question de sidérurgie. Seul exemple notable d'industrie de transformation, les Sucreries d'Egypte. Cette modernisation est partielle. Ainsi, dans le domaine des chemins de fer, les demandes de concessions et la construction de lignes interviennent d'abord en fonction des intérêts commerciaux des pays constructeurs et aussi pour la délimitation des zones d'influence. C'est pourquoi on ne peut donc pas parler de réseau ferré en 1914, dans le sens d'un outil décisif pour l'émergence d'un marché national, mais simplement des lignes aux intérêts parfois divergents. Il faudra attendre près de dix ans pour poser sur le ballast les 200 mètres de rails de jonction, à Afyon, entre le Smyrne-Cassaba (français) et le Chemin de fer d'Anatolie (allemand). La ligne du Bagdad aurait pu devenir l'épine dorsale d'un réseau ottoman, mais elle est encore en construction en 1914. Enfin cette modernisation s'effectue dans des conditions géostratégiques déplorables. Insurrections et guerres, ralentissent, paralysent voire réduisent à néant un certain nombre de réalisations. A partir de 1910, les conflits sont incessants: guerre en Tripolitaine avec l'Italie, guerres balkaniques, guerre au Yémen, créent un climat et une pénurie financière peu favorables aux innovations. Sans parler du malheureux choix de 1914. Toutefois, en dépit de ses tares et de ses manques, ce début d'équipement, quoique fort fatigué par la première guerre mondiale, jouera un rôle non négligeable pendant la guerre de Libération, et permettra à la Turquie républicaine de bénéficier de quelques bases pour la mise en place ultérieure d'une économie nationale.

Voir J. Thobie, « La France a-t-elle une politique culturelle dans l'Empire ottoman à la veille de la première guerre mondiale ? », dans Relations Internationales, n°5, printemps 1981, pp. 2140 ; repris dans La France et l'Est méditerranéen depuis 1950, Ed. Isis, Istanbul, 1993, pp. 355376.

LIMAN VON SANDERS AS A PRISONER OF WAR IN MALTA (FEBRUARY -AUGUST 1919)i Gül TOKAY

'For four months, my captors refused to let me know the reason for my arrest and I therefore have no possibility to defend myself. Only in the papers I have read, and from statements of German officials, I have heard of allegations which are complete lies' 2 stated Liman von Sanders in one of the numerous petitions he made for his release while detained in Malta as a prisoner of war. 3 Although different allegations have been made concerning the reasons for his arrest, the main rumour was that he was found guilty of the deportation of the Armenians from Izmir in the autumn of 1916. He was released soon after the British decided that they could not establish any connection between him and the persecution of the Armenians. However, only a couple of months after his release the German Armistice Commission was informed that he had been detained not because of the Armenian deportations but due to the inquiry which was opened into his responsibility for the deportation of the Greeks from Ayvalik in the spring of 1917. If this was the sole reason for his arrest, then he was set free even before the inquiry against him was ended. Thus, there has always been ambiguity over why he was arrested and detained in Malta between February and August 1919. According to the conditions of the Armistice of Moudros of 30 October 1918, all the German and Austrian troops had to leave within a month but those in areas with transport difficulties could stay longer.4

1

Otto Liman von Sanders (1855-1929). Arrives to Istanbul as Chief of German Military Mission (December 1913). Commanded First Army August 1914-March 1915; Fifth Army Marchl915-February 1918 and Palestinian Front February 1918- October 1918. 2 WO 32/5385, von Sanders to the Governor of Malta, New Verdala, 19 June 1919. 3 The study is based on the British War Office files under the classification of WO 32. They contain reports and correspondence of Liman von Sanders with British officials while he was detained as prisoner of war in Malta. For further details on the Ottoman-German Military Alliance see: C. Mühlmann, Das deutschtürkische Waffenbündnis im Weltkrieg, Leipzig, 1940; U. Trumpener, Germany and the Ottoman Empire, 1914-8, Princeton, 1968; J. Wallach, Anatomie Einer Militarhilfe, Die preussisch-deutschen Militarmission in der Türkei, 1839-1919, Düsseldorf, 1976; G.W. Swanson,'War. Technology and Society in the Ottoman Empire from the reign of Abdulhamid to 1913: Mahmut §evket and the German Military Mission', War, Technology and Society in the Middle East, V.J. Parry and M. Yapp (eds.), London, 1975, pp. 367-86; M.N. Turfan, Rise of the Young Turks: Politics, the Military and Ottoman Collapse, London, 2000, pp. 310-26.

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In the event, Liman von Sanders, along with his officers and men, were interned on the Asiatic side of Istanbul until the necessary ships got ready and all the German troops under him arrived in Istanbul from the Asiatic provinces. When they left Istanbul on 29 January, the British guaranteed them safe conduct to their destination, but on 25 February, Liman von Sanders was declared a prisoner of war and detained in Malta. He was only given permission to leave for Germany on 25 August. There are many valuable studies on the German military mission and Liman von Sanders, including his memoirs of Fünf Jahre in Türkei, but none of the studies cover the period of von Sanders' internment in Malta. 1 This short study not only contributes to the gap in the historical writing of the period but also, with some new evidence, tries to reassess the accusations concerning von Sanders' involvement in the Armenian and Greek deportations during the war.

LIMAN VON SANDERS' ARREST AND DETAINMENT

IN MALTA

The Armistice of Mondros of 30 October 1918 not only ended the German military mission but also demanded that all German officials, civil and military, should be repatriated without delay. 2 Soon after, the question of war criminals became one of the priorities of the Allies. It was the British High Commissioner in Istanbul, Admiral Gough Calthorpe, who suggested that if the Allies were to bring the war criminals to trial, that von Sanders' name should be borne in mind. 3 He stated that throughout the war, von Sanders had held autocratic power as a military dictator and played his part in the Greek as well as the Armenian deportations. Under the circumstances, Calthorpe stated that von Sanders' arrest would make a deeper impression locally as there was wide publicity of his actions during the war. 4 Furthermore, Calthorpe suggested that Malta was a suitable place for the internment of the war criminals.5 When the British High Commissioner approached the Ottoman officials on this issue he received the full support of the Grand Vizier and the Foreign Minister. They expressed their readiness to carry out the proper Liman von Sanders wrote his memoirs while he was in Malta and published them the year after. Liman von Sanders, Fünf Jahre in Türkei, Berlin, 1920. 2

3 4

Wallach, p. 246. FO 608/244, Calthorpe to FO, Constantinople, 7 January 1919. FO 608/109 Calthorpe, Constantinople, 15 January 1919. See: B. §im§ir, Malta Sürgiinleri, Ankara, 1976, reprinted in 1985.

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punishment of war criminals. The ones found guilty should be arrested through the Turkish authorities and then handed to the Allied forces, with the same procedure being adopted not only for the Turks but also for the Germans.1 The case of Liman von Sanders is rather unique among the prisoners of war due to the ambiguities over his arrest and later his detainment. Firstly, he did not know that he was going to be taken prisoner, when he left Istanbul on 29 January 1919 on the steam ship 'Etha Rickmer' with his troops as he had been given free passage to Germany. When they reached Malta on 25 February, he was requested to come on shore and was declared a prisoner of war. None of the rest who were with him on board faced similar treatment and they continued with their journey. 2 Secondly, there were ambiguities over the allegations concerning his arrest. Originally, he was arrested for being involved in the persecution of Armenians but then it turned out to be related to the inquiry into the deportations of the Greeks from Ayvalik in 1917.3 Thirdly, even months after his repatriation there was no convincing evidence for his detainment in Malta. Rather than von Sanders" criminal record, it was the bureaucratic procedures of the Allied Armistice Commission that delayed his release.4 During the nearly six months that von Sanders was detained in Malta, he constantly wrote to the British through their representative, asking about the reasons for his arrest and permission to be repatriated.5 The rumours were that he was arrested for his involvement in the Armenian deportations. Therefore, he wrote many times to state that he had nothing to do with the Armenian persecutions and anything produced with his signature was a forgery as it had been done against him in the past. 6 He accused the British of acting against the armistice in which they had promised to repatriate him freely. Furthermore, he stated that he had been in Istanbul for three months after the armistice and no charges were taken against him.

l 2 3

FO 608/109, Calthorpe, Constantinople, 24 January 1919. WO 32/5385, von Sanders to the Governor of Malta, Malta 1 July 1919.

WO 32/5385, President, Interallied Armistice Commission to German Armistice Commission Cologne, 11 October 1919. 4 At the beginning of von Sanders' detainment, the French suggested that he should go back to Istanbul for trial but the British insisted that the prisoners of war should be interned in Malta. F.O. 608/244/11, Arrest of Liman von Sanders, London, March 1919 . 5 Mostly, his letters went via the Governor of Malta to the Danish Consul who was in charge of German interests on behalf of the Swiss government. A few times, von Sanders wrote directly to the Danish Consul William Golther as well.

6

WO 32/5382, von Sanders to Golther, Malta, 11 April 1919.

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As a last resort, he used the condition of his health as an excuse, citing many complaints due to his age and heart troubles. Von Sanders accused doctors of not examining him properly and asked at least to be transported to Switzerland where he thought he would get better treatment. However, most of these petitions led nowhere but frustrated the authorities who could not take his case any further. By July, the British had no further intention of keeping him in Malta and they were in a difficult position as the German Armistice Commission was constantly requesting reasons for his arrest and insisted that his release should not be delayed any further. Besides the British had insufficient evidence to keep him there. It was mainly the bureaucratic procedures and the delay in French approval for unknown reasons, which postponed his release. For months, the French insisted that they possessed strong evidence against von Sanders and consequently they did not approve his release.1 In the end, on 9 August, the French approved von Sanders' repatriation, straight after the British openly stated that they could not establish any involvement by him in the Armenian persecutions. It was thus decided that he would leave Malta on 20 August and depart for Germany via Marseilles.2 It was only in October that the Allied commission responded to the German authorities' insistence that the reason for von Sanders' detention in Malta was initially his alleged responsibility for the Greek deportations from Asia Minor in 1917.3 In the event, von Sanders was set free before the inquiry was concluded, which ended with major assumptions as to his responsibility for the developments of the spring of 1917 in Ayvahk. It was also stated that he was not found guilty of any of the other accusations made against him during his stay in Malta. 4 Included in the numerous petitions, that Liman von Sanders sent, were some detailed documents with information giving an insight to the British representatives to explain that the accusations against him were false. His main intention was probably to prove that he was not guilty but that he had been treated badly and cheated not only by the Turkish but also by the German officials residing in the Ottoman Empire.

1

2

FO 608/244, Derby to Pichon, Paris, 26 April 1919.

As there was no ships sailing from Malta to a German port, instructions were given for Liman's transfer to Marseilles and from there by rail to Germany. 3 WO 32/5385, President of Interallied Armistice Commission to German Armistice Commission, Cologne, 11 October 1919. 4 Ibid.

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In a secret document handed to the British Mission in Warsaw on 25 July 1919 by the Polish staff in the strictest confidence, Liman von Sanders discussed the downfall of the Ottoman Empire. 1 Von Sanders complained that one of the reasons for the downfall of the Empire was isolation of the military mission by the Turkish and European officials. He stated that in none of the operations was the German military mission informed and many German officials in Turkey, particularly the ones in Turkish H.Q. instead of collaborating with the mission, worked against it. In addition, the rest of the foreign military attachés never wanted to have anything to do with the mission. Under the circumstances the military mission could not continue to perform its duties and this lack of collaboration and isolation led to the downfall of the Ottoman Empire at the end. However, although the British might have found this document interesting they did not take it any further nor did it have a significant impact, which might have led to von Sanders' release. More than this document, which Liman von Sanders later discussed in detail in his memoirs, the information related to his involvement in Greek and Armenian deportations no doubt contributed to the controversial issues of wartime that still have contemporary importance.

VON SANDERS' INVOLVEMENT IN THE GREEK AND QUESTIONS

ARMENIAN

Many accusations have been made against Liman von Sanders but the only case that he was directly involved in was the Greek deportations from Ayvalik in 1917. However, although the existing evidence shows that Liman von Sanders was involved in the deportations of the Greeks from Ayvalik in the spring of 1917, he was not solely responsible for the evacuation of the area and he acted mainly on the information from, as well as the pressure by the Turkish military officials responsible for the region. It could even be argued that the evacuation was demanded by and founded solely on the Turkish side and he, as the commander in chief, had to agree. 2 Nevertheless, after the Armistice, he was accused of having full responsibility for the evacuation not only by the Europeans but also by the Turkish officials. In the Ottoman l

WO 32/5734, British Military Mission to War Office, Warsaw, 25 July 1919. In the document Liman von Sanders discusses the downfall of the Ottoman Empire and puts the main blame firmly on Enver Pasha and his German advisers. Later on, von Sanders used an extended version of this document in his memoirs.

2

WO 32/5385, Von Sanders to the Swiss Government, Malta, 8 August 1919.

174

GUL

TOKAY

Parliament when Greek MPs raised the issue in November 1917, they stated that further to the information they received from Talat Pasha, the Grand Vizier during the deportations, von Sanders ordered the evacuation and held full responsibility for it. 1 Von Sanders was informed about the allegations against him, while he was still in Istanbul and he immediately sent a detailed document to the European Embassies and to the Turkish War Office. He explained what had actually happened, but this was not taken seriously. While he was in Malta, he heard once again that he was found guilty for the evacuation of the Greeks from Ayvalik. He sent a similar document to the previous one to the Swiss authorities explaining the whole process and the eventual evacuation of the area.2 Despite all the accusations against him, von Sanders stated that he had only once been in Ayvalik during 1915, when the 4 t h Army was put under the command of the 5 t h and he was the German commander in chief of the 5 t h Army. 3 In Ayvalik most of the population during the war were Greek subjects and according to the Turks they had a permanent connection with the island of Mytilene. 4 However, during the early years of the war, there were no serious incidents in Ayvalik, but there was a significant increase in the spying activities of the inhabitants from 1916 onwards. Also, the troops around Ayvalik started to face more attacks from enemy ships and planes across from Mytilene. On an inspection trip to Izmir in March 1917, the chief of the general staff of the 5 t h Army, Kazim Bey gave von Sanders a file, translated into German, full of information on the connection of inhabitants with the Greeks on the opposite island and a planned landing on Easter Monday. 5 They were official documents and records of the Turkish court at Ayvalik, mainly on spying and information that several thousand army officers had been trained in Mytilene. Kazim Bey told von Sanders that the commander in charge of Ayvalik would only take responsibility for the defence of the land if the inhabitants, who in great numbers had hidden arms, were removed from 1

2

Ibid., WO 32/5385, Malta, 8 August 1919.

For the evacuation of Greeks from Ayvalik see: B. Bayraktar, Osmanli'dan Cumhuriyet'e Ayvalik Tarihi, Ankara 2002; B. §im§ir, Aegean Question, 1913-4, volume:II Ankara 1989; A.Toynbee, Western Question in Greece and Turkey, London 1922. 3 th At the time, Liman von Sanders was the commander in chief of the 5 army and Izmir, originally the district of the 4 t ' 1 army corps was put under the command of the 51*1 army in March 1916. 4 There were 31,445 Greeks and 454 Turks living in Ayvalik in 1914. Bayraktar, p. 34. Liman von Sanders was not sure whether it meant the Greek or Christian Easter.

LIMAN

VON

SANDERS

AS

A

PRISONER

OF

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Ayvalik. Otherwise, he would resign.1 When von Sanders suggested that only men who were found guilty should be removed, Kazim Bey stated that most of the Greeks in Ayvalik were unreliable, that the women and children were unable to earn a living without the men and the government would not be able to feed them. Under the circumstances Liman von Sanders had to agree to the partial and temporary evacuation of Ayvalik for military reasons, purely for coastal defence. 2 He insisted that the authorities should do everything in their power to ensure there was no violence and that shelter and food had to be provided. After the evacuation of the area was completed, the military officials reported to the German General that all the measures had been executed according to orders. The responsibility of the military lasted until they reached Balikesir from then on the civil authorities took up the matter. Von Sanders stated that he was informed that there were improper acts by the gendarmes but that was not his responsibility. Rather, the Turkish authorities were responsible for those acts. In addition, the trials of some inhabitants such as the Bishop of Ayvalik were conducted separately by the Turkish courts, which von Sanders did not know much about. When, later on, the German embassy asked him, on the request of the Greek Minister, Mr. Kallergis, about the Greek evacuation from Ayvalik, von Sanders responded in writing as that it was purely military reasons. There were no further complaints or requests from the Greek Minister or any other officials on the issue. According to the document von Sanders sent to the Swiss authorities, that was the extend of his involvement. The question of the deportation of the Greeks from Ayvalik, with a few exceptions, has so far not attracted many scholarly works. However, the study, Ayvalik Tarihi by Bayram Bayraktar with the assistance of the ATASE archives gives a detailed analysis of what happened during the war in Ayvalik. 3 According to Bayraktar, although the Greeks in Ayvalik did not suffer much in the 1914 deportations, there were serious insurgent as well spying activities in and near Ayvalik after that time. 4 He states in his study that the legal and official methods did not yield any results and could not prevent the espionage in Ayvalik. It was on that basis that the military authorities considered evacuation of the area as an alternative. Under these circumstances, Liman von Sanders gave the necessary orders to the WO 32/5385, Liman on the evacuation of Ayvalik, Malta, 8 August 1919. 1

Ibid., WO 32/5385, Malta, 8 August 1919.

ATASE ( Genelkurmay Askeri Tarih ve Etiid Baskanligi Argivi- General Staff Archives of Military History). 4 For details see: §im§ir, pp. 540-4; Bayraktar, pp. 57-60 ; Toynbee, pp. 141-4.

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Commander in charge for the evacuation of the Greeks of Ayvalik on 26 March 1917. 1 The 1917 evacuations were mainly to Balikesir but there were some to inland areas as well. They remained in Balikesir until the end of the war and then returned.2 After the Armistice, the Greek members of Parliament often brought up the question of the deportation of the Greeks from Ayvalik. There were two takrirs in the Ottoman Parliament by the Greek MPs, one in November 1918 and the other one in January 1919 just before Liman von Sanders left Istanbul. 3 In both cases he was accused of having full responsibility for the deportations and information was sought about what kind of trial and punishment he would face under the conditions of the armistice. 4 According to existing sources, there is no question that von Sanders was involved in the deportations. However, to claim he acted alone would be a completely wrong assessment. 5 The two takrirs and Admiral Calthorpe's insistence that Liman von Sanders should be tried as a prisoner of war probably prompted his unexpected detainment in Malta though he was given free passage to Germany. Although the reports of the Allied Armistice Commission show that he was detained due to his involvement in the Greek question, by the time he left Malta, the inquiry into the Greek deportations had not yet ended. Furthermore, a secret document from the British War Office stated that he should be freed to be repatriated, as they could not establish that von Sanders was connected with the Armenian persecutions. 6 The question of the involvement of Liman von Sanders in the Armenian persecutions has often been mentioned together with his role in the Greek issue. However, there is no evidence that he was involved in the Armenian deportations from Izmir in 1916. Besides, the European and Turkish material on the Greek issue states that the evacuation took place purely for military reasons and therefore, it would be wrong to compare it with the Armenians' as it has often done. 7

2

Bayraktar, pp. 65-6; Toynbee, pp. 141-4.

Concerning the properties of the Greek émigrés, when they started to return in 1919, mainly Bosnian émigrés were settled in them and obviously this caused a serious problem. 3 Bayraktar, pp. 62-5. 4 Ibid., p. 64. 5

6 7

Ibid., pp. 63-72. WO 32/5385, Malta, 13 August 1919.

Toynbee, pp. 141-4. Although the existing material states that the evacuation of Ayvalik was purely for military purposes, there is still plenty of scope for further research on the subject.

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The role of the Germans in the Armenian persecutions has always been on the agenda of scholars in the field. Indeed, it was one of the major allegations against Liman von Sanders when he was arrested in Malta, in February 1919 that he was involved with the Armenian deportations from Izmir in the autumn of 1916.1 Von Sanders in his many petitions stated that he had never been in the Armenian populated areas and had never seen the persecution of the Armenians or deported Armenian families with the exception of their deportation from Izmir, and that he had intervened personally to prevent this. When von Sanders arrived in Izmir for the inspection of the coastal artillery, the German Consul in Izmir, Graf von Spee, said that about 600 Izmir Armenians were taken from their homes and sent to Afyon-Karahisar by rail on 10 November 1916. The Consul also stated that the rumours were that it was done with the consent of Liman von Sanders. There were further 7,000 Armenians living in the district who, it was expected would be treated similarly. Von Sanders, through the Turkish chief of staff, Kazim Bey, immediately informed the governor of Izmir, Rahmi Bey, to stop the deportation orders at once. He also threatened to use his troops against the police who executed the orders against the Armenians. 2 Von Sanders also informed the German government and obtained their support for intervention in case of necessity. Soon after, Rahmi Bey sent his assurance to von Sanders that no more Armenians would be deported. The next day, Rahmi Bey went to see Liman von Sanders and said that he had got the orders from the Minister of Interior, Talat Pasha, and that he was only executing the orders of Istanbul. The governor also stated that he had written to Talat Pasha that he was hindered by Liman von Sanders and no more deportations would take place. Soon, the Porte officially sent the necessary information to cancel the deportations as well. 3 Furthermore, when Liman von Sanders left izmir, von Spee, told him that he had received the confirmation that the deportees were to be brought back.

WO 32/5385, Liman von Sanders to the Swiss Government, Malta, 3 August 1919; J. Lepsius, Deutschland und Armenien 1914-8, Sammlung diplomatischer Aktenstücke, Berlin 1919, LIXLX. 2 Ibid., WO 32/5385, Malta, 3 August 1919. Trumpener, p. 244.

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Although that was the case concerning the Armenian deportations from Izmir and the Ottoman authorities knew what actually happened, this did not stop the occurrence of many rumours and newspaper articles that von Sanders was responsible for the Armenian deportations from Izmir. According to the sources on the non-Muslim deportations during the war, with the exception of the case of Ayvalik in the spring of 1917, it would be wrong to argue that Liman von Sanders was involved or even cooperated. In contrary, he tried to prevent any orders of such kind. In many cases he found it unnecessary to evacuate the area and even threatened to resign or use his forces if any deportations took place.1 It is a well-known fact that Liman von Sanders was rather unpopular and had personal difficulties with Turkish as well as European officials including the Germans. 2 He was never informed about the measures and decisions taken on political issues and with the exception of the cases mentioned in this study, there was no significant involvement by him in the internal affairs of the Ottoman Empire.3 In conclusion, there has never been any convincing evidence on the reasons for Liman von Sander's arrest and his detention in Malta. He prevented the Armenian deportations in 1916 and was involved in the Greek case in 1917 only due to the pressure exerted on him by the Turkish authorities. It was Admiral Calthorpe who played the key role in von Sanders' arrest as he was convinced that all the allegations against him were true. Moreover, the British Admiral thought that his arrest would make a deep impression on the Ottoman capital as he stated that wide publicity was given to von Sanders actions during the war.

Ibid., pp. 86-90; Bayraktar, pp. 65-7. Prior to 1917, Liman von Sanders succeeded to prevent the deportations of Greeks from Izmir and Urla. 2

3

WO. 32/5385, 3 August 1919; Wallach pp. 248-9. Trumpener, p. 368.

AN AMERICAN MILITARY OBSERVER OF THE TURKISH INDEPENDENCE WAR: CHARLES WELLINGTON FURLONG* MesutUYAR

Modern Turkish-American relations were founded during the Turkish Independence War. Several American diplomats, businessmen, soldiers, journalists and educators contributed greatly to establish sound relations between the two nations. We know the activities of Admiral Mark L. Bristol, Caleb F. Gates and Mary M. Patrick but the contributions of hundreds of minor figures are already forgotten. Hundreds of American officials and civilians visited every corner of Turkey during the war and wrote their findings in official reports or unofficial letters and articles to the American administration or to the American public. Some of them published their experiences afterwards but unfortunately most of these invaluable observations which have largely been provide insiders' views about different aspects of Turkey were forgotten and except occasional academic studies are hardly ever used anymore. This article is about one of those forgotten minor figures, namely, Major Charles Wellington Furlong and his letters to US President Woodrow Wilson. Before describing the activities of Major Furlong we need to clarify the reasons of the arrival of hundreds of Americans to Turkey. Turkey was an enigma for the American public and it had a very bad reputation in America before World War I due to the propaganda of American missionaries and various Christian groups which had migrated from Turkey to the US, especially the Armenians. Any negative news about Turkey and Turks was easily exaggerated by American and European newspapers.1

*

I would like to express my appreciation to §en Sahir Silan and Professor Emeritus Vakur Versan for providing the basic documents from family archives. The Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace Archives, University of Oregon Library and the National Geographic Society Archives provided valuable documents. Without their supports this research could not be finished. ' Jeremy Salt, Imperialism, Evangelism and the Ottoman Armenians, 1878-1896, (London; Frank Cass, 1993), p. 57; Joseph L. Grabill, Missionaries Amid Conflict: Their Influence upon American Relations with the Near East 1914-1927, (Indiana University, Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, 1964), pp. 1-15; Roderic H. Davison, "The Armenian Crisis, 1912-1914", in Essays on Ottoman and Turkish History, 1774-1923, (London: Saqi Books, 1990), pp. 180-183

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Turkey's entrance to World War I as an ally of Germany made the already tarnished image of Turkey much worse. Even the limited numbers of Turkey's friends in Europe and America changed sides. Missionaries under the able organization of American Ambassador to Istanbul Henry Morgenthau1 were able to broadcast many damaging news about Turkey especially after the Turkish government's decision to relocate Armenians.2 After the foundation of the American Relief Committee — renamed after 1919 as the American Committee for Relief in the Near East — on September 1915 propaganda against Turkey spread widely across America. Missionary-led organizations were able to raise nearly 11 million dollars for missions in Turkey. In short public opinion about Turkey and the Turks was very bad in America when Turkey signed the Mudros Armistice Agreement on November 30,1918. 3 Interestingly war-time propaganda against Turkey and the news about the fate of Armenians and other Christian minority groups forced the American government to find out the real situation in the country and at the same time triggered the curiosity of many private individuals. Skeptics were already discussing the accuracy of the huge figures of the alleged victims of Turkish barbarity. As a result individuals or teams were sent to Turkey to find out what had happened in Turkey and to investigate the current situation. Sending fact-finding missions was not new for America and the American government. 4 Wilson and his advisors were hostile to classical European diplomacy. They had already established think-tank groups to solve international problems by means of innovative diplomatic approaches.3 The

1 For the effects of Morgenthau on the Armenian question and his propaganda activities see Heath W. Lowry, The Story Behind Ambassador Morgenthau's Story, (Istanbul: Isis Press, 1990), passim. 2 Even the titles of newspaper articles are enough to show the damaging effects of this widespread propaganda: "Turks Renew Massacres", New York Times, March 22, 1915; "Missionaries in Danger", The New York Times, May 10, 1915; "The Assassination of a Race", The Independent, October 18, 1915; "Only 200,000 Armenians Now Left in Turkey", The New York Times, October 22, 1915; "The Murder of Armenia", The Living Age, February 5, 1916; "Tales of Great Plain Black with Refugees", The New York Times, February 7, 1916; "American Burned Alive by Turks", The New York Times, February 8, 1916; "Armenians Killed with Axes by Turks", Current History Magazine, November 1917. 3 Grabill, op. cit., pp. 33-34, 40; Roger R. Trusk, The United States Response to Turkish Nationalism and Reform, 1914-1939, (Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 1971), p. 21; Herbert Hoover, The Ordeal ofWoodrow Wilson, (New York: Popular Library, 1961), p.149 ^ The first ever fact-finding mission to Turkey was sent by an American institution, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace just after the end of the Balkan Wars on August 2, 1913. The mission consisted of seven members from five different countries (America, Britain, Germany, Austro-Hungary, Russia and France). Unfortunately its impartial report did not produce any concrete results. See The Other Balkan Wars: A 1913 Carnegie Endowment Inquiry in Retrospect, (Washington D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1993). ^ The most important and effective think-tank of this period is of course "The Inquiry". Inquiry was the brain-child of Colonel Edward M. House who was a close friend and advisor of President Wilson. After getting authorization from Wilson, Inquiry was founded in September 1917 under the leadership of Sidney E. Mezes. Inquiry was very effective on many foreign policy issues including the formulation of Wilson's famous "Fourteen Points" and contributing greatly to the American Peace Delegation to the Paris Conference. "The Inquiry", Council on Foreign Relations June 21,2005,

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essential part of this innovative diplomacy was to find out the real situation and gather data by sending specialist fact-finding missions. Several missions had already been sent to trouble spots in Germany, Poland and Russia when the discussions to send a mission to Turkey began on January 1919.1 Individual American citizens began to arrive to Turkey in official or private capacity long before the government discussions about sending a mission. An important witness of this period, Caleb F. Gates, vividly described his experiences with these curious visitors in his memoirs: With the end of war, private individuals and committees began to come to Turkey to investigate the conditions and to see how the situation might be improved. Most of these visitors had preconceived ideas about what ought to be done, and they did not hesitate to proclaim them. After a visit in December by Dr. H. P. Judson, chancellor of the University of Chicago, who had expressed to me prejudicial and bitter opinions about both the Armenians and the Turks.2

Several organizations like the Near East Relief sent small groups or individuals to asses the situation.3 At the same time many military officers of the Entente were investigating the situation in different parts of Turkey according to the interests of their respective countries. For example British officers were frequently visiting the east Black Sea coastal area, the Caucasus and simultaneously south east Anatolia.4 American diplomatic and military representatives in Europe and Turkey followed the steps of their allies by sending diplomats and military observers into Turkey. Unfortunately we do not know the total numbers of these groups and individuals nor their observations and findings. Currently only some bits and pieces are available.5 Therefore the findings of Major Furlong are very important to understand and clarify the situation in Turkey just after the Mudros armistice. 1 James B. Gidney, A Mandate for Armenia, (Oberlin: The Kent State Uni. Press, 1967), p. 136. ^ Caleb Frank Gates, Not to Me Only, (Princeton: Princeton Uni. Press, 1940), p. 252. Another interesting example of an individual inquiry is the visit of Armenian lobbyist James L. Barton during January and April 1919. Gidney, op. cit., pp. 106-107 3 Gates, op. cit., pp. 258-260. 4 The British High Commissioner Admiral De Robeck visited Samsun and Trabzon to investigate alleged problems of local Greeks in October 1919. See 3ncii Kolordu Komutanhgindan Harbiye Nezaretine, 14 Te§rinievvel 1335, Harp Tarihi Vesikalari Dergisi, no: 11, Document no. 283; 15nci Kolordu Komutanhgindan Harbiye Nezaretine, 21 Tegrinievvel 1335, Harp Tarihi Vesikalari Dergisi, no. 11, Document no. 285; British Lieutenant Colonel Alfred Rawlinson conducted extensive researches in and around Kars between June and July 1919. See A. Rawlinson, Adventures in the Near East 1918-1922, (London: Andrew Melrose, 1924), pp. 196,215,218, 220-221, 224,227-228. ^ As an example Justin McCarthy published the report of Captain Emory H. Niles and Arthur E. Sutherland's inquiry to east Anatolia. See Justin McCarthy, "The Report of Niles and Sutherland on American Investigation of Eastern Anatolia after World War I", XI. Turk Tarih Kongresi, vol. 5, (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1994).

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Charles W. Furlong was an unusual personality in every aspect. Without knowing his background it is difficult to assess the importance of his letters and findings. 1 Furlong was born on December 13, 1874. His father Atherton Bernard (1849-1919) was a respected artist, musician and writer.2 His brother Leonard Furlong was a captain in the US Army and a hero of the military campaigns in the Philippines.3 Furlong graduated from Massachusetts Normal Art School in 1895 and Cornell University in 1902. He continued his education at Harvard University and in Paris at two different art schools: Académie Julian and Ecole des Beaux Arts. After finishing his education he worked as a lecturer of art and anthropology at Cornell, Clark and Boston Universities. He was an established artist and cartographer and his paintings and maps are currently in the inventory of major museums and university collections. Furlong was also a respected explorer and adventurer. He conducted and participated in several important explorations in the least known corners of the world. He found the remains of the USS Philadelphia in Tripoli harbor. He was the first American to cross Ottoman Tripolitania. He conducted scientific research in Tierra-del-Fuego and Patagonia4 in Latin America. He was the first westerner to explore all parts of Fuego and to conduct anthropologic research there. He published the fruits of his wide ranging explorations in two books one of which was turned into a film by Universal Pictures in 1925 s and in many articles.6 He gave lectures in leading institutions.7 His anthropological

Biographical data about Charles W. Furlong is compiled from the following sources: "Col. Wellington Furlong: Explorer, Writer, Artist and Lecturer", Town and Country Review, London, National Geographic Society Archives; "Excerpt from Who's Who in America", From Charles W. Furlong to Melville B. Grosvernor, April 30, 1935, National Geographic Society Archives', "Citation to Colonel Charles Wellington Furlong", Rice Foundation Society, April 20,1944, Silan Family Archive. Another copy of this document is available in the Dartmouth Archives, see "Citation from the Rice Foundation Society", The Papers of Charles Wellington Furlong in the Dartmouth College Library, Stef. Mss. 197, Box no. 2, Folder no. 12; "The Charles W. Furlong Collection, 1895-1965", University of Oregon Libraries, June 5, 2005,

2 "Atherton Bernard Furlong: Artist, Singer, Poet", Bethel Historical Society, June 5, 2005,

3 "Captain Leonard Furlong", March 5, 2005, 4 For a modern evaluation of his linguistic studies see "Lenore A. Grenoble, Lindsay J. Whaley, "What does Digital Technology have to do with Yaghan", Linguistic Discovery, vol. 1, no. 1, 2002 ^ The Gateway to the Sahara: Observations and Tripoli, (New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1909); Let'er Buck: A Story of the Passing of the Old West, (New York: Putnam, 1921). Universal Pictures filmed the book under the same title. 6 His articles were published by popular magazines like "Harper's Monthly Magazine", "World's Work", "Christian Science Monitor", "Travel" and "Bluebook". 7 He gave lectures on various subjects -mainly his personal experiences — at the "National Geographic Society", "Royal Geographic Society" and various institutions and universities. See "Charles W. Furlong Papers 1898-1967 Folder Inventory", March 1982, University of Oregon Library Special Collections; "The Furlong Lectures for Schools", National Geographic Society Archives; "Spencer Trask Lectures", Princeton University, January 5, 2005,

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and ethnological collections and his paintings are now in the custody of several museums, institutions and universities. 1 Furlong started his military career as a reserve officer in the cavalry corps. He was assigned to military intelligence corps with the rank of captain at the beginning of World War I. He served as a war correspondent until America's entrance to the war. He then was assigned as a section chief of the military intelligence publication office and prepared tactical field handbooks and maps on Siberia and eastern Russia which were used during the ill-fated American intervention to Russia. Furlong was promoted and selected to President Wilson's personal staff, which was attached to the Paris Peace Conference Delegation as a military intelligence specialist. He was the chief of the military intelligence reference section during the first voyage of USS George Washington and had the opportunity to talk with Wilson several times. After a brief service in the American Delegation during the initial phase of the Paris Conference, he was assigned to a newly established military observer group on January 1919. This group was commissioned to investigate trouble spots in the Balkans and the Near East following the request of the American Delegation. They were to conduct a sweeping investigation and report their findings immediately to the Delegation via the nearest American diplomatic mission. Furlong's first duty was to investigate the current situation in the Adriatic coastal area under the operational control of the American military attaché to Rome. He visited government officials, military units, and leaders of various groups, jails of Albania, Montenegro and Serbia. 2 He was the only American and Entente officer — except the Italians — during April-May 1919 at the nadir of the Fiume (Rijeka) crisis. His reports were the only reliable information coming from the region and he became the eyes and ears of the American Delegation. According to the reports he wrote we can deduct that he had no sympathy with the imperialistic Italian demands. He tried very hard to show the real face of the Italian occupation and to transmit the wishes and

Charles Wellington Furlong Collection, The American Folk Life Center's Archive of Folk Culture; Charles Wellington Furlong Fuegian Folklore, Darmouth College Archives; Some artifacts and botanical specimens which he collected during his expeditions are also located at the American Museum of Natural History, The Peabody Museum of Harvard, the Peabody Museum of Salem, the Museum of American Indian Heye Foundation, the Buffalo Museum of Science, Cornell University, Grey Herbarium of Harvard, New York Botanical Gardens and the Smithsonian Institution. Entrance Permission to Podgoritza Jail", February 12, 1919, Charles W. Furlong Papers, Hoover Institution Archives (here after CWFP-HIA), Box no: 2, Folder ID: Biog-Awards; "Entrance Permission to Niksic Jail", February 23, 1919, CWF-HIA, Box no: 2, Folder ID: BiogAwards; Furlong received awards from several Balkan states for his services during this critical period of time see CWF-HIA, Box no: 2, Folder ID: Biog-Awards.

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frustration of the people.1 His superiors did not appreciate some of his actions and occasionally asked him not to deal with local politics.2 His next assignment was Turkey. We do not know the exact date of his arrival to Istanbul but it must be at the end of May 1919. He immediately began working. He talked with representatives of various interest groups, opinion makers and knowledgeable individuals. He wrote down most of his activities in his diary but unfortunately he did not write his dealings with Admiral Bristol and other American diplomats and intelligence officers. His dealings with fellow Entente officials were also not clear. He also refrained from putting into writing some sensitive information he had gathered. From his entries we understand that he put special emphasis on his conversations with Turkish intellectuals who were eagerly seeking an American mandate. Halide Edib, Cami, Regid Sadi and Hazim Atif explained their vision of an American mandate and their frustrations with the occupation of Izmir and the ensuing Greek atrocities. Halide Edib additionally gave information about the National Defence (Mtidafaa-i Milliye/ Kuvva-i Milliye) movement. According to her a national army was being formed in the Anatolian interior ready to deal with occupation.3 Furlong visited Bursa in order to talk with Sheikh Seyid Ahmed Senusi on July 7 and 8. Sheikh Senusi expressed his regret to fight against Britain because of the Italian occupation of Libya. He presented a letter to Furlong for him to deliver to Wilson. According to Senusi, Wilson raised the hopes of the small nations: "I have seen the 14 points that you favorably pointed out for the benefit of nations which have raised a hope for the weak nations and have caused them to look to you with patience for assistance". Senusi voiced the sufferings of Libyans under Italian occupation. He was asking American help to build an independent Libya. If Wilson found independence not suitable he was proposing three possible solutions: an American mandate, League of Nations supervision or governance under Egypt, in short anything except

1 Furlong provided several petitions written by the local dignitaries including the Nikshsitch (NiksiQ Monte-Negrin guerrilla leaders see "To the Apostle of Humanity Mr. Wilson President of the United States of America", CWF-HIA, Box no: 8, "From William Shepherd to President Wilson", May 12, 1919, (ed.) Arthur S. Link, The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, vol. 59, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), (here after PWW), pp. 64-66 "From John Charles Fremont to Cary Travers Grayson", May 13,1919, PWW, pp. 119-120 "From John Charles Fremont to Cary Travers Grayson", May 17, 1919, PWW, pp. 241-242. 2 "Message to Major Furlong", May 23,1919, CWF-HIA, Box no: 2, Folder ID: Bristol. ^ Turkish intellectuals' mandate project can be summarized in the words of Hazim Atif as; "We want a certain power to take the mandate for a certain fixed period ... Eighty percent of Turks favor America. A mandate over all Turkey not over a few vilayets." Charles W. Furlong Papers, University of Oregon Library Special Collections Ax. 698 (here after CWF-UOL), Box no: 6, Notebooks 1898-1958,1919 no: 9.

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Italian domination. Furlong's sympathy to Senusi and to Libya's fate was obvious from his diary and the letter he wrote to Wilson.1 Furlong continued to work in Istanbul after his brief stay in Bursa. He visited all the main military installations in and around Istanbul. He then departed to Anatolia via train on July 15, 1919. He reached Konya the next day and remained there for ten days. According to his diary entries, his days in Konya were more fruitful than those in Istanbul. He talked to nearly all the dignitaries of the city and of the surrounding areas. Nearly all of them were sympathetic to an American mandate but their information about America was very limited in comparison to that of the Turkish intellectuals of Istanbul. Interestingly they were showing clear hostility to Mustafa Kemal Pasa and the Kuvva-i Milliye movement. According to them the nationalists were disguised CUP members. At the same time they were afraid of Armenian designs, Greek and Italian invasions and naively hoped to forestall these designs with the help of America and Britain. All of them denied any kind of massacres in Konya during the war. The Chief of the Mevlevi order, the Great £elebi summarized what the dignitaries of Konya were asking for; "we ask America to help us as she is the most civilized, we cannot walk alone." 2 Furlong also talked with Armenian dignitaries. They explained to him that the Armenian mandate project focused only on the Armenians and the creation of a great Armenia "from sea to sea". They bitterly voiced their frustration with the long Turkish rule and their opposition to a mandate on the whole of Turkey. They also told him that Turks and Bolsheviks were getting ready to fight. They warned him about a possible massacre if no action was taken. 3 One of the most interesting persons that Furlong talked to was the American missionary Mary Louise Graffam. Graffam had been working in Sivas for more than fifteen years and she was the key person who wrote important and damaging messages about the alleged massacres of the Armenians during the war. These messages were used by the British to produce propaganda books against Turkey. 4 Interestingly nearly every American who happened to visit Anatolia met and talked with Graffam 5 and

1

Ibid. CWF-UOL, Box no: 9, Correspondence, no: 31 Wilson, Woodrow The names of the Turkish dignitaries that Furlong talked to are the ulema representatives: Ahmed Fevzi, Ahmed Ziya, Great Qelebi, the ayan representatives: Mehmed Refi, Lefkelizade Kadri, Mayor Hakki and Dervig Bekiroglu Mehmed Zeki. CWF-UOL, Box no: 6, Notebooks 1898-1958,1919 no: 10. 3 Ibid. 4 The books are Lord Bryce's The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire (1916), Arnold Toynbee's Armenian Atrocities: The Murder of a Nation (1915). 5 Chief of American Military Mission to Armenia General lames G. Harbord and Admiral Bristol's intelligence officer Lieutenant Robert S. Dunn were among the persons to whom Graffam talked. See Lt. R. S. Dunn, "Intelligence Report", Record Group 256, General Records of the American Commission to Negotiate Peace 1918-1931 (Micro Film Pub. No. 820) Field Missions of American Delegation, Harbord Military Mission to Armenia, (here after HMMA), 184.021/46; "List of Turk, Armenian, American, Georgian and Tartar Officials between Adana and Tiflis." HMMA, 184.021/96. 2

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she tried to influence them for the benefit of the Armenian cause.1 Graffam explained her experiences during the war and the alleged Armenian massacres to Furlong. According to her the danger was not over. Turks were conducting "brigandage" and continue to kill Armenians if not in thousands. She also talked about Mustafa Kemal Pa§a's activities around Samsun and the Sivas region and gave the news that the nationalists were planning to open an assembly in Ankara. 2 The Governor of Konya Cemal Bey was also very skeptical about Mustafa Kemal Pa§a and the Kuvva-i Milliye movement. According to him the real leaders of this movement were doubtlessly Enver Pa§a and Talat Pa§a. He talked with Furlong four times and gave important information about the future project of the nationalists namely the foundation of a national assembly: There is a great menace from the military as it has developed in the last few days ... forming a circle of mischief this formation is from the commander of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Army corps in all Anatolia. The only trouble is they can not complete this as the valis of Konia and Sivas are opposed to them. They are creating a military senate and have asked officially throughout Anatolia to make a military control.-' According to the governor, military units are making preparation in order to launch a military campaign. So the Entente must act immediately and arrest all the four high ranking military officials in Konya. 4 Combining all these information Furlong warned American authorities about the nationalists' plans to assemble representatives from all around Turkey to open a national assembly. Unfortunately we do not know the contents of this report.5 Furlong departed from Konya in the direction of Aleppo on July 26, 1919. He arrived at Adana the same day and tried to confirm the information

1 Lieutenant Dunn describes his views about Graffam in very striking words: " A strong supporter of an independent Armenia on the grounds that this is the Armenians' country; that they can never live under Turkish domination; that the Turks are whipped and must be cleared out.... As a veteran worker for the race, she sees her life-efforts vindicated by a free Armenia, and failing without it... She stated that she would support any scheme, honest or no, cruel or no, for an independent Armenia. When told of successful Greek intrigues on the coast deceiving Allied officers, she professed to admire it, saying that she would "work" any one she could for her own — Armenian — ends, had she the chance." Lt. R. S. Dunn, "Intelligence Report", HMMA, 184.021/46. 2

CWF-UOL, Box no: 6, Notebooks 1898-1958,1919 no: 11.

3

CWF-UOL, Box no: 6, Notebooks 1898-1958,1919 no: 10. Ibid.

4

From Charles W. Furlong to Admiral Bristol, July 21, 1919, CWF-HIA, Box no: 2, Folder ID: Bristol. Also see Furlong's later annotation on the back side of the document.

5

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about the French and Armenian assaults in Cilicia that he gathered from Turkish sources and some foreigners including an ex-prisoner of war, the Russian Captain Nikholas Yliek (?). He departed from Adana next day and reached Aleppo on the same day. From his arrival to Aleppo until his departure from Syria Furlong tried to investigate the Arabs' reaction to a French mandate. As usual he talked to all the important dignitaries including Emir Faisal, Emir Zeid and General Ali Rida Rikabi. All of them were bitterly criticizing the Sykes-Picot agreement and were against the French mandate and the separation of Palestine 1 but the views of the Arabs were already known to the American administration via the King-Crane Commission which had spent forty-two days in the region and departed on July 23, 1919 just a few days before Furlong's arrival.2 Furlong as a reserve officer was demobilized at the end of 1919 and returned back to America. Even though he had no official responsibility he continued to follow developments in the Balkans and Turkey. When he had learned from the press that President Wilson was authorized to find a solution to the Fiume question he immediately wrote at letter to Wilson. In this letter Furlong supported the Serbian claims and opposed the Italian ones.3 Wilson was seriously ill and had suffered a stroke during his campaign to enlist American public support for the ratification of the Versailles Peace Treaty on September 29, 1919. He could not fulfill his presidential duties at that time 4 and probably did not read Furlong's letter. At the same time American public opinion was already showing its unwillingness towards active foreign policy and any kind of intervention outside the traditional American areas of interest. While America was showing signs of isolation, the situation in Turkey was changing drastically. Furlong was aware of the importance of these recent developments. Even though he had not got any reply to his letter from Wilson, he decided to write another, this time about his findings and views about Turkey. According to him the situation was very urgent and if no action would be taken war was inescapable. He clearly states this at the first sentences of his letter:

1

CWF-UOL, Box no: 6, Notebooks 1898-1958,1919 no: 11. The official name of this commission was the American Section of Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey. See Harry N. Howard, An American Inquiry in the Middle East: The King-Crane Commission, (Beirut: Khayats, 1963), passim. 3 "From Charles W. Furlong to President Wilson", January 20, 1920, CWFP-HIA, Box no: 1, Folder ID: Wilson. 4 Hoover, op. cit., pp. 270-297

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From my recent investigation in Asia Minor cannot help feeling our position on Turkey as reported colossal blunder. For Armenia's sake as well as justice to Turkey cannot note be rescinded and Turkey's faith in justice of America be retained before lost. If this not done no alternative but war left Turkey with possible terrible consequences to not only Armenians and Greeks possibly to American missionaries and relief workers but starting perhaps the spark which will again set the world aflame.1 Furlong was very sure that Turkey and Turks are being treated unfairly due to the vicious black propaganda by minority groups and missionaries: I feel that through the avalanche of unfair propaganda so persistently launched by Greek, Armenian, Jew, material interests, as well as by wellmeaning but misinformed or prejudiced ministers and priests of gospel and over-zealous "Christians" against the helpless Turkish people, that I would be cruelly lending my own hand to unjust persecution were I to withhold my voice and information at this time.2 During his visit to Turkey he witnessed this propaganda and the powerlessness of Turks to make known the atrocities committed against them: Telegrams speaking of impending Turkish massacres which never occurred were constantly sent in by Greeks, in particular, from the coast towns of Asia Minor and relaid [relayed] by Greek propagandists out of the country, while the Turks side or protests were so censor-controlled that he could not make his voice heard to the peoples of Europe and America, although our press has lent itself against the Turks in this country. Likewise, the officer acting as military attaché in Constantinople, although a graduate of West Point, was an Armenian. It is hardly to be supposed that, honest as I believe him to be, his reports could be impartial.3 Furlong later began to report the crimes and atrocities that unfairly were inflicted on to Turks and of which the American administration and public did not know. He initially wrote about crimes and assaults against Turks in Istanbul such as commandeering houses and looting, defiling Turkish women by trying to show them as prostitutes, making fun of sacred Islamic symbols and beliefs to anger Turks and more importantly the expulsion

' "From Charles W. Furlong to President Wilson", April 4, 1920, Silan Family Archive. For the other copy of the same letter see CWF-UOL, Box no: 9, Correspondence, no: 31 Wilson, Woodrow. Furlong sent this letter to Wilson with the help of Admiral William Cary Grayson. See CWF-UOL, Box no: 9, Correspondence, no: 31 Wilson, Woodrow. 2

Ibid. ^ Ibid. Furlong was referring to Major Haig Shekerjian (1886-1966) who played an important role during his duty in Turkey and the Caucasus. He was one of the most important officers in the Harbord Military Mission. See Who's Who: Members of the Mission, HMMA, 184.021/101. From Mc Coy to Maj. Shekerjian, 8 September 1919, HMMA, 184.021/248; From Lt. Col. Jackson to General Harbord, 7 October 1919, HMMA, 184.021/317.

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secretly of Turks by means of suspicious conflagrations wiping out Turkish districts. According to him atrocities and crimes in Anatolia were far more serious and wide-spread. T h e Greek army and its local accomplices were massacring Turkish civilians in f r o n t of Entente officers in Izmir and surrounding areas: We hear much, both truth and gross exaggerations of Turkish massacre of Armenians, but little or nothing of the Armenian massacres of Turks and of that greatest atrocity of the armistice, committed under the very eyes of Great Britain and the United States, the Smyrna massacre of helpless and peaceable Turks by Greek troops and civilian population, evidently armed before hand for the occasion. In Smyrna there is American eye-witness testimony that about four hundred helpless Turks were massacred in a day and that the American flag, at the request of the Turks, supplanted their own on the hospital, they knowing the Greeks would allow them no asylum for their wounded and dying. This atrocity did not stop here. The Greek troops continued into the Sanjak north, burning, looting, raping villages and ceased only when there is every reason to believe that one hundred thousand more or less Turkish peasants with their women and little children, were driven in the mountains south of Brusa where those who are left have been during the past severe winter.1 A c c o r d i n g to Furlong the situation in Cilicia is also potentially explosive as Armenians wearing French uniforms were creating big problems. And with reference to the news about Mara§ massacres he states that probably just the opposite is true: I have seen Armenian troops in Silicia [Cilicia], organized under the French, occupying Turkish territory where there was no need of such occupation. The Turkish population were helpless under their annoyance and the Turk could not place his hand on one of these Armenians without jeopardizing his safety or life, on account of thereby touching the French uniform. The recent so-called Marash massacres have not been substantiated, in fact, in the minds of many who are familiar with the situation, there is grave question whether it was not the Turk who suffered at the hands of the Armenian and French armed contingents which were known to be occupying that city and vicinity.2 Even under this unfair and injustice condition Turks and Arabs were still hoping that President Wilson and A m e r i c a will establish "just peace" under the terms of the Fourteen Points which everybody in region knew by

"From Charles W. Furlong to President Wilson", April 4, 1920, Silan Family Archive. Harbord Military Mission's findings in and around Izmir are confirming Furlong's statements. See Notes on the Trip to Smyrna, 13-16 October 1919, HMMA, 184.021/341. ^ "From Charles W. Furlong to President Wilson", April 4,1920, Silan Family Archive.

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heart. So there was still hope to stop the incoming war if America was willing to take over the mandate of Istanbul and Anatolia but not of Armenia: ...violation after violation of the armistice was indulged in by the armed troops, particularly of France, Italy and some Armenian contingents, under the guise of policing the country, but in reality to divide up the spoils, for the harm has been done and their officers frankly state they are in to stay.... It is to be wondered at if disorders under these unbearable conditions should not arise on the part of the Turks in actual self-defense. The Smyrna atrocity and other violations of the armistice have gone far to enable the young Turk militarists to induce many Turks, believing in the justice of the allies, to believe there was none for themselves. Certainly no Mediterranean nation should hold a mandate or domination over Turkey or occupy as a conqueror any partitioned part of its territory. It is my firm conviction that should America take a mandate it must be over Constantinople and Asia Minor and not over Armenia. My impressions of an Armenian conception of a mandate, drawn through conferences with Armenians in Asia Minor, are for America to tie the hands of the Turk that Armenia may do its will.1 Furlong finished his letter with very passionate words. He was very sure of the incoming war and trying as much as he could to stop it by means of fairness and justice. Interestingly he was not only thinking about Turkey but of an ever-lasting peace between east and west: A right decision will bind closer than ever in the history of mankind ties and consciousness of brotherhood between the eastern and western world and mutually turn their hearts toward each other for right. A wrong decision, injustice, will be a calamity and may set aflame an infinitely greater fire than that which seems to be smothered. In the name of justice, not only to the Turks, but to the Moslem world, as well as to ourselves and all desirers of justice, I make this appeal.2 Furlong's efforts did not produce any results. Probably Wilson never read his letter and the Turks did fight f o r their rights as Furlong anticipated. Furlong did not loose his interests about Turks and Turkey. He visited Turkey in 1929 and in 1954. He tried to introduce the new and modern Turkey to the public of America and Europe. 3

1

Ibid. Ibid. 3 Charles W. Furlong, "Turkey, Europe's Last Frontier", National Geographic Society Archives; Furlong continued his colorful career both in civilian and military life. He was promoted to colonel in 1929 and worked as a military intelligence specialist during World War II. He spent his last years packing and cataloging his archive which he gave different parts of it to four different institutions. He died on October 3,1967. 2

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Furlong's letters to President Wilson and his documents about Turkey are giving an insider's views about Turkey's fight for survival. At the same his vivid accounts are clearly showing the reality behind the propaganda against Turks and Turkey. Furlong was not a major figure and nor did he play a key roles but the information he provided is still useful in order to understand what really happened during this critical time period. My research about Furlong clearly shows that many important documents are available in archives abroad waiting to be researched. Unfortunately Turkish and western scholars of modern Turkish history are too focused on Turkish archives and pay too little attention to western official or private archives. A systematic search of the western archives would yield masses of key information helping to understand the course of the events, the reason for them and their outcome.

A SHORT HISTORY OF THE "YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION" (YWCA) ACTIVITIES IN TURKEY RifatN. BALI

The document which is published for the first time in this article is a brief history of YWCA activities in Turkey during the Ottoman Empire and later on in the Republic of Turkey. 1 1 came accross this document while doing research on a completely different subject in the Admiral Mark Bristol papers that are preserved at the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. 2 The importance of this document is that it treats a subject which has not been studied and researched so far by scholars specialised on Ottoman and Turkish history and social life. Although much has been published on the subject of Protestant missionary activities in the Ottoman Empire no one has been interested with the YWCA or the YMCA. Most probably the reason of this apparent lack of interest is that all primary materials concerning YMCA and YWCA activities in Turkey are preserved in foreign archives which are not so easily accessible.

What is the YWCA? YWCA is a "nonsecterian Christian organization that aims to advance the physical, social, intellectual, moral and spiritiual interests of women". These aspects of the program are symbolised in the insignia of the YWCA which is a blue triangle the three sides of which stand for body, mind and spirit.3 YWCA grew out of the homes for young women and female prayer unions established throughout England in mid-19th century.4 The two groups 1 Admiral Mark Bristol Papers, Box 42, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Rear Admiral Mark Bristol was the US High Commissioner to Turkey between January 1919 and March 1927. "Young Women's Christian Association", in Encyclopaedia Britannica, accessed thru the internet. 4 "Young Women's Christian Association", totp;/Ayww,eMcyic}qpa^.dia,gpm/lEL/YowiiigWftiia,html

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which would later on merge and form the YWCA were a Prayer Union for women and a group which founded Christian homes for young women. These two groups merged in 1877 and took the name of "Young Women's Christian Association". 1 YWCA from its earliest years would show an interest for similar work among women in other countries. 2 One of these countries would be Turkey.

YWCA Activities in Turkey The document which is published in this article gives a fairly good picture of YWCA activities in Turkey until the early Republican years and the difficulties it encountered after Turkey declared itself a Republic on October 29, 1923. In addition to that the following excerpt from the book Constantinople To-Day or The Pathfinder Survey Of Constantinople A Study in Oriental Social Life published in 1920 is also very useful since it provides data which makes more easy to understand the wide scope of the activities of YWCA in 1920: 3 The Young Women's Christian Association was organized in June, 1919, with secretaries and funds sent by the National Board of the Y.W.C.A. of the United States. This was considered war work. A committee of women of different nationalities is in charge. The Association was started in one small house in Pera, but it has grown so steadily that at present there are two service centers, used for clubs, classes, and meetings; two hostels, and a personnel house for the secretaries. Centers The Pera service center is located at 10 Rue Chimal. This is a large house, opened March 20, 1921, with a gymnasium built on the roof which gives plenty of opportunity for gymnastics, games, and large gatherings. The Stamboul 4 service center, 1 Djighaloglou, was opened April 24, 1921. It is a house of eight rooms in the Turkish quarter.

1 'Young Women's Christian Association' in Encyclopaedia Britannica, accessed thru the internet. 2 Mary S. Sims, The Natural History of a Social Institution - The Young Women's Christian Association, The Woman's Press, New York, 1936, p. 125. 3 Clarence Richard Johnson, M.A., Constantinople To-Day or The Pathfinder Survey of Constantinople. A Study in Oriental Social Life , The Macmillan Company, New York, 1922, pp. 161-163. 4 In the 1920's 'Stamboul' was the word used to define the 'old city'. Galata Bridge was the border dividing 'Stamboul' from Grande Rue de Péra and Taksim. RNB.

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Hostels The hostel at 132 Tarla Bashi, Pera, opened in February, 1921, accommodates 34 guests and a matron. Lodging and breakfast are given to young women under 35 years of age. The house is almost full. The Russian Y.W.C.A., opened in March, 1921, at No.10 Kouloglou, Pera, is a hostel accommodating 28 young Russian women and a matron. It also has a restaurant, and is a gathering place for many Russians. They have music and tea every Sunday afternoon. The Personnel House at Taxim contains rooms for about twelve secretaries, also for the office of the National Y.W.C.A. for the Near East, and for occasional meetings. Pera Center The membership fee is Ltq. 1 (80c) with additional charges for educational and physical privileges. There are 977 members made up partially as follows:

Nationality

Religion

American 17 Armenian .... 320 Australian 1 Belgian 2 English 26 French 5 Greek 250 Hebrew 123 Italian 14 Polish 3 Russian 31 Czecho-Slovak . 1 Turk 16 Serbian 3 Swiss 3 Syrian 4 Spanish 3 Bulgarian Egyptian

Catholic Ch. Of Eng Gregorian .... Israelite Moslem Orthodox Protestant .... Karayite

65 17 238 126 16 268 100 1

Occupation

Ages

At Home 585 Servant 6 Clerk & Saleswomen 107 Coiffeur&Manicure .... 2 Dr. & Nurse 11 Dentist 1 Dressmaker 9 Governess 3 Photographer 2 Housekeeper Painter 2 Secretary Stenagorapher 27 Soc. Worker 6 Teacher 44 V.A.D. Telephone ... 11

12-16 .... 29 16-20 ... 390 20-30 .... 342 307

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Educational : English Advanced Classes " Beginning

French Stenography (2 classes) Office course & typing Physical Education (2 classes) " Girl Guides Sewing Art and Designing Total

183 34 4 24 21 11 30 8 9 5 329 Students

There are 13 clubs with an average membership each of 25. These clubs are studying literature, music, embroidery, travel, current events, cooking, and anything in which the girls are interested. They have also social activities, such as teas and picnics, and they do social service work by dressing dolls, making scrapbooks for orphanage children, and holding bazaars with the proceeds of which they give Christmas parties for orphans. There are two Bible classes. Other activities are a weekly Sunday vesper service, the average attendance at which is 50. At these there is a speaker and music, and tea is served. Lectures are given on hygiene, and other subjects of general interest. Stamboul Service Center During the first month 43 members joined: 21 Turks, 11 Armenians, 8 Greeks, with 25 members in 6 classes to study English, French and dressmaking. The Physical Director has taught normal classes, and also the children in 11 orphanages: Turkish, 2, with 900 girls. Armenian, 7 and 1 Armenian Catholic, with 940 girls. Greek, 1, for trachoma cases, with 200, making A grand total of 2040 girls. On May 21, 1921, the Y.W.C.A. gave a pageant in Osman Bey Garden, Shishli, in which over 300 girls of all nationalities took part in dances and chorus singing. Several dances were by children from the orphanages, trained by the Y.W.C.A. Physical Director.

YWCA ACTIVITIES IN SMYRNA Another archival source gives a brief summary of YWCA activities in Smyrna for 1921. An unpublished manuscript prepared by the staff of the International College of Smyrna, a college established by American Board of

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Commissioners for Foreign Missions, briefly mentions YMCA and YWCA activities in Smyrna as follows: 1 Athletics in the YMCA and YWCA: During the winter of 1919-20, the YMCA offered the following out-door sports baseball, basketball, football, shot-put and discus throwing; and the in-door sports of boxing and wrestling. A basketball team was organized which played against the International College. The work here is new, but will probably grow. The fact that the YMCA teams have on them men from different nationalities and different clubs may help to render athletics in the city more general and to raise the standard in the keeping of rules. In the summer of 1920 a tennis court was opened jointly with the YWCA being used on certain separate days by the two institutions. During the summer months the YWCA carried out a recreational program which did real pioneer work in opening the way for proper athletics for girls in Smyrna. The members of the Association used the tennis court three days a week, and six hours of instruction in the game was given per week. About the middle of August a tournament was held which created much interest among the members. Three evenings a week volleyball, baseball, and other ball games were played. Twice a week any members who desired, were taken by one of the secretaries to the beach of the Grek orphanage at Baircle [Bayrakli], which had granted permission to the YWCA to use their grounds on certain days for bathing parties. While only a relatively small number of girls are receiving the benefit of such organized athletics, the rapid growth in the Association membership, the support they are receiving from people of the city, and the eagerness of the girls for athletic games, all point toward an increase of such whilesome recreation. It is filling the double need of giving school girls something to do during their vacation, and of giving working girls a needed change and recreation after work hours. However, the YWCA can never carry on a recreational program large enough to meet the needs of the hundreds of young women of Smyrna who have no means of enjoying sufficient exercise and good recreation. Similar sports for girls under the municipal government or some philanthropic institution should be opened. Such recreation for its women would in time add greatly to the health of the population of the city as a whole. General recreation of the YMCA and YWCA: The two Christian Associations in Smyrna are proving to be centers of recreation for young people in other ways than through their organized sports. Both buildings are always open for members and friends. The YWCA. offers rooms where girls can rest, read, play the piano, or dance informally. Picnics for groups of members are occasionally arranged. Part of the building is open every afternoon as a tea room. At the YMCA is one room for billiards and table games and another for reading. An entertainment of some sort is given about once a month. A tea room is open every afternoon. A special feature is the cinema which is run 1 Kautz Family YMCA Archives, University of Minnesota, YMCA Turkey Files, Manuscript entitled "A Survey of Some Social Conditions, Smyrna Asia Minor 1920-1921", pp. 15-16. This manuscript has been translated and published in Turkish under the title: izmir'deki Bazi Sosyal Ko§ullar Hakkinda Bir Ara§tirma Izmir 1921, translated by Aykan Candemir, Izmir Buyiikfehir Belediyesi Kiiltur Yayim, Izmir, 2000.

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four times a week, twice for members, one evening for Greek soldiers, and one evening for the YWCA members only. The membership of the YWCA at present is 950, and that of the YMCA is 700. The average daily attendance at the Y.W. is about 150, and that of the Y.M. 275. Recently the YWCA has opened up a now branch in the factory and railroad section of the town. The activity there is particularly recreational. The average attendance there is also 150. During the summer of 1920 a boys' camp was run five months by the YMCA at Devilikuey [Develikoy], where about 200 boys had a summer of outdoor lessons, agriculture, and recreation. The latter included swimming, military drill and games of various sorts. To give the city of Smyrna adequate recreation and to prevent the large amount of illness which always prevails during the summer, camps for boys, for girls, and others for mothers with young children should be established. Of course these must be carefully run by people who are trained for such work. The question to why this report is in the Papers of Admiral Mark Bristol is answered by the accompanying letter of the report. In this letter dated March 18, 1924 Ruth F. Woodsmall, Secretary in Charge of YWCA states that she was sending the report upon the request of Admiral Bristol and that she would appreciate his criticism. The letter of Admiral Bristol which is also published in this article is his comments on the report itself.

DOCUMENT I ADMIRAL MARK BRISTOL'S LETTER TO THE SECRETARY OF YWCA March 20, 1924 Miss Ruth F. Woodsmall, Secretary in Charge of Y.W.C.A. Constantinople. Dear Miss Woodsmall: I have received your note of the 18th instant enclosing a copy of your report. In the first place I want to congratulate you upon this report. I have read it from beginning to end with the greatest interest and I am very glad to have a copy of it for our files. If you have no objections I am going to forward a copy of it to the Department.

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I really have no criticisms to make because it is so good but, at the same time, I would like to make some comments that I hope may be of some assistance to you. On page 4, paragraph 3, "Economic Situation", you lay a good deal of stress upon the loss of about two million "economic producers" in Anatolia. What you set forth is rather a popular way of stating the question, yet I do not think, if you will stop to consider, that these Christian races represent about 90% of the commerce and wealth producers of the country. There is no doubt that the Christian minorities were in general the financiers, merchants and artisans, but, at the same time, a careful study of the subject will convince you that they were the leeches of the country, taking everything possible out of the country and giving very little in return — in the same class of the Levantines doing business in Turkey. Just as a little piece of inside information, in addition to the above, you will remember as you look back now that it is a well established fact that business in this part of the world was done almost entirely through the method of baksheesh, that is, bribery and corruption. If the Levantines and the Christians were the business men they must have been the ones who practiced baksheesh. Still, there is no doubt that the Turks were not business men but were the soldiers and civil functionaries of the Government, and thus were the ones who accepted the baksheesh. Still further, the disappearance of the Christian races cannot mean a very large decrease in productivity and exports, because, if they were the business men and artisans they were not the producers of dried fruit, tobacco, mohair, wool, cotton, grain, etc. You will be interested to know that the crop of tobacco last year in the Smyrna district, after the Christian races had all disappeared, was nearly as big as they had before the war. On page 7, paragraph 8, you refer to the Tribunal of Independence. I think if you would add another sentence or paragraph stating the outcome of the trial of accused persons here in Constantinople you would give a clearer idea of that particular situation. I realize that you must have written this paragraph when influenced by the forebodings of many people when the Tribunal of Independence first assembled here. I have been much interested in your final summing up under "Future policy and future outlook". I realize that you told me this report was written for home consumption. I note in the fourth item you state, "Careful study and constant emphasis must be put upon the development of full membership among the girls of the Christian races so that a strong nucleus will be built up as a guarantee for the permanent Christian character of the organization". In the next item you refer to the work with the Turkish girls. I am sorry you do not go more into the question of how you are going to work with the Turkish

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girls. I am sure you will realize the spirit in which I point out that the maintenance of a strong permanent Christian character of the organization does not seem to be consistent with the prosecution of the Y.W.C.A. work in Turkey where the young women at the present time are practically all Moslems. The fact is that in Turkey today, out of a population of about ten millions, there are about 200,000 Christians left. As you know, I am absolutely in sympathy with and advocate in the strongest terms the maintenance of the Y.W.C.A. according to Christian principles, but if the Y.W.C.A. is going to become an organization to work in Turkey in my opinion you cannot emphasize the maintenance of a strong nucleus of Christian membership with a predominating Christian atmosphere in your organization. This is particularly the case on account of the peculiar significance which Christian influence in this country has. As you know, Christian influence in this part of the world means nothing more than a political influence. I will not go on with further comments along this line. The thing is too big a subject and I believe you know my attitude in regard to it. I only wish to stir up your thoughts on the subject, believing that you, yourself, can work out, better than I could suggest for you, what should be your future policy and future outlook as regards the work of the Y.W.C.A. in Turkey. I do not believe the policy of the Near East can be the same policy as the one for Turkey. This idea has been growing more strongly in my mind in the last week or two. Thus I regret, at this last moment, that you are now going away but it will probably be for the best for you to get away where you can think out the problem in a clear atmosphere. Again I want to thank you for this report, and with kindest regards and hoping that you will have a most successful and pleasant trip home, Very sincerely yours,

DOCUMENT II REPORT OF THE Y.W.C.A. IN THE NEAR EAST FROM MARCH 1919 TO JANUARY 1924. General Situation in the Near East. A. B. C. 1. 2.

Present Situation Contrasted with 1919. Events leading up to the Present Situation. Characteristics of the Present Situation. Political status. Financial basis.

YWCA 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

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Economic situation. Separation of Church and State. Increased freedom of women. Relation of Turkey to Russia. Turkish attitude toward foreigners. Attitude of foreigners toward the Turks.

I. The Development of the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East. A. Brief History of the Y.W.C.A. March 1919 — January 1924 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 Personal Service Work and Migration Bureau Athens. Athens Hostel. Athens Y.W.C.A. Club Work. Change in location in Beirut. Adverse Newspaper Publicity. Forecast for 1924. B. General Characteristics of Y.W.C.A. Work from March 1919 — January 1924. 1. Pioneer period of expansion. 2. Reason for decrease in centers and American staff. 3. Increase in local leaders. 4. Finance facts. Comparison of budgets of successive years. Local support: Finance outlook in Constantinople. Finance outlook in Beirut. Finance outlook in Greece. Previous finance situation in Adana, and Smyrna. 5. Affiliation of the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East with the World's Y.W.C.A. Basis of Membership. Membership courses. Distinction between Service Center membership & Full membership. 6. Plan of organization. National Organization. Local — Constantinople. Beirut Migration and Student Work. 7. Conferences. 8. Relationships & Cooperation. a. Contact with Russian Refugee Problem. b. Contact with Smyrna Refugee Problem. c. Contact with the League of Nations.

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d. Relationship to European Student Relief. e. Relationship to Lord Mayor's Fund. f. Relationship to Local Agencies. g. Relationship to Constantinople Civic League. h. Relationship to the American Board of Missions. i. Relationship to Christian Workers' Union. j. Relationship to Robert College and Constantinople College. k. Relationship to the American Hospital. 1. Relationship to the Y.M.C.A. m. Relationship to the Near East Relief. Supervision of Girls' Homes. Recreation Work. Personal Service Work. Piraeus Migration Work. n. Relationship of the Y.W.C.A. to the American Embassy and American Consulate. o. Business relationships. p. Relationship to the American Club. 9. Publicity and Cultivation. Reason for limited amount of publicity. Adverse Turkish newspaper publicity. Emphasis on personal cultivation. Cultivation of tourists. Possibilities for cultivation in Greece. 10. Registration of the Y.W.C.A, with the Turkish Government. 11. Features of the work in the Near East of special interests 12. Liabilities and Assets. 13. Future Policy and Future Outlook. Every organization in the Near East is at the present time faced with the necessity of making a careful evaluation of its results to date, its assets and liabilities in the present situation and its general forecast for the future. The Y.W.C.A. is no exception, and therefore a general report at this time is written not merely for the information and doubtful edification of the New York Headquarters, but also as a means of checking up on the organization here on the field in order to take stock of our resources. The pressure of events in the Near East in the last four years has been so insistent and the changes so marked that without a careful inventory just now we run the danger of not being able "to see the forest for the trees".

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I GENERAL SITUATION IN THE NEAR EAST A. Present Situation Contrasted with 1919: The present situation offers a startling contrast to the situation in March 1919 when Margaret White was sent out from New York with the Near East Relief party to resume the Y.W.C.A. work which begun before the war, had come to an end during the war at the death of Miss Gage. In March 1919 Constantinople was distinctly a city of the Allies. The Bosphorus was full of Allied ships. The streets were full of Allied troops and officers. The Grand' R u e 1 was gay with Allied flags, the blue and white of the Greek flag conspicuous among them. Allied Police controlled the mad rush of street traffic which was congested with Allied automobiles. Cafés and hotels carried on a flourishing business with Allied officers. The city was in fact completely dominated by the Allies, and the usual polyglot cosmopolitan population moved about in an atmosphere of relaxed sense of freedom, while Turkish life and atmosphere were quite submerged. Today the Allied uniforms are conspicuous by their absence. The Grand' Rue on special days flames with the red and while Turkish flag. Allied flags are only displayed if with a Turkish flag of equal size. A Greek flag now would be a dangerous anachronism. Even an awning painted blue and white, since a suspicious reminder of the Greek flag recently almost caused a riot only prevented by the active Turkish police. Instead of stalwart British Tommies, trim-looking Turkish police guide the traffic by their red and white batons which remind one of a miniature barber pole or a stick of candy. Numerous cabarets that waxed fat before now have waned and closed their doors. Luxurious limousines with Turkish officials and many with well dressed Turkish women, mostly with veils thrown back, weave through the traffic of the Grand' Rue. Turkish signs have replaced the Greek and French signs of shops, and one looks in vain for old landmarks. The Galata Bridge is still crowded but now with more East than West. The number of fezzes has increased and thus the Greeks and Armenians are inconspicuous in the crowd. The Grand' Rue, the index of Constantinople, demonstrates that Turkey for the Turks is a fait accompli.

1 "Grande Rue" is used in short form instead of Grande Rue de Pera which in Turkish is called Beyoglu, or Istiklal Caddesi RNB

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B. Events Leadine UD to the Present Situation: It is interesting to enumerate very briefly the events which have brought about this startling change between March 1919 and January 1924. The Treaty of Sevres with its excessive demands on a completely prostrate Turkey furnished the incentive for the rebel Mustapha Kemal's revolutionary beginning in the Interior. The occupation of Smyrna by the Greeks as representatives of the Entente but by no means disinterested representatives fanned the flame of Turkish nationalism. The English pro-Greek policy in Smyrna and afterwards, added fuel to the flame and the Nationalist power in the Interior was steadily strengthened. The repudiation by the Greeks of Venizelos and the recall of Constantine, which necessitated a change in English policy, followed by the persistent war of aggression of the Greeks against the Turks, gave the Nationalists a real cause and rallied new followers to their support. Then the French recognizing the new power in its ascendancy broke the Entente solidarity by concluding a secret treaty and evacuating Cilicia. The military evacuation was accompanied by the complete evacuation of the Christians from Cilicia. This French pro-Turkish policy further materially increased the Nationalists power. The disaffection of the Greek officers and steady demoralization of the Greek army made most opportune the August 1922 Turkish offensive. The Greeks retreated to Smyrna, the Turks in close pursuit with the inevitable result of the taking of Smyrna, followed four days later by the Smyrna disaster. Then Constantinople was threatened by the advance of the victorious Kemalists, but saved by the English reinforcements. The lack of Allied military support made complete opposition impossible but the immediate crisis was averted by the Moudania convention1 resulting in the long drawn out conferences at Lausanne. Finally after a winter's bargaining the Allies paid practically the full price of the Orient, scrapping the Treaty of Sevres except for the mandate of Syria and Palestine, and the opening of the Dardanelles, and sacrificing their main possession in the Near East which they had had for four centuries — the capitulations. After the Treaty of Lausanne the Allied occupation moved quickly to a close without incidents, the Allied forces formally evacuating October 2 n d and turning over Constantinople to the Turks. The victorious Turkish Army entered the city October 6, and the Turkish regime began.

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The Mudanya convention was signed on 11th October 1922. RNB.

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These in brief are the historical events which from our present vantage point seem to have followed each other in a logical sequence inevitably bringing about the complete reversal of the whole situation in the Near East. Five years ago in 1918, when the Turks signed the Treaty of Moudros 1 completely beaten and down and out, such an outcome would have seemed inconceivable. The one outstanding factor which has made this possible is the lack of solidarity among the Allies, the utterly selfish Near East policy which each of the Great Powers has followed. A second factor which some people discredit but which should not be overlooked is the inherent strength of Mustapha Kemal, his persistence and ability to capitalize the discord of the Allies into his victory.

C. Characteristics of the Present Situation: 1. Political Status. The completeness of that victory and its significance to Turkey and to all foreigners in the Near East is summed up in five words, "the abrogation of the capitulations". This means literally for the Turks a second conquest of Constantinople; for the foreigners a re-shaping of their whole policy — an absolutely right-about-face change of attack. Turkey is now master in her own house. She has now the full status of a sovereign power and therefore the undeniable right to choose the treatment she desires. Formerly as the "Sick Man of Europe" she was more than less at the mercy of her over-zealous physicians, the Great Powers, all eager to prescribe for her. Now Turkey has the power to throw the medicine in the Bosphorus if she chooses. It is no longer a question of what various people may think she needs but what she is willing to have. A full appreciation of just what the loss of the capitulations means must be the basis of all foreign effort in the Near East for the future, whether business enterprise or relief, educational or missionary undertakings. Politically Turkey occupies then a stronger position in her foreign relations than at any other time in her history. It remains to be seen whether she proves equal to this supreme opportunity, or whether her power will be undermined by internal political discord, and whether she can exert sufficient strength in constructive development to make the Republic a real instrument of power. The victory over the Allied power in the Near East is only half the problem. The real crux of the problem of Turkey's future is economic.

' Mondros in Turkish. This treaty was signed on 30th October 1918. RNB.

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2. Financial Basis. Strange as it may seem the financial basis of Turkey today is not as bad as might be supposed from a country so long at war. Through the Lausanne Conference she won not only a political victory but material gains financially because the war debt with Austria and Germany is cancelled as well as all reparation claims against Turkey. Furthermore the cost of the occupation is borne by the Allies. The loss of Empire has meant a reduction of debts. The question of the payment of pre-war debts in gold Turkey succeeded in evading this question being left for later settlement. Turkish currency, the most tattered disreputable and germ-laden in Europe, has retained more nearly its normal value than some of the other European countries. The pre-war value of the Turkish pound is $4.40; its present value about $50 or 1/9 of pre-war value. The reason for this is that there has been no new money printed since the Armistice, due to the Allies largely and to the Ottoman Public Debt Commission, a joint financial control in Turkey of her creditors, the Great Powers. This freedom from inflated currency has kept Turkish securities from being discredited. The war of the Nationalists has been carried on, without incurring foreign debts, entirely from internal revenues. The budget for 1923-1924 shows only a very small deficit. The army and navy has been reduced and taxes of all kinds increased. The 11 % tariff under the capitulations has been increased. There is a great need of foreign capital but it must be, the Turks feel, without any entangling special political privileges — hence the desire for American capital through concessions, such as Chester Concession eagerly advocated by the Turks, 1 the failure of which will mean a loss to the country and a loss in American prestige.

3. Economic Situation. Although the financial basis of Turkey seems not entirely unsound it all depends of course on the economic situation which offers doubtful guarantees for the future. The country is rich in undeveloped resources, in mines and agriculture. The success of the new Republic will depend on 1 The Chester Concession project was discussed in 1908. It was promoted by General Colby Mitchell Chester. The project's aim was to construct and manage a railroad network in Anatolia (specially Southeast Anatolia). It was foreseen that Chester will be compensated by getting concessions to prospect subterranean resources which existed within 40 kms on both sides of the railroad. During World War I the project was freezed and reactivated in 1922. At that time it obtained the agreement of Ankara but the fact that the United States did not ratify the Lausanne Peace Treaty resulted in a deterioration of Turkish-American relations and the project did not materialise. (Source Zafer Toprak, 'Demiryolu, Devlet ve Modernite', www.ata.boun.edu.tr/demiyol/demiryolzaferbey.htm)

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economic and industrial expansion and reconstructive power. The danger lies in the fact that the same militant nationalism which won an unparalleled military and diplomatic victory may mean an economic defeat. The danger lies in the excessive nationalism which fails to look ahead for the best interests of the country. Turkey has lost by the Exchange of Populations about 2,000,000 economic producers in the Anatolian refugees to Greece. The Christian minorities, tobacco raisers, rug weavers, merchants, artisans, etc., thus expelled, who represent about 90% of the commerce and wealth production of the country, constitute a commercial majority which Turkey could ill afford to lose. This has meant a big decrease in productivity and exports. The return of Turks from Greece, many of them tobacco raisers, also, may bring some adjustment in this labor problem, but cannot replace the thrift and skill of those who have been driven out. The Turks themselves, who are left in Anatolia, must develop a higher degree of working power than hitherto in order to make up for the valuable economic population which has been lost. Excessive nationalism has seemed also to fail to realize the need for encouraging foreign business in Turkey which is necessary for Turkey's economic expansion. The loss of the capitulations has naturally had the effect of discouraging foreign investment since no longer protected by special privilege. The uncertainty as to Turkey's policy toward foreign business, the high tariff and apparent tendency to restrict possibilities for foreign business are not conducive to confidence. An anti-foreign policy will mean killing the "goose that laid the golden egg". The immediate need for money in Turkey has led to the imposition of a variety of taxes and the attempt to make some of these taxes retroactive. The lack of a strong centralized government control has made the tax question particularly difficult since there is no regular standard, and so much seems to depend on the cupidity of the tax-collector. Various restrictions have been made on foreign companies, such as the requirement that business firms should employ only Turkish employees, which was modified however later to apply only to concessionary companies. Although foreign business still seems to be carrying on in spite of minor irritations, the general economic situation of the country would be certainly greatly improved by a less nationalistic and more actively encouraging attitude toward foreign enterprise. The nationalistic spirit of Turkey if not carried to an excess has some measure of strength. In giving up the idea of an Ottoman Empire, delimiting their territory and settling down within their logical racial borders, people agree that the Turks have chosen a wise course. This policy of intensive nationalization requires Angora as the capital since this will insure a strengthening of Anatolia, and it is hoped will bring it intellectual

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improvement, and any future expansion will be eastward. Constantinople though the logical financial, economic, and religious center is too subject to foreign influence for the capital of the new state, the primary aim of which is "self-determination, a homogeneous population, and freedom from foreign interference". Anatolia by the removal of the minorities is now 100% Turkish and hence the new state depends on the development of its own people.

4. Separation of Church and State. This extreme spirit of nationalism has been the cause of two important new movements in the state — the separation of Church and State, and the increased freedom of women. The abolition of the Sultanate and establishment of the khalifate under the Angora Assembly was a radical evidence that New Turkey is interested primarily in strengthening the National power and throwing off the Islamic yoke. This was a blow to the Pan-Islamic movement. The sterilization of the power of the Church means for Turkey a distinctly progressive step, the same step as that taken several centuries before by other countries in Europe. It shows a lessening of the hold of Islam; for although of course Turkey is now fully 90% Mohammedan still the leaders are not radicals. This change in the Khalifate may mean the opening of Turkey more fully to the penetration of Christian ideas and also to the breaking of the supreme power of Islam striking a blow to the Pan-Islamic movement, no longer working for religious and racial amalgamation. Of course there is a reason to this but the gain of the initial movement cannot be lost.

The change in the position of women is unquestionably the greatest gain of the New Republic. The idea of more freedom for women has been slowly gaining ground for some time, but only since the Nationalists have been in power has it received anything like official sanction. Mustapha Kemal Pasha and the other progressive leaders recognize the need for intelligent women in building a new state and realize that the continued seclusion of women militates against real progress. Halide Hanoum, the foremost woman leader in Turkey, 1 has had no small share in bringing this about and other women leaders such as Nakia Hanoum, a leading woman educator and Latife 1 Halide Hanoum is Halide Edip Adivar (1885-1964). Turkish Ordeal and Memoirs of Halide Edib are her memoirs.

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Hanoum, the wife of Kemal Pasha, are exerting their influence toward the further emancipation of Turkish women. Women through the war in the Interior shared in manual labor; now there are growing opportunities in mental pursuits. The veil passing and with it the romance of seclusion in the harem which has been incorrectly considered the synonym of polygamy. This practice of polygamy also is passing largely from economic necessity. Of course the growing freedom of women is much more evident in Constantinople than elsewhere, as for example Smyrna where women are still very conservative. It has been most interesting to watch step by step the gradual increase in the freedom of women in Constantinople; first seen in the lifting of the veil and modifications of the conventional dress then the opening of business opportunities and public positions; next greater freedom in appearing in public places — formerly no Turkish women could appear in public restaurant or hotel; and then the more active participation of Turkish women in public affairs, as for example the formation of a suffrage society; and in the social intermingling of men and women, as in a mixed club in Stamboul representative of the best Turkish society. The most interesting development showing the new freedom of women is the removal from the tram cars of the curtains partitioning off the seats for women in the front cars. The notice authorizing this was published two days ago in the Turkish newspapers and immediately the curtains removed. The day before Christmas 1923 Turkish women for the first time sat in a tram car fully exposed to the public eye. A similar notification concerning the separation of women in the boats has not yet come, but it will only be a question of time. In taking advantage of these successive gains toward fuller freedom Turkish women have moved quietly but surely. I am told that now there are practically no restrictions on what Turkish women can do, but their leaders have very wisely avoided a militant attitude, as one of them expressed it, "The most of us prefer to have more rights than we take in order to be sure of what we have." This policy of making haste slowly has made the coming of freedom to the Turkish women not a revolution but an evolution which has been greatly helped by the Nationalists.

6. Relation of Turkev to Russia. Turkey's alliance with Russia is an interesting feature of the rise of the Nationalist movement and of the present situation, an alliance which may have even more importance in the future. Proverbial enemies each country for purposes of mutual selfish interest, has used the other by making an alliance.

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A weak nationalist movement in the beginning needed the alliance of Soviet Russia as a protection from the rear and as a strong A l l y in European Conferences. Russia needed Turkey as a means of extending the Red Conquest and as an entering wedge also in European Councils. The alliance certainly has proved of advantage to Turkey in Lausanne and its power is felt in Constantinople today, as shown by the fact that recently the Turks at the request of the Soviets turned over the buildings of the former Russian Embassy in Constantinople to the Soviet, denying further recognition to the old regime. What the future of this strange combination will be is a matter for interesting speculation.

7. Turkish Attitude toward Foreigners. The present situation has tended to bring all American interests in the Near East to a very careful consideration of the attitude of Turkey toward foreigners. Although of course each organization sees the situation from its own special angle, it is safe to generalize on the main points. The Turkish attitude is characterized by an oversensitiveness to their new power and a growing jealousy of their sovereign rights. This is the primary consideration. Although many of the more progressive Turks recognize the need for foreign advisers in finance, education and government, they would sacrifice these benefits without question if there is any suspicion of foreign interference with Turkish interests or infringement on Turkish rights. This is the general attitude toward foreigners as a whole. Americans have the advantage of being more favorably regarded and are perhaps on better personal terms with the Turks and less suspected of ulterior aims, since American interests in the Near East have never been involved in political considerations as have the Great Powers.

8. Attitude of Americans toward the Turks. In this connection it is interesting to consider briefly the attitude of Americans toward the Turks. Although this classification may not be entirely inclusive, speaking broadly, there are three main points of view. First, there are those who because of their intimate knowledge of the Turk in the past cannot see any hope for the future, firmly convinced that the leopard cannot change his spots. Their consciousness is always dominated by the wrongs to the Christian races. Having lived under the regime of the capitulations they

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cannot conceive of doing business satisfactorily with the Turk a master in his own house. Second, there are those who know very little of the past and either discount all accounts of Turkish excesses or match them with wrongs committed by other races. They consider massacres as a characteristic Near East form of settlement of differences, the determining factor being not religion but merely the temporary position of power. Hence the evil of the Near East is fifty-fifty Christian and Turk. They will support the Turkish government in order to further individual interests, reserving however general suspicion for all the people of the Near East, and regarding them all with a feeling of superiority as "natives". Third, there are those who know the past whether from actual experience or an intelligent effort to study it, who admit the wrongs of the past and the weakness of the present ruling power. They are willing, however, to allow some benefit of doubt for the future, recognizing the tremendous present opportunity of Turkey. They make a fair attempt at a neutral position desiring, without dishonorable compromise of their own ideas, to encourage the new Republic as far as possible to make good. It is impossible to forecast what the future will bring forth. There are grave signs of disintegration in the Republic. The solid Angora front and the dictatorship of Mustapha Kemal Pasha appear broken. The Nationalists do not have the country with them without criticism and opposition. Particularly in Constantinople there is much dissension. The newspapers for the past few months have been outspoken in their criticism. The decrease in prestige and power of the Khalifate has become an issue and a question of growing importance. Fearing the criticism and possible alienation of many from their cause, the Nationalists have arrested four or five leading newspaper men and are trying them on the charge of treason. This trial has caused a great sensation, and the outcome will be of vital importance to the republic. If the Tribunal Judges sentence them as guilty of treason it will mean that the new Republic is only despotism under a changed name and that freedom of the press is not yet realized in Turkey. It may mean the beginning of a regime of fear which will hardly lead to constructive progress. However this may be averted and the Republic move steadily on its constructive progress. II THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE Y.W.C.A. IN THE NEAR EAST A. Brief History of the Y.W.C.A. March 1919 - January 1924 This rather superficial analysis of the historical events since 1919 and general tendencies and reactions of the present situation give us the setting in

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which the Y.W.C.A. has been working and is working. Its development just as the development of other organizations and interests has necessarily been affected by the general political changes. Hence an understanding of them is necessary in order to have the proper perspective for the Y.W.C.A. Before taking up special features and problems of the organization here in the Near East, let us first briefly review in chronological order what this period of development has meant. 1919. The first year from March 1919 to January 1920 marks the beginning of the work in its present type of organization although not the actual beginning of Y.W.C.A. work in the Near East, since two secretaries, Miss Anna Welles (Mrs. Wylie Brown) and Miss Gage, had already laid the foundations in 1913 and the work had been carried forward until Miss Gage's death in 1917. Miss White's coming in March 1919 was really the carrying out of the plan made before the war to have her complete her training and then return to the Near East. During 1919 the Service Center work in Constantinople was begun; a headquarters for the Near East was established in Constantinople and National Committee formed; and two Y.W.C.A. secretaries were assigned to the supervision of Girls' orphanages under the Near East Relief 1 at Harpoot. In November four secretaries arrived making a total of nine for the first year. One was retained for Constantinople; one sent to Sivas for work with the Near East Relief; and two sent to Smyrna to open a Service Center there. 1920. In January 1920 three new secretaries arrived, one of whom was assigned to supervise the Near East Relief orphanage and Sewing Industry in Talas, and two were sent to Adana to establish a Service Center, which after several months of preliminary work was opened. April 19. In February 20 the Constantinople Y.W.C.A. moved from the rue Yemenidji house, which was retained as a hostel, into larger quarters at Taxim Square, a move necessitated by the rapid growth of the work. The Taxim house was used as a Service Center, also headquarters for the Near East and personnel house for the American staff. Early in February two more secretaries had arrived, one being

Near East Relief was an American charity organization which initially was established in 1915 by James L. Barton and Cleveland H. Dodge, two American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions members for collecting funds to help the Armenians during the 1915 deportation. Initially it was called the American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief. It was renamed the American Committee for Relief in the Near East in 1918 and was incorporated as Near East Relief by an act of the U.S. Congress in 1919. RNB.

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sent to Marsovan 1 to supervise the Girls' Home for the Near East Relief, and the other to Smyrna for recreational and club work. The Near East staff was further increased by the temporary transfer of five secretaries assigned for Russian work who had for some time been in Constantinople waiting to go into Russia. Three of these were used in the Constantinople work and two were sent to Beirut in March 1920. The Beirut Service Center was opened May 17. In June the Y.W.C.A. work with the Near East Relief in Arabkir 2 was closed, when the secretary returned to America. The work in Harpoot 3 ended in September 1920, and the work in Caesarea 4 and Talas was discontinued in November 1920, when this secretary came to Constantinople and took up regular Y.W.C.A. Several transfers of secretaries were made in November. The Russian secretaries loaned in Beirut were withdrawn — two replacements being sent and in addition a new recreation director from Constantinople, making a completely new staff in Beirut. One transfer was made in Adana at this time, and the Constantinople staff was increased by two secretaries who had been released from work in the Interior with the Near East Relief, and also by a new business secretary who combined the work of the Service Center and headquarters, and by a secretary assigned for special work on the Constantinople Survey. 1921. In January a new secretary arrived for the position of cafeteria director in Beirut and two new secretaries for work with Russian refugees to meet the emergency needs arising from the Crimean evacuation, which had brought 135,000 Russians to Constantinople. Two new hostels were opened in Constantinople in February. The regular hostel which had been at 15 rue Yemenidji was moved to 132 Tarla-Bashi and opened February 1, and a special Russian hostel opened February 7 at 10 rue Kouloglou. Aside from the Russian hostels supervised by one of the Russian secretaries other special lines of work, such as an Employment Bureau, were carried on by the other secretary for Russian work. In February 1921 a new Service Center was opened at 10 rue Chimal as the Taxim Square house had proved too small for the combination of Service Center, Headquarters office, and Personnel house. In March the work of the Y.W.C.A with the Near East Relief in Marsovan was brought to a sudden close by the deportation of all of the American workers there. In April in 1

n 3 4

Merzifon in Turkish. RNB. Arapkir in Turkish. RNB. Harput in Turkish. RNB. Kay sen in Turkish . RNB.

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addition to the Pera Service Center in Constantinople at 10 rue Chimal, a second Service Center was opened in Stamboul. At this time there were several important changes in the staff of the Near East. Miss Carrie V.P. Young, the Executive Secretary, who had completed two years of splendid pioneer work and had laid the foundations for strong permanent work, returned to America. In October the Y.W.C.A. secretary was withdrawn from the Near East Relief Girls' Home in Sivas. This brought to a close this piece of cooperation with the Near East Relief which had been carried on in various places in the Interior for about two years since the arrival of the first unit of Y.W.C.A. secretaries. It was necessary to conclude this joint work with the Near East Relief in order to concentrate the Y.W.C.A. staff on the regular Y.W.C.A. work which was developing rapidly and which was in need of additional staff. The Beirut staff was decreased during the summer from four secretaries to two, one returning to America and one being transferred to Constantinople. In September 1921 a secretary arrived to undertake the new department of Migration work in Constantinople. About the same time the combined position of business secretary for Headquarters and the Constantinople Centers was divided as it became necessary to have a full time secretary for each of these positions. In October the Russian hostel at rue Kouloglou was combined with the Tarla-Bashi and Miss Ogden one of the Russian secretaries left Constantinople to enter Russia with Miss Dunham under the American Relief Administration. In November when the French concluded a secret treaty with Angora, and began to evacuate, November 20, immediately the wholesale evacuation of the Christians from Cilicia began, and the Adana Y.W.C.A. Center was reduced from about 500 members to about 10 within two weeks' time. 1922 The final evacuation of the French from Cilicia was completed January 4 and the Turkish regime was begun. The Adana center in spite of the almost total loss of membership was continued for reasons of policy and also to make the experiment of a center in a purely Turkish community. The number steadily grew and the center proved a success, but from lack of funds it was necessary to close in June. Several Constantinople secretaries returned to America in the spring of 1922 including the secretary for Russian work and the educational secretary neither of whom were replaced. The staff was further decreased in the autumn by the return to America of the Club secretary and no replacement was sent. In September a new physical director for Constantinople arrived and also two new secretaries to undertake new lines of

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work — a student secretary for Constantinople College to combine the position of Y.W.C.A. College secretary and a Physical Director for a special recreation program in the Near East Relief orphanages which was unfortunately discontinued in November as the orphanages were moved to Greece because of unsettled conditions. September 9, 1922 the Smyrna fire completely destroyed the splendid Service Center in Smyrna. The local staff with one of the American secretaries went on a refugee ship to Greece, the other American secretary came to Constantinople for a short time. Following the Smyrna disaster the Y.W.C.A through a special Smyrna Relief Fund received from New York was able to cooperate with other relief and welfare agencies in meeting the tremendous refugee situation. Half of this fund of $10,000 was pooled with the general relief fund and used on the Greek islands, with one of the Smyrna Y.W.C.A. secretaries for about two months assigned for this island work in helping to administer relief and distribute and settle the refugees. The other half of the fund was used on special personal relief cases in Piraeus and Athens and on Migration work in Athens. One American secretary, who came to Athens with the first refugees, was engaged from the beginning in personal relief and later supervised a special Personal Service Bureau in cooperation first with the Y.M.C.A. Later this work was linked with the Near East Relief regular Personal Service program as part of a chain of Personal Service Bureaus through Greece. 1923. Personal Service Work and Migration Bureau, Athens. The Personal Service Work in Greece in cooperation with the Near East Relief was discontinued in February, since Near East Relief personnel were by that time available for it. In January another piece of cooperation between the Y.W.C.A. and the Near East Relief, namely joint financial support of a Migration Service Bureau in Athens, was undertaken on a six months' basis. The Y.W.C.A. Migration secretary transferred from France began this work in February. It was continued till July as a joint proposition with the Near East Relief and then the Near East Relief withdrew. The work was carried by the Y.W.C.A. alone on part of the Smyrna Refugee Relief Fund allocated to this purpose. November and December 1923 additional funds were allocated to the Athens Migration Bureau from the Constantinople Migration Bureau in order that Athens might not be closed. The decision has now been reached to make the Athens Migration work permanent as a part of a regular Near East Migration budget.

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Athens Hostel. Another line of work was developed in Athens as a result of Smyrna — namely the Refugee hostel financed by funds from a local campaign in Smyrna shortly befor the fire and other relief funds given in Athens. This hostel will continue as long as the funds last probably the summer of 1924. Athens Y.W.C.A. Club Work. An independent piece of Y.W.C.A. work, also the result of Smyrna, is the club work of Theodora Isaakidou which has been organized entirely on her initiative without the direct supervision of the Y.W.C.A. secretaries or the Near East Executive, since they were not free to undertake anything but pure emergency work in Athens and this club was regarded as possibly leading toward permanent Y.W.C.A. work in Greece. Miss Isaakidou has of course had the benefit of their sympathetic interest and advice, and her work has been made possible by the Migration Bureau's lending her for half time work for the club but continuing however her full time salary. Constantinople in 1923 has fortunately had no staff changes, the first year without any changes, a blessing in view of the critical situation of the past year. The Student Work at Constantinople College has steadily progressed. The Migration work has been made permanent or at least will be continued for another year. During the year the Near East staff has been brought into contact with the Y.W.C.A of Palestine and Egypt; first through the Ramallah Conference April 1923 attended by a Headquarters secretary, a Beirut secretary and Beirut committee members; and through the six weeks visit in Constantinople of Miss King. Change in location in Beirut. The Beirut Y.W.C.A. has changed its location, moving in October from the Jessie Taylor Memorial School and opening a new Service Center in the heart of the Beirut business district. The reason for the move was the fact that the other location since in the Moslem quarter made development difficult, and secondly this splendid down-town location offers far more opportunities for contact with girls. Adverse Newspaper Publicity. 1923 has been characterized in Constantinople by some adverse newspaper publicity and difficulties in connection with the work and also by the question of registration of the organization with the Turkish government.

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All of this is discussed elsewhere in this report in some detail. The involved political situation and changes in status of foreigners have necessitated much time and thought on the subject of official connections and means of cultivating more Turks. Forecast for 1924. For 1924 we can forecast two or three staff changes; the successful official registration of the organization with the Turkish government we trust; a continuance of work in Constantinople and Beirut on the present lines, with an increase especially in Constantinople in general community service through the leaders of recreation trained at the Service Center; the establishment of more personal Turkish contacts; the admission of our program of recreation leaders into some of the Turkish schools; less suspicion of our work from the Turks; and more confidence in us and recognition of the value of the Y.W.C.A. to Turkish girls. There can be little expansion of the program since there is no increase in budget, but there should be a deepening of our work and an intensifying its meaning. The year we hope will bring the appointment of an advisory secretary for the Y.W.C.A. in Greece to guide it through the important stages and lay a solid foundation for a permanent Y.W.C.A. movement in Greece. Through all the Near East we look for greater interest among committee members and an increasing number of active members of the Y.W.C.A. who accept membership with the full knowledge of all the responsibilities as well as privileges that it implies. B. General Characteristics of Y.W.C.A. Work from March 1919 January 1924 This chronological review of almost five years shows a number of interesting facts. 1. Pioneer Period of Expansion. The outstanding fact is that the first two years were a period of pioneering and expansion, later followed by a concentration at the main centers and reduction of work due to reduction of budget. In the spring of 1920 the Y.W.C.A. was more widely represented than at any other time having secretaries at the following points: Harpoot, Arabkir, Sivas, Talas, Marsovan, Constantinople, Smyrna, Adana, and Beirut. The largest number of secretaries in the field at any one time was in the winter of 1921 when there were twentyone.

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The present scope of the work includes various lines of work in Constantinople and Beirut, with work in Greece started as a result of the Smyrna disaster and the migration work to continue as a permanent bureau. The present number of American secretaries is twelve divided as follows two in Beirut, two in Athens, and eight in Constantinople. 2. Reasons for later decrease in centers and American staff. The decrease in centers and secretaries has taken place for three different reasons: first as a modification of policy, second as a result of political events, third as a result of decreased budget. The withdrawal of secretaries from the Near East Relief Centers in the Interior was due to the fact that the Y.W.C.A. program had developed along its own special lines and it was deemed wise to concentrate money and secretaries on this program. Furthermore the emergency need for the supervision of Girls' Homes had passed, and the Near East Relief was able to handle this work as a part of its own program. This piece of cooperation was a splendid idea for the Y.W.C.A. as an opportunity for general service on a human problem in the Near East and as a general background for more definite Y.W.C.A. work. It would of course have proved of more permanent value as organization experience if the later deportation and evacuation of the Christian races from the Interior had not completely eliminated this problem of work in the Interior from our consideration. The closing of Adana in June 1922 was due primarily to a drastic cut in budget which made impossible carrying work in four centers. The reason however for closing Adana rather than Beirut or Smyrna was because the evacuation of the French from Cilicia January 1922, which had caused the Christian evacuation, had reduced the Adana Service Center to the vanishing point. Although as a Turkish center it had in the following five months built up quite successfully a membership of 100, still it could not be compared with the other centers. The closing of Smyrna was "force major" a real calamity, destroying in a few hours of consuming flames our hopes of a fine permanent selfsupporting center. Connected with this same political cause was of course our beginning of work in Greece, forced upon us by the Smyrna disaster as a responsibility for the refugees from Smyrna and as an obligation of the organization, because of its presence in the Near East, to render its special contribution in such a crisis even though Greece had never been technically regarded as part of this field. The decrease in staff in the Near East has been due naturally to reduction of work and need for economy but also to policy. The decrease in Beirut from four to two in the summer of 1921 was due to the fact that work

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had not developed along sufficient lines to warrant four secretaries. More concentrated work of two secretaries, it was felt, was wiser as it would offer more scope for local leadership. The decrease in Constantinople from the winter of 1921, when there were the greatest number, namely, eleven secretaries, to the present time when there are eight, has been due to reduction of work. Two Russian secretaries were only needed for the Russian emergency. And to the decrease in budget combined with the possibility of replacing American secretaries with local secretaries is due the decrease of the club and educational secretaries. The Survey secretary on the staff in the winter of 1921 was of course only a short time position. The staff in Constantinople has been increased by the two new departments of work, — the Migration secretary added in September 1921, and the Student secretary at Constantinople College in September 1922. For a short time in the autumn of 1922 there was also a Y.W.C.A. Physical Director assigned for Near East Relief orphanage supervision, a position offering great promise of developing a wider community program of physical education. This however by the turn of political events in September 1922, causing the transfer of the orphans, was soon rendered unnecessary. 3. Increase in local leaders. The decrease in the number of American secretaries has been due, as already mentioned, to a steady increase in local staff — each center having as one of the main objectives the training of local leaders and giving them a real job. A summary of results shows that to a certain degree this is being slowly accomplished. In Constantinople there are at the present time the following full time local assistants in various lines of the work. Constantinople

Pera Service Center — 1 Armenian, 2 Greeks, 1 Russian Stamboul Service Center — 2 Turks Hostel — 1 Russian Migration Bureau — 2 Greeks (A Turkish girl will be added) Headquarters — Greek (secretarial & book-keeping) Beirut — 1 Syrian Greece Hostel — 1 Greek (Directrice) Migration — 1 Armenian, 1 Greek, 1 Levantine — English

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The Adana staff before it was closed had two very good local assistants. The Smyrna staff had perhaps in a short time gone further than any other center. At the time of the fire there were two Greek assistants, one Armenian, and one Turkish. One of the Greek assistants, Miss Isaakidou, had charge of a flourishing factory center with entire responsibility for program and management. The result of her Smyrna experience is seen today in the splendid Y.W.C.A. Club in the Old Palace in Athens, organized and directed by her with remarkable initiative and effectiveness. The other local assistants from Smyrna have reflected great credit on the organization. The Turkish girl, who remained in Smyrna, is a loyal supporter of the Y.W.C.A. The Armenian assistant in the business courses occupies a position of trust in the American Express Company in Athens; and the Greek assistant, who was trained as a recreation and girls' club worker, now supervises the recreation and health of 2,500 children in the Near East orphanage in Syria. These girls from Smyrna, who immediately after the Smyrna disaster went to Athens, were singled out by various American relief workers as most efficient and valuable assistants. The way they met their own emergency and helped through the refugee crisis was a real tribute to the influence and training of the American secretaries in Smyrna. In Greece it is possible for local leaders to assume full positions of responsibility far more quickly than in the rest of the Near East since Greece does not present a complex national problem. In Constantinople for example it is practically impossible to place full responsibility on any of our local assistants in the Service Centers — Greek, Armenian, or Turkish. Even aside from the question of training the complexity of nationalities makes it necessary for the American secretary to work with the local leaders. Although we hope that the leaders of the country may gradually come into positions of larger responsibility, and are working toward that end, we must realize that Americans cannot expect to withdraw as in other European countries if the work is to continue on its present broad international basis. 4. Finance Facts. Comparison of budgets of successive years. It is interesting to compare briefly the budgets of the different years represented in this analysis. An accompanying sheet gives in detail some finance statistics. The original budget allowed in 1919 was $125,000 of which $33,000 was spent in the Near East from July 1919 to December 1919. The budget for 1923 (and we hope also for 1924) is $35,000. This decrease illustrates very well the changed basis on which we are now working, the first being more or less the war-work basis for an emergency and pioneer experimental period, the present budget

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being the basis which in the light of that experience, we feel, is the minimum on which we can operate adequately. The amount for secretarial expense budgeted for 1920 was $73,375,00, the actual amount spent in 1923 was $ 22778,33 and amount budgeted for 1924 is $ 24697,50 which again we feel is a minimum allowance. Local Support. The question of local support of the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East is a very difficult one, not offering much hope for the immediate future, either in Constantinople or Beirut for different reasons. Greece is an entirely different proposition, distinctly hopeful if we can think in terms of permanent work. Finance Outlook in Constantinople. In Turkey, that is Constantinople since that is the only center remaining, the political situation has completely changed our prospects for local support. In 1920 the Constantinople Y.W.C.A. after less than a year's work raised 1350. Ltqs. In October 1921 a finance committee of different nationalities working on a well organized plan in a month's special finance effort raised 3456.30 Turkish Liras, which equals $1815.53. It was planned to carry this same plan out the following autumn with the hope of raising a much larger amount. In order to accomplish this a finance publicity committee was appointed to continue the interest roused in the special effort and cultivate the contributors by various means of finance publicity; for example publicity teas at the Service Centers when contributors were shown the building with a regular day's program in progress. This plan was carried out most successfully. In September 1922 the Smyrna disaster changed completely our finance outlook. A finance campaign in October 1922 was too wild an idea even to mention. The suspense and in many cases panic of the Greeks and Armenians made personal safety and protection of their own possessions the only consideration. The tremendous, refugee situation drained the purses of our regular American and British contributors. Furthermore even if the refugee appeal had not been so appallingly insistent, people would have hesitated to invest in a permanent type of work such as the Y.W.C.A. in view of the daily uncertainty and by no means remote possibility of evacuation of all Christian races and foreigners from Constantinople. We did not believe that this evacuation would take place, but it was daily in the air. A general finance crisis in business further more made raising money impossible. But added to all this there has been a more serious obstacle against securing funds locally; namely the attitude of the Turkish government, which beginning last winter, January 1923, has been that no funds can be secured for any public or private

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enterprise without the consent of the government. This consent cannot be secured except for organizations officially recognized by the government. This government regulation constituted an insurmountable obstacle since the Y.W.C.A. is not officially registered, and this organization for reasons explained elsewhere in this report cannot be pushed at this time. This regulation has made impossible not only a finance campaign but also the usual other means of raising money; such as by entertainments, pageants, etc. Whereas in 1921 the Constantinople Pageant had raised 800.00 Turkish Liras, in 1923 no receipts from this source were possible. A gymnasium exhibition was given and contributions in lieu of entrance tickets were received, but of course as this could not be advertised and could not be given a large scale since the Y.W.C.A. was desirous of keeping out of this lime-light, only a very small amount was raised. In May 1923 a quiet effort to raise money from the English and American community was carried out with a result of 2128 Ltqs, $880. However no local people could be used in this finance effort, nor could funds be solicited from local contributors. The bazaar, which was recently held at the Pera Service Center, December 8, 1923, brought in about 400.00 Turkish Liras to be used for the definite purpose of Christmas parties for orphan children and camp scholarships for next summer. This was put on a basis of an entertainment given by the members, and the various clubs, to raise money for their own activities, as the bazaar was planned by the Club Council and the money will be administered by them. The Y.M.C.A. is under the same restrictions as the Y.W.C.A., but last spring they had virtually a finance campaign on the basis of securing sustaining memberships. The Y.W.C.A. questioned this method as a matter of policy and principle. This is of course however a possible solution of the situation. But until the organization is registered officially it is difficult to raise funds locally. Even if the organization were officially registered it is doubtful whether permission would be given for raising funds for work which is not entirely Turkish since the government policy is to restrict the financial appeals definitely to work for Turks. An example of this policy was shown in the fact that the government forced the Civic League to limit its home for Delinquent Girls entirely for Turkish girls, although this meant putting out several other nationalities. This policy is in line with the excessive nationalism of the moment. Every effort will be made to overcome this difficult situation of raising funds locally, but the coming year will probably not offer a hopeful financial prospect, and hence permanence of the work in the Near East is conditioned on support from America.

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Financial Outlook in Beirut. Tn Beirut the question of financial support is not a matter of political hindrance but of a very conservative attitude of the Syrian people which makes raising money exceedingly difficult. A very small beginning was made last spring when about $64.00 was raised. This is scarcely worth mentioning, but when one considers that Beirut University after forty or more years still can count on almost no support from its alumni, it does not seem strange that the Y.W.C.A. after four years was able to do so little. Some solution of this problem must be found and the community educated to give some support to an institution recognized to be of general service. Doubtless one reason for the difficulty in raising funds locally is the fact that the missionary effort has been supported entirely from America and this has established a precedent in the minds of the people. The people of Syria have no idea of community giving. Previous Finance Situation in Adana and Smyrna. The situation in Adana and Smyrna, before these two centers were closed, furnished a stimulating contrast to Beirut. The outlook in Adana before the Christian evacuation was very promising. Undoubtedly a very large proportion of the funds necessary for running expenses would have been raised in the next year as some of the wealthy Greeks had become much interested, primarily through the excellent work at one of the cotton factories. In Smyrna the summer preceding the disaster a very successful campaign had been carried on very largely through the efforts of Miss Nancy McFarland and 3581.60 Turk Liras + $1,000 had been raised. Of this 2.000 Turk Liras were from the Greek High Commission, $1000.00 from a wealthy Scotch exporter and the remainder 1581.60 Lira the contributions from a great number of business men, small shop owners and various other people in the community who knew and valued the Y.W.C.A. This splendid result in the Smyrna finance campaign has made possible the much needed Refugee Hostel in Athens. Finance Outlook in Greece. In Greece the financial outlook is most stimulating. The Y.W.C.A. Club, organized by Miss Isaakidou, has had no outside funds, but has carried on quite successfully through the help of various interested people. The expense has of course been very small, practically covered by class receipts with almost no running expenses, since the revolutionary committee of the government has allowed the club the use of the Palace staircase and landing, and volunteer teachers have been secured for all classes. The Executive Committee working with Miss Isaakidou fell assured that they can secure all the necessary funds for running expenses, but they are urgently requesting an American advisory secretary as their primary

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need. Athens offers just now a most unusual opportunity not merely because of the need which existed before the influx of refugees and has been greatly intensified by the refugee problem, but because in Athens we have just now as a result of the work in Smyrna practically the consummation of what we try to produce else-where often with long deferred success; namely, a local leader full of initiative, enthusiasm, and devotion, a live developing club with a large membership of girls, an interested supporting committee of representative women, and an excellent outlook for local support. All that is lacking is the experienced American secretary to capitalize all these assets into a permanent organization on sound foundations. The future of the work in Greece undoubtedly depends on this final factor. 5. Affiliation of the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East with the World's Committee. Up until June 1922 the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East had not been definitely organized as a permanent national Y.W.C.A. (national in the usual sense is a misnomer since this field is anything but national) but merely as demonstration Service Centers or foyers with only one general type of membership. However, during the fall and winter of 1921 to 1922 the Near East Committee and the various Service Center Committees had been working on the general problem of a permanent organization; studying the idea of a Christian membership basis as distinct from the general Service Center membership; and drawing up a Constitution. Before the St. Wolfgang Conference a constitution and basis had already been sent to the World's Y.W.C.A. Committee for preliminary suggestions. At the St. Wolfgang Conference in June this constitution and basis were formally presented and accepted, and the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East was affiliated as a corresponding member with the World's Y.W.C.A. Basis of Membership. The fundamental consideration in the choice of a basis was that it should have really vital significance for the members and be a personal declaration of Christian belief and principle of living rather than an involved theological statement of creed. Therefore the basis of the World's Y.W.C.A. was not considered suitable as the basis which members should be asked to accept for active membership in the organization. However the subcommittee of the World's Committee felt that the personal basis submitted by the Near East Committee did not embody the idea of the basis for the whole movement but urged that the World's Y.W.C.A. basis and statement of principle should therefore also be incorporated in the constitution. This suggestion was accepted and the World's basis was however inserted in the

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Near East constitution as the general basis of the movement; but this did not change the personal basis which had been chosen as the basis which each member accepts and signs for active membership. The personal basis chosen was the result largely of a special discussion group of girls in the Constantinople Service Center who met for some months under the leadership of Mrs. Wylie Brown, the Chairman of the Membership Committee of the Constantinople Center and also Chairman of the Constitution and Basis Committee of the Near East Board. Membership Courses. Because the results of this discussion group were so satisfying in developing an understanding of Y.W.C.A. principles and membership responsibility, the plan has been adopted of carrying out the idea of discussion groups in preparation for active membership. The course is entirely voluntary, including a series of discussions on Y.W.C.A. aims and basis of full membership and the World Y.W.C.A. organization. Then at the close of these simple courses girls are given the opportunity to join the Y.W.C.A. as regular or full members, and a recognition service is held for the new members. Of course membership is not conditioned on these courses and full members, who already know the Y.W.C.A. are admitted without any preliminaries, as for example the Committee women and various American or English women. But for the girls in the Service Centers, the membership courses have proved a splendid idea as they make full membership signify more than merely signing a card, not merely meaning privileges but definite responsibility. In 1922-1923 two course were held in Constantinople — one in the autumn with three divisions two in English and one in French and another course in the spring with one division. 75 girls finished the course and became full members. In addition about 48 have joined the Y.W.C.A. as full members. Another group has been organized this winter. Girls are invited but not urged to join these groups. It is thought best for the full membership to grow slowly in order that there may be a strong nucleus of full members who really know what joining the organization means. Of course if urged the majority of the girls of the Christian races, represented in the Service Centers, would join without hesitation, but such a large membership would not be a real strength. A slow steady development seems by far the best plan. Practically all of the full members among the girls belong to the Service Center, joining this in the beginning for the privileges it offers, in classes, clubs, etc. No additional fee to the Service Center membership is charged for full or regular membership.

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Those who do not belong to the Service Center but desire to be full members pay the fee of 1.50 Turkish Lira (about $1.00) a year. Distinction between Service Center and Full Membership. Between the two types of membership, Service Center and full or regular membership, a clear distinction is drawn. The terms Service Center and regular or full membership are used rather than associate and Active, as these terms would not be so well understood. The Service Center membership takes in any girls over eighteen years who subscribe to the simple statement, " B y love serve one another". All girls have equal privileges in the Service Centers regardless of race, religion, or creed. Turkish girls belonging to the Service Centers are not in any way implicated in Christian membership. To make the very definite distinction between the Service Center as a thing in itself, and Christian membership in the organization as something quite distinct means fairness to the Turkish members and at the same time to the organization. The Service Center is regarded as a demonstration of the Y.W.C.A. or an outlet of service. At this particular time and since this is a Moslem country it is very necessary to think clearly and make very definite clean-cut distinctions in these types of membership. These general membership distinctions laid down by the Near East constitution, and the personal basis of membership apply for the local centers and are incorporated in their special constitutions which may of course differ in the general details of organization. 6. Plan of Organization. National organization. The general plan for organization provided for in the constitution is a Near East Board of Directors for the whole field, with representatives from the different local centers and some members chosen at large. When the constitution was drawn up, there were four local Centers — Constantinople, Smyrna, Adana, and Beirut. Soon after the affiliation with the World's Y.W.C.A., Adana was closed and within two months Smyrna was destroyed leaving only Constantinople and Beirut to make up the Near East Field. Due to the political conditions in Turkey during the past year it has not seemed wise to effect the organization of the complete Near East Board. The Executive Committee in Constantinople, which was during the first two years the promoting committee for the Near East and since St. Wolfgang has been the nucleus of the Near East Board ratified by the World's Committee, continues to function as the general advisory committee for the Near East. As soon as it is possible to hold an Annual Meeting the Board will be completed. In the

meantime the interests of Syria have not suffered, although not

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represented by actual members on the Board of Directors, as the Executive Secretary forms the link between the Near East Committee in Constantinople and the Board for Syria in Beirut. Properly speaking Greece has not come into the consideration as a permanent part of the field since the work there is still a temporary emergency. Local Organization. Each local center has its local Board of Directors which has the general supervision of all local work; for example in Constantinople two Service Centers and a Hostel. Each Service Center, Pera and Stamboul, and the Hostel have their committees, which meet every month having the detailed supervision of the local work. The local Board of Directors meets only every two months, its main function being to control the general policy of the local organization. The Beirut local organization differs from the local work in Constantinople since it represents more than merely one local center. The Beirut Service Center is the Central Branch for Syria, uniting the seven small Y.W.C.A. organizations which have existed in Syria since 1911. There is a general Board of Directors for Syria, with the Service Center as the Headquarters and the General secretary of the Beirut Service Center as secretary for all the work in Syria. This constitutes really a field type of organization under the Near East Headquarters. Migration and Student Work. Two lines of work in Constantinople independent of the local centers and directly dependent on the Near East Headquarters and independent of the local administration are the Migration Bureau and the Student Work at Constantinople College. The idea in starting both of these new lines of work in connection with Headquarters was that they represented not merely Constantinople but work in these lines for the whole field. Although at present localized in work, their outlook is broader than merely the local work. Hence it seems wise to keep them related to Headquarters. The Migration Work has a special committee, the chairman of which is a member of the Near East Executive Committee. The Student Work does not have a separate committee but a member of the Near East Committee on the Faculty of the College stands in an advisory relationship to the Student secretary. The Student Work is under the joint supervision of the College and the Near East Executive Secretary.

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Another special piece of work in Constantinople for a time under the Near East Headquarters was the special recreation work in the Near East Relief orphanages, transferred after a short time to Greece, the secretary being released from the Y.W.C.A. to the Near East Relief. All of the Near East Headquarters secretaries report of course to the Near East Committee, which meets usually once a month. 7. Conferences. Unfortunately it has not been possible to plan a special Near East Conference for this field. The general uncertain conditions have made such a conference unwise, although its value is fully realized. The Near East however has had the advantage of being represented at several Conferences in the last four years. Two secretaries from Constantinople attended the Champary Conference in May 1920. One American secretary from Headquarters, one local secretary from Constantinople, and two Committee members of the Near East Board attended the St. Wolfgang Conference in June 1922. Two American secretaries, one from Headquarters one from Beirut and two Committee members from Beirut, were visitors at the Ramallah Conference of Egypt and Palestine April 1923. The American Student secretary with a Turkish student, representing Constantinople College, attended the European Student Conference at Parad, Austria, June 1923; and two American secretaries, one from Constantinople and one from Beirut, attended the Girls' Work Conference at Sonntagsberg, Austria, July 1923. From all of these conferences the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East through its delegates has received very distinct benefits in actual practical ideas for the development of the work, but even more in the inspiration which has come from the deepening consciousness of world fellowship. When conditions are more favorable it is hoped that the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East may have a Conference bringing into closer relationship the different parts of the field. 8. Relationships and Cooperation. Constantinople as the pivotal point of importance in the Near East is naturally the Headquarters of all American Interests in the Near East and, because of its international character, also the center of various foreign agencies. Therefore the question of relationships is of more than ordinary significance. The Y.W.C.A. has had direct and active contact with the following agencies: American Agencies: - American Red Cross, American Relief Administration, Near East Relief, Y.M.C.A., American Board of

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Foreign Missions, American Hospital, Robert College, Constantinople College, Mennonite Relief, Christian Science Relief, American Woman's Hospital, Jewish Distribution Committee, American Chamber of Commerce and American Business Interests, such as the Standard Oil Company and American Express Company, American Embassy and American Consulate.

International and Foreign Agencies and Agencies of the Country: - the League of Nations, International Red Cross (at first separate but later with the League of Nations office) the Lord Mayor's Fund, European Student Relief, Russian Red Cross, Russian Zemstvos, Russian White Cross and other Russian Relief Agencies, Greek Red Cross and Greek Patriarchate, Armenian Red Cross and Armenian Patriarchate, Turkish Red Crescent and the Civic League, (a joint local committee international in type). The variety of these organizations with which the Y.W.C.A. has had contact illustrates the complexity of Constantinople and the need for breadth in the organization to meet the various demands upon it, since it must function in vital relationship to all the other agencies in the city. a. Contact with Russian Refugee Problem. The Y.W.C.A. has had a special interest in the Russian problem through the Russian department and special fund of $10,000 allocated from the Russian budget for Russian work in Constantinople. In addition to this fund individual secretaries received special funds sent for individual cases of Russian relief. In this special Russian work the Y.W.C.A. has been connected with the following organizations — American Red Cross, Mennonite Relief, Christian Science Relief, American Relief Administration, Y.M.C.A., Russian Department, private individuals operating special relief funds and the various Russian Relief Agencies. To coordinate all of the American relief effort for Russians a joint committee, called the Disaster Relief Committee, was formed in November 1920 just after the Wrangel evacuation of Crimea. The Y.W.C.A. was represented on this committee. All of the organizations represented administered independently their own funds but were guided in their administration by the information on individual cases gained through the meetings of the committee, held at first every day and later once a week at the American Embassy. Thus duplication and exploitation of American relief agencies was avoided. The Y.W.C.A. practically had no part in actual relief funds but through the Russian hostel supplemented the relief agencies on housing special emergency cases, and furthermore contributed to the general handling of the problem by being in a position to do special investigation as the only organization specifically for women.

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b. Contact with Smyrna Refugee Problem. Immediately after the Smyrna debacle, the Disaster Relief Committee, which had functioned effectively on Russian relief, was reorganized to meet this new relief crisis by Admiral Bristol as Chairman of the American Red Cross Local Chapter and High Commissioner. The organizations represented were American Red Cross, Near East Relief, Y.M.C.A., Y.W.C.A., Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, and American Woman's Hospital with Admiral Bristol as Chairman. To meet the crisis, a large proportion of relief funds were pooled and the problem was handled as a whole each organization reserving the freedom to use part of their funds for any special responsibility which came logically under its special program; for example the American Woman's Hospital and Red Cross specialized on medical supplies, the Jewish Committee on the relief of Jews remaining in Smyrna, and the Y.W.C.A. on the special problem of protection of girl refugees in Greece. The largest funds were of course pooled by the Near East Relief and American Red Cross. The Y.W.C.A. allocated half of its Smyrna Refugee fund of $10,000 received from New York to this joint disaster fund. The Navy and State Department through official authority and through use of ships in solving the transportation problem made possible a most effective expenditure of a large emergency relief fund. The active connection with this Disaster Relief Committee, which handled the Smyrna situation in a remarkably efficient way, has made it possible for the Y.W.C.A. to be in closest touch with the whole situation in Constantinople. This has been distinctly valuable for the development of the regular program, since the refugee problem has been an index of the political situation, and an understanding of the changing political situation is vital to further the best interests of the organization. c. Contact with the League of Nations. Through the Russian situation the Y.W.C.A. has had close relationship with the League of Nations office. We have helped in special investigations on problems relating to women; for example, an investigation on Russian women employed in restaurants and another investigation on special training courses for Russian women preliminary to evacuation. The Y.W.C.A. several times met for special discussion of the Russian problem with the General International Committee under the League of Nations, made up of special representatives from the Allies and Americans and Russians.

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The Migration Bureau has had very close contact with the League of Nations in connection with the evacuation of Russians from Constantinople, referring special cases to the League for help in visas and for the transportation allotment granted by the League to certain categories of refugees. The Y.W.C.A. Service Center has had a connection with the League of Nations in its Summer Camp, where a special group of children from the League of Nations Home were given a two weeks holiday. The purpose of this home is to take care of children of the Christian races taken by the Turks during the war and released after the armistice. d. Relationship to the European Student Relief. The Y.W.C.A. has had for two years a part in the distribution of funds for Student Relief allocated to this field by the European Student Relief. The first two years these funds were allowed, the Y.W.C.A. was unfortunately not notified nor given a share of these funds. However after that time a joint committee was formed with a Y.M.C.A. secretary as chairman. The two colleges and the Y.W.C.A. were represented. The student relief funds for this area were divided for distribution among these various agencies. The Y.W.C.A. allotment was divided among students of the country, Greek, Turkish, Armenian, and Russian students. The Student Y.W.C.A. secretary at the College handled all the student relief given there. All cases were carefully examined. The total amount distributed by the Y.W.C.A. on Student Relief is 1120.00 Turkish Liras. e. Relationship to Lord Mayor's Fund. The Y.W.C.A. relationship to this English Committee and the various other foreign agencies has been in connection with special relief problems and largely through the Migration Service. It may be added that the Allies, French, British, and Italian, have been far less represented by relief agencies in the Near East than America. Figures are not available, but the funds invested by American agencies and private funds would far exceed the sum total of the relief of all other countries. There has been much more contact of American agencies with English than with French or Italians. The Y.W.C.A. relationship with the two latter is nil, and the same is, generally speaking, true of other American agencies. This is doubtless due to one of two reasons or both: first the fact that French activities in the Near East have always been largely dominated by political propaganda, and there is naturally competition in this line between the English and French; second the French influence is

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essentially Catholic, the American influence, Protestant. Natural points of contact therefore do not exist other than official, social, or diplomatic relationships. f. Relationship to Local Agencies. The Y.W.C.A. has been in continual connection with the different national agencies working on their special problems — the Greek and Armenian Red Cross Societies, Greek and Armenian Patriarchates, the Armenian Refugee Camp Committee, the Turkish Red Crescent and Turkish Orphanage Societies. By contact with all of these agencies the organization has maintained a neutral position acting merely as a channel of help connecting the needy case with the proper agencies. The connection with the Church heads is quite characteristic of the country since the Church head is the political and governing head of the national community and not merely the religious head. Therefore the Greek and Armenian Patriarchs are referred to in a variety of appeals. The Migration Bureau has occasion frequently to take up questions with these two Patriarchates. The relationship with the Turkish Red Crescent is of course important as a matter of policy. These various local agencies have been almost a negligible factor in view of the tremendous relief situation in Constantinople the past five years. Judged on the standard of social work in America, these agencies are sadly lacking in method and scope, but they must be recognized as far as possible and given encouragement. g. Relationship to Constantinople Civic League. A local organization international in character with which the Y.W.C.A. has had contact is the Civic League, the primary purpose of which is to protect girls under fifteen from prostitution. A home has been established and is being operated by the Civic League. Every attempt is made to educate the girls in this home and prepare them to lead normal lives. One of the Recreation Leaders from the Y.W.C.A. Service Centers give classes in gymnastics and recreation at this school twice a week, a very much needed contribution to the regular program. The Executive Committee of the Civic League is a very interesting composite of the nationalities of Constantinople including two American, a Greek, a Turkish, French, Italian, Dutch, Jewish, and Armenian members.

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h. Relationship to the American Board of Missions. In all of its centers in the Near East the Y.W.C.A. stands in a very friendly relationship to the missionary agencies. All of the Y.W.C.A. local boards and Near East Board of Directors have members from the Mission. The Y.W.C.A. Service Centers in Smyrna, Adana, and Beirut, and the emergency work in Athens were started at the request of missionaries and have had their continued interest and support. The rapid development of the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East has been in large measure due to the long period of preparation by the missionaries. However there have been no direct pieces of cooperation carried on with the Mission, and although in close connection, the Y.W.C.A. acts quite independently. As a distinct matter of policy it is wiser for the Y.W.C.A. to function as an absolutely independent organization on its own feet. The American Bible House, which stands in close connection to the Y.W.C.A. is the Headquarters of the Mission. i. Connection with Christian Workers' Union. Together with the other educational and missionary agencies the Y.W.C.A. has had an active part in the Christian Workers' Union, an organization which meets four times a year and the purpose of which is to give unity to all the various lines of Christian work. In 1921 this organization undertook the making of a Survey of Constantinople. Different organizations contributed financially to this plan. The Y.W.C.A. had a full time secretary appointed to work on the Survey staff and made an additional financial contribution. Due to inadequate funds for staff and running expenses greatly, it was necessary to modify the original plan and carry out the Survey on a much more limited scale. As a scientific survey the result fell below what was anticipated. However the combined effort was important and valuable as indicating in a general way the main channels of information which social workers in Constantinople should follow as a basis for intelligent and efficient work. j. Relationship to Robert College and Constantinople College. With the two colleges — Robert College and Constantinople College the Y.W.C.A. has very frequent points of contact. One of the definite objectives of the past three years has been the development of a close relationship with the Woman's College, thus establishing a closer connection between it and the local centers, as the college furnishes the best material for

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future leaders for the Y.W.C.A. Having a regular Y.W.C.A. Student secretary at the college has been an excellent means of accomplishing this objective. In order that the Student secretary may be regarded as a part of the Y.W.C.A. staff, her expense is divided approximately equally between the Y.W.C.A. and the College. During the school year she lives at the College occupying the double position of Student secretary for the Y.W.C.A. and Physical Director for the College. During the summer months she has the regular one month's vacation and assists at the Y.W.C.A. Summer Camp. This combination position has been and is a question of delicate relationships, hard to make a perfectly clear cut proposition. The personality of the Student secretary, her enthusiasm, quiet force and tact have made this Student work at the College a distinct success. k. Relationship to the American Hospital. The Y.W.C.A. has had charge for two years of recreation classes for the pupil nurses in the American Hospital. The Nurses Training School is growing rapidly with at present fifty girls of various nationalities including twenty Turkish girls in the number. The American Physical Director of the Y.W.C.A. is assisted in these recreation classes for the nurses by her Greek assistant, one of the Service Center girls who has completed the course for Recreation Leaders. In addition to the recreation classes held at the hospital, a special effort is made also in assisting the hospital in planning for the social life of these girls. This work at the hospital is a fine piece of cooperation and general service much needed by this special group. 1. Relationship to the Y.M.C.A. The Y.W.C.A. and Y.M.C.A. except for a few mixed social events and summer outings have no joint pieces of work in the near East as in some countries; for example Roumania; but there is a very close harmonious relationship between the two organizations. A good many questions in connection with the new regime have arisen affecting both organizations and a united policy has been adopted; for example the two organizations have both had from time to time some very adverse publicity in the Turkish press. After conference it has been decided that no answer to these attacks should be made. The question of the official registration of the organization has been fruitful of numerous conferences. It has been decided that the present moment of uncertainty about the treaty is not the proper time to raise an issue on organization.

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m. Relationship to the Near East Relief. The Y.W.C.A. has had more direct lines of cooperation with the Near East Relief than with any other organization. As with Constantinople College the connection with the Near East Relief has been on a basis of joint financial support for certain pieces of work in which both organizations were interested. To sum up briefly, these lines of work are as follows: Supervision of Girls' Homes in the Interior, Supervision of Girls' homes in the Interior opened the summer of 1919 and later to shelter Christian girls who during the war had been taken into Turkish houses. Six Y.W.C.A. American secretaries were allocated to the Near East Relief for this work at different times, stationed in five different centers. The period of this cooperation was from August 1919 until August 1921. Recreation Work in the Near East Relief Orphanages. The Y.W.C.A. supervised recreation in the Girls 'Orphanages in Constantinople which were partially or entirely supported by the Near East Relief. A highly trained American Physical Director was sent out by the Y.W.C.A. for this work, September 1922, and the program was started with promise of great success. The girls in the Teachers' Course in Recreation who had begun the training the year before and were still continuing were used as assistants. The American secretary's full expense travel, outfit, salary and living were borne by the Y.W.C.A. She was considered a part of the Y.W.C.A. staff but working in connection with the Near East Relief orphanage department. The local assistants were paid by the Near East Relief as part of their local personnel. All expense for equipment was borne by the Near East Relief. The working relationships of this whole plan were splendid but the political situation in three months transferred the need to Greece, and the Near East Relief took over the plan as part of their regular orphanage program. Personal Service Work in Greece. Following the Smyrna disaster the two Smyrna Y.W.C.A. secretaries were for a time engaged in the general relief problem, one on the islands, the other in Greece. The secretary in Athens began work with the Y.M.C.A. in trying to locate lost refugees. This developed into a Personal Service Work which was later taken over by the Near East Relief as part of their regular Personal Service program. The Y.W.C.A. secretary continued working in the Bureau under the direct supervision of the Near East Relief, Director of all Personal Service Work. This relationship continued until February 15. It was then discontinued for the

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following reasons: first because there were more Near East Relief personnel available for it; second because the Y.W.C.A. needed the Athens secretary for work in Stamboul, and furthermore because the physical condition of this secretary demanded a change from a refugee situation (one of the Smyrna secretaries had already been sent back to America because of threatened nervous break-down); and third because the immediate need for Y.W.C.A cooperation in this program was past, during the first emergency the Smyrna Y.W.C.A. secretaries having been of great value because of their direct knowledge of Smyrna and wide acquaintance. In this Personal Service Work the Y.W.C.A. secretary was merely temporarily assigned to the Near East Relief with the full secretarial expense borne by the Y.W.C.A. The running expense for the office was borne entirely by the Near East Relief. Athens and Piraeus Migration Work. The Smyrna disaster and subsequent influx of over a million refugees into Greece created an urgent need for migration service bureaus in Athens and Piraeus. The Near East Relief realizing the bearing of the migration problem on their Personal Service Work and regular orphanage program agreed to six months' joint support of a migration service in Athens and Piraeus. The American secretary was chosen by the Y.W.C.A. and worked under the supervision of the Y.W.C.A. but in close cooperation with the Personal Service Department of the Near East Relief. The total expense for American secretary, local assistants and operation of the bureaus was shared jointly by the two organizations. The approximate cost to each organization for the six months period was $1,100,00. The reason for the discontinuance at the end of six months was twofold; first, the Personal Service Department which they felt connected with Migration work according to the original plan, was practically closed by that time, secondly, the budget of the Near East Relief had been reduced and the work limited to the orphanage work. This piece of financial cooperation on migration service proved very successful, and the personal working relationship was excellent. The proof of this is the fact that the Near East Relief is making a contribution of $2,500,00 for further cooperation in the Migration Service; this amount to be considered as general cooperation at all points where the Near East Relief has need of the Migration Service and not merely for the Athens and Piraeus bureau. In all of the various lines of close cooperation between the Y.W.C.A. and Near East Relief in the Constantinople, Greece, and Beirut areas, there has been an excellent understanding and cordial friendly relationship which has made these joint lines of work a pleasure and assured their success.

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n. Relationship of the Y.W.C.A. with the American Embassy and American Consulate. All of the organizations working in the Near East consider themselves very fortunate in having the cordial and sympathetic support of the American officials, the Consul-General and the High Commissioner. This has been a very great benefit to the Y.W.C.A. Aside from the usual official connection with the Consulate, the Y.W.C.A. has a closer relationship through the Migration Service. Both Migration secretaries in Constantinople have been particularly successful in bringing the Consulate in touch with the Migration Service and in carrying out an effective working relationship. The American Embassy through the High Commissioner, Admiral Bristol, has been of the greatest value to the Y.W.C.A. in advising at all times and helping the organization to shape its policy wisely through a very difficult period. The staff as a whole has felt the warm sympathy and interest in their work and in themselves of Admiral and Mrs. Bristol, and this official recognition and appreciation has been not only a genuine pleasure but a real moral stimulus. At several particular crises Admiral Bristol has taken a very strong stand for the organization when its interests and even existence were endangered. Mrs. Bristol, as a member of the Near East Board of Directors, has had an active share in the organization and has given unfailing interest and support. The organization will indeed regret deeply Admiral Bristol's leaving when a permanent ambassador is appointed. The present relationship to the Embassy is fully appreciated. o. Business Relationships. In business relationships the Y.W.C.A. has had contact with the Guaranty Trust which handled the accounts until the withdrawal in September 1922, the American Express handling the accounts since that time, the Standard Oil through whom the organization has on several emergency occasions transferred funds to the other centers, and from whom the Executive secretary has received advice on general finance questions. p. Relationship to the American Club. During the last two years the American Community in Constantinople has been welded into a much closer unity through the formation of the American Club. The Y.W.C.A. has had an active part in helping to form this club, appreciating its value to the organization. The need for such a club is

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obvious in view of the international complexity of this city and the general Near East situation. Even a short stay in the Near East brings the deepening realization of the fact that American effort must be more and more felt as a whole. The penetration of Christian ideas can be fully accomplished only by a concerted effort, and Americans should work unitedly toward this common end. It is a hopeful sign that the old idea of the separation of business and missionary interests is passing, and there is now an increasing realization of the intimate connection between these various interests. The problems of business interests affect us and our importance to them is also realized. Therefore the significance of an American Club in Constantinople can be readily appreciated. 9. Publicity and Cultivation. Reason for Limited Amount of Publicity. Aside from some special folders printed for the tourist ships and for other regular visitors constantly passing through Constantinople, the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East as a National organization has done practically nothing in the line of printed publicity. This has been partly due to the fact that the National organization is still in the formative stage and that funds have been conserved. Also during the past year printed publicity has been avoided as a matter of policy, since it seemed better for the organization to work quietly and steadily without being unduly in the lime-light. The local centers have of course printed whatever folders were necessary for their work and have advertised conservatively in the news-papers. The language complexity of Constantinople requires one to know several languages. For the Stamboul Center all folders are printed in Turkish and French; for the Pera Center French and English are used. The Migration Bureau has printed its publicity in Greek, Armenian, and French. Newspaper publicity in the Near East is not as effective as in the West as the newspapers do not have as wide a reading public. A certain amount however is of course necessary. Adverse Turkish Newspaper Publicity. The publicity question in Constantinople has offered quite the reverse of the usual problem, being not a matter of how to secure publicity but how to avoid it. Within the past year since January 1923 the Y.W.C.A. and Y.M.C.A., since the two are usually confused, have several times had adverse publicity in the Turkish press. This has of course given pause for thought, as our appearance in the lime-light just now is to be avoided. This has been instigated doubtless by some radical pro-

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Turkish policy as well as by the veiy radical pro-Moslem group. An attack on a foreign organization is a rather good appeal and has good news value. In a way the adverse Y.W.C.A. publicity has been an encouraging evidence of the strength of the Stamboul Center since it has been the target of the attack, and there would be no point in attacking a weak unimportant line of work. In all of this adverse newspaper publicity the Y.M.C.A. and Y.W.C.A. have followed the policy of making no reply since this seemed the wisest plan. If newspaper attacks were answered, the organization would doubtless be misquoted and a controversy started which could only be detrimental to our best interests. It has seemed however very strange to our Turkish girls and to the Turkish member of the Stamboul Service Center Committee that we have not defended our position. One of the saving features of the situation is that things are not long remembered if allowed to die out. Furthermore the very changing quality of Turkish policy is in our favor. Emphasis on Personal Cultivation. The problem of publicity in the Near East as concerns the people of the country resolves itself very largely into a matter of personal cultivation, since the personal equation is the deciding factor of success. A concentrated effort is therefore being made to enlarge the circle of our friends among the various local nationalities, particularly among the Turks, since they are more reserved and harder to know. This is being accomplished by cultivation teas at the Service Centers in which attractive parts of the program are shown, by At Home days at the Personnel House and by individual calling. This personal cultivation is not a case of "he who runs may read". One must be content to make time by losing it and the leisurely attitude is most essential for the most successful cultivation in the long run. Cultivation of Tourists. The number of tourists and visitors to Constantinople is steadily increasing. A good many of these visitors come for some definite reason and are therefore well worth meeting. An effort to give these tourists and other visitors an opportunity of seeing our part of America's investment in the Near East we have felt to be exceedingly worthwhile. Although our staff is limited, we can usually arrange to show the general Y.W.C.A. program in Constantinople to anyone with whom we make a contact. By using the automobile this can be done in about an hour if the visitor's time is limited, as it usually is. The Committee members are realizing more the value of this kind of publicity and assuming more responsibility in helping the American staff to do this important cultivation work. Letters of introduction from the World's Y.W.C.A. office and from the

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National Board would help the staff in Constantinople to make the most of these opportunities for cultivation of visitors in the city who are worthwhile. In Beirut there is of course very little tourist contact but a fair number of people passing through. The secretaries would appreciate being put in touch with them if letters of introduction are possible. As to personal cultivation of people of the country in Beirut the problem is now to increase the circle of friends among the people of the country. The Moslem women are even more reserved than the Turkish women and the Syrians far less approachable than the Greeks and Armenians. Hence the problem is a difficult one requiring time and tact and persistence. The only key however to work in the Near East is certainly the personal contact. The country is individualistic; the group idea, social consciousness and general civic life is lacking. Hence the appeal must be personal. There has been no adverse publicity in Beirut and no well defined antagonism, but there is a rather inherent suspicion of things foreign and an extreme reserve which makes it necessary for the foreigner to go three fourths of the way. Possibilities for Cultivation in Greece. If work were organized on a permanent basis, there would be very little difficulty on the score of publicity or personal cultivation. The Greeks are very cordial to foreigners, seem eager to furnish all facilities for work, have no suspicions of ulterior motives of America, have more social and civic consciousness, and hence are much more cooperative. The fact that Greece is practically a racial unity and furthermore a Christian country eliminates the two chief problems which make work difficult in other parts of the Near East. 10. Registration of the Y.W.C.A. with the Turkish Government. It is a source of genuine regret that this report cannot include the answer to the all-important question of the future status of the organization with the Turkish government. Until that definite answer can be secured, we cannot help using the rising inflection in speaking of the future of our work here. However the question of registration could not and cannot now be precipitated without running a grave danger of pushing an important issue at the wrong moment. The psychology of the East requires a willingness to avoid issues and gain time by delay. Hence absolutely contrary to the writer's natural personal instinct and desire for decisive meeting of an issue, but with the full confidence that waiting for the right moment is the only wise policy in this case, the registration has not yet been effected. The proper documents are ready however, and the Embassy is au courant with our basis of registration and will advise and help us officially

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when the time comes. In registering the organization we are making a special point of the fact that the Y.W.C.A. is not a post armistice organization but was represented by American Y.W.C.A. secretaries working here in 1913. This is a point in our favor since the Treaty of Lausanne makes a special point in regard to organizations recognized before the armistice. There is a very special aversion on the part of the government toward those organizations which as one says, "came on the coat-tails of the Allies". Therefore it is fortunate for the Y.W.C.A. that it dates its beginning before the war. 11. Features of the Work in the Near East of Special Interest. As a supplement to this general resume of the Y.W.C.A. work in Near East special reports will be included on the different centers, on the Emergency Work in Greece, the Russian Work in Constantinople, the Student Work at Constantinople College and the two Migration Bureaus, Athens and Constantinople. These reports show in detail the development of work in all these various lines. In reviewing the work as a whole however there are certain definite causes for encouragement and signs of progress: First. The growing number of younger girls in the Service Centers is a most hopeful sign for the future since there is greater need here than in most countries for the association to reach the girl in adolescence if it is to have a very definite effect. The national and racial prejudices are less strong and the possibilities stronger for breaking down national differences. Furthermore the training of leadership for the future depends on an early beginning. The Girls Reserves in Constantinople, who now number 130, are steadily growing. In this movement we can really feel assured of a strong Y.W.C.A. movement for the future. Second. The Training Classes in Recreation and Physical Work are growing and their effect is steadily being extended to broader community service. It now reaches schools, 6 camps, 7 orphanages, 3 private institutions, and a total number of 3206 in classes taught by these Recreation leaders trained in the Service Centers. These classes represent the beginning of a real normal training department for Physical Education. The emphasis on the need for recreation and health standards is bringing a demand for leaders to meet this need. The development of a new profession for women we hope will be the far reaching result of these Training Courses. Third. The increase in interest and sense of responsibility among the Committee members is most encouraging, as it indicates that the burden of the work is gradually being shifted. As long as it remains too largely

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dominated by the American secretaries it is too much transplanted from America and not indigenous. Representatives from the girls are now serving on the Executive Committees of the Service Centers. Fourth. There is a growing appreciation of the real meaning of the organization and an increasing number of girls who are interested in the religious program. This is shown in a number of ways but especially by the larger numbers in Bible classes, the growing interest in the Sunday vespers and the increased attendance this year at the noon meetings during the World's Week of Prayer. About 50 girls were present each day. Sixth. The Y.W.C.A. in the Near East has been very fortunate in having had through this period of its development a fine type of American secretaries, chosen with the greatest care. They have worked under nervous strain in critical situations, efficiently and quietly assuming responsibility and showing themselves equal to the confidence the organization has given them. In the uncertainties of life in the Interior, in political upheaval and threatened war in Constantinople, in the actual siege in Adana, in the Smyrna tragedy, in the refugee situation in Syria and in Greece, the work has gone steadily on like a clock in thunderstorm. Not all of the four years have of course been under abnormal circumstances like these, but whether under normal or abnormal conditions the work has steadily progressed due to the excellent staff working as individuals and even more as a harmonious unit — a closely knit together Y.W.C.A. family in the Near East. Being a small staff and the only organization made up entirely of women, the secretaries have occupied a position of considerable prominence in each community, each one being regarded not merely as an individual but as a representative of the Y.W.C.A. The organization stands we hope very high in the Near East, and this is because of the fine type of the secretaries who have worked in all the different centers. 12. Liabilities and Assets. An evaluation of the present situation and future outlook of the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East cannot fail to take into account the liabilities and assets. The chief liabilities or obstacles in the development are the complexity of nationality which constantly multiplies each effort by a coefficient of at least three — Armenian, Greek, Turk; the keen racial and religious antagonisms; the language barriers; the lack of any civic consciousness; the lack of any patriotic appeal; the suspicious official attitude toward all foreign effort; the result of the Allies' lack of solidarity and their individualistic aims; the suspicious attitude toward a Christian organization; the lack of a strong

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dependable centralized government and the resultant instability and uncertainty of the political situation. The chief assets or positive factors in the development of the Y.W.C.A. are the strong unified Christian effort in the Near East and the support and cooperation of the Y.W.C.A. by other American Institutions; the friendly personal attitude of the Turks toward Americans; the unquestioned need for the Y.W.C.A. for all nationalities in the Near East and the eager response of the girls; the ripeness of the opportunity since Turkey is at the beginning of a new Era and the evolution of women of the Near East, makes a very special call upon the Y.W.C.A. to have a part in guiding and developing the girls of the Near East for their lives of larger freedom. 14. Future Policy and Future Outlook.

What should be our future policy and what are the possibilities for future development — these are the two great questions which every thinking member of the Y.W.C.A. staff in the Near East has to face: a. The policy for the future should be along the following lines: 1. The whole problem should be regarded in the light of the present and the future — not the past. A knowledge of the past with all its gross injustice is necessary but dwelling continually on it will cloud the vision for future possibilities, furnish only the brakes and no engine power for future accomplishment. A new problem now exists to be solved. 2. The Y.W.C.A. must tackle the problem of a more united country. The old regime of capitulations and special privileges for different nationalities is past. The Greeks and Armenians remaining in the country must be helped in their readjustment. They must be encouraged to study Turkish as a necessity for their life in Turkey. The Y.W.C.A. must exert its influence steadily toward harmonizing the differences of nationality. 3. The language barrier must be overcome by having all American secretaries coming to the Near East have at least six months full time language study and longer if possible. This can be accomplished through the Language School of the American Board of Missions. 4. Careful study and constant emphasis must be put upon the development of full membership, among the girls of the Christian races, so that a strong nucleus will be built up as a guarantee for the permanent Christian character of the organization.

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5. The work for Turkish girls must be more emphasized and means of attracting them into the Service Centers carefully studied. The increase of Turkish girls in contact with the Service Centers is the real key to our future effectiveness in Turkey. 6. The question of the development of Turkish Committee members on Service Center Committees must be given more thought. 7. The Service Centers must extend their influence more through the community emphasizing especially Turkish contacts. In this way it will be less a transplanted foreign product and more a part of the city life. A definite object to accomplish this is the admission of Recreation Leaders in the Turkish Schools for Girls just as these leaders have already been admitted into Greek and Armenian schools. 8. Constant and careful attention must be given to official Turkish contacts as the Y.W.C.A. must stand in harmonious relation with the new government. 9. There must be a constant effort to increase the number of personal Turkish contacts. Their tendency toward personal friendliness toward Americans can be capitalized for the development of the organization. 10. The development of local leaders must be made one of the chief objectives and some more definite plans for training adopted and funds secured for this purpose. 11. The local support must be increased and more responsibility for the operation of the Service Centers put on the people of the country. 12. It is trite to say that the real problem for the future depends on the American staff. But the reduction of American staff to the minimum necessitates the most careful choice of each American secretary sent to the Near East. Now that the pioneer expansion period of demonstration is past and the work is on the permanent basis, the primary requisite for new staff is a knowledge of and sympathy with the Y.W.C.A. and an understanding of the general basis of work in the Near East as every secretary is responsible for carrying out this basis. Health is also a primary essential since the climate of the Near East, not bad, is not stimulating and seems to be a good deal of a strain. These two essentials every outcoming secretary should have along with the other special qualities required for a successful secretary in every foreign field. 13. The present non-proselytizing policy in relation to Turkish girls must be followed. This is the basis on which the organization has been and can be continued. A clear understanding of this basis is necessary for fairness to the supporting constituency in America, to the secretaries in the Near East,

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to the Turkish girls in the Service Centers and to the Turkish government with which the organization hopes to work harmoniously. An absolutely clear cut idea of aims and objectives is necessary so that minor details do not cloud the vision for the future. In a sense we are greatly affected by political changes in method and the scope of our work, for example the closing of Smyrna, but our fundamental policy should be something which remains unchanged. We must distinguish clearly between difference of method and scope of program and the compromise of our fundamental principles and purpose. b. Future Outlook. As to the future of the Y.W.C.A. in the Near East we feel that the belief in the future is certainly justified by the development of the past few years. There is a fair possibility that the development may continue on more or less normal lines. There is nothing in the program which cannot be continued even with the new exceedingly Turkish regime. There is of course a good deal of suspicion to be overcome which can only be accomplished through a consistent and conscientious and persistent attempt to win the confidence and friendship of more Turkish people. Under the present uncertain conditions in the Near East all projects carry a strong element of chance. If the returns can be measured only in terms of financial success, then any investment in the Near East now is certainly a lottery. However the Y.W.C.A. investment here is an investment in faith and whether the returns will be in exactly the form expected, all the money and effort expended in the Near East will certainly not be wasted. There is a saying in this country, "The dogs may bark but the caravan moves on". The Y.W.C.A. is sharing in a great movement for progress in the Near East and regardless of difficulties must move on. Respectfully submitted, Ruth F. Woodsmall, Executive, Y.W.C.A. in the Near East.

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