A Brefe Dialoge Bitwene a Christen Father and His Stobborne Sonne [1 ed.] 9781442670273, 9780802043894

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A Brefe Dialoge bitwene a Christen Father and his stobborne Sonne William Roye

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A Brefe Dialoge bitwene a Christen Father and his stobborne Sonne THE FIRST PROTESTANT CATECHISM PUBLISHED IN ENGLISH

William Roye Edited by Douglas H. Parker and Bruce Krajewski

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

www.utppublishing.com

©

University of Toronto Press Incorporated 1999 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-4389-5

Printed on acid-free paper

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Roy, William, fl. 1527-1531 William Roye : a brefe dialoge bitwene a Christen father and his stobborne sonne : the first Protestant catechism published in English Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8020-4389-5 1. Lutheran Church - Catechisms - Early works to 1800. I. Parker, Douglas H. (Douglas Harold), date . II. Krajewski, Bruce, 1959- . III. Title. IV. Title: Brefe dialoge bitwene a Christen father and his stobborne sonne. BX8070.R69 1999

238'.41

C98-932692-6

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Humanities and Social Sciences Federation of Canada, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada

For Tom and Eve Thomas

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Contents

Acknowledgments vii

Introduction Contents and Structure 3 William Roye and the Reception of A Brefe Dialoge 12 The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England 23 The English and Latin Texts 50 Adolf Wolf's Text of A Lytle Treatous 73 Editorial Principles and Interrelation of Editions 75 Bibliographical Descriptions 77 Notes 79

A Brefe Dialoge bitwene a Christen Father and his stobborne Sonne 95 Commentary 161 Press Variants in the 1527 Copy Text 238 Variants 240 Emendations 243 Glossary 247 Appendix A: Collation of Adolf Wolf's Transcription of A Lytle Treatous with the Copy Text 255 Appendix B: The Latin Text 257 Bibliography 289 Index 297

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Acknowledgments

We are indebted to the generosity of the trustees and librarians of the Newberry Library, Chicago, the Austrian National Library, Vienna, Carleton University Library, Ottawa, University of Ottawa Library, Robarts Library, Toronto, and the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, and to the estate of the Duke of Bath and the librarian of the estate, Dr Kate Harris. We are also grateful to the Interlibrary Loan Department, Laurentian University, Sudbury, to Sherri Lepage, to Kelly Smith for her invaluable editorial assistance, to Suzanne Rancourt, Kristen Pederson, and Barb Porter, all of the University of Toronto Press, to the copy-editor John St James, and to Hilary Parker for her painstaking work on both the lineation of this edition and the index.

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Introduction

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Contents and Structure

A Lytle treatous or dialoge very necessary for all christen men to learne and to knowe, also known as A Brefe Dialoge bitwene a Christen Father and his stobborne Sonne (STC 24223.3) is William Rove's translation of Wolfgang Capito's De Pueris Instituendis Ecclesiae Argentinensis Isagoge, first published in Latin in 1527 and, in the same year, in a German edition as Kinder bericht vnd fragstuck von gemeynen puncten Christlichs glaubens (Hume, 'William Roye's "Brefe Dialoge"' 308).J Although generally unavailable to today's reader of Reformation tracts because of its inaccessibility, the work is important for several reasons: it is the first Protestant catechism published in English; 'the first attempt at systematic exposition of reformed doctrine in the vernacular'; 'our first literary evidence in the vernacular of a swing of the pendulum from Wittenberg to Zurich' (More vm 3, 1172); and only the third printed work of an English Protestant, the first two being by William Tyndale (Hume 'William Roye's "Brefe Dialoge"' 307).2 Roye must have set to work on his translation almost immediately after Capito's original appeared, for at the conclusion of his prefatory letter, we learn that Roye's translation appeared in 1527 as well: 'Written in the cite of Argentyn/ the last daye of August/ the yere of oure lorde a thousande fyve hondred/ and seven and twenty' (136-8).3 Roye's translation, like the Capito original, was published in Strassburg.4 The printer of Roye's version was Johann Schott, who was also responsible for issuing Roye and Jerome Barlowe's vitriolic verse satire Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe in 1528.5 A second edition of A Brefe Dialoge, renamed The true beliefe in Christ and his sacra-

4 / Introduction mentes, appeared in 1550 with the following imprint: 'Imprinted at London for G Walter Lynne, dwellinge on Somers kaye, by Byllinges gate/ The preface to this edition, written by Lynne, is dedicated to 'Lady Ann, douchesse of Somerset/ Although this preface is entirely different from Roye's, the text, printed from the same sheets as the original, is identical with Roye's translation.6 Appearing three years after the young Josiah, Edward vi, ascended the throne, this 1550 edition is clearly meant to support Protestant reform in a climate more congenial to such reform than was Henry vin's England in 1527. The preface's author, G. Walter Lynne, emphasizing the tract's catechetical form of question and answer, sees it as 'a moste perfecte waye for the elders to come to perfecte knowledge by, and also to enstructe theyr chyldren and servauntes' (A2r). Claiming not to know its author, Lynne must have known - although he does not mention that the work's English translator was William Roye, since he repeats Roye's statement that the work initially appeared in two languages, first 'in the duche tong [ie, German] and then translated into latine' (A2v), an order that Adolf Wolf accepts, but that Anthea Hume reverses.7 Lynne praises the work because of its focus on two common components of most catechisms: 'The .xij Articles of the Christian faith' and its 'righte vnderstandinge of the sacramentes' (A2v). He sees it as a work for 'al men, women, and chyldren' to be read not like 'the fained storyes of Robinhode, [or] Clem of the cloughe,' 'but for to spende the time wel, and so put away their newe errours (grounded vpon the Romeish rock)' (A2v-A3r). The reference to the new errors grounded on the Romish rock types Lynne as a radical reformer impatient with the vestiges of papistry that still inhered in the English church and that would gradually be purged from it - at least for a time - during Edward's brief, but influential, Protestant reign.8 Lynne praises the dialogue form of the work, claiming that the father's 'redye answeres to all that the sonne can obiecte' (A3r) makes it an ideal model for the rigidly hierarchical and stratified society of the day: 'The maysters maye applye the same to theyr seruaunts the housbandes to theyr wyues, and agayne the wyues to theyr maidens. Yea, the neyghbour maye applye it in communicacyon, to the enstruccion of hys neighboure, and the prieste to his parishioners, and al estates one to anot here' [sic] (A3v).

5 / Contents and Structure Roye's four-page preface to the dialogue proper is an important document both for the information it provides about the state of religious affairs in Roye's homeland and his attitude towards the Continental work he has chosen to translate for the benefit of his fellow citizens. The preface begins with an extended comment on the seemingly universal preoccupation of the small group of English reformers writing reformist tracts between 1526 and the early 1530s, namely, the reluctance of those in power to accept or validate William Tyndale's 1526 translation of the New Testament.9 Roye refers to Tyndale by his other English name, 'William Hitchyns' (21), and shows his high regard for him (a sentiment that was not reciprocated) by calling him a man 'electe and chosen of God' (21). 10 Roye then mentions his own work with Tyndale on the translation of the New Testament, humbly referring to himself as Tyndale's 'healpe felowe/ and parte taker of his laboures' (22-3). Further commentary on the fate of this translation follows. Roye makes reference to Tunstal's condemnation of the translation 'at paulis crosse' (30) in 1526 and goes on to condemn the authorities for ad hominem attacks against him, in particular because of their inability to find appropriate and just reasons for condemning the translation. Roye seems especially bitter about what must be construed as an anti-Semitic attack against his father ('Thynkinge that defamynge of hym/ they shulde qwenche and dercken the cleare and evident light of god. whyche they hate worsse then other toade or addre/ as a thynge a gaynst their bellies moste noyous and contrary/ saynge/ his father wolde eate noo porke/ what frute can soche a tre brynge forthe' 37-42). Since we have nothing to determine Roye's ancestry and only his own claim that such attacks were made, it is impossible to determine the validity of his charges against the authorities. What can be said, however, is that we might feel more sympathy for Roye if we did not know that probably less than a year after the appearance of A Brefe Dialoge, Roye, along with Jerome Barlowe, would publish his scurrilous personal attack on Cardinal Wolsey and other conservatives in Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe.11 After damning the opponents of the English New Testament and his own detractors as 'soche cruell/ and infame dogges' (50), he argues that their resistance to his and Tyndale's work only served to inflame his heart 'to go aboute the translacion of holy scripture'

6 / Introduction (52-3). To prove his point, he then makes a statement that David Daniell chooses to use as an example of Roye's questionable character. To emphasize his dedication to the reformist cause and a vernacular scripture, despite strong opposition from those holding the reins of power, Roye states, 'I have allredy partly translated/ certayne bokes of the olde testament/ the whiche/ with the healpe of God/ yerr longe shalbe brought to lyght' (53-6). Daniell thinks this is a damaging remark because, he claims, it would be 'widely known that Tyndale was himself already at work on such a translation' (William Tyndale 144). Assuming that everyone's opinion of Roye was as negative as Tyndale's (see below), Daniell implies that there is malice in Roye's comment about his work on the Old Testament; however, Roye's statement may be simply an entirely innocent expression of intent that came to nothing, or that we assume came to nothing since no evidence of Roye's work on the Old Testament has come down to us. Roye's comments on his plan to work on an English translation of the Old Testament dovetail with his explanation about how he came to translate Capito's catechism. Concerned about 'the greate supersticion' (58) of the people and thinking it appropriate 'to make some smale treatous/ wherby sornwhat they myght be the better prepared/ and taught howe to demeane theym selves/ in the profunde misteries and greate iudgementes of God conteyned in the olde testament/ and prophetes' (59-63), he happens upon 'a smale worcke' that serves as the basis for his translation. Roye's language here implies the presence of a reformed providential God directing his servant to discover a work designed to spread the truth to the benighted and misguided laity. Then follows Roye's brief summary of the work and his reasons for deeming it an appropriate guide to good Christian living. Roye is charmed by both the structure of Capito's text ('the due and naturall ordre' 67) as well as its contents, and claims that the book has well served its catechetical purpose in Strassburg (64-6), teaching 'yonge and olde' what 'greate vniversites/ and notable Rabys' (69-72) will never know. In his summary of its contents, Roye emphasizes the many central Lutheran views that the tract propounds and supports. It defines the nature of true faith and its relationship to legitimate works ('charite towardes mannes neghboure' 74). It explains 'eternall

7 / Contents and Structure predestinacion' (80) and Christ's role as intermediary between man and God through his expiatory death. Curiously silent about the work's central focus on the Creed, its explanantion of the two sacraments and the importance of the Lord's Prayer, all central elements in both Continental and, later, homegrown catechisms, Roye then explains how 'all wother of [his] countre and nacion' should read 'this so singuler a treasure' (91-2). He stresses that the work must not be read 'hastly/ as people 'are wont to rede vayne storys or fables' (98). Rather, it should be read carefully and often among households and 'singlerly wheare as yueth is' (106); 'and let it not be tedious vnto theym once or twise/ with prayer/ to repete that they have alredy redde' (106-8). The results of following such a careful regime will produce - in Roye's view at least - a remarkable transformation in behaviour. Those who were 'as fearce lyons' (112) and feared by 'the lordes and ruelers of the realme' (110) will become 'meke and mylde' (111). This optimistic conclusion about the effects of catechizing seems to reflect Luther's own view of the power of catechisms, a view in which he was sorely disappointed, according to Strauss (Luther's House of Learning, passim). Roye closes the preface by commenting on the efficacy of the dialogue form, a literary type to which he seemed attracted, since he used it for both Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe and A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman (1530). For Roye the dialogue serves the Horatian goals of entertaining while teaching or, as he puts it in his own delightful phrase, 'the right enformacion commeth by commeninge' (118-19). In his farewell to the reader Roye encourages his audience to pray for him so that he might have 'both mynde and strengthe wother soche bokes to translate/ and the whole olde testament' (132-3) for the greater edification of England.12 The text of A Brefe Dialoge, essentially a conversation between a reformist Father, committed largely, but not exclusively, to Lutheran views, and his curious, if not stubborn, Son, can be divided into four parts, with various subdivisions and significant digressions within selective sections.13 Part one (142-61), is a brief but crucial commentary on the nature of the Christian life in which the Father, imbued with the Lutheran notion of justification by faith, informs the Son that the true Christian holds 'a stedfast faythe towardes God/

8 / Introduction and pure love withouten simulacion towardes a mannis neghbour' (156-7). By far the largest part (approximately 1800 of this 2018-line dialogue) is the second, in which the Father explains the various terms of the Creed to his Son. This long section of the work is the most difficult to follow, since the Father often interrupts his own explanation of several of the Creed's articles of faith to attack aspects of the Catholic church that work to subvert the Creed's pure and unsullied truths. Part three (1800-1996), the most practical and least theoretical section of the work, begins when the Son asks his Father how he might 'institute and ordre my life' (1804). The final section (1841-60) is a brief conclusion in which the Father, through a number of short, imperative statements, some of which are worthy and reminiscent of Polonius's bromides to Laertes, exhorts his Son to take appropriate spiritual and practical steps to lead a truly Christian life. The dialogue opens with the Father informing his Son that no pleasure is greater than hearing or reading 'the pure worde off God' (143), a sentiment that echoes throughout this tract devoted essentially to making clear in what God's word consists and in drawing to the Son's attention all of those things - mainly preposterous fabrications of the Catholic church - that militate against that pure word. Throughout this work, what one notices is the emphasis that the Father places on the simplicity of Christianity, a simplicity that, from the reformers' point of view, is clearly absent in the Catholic church, notable for its man-made, unscriptural inventions, byzantine doctrinal complexities, and irrational accretions.14 According to the Father, the true Christian life consists in 'faythe towardes God,' 'pure love withouten simulacion towardes a mannis neghbour' (1567), and a belief in God's promises as they 'are geven vnto us by Christ as it is evidently declared in our crede' (160-1). The Father's slow and careful explication of this Creed to his Son takes up the largest part of A Brefe Dialogs. God is both almighty and a caring father who appoints human 'ministers and servauntes' to act on his behalf and 'to teache and informe the' (195-6), a sentiment that will be developed later in the work where the Father shows how legitimate temporal authority, rather than fraudulent 'spiritual' ministers of the Church, has the power and obligation to inculcate Christian principles and encourage Christian living, an idea at least as old as Marsilius of Padua's Defensor Pads.

9 / Contents and Structure God's authority and omnipotence and Christ's role as mediator between God and humankind are proved by the Father's allusions to Scripture, which he cites with great frequency. In fact, as the Commentary indicates, this work alludes to or cites the Bible at least two hundred times, a clear indication of the importance the reformers placed on what the Father earlier referred to as 'the pure worde off God' (143) and the one unsullied source of Christian wisdom. The Son's questions about good works give rise to the first of the Father's numerous criticisms of the religious status quo. Like many of his reformist colleagues, Capito, and Roye too, deny the efficacy of 'syngynge and redynge in the churche' (317), as well as 'confessions/ pardons/ pilgremage/ makynge of difference bitwene dayes and meates/ hearynge and redynge of masse' (328-30), the worship of images (519ff), and the invocation of saints (600), since from these works and papal activites 'cometh nether goodnes nor yett proffitt to mannis neghbour' (334-5). The Father also attacks the monastic vows, especially poverty and chastity, calling them 'divlysshe doctryns' (370-1), and encourages his Son to heed the legitimate 'temporall power' (376-7) that acts on God's behalf, rather than the injunctions of a corrupt church, again an echo of Marsilius of Padua's dicta. Capito's attacks on monasticism would clearly find a sympathetic ear amongst English reformers, since their works are full of attacks on the so-called poverty of 'belly bestes,' a term Roye seems to have coined (see Commentary), and on the monastic vow of chastity, which is deemed both unnatural and unscriptural. A characteristic of this tract in general is the way in which it seems to be unembarrassed by digression. The waywardness of this opening section, supposedly devoted to the first term of the Creed, makes this very clear. The thesis is often lost under a tidal wave of attack against pernicious Church practices. Insofar as this tract is characterized by often lengthy attacks against the Roman church, its catechetical goal is perhaps subverted by criticism and polemic. On the other hand, since both Capito and Roye are attempting to overturn what they see as corrupt practices ingrained in the popular consciousness, they need to explain the wisdom of their alternative and relatively new religious ideology, and one way of doing this is to expose the flaws in the conservative position. And so throughout

10 / Introduction this catechism, the Catholic church is regularly under attack even though some of the attacks are less convincing than they might be and even tend to work against Capito's goal. For example, a discussion of Christ's presence amongst us - an innocuous enough doctrine that both Catholics and reformers could agree on - leads to an attack on Christ's bodily presence as seen in the doctrine of the Real Presence and transubstantiation, vexed issues that occupy the Father's attention for over two hundred lines. Both Father and Son, who here plays the part of devil's advocate and takes the Catholic church's part, draw upon the Bible to support their opposite views. In a not too convincing attempt to gain the upper hand and prove the Church and the Son wrong, the Father accuses the Son of taking biblical passages that seem to support transubstantiation out of context, an accusation that can be brought against the Father time and again throughout this tract. More to the point, however, and within the context of reformation polemics in general, this advice to read within context highlights the issue of the legitimacy of biblical hermeneutics: who has the authority to determine what God's word means or, indeed, what God's word is, since that word is often translated from its original language and mediated through several, often conflicting, voices recorded in two scriptural books regularly yoked together by typological violence? Unlike many other Protestant catechisms that struggle to present the truths of the faith in clear and digestible pieces, Capito's tract often twists back on itself redundantly to pick up subjects it may have discussed earlier. This happens most often when Capito attacks the Roman church with a view to pointing out its errors or deliberately misleading doctrines. So, for instance, the issue of the invocation of saints, mentioned early in the tract where the first term of the Creed is discussed, gets raised again later (1121), as does the fraudulent power of the spiritual estates (1193). The Catholic church's sacrament of auricular confession, a veritable bugbear for reformers of all stripes, is attacked as meaningless 'eare tale' (1682) designed as a mere 'crafte to picke mens purses with all' (1657). Purgatory is quickly and satirically dismissed by the Father, who claims that, if it exists at all, it does so 'in the graunges/ cellers/ and porses of cure anoynted and shorne company' (1758-9). For the Father, as for all reformers, purgatory, like auricular confession, is a source of

11 / Contents and Structure financial gain for the Church and has no scriptural authority whatsoever. After this lengthy and sometimes highly theoretical discussion on the essentials of reformed Christian doctrine and the fanciful and fraudulent creations of the Roman church, it is something of a relief to come to the third part of this catechism to learn about the practical application of this theory. The, by now, well-informed and compliant Son asks his Father how he might order his life, and the Father's response centres on the need for definite spiritual exercises combined with appropriate curricular and practical methods of attaining true knowledge. The Son is encouraged to meditate on the ten commandments and to devout himself to 'fervent prayer and supplicacion/ often renewed' (1833-4). For the Father, prayer is meditation rather than mere lip-service.15 The prayer left to us by God himself, the pater nosier, is recited by the Father and each of its terms analyzed, although much more briefly than his commentary on the Creed.16 The Son is further encouraged to read the New Testament in English and, as a nod in the direction of humanism, to pay attention to those classical authors who clearly 'sheweth ... the waye to god' (1956-7). Finally, he is exhorted by his Father to cultivate skill in languages, especially Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. The work closes with a number of practical tips from Father to Son and with certainty on the Father's part - which we too are supposed to share - that God has predestined his Son 'to lyfe everlastynge' (2018), one final reference to the doctrine of predestination, a doctrine that is often mentioned or implied, but never explained, in this early example of a reformist enchiridion.

William Roye and the Reception of A Brefe Dialoge

Details about William Roye's life and character are sketchy, speculative, and perhaps even unfair. Furthermore, there is no firm view about the extent or quality of his literary output or his contribution to the cause of early English reform. Presumably using the tantalizingly vague biographical references in A Brefe Dialoge, where Roye dedicates the work '[t]o the Right noble Estates/ and to all wother of the toune of Gales' (8-9), and refers to negative comments made by his detractors about his father's refusal to eat pork (41), Rupp concludes that Roye, or Petit as he also calls him, was born in Calais and that there may have been Jewish blood in his veins (52).17 For his part, Dickens seems to have no doubt about Roye's place of birth or his ancestry,- he states that 'Friar Roy [was] born of Jewish stock in Calais' (The English Reformation 98), but Wolf claims that this allusion by Roye to Jewish ancestry is false (7). Lawler states that Roye studied at Cambridge University (More vi 2, 738), and Rupp thinks he may have done so (52). Foxe reminds us of the Lutheran activity at Cambridge at this time, which Roye may have been privy to, particularly the discussions of the 'godly learned in Christ' who 'conferred continually together' at the White Horse tavern (Acts and Monuments v 415). About this group Schuster adds, 'Undoubtedly most of the Cambridge reformers, who were to form the vanguard of the first generation of English Protestants, found the Lutheran cell informative and exhilarating. Certainly no other generation of Catholic seminarians from one university would meet stranger challenges than did Tyndale, Coverdale, Joye, Cranmer, Latimer, Barnes, Bilney, Frith, Lambert, Ridley, Gardiner, Stafford, Fox, Bale, Roy, Arthur,

13 / William Roye and the Reception of A Brefe Dialoge Bayfield, Parker, Shaxton, Taverner, and Constantine' (More vm 3, 1151). Apparently, Roye entered the Franciscan Observant Convent at Greenwich (ca. 1516-18) (Lawler vi 2, 738), an institution that he left in about 1524 to join William Tyndale in Hamburg and assist him in his translation of the New Testament (More vi 2, 738), a task for which he seemed to be well suited given his apparent knowledge of languages.18 More, no friend of Roye's, ironically attributes Roye's defection from the Observants (who, by the way, come under heavy fire in Roye's verse satire, Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe, 1528) to his realization that 'yt [was] vnlawfull to lyue in chastyte' and, as a consequence, 'ranne out of hys order' (More vm 1, 8). According to Clebsch, Roye escaped to the continent with the help of Tyndale's sympathetic British patron, Humphrey Monmouth, who had assisted Tyndale with his 'first labors' at New Testament translation (England's Earliest Protestants 229). Clebsch adds that 'nearly a year after Tyndale matriculated at Wittenberg on June 10, 1525, there was entered in the register of the University the name Guillelmus Roy ex landino' (229). 19 The extent to which Roye may have actually helped Tyndale with his biblical translation is a subject of some debate. In A Brefe Dialoge, Roye is relatively modest about his participation in the task and does not overplay his part at the expense of Tyndale's. Referring to Tyndale as 'William Hitchyns' (21), he calls him 'electe and chosen of God' (21), and defines his own part in the work of translation as 'healpe felowe/ and parte taker of his laboures' (22-3). In his English rendering of Luther's commentary on 1 Corinthians 7, which Roye entitles An exposition in to the seventh chaptre of the first pistie to the Corinthians (STC 10493), he refers to the translation as 'our englisshe texte' (civ), but later gives all the credit to Tyndale when he refers to him as 'the good man which did it translate' (c2r). Despite Roye's modest claims indicating some degree of participation in the work, many modern-day commentators have not been kind to Roye on this point. Writing in 1947, Gordon Rupp states about Roye that 'his own opinion of his abilities was not mean and he seems to have persuaded most people, and perhaps came nearer than we realize to persuading posterity, that he was the real linguistic genius among the exiles and had played Paul to Tyndale's Barna-

14 / Introduction bas' (52). David Daniell is perhaps less unfair to Roye than Rupp. Claiming that Roye 'was not without ability/ Daniell speculates on how the two men may have worked together. He states that 'it might be safe to assume that both sat with Erasmus's Greek Testament, with its new parallel Latin, in front of them, with Luther's 'September Bible', also its second and third editions, and the Vulgate, also open: and Greek, Latin, and German dictionaries to hand' (142). Finally, however, he seems to support Tyndale's claim that Roye was untrustworthy and his works trivial, even though Daniell's analysis of Roye's A Brefe Dialoge and Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe amounts to no more than one middling-length paragraph. Despite Patrick Collinson's claim that Tyndale may have been 'a quirky individual with whom it would have been difficult to live,' and Dickens's view, which Collinson cites, that Tyndale 'lacked those endearing qualities which are fostered by human affections' ('William Tyndale' 83), modern-day critics seem to accept Tyndale's view of Roye, perhaps best captured in his 'Preface' to the Parable of the Wicked Mammon (1528). In that 'Preface' Tyndale vents his spleen against Roye, a venting that has served to type Roye and his works down to the present time. He states in part (PS 1, 37-9): While I abode a faithful companion ... one William Roye, a man somewhat crafty, when he cometh unto new acquaintance, and before he be thorough known, and namely when all is spent, came unto me and offered his help. As long as he had no money, somewhat I could rule him,- but as soon as he had gotten him money, he became like himself again. Nevertheless, I suffered all things till that was ended, which I could not do alone without one, both to write, and to help me compare the texts together. When that was ended, I took my leave, and bade him farewell for our two lives, and (as men say) a day longer. After we were departed, he went and gat him new friends; which thing to do he passeth all that ever I yet knew. And there when he stored him of money he gat him to Argentine, where he professeth wonderful faculties, and maketh boast of no small things. A year after that, and now twelve months before the printing of this work, came one Jerome [ie, Jerome Barlowe, Roye's literary partner on two works], a brother of Greenwich

15 / William Roye and the Reception of A Brefe Dialoge also, through Worms to Argentine ... Which Jerome with all diligence I warned of Roye's boldness, and exhorted him to beware of him, and to walk quietly, and with all patience and long-suffering, according as we have Christ and his apostles for an ensample; which thing he also promised me. Nevertheless, when he was come to Argentine, William Roye (whose tongue is able not only to make fools stark mad, but also to deceive the wisest, that is, at the first sight and acquaintance,) gat him to him, and set him a-work to make rhymes, while he himself translated a dialogue out of Latin into English, in whose prologue he promiseth more a great deal than I fear me he will ever pay. In this passage, Tyndale does not deny that Roye assisted him; in fact he claims that Roye helped him 'compare the texts together/ a task that suggests that Roye was more than simply Tyndale's amanuensis, a term that Foxe applies to Roye's duties.20 In this passage, what seems to bother Tyndale about Roye is not so much his scholarship as his personality, a not altogether surprising revelation given Tyndale's apparent sober-sided character.21 Another concern of Tyndale's is Roye's effect on his colleague, Jerome Barlowe. Although warned by Tyndale about Roye's 'boldness,' Barlowe seemed not to heed the warning, perhaps seeing in Roye someone less intimidating than Tyndale. Certainly there is no evidence that Barlowe and Roye fell out as Tyndale and Roye certainly did. Indeed, as mentioned elsewhere, the two collaborated on two early reformist works, Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe and A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman. Finally, Tyndale is upset by Roye not only because of his participation in the rhyme-making work Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe, a scurrilous verse satire on Cardinal Wolsey in particular and the traditional Church in general, but also because in Roye's translation of 'a dialogue out of Latin into English,' that is, A Brefe Dialoge itself, Roye 'promiseth more a great deal than I fear me he will ever pay.' When we read the unrelenting attacks Tyndale directs against the Church in The Practice of Prelates (PS 2, 240344), we have to conclude that Tyndale is angry with Roye and Barlowe's Rede Me not so much for its content as for its form. 22 And his concern about Roye's inability to keep the promise he makes in A

16 / Introduction Brefe Dialogs probably refers to Roye's comments on his work on the Old Testament, work that either came to nothing, thereby validating Tyndale's point, or that never came down to us. Whatever the degree of collaboration between Tyndale and Roye, it is beyond doubt that the two did work together for some time with the united purpose of producing an English version of the New Testamant and that the motivation of both men - who finally died for their beliefs - was of the highest and beyond reproach. The two began work on the translation in Cologne. Daniell points out that the work had progressed as far as Matthew 22:12 when it was interrupted because of the threatened arrest of Tyndale and Roye. Apparently, a Cologne scholar, John Dobneck, whose Latin name was Cochlaeus, found out about Tyndale and Roye's work in progress from drunken workmen in Peter Quentell's print-shop and informed Hermann Rinck, a Cologne senator and a friend of both Henry vm and Cardinal Wolsey, of Tyndale and Roye's translation in progress.23 Rinck received permission to impound the work, but Tyndale and Roye escaped by ship from Cologne to Worms, thereby avoiding arrest (Daniell 109-10). Roye, at least, must have had this close call and Cochlaeus's part in it in mind when he describes him in Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe as '[a] littell pratye foolysshe poade' (610). After their escape from Cologne and before their eventual falling out, Tyndale and Roye completed the New Testament in Worms, where it was printed by Peter Schaeffer, probably early in 1526 (Daniell 134). Roye's close work with Tyndale may have served as the inspiration for the launching of his own literary-polemical career, which began only one year after his work on the 1526 Worms New Testament. Initially, he seems to have begun as a translator, a not surprising point of departure given his work on the New Testament and his residence on the Continent surrounded by a myriad of Lutheran reformist tracts. As far as we know, his first work was his translation of Capito's catechism under the title of A Lytle treatous or A Brefe Dialoge. The work appeared from the press of the Strassburg printer Johann Schott on 31 August 1527.24 In The Supplication of Souls, More wrongly attributes the work to both 'frere Roy and frere Hyerome' and calls it 'the dyaloge ... betwene the father and the sonne agaynst the sacrament of the aulter' (More vn 161). In referring to this

17 / William Roye and the Reception of A Brefe Dialoge work that is devoted to a detailed explication of the terms of the Creed as directed 'agaynst the sacrament of the aulter/ More lets us know what disturbs him about the dialogue. Obviously his interest is captured by the Father's extended refutation of the doctrines of transubstantiation and the Real Presence found principally in about 200 lines of this 2018-line work. 25 Roye's second work, a collaborative effort with Jerome Barlowe, is Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe, published probably early in 1528 from Schott's printing house in Strassburg. This dialogue gave rise to enormous concern in its own day and has continued to disturb critics down to the present. As we have seen, Rede Me is the work that Tyndale attacked in his Mammon as 'railing rhyme.' On the other side of the ideological fence, More, in The Supplication of Souls, referred to it as 'the blasphemouse boke entytled the beryeng of the masse' (More vn 161), and in A Dialogue Concerning Heresies he called it 'a folysshe raylynge boke agaynst the clergy and moche parte made in ryme' and claims that 'in the begynnyng [it was] rekened to be made by TyndalP (vi 1, 291). Cardinal Wolsey was rendered apoplectic with rage because of its sustained and vicious attacks against him. Schuster states that 'Wolsey's fury over the book was immediately translated into action. By coordinating the intelligence and espionage of Low Country agents John Hackett, Hermann Rinck, and the newly-recruited Observant Friar John West, Wolsey had the offending books [one of which was Rede Me] traced to Jewish bankers at Frankfurt, who were holding them as security for debts incurred by the Strassburg exiles. Rinck bought up the entire stock as advised and stowed them in his house at Cologne while awaiting further orders' (More vm 3, 1177-8). In our own time, critics are still undecided as to who actually wrote the work and the extent to which Barlowe and Roye may have collaborated on it, an issue discussed in detail in Parker's edition of A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman.26 Roye's third work, another translation published, according to the colophon, on 20 June 1529 by Hans Luft (ie, Johannes Hoochstraten) in Antwerp, 27 was in fact two works published together: Roye's English translation of Erasmus's Paraclesis, published under the title An exhortation to the diligent studye of scripture, and his translation of Luther's commentary on 1 Corinthians 7, published as

18 /Introduction An exposition in to the seventh chaptre of the first pistle to the Corinthians (STC 10493), a work in which More satirically claims 'prestes, freres, monkes, and nonnes be taught that euangelycall lyberty, that they may runne out a catawawynge, and so wow and wedde and lawfully lyue in lechery' (The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer, Preface-, More vm 1, 8). About these two works published together Schuster states, 'Not only did the volume suggestively link the Erasmian advocacy of vernacular scriptures with Luther's downgrading of vowed celibacy, but it marked the first serious attempt by English reformers to exploit the powerful pen of Erasmus in the Protestant cause' (More vm3, 1192). The fourth and final work, in which both Roye and Barlowe played a part, is A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman, another work from Luft's press published in its final form in 1530, only months after the appearance of an incomplete version published probably in late 1529. In its first, 1529 version, A proper dyaloge was made up of two parts: the dialogue itself in which farmer and gentleman lament their impoverished conditions as a result of clerical greed, manifested in unscrupulous land grabs and impropriation of secular lands, and a Lollard tract - 'an olde treatyse made aboute the tyme of kinge Rycharde the seconde' (685-7) - calling for clerical disendowment. In its final version the work adds to its two parts a third tract of considerable vintage, but of uncertain origin, arguing and providing historical precedents for a vernacular Bible. In fact, this third part had been edited and published separately, possibly by William Tyndale, early in 1530 under the title A compendious olde treatyse shewynge howe that we ought to haue the scripture in Englysshe (STC 3021). The authors of A proper dyaloge, probably capitalizing on both the content of this work and the fact that Tyndale may have been associated with it, quickly reissued A proper dyaloge, with A compendious olde treatyse appended to it. There seems to be very little known about Roye's life after he broke with Tyndale and while he was involved in his various literary endeavours either alone or with Jerome Barlowe. Rupp mentions that at one point Roye returned to England to make a 'daring visit to his mother, who lived in London' and that he was also spotted 'making for Newcastle' (61). Probably he did not live long after the appearance of his final work, A proper dyaloge. More states that he 'was burned in Portyngale' (The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer, Preface vm 1),

19 / William Roye and the Reception of A Brefe Dialoge 8), but Wolf thinks that this information, given to More by the Protestant martyr Richard Bayfield, does not sound probable and was perhaps an intentional misdirection designed to delude More into thinking that Roye was dead, thereby depriving him of another potential martyr (16). Clebsch, following Foxe (rv 696), gives the year of Rove's death as 1531.28 Proclamations against and condemnations of heretical books, or books defined as such by the government, were not uncommon during Henry vm's reign, and Roye's A Brefe Dialoge evidently managed to arouse the suspicion of the authorities, since it found itself included in a number of official proclamations and condemnations. Always concerned about the importation of Lutheran books, the authorities became particularly vigilant when heretical works in English published on the Continent and smuggled into England began to appear on the scene. Foxe (rv 666-7) mentions Cuthbert Tunstal's prohibition 'to the Archdeacons of his Diocese' 'for the calling in of the New Testaments translated into English, with divers other Books' (666), and Clebsch alludes to Tunstal's 25 October 1526 warning to London book dealers about importing Lutheran books (261). Over the years specific heretical books were added to TunstaFs mandate and to the one issued by William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, only two weeks after Tunstal's prohibition. Along with works written by Continental reformers such as Luther, Zwingli, and Hus, there appear several English works: Fish's 'The Supplication of Beggars'; Frith's translation of Luther's 'the Revelation of Antichrist'; Tyndale's 'New Testament,' 'the Wicked Mammon,' 'the Obedience of a Christian Man,' and 'an introduction to Paul's Epistle to the Romans'; and, most important for our purposes, 'a Dialogue betwixt the Father and the Son' (Foxe rv 667). According to Clebsch, 'the next official condemnation of Protestant books in English resulted from Henry's studied attempt to align himself with conservative religious elements in the wake of the Reformation Parliament of 1529' (263). Although Roye's tract is not specifically mentioned in this official condemnation, a blanket clause following the list and condemning 'all other bokes in Englissh conteynyng such errours' (Clebsch 264-5) would have implied its inclusion. A third royal proclamation dated by Foxe (and cited in full by

20 / Introduction him) as 1531 (iv 676-9), by Clebsch as late 1530 or early 1531 (264), and wrongly by Steele as before 6 March 1528-9 (A Bibliography of Royal Proclamations of the Tudor and Stuart Sovereigns 1, 13) is entitled 'A Proclamation for resysting and withstandyng of most dampnable Heresyes/ sowen within this realme/ by the disciples of Luther and other Heretykes/ perverters of Christes relygion.' On this list appear both Roye's 'A disputation between the Father and the Son/ and his and Barlowe's A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an husbandman, called 'A,B,C, against the Clergy' from the twenty-one-line acrostic that opens the dialogue (A proper dyaloge 126). Steele lists another royal proclamation issued, he believes, in June 1530 and entitled 'A proclamation made and diuysed by the kyngis highnes, with the aduise of his honorable counsaile, for dampning the hauing of holy scripture, translated into the vulgar tonges of englisshe, frenche, or duche' (Steele Bibliography 1, 14). In his summary of this proclamation, Steele mentions the specific condemnation of Tyndale's work followed by the catch-all phrase 'and others printed oversea,' a phrase that would condemn A Brefe Dialoge as well. Furthermore, printers are warned not 'to print any new book on scriptural subjects without the bishop's leave.' Clebsch mentions Bishop Stokesley's sermon at Paul's Cross on 3 December 1531 in which he named thirty heretical books, three of which were Roye's or Barlowe and Roye's: 'Burying of the Mass' (ie, Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe), Dialogue of the Gentleman and Plowman (ie, A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman), and the Dialogue between the Father and Son (266-7). Another list issued likely in 1532 and entitled Statuta et ordinationes praelatorum in concilia provinciali edita condemned several English works by Tyndale and also included three of Roye's including our text, here entitled Dialogue between Father and Son (Clebsch 267-8). On 16 November 1538, according to Steele, Henry issued another proclamation of a general nature ('Concerning printing, ceremonies, heresy etc.') in which, among other things, English books printed abroad were forbidden entry into the country 'on pain of forfeiture of all goods and imprisonment' (1, 19). On 8 July 1546 the king issued 'A Proclamation deuised by the

21 / William Roye and the Reception of A Brefe Dialoge kinges hignes ... to auoide and abolish suche englishe bookes, as conteine pernicious and detestable errours, and heresies' In this tract we read that '[n]o person after 31 August next shall have Tindal or Coverdale's New Testament in English ... nor any English book set forthe in the name of Frith, Tindall, Wicliff, Joy, Roie, Basile, Bale, Barnes, Coverdale, Turner, Tracy ...' (Steele 1, 31). Additionally, Foxe's appendix to volume v gives '[a] list of Books Prohibited A.D. 1542' from the Bonner Register in which the work that tops the list is '[t]he disputation between the father and the son' (v, Appendix, unpaginated). As far as can be known, the only reference to A Brefe Dialoge during Protestant Edward's reign is, of course, the Lynne edition of 1550, but with Edward's death and Mary's accession to the throne, Roye once again finds himself in bad odour, as the proclamation of 13 June 1555 makes clear. In it 'the Kynge and the Quene' revive '[t]he Statute of 2 Henry IV against heresy and heretical books' and forbid the importation of books by an enormously long list of authors, Continental and home-grown alike: 'Martyn Luther, Oecolampadius, Swinglius, John Caluyne, Pomerane, John Alasco, Bullynger, Bucer, Melanchton, Barnardinus Ochinus, Erasmus Sarcerius, Peter Martyr, Hughe Latymer, Robert Barnes (freere Barnes), John (freer) Bale, Justus Jonas, John Hoper, Myles Couerdale, Wyllyam Tyndale, Thomas Cranmer, Wyllyam Turner, Theodore Basyll, or Thomas Beacon, John Fryth, Roy, Halles Cronycles, or any of them in Latin, Dutch, English, Italian, or French' (Steele 1, 48). Although it is not much read in our own day - like so many early English Reformation tracts - it is clear from this summary of official proclamations of condemnation that A Brefe Dialoge was a much feared and subversive work in its own time, regularly mentioned in the same breath as the works of the greatest English reformer of this period, William Tyndale. Hume points out that from its very first appearance it was eagerly sought out and destroyed by conservative forces, and that shortly after its printing 'almost the entire issue was bought up by Hermann Rynck on behalf of Wolsey' ('William Roye's "Brefe Dialoge"' 307), a fact that perhaps explains why only two copies of the first edition are extant, one in private hands, the other in the Hofbibliothek in Vienna.29 In addition, by being the first Protestant catechism published in England, it set the

22 / Introduction stage for the appearance in the sixteenth century of an enormous number of catechetical works of various reformist stripes, a topic that is the subject of the next section of this study.

The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England

Any study of the catechism in sixteenth-century England initially needs to make mention of the origins and background of the form and its patristic and medieval manifestations. This study will briefly address these issues and then focus in greater detail on the sixteenthcentury English catechism with a view to showing (1) what type of work the authors of catechisms thought they were writing; (2) who they intended their catechisms for; (3) what authority they had for them; (4) their particular religious ideologies; and (5) their best method of use. This section will close with a brief look at the way in which the notion of catechizing, or instruction in Christian living, makes its way into some of the imaginative literature of the medieval and early modern periods. Biblical injunctions to teach and instruct, and manifestations of teaching and instruction, are everywhere apparent in both Old and New Testaments. The New Catholic Encyclopedia gives the meaning of the Greek word from which are derived the English forms catechesis and catechism as to speak so as to teach or to instruct orally. Two New Testament passages in particular allude to the practice of teaching and of being taught the truths of the Christian faith: Acts 18:25 states: 'This man was instructed in the way of the Lord; and being fervent in spirit, he spake and taught diligently the things of the Lord, knowing only the baptism of John.' And Galatians 6:6 adds: 'Let him that is taught in the word communicate unto him that teacheth in all good things.' In the New Testament, Christ himself is the supreme catechist, sometimes teaching through parable, sometimes less metaphorically through direct statement as in the Sermon

24 / Introduction on the Mount (Matthew 5:3-11). As a teacher, Paul is a close second to Christ, self-consciously and proudly declaring his role as catechist. In 1 Corinthians 4:17 he states, 'I teach every where in every church/ and in 1 Timothy 2:7 he adds, 'I am ordained a preacher and an apostle ... a teacher of the Gentiles in faith and unity/ That Christ established the principle and importance of instruction or catechesis is clearly evident in his ministry. That he also exhorted others to carry on this work is clear from Matthew 28:19, where he tells his 'fishers of men' to 'Go ye therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost/ The importance of the chronology of this injunction is easily overlooked: in this passage Christ tells his disciples to teach first and then to baptize, thereby suggesting that acceptance into the Christian faith through the sacrament of baptism can only happen after the catechumen has been taught and received instruction. This might very well explain why in the patristic era catechisms were mainly pre-baptismal and designed for adults, whereas later, as we shall see, they were often employed as refresher manuals for children, adults, and even clergy who might be deficient in one or more central aspects of their faith. Since all the Fathers of the Church saw themselves as teachers first and foremost, all of them doubtless must have felt part of an ongoing and vital catechetical tradition stretching back to the Bible itself and to such exemplary teachers as Christ and St Paul. Nevertheless, depending on the sources one consults, some of the patristic figures seem more important than others in this regard; some frequently mentioned are Cyril of Jerusalem, John Chrysostom, Augustine, Rufinus of Aquileia, Gregory of Nyssa, and Origen. What is important to note, however, for the purposes of this study of the catechism in sixteenth-century England, is that English authors or editors of catechisms were less interested in assessing the value of individual patristic catechisms than they were in simply listing the authors of these works so as to provide their own efforts with a legitimate pedigree.30 In fact, in most instances where the patristic tradition is alluded to, it is the authors, not their works, that are mentioned. On the strength of Sloyan's fine summary, it is clear that the medieval period (however roughly defined) continues the tradition of

25 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England catechetical instruction firmly established by the Church Fathers and, before them, the Bible itself. He mentions the now lost catechetical sermons and apostolic work of such figures as Sts Patrick, Boniface, Columban, Augustine of Canterbury, Eligius, Gall, and Willibrod. In addition, he lists the Interrogationes et responsiones in Genesis and Disputatio puerorum per interrogations et responsiones of Alcuin of York (804); the eleventh-century tracts of Fulbert of Chartres and Bonizon of Plaissance; the Elucidarium of the twelfth-century writer Honorius; Hugh of St Victor's (ca. 1119) De quinque septenis seu septenariis-, and John Gerson's (1363-1420) On Drawing the Little Ones to Christ. Very few of these names mean anything today except to the expert in catechetical history. What they do show, however, is a continuing interest on the part of devout and learned Christians in providing instruction for those most in need of it. The question of definition of the catechism is crucial when we come to examine catechisms, Protestant and Catholic alike, in the sixteenth century. There can, however, be no doubt that catechetical training - whatever its precise form - was deemed crucial by Church authorities. Phillipa Tudor argues that 'from the twelfth century onwards successive injunctions urged the importance of priestly preaching of the Ten Commandments, seven deadly sins, and the articles of the Creed' (312), and Eamon Duffy claims that the Lord's Prayer, Hail Mary, and the Apostles' Creed formed 'the irreducible core of a more elaborate catechetical programme for the laity' (The Stripping of the Altars 54), designed not for the heathen or potential convert, as was the case in the biblical and perhaps even the patristic eras, but rather for Christians - secular and clerical alike - who, for whatever reasons, had become lax or negligent in the rudiments of their faith. This 'irreducible core' of belief was largely established for the English church by Archbishop John Pecham at the Provincial Council of Lambeth held in 1281. The council produced a plan of instruction for the laity centred on the Creed, the Ten Commandments, 'and Christ's summary of these in the dual precept to love God and neighbour, the seven works of mercy, the seven virtues, the seven vices, and the seven sacraments' (Duffy 53). The council's plan, known as De informacione simplicium, or more popularly as Ignorantia Sacerdotum, led to Archbishop Thoresby's spiritual guide

26 / Introduction for the Northern Province, translated into English as The Lay Folks' Catechism.3"1 The importance of this work is attested by Duffy, who claims that it was 'imitated or directly used in dioceses all over England up to the Reformation' (54).32 Essentially, The Lay Folks' Catechism has much in it that will strike us as familiar when we come to look at sixteenth-century catechisms: like many of them it articulates and analyses the terms of the Pater Noster, the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Sacraments. In addition, because it is an orthodox tract, it examines the Ave Maria and looks at the seven deadly sins, the works of mercy, and the theological virtues. In effect, it is an important work because it establishes a pattern of catechesis that is repeated time and again in the many orthodox tracts that follow in its footsteps. It is also important because it implies that blame for an ignorant laity rests with the clergy.33 Although Roye's A Brefe Dialoge has the distinction of being the first Protestant catechism published in English, it certainly wasn't the last or only one to appear in the sixteenth century. Thanks to the fine work of Ian Green and Philippa Tudor, and the Short-Title Catalogue entries, we are able to determine in a small way the prevalence and importance of catechisms during this period.34 What needs to be said from the start is that we have no exact idea of how prevalent catechisms were in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in England, although Green does hazard a number based on his own survey. He states: In the period from 1549, when the short catechism of the Prayer Book first appeared to 1646, the year before the appearance of the Westminster Shorter Catechism which was designed to replace it, over 280 different catechetical forms known to have been published or used in England can still be identified. In addition at least sixty much larger works of a catechetical kind can be isolated - detailed expositions by question and answer, catechetical sermons and the like - and a handful of works offering encouragement and advice on how to catechize, both of these categories being aimed at the more advanced student or at those who might be called upon to take the role of catechist. In

27 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England all, therefore, over 300 different catechetical forms or works can be traced, the vast majority of which ... were of English origin and were published after 1570.35 Furthermore, it is very likely that many other original catechisms, especially manuscript ones, but some printed ones too, have been lost without trace. (400)36 Now that the background of the catechism has been sketched from its possible origins to the beginning of the early modern period, it is appropriate to address the five issues raised at the beginning of this section about the catechism in the sixteenth century. In The Small Catechism published in 1529, Luther defines the term 'catechism' simply, and not too helpfully, as 'a statement of Christian teaching' (Three Reformation Catechisms 181), a definition that could apply to a wide variety of devotional/instructional writing that we, in our own time, might not necessarily understand as a catechism.37 The first recorded use of the term 'catechism' in English seems to derive from John Colet's Statutes of St. Paul's School (ca. 1509), although the word appears in the title of John Gaytrig's English translation of Archbishop John Thoresby's fourteenthcentury Latin instructional manual entitled in English The Lay Folks' Catechism (Swanson 92ff). In his Statutes, the Dean of St Paul's states that '[t]he Maister shall admit these chyldren as they be offeride fro tyme to tyme, but first se that they canne the cathechuzon, and also that he can rede and wryte competently, elles let hym not be admittid in no wyse' (Lupton Life of John Colet 277). A little later he states, 'I will the Chyldren lerne ffirst aboue all the Catechyzon in Englysh' (279). Colet's Cathechyzon, published in appendix B in Lupton, indicates clearly what Colet means by the term. In his catechism we see two of the usual items found in later works: the Creed, divided into the twelve articles of the faith, and the seven sacraments, reduced to two in later reformist catechisms. In addition, however, Colet includes a section on Charity, broken down into love of God, love of self, and love of neighbour, followed by a list of Treceptes of Lyuynge.' The whole text makes up no more than five pages and, significantly, the work is not cast in question and answer form, as are so many of the later English catechisms.38 Significantly, The Lay Folks' Catechism (ca. 1357-8) uses a

28 / Introduction declarative rather than an interrogative format as well, although the elements of the faith discussed - the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, the Apostles' Creed, the Five Senses, the Six Things, the Manhood of Christ, the Ten Commandments, the Sacraments, the Spiritual and Corporal Works of Mercy, the Seven Cardinal Virtues, and the Seven Deadly Sins - make it a far fuller treatment of orthodox belief than the Colet tract. The issue of what characteristics both of content and form define the term 'catechism' is not rendered any clearer by examining Thomas Becon's Catechism, first published in 1564. This work, made up of a preface dedicated to his 'young children' Theodore, Basil, and Rachel, and the tract itself, written for his five-year-old son, is a breathless and seemingly endless scrutiny of the minutiae of the Christian faith closer in scope to Calvin's Institutes than to Colet's modest catechism, also designed for children, or to the anonymous single-signature octavo work, A breefe Catechisme so necessarie and easie to be learned euen of the symple sort (STC 4798), published by Hugh Singleton in 1576. It extends to some 410 pages in the Cambridge edition.39 In additional, Becon states that his catechism is 'sette forth Dialoge-wise in familiare talke betwene the father and the son' ('8). The use of the word 'Dialoge' is reminiscent of the title Roye gives to his version of Capito's catechism, and the word is also used in at least two other catechisms of the sixteenth century, A Briefe Catechisme and Dialogue (STC 4797.3) and E. Allen's A shorte Catechisme ... setforth [sic] in maner of a Dialogue (STC 4803.2). The term 'dialogue' and its appearance as a crucial component in some catechisms of the period may help bring us closer to a sense of what sixteenth-century authors thought a catechism was. On the other hand, it complicates matters by forcing us to decide whether all dialogues containing some degree of didacticism qualify as catechisms or whether morally didactic works in non-dialogue form are in some way as well entitled to the designation 'catechism.' 40 In his Catechism, Becon's Father seems entirely aware of the problem of definition and attempts to resolve it. The Father tells his Son that 'many have this word Catechism in their mouth, but few understand what it meaneth' (9). The Son remembers his 'schoolmaster' telling him that it is a Greek word 'and signifieth a doctrine

29 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England taught of the wise and learned to the younglings of Christ's religion, in the which, after a brief and goodly order, is comprehended whatsoever is necessarily required unto the right institution of a Christian man' (9). In Dietrich Kolde's 1470 'Mirror of a Christian Man,' a work that Janz calls the 'first printed German catechism and perhaps the most important of the late medieval catechisms/ Kolde calls his catechism written in the declarative form 'a beautiful mirror for good Christians,'41 good presumably meaning well intentioned if ignorant. He exhorts his readers to carry it 'with them at all times as a handbook, since it contains everything that is necessary for the well-being and salvation of the soul' (31), a statement that would seem to define catechism as a spiritual enchiridion.42 In his Anabaptist A Christian Catechism (1526), Balthasar Hubmaier defines his question and answer work as 'a text book of the articles [of the faith].' Dering (A briefe and necessary catechism or instruction. Verye needefull to be knownen of all householders, STC 4794), Turner (A catechisme or briefe instruction in the principles of the Christian religion, STC 4802), Norton (STC 18708), and Edward (A short catechisme, or playne instruction, conteynynge the summe of Christian learnynge, sett fourth for all scholemaisters to teache, STC 4812) all call their catechisms by the apparently synonymous term 'instruction,' and the English version of NowelPs The Middle Catechism (STC 18730) is designated an 'Institution of Christian Religion,' a title reminiscent of Calvin's magisterial Institutes. Next to Becon, perhaps Launcelot Andrewes is most helpful in his attempt to define the term. In his A Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine, published in 1641, Andrewes makes a distinction between two different types of instruction, preaching and catechizing. For him preaching is (1) 'the dilating of one member of religion into a just treatise'; (2) 'for all ages'; (3) 'without repetition for the hearer.' By contrast, catechizing is (1) 'a contracting of the whole sum',- (2) 'chiefly for children',- (3) 'to be repeated by the catechised' (6). The elusiveness of the definition of the term, however, is evident in Andrewes's practice. While his outline of the differences between preaching and catechizing seems to be clear, the distinctions are muddied when one turns to Andrewes's catechism itself. It is scarcely 'a contracting of the whole sum,' running as it does to some 286 pages in the Oxford edition of his works. Additionally, its com-

30 / Introduction plexities render it inaccessible to all but the most prodigious children, nor might it easily be repeated because of its length and difficulty. Another helpful definition is found, interestingly, not in a catechism itself but in Charcke's A short and fruitfull Treatise of the profit and necessite of Catechising. The definition provides us with what seems to be a concise and specific spelling out of the term until we realize that Charcke's definition, compared to examples of the form that we have seen, only reflects what he believes a catechism to be. For Charcke a catechism is 'a briefe doctrine framed for youth and the ruder sort, containing in it the summe of the doctrine of the Law and Gospell, or of Christian Religion, which being delivered, is required againe at the hands of the auditors' (B2v). For Charkce, a catechism is brief; as we have seen, not all of them are. For Charcke a catechism contains the essence of Christian religion; as we will see, that essence very much depends on the religious beliefs and ideology of individual catechism authors. For Charcke, the catechism is a work capable of being memorized, or as he puts it, 'required againe at the hands of the auditors.' As we have seen, some catechisms, because of their length and format, lend themselves to memorization more than others. For whom were catechisms written? The simple answer seems to be everyone, although some authors earmarked particular audiences in theory at least, if not in practice. The Lay Folks' Catechism, as the title indicates, is designed for all lay folks. The author states that all knowledge that we receive about God on this earth 'Is of heryng, and lernyng and techyng of othir' (29, p. 4). This catechism is directed at those who wish to learn but who are ignorant at present, a condition for which the clergy must take some responsibility, a not uncommon charge in other catechisms of the period: 'And perauenture the defaitor in thaime,/ That has thaire saules to kepe, and suld teche thame,/ Als prelates, parsons, vikers, and prestes/ That er halden be dette for to lere thame' (38-41, p. 4). The context of Colet's catechism, St Paul's school itself, plus the brevity of Colet's catechetical compendium, clearly indicates that its audience is students and the impressionable young. By contrast, as we have seen, both Becon's and Andrewes's catechisms, ostensibly designed for the young, are in fact

31 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England well beyond the grasp of that group and would appear to be designed to impress with their knowledge those already well versed in the complexities of the faith. Certainly there is nothing elementary or basic in these two works, even though Becon through his dialogue form and 'familiar talk' (Becon, p. 8) seems intent on entertaining as well as instructing, and Andrewes, in outlining the duties of the catechist, insists that the catechist 'make his doctrine easy to enter, by giving it an edge and perspicuity of method' (6).43 Other authors of catechisms are careful to specify the audiences they hope to attract. Some appear to have a general appeal. Kolde's is 'for good Christians/ Calvin's and Luther's for people in general, although the fact that Luther wrote two, one for children, the other for adults, suggests that he allowed for the different intellectual capabilities of these two groups. Hubmaier's is designed for youth and for others who have been led astray. Bering's is for 'all Husholders, Whereby they maye the better teach and instruct their Families' (STC 4794), as is A Catechisme with a Prayer annexed (STC 4820), which is directed at all Christian families.44 Nichols's An Order of Houshold Instrvction is designed for the 'whole houshold,' as is Openshaw's 1579 Short questions and answerres, conteyning the summe of Christian Religion (STC 18816), in which the author encourages his audience of 'Christian parentes and Housholders' to understand that they who 'were woont to aske how [they] shoulde passe the long Winter euenings without gaming, shall learne to turne [their] playing at Cardes, and Dice, and Dansing, to singing of Psalmes, teaching [their] housholde, and praying with them' (A4v). A Briefe Catechisme and Dialogue betwene the husbande and his Wyfe (STC 15385) is for all, but especially the young who have been neglected by their parents. Additionally, it is also helpful for the parents themselves who do not know the truths of the faith and therefore cannot teach them to their children. Perkins's catechism (An exposition of the Lords prayer in the way of catechising, STC 19700) is for all ignorant people. Many others are for those who lack the knowledge of their faith. The one-octavo signature A breefe Catechisme (STC 4798) is 'necessarie and easie to be learned euen of the symple sort' and Egerton's work is for 'the benefit of the simple' (STC 7528). Three catechisms in this survey (STC 18730, 4803.2, 4803.8) seem to be designed exclusively for children, and the last of these

32 / Introduction three even goes so far as to advertise its efficacious qualities. It states that it was 'learned by one at three yeares of age.'45 The one catechism that because of its brevity and form would seem designed for children, namely The Catechisme in Metre (STC 4800.3), advertises itself for all, although as Green points out the term children as used by catechists had both a literal and metaphoric signification, thereby suggesting that all people, even the hoariest of adults, might be children in the faith.46 This quite likely explains why both A Catechisme, or a Christian doctrine (STC 4801), a Catholic catechism published in 1568, is directed at 'Chyldren and the ignorant people' and the 1588 version of the Heidelberg catechism (STC 13030) to 'Children and the Ignoravnter Sort.' A final category, found in the government-approved A Short Catechisme (STC 4812), published in 1553, is that of 'Scholemaisters' who are directed to teach the catechism in school 'immediately after the other brief Catechisme whych we have alreadye setforth' (A3r), a reference to the 1549 Protestant catechism approved by Edward vi. In this category, but at the other end of the religious spectrum from the Protestant A Short Catechisme, is Bishop Edmund Bonner's Catholic catechism. The lengthy title of Bonner's work, published in the third year of Catholic Mary's reign, and its imperious tone, to say nothing of the authority of the issuing figure who is also its author, makes it very clear who the work is for and what it is designed to supersede. The title reads: An honest godlye instruction, and information for the tradynge [sic], and bringinge vp of Children, set furth by the Bishoppe of London Commaundyng all scholemaisters and other teachers of youthe within his Diocese, that they neither teach, learne reade or vse any other maner of ABC, Catechisme or rudimentes, then this made for the first instruction of youth (STC 3281). These two directions to schoolmasters from representatives of the two opposing religious camps to teach the catechism to their students is reminiscent of Colet's to his masters in his Statutes of St. Paul's School. With a view to further justifying the validity and antiquity of formal catechetical instruction, many of the authors of these works took pains to make clear the hallowed tradition of which they were a part. This argument from history, a not uncommon tactic among reform-

33 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England ist figures, worked to establish reformers' legitimacy and head off the charge of newfangledness. In addition, since the formal catechism as we know it originated with the Catholic church - as seen for instance in both The Lay Folks' Catechism and Colet's catechism for the students of St Paul's School, plus the various earlier works to which Duffy refers - reformers would have felt obliged to demonstrate that by producing catechisms they were not falling in behind the Catholic church's tradition, but rather using as their source unsullied biblical precedent, even if the definition of catechism had to be stretched out of shape in order to apply it to the hallowed sources the reformers wanted in their camp. Thus, for instance, in A briefe methode of catechising (5th edition, 1597; STC 7527.9), Stephen Egerton cites 'places of Scripture, shewing the necessite and antiquitie of Catechizing, aswell [sic] priuately as publikely,' and mentions Deuteronomy 16.6, 7, 8; Esai 20.18; Hebrews 6.1, 2; Genesis 18.17; 1 Chronicles 28.9, 10; Matthew 16.15, 16, 17; Acts 8.30, 31, 35, 36, 37; Proverbs 31.12 to justify the validity of his own work (A4rA4v). Similarly, in An Order of Houshold Instrvction (STC 18539.5), Josias Nichols cites the teaching roles of certain biblical figures to validate the approach in his own catechism. For him, Joshua and his family serve as fine precedents, as do Cornelius and his soldiers, Abraham and his three hundred and eighteen, and the fact that Timotheus was brought up in the fear of the Lord by his mother Eunice and grandmother Lois (fi5v-B6r). In addition, Charcke in his A short and fruitfull Treatise invokes the names of early catechists of both sexes from the Bible. On the male side, we hear of Abraham, Adam, Noah, Cornelius, and Timothy,- and on the female side, a surprisingly large number of women, of whom Lydea, Dorcas, Damaris, Phebe, Marie, Tryphena, Tryphosa, Persis, and Priseilla are among the more exotic. The validity of all these precedents and their precise applicability to sixteenth-century catechism production is, of course, suspect. If one can look at the world in general as a place where some people (the minority) know more than others (the majority), then the whole experience of living is essentially an experience of learning. Furthermore, since the Bible is itself in one sense an extended instruction manual in two registers (Old and New Testament), the business of finding examples of those who teach and those who learn throughout its pages is not difficult. Whether, however, these general

34 / Introduction and ubiquitous examples of instruction and learning serve as convincing precedents to justify the production of something as theoretically, if not practically, genre-bound as a catechism is another question. In any case what is important is that some of those who generated catechisms thought such precedents served to justify their labours. And so we find Lancelot Andrewes, for instance, ransacking the Bible to find proofs for his three claims: (1) 'That children ought to be instructed'; (2) 'The manner of this instruction'; (3) 'The duty of the caetchised' (4-13). Similarly, E.B.'s A Catechisme Or Briefe Instruction in the Principles and Grounds of the true Christian Religion, published in 1617 (5TC 4802), refers to Abraham's 'diligentnesse about the instructing of his familie in the way of the Lord' (A6v). In addition, E.B. sees that among the Old Testament 'Patriarkes catechizing was practised' (A/r) and mentions its presence in the New Testament as well 'in the Apostles times' (A/I). He is on safer, because more precise, ground when he mentions catechists of 'the Primitiue Church' such as 'Pantenus, Clemens, Origen,' but it is clear that to build up an impressive stable of early catechists with biblical roots, he is forced to include teachers in the broadest sense of that word. Some of John Bristow's examples of precedents are even more strained than the ones seen heretofore. In An Exposition of the Creede, the Lords Prayer, the tenne Commandements, and the Sacraments, published in 1627 (STC 3798), Bristow mentions, without specifying, the catechetical work done by Abraham, losua, and the Apostles, and even mentions Adam as a major source (one is led to wonder what went wrong with his catechetical work with Cain). Origen is also mentioned, but his most striking example is the pagan Socrates, a clear indication of the degree to which some catechism authors were prepared to stretch the term catechism and catechist to justify their own work (A3r).47 Two other seventeenth-century catechisms also work hard to provide precedents for their own efforts and both are more convincing, because they seem willing to narrow the definition more than the sources already cited. E. Alport, in his semi-scholarly introduction to David's Catechism published in 1623 (STC 537), tries to define the market for catechisms. In the process he tells us some meaningful things about the tradition. He mentions the Fathers' comments on who might profit from catechisms, alludes to Origen's

35 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England definition of Catechumenoi, and cites St Cyprian's definition of the catechist as '[a] teacher or instructor of hearers, id est, of young men who were catechised' (sir). He mentions the catechetical practices of Pantanus, 'immediately after the Apostles time, in the Church of Alexandria, whome Clemens succeeded in the same Office: and after him followed Origen, Clemen's Scholler, being chosen and ordayned by Demetrius, then Bishop of Alexandria: and Hercules succeeded Origen' (B2r-B2v). He concludes by alluding to 'Gregory Nissen, [who] in his first Oration, giveth us to understand that, The Pastors of the Church, in the beginning, auditoribus proponerent, did deliver unto the Auditors, or hearers, certaine easie lessons of Religion, as it were their A,B,C-t and then by degrees they explained and opened unto them more hard and hidden mysteries of Divinity' (B2v).48 Playing to both sexes at a time when such acknowledgment might strike us as altogether modern, Alport, like Charcke cited earlier, includes women in the ranks of catechists. He states: 'And, lest any should deeme the female Sexe exempted from such exercise, I will propose 2 only examples, the one of Paula-, the other of Pacatula: the one, the daughter of Laeta; the other of Gaudentium: both yong, both Virgins,unto whose Mothers, lerome gives direction, what bookes of the Scripturs in order, when, and how they should read them,- and what use they should make of them' (B4r). Alport cannot resist moving beyond these refreshingly specific references to the catechetical tradition in order to include allusions to the examples of teaching in general that we have already seen as proofs of a vibrant catechetical tradition. But his clean, clear, and precise examples go some distance in convincing the sceptic of the existence of an actual and verifiable tradition. The second important source of information about the true catechetical tradition is Immanuel Bourn's catechism entitled A Light from Christ, published in 1646. Bourn begins by listing the altogether too familiar figures: Abraham is lauded for instructing and catechizing 'his Houshold' (Air) as are 'Jehoshaphat, HeZekiah [sic] and Josiah' (Air). 'Constantine the Great, and other [unspecified] Christian Princes in later Ages' are all described as 'Nursing Fathers, and Nursing Mothers to Christs Church' (Air). But then Bourn surprises us by introducing the valid tradition. He mentions Theophilus, Apollo, and St. Cyprian as well as such teachers as Pantenus,

36 / Introduction Origen, Clemens, and Alexandrinus. He also mentions specific catechisms, alluding first to Jerome's mention of Cyril of Jerusalem's work and an unspecifed John also of Jerusalem mentioned by 'Betulaeus ... in his Commentaries upon Lactantius' (A2r). But the most surprising, novel, and informative revelation from the point of view of the tradition of catechisms are Bourn's references to near-contemporary catechism authors. He acknowledges the work of 'our late learned Writers, Mr. Calvin, Musculus, Peter Martyr Ursinus, Bucanus, BeZa, /sic/ Danaeus, Zanchius, Alstedius, Mr VireP and then mentions 'Our English, Mr. Nowel, Mr. Perkins, Mr. Egerton, Mr. Dod, Mr. Baal, Mr. Downame, Mr. Allen, Dr. Twisse, Dr. Majer, and many other laborious workemen in the Lords Vineyard' JA2r). 49 Although the catechisms published during this period reflect their particular religious viewpoints and doctrines through their explication of the articles of the faith they choose to deal with, many of them are not content to allow their explanations to speak for themselves. Often explicit criticisms of competing ideologies make their way into these catechisms or their prefaces,50 a practice evident as well, as we have seen, in Roye's A Brefe Dialoge. For instance, in the preface to Dering's 1575 Protestant catechism (STC 4794), the author fulminates against the Pope's endorsement, in an earlier era, of saints' days, holy days, superstitions, godless tales of romance and enchantment, and purgatory. These 'subtile sleyghtes of Satan' were designed 'to occupy Christian wyts in hathen fantasyes' (A2v), thereby distracting these wits from the truths of the Christian faith. In the text of the catechism itself, the author, explaining the implications of the third commandment - 'Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vayne' (A4v) - attacks the Church once more when he states that 'wee must onelye sweare by the name of God. But as for Saints, Angels, Rood, booke Crosse, masse, or any other thyng, wee ought in no case by them to sweare' (A5r). In part three of the 1576 A Breife Catechisme, where the author discusses justification by faith and the Lord's Prayer, he argues that the justification theory is the 'doctrine whiche sheweth vs that we are saued by lesus Christ only and not by our owne woorkes, any occasion of wicked lyfe as the Papists slaunder it' (A6r). In the 1572 version of the Heidelberg catechism, a discussion of

37 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England the doctrine of the Eucharist leads to an attack on the Catholic position on the sacrificial nature of the mass and the doctrine of transubstantiation. In response to the question, 'What difference is there betwene the supper of the Lord and the popysh Messe?' (B/V), the respondent states, '[I]n the Messe it is de nyed [sic] that the quicke and dead haue forgeuenesse of sinnes through the passion of Christ alone excepte Christ be offred euery day for them, by the sacrificyng mess preest. Moreouer it is taughte in the Messe, that Christ is bodely present vnder the likeness of bread and wyne, and is therefore to be worshypped in them. And so the foundacion of the Mess is nothyng els, but a denyall of the one ouely [sic] sacrifice and passion of lesus christ and cursed Idolatrie, maumetry, and worshippyng of bygods beside the lyuing God' (B/V). In his An Exposition of the Lords Prayer (STC 19700), Perkins, explaining the second term of the prayer, 'Which art in heaven/ takes the opportunity to launch an attack on what he regards as papal manifestations of idolatry. He states: 'Hereby first we learne that Romish pilgrimages whereby men went from place to place to worship God are vaine, and foolish ... Nowe let men travell to what place or countrey they will, they shall not come the neerer to heaven or neerer to God by trauailing, seing the earthe is in euery part alike distant from heauen. Secondly this ouerthrows popish idolatry, as worshiping of Crosses, Crucifixes, Roods, etc. to put vs in minde of God and Christ. Wee are taught to lift vp our eies to heauen, seeing God is there: and how can we do this, as longe as our mindes and eies are poring vpon an image made by mans arte?' (E3r-E3v). In commenting on the Lord's Prayer's phrase 'thy will be done,' Perkins attacks the doctrine of free will. He states, 'The church of Rome teacheth that men by nature haue free wil to good and that men being stirred vp by the holy ghost, can of theim selues wil that which is good. But if this were so, whie might we not pray, let my wil be done' (nlr-Hlv). And, finally, discussing the doctrine of satisfaction for sin, Perkins takes one parting shot at the Church: 'the doctrine of humaine satisfactions, taught in the church of Rome is vile and diuelish' (i6r). 51 Richard Taverner in his 1539 A Catechisme or institution of the Christen Religion (STC 23709) invokes 'the godly kynge Ezechias' (A3v) and compares Henry vni to him for Henry's work in banish-

38 / Introduction ing all 'Romyshe marchaundyse within this his graces realme, to the vnspeakable healthe of his people the churche of Englande' (A4r). Taverner hopes that his catechism will help in this endeavour 'to renounce not only the Romisshe byshop our archenemie and the moste pestilent ouerthrower of al godlynes, but also his deuelyshe lawes, constitutions and supersticious thynges whiche haue heretofore intangled our consciences contrary to the Euangelicall liberte and trouthe of gods worde' (A4r-A4v). In his 1548 catechism (STC 5993), Thomas Cranmer is more indirect and subtle in his criticisms of the Catholic church. In the preface to Edward vi, Cranmer hopes that his catechism will assist Edward in his 'gratious reformation' (vv), a reformation initiated by his father, 'a kynge of mooste famous memorie of a feruent and ernest godly disposition and tender zele towardes the settyng forth of goddes glorie/ Henry Parrie's 1587 English version of Zacharias Ursinus's 'Lectures vpon the Catechism autorised by the noble Prince Frederick throughout his dominions' (STC 24532) includes a dedication 'To the Right Honorable Henrie Earle of Pembroke' in which Parrie comments on his sense of the dangers of the Seminarists' and Jesuits' incursions into England. Unlike the generalized attacks made against the Catholic church in other catechisms, Parrie's comments are important because they make reference to a particular historical event. At one point, in an attempt to justify the appearance of his catechism, he states: 'For this beeing [sic] the time, and these the euill daies wherein Satan and the powers of darcknesse haue broken loose vpon the chosen of God and the broode of Antichrist, hatched long agoe, but neuer flush vntill now, haue, by the Commission of their Dam, taken their flight out of their nests, in which they roosted for a season and are flowen in flocks abroade into all coasts and countries Christian, to charm with sweet, but false notes of hereticall melodic the hearts of silly people, and the wits euen of the Gallants of this wcrlde' (*2r). And a little later he adds the following, suggesting the reappearance and danger of the recusants into England: 'For the better effectuating of which their purposes, and more cunning and currant bringing them to passe, how of late yeares, yea and daies, many fugitive parsons of this our Country, ordained and sacred by their Superiors to this good end, haue made their returne in swarmes

39 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England vnto vs with outlandish minds and Doctrine, to inspire the people withe heresie and rebellion.'52 Concerned that the ministers of the church and householders are not following the directions issued by the Anglican establishment on catechizing, Thomas Sparke fears that the papists, who do pay attention to what the edicts of the Council of Trent tell them to do and recognize the importance of catechizing, will subvert the cause of true religion in England by winning over many to their pernicious views. Apart from indicating the fear felt by reformers about the resurgence of Catholicism, Sparke's comments also provide an interesting contemporary view on religious events of the moment and the players involved. He states, 'And it is hie time that this be effectually gone about, or els the very Papists, who haue heretofore bin the patrones of darcknesse, and ignoraunce, will in their kind, to our shame, be found farre before vs, herein: For they haue not only in their Tridentine Councell, and in the eighth Session thereof, in the decrees of their generall Reformation, taken order for the preaching of the woord, in euery Church, all Sundaies and Holy daies; but also that their parish Priests, be all Sundaies and Holydaies, compelled to catechise: and the better to inable them, there is by the authority of that councell, and by the commaundement of Pope Pius the 5. a Catechism published, to instruct their parish Priests, from point to point, how to catechise' (24, STC 13030). Protestant or reformist catechisms were not the only ones, however, to attack their religious opponents, even though they were the shrillest and most vocal. In the 1568 Catholic catechism the question, 'Why is the Church called one' JB6v) elicits this vitriolic response: 'Because thereby are excluded all congregations of the malignant Church, which are divided into sundry schismes, sects, opinions in doctrin, as the Lutherans Church did not agree with the Zumglians [sic], not the Zuinglians with the Anabaptists, etc' (B6vB/r). This interesting observation is doubtless meant to drive a wedge between the sects, thereby counteracting the popular opinion that they represented a united front againt the forces of the Catholic church. Similarly, in discussing the fourteenth way of breaking the eighth commandment (in this kind of minute division of principles into endless subcategories, one is reminded of the Church's early and close connection with scholasticism), the respondent states that 'it is forbidden to hurt the soules of the people with heresie and false doc-

40 / Introduction trine, contrarie to the Catholic faith, wherby the people are deceived and brought into a state of damnation. Heretikes bear false witnes with the Diuel against Christe and his deare spouse the Catholic Church. They mainteine falsitie against the truth, and although they be punished or put to death by burning or otherwaies: yet thei receive no crowne of Martyrdome but they receiue punishment woorthily for their infidelite and false witnesse against the truth. So heretikes be Children, martyrs, and witnesses for the Diuel against Christ and his Church' (ilr-ilv).53 In his 1552 catechism (The catechisme, that is to say, ane instruction set furth by fohne Aschbischop [sic] of sanct Androus, STC 12731), the Scot, John Hamilton, 'Archbishop of sanct Androus Legatorait and primat of ye kirk of Scotland,' is more measured in the concern he expresses about the prevalence of heresy in the kingdom. Writing a Catholic catechism from the relative security of Scotland during the fourth year of the Protestant Edward's reign, he expresses both his worry about heresy and justifies his catechism in the following rhetorical question from his preface: 'Quhat trew christen hart will nocht be discontent, lament and sorrow, to se sa mony sectis of doctrine, sa gret diuersitie of opinions, sa mekil contentioun and sa detestabil heresis as we sa daily amangis the christen people?' A final consideration about sixteenth-century English catechisms has to do with the contemporary view of the methodology to be employed in using these works, a matter discussed by Roye as well in his preface to A Brefe Dialoge (96-130). Many catechisms say nothing about how and when these works are to be used, beyond suggesting that parents, pastors, and schoolmasters are responsible for teaching their children, flock, or students the rudiments of the faith found within them. Others, however, to a greater or lesser degree, make comments on how these works are to be employed to their best advantage. The anonymous author of The Catechisme in Metre (STC 4800.3) advises his readers to sing his catechism. The further implication is that they should do it piecemeal according perhaps to their mood or leisure and that they should add a specific prayer cited in the text itself. He states: 'When you haue doen singyng so muche as you will, it were good to adde that praier for the Churche of God, in the 28. Psalme 9. verse

41 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England Thy people and thyne heritage, Lorde blesse, guide and preserue: Increase them lorde and rule their harts That thei maie neuer swarue. In his A Briefe Catechisme (STC 4797.3) Robert Legate exhorts 'fathers and mothers [to] learne your chyldren these thynges, and not tales of robyn hood with suche other vayne fables/ and sees the catechism as a form of profitable recreation useful to be studied at night, and in terms not dissimilar to Erasmus's in the Paraclesis, rehearsed through the day while at work: 'Wyth thys pastyme (oh ye seruauntes) dryue awaye the long nyghtes, through the which also your worke shall be the lesse tedyous vnto you' (A4r). For the Catholic bishop Hamilton, the catechism is initially for clergy to know well. Once they have it under control, their responsibility is to 'reid the samyn ... diligently, distinctly and plainly ilk ane of yow to your awin parochianaris, for thair common instruction and spiritual edificatioun in ye word of God.' Cranmer's view of how his catechism should be taught can be inferred from his comments on the way in which children learn best. He states: yong children ... muste be brought vp with playne and shorte lessons. For wee see dayly by experience, that who so euer wyll teache children, must vse muche discretion and wysedome, not to geue them to much at one time (lest he dull and opresse their wittes) and yet that which he gyueth theym he muste often and manytimes reherse and repete vnto them againe, as nere as he can after one manner of wise, and with the same wordes. For if thei teache them now this, now that, now with these wordes, now with other, then the children learne litle or nothinge, thei kepe almost nothing in memorye, and beside that, they waxe wearie of learnyng, and conceaue a lothsomnes thereto, and be more slothfull and vnapte to learne. (A!V) If we can judge from Robert Openshaw's words, catechetical instruction must have taken place in some households in the evening, since in his Short questions and answerrees [sic] conteyn-

42 / Introduction ing the summe of Christian Religion (STC 18816) he cites two prayers to be said in the evening, one before and one following catechizing. His other comments on the 'orders' he has observed 'in a Christian Gentlemans house' provide us with a good indication of the importance placed upon formal Christian instruction and prayer within the family. He states: While they had a Minister, the whole houshold met at the Church twise euery Sabboth, and once euerie weeke day: but since the restraint of their Minister, they meete euerie morning in the weeke day in the Parlor, where their Maister kneeleth downe with them, and prayeth, vsing these prayers following, The confession of sinnes, with morning prayer for priuate housholdes, for men before their labour, for the Churche, the Realme, the Queene and Magistrates, the lordes prayer, and Confession of faith, all which prayers are in the booke of Common prayer. If he be from home, or sicke, then doth his Steward, or some such like of them say those prayers. After prayers, the houshold departeth, either whether necessitie of their Offices call them, or whether delight in honest exercises for recreation doeth carrie them. (A5v) Even meals are not free from a hovering spiritual presence. In addition to the normal grace before and after meals we learn that '[i]n meale time some one of the seruantes readeth a Chapter of the Bible distinctly and reuerentlie' (A6r). Another catechism, less important for its catechetical theory than for its informative preface, is the 1588 version of the Heidelberg Catechism, entitled A Catechisme or Short Kind of Instrvction, Whereby to Teach Children and the Ignorantvnter Sort, The Christian Religion.54 In 'the Epistle Dedicatory,' Thomas Sparke and John Seddon outline a method of catechizing more detailed than anyone we have seen to this point. Catechizing is defined in the sixty-one page Treatise that follows the epistle as 'either publike and generall, or priuate and speciall: whereof, the first the Pastor must see performed in the publike assembly; the latter, the householder in his priuate family' (4-5). In the epistle itself is a fairly detailed outline of methodology, at least as it applies to the household. The authors

43 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England encoutage the head of the house to ensure that all who can read in the house buy a catechism. When this is done, one person in the presence of all the others should question a second person 'for the space of some halfe hour' (A3v). Once the question is posed and answered properly, the questioner then asks the catechumen to apply scriptural proofs, which in this version of the Heidelberg Catechism at least are indicated by letters. Following these initial steps and with a view to opening and making plain 'that which in the short answers seemeth to be hard' (A4r), anyone in the house 'that will but take paines to read VRSINVS Catechisme' might speak or read its fuller explanations to any who require them. This work can be done within the context of the church by a pastor and one assistant, and in a family by two people who can read (A4r). Painstaking detail about how to catechize is provided in W. Charcke's 1580 work, 'Of the use of catechising' (STC 4882; 1604 edition, STC 4883). Acknowledging the difficulty of prescribing 'a perfect and direct forme to be vsed in catechising' (A6r), Charcke nevertheless does his best to outline one for the reader. Turning his attention first to 'the Minister,' he informs him to 'let his parishioners learne by heart some breife Catechisme, of the quantite of halfe a sheet of paper.' Small bites of memory work are particularly efficacious for 'the eldest folkes' and 'the youngest sort.' Other parishoners, once they have learned a little catechism, can turn their attention to some other 'godly Catechisme' no longer than 'two or three sheete of paper.' When they have mastered this work 'without booke/ the minister 'must spend some time euery Saboth day (at the least) in the afternoon, in expounding publickly the said questions and answers; taking some fit place or places of Scripture to intreat vpon, for the opening and explaning [sic] thereof, and for the better instruction and edification of his hearers' (A6v). An alternative method according to Charcke is for the minister to chose a scriptural passage 'wherein is contained a principle of Religion,' discuss its essence, and then quiz his listeners on its 'chiefe points of Christian religion' JA6v-A/r). Charcke, seemingly aware of individual differences within any collection of parishioners, instructs the minister to accommodate the 'ignorant and vnlearneder sort' by asking the same question over and over again so that by constant repetition of both question and answer 'they may the more easily conceiue it by heart' (A?r).

44 / Introduction If the minister is in charge of a large parish he should divide it 'into sundry parts' and instruct each part to report to church at a particular hour 'euery Sabboth day (at least) in the afternoone' so that he can catechize smaller groups from the larger parish. To further aid learning, the minister should appoint one or two boys 'euery exercise day to recite so much, and so farre of their Catechisme, as they haue alreadie learned' (A/V) when all have gathered together. Furthermore, to test not only their memories but also their comprehension of catechical material, Charcke instructs his minister to ask his flock the commandments or articles of faith or the petitions of the Lord's Prayer out of order. Charcke then turns his attention to the pedagogical techniques 'to be obserued by housholders' (A8r), a group, which along with clergy, as we have seen, is responsible for instructing the uninitiated in the truths of the faith. The head of the household is to find a convenient time, especially on the sabbath and either before or after evening prayer, and on one or two working days per week, to conduct catechetical instruction. For Charcke it is important that the whole family be gathered together, and that the head of the house 'or else some other more fit and better able to doe it than himself (A8r) lead the lesson. The session should begin with a prayer or communal singing of a psalm, to be followed by the catechism lesson as such. All are to be questioned on what they were supposed to learn by heart, 'and then the maister to turne to the quotations of Scripture, and so to read and recite the same, seruing for the proofe of the question, at that time to be examined in, etc' (A8r). In addition, it is the master's responsibility to question his children and servants on what they learned from the parish minister's sermons. The session should draw to a close with another prayer or another sung Psalm, and the master should inform all present 'how much and how far they shall prouide to learne against their next meeting' (A8v). This study of catechisms - their definition, their audience, their traditions, their sometimes conflicting ideologies, and their methodologies - is by no means meant to be exhaustive or to replace the historical and political contexts for catechetical instruction ably outlined by Duffy, Green, and Tudor. Rather this analysis should be read as a study of contemporary attitudes towards catechisms based

45 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England on an examination of a representative number of such works by those who either wrote or edited them. The importance of the catechetical tradition for Catholics and reformers alike is central in the history of religious ideas; and this analysis helps clarify and highlight the important place that Roye's A Brefe Dialoge - the first English Protestant catechism - has in that particular context. One last remark on this context seems pertinent. Since the catechisms' titles and purposes specifically involve children (the German text introduces the word 'kinderbericht'), we need to keep in mind the recent work of social constructivists who have put forward the view, as summarized by James Kincaid, that '"the child" was invented in the late eighteenth century to occupy an empty psychic and social space' (Child-Loving: The Erotic Child in Victorian Literature 11; see also the important work of Boswell and Steedman). Steedman reminds us that '[o]ur capacity to sentimentalise, identify with, project onto, and reify children is almost infinite' (6 Strange Dislocations}. (For a contemporary view of the ways in which 'the child' becomes a site for projecting larger social issues, see Higonnet.) Thus, it would likely be erroneous to imagine that the Son in Roye's dialogue would have been thought of in similar ways to a contemporary 'teenager.' The differences in religious upbringing and range of theological concerns are obvious from the dialogue, but what we mean to call into question here are a host of presuppositions surrounding the category of 'child,' such that we might not know what it means to speak of 'a sixteenth-century child' when referring to the Son in Roye's work, nor might we know to what extent the fictional Son would conform to a 'typical' English son Roye might have imagined. If catechizing can be defined as instruction in the principles of Christian living designed for those whose knowledge of such principles is lacking, weak, or less than perfect, then catechizing is a life-long process, and struggling and fallible humankind is the universal catechumen. What is more, any literary work that purports to inculcate Christian virtue might be defined as a type of catechism even though its form be radically different from the question-answer format or unadorned prose explication usually associated with catechisms. Indeed, catechizing, broadly defined, insinuates itself into the popular

46 / Introduction imagination in the great literature of the period to the degree that such literature has a clear didactic function. Sir Philip Sidney, however much he might paint himself into a relentlessly moralistic corner and end up ignoring his theory in some of his own writings, insists on literature's moral purpose, claiming that the poet, unlike the philosopher and historian, best moves humankind to the practice of virtue, 'the ending end of all earthly learning' (Sidney A Defence of Poetry 29), by delighting readers while providing them with exemplary patterns of virtue. The important additions to catechizing within the literary tradition, which are noticeably lacking in many of the catechisms mentioned in this survey, are the elements of entertainment and delight. One can observe these elements within a liturgical - if not a clear literary - context as early as the tenth century in the Churchsponsored Quern quaeritis tropes, where Christian truths for the first time are vivified through the addition of primitive dramatic performance within the four walls of the church itself. They are more clearly evident in the moral interludes and the miracle and morality plays of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, where biblical stories and sequences of such stories are dramatized on stage, or where the traditional subjects of sermons - sin, repentance, death, and salvation - are manifested on stage as personified abstractions. However simplistic and one-dimensional such abstractions might strike us - anyone who has tried to generate student enthusiasm over Everyman, for example, will understand the problem - it is probably misguided and unfair to judge these early Christian morality plays through our eyes alone. For those accustomed to hearing only the sermons of mendicant friars, these primitive dramatic representations must have seemed remarkably refreshing, thrilling, and even inspiring. In short, as catechetical tools, they must have moved, or at least been designed to move, their first audiences through their energia to a reassessment of their own lives, even if this reassessment didn't last much beyond the end of the performance. A striking example of the way in which catechizing might enter the popular imagination through the literary talent of an author aware of the potential for teaching within his craft is to be found in Edmund Spenser's The Faerie Queene. The didactic function of the work is evident in Spenser's letter to Walter Raleigh, as is his awareness of the need to delight readers, thereby leading them pleasantly

47 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England to the poem's moral. Like all allegories, The Faerie Queene is, in the best sense, transparent; like Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, a tract with a more proletarian hero than any of Spenser's Arthurian questers, it exposes its own double signification so as to manifest the Christian Protestant ideology contained within and integral to the romance form. Spenser says it best himself: The generall end therefore of all the booke is to fashion a gentleman or noble person in virtuous and gentle discipline: Which for that I conceived shoulde be most pausible and pleasing, being coloured with an historicall fiction, the which the most part of men delight to read, rather for variety of matter then for profite of the ensample' (Spenser xxvii). The last clause of this comment is interesting: Spenser seems to recognize the risk involved in cloaking (or is it exposing?) the road to virtuous living through the delightful medium of romance. The danger in this method is that individuals might be so pleasantly seduced by the romance that they avoid or pay scant attention to the moral. Nevertheless, on the strength of what Spenser hoped to accomplish in this poem, it seems as if he was willing to take that chance. One final example among many of manifestations of catechizing in the literature of the period is to be found in the work of John Milton. Perhaps Milton's most obvious catechetical work is his De Doctrina Christiana. In the opening lines of the preface to this tract, Milton seems to be alluding to the catechetical tradition that precedes him and attempting to justify his own addition to this tradition, an action that earlier catechism authors often felt obliged to take. Referring to the restoration of religion to 'its original purity' after years of corrupt Roman Catholicism, Milton mentions 'many treatises of theology [that] have been published, conducted according to sounder principles, wherein the chief heads of Christian doctrine are set forth sometimes briefly, sometimes in a more enlarged and methodical order' (De Doctrina 3). Milton justifies his addition to this catechetical tradition by pointing out that before his time works that attempted to explicate Christian truths were often specious, contradictory, and heretical. For Milton the result was that 'neither [his] creed nor [his] hope of salvation could be safely trusted to such guides' (7). Therefore, like catechists before him, Milton produces his own version in which he adheres 'to the Holy Scripture alone,' following 'no other heresy or sect' (15).

48 / Introduction Milton's most famous work is, of course, Paradise Lost, a work that defines its author as poet, prophet, and confident Christian catechist. Because of the nature of epic and Milton's awareness of his divine calling, most clearly evident in the poem's four invocations, the poem is perhaps the greatest and clearest literary example of Christian apologetics and catechesis in the language. Throughout the poem Milton recognizes his fallible human nature, but calls upon various muses and inspirational spiritual forces to enlighten his mind, so that he might better instruct humankind by asserting 'Eternal Providence/ And justify [ing] the ways of God to men' (i 25-6). Although fully aware of his humanity, Milton is, nevertheless, God's medium in Paradise Lost, somehow in a direct line of descent from the pagan epic writers who taught him the poem's form, but also somehow related to the mysterious prophetic figures from the Old Testament insofar as he, like they, were God's chosen, elected to mediate between the divine and human. How else can Milton explain the presence of his 'celestial patroness, who deigns/ Her nightly visitation unimplored,/ And dictates to me slumb'ring or inspires/ Easy my unpremeditated verse' (ix 21-3)? Even Milton's blindness, a terribly human affliction, takes on enormous spiritual significance for this prophetic Puritan catechist. Milton's tragic blindness happily reminds him of the 'celestial Light' that must 'Shine inward' (in 51-2) so that he, the blind poet, can see 'things invisible to mortal sight' (m 55), that is, things that the rest of clearsighted humanity cannot see or understand without his assistance. And surely the agony associated with his own blindness - 'but not to me returns/ Day, or the sweet approach of ev'n or morn,/ Or sight of vernal bloom, or summer's rose, /Or flocks, or herds, or human face divine;/ But cloud instead, and ever-during dark/ Surround me' (in 41-6) - must have held some consolation for him - indeed may have been seen as providential, inasmuch as it allowed him to 'see' and describe the 'darkness visible' of hell, a reflection of his own personal dark hell. Even the form of Paradise Lost makes humankind aware if its weaknesses, faults, and moral indiscretions. As one of God's chosen, Milton can write the epic and we cannot; its form and elevated style draw our attention to its greatness and its author's skill. Humankind is humbled before the work and its author, and prepared to learn

49 / The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England things about which it knows very little at present. Like all good catechists and catechisms, Milton and Paradise Lost make humankind aware of its ignorance. And Milton succeeds where other catechists may have failed because his catechism in twelve books is not just another ABC or dry-as-dust question and answer handbook, even though there are questions posed by Adam and answered by Raphael in the central sections of the poem. Paradise Lost asserts, justifies, and explains through its memorable form. In other words, the literary aspect of Paradise Lost makes it a remarkably memorable book of Christian catechesis. Through its form, Paradise Lost moves its readers to understand and absorb the Christian message as interpreted by Milton.

The English and Latin Texts

Anthea Hume's splendid essay on Roye's A Brefe Dialoge has admirably captured several of the significant differences between Capito's Latin text and Roye's English translation. In her article she comments on differences that generally fall into three categories: tonal and organizational, theological, and stylistic. What follows is a summary of and commentary on these categories and other noteworthy differences between Roye and Capito's texts. Organizational and tonal changes are significant in Roye's version of Capito's catechism. For one thing, what Hume calls 'one, bold alteration' (310) changes the dynamic between the dialogue's two speakers. In Capito's text the Father (designated throughout the Latin as T' for Tarens') catechizes the Son ('Filius'), whose answers determine the degree of his knowledge of a reformed Christian faith. In Roye's version, the Son poses questions in a spirit of legitimate inquiry to the Father, who, in turn, responds with reformed Christian answers. By and large, the Son's ingenuous eagerness to know the truth from his better-informed Father makes Roye's reference in his title to the Son as 'stobborne' (140) seem something of a misnomer. In a passage that does not appear in the Latin, Roye makes it clear from the beginning of the dialogue that the Father is the speaker to whom the Son will look for guidance: 'Above all pleasure and worldely delyte (dere Sonne) to here or too rede the pure worde off God/ semeth to me a thynge most swete plesaunt and amiable with oute compareson/ to the comforte and dyreccion of a christen man (142-5). Although Herford finds Roye's change to the nature of the relationship between speakers unusual, and perhaps even wrong-

51 / The English and Latin Texts headed, it is unclear from his commentary that Herford actually understands the relationship between speakers in Capito's text. In defending what he takes to be the link between Father and Son in Capito, he says that 'the genius of the Protestant dialogue tended to put the defence of the new teaching into the mouth of the younger, or the poorer man, while the elder, or the more powerful, or the superior in social ranks defended tradition' (Studies in Literary Relations 44). But if the Father in Capito is indeed the teacher ('Parens vel Praeceptor'), or catechist, then Herford's reading of the role is incorrect. Rather than defending tradition, the Father actually questions his Son on that Son's knowledge of reformed Christian doctrine to which he himself subscribes and about which he is something of an expert. This catechetical relationship is evident very early in the Latin text, where, for instance, the Father calls upon the Son to recite the Creed ('Recense quaeso symbolum istud' 5),55 and also in the German ('Sprich mir denselben Apostelglauben'); once the Son has finished reciting the Creed, the Father congratulates him on getting it right ('Probe omnia recensuisti' 6), though this congratulation is not to be found in the German. There is no sense here or elsewhere that the Father represents or defends traditional beliefs. In another instance in the Capito text, the Father asks the Son why he calls God omnipotent and creator of heaven and earth ('Age vero cur omnipotentem vocas ac caeli et terrae creatorem?' 8). The Son's response to this question concludes with a question mark in Capito to clearly indicate that the Son is seeking the Father's approval of his response, thereby suggesting that the Father is quizzing his Son (8). This is also true of the German. In the corresponding section of Roye's version (184-91), the Son poses the same question to the Father and the Father's response is in the form of a declarative statement, not, as it is in Capito, in the form of a question from the Son's mouth. Unlike Herford, Hume praises Roye's careful alteration of speaker parts, arguing that it reflects Roye's sense of the English religious context for catechetical instruction. She states that '[t]his ingenious reversal of roles had two consequences: it gave the work an unexpected flavour in the context of the normal catechetical tradition,- and it reflected appropriately the salvation in England where the regular Protestant catechising of children was hardly a possibility,56 while the close questioning of a believing adult was a more

52 / Introduction probable formula' (310). Additionally, Roye's alteration of speaker roles - rather than 'reversal of roles/ as Hume calls it57 - is consistent with Roger Deakin's conclusions about the function of speakers in Tudor prose dialogues, in which the son functions as pupil and the father as master or teacher. Although it might appear that Roye's alteration of speaking roles and the relationship between the two interlocutors would involve simply giving to the Son of his text the words of the Father of the Latin text, and vice versa, the actual working out of the dynamics of the dialogue is not quite as easy as Hume's word 'reversal' suggests. On several occasions throughout Roye's text, Roye ends up giving, for instance, words assigned by Capito to the Father in the Latin text to the Father in his English text (similar alterations can be located in the German). For example, to use the instance cited above, in Roye, after the Son listens to the Father explain why God is called 'almyghty/ and maker of heven and erth' (184), the Son responds, 'Thou hast withouten fayle discretly answered' (192), thereby indicating his absolute faith in his Father's words. What follows in the English text is a passage given to the Father in which he instructs the Son to obey God's earthly representatives such as 'thy father/ master' (193). The Father concludes with 'Se that thou nowe therto do thy diligence' (197-8). For the corresponding passages in Capito the Son waits for his Father to validate his response to the Father's question, 'Age vero cur omnipotentem vocas ac caeli et terrae creatorem?' (8) The Father does so with the words 'Probe quidem et sancte respondisti' ('You have answered wisely and conscientiously',- the German is less admiring in tone: 'Das ist recht und wol geredt' - 'correct and well said') - words given to the Son in the English text ('Thou hast withouten fayle discretly answered' 192) - and then continues to explain, as he does in Roye - the importance of obeying God's earthly representatives (193-8). The passage in Roye concludes with the Father saying, 'Se that thou nowe therto do thy diligence' (1978). In the Latin the Son takes these lines, stating, 'Strenue factum curabo' (9; 'I will attend to this diligently'). Roye has had to change this line so that it serves as the concluding comment of advice from Father to Son. Another example of the same practice near the end of the tract proves that Roye took great pains to adjust the text wherever neces-

53 / The English and Latin Texts sary to ensure consistency of voice of his two characters as a consequence of his altering the nature of their relationship from the Latin text. At line 1918 of Roye, the Son asks the Father in a spirit of legitimate enquiry, 'What arte thou acustumed to do or ever thou go to meate/ a question posed by the Father to the Son in Capito (187). The German deals with the more generic question of eating ('essen'). In Roye, the Father responds at length to the Son as the Son responds to the Father in Capito, thereby showing that he has learned well one facet of Christian living. What follows is a good example of Roye's careful tinkering with the Latin. In Capito the Father asks the Son, 'Quid reliquum temporis agis?' (134; 'What do you do with the rest of your time?'); to which the Son responds, 'Invisio scholam, ut vel legere, vel scribere, aut utrumque discam' (134; T go to school where I read or write and learn things'). Roye makes appropriate adjustments. Giving the Father's line in Capito to the Son, he has the Son ask his Father, 'Wherein passest thou the residue of thy tyme?' (1945), to which the Father replies, 'When I was of thyne age I went to scole/ and with all diligence studied' (1946-7). In order to make these lines consistent with his speakers' relationship to each other, Roye must add to Capito's Latin in the Father's response 'When I was of thyne age' so that the chronology is correct. In addition to changing the dynamic between dialogue speakers to reflect the English situation in 1526, where Protestant catechizing of children by parents was unknown, Roye also provides the tract with a local habitation by introducing references into it that would appeal to, and have some meaning for, an English audience. There are three such references in A Brefe Dialoge. The first occurs in a section of the work where the speakers discuss the value of invocation to the saints, a perverse Catholic tenet condemned by both Capito and Roye. In Capito's text the Father quizzes the Son on this doctrine by posing the following question: 'Quia vero omnes in Domino unum sumus felicesque Christi merito per fidem facti, cur nam divos, invocas, ut pro te intercedant?' (39; 'If we are all happy in one God and made deserving through faith in Christ, why do you invoke the saints, that they might intercede for us?'). Roye replaces this question with another, more pointed one, that the inquisitive Son asks the Father: 'Howe thynkest thou/ maye I not pray to wholy S. Toncombre/ Sir Ihon shorne/ or to wother soche wholy saynctes to make

54 / Introduction intercession for me?' (600-2). This question introduces two of the more preposterous saints from the canon into the discussion, one a well-known saint throughout Europe with a myriad of names (see Commentary), the other an altogether English figure (Sir Ihon shorne), who would provide the English readers of this tract with a sense of its appropriateness for them. The second change that Roye makes to convey local flavour comes near the end of A Brefe Dialoge, where Father and Son discuss the importance of good reading. In the Latin text the Father asks the Son what he reads, and reminds him that what he reads in his youth is important, because knowledge gained at this time in one's life remains with one throughout life ('Quid potissimum legis? Multum enim refert, quos primo legas. Adeo enim tenaciter haerent, quae in prima aetate imbibimus, ut porro non facile excidant' 135). The Son responds that he reads the New Testament and Livy translated into the German tongue ('Lego novum testamentum atque Tutum Livium, in Germanicam linguam traductum' 135). In A Brefe Dialoge, the Father takes the parts divided between Father and Son in the Latin. He tells his Son, 'Yt is gretly to be pondered what a manne begynneth in his youeth to learne/ and that because he cannot lyghtly forgett it when he commeth to age. Wherfore I specially rede the newe testament in englishhe. And at some voyd tyme the storys written by Titus Liuius' (1949-53). Roye drops Capito's reference to reading Livy in a German translation as irrelevant to an English audience, but, more important, he mentions that the New Testament be read in English, an issue no doubt close to his own heart in particular, since Tyndale's translation in which he played some part first appeared in 1526.58 The third example of Roye's 'anglicizing' occurs late in the work, where the subject of purgatory is under discussion and both Capito and Roye attack those who pervert by deliberate misinterpetation biblical 'similitudes and parables' (1792). One of these similitudes that is misinterpreted is found in Matthew 5:26. The key word in Capito is 'quadrante' (120) (the German has 'quadranten'), the fourth part of a coin. Sensitive to his English audience, and perhaps drawing on Tyndale's New Testament, where the particular English rendering of 'quadrante' is found,59 Roye translates it as 'farthynge' (1793), just as Tyndale did. Further alterations in Roye's A Brefe Dialoge that also affect the

55 / The English and Latin Texts tone and, in some ways, the organization of the work involve biblical citations and allusions. Roye includes about two hundred biblical references in his text, the majority to the New Testament. Based on a rough count, there are about half as many direct biblical references in Capito. Compared to Capito, Roye carries sola scriptura to an extreme, but it is an extreme consistent with his practice in other works, for instance Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe, where a 130-line prose preface includes 43 side notes, all of them alluding to the Bible and many of them maddeningly tangential to the concept they are called upon to support. Where Capito is content to provide one biblical citation to prove a statement or make a point, Roye might add two or three. For instance, in that section of the text where the vexed question of the Eucharist is discussed, Capito cites the sixth chapter of St John to prove that Christ gave his body and blood to humankind spiritually (58). Roye cites John too, but also adds a reference to 'the tenthe eleventh and twelth chapters of .S.Paul in the fyrst pistle vnto the Corrinthians' (907-8). Roye also sometimes takes advantage of the meaning of neutral Latin words to 'biblicize' them. For instance, where the Latin text, discussing the last judgment, speaks of Christ calling together at once ('simuF) the faithful to the blessed reward prepared for them (64), Roye takes the word 'simul' and turns it into an expression found in Matthew 28: 'in the twyncklynge of an eye7 (1048-9). Similarly, where Capito dismisses purgatory and states that Christ and Christ alone paid the price to redeem us from our sins ('Christus nostra est satisfactio et redemptio, qui dedit se precium redemptionis pro peccatis nostris, unusque praestitit, quod totus orbis praestare non potuit' 119), Roye makes the same point by citing Revelation 5 to prove, metaphorically, that only Christ 'had power to open the boke claspes' (1774). The plethora of biblical allusions in A Brefe Dialoge might also be seen as the product of one who had recently worked on an English translation of the Bible that saw the light of day - much to the consternation of the authorities - only one year before the appearance of A Brefe Dialoge. Although it might seem logical to assume that, because Roye's text has more note references to the Bible than Capito's, Roye includes all of Capito's and adds more of his own, an examination of both texts shows this to be not always the case. For instance, near the beginning of the tract Capito makes references to Romans 2 (14)

56 / Introduction and 5.Mos.27 (16), neither of which references appears in Roye, although the texts against which each of these quotations is set is the same in both Capito and Roye (A Brefe Dialoge 247; 277). Similarly, at 395, Roye follows Capito by including a reference to Romans 6:8, but curiously chooses not to include Capito's reference at the end of the next sentence - 'And a man lyveth not for hym sylfe/ but to the lorde' - (395-6) to Romans 14:7-8 ('Nemo vestrum sibi vivit sed Domino' 26). What this lack of patterning suggests is that there is no consistency between the texts on the question of specific pointers to biblical passages. Presumably, each author put them in as the spirit moved him, sometimes regarding such directions to the reader as important, other times ignoring specific references altogether. One further possibly important point about the relationship between Roye's and Capito's use of biblical citations has to do with an easily overlooked abbreviation that Capito uses to refer to the twenty-eighth chapter of St Matthew's gospel. Matthew 28 is referred to three times in Capito as 'Mat. ult.' (21), or 'Matth. ult.' (50), or 'Matt, ult.' (88). On the first occasion only, the German text follows the Latin and uses 'Matth. vlt.' On both other occasions where 'ult.' is in the Latin, the German uses 'am letsten.' The Latin 'ult.' is the abbreviation for 'ultimus,' meaning 'last/ and in these instances refers to the last or twenty-eighth chapter of Matthew. Roye uses the Latin abbreviation each time Capito does, and never refers to Matthew 28 or translates the Latin abbreviation into a comprehensible English form when the Capito model is there to follow. However, on one occasion, Roye inserts a reference to the last chapter of Matthew into the text where no such reference is found in Capito. On this particular occasion, when there is no model to follow, Roye's side note reads 'Mat.xxviij.' One possible conclusion to be drawn from this practice is that Roye made use of the Latin text rather than the German for his English version of Capito's catechism. Finally, as regards organization and tone, Roye alters the flavour of the Capito original significantly, at times pushing it close to the borders of satire, by allowing his strident anticlericalism (evident most dramatically in his and Jerome Barlowe's 1528 Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe) to make its presence felt. This is not to suggest that the Latin text does not take the spiritual hierarchy to task; in fact it does, but generally in more measured terms than Roye's often free transla-

57 / The English and Latin Texts tion. Roye's anticlerical bias is most evident in two long additions to Capito and in several smaller changes designed to highlight Roye's disdain for corrupt clergy. The first of the two long anticlerical additions occurs relatively early in the work, where the reformed definition of Christian liberty is explicated. In both works, Roman Catholic practices such as fasting and invocation to saints that militate against Christian liberty are attacked. Roye excoriates those who propagate such practices for their own financial advantage (526-48) calling them 'mayntayners of soche abhominable seduccions' who 'with their sacrifices/ masses/ dedde mennes songes. etc. (for beynge Baals prestes/ they have no god savynge their belly only),' and encourages magistrates 'fervently to confounde and disannull/ whatsoever maye be occasion to the weake conscience of a christen manne/ to swarve from the hope/ truste/ and confidence/ of the precious bloudde of his swete saveoure lesus Christ' (541-8). Earlier, in the same passage, he had also encouraged civil officials to drive out the evil of idolatry that the Roman church encourages 'and to dense churches/ ordened only for the administracion of goddis worde/ from all abominacions/ as are domme stones/ blynde stakes/ and deffe postes/ with all soche paynted mammettes on hordes/ or pillers' (524-8). Apart from the anticlerical sentiment expressed in these excerpts, there is also a kind of rustic charm in Roye's use of colourful language that might appeal to the lower orders - the word 'belly,' for instance, being one of his favourite both in this tract and in Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe - and in his use of synonymy ('stones/ 'stakes/ 'postes/ 'mammettes') and lists ('sacrifices/ masses/ dedde mennes songes'). The second long anticlerical passage occurs later in the work and, as Hume notes, it is the longest English interpolation in the Latin text. The context for the addition is Capito's discussion of the Eucharist and its proper interpretation. Roye takes the opportunity to blast the clergy for its belief in the doctrine of transubstantiation and the Real Presence. He claims that Paul in Philippians 3 called such types 'slow bellies/ and sekers alonly of theym selves in all ydelnes and superfluite/ after the maner of oure new goddes nowe a daies/ which with their faulce interpretacion of these forsayde Christis wordes/ so blynde mennes soules/ and derken their vnderstondynge/ that therby they have so gotten their heddes vnder their

58 / Introduction girdles/ that they suppose theym selves nether to have eyes to se / eares to heare/ nor tonges to speke' (984-91). One of Roye's favourite words for the greed of the clergy is evident again in this passage. This time clerics are 'slowe bellies/ an echo with a slight difference of Tyndale's reference to similar types in Philippians 3 whose 'God is their belly/ Roye's colourful reference to the clergy having the heads of the simple and credulous Christian 'vnder their girdles' (989) is not only a good example of Roye making use of what Hume calls a 'proverbial clause/ but, more to the point, it is a good example of Roye creating what might very well be his own proverb, since, according to the OED, the first recorded use of the term is 1541, and since, moreover, Roye made use of the same term in Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe (146-7; 3356-7), where Barlowe and Roye claim that Wolsey's power over the secular order was so strong that 'vnder his girthell,/ He holdeth Kynges and Princes.' And, finally, in this passage, the little anecdote that brings it to a conclusion has a local colour and truth to it as it conjures up the image of a poor, barely subsisting family being fleeced by a cleric, this time not a belly but rather 'a pilled marchaunt': 'Insomoche that yf a pover manne/ or womanne/ have for theym and their children but one loafe of brede/ or one chese/ soche a pilled marchaunt/ which at home liveth in all aboundaunce and ydlenes/ must have it at his pleasure and commaundment agaynst all charite/ and Concorde of love/' (1001-6). There are numerous other anticlerical references in Roye's translation that intensify the tone of the original. Monks in Capito, who possess nothing themselves but nevertheless devour the labour of others and ignore Paul's injunctions against such behaviour ('lam vero Monachi promittunt se nihil proprii servaturos, interim tamen ociosi devorant aliorum sudores, contra praeceptum hoc Pauli' 27), become part of a large group in Roye called 'belly bestes' (the exact same term appears in Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe, 90), 'whom men call/ Monkes/ frires/ Chanons/ Nonnes etc (417-18). In a section pertaining to the power of the Church, the Father, quizzing the Son in Capito, asks him if priests have other prelatical powers ('Habentne aliam etiam potestatem praelati, ut vocant, spirituales?' 76). The Son responds that they should not deem themselves Lords, but rather ministers of the Church ('Nequaquam domini hii debent esse, sed ministri tantum Ecclesiae' 76). This is even stronger

59 / The English and Latin Texts in the German, where the response is that priests should see themselves as servants of the community ('diener der gemein'). On the strength of his addition, Roye doesn't seem to think this goes far enough. Pulling into the orbit of his discussion a commonplace sheep-wolves metaphor from Corinthians, Roye imagistically explains the relationship between cleric and secular, making it clear that devouring wolves - reminiscent of his earlier references to clerics as bellies and belly beasts - are always on the prowl. The implication is that those who are obligated to protect the sheep should not themselves behave like wolves (1195-1201). Capito's discussion of sin and penance near the end of the tract provides Roye with another opportunity to attack the clergy, this time on the controversial subjects of pardons and auricular confession, issues that seemed to render even the most even-tempered reformer apoplectic. Commenting on the traditional belief that the Pope has power to remit temporal punishment due to sin, the Father quizzes the Son in Capito, asking him whether the Pope has such power. The Son responds that the Pope says so, but falsely (Tapistae id loquuntur, sed falso' 107). A similar but somewhat milder meaning is conveyed in the German through the response 'but it is not true' ('aber es ist nit war'). In his version, Roye prefers the more sardonic 'Oure newe goddes saye so. But yet is it contrary' (1643). Only a few lines later, both texts ask what the murmuring words of absolution of a priest signify. In Latin this expression is somewhat more muted than in Roye's version, as is the answer. The answer to this question in Latin is that the words are nothing but a pernicious imposture ('Nihil aliud est quam perniciosa impostura' 108) (similar to the German text's 'boser trug' [evil deception]), a term that seems strong enough until one reads Roye's rendering. For him absolution is 'Nothinge but a crafte to picke mens purses with all' (1657). And the question that provokes this response is put this way in Roye: 'What is then master parsons momblynge/ when he waggeth his honde over oure heddes/ ...?' (1653-4). One line later the Pope is referred to in Capito as the instigator of these practices, but in Roye the Pope and his clergy, pejoratively referred to as 'foundlinges' (1658), are implicated in the fraudulent business of pardons and confession. Capito's reference to the words of absolution ('verba absolutoria' 109) are for Roye 'a feawe babblynge wordes' (1674-5); Capito's

60 / Introduction reference to auricular confession ('de confessione auriculari' 110) becomes in Roye the more colourful and disdainful 'eare tale' (1682), though that rendering might be indebted to the German, which emphasizes the ear in 'orenbeichten'; and Capito's allusion to the 'confession of Antichrist'60 ('Ad Antichristianam confessionem' 111) is turned in Roye to 'papisticall eare tale' (1704), a term reminiscent of Tyndale's 'shrift in the ear' (PS 1, 263). A final example of Roye's strident anticlerical stance occurs near the very end of the tract, where the terms of the Lord's Prayer are scrutinized in turn. On the term 'Thy kyngdom come to vs' (1872-3) we are encouraged to believe in Capito that Christ will defeat the devil (129). Roye hopes so too, but also adds that Christ will also 'expell antichrist his debite [ie. the Pope]/ with all his lawes and tradicion'( 1875-6). Hume's summary of Roye's adjustments to Capito's theology is cogent and little needs to be added to it here. It is Hume's view that Roye, in the main, seemed comfortable with the majority of Capito's doctrinal positions, although it should be added that Roye himself in his other writings seems little concerned with the finer points of theology and more interested in exposing abuses within the Roman church. One or two inconsistencies on the question of doctrine between Capito and Roye are, however, worthy of note. Easily overlooked because of the little attention it is given is the Capito and Roye position on the doctrine of psychosomnolence, or the doctrine 'of a sleep of the soul after death, prior to the general resurrection' (Hume 316). As Hume points out, Luther, Carlstadt, Westerburg, and some Anabaptists subscribed to the doctrine, but Zwingli did not (316). It's not altogether clear what Roye's position on the issue is in A Brefe Dialoge, perhaps because it's not altogether clear what Capito's is either. Hume seems certain that at one point in the tract Capito subscribes to the doctrine of psychosomnolence when he says, 'Qui in domino hinc demigrant, in fide, hoc est, sinu Abrahae quiescunt, redemptionem corporis eorum expectantes, donee appetat iudicii dies,' a passage that Roye translates faithfully as They which departe hence in the lorde/ rest in belefe (called Abraams lappe) with all wother creatures abydynge that daye/ wherin their bodyes shal be losed' (1710-12). These passages certainly sound as if they support

61 / The English and Latin Texts the doctrine. However, earlier in the work another reference to the doctrine is less clear in both Latin and English texts. Capito states, 'Etsi Christiani in Domino obdormiant, revera tamen non moriuntur. Soluta enim a corpore anima quiescit tantisper, donee nos Dominus iterum expergefaciat' ('Although Christians sleep in the Lord, nevertheless in truth they are not dead. The soul, unbound from the body, rests just so long until the Lord awakens it again' 47). Sleeping in the Lord suggests eternal bliss, as does the reference to not being dead. On the other hand, resting until the Lord awakens the soul again serves as strong evidence for the doctrine of psychosomnolence. Roye's translation indicates that Capito's original might not be clear to him, or that the theory itself might not be one that he has carefully worked out in his own mind. His rendering of this Capito passage plus his significant addition to it seems to fudge the issue. He states, 'Though christen menne slepe in the lorde. yett dye they not/ for the soule departynge out of this wretched body entreth immediatly into grett ioye and rest/ for remaynynge vntill that oure lorde shall a wake it agayne' (713-16). Roye's addition, 'entreth immediatly into grett ioye and rest/ for remaynynge/ suggests an immediate transfer into heaven for the worthy soul, a view that the rest of the sentence does not clearly support.61 Given this ambiguous, perhaps even contradictory statement, it is hard to support Clebsch's unqualified view that Roye supports the Zwinglian position (233). The way in which Capito and Roye handle the vexed and always controversial issue of the Eucharist in their tracts is worthy of some comment. As for Capito's view, Hume sums it up this way: 'Capito claimed that, although there was no corporal presence of Christ in the bread and wine, His body entered the heart of the communicant through the power of the Holy Ghost,' and cites the following from Capito to prove the point: 'Corpus vero Christi, energia spiritus sancti, per verbum in pectus commigrat' (60); 'This bred entreth into the body/ but the boddy of Christ thorowe the operacion of the wholy gost/ commeth by the worde of god into the herte' (954-7). Hume claims that the 'spiritual eating was a "true" eating' and that Capito's position 'seems to be near Bucer at this period. Bucer asserted that the elements "were signs in which Christ was spiritually present," and that "as bread fed the external body, so the body of Christ nourished the spirit by faith"' (315). It is difficult to know

62 / Introduction what Hume means by a 'true' eating, especially since she puts the word true in quotation marks. What one can say definitely about the view of the Eucharist in this tract is that both Capito and Roye deny - as all reformers did - the Roman doctrine of transubstantiation, by which priests through their powers transformed the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ. However, the attack on the doctrine of transubstantiation is far clearer in Roye than in Capito. When quizzed by his Father as to whether the body of Christ is corporally present, the Son replies, 'Minime. Christum enim praesentem esse, pugnat adversus hos treis articulos: Ascendit ad caelos. Sedet ad dexteram patris. Inde venturus est, iudicare vivos et mortuos' (52). Roye translates this faithfully: 'For suerly so to afferme playnly repungneth agaynst these [sic] articles of oure belefe and wholy scripture. He ascended vp into heven/ and sitteth on the right honde of God the father allmygthy. From whence he shall come to iudge bothe quicke and dedde' (811-15). But in order for the condemnation of transubstantiation to be entirely clear, Roye adds a passage condemning it in an unqualified way. The Son poses the following question in which the Roman view of priestly power to transform bread and wine into Christ's body and blood is front and centre: 'Whye/ is he then never present with vs boddely/ as he honge on the crosse? and as they whome men call gostly fathers/ Doctours/ and preachers/ do aferme/ sayinge/ that as often as one of theym/ or of their anoynted secte saye over a pece of bred/ this is my boddy/ through the vertue of these wordes/ he beynge theare corporally/ converteth that bred into his boddy?' The question is clear; the Father's response even clearer: 'They beynge blynde wolde fayne leade wother blynde with theym into the pitt of erroure' (803-11). Both Capito and Roye condemn transubstantiation again a little later in the tract. In questioning his Son in Capito the Father asks, 'Non igitur credis Dominum in caena carnem et sanguinem carnaliter ex pane fecisse aut sub pane vinove latitare voluisse?' (56) To which the Son responds, 'Minime id credo. Qui enim Christus in panem se mutasset accumbens visibiliter discipulis? Panis praeterea post verba haec panis mansit. Neque vinum esse desiit' (56). Except for givin the Son the question and the Father the response, Roye seems happy enough to translate this faithfully: 'He gave not then at his last sopper his materiall boddy and bloudde vnto theym to be eaten corpo-

63 / The English and Latin Texts rally/ nor yet hid it vnder breade nor vnder wyne? In no wyse. For he remayned bodily sittynge before their eyes. And after the wordes were spoken the bred which he toke and blist/ remayned breade/ and wyne/ wyne' (854-9). Apart from the condemnation of transubstantiation by both authors, less stridently by Capito than by the always outspoken Roye, other differences between the two positions on the Eucharist are difficult to distinguish. There is nothing in Capito's tract to suggest that he clearly subscribes to Luther's view of the validity of the Real Presence, generally known as consubstantiation, and everything in Roye to indicate that he does not. Hume's problem in clearly defining Capito's view of the Eucharist may in fact result from Capito's not altogether unambiguous view of the issue. Generally thought to be a conciliator intent on establishing unity among reformers, Capito spent some time trying to put out fires among like-minded colleagues on the subtleties of the Eucharist issue. Kittelson cites part of a Capito letter to this effect: 'At the Lord's command, we should concern ourselves entirely with that which is the main thing: love from a pure heart and a good conscience, and from an unstained faith. Whatever does not concern these things leads only to useless babble' (144-5), a sentiment not unlike the one found in Tyndale's letter to the imprisoned John Frith, who himself was embroiled in a controversy with fellow reformers over the true nature of the Eucharist, even up to the time of his death.62 Unhappily, as a result of their hair-splitting distinctions over the matter of the Real Presence - a state of affairs worthy of the scholasticism that reformers, ironically, were quick to attack because of its obfuscation - the reformers have left us with problems of interpretation that have yet to be dealt with to everyone's satisfaction. Hume's view that Capito followed Bucer (whatever the word true in quotation marks might mean) is countered by Kittelson's claim that Capito was in fact a Zwinglian as regards the Eucharist; Kittelson bases his view on a segment of one of Capito's letters to Zwingli: 'That that bread and cup are an external thing, whatever it may be, and that by itself it accomplishes nothing for salvation; on the other hand, that the memory of the Lord's death is both beneficial and necessary ...; therefore we admonish ours to eat the lord's bread and to drink the cup for this purpose ... while passing over other things' (Kittelson 147).

64 / Introduction Finally, whatever Capito's position might be, it is altogether clear what Roye's is in A Brefe Dialoge. His view is entirely sacramentarian and he subscribes only to the spiritual significance of the Eucharist, regarding it as a memorial phenomenon solely, through which we recall the importance of Christ's death for humankind. Some of his alterations and additions to Capito prove this conclusively. For instance, where Capito has the Father ask the question, 'Abest interim Christus, donee redierit iudicaturus?' ('In the meantime Christ is absent until he returns to judge?' 50), and the Son responds with two biblical citations to the effect that Christ is present in spirit until the end of time and that he will be with individuals whenever two or three are gathered together in his name, Roye focuses on the absence of Christ physically, his spiritual presence, and the difficulty that mortals have understanding this phenomenon - perhaps a veiled admission of the difficulty of comprehending the ins and outs of the Eucharist. In a passage not present in Capito, the Son says, 'Seynge thou sayst that he shall descende openly/ as he ascended/ to geve this iudgement/ thou belevest not that he is here with vs continualli?' To which the Father replies, 'Through his sprete he is with vs vnto the ende of the worlde,' and adds, as if to explain the difficulty of comprehending this notion, 'but for as moche as it is spretually/ man yett beynge wrapped in this mortall flesshe/ entangled with so manyfolde myseries/ and saverynge all wayes erthely/ can never come to the knowledge therof/ vntill the tyme that he thorowe a stedfast belefe in god/ and sure hope in his promeses/ perceave howe that by Christ we have obteyned grace for grace' (782-93). Roye faithfully translates Capito's statement that Christ 'gave his body and bloude spretually vnto his disciples to be eaten and dronken' (834-5; 54), but, unlike Capito, adds a passage emphasizing the memorial nature of the Eucharist by allowing the Son to summarize his sense of the Father's words: 'The affecte of thy sayinges after myne vnderstondynge is only/ that this shulde be but a remembraunce howe that Christ frely gave his boddy and bloudde for the redemption of as many as god his father from the begynnynge of the worlde had predestinate to become partakers of his sonnes bloudde' (842-7). In another passage where both authors emphasize the spiritual giving of Christ's body and blood (56), Roye, unlike Capito, feels

65 / The English and Latin Texts compelled to explain the meaning of spiritual giving. He adds, 'wherwith the soule once feade through belefe/ immediatly feleth all spretuall ioye and comforte. that is to saye/ faythe towardes god his mercifull father/ hope in the promeses of Christ/ and love and charite towardes his even christen' (871-5). As this lengthy, and not altogether clear, discussion of the Eucharist draws to a close, both Capito and Roye seem to breathe a sigh of relief and, as if to underplay the contentious nature of this issue that their discussion highlighted, encourage their respective Sons not to taint their minds by thinking too much on this matter. Capito states: 'Age vero, mi puer, fidem tuam iugi passionis Christi memoria corroborato. Neque temere cum quoquam haec de reneque de aliis praeterea discepta. Non enim Ecclesiae DEI contendendi habent consuetudinem' (63). For his part, Roye states: 'Therfore dere sonne se thou strengthe thy faythe with a continuall remembraunce of Christis passion. And stryve with no manne disputynge of eny soche matters. For the congregacion of Christen men are not wont to vse soche vayne disputacions' (1025-9). On the question of predestination, Hume may be right to detect a possible contradiction in Roye's position, a product perhaps of his uncertainty in dealing with thorny and difficult theological matters. Hume states that Roye appears to endorse predestination throughout but deliberately inserts a clause in one of Capito's sentences that calls into question that very doctrine: 'Wherfor in the meane whyle I ought to praye with oute ceasynge vnto my lorde Christ/ that it maye please his bounteous goodnes to admitt me vnto the nombre of his chosen and to present me vnto his father/ perfect and with outen spott' (1052-6). According to Hume, the crucial phrase here is 'that it maye please his bounteous goodnes to admitt me vnto the nombre of his chosen/ a phrase that suggests the possibility of salvation through prayer divorced from eternal election. Perhaps. But it might also be interpreted in quite a different way. The humble Christian prays to be one of the elect; he doesn't pray thinking his prayer will change God's mind. And, one might argue, by virtue of praying to God, thereby showing a proper Christian attitude, one might very well believe that s/he is among the elect, since those damned from all eternity would probably not have the correct disposition of mind to pray. This interpretation seems to chime better with other refer-

66 / Introduction ences throughout Roye where he clearly supports predestination, as, for instance, in the following quotation on the memorial signification of the Eucharist: 'The affect of thy sayinges after myne vnderstondynge is only/ that this shulde be but a remembraunce howe that Christ frely gave his boddy and bloudde for the redempcion of as many as god his father from the begynnynge of the worlde had predestinate to become partakers of his sonnes bloudde' (842-7; emphasis mine). Interestingly, the word 'predestination' does not appear in Capito's text in the corresponding passage, a fact which indicates that Roye strongly supports the doctrine and includes it where Capito doesn't. Therefore, Hume's claims that there is a 'failure of precision' (318) in Roye's view of predestination may not be altogether accurate. Another example of the same type appears in an addition by Roye in 641-7 of the text. Speaking of Christ's expiatory death, the Latin text refers to 2 Corinthians 5: 'Atque adeo peccati hostia nobis factus est' ('And sin was made our enemy' 46). Roye's addition is lengthy and pointedly corroborates the doctrine of eternal election. He states in part: 'Wherfore in lyke maner he became the mediatoure of the newe testament. That as sone as his death was full ended for oure transgressions of the fyrst testament, they which wer called myght receve the promes of eternall inheritaunce' (696-700).63 Hume is on safer ground when she discusses Roye's failure of theological precision on the question of the relationship between Christian liberty and justification by faith. She cites two Roye passages in which he adopts Capito's 'cruell iudge,' 'mercyfull father' metaphor to explain the part that Christ's atonement for humankind's sins plays in the scheme of salvation. Before Christ's expiatory death, God was a 'cruell iudge' (280-1), but now '(through the fulnes of grace and mercy that we have receaved by Christis bloudde) he is becom oure tender and mercyfull father' (281-3). A similar kind of divine transformation as a result of Christ's expiatory death is expressed by Roye in 751-65, where the same judge/father imagery is employed. But in a third passage Roye seems to contradict himself, implying that even after the atonement and justification the judge/ father link is not broken and that God continues to remain 'a iudge strayght and rightous' (491-2). Hume convincingly explains this problem as follows:

67 / The English and Latin Texts The merciful father apparently remains a strict judge after all. The passage with its theological unsteadiness, is an interesting manifestation of Rove's anxious concern with the necessity for a transformed life after justification. So essential is it that the believer should lead a virtuous life after conversion, that Roye is prepared even to revive the severe judge at the expense of the forgiving father, if this will incite the Christian more effectively to good works. This preoccupation with the morally-transformed life which must follow justification, is especially characteristic of the earliest group of English Protestants. (319-20) A final comment on a matter not so much theological as legalistic pertains to the part that the temporal authority should play in inculcating Christian virtue in the lives of the citizenry over which it has control. Hume points out that Capito refers to how the 'Magistratus' (38) should not tolerate abominations such as masses and idols associated with papistry. According to Hume, the 'idea was a familiar one to the readers in the Strassburg of 1527' (314), where steps had been taken to abolish the mass and the veneration of images as early as 1524. Unhappily, for the English reformers, no such enlightened temporal authority obtained, nor, as it turned out, was one to appear until after the death of Henry vm in 1547. Roye, never lacking in enthusiasm for reform, however, utters the pious hope that English temporal authorities will see their legitimate Christian duty and act on behalf of Christ's faithful. 64 With his characteristic love for doublings and synonymy he states, 'To oure temporall lordes/ ruelers/ and superiours/ with their debities and assigneis. For they by goodis worde and ordenaunce have receved the swearde temporall/ therwith to chasten/ put downe/ and disannull/ all that agaynst god and his wholy worde is. And to have no regarde vnto the iniquite and vngodlines/ of the mayntayners of soche abhominable seduccions above rehearced/ with their sacrifices/ masses/ dedde mennes songes. etc.' (536-43).65 There are roughly forty additions of various lengths in Roye's text that make it a longer tract than the Capito original. Some of these additions, as we have seen, expand on Capito, others replace what is

68 / Introduction part of the Latin and German texts. To this point, we have commented on several alterations to Capito's text that have tonal or theological implications. The rest of this summary will deal primarily with stylistic differences between the Capito original and Roye's English translation, always remembering that stylistic matters in this tract cannot be separated easily from tone or theology. Reference has already been made to Roye's apparent affection for doublings and the rhetorical device of synonymy.66 There is a veritable riot of doublings in Roye's brief preface to the tract that sets the stage for their more modest appearance in the translation itself. In the preface we learn that 'stodye' should be 'faythfull and diligent' (19), that God's favourites are 'electe and chosen' (21), that Roye was a 'healpe felowe/ and parte taker' of the 'laboures'of Tyndale (22-3), whose work on the New Testament now allows men to 'heare and vnderstonde' the Bible in their own homes (24). Roye and Tyndale's 'labour and stodye' (26) was odious to those who 'presume and thyncke' (27) that they are more learned. These latter 'in greate hatered and vennemous barkynge' (29-30) did 'disannull/ forbidde/ and blaspheme' (31) the English Bible at Paul's Cross, supporting instead 'their importable and dissaytfull traditions' (33-4), thereby trying to 'qwenche and dercken the cleare and evident light of god' (38-9), which 'they hate worsse then other toade or addre' (39-40). However, 'the howlynge and barkynge of soche cruell/ and infame dogges' (50) has inflamed '[Roye's] hert/ and couraged [his] mynde' (52). The present work to which he turns his translation talents delighted him because of its 'due and naturall ordre' (67). According to Roye, the Capito catechism teaches the doctrine of predestination and Christ's role as a mediator and saviour, the knowledge of which, like a 'sprynge or fountaine' (87), flows towards God. Hence, it is a work 'bothe plesaunt and acceptable to the elect and chosen of god' (93-4). In order for readers of this work to attain the 'frute and proffyt' (103) of this book, it must be 'hearde/ and well pondered' (101) and not read as one might read 'vayne storys or fables' (98). By reading this book, 'lordes and ruelers ... shall perceave and fynde/ those to be bothe meke and mylde/ and to the temporall power obedient/ whom before as fearce lyons they feared' (110-13). Finally, when one has read this book and gathered wisdom from it, he shall be able 'to healpe and sucker wother' (126-7). When Roye turns to the translation itself, he tempers his affec-

69 / The English and Latin Texts tion for doublings - without giving them up altogether - perhaps because he's working with someone else's material rather than with his own original ideas. So, for instance, translating Capito, Roye tells us that the Father is 'abashed and ashamed' (203; 46) to do anything that an all-seeing God might observe. When he recalls that Christ has made expiation for his sins he 'fealefs] and perceave[s] in [his] herte/ all thynges to be safe and forgeven' (278-9; 16). Traditions established by the Roman church 'are vayne and of none effecte' (332; 20). With 'his sprete and gostly gyftes' God does 'ordre/ rule/ and governe vs. whereby remayneth vnto me/ in tyme of aduersite/ and temptacion/ a grett staye and comforte' (741-3; 48). In discussing the nature of the Church in terms of the metaphor of the body, the Father states that Christ is 'hed' but that the 'whole body of his churche [is] made/ bilt/ and edyfied/ of belevers' (111 1-12; 68). On the issue of the validity of purgatory, a Roman invention that the Father denies, the Son questions the Father's view by telling him that 'oure Doctours/ preachers/ and teachers/ saye that purgatory is the waye to everlastynge lyfe' (1764-5,- 118). Finally, in translating Capito, Roye uses one more doubling - actually a triplet - quite near the end of the tract. Believing that God will not impute the Father's sins to him, the Father hopes rather that he will 'healpe/ preserve/ and defende me/ as a kynde and a tender father doeth his chylde' (1913-14; 131). In several of his own additions to Capito's text, Roye makes frequent use of doublings, as, for instance, at 490, 'strayght and rightous'; 544-5, 'confounde and disannul'; 570, 'temple and dwellynge place'; 576, 'stockes and stakes/ stones and pillars'; and 1882-3, 'lorde/ governor/ and ruler.' Several Roye additions are worthy of particular note because of the number of doublings contained therein. For instance, in one three-line sentence between lines 1209 and 1211, Roye manages to squeeze in three: 'confounded and ashamed,' 'offence and misdede,' and 'infecte/ and rotten.' In his eighteen-line addition dealing with the sacrament of baptism (1308-21), he includes 'signe or token/ 'augmentacion and encreace/ 'company or felisshippe,' 'housse and congregacion.' And, finally, in his longest addition to Capito's text (984-1006) we hear the following: 'eyes to se/ eares to heare/ nor tonges to speke,' 'wickede or vnrightous,' 'faulce ydole and fayned god,' and 'thrauldom/ aduersite/ and captivite.' We have already seen some examples of Roye's use of colourful

70 / Introduction and graphic imagery and diction in the context of the discussion of the tone and theology of his translation. We have heard, for instance, Roye call confession 'eare tale' and 'papisticall eare tale.' Absolution is both 'a feawe babblynge wordes' and 'Nothinge but a crafte to picke purses with all'; papists are sardonically called 'new goddes/ and the Pope's clergy are 'foundlinges.' Roye introduces the graphic biblical imagery of the sheep/wolves to suggest the relationship between the Church and its devoted, if vulnerable, adherents. His criticism of the clergy is evident in his contemptuous reference to them through an unflattering synecdoche: they are 'bellies,' 'slow bellies,' and 'belly bestes.' To illustrate the greed of the 'bellies,' Roye provides his reader with a colourful anecdote about a poor man or woman, a 'pilled marchaunt/ a loaf of bread, and some cheese. He anglicizes the Latin 'quarante' into a farthing, a unit of money an English reader would know, mentions two saints by name assuming they would be recognized, and introduces, perhaps even creates, a proverb about powerful men keeping the heads of the less powerful 'vnder their girdles.' Such graphic description and colourful diction is evident in Roye's preface as well, where, in large measure, he turns his anger against those who stand in the way of God's truth. We hear, for instance, of 'the sower dowe' (33) of spiritual doctors, the first reference to 'bellies' (40), a vivid hyperbole wherein these same spiritual doctors hate the truth 'worsse then other toade or addre' (39-40). These 'cruell/ and infame dogges' are best known for their 'howlynge and barkynge' (50), their 'cruell tyranny foxye cavillacion' (51) and their 'papisticall sophistry' (75). By contrast, those imbued with the 'frutes of the sprete' (86) find that like a 'sprynge or fountaine' (87) it 'floweth towardes God' (88), which in Christ's realm 'is a iewell most precious' (89), an image that Roye probably borrows from 2 Chronicles 20:25. Turning his attention to the Capito tract itself, he encourages readers to study it often '[f]or good thynges ten tymes redde agayne please bothe the reder/ and the hearer also' (108-9). He who wishes to profit from the catechism - 'to socke here out eni swetnes' (123) must first of all have within himself 'the flammes of a christen herte' (124), for '[h]owe can a man warme a nother/ when he him silfe is frosen for colde?' (127-8). And just in case this aphorism passes over

71 / The English and Latin Texts the heads of his readers, Rove, with eagerness one feels, adds another in the very next line: 'Ye knowe I suppose that one blynde shuld not leade the wother/ least they faule bothe into the pytt' (128-30). There are other good examples within the body of the text that indicate Roye's distinctive linguistic style and flair for colour. On two occasions words that Roye selects indicate his well-known facility in languages. His choice for a morsel of food is a 'gobbet' (969, 1016; 61, 62), a term derived from Old French and found as well in his and Barlowe's Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe (2039). Capito's word 'utilitas' (25) Roye renders by the distinctive 'fordell' (382), a word derived from Dutch and German. In additions to the text, Roye shows his linguistic ingenuity in such terms as 'bondmen vnto the devill' (753), meant to describe all of humanity before Christ's expiatory death, and 'the pitt of erroure' (811), a place to which humans are led by those who encourage them to believe in transubstantiation. We are also treated to some examples of distinctive, colourful language that perhaps have no exact equivalent in the Latin. Magistrates should not be afraid 'to soffre a filippe' (587) for Christ's sake, nor should they be 'hayle felowes' (588-9) with Christ's enemies. Later we learn that care must be taken that 'an infecte wedder' (1443) not insinuate itself into Christ's true flock. In other additions, Roye often indulges his love of biblical allusion and colourful, memorable language by choosing highly imagistic passages from the Bible to reinforce a point. For instance, he borrows from Romans 18 and plays with its image of the olive tree to explain how true Christians must be consecrated to the glory of God (1422-8). Similarly, describing the fate of those who die out of God's favour, he conflates Romans 9:22 with Tyndale's Ephesians and states that they will endure 'deadly torment withouten releace ordened for the vessels of wrath/ 67 and children of vnbelefe' (1722-3). Roye is tempted by the imagery of both Revelation 3:5 to use it to describe the saved as 'clothed in whyte vesteurs' (1755), as well as that of Revelation 5:2, where he employs the image of the unclasped book to suggest Christ's singular redeeming power (1773-4). And, finally, on at least one other occasion not already noted, Roye chooses to vivify Capito's Latin. Capito's relatively image-free phrase about the folly of the monastic life, 'ut hiis tantum servias, quibus cum voto communi vivere instituisti' (26), becomes in Roye the far more colourful 'and after his owne

72 / Introduction folysshe fantasy to cloase hym sylfe in a corner/ wheare as he can but seke hym sylfe/ and vnfrutfully/ serve a feawe slowe bellyes/ for the love that he hath vnto ydelnes/ and that with a vowe of commen dissimulation' (407-10). In closing, of the five neologisms and new words that Hume claims Roye invented for this work - she mentions 'aspercion,' 'exteriall/ 'pharisaicall/ 'preordinacion/ and 'suertyshyppe' - (320), one, 'exteriall/ finds its way into Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe (3688), and another, 'pharisaicall/ into A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman (94), a hybrid work that, it has been argued elsewhere, was also from Roye's pen. To Hume's five new words, one can add several more found in A Brefe Dialoge: 'apostolicall' (28); 'belly bestes' (416); 'filippe' (587); 'grafte' (963, 1182, 1392, 1424); 'hayle felowes' (588-9); 'infame' (50); 'institute' (1804); 'misedify' (507); 'over cloyinge' (1529); 'papistical!' (75,1704); 'proporcionable' (917); 'Rabys' (72); 'repungneth agaynst' (812); 'sett abacke' (652); 'stakes' (527, 576); 'strayght' (490, 492, 1279); 'vnporged' (1716). Whatever else it may show, the presence of these new words in this text demonstrates Roye's importance to the advancement of the English language and the broadening of its vocabulary in the sixteenth century.

Adolf Wolf's Text of A Lytle Treatous

Adolf Wolf's text of A Brefe Dialoge purports to be an accurate transcription of the 1527 first edition. Wolf reproduces the spelling of 1527 and alters only the original's use of vergules to commas. He does not make any consistent attempt to modernize punctuation. Occasionally, Wolf corrects some of 1527's textual errors. He notes some errant spellings in 1527 at the foot of his text, sometimes glosses archaisms, silently emends 1527 when it divides one word into two (eg, 'a gaynst'), and sometimes corrects spellings by adding a missing letter in brackets (eg, 'renny[n]ge'). On balance, however, Wolf's editorial principles are erratic, so erratic in fact that he generates an unreliable text that cannot be deemed an altogether accurate reflection of the 1527 original. On fifty-seven occasions he alters the original's spelling for no good reason and without notation, despite his claim that he has maintained the orthography and punctuation of the original. Most of these are entirely arbitrary changes, but nine of them either make the original's spelling worse or create a nonsense word. Although appearing not to alter the original's punctuation except by changing vergules to commas, Wolf actually does change it by omitting punctuation, by adding punctuation that is not in the original, and by changing on a hit-and-miss basis the original's sometimes idiosyncratic use of the full stop. On two occasions he forgets to close a parenthesis; three times he expands a line resembling a macron over an 'o,' indicating an omitted 'n' or 'm' with the 'n/ whereas the 'm' is more usual. Twice he changes the original's V to a 'u' and once changes 'u' to 'v.' Once he uses an upper-case initial letter for a word where the original uses the lower case.

74 / Introduction More serious are mistakes that involve substantive changes. On 235 he adds the word 'man' between 'rigthous' and 'live'; on 1589 he adds 'the' between 'in' and 'trewe'; and on 1643 he reverses the original's 'is it.' Given these textual anomalies, it is hard to argue that Wolf's transcription is an entirely accurate rendering of the 1527 text or a true reflection of his own stated editorial principles. Wolf's text has been collated with 1527. The results of this collation can be found in appendix A.

Editorial Principles and Interrelation of Editions

This text is an old-spelling critical edition of the 1527 first edition of A Brefe Dialoge/ bitwene a christen Father and his stobborne Sonne/ whom he wolde fayne brynge to the right vnderstondynge of a christen mans lyvynge, written by William Roye 'in the cite of Argentyn [ie, Strassburg] / the last daye of August/ the yere of oure lorde a thousande fyve hondred/ and seven and twenty' and printed by Johann Schott of Strassburg. There are only two extant copies of this first edition, one in the National Library of Austria, the other in the library of the Duke of Bath, Longleat, Warminster, Wiltshire, England. We have collated both of these copies for substantive and accidental variants and have recorded all variants in 'Press Variants in the 1527 Copy Text.' We have chosen the Bath copy for my control text because there are fewer errors in it than in the Austrian copy, although a study of the copies shows that a careful proofing of the sheets was not carried out. The few differences between the two copies indicate that Bath is a cleaner version. For example, at 160 of the Austrian text a 't' has fallen out of the form, rendering the word 'dout' as 'dou.' Bath provides the correct reading. On signature b5 the signature letter 'b' is inverted in the Austrian text but correct in Bath. On 20 the Austrian text places a space bar between 'where of to suggest separation of the two words. The words are separate in Bath but jammed together in the Austrian copy. A particularly anomalous situation is evident on 50829 (signature civ). On twenty-two of that signature's original twentyeight lines a single word in each of the lines appears with an unnecessary double letter in it or the shadow of such a letter.

76 / Introduction Despite the apparent superiority of Bath as a copy text, the Austrian copy does provide a couple of better readings than Bath. For example, on 211 the correct reading is the Austrian 'continewe thy/ whereas Bath has 'continew ethy/ the result of placing the terminal 'e' of 'continewe' at the beginnig of the word 'thy.' Furthermore, on 532 the terminal parenthesis following the word 'weake' is backwards in Bath. Both copies are identical in all other ways for both good and bad readings. We have also collated our copy text for substantive variants with the second edition of the work (STC 24223.5), printed in London by Steven Mierdman for G. Lynne in 1550 and entitled The true belief e in Christ and his sacramentes, set forth in a Dialoge betwene a christen father and his sonne. This edition contains a new preface (see Variants), to which is appended the text itself printed from the same sheets as the Bath text. Wherever possible we have retained the original punctuation, emending only with 'correct' punctuation wherever the text is clearly wrong. All readings rendered difficult because of the original punctuation are explained in the Commentary. We have not changed the original's practice of sometimes beginning a new sentence with a majuscule and sometimes not. In order to help the reader we have altered the original's appearance by beginning a new line for each speaker's words. The original runs the entire dialogue together without even paragraph breaks, but distinguishes one speaker from the other by using the word 'Father' or 'Son7 (or variations thereon) where appropriate. We have used the original's speaker designations as they appear in the text. We have silently expanded ampersands, lines resembling macrons (which appear over letters to indicate an absent 'n' or 'm'), symbols that look like superscript 'e's and that stand for 'es,' and hooks on terminal 'd's, which represent 'er.' Black-letter type of the sixteenth century appears here as roman. We have not tried to reproduce original type size or ornamental letters that appear in the printed text.

Bibliographical Descriptions

Black-letter type in the original is reproduced here in bold face. 1527 STC 24223.3 Title Page [within a decorative border of flowers, animals, and elaborate vines; at each side two flowers and vines; at the foot two mythical animals (not unlike sea-horses) and two flowers on either side of scroll; at the top leaves and vines.] A Lytle treatous or dialo= ge very necejjary for all chrijten men | to learne | and | to knowe. Collation 8°, A4 b-f8 c4 ($5) signature A $4; signature G $3 48 unnumbered leaves. Contents Air title page; A!V To the Right noble EJtates/ and to all wother of the toune of Gales/ Wiliam Roye dejyreth grace and peace/ from God the | father/ and from the lorde le Jus | Chrijt. A4v Amen. Written in the cite of Argentyn/ the | lajt daye of Augujt/ the yere of | oure lorde a thoujande fyve honderd/ and /even and twen | ty. sir A Brefe Dialoge/ bitwene a Chrijten Fath= er and his Jtobborne Sone/ whom he= | wolde fayne brynge to the right vn= der Jtondynge of a chrijten mans | lyvynge. c4v A= | men. This edition has no colophons, running titles or catchwords. Copies Collated

Duke of Bath, Longleat; Austrian National Library

78 / Introduction 1550 STC 24223.5 Black-letter type in the original is reproduced here in bold face. Italic type in the original is reproduced here in unbold roman type. Title Page The true be= | liefe in ChriJt and his Jacra= | mentes, | et forth in a Dialoge betwene a | Chrijten father and his Jonne, verye ne= | cejjary to be learned of all men, of what | e Jtate Joeuer they be. d My Jonnes, heare the enjtruccions of | youre father, and geue hede that ye maye | haue knowledge: for I haue geuen you a | good doctrine, Je that ye for Jake | not my lawe. Prouer= | biorum.iiij. Imprinted at London for | G Walter Lynne, dwellinge on Somers | kaye, by Byllinges gate. Anno Domini. M.D.L. Cum Priuilegio ad Im= primendum solum. Collation 8° A4 b-f8 c4 ($5) signature A $4-A3 signature G $3 48 unnumbered leaves Contents Air title page,- A!V blank; A2r d To the mojte graciou/e | Lady, Lady Ann. douche/Je of Somer/et | her mojte faythfull and daylye ora= | toure, G Walter Lynne wy | Jheth eternall fe= | licite. A3v Amen. Geuen at London in the | yeare of oure Lord.M.D.&.L. The | xx. daye of lanuarye. | CK Your Graces dayly Orator | G Walter Lynne. A4r Of The father vnto his Jonne. c4v A= | men. This edition has no colophon or running titles. Catchwords appear in signature A (the preface) only: A2r-A2v this A2v-A3r nouel= [nouellities] A3r-A3v in al [in all] A4r-A4v My Copy Collated British Library

Notes

1 Throughout this work, Roye's translation of Capito's catechism will be referred to as A Brefe Dialoge bitwene a Christen Father and his stobborne Sonne, regularly shortened to A Brefe Dialoge, the title - or a close version of it - by which it was known in its own day. 2 Underlining this work's importance, Hume states: 'What is interesting is the way in which the particular Strassburg tract which Roye chose, so early in the history of English Protestantism, outlined more or less exactly that combination of doctrines which was to appeal to English reformers in subsequent decades: co-operation with the Magistrate, infant baptism, a modified sacramentarianism, and a stress (heightened by Roye) on the virtuous works produced by faith and the spirit. Even the doctrine of the sleep of the dead was attractive to some influential English Protestants for the next six or eight years - both Tyndale and Frith favoured it, though George Joye was fierce in his opposition' ('William Roye's "Brefe Dialoge"' 321). 3 It is perhaps idle to speculate on what drew Roye to Capito, except perhaps to say that the Englishman saw in Capito's catechism confirmation of his own radical views. As far as we know, apart from A Brefe Dialoge, Roye makes only one other reference to Capito in his writings. In Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe, a portion of which deals with the need to abolish the mass, Roye alludes to the work done by Strassburg reformers to abolish the mass in that city. In one passage in particular he mentions 'Hedius, Butzer, and Capito,/ Celarius, Symphorian, and wother mo,/ In dede were reputed the chefe' (469-71). Full details on the abolition of the mass in Strassburg and the part Capito played in it are in Kittelson (112-42). 4 According to Kittelson, the Strassburg printer of Capito's text was his nephew Wolfgang Kopfel (Wolfgang Capito 134 note 52). Capito's full

80 / Notes to pages 3-5 name is given as Wolfgang Faber Capito (Kopfel, Fabricius) ca. 1478-1541 (Contemporaries of Erasmus 1, 261). 5 Hume points out that the catechism immediately attracted the attention of English authorities, who tried to suppress it. Almost as soon as it was published it 'became the victim of episcopal activity against Protestant tracts, and almost the entire issue was bought up by Hermann Rynck on behalf of Wolsey' (Hume 'William Roye's "Brefe Dialoge"' 307). Philippa Tudor adds that this 'catechism was not allowed to circulate freely until it was reissued in 1550' ('Religious Instruction for Children' 407). 6 Steele states that it 'was long thought that all of the copies of [the first edition] had been destroyed, but examination of The true belief in Christ printed in London for Walter Lynne, 1550, shows that it consists of the original sheets of the Dialogue, with the exception of the first half-sheet, which has been replaced by another preface and title-page' ('Notes on English Books' 195). 7 Kittelson refers to the German translation of the catechism in his biography of Capito, but acknowledges that he has not located the 1527 Latin version. However, he does refer to 'another slightly revised edition' of the German text that appeared in 1529 (134 note 2), an edition that does not concern us here, since it appeared two years after Roye's English translation. 8 Dickens is eloquent on the Protestant tracts that appeared during Protector Somerset's period of influence, referring to their number as a 'torrent' (The English Reformation 247). He also mentions the increasing influence and appearance of Continental reformist writing in England during this period. It is possible that Lynne's reissuing of Roye's translation of Capito's catechism is part of this trend. It is also no doubt a part of the catechetical tradition that flourished during the second half of the sixteenth century in England. See below. 9 In fact, Tyndale produced a very incomplete version of the New Testament in 1525, a version that did not get beyond Matthew 22. He and Roye were working on it in Cologne when the work was interrupted by the authorities, who planned to arrest the translators and seize their work (Daniell William Tyndale 109-33). 10 Daniell explains that a branch of the 'Gloucestershire Tyndales took the name of Hutchins as well' (10). In his monition to his archbishops condemning Tyndale's New Testament, Cuthbert Tunstal refers to Tyndale as 'Wilmum Tyndall alias Hochyn' (Sturge Cuthbert Tunstal 132). Daniell's comment that '[i]n the sixteenth century the name Tyndale seems to have had a better ring to it in loftier London circles than Hutchins,' because 'in the 1530s when Sir Thomas More wished to sneer at Wil-

81 / Notes to pages 5-11 Ham Tyndale, he called him Hutchins' (12), is a questionable assertion since Roye, certainly no sneerer of Tyndale, calls him 'Hitchyns' in this work. 11 One has to wonder whether being attacked as a Jew is any worse than the following description of Cardinal Wolsey from Rede Me (3364-8): O miserable monster, most malicious, Father of perversite, patrone of hell. O terrible Tyrant, to god and men odious, Advocate of antichrist, to Christ rebell. To the I speake, o caytife Cardinall so cruell. 12 Although none of Roye's work on the Old Testament - assuming he actually did some - has come down to us, he did carry out half the promise made here by translating some Erasmus and Luther. See his An exhortation to the diligent studye of scripture made by Erasmus Roterodamus ... An exposition in to the seventh chaptre of the first pistle to the Corinthians published together in 1529 from the Antwerp press of Hans Luft (ic, Johannes Hoochstraten) (STC 10493). 13 The general structure of the work plus the presence of an enlightened Father and a Son eager to learn from him is reminiscent of St Augustine's De Magistro, a dialogue between Augustine and his son, Adeodatus, about language, remembering, and Scripture (Concerning the Teacher and On the Immortality of the Soul in Stock Augustine the Reader 145-62). 14 A comparison of the contents of Catholic and Protestant catechisms gives a good indication of the slimmer nature of Protestant belief. Generally speaking, Protestant catechisms contain fewer catechism articles than do Catholic ones. However, this is not to say that Protestant theology is any less complex than Catholic theology. 15 Clebsch supposes that the criticism here on the overt recitation of the Lord's Prayer is a refutation of the dominical injunction (England's Earliest Protestants 233). 16 As already stated and as shown later in this work in the section on the catechism in the sixteenth century, the Creed and the Pater Noster, or Lord's Prayer, were central components of most catechisms. However, two interesting non-catechetical works of the sixteenth century also dramatically focus on the importance of these two aspects of Christian belief in altogether novel ways. The first, 'here begynneth a lytell geste how the plowman lerned his pater noster,' printed by Wynkyn de Worde in about 1510 (STC 20034), is a practical lesson on how one truly comes to learn the Lord's Prayer. A rich ploughman instructed by his confessor to learn his Pater Noster, without which 'saued canst thou not be/ Nor neuer

82 / Notes to pages 12-15 haue syght of the deyte/ seeks the advice of a priest who agrees to help the ploughman. The priest tells him that he will send him 'fourty poore men' to whom he is to give portions of his 'whete.' As the forty men appear before the rich ploughman to receive their portions each identifies himself by name, and each name is, curiously, a term of the Lord's Prayer, ie, noster follows pater as do sanctificetur and nomem tumm follow Qui es in celis. Once all have received their portion, the ploughman is left with nothing except a first-hand knowledge of the Lord's Prayer. The second work, this time focusing on the Creed, is Pierce the Ploughmans Crede, probably written, according to Skeat, around 1394, but not printed until 1553 by Reynold Wolfe. In this work an unnamed narrator who, we are told, knows his pater-noster and Ave-Maria sets out the learn his Creed. Failure to learn it will result in a penance of a forty-day fast imposed on him by his confessor. During the course of his journey he confronts members of all four mendicant orders one at a time. Not only will they not teach him the Creed, but they also try to filch his money and spend much of their time attacking their fellow friars as frauds and liars. Once he manages to escape the clutches of the mendicants, he comes across Pierce the ploughman who is very poor but spiritually rich. It is Pierce (ie, Piers) who teaches the questing narrator his Creed. It is interesting to note that in these works the ploughman and the narrator are instructed by their confessors to learn the pater noster and Creed respectively, a situation which suggests that part of a confessor's duty was to catechize penitents on a regular basis on the essentials of the faith. 17 Clebsch seems to get certain facts wrong. He states, 'A Brefe Dialoge/ bitwene a Christen father and his stobborne Sonne was a translation of a little work "late turned out of douche into latten" and widely used in Strassburg. The original seems to have eluded identification. Impressed by the influence of the dialogue on daily life in that city, Roy dedicated his translation to its civic leaders and citizens' (233). Roye's dedication is clearly to the citizenry of 'Cales,' not Strassburg. 18 In a letter dated 12 June 1529, Friars West and Lawrence, writing to Cardinal Wolsey, refer to Roye as 'sometime the familiar of our convent at Richmond' and note 'how he does speak all manner of languages' (cited in More vii 352). 19 More accurately, I believe, Schuster gives Tyndale's matriculation date as 27 May 1524 (More vra 3, 1159). 20 Daniell seems to underplay Roye's contribution. Alluding to Tyndale's first prologue to the 1534 New Testament, he states that Tyndale's mention of the faults of the 1526 edition, 'which lack of help at the beginning, and oversight, did sow therein/ might 'suggest that Roye's presence was

83 / Notes to pages 15-16 not valuable' (143). One can only add by way of further speculation that these comments might not have any reference to Roye at all, or they might implicate both Roye or Tyndale or perhaps just Tyndale himself. 21 Collinson summarizes Foxe's comments on Tyndale's work habits and pattern of living. From the Foxe memoir 'we learn of Tyndale's two weekly days of what he called "pastime": Monday (the preacher's statutory holiday), which he devoted to visiting and relieving his fellow English exiles; and Saturday, spent on more general charitable works, which he financed from the large stipend he received from the English merchants. All the remainder of the week "he gave hym wholy to his booke"; except that on Sundays he was entertained at one or another of the merchants' houses, "where came many other merchauntes," to whom he read and expounded the Scriptures, both before and after dinner' (83). Given this rather austere regime, all of it devoted in one way or another to the greater glory of God, it is not hard to understand why someone as rigid as Tyndale might regard Roye's life as uncontrolled. However, whether Roye's life was as bold as Tyndale saw it is an altogether different question. 22 Throughout his career, Tyndale seemed to ignore - when he wasn't scorning - what we today might call imaginative literature. For example, he frequently attacks Robin Hood stories by stating that the Church encourages its followers to read these rather than the Scriptures. Doubtless, Tyndale would have seen the medium of poetry - especially the doggerel in which much of Rede Me was written - as unworthy of the subjects the authors present in their work. Indeed, he says as much in Mammon when he states that '[i]t becometh not then the Lord's servant to use railing rhymes ...' (41). 23 Richard Rex disagrees that Peter Quentell was the printer of the Cologne fragment. Summarizing Cochlaeus's part in the discovery, he states: 'The opportunity [for Cochlaeus] to establish good relations with England came in 1525, when he went to Cologne to work with Peter Quentell (the leading Catholic printer and publisher of the decade) on a complete edition of the scriptural commentaries of Rupert of Deutz, a twelfth-century Benedictine who had been claimed temerariously as a proto-Protestant. This project brought him into contact with the printers and booksellers of Cologne, from whom he heard of a clandestine plot to "turn England Lutheran willy-nilly." Judicious generosity with wine enabled him to discover that an edition of 3000 copies of an English New Testament was being produced. Cochlaeus took his information to Herman Rinke, a city father, and a supporter of English political interests in the Empire. Rinke and the City Council tried to track down the press, but only succeeded in

84 / Notes to pages 16-17 driving it from the city' ('The English Campaign' 103). In a note to this anecdote Rex adds, 'This explodes the common misconception that Tyndale's translation was being printed by (of all people!) Peter Quentell. J.N. Bakhuisen van den Brink names Quentell as the printer in ... Studies in Church History, ii (1965), 65, without giving any authority, but the error goes back at least to 1870. Its ultimate origin was doubtless a careless reading of Cochlaeus.' 24 For a study of both the Schott family and its involvement in the printing business, and the reform movement in Strassburg in general, see Chrisman Lay Culture, Learned Culture and Strasbourg and the Reform. 25 In Bishop Stokesley's 1531 sermon delivered at Paul's Cross against heretical books, Stokesley refers to A Brefe Dialoge as 'A Book make [sic] by Friar Roye against the seven Sacraments/ even though he had earlier referred to the Dialogue between Father and Son (Clebsch 266-7) in his list of heretical books. Where this other title came from is impossible to say, but it is perhaps based on Roye's claim that there are only two sacraments, and his attack on auricular confession. In any case, as a number of official proclamations against heretical books shows, the titles of certain works were by no means always fixed, nor do we always immediately recognize the works alluded to from the titles given in these proclamations. It is worthwhile remembering that Lynne's 1550 title The true beliefe in Christ and his sacramentes of Roye's translation also draws attention to the sacraments. Clebsch thinks the Stokesley title is appropriate, arguing that A Brefe Dialoge 'repudiated every sacramentalist assumption that materiality might manifest spiritual reality' (234). 26 It is interesting to note that at least two terms that appear for the first time in A Brefe Dialoge, a work we know to be by Roye, reappear in Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe, a fact that might help prove Roye's participation in the latter tract. The two terms are 'belly bestes' (416), meaning 'gluttons,' and 'foxye' (51), meaning 'crafty' or 'cunning.' Additionally, although A Brefe Dialoge seems to borrow words whose first recorded usage OED attributes to Tyndale ('bellyes' [409] for 'gluttons' attributed to Tyndale in 1526, Titus 1:12; 'chasten' [539] for 'correct' or 'discipline' attributed to Tyndale 1526, Hebrews 12:6), thereby suggesting that Roye may have taken them from Tyndale, what is even more significant from the point of view of influence is that A Brefe Dialoge also uses words for the first time that Tyndale seems to borrow for certain of his works that post-date the appearance of A Brefe Dialoge. These words are 'foxye' (51), found in Tyndale's 1536 Works (OED}} 'grafte' (963), meaning 'fixed in something to create a firm union' and found in Tyndale's Exposition of the First Epistle of St John-, and 'pharisaicall' (1248), meaning 'hypocritical' and found in Tyndale's Exposition of the First Epistle of St John.

85 / Notes to pages 17-26 27 For Luft's output of English Reformation tracts see Anthea Hume 'English Protestant Books Published Abroad, 1525-1535: An Annotated Bibliography.' 28 Interestingly, STC claims that a tract entitled / playne Piers which can not flatter (19903a) published around 1550 is sometimes attributed to William Roye. Although this satiric work is reminiscent of Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe, it obviously could not be by Roye if, in fact, he was martyred in Portugal in 1531. If nothing else, this attribution of a work published almost twenty years after Roye's supposed death indicates our lack of knowledge about the details of William Roye's life and death. 29 When Hume's article appeared in 1967, she seemed not to know about the copy of the first edition in the hands of the Duke of Bath. 30 Based on two critical studies (Carter and Sloyan), it seems clear that Augustine's catechism, De Catechizandis Rudibus (ca. 405) was an extremely important work in the history of catechetical treatises. Carter calls it 'one of the most marvelous works of catechetics to appear in any age' and 'one of the most important works ever produced in the history of catechetics' (The Modern Challenge 50). Sloyan analyses it at length (Shaping the Christian Message 17-21) and gives a capsule summary of the catechisms of some other patristic figures: Clement of Alexandria's (ca. 215) Pedagogue-, Irenaeus, Bishop of Lyons's Proof of the Apostolic Preaching (ca. 202); Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem's Instruction for Those About to Be Illumined (ca. 348); Gregory of Nyssa's Great Catechetical Discourse (ca. 385); Rufinus of Aquileia's Commentarius in Symbolum Apostolorum (ca. 404); and St Ambrose's De Mysteriis. Once again, what seems important for the English sixteenth-century catechism authors is not the content of these works but merely the fact of their existence. 31 For this work see The Lay Folks' Catechism, ed Simmons and Nolloth. Simmons and Nolloth publish alongside the orthodox text of the Catechism what they call a Wycliffite adaptation. Anne Hudson has much of interest to say about this work in Viator 16 and 19, and R.N. Swanson discusses its origins in Medium Aevum LX. 32 For example, Tudor tells of one Bishop Grandisson of Exeter, who in 1357 argued that boys taught to read the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, Ave Maria, the Mattins, and the Hours of the Virgin should also know and understand what they read (393). One of the risks of catechetical instruction is that people, especially young children, are praised for memorizing the essentials of the faith without necessarily understanding what they've memorized. 33 Duffy is eloquent on the importance and pervasiveness of devotional manuals produced for both clergy and laity during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. He mentions, for instance, William of Paglua's Oculus

86 / Notes to pages 26-7 Sacerdotes (early fourteenth century), John Mirk's Instructions for Parish Priests and his Festial, the anonymous fourteenth-century manual Manipulus Curatorum, Caxton's Doctrinal of Sapyence (1498) for clergy, the Ordynarye of Crysten Men (1502), and the Floure of the Commaundementes (1510). Other works that Duffy mentions, either original to England or borrowed by it, that contain common catechetical themes are Caxton's version of the French Somme le Roi, a thirteenth-century work on the Ten Commandments; Thomas Betson's treatise on the Pater Noster, Ave, and Credo entitled Ryght Profytable Treatyse (1500); Wynkyn de Worde's 1505 tract The Arte or Crafte to Lyue Well, containing commentary on and woodcuts illustrating the Lord's Prayer, Hail Mary, Creed, Commandments, virtues, the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost, the sacraments, and the works of mercy; Pynson's 1506 and de Worde's 1508 version of The Kalendar of Shepheardes, containing, among other things, commentary on the Lord's Prayer, Hail Mary, Creed, and Commandments; and, finally, what Duffy calls 'one of the last pre-Reformation products of the catechetical programme which had underlain the English Church's teaching activity since the thirteenth century' (86), Richard Whytford's 1530 manual A Werke for Householders, a text that appeared in seven editions between 1530 and 1537 (Tudor 396) and that comments on the Lord's Prayer, Hail Mary, Creed, and Ten Commandments. 34 Green's study ("'For Children in Yeeres"') examines the development of the English catechism under Elizabeth and the early Stuarts,- Tudor examines the same topic for the period between 1536 and 1553. Taken together with Duffy's second chapter in The Stripping of the Altars, these studies provide us with a valuable survey of catechetical instruction from the Late Middle Ages to the early seventeenth century. 35 Green's comments should not mislead us into believing that not much happened on the catechetical front before 1570. Tudor's article demonstrates that 'between 1536 and 1553 an ambitious programme of religious instruction for children and adolescents was planned on a nation-wide basis in England. All children, irrespective of their sex, social status or educational skills, were to be instructed in the contents of a simple, standard catechism used throughout the country. With the final completion of the plans for the educational programme in the early months of 1553 three basic stages of instruction had been catered for, including the provision of a more elaborate catechism for the use of those older children fortunate enough to attend grammar schools. The accession of Mary Tudor brought this programme to an abrupt halt; no new programme of comparable scope appeared in its place' (391).

87 / Notes to pages 27-8 36 Although this seems like a large number of catechisms and catechetical material, it is relatively modest compared to what Strauss calls the 'veritable explosion of catechism writing that took place in Germany during the half-century or so after 1529' (Luther's House of Learning 161). He adds the following statistics: 'A two-volume Bibliotheca catechetica cataloging holdings in the Thuringische Landesbibliothek in Weimar contains well over a thousand items. In Hamburg alone more than fifty different catechisms circulated during the sixteenth century, and not until 1693 was the city's senate successful in banishing all but Luther's from its schools and churches. In Nuremberg eleven or twelve were in use until the council published an official Kinderlehrbuchlein in 1558, but even then rival catechisms could not be entirely suppressed. Saxony used thirty or forty, before the ecclesiastical constitution of 1580 declared Luther's catechism to be the only legitimate one. Printed catechisms represented only a fraction of those actually in circulation. Schoolmasters and preachers often wrote their own, but few have survived ... Printed catechisms were published in small editions for local use, to be handed by one generation of pupils to the next. Surviving copies still make a formidable bulk in the archives and libraries of Protestant territories. But they are only a fraction of the vast numbers once in existence' (164-5). 37 Luther's Large Catechism designed for the clergy appeared in April 1529; the Shorter Catechism devised for the young appeared in May 1529. For some reason, neither work seemed to have made much impression in England. 38 Strauss states that 'the question and answer form characteristic of later catechism instruction evolved out of confessional manuals and devotional dialogues' {157), and Green adds that sixteenth- and seventeenthcentury catechism authors 'may not have been aware that instruction in the early Church was not usually of the question-and-answer type' (397 note 3). 39 Tudor claims that this Becon catechism - one of three he wrote - 'was the longest work of religious instruction written for sixteenth-century English children' (394). 40 One could also make the distinction that catechisms that restrict the exchanges between dialogical partners, or that reduce the complexity of the material for didactic ends - in the belief, for instance, that children's memories can absorb only small amounts of information at a time - tend to move away from the etymological definition of the genre (ie, to sound something out thoroughly), suggesting a copiousness that perhaps becomes impossible, given the age and status differences in A Brefe Dialoge, for instance. Somewhat like Judaic midrash, A Brefe Dialoge takes

88 / Notes to page 29 place in a highly conflicted social environment, a world in which theological matters are debated heatedly; albeit the agonistic atmosphere does not seem to carry over into the relationship between the Father and the Son (Gerald L. Bruns). Unlike Judaic midrash, A Brefe Dialoge attempts to collapse the conflict of interpretations, and to settle on a authoritative view presented by the Father, and buttressed by Scripture. The dialogical format implicitly depicts a world in which what is conversed about is part of an ongoing discussion that involves much more than two interlocutors. The format highlights the fact that competing viewpoints exist, even if those viewpoints receive hostile treatment. What gets talked about emerges out of a particular context, partly evidenced by the additions Roye puts in the translation to make it speak to an English audience. By foregrounding an exchange between Father and Son, A Brefe Dialoge acknowledges at least two points. First that these are not any two people,- they have a special, distinctive connection. Second, the constitutive affirmations necessary for conversation, according to Hans-Georg Gadamer (Truth and Method 367), make their appearance so often as to be practically annoying. As Gadamer says, 'The first condition of the art of conversation is ensuring that the other person is with us. We know this only too well from the reiterated yesses of the interlocutors in the Platonic dialogues.' However, the other person is not, in this case, as upscale critics might say, 'Other/ but falls into the category of someone who is teachable, and whose disposition is toward knowing rather than, say, winning an argument. As Gadamer says elsewhere, '[T]he other person who is the learner is not called upon in his otherness but rather in the sameness that teachers and learners have in common' (Plato's Dialectical Ethics 43). A catechism is perhaps the salient example of a text designed to move the interlocutors toward sameness - a version of a conversion narrative? - in this case to bring the Son closer to what might be called the spiritual state of the Father. Awareness of the vital context of the exchanges, and of the nature of teachability at work in the genre of catechisms, might reduce some predictable readerly lamentations about the 'straw man' character of the dialogue. 41 A discussion of the importance of the mirror in works of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance is found in Herbert Grabes's important book The Mutable Glass. In the section of his work entitled 'Virtues and Vices: Exemplary and Admonitory Mirrors/ Grabes mentions other mirror works with a catechetical component, for example, Edmund Rich's Speculum ecclesiae, the Speculum Christiani, Speculum vitae Christianae, and the Mirror of the World (53-4).

89/Notes to pages 29-31 42 About Kolde (ie, Coelde) and his important work Ozment says: 'Coelde's oft-imitated catechism, which is typical and even exemplary of the pattern of late medieval domestic catechetical literature, grew initially out of his experience as a teacher of youth in the Augustinian order in Louvain. Following the example of some confessional manuals, it existed in three versions. The only copy of the first, a small catechism for simple people and children, dates from about 1470 and was dedicated to the simple people of Louvain. It was the first effort at a comprehensive popular summary for the laity of Catholic teaching on faith, the sacraments, the commandments, the church, and prayer. The second version, The Mirror of a Christian Man, went through twenty-nine editions between 1480 and 1520. This "bestseller" incorporated the twenty-four articles and forty-eight pages of the small catechism into its fifty-three articles and one hundred pages. The final version, the great catechism known as The Mirror of Christian Faith, was expanded to one hundred and twenty-two articles and strictly intended for clergy and well-educated adults' (The Reformation in the Cities 29}. 43 Tudor claims that 'Becon boasted that his children had been instructed in religion from their very cradles, a fact which might explain why two of them died prematurely' (394). Christopher Hill claims that '[t]he Reformation, by reducing the authority of the priest in society, simultaneously elevated the authority of lay heads of households, as intermediaries between the central government and their own servants and dependants, no less than between the latter and God' (Society and Puritanism 385). And Tyndale argued that 'every man ought to preach in word and deed unto his household, and to them that are under his governance' (PS 2, 36). Tyndale's statement implies a priesthood of the laity and places authority for religious instruction of the family in the hands, normally, of the lay father. 44 The question of when a child should be taught the rudiments of the faith or when s/he was ready to accept and understand these rudiments was never entirely clear. Tudor points out that some radical reformers thought that even an unborn child should be held responsible for its actions - the mind boggles, thinking what these actions might be - and Thomas Cranmer claimed that unborn children were inflicted with dangerous appetites and therefore in violation of the Ten Commandments even before their birth. Becon's catechism was for his five-year-old son. Episcopal injunctions of 1569 stated that young people should receive catechetical instruction between the ages of six and twenty, but the earliest age for which we have evidence at which instruction should take place seems to be five years old (passim}.

90 / Notes to pages 32-6 45 Green states: 'As Calvin had pointed out, the milk mentioned in 1 Pet. ii.2 was not just for suckling infants but to provide lifelong nourishment for the faithful. Similarly when our authors spoke of teaching children or the young, it was quite likely to be put in the form of "children in yeeres and children in understanding", "children in yeares or in knowledge," "children in Christ" or "novices in the schoole of Christ"' (409). Additionally, in the preface to his 1623 work entitled David's Catechism (STC 537), Edward Alport defines children in the broad sense. He states, 'I know that Children in this place, may be taken for all Inferiors, and subordinate estates of men: yea, an old man too, whose age hath snowe downe winter upon his head; whose hayres be heraulds of prudence, centum annorum, may be a child, for bis puerisenes. How be it, the ancient Fathers use the word more strictly, eyther for them who had newly received the faith; or else for Children, who learned the rudiments of Religion' (B2r). 46 Commenting on catechism instruction in Germany, Strauss argues that it 'proceeded in three simultaneous stages: through the clergy from the pulpit, at school through the agency of the schoolmaster, and at home through the guidance of parents' (165-6). 47 The use of Socrates' name to prove the antiquity of catechetical instruction is striking not only because Socrates is not part of the Christian tradition, but also because Socrates himself wrote nothing down. The reference to Socrates by Bristow must be, finally, a reference to him as seen through Plato's works. Or perhaps, more tantalizingly, catechisms may have been thought by some to be works of hearing rather than works of seeing. 48 Sloyan provides more information on some of these figures that Alport mentions. According to him Origen tells us of the books of Esther, Judith, Wisdom, and Tobias and other 'biblical extracts effective in inculcating moral conduct as suitable for the preparation of those beginning the study of divine things.' He and Tertullian tell us about the practice of infant baptism and 'Origen's homilies are our first clear indication of the presence of the catechumen at Mass' ('Religious Education to Medieval Times/ in Shaping the Christian Message 6). 49 Several of these figures from the sixteenth century are cited or alluded to in this survey. But Dod, Baal, Downame, Twisse, and Majer are all seventeenth-century catechism authors. Their catechetical works are as follows: John Dod, A plaine and familiar exposition on the Lords prayer, 1634 (STC 6938.5), or possibly, A briefe dialogue concerning preparation for the Lords supper, 1614 (STC 6935.5); John Ball, A short catechisme containing the principles of religion, together with an exposition or bre-

91 / Notes to pages 36-40 ife notes upon the same, 1615 (STC 1314.2); John Downame, The summe of sacred divinite briefly propounded: more largly explained, 1620 (STC 7148); William Twisse, A briefe catecheticall exposition of Christian doctrine, 1632 (STC 24400); John Majer, The English catechisme, 1620 (STC 17732). 50 Referring to German reformist catechisms, Strauss says that '[f]rom the beginning they incorporated anti-Catholic propaganda' (171). The same can be said for some of the English reformist catechisms. The fact that Capito's catechism is one that attacks Catholic doctrine and practice during the course of its catechizing may have attracted the always polemical and strident Roye - the Roye of Rede Me and be Nott Wrothe - to it. 51 Another Protestant catechism that, if we can believe its title, is not shy about taking on the Catholic adversary is A short catechisme collected by a Christian vnlearned which hath vnitie in doctrin with the militant church in England and the malignant church at Roome (STC 4803.4). Unfortunately, because of its rarity, we have not had a chance to examine this catechism at first hand. 52 On the phenomenon that Parrie refers to in his dedication Dickens adds the following: 'Though the steadfastness of a few priests and a good many laymen prepared the ground during the early Elizabethan years, English Catholicism was qualitatively preserved during the last three decades of the reign by the adventurous labours of the Seminarists and Jesuits' (366). 'The new English Catholicism developed a certain aristocratic distinction and background. The priests, its chief creators, sprang from gentle families which sent their sons abroad to be trained in Cardinal Allen's colleges or by the Jesuits. Returning on the perilous "English Mission" they passed in disguise from one country house to another, these being the chief places of concealment in a countryside where all newcomers were conspicious. Accordingly, a large part of their converts came from the families, servants and tenants of Catholic squires' (367). Turner's rendering of the Heidelberg Catechism (STC 4802) also makes specific reference to the threats posed by the Jesuits and Seminarists. He justifies his catechism by claiming that it will counteract the effects of these pernicious forces: '[C]an there bee a more notable preseruatiue, to keepe vs safe from the multitude of seducers and imposters in the world, as many lesuites and Seminaries? how many are peruerted by them? for they compasse sea and land, to make of their profession, that they may make them the children of hell like themselues' (A4r). 53 The unabashed acknowledgment of the burning of heretics in this passage is not unlike Thomas More's own attitude towards the practice: 'And for heretikes as they be/ the clergy dothe denounce them. And as

92 / Notes to pages 42-51 they be well worthy, the temporaltie dothe burne them. And after the fire of Smythfelde, hell dothe receyue them/ where the wretches burne for euer' (More vin 1, 590). 54 As well as providing interesting commentary on the methodology of catechizing, this treatise also is one of the fullest documents on the whole question of English catechisms in general. Like many others we have seen, it provides a 'history' of the form and argues for the value of catechizing. In addition, however, it provides contemporary commentary on the English reformed church's attempts to legislate catechetical training. At one point Sparke tells us that the 'Communion booke, which is confirmed by act of Parlament, set down this, for a direction and rule, to the minister in this behalfe, that none bee admitted to the Holy Communion, vntil such time as hee can say, the Catechisme' (A Catechisme 14). At another point he tells us about the statute 'prefixed before the Communion booke, appointed, for the wilful breakers, of the [catechetical] orders, therein appointed,' and encourages ministers 'to looke in the rubricks after confirmation, where they shall finde order taken, that vpon Sundaies and Holydaies, the Curate of euery Parish, shall diligently and openly in the Church, instruct and examine, some of the youth in the parish, in the Catechisme, for the space of halfe an houre, at the least' (22). Further, he mentions additional legislation complete with dates to stress the importance placed on catechism training by both church and state. We discover 'in the booke of Canons, agreed vpon since, in the Conuocation, 1571. authorised to be printed, with her Maiesties priuiledge, order is very carefullie taken, that the Ministers of euery Church shalbe ready in the Church, by and by, after Noone, euerie Sunday and Holyday, where they shall read, at the least two houres, and teach the Catechisme, instructing all their floce, of what age and degree soeuer, not onelie Maides, but also the elder, if need be ... Again, since, by the hie Commissioners, 1576. it was agreed vpon, and determined, their names being subscribed vnto the same, that euery Parson, Vicar, and Curate, shall do his diligence, to instruct his parishoners ... not admitting anie to the lords Table, or to be married, or to be Godfathers and Godmothers, for any childe, except they can answere, to the little Catechisme with additions, which bee concerning the seuerall duties of al estates and degrees of men, and the Sacraments very good and necessary' (23). 55 Arabic numerals after Latin citations refer to paragraph numbers to the Latin text found in appendix B 56 Hume provides a context for Capito's Protestant catechism by pointing out that '[i]n 1526, regular instruction of youth on Sundays began at the three main churches of Strassburg. Capito's "De Pueris Instituendis ...

93 / Notes to pages 52-67 Isagoge" was his contribution to the process' (309). Obviously, reformist theology was considerably more advanced in certain European countries by the mid-1520s than it was in England, thereby explaining in part why the form of Roye's version differs from Capito's. 57 Although Hume gets the relationship between Father and Son correct in Roye's text, her expression 'reversal of roles' is misleading and leads David Daniell to misread the dialogue. In his biography of Tyndale, Daniell, who claims to be indebted to Hume for his account of the Brefe Dialoge, seems to get the relationship between speakers in Roye's text wrong. He states that Roye 'gets literary advantage out of reversing the characters, so that the stubborn son catechizes the Christian father' (145). In fact, the Son poses questions to the Father with a view to receiving the answers, an altogether different thing from catechizing, a word which means 'to instruct.' It is the Father's responses that instruct the questioning Son. The Son in no sense catechizes the Father in this tract because such catechizing would surely work against Roye's reformist agenda, for the Father holds and expresses reformist views. 58 The Tyndale Cologne fragment of the New Testament appeared in 1525, but most references to Tyndale's New Testament are to the complete 1526 text. 59 Capito obviously uses the word from the Vulgate: 'dico tibi non exies mde, donee reddas novissimum quadrantem.' 60 The term 'Antichrist' (see 1 John 2:18, 2:22, 4:3, and 2 John 7) for the reformers came to be synonymous with the papacy and the spiritual hierarchy in general. English reformers were not reluctant to use it, and it is everywhere found in Wycliffe and Lollard tracts. John King claims that the identification of the papacy with Antichrist derives from the twelfthcentury figure Joachim de Fiore (English Reformation Literature 61). 61 Roye's addition might also have been included to counter the Roman church's position on purgatory, a subject discussed in the tract on 162157. 62 In this letter to Frith Tyndale says: 'Of the presence of Christ's body in the sacrament, meddle as little as you can, that there appear no division among us. Barnes will be hot against you. The Saxons [ie, Lutherans] be sore on the affirmative; whether constant or obstinate I remit it to God' (PS 1, liii-liv). 63 There seems little doubt where Roye stands on the doctrine of predestination. He makes his position clear in the preface. He calls 'eternal predestinacion and aspercion of Christis bloudde' 'the anchre of fayth' (80-1). 64 One of the most influential works for the period on the relationship between temporal and spiritual authority was Marsilius of Padua's Defen-

94 / Notes to pages 67-71 sor Pads, completed in 1324. An English translation of part of it, designed to help Henry vin in his dispute with the papacy, appeared from the pen of William Marshall in 1535. Two important works of the 1530s complementing Marsilius's Erastianism were Christopher St German's Salem and Byzance, 1533 (STC 21584) and his A treatyse concerninge the power of the clergye, and the lawes of the realme, 1535 (STC 21588). 65 It is tempting to speculate on the degree to which Roye's translation of Capito's Strassburg catechism may have encouraged him to work with Barlowe on Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe. Capito, along with other Continental reformers, is mentioned in the work as an adversary of the Mass and one who was in part responsible for having it officially abolished by the 'temporalte' (476), the very people Roye hopes will do the same thing in England. It's clear that Barlowe and Roye see Strassburg as a model of reform that England might do well to emulate. 66 Hume notes that 'Roye shared ... the early Tudor propensity for synonyms in pairs' (320). The same phenomenon is also evident in much of Tyndale's prose, although Roye's use of the trope, as can be seen in this work, is often overdone, relentless, and oppressive. 67 Barlowe and Roye use the expression 'vessels of wrath' in Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe (55; 117).

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A Lytle treatous or dialo= ge very necessary for all christen men to learne and to knowe.

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To the Right noble Estates/ and to all [alv] wother of the toune [Alv] of Gales/ Wiliam Roye desyreth grace and peace/ 10 from God the father/ and from the lorde lesus Christ. 15 It is not vnknowne to you all my lordes/ and masters/ and all wother my singuler gode frendes and bretheren in Christ/ howe that this last yere/ the newe testament of oure saveour/ was delyvered vnto you/ through the faythfull and diligent stodye/ of one of oure nacion/ a man no doute/ ther vnto electe and chosen of God/ named William Hitchyns/ vnto whome I was (after the grace geven me of the lorde) as healpe felowe/ and parte taker of his laboures/ that every christen man/ myght therby heare and vnderstonde/ at home/ and in his owne housse/ the sprete of God speakynge therin/ and thorowe his holy apostels. Whiche oure labour and stodye specialy vnto theym that presume and thyncke theym selves alonly to be apostolicall men/ and spretuall doctours/ was most odeous. [A2r] Insomoche that withoute delaye/ in greate hatered and vennemous barkynge/ openly at paulis crosse/ did that was in theym/ to disannull/ forbidde/ and blaspheme/ the moste holyest worde of God/ fode of many a povre soule/ longe fammysshed with the sower dowe/ of their importable and dissaytfull traditions. Ye and where as they hade no thynge wheron to grounde theym selves agaynst vs/ they were nott aschamed faulcely to diffame theym/ whiche longe be fore that tyme were deed and rotten/ as my father. Thynkinge that defamynge of hym/ they shulde qwenche and dercken the cleare and evident light of god. whyche they hate worsse then other toade or addre/ as a thynge a gaynst their bellies moste noyous and contrary/ saynge/ his father wolde eate noo porke/ what frute can soche a tre brynge forthe. But knowynge that the innocency/ bothe of my father/ and also of me/ is not vnknowne (in that behaulfe) vnto all the nobles of the realme/

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100/ABrefeDialoge I lytell regarde their heddy vndiscrecion. Yet it is vnto my herte a coresaye amonge all wother moste grevous/ to se the pryce of the precious bloudde of Christ so despitfully to be troden vnder fote/ by soche vncleane swyne. and the moste hoi [A2v] som doctrine therof/ to be forbidden/ thorowe the howlynge and barkynge of soche cruell/ and infame dogges. Whose cruell tyranny foxye cavillacion/ and resistence/ have moare inflammed my hert/ and couraged my mynde/ to go aboute the translacion of holy scripture. Insomoche that I have allredy partly translated/ certayne bokes of the olde testament/ the whiche/ with the healpe of God/ yerr longe shalbe brought to lyght. Notwithstondynge in the meane season I castynge in my mynde the meane peoples capacite/ and the greate supersticion/ whiche so longe hathe rayned and hadde vpperhonde/ thought it very necessary to make some smale treatous/ wherby somwhat they myght be the better prepared/ and taught howe to demeane theym selves/ in the profunde misteries and greate iudgementes of God/ conteynec in the olde testament/ and prophetes. And whyles I thus ymagened/ I happened on a smale workce/ whiche after my iudgement/ is a treatous very excellent/ late turned oute of douche into latten. Whiche in the redynge of it/ greatly delitec me/ and that nott only because of the due and naturall ordre o: it/ but rather because I se there as I am (where this boke is comenly in vse) [A3r] bothe yonge and olde/ practise in lyvynge/ all those thinges whyche the boke teacheth by wrytynge. Ye truely soche thynges/ as greate vniversites/ and notable Rabys knowe nott. Ye never shall knowe/ to the intent that God never knowe theym also. It declareth what is faythe in God/ and charite towardes mannes neghboure. and that so evidently (all papisticall sophistry and delusion set a syde) that even babes of seven yeare olde playnly perceave thinges that a while agone men of greate age coulde nott apprehende as are the power/ goodnes/ and mercy of god/ and the cowrse of his workes. What the anchre of fayth is/ which is eternall predestinacion and aspercion of Christis bloudde/ wherwith alonly we are clensed from synne. The vnderstondynge whereof/ Paul calleth the wysdom hydde

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101 / A Brefe Dialoge vnder the mistery of christis crosse/ vnknowne to the wyse of the worldde. For oute of it proceadeth/ myldnes of the mynde/ gentle behaveour/ soffraunce of evyls/ softnes/ temperancy/ and all chastnes of lyfe/ whiche all are the frutes of the sprete/ wheare oute/ as oute of an originall sprynge or fountaine/ floweth towardes God/ and amonge men/ peace/ and charite/ which in the realme of Christ/ is a iewell [A3v] most precious. Nowe therfore/ all wother thinges set a syde/ I have determened first to present vnto you and so forthe vnto all wother of my countre and nacion this so singuler a treasure/ nothing doutinge but that it shalbe bothe plesaunt and acceptable to the elect and chosen of god/ litle regardinge the vngodly/ which hate nothyng but that that is good/ and that thynge whyche allwayes and every whear is proffitable. I also require and exhorte the commen people that they rede not this boke as they are wont to rede vayne storys or fables/ hastly rennyge there over. For when they shall end it/ more frute shall apere/ then the begynning semeth to pretende. For the worde of God hearde/ and well pondered/ entreth (thorowe his inspyracion) into the herte only. Doutles therfore it shulde be vnto the reders greate frute and proffyt/ yf at certayne howres there vnto apoynted/ they diligently did discusse somwhat by ordre therof/ and that among their owne housholde/ and singlerly wheare as yueth is. and let it not be tedious vnto theym once or twise/ with prayer/ to repete that they have alredy redde. For good thynges ten tymes redde agayne please bothe the reder/ and the hearer also. By the meanes wherof [A4r] the lordes and ruelers of the realme/ shall perceave and fynde/ those to be bothe meke and mylde/ and to the temporall power obedient/ whom before as fearce lyons they feared. God no doute hathe his electe amonge oure people also. For the worde of God cannot be ydle/ whose frute is greate/ and a sure perswasion of the kyndnes of God towardes hit/ havynge in it silfe aboundant charite/ wherewith above all wother thynges/ the commen well is knytt togedder. For asmoche therfore as of all soche thynges the right enformacion commeth by commeninge/ this treatous is made in maner of a dyaloge bitwene twayne/ which speake together. That is to

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102/ABrefeDialoge saye a goodde christen man and his sonne/ whom he goeth aboute to enforme in the knowledge of Christ. Werfore he that entendeth to socke here out eni swetnes/ first must conceave in hym silfe the flammes of a christen herte/ whiche of their owne nature lighten and inflam there neghbour. That when by redynge he is made ryche/ he shall also be gladde and able to healpe and sucker wother. Howe can a man warme a nother/ when he him silfe is frosen for colde? Ye knowe I suppose that one blynde shuld not leade the wother/ least they faule bothe into the pytt. [A4v] But seynge that we can do nothynge of oure selves/1 beseche you all/ der bretheren/ to praye vnto the lorde for me/ that I maye have both mynde and strengthe wother soche bokes to translate/ and the whole olde testament/ wherby ye of englonde/ maye also knowe and heare the voyce of youre true shepherde/ walke in his waye/ folowe the trueth/ and fynally obtayne everlastynge lyfe. Amen. Written in the cite of Argentyn/ the last daye of August/ the yere of oure lorde a thousande fyve hondred/ and seven and twenty.

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A Brefe Dialoge/ bitwene a Christen Father and his stobborne Sonne/ whom he wolde fayne brynge to the right vnderstondynge of a christen mans lyvynge. Above all pleasure and worldely delyte (dere Sonne) to here or too rede the pure worde off God/ semeth to me a thynge most swete plesaunt and amiable with oute compareson/ to the comforte and dyreccion of a christen man. The sonne. Thynkest thou thy sylfe then a christen man? The father. God forbid els. So. Where by knowest thou that? The Fa. Be cause thorowe the commaundmentes of God I knowledge my sylfe a synner. And agayne through his godly promesses/ and that by the merytes of Christ/ I doute nott but that I am one of goddis chosen children. For christ hath cleansed me from synne with his death. So. Thou sayst well, but wherin consisteth the lyfe of a christen man/ tell me. Fa. In a stedfast faythe towardes God/ and pure love withouten simulacion towardes a mannis neghbour. So. What callest thou fayth? Fa. It is a lyvely and stedfast perswasion of the mynde/ wherby [B!V] we dout not but that the promeses of God are geven vnto us by Christ/ as it is evidently declared in our crede. So. I praye the rehearce this crede/ vnto me. Fa. I beleve in God the father almyghty/ maker of heven and of erth/ and in lesus Christ his only begotten sonne/ oure lorde. whiche is conceved by the holy gost/ borne of Mary the virgyn/ whiche soffered vnder Pons Pilate/ was crucified/ deade/ and buried/ descended doune to hell/ the thyrde day rose agayne from deeth/ ascended vp into heven/ and sitteth on the ryght hond of God the father almyghty. From whence he shall comme to iudge bothe quycke and deade. I beleve in the holy gost/ an holy christen churche/ the company of saynctes/ and remission of synnes/ the rysinge agayne of the fleshhe/ and the lyfe everlastynge. Amen. Son. Thou hast sayde very well/ butt lett it nott be tedious

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104/ABrefeDialoge vnto the to declare/ after what maner thou vnderstondest these thynges. And fyrst tell me/ what is God? Fa. He is almyghty/ maker of heven/ and erth/ Father vnto me/ and of as many as beleve. So. Why callest thou God thy father? Fa. Because I am sure of his goodnes and grace. And perfectly knowe in my hert/ that whatsoever go= [s2r] de thynge is in me/ it is of his gyfte/ and that he never geveth but that whyche is goode. And that for my wealthe. Son. Why callest thou hym almyghty/ and maker of heven and erth? Fa. Surely nott with oute a greate cause/ seynge that he is almyghty and doeth all thynges alone/ partly by his creatures/ and partly withoute their administracion. So that none evill maye happen vnto me/ but rather/ all troubles/ adversites/ and temptacions shuld happen for my wealth/ for asmoche as he my deare father before hath so promesed vnto me. So. Thou hast withouten fayle discretly answered. Fa. Then yf thy father/ master/ or eny wother reprehend/ chasten/ or warne the for the best/ remembre that God doeth it. They are the ministers and servauntes of God/ thus christenly to teache and informe the. Wherfore it shall become the bothe to heare/ and also to obey to their sainyges. Se that thou nowe therto do thy diligence. So. What wother thynge vnderstondest thou by these wordes? Fa. Truely I also perceave by them/ that God is every wheare. and that he dayly seeth my herte/ and knoweth my thoughtes. Wherby remayneth in me soche a feare and dreade that I am whole abashed and [fi2v] ashamed/ other to thynke or to do eny thynge/ that shulde nott become a christen man.Ye morover I have therby a greate and a fervent desyre/ and luste to thynke and to do that thynge whiche is goode and plesaunt in the syght of God my father almyghty. Beynge asured that he continually beholdeth and marketh all that I do. And that it is greate pleasure vnto hym/ when he seith me do my duety. Se thou therfore deare sonne/ thatt the shamfastnes of evill doynge/ and love of all honesty and well doinge continewe thy gydes. And so refrayne the from synne/ and contynually stere

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105/ABrefeDialoge the too well doynge. Ye and yf we alwayes/ and in every place/ be it never so secret/ thinke that God beholdeth vs/ moche the better shall we ordre and determyn oure lyfe/ and not be geven to tho thynges whyche are not agreable to a christen man. So. wherby knowest thou the almyghtynes of God? Fa. I ymagen it to be present in my herte/ and perceave by dayly experience all thynges to be vayne and transitory/ and that many thynges happen dayly/ the causes where of are vnknowne vnto vs/ scripture bearynge witnes thervnto. As in the fyrst chapter of Genesis Moses sayde/ In the begynnynge God shupe heven and erth. And [B3r] in the fyrst chapter of the gospell of Saynct Ihon/ In the begynnyng was that worde/ and that worde was with God. and God was that worde. the same was in the beginnynge with God. all thynges were made by it. etc. So. Why speakest thou of thy sylfe onli/ when thou sayest/ I beleve? as though thou diddest nothynge regarde the fayth of wother men. and yet we shulde beleve/ that they also beleve. Fa. Doutles be cause I nether beleve in wother creature/ nor yett sett my hope in wother man/ beynge wele asuered that the rightous liveth by faythe. And when I remember this/ I cannot but saye with all my herte/ I beleve. So. Go to then/ yf the rightous live by fayth/ and therby is made rightous/ thou arte then saved and hast no nede of Christ/ nor of his merites? For by thy sayinge/ it is sufficient to beleve in God the father almyghty/ maker of heven and off erth. Fa. He is to me very necessary. For yf I lacke hym/ no remedy/ I must also lacke God. even as it is written of the hethen in the seconde chapter vnto the ephesians. No man can beleve in God/ savynge thorowe one lesus Christ. S. Shewe me by what reason. Fa. Because God can not be knowne with oute Christ/ as a ten= [sSv] der and mercyfull father/ but rather for a cruell and strayght iudge/ and as one that litell regardeth and setteth nothynge by thynges mortall. So. Declare I praye the these thynges somwhat playnlyer to me. For as yet I perceave not thy meanynge.

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106/ABrefeDialoge Fa. I knowe well that God is to be loved above all thynges/ and my neghbour even as my sylfe. as apereth in the. xxij.c. of mathew. for love that procedeth oute of a pure herte/ a gode conscience/1 and a stedfast belefe/ is the ende of the lawe. So. Thou settest nothynge then by the wother commundementes of God. Fa. Yes/ and that greatly. For Christ cam nether to destroye/ nor yet to disanull the lawe. but rather so renued it/ that nowe it is called a newe lawe/ greatly differynge from that it was before. For whear as it was wrapped/ and entangled with manyfolde outwarde ceremonies/ and sore burthens/ it is nowe renued and made sprituall/ and losed from all soche bondage/ and is in the herte of man/ and not in the elementes of the worlde. Wherfor as farforth as the commaunmentes forther and healpe love and belefe/ they are not only written commaundmentes/ but the sprete whyche is in vs/ byndeth vs also there vnto and are fastned bothe to gedder in this say= [B4r] inge/ Love thy neghbour as thi silfe.2 For he that loveth his neghbour/ hath fulfilled the lawe. To declare therfore howe that I nede Christ/ and howe it is vnpossible with oute hym to beleve in God. thou shalt vnderstond that I wolde gladly bothe love God/ and my neghbour/ with the same love/ and acordyng as the lawe commaundeth. yet is it a thinge vnpossible for me to do. Wherfore I confesse my sylfe a transgressor and breaker of the lawe/ whych damneth me therfore. For he is acorsed that fulfilleth not all whatsoever the lawe commaundeth. Yet when I remember that Christ hath satisfied for me/ I feale and perceave in my herte/ all thynges to be safe and forgeven. For in hym and by him/ we are set at one with God. And where as before he was vnto vs a cruell iudge (through the fulnes of grace and mercy that we have receaved by Christis bloudde) he is becom oure tender and mercyfull father. Here mayst thou perceave/ howe that with oute Christ/1 can nether beleve nor yet love God as my father/ but rather hate hym and grudge at hym/ as at a cruel iudge. For 1 ij.Ti.j 2 mat.xxij

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107/ABrefeDialoge there is no man but he knowethe that the lawe worketh anger and causeth hatred. Butt lo Christ maketh intercession for vs.3 Which [fi4v] for my sake becam corsed/ that therby I myght obtayne of God both blyssynge/ and all wother goode thynges. O a gracious chaunge/ and a thynge to be of vs all affectuusly desyred. And nowe wheare as this tender mercy/ and incomparable goodnes of God is knowne/ greace/ hoape/ and stedfast trust in God dayly moare and moare floweth in to mannes conscience, ye I am sure/ and have no doute/ but that Christ is my redempcion/ and also satisfaccion. Wherfore I saye more over/ And in lesus Christ his only begotten sonne. These wordes hange and are knytt (by this lytell worde/ and) vnto the fore rehearsed sentence/ even as many members in one boddy/ and therfore ought they nott to be devyded one from another, but in one fayth we shulde beleve theym togedder. So. Well sayde. Belefe then iustifyeth a man/ and thou belevest in Christ/ nowe arte thou ryghtous/ and nedest to do no more goode workes. Fa. Howe and after what maner I nede the commanndmentes of God/ is before rehearsed/ and it semeth me playne ynough/ that he vnto whom the gyfte of belefe is geven/ receaveth also therwith/ a very prompte sprete/ whyche contynually furthereth the honoure and glory of good tawar [eSr] dis every man. Whyche glory/ then encreaseth/ and is furthered/ when I am to my neghbour as God is to me. That is/ kynde/ mylde/ and mercyfull. whyche thynges are the very ymage of God in vs. And for this cause I ought to do my neghbour goode. Yett have I no nede of hym/ as of one/ by whome I shulde or myght obtayne mercy. For I hadde it or ever I coulde with my herte do hym eny goode. And that thorowe Christ only. So. Why/ are not syngynge and redynge in the churche goode workes? Fa. No truely/ for all soche thynges are done with oute fayth. Morover God with his holy worde never ordened soche maner

3 Ro.iij

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108/ABrefeDialoge of redynge nor synginge. Ye he hateth it. For where as all outwarde workes shulde be to the comforte of oure neghboure/ this healpeth no man/ but rather hurteth and hyndreth all men. For God wyl be honored and worshipped in the sprete only. So. Me semeth (yf I well vnderstonde the) that thou wylt saye/ that goode workes serve but for a mannis neghboure only. Fa. I saye forthermore that oute of this grounde/ confessions/ pardons/ pilgremage/ makynge of difference bitwene dayes and meates/ hearynge and redynge of masse/ ye shortly to conclude/ all [sSv] thynges that the outwarde churche hitherto hath brought vp/ and kepte/ are vayne and of none effecte. For even as they are fayned and commaunded withouten the worde of God. even so oute of theym cometh nether goodnes nor yett proffitt to mannis neghbour. But contrary wyse cause grete cost and expenses/ wherwith many a povre person greatly myght have bene relyved and conforted. So. Doutles it is even so. No man can denye it. Go forthe and shortly declare the resydue. Fa. It is not with oute a cause that lesus is called a redemer. For he saveth his people from their synnes.4 Christ is asmoche to saye as anoynted. He is of his father anoynted and sanctified above all wother. And in hym dwelleth the fulnes of the godhed corporally.5 Wherfor I never thynke of the manhod of Christ/ seperatynge it from the diuinite which sent hym. And therfore I adde sayinge/ Oure lorde. For he is also oure lorde as concernynge his humanyte. For God hath geven hym power6 over all that is in heven and on erth. So. What avayleth it me that Christ is oure lorde. Fat. Hawe/ marvelus moche no doute/ once that we here maye lyve the surlyer/ and also perfectlyer knowe and vnderstonde what chri= [B6r] sten liberte is. For seynge that Christ is oure lorde/ it foloweth that we are lordes over all thynges/ and that nothynge can hurte vs. 4 Mat.) 5 Col.ij 6 Mat. ul.

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109/ A Brefe Dialoge So. I wolde faine heare howe therby thou canst declare that. Fa. Surly it is nothynge7 diffuse. Christ dwelleth in vs8 and we in hym as sayth saynt Ihon. Where vnto agreeth9 the seconde chapter of the epistle to the ephesians sayinge that we are all members of one body wherof the heed is Christ. The whych is lorde over all thynges. and maketh vs also with him lordes over all/ forasmoche as we are with hym oure heed of one nature. And nowe wheare as is no soche liberte/ nether is Christ theare. And wheare as he is absent we cannot but be in bondage vnto the lawe. wherfore Paul warneth that we becom no more the servauntes of men. and that we soffre not oure selves to be deceved through the elementes of the worlde. So. Maye eny lawe/ or temporall constitucion bynde a christen man? Fa. No soche as make difference 10 betwene dayes/ forbid meates/ and defende wedlocke.etc. For soche are divlysshe doctryns. 11 But a gode christen man shulde nothynge be greved to obey vnto soche ordinacions/ and lawes/ as their heddes and ruelars institute/ and make for the commen well. Ye rath= [e6v] ther he shulde soffre both bodi and goodes to perysshe/ then once to withstonde theym/ remembrynge in hym sylfe 12 that he whyche is rebelleous vnto the temporall power/ 13 resistith agaynst the ordinacion of God. So. Howe yf a man make a vowe/ never to eate of this or of that meate/ or never to mary/ is he bounde evermore to kepe it? Fa. A christen mannes worde shulde be ye ye/ naye naye. and loke what he promeseth/ yf it be to his neghbors fordell/ that ought he to kepe and fulfill. But yf it be agaynst the commaundmentes of God/ in vowynge it/ he synneth/ and 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

lo.xv Ro.xij i.cor.xij ij.Cormt.viij.ix.x Ro.xiiij Ro.xiij Tit.hj

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110/ABrefeDialoge when he goeth aboute to fulfill it/ then synneth he doble. So. What sayest thou? Fa. What soever he be that byndeth hym sylfe to eny exteriall bondage/ wherby his soule is captive/ he evidently doeth agaynst Paulis learnynge. For he sayeth in the fifth chapter vnto the galathians. Stond fast in the liberte wherwith Christ hath made vs fre/ and wrappe not youre selves agayne in the yoke of bondage. In soche case a christen man hath nether power/ over body nor soule/ but is altogether by baptem offered vp vnto God/14 that he myght become lyke vnto the image of his sonne. And a man lyveth not for hym sylfe/ but to the lorde/ as [s/r] scripture sayeth/ wheare as it declareth that we only are made free. And though all thinges are vnder vs/ and we their lordes. yet charite constrayneth vs to be servauntes vnto all men. So that it is nott lawfull in no wyse/ for a christen man to withdrawe hym sylfe from the due service that he oweth to his neghboure/ and to submytt hym sylfe to I wote neare what maner of supersticious invencions of the enemy. Wer he nott worsse then madde/ whyche wolde beleve that he ought to robbe and steale/ that he myght have wherwith to do almes dedes? No more is it laufull for a man to withdrawe hym sylfe from the workes of mercy and love/ and after his owne folysshe fantasy to cloase hym sylfe in a corner/ wheare as he can but seke hym sylfe/ and vnfrutfully/ serve a feawe slowe bellyes/ for the love that he hath vnto ydelnes/ and that with a vowe of commen dissimulacion. Son. May nott a man vowe poverte? Fa. It is not in oure power/ other to be ryche or povre/ but it fortuneth vnto every man after the will and blyssynge of God almyghty. But it is commaunded vnto all men to laboure with their hondes/ that they might therbi15 have wherwithall to releve them that lacke.16 yett oure [B?V] belly bestes nowe adayes (whom men call/ Monkes/ frires/ Chanons/ Nonnes etc) promes that they never wyll have thynge in proper/ and 14 Ro.vj.viij 15 Ephe.v 16 ij.tess.iij

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111 / A Bref e Dialoge yet in the meane whyle they devowre vp the bloud/ and swett of the wother pover people/ manifestly against thys commaundment of Paul/ from the whiche no man can be exempt/ sainge/ He that laboreth not/ shall not eate.17 So. lawdest thou these mennes vowes? and soche as take apon theim to lyve chast/ and never to mary. Fa. God forbidde that ever I shulde prayse that thynge18 whiche is founde and brought vp by the devyll. So. why virginite no doute is an excellent thinge/ ye insomoche that Christ and also his glorious mother saynct Mary kepte it vndefiled. Fa. It is with oute fayle a thinge angelicall to live chaste/ and after soche a maner to leade a mannis lyfe/ whearby he may more commodiusly withouten lett geve attendaunce vnto the honour of God. As Paule for a season did/ no dout. But yf thou refrayne thy silfe from wedlocke/ as though thus doynge/ thou shuldst suppose to deserve somwhat therfore/ as of duety/ truely thou arte farre out of the waye. ye thou temptest God/ as though he hade not taught us goode workes ynowe. For through oute the whole bibill we fynde no [sSr] commaundment of virginite that ever God gave. Contrary wyse as sone as he hadd made the worlde/ he ordened matrimony sayinge/ It is nott goode that man schulde be alone.19 Agayne/ let nott the woman be seperated from her husband etc. So. A man lyveth moche more quyetly out of matrimony/ then he can do there in. Fa. ye but no man ought to seke his particular well and proffyt/ but that that is for the commen well/ and his neghbours comforte. Wherfore every man in his tyme ought to have his owne wyfe/ and to lyve in wedlocke/ excepte God singulerly call hym there frome accordynge to the generall commaundment of God.

17 ij.tes.iij 18 ij.tim.iiij 19 Genn.ij

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112/ABrefeDialoge So. Howe shalt thou knowe whether thou arte called to live chast/ or in wedlocke? Father. In the mean whyle we are bounde to the commaundment of God tyll charite and obedience constrayne vs too do wother wyse. As/ yf the lorde call a man to an office pertaynynge to the glory off hys name/ and welthe of his neghboure (wherin if wedlocke shulde be hindraunce) he ought then to remayne syngle as Paul did. He that called hym will aboundantly geve him wherwithall to acomplysshe his vocacion. And so brydle hys flesshe/ thatt he shall be able too live chaste/ and purly to fulfyll that [sSv] he hath taken in honde. So. I heare well then/ that thou woldest that as many as are nott called to some especiall office by God/ shulde mary. Fa. No doute/ but that with their elders consent. So. Why/ may nott yonge men mary withouten their fathers mynde and will? Fa. In no wyse. ye and they so mary/ it ought to stonde to none effect/ because they are as yett vnder their fathers power, vnto whom syngulerly they ought to obey/ and to do no thynge (specially yf it be of eny greate wayght) vnknowynge vnto theyr elders. So. what and theyr fathers and mothers (as often happeneth) be therin negligent. Fa. Lett them be/ yett becommeth it not the/ after thyne owne brayne to do what pleaseth the. But then shuldest thou take counsell with thy frendes/ kynsfolke/ and wother honest men/ vnto whom thou shuldest open thyne herte/ and desyre theym to commen wyth thyne elders therof/ and to helpe the/ whose counsell as farrforthe as it is godly/ thou shalt obey/ and folowe. So. I parceave by thy saynges/ that thou in all outwarde thynges wilt have a christen man to be free/ and his conscience not to be bounde by eny worldly constitucion or ceremony, and that he frely shulde con= [clr] tynewe in the liberte obtayned by Christ. Yf it be so/ then maye he do what he will. Fa. Nott so. He shulde rather have evermore a regarde vnto the

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113 / A Brefe Dialoge strayght iudgement of god almyghty. Whiche though he be to hym a father most full off mercy/ yett is he a iudge also strayght and rightous. and therfore all wayes behave hym sylfe/ as a membre/ or instrument/ wherin god only maye be knowen to work vnto his glory/ and christen mens edificacion/ and nott vnto their hinderaunce or detriment/ accordynge to the doctryne of Paul every where, and specially where as he declareth vnto the Gallathians20 what the liberte of a christen manne is saynge. Brethren ye were called into liberte/ only lett nott youre liberte be an occasion vnto the flesshe but in love serve one another. This shulde a christen mane often remember/ and therby as neare as he canne/ stody to kepe hym silfe from all evill occasion gevynge. So. Declare this vnto me somwhat playnlyer. Fa. Ytt is lefull/ indifferently for a christen manne 21 withouten scruple of conscience/ to eate/22 and to dryncke of all that God hath created and ordened vnto mannes fode/ so that therby he misedify nott his neghboure.23 For yf his brother be greved by the reason/ of his meate [civ] then walketh he nott acordynge to charite.24 Lykwyse there is none ydole in the worlde/ nor yett thynge ther vnto offered of eny valewe. Notwithstondynge/ yf one which as yett is weake in his conscience/ for lacke of knowledge of the trueth/ eate of eny soche offerynge/ doutles he is defoyled. Yf he also whiche perceaveth the trueth/ eate therof withoute respecte of the feblenes of his brothers belefe/ and therby provoke hym to eate of the same/ truly he abuseth his liberte also and destroyeth for a pece of meate/25 his brother bought with the most precious treasure of christis blowdde. Furthermore/ ydols are nothynge in the worlde as Paul evidently sheweth in

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114/ABrefeDialoge the pistles to the Corinthians/26 and that there is but one god/ and one lorde lesus Christ, and therfore shulde we flye all manner worshippynge of theym. nott inwardly in the herte alone/ but also in every exteriall thynge. Wherfore he that hath power to avoyde soche falce ydols out of the waye/ and to dense churches/ ordened only for the administracion of goddis worde/ from all abominacions/as are domme stones/ blynde stakes/ and deffe postes/ with all soche paynted mammettes on hordes/ or pillers/ and negligently omittetth it vndone (where as in his [c2r] conscience he knoweth soche vayne and vnprofitable thynges to serve for no goode porpose/ but puffed vp in his owne witt soffereth theym to remayne/ as a stomblynge blocke/ and occasion of evill/ vnto the weake) abuseth gretly his fredom. and maye with oute fayle wayte for the sharpe scourge/ and cruell iudgement of god. Son. To whom is this power or authorite committed? Fa. To oure temporall lordes/ ruelers/ and superiours/27 with their debities and assigneis. For they by goodis worde and ordenaunce have receved the swearde temporall/ therwith to chasten/ put downe/ and disannull/ all that agaynst god and his wholy worde is. And to have no regarde vnto the iniquite and vngodlines/ of the mayntayners of soche abhominable seduccions above rehearced/ with their sacrifices/ masses/ dedde mennes songes. etc. (for beynge Baals prestes/ they have no god savynge their belly only)28 but fervently to confounde and disannull/ whatsoever maye be occasion to the weake conscience of a christen manne/ to swarve from the hope/ truste/ and confidence/ of the precious bloudde of his swete saveoure lesus Christ. As did goode losias the kynge. Whiche toke oute of the waye (though as29 [c2v] yett the people were nott fully converted to the lorde) all ydols/ and abhominacions made/ and brought vp withoute the worde of god. which only was of power to dense mennes hertes from ydolatry/ and to 26 27 28 29

j.co.viij Ro.xiij Phil.iij i.re.xxiij

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115/ABrefeDialoge endewe theym with the perfett knowledge and true love of his godly maieste. and so doynge fulfelled the due office belongynge/ vnto a true prynce or rueler. Or els shulde Hosea the last kynge of Israhel have bene fautlesse. which before god was accounted and iudged for an evill doar/ because he destroyed not the golden caulves/ and did nott heawe downe the hye places/ wherin men worshipped theym/ notwithstondynge that he gave liberte and soffered the people to go vp vnto lerusalem/ and there to accomplisshe their homage and sacrifice/ due to the lorde/ after the lawe and prophettes. Insomoche that he was overcome by the kynge of the Assirians/ and at the last miserabely punnisshed by the lorde/ which toke a vengeaunce of the grett negligence committed agaynst hym. Wherfore deare chylde/ this power belongeth to no manne/ savynge only to our temporall lordes and rulers. Never the lesse take thou goode hede/ that these faulce goddes have no place in thyne herte/30 whiche is the [c3r] temple and dwellynge place of god31 allmygthy/ therin to be honoured and worshipped.32 But in outwarde meknes and myldnes of herte and worke laboure one to go before33 another in all dedes of charite and due seruyce (with honoure and obedience ther vnto34 required) toward youre heddes and lordes35 temporall/ fathers/ mothers and all youre36 elders. Be fore stockes and stakes/ stones37 and pillars se that ye once putt no honde38 to youre cappe/ nor yet bowe ye youre kne/ butt morne in youre hert/ for the blyndnes of theym which thus abuse the honoure due vnto god. and with fervent prayer for theym/ committ all power and vengeaunce vnto god/39 and 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

j.Cor.iij j.Cor.vj ij.Co.vj Ro.xij Ro.xii) j.tim.vj Mat.xv mar.vij j.Pet.ij Ecci.xxvj

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116/ABrefeDialoge to the ministers of his power, whose duety is every where to promoute40 his honoure/ to defende the confessours of his name/ and to eschewe all occasions of evill amonge their even christen. For wo vnto theym which are called vnto this power/ and yett be of so weake a courage/ and feble an herte/ that rather they wolde forsake god and denye his wholy commaundement/ then once to soffre a filippe or to heare an evill worde for his sake. Ye alas for the more parte are hayle felowes with his enemies/ and flatter theym dayly/ and geve/ theym soche auda= [c3v] cite/ that every where his glorius name41 is evill spoken of/ and continually blasphemed. Where as they openly shulde confesse Christ.42 And at all seasons be redy rather to soffre death/ then willyngly to withstond hym in one iote. Oure duty therfore is fervently in all oure oracions (which through the sacrifice of a pure hert we offer vnto the lorde) to desyre for theym soche a sprete/ and godly mynde as becommeth theym to have for the accomplisshment of tho thynges/ which to his godly will and honoure are most plesaunt and agreable. So. Howe thynkest thou/ maye I not pray to wholy S. Toncombre/ Sir Ihon shorne/ or to wother soche wholy saynctes to make intercession for me? Fa. No surely/ yf thou be a christen man for a christen man/ as nere as he canne endevereth hym silfe to folowe the rule left vnto hym for an instruction by Christ.43 that is wholy scripture, which every where sayeth/ that whatsoever is done with outen fayth is synne. sendynge vs vnto one lesus Christ/ which alone is mediatoure bitwixte god44 and vs. Which with outen ceasynge prayeth for my synnes/ stablissheth my fayth/ and assuereth me of lyfe everlastynge. So. Why then prayest thou eny more?

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117/ABrefeDialoge Fat. Be cause the [c4r] lorde hath geven me commaundement45 so for to do. Because also I cary aboute with me46 the olde Adam, and fele in my silfe the members of the lawe/ which withstonde the lawe of my mynde. Insomoche that in me (that is to saye in my flesshe) I canne perceave47 no goodnes. Wherfore I praye that the name of god maye be sanctifyed. and that with oute delaye his kyngdom maye aproache. So. I se well a christen manne maye synne. Fa. Mann synneth two maner awayes. The vngodly48 to death/ throughe their obstinate mynde/ and grett maliciousnes/ wherby they persever in the workes of dercknes. and that because they are vessels of wrathe/ and knowe nothynge howe to hope in god/ nor yett to trust vnto his godly promeses. Contrary wyse the godly by fragilite only of their flesshe and that full sore agaynst their will/ havynge all wayes in theym the seed of faythe whiche assuereth theym of the mercy of god their father wherfore they cannot synne vnto death/ nor yet remayne in workes of dercknes. but causeth theym to beleve that Christ is their brother end thorowe his bloudde to be clensed from synne.49 So. Seynge a christen manne maye synne. howe shall I vnderstande Christis sayinge/ he that beleveth in me hath life50 [c4v] everlastynge. Where as manifestly/ he that synneth is ded? Fat. Through belefe we have that lyfe/ but not fully, and that by the reason of the imperfection of oure belefe. Wherfore so farforthe synne we/ and are ded as we lacke of oure belefe.51 For god hath included all thynge in vnbelefe/ that he myght have mercy on all. which thynge causeth vs to meke oure selves/ and sendeth vs to god/ thorowe Christ. And that

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118/ABrefeDialoge specially because that in oure flesshe is nothynge to be founde savynge only vnstablenes of herte/ and desperacion of mynde. But contrary wyse in the promeses of god/ throwe the merettes of Christ/ is all surenes of mynde/ and stedfastnes of herte. And he that diligently remembreth this/ dieth gladly from all that he is of hym selfe/ putynge his only trust and confidence in god his most mercifull father. Sonne. By what meanes myght I be assuered here of? Fa. This suerteshyppe is so wrapped in fayth/ that the ferventer thy fayth is/ the suerer thou mayst be there of. For yf thou sett abacke all worldely hope and trust/ and ernestly indever thy silfe/ to folowe Christ/ and in hym to settle thyne herte/ and to have thy solace only/ thou sone shalt perceave by thyne owne frute/52 what maner a tre [c5r] thou arte. For this purpose sayth the lorde by Ezechiel the prophet.53 Halowe ye my saboth daye/ that it maye be a token bitwene you and me/ wherby ye maye knowe that I am youre lorde god. Wherfore yf thou fele thy silfe prompte and redy to do the workes of mercy vnto thy neghbours/ and to soffre all maner of aduersities paciently. thou mayst surely knowe that god is with the. and that through his mercy he hath chaunged thyne herte. and thus by thy workes be assuered of thy faythe. Son. Forthe on declare the wother poyntes of thy belefe. Fat. Which is conceaved by the wholy gooste borne of Mary the virgen/ which also soffered vnder Pons Pilate, was crucified/ ded/ and buried. Son. What betoken these sayinges? Fat. Seynge (as apereth by the gospell of S. Luke54) that he is conceaved by the operacion of the wholy gooste/ I suerly afferme/ that he is with out spot of synne. and nott as we ar conceaved and borne by oure mothers55 in sinfull iniquite. And that of the virgyn mary. to fulfill that whiche longe before was profecyed by the prophet Esaias/ sayinge. A virgyn shall 52 53 54 55

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119/ABrefeDialoge conceave56 and brynge forthe a sonne etc. And because his whole life was but a continuall sufferynge of grett paynes/ [c5v] laboures/ and thrauldoms for owre synnes57 only. I saye whiche soffered vnder Pons Pilate, etc. For he cam into the worlde to fulfill his fathers will/ and so to delyver hyme silfe to death for oure redempcion. We deserved punnysshement and death/ and he which never committed offence sofered it.58 the rightous/ for the vnrightous. and that on the crosse vnder Pons Pilate/ at that tyme beynge the Emperours debite of Rome in lerusalem. For the power and authorite of lury was taken awaye/ accordynge to Jacobs prophecy.59 Insomoche that they had no more power to iudge eny man to death. Wherfore to acomplesshe the prophecy/60 the hethen holpe to condempne hym/ and that to the moste shamfullest death possible/61 that is of the crosse. Wherby he losed vs from shame and also death/62 leavynge vs and ensample to folowe his fote steppes. That is to saye that we shulde crucify oure olde Adam/ with his carnall desyres. And therfore dyed he through his fathers obedience/ offerynge hym silfe throwe the eternall sprete/ with outen spott vnto god allmyghty/ with his bloudde to pourge oure consciences from ded workes. Wherfore in lyke maner he became the mediatoure of the newe testament.63 That [c6r] as sone as his death was full ended for oure transgressions of the fyrst testament.64 they which wer called myght receve the promes of eternall inheritaunce. For asmoche as god the father hathe made hym to be synne65 (for vs) which knewe no synne that we by hym shulde be that rightousnes whiche before god is alowed. For 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

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120/ABrefeDialoge doutlesse he dyed after the same maner that we deye/ and was buried, wherfore it becommeth vs to deye and to be buryed with hym also. And that can we not do/ excepte we forsake all flesshely workes/ and soffre god only to worke in vs. For this is the halowynge of the Saboth daye which fyrst after this lyfe shalbe fulfild. He descended downe to hell (as clerly apereth by the scripture/) that all his therby shuld be delivered66 both from death also hell.67 So. How canst thou be fre from death/ seynge thou arte a manne/ and scripture affirmeth that all men must once dye? Fa. Though christen menne slepe in the lorde.68 yett dye they not/ for the soule departynge out of this wretched body entreth immediatly into grett ioye and rest/ for remaynynge vntill that oure lorde shall a wake it agayne.69 Christ is oure lyfe in whom yf we dwell withouten dout through mercy70 obteyned yn hyme/ we shall perpetually [c6v] live/ and with hym aryse agayne. seynge he was delivered for our synnes/71 and rose agayne the thryde day to iustyfy vs. And as s. peter sayth/72 once soffered for synns/ the iust for the vniust/ so to bringe vs to god. and was killed as pertaynynge the flesshe/ and yett was quickened in the sprete. Wherfore my dere sonne yf we be risen agayne with Christ/ lett vs seke those thynges which are above wheare as he sitteth on the right honde73 of god his father. So. What comforte fyndest thou here in? Fat. Marvelous grett with outen fayle. For loke as I surly knowe that he soffered death for my synnes/74 and that it was vnpossible that he shulde remayne75 therin. even as sure am I/ 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75

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121 / A Brefe Dialoge that by his death satisfaction sufficient is made/ wherby both hell and death are overcome.76 And therfore shulde we no lenger continewe in death, but in renewynge of cure lyfe/ fervently laboure for immortalite. which is/ wheare as he ascended vp into heven/ and sitteth on the ryght honde of god the father allmygthy. This article have we in the fyrst chapter of the Actes. In hevenly thynges/ and on the right honde of god/ are as moche to saye/ as he is constitute in the most excellent power of god above all hevens/ and angels, that he [c7r] mygt fulfill all thynges. which are here beneth. That is to saye/ that with his sprete77 and gostly gyftes/ he ordre/ rule/ and governe vs. wherby remayneth vnto me/ in tyme of aduersite/ and temptacion/ a grett staye and comforte. For as moche as I consider that Christ so entierly hath loved me/78 that he hath geven his owne silfe for my sake/ what canne nowe be lackynge vnto me? or what evill maye fortune vnto me. seynge that he which so affecteously hath loved me/ is kynge and lorde79 over all that is on erthe here beneathe/ or in heven above wheare as he nowe is. and from whence (as I faythfully beleve) he shall come to iudge bothe quicke and ded. He cam once to brynge vs through hym vnto the father. That is to saye/ he sett vs (which were his fathers enemies/ and bondmen vnto the devill) att one agayne with hyme. makynge of a crewel iudge a mercifull father/ by the meanes that he made satisfaction for cure synnes/ with his death and passion. Insomoche that we once knowynge hym a mercifull father/ shuld not (after the maner of evill doars) dreade hym as a tyrannt/ but hence forthe feare hym/ as a rightous lorde/ and so love hym with a chyldly love/ that bothe mynde and worke all wa= [c7v] yes and every where manifestly declare in oure livynge that we are of his electe and chosen/ clensed from the olde Adam/ and renewed with the newe man which is acceptable vnto god by the merittes of Christis bloude. For his 76 77 78 79

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122/ABrefeDialoge seconde commynge suerly shalbe to iudge bothe quicke and ded. That is manifestly to geve iudgement accordynge as every manne hath by his worke declared the imperfection of the rote of his belefe. Which after the goodnes or badnes of it silfe80 bringeth forth other goode or bad frute. wherby the whole tre (that is to saye the whole manne) is fyrst knowne of men in this lyfe/ and at the commynge of the sonne of manne in the last daye/ openly shalbe iudged. Where as we are all from the begynnynge reserved/ by his eternall preordination and godly wisdom/ other to death everlastynge/ or els predestinate vnto life eternall. Which godly secret shall fyrst be declared in the last daye of iudgement ordened alonly forto reprove81 openly the vessels of iniquite/ vtterly apointed vnto the perpetuall fyre of hell (beynge even deade/ though they seme to leve). And also forto approve the lively/ and quicke vessels of mercy/ which live in Christ lesu/ manifestly admittynge theym vnto ioye. Which man [c8r] was never able/ nether to se/ to heare/82 nor yet to ymmagion. So. Seynge thou sayst that he shall descende openly/ as he ascended/ to geve this iudgement/ thou belevest not that he is here with vs continualli? and yett hy hym silfe sayeth wheare two or thre are gaddered to gether in my name/ theare am I in the middes of theym.83 Fa. Through his sprete he is with vs vnto the ende of the worlde. but for as moche as it is spretually/ man yett beynge wrapped in this mortall flesshe/ entangled with so manyfolde myseries/ and saverynge all wayes erthely/ can never come to the knowledge therof/ vntill the tyme that he thorowe a stedfast belefe in god/ and sure hope in his promeses/ perceave howe that by Christ we have obteyned grace for grace.84 Which knowledge dryveth hym so fervently vnto his mercy/ that in all his doynges he seketh only the glory of god and his 80 81 82 83 84

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123/ABrefeDialoge neghbours welthe/ and so aproacheth to the trewe love of god and also of his neghboure. And thus knowynge god for his father/ he cannot but nedes must have Christ his singuler redemer continually before his owne eyes, and that spretually. And so consydre the grett benefytes obtained by his deth and passion, and also/ the ensamples of brotherly [c8v] love and charite which he lefte vnto hym? So. Whye/ is he then never present with vs boddely/ as he honge on the crosse? and as they whome men call gostly fathers/ Doctours/ and preachers/ do aferme/ sayinge/ that as often as one of theym/ or of their anoynted secte saye over a pece of bred/ this is my boddy/ through the vertue of these wordes/ he beynge theare corporally/ converteth that bred into his boddy?85 Fa. They beynge blynde wolde fayne leade wother blynde with theym into the pitt of erroure. For suerly so to afferme playnly repungneth agaynst these articles of oure belefe and wholy scripture. He ascended vp into heven/ and sitteth on the right honde of God the father allmygthy. From whence he shall come to iudge bothe quicke and dedde. He sayde also vnto his disciples.86 It is expedient that I departe from you. and many soche places mo. Wherby it evidently apereth that Christ never gave theym eny soche authorite/ or commaundement. For (as Paul sayth)87 what soever thynge is written/ it is written for oure wealthe and comforte/ therby to be made the better/ and to receave more spirituall comforte and instruction. So. Howe then are these wordes to be vnderstond [olr] de? Fa. Even as the lorde tought Paul his faythfull disciple to vnderstonde theym. which declarynge theym vnto the Corinthians/ sayeth.88 As often as ye eate of this breade/ and dryncke of this cuppe/ ye shewe the lordes deathe till he come, as he shulde saye/ as often as ye thus receave bred and 85 86 87 88

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124/ABrefeDialoge dryncke to gether/ call to youre remembraunce/ and declare one to another the lordis death/ till the tyme come/ that he shall come agayne in the lykenes and silfe same body wherin he apered before vnto his apostles. This same was the lordis meanynge when he spake theym hym silfe. whiche did/ and spake all thynges for oure welth. He gave his body and bloude spretually vnto his disciples to be eaten and dronken. That is/ that they shulde beleve/ that he wolde offer vp his boddy and bloud on the crosse to god his father for the redempcion of many. That therby the newe and everlastynge testament (which is bitwixte god and vs/ the knot of commenaunt that he shuld be oure god/ and we his chosen children) myght be amonge gods electe puplisshed. So. The affecte of thy sayinges after myne vnderstondynge is only/ that this shulde be but a remembraunce howe that Christ frely gave his boddy and bloudde for [olv] the redempcion of as many as god his father from the begynnynge of the worlde had predestinate to become partakers of his sonnes bloudde. by the reason wherof cache one of Christes flocke/ stedfastly maye beleve hym silfe to be clensed from sinne/ and delivered from bondage of death and hell/89 by this acceptable sacrifice made and done/ bitwixte Christ oure saveoure/ and god his father. Fa. I canne none wotherwyse immagion. For he sayde hym silfe/ which shalbe broken and geven for you etc.90 So. He gave not then at his last sopper his materiall boddy and bloudde vnto theym to be eaten corporally/ nor yet hid it vnder breade nor vnder wyne? Fa. In no wyse. for he remayned bodily sittynge before their eyes. And after the wordes were spoken the bred which he toke and blist/ remayned breade/ and wyne/ wyne. as the lorde hym silfe testifieth in the gospell.91 Wheare as in all goddis workes/ after he once had spoken the worde/ all thynges are and continewe with outen ficcion trewe. and so apere in dede 89 Rom.ix 90 Luc.xxij 91 Luc.xxij

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125 / A Brefe Dialoge in their owne nature/ whether they be spretuall/ or els naturally corporall. After he once had made wyne of water/92 it had nether coloure nor tast of water eny more/ but was wyne in dede. He [o2r] made hym also which was borne blinde/93 naturally to se. Insomoche that the pharises beinge never so frowarde coulde not denye it. Lykwyse he reased Lazarus from death94 to lyfe agayne/ that every man myght se that he lived in dede. And after this maner he geveth vnto vs his boddy and bloude. that is to saye spretually. wherwith the soule once feade through belefe/ immediatly feleth all spretuall ioye and comforte. that is to saye/ faythe towardes god his mercifull father/ hope in the promeses of Christ/ and love and charite towardes his even christen. For he sayth he that eateth my flesshe and drynketh my bloudde/ is in me and I in hym.95 This is spretually done/ wherby the children of belefe/ are strengthed in their fayth/ and folowe the fote steppes of their master Christ. Serve their brethren/ and hate the worlde. Wherby as through thynges most certayne/ the inuisible presence of god is apprehended, yet in the meane tyme/ there is no bodely presence of Christ nether in breade/ nor yett in wyne. Sonne. Canst thou prove by scripture that he gave not hyme silfe vnto his disciples/ and vnto those whiche sate aboute hyme/ in forme of breade for to be eaten/ nor yet in wyne to be dr= [o2v] roncken? Fa. Ye/ for he hym silfe sayeth in the.vj.chapter of.S.Ihon/ that the flesshely eatynge and drynkynge of his boddy and bloudde stondeth to none effecte. sayinge/ the wordes whiche I speake vnto you/ are sprete and lyfe. that is. they speake of a spretuall maner of eatynge and drynkynge/ and of that thynge which bryngeth to lyfe/ and that inwardly throwe belefe. And therfore can there nether carnall thynge/ nor creature belongynge vnto the vngodly/ be other sprete or lyfe. 92 93 94 95

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126/ABrefeDialoge So. Are then the wordes rehearced in the.vj.chapter of Ihon/ of one meanynge with Christis sayinge of bred and wyne? Fa. There is no difference/ savynge only that at his last supper the lord gave there vnto the signe or token, but yet is the meanynge one. For in the for say de place the lorde sayde/ the breade that I will geve is my flesshe which I will geve for the life of the worlde. whiche silfe same thynge he also declared at his last supper/ sayinge.96 take/ and eate/ this is my boddy which for you shalbe geven. whiche bothe are but one maner of speakinge/ and therfore ought after one maner to be vnderstonde/ and that (as a pereth in the .vj.chapter of.S.Ihon. and in the tenthe eleventh and twelth chapters of.S.Paul in the [o3r] fyrst pistle vnto the Corrinthians) spretually and not corporally, for as moche as Christ is gostly fode in the herte which cannot be gnawen with teth lyke wother materiall meate. So. Ye/ but these wordes are mervelouse playne/ this is my body/ and agayne this is my bloudde. Fa. The lordes wordes are light/ and lighten the vnderstondynge of the simple/ directinge theym all wayes to belefe and love, wher vnto all prophecey shulde agre and be proporcionable/97 that is to saye all interpretacion of scripture. For yf we only shulde leane vnto the bare wordes therof/ it were nether lawfull for me to call my father/father 98 nor yet to grete eny manne" in the waye/ nor to weare shewes on my fete.100 and soche wother many moo. We must therfore leane vnto the livynge sprete/101 and not vnto the ded letter, and marke wele in oure mynde that what soever the lorde other spake or did/ was all for oure spretuall comforte/ which thynge only dependeth of hym. This well pondered/ we canne never gretly swarve from the trueth. as longe as we declare 96 97 98 99 100 101

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Ill I A Brefe Dialoge these so playne wordes/ with soche wother lyke maner of sentences/ pertayninge to one meanynge of the sprete. Wherfore lett vs evermore with an evident and playne sen= [o3v] tence/ expowne and declare another which is dercker and herder, as longe as they pretende but one thynge or meanynge. and so vnderstonde all thynges after the mynde and meaninge of the speaker of theym. So. What frute then receavest thou by these wordes? Fa. It bryngeth to my remembraunce the mercifullnes of god my father/ graunted and geven vnto me/ through the sacrifyce made of Christis boddy and bloudde on the crosse/ for oure redempcion/ once for ever, which thynge the oftener that I call to remembraunce/ the more fervently it is by these wordes/ renewed/ quickened/ and strengthed/ in my herte. Insomoche that I suerly beleve and knowe that Christ with all that he canne do/ is myne/ Not that he therfore shulde be breade/ or els hidden other vnder brede or wyne. but because I doute not/ that he once hath soffered death for me. whose maner was ever wount to declar spretuall thynges by corporall tokens/ ordrynge hym silfe all ways after soche a kinde and playne wyse/ that oure dull and rude capacite the better therby myght fele and perceve his mynde and purpose, as apereth where as he had blowen on his disciples/102 he sayde/receave ye the wholy gost. this blowinge was not the wh= [o4r] oly gost. For he was nether therin/ nor yet thervnder. but yet the disciples thorowe their belefe receaved hym inuisibly into their hertes even as we do christes body vnder the signe or token of bred and wyne/ though he nether be in nor yet vnder theym. This bred entreth into the body/ but the boddy of Christ thorowe the operacion of the wholy gost/ commeth by the worde of god into the herte. For the outwarde worde is only a sounde or a voyce/ betokenynge that inwarde worde wherby god through his sprete speketh in the hertes of his belevynge children, were as they represent vnto the children of vnbelefe but a voyd thynge or a vayne voyce. These sacrementes and signes therfor

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128 / A Brefe Dialoge betoken the body of christ spretually there to be present, whom they which are grafte in belefe only receave.103 and after this maner spretually eatinge hym/ they live evermore. Son. Ye but Paul sayeth/ whosoever shall eate of this bred/ and drinke this cuppe vnworthly/ shalbe gilty of the body and bloudde of the lorde.104 and howe canne he be gilty of that thynge/ which after thy sayinge is not theare present? Fa. Take never one pece of scripture here/ and a nother gobbet there, but marke well what precedeth/ and what foloweth/ and thou shalt perceve that [o4v] Paul calleth theim vnworthy eaters/ which misvsed this supper/eatynge and drynkynge dronken/ where as wother hongered and thirsted, by reason where of/ the charite/ of wother which were called brethren/ was broken/ there as it shulde have bene vndefiled. because that the lordes breade which they thus ought to have broken in fervent love and charite wone with another/ for a remembraunce of the incomparable love of Christis105 death and passion/ wherewith they were vnyed and knet to gether/ was after this wyse institute and vsed to be devided and receaved/ but for a witnes or testimoniall/ as they did eate of one breade/ even so to be all members of one boddy. But paule evidently enformed of the contrary amonge the Corrinthians106 (whome he calleth slowe bellies/ and sekers alonly of theym selves in all ydelnes107 and superfluite/ after the maner of oure newe goddes nowe a daies/ which with their faulce interpretacion of these forsayde Christis wordes/ so blynde mennes soules/ and derken their vnderstondynge/ that therby they have so gotten their heddes vnder their girdles/ that they suppose theym selves nether to have eyes to se/ eares to heare/ nor tonges to speke. But even as they saye so must they do. [o5r] as they orden/ that must they afferme to be goode. and that they do/ that are they constrayned to alowe. 103 104 105 106 107

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129 / A Brefe Dialoge Insomoche that the silly soules are nowe brought into soche a belefe/ that they suppose the prestes to have thorowe these wordes power to make their lorde of a pece of breade. And that it is sufficient for the clensynge of their consciences/ yf a mortall man/ be he never so vngodly wicked or vnrightous/ once a daye eate this faulce ydole and fayned god/ ymagened of breade. Wherby they are brought into all thrauldom/ aduersite/ and captivite. Insomoche that yf a pover manne/ or womanne/ have for theym and their children but one loafe of brede/ or one chese/ soche a pilled marchaunt/ which at home liveth in all aboundaunce and ydlenes/ must have it at his pleasure and commaundment agaynst all charite/ and concorde of love/ for their breakynge of this godly institution of love nameth theym vnworthy eaters and drynkers of the lordis supper/ and gilty of the boddy and bloudde of Christ. So. Ys not the breade then which we breake part takynge of Christis boddy? Fa. Yes. So. Howe canne that be excepte we eate cache one of it? Path. Marke wele what paul sayeth108 in another [o5v] place also. Are not they whiche eate of the sacrifice parte takers of the aulter? 109 Yet is there none of theym/ that corporally do eate in the sacryfice eny gobbet of the aulter. But they are parte takers of the auter whiche be longe vnto the exteriall offerynge or sacrifice there of. Even so are they part takers of the boddy of Christ which eate of one breade to gether in the vnite and love lefte vnto theym by Christ, and are counted/ and iudged to be of one company/110 and churche/ whether they be goode or evil vntill the tyme of harvest come. After the same manner they are parte takers of devils111 which eate of thynges offered vnto ydols/ and yett eate they no devils. Therfore dere sonne se thou strengthe thy faythe with a continuall remembraunce of Christis passion. And stryve with 108 109 110 111

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130 / A Brefe Dialoge no manne disputynge of eny soche matters. For the congregacion of Christen men are not wont to vse soche vayne disputations.112 But vnto theym/ whome thou seest diligently enquyre for the knowledge/ of the trueth/ geve a swete and lovely answer of thy belefe.113 And loke that thou diligently evermore laboure to seke Christ/ wheare as he sitteth on the ryght honde of godde his father.114 That is in a spretuall/115 and in an incomprehensi= [o6r] ble beynge and power of god the father. Which through his sprete continually is in vs/ workinge in oure hert hate agaynst evill/ and desyre and love towardes goodenes. Sonne. God geve me grace so forto do. and accordynge to thy doctryne/ I will vse bothe sacrementes and also their sacrementall tokens. For nowe am I well assuered/ that there is none exteriall thynge of eny effecte where as the sprete inwardly worketh nott in the hert. I requyre the furthermore/ what thynkest thou/ when thou remembrest that Christ shall come to geve iudgement? Path. Truly that at that daye angels/ men/ and devles/ muste apere before the trone of the maieste of the sonne of god IESUS Christ, vnto whom is reserved all power and iudgement wherwith in that howre he shall (in the twyncklynge of an eye)116 condempne bothe bodyes and also soulles of theym whiche here in this lyfe have not had a trewe belefe/117 and frutes there vnto agreable/ to fyre everlastynge/ and contrary wyse admitt the children of belefe to ioye eternall. Wherfor in the meane whyle I ought to praye with oute ceasynge vnto my lorde Christ/118 that it maye please his bounteous goodnes to admitt me vnto the nombre of his chosen/ [o6v] and to present me vnto his father/ perfect and with outen spott/119 praye for 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119

j.Cor.xj j.Pet.iij ma.xxvj Luc.xxij Mat.xxviij Luc.xxj mat.xxv Ephe.iij

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131 / A Brefe Dialoge me/ and to renewe me in the sprete accordynge to the newe manne which after a godly wyse is shapen/ in rightousnes and trewe holines. For with oute his ayde/ I lose bothe oyle120 and laboure. and for this cause I crye vnto god almighty for grace and marcy in his sonnes name. So. What foloweth in thy belefe? Fa. I beleve also in the holy goost. So. What is that to saye? Fa. That it is vnpossible for me thorowe myne owne workes to obtayne other Christ or his promeses. For the naturall manne perceaveth not the thynges of the sprete of god.121 Wherfore the father pulleth and calleth me vnto hyme thorowe his sprete. which in Christ quickeneth/ and maketh me bothe holy and spretuall/ and teacheth me all thynges.122 Insomoche that of my silfe/ I wote neare howe nor what I shulde praye. He prayeth for me/ reneweth me/ leadeth and compelleth me wother wyse to do/ then my flesshely mynde or desyre inclyneth me vnto. He assuereth me of mercy/ and sealeth me vnto the daye of deliveraunce. This article putteth backe all falce hope and trust in my silfe/ and of myne owne workes. Which are evermore evill/ and withouten sprete. [o7r] And therfore beleve I in the holy goost/ and not in myne owne myght and possibilite. So. What distinction makest thou in the godhed? that is/ bitwene the father/ sonne/ and holy goost? Fa. God/ his worde/ and his sprete/ are but one. and thus to beleve is sufficient/ withouten eny further enquyrannce.123 for the searcher of the maieste of god/ shalbe overthrowne from glory. It is sufficient for me that I knowe that my lorde god is one god. and that he through his eternall worde/ which was with hym in the begynnynge made all thynges. and with his sprete contmueth in all creatures/124 ordereth and preserveth 120 121 122 123 124

Ma.xxv j.Cor.ij loa.xv) Deu.vj loan.)

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132 / A Brefe Dialoge theym in their beinge. And that his sprete/ power/ and gyfte is in vs/ which stereth the belevers/ a waketh/ dryveth/ and leadeth theym agaynst all flesshely lustes and desyres. Wherfore he that nether feleth nor beleveth this sprete in his herte/ surely hath but a ded belefe/ which alonly clyncketh on the tippe of his tonge/ beynge not roted in his herte. For he verely beleveth in the holy goost which knoweth that fayth/ hoape/ and charite/ are the gyftes of god/ and that above the nature and capacite of manne. I furthermore beleve in an wholy christen churche. So. What maner a churche is this? [D/V] Path. It is a company gaddered or assembled together of true and faythfull christen people, which as members of one body (by the operacion of the wholy gost) are fastened in one hed Christ lesus their lorde. of whom they receave the moysteoure of belefe and goode workes which causeth theym exterially to vse the worde of god/ his baptem/ and his last supper/ as tokens materiall of thynges most godly and spretuall. Which churche generally taken/ comprehendeth nott only those whiche nowe lyve and beleve/ with theym which here after shall beleve. but also as many as are departed oute of this lyfe/ and rest in the fayth of Abraham, of the which whole nombre Christ is hed.125 That is to saye/ of the whole body of his churche made/ bilt/ and edyfied/ of belevers. whome Paul diligently exhorteth to kepe the vnite of the sprete in the bonde of peace.126 and to be one body/ and one sprete/ even as they are called in one hoape of their vocation sayinge moreover vnto theym/ let there be but one lorde/ one faythe/ one baptem/ one god and father of all. which is above all/ thorowe all/ and in vs all. To whome be glory for ever moare amen. Son. Thou saydst before that no manne shulde praye to sainctes. and [D8r] here thou sayest that they are of the company of this Christen churche. Wherfore doutlesse they

125 Colo.j 126 Eph.iiij

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133 / A Brefe Dialoge praye for vs/ and healpe vs weake members/ with their continuall intercession to god. Fa. With outen fayle/ they nowe livynge in god/ affectoussly desyre the welth and saluacion of all goddis chosen, yet have I no commaundment of god eny soche intercession to desyre. But he sheweth to me through his godly worde every where/ that my health and comforte stondeth in the praier and intercession of oure only mediatour Christ lesus.127 So. Wherfore desyred Paul then the prayers of theim which wer alive? Fa. That through many/ the glory of god myght be forthered. the ded/ we shulde committ to god/ in whom they rest. So. Go to then. Yf Christ be the hed of this Churche/ his churche must be inuisible/ as he is in a celestiall and spretuall beynge/ vnpossible to be aprehended or sene with eny corporall eyes. Fa. Even so is it and therfore beleve I the wholy Christen churche. So. For what cause callest thou Christ an hed? 128 Fa. Because that as by the reason of the hedd all goodnes commeth vnto the boddy/ 129 even so by hym/ his members receave of god130 almygthy mercy/ and also the holy gost to governe and to worcke in theym all that go= [o8v] ode is. So. Wheare is this churche? here at Rome/ or at Constantinoble? Fa. There as are christen belevers. though that the daye of manne no where canne shewe it for a certainte/ yet must we beleve this churche to be in dede. for as many as beleve/ and hertely desyre godlines/ are members there of. And therfore can she not be subdewed to no power temporall. But god the father hath ordened oure lorde lesus Christ only to be her hed/ ruler/ and Kynge. So. Are synners also of this churche? 127 128 129 130

Mat.xj Ro.xi] j.Corxij Eph.iiij

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134 / A Brefe Dialoge Fa. Ye some of theym. namely that are called with an holy callinge. not after their dedes. But for the purpose and grace of hym that called theym. which grace was geven vnto theym thorowe Christ lesus131 before the worlde was. Soche pertayne vnto the body of Christis churche. No man can pull theym from hym for his hevenly father which hath geven theym vnto hym is above all. and hath predestinate theym to be his heyres/132 accordinge to his owne purpose/ whiche worketh all thynges after his owne will, that they shulde be vnto the prayse of his glory/133 which before hoaped in Christ, wherby they were clensed in the bloude of the lambe.134 But as many as are not chosen before/ and called thervnto/ shy= [Elr] ne they never so fayre outwardly/ and be they never so grett in reputacion of menne/ yet are they in no wyse of the Christen company, but remayne of theym/ of whome saynct Ihon speaketh saynge/ there are many antichristes135 (that is to saye falce christen men) which are departed from vs. but they were not of vs. For yf they had bene of vs/ they wolde no doute have continewed with vs. But Paul beynge assuered to be one of this boddy and churche/ sayde with grett ioye. There is nether tribulacion nor angwysshe/136 persecution nor hongre/ nakednes/ ieopardy nor yet swearde/ that shalbe able to parte vs from goddis love, ye I am sure that nether death nor life/ angell/ rule nor power/ nether eny wother creature shalbe able to departe vs from goddis love which is in Christ lesu oure lorde. This can I well perceave. for Christ and his body is one thynge wherin yf one once be grafted/ in tyme requyred he bringeth forthe the frute there of. wheare none hypocrysy/ nor outwarde dissimulacion137 can healpe. So. What is the power and authorite of this churche?

131 132 133 134 135 136 137

ij.Tim.j loa.xvj Ephe.j Apo.vij xij.xxij j.Ioa.ij Ro.viij ma.xxiij

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135 / A Brefe Dialoge Fa. Paul declareth sayinge. The lorde hath geven me power to edyfy/ and not to destroye.138 which thynge perteyneth to cache one of the mem [E!V] bers of this boddy/ seynge that all thynges ought to be done for the edificacion of the congregacion/ and not to the destruccion. vnto the which entent all spretuall gyftes lykwyse shulde be vsed and ministred amonge theym. Son. Have they whom menne call lordes139 of the spretualte none wother power? Fa. ludge in thyne herte whether they be members of this body or not. Yf they were/ they shulde also be ministers of the congregacion/ and fulfill the office of a trewe shephearde. and nether soffre theym selves to be called lordes or masters, nor yet their shepe to be devowered of wolves/ but rather after Christis example put their owne bodies140 in ieoperdy for theym. Son. They make men sore astunnyed with their coursse and excommunicacion. Fa. The excommunicacion of Christis congregacion/ is an acte of gret charite/ and brotherly love.141 Wherby wother shulde refrayne theym silves from the life and learnynge of hym which is acoursed or excomunicate. ordened to the entent that therby the wicked myght the better come to the knowledge of hym sylfe. and at the last confounded and ashamed of his owne offence and misdede before his brethren/ confesse hym silfe to be as an infecte/ and rotten mem= [E2r] bre/ worthy to be reiecte from the whole body, and so with amendment desire helpe and foryevenes of Christ and his holy company. So. Is this excomunicacion nedfull vnto the churche of Christ? Fa. Ye surely/ that christen men cannot be without it. For herby prove they all thynges/ and kepe that gode is/ and beleve not every sprete/ but prove theym whether they are off god or

138 139 140 141

ij.co.xiij j.Cor.xij j.Cor.iij loan.x

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136 / A Brefe Dialoge nott.142 And herby syngulerly beware of faulce learnynges. and so exchewe all faulce and disceatfull delusions of the wicked. So. The right coursse or excommunicacion as they saye cannot be/ except it be declared in the polpet. Fa. Loke howe moche the more a manne perceaveth another to synne/ or to do agaynst fayth and charite/143 so moche the more he must consyder that he is acoursed of god/ and the diligentlyer ought he to exchewe and flye his company. Excepte that for the amendment of hym which hath offended/ his company were nedfull/ and no manne therby offended. But be cause every man of the congregacion hath not the gyft to iudge spretes/1 holde hym for an hethen/ and acoursed/ which hereth not the admonicion of the churche. and that with draweth not hyme silfe frome all soche/ lest he geve vnto his owne frailnes an occasion [E2v] to faule.144 For of god are acoursed and excommunicate/ all covetous people/ whormongers/ dronkardes/145 and all soche as name theym selves christen, and by the reason of their mischevous livynge cause the name of god/ and his glorious gospell evill to be spoken of. and for this cause ought I to seperate my silfe from theym. lett wother in the meane whyle iudge theym acordynge to nierci. flye/ or soffre theym. For he withouten fayle which denyeth that Christ is come in the flessh/146 or els he (what ever he be) that through the workes of derckenes is a stomblynge blocke to the whole company/ openly (of whose amendment yf their be no hoape) before theym all ought to be excommunicate/ that is to saye expulsed out of the congregacion. wherin we ought to take goode hede/ that we do it of pure love withouten malice, and that we pubblisshe not cure brothers vnknowne defaultes to his defamacion vndiscretly. lest we begynne a newe tyranny/ pharisaicall hipocrysy/ or discorde vnder the coloure of excommunicacion. 142 143 144 145 146

j.Cor.v j.tesa.v j.Io.iiij mat.vj Titus.iij j.Cor.v Ephe.vj j.Tes.iij ij.Ti.iij Tit.iij j.Cor.v j.Io.iij

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137/ABrefeDialoge for then shulde it prepare a redy waye to destroye bothe the gospell and also all christen liberte. Wherfore Paul almost every wheare teacheth vs to flye falce doctrynes147 and bryngers vp of newe sectes folo= [E3r] winge Christ his master/ which in the.xviij.c.of.S.Mathew/ enformeth the members of his churche after what maner they shulde be have theym selves with soche. concludynge/ that yf there be amonge theym eny that will not heare the right admonicion of the congregacion/ he which knoweth it/ ought to take hym as an hethen/ and as a publican, and therfore Christ sayth/148 let hym be vnto the as an open synner. He sayth not/ vnto the hole churche. Flye thou hym with compassion/ and lett the congregacion do that thynge whiche acordynge to love and charite/ is comformable vnto the doctryn of their hed. Son. Byndeth this coursse the soule also? Fa. Yt is not ordened to destroy/ but rather to edify the congregacion with all. So. Wherfore then sayth the lorde/ what soever ye bynde on erthe/ it shalbe bounde in heven?149 Fa. The power of byndynge/ in christis churche or congregacion/ is alonly with the worde of god/ declared in the lawe and prophettes (which is the kayes of the kyngdom of god/ to shitt and to open with all) manyfestly to pubblisshe and shewe a synner/ yf he repent and beleve the promeses of god through Christ and his gospell/ to be delivered from the coursse of the lawe/ and consequent [n3v] ly to be losed out of the bondes of death and captiuite of hell. Contrary wyse/ yf he go aboute to iustify hym silfe/ and to repute eny creature nedfull/ or of more value/ for his saluacion/ then is the bloudde of Christ/ with this goddis worde strayghtly/ to condempne and declare hym to be the chylde of dampnacion/ and presoner of hell. For by this meanes is a manne/ knowne other to be of Christis members/ and parte taker of his kyngdom or not. 147 Ro.xvj j.Ti.iiij 148 ma.xviij 149 ma.xviij

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138 / A Brefe Dialoge Son. I perceave nowe that for this intent Paul150 openly did excommunicate hym which amonge the Corrinthians kepte his mother elawe. Fa. He which openly synneth/ openly ought to be corrected. Ye and yf he will not mekly soffre their correccion/ before all men to be declared as an infect shepe and rotten member/ with this coursse worthy to be cutt from the boddy of christen men. after that (as longe as he continueth in his maliciousnes) never to eate of the lordes bred/ nor yett to drinke of his cuppe with the congregacion. Notwithstondinge where as he shulde nede ayde or socoure/ in eny thinge concerninge neghbourhode/ we are bounde by the commaundement of charite to do oure best for hym. and by all meanes possible to seke howe to wynne hym agayne. So. Christen men [E4r] then of duty are bownde to warne and admonisshe one another/ and to flye theym whiche are sclaunderous vnto the name of Christ/ as farre forth as they know it/ and thinke it for the amendment of hym which is faulen. But nowe I wolde thou declaredst to me/ what profite these outwarde signes/ which menne call sacramentall/ bringe to the congregacion/ seing that it only consisteth in Christ/ and is fre from all outwarde elementes of this worlde. Fa. Christen men vse theym as they are in dede/ for tokens of spretuall thynges/ and that to forther dedes of love and charite bitwene theym selves/ and vnto all men. And be cause they knowe that they live only by faythe/ they fyrst vse the signe or token there of/ that is to saye baptem/ for the augmentacion and encreace ther of. As thus. Loke even as one which of a gret manne is receaved vnto his service/ as yet is not knowne nor declared vnto wother of that mans housholde to be one of their company or felisshippe till that he have on his badge or liverey. Even so though that a man be of the sed of abraam/ and housse of Israel/ borne of christen father an mother/ yet is he not manifestly declared to be of Christis housse and congregacion till that he openly be clothed with the garment

150 j.Cor.v

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139 / A Brefe Dialoge of baptem/ which is nothynge but [E4v] a signe or token declarynge hym to be of christis flocke and nombre/ makynge hym before god/ nether better nor worsse. but betokeneth the baptem of Christ/ which in the sprete and fyre purifieth mans conscience from synne/ and geveth trewe rightousnes to as many as thorowe this baptem exteriall have put on the lorde lesus Christ spretually. For it is the maner of wholy scripture commenly to take signes and figures for thynges by theym represented, as the baptem of water/ for Christis baptem. And therfore Paul151 nameth it a bathe of the newe byrth/ and a puttynge on of Christ. Son. What are they which shulde be baptised? Fa. All they whome by the rule of charite (which beleveth and hopeth all thynges vntill that the contrary manyfestly apere) we maye suppose to partayne vnto the promeses of the lorde. For whomsoever god accordynge to the porpose of his eleccion witteth safe to ascrybe vnto the flocke of his electe/ hym ought we with this signe of baptem to knowledge for oure brother/ and felowe of one vocacion. So. But howe canne manne knowe whether he be electe of god or no? Fa. Surely by the frutes 152 of his herte. and specialli yf they be grownded in brotherly love and charite/as Chr= [E5r] ist sayth hym silfe in the.xiij.c.of.S.Ihon. Sonne. What hoape hast thou then of litell babes/ which nether are able to confesse their belefe/ nor yett to brynge forthe the frutes of love? are they belongynge to this churche/ and pertaynynge to the promes of mercy/ or not? Fa. Loke as Abraams children were not excluded from the comnaunt made bitwene hym and the sed of Israhel/153 no more are oure children/ beynge in dedde the true posterite of Abraham (havynge also vnto theym specially the promeses of mercy promesed) excluded from it. wherfore we beleue154 151 152 153 154

Titum.iij Mat.vij Gen.xvij Rom.ix

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140/ABrefeDialoge theym to be members of Christis body/ vntil that they come to age and shewe the contrary in their livynge. and declare by the workes of dercknes155 theym selfes to flye/ and to hate the lyght. For this cause Christ wolde and commaunded children to be brought vnto hym/ blyssed theym/ and sayde/ vnto soche belongeth the kyngdom of heven. Oure baptem is no better then Christis blissynge. For as moche then as Christ declared theim (thus doynge) to be parte takers of his fathers promes/ we also ought to hoape that the kyngdom of heven belongeth vnto theym. Wherfore we receave theym vnto the congregacion of Christis churche with this out= [E5v] warde token of baptem. Lyke as our forfathers 156 did their children with their circumcision in the lawe. So. I wolde gladly heare one precepte or commaundment geven in scripture/ that we shulde baptyse theym/ as the lawe compelleth to circumcyse mens children the eyght daye of their birthe.157 Fa. We have nowe obtayned the daye sprynge/ delivered by christ oute of the cloude158 (wherin they wandred blynfolded with the vayle of the lawe and ceremonies) and walke in the cleare lyght of the newe lawe/ that is to saye the bonde of love/ which is in the herte/ and consisteth in none outwarde ceremony, wherfore we have no nother commaundement geven vnto vs/ savynge alonly this which directeth every member of Christis boddy in this congregacion to do all thynges to the honoure of god for the well and proffet of oure neghboure/ and that wyth a goode mynde/ and a fervent love, where as our fore fathers did all thynges by constraynte and greveous compulsion vnder a shaddowe. For the commaundment of love sett a syde/159 all thynges are fre for vs/ and we bownde vnto nothynge. Sonne. Why/ doth not the lorde commaynde baptem/ when he 155 156 157 158 159

loan.j Exo.xiij Ex.xxij j.Cor.x j.Cor.x

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141 / A Brefe Dialoge sayth Go and teache160 all nacions baptisynge theym in the na= [E6r] me of the father/ and the sonne/ and the holy gooste? Father. Yf thou well vnderstonde what before is rehearsed/ thou shalt evidently se by this texte/ after what manner he taught his disciples to bringe theym which laye in darckenes into the light of trueth. and after they once hadde knowledge there of/ by this baptem to admitt theym vnto the company of Christis housholde/ and so openly declare theym to be losed/ from the bondes of dercknes/ and to be grafted in the light of the gospell of god. Wherfore they after this161 maner toke the gentyles for Israel as wele as the lewes. Therfore he nether here with forbod/ nor yet commaunded baptem. but with feawe wordes declared/ howe they shulde begynne to preache the worde of god amonge the hethen. Son. I se well then that this is the maner whiche Christ wolde that his disciples/ and all wother shulde have where as they declare the glad tydynges of Christis bloudde. For no manne wolde soffre hym silfe and his children to be baptised in Christis name/ excepte he fyrst wist what Christ were. Wherfore preachynge necessarily muste precede. But what sayst thou vnto oure baptem/ which of so longe a season hathe bene kepte after one fassion/ and [E6v] maner? Fa. Many thynges in the begynnynge of Christis churche were vsed and obserued/ whiche we are nothynge bownde to kepe/ as pertaynynge to outwarde thynges/ which we ought to committ vnto the arbitrement of charite/ which iudgeth and commaundeth not only thynges necessary to be done/ but also ordeneth a tyme wherin all thynges to oure neghbours comforte shulde be other obserued or els ministred.162 which wother wyse cannot bynde vs. So. What provayleth baptem vnto babes? Fa. It bryngeth to our remembraunce the promeses of the grett goodnes and mercy of god. wherby he declareth him silfe to be oure mercifull father. And for this cause are the children 160 Mat. ul. 161 Rom.ix 162 j.Cor.x

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142/ABrefeDialoge committed vnto their elders/ and churche. whiche are bownde to norisshe and brynge theym vp/ as membres consecrate only vnto the glory of god. wherby the children shall have grett occasion to live honestly and in the feare of god/ and elders obedience. For once perceavynge theym selves through the tender mercy of Christ to be pulde out of the wilde olyve tre/163 and to be graft in the naturall olyve tre/ they shall a gret deale the feruenter endever theym selves every where to brynge forthe frute acceptable to [E/r] god/ and pleasaunt to manne. and mekliar heare their elders admonisshment/ and correccion/ when they saye/ dere chylde thou arte christened/ and offered vp vnto the lorde/ remember therfore that thou arte accompted of the nombre of goddis chosen, wherfore se that thou leade a godly lyfe. Thus and thus oughtest thou to do. And this or this to flye. But yf he offende/ and after soche warnynge and admonisshment there folowe none amendment, then ought he to be separate and excluded/164 by the lordis last sopper from the boddy of christis churche. So. Divers there are which saye that the baptem of yonge babes is very noyous/ and an occasion to many/ evill to live. Fa. Do what thou canst/ yet shalt thou never be able to satisfye soche people. Though we deferre the baptem of a childe vntill he come to age of discresion (as they will have) yet is he never the better. For he beynge then never so roted in vnbelefe/ maye for a season dissemble a fayned belefe/ and vnder soche a pretence/ he beynge an infecte wedder/ cople him silfe among the pure flocke of Christis shepe/ to their gret hyndraunce and trouble. For it shulde be laufull for no manne to denye baptem to eny persone/ howe wicked so ev= [E/V] er he were/ yf he once with tonge name hyme silfe a Christen manne. So. Is not this to take the name of god in vayne/ when the baptiser sayeth/ I baptyse the in the name etc.? Fath. No. But he taketh the name of god in vayne which

163 Rom.xj 164 ma.xviij

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143/ABrefeDialoge wyttingly doth baptyse one/ home he knoweth shall so wikedly live/ that by the meanes of his mischevous lyfe/ the name of god cannot but be evill spoken of. But when it is vnknowne vnto vs whether he be a shepe or a goate/ whome by baptem we receave into the congregacion/ accordynge to charite/ we ever ought to hope of the better. As Peter did/165 when he baptised Simon the sorcerer/ by whome afterwarde the name of god was gretly blamed. We lyke wyse offende not in admittynge soche vnto vs vnknowyngly and thorowe love/ whyls they are yet yonge/ for we knowe not what goddes will and pleasure is to do with theym. but acordynge to the ensample of Christ must hoape well of theym/ and iudge theym heyres of the promesed kyngdom. Which thynge we witnes with cure outwarde baptem. Neverthelesse when they com to discrecion/ and shewe the contrary in their dedes/ we ought nothynge to ponder this exteriall baptem/ but to exclude theym oute of oure com [E8r] pany/ accordynge to Christis doctryne.166 Though the churche of god shall never vnto the daye of the lorde be withouten faulce dissemblers and hipocrites/ yett shall abhominable and manifest synners be expulsed there oute. which thynge cannot be/ excepte before they were admitted there vnto for rightous. Sonne. Compendiously of this mater I praye the tell me the effect. Fa. I knowe well that a manne ought to iudge and to hoape the best of every manne/167 till the contrary playnly apere. and therfore ought we to beleve that Christen mens children are belongynge vnto the bonde of mercy. Even as were Abraams chyldren.168 Nowe then seynge that baptem is nothynge but a begynnynge/ or renewinge into the company of christen men (which is fre/ from all outwarde ceremonies) we ought to deale with theym this token of oure fellisshippe. for as moche as oure lorde called theym vnto hym/ layde his hondes on 165 166 167 168

Act.viij j.Cor.v j.Cor.xiij Gen.xvij

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144 / A Brefe Dialoge theym/ blest/ and sayde to theym/ the kyngdom of heven belongeth vnto soche. So. Herby then will I a byde/ that manne consecrateth faythfull mens children vnto god/ be they never so yonge/ by baptem. Wherby the company of christis congregacion is augmented/ receavynge continually newe mem= [fi8v] bres in one body/ wherof Christ is hed. Fa. Ye but marke the chefe poynt. whiche is that the spretuall birthe/ and death of the flesshe remayne in the. which are signified in this baptem. Remember that thou arte the chylde of god/ and that thy angell beholdeth the face of god continually/ that thou never shuldest offende thy neghboure/ but as farre as thou canst and mayst to further and healpe theym/ puttynge theym also in remembraunce of their spretuall baptem/ betokened by this outwarde signe. To geve the lykwyse forther informacion/ Christen men vse the lordis last supper/ for the renewynge of their belefe.169 and to testify theyr goode mynde and meke herte through love towardes their neghbours. For the eatynge of the lordis bred/ and drynkynge of his cuppe/ refressheth their belefe in Christ/ and declareth a fervent love which we shulde have vnto theym of the housse of god/ wherwith we are knet as members of one body to gether. For we thyncke/ beleve/ and saye/ Swete lorde/ we thanke the that thou hast offered vppe on the crosse thy boddy/ and bloudde/ for oure redempcion. which thynge/ gode lorde/ as thou commaundest/ we here with bred and wyne afferme and tstify to be done in dede for [rlr] the remission of oure synnes. And thus spretually eate we thy boddy/ and dryncke thy bloudde. Which comfortable and very necessary remembraunce/ renewed with the worde of god/ by bred and wyne/ is the foode of oure soules vnto lyfe everlastynge/ wherby we are strengthed/ and made apte vnto all goodnes. So. Why/ strengthe then the sacrementes the consciences of menne? Fa. Not of theym selves, but the remembraunce whiche

169 j.Cor.xij

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145 / A Brefe Dialoge commenth by theym/ through the holy gost refressheth/ strengtheth/ and stablissheth in vs belefe and also love. For in breakynge of bred to gether we knowledge oure selves170 to be members of Christ with as many as love hyme/ and offer our selves all ways in one hope to the healpe and comforte of oure brethren/ as one bred and one body. And because the Corrinthians vsed this thynge after an vnright maner/ Paul did reprehende theym. 171 For when they shulde have renewed the bonde made with Christ and their brethren/ they had theyr seuerall bankettes over cloyinge theym selves with meate an dryncke/ where as their povre brethren for nede soffered grett honger and penury. So. After what maner shulde a manne then worthely ordre hym there vnto? Fa. Paul did [F!V] biddeth hyme examen hym silfe/ searchynge and gropynge in his owne conscience/ and herte/ whether he doute/ or stedfastly beleve/ that the lorde also for him hath offered vppe his body and bloudde. and that therby he is become with all christen men/ a member of his body/ theym to serve and obey, and to despyse nor hate no manne. And where as he feleth this belefe or love to be feble or fainte/ stedfastly to call vnto god for ayde/ strengthe and socoure/ throughe his hed Christ. So. Is he then worthy of the lordis bred? Fat. Ye/ for he desyreth to be knet vnto Christ and his members with all love and service. He knoweth surely/ and thanketh the lorde for the offerynge vppe of his body and bloudde on the crosse to god his father almyghty for his sake. 172 For he that indifferently eateth and dryncketh at this meale as he doth at wother/ with outen eny thanckfull remembraunce of Christis death and passion/ for a very trueth he eateth/ and receaveth his owne dampnacion/ be cause he considereth nott wherfore that meale was institute and

170 j.Cor.x 171 j.Cor.xj 172 j.Cor.xj

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146 / A Brefe Dialoge ordened. Nor yet maketh difference bitwene the members of the lordis boddy (there gaddered together in the vnite of love and thanck gevynge) and wother matteriall meate and dryn= [p2r] eke. Manne here ought to have a respecte to the body of Christ/ and to consider howe dere a thinge it is to be by the means of his body and bloud incorporate with hym. And lykwyse with a stedfast belefe shewe the silfe same thinge to his brethren/ which there with one assent (for as moche as they are lyke membres) geve thankes to god their father for the tender mercy and kindnes receved throwe christ their lorde. So. I se well then/ that all that do not this/ are but hipocrites/ and dessemble that thinge in outward fode/ which is not in their herte roted by faythe and love, and so cannot but bothe despyse their brethren/ and sett the pryce of Christis precious bloudde at nought. Fa. It foloweth also dere sonne/ that to remember Christis passion/ declare his deathe/ and to examen his owne conscience/ whether he (as is be fore sayde) worthely eate and drincke at this meale/ with due difference makinge of christis body or not/ is a spretuall memory howe that in Christ we all are one body. And that only by the redempcion/ satisfaccion/ and sanctifyinge/ geven to vs through the aspercion of his most precious bloudde we are iustifyed173 and not by oure goode dedes/ merittes/ or deservinges.174 For this cause was this last mele ordened by the lord/ as apereth in the gospell of.S.Ihon. and [p2v] in Paulis pistle to the Corrinthians.175 which from the begynnynge to the ende fownde no thynge but fayth and thankes gevynge to the lorde/ and love to oure brethren. And therfore ought we none wotherwyse to vnderstonde theym. Wherfore with theym that despyse this Christis remembraunce/ and persever in the worckes of darcknes (as are/ dronckardes/ whor mongers/ and soche wother/ descrybed in the fyrst chapter of the fyrst pistle

173 Rom.iij 174 Gal.ij 175 j.Cor.x xj.xij

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147/ A Brefe Dialoge to the Corrinthians/ and in the fyft of the Ephesians) loke thowe in no wyse kepe company, and that thou breake not the lordis bred with theym. But at all times se thou fervently in Christis name desyre of god thy father to grownde the in trewe love and perfett belefe. and to graunt the/ the trewe vnderstondynge of his godly worde and will. For the kyngdom of god stondeth nether in outwarde thynges/ nor in transitory wordes but only in the power of god. Though thou never so gretly beleve/ excepte it live in thy hert/ it is before god of none effecte. Further to precede in oure fyrst purpose/ an holy company of sayntes. Son. What is that to saye. Fa. Here with I knowledge as many as are parte takers with vs of this exteriall baptem/ and Christis super (yf they with pu [p3r] re fay the and charite declare theym selves as members of Christis body) to be saintes/ and amonge theym selves to have all thynges commen. Son. What are they which are not of this commenalte?176 Fa. As many as come not therinto throwe Christ, as are all lewes/ hethen/ heretykes/ and open synners/ which ymagen another maner of belefe and livinge after their owne fantasy. Whom we diligently ought to flye as authours/ and bryngers vppe of sectes/ and inventours of newe learnynges/ and gevers more occasion vnto stryfe/ then to mayntayne peace and vnite. Wherfore we ought more to embrace thynges grownded in scripture/ and aproved by the company of sainctes/ then presumpteously to geve credence/ or to approve eny strawnge/ or newe fangled learnyng. And for this purpose shulde none of Christis congregacion be agreved to bestowe the gestes geven vnto theym for the welth and profit of their even christen.177 For loke as one member of the body is ayde and healpe vnto the whoale/ even so ought cache one of vs to be vnto oure brethren. It shulde also be no more discomfort/ nor tedious vnto vs to se oure weake members (that is to saye vnstable

176 loan.x 177 j.Cor.xij

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148/ABrefeDialoge brethren) then the excellent/ endewed with [p3v] the nobeler gyftes/ for the welthe of the hole body.178 but with compassion rather soffer with theym/ and healpe to beare their burthens, and not (lift vp in cure owne mynde) preferre oure selves/ and iudge wother. but remember that we all are one in Christ lesu. And that we live not for oure selves/ but for the welth and comforte of oure brethren/179 by that meanes to wynne many vnto Christ. Marcke this poynt well deare chylde. For hence spryngeth/ that all prayer/ and goode worcke/ of hole Christendom/ commeth to the ayde/ socoure/ and comforte of cache one of Christis members. And therfore do they agaynst the hole company of saynctes/ which sell their goode workes/ make fraternitees/ and founde channtreis or perpetuiteis/ for theym selves/ or their frendes. Sonne. Why sayest thowe I beleve the remission of synnes? Fa. These wordes declare that we whiche are pertaynynge vnto this holy company/ through belefe obtayne remission of those synnes which we dayly committ through fraylnes of oure flesshe. So. Wherfore serveth then the Popes perdons? Fa. For payne procured and deserved for synne. Which god requyreth of vs after he hath foryeven oure synnes. So. Why/ doth god reserve eny soche pay= [p4r] ne vnto hyme. Fa. Oure newe goddes saye so. But yet is it contrary. God chastenneth his with many tribulacions/180 and divers manners of affliccions/181 to make theym knowe theym selves, and so to exercyse theym selves in meknes. Which thynges nether lye in mannes will nor power/ other to admit/ or els to eschewe. Wherefore the Popes pardons and remissions/ stonde to non effecte savynge only to brynge menne into a waverynge belefe/and vaine hope, and so to dense mens purses/ and to drynke vp their sower swett and labours. 178 179 180 181

Rom.ij Rom.xij j.Co.xij Eph.iiij Heb.xij ma.xxij

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149 / A Brefe Dialoge Son. What is then master parsons momblynge/ when he waggeth his honde over cure heddes/ makinge vs beleve to be clensed from oure synnes/ through his murmuracion/ which he calleth absolucion? Fa. Nothinge but a crafte to picke mens purses with all. For as longe as the Pops foundlinges/ grownde theim selves/ and cause wother to hange on mens invencions and tradicions/ howe canne they vnto wother open the kyngdom of godde/ when they theym selves are not able to entre therin? Yf they were Christen men/ they wolde confesse the worde/ and frute of Christis crosse only. Wherby (godde workynge inwardly with belefe) the povre soules which are bownde [r4v] with the bondes of death/ and hell/ myght be losed and made fre vnto the kyngdom of heven. For as longe as god clenseth theym not with the belefe of the lambes bloudde shed for theym/ synne remayneth/ and they continewe in bondage. As many therfore as preache foryevenes of synnes thorowe the vertue of the wordes/ are but deceavers. for it commeth by the power of the holy goost/ which powreth belefe into oure hertes.182 Son. I se well then/ thou settest nothynge by confession? Fa. Not by the confession nowe a dayes vsed. For simple people therby are so blynded that they suppose a feawe babblynge wordes to have vertue forto pourge their synnes. and that by confession and workes there vnto pertaynynge/ they obtayne/ mercy/ grace and foryevenes. Which thinges consist in no transitory worke/ but in the tender mercy of god graunted thorowe Christis bloudde only. Son. I durst not affirme this sayinge/ seynge that wholy scripture so often maketh mencion of it. Fath. It maketh no mencion of eny eare tale/ which men call confession, but of wother maner confessions both necessary and also proffitable. Son. What are they? Fa. Fyrst we confesse oure selves before god almyghty/ knowledgynge [p5r] oure offence/ misdede/ and synne/ sayinge

182 loan.x

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150/ABrefeDialoge from the bottom of oure hert with the prophet Dauid/183 I will confesse my transgressions to the lorde. Ye and thou hast foryeven me the iniquite of my synne. Secondaryly we confesse vs/ when we reconcile oure selves vnto oure brethren when they have eny thynge agaynst vs. as apereth by oure saveours sayinge in the.v.chap.of.S.Mathewe. When thou offerest thy gyft at the aulter etc. He thridly maketh a proffitable confession/ which mekely heareth hym that charitably reprehendeth his default/ and thereafter enforseth hym silfe to amendment.184 for yf he dyd not perceave hym silfe to have erred/ he wolde in no wyse abyde the reprehencion of his brother. Fourthly/ every christen manne ought to knowledge hym silfe a synner before all wother/ and so desyre their prayer/ as apereth in the v.chap.of.S.lames pistle. The sprete of god driveth every trewe belever to this confession. Even as the sprete of erroure dryveth nowe a dayes blynde people vnto this papisticall eare tale. Which is not only agaynst Christ/ but also agaynst all godly scripture/ the ordinacion of oure redempcion/ fredom of goddis electe/ and chosen. Which all depend singulerly in belefe/ and not in [rSv] workes. as shall apere at the daye of iudgment. So. Why shall all menne aryse then agayne in the fleshhe. Fa. They which departe hence in the lorde/ rest in belefe (called Abraams lappe) with all wother creatures abydynge that daye/ wherin their bodyes shal be losed.185 For then shall the glory of godde/ so longe wayted forre/ manyfestly be declared in vs. and all creatures delyvered from the bondage of corrupcion/ and apere afresshe as they were before.186 Also whatsoever in vs at that tyme remayneth vnporged/ shall by deathe be swalowed vppe/ and we restored immediatly other to payne/ or els to loye eternall. Wherfore I also beleve everlasting lyfe.

183 184 185 186

Ps.xxxij ma.xviij Ro.viij j.Cor.xv

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151 / A Brefe Dialoge So. What a lyfe is this? Fa. Surly loye withouten end ordened vnto the children of belefe. and deadly torment withouten releace ordened for the vessels of wrath/ and children of vnbelefe. For loke as they of the housse of Abell/ in this lyfe have thorowe belefe (though the worlde despyse theym) obteyned the fyrste frutes spretually of all inwarde loye and celestiall comforte. Even so have they off the stocke of Cayin here deserved with the workes of vnbelefe/ to be fettered with the fetters off eternall fyre/ whervnto at that daye they shalbe iudged. For the rig= [p6r] htous liveth by his fayth.187 And lyke wyse the vnrightous dieth thorowe his vnbelef. Wheroute procede both lyfe and deathe withouten ende. He whiche beleveth/ as yet is not perfet/ for as moche as he yet is in thrauldom and bondage/ by the reason of the flesshe/ vnto synne/ and vnto deathe/ where as then he shall be delivered from theym bothe/ and in god live for evermoare. As Christ sayeth in the gospell of.S.Ihon.188 He that liveth/ and beleveth in me/ shall never deye. Agayne.189 He that beleveth on hyme shall not be lost/ but have everlastynge lyfe. The vnbelever lyke wyse at that tyme shall receave full deathe with outen ende as there also apereth. Sonne. A christen manne is ordened then/ whether he wake or slepe/ eate or dryncke/ continually to laboure for eternall thynges. Wherfore though they soffer never so gret persecucion/ or affliccion. Ye even deathe/ yet they in dede are assuered they cannot deye.190 But howe maye that be? For the rightous maye dye/ and or he dye faule into incredulite. Fath. Doutles lyfe everlastynge consisteth in the sprete/ and mortificacion of the flesshe. whervnto bodily calamities/ adversites/ and death temporall healpe not a litell. But ye will god never [p6v] soffre them so to erre in thynges of wayght that

187 188 189 190

Abac.) loan.vj loan.iij loan.vj

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152/ABrefeDialoge therby they shulde hence departe in daunger of dampnacion. For he is true and knoweth his/191 whome he so clenseth here/ by death temporall/ that they herafter wayte with outen spot (clothed in whyte vesteurs) for hym that shall geve an answer for theym/ and admit theym to their eternall inheritaunce. So. Where is purgatory then? Fa. Truly in the graunges/ cellers/ and porses of oure anoynted and shorne company/ heaped vp and fulfilled vnder a coloure of this purgatory. Which thynge in no wyse canne stonde with fayth. Wherfore he that beleveth that there is an everlastynge life/ admitteth no purgatory. For he whiche hence departeth/ withouten delaye entreth into lyfe/ or els in to death endles.192 So. Ye but oure Doctours/ preachers/ and teachers/ saye that purgatory is the waye to everlastynge lyfe. Fa. Menne maye lye.193 Therfore geve thou credence to hym that deceaveth no manne. Which sayeth. I am the waye/ the trueth/ and lyfe.194 So. Yet must we fyrst make satisfaccion for oure synnes or we canne come to hym. Fa. Christ is for vs satisfaccion and redempcion sufficient.195 Whiche for the synne of all the worlde/ gave and offered hym silfe/ doin [p/r] ge that all the worlde was not able to do. for he only had power to open the boke claspes.196 So. They saye that Paule affermeth purgatory/ where as he sayeth/ some bylde on Christ/ wodde/ hay/ stoble etc. But every mans197 worcke shalbe made manifest in the daye of the lorde. and that through fyre he shall soffre losse. but he hym silfe shall be saved/ even as through fyre. On this texte grownde they their purgatory. Fa. Paul speaketh here nothynge of eny state of the wother 191 192 193 194 195 196 197

ij.Ti.ij loan.vj Rom.iij lo.xiiij j.Cor.j Apoc.v j.Cor.iij

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153 / A Brefe Dialoge worlde. but of the doctryne of lyfe/ which is fownded on the trewe foundacion Christ. Which yf with outen the worde of god/ by the counsell or decre of manne be bilt vp/ doutlesse in the tyme of aduersite and death/ through the fyre of temptacion/ shall soffre losse/ yet the bilder hyme silfe shalbe saved/ because his grounde and fowndacion is Christ. Wherfore clensed by this fyre/ he shalbe repayred agayne on his stedfast foundacion Christ. Which thynge belongeth to no purgatory. Wherby thou mayst se howe vndiscretly they pervert this sayinge of Paul. And not only this, but lykwyse many wother similitudes and parables, as is that of the last farthynge. and soche lyke.198 which ought none wotherwyse to be interpreted/ then after [F/V] the lordis intent/ and speakynge. So. Whye ioynest thou att the last ende/ this worde/ Amen? Fat. Because it is a confirmacion of all that before is rehearced. With the which I hartely and in a stedfast belefe/ desyre vnto all Christis chosen lyfe with outen ende. Amen. Son. This withouten fayle is a perfett waye and belefe/ which thou hast shewed vnto me. Wherfore dere father/ the better to come here vnto/1 gladly somwhat wolde by the have informacion howe and after what maner I shulde begynne to institute and ordre my life, seynge I am as yet yonge/ and nowe through thy frutfull instruccion brought out of grett dercknes/ into a clere light of my conscience. Fa. It is vnpossible for eny mortall manne to descrybe that thynge so well to the/ as the sprete of god (of whom yf thou once taste) inwardly shall inspyre and teache the. But after what wyse/1 in my youthe behaved my silfe/ and yet continewe/ geve ear/ and I shall shewe the. At myne vprysynge in the mornynge/ I consyder before what I ought to do/ and to eschewe. Wherof I have a speciall learninge by the continuall meditacion of goddis tenne commaundementes. wherin (as in a myroure most pure and clene) I behold what a christenne mans [p8r] livynge shulde be. and agaynst which

198 Mat.v

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154/ABrefeDialoge of theym I have most offended. For the diligentlier I thus do/ a gret deale the more evidently perceave I myne vnabilite/ other to accomplisshe tho thynges which the lord hath commanunded vnto me/ or els to fly those thinges which he hath forbodden me. seyinge clerli that the nature of my flesshe is clene contrary to god and his will. So. This knowledge of thy silfe doutlesse is very necessary, but tell me/ is thy conscience herby satisfied/ and at rest? Fa. Rather brought into gret vnquietnes/ and sorowe. Ye almost dryven into desperacion. And therfore I seke199 all the wayes possible/ howe I myght do tho thynges which fayth (wherof hidderto we have spoken) requyreth of me/ yf I will come to quyetnes of conscience. Which faythe through Christ sendeth me to god my mercifull father. Wheare as these thynges only are to be fownde abowndantly. Son. Informe me after what maner sekest thou theym? Fath. Trewely with fervent prayer and supplicacion/ often renewed. So. Let me heare this prayer also. And after what maner thou therin behavest thy silfe. Fa. In thought and desyre/ as one which deply lyeth wrapped in payne and anguisshe/ I only set hoape [p8v] and comforte in one god/ and to hyme crye and call/ as vnto my tender father, besechynge hyme to encreace his glory in me. and to make me soche a one as he wolde I shulde be. and to foryeve my synnes bidder to committed/ and preserve me frome theym to come. I praye agaynst non aduersities nor tribulacions. So. Hath not the lorde tought vs a speciall prayer/ sayinge thus shall ye praye.200 Oure father which arte in heven etc? Fath. The lorde doth not constrayne vs to saye these wordes. But by theym he declareth vnto vs/ of what mynde and herte we ought to be when we praye. And not that we shulde thyncke that the excellency/ or vertue of prayer shulde consist in the whisperynge of a feawe wordes. But whenne I here or

199 Rom.iij 200 Mat.vj

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155 / A Brefe Dialoge saye theym/ I remember/ and am warned/ what the vowes and desyres of my herte shulde be wherby once come to my silfe/ I lett the wordes alone. Ye often tymes when I have sayde the fyrst/ or second worde. For when I once begynne to faule into meditacion/ I by and by forgett all vocall wordes. Son. What is then thyne hertes desyre and affeccion in these wordes? Fa. When I saye. Oure father which arte in heven/ I conceave by a certayne imaginacion and hoape [clr] full of all comforte and consolacion/ that he is oure mercifull lorde and father, and that he will have vs for his children/ and inheretours of hevenly thynges. wheare as he is/ havynge power/ and myght above all boddyly and carnall fathers withouten compareson. Wherfore I saye also/ halowed be thy name, and that above all creatours/ which are in heven/ on erth/ and vnder erthe. as of god/ most full of myght. By whose wisdom all that made is/ was created/ through whose mercy the lost were repayred/ and with whose love/ their beynge/ livynge/ and continewynge/ is and persever. Whom after this maner I every where/ and at all tymes/ honowre and knowledge/ for a gracious lorde/ and a mercifull father/ not to me alone. But to as many as with me crye and call to hym with me sayinge/ Thy kyngdom come to vs. that he through his sprete/ and the merites of his sonne Christ/ overcome in oure hertes (which is his temple) the tyranny of the devill/ expell antichrist his debite/ with all his lawes and tradicions/ and through his gospell therin he only witsafe to rule and governe/ that we evermore with mynde/ thought/ and herte ioye/ maye saye/ Thy will be fulfilled/ as it is in heven/ even so on erth. Which is as moche to saye/ that his godly will [civ] with outen lett or impediment/ have his course and worcke/ in vs/ as it hathe in hevenly creatures. And so to brydle oure flesshe/ that it knowledge hym lorde/ governor/ and ruler of it above all creatours. So. All that thou hidderto hast prayde/ after my capacite/ are but one thinge. Fat. Trueth it is. For with these forsayde thre poyntes/ we only praye that the glory and kyngdome of god/ maye so in vs be declared/ that therby his name specially maye be lauded/

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156/ABrefeDialoge praysed/ and glorifyed. and then mekly I lyfte vp my herte and saye/ Oure dayly bred geve vs this daye. desiringe but that which only is necessary for the sustentacion of my body, confessynge also here by/ that temporall goodes are gyftes of his mercy/ and necessary for vs. Then saye I both with herte and mynde. Forgeve vs oure trepases/ even as we forgeve theym which trespas vs. Because we are vnable to make recompence for oure dayly transgression/ I desyre also of god through his only mercy/ foryevenes. Which maye no manne obtayne excepte he before/ with all meknes and myldnes of herte forgeve every manne their offences done against hym. and with the same herte desyre god allmyghty/ as he forgeveth wother to for yeve hym his trepases. For so done forthwith [c2r] I desyre hym/ that he leade vs not into temptacion/ but deliver vs from evill Amen, for as moche as we are with out ceasynge vexed/ troubled/ and tempted of Sathan/ and his membres here in this lyfe/ we praye the lorde to deliver vs from the devill. That he with his crafty and manyfolde delusions/ withdrawe vs not frome god/ and make vs by inpacience rebelleous to his will and commaundment. So. Thinkest thou on all these thinges as often as thou prayest? Fa. Naye/ but in generall. for I desyre of hyme/ to live accordinge to his purpose and will, and that he impute not my synne to me/ but healpe/ preserve/ and defende me/ as a kynde and a tender father doeth his chylde. And when I have thus prayd (accordinge to the will and minde of theym vnder whome I am) I prepare me with all diligence other to my studdy or to laboure. So. What arte thou acustumed to do or ever thou go to meate. Fa. Well assuered that we frely maye eate of all meates withouten scruple or offence (as above is sayde) I thancke god almygty after the maner that here foloweth sayinge. Lorde god most mercifull/ and father full of all pete/ whose goodnes/ and ryches continewe withouten ende/ which norisshest/ and fedest all that life in it hath/ we thancke the [c2v] for this meate/ halowed by thy godly worde which abundantly thou gevest vnto vs. Wherfore we beseche the/ that thou also wilt

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157/ABrefeDialoge witsafe with the livinge bred of thy hevenly worde (which doth precede out of thy godly mouthe) above all thynges to fede oure soules/ that we hence forth maye continewe withouten ende in the life of thy grace Amen. Which thinge done/1 eate and dryncke as though I were before the lordis sight (which seith every where) soberly. And when I have taken my refressynge necessary/1 thanke hyme sayinge. For as moche goode lorde and father/ as thou hast shapen vs/ and dayly fedest vs/ to the intent that thy glory throughe vs shulde be increaced and forthered/ graunt vs this daye and evermore/ so to live/ that oure lyfe maye be conformable to thy will/ and for the continewall lawde and prayse of thy name, and a light for the wealth and edificacion of my neghbours. And so with outen slackynge to amende oure lives that with a meker sprete and milder mode hence forth we maye have oure conuersacion amonge all men. And so by pacience to be made stronge in all aduersite/ only trustynge in the oure lorde/ and mercifull father through Christis merittes Amen. So. Wherin passest thou the residue of thy tyme? Fa. When [c3r] I was of thyne age I went to scole/ and with all diligence studied. So. whenn? Fa. Yt is gretly to be pondered what a manne begynneth in his youeth to learne/ and that because he cannot lyghtly forgett it when he commeth to age. Wherfore I specially rede the newe testament in englishhe. And at some voyd tyme the storys written by Titus Liuius. And when I rede theym. I remember that I am a christiane offered vppe to god/ and therfore rede I theym with feare. seynge that/ that matter shulde be to me most pleasaunt/ and comfortable/ which clearly sheweth me the waye to god. Yet at some tyme labouringe I maye rede/ or heare soche wother treateses/ as teache me to knowe the waies of the wicked/ and vngodly deceytes of the worlde/ craftynes/ and delusions of the devill and his servauntes. Soche workes also/ as shewe and teache howe a manne ought to behave hyme silfe in the lawes and institutes of his temporall lordes and heddes. Wherby he myght (yf nede requyre) be made the apter/ to the administracion/ and service

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158/ABrefeDialoge of the commen well. For doutles there is no christen manne/ but he shall (havynge his wit and vnderstondynge quickened by the redinge of theym) sone perceave that fayth and charite/ are bothe goode and profittable. and all wo [c3v] ther thynges but vayne and transitory/ and full of pareles. And wheare as the knowledge off a perfett belefe/ and a moderate redynge off these worldely storyes are to gether/ doutlesse there is the reders minde more and more withdrawne from the worlde. Yet ought a christiane diligently exercyse hyme silfe in redinge of scripture, whervnto tonges/ as hebrewe/ greke/ and laten healpe not alitell/ specially for the vnderstondynge of the profounde misteries of god. So. Howe were it possible for me to learne so many tonges? Latten shalbe sufficient for me. For as I suppose thou wilt not anoynt me prest? Fa. Thou mayst in maner with one laboure learne as moche greke and hebrewe with thy laten/ as shall suffyse. For one tonge healpeth/ and garnesseth another. Insomoche that by theym a manne sone maye come to the trewe meanynge and intent off the authoure. and obtayne a profownde iudgement in all thynges. And though thou learne godly tonges/ yet mayst thou remayne and be a temporall manne. and continewe wholy offered vppe vnto god. and therfore wottest thou not what the lorde will make of the. Yf he call the to preache his worde/ or to serve the commenalte/ or to eny wother office or occupacion/ that shalt thou the beter do with all me [c4r] knes and love. So. With goddes healpe deare father I will endever my silfe to folowe thyne informacion and counsell. for nowe I well perceave that I shulde in all thinges ordre and purpose my lyfe/ vnto the honoure and lawde of god/ and welth of my neghboure. Fat. Go to then for a conclusion. Remember that thou arte bownde to obeye thyne elders as god hym silfe. And therfore breake thyne owne will, stonde not in thyne owne consayte. repute all menne better/ and wyser then thou art. Prayse not thy silfe. Yf wother commende the laude thou god/ that in the he hath wrought sone thinge worthy of prayse. Be frendly/ and

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159/ A Brefe Dialoge serviable towardes all menne. Have feawe wordes. Or thou speake/ consyder whether it be trewe/ and proffytable or not. Leave the worst/ and saye the best. Reioyce wheare as thou seist eny thynge done with goodenes and honest. Where thou perceavest the contrary be ashamed. Be peasable and make peace wheare thou canst. Desyre no wreke/ but committ all vengeaunce to god. Folowe thyne elders counsell. and as many as are lovers of honeste. Here godes worde gladly and with diligence. And vtterly commit thy silfe to Christ/ which for thy sake soffered deathe on the crosse. For yf thou do not/ thou shalt withoute [c4v] doute/ with an harde iudgement be condempned. Specially flye evill company/ and geve none eare to soche as commen fylthely/ vnhonestly/ or supersticiosly. And all wother thynges necessary for thy wealth/ doutlesse thou shalt learne of god thy father allmyghty. Which hath chosen the to lyfe everlastynge Amen.

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Commentary

This commentary is designed to gloss difficult readings resulting from the original's use of unfamiliar grammatical structures, unconventional punctuation, or archaic words,- to establish a theological context for the ideas expressed in the text; to provide analogous readings from early English reformation tracts,- and to gloss all Old and New Testament references throughout the text. New Testament citations are from David DanielFs modern-spelling editions of Tyndale's New Testament. Tyndale's page references are supplemented by chapter and verse citations from the King James Bible. Since Tyndale's Old Testament is an incomplete text, I have used the King James version of the Old Testament for the few citations from this source. Because Roye adds so many biblical references to Capito's Latin text, I have given Roye's in full so that readers can determine which are clearly keyed to the text and which are tangential to it. 17 my singuler gode frendes and bretheren in Christ Cf Roye and Barlowe's salutation in Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe (53; 30): 'To his singuler goode frende and brother in Christ.' 21 electe and chosen Words here referring to what Roye sees as Tyndale's divine calling to translate the Bible. But these concepts are used throughout this work to emphasize the doctrine of predestination, a theological position which claims that all things are preordained by God, including the salvation or damnation of humankind. Capito, clearly a disciple of Luther in most matters, follows him closely on the issue of predestination. Although more a critic of the traditional church and not a theologian, Roye is content to leave Capito's references to election in the text unchanged. At times Tyndale seems comfortable with the notion, as, for instance, in The Parable of the Wicked Mammon: 'So now thou seest that life eternal and all good things are promised unto faith and belief; so that he that believeth on

162 / Commentary Christ shall be safe. Christ's blood hath purchased life for us, and hath made us heirs of God; so that heaven cometh by Christ's blood ... Now is the true believer heir of God by Christ's deservings; yea, and in Christ was predestinate, and ordained unto eternal life, before the world began' (PS 1, 65). At other times he seems more ill at ease with the doctrine, as in the defensive posture he adopts in his 'Prologue Upon the Epistle to the Romans: 'But here must a mark be set to those unquiet, busy, and highclimbing spirits, how far they shall go; which first of all bring hither their high reasons and pregnant wits, and begin first from an [sic] high to search the bottomless secrets of God's predestination, whether they be predestinate or not. These must needs either cast themselves down headlong into desperation, or else commit themselves to free chance, careless ... when thou art come to the eighth chapter, and art under the cross and suffering of tribulation, the necessity of predestination will wax sweet, and thou shalt well feel how precious a thing it is' (PS 1, 505). Apart from the tone of this passage, Tyndale's phrase 'the bottomless secrets of God's predestination' might suggest that he is not entirely comfortable with the concept himself. The difficulty of applying this doctrine to significant Protestant authors Spenser, for instance - is made clear in N. Shaheen's important book, Biblical References in 'The Faerie Queene.' Arguing against basing differences between Anglicanism and Puritanism on the notion of predestination with a view to determining Spenser's theology, Shaheen cites the seventeenth article of the Anglican Thirty-Nine Articles to show how Anglicanism itself subscribed to predestination. He also claims that predestination was an orthodox doctrine of the Catholic church since Augustine and Aquinas defended it. Warning the reader to beware of jumping to conclusions about Spenser's Calvinism or Puritanism based on the doctrine of election, he states, '[Predestination is hardly the touchstone by which to determine Spenser's religious persuasions, for the doctrine was held in common by most Christians. The only difference was a matter of emphasis. The doctrine was most rigorously advanced by Geneva and emphasized least by Rome. Most other Christians were somewhere in between, with English Puritans and Anglicans differing only over details. Thus attempts to link Spenser with Puritanism on the basis of statements in his poetry which infer election are inconclusive' (42-3). Another commentator, while not denying that predestination is part of Catholic theology, calls Luther's view of it a 'dismal doctrine' and claims that he badly distorts Augustine's utterances on that subject (Grisar Martin Luther: His Life and Work 303). 21 William Hitchyns le, William Tyndale (1494-1536), England's most renowned early English reformer and translator of the New Testament

163 / Commentary (1526). The most recent biography of Tyndale is by David Daniell (1994), but see also Mozley and Demaus. Roye refers to himself here as Tyndale's 'healpe felowe/ and parte taker of his laboures,' suggesting his involvement in some way in the production of the New Testament. Daniell speculates on the nature of that participation in his biography (142-5). Tyndale has a number of negative things to say about Roye himself in Parable of the Wicked Mammon (PS 1, 37-9), calling him 'crafty' and explaining the part he feels Roye played in the production of the New Testament. Tyndale claims that Roye helped him 'to write ... and to compare the texts together' (38). 21-6 William ... apostels Cf Roye's other translation, An exhortation to the diligent studye of scripture made by Erasmus Roterodamus and translated in to inglissh [ie, Erasmus's Paraclesis], to which is added An exposition in to the seventh chaptre of the first pistle to the Corinthians [ie, a translation of Luther's tract], published 20 June 1529; STC 10493. Translating Erasmus, Roye expresses Erasmus's wish for a vernacular scripture: 'And trulye I do greatly dissent from those men/ whiche wold not that the scripture of Christ be translated in to all tonges/ that it might be reade diligently of the private and seculare men and women ... Para venture it were moste expedient that the councels of kinges shuld be kept secret/ but Christ wold that his councelles and misteries shuld be sprede abrode as moch as is possible. I wold desire that all women shuld reade the gospell and Paules epistles/ and I wold to god they were translated in to the tonges of all men/ So that they might not only be read/ and knowne/ of the scotes and yryshmen/ But also of the Turkes and sarracenes/ ... I wold to god/ the plowman wold singe a texte of the scripture at his plowbeme/ And that the wever at his lowme/ with this wold drive away the tediousnes of tyme. I wold the wayfaringe man with this pastyme wold expelle the werynes of his iorney. And to be shorte I wold that all the communication of the christen shuld be of the scripture/ for in a maner sich are we oure selves/ as oure daylye tales are' (the first gathering of this text is unsigned; this citation appears on folio 6). 26-9 Whiche ... odeous Ie, our labours and study (in translating the New Testament) were especially odious to those who think that they and they alone are apostolic men and spiritual doctors (ie, theologians). Cf An exhortation to the diligent studye of scripture (folios 6-7): 'Why do we applye only to certayne the profession/ which is indifferent and comen to all men? ... Sith other sacramentes are not private/ and to conclude. Sith the rewarde of immortalite partaineth indyfferently vnto all men/ that only the doctrine shuld be banisshed/ from the seculare/ and possessed only of a few whom the comunalte call devines/ or religious parsons.' 30 paulis crosse During Cardinal Thomas Wolsey's chancellorship, Cuth-

164 / Commentary bert Tunstal, bishop of London, burnt William Tyndale's New Testament at Paul's Cross in October 1526. The bishop's monition to his archdeacons reads in part as follows: 'Monicio ad tradendum libros novi testamenti in idiomate vulgare, translates per fratrem Martinum Lutherum et eius ministrum Wilmum Tyndall alias Hochyn et fratrem Willmum Roy' (Sturge Cuthbeit Tunstal 132). Roye and Barlowe refer to this event twice in Rede Me. In addressing the treatise, the author-persona states (58: 50-5): 0 my treatous it is goddes iudgement So to recompence their madde blasphemy Seynge they burned his holy testament Thorowe the prowde cardinals tyranny Agaynst whose hande obstynacy to crye The stones in the streete cannot be dom. Later in the tract the two speakers, leffraye and Watkyn, provide further details about the burning of Tyndale's New Testament (76-7; 707-27): lef. They sett nott by the gospell a flye, Diddest thou not heare what villany, They did vnto the gospell? Wat. Why, did they agaynst hym conspyre? lef. By my trothe they sett hym a fyre, Openly in London cite. Wat. Who caused it so to be done? lef. In sothe the Bisshoppe of London, With the Cardinalles authorite. Which at Paules crosse ernestly, Denounced it to be heresy, That the gospell shuld come to lyght. Callynge theym heretikes excecrable, Which caused the gospell venerable, To come vnto laye mens syght. He declared there in his furiousnes, That he fownde erroures more and les, Above thre thousande in the translacion. Howe be it when all cam to pas, 1 dare saye vnable he was, Of one erroure to make probacion. Rede Me is a hyperbolic text, characterized by exaggeration and by portraits of individuals that approach caricature. In this passage the author's reference to three thousand errors overstates the case. Sturge claims that 'it is clear that Tunstal's opposition was based to a large extent on alleged incor-

165 / Commentary rect renderings, two thousand of which he claimed to have found' (131). See also A proper dyaloge between a Gentillman and an Husbandman (141-2; 659-77): Yf the holy gospell allege we shuld As stronge heretikes take vs they would Vnto their churche disobedient. For why they haue commaunded straytely That none vnder great payne be so hardye To haue in englishe the testament. Which as thou knowest at London The bisshop makinge ther a sermon With shamefull blasphemy was brent. And again (160-1; 1231-9): Whan they brennyd the newe testament They pretendyd a zele very feruent To maynteyne onely goddes honour. Which they sayde with protestacyon Was obscured by translacyon In englysshe/ causynge moche errour. But the trueth playnly to be sayde Thys was the cause why they were a frayde Least laye men shuld knowe theyr iniquite In his 'Preface' to The Five Books of Moses, Tyndale has the following to say about the errors in his translation: 'And as for my translation, in which they affirm unto the lay-people (as I have heard say) to be I wot not how many thousand heresies, so that it cannot be mended or corrected; they have yet taken so great pain to examine it, and to compare it unto that they would fain have it, and to their own imaginations and juggling terms, and to have somewhat to rail at, and under that cloak to blaspheme the truth' (Doctrinal Treatises 393). See also Tyndale in his 'Preface' to The Obedience of a Christian Man, where he argues for a vernacular Bible: 'That thou mayst perceive how that the scriptures ought to be in the mother tongue, and that the reasons which our spirits make for the contrary, are but sophistry and false wiles to fear them from the light, that thou mightest follow them blindfold, and be their captive to honour their ceremonies and to offer to their belly' (Doctrinal Treatises 144). See also Tyndale's A Pathway into the Holy Scripture, passim (Doctrinal Treatises}. An attempt to justify a vernacular Bible and to show its noble ancestry is found in A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman, where the authors append an old treatise, giving precedent for the Bible in the vernacular.

166 / Commentary 30-1 did that was in theym Ie, did all that they could. 32 moste holyest A double superlative, a not uncommon redundancy in the language of the period. 35-7 they ... father Ie, they were not ashamed to diffame falsely those who had long been dead, such as my father. 41-2 saynge ... forthe Those who attack Roye claim that his father was a Jew and claim that a Jew cannot bring forth valuable fruit (ie, Roye himself). 48 The full stop, here and elsewhere throughout this tract, is often used in place of a comma or vergule. Hence, there appear to be numerous sentence fragments in this tract, at least to the modern eye. 51-3 Whose ... scripture A sentence that we would regard as a fragment. 51 cruell tyranny foxye cavillacion is clearer if a comma follows 'tyranny/ 53-6 Insomoche ... lyght Here and at 131-3 Roye mentions his work on the translation of the Old Testament. There is nothing to suggest that anything came of this work. Certainly Daniell sees no connection between it and Tyndale's own translation of parts of the Old Testament (144). And Tyndale perhaps has these statements by Roye in mind when he mentions Rove's translation of A Brefe Dialoge in Prelates: 'he himself translated a dialogue out of Latin into English, in whose prologue he promiseth more a great deal than I fear he will ever pay' (PS 1, 39). 68-71 but... wrytynge Ie, but also because I see where I currently live where this book is used - both young and old practice in their lives those things that this book teaches. The reference is to Strassburg, where both Capito's tract and Roye's translation were published. Capito's tract was published by his nephew, Wolfgang Kopfel (Kittelson 134 note 52). 71-3 Ye ... also CiAn exhortation to the diligent studye of scripture (folio 6): 'Yee the more thou wadest in the tresurs of the science/ the farther thou arte from attayninge her mageste [sic]. To the childer she is lowe and playne/ and to greatter/ she seameth above all capacite.' 72-3 Ye ... also Ie, they won't know these things (contained in this book), with the result that God will not know (acknowledge) them. 78 as are Ie, such things as. 82-4 Paul... worldde 'For Christ sent me not to baptise, but to preach the gospel, not with wisdom of words, lest the cross of Christ should have been made of none effect. For the preaching of the cross is to them that perish foolishness: but unto us which are saved, it is the power of God' (244; 1 Corinthians 1:17-18). 89 Jewell most precious Cf 2 Chronicles 20:25: 'And when Jehoshaphat and his people came to take away the spoil of them, they found among them in

167 / Commentary abundance both riches with the dead bodies, and precious jewels, which they stripped off for themselves, more than they could carry away.' 95 that that le, that which. 104-5 they ... therof le, they discussed it in an orderly fashion. 107 with prayer Roye suggests that the work be read more than once and that prayer be used as a natural supplement to it. Similar advice on how to use catechisms is found in other catechisms of the period; see 'The Catechism in Sixteenth-Century England' in the Introduction to this edition. 109-13 By ... feared le, after reading and studying this work, the people whom the lords and rulers feared will be meek, mild, and obedient to the temporal powers. 114-17 For ... togedder le, The fruit of God's word proves that it is not useless. God's word is replete with charity, a virtue that knits all things, including the commonwealth, together. Cf Colossians 2:1-2: 'I would ye knew what fighting I have for your sakes and for them of Laodicea, and for as many as have not seen my person in the flesh, that their hearts might be comforted and knit together in love' (296). Cf Rede Me (53; 34-9): 'Which thynge (the bonde of charite where with not alonly you and I, but we with the whole nombre of Christes chosen flocke, remaynge amonge oure nacion of englisshe men, are knet together purly for the truthes sake pondered) I coulde do no lesse but fulfill and accomplysshe.' 119-20 in ... together le, since, as in most things, truth emerges through talking together, I have made this treatise in the form of a dialogue. 120 dyaloge A popular form that Roye seemed to like since both his Rede Me and A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman are in dialogue form. 121 he The 'goodde christen man.' 128-30 Ye ... pytt Cf Matthew 15:14: 'If the blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch' (41). 146ff The Son's question about how the Father knows he is a Christian allows the author to introduce the Lutheran notion of man's total dependence on God, which, in turn, develops into the central Lutheran tenet of justification by faith. 147 God forbid els le, God forbid that I should be anything else (but a Christian man). 149-53 Be cause ... death Cf Luther: '[Men] are all sinners making no boast of God; but they must be justified without merit [of their own] through faith in Christ, who has merited this for us by his blood, and has become for us a mercy-seat by God' ('Preface to the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans' LW35, 373).

168 / Commentary 156-7 In ... neghbour Cf Luther: '[I]t comes that to a believer no law is given by which he becomes righteous before God ... because he is alive and righteous and saved by faith, and he needs nothing further except to prove his faith by works. Truly, if faith is there, he cannot hold back; he proves himself, breaks out into good works, confesses and teaches this gospel before the people, and stakes his life on it. Everything that he lives and does is directed to his neighbour's profit, in order to help him - not only to the attainment of this grace, but also in body, property and honor' ('Preface to the New Testament' LW 35, 361). Cf. 'Love the Lord thy God with all thine heart, with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. This is the first and the chief commandment. And there is another like unto this. Love thine neighbour as thyself. In these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets' (51; Matthew 22:37-40). 158-4S1 What... crede Cf. Tyndale: 'FAITH, is the believing of God's promises, and a sure trust in the goodness and truth of God' ('A Table Expounding Certain Words in the First Book of Moses, Called Genesis' PS 1, 405). 163ff What follows is the Father's recitation of the Apostles' Creed and a clause-by-clause analysis of it. About this creed the New Catholic Encyclopedia states: 'The credal statements used in the Western Churches for instructing catechumens had been almost invariably versions of the old Roman Creed. Rufinus of Aquileia had given evidence of the existence of a creed attributed to the Apostles of Rome and Aquileia in the late 4th century. An almost identical creed was used in Milan in catechetical instruction; its text can be reconstructed from three sermons of Augustine ... and from the Explanatio Symboli attributed to Ambrose ... By the pontificate of Innocent m (d 1216) the textus receptus of the Apostles' Creed was universally acknowledged in the West as the official creed of the Church and was commented on as such by Thomas Aquinas.' The Encyclopedia adds that 'it was recognized as a basic statement of Christian belief by Luther, Calvin, and Zwingli during the Reformation' (iv 436-7). 161-73 crede ... Amen Luther places great emphasis on the importance of the Creed as a source of Christian knowledge. In 'Instructions for the Visitors of Parish Pastors,' he states, 'The articles of the Creed are to be proclaimed and the people taught carefully these three most important articles comprehended in the Creed: creation, redemption and sanctification.' And again: 'In such preaching we should spell out, word for word, the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer and the articles of the Creed for the sake of the children and other simple unschooled folk' (LW 40, 306). A Brefe Dialoge is, in fact, a spelling out of the articles of the Creed - interspersed with some noteworthy digressions - to a youth apparently unschooled in the finer points of the Protestant faith. According to Luther, the first division in

169 / Commentary school is to teach students to read. Their first lessons involve reading the primers 'in which are found the alphabet, the Lord's Prayer, the Creed and other prayers' (LW 40, 315). Later, children should 'learn the beginning of a Christian and blessed life.' To this end they should learn to recite 'the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments' (LW 40, 318). Luther's analysis of the terms of the Creed - far more abbreviated than the version found in A Brefe Dialoge - is in 'Confession Concerning Christ's Supper'(LW 37, 36Iff). 174-5 lett it nott be tedious vnto the An expression of deference from Son to Father meaning, essentially, if you don't mind. 180-3 Because ... wealthe Cf Luther: 'God wishes to be our Father, forgive our sin, and bestow everlasting life on us.' The Father gives himself to us, with heaven and earth and all the creatures, in order that he may serve us and benefit us.' '[T]he Son ... reconciled us to the Father, in order that restored to life and righteousness, we might also know and have the Father and his gifts' ('Confession Concerning Christ's Supper' LW37, 366). 181-2 whatsoever gode ... gyfte These words introduce the whole notion of the efficacy of free will and the part individuals can or cannot play through good works in effecting their own salvation. Simply put, the question raised by these words is 'What can individuals do, what actions can they take, to save themselves or contribute to their salvation?' And the answer based on what one finds in this tract would seem to be 'very little.' The following sentences or phrases from this work all seem to corroborate the Lutheran view of the bondage of the human will and its helplessness in the scheme of salvation: 'in oure flesshe is nothynge to be founde savynge only vnstablenes of herte/ and desperacion of mynde. But contrary wyse in the promeses of god/ throwe the merettes of Christ/ is all surenes of mynde/ and stedfastnes of herte' (642-6); 'wherfore it becommeth vs to deye and to be buryed with hym also. And that can we not do/ excepte we forsake all flesshely workes/ and soffre god only to worke in vs' (704-6); 'That it is vnpossible for me thorowe myne owne workes to obtayne other Christ or his promeses ... Insomoche that of my silfe/1 wote neare howe nor what I shulde praye ... This article putteth backe all falce hope and trust in my silfe/ and of myne owne workes. Which are evermore evill/ and withouten sprete. And therfore beleve I in the holy goost/ and not in myne owne myght and possibilite' (1065ff) ; 'For he verely beleveth in the holy goost which knoweth that fayth/ hoape/ and charite/ are the gyftes of god/ and that above the nature and capacite of manne' (1094-7); 'And that only by the redempcion/ satisfaccion/ and sanctifyinge/ geven to vs through the aspercion of his most precious bloudde we are iustifyed and not by oure goode dedes/ menttes/ or deservinges' (1573-6). Luther's most eloquent expression

170 / Commentary of man's inability to work on behalf of his own salvation is his De Servo Arbitrio (The Bondage of the Will), published in 1525 in response to Erasmus's statement in support of free will, De Libero Arbitrio, published in 1524. Some excerpts from Luther's important work will indicate the direction of his thought on the issue of free will and good works: 'It is ... fundamentally necessary and wholesome for Christians to know that God foreknows nothing contingently, but that he foresees, purposes, and does all things according to his own immutable, eternal, and infallible will. This bomb-shell knocks "free-will" flat, and utterly shatters it' (De Servo Arbitrio 181); 'all we do, however it may appear to us to be done mutablly and contingently, is in reality done necessarily and immutably in respect of God's will' (181); 'It is a settled truth, then, even on the basis of your own testimony, that we do everything of necessity, and nothing by "free-will"; for the power of "free-will" is nil, and it does no good, nor can do, without grace' (188); 'now that God has taken my salvation out of the control of my own will, and put it under the control of His, and promised to save me, not according to my working or running, but according to His own grace and mercy, I have the comfortable certainty that He is faithful and will not lie to me' (199). In general, Tyndale seems to be in accord with Luther: 'Lusts and appetites are divers and many, and that in one man,- yea, and one lust contrary to another, and the greatest lust carrieth a man altogether away with him ... How fortuneth all this? Because that the will of man followeth the wit, and is subject unto the wit,- and as the wit erreth, so does the will; and as the wit is in captivity, so is the will; neither it is possible that the will should be free, where the wit is in bondage' (PS 1, 182). Since, according to these citations, the individual will is not free, and no one can play any meaningful part in his/her salvation, how does one explain, for example, the apparently 'free' decision to murder, rob, cheat? Reformers would argue that this free decision to act counter to God's will is, in fact, not freedom but rather the worst form of enslavement, since by acting in this way an individual has fettered his will to the forces of evil, be they manifest in the world, the flesh, or the devil. Hence, acting against God's will is not true freedom but bondage. A second question arises from this particular reformist position: if individuals, according to reformist theology, cannot contribute to their own salvation by carrying out good works, what is the point of these works? And what would motivate anyone to carry out good works if they do not possess any spiritual utility? Even though good works do not contribute to one's salvation - only faith in God's grace does that - they are nevertheless important signs that one is in fact a true believer, imbued with God's grace, and therefore amongst the chosen or elect. As Gerrish puts it: 'It is not works which make a man accepted by God, but being accepted by

171 / Commentary God that makes a man perform good works' (106). Capito says it well in his catechism: 'Wherfore yf thou fele thy silfe prompte and redy to do the workes of mercy vnto thy neghbours/ and to soffre all maner of aduersities paciently. thou mayst surely knowe that god is with the. and that through his mercy he hath chaunged thyne herte. and thus by thy workes be assuered of thy faythe' (659-63). The notion of feeling ready to do the works of mercy is important and should be seen in light of the commentary to line 278. The individual's inability to contribute to his/her own salvation plays an important part in the literature of the period. For instance, there is good reason for believing, even without A.S.P. Woodhouse's seminal article on Nature and Grace in 'The Faerie Queene' where the point is cogently argued, that Red Crosse Knight is incapable through his own actions of saving himself from forces intent upon his spiritual destruction. A few examples may render the issue clearer. In Book i, Canto i, where Red Crosse confronts the monstrous figure of Error, he has to be encouraged by Una to 'Add faith unto your force' - faith being the central tenet in Lutheran and Calvinist theology - before he can defeat Error. Later in the same book Arthur must convince Una herself that 'Despaire breeds not... where faith is staid' (Canto vn). In Book i, Canto n, in battle, significantly, with Sans Foy (faithlessness), Red Crosse manages to win the battle only after Sans Foy recognizes and curses the Cross on the Knight's shield, the cross representing Christ's expiatory death for helpless and vulnerable mankind. In this connection one recalls Capito's words in the catechism: 'And that only by the redempcion/ satisfaccion/ and sanctifyinge/ geven to vs through the aspercion of his most precious bloudde we are iustifyed and not by our goode dedes/ menttes/ or deservinges' (1573-6). If Red Crosse Knight's quest represents the journey towards Holiness, then it is clear from these examples of his human insufficiency in this first book that the journey involves the recognition that works in themselves do not contribute to one's salvation and that one is required to recognize the crucial importance of faith and total reliance on God's grace for support on this journey. In short, it is clear from what Spenser says that natural man, employing only his reason, cannot attain a state of holiness without supernatural support, a support gained through a recognition of one's own fallen state and faith in God's saving grace. As Anthea Hume puts it in connection with Book i: 'In the process of conversion or justification man's own will can play no part. It is grace alone which intervenes in the life of a sinner to save him from helpless bondage to evil' (Edmund Spenser 68). On the question of the importance of grace in humankind's life, the opening stanza of Book i, Canto vm is eloquent. The narrator states: Ay me, how many perils doe enfold

172 / Commentary The righteous man, to make his daily fall; Were not, that heavenly grace doth him uphold, And stedfast truth acquite him out of all. The notion of man's insufficiency crops up often in the literature of the period, even in contexts that seem totally untheological. For instance, in Love's Labour's Lost the articulate Biron tells his fellow students that 'every man with his affects is born,/ Not by might mastered, but by special grace' fi.1.150-1). 186-8 Surely ... administration Cf Luther: 'It is God who creates, and preserves all things through his almighty power and right hand as our Creed confesses. For he dispatches no officials or angels when he creates or preserves something, but all this is the work of his divine power itself ('This is My Body' LW 37, 57-8). 187-8 doeth ... administration An expression that shows God's power and versatility: ie, he can do everything alone or with the aid of his creatures or without their help. 193-8 Then ... diligence Cf Luther: '[L]et every Christian be quite certain that just as you cannot take vows to deny God and his commandments, so you cannot take vows which deny obedience to parents and service to neighbor; for God has commanded obedience to parents and service to neighbor' ('The Judgment of Martin Luther on Monastic Vow' LW 44, 331). '[A]ll fathers and mothers who regulate their household wisely and bring up their children to the service of God are engaged in pure holiness, in a holy work and a holy order. Similarly, when children and servants show obedience to their elders and masters, here too is pure holiness, and whoever is thus engaged is a living saint on earth' ('Confession Concerning Christ's Supper'LW 37, 364). 194 for the best Ie, for your own good. 211-12 continewe thy gydes Ie, continue to be your guides. 212-13 stere the too well doynge A metaphor, ie, continue to steer in the right direction. 214 be it never so secret Ie, even if it doesn't appear obvious that God beholds us. 221-3 As ... erth 'In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. And the earth was without form and void; and darkness was upon the face of the deep. And the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters' (Genesis 1:1-2). 223-7 And ...etc 'In the beginning was the word, and the word was with God: and the word was God. The same was in the beginning with God. All things were made by it, and without it, was made nothing, that was made.

173 / Commentary In it was life, and the life was the light of men, and the light shineth in the darkness, but the darkness comprehended it not' (133; John 1-5). 231-4 Doutles ... beleve Probably a not so veiled reference to the authority of the traditional church, which reformers in general saw as fraudulent, misleading, and having no scriptural authority. 233 the ... faythe 'For I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ, because it is the power of God unto salvation to all that believe, namely to the Jew, and also to the gentile. For by it the righteousness which cometh of God, is opened, from faith to faith. As it is written: The just shall live by faith' (225; Romans 1:16-17). Cf Tyndale: 'And so he concludeth that Abraham, without and before all works, was justified and made righteous; insomuch that, before the work of circumcision, he was praised of the scripture, and called righteous by his faith only (Gen.xv.)' (Prologue upon the Epistle to the Romans PS 1, 497). 235 the rightous live by fayth See also the Commentary to 181-2. The cornerstone of Lutheran theology, the doctrine of justification by faith is everywhere apparent in Luther's writings; in LW 35, 370-1, for instance, Luther states: 'Faith is not the human notion and dream that some people call faith. When they see that no improvement of life and no good works follow - although they can hear and say much about faith - they fall into the error of saying, "Faith is not enough; one must do works in order to be righteous and be saved." This is due to the fact that when they hear the gospel, they get busy and by their own powers create an idea in their hearts which says, "I believe"; they take this then to be a true faith. But, as it is a human figment and idea that never reaches the depths of the heart, nothing comes of it either, and no improvement follows. 'Faith, however, is a divine work in us which changes us and makes us to be born anew of God, John 1[: 12-13]. It kills the old Adam and makes us altogether different men, in heart and spirit and mind and powers; and it brings with it the Holy Spirit. O it is a living, busy active mighty thing this faith. It is impossible for it not to be doing good works incessantly. It does not ask whether good works are to be done, but before the question is asked, it has already done them, and is constantly doing them. Whoever does not do such works, however, is an unbeliever. He gropes and looks around for faith and good works, but knows neither what faith is nor what good works are. Yet he talks and talks, with many words, about faith and good works. 'Faith is a living, daring confidence in God's grace, so sure and certain that the believer would stake his life on it a thousand times. Thus knowledge of and confidence in God's grace makes men glad and bold and happy

174 / Commentary in dealing with God and with all creatures. And this is the work which the Holy Spirit performs in faith. Because of it, without compulsion, a person is ready and glad to do good to everyone, to serve everyone, to suffer everything, out of love and praise to God who has shown him this grace ... 'Righteousness, then, is such a faith. It is called "the righteousness of God" because God gives it, and counts it as righteousness for the sake of Christ our Mediator, and makes a man to fulfil his obligation to everybody. For through faith a man becomes free from sin and comes to take pleasure in God's commandments, thereby he gives God the honor due him, and pays him what he owes him. Likewise he serves his fellow-men willingly, by whatever means he can, and thus pays his debt to everyone. Nature, free will, and our own powers cannot bring this righteousness into being. For as no one can give himself faith, neither can he take away his own unbelief.' 240 no remedy le, without a doubt. 241-3 even ... Christ 'Wherefore remember that ye being in time past gentiles in the flesh, and were called uncircumcision to them which are called circumcision in the flesh, which circumcision is made by hands: Remember I say, that ye were at that time without Christ, and were reputed aliens from the commonwealth of Israel, and were strangers from the testaments of promise, and had no hope, and were without God in the world. But now in Christ Jesus, ye which a while ago were far off, are made nigh by the blood of Christ' (283; Ephesians 2:11-13). 245-301 Because ... togedder A long section devoted to Christ's intercessionary power. Cf Luther: 'For I confess and am able to prove from Scripture that all men have descended from one man, Adam,- and from this man, through their birth, they acquire and inherit the fall, guilt and sin, which the same Adam, through the wickedness of the devil, committed in paradise; and thus all men along with him are born, live, and die altogether in sin, and would necessarily be guilty of eternal death if Jesus Christ had not come to our aid and taken upon himself as an innocent lamb, paid for us by his sufferings, and if he did not still intercede and plead for us as a faithful, merciful Mediator, Savior, and the only Priest and Bishop of our souls. 'I herewith reject and condemn as sheer error all doctrines which glorify our free will, as diametrically contrary to the help and grace of our Savior Jesus Christ. Outside of Christ death and sin are our masters and the devil is our god and lord, and there is no power or ability, no cleverness or reason, with which we can prepare ourselves for righteousness and life or seek after it' (LW 37, 362-3). See also Tyndale: 'Christ is our righteousness, our justifying, our redemption, our atonement, that hath appeased God, and cleanseth us from our sins, and all in his blood, so that his blood is the satisfaction only' (Exposition of the First Epistle of St John PS 2, 157).

175 / Commentary 251-3 I... mathew 'When the Pharisees had heard, how that he had put the Sadducees to silence, they drew together, and one of them, which was a doctor of law, asked a question tempting him and saying: Master, which is the chief commandment in the law? Jesus said unto him: love the Lord thy God with all thine heart, with all thy soul, and with all thine mind. This is the first and the chief commandment. And there is another like unto this. Love thine neighbour as thyself. In these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets' (51; Matthew 22:34-40). 254 note 1 ij.Ti.j 'I thank God, whom I serve from mine elders with pure conscience, that without ceasing I make mention of thee in my prayers night and day, desiring to see thee, mindful of thy tears: so that I am filled with joy, when I call to remembrance the unfeigned faith that is in thee which dwelt first in thy grandmother Lois, and in thy mother Eunice: and am assured that it dwelleth in thee also' (315; 2 Timothy 1:3-5). The Latin text's reference to 1 Timothy 5 is better: 'for the end of the commandment is love that cometh of a pure heart and of a good conscience, and of faith unfeigned' (309). 257-8 For ... it 'Think not that I am come to destroy the law, or the prophets: no I am not come to destroy them, but to fulfil them' (25; Matthew 5:17). 260-4 For ... worlde Cf Tyndale: 'Of the ceremonies, sacrifices, and tabernacle, with all his glory and pomp, understand that they were not permitted only, but also commanded of God; to lead the people in the shadow of Moses and night of the old testament, until the light of Christ and day of the new testament were come: as children are led in the fantasies of youth, until the discretion of man's age be come upon them' (Prologue to the Book of Exodus PS 1, 414). 264-8 Wherfor ... silfe le, to the extent that the commandments further and help develop love and belief within us, they are more than written commandments. They reside spiritually within us and are fashioned and bound to the injunction, Love thy neighbour as thyself. 268 note 2 mat.xxij See 236-7. 268-9 For ... lawe 'For he that loveth another, fulfilleth the law' (238; Romans 13:8). 271-4 thou ... do Ci Tyndale: The law condemneth us and all our deeds,and is called of Paul (in 2 Cor.iii.) the ministration of death. For it killeth our consciences, and driveth us to desperation,- inasmuch as it requireth of us that which is unpossible for our nature to do' (A Pathway into the Holy Scripture PS 1, 10). Tyndale's most extended treatment of the law and man's inability to keep it is found in A Prologue upon the Epistle of St Paul to the Romans (PS 1, 484-510). 277-9 Yet ... forgeven Feeling and perceiving that all things are safe and for-

176 / Commentary given because of Christ's expiatory death would seem to be based on the Lutheran notion of 'feeling faith/ a not totally explicable concept that is, in part, a reaction against what the reformers saw as the fradulent ratiocinative superstructure built by the Catholic church over the centuries, a structure that denied Christian knowledge and wisdom to most and reserved it for the few. These few - theologians, usually trained in the niceties of scholastic logic - interpreted the 'truths' of the faith for the many. A 'feeling faith,' by contrast, was accessible to all who believed in their own unworthiness, the power of grace, and the importance of Christ's death in the scheme of salvation. The notion is everywhere apparent in the writings of English reformers and is stated again near the end of the tract, where the Father tells the Son, 'Though thou never so gretly beleve/ excepte it live in thy hert/ it is before god of none effecte' (1593-5). The notion of 'feeling faith' and the problems it gives rise to when applied to Tyndale's biblical hermeneutics is discussed in my article in Word, Church, and State: Tyndale Quincentenary Essays (Catholic University of America Press). 280-3 And ... father le, and whereas before Christ's expiatory death God was a cruel judge, now, because of Christ's death, he is our tender and merciful father. 285-6 For ... knowethe A circumlocutory way of saying that everyone knows. 288 becam corsed A reference to Christ's ignominious suffering and death. 287 note 3 Ro.iij. '[F]or all have sinned, and lack the praise that is of valour before God: but are justified freely by his grace, through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus, whom God hath made a seat of mercy through faith in his blood' (228; Romans 3:23-5). 294 ye I am sure/ and have no doute One of many redundancies in this work. 295-8 Wherfore ... sentence A difficult statement to untangle. Having just demonstrated the supreme significance of Christ as mediator between God and man, Roye here reiterates the importance of the expression 'And in lesus Christ his only begotten sonne' by saying that this expression needs to be joined by the little but important word 'And' to 'the fore rehearsed sentence/ namely the initial term of the Creed, 'I believe in God the father almyghty/ first mentioned on 163. The importance of the conjunction 'And' explains why its initial letter is upper-case. 302-16 Well... only Cf Luther: 'Now when you have Christ as the foundation and chief blessing of your salvation, then the other part follows: that you take him as your example, giving yourself in service to your neighbor just as you see that Christ has given himself for you. See, there faith and

177 / Commentary love move forward, God's commandment is fulfilled, and a person is happy and fearless to do and to suffer all things. Therefore make note of this, that Christ as a gift nourishes your faith and makes you a Christian. But Christ as an example exercises your works. These do not make you a Christian. Actually they come forth from you because you have already been made a Christian. As widely as a gift differs from an example, so widely does faith differ from works, for faith possesses nothing of its own, only the deeds and life of Christ. Works have something of your own in them, yet they should not belong to you but to your neighbor' (LW 35, 120). 307-10 that ... man The Lutheran notion that good works towards one's neighbour demonstrate that one possesses inner faith. 314 The sentence is clearer if the vergule after 'one' is ignored. 315 it mercy. 317 syngynge and redynge in the chuiche An attack on outward observances imposed by the traditional church and defined by it as good works. In 'The Misuse of the Mass' Luther heads a section 'The Priesthood of the Pope' and defines good works under this heading as 'to pretend outward piety with singing, fasting, and prayer' (LW36, 219). 317-23 Why ... neghboure Cf Rede Me (112-113; 2062-7): Wat. They are not ydell I dare saye, Whyles they rede, synge, and praye, Continually every houre. lef. I call it ydelnes vnproffetable, Which in no case is confortable To the necessite of oure neghboure. Cf Tyndale on the mass: 'What helpeth it also that the priest, when he goeth to mass, disguiseth himself with a great part of the passion of Christ, and playeth out the rest under silence, with signs and proffers, with nodding, becking, and mowing, as it were jackanapes, when neither he himself, neither any man else wotteth what he meaneth? Not at all, verily; but hurteth, and that exceedingly; forasmuch as it not only destroyeth the faith, and quencheth the love that should be given unto the commandments, and maketh the people unthankful, in that it bringeth them into such superstition, that they think that they have done abundantly enough for God, yea, and deserved above measure, if they be present once in a day at such mumming; but also maketh the infidels to mock us and abhor us, in that they see nothing but such apes' play among us, whereof no man can give a reason' (Obedience of a Christian Man PS 1, 226-7). 322 outwarde workes See Commentary to 518-99 and 523-34. The whole notion of spirit versus flesh or inner versus outer forms of worship, and the superiority of the former terms over the latter would seem to be based for

178 / Commentary the Reformers on John 4:24: 'God is a spirit, and they that worship him, must worship him, in spirit and truth' (137). For the reformers, this text serves as biblical evidence that outward manifestations of worship such as music, statues, and religious images are of little or no value. As 486-599 makes clear, Luther, although suspicious of externals, seems more tolerant of such phenomena than spiritualists such as Zwingli, Roye, and Capito. See Garside Zwingli and the Arts. 327 goode ... only Good works are valuable when they are brought to the service of one's neighbour. 328 oute of this grounde le, based on the fact that 'goode workes serve but for a mannis neghboure only' (327). 328-32 / ... effecte As a general comment on practices associated with and condoned by 'the outwarde churche,' Luther states that 'Christ has set us free from all man-made laws, especially when they are opposed to God and the salvation of souls' (To the Christian Nobility LW 44, 179). On pilgrimages and fasting Luther states: '[Pjarents cannot earn hell more easily than by neglecting their own children in their own home ... What use is it if they fast themselves to death, pray, go on pilgrimages, and do all manner of good works?' (LW 44, 86). 'The chapels in forests and the churches in fields, such as Wilsnack, Sternberg, Trier, the Grimmenthal, and now Regensburg and a goodly number of others which recently have become the goal of pilgrimages, must be leveled. Oh, what a terrible and heavy reckoning those bishops will have to give who permit this devilish deceit and profit by it. They should be the first to prevent it and yet they regard it all as a godly and holy thing. They do not see that the devil is behind it all, to strengthen greed, to create a false and fictitious faith, to weaken the parish churches, to multiply taverns and harlotry, to lose money and working time to no purpose, and to lead ordinary people by the nose' (LW 44, 185). 'This declaration and judgment [ie, Matthew 15:11] must be firmly grasped, for it is powerful and overthrows with forcefulness all teaching, custom, and mode of life that distinguishes between foods. It liberates all consciences from all laws concerning food and drink. So it is allowable to eat milk, butter, eggs, cheese and meat any day, be it Sunday or Friday, Lent or Advent... 'From this it follows, first, that it is a lie to claim that St. Peter instituted the fast days and that it is a commandment of the church, on pain of mortal sin, to forego eggs, butter, milk, and meat on fast days. For neither St. Peter nor the church prescribes or teaches anything contrary to Christ' (LW35, 133). On the mass Luther states: '[Tjhe greatest and most useful art is to know what really and essentially belongs to the mass, and what is added and foreign to it. For where there is no clear distinction, the eyes and the heart are easily misled by such sham into a false impression and delu-

179 / Commentary sion. Then what men have contrived is considered the mass; and what the mass [really] is, is never experienced, to say nothing of deriving benefit from it. Thus alas! it is happening in our times. For I fear every day more than a thousand masses are said, of which perhaps not one is a real mass. O dear Christians, to have many masses is not to have the mass ... 'If we desire to observe mass properly and to understand it, then we must surrender everything that the eyes behold and that the senses suggest - be it vestments, bells, songs, ornaments, prayers, processions, elevations, prostrations, or whatever happens in the mass - until we first grasp and thoroughly ponder the words of Christ, by which he performed and instituted the mass and commanded us to perform it' (LW 35, 81-2). On pardons Luther states: 'The noble saying of Christ to Peter in Matt. 16[:19] and 18[:18], "Whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven," etc., has been cited. From this quotation they took the word "to bind" and twisted its interpretation so as to make it mean "to command" and "to forbid," or to make a law and commandment for Christendom. By this kind of reasoning they give power to the pope and boast that he has authority to bind with laws the soul and conscience of a Christian so that one must obey him in this matter, on penalty of the loss of everlasting bliss and under the threat of eternal damnation. On the other hand, he who is obedient to the pope in this matter shall be saved. To this end they have perverted all quotations of Scripture about obedience and disobedience. By such insolent interpretations of Christ's word the whole world has been frightened and bullied until every body has been cornered and made the victim of human doctrine' (LW 40, 325-6). Thesis 33 reads: 'Men must especially be on their guard against those who say that the pope's pardons are the inestimable gift of God by which man is reconciled to him' (LW31, 28). See also Rede Me (105; 1768-76): They saye that holy mens suffrages, Pardons, masses, and pilgremages, For synnes make satisfaccion. They bid vs in our workes to trust, Wherby they saye that we must, Deserve oure saluacion. Fayth litell or nothynge they repute, Wherof we beynge destitute, Are brought into desperacion. Cf Tyndale: 'Neither needeth a Christian man to run hither or thither, to Rome, to Jerusalem, or St James, or any other pilgrimage far or near, to be saved thereby, or to purchase forgiveness of his sins ... And they join them penance, as they call it, to fast, to go pilgrimages, and give so much to make

180 / Commentary satisfaction withal. They preach their masses, their merits, their pardons, their ceremonies, and put the promise clean out of possession' (Obedience of a Christian Man, PS 1, 281). 330 hearynge and redynge of masse The most sustained and vituperative attack on the mass in the early English reformation period is Rede Me, whose alternative title, The Burying of the Masse, clearly indicates the work's orientation. 341 note 4 Mat.j. 'She shall bring forth a son, and thou shalt call his name Jesus. For he shall save his people from their sins' (22; Matthew 1:21). 341-2 Christ... anonyted Cf Tyndale: 'God anointed his son Jesus with the Holy Ghost, and therefore called him Christ; which is as much to say as anointed' (Obedience of a Christian Man PS 1, 228). 343-4 And ... corporally 'the fulnes of the godhed' refers to God's divinity. Hence, the sense is that the attributes of God reside in Christ even though he was man. This is an attempt to explain here and in what follows (344-9) the difficult notion of Christ's divinity and humanity. 344 note 5 Col.ij 'Beware lest any man come and spoil you through philosophy and deceitful vanity, through the traditions of men, and ordinances after the world, and not after Christ. For in him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily' (296; Colossians 2:8-9). 347 note 6 Mat.ul. le, Matthew 28:18: 'And Jesus came and spake unto them saying: All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth' (61). 350-2 once ... is The Father answers the Son's question - what does it profit him (the Son) that Christ is his Lord - by saying that it profits all of us that Christ is our Lord because by knowing this we will love more confidently in this world and thereby better know and understand the meaning of Christian liberty. 352 christen liberte le freedom from the bondage of man-made church laws that work against freedom. Cf. Luther: 'Already ... we have taught Christian liberty from [the writings] of St. Paul. There is to be freedom of choice in everything that God has not clearly taught in the New Testament, for example, in matters pertaining to various foods, beverages, attire, places, persons and various forms of conduct' ('Against the Heavenly Prophets' LW 40, 127). Again: 'Now that the question is raised, we must have a look at the nature of Christian freedom. Christian or evangelical freedom, then, is a freedom of conscience which liberates the conscience from works. Not that no works are done, but no faith is put in them. For conscience is not the power to do works, but to judge them. The proper work of conscience ... is to accuse or excuse, to make guilty or guiltless, uncertain or certain. Its purpose is not to do, but to pass judgment on what has been done and what should be done, and this judgment makes us stand accused or saved in God's sight. Christ

181 / Commentary has freed this conscience from works through the gospel and teaches this conscience not to trust in works, but to rely only on his mercy' ('Judgment of Martin Luther on Monastic Vows' LW 44, 298). And, finally, '[T)hey [ie, the Church] must also admit that the things they emphasize and rage about are mere human regulations, or, as they falsely and deceitfully declare, commandments of the church. It will take them a good long while before they ever prove that Christ administered the sacrament in consecrated vessels, clothes, and houses, or commanded that it should be administered in that way, or that it should be placed in the mouth and not in the hands. Therefore, so long as we are Christians, we are lords over such human commandments, so far as our consciences are involved. And we are duty bound to risk our necks for it and not to give up our liberty. For that would be to deny and condemn Christ who so strictly commanded us to be free. It is not at all in our power to change or surrender our liberty' ('Receiving Both Kinds in the Sacrament' LW 36, 243). For further commentary on Christian liberty see Victoria Kahn's fine chapter entitled 'A Rhetoric of Indifference' in Machiavellian Rhetoric pp. 171-84. 352-4 For ... vs Cf Luke 10:19: 'Behold I give unto you power to tread on serpents and scorpions, and over all manner power of the enemy, and nothing shall hurt you' (108). 356 note 7 lo.xv 'I am the vine, and ye are the branches. He that abideth in me, and I in him, the same bringeth forth much fruit' (155; John 15:3-4). 356 note 8 Ro.xij 'As we have many members in one body, and all members have not one office: so we being many are one body in Christ and every man (among ourselves) one another's members' (237; Romans 12:4-5). 357 note 9 i.cor.xij 'For as the body is one, and hath many members, and all the members of one body though they be many, yet are but one body: even so is Christ.' 'Ye are the body of Christ, and members one of another' (2545; 1 Corinthians 12:12, 27). 357-9 Where vnto ... Christ Not Ephesians 2 as the text states, but possibly Ephesians 5 as the Latin has it: 'For the husband is the wife's head, even as Christ is the head of the congregation ... For we are members of his body, of his flesh, and of his bones' (286; Ephesians 5:23, 30). 361-2 forasmoche as we are with hym oure heed of one nature Ie, to the extent that we are of one nature with Christ our head. 364-5 wherfore ... men 'Ye are dearly bought, be not men's servants' (249; 1 Corinthians 7:23). 364-6 wherfor ... worlde Ie, Paul warns us not to become the servants of man and not to be deceived by things of the world. The importance of St Paul for this tract is evident from the number of citations from and allusions to his epistles. In fact, it is hard to conceive of a Protestant reforma-

182 / Commentary tion at all without Paul's crucial writings. In a section to the preface of his New Testament entitled 'the books which are the best and noblest in the New Testament/ Luther states, 'The true kernel and marrow of all the books, those which should rightly be ranked first, are the gospel of John and St. Paul's epistles, especially that to the Romans, together with St. Peter's first epistle' (Martin Luther: Selections 18). Later he adds that these sources 'are the books which show Christ to you' (19). His delight in Paul is also evident in his various lectures on the epistles and in the Preface to the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans, where he states, This epistle is in truth the most important document in the New Testament, the gospel in its purest expression.' Within the English tradition, Tyndale is very indebted to Paul, and at two points in the Obedience of a Christian Man claims that Paul is greater than Peter: 'If Paul preached Christ more than Peter, and suffered more for his congregation, then is he greater than Peter, by the testimony of Christ... [Cjompare that chief apostle [Peter] unto Paul, and he is found a great way inferior. This I say not that I would that any man should make a god of Paul, contrary unto his own learning. Notwithstanding yet this manner of speaking is left unto us of our elders; that when we say the apostle saith so, we understand Paul, for his excellency above other apostles' (PS 1, 210, 217). And in his preface to the New Testament he states: 'Paul's epistles with the gospel of John and his first epistle and the first epistle of saint Peter, are most pure gospel and most plainly and richly described the glory of the grace of Christ' (Tyndale's New Testament 9). Roye shows his affection for Paul by translating into English Luther's comments on 1 Corinthians 7 under the title An exposition in to the seventh chaptre of the first pistle to the Corinthians (STC 10493). 365-6 we ... worlde Cf 1 Corinthians 6:9: 'Be not deceived. For neither fornicators, neither worshippers of images, neither whoremongers, neither weaklings ... neither the covetous, neither drunkards ... shall inherit the kingdom of heaven' (248). See also 1 Corinthians 15:33 (258) and Galatians 6:7 (280). 369 as make difference le, that differentiate between. 369 note 10 ij.Corint.viij.ix.x 'It is not my mind that others be set at ease, and ye brought into cumbrance: but that there be egalness now at this time, that your abundance succour their lack: that their abundance may supply your lack: that there may be equality' (268; 2 Corinthians 8:12-13); 'He that findeth the sower seed, shall minister bread for food, and shall multiply your seed and increase the fruits of your righteousness that on all parts, ye may be made rich in all singleness, which causeth through us, thanksgiving to God' (269; 2 Corinthians 9:10-11); 'Nevertheless though we walk compassed with the flesh, yet we war not fleshly. For the weapons of our war are not carnal things, but things mighty in God' (269; 2 Corinthians 10:3-4).

183 / Commentary 371 note 11 Ro.xiiij 'Him that is weak in the faith, receive unto you, not in disputing and troubling his conscience. One believeth that he may eat all things. Another which is weak, eatheth herbs. Let not him that eateth, despise him that eateth not. And let not him which eateth not judge him that eateth' (239; Romans 14:1-3). 371-3 But ... well Here Roye attempts to differentiate between 'divlysshe doctrynes' of the church, which humankind should not obey, and those laws instituted by rulers, which it must obey. 371-7 But ... God Cf Luther: The third work of this commandment is to obey the temporal authority ... But the task of the temporal power is to protect its subjects and to punish theft, robbery, and adultery ... 'In all this we are to regard that which St. Peter bids us regard, and that is that the power of the temporal authority, whether it does right or wrong, cannot harm the soul, but only our body and our property ... For to suffer wrong destroys no man's soul, in fact, it improves the soul, though it does inflict hurt to our body and our possessions ... This is the reason it is less disastrous when the temporal power goes wrong than when the spiritual power does. For the temporal power can do no real harm because it has nothing to do with the preaching of the gospel, or with faith, or with the first three commandments. But the spiritual power does harm not only when it does wrong, but when it neglects its duty and busies itself with something else altogether, even if these other works were better than the very best works of the temporal power. Therefore, we must resist the spiritual power when it does not do right, and not resist the temporal power even when it does wrong' (Treatise on Good Works' LW 44, 92). Cf Tyndale: 'In the thirteenth chapter he teacheth to honour the worldly and temporal sword. For though that man's law and ordinance make not a man good before God, neither justify him in the heart, yet are they ordained for the furtherance of the commonwealth, to maintain peace, to punish the evil, and to defend the good' (Prologue upon the Epistle to the Romans PS 1, 506). 376 note 12 Ro.xiij 'Let every soul submit himself unto the authority of the higher powers. For there is no power but of God. The powers that be, are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth power, resisteth the ordinance of God. And they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation' (238; Romans 13:1-2). 377 note 13 Tit.iij 'Warn them that they submit themselves to rule and power, to obey the officers, that they be ready unto all good works, that they speak evil of no man, that they be no fighters, but soft, showing all meekness unto all men' (321; Titus 3:1-2). 378-410 A long digression on vows. The focus here is clearly on monastic

184 / Commentary vows, a subject on which Luther himself is most eloquent. See, for instance, The Judgment of Martin Luther on Monastic Vows' (LW 44, 251-400). Luther subscribes to the following principle on vows: 'No one can deny that the command to offer vows was instituted by divine authority ... so there is no point is [sic] disputing whether a vow may be offered ... What we are trying to show is how to distinguish one vow from another and recognize which vows are godly, good, and pleasing to God. Only these must be considered as vows. They are named and demanded in Scripture. Further, we are trying to show how we may distinguish which vows are ungodly, evil, and displeasing to God, vows which should not otherwise be regarded as vows ... True godliness and a sincere vow is no everyday occurrence, especially these days, these dangerous, godless, and desperate times, when it was foretold faith and love shall perish' (252). 381 A christen ... naye Ie, a Christian should keep his word. 389-92 For ... bondage The text reads 'the first chapter vnto the galathians,' but the biblical citation here given is actually from Galatians 5:1: 'Stand fast there fore in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and wrap not yourselves again in the yoke of bondage' (279). 394 note 14 Ro.vj.viij 'What shall we say then? Shall we continue in sin, that there may be abundance of grace? God forbid. How shall we that are dead as touching sin, live any longer therein? Remember ye not that all we which are baptised in the name of Jesus Christ, are baptised to die with him? We are buried with him by baptism, for to die, that likewise as Christ was raised up from death by the glory of the father: even so we also should walk in a new life' (230; Romans 6:1-4). 'But ye are not given to the flesh, but to the spirit: if so be that the spirit of God dwell in you. If there be any man that hath not the spirit of Christ, the same is none of his. If Christ be in you, the body is dead because of sin: but the spirit is life for righteousness' sake. Wherefore if the spirit of him that raised up Jesus from death, dwell in you: even he that raised up Christ from death shall quicken your mortal bodies, because that this spirit dwelleth in you' (232; Romans 8:8-11). 395-7 And ... free Cf Galatians 5:1 (389-92 above) and also 1 Corinthians 7:20-4: 'Let every man abide in the same state wherein he was called. Art thou called a servant? care not for it. Neverthess if thou mayst be free, use it rather. For he that is called in the Lord being a servant, is the Lord's freeman. Likewise he that is called being free, is Christ's servant. Ye are dearly bought, be not men's servants. Brethren let every man wherein he is called, therein abide with God' (249). 397-9 And ... men Ie, although humankind is superior to all created phenomena, nevertheless, charity requires that we behave as servants to all people.

185 / Commentary The sentence is clearer if it is read without the full stop after 'lordes' (398). 411-22 May ... eate Cf Luther: 'They do not hold jobs like other people, but like the angels in heaven, they praise and worship God day and night' ('Avoiding the Doctrines of Men' LW35, 142). 415 note 15 Ephe.v 'Be ye followers of God as dear children, and walk in love even as Christ loved us and gave himself for us, an offering and a sacrifice of a sweet savour to God. So that fornication and all uncleanness, or covetousness be not once named among you, as it becometh saints: neither filthiness, neither foolish talking, neither jestings which are not comely: but rather giving of thanks' (285-6; Ephesians 5:1-4). 416 note 16 ij.tess.iij 'For we behaved not ourselves inordinately among you. Neither took we bread of any man for nought: but wrought with labour and travail night and day, because we would not be grievous to any of you' (306; 2 Thessalonians 3:7-8). 412-22 It... eate Compare this attack on lazy and avaricious clergy with Roye and Barlowe's comments in Rede Me: The almes that povre folke shulde have, Wretchedly away they do crave, To lyve ydely withoute laboure. (105; 1780-3) O Lorde god what goode dayes, Thes monkes have in abbeyes And do nether swett nor swyncke (101; 1621-3) And in vilifying friars, Roye and Barlowe state Though they saye that their order, Is to have no thynge in proper But to use all thynges in commone. Yett ther is no commenalte, Which hath so gret parcialite, As their miserable religione. (105-6; 1795-1800): Cf Tyndale: 'When the bishops, priests, and deacons were fallen, and had received of the pope the kingdom that pertained unto the poor people, and had robbed them, and parted their patrimony among themselves, then sprang the orders of monks ... When the monks saw such abundance, they fell after the ensample of the priests; and took dispensations of the pope for their rules and strait profession, which now is as wide as their cowls; and divided all among them, and robbed the poor once more ... 'As soon as the monks were fallen, then sprang these begging friars out of hell, the last kind of caterpillars, in a more vile apparel, and a more strait religion; that, if aught of relief were left among the laymen for the poor people, these horse-leeches might suck that also' (The Practice of Prelates PS 2, 276-7).

186 / Commentary 416 belly bestes A term Roye and Barlowe seemed to have coined; see Rede Me (54; 90): 'In the lamentacion folowynge, made by a bely beast engendred amonge the gresy, or anonynted heap, wother wyse called the papisticall secte ... they may surly groape and fele, where of oure spretuall lordes, masters, and rulars ... have preceded, and are come.' The term also appears in Roye's version of Luther's commentary on 1 Corinthians 7 (An exposition): 'O lorde god what an unnumerable multitude/ and throng is ther in cloysters/ and also amonges prystes that seke and appete this/ that is to saye to lyve welthyly easely/ without labor in ydelnes (and as they call it) live like a gentilman/ ye to live fylbelyes and bely bestes' (c6v). 422 note 17 ij.tes.iij Tor when we were with you, this we warned you of, that if there were any which would not work, that the same should not eat' (306; 2 Thessalonians 3:10). 423-63 lawdest... honde On clerical celibacy, the subject under discussion here, Luther says the following: '"But virginity and celibacy is a counsel," [they say]. Clearly Christ did not counsel it, but rather discouraged it... Paul neither persuades nor dissuades,- he leaves the matter open. But our unchaste celibates will not interpret the word "counsel" as having any other meaning than to invite, exhort, call, or persuade to celibacy, and at the same time to dissuade, discourage, renounce, and refrain from marriage. This they also do in all their sermons and writings ... It is quite impossible to make an evangelical counsel into a precept, and it is equally impossible for your vow to be a counsel. A vow of chastity, therefore, is diametrically opposed to the gospel. 'Thus since God, who is the Author of the evangel, accepts only what is evangelical, it is impossible for him to approve the vow of continence: he can only detest it' ('Judgment of Martin Luther on Monastic Vows' LW 44, 263). Elsewhere, Luther has an unhallowed and downright practical view of marriage. He states: 'The temptation of the flesh has become so strong and consuming that marriage may be likened to a hospital for incurables which prevents inmates from falling into graver sin' ('A Sermon on the Estate of Marriage' LW 44, 9). Cf Roye's translation of Luther's commentary on 1 Corinthians 7 (An exposition): '[N]o parsone may make a vowe or promyse to lyve chaste and single. And that no parson is bounde to kepe and performe eny suche vowe once made/ but rather to fordo vnkepe and breake them' (B2r). 425 note 18 i-j.tim.iiij 'For the time will come, when they will not suffer wholesome doctrine: but after their own lusts shall they (whose ears itch) get them an heap of teachers, and shall turn their ears from the truth, and shall be given unto fables' (317; 2 Timothy 4:3-4). 430ff Having shown that the clergy is not faithful to its vow of poverty, Roye

187 / Commentary now turns his attention to the vow of chastity in order to demonstrate that it has no scriptural basis. Perhaps hampered here in his attack on this vow by Capito's measured prose, Roye and Barlowe show no such restraint in Rede Me, where the attack on the abuses of this vow are spelt out in graphic terms (127; 2617-37): Their cloysters are the devils mewes, Farre worse then eny stewes, Or commen places of whordom. They are the dens of baudines, And fornaces of all letcherousnes, Lyke vnto Corner and Sodom. Yonge laddes and babes innocent, They brynge in by their intysment, To their leawde congregacion. Whom they receave to profession, Before that they have discrecion, To their eternall damnacion. For when they fele by experience, The brynnynge of the concupiscence, Pryckynge their hertes with love. Consyderynge also their bondage, Howe they can vse no mariage, As a christen man doth behove. Then to quenche their apetytes, They are fayne to be sodomytes, Abusynge theym selves vnnaturally. 433 As ... dout Cf 1 Corinthians 7:6-9: 'This I say of favour, not of commandment. For I would that all men were as I myself am: but every man hath his proper gift of God, one after this manner, another after that. I say unto the unmarried men and widows: it is good for them if they abide even as I do. But and if they cannot abstain, let them marry. For it is better to marry than to burn' (249). 433-6 But ... waye le, but if you refrain from wedlock supposing that by so doing you are more deserving (than others) by thus doing your duty, you have truly missed the mark. 439-42 Contrary ... alone Cf. Tyndale: 'Matrimony, or wedlock, is a state or a degree ordained of God, and an office wherein the husband serveth the wife, and the wife the husband' (Obedience of a Christian Man PS 1, 254). 442 note 19 Genn.ij 'Then the Lord God said, "It is not good that man should be alone; I will make him a helper as his partner'" (Genesis 2:18). 442-3 Agayne ...etc 'Unto the married command I not, but the Lord: that

188 / Commentary the wife separate not herself from the man. If she separate herself, let her remain unmarried, or be reconciled unto her husband again. And let not the husband put away his wife from him' (249; 1 Corinthians 7:10-11). 444-5 A ... in Cf contemporary proverbs to this effect such as those found in Roye's version of Luther's commentary on 1 Corinthians 7 (An exposition}: 'Thys doth reporte the comon proverbes/ that men use to speake. Suche as be thes/ Be thou maryed o fole (doth one saye vnto an other) and thy ioye shall shortly have an ende. Also/ maryage ys a shorte ioye and a longe sorowe/ and suche other lyke' JB4v). 446-8 ye ... comforts le, no man should seek his own well-being and profit unless it also profits the commonwealth and his neighbour. 448-51 Wherfore ... God Cf 1 Corinthians 7:1 'As concerning the things whereof ye wrote unto me: it is good for a man, not to touch a woman. Nevertheless to avoid fornication, let every man have his wife: and let every woman have her husband' (249). 454-61 In ... vocation The sense seems to be that we should all follow God's command to marry unless we are called to fulfil a task for the greater glory of God and our neighbour that marriage might stand in the way of, as was the case with St Paul. 458-9 he ... did See above, line 443. 466-82 No doute ... folowe On the question of parental consent to marriage Luther has the following to say: 'My advice is that parents persuade their children not to be ashamed to ask their parents to find a partner for them. Parents should make it clear from the start that they want to advise their children so that they in turn may remain chaste and persevere in expectation of marriage. In return, children should not become engaged without the knowledge of their parents. You are not ashamed, are you, to ask your parents for a coat or a house? Why be foolish then, and not ask for what is far greater, a partner in marriage?' ('A Sermon on the Estate of Marriage' LW 44, 11-12). In his translation of Luther's commentary on 1 Corinthians 7 (An exposition), Roye states, 'Here agayne is expressly shewed authoryte and power geven vnto fathers/ and mothers, tutors/ and fryndes over their chyldre/ and over them/ whiche are committed vnto ther protection/ and custody. That the chyldre [sic] with out the wylle or consente of their parentes/ and of other whyche have cure over them/ maye nether marye or elles abyde vnmaryed' (i4v). Cf Tyndale: 'Let them teach their children to ask marriages of their fathers and mothers. And let their elders provide marriages for them in season; teaching them also to know, that she is not his wife whom the son taketh, nor he her husband which the daughter taketh, without the consent and good-will of their elders, or them that have authority over them' (Obedience of a Christian Man PS 1, 199-200).

189 / Commentary 492-5 and ... detriment Ie, and, therefore, he should behave himself as an instrument of God's community so that God can be seen as working through him for his glory and for all Christian men's edification and not their detriment. 497 note 20 Gal.v 'Brethren ye were called into liberty: only let not your liberty be an occasion unto the flesh, but in love serve one another' (279; Galatians 5:13). 502 all evill occasion gevynge Ie, all occasions of doing evil. 504 note 21 j.tim.iiij 'The spirit speaketh evidently that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith, and shall give heed unto spirits of error, and devilish doctrine of them which speak false through hypocrisy, and have their consciences marked with an hot iron, forbidding to mary, and commanding to abstain from meats which God hath created to be received with giving thanks, of them which believe and know the truth' (311; 1 Timothy 4:1-3). Cf An epistell of the famous doctor Erasmus vnto Christofer bysshop of Basyle, concernyng the forbedynge of eatynge of flesshe, 1533 (STC 10488.7). 505 note 22 Mat.xv 'Then came to Jesus scribes and Pharisees from Jerusalem, saying: why do thy disciples transgress the traditions of the elders? for they wash not their hands, when they eat bread. He answered, and said unto them: why do ye also transgress the commandment of God, through your traditions?' (40; Matthew 15:1-3). Matthew 15 also contains one of the two well-known loaves and fishes narratives. In this story Christ makes do with what food is available, thereby demonstrating perhaps the text's claim that 'Ytt is lefull/ indifferently for a christen manne withouten scruple of conscience/ to eate' (42-3; Matthew 15:32-9). 506-7 so that therby Ie, as long as by so doing. 507 and 509 notes 23 and 24 Ro.xiiij See note 11 and also 'Let us follow those things which make for peace, and things wherewith one may edify another. Destroy not the work of God for a little meat's sake. All things are pure: but it is evil for that man, which eateth with hurt of his conscience. It is good neither to eat flesh, neither to drink wine, neither any thing, whereby thy brother stumbleth, either falleth, or is made weak' (239; Romans 14:19-21). 508 his The 'christen manne' referred to in 504. The sense is that the Christian should not trouble his/her brother/sister by refraining from eating meat - or from eating only certain meats - actions that have no legitimate Christian or biblical authority. 517 note 25 j.co.viij 'But take heed that your liberty cause not the weak to fall. For if some men see thee which hast knowledge sit at meat in the idol's temple, shall not the conscience of him which is weak, be boldened to eat

190 / Commentary those things which are offered unto the idol. And so through thy knowledge shall the weak brother perish for whom Christ died. When ye sin so against the brethren and wound their weak consciences ye sin against Christ. Wherefore if meat hurt my brother, I will eat no flesh while the world standeth, because I will not hurt my brother' (251; 1 Corinthians 8:9-13). 520 note 26 j.co.viij See above, note 25. 518-99 Luther shows more restraint and tolerance on the question of images than Capito and, by extension, Roye. He is not, clearly, totally opposed to images. He states: 'We must permit the images to remain, but preach vigorously against the wrong use of them. We must preach not merely against this particular misuse or danger, the worshiping of images. That is a very small matter. (And they would probably say you are crazy to accuse people of worshiping stone and wood.) But we must preach against the worst misuse of all, of which the papists are guilty to overflowing. I refer to the fact that they place images in the churches because they think they are thereby doing a good work and a service to God ... When the common man learns that it is not a service to God to place images in the churches, he will cease doing it of his own accord without your insistence. He will have pictures painted on the walls only because he likes them or for decoration or some other reason that does not involve sin' ('Receiving Both Kinds in the Sacrament' LW 36, 259-60). Luther's attack against Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt, a fellow reformer, focuses on Karlstadt's attempts 'to demolish everything connected with the Roman mass, and to do away with all traditional forms, images, vestments, and the like' (LW 40, 75). In his 'Against the Heavenly Prophets in the Matter of Images and Sacraments' Luther states in part: 'So it is with these honor-seeking prophets who do nothing but break images, destroy churches, manhandle the sacrament, and seek a new kind of mortification, that is, a self-chosen putting to death of the flesh. Thus far they have not set aright the conscience, which is nonetheless most important and most necessary in the Christian teaching' (LW 40, 81). Elsewhere he adds his fairly moderate view on images and the like: 'Images, bells, eucharistic vestments, church ornaments, altar lights, and the like I regard as things indifferent. Anyone who wishes may omit them. Images or pictures taken from the Scriptures and from good histories, however, I consider very useful yet indifferent and optional. I have no sympathy with the iconoclasts' ('Confession Concerning Christ's Supper' LW 37, 371). The stridency of the view expressed here, especially in 523-34, suggests that the position on images is not consistent with Luther's view. Bromiley mentions the incident in 1522 when certain portions of the population of Zurich took the law into their own hands and began to destroy images (26). Zwingli seems to have supported iconoclasm in general, as is attested in the

191 / Commentary following citation from his writings: 'There are the altars and idols in the temple. He who fears them now, does so not out of a steady conscience, and easily understands whether or not we once put a high value on them. This rubbish must be cast out, so that the inestimable worth which you, above all men, ascribed to these foolish idols may be ascribed to the living image of God' (cited in Locher Zwingli's Thought 260). 523-4 Wherfore ... waye The sense seems to be that anyone who can should avoid idols; 'out of the waye' is redundant, since 'avoyde' carries the sense of the phrase by itself. 523-34 Wherfore ... god On statues and other manifestations of 'idolatry' in churches Rede Me states (138; 3025-30): O, the grett whore of Babilon, With her deadly cuppe of poyson, Hath brought theym to dronkenship. That paynted hordes and ded stockes, Carved ydols in stones and blockes, Above allmyghty god they worship. The clergy encourages the support of paynted stockes and stones, With shrynes, full of rotten bones, To the whiche they make oblacion. (138; 3043-5) leffraye claims that he holds the stockes in despyte, Wherby they dishonoure her [our lady] In scripture it is written, And of our lorde forbidden, To be a falce ydolatrer. (139; 3080-4) 528 omitteth it vndone A redundant expression meaning leaves it undone. 536 note 27 Ro.xnj 'Let every soul submit himself unto the authority of the higher powers. For there is no power but of God. The powers that be, are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth power, resisteth the ordinance of God' (238; Romans 13:1). 537ff This Erastian view common to the early English reformers and their Lollard predecessors might derive in part from Marsilius of Padua's influential Defensor Pacis. See, for instance 'Discourse Three,' chapters i and n, where Marsilius effectively strips the church of any power whatsoever and turns it over to the civil authority (425-31). Rede Me regrets the fact that the spiritual orders seem to have gained authority over the temporal order a clear inversion of the way things should be (98; 1525-30): Of this worlde they have the chefe dominion With stately preeminence temporall.

192 / Commentary They preasume to be hadde in opinion/ Of the people, as lordes emperiall. Worshipfull seniours we must theym call, Requyrynge that we shulde to theym obeye ... Fish is eloquent on what he regards as the frightening power of the clergy in civil and ecclesiastical affairs. In A Supplicacyon he addresses Henry as follows: 'Are they not stronger in your owne parliament house than your silfe? What a nombre of Bisshopes, abbotes, and priours are lordes of your parliament? are not all the lerned men in your realme in fee with theim to speake yn your parliament house for theim ageinst your crowne, dignite, and comon welth of your realme, a feawe of your owne lerned counsell onely excepted' (More vn, 415). Woodward claims that in the sixteenth century, 'the heads of the thirty important abbeys and priories were Lords of Parliament and were accustomed to receive individual writs of summons whenever parliament met... Together with the twenty-one English and Welsh bishops the parliamentary abbots made up the number of the Lords Spiritual, who had they all been present, could have formed a very substantial group, indeed an actual majority, in the upper house, for at the beginning of the reign of Henry vm there were only about forty lay peers. However, it is interesting to notice that whatever the historical origins of the representation of the clergy in the parliament, the judges of 1515 declared that the Lords Spiritual "have no place in the Parliament chamber by reason of their spirituality, but only by reason of their temporal possessions." In other words it was their estates, their social position and not their ecclesiastical which secured for the bishops and abbots their entry to parliament and once there they did not form a separate estate or house, but remained on a par with the Lords Temporal, their fellow landlords' (6). Lehmberg lists the composition of the Upper House during the Reformation Parliament. The House comprised 107 members, divided in the following way: first, Lords spiritual: archbishops, bishops, and custodians of spiritualities, 21; abbots and priors, 29; for a total of 50. Second, Lords temporal: dukes, 3; marquises, 2; earls, 13; viscounts, 1; barons, 38; for a total of 57 (The Reformation Paliament 37). If Lehmberg's analysis is correct, Roye and Barlowe in A proper dyaloge (to say nothing of Fish in A Supplicacyon} overstate the case: Thou knowest that in the parlament The chefe of the clergye are resident In a maruelous great multitude. (140; 519-21). 538 swearde temporall In discussing what he calls chapter 13 of Revelation, Luther states: 'Then comes in chapter 13 ... this seventh [evil] angel's work, the third woe, namely the papal empire and the imperial papacy. Here the papacy gets the temporal sword also into its power. It rules not only with

193 / Commentary the scroll of the second woe ..., but also with the sword of the third woe, for they boast that the pope has both the spiritual and the temporal sword in his power' ('Prefaces to the New Testament' LW 35, 405). Again: 'Although all anger is forbidden in it [ie, the commandment "You shall not kill"], the pope nevertheless orders war and bloodshed, even by his bishops and priests, and boasts that the temporal sword is in his hand and power' ('The Misuse of the Mass' LW 36, 207). 544 note 28 Philiij 'Brethren be followers of me and look on them which walk even so, as ye have us for an example. For many walk (of whom I have told you often, and now tell you weeping) that they are the enemies of the cross of Christ, whose end is damnation, whose God is their belly, and whose glory is to their shame, which are worldly-minded' (292; Philippians 3:17-19). 543-4 they have no god savynge their belly only Cf Rede Me (155; 3665): 'Of their god which is their belly.' 545 occasion Ie, occasion of sin or temptation. 549 note 29 i.ie.xxiij Actually 2 Kings: 'And the king commanded Hilkiah the high priest and the priests of the second order, and the keepers of the door, to bring forth out of the temple of the Lord all the vessels that were made for Baal, and the grove, and for all the host of heaven: and he burned them without Jerusalem in the fields of Kidron, and carried the ashes unto Bethel. And put down the idolatrous priests whom the kings of Judah had ordained to burn incense in the high places in the cities of Judah and in the places round about Jerusalem; them also that burned incense unto Baal, to the sun, and to the moon, and to the planets, and to all the host of heaven. And he brought out the grove from the house of the Lord, without Jerusalem, unto the brook Kidron, and burned it at the brook Kidron, and stamped it small to powder and cast the powder therof upon the graves of the children of the people' (2 Kings 23:4-6ff: RSV). 551 which only Despite the full stop after 'god,' the antecedent of 'which' is 'the worde of god.' 555 Or els Had Hosea done what losias did. See 2 Kings 17:1-9: 'In the twelfth year of King Ahaz of Judah, Hoshea son of Elah began to reign in Samaria over Israel; he reigned nine years. He did what was evil in the sight of the Lord, yet not like the kings of Israel who were before him. King Shalmaneser of Assyria came up against him; Hoshea became his vassal, and paid him tribute ... This occurred because the people of Israel had sinned against the Lord their God, who had brought them up out of the land of Egypt from under the hand of Pharaoh king of Egypt. They had worshiped other gods and walked in the customs of the nations whom the Lord drove out before the people of Israel, and in the customs that the kings of Israel

194 / Commentary had introduced. The people of Israel secretly did things that were not right against the Lord their God.' 566 hym le, 'the lorde' (564-5). 566 this power The power referred to in 535; the power to ensure that Christians are not misled by idols, false ceremonies, or fraudulent ordinances. 569 note 30 j.Cor.iij 'Are ye not ware that ye are the temple of God, and how that the spirit of God dwelleth in you? If any man defile the temple of God him shall God destroy. For the temple of God is holy, which temple ye are'(246,- 1 Corinthians 3:16-17). 570 note 31 j.Cor.vj 'Either know ye not how that your bodies are the temple of the holy ghost, which is in you, who ye have of God, and how that ye are not your own?' (249; 1 Corinthians 6:19). 571 note 32 ij.Co.vj 'And ye are the temple of the living God, as said God: I will dwell among them and walk among them, and will be their God: and they shall be my people' (266; 2 Corinthians 6:16). 572 note 33 Ro.xij 'Be kind to one another with brotherly love. In giving honour go one before another. Let not the business which ye have in hand, be tedious to you' (238; Romans 12:10-11). 574 note 34 Ro.xiij 'Let every soul submit himself unto the authority of the higher powers ... Give to every man therefore his duetie: Tribute to whom tribute belongeth: Custom to whom custom is due: fear to whom fear belongeth: Honour to whom honour pertaineth. Owe nothing to any man: but to love one another' (238; Romans 13:1, 7-8). 575 note 35 j.tim.vj 'Let as many servants as are under the yoke, count their masters worthy of all honour, that the name of God and his doctrine be not evil spoken of (312; 1 Timothy 6:1). 575 note 36 Mat.xv 'For God commanded, saying: honour thy father and mother, and he that curseth father or mother, shall suffer death' (40; Matthew 15:4). 576 note 37 mar.vij 'For Moses said: Honour thy father and thy mother: and whosoever curseth father or mother, let him die for it' (71; Mark 7:10). 577 note 38 j.Pet.ij 'Wherefore lay aside all maliciousness and all guile, and dissimulation, and envy, and all backbiting ... Submit yourself unto all manner ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, whether it be unto the king as unto the chief head: or unto rulers, as unto them that are sent of him, for the punishment of evildoers' (328; 1 Peter 2:1, 13). 580 note 39 Ecci.xxvi 'At two things my heart is grieved, and because of a third anger comes over me: a warrior in want through poverty, intelligent men who are treated contemptuously, and a man who turns back from righteousness to sin - the Lord will prepare him for the sword!' (Sirach 26:28 RSV). 582 note 40 Ro.viij 'The same spirit certifieth our spirit that we are the sons

195 / Commentary of God. If we be sons, we are also heirs, the heirs I mean of God, and heirs annexed with Christ: if so be that we suffer together, that we may be glorifed together. For I suppose that the afflictions of this life, are not worthy of the glory which shall be showed upon us ... For we know that every creature groaneth with us also, and travaileth in pain even unto this time' (233; Romans 8:16-17, 22). 588-91 Ye ... blasphemed Cf Rede Me (99; 1558-64): Emprours and kynges they trappe in their lure, Deceavynge theym by fake adulacion. So that of promocions they be sure, Full lytell they ponder their damnacion. They geve theym no true informacion, And that evidently parceave they maye, But it cannot thus endure all waye. 591 note 41 Rom.ij Thou preachest, a man should not steal: and yet thou stealest. Thou sayest, a man should not commit advoutry: and thou breakest wedlock. Thou abhorrest images, and robbest God of his honour. Thou rejoicest in the law, and through breaking the law dishonourest God. For the name of God is evil spoken of among the gentiles through you, as it is written' (227; Romans 2:22-4). 592 note 42 Mat.x The entire chapter manifests ways in which Christ instructs his disciples to 'confesse Christ,' eg: 'Go out into the ways that lead to the gentiles, and into the cities of the Samaritans enter ye not. But go rather to the lost sheep of the house of Israel. Go and preach saying: that the kingdom of heaven is at hand' (32: Matthew 10:5-7). 593 withstand hym le, to stand against God. 596 theym le, the earthly ministers of God's authority for whom humankind should pray so that they can effectively carry out God's commands. 600-1 wholy ... shorne Typically, Roye chooses two of the most preposterous saints to attack the practice of invocation. 'Toncombre' is St Uncumber, better known as St Wilgefortis or Liberata. Butler calls her a 'mythical personage ... also known as Uncumber (in England), Ontkommer, Kummernis (in Germany), Regenfledis (in Flanders), Livrade (in France), and by other names. Her story is a curiosity of hagiology and is hardly worth including in a collection of lives of the saints but for the fact that it has the unenviable distinction of being one of the most obviously false and preposterous of the pseudo-pious romances by which simple Christians have been deceived or regaled' (The Lives of the Saints 3, 151). She was 'one of 7 or 9 children born at one birth by the wife of a heathen king of Portugal, all of whom became Christians and suffered martyrdom' (151). Refusing to marry the king of Sicily because of her vow of virginity, she prayed for assistance; miraculously a

196 / Commentary beard and moustache grew on her face; as a result the king of Sicily (understandably) refused her. Her father had her crucified (151). Butler adds, The "Uncumber" names signifiy one who frees from anxiety, because of the belief that clients of this "saint" will be delivered from troubles and die a happy death. In England she was invoked particularly by women who were afflicted by troublesome husbands' (151). Thomas adds that 'her statue stood in St. Paul's' and that she 'could eliminate the husbands of those discontented wives who chose to offer her a peck of oats' (Religion and the Decline of Magic 29). Toncombre' is referred to in The Play Called the Four PP (Gassner Medieval and Tudoi Drama 233), and Bale satirizes her in Comedy concernynge thre lawes (cited in Duffy The Stripping of the Altars 179), as does More's critical interlocutor in A Dialogue Concerning Heresies ii (vol 6, part 1, 235). 'Sir Ihon shorne/ was 'John Schorne, rector of North Marston in Buckinghamshire in 1290, who had conjured the Devil into a boot' (Anthea Hume 'Roye's "Brefe Dialoge'" 311). He was invoked to cure the ague. He appears portrayed in the church of Gateley in Norfolk (Duffy, plate 72) and is also referred to in The Play Called the Four PP (Gassner, 233). Hume adds that 'his cult was a particularly flourishing one. Hence Roye's interpolated sentence was a neat device for planting the theology of Strassburg in the English countryside' (311). 600-10 Howe ... everlastynge On the invocation of saints Luther states: 'Others before me have attacked the invocation of saints, and this pleases me. I believe, too, that Christ alone should be invoked as our Mediator, a truth which is scriptural and certain. Of the invocation of saints nothing is said in Scripture; therefore it is necessarily uncertain and not to be believed' ('Confession Concerning Christ's Supper' LW37, 370). 'In the first place you know that under the papacy it is not only taught that the saints in heaven intercede for us - though we cannot know this, since the Scriptures tell us no such thing - but the saints have also been made gods, so that they have to be our patrons, on whom we are to call - some of whom never existed. To each of these saints some particular power and might has been ascribed. One has power over fire, another over water, another over pestilence, fever, and all kinds of disease ... 'In the second place you know that there is not a single word of God commanding us to call on either angels or saints to intercede for us, and we have no example of it in the Scriptures ... Thus the worship of saints shows itself to be nothing but human twaddle, man's own invention apart from the word of God and the Scriptures' ('On Translating: An Open Letter' LW 35,198-9). 605 note 43 Ro.xiiij 'Happy is he that condemneth not himself in that thing which he alloweth. For he that maketh conscience, is damned if he eat:

197 / Commentary because he doth it not of faith. For whatsoever is not of faith, that same is sin' (240; Romans 14:22-3). 607-8 sendynge ... vs The 'wholy scripture' governs this clause as well; hence, scripture everywhere tells us that Jesus Christ, sole mediator between God and humanity, has been sent unto humankind. 608 note 44 j.Tim.ij 'For there is one God, and one mediator between God and man, which is the man Christ Jesus which gave himself for all men' (310; 1 Timothy 2:5). 612 note 45 ma.xxvj 'Watch and pray, that ye fall not into temptation. The spirit is willing, but the flesh is weak' (57; Matthew 26:41). 613 note 46 Luc.xj xviij Luke 11:1-10 cites the Lord's Prayer. 'And it fortuned as he was praying in a certain place: when he ceased, one of his disciples said unto him: master, teach us to pray, as John taught his disciples' (109; Luke 11:1). 'And he put forth a similitude unto them, signifying that men ought always to pray' (120; Luke 18:1). 614-15 olde Adam Cf. Tyndale: '[A]s long as we live, we are yet partly carnal and fleshly, notwithstanding that we are in Christ, and though it be not imputed unto us for Christ's sake; for there abideth and remaineth in us yet of the old Adam' (The Parable of the Wicked Mammon PS 1, 113). 616 note 47 Ro.xij Not Romans 12, but probably Romans 7: 'I find then by the law that when I would do good, evil is present in me. I delight in the law of God, concerning the inner man. But I see another law in my members rebelling against the law of my mind, and subduing me unto the law of sin, which is in my members' (232; Romans 7:21-3). 620 two maner awayes le, in two ways. 620 The vngodly to death le, the ungodly to their own perdition. 620 note 48 j.Io.iij 'Whosoever is born of God, sinneth not: for his seed remaineth in him, and he cannot sin, because he is born of God' (340; 1 John 3:9). 623 vessels of wrathe Cf Romans 9:22: 'Even so, God willing to show his wrath, and to make his power known, suffered with long patience the vessels of wrath, ordained to damnation, that he might declare the riches of his glory on the vessels of mercy, which he had prepared unto glory' (234). Cf Rede Me (55; 114-18}: 'And fautlesse he shall fynde it a grett occasion to love, and also to thancke god his father most mercifull, which of his tender mercy hath nott delyvered hym vppe vnto a leawd mynde, with these vessels of wrathe, and children of the devill.' 625-31 Contrary ... synne le, on the other hand, the godly sin against their will because of fleshly weakness. They have within them the seed of faith, which assures them of God's mercy and which means that they cannot sin (as the ungodly do) to their own perdition or remain associated with the

198 / Commentary works of darkness. The seed of faith within them makes them believe that Christ, who through his death cleansed them from sin, is their brother. 631 note 49 Ro.viij 'Wherefore if the spirit of him that raised up Jesus from death, dwell in you: even he that raised up Christ from death, shall quicken your mortal bodies, because that spirit dwelleth in you. Therefore brethren we are now debtors, not to the flesh, to live after the flesh. For if ye live after the flesh, ye must die. But if ye mortify the deeds of the body, by the help of the spirit, ye shall live' (232-3; Romans 8:11-13). 634 note 50 laon.vj 'Verily verily I say unto you, he that believeth on me, hath everlasting life' (142; John 6:47). 637-8 Wherfore ... belefe le, to the extent that we lack belief we sin and are spiritually dead. 638 note 51 loan.vj 'And this is the will of him that sent me: that every man which seeth the son and believeth on him, have everlasting life' (142; John 6:40). 639-41 For ... Christ The sense seems to be that no one's belief is perfect, so that God might show mercy on everyone who believes, however imperfectly. God's mercy ('which thynge' 640) causes all of humankind who believe to be meek and to reach out to God through Christ. 640-1 to meke oure selves le, to humble ourselves. 655 note 52 mat.vij 'Even so every good tree bringeth forth good fruit. But a corrupt tree, bringeth forth evil fruit. A good tree cannot bring forth bad fruite [sic]: nor yet a bad tree can bring forth good fruit' (29; Matthew 7:17-18). 656 note 53 Ezec.xx 'Moreover also I gave them my sabbaths, to be a sign between me and them, that they might know that I am the Lord that sanctify them'(Ezekiel 20:12). 663 by ... faythe Cf Tyndale: 'And by the works is the faith known, that it was right and perfect. For the outward works can never please God, nor make friends, except they spring of faith' (The Parable of the Wicked Mammon PS 1, 62). '[B]ut as Abraham's circumcision was an outward sign, wherby he declared his righteousness which he had by faith, and his obedience and readiness unto the will of God; even so are all other good works outward signs and outward fruits of faith and of the Spirit...' (Prologue upon the Epistle to the Romans PS 1, 497). 665-710 Which ... hell Cf Luther: 'I believe and know that Scripture teaches us that the second person in the Godhead, viz. the Son, alone became true man, conceived by the Holy Spirit without the co-operation of man, and was born of the pure, holy Virgin Mary as of a real natural mother ... 'I believe also that this Son of God and of Mary, our Lord Jesus Christ,

199 / Commentary suffered for us poor sinners, was crucified, dead, and buried, in order that he might redeem us from sin, death, and the eternal wrath of God by his innocent blood; and that on the third day he arose from the dead, ascended into heaven, and sits at the right hand of God the Father almighty' ('Confession Concerning Christ's Supper' LW37, 361-2). 669 note 54 Luce.j 'Then said Mary unto the angel: How shall this be, seeing I know not a man? And the angel answered and said unto her: The holy ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the highest shall overshadow thee'(89; Luke 1:34-5). 672 note 55 Psal.l 'Behold, I was shapen in inquity; and in sin did my mother conceive me' (Psalm 51:5 RSV). 675 note 56 Esa.vij Therefore the Lord himself shall give you a sign; Behold, a virgin shall conceive and bear a son, and shall call his name Immanuel' (Isaiah 7:14). 677 note 57 lo.x.vj 'If I do not the works of my father, believe me not. But if I do, though ye believe not me, yet believe the works, that ye may know and believe that the father is in me, and I in him' (149; John 10:37-8). 'For I came down from heaven: not to do mine own will, but his will which hath sent me. And this is the father's will which hath sent me, that of all which he hath given me, I should lose nothing: but should rise it up again at the last day'(142; John 6:38-9). 681 note 58 j.Pe.iij 'It is better (if the will of God be so) that ye suffer for well doing, than for evil doing. Forasmuch as Christ hath once suffered for sins, the just for the unjust, for to bring us to God, and was killed, as pertaining to the flesh: but was quickened in the spirit' (330; 1 Peter 3:17-19). 685 note 59 genn.xlix 'Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce; and their wrath, for it was cruel: I will divide them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel' (Genesis 49:7). 687 note 60 Psal.ij 'Why do the heathen rage and the people imagine a vain thing? The kings of the earth set themselves, and the rulers take counsel together, against the Lord, and against his anointed, saying Let us break their bands asunder, and cast away their cords from us' (Psalms 2:1-3). 689 note 61 Col.ij 'And ye which were dead in sin through the uncircumcision of your flesh, hath he quickened with him and hath forgiven us all our trespasses and hath put out the handwriting that was against us, contained in the law written, and that hath he taken out of the way and hath fastened it to his cross, and hath spoiled rule and power and hath made a shew of them openly, and hath triumphed over them in his own person' (296; Colossians 2:13-15).

200 / Commentary 690 note 62 j.Pet.ij 'For hereunto verily were ye called: for Christ also suffered for us leaving us an example that ye should follow his steps, which did no sin' (329; 1 Peter 2:21-2). 697 note 63 Ebr.viij 'Now hath he obtained a more excellent office, inasmuch as he is the mediator of a better testament, which was made for better promises' (353; Hebrews 8:6). 696-7 he ... testament le, he became the mediator mentioned in the New Testament. 698 oure ... testament The transgressions committed in the Old Testament, presumably Adam and Eve's fall from grace, which affected us all. 698 note 64 Ebr.ix 'And for this cause is he the mediator of the new testament (that through death was chanced for the redemption of those trangressions that were in the first testament) they which were called, might receive the promise of eternal inheritance' (354; Hebrews 9:15). 700-2 For ... alowed le, to the extent that God allowed Christ - who knows no sin - to take on sinful humanity, humankind should possess the righteousness which God allows. 701 note 65 ij.Co.iij 'Such trust have we through Christ to God-ward, not that we are sufficient of ourselves to think anything as it were of ourselves: but our ableness cometh of God, which hath made us able to minister the new testament, not of the letter, but of the spirit' (264; 2 Corinthians 3:4-6). 707 halowynge of the Saboth daye See 656-7. 709-10 both from death also hell le, both from death and hell. 709 note 66 Psal.xvj 'Therefore my heart is glad, and my glory rejoiceth: my flesh also shall rest in hope. For thou wilt not leave my soul in hell; neither wilt thou suffer thine Holy One to see corruption' (Psalm 16:9-10). 710 note 67 Act.ij 'Men and brethren, let me freely speak unto you of the patriarch David: For he is both dead and buried, and his sepulchre remaineth with us unto his day. Therefore seeing he was a prophet, and knew that God had sworn with an oath to him, that the fruit of his loins should sit on his seat (in that Christ should rise again in the flesh) he saw before: and spake in the resurrection of Christ, that his soul should not be left in hell: neither his flesh should see corruption. This Jesus hath God raised up, whereof we are all witnesses' (167; Acts 2:29-32). 713 note 68 Heb.ix 'But now in the end of the world, hath he approved once, to put sin to flight by the offering up of himself. And as it is appointed unto men that they shall once die, and then cometh the judgment, even so Christ was one offered to take away the sins of the many, and unto them that look for him, shall he appear again without sin, unto salvation' (355; Hebrews 9:26-8). 713-16 Though ... agayne A reference to the doctrine of soul-sleep as

201 / Commentary opposed to resurrection. The controversy over this issue arose between reformers themselves, the most serious in England being between William Tyndale and George Joye. The issue is summed up by Clebsch: '[D]id resurrection of the dead with their bodies await the trumpet's last call, or were the souls of the faithful departed already living a resurrected life?' (219). The view represented in lines 713-16 would seem to support the soul-sleep doctrine, endorsed by both Zwingli and Joye. 715 for remaynynge le, remaining in that condition. 716 note 69 mat.xxij 'As touching the resurrection of the dead: have ye not read what is said unto you of God, which sayth: I am Abraham's God, and Isaac's God, and the God of Jacob? God is not the God of the dead: but of the living' (51; Matthew 22:31-2). 717 note 70 j.Co.xv The entire chapter deals with the resurrection. For example: 'If Christ be preached how that he rose from death: how say some that are among you, that there is no resurrection from death? If there be no rising again from death: then is Christ not risen. If Christ be not risen, then is our preaching vain, and your faith is also in vain. Yea and we are found false witnesses of God. For we have testified of God, how that he raised up Christ, whom he raised not up, if it be so that the dead rise not up again. For if the dead rise not again, then is Christ not risen again. If it be so that Christ rose not, then is your faith in vain and yet are ye in your sins' (258; 1 Corinthians 15:12-17). 719 note 71 Ro.nij 'It is not written for him only, that it was reckoned to him for righteousness: but also for us, to whom it shall be counted for righteousness, so we believe on him that raised up Jesus our Lord from death. Which was delivered for our sins, and rose again to justify us' (229; Romans 4:23-5). 721 note 72 j.Pet.iij 'It is better (if the will of God be so) that ye suffer for well doing, than for evil doing. Forasmuch as Christ hath once suffered for sins, the just for the unjust, for to bring us to God, and was killed, as pertaining to the flesh: but was quickened in the spirit' (330; 1 Peter 3:17-18). 725 note 73 Col.iij 'If ye be then risen again with Christ, seek those things which are above, where Christ sitteth on the right hand of God' (297; Colossians 3:1). 729 note 74 j.Pet.iij See note 72. 730 he shulde remayne therin le, remain in a state of death. 730 note 75 Ro.vj 'Wherefore if we be dead with Christ, we believe that we shall live with him: remembering that Christ, once raised from death, dieth no more. Death hath no power over him. For as touching that he died, he died concerning sin, once' (230-1; Romans 6:8-10). 732 note 76 Col.ij '[Y]e are also risen again through faith, that is wrought

202 / Commentary by the operation of God which raised him from death' (296; Colossians 2:12). 736-7 fyrst... Actes 'And when he had spoken these things, while they beheld, he was taken up, and a cloud received him up out of their sight. And while they looked stedfastly up to heaven as he went, behold two men stood by them in white apparel, which also said: ye men of Galilee, why stand ye gazing up into heaven? This same Jesus which is taken up from you into heaven, shall so come, even as ye have seen him go into heaven' (165; Acts 1:9-11). There is no reference in Acts 1, or anywhere else in Acts, to 'the right honde of god,' an expression that occurs in this context in Matthew 26:64, Mark 14:62, and Luke 22:69. 741 note 77 Eph.iiij 'I therefore which am in bonds for the lord's sake, exhort you, that ye walk worthy of the vocation wherewith ye are called, in all humbleness of mind and meekness, and long-suffering, forbearing one another through love, and that ye be diligent to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, being one body, and one spirit, even as ye are called in one hope of your calling' (284; Ephesians 4:1-4). 744 note 78 Ro.iiij 'Not Romans 4, but perhaps 5.10:'... but we also joy in God by the means of our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom we have received the atonement' (230; Romans 5:10). 748 note 79 Ma.xxv iij 'When the son of man cometh in his glory, and all the holy angels with him, then shall sit upon the seat of his glory, and before him shall be gathered all nations. And he shall separate them one from another, as a shepherd divideth the sheep from the goats. And he shall set the sheep on his right hand, and the goats on the left' (55; Matthew 25:31-3). 754 makynge of a crewel iudge a mercifull father See 280-3. 759-61 that... chosen le, that in both our mind and our work we will always and everywhere declare in our lives that we are a part of his elect and chosen. 765-8 That... frute le, at the final judgment Christ will judge each man according to how his works reflect the perfection or imperfection of his belief. And the goodness or badness of this faith brings forth either good or bad fruit (ie, works). 767 note 80 j.Cor.iij 'He that planteth and he that watereth, are neither better than the other. Every man yet shall receive his reward according to his labour' (246; 1 Corinthians 3:8). 771-81 Where ... ymmagion The Lutheran notion of election and predestination. In his 'Preface to the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans' Luther states: 'In chapters 9, 10, and 11 he [St Paul] teaches of God's eternal predestination - out of which originally proceeds who shall believe or not, who can or cannot get rid of sin - in order that our salvation may be taken entirely out

203 / Commentary of our hands and put in the hands of God alone. And this too is utterly necessary. For we are so weak and uncertain that if it depended on us, not even a single person would be saved; the devil would surely overpower us all. But since God is dependable - his predestination cannot fail, and no one can withstand him - we still have hope in the face of sin' (LW 35, 378). In his 'Disputation Against Scholastic Theology' Luther states categorically: The best and infallible preparation for grace and the sole means of obtaining grace is the eternal election and predestination of God' (LW 31, 11). Cf Tyndale: 'If thou wouldest obtain heaven with the merits and deservings of thine own works, so didst thou wrong, yea, and shamedst, the blood of Christ; and unto thee were Christ dead in vain. Now is the true believer heir of God by Christ's deservings; yea, and in Christ was predestinate, and ordained unto eternal life, before the world began' (The Parable of the Wicked Mammon PS 1, 65). 'In the ninth, tenth, and eleventh chapters he treateth of God's predestination; whence it springeth altogether; whether we shall believe or not believe; be loosed from sin, or not be loosed. By which predestination our justifying and salvation are clean taken out of our hands, and put in the hands of God only; which thing is most necessary of all' (Prologue Upon the Epistle to the Romans PS 1, 504-5). 775 note 81 mat.xxv See note 79. 780 note 82 j.Cor.ij 'The eye hath not seen, and the ear hath not heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that love him' (245; 1 Corinthians 2:9). 786 note 83 Ma.xviij ult. 'For where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them' (45; Matthew 18:20). 'And lo I am with you always, even until the end of the world' (61; Matthew 28:20). 793 note 84 loan.j 'John bare witness of him and cried saying: This was he of whom I spake, he that cometh after me, was before me, because he was ere than I. And of his fulness have all we received, even grace for grace' (133; John 1:15-16). 798 he ... must An emphatic expression meaning simply he cannot but choose. 802 The question mark seem inappropriate at the end of this declarative statement. Perhaps it is meant to serve the function of our exclamation mark. 803 With this question the son introduces the complex and vexed notion of the Eucharist, a subject on which there was no single view, even among the reformers themselves. The importance of this issue for this tract is indicated by the length of the digression here: it begins on 803 and ends at 1087. Tyndale claims that there were essentially three views on the Eucharist, only the first of which - the Roman Catholic position - was condemned by all

204 / Commentary reformers: '[Y]e shall understand therefore that there is great dissension and three opinions, about the words of Christ, "This is my body"; and in pronouncing it over the wine, "This is my blood." 'One part say that these words ... compel us to believe under pain of damnation, that the bread and wine are changed into the very body and blood of Christ really: as the water at Cana Galilee was turned into very wine. The second part saith "we be not bound to believe that bread and wine are changed; but only that his body and blood are there presently." 'The third say, "We be bound by these words only to believe that Christ's body was broken, and his blood shed for the remission of our sins,and that there is no other satisfaction for sin than the death and passion of Christ"' (A Brief Declaration of the Sacraments PS 1, 366-7). Luther's position, which differs from the one expressed here, is everywhere apparent in his writings. While denying the doctrine of transubstantiation, he does validate the doctrine of the Real Presence by arguing that, in some mysterious way, the body and blood of Christ are truly present within the bread and wine without any substantive change to the latter: 'In order for the divine nature to dwell in him bodily ... it is not necessary for the human nature to be transubstantiated and the divine nature contained under the accidents of the human nature. Both natures are simply there in their entirety, and it is truly said "This man is God; this God is man." Even though philosophy cannot grasp this, faith grasps it nonetheless. And the authority of God's Word is greater than the capacity of our intellect to grasp. In like manner, it is not necessary in the sacrament that the bread and wine be transubstantiated and that Christ be contained under their accidents in order that the real body and real blood may be present. But both remain there at the same time, and it is truly said "This bread is my body,- this wine is my blood," and vice versa. Thus I will understand it for the time being to the honor of the holy words of God, to which I will allow no violence to be done by petty human arguments, nor will I allow them to be twisted into meanings which are foreign to them' ('The Babylonian Captivity of the Church' LW 36, 35). Luther's attack on the Zwinglian view of the Eucharist, a position closest to the one expressed in A Brefe Dialoge, is best seen in his 'The Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ - Against the Fanatics' (LW, 36, 335-61). The degree of disagreement on the subject of the Eucharist is evident in the number of writings that attacked Luther's view: Zwingli wrote nine; Oecolampadius four, Capito one, Bucer four, Jud one, Landtsperger two, Sam one, Schnewil one, Langenmantel one, and Krautwald two (LW37, 8-11). Luther apparently felt that the opinions on the Eucharist were not only divisive but increasingly manifold: in 1525 he men-

205 / Commentary tioned three factions, in 1527 he mentions seven, and in 1528 ten (LW37, 42). All of volume 37 of the English Works is devoted to this vexed question. A good summary of the complexity and extent of the disagreement on the Eucharist among reformers is in Kittelson 143-70. Tyndale, always worried about presenting a united front against the Roman church, was concerned that the reformers' divisions over this issue threatened to weaken their cause. In his first letter to John Frith, who held the view expressed here, Tyndale counsels caution on the subject of the Eucharist: '[O]f the presence of Christ's body in the sacrament, meddle as little as you can, that there appear no division among us. Barnes will be hot against you. The Saxons be sore on the affirmative; whether constant or obstinate I remit it to God' (PS 1, liii-liv). 806 secte orders, divisions, or communities within the Church. Cf Tyndale in The Parable of the Wicked Mammon: "'There were false prophets among the people (meaning of the Jews), even as there shall be false teachers or doctors among you, which privily shall bring in sects damnable" (sects is part-taking as one holdeth of Francis, another of Dominic' (Doctrinal Treatises 124). Part iv of the ballad 'The Image of Ypocrisye' (1533) lists many of the sects within the traditional Church. In Tractatus De Pseudo-Freris, a work attributed to Wycliffe by Matthew, Wycliffe defines a sect as 'a new ordre bi newe patroun and newe lawe ... and if benet or dominie or fraunciss or bernard or angel of heuene make a newe secte upon cristis secte, he is herfore worthy to be blamed; and this secte schulde be despisid and cristis secte shulde be holde clene' (The English Works of Wycli/301). 809 note 85 Mat.xv 'Let them alone, they be the blind leaders of the blind. If the blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch' (41; Matthew 15:14). 811 playnly As here placed 'playnly' is a squinting modifier, probably meant to modify 'repungneth agaynst.' 812 repungneth agaynst This expression seems to be an OED antedating attributable to Roye. See also his rendering of Luther's commentary on 1 Corinthians 7 (An exposition}: 'Whiche thynge notwithstandyng doth clerly repugne agaynst Christe and his Apostles' (o4r-D4v). 816 note 86 lo.xvij Actually John 16:7: 'Nevertheless I tell you the truth, it is expedient for you that I go away' (157). 819 note 87 Ro.xv 'Whatsoever things are written aforetime, are written for our learning, that we through patience and comfort of the scripture, might have hope' (240; Romans 15:4). 826 note 88 j.co.xj Tor as often as ye shall eat this bread and drink this cup, ye shall show the lord's death till he come' (254; 1 Corinthians 11:26). 849 note 89 Rom.ix Tor he saith to Moses: I will show mercy to whom I shew mercy: and will have compassion on whom I have compassion. So

206 / Commentary lieth it not then in a man's will or cunning, but in the mercy of God' (234; Romans 9:15-16). 853 note 90 Luc.xxij 'And he took bread, gave thanks, and gave to them, saying: This is my body which is given for you. This do in remembrance of me. Likewise also, when they had supped, he took the cup saying: This cup is the new testament, in my blood, which shall for you be shed' (126; Luke 22:19-20). 860 note 91 Luc.xxij Roye here seems to be stretching the truth to support his view on the Eucharist; there is no specific reference in Luke 22 to Christ testifying that the bread remains bread and the wine wine. The reference to Luke 22 does not appear in Capito. 860-83 Wheare ... wyne A not altogether lucid passage at least to the modern eye. Roye suggests that God's words as expressed in the gospel are true now and will continue to be true whether these words refer to spiritual or physical phenomena. He then lists a number of clear physical activites carried out by God to prove Christ's Godhead: the changing of water into wine at the marriage feast of Cana; the restoring of sight to the blind man; the raising of Lazarus from the dead. And, in the same manner, he gave us his body and blood not to eat or drink in fact but to accept spiritually. Those who believe this are stronger in their faith and follow in Christ's footsteps by serving their brethren and despising the world. Hence, through things most certain (that is, easily seen, such as bread and wine or changing wine into water, or restoring sight, or raising Lazarus), the invisible presence of God is apprehended. As a result, God's bodily presence is not in the bread and wine. 864 note 92 loan.ij The reference is to the marriage feast at Cana. 'And Jesus said unto them: fill the waterpots with water. And they filled them up to the brim. And he said unto them: draw out now, and bear unto the governor of the feast. And they bare it. When the ruler of the feast had tasted the water that was turned unto wine, and knew not whence it was ... he called the bridegroom, and said unto him, all men at the beginning set forth good wine, and when men be drunk, then that which is worse. But thou hast kept back the good wine, until now' (135; John 2:7-10). 867 note 93 loan.ix 'As soon as he had thus spoken, he spat on the ground and made clay of the spittle, and rubbed the clay on the eyes of the blind, and said unto him: Go wash thee in the pool of Siloam, which by interpretation, signifieth sent. He went his way and washed, and came again seeing' (146-7; John 9:6-7). 869 note 94 loan.xj 'And Jesus said: take ye away the stone. Martha the sister of him that was dead, said unto him: Lord by this time he stinketh. For he hath been dead four days: Jesus said unto her: Said I not unto thee, that

207 / Commentary if thou didst believe, thou shouldest see the glory of God? Then they took away the stone from the place where the dead was laid. And Jesus lift up his eyes and said: Father I thank thee because thou hast heard me. I wot that thou hearest me always: but because of the people that stand by I said it, that they may believe that thou hast sent me. And when he thus had spoken, he cried with a loud voice, Lazarus come forth. And he that was dead, came forth, bound hand and foot with grave bonds, and his face was bound with a napkin' (150; John 11:39-44). 877 note 95 loan.vj 'He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me and I in him' (142; John 6:57). 885-6 sate aboute hyme A reference to the Last Supper. 888 the ... Ihon 'Labour not for the meat which perisheth, but for the meat that endureth unto everlasting life, which meat the son of man shall give unto you.' 'It is the spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing' (141, 142; John 6:27, 64). 892-3 and ... lyfe le, and therefore neither carnal (worldly) things nor ungodly individuals can be imbued with spirit or (spiritual) life. 900 fordsayde place le, the sixth chapter of John referred to in 820. 903 note 96 ma.xxvj Marci.xiiij Luc.xxij 'As they did eat, Jesus took bread and gave thanks, brake it, and gave it to the disciples, and said: Take, eat, this is my body. And he took the cup, and thanked, and gave it them, saying: drink of it every one. For this is the blood of the new testament, that shall be shed for many, for the remission of sins' (57; Matthew 26:26-8). 'And as they ate, Jesus took bread, blessed and brake and gave to them and said: Take, eat, this is my body. And he took the cup, gave thanks, and gave it to them, and they all drank of it. And he said unto them: this is my blood of the new testament which is shed for many' (83; Mark 14:22-4). 'And he took bread, gave thanks, and gave to them, saying: This is my body which is given for you. This do in remembrance of me. Likewise also, when they had supped, he took the cup saying: This cup is the new testament, in my blood, which shall for you be shed' (126; Luke 22:19-20). 904-5 are but one maner of speakinge le, are saying the same thing. 906-7 the ... Ihon See 888. 906-9 the ... corporally 'Brethren I would not that ye should be ignorant of this, how that our fathers were all under a cloud, and all passed through the sea, and were all baptised under Moses, in the cloud, and in the sea: and did all eat of one spiritual meat, and did all drink of one manner of spiritual drink' (252; 1 Corinthians 10:1-4). 'For as often as ye shall eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye shall show the lord's death till he come. Wherefore whosoever shall eat of this bread, or drink of the cup unworthily, shall be guilty of the body and blood of the Lord' (254; 1 Corinthians 11:26-7). 'In

208 / Commentary spiritual things brethren I would not have you ignorant' (254; 1 Corinthians 12:1). 917 note 97 ij.Pet.j 'We have also a right sure word of prophecy whereunto if ye take heed, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place, ye do well, until the day dawn and the day star arise in your hearts. So that ye first know this: That no prophecy in the scripture hath any private interpretation. For the scripture came never by the will of man: but holy men of God spake as they were moved by the holy ghost' (334; 2 Peter 1:19-21). 919 note 98 ma.xxiij 'But ye shall not suffer yourselves to be called Rabbi. For one is your master, that is to wit Christ, and all ye are brethren. And call no man your father upon the earth, for there is but one master, and he is Christ' (51; Matthew 23:8-9). 920 note 99 Luce.x 'Bear no wallet, neither scrip, nor shoes, and salute no man by the way' (107; Luke 10:4). 921 note 100 mat.x 'Possess not gold, nor silver, nor brass in your girdles, nor yet scrip towards your journey: neither two coats, neither shoes, nor yet a staff (32-3; Matthew 10:9-10). 921-2 We ... letter The suggestion is that the words of the Scriptures must often be interpreted metaphorically rather than literally. 922 note 101 ij.cor.iij 'but our ableness cometh of God, which hath made us able to minister the new testament, not of the letter, but of the spirit. For the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life' (264; 2 Corinthians 3:5-6). 927 these so playne wordes le, this is my body, this is my blood. 929-31 Wherfore ... herder The sense seems to be that once one has understood the spirit of the gospel one can then interpret and expound difficult biblical texts clearly. 944-8 whose ... purpose Cf Tyndale: '[T]he scripture speaketh many things as the world speaketh; but they may not be worldly understood, but ghostly and spiritually' (The Parable of the Wicked Mammon PS 1, 88). 946-8 ordrynge ... purpose Roye wants to emphasize that Christ intended his words about eating his body and blood to be interpreted literally so that humankind's dull minds might better understand the spiritual meaning of his words. This is a crucial argument for Roye to win. To lose it would mean having to accept the doctrine of the Real Presence, a view endorsed by Luther but not by Roye. 949 note 102 loan.xx 'As my father sent me, even so I send you. And when he had said that, he breathed on them and said unto them: receive the holy ghost'(163; John 20:21-2). 963 grafte in belefe Cf Romans 11:22-3: 'Behold the kindness and rigorousness of God: on them which fell, rigorousness: but towards thee, kindness, if

209 / Commentary thou continue in his kindness. Or else thou shalt be hewn off, and they if they bide not still in unbelief, shall be graffed in again' (237). 963 note 103 loan.vj See 888. 967 note 104 j.Cor.xj 'Wherefore whosoever shall eat of this bread or drink of the cup unworthily, shall be guilty of the body and blood of the Lord' (254; 1 Corinthians 11:27). 971-3 Paul... thirsted Cf 1 Corinthians 11:20-1: 'When ye come together a man cannot eat the Lord's supper. For every man beginneth afore to eat his own supper. And one is hungry, and another is drunken' (254). 978 note 105 j.Cor.xij 'For as the body is one, and hath many members, and all the members of one body though they be many, yet are but one body: even so is Christ.' 'Ye are the body of Christ, and members one of another' (254-5; 1 Corinthians 11:12, 27). 984 note 106 j.Cor.xj See note 104. 984-1006 (whome ... love) This long parenthetical statement interrupts the reference to Paul and the Corinthians introduced at 984 and picked up again at 1006. In this parenthetical statement Roye attacks lying and lazy clergy and their perverse doctrine of transubstantiation. 985 note 107 Phili.iij 'For many walk ... that they are enemies of the cross of Christ, whose end is damnation, whose God is their belly, and whose glory is to their shame, which are worldly-minded' (292,- Philippians 3:18-19). 989 vnder their girdles Ie, Under their control. Cf Rede Me 146-7; 3356-7): referring to Wolsey's power the text wishes that God's judgment might be directed against the chancellor, who claims that 'vnder his girthell,/ He holdeth Kynges and Princes.' The term may have originated with Roye. OED gives its first recorded usage as 1541. 1001-5 Insomoche ... commaundment An example of how those who are misled by members of the spiritual hierarchy (who endorse transubstantiation, thereby bringing glory to themselves) give their last scrap of food to these frauds; hence, a poor man or woman having only one loaf of bread or one cheese to feed a family gives it to a beggarly (tonsured) merchant (eg, priest, friar, monk) under orders from him, even though he has an abundance of food and lives idly at home. 1009-12 Ys ... it The literal-minded Son asks again how can we be part of Christ's body unless we do indeed eat that body. The Father responds with two examples: one concerning the partaking of an altar sacrifice, the other of partaking of devils. In neither of these examples do those who partake consume either part of the altar or eat devils (ie, they don't partake by literally eating). And yet their participation in these rites makes them full partakers in them. So one can partake of Christ's body without actually eating

210 / Commentary it. And one does this by sharing bread together in the unity and love taught to them by Christ. Clearly the Father seems to have had enough of this protracted discussion on the Eucharist. He tells his Son not to dispute of such matters since true Christians are unlikely to indulge in such 'vayne disputacions' (1028-9), a statement belied by the enormous controversy it gave rise to (see Commentary 803). 1013 note 108 j.Cor.ix 'And they which wait at the altar, are partakers with the altar?' (251; 1 Corinthians 9:13). 1015 note 109 j.Cor.x 'Is not the bread which we break, partaking of the body of Christ? Because that we (though we be many) yet are one bread, and one body inasmuch as we all are partakers of our bread' (252; 1 Corinthians 10:16-17). 1021 note 110 mat.xiij 'But he said, nay, lest while ye go about to weed out the tares, ye pluck up also with them the wheat by the roots: let both grow together till harvest come, and in time of harvest, I will say to the reapers, gather ye first the tares, and bind them in sheaves to be burnt: but gather the wheat into my barn' (38; Matthew 13:29-30). 1022 harvest Possibly the final judgment. 1023 note 111 j.Cor.x 'Nay, but I say, that those things which the gentiles offer, they offer to devils, and not to God. And I would not that ye should have fellowship with the devils. Ye cannot drink of the cup of the Lord, and of the cup of the devils. Ye cannot be partakers of the Lord's table, and of the table of devils.' 'But and if any man say unto you: this is dedicate unto idols, eat not of it for his sake that showed it and for hurting of conscience' (252-3, 253; 1 Corinthians 10:19-21, 28). 1026-9 And ... disputations As is clear from this extensive discussion on the entirely spiritual significance of the Eucharist, the author has not taken his own good advice. 1029 note 112 j.Cor.xj Possibly, 'First of all when you come together in the congregation, I hear that there is dissension among you: and I partly believe it. For there must be sects among you, that they which are perfect among you, might be known' (254; 1 Corinthians 11:18-19). 1031 note 113 j.Pet.iij 'Be ready always to give an answer to every man that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you, and that with meekness and fear'(329; 1 Peter 3:15). 1033 note 114 ma.xxvj 'Nevertheless I say unto you, hereafter shall ye see the son of man sitting on the right hand of power, and come in the clouds of the sky' (58; Matthew 26:64). 1033 note 115 Luc.xxij 'Hereafter shall the son of man sit on the right hand of the power of God' (128; Luke 22:69). 1040-2 For ... hert le, I'm now convinced that external signs are of no value .

211 / Commentary unless they are accompanied by an inward working of the spirit in the heart. 1049 note 116 Mat.xxviij Not Matthew 28, but possibly Matthew 25:31-3 'When the son of man cometh in his glory, and all the holy angels with him, then shall he sit upon the seat of his glory, and before him shall be gathered all nations. And he shall separate them one from another, as a shepherd divideth the sheep from the goats. And he shall set the sheep on his right hand, and the goats on the left' (55). 1048-9 (in the twyncklynge of an eye) 1 Corinthians 15:52: 'We shall not all sleep: but we shall all be changed, and that in a moment, and in the twinkling of an eye, at the sound of the last trumpet' (259). 1050 note 117 Luc.xxj This chapter in Luke discusses the end of the world; for example, 'The sea and the waters shall roar, and men's hearts shall fail them for fear, and for looking after those things which shall come on the earth. For the powers of heaven shall move. And then shall they see the son of man come in a cloud with power and great glory. When these things begin to come to pass: then look up, and lift up your heads for your redemption draweth nigh' (125; Luke 21:25-7). 1054 note 118 mat.xxv 'When the son of man cometh in his glory, and all the holy angels with him, then shall he sit upon the seat of his glory, and before him shall be gathered all nations. And he shall separate them one from another, as a shepherd divideth the sheep from the goats' (55; Matthew 25:31-2). 1056 note 119 Ephe.iij 'For this cause I bow my knees unto the father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which is father over all that is called father in heaven and in earth, that he would grant you according to the riches of his glory, that ye may be strengthened with might by his spirit in the inner man' (284; Ephesians 3:14-16). 1059 note 120 Ma.xxv The parable of the ten virgins: 'Then the kingdom of heaven shall be likened unto ten virgins, which took their lamps, and went to meet the bridegroom: five of them were foolish, and five were wise. The foolish took their lamps, but took none oil with them. But the wise took oil with them in their vessels, with their lamps also. While the bridegroom tarried, all slumbered and slept. And even at midnight, there was a cry made: behold, the bridegroom cometh, go out against him. Then all those virgins arose, and prepared their lamps. And the foolish said to the wise: give us your oil, for our lamps go out,- but the wise answered saying: not so, lest there be not enough for us and you: but go rather to them that sell, and buy for yourselves' (54; Matthew 25:1-9). 1065-79 That... possibilite See the Commentary on 181-2. On the powers of the Holy Ghost see Luther: 'I believe in the Holy Spirit, who with the Father

212 / Commentary and the Son is one true God and proceeds eternally from the Father and the Son, yet is a distinct person in the one divine essence and nature. By this Holy Spirit, as a living, eternal, divine gift and endowment, all believers are adorned with faith and other spiritual gifts, raised from the dead, freed from sin, and made joyful and confident, free and secure in their conscience. For this is our assurance if we feel this witness of the Spirit in our hearts, that God wishes to be our Father, forgive our sin, and bestow everlasting life on us' ('Confession Concerning Christ's Supper' LW 37, 365-6). 1066 natuiall manne le, the man who places his trust only in the things of this world. 1067 note 121 j.Cor.ij 'For the natural man perceiveth not the things of the spirit of God. For they are but foolishness unto him' (245; 1 Corinthians 2:14). 1070 note 122 loa.xvj 'I have yet many things to say unto you: but ye cannot bear them away now. Howbeit when he is come (I mean the spirit of truth) he will lead you into all truth' (157; John 16:12-13). 1082 his worde le, the Son, the second person of the Trinity. 1082-3 thus ... enquyrannce Perhaps the Father is trying here to avoid a detailed discussion on the mysterious nature of the Trinity, remembering his recent involved discussion on the Eucharist. 1082-6 God ... god Cf Luther: 'I believe with my whole heart the sublime article of the majesty of God, that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, three distinct persons, are by nature one true and genuine God' ('Confession Concerning Christ's Supper' LW 37, 361). 1083 note 123 Deu.vj 'You shall not go after other gods, of the gods of the people which are round about you, For the Lord thy God is a jealous God' (Deuteronomy 6:14-15). 1088 note 124 loan.] 'In the beginning was the word, and the word was with God: and the word was God. The same was in the beginning with God. All things were made by it, and without it, was made nothing, that was made' (133; John 1:1-3). 1095-6 fayth/ hoape/ and charite The three theological virtues. 1096-7 that... manne le, that they (faith, hope, and charity) are above the nature and capacity of man. 1103-6 o f . . . spretuall The text here expresses its belief in two sacraments only - baptism and the Eucharist - in opposition to the traditional Church, which claimed there were seven. Tyndale defines a sacrament in Obedience of a Christian Man as 'an holy sign, and representeth alway some promise of God' (PS 1, 252). He then goes on to discuss the two sacraments of the Eucharist and baptism.

213 / Commentary 1106 tokens materiall le, visible signs. 1111 note 125 Colo.j 'Now joy I in my sufferings which I suffer for you and fulfil that which is behind of the passions of Christ in my flesh for his body's sake, which is the congregation, whereof I am made a minister according to the ordinance of God, which ordinance was given me unto youward, to fulfil the word of God, that mystery hid since the world began, and since the beginning of generations: but now is opened to his saints, to whom God would make known the glorious riches of this mystery among the gentiles, which riches is Christ in you, the hope of glory, whom we preach, warning all men, and teaching all men in all wisdom, to make all men perfect in Christ Jesus' (296; Colossians 1:24-9). 1114 note 126 Eph.iiij 'I therefore which am in bonds for the Lord's sake, exhort you, that ye walk worthy of the vocation wherewith you are called, in all humbleness of mind and meekness, and long-suffering, forbearing one another through love, and that ye be diligent to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, being one body, and one spirit, even as ye are called in one hope of your calling. Let there be but one Lord, one faith, one baptism: one God and father of all, which is above all, through all and in you all' (284; Ephesians4:l-6). 1120-34 Thou ... rest See above 552-62. 1125-30 With outen ... lesus A carefully phrased denial of the doctrine of the intercession of saints. The Father states that saints ('they nowe livynge in god' 1125) undoubtedly desire the salvation of those on earth, but there is no commandment of God that requires anyone to believe in any direct intercession on the part of the saints. Our own true intercession is through the mediation of Jesus Christ. 1130 note 127 Mat.xj 'All things are given unto me of my father. And no man knoweth the son but the father: neither knoweth any man the father, save the son, and he to whom the son will open him' (35; Matthew 11:27). 1131-4 Wherfore ... rest The Son asks the Father why St Paul requested that humankind pray for the dead. The Father seems to fudge the answer, stating that such prayer enhances God's glory - not a very satisfactory response. He then gives the typical Protestant answer, namely that the fate of the dead resides in God's hands, implying that man's prayer has no effect on a dead person's fate. 1141 note 128 Ro.xij 'As we have many members in one body, and all members have not one office: so we being many are one body in Christ and every man (among ourselves) one another's members' (237; Romans 12:4-5). 1143 note 129 j.Cor.xii 'For as the body is one, and hath many members, and all the members of one body though they be many, yet are but one

214 / Commentary body: even so is Christ.' 'But now hath God disposed the members every one of them in the body, at his own pleasure.' 'Ye are the body of Christ, and members one of another' (254, 255, 255; 1 Corinthians 12:12, 18, 27). 1144 note 130 Eph.iiij 'But let us follow the truth in love, and in all things grow in him which is the head, that is to say Christ, in whom all the body is coupled and knit together in every joint wherwith one ministereth to another ... and increaseth the body, unto the edifying of itself in love' (285; Ephesians 4:15-16). 1146-7 Wheare is this churchel here at Rome/ or at Constantinoble Rome and Constantinople are the two centres of Christendom, the former of the Western church, the latter of the Eastern. This reference to Constantinople is, nevertheless, curious since Constantinople was overthrown by the Turks on 29 May 1453, some 74 years before A Brefe Dialoge was published. In Rede Me Roye and Barlowe refer to Constantinople as a heathen land. Responding to Watkyn's question as to where he might escape in order to avoid the iniquities of the English church, leffraye responds: 'To Constantinoble in Turkye,/ Amonge hethen my lyfe to leade' (154: 3646-7). Perhaps the reference to Constantinople in A Brefe Dialoge is meant to be ironic in order to suggest that the church of Rome is no more enlightened than those of heathen lands. The term is also found in Capito. John Bale makes reference to these two centres of Christendom in the 'Preface' to The vocacyon of John Bale (37): 'They are truly muche deceived which thinketh the Christen churche to be a politicall commen welthe/ as of Rome and Constantinople/ mayntayned by humayne polycyes/ and not by the only wurde of God.' 1146-55 Wheare ... churche This definition of the church is not unlike Luther's: 'Not Rome or this or that place, but baptism, the sacrament, and the gospel are the signs by which the existence of the church to the world can be noticed externally' ('On the Papacy in Rome' LW 39, 75). And again: 'Surely if in this way two, three, or ten homes, or a whole city, or several cities agreed thus among themselves to live in faith and love by the use of the gospel in the home, and even if no ordained man, shorn or anointed, ever came to them or in any other way was placed over them as minister to administer the Eucharist and other sacraments, Christ without a doubt would be in their midst and would own them as his church' ('Concerning the Ministry' LW 40, 9-10). Cf Tyndale: 'The church of Christ, then, is the multitude of all them that believe in Christ for the remission of sin; and, of a thankfulness for that mercy, love the law of God purely and without glosses,- and, of hate they have to the sin of this world, long for the life to come. This is the church that cannot err damnably' (Exposition of Matthew V.VI.VII. (PS 2, 12). 1148 There as are christen belevers le, wherever Christian believers are.

215 / Commentary 1148-9 the daye of manne A perplexing phrase perhaps meaning simply in man's time. 1152 she le, the church, traditionally referred to as a woman, often as a mother. 1151-2 And ... temporall A reference to the papacy. Cf Luther: '[N]o one is able to instill either into another man or into his own soul the faith, mind, will, and activity of Christ except Christ alone. Neither pope nor bishop can cause faith and whatever else a Christian member should have to spring up in a human heart ... How could he [ie, the pope or bishop] then be head of such a Christian. Since he is unable to give himself the life of the spiritual church, how is he to instill it in someone else? Indeed, who has ever seen a live animal with a dead head? The head must instill life. That is why it is clear that on earth there is no head of spiritual Christendom other than Christ alone. Even if a man were the head here, Christendom would have to fall as often as a pope died, for the body cannot live when its head is dead' ('On the Papacy in Rome' LW 39, 72). 1151-4 And ... Kynge The father is implying that Christ rather than the pope ('power temporall') is the head of the church. 1158-9 which ... was The suggestion is that divine providence was at work before the world began inasmuch as even sinners are part of Christ's church, not because of their deeds, but rather to fulfil Christ's purpose and demonstrate his free and unmerited gift of grace that he gives to sinful men. 1156-9 Ye ... was Those sinners predestined to eternal salvation. See 1163. 1159 note 131 ij.Tim. j 'Be not ashamed to testify our Lord, neither be ashamed of me, which am bound for his sake: but suffer adversity with the gospel also through the power of God, which saved us and called us with an holy calling, not according to our deeds, but according to his own purpose and grace, which grace was given us through Christ Jesus before the world was'(315; 2 Timothy 1:8-9). 1161-2 hym In both cases it refers to Christ. 1163 note 132 loa.xvj 'These things have I said unto you, because ye should not be offended. They shall excommunicate you: yea the time shall come, that whosoever killeth you, will think that he doth God service. And such things will they do unto you, because they have not known the father neither yet me' (156; John 16:1-3). 1165 note 133 Ephe.j 'Blessed be God the father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which hath blessed us with all maner [sic] of spiritual blessing in heavenly things by Christ, according as he had chosen us in him, before the foundation of the world was laid, that we should be saints, and without blame before him, through love. And ordained us before through Jesus Christ to be heirs unto himself, according to the pleasure of his will, to the praise of the

216 / Commentary glory of his grace wherewith he hath made us accepted in the beloved' (282; Ephesians 1:3-6). 1166 note 134 Apo.vij xij.xxij 'And he said unto me: these are they which came out of great tribulation and made their garments large and made them white in the blood of the lamb' (376; Revelation 7:14); 'And they overcame him by the blood of the lamb, and by the word of their testimony, and they loved not their lives unto the death' (380; Revelation 12:11); 'And he shewed me a pure ewer of water of life clear as crystal: proceeding out of the seat of God and of the lamb' (389; Revelation 22:1). 1171 note 135 j.Ioa.ij 'Little children it is the last time, and as ye have heard how that Antichrist shall come: even now are there many antichrists come already. Whereby we know that it is the last time. They went out from us but they were not of us' (339; 1 John 2:18-19). 1171 antichristes A not uncommon pejorative term used by reformers of all stripes for the Roman church. In Rede Me Roye and Barlowe use it frequently: 'lett antichrist [the pope] crye and roare' (59; 81); priests, monks, and the like are 'vnder antichristes raygne' (68; 403); certain clerics work '[t]o vpholde antichristes estate' (674; 625); idols are 'mamettes of antichristes secte' (77; 759); Cuthbert Tunstal, bishop of London, does 'his dever/ To plucke the worde of god downe,/ And to exalte the thre folde crowne,/ Of antichrist hys bever' (78; 772-5); God is called upon to '[r]id vs from antichristes bondes so thrall' (100; 1611); friars 'are antichristes godsones' (103; 1720); 'antichristes owne mariners' (104; 1727), and 'the substanciall pillers,/ Of antichristes mayntenaunce' (108; 1907-8). The Observant friars are '[o]f antichrist the trusty servauntes' (109; 1928); Thomas Wolsey is the 'Advocate of antichrist' (147; 3367) and 'Antichristes chefe member' (151; 3533). The papal arms of Clement vn show the 'tyranny of the murtherer Antichrist' (156; 3719). The word was often used by reformers to describe the traditional Church, especially the papacy. It appears in English in this sense as early as Wycliffe [OED], although King states that the identification of the papacy with Antichrist was made initially by the twelfth-century writer Joachim de Fiore (English Reformation Literature 198). Tyndale defines it in Obedience (PS 1, 147), but a fuller definition of it based on the English meaning of the term, namely, 'Against Christ/ is found in The Plowmans Tale (163, 493-521). 1176 note 136 Ro.viij 'Who shall separate us from the love of God? shall tribulation? or anguish? orpersecution? or hunger? ornakedness? orperil? orsword? ... Yea and am I sure that neither death, neither life, neither angels, nor rule, neither power, neither things present, neither things to come, neither height, neither lowth, neither any other creature shall be able to depart us from the love of God, showed in Christ Jesus our Lord' (233; Romans 8:35-9).

217 / Commentary 1184 note 137 ma.xxiij Christ's attack on hypocrites and Pharisees, for example: 'Woe be to you scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites, for ye are like unto painted tombs which appear beautiful outward: but are within full of dead bones and of all filthiness. So are ye, for outward ye appear righteous unto men, when within ye are full of hypocrisy and iniquity' (52; Matthew 23:27-8). 1187 note 138 ij.co.xiij Therefore write I these things being absent, lest when I am present, I should use sharpness according to the power which the Lord hath given me, to edify and not to destroy' (273; 2 Corinthians 13:10). 1193 lordes of the spretualte le, senior members of the Church hierarchy: popes and prelates. 1193 note 139 i.Cor.xij 'But we do all things dearly beloved for your edifying' (272; 1 Corinthians 12:19). 1200 note 140 j. Cor.Hi 'What is Paul? What thing is Apollos? Only ministers are they by whom ye believed, even as the Lord gave every man grace. I have planted: Apollos watered: but God gave increase' (246; 1 Corinthians 3:5-6). 1202-3 They ... excommunication In Rede Me the author tells the treatise that it should speak the truth about the Church. The Treatous' expresses its fear (59; 74-80): Alas yett in their outragious furoure They shall coursse and banne with cruel sentence All those whiche have to me eny favoure Ether to my saynge geve credence In hell and heven they have preeminence To do as they lyste with free liberte Wherfore my deare author it cannot be. 1202-63 They ... hed On true and false excommunication Luther states: '[T]he ban is wholesome and harmless and not fatal to the soul as some dumb and timid consciences, frightened by blasphemous misuse on the part of a few others, imagine - although in apostolic times it had the power to deliver a body to the devil and to kill it. This might perhaps still occur if the judges would use the ban not with blasphemous power but with humble love and faith for the improvement of their neighbor. It further follows that the ban brings greater danger and terror to those who impose it without being very careful to seek only the improvement and cure of him who is banned, according to the text [of canon law]. For the ban cannot be anything but a kind motherly scourge, aimed at temporal possessions and the body, so that no one is cast into hell but rather is saved from it and forced from damnation into his salvation. That is why we should not only endure it patiently, but should also receive it with joy and all honor. But [the ban]

218 / Commentary will bring terrible harm to the tyrants who seek nothing but their own power, respect, and profit in it. For they pervert the ban and its work and turn a medicine into poison, only seeking a way to become terrifying to frightened people. They never think of improvement, and they will have to pay a heavy price for this' ('A Sermon on the Ban' LW 39, 12-13). Cf Tyndale: 'Understand therefore, the power of excommunication is this: if any man sin openly, and amendeth not when he is warned, then ought he to be rebuked openly before all the parish. And the priest ought to prove by the scripture, that all such have no part with Christ. For Christ serveth not, but for them that love the law of God, and consent that it is good, holy, and righteous ... And all the parish ought to be warned to avoid the company of all such, and to take them as heathen people. This is not done that he should perish; but to save him, to make him ashamed, and to kill the lusts of the flesh, that the spirit might come unto the knowledge of truth. And we ought to pity him, and to have compassion on him, and with all diligence to pray unto God for him, to give him grace to repent and to come to the right way again,- and not to use such tyranny over god and man, commanding God to curse. And if he repent, we ought with all mercy to receive him in again' (Obedience of a Christian Man PS 1, 273). 1205 note 141 loan.x 'I am the good shepherd. The good shepherd giveth his life for his sheep' (148; John 10:11). 1205-9 Wherby ... sylfe le, excommunication is a good act because others learn to shun the life and learning of the one who is cursed. It was instituted so that the one who suffers excommunication might come to a better knowledge of himself. 1215-18 For ... learnynges le, for by it (excommunication) they can test everything and maintain their faith in God, and not believe every spirit before they decide whether or not it is of God. And by excommunication they can beware of false teaching. 1216 kepe that gode is le, belief in the true God. 1218 note 142 j.Cor.v 'Purge therefore the old leaven, that ye may be new dough, as ye are sweet bread ... Therefore let us keep holy day, not with old leaven, neither with leaven of maliciousness and wickedness: but with the sweet bread of pureness and truth' (248; 1 Corinthians 5:7-8). 1223 note 143 j.tesa.v i.Io.iiij mat.vj Titus.iij j.Cor.v Ephe.vj j.Tes.iij ijTi.iij 'We beseech you brethren, that ye know them which labour among you arid have the oversight of you in the Lord and give you exhortation, that ye have them the more in love, for their works' sake, and be at peace with them. We desire you brethren, warn them that are unruly, comfort the feeble-minded, forbear the weak, have continual patience toward all men' (303; 1 Thessalonians 5:12-14). 'Ye beloved, believe not every spirit: but prove the

219 / Commentary spirits whether they are of God or no: for many false prophets are gone out into the world' (340; 1 John 4:1). The whole of Matthew 6:1 is about hypocrisy. 'A man that is given to heresy, after the first and the second admonition, avoid, remembering that he that is such is perverted, and sinneth, even damned by his own judgement' (321; Titus 3:10-11). 'I wrote unto you in an epistle that ye should not company with fornicators. And I meant not at all of the fornicators of this world, either of the covetous, or of extortioners, either of the idolaters: for then must ye needs have gone out of the world. But now I write unto you, that ye company not together, if any that is called a brother, be a formcator, or covetous, or worshipper of images, either a railer, either a drunkard, or an extortioner: with him that is such see that ye eat not' (248; 1 Corinthians 5:9-11). 'Stand therefore and your loins girt about with verity, having on the breastplate of righteousness ... Above all take to you the shield of faith, wherewith ye may quench all the fiery darts of the wicked' (287; Ephesians 6:14-16). 'Wherefore since we could no longer forbear, it pleased us to remain at Athens alone, and sent Timotheus our brother and minister of God, and our labour-fellow in the gospel of Christ, to establish you and to comfort you over your faith, that no man should be moved in these afflictions' (301; 1 Thessalonians 3:1). 'This understand, that in the last days shall come parlous times. For the men shall be lovers of their own selves, covetous, boasters, proud, cursed speakers ... having a similitude of godly living, but have denied the power thereof and such abhor' (317,2 Timothy 3:1-5). 1226-32 Excepte ... faule A difficult passage. Roye is suggesting that in general all men should avoid those who sin, except in certain cases. The exception mentioned here is the person who can help correct the sinner. This person should strive to amend the sinner's behaviour and no one should be offended because of this association. But, Roye is quick to point out, because everyone is not capable of judging such sinners, it is generally the Church's responsibility (rather than an individual's) to admonish the sinner. Those who do not listen to such official admonitions and who fail to withdraw from the excommunicated lest their own frailness cause them to fall are deemed heathens. 1232 note 144 Tit.Hi 'Warn them that they submit themselves to rule and power, to obey the officers, that they be ready unto all good works, that they speak evil of no man, that they be no fighters, but soft, showing all meekness unto all men' (321; Titus 3:1-2). 1234 note 145 j.Cor.v 'I wrote unto you in an epistle that ye should not company with fornicators. And I meant not at all the fornicators of this world, either of the covetous, or of extortioners, either of the idolaters' (248; 1 Corinthians 5:9-10).

220 / Commentary 1238-9 lett... theym le, let others either judge them mercifully, flee from them, or endure them. 1240 note 146 j.Io.iij 'Babes let no man deceive you. He that doth righteousness is righteous, even as he is righteous. He that committeth sin, is of the devil: for the devil sinneth since the beginning/ 'Whosoever doth not righteousness, is not of God, neither he that loveth not his brother' (340; 1 John 3:7, 10). 1252 note 147 Ro.xvj i.Ti.iiij 'I beseech you brethren, mark them which cause division and give occasions of evil, contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned: and avoid them' (241; Romans 16:17). 'The spirit speaketh evidently that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith, and shall be tied unto spirits of errors, and devilish doctrine of them which speak false through hypocrisy, and have their consciences marked with an hot iron' (311; 1 Timothy 4:1-2). 1259 note 148 ma.xviij 'If he hear not the congregation, take him as an heathen man, and a publican' (45; Matthew 18:17). 1260-3 He ... bed Here Roye distinguishes between private and public acknowledgment of a sinner. He argues that St Matthew claims that individuals knowing someone to be a sinner should flee such a person. St Matthew did not state that the whole Church as a body should do this. Rather, the congregation should act in accordance with what its head recommends. 1267-1305 Wherfore ... worlde Luther speaks at length of binding and loosing in 'The Keys.' For him the true significance of the keys is as follows: 'They are an office, a power or command given by God through Christ to all of Christendom for the retaining and remitting of the sins of men ... Do not allow yourself to be led astray by this Pharisaic babbling by which some deceive themselves, saying, "How can a man forgive sins when he can bestow neither grace nor the Holy Spirit?" Rely on the words of Christ and be assured that God has no other way to forgive sins than through the spoken Word, as he has commanded us. If you do not look for forgiveness through the Word, you will gape toward heaven in vain for grace, or (as they say), for a sense of inner forgiveness' (LW 39, 366). Luther is also aware of what he regards as the Church's abuse of these keys. He states: 'The horrible abuse and misunderstanding of the precious keys is one of the greatest plagues which God's wrath has spread over the ungrateful world. It has increased so greatly in Christendom that almost nowhere in the world do we find a true use and understanding of the keys' (LW 40, 325). That the misuse of the keys is associated with the Church is clear from the following: 'The noble saying of Christ to Peter ... "Whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven," etc., has been cited. From this quotation they took the word "to bind" and twisted its interpretation so as to make it mean "to

221 /Commentary command" and "to forbid," or to make a law and commandment for Christendom. By this kind of reasoning they give power to the pope and boast that he has the authority to bind with laws the soul and conscience of a Christian so that one must obey him in this matter, on penalty of the loss of everlasting bliss and under the threat of eternal damnation. On the other hand, he who is obedient to the pope in this matter shall be saved. To this end they have perverted all quotations of Scripture about obedience and disobedience. By such insolent interpretations of Christ's word the whole world has been frightened and bullied until everybody has been cornered and made the victim of human doctrine' (LW 40, 325-6). See also Tyndale in The Obedience of a Christian Man: 'The keys whereof they so greatly boast themselves, are no carnal things, but spiritual; and nothing else save knowledge of the law, and of the promises or gospel... As Peter answered in the name of all, so Christ promised him the keys in the person of all' (Matthew 16) (Doctrinal Treatises 205). And again: 'And instead of God's law, they bind with their own law: and instead of God's promises, they loose and justify with pardons and ceremonies, which they themselves have imagined for their own profit' (Doctrinal Treatises 243). 'He [the pope] bindeth where God looseth, and looseth where God bindeth. He blesseth where God curseth, and curseth where God blesseth. He taketh authority also to bind and loose in purgatory. That permit I unto him; for it is a creature of his own making. He also bindeth the angels: for we read of popes that have commanded the angels to fet divers out of purgatory. Howbeit I am not yet certified whether they be obeyed or no' (Doctrinal Treatises 268-9). See also A proper dyaloge between a Gentillman and an Husbandman on the question of the keys (128-9:123-9): They bare them in hande that they had myght Synners to bynde and loose at their owne plesure Takynge vpon them to leade theym a right Vnto ioye/ that euer shuld endure. Of popes pardones they boosted the treasure. Chalengynge of heuene and hell the kaye Sayenge/ that they wold for their soules praye. One of the 'Articles collected out of Wickliff's Sermons' is 'That the pope of Rome hath no more in the keys of the church, than hath any other within the order of priesthood' (Foxe m 4). 1268 note 149 ma.xvnj 'Verily I say unto you, whatsoever ye bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven. And whatsoever ye loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven' (45; Matthew 18:18). 1269-76 The ... hell Not altogether grammatical, at least to modern ears. The sense seems to be that the power of binding and loosing (through the

222 / Commentary use of the keys of the kingdom) is done solely using God's word as found in the law and the prophets; the sinner should be openly declared as such; if, however, the sinner repents and believes the promises of Christ found in the gospel, he should be released from the curse and from the bonds of death and hell's captivity. 1276-81 Contrary ... hell le, by contrast, if someone claims to be able to justify himself or argues that a creature is more useful or valuable to his salvation than is Christ's expiatory death, then he should be summarily condemned and declared to be the child of damnation and prisoner of hell. 1284 note 150 j.Cor.v 'There goeth a common saying that there is fornication among you, and such fornication as is not once named among the gentiles: that one should have his father's wife' (247; 1 Corinthians 5:1). 1287-91 Ye ... men le, If he won't meekly endure correction, he should be openly declared an infected sheep and a rotten member and cursed by being cut off from the body of Christian men. 1301-2 and ... faulen (Christian men should warn and admonish one another, 1298-9) and see it as a way of amending the life of the one who has fallen into sin. 1302-8 But... men Luther accepts St Augustine's definition of a sacrament as 'a visible form of an invisible grace.' Luther adds that a sacrament 'is a figure or sign of... something present and yet invisible' ('This is My Body' LW37, 104). 1309-10 they ... o/Ie, they use first the sign of faith, baptism, for the increase of faith. 1311-15 As ... liverey A metaphor to demonstrate how the visible sign of baptism serves to clearly designate one as a member of the household of God. 1319-22 signe ... Christ Cf Luther: 'Baptism is an external sign or token, which so separates us from all men not baptized that we are thereby known as a people of Christ, our Leader, under whose banner of the holy cross we continually fight against sin' ('Holy Sacrament of Baptism' LW35, 29). Cf Tyndale: '[Bjaptism is our common badge, and sure earnest and perpetual memorial, that we pertain unto Christ, and are separated from all that are not Christ's' (Prologue to the Book of Leviticus PS 1, 426). 1321ff It is important to recognize that baptism is merely a token or sign, of no merit in itself if it is not accompanied by a putting on of 'the lorde lesus Christ spretually' (1324-5). 1325-9 For ... Christ Here Roye is showing how the external sign of baptism, like Christ's baptism at the hands of St John the Baptist, represents or symbolizes an inner, unseen spiritual state or condition. 1327 of water le, with water.

223 / Commentary 1328 note 151 Titum.iij 'But after that the kindness and love of our saviour God to man-word appeared, not of the deeds of righteousness which we wrought but of his mercy he saved us, by the function of the new birth' (321; Titus 3:4-5). 1329 puttynge on of Christ Cf Romans 13:14, 'put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ' (239) and Galatians 3:27, 'For all ye that are baptised, have put on Christ' (278). 1337 vocacion A Latinism meaning calling. 1340 note 152 Mat.vij 'Even so every good tree bringeth forth good fruit. But a corrupt tree, bringeth forth evil fruit. A good tree cannot bring forthe bad fruite [sic]: nor yet a bad tree can bring forth good fruit' (29; Matthew 7:17-18). 1342 xiij.c.of.S.Ihon 'A new comandment give I unto you, that ye love together, as I have loved you, that even so ye love one another' (154; John 13:34). 1348 note 153 Gen.xvij 'I will make you exceedingly fruitful; and I will make nations of you, and kings shall come from you. I will establish my covenant between me and you, and your offspring after you throughout their generations, for an everlasting covenant, to be God to you and to your offspring after you' (Genesis 17:6-7). 1351 note 154 Rom.ix 'For they are not all Israelites which came of Israel: neither are they all children straightway, because they are the seed of Abraham' (234; Romans 9:6-7). 1354 note 155 loan.j 'in it was life, and the life was the light of men, and the light shineth in the darkness, but the darkness comprehended it not' (133; John 1:4-5). 1355-7 children ... heven Cf Matthew 19:14: 'But Jesus said: suffer the children and forbid them not to come to me: for of such is the kingdom of heaven' (46). See also Mark 10:14 (76) and Luke 18:16 (120). 1359 (thus doynge) A reference to Christ's welcoming and blessing of children in 1355-8. 1363-4 Lyke ... lawe Cf Tyndale: 'Baptism was figured by circumcision; and the Lord's supper by the eating of the passe [sic] lamb: where like as by circumcision the people of Israel were reckoned to be God's people, several from the gentiles; so be we now by baptism reckoned to be consigned unto Christ's church, several from Jews, paynims, etc' (The Supper of the Lord PS 3, 246). 'And as circumcision was a token certifying them that they were received unto the favour of God, and their sins forgiven them,- even so baptism certifieth us that we are washed in the blood of Christ, and received to favour for his sake: and as circumcision signified unto them the cutting away of their own lusts, and slaying of their free-will, as they call it, to fol-

224 / Commentary low the will of God; even so baptism signifieth unto us repentance, and the mortifying of our unruly members and body of sin, to walk in a new life, and so forth' (Prologue to the Book of Leviticus PS 1, 426). 1363 note 156 Exo.xiij Not Exodus 13, but probably Exodus 12:43-8. 'And the Lord said unto Moses and Aaron, This is the ordinance of the passover: There shall no stranger eat therof: But every man's servant that is bought for money, when thou hast circumcised him, then shall he eat therof. All the congregation of Israel shall keep it. And when a stranger shall sojourn with thee, and will keep the passover to the Lord, let all his males be circumcised, and let him come near and keep it; and he shall be as one that is born in the land. For no uncircumcised person shall eat therof (See also Genesis 17:14). 1365-8 / ... birthe The Son questions the validity of the Father's comparison of baptism with the Old Testament law of circumcision, and asks his Father to show him the scriptural passage linking the two. This challenge allows the Father to make a distinction between Old Testament law and New Testament love. The Father characterizes the former as a 'cloude' (1370) and 'shaddowe' (1380) and the latter as 'sprynge' (1369). 1368 note 157 Ex.xxij 'Thou shalt not delay to offer the first of thy ripe fruits, and of thy liquors: the firstborn of thy sons shalt thou give to me. Likewise shalt thou do with thine oxen, and with thy sheep: seven days it shall be with his dam; on the eighth day thou shalt give it me' (Exodus 22:29-30). For a somewhat less cryptic rendering of the rite of circumcision see Genesis 17:12. 1369-74 We ... ceremony Cf Tyndale: 'Of the ceremonies, sacrifices, and tabernacle, with all his glory and pomp, understand that they were not permitted only, but also commanded of God; to lead the people in the shadows of Moses and night of the old testament, until the light of Christ and day of the new testament were come' (Prologue to the Book of Exodus PS 1, 414). 1370 note 158 j.Cor.x 'Brethren I would not that ye should be ignorant of this, how that our fathers were all under a cloud, and all passed through the sea' (252; 1 Corinthians 10:1). 1381 note 159 j.Cor.x See note 158. 1383ff The Father's claim that we are 'bownde vnto nothynge' (1382) leads the Son to ask if we are not bound to baptism since Christ seemed to command it. The Father implies that the Son doesn't understand what he said earlier and claims that Christ exhorted his disciples only to bring sinners from spiritual darkness into the light. Once these sinners enter that light, they should then be baptized so that then they might become part of the 'company of christis housholde' (1390-1) and openly declare their new state. What seems to be important is the new spiritual awareness those for-

225 / Commentary merly in darkness now have, not baptism as such which is merely a sign or token of this awareness. Hence, Christ neither forbade nor commanded that people be baptized. He merely declared how his disciples 'shulde begynne to preache the worde of god amonge the hethen' (1396-7). 1384 note 160 Mat.ul. 'Go therefore and teach all nations, baptising them in the name of the father, and the son, and the holy ghost' (61; Matthew 28:19). 1393-4 Wherfore ... lewes This analogy demonstrates that humankind must heed those in darkness as well as those spiritually enlightened, since Gentiles (those in darkness) and Jews (the enlightened ones) were both part of Israel. 1393 note 161 Rom.ix See note 154. 1405-13 Many ... vs Roye attempts to show how some things essential for one age might not be for another. Charity and good judgment should determine what we accept, reject, or tolerate. 1412 note 162 j.Cor.x See note 158. 1415 Concerning the baptism of babies, Luther seems to be in accord with what is said here. He states: 'In contradiction to what has been said, some might cite the baptism of infants who do not comprehend the promise of God and cannot have the faith of baptism; so that therefore either faith is not necessary or else infant baptism is without effect, here I say what all say: Infants are aided by the faith of others, namely, those who bring them for baptism. For the Word of God is powerful enough when uttered, to change even a godless heart, which is no less unresponsive and helpless than any infant' ('The Babylonian Captivity of the Church' LW 36, 73). 1424 note 163 Rom.xj Though some of the branches be broken off, and thou being an olive tree, art graft in among them, and made partaker of the root and fatness of the olive tree, boast not thyself against the branches. For if thou boast thyself, remember that thou bearest not the root, but the root thee' (236; Romans 11:17-18). 1427-31 dere ... lyfe An example of appropriate instruction in the form of direct address to a child. 1434 note 164 Ma.xviij 'Moreover if thy brother trespass against thee. Go and tell him his fault between him and thee alone. If he hear thee, thou hast won thy brother: But if he hear thee not, then take yet with thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses, all things may be established. If he hear not them, tell it unto the congregation. If he hear not the congregation, take him as an heathen man and as a publican' (44-5; Matthew 18:15-18). 1437 an ... live le, and an occasion for many to live evilly. 1440 (as they will have) le, as they inevitably will. 1445ff The sense is that we have no right to deny anyone baptism who

226 / Commentary claims to be a Christian. We only have an obligation not to baptise those we definitely know to be sinners. The Church will never be without dissemblers and hypocrites, but open sinners should be expelled from the Church (1357-60). 1447 with tonge name hyme silfe le, publicly declare himself. 1457 note 165 Act.viij 'And there was a certain man called Simon, which before time in the same city, used witchcraft and bewitched the people of Samaria, saying, that he was a great man that could do great things. Whom they regarded, from the least to the greatest, saying: this fellow is the great power of God. And him they set much by, because of long time with sorcery he had mocked them. But as soon as they believed Philip's preaching of the kingdom of God and of the name of Jesus Christ, they were baptised both men and women. Then Simon himself believed also, and was baptised, and continued with Philip, and wondered beholding the miracles and signs, which were shewed.' 'When Simon saw, that through laying on of the apostles' hands on them, the holy ghost was given: he offered them money saying: Give me also this power, that on whomsoever I put the hands, he may receive the holy ghost. Then said Peter unto him: thy money perish with thee, because thou weenest that the gift of God may be obtained with money' (175, 176; Acts 8:9-13, 18-20). 1461-2 for ... theym le, for we don't know what God's will and pleasure for these people is. 1466 to discretion le, to the age of reason. 1466-7 we ... baptem le, we shouldn't be concerned that they are baptized (if they turn out to be evil). 1469 note 166 j.Cor.v 'I wrote unto you in an epistle that ye should not company with fornicators. And I meant not at all of the fornicators of this world, either of the covetous, or of extortioners, either of the idolaters: for then must ye needs have gone out of the world. But now I write unto you, that ye company not together, if any that is called a brother, be a fornicator, or covetous, or a worshipper of images, either a railer, either a drunkard, or an extortioner: with him that is such see that ye eat not' (248,- 1 Corinthians 5:9-11). 1470 faulce dissemblers A redundancy. 1477 note 167 j.Cor.xiij 'Love suffereth long, and is courteous. Love envieth not. Love doth not frowardly, swelleth not, dealeth not dishonestly, seeketh not her own, is not provoked to anger, thinketh not evil, rejoiceth not in iniquity: but rejoiceth in the truth, suffereth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endureth in all things' (255; 1 Corinthians 13:4-7). 1480 note 168 Gen.xvij See note 153.

227 / Commentary 1494-5 thy angell On this question of angels Tyndale sees them as spiritual help-mates to humankind: '[H]e [God] careth for us ere we care for ourselves, and when we be yet evil he sendeth to call us, and draweth us with such power that our hearts cannot but consent and come, and the angels stand by, and behold the testament of the elect, how we shall be received into their fellowship, and see all the grace that Christ shall pour out upon us. And they rejoice, and praise God for his infinite mercy,- and are glad, and long for us; and of very love are ready against all hours, when we shall call for help in Christ's name, to come and help. And Christ sendeth them, when we call in his name; and ere we call, even while we be yet evil, and haply persecute the truth of ignorance, as Paul did, the angels wait upon us to keep that the devils slay us not before the time of our calling be come' (Exposition of the First Epistle of St John PS 2, 168-9). 1501 note 169 i.Cor.xij 'ye are the body of Christ, and members one of another' (255; 1 Corinthians 12:27). 1507-12 Swete ... bloudde Direct address indicating the proper way to acknowledge the significance of the Eucharist. 1522 note 170 j.Cor.x 'I speak as unto them which have discretion, judge ye what I say. Is not the cup of blessing which we bless, partaking of the blood of Christ? Is not the bread which we break, partaking of the body of Christ? Because that we (though we be many) yet are one bread, and one body inasmuch as we all are partakers of one bread' (252; 1 Corinthians 10:15-17). 1527 note 171 j.Cor.xj 'This I warn you of, and commend not that ye come together: not after a better man but after a worse. First of all when ye come together in the congregation, I hear that there is dissension among you: and I partly believe it. For there must be sects among you, that they which are perfect among you, might be known. When ye come together a man cannot eat the Lord's supper. For every man beginneth afore to eat his own supper. And one is hungry, and another is drunken. Have ye not houses to eat and to drink in? Or else despise ye the congregation of God and shame them that have not? What shall I say unto you? shall I praise you? In this praise I you not [sic]' (253-4; 1 Corinthians 11:17-22). 1548 note 172 j.Cor.xj 'Let a man therefore examine himself, and so let him eat of the bread and drink of the cup. For he that eateth or drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh his own damnation, because he maketh no difference of the Lord's body' (254; 1 Corinthians 11:28-9). 1563-5 I... love le, I see clearly that those who do not do this (ie, consider the spiritual significance of the Eucharist) are hypocrites and by taking communion feign a spiritual state that they do not in fact possess in their hearts.

228 / Commentary 1571-2 with ... not Ie, making certain that he has distinguished between the true and spiritual significance of Christ's body and the other erroneous significance. 1573-6 And ... deservinges A bold declaration of the theory of justification by faith. Cf Luther: 'Should you ask how it happens that faith alone justifies and offers us such a treasure of great benefits without works in view of the fact that so many works, ceremonies, and laws are prescribed in the Scriptures, I answer: First of all remember what has been said, namely, that faith alone, without work, justifies, frees and saves ... Now when a man has learned through the commandments to recognize his helplessness and is distressed about how he might satisfy the law - since the law must be fulfilled so that not a jot or tittle shall be lost, other wise man will be condemned without hope - then, being truly humbled and reduced to nothing in his own eyes, he finds in himself nothing whereby he may be justified and saved ... That which is impossible for you to accomplish by trying to fulfil all the works of the law ... you will accomplish quickly and easily through faith. God our Father has made all things depend on faith so that whoever has faith will have everything, and whoever does not have faith will have nothing' ('The Freedom of a Christian' LW 31, 348-9). See also Luther's 'The Disputation Concerning Justification' LW 34, 15 Iff. Cf Tyndale: 'And as far forth as we have sinned, be in sin, or do sin, or shall sin, so far forth must faith in Christ's blood justify us only, and nothing else' (Answer to Sir Thomas Mote's Dialogue PS 3, 206). 1575 note 173 Rom.iij 'For we suppose that a man is justified by faith without the deeds of the law' (228; Romans 3:28). 1576 note 174 Gal.ij 'We which are Jews by nature, and not sinners of the gentiles, know that a man is not justified by the deed of the law: but by the faith of Jesus Christ. And therefore we have believed on [sic] Jesus Christ, that we might be justified by the faith of Christ, and not by the deeds of the law: because that by the deeds of the law no flesh shall be justified' (276; Galatians2:14-16). 1577-8 gospell of.S.Ihon John 13-17. 1578 note 175 j.CoT.xxj.xij See notes 170, 171, 169 respectively. 1593-5 Though ... effecte Ie, unless your faith lives in your heart, it doesn't matter how greatly you believe since your belief will have no significance in God's eyes. 1595-6 Further ... sayntes Roye reminds himself of the discussion on saints in an attempt to return to the various terms of the Creed that he was discussing earlier, before he got side-tracked into discussing the two sacraments, baptism and the Eucharist. 1601 saintes Bachmann states that as early as 1515-16 in his lectures on

229 / Commentary Romans, Luther distinguished between the traditional meaning of saints and the broader meaning here, where the term refers to 'all those who believe in Christ' (LW 35, 51 note 12). 1603 note 176 loan.x 'Then said Jesus unto them again. Verily verily I say unto you: I am the door of the sheep. All, even as many as came before me, are thieves and robbers: but the sheep did not hear them. I am the door: by me if any man enter in, he shall be safe, and shall go in and out and find pasture' (148; John 10:7-9). 1605 lewes Cf Tyndale: 'And therefore, because, as I said, the Jews, yea, and the heathen too, were so accustomed unto ceremonies, and because such a multitude came with a faithless faith, they went clean contrary unto the mind of Paul, and set up ceremonies in the new Testament' (Answer to Sir Thomas More's Dialogue PS 3, 70). 1615 note 177 j.Cor.xij Tor as the body is one, and hath many members, and all the members of one body though they be many, yet are but one body: even so is Christ. For in one spirit are we all baptised to make one body, whether we be Jews or gentiles, whether we be bond or free; and have all drunk of one spirit' (254-5; 1 Corinthians 12:12-13). 1618-20 It... excellent Ie, it should be no more upsetting for us to see our weak members than our excellent ones, etc. 1621 note 178 Rom.ij 'Therefore art thou inexcusable o man, whosoever thou be that judgest. For in the same wherein thou judgest another, thou condemnest thyself (226; Romans 2:1). 1626 note 179 Rom.xij j.Co.xij Eph.iiij 'Let love be without dissimulation.' 'Be kind to one another with brotherly love.' 'If it be possible, howbeit of your part, have peace with all men' (238; Romans 12:9, 10, 16). 'Ye are the body of Christ, and members one of another' (254; 1 Corinthians 12:27). 'be ye courteous one to another, and merciful, forgiving one another, even as God for Christ's sake forgave you' (285; Ephesians 4:32). 1630 And therfore do they agaynst Ie, therefore they work against. 1632-3 fraternitees ... frendes On the matter of fraternities, also called brotherhoods, Bachmann states, 'Originally made up of monks and monasteries, later primarily of laymen, these sodalities ("fraternities," "confraternities") were associations for devotional purposes. Members were obligated to the recitation of certain prayers and the attendance upon certain masses at stipulated times. Each member was believed to participate - and, most important of all, even after death - in the benefits accruing from these "good works" of all other members.' According to Bachmann, Wittenberg in 1520 had twenty fraternities,- Hamburg had over one hundred (LW 35, 67 note 41). Obviously Luther saw these as an abuse because of their association with what he deemed to be fraudulent good works. He refers to them as

230 / Commentary carrying out 'evil practices/ citing 'their gluttony and drunkenness' and 'their mad reveling' (LW 35, 67-8); he condemns them for their selfishness, claiming that their benefits accrue only to those who are 'members on the roll or who contribute' (69); 'channtreis' are endowments for the maintenance of one or more priests to sing daily masses for specified souls (O£D); 'perpetuiteis' are essentially the same as chantries, hence Tyndale: 'For some they [the clergy] pray daily, which gave them perpetuities, and yet make saints of them, receiving offerings in their names, and teaching others to pray to them' (Obedience of a Christian Man PS 1, 244). 1634 Why ... synnes The Son asks his Father about the Creed's next term which concerns the forgiveness of sins,- see note 161. 1638-71 Wherfore ... hertes On the question of papal pardons, Luther states: '[T]he forgiveness of guilt is not within the province of any human office or authority, be it pope, bishop, priest, or any other. Rather it depends exclusively upon the word of Christ and your own faith' ('Sacrament of Penance' LW35, 12). 1643 Owe newe goddes An ironic comment referring to papistry. 1644 note 180 Heb.xij 'For whom the Lord loveth, him he chasteneth; yea, and he scourgeth every one that he receiveth' (359; Hebrews 12:6). 1645 note 181 ma.xxij If this note is focusing on the need for 'meknes/ the reference in Matthew 22 may be to the arrogance and hypocrisy of both the Pharisees and Sadducees who try to trip up Christ (50-1). 1648-50 Wherefore ... hope Cf Rede Me (60; 103-6): Blissed they be which are cursed of the pope And coursed are they whom he doth blisse A coursed are all they that have eny hope Ether in his persone or els in his. 1653-6 What... absolution Cf Tyndale: 'Their absolution also justifeth no man from sin' (Obedience of a Christian Man PS 1, 267). 1667 the lambes bloudde shed for theym Christ's expiatory death. See note 134 for biblical allusions. 1671 note 182 loan.x 'Therefore doth my father love me, because I put my life from me, that I might take it again. No man taketh it from me: but I put it away of myself. I have power to put it from me, and have power to take it again: This commandment have I received of my father' (148; John 10:17-18). 1677 Which thinges le, mercy, grace, and forgiveness; see 1676. 1682 eare tale le, auricular confession,- see 1704. Cf Tyndale: 'Shrift in the ear is verily a work of Satan; and that the falsest that ever was wrought, and that most hath devoured the faith' (Obedience of a Christian Man PS 1, 263).

231 / Commentary 'As ye fashion it, mean I, and of that filthy, Priapish confession, which ye spew in the ear' (Answer to Sir Thomas More's Dialogue PS 3, 172). 1688 note 183 Ps.xxxij 'I acknowledge my sin unto thee, and mine iniquity I have not hid. I said, I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord; and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin' (Psalms 32:5). 1693-4 the ... etc. 'Therefore when thou offerest thy gifts at the altar, and there rememberest that thy brother hath ought against thee: leave thee thine offering before the altar, and go thy way first and be reconciled to thy brother, and then come and offer thy gift' (26; Matthew 5:23-4). 1697 note 184 ma.xviij 'Moreover if thy brother trespass against thee. Go and tell him his fault between him and thee alone. If he hear thee, thou hast won thy brother' (44; Matthew 18:15). 1701-2 the ... pistle 'Knowledge your faults one to another: and pray one for another, that ye may be heeled' (367; James 5:16). 1709 Why ... flesshe The Son moves on to the next term of the Creed; see note 162. 1712 note 185 Ro.viij There is then no damnation to them which are in Christ Jesus, which walk not after the flesh, but after the spirit. For the law of the spirit that bnngeth life through Jesus Christ, hath delivered me from the law of sin and death' (232; Romans 8:1-2): 1715 note 186 j.Cor.xv 'This say I brethren, that flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God: Neither corruption inherit incorruption. Behold I show you a mystery. We shall not all sleep: but we shall all be changed, and that in a moment, and in the twinkling of an eye, at the sound of the last trumpet. For the trumpet shall blow, and the dead shall rise incorruptible and we shall be changed. For this corruptible must put on incorruptibility: and this mortal must put on immortality' (259; 1 Corinthians 15:50-3). 1718-19 Wherfore ... lyfe The last term of the Creed; see note 162. 1723 vessels of wrath Cf 'Even so, God willing to show his wrath, and to make his power known, suffered with long patience the vessels of wrath, ordained to damnation' (234; Romans 9:22). 1723-30 For ... fayth The Cam and Abel story is well known; see Genesis 4. But the reference here may be to Hebrews 11:1-4; 'Faith is a sure confidence of things which are hoped for, and a certainty of things which are not seen. By it the elders were well reported of. Through faith we understand that the world was ordained by the word of God: and that things which are seen, were made of things which are not seen. By faith Abel offered unto God a more plenteous sacrifice than Cain: by which, he obtained witness that he was righteous, God testifying of his gifts: by which also he being dead, yet speaketh' (356-7).

232 / Commentary 1730 note 187 Abac.j Perhaps a reference to Habakkuk 1:2-4: 'O Lord, how long shall I cry, and thou will not hear! even cry out unto thee of violence and thou wilt not save? Why dost thou show me iniquity and cause me to behold grievance? for spoiling and violence are before me: and there are that raise up contention. Therefore the law is slackened, and iudgment doth never go forth. The wicked doth compass about the righteous; therefore wrong judgment proceedeth.' 1732-6 He ... evermoare le, he who believes is, nevertheless, not perfect because, tied to his own flesh, he is in thraldom and bondage to sin and death. However, after his physical death he shall be delivered from sin and spiritual death and live in God forever. 1737 note 188 loan.vj 'And this is the will of him that sent me: that every man which seeth the son and believeth on him, have everlasting life.' 'Verily verily I say unto you, he that believeth on me hath everlasting life' (142; John 6:40, 47). 1738 note 189 loan.iij 'He that believeth on him, shall not be condemned.' 'He that believeth on the son, hath everlasting life: and he that believeth not the son, shall not see life, but the wrath of God abideth on him' (136, 137; John 3:18, 36). 1738 on hyme le, in him. 1740 full deathe le, eternal death or hell. 1746 note 190 loan.vj 'Labour, not for the meat which perisheth, but for the meat that endureth unto everlasting life, which meat the son of man shall give unto you.' 'This is that bread which cometh from heaven, that he which eateth of it, should also not die. I am that living bread which came down from heaven. If any man eat of this bread, he shall live forever' (141, 142; John 6:27, 50-1). 1746-56 For ... inheritaunce The Son is concerned that just before death the righteous person may waver in his belief and, therefore, sin (ie, 'faule into incredulite'). In what follows the Father makes clear that although bodily calamities and death help mortify the flesh, God will never permit his chosen to err in important matters so that they die in danger of damnation. Rather, the righteous will be cleansed and wait after death without spot of sin for Christ to speak on their behalf so that they may be admitted to their eternal inheritance. By giving this answer, the Father effectively denies the need for purgatory, a central doctrine of Roman Catholic belief, vociferously attacked and condemned by reformers of all stripes. 1753 note 191 ij.Ti.ij 'But the sure ground of God remaineth, and hath this seal: the Lord knoweth them that are his, and let every man that calleth on the name of Christ, depart from iniquity' (316; 2 Timothy 2:19). 1755 clothed ... vesteurs) Cf Revelation 3:5: 'He that overcometh shall be

233 / Commentary clothed in white array, and I will not put out his name out of the book of life, and I will confess his name before my father, and before his angels' (372). 1757-95 Where ... speakynge On purgatory Luther states: 'Nor have we anything in Scripture concerning purgatory. It too was certainly fabricated by goblins' ('Confession Concerning Christ's Supper,' LW 37, 369). And in 'The Adoration of the Sacrament' he adds, 'I am pleased that you make nothing of purgatory and all those things that are based upon it - the masses, vigils, foundations, altars, cloisters, and all its spreading corruption. For certainly no one is required to believe that there is a purgatory, because God has said nothing about it' (LW 36, 299). See Rede Me (100; 1600-1): Of hell and heven they make chevesance Faynynge as they lyst a purgatory Friars, among other things, we are told, are 'fe fermers of purgatory' (104; 1725). And one of the mass's fraudulent powers is that it can deliver 'soules out of purgatory' (64; 274). In A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman we read how the clergy Stoutely ... alleged before their syght Howe after this lyfe is a purgatory. Wherin their soules bothe daye and nyght Shuld be tormented with out memory Excepte of their substaunce transitory. Vnto theyr seactes/ they wold some what paye (128; 116-21) And again, one of the tract's two speakers tells his interlocutor how his ancestors were relieved of their money and possessions through the threat of purgatory: Mary in threatnynge the paynes of hell And sharpe punishment of purgatorye. Wher to brenne/ they made them beleue Excepte they wolde vnto theym geue Parte of their substaunce and patrimony. (132; 230-4) For a helpful discussion of the doctrine of purgatory see More vn Ixxxvii (Complete Works] and Jacques Le Goff The Birth of Purgatory. See also Simon Fish The Supplicacyon of Beggars for a vitriolic reformist position on the doctrine: 'Nether haue they [the clergy) eny other coloure to gather these yerely exaccions ynto theyre hondes but that they say they pray for vs to God to delyuer our soules out of the paynes of purgatori without whose prayer they sey or at lest without the popes pardon we coude neuer be deliuered thens, whiche if it be true then is it good reason that we gyue theim all these thinges all were it C times as moche. But there be many men of greate litterature and mdgement that for the love they haue vnto the trouth and

234 / Commentary vnto the comen welth haue not feared to put theim silf ynto the greatest infamie that may be, in abiection of all the world, ye yn perill of deth to declare theyre oppinion in this matter, whiche is that there is no purgatory but that it is a thing inuented by the couitousnesse of the spiritualtie onely to translate all kingdomes from other princes vnto theim and that there is not one word spoken of hit in al holy scripture' (More vn, 419, 5-18). Tyndale makes the same point in a more jocular vein in The Obedience of a Christian Man: 'They [the clergy] fear them with purgatory, and promise to pray perpetually, lest the lands should even return home again unto the right heirs. What hast thou bought with robbing thy heirs, or with giving the hypocrites that which thou robbest of other men? perpetual prayer? yea, perpetual pain: for they appoint thee no time of deliverance, their prayers are so mighty. The pope for money can empty purgatory when he will. It is, verily, purgatory,- for it purgeth and maketh clean riddance: yea, it is hell; for it devoureth all things' (Doctrinal Treatises 244). Probably the most scholarly work attacking the doctrine of purgatory during this period is John Frith's A disputacion of purgatoryfe made by lohan Frith which is deuided in to thre bokes (STC 11368.5), printed in Antwerp around 1531. Frith responds to the conservative position on purgatory put forth by three of its defenders: Thomas More The supplycacyon of soulys (1529), John Fisher Assertionis Luther anae confutatio (1523), and John Rastell in A New Boke of Purgatory (1530). Clebsch (88ff) discusses the context of Frith's impressive work. 1758-9 anoynted and shorne company The clergy in general, anointed with oil and tonsured during the ordination ceremony. 1760-1 canne stonde with fayth Ie, can be compatible with faith. 1763 note 192 loan.vj See note 188. 1766 note 193 Rom.iii 'Let God be true, and all men liars, as it is written' (227; Romans 3:4). 1768 note 194 lo.xiiii 'Jesus said unto him: I am the way, the truth and the life'(154; John 14:6). 1771 note 195 /.Cor./ 'And unto him pertain ye, in Christ Jesus, which of God is made unto us wisdom, and also righteousness, and sanctifying and redemption' (245; 1 Corinthians 1:30). 1774 note 196 Apoc.v 'And I beheld and lo, in the midst of the seat, and of the four beasts, and in the midst of the elders, stood a lamb as though he had been killed, which had seven horns and seven eyes, which are the spirits of God, sent into all the world. And he came and took the book out of the right hand of him that sat upon the seat. And when he had taken the book, the four beasts and twenty-four elders fell down before the lamb, having harps and golden vials full of odours which are the prayers of saints and

235 / Commentary they sang a new song saying: thou art worthy to take the book and to open the seals therof (374; Revelation 5:6-9). 1777 note 197 j.CoT.iij 'If any man build on the foundation, gold, silver, precious stones, timber, hay, or stubble: everyman's work shall appear. For the day shall declare it, and it shall be showed in fire. And the fire shall try every man's work, what it is. If any man's work that he hath built upon, bide, he shall receive a reward. If any man's work burn he shall suffer loss: but he shall be safe himself: nevertheless yet as it were through fire' (246; 1 Corinthians 3:12-15). 1781-7 Paul... Christ The Father claims that the biblical text (1 Corinthians 3), upon which the Son says the Roman church bases its claim for the existence of purgatory, does not apply to the next world but rather to this one. I find neither Paul's text nor Roye's gloss of it especially lucid. What Roye seems to be saying is that the creations of man in this world shall all be destroyed by fire, but that the human builder of these works shall be saved because of his faith and foundation in Christ, itself a cleansing fire (ie, different from the non-existent fires of a non-existent purgatory). 1793 note 198 Mat.v 'Agree with thine adversary quickly, whiles thou are in the way with him, lest that adversary deliver thee to the judge, and the judge deliver thee to the minister, and then thou be cast into prison. I say unto thee verily: thou shalt not come out thence till thou have paid the utmost farthing' (26; Matthew 5:25-6). 1796 Amen The final word of the Creed; see notes 151-62. 1801-2 the ... vnto Ie, the better to attain what you have outlined. 1814 goddis tenne commaundementes Cf Luther: 'The first thing to know is that there are no good works except those works God has commanded, just as there is no sin except that which God has forbidden. Therefore, whoever wants to know what good works are as well as doing them needs to know nothing more than God's commandments' ('Treatise on Good Works' LW 44, 23). 'It is ... clear that a man has enough to engage all his strength to keep the commandments of God' (LW 44, 113). 'There is no better mirror in which to see your need than the Ten Commandments, in which you will find what you lack and what you should seek' (LW 44, 63). 1826 note 199 Rom.iij 'For we have already proved how that both Jews and gentiles are all under sin, as it is written: There is none righteous, no not one: there is none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after God, they are all gone out of the way, they are all made unprofitable, there is none that doeth good, no not one' (227-8; Romans 3:9-10). 1829-30 Which ... father Ie, which faith God my merciful father sends me through Christ.

236 / Commentary 1845 note 200 Mat.vj 'O our father which art in heaven, hallowed be thy name. Let thy kingdom come. Thy will be fulfilled, as well in earth, as it is in heaven' (27; Matthew 6:9-10). 1846-55 The ... wordes Here Roye is stating that true prayer is a private and quiet activity not characterized by the external mouthing of words, but rather by quiet meditation. Clebsch claims that the author is refuting the dominical injunction of recitation of the Lord's Prayer (233). 1858 The Lord's Prayer. In the 'Exhortation to All Clergy Assembled at Augsburg' Luther lists the topics 'with which it is necessary to deal in the true Christian church and about which we are all concerned.' One of these topics is the Lord's Prayer (LW 34, 52-3). And in his 'Instructions for the Visitors of Parish Pastors/ under the section 'Daily Worship in the Church,' the Lord's Prayer is listed as a crucial part of the ceremony (LW 40, 307), as it is in Luther's instructions to those who oversee school curricula (LW 40, 315). 1884 after my capacite le, if I understand correctly. 1886 these forsayde thre poyntes le, 'halowed be thy name' (1859), 'Thy kyngdom come to vs' (1872-3), 'Thy will be fulfilled' (1878). 1895-7 Because ... foryevenes The Lutheran view is that all humans are abject sinners unable to make recompense for their sins. They are only forgiven by God's unearned mercy. 1915-16 (acordinge ... am) The reference is either to God 'vnder whome' the speaker is, or to his earthly superiors. 1919 meates See above, 328-32. 1946 scole Luther discusses school curricula in 'Instructions for the Visitors of Parish Pastors' LW 40, 314-20. 1949-51 Yt... age Roye here emphasizes the importance of what one has learned when one is young. He suggests that what has been learned at a young age is not easily forgotten when one gets older. 1953 Titus Liuius. The Roman historian Livy, 59 BC - AD 17 or 64 BC - AD 12. He was in high favour during the Renaissance (Oxford Classical Dictionary 614-15). As well as biblical study, Luther recommends that students study Virgil and Cicero's Officia (LW40, 319), Donatus, Aesop, Terence, and Plautus (315, 317). Kittelson states that in 1516 Capito wrote the following: '[L]et there first be acute judgment instructed with full preparation by the reading of good authors. Then there may be the rich skill and happiness of handling sacred things' (32). 1957 at some tyme labouringe le, as opposed to 'at some voyd tyme' (1802). 1969-72 And ... worlde le, a strong faith and a judicious reading of these worldly stories are compatible because the combination of these two things turns one's mind away from the world. 1974 hebrewe/ greke/ and laten Cf Luther: '[I]f I could bring it to pass

237 / Commentary among you, I should like to ask that you do not neglect the languages but, since it would not be difficult for you, that you have your preachers and some of your gifted boys learn Latin, Greek, and Hebrew well' (LW 36, 304). But Luther is also solicitous of those who are not necessarily gifted and who might be confused by the learning of languages. He states, 'In the first place the schoolmasters are to be concerned about teaching children Latin only, not German or Greek or Hebrew as some have done hitherto and troubled the poor children with so many languages. This is not only useless but even injurious' (LW 40, 315). Kittelson states that Capito 'was ... one with the other humanists in his insistence that the only sure way to grasp the liberal arts was through the ancient languages, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew' (33). 1978-9 For ... prest The Son's suggestion is that a priest should know more than one language, or perhaps the suggestion is ironic, since it was not uncommon for reformers to attack badly educated priests who, they claimed, knew very little Latin. 1986 a temporall marine le, as opposed to a 'prest' (1979).

Press Variants in the 1527 Copy Text

Abbreviations A = Austrian National Library; B = Duke of Bath; c = 1550 160 dout B,C; dou A 211 continewe thy A; continew ethy B,C 220 where of B,C; where of A In signature B5r the 'b' in 'bv' is inverted in A, but correct in B,C 436 OUt B,C; OU A

509 acordynge B,C; acordyngee A 510 offered B,C; offeredd A 511 one B,C; onne A 512 Of B,C; OOf A

513 defoyled B,C; defoyledd A 515 feblenes B,C; febleness A 515 hym B,C; hhym A 516 his B,C; hiss A 517 meate/ B,C; meatee/ A 518 precious B,C; precioous A 518 Furthermore/ B,C; Furtherrmmore/ A 519 Paul B,C; PPaul A 520 Corinthians/ B,C; CCorinthians/ A 521 and one B,C; annd one A 521 shulde B,C; shuldee A 524 hath B,C; hhath A 524 of B,C; oof A 526 worde/ B;C; wordee/ A 526 stones/ B,C; stonnes/ A 527 all B,C; alll A

239 / Press Variants in the 1527 Copy Text 528 pillers/ B,C; pillerss A 529 where B,C; wherre A 532 weake) A; weake( B,C 1748 Doutles B,C; douiles A

Variants

The 1527 edition's title page and introduction (1-128) are replaced in the 1550 edition by the following title page and introduction. The title page and signature A3r are unnsigned: The true beliefe in Christ and his sacramentes, set forth in a Dialoge betwene a Christen father and his sonne, verye necessary to be learned of all men, what estate soeuer they be. My sonnes, heare the enstruccions of youre father, and geue hede that ye may haue knowledge: for I haue geuen you a good doctrine, se that ye forsake not my lawe. Prouerbiorum.iiij. Imprinted at London for G Walter Lynne, dwellinge on Somers kaye, by Byllinges gate. Anno Domini.M.D.L. Cum Priuilegio ad Imprimendum solum. [A2r] To the moste graciouse Lady, Lady Ann, douchesse of Somerset her moste faythfull and daylye oratoure, G Walter Lynne wysheth eternall felicite. Consydering (graciouse Ladye) that youre grace hath of longe tyme found suche fauoure in the syghte of God, that you haue had, and haue to this day, a muche greater desyre to se Goddes trueth both preached and set forth in writtinges, (to the encrease of Godlye lyueinge and aduauncemente of Goddes glorye by the suppression of all vice) then a greate numbre of noble men and women of this realme haue had: I thought it conueniente that I (chaunseinge vpon this litle boke, and entendinge [text has entendiuge] to set it

241 /Variants forth to be reade of all men, as a moste perfecte waye for the elders to come to perfecte knowledge by, and also to enstructe theyr chyldren and seruauntes) should dedicate the same to your grace as to [text has ta] the most worthy patrones of so fruitful a worcke, whose Godly fame knowne and daylye encreasynge amonge all faithfull Christians of [A2v] this realme may styre the hertes of as many as be Godly minded, so muche the soner to reade and peruse it to the great encrease of their knowledge and emendement of them ouer whom they haue gouernaunce. The author of the boke I know not. Only this I finde that it was fyrste written in the duche tong, and then translated into latine. But whoso he were that first wrote it, or that translated it into latine: certen I am that it is ryght Godly, and worthy to be oftentimes reade of al Christen men. It declareth affectuously and very pythyly the .xij. Articles of the Christan faith and insidently the righte vnderstandinge of the sacramentes. So that it maye ryghte well be called the summe of Christianitie, or rather the perfect rule of Christen religion. For there is not one necessary article of the Christian fayth, that is not in this litle boke playnly discussed [text has discusled], confyrmed with scriptures, and the obiections confuted. I woulde wyshe therfore, that al men, women, and chyldren would read it. Not as they haue bene here tofore accustomed to reade the fained storyes of Robinhode, Clem of the cloughe, wyth suche lyke to passe the tyme wythal, Neyther as of late dayes men haue vsed to reade thinges for [A3r] nouelhties: but for to spende the time wel, and so put away their newe errours (grounded vpon the Romeish rock) by the knowledge of the olde fayeth [sidenotes Matth. xvi.c. l.Cor. iij.u.] that is buylded vpon the foundacion of the prophetes and Apostlis. To you therfore (moste graciouse Ladye) [final bracket in text is backwards] as to the most worthy example of al noble women, whose Godlye studye all Christen hertes do greatly reioyse in, and prayse God for his mercye shewed in the same: I haue dedicated this my settynge forth of that whiche, I doute not, by the prouidence of God came to myne handes, that inflamed by the Godlye fame of youre grace, the people that stande nede of the doctrine herein taughte mighte the more thanckfully receiue it, the more willingly embrace it, and with more diligent study reade it, printinge it in their hertes, that at al tymes they may haue it prompt and at hande to comforte them selfes and enstructe their children and seruauntes wythall. For beynge set forth in a dialoge betwene the father and his sonne: it is so much the more fit for the purpose, by the reason that the father hath there redye answeres to all that the sonne can obiecte, and also perfect enstruccions to make him perfect [A3v] in all the Articles of the Christian fayth, wyth scriptures redye at hande to confirme the same. The maysters

242 / Variants maye applye the same to theyr seruaunts the housbandes to theyr wyues, and agayne the wyues to theyr maidens. Yea, the neyghbour maye applye it in communicacyon, to the enstruccion of hys neighboure, and the prieste to his parishioners, and al estates one to anothere [text has anot here]. I am not able to declare all the commodities of it, suche as shall vse it, shall fele more then I am able to declare. More can I not saye therfore, but that it is Godly learned and full of edificacion, and therfore worthye to be often tymes reade of all Christians of Godlye minde. To make an ende therfore, I beseche the allmightye, that of hys tender mercye he wyll replenishe the hertes of all men with his spirite, that embraceynge his trueth they may frame their life to the same and in the laste daye receiue the life that neuer shall haue ende, through Christ our Lord, to whom be honoure and glorye for euer and euer, Amen. Geuen at London in the yeare of oure Lord.M.D.&.L. The xx. daye of lanuarye. Your Graces dayly Orator G Walter Lynne.

Emendations

Abbreviations A = Austrian National Library; B = Duke of Bath; c = 1550 27 theym ed.: thyem A,B,C 76 playnly ed.: palynly A,B,C 79 of his ed.: vf his A,B,C 91 and so ed.: vand so A,B,C 93 nothing ed.: Nothing A,B,C 122 the ed.: the= A,B,C: 140 he ed.: he= A,B,C 149 The ed.: The. A,B,C 150 a synner ed.: asynner A,B,C 157 towardes ed.: toawardes A,B,C 178 as many ed.: asmany A,B,C 196 shall become ed.: shallbecome A,B,C 213 every ed.: erery A,B,C 223-4 the gospell ed.: ehe gospell A,B,C 235 nghtous ed.: rigthous A,B,C 245 knowne ed.: knvwne A,B,C 256 commundementes ed.: commundenmtes A,B,C 257 to ed.: te A,B,C 264 worlde. ed.: worlde A,B,C 273 acordyng ed.: acordyngy A,B,C 279-80 at one ed.: atone A,B,C 303 more ed.: moo A,B,C 310 man ed.: mam A,B,C 324 wyl be ed.: wylbe A,B,C

244 / Emendations 330 hearynge ed.: Hearynge 341 note 4 Mat.) ed.: Mat.l. A,B,C 342 anoynted ed.: Anoyted A,B,C 357 saynt ed.: saynet A,B,C 371 But ed.: Bnt A,B,C 374 both ed.: bohe A,B,C 382 neghbors ed.: neghborus A,B,C 383 ought ed.: ought A,B,C 389 fifth chapter ed.: first chaprer A,B,C 392 christen ed.: chri=sten A,B,C 395 a man ed.: aman A,B,C 395 but ed.: bout A,B,C 412 to be ed.: tobe A,B,C 431 a mannis ed.: amannis A,B,C 444 A man ed.: Aman A,B,C 445 can do ed.: cando A,B,C 450 accordynge ed.: accordyrge A,B,C 464 as many ed.: asmany A,B,C 470 their ed.: thier A,B,C 471 ought ed.: ougth A,B,C 484 and ed.: aud A;B,C 485 to be ed.: te be A,B,C 517 a pece ed.: apece A,K,C 565 a vengeaunce ed.: avengraunce A,B,C 587 soffre ed.: foffre A,B,C 627 seed of ed.: of fallen out A,B,C 637 belefe. ed.: belefe.. A,B,C 709 scripture/) ed.: scripture/ A,B,C 709 note 66 Psal.xvj ed.: Tsal.xvj A,B,C 713 slepe ed.: shlepe A,B,C 716 note 69 mat. ed.: wat. A,B,C 752 enemies ed.: enenemies A,B,C 753 att one ed.: attone A,B,C 758 rightous ed.: rigthous A,B,C 775 of ed.: af A,B,C 777 though, ed.: thougth A,B,C 777 leve). ed.: leve) A,B,C 875 sayth ed.: sayht A,B,C 908 Corrinthians ed.: Corrinthtans A,B,C 909 moche ed.: mosche A,B,C 924 spretuall ed.: spreruall A,B,C

245 / Emendations 981 testimoniall ed.: testimoinall A,B,C 1007 vnworthy ed.: vnthworthy A,B,C 1018 offerynge ed.: offeryngr A,B,C 1022 evil ed.: evle A,B,C 1056 with ed.: whith A,B,C 1079 and possibilite ed.: annd possibilite A,B,C 1159 was ed.: Was A,B,C 1160 No man ed.: Noman A,B,C 1161 from ed.: from. A,B,C 1181 My sense of the text is such that I do not believe that the heading 'Son' belongs at the beginning of this line. 1190 congregacion ed.: congracion A,B,C 1271 prophettes ed.: pophettes A,B,C 1272 pubblisshe ed.: pupblisshe A,B,C 1282 members ed.: menbers A,B,C 1341 brotherly ed.: brorherly A,B,C 1360 to ed.: ta A,B,C 1367 compelleth ed.: conpelleth A,B,C 1370 of ed.: pf A,B,C 1380 and greveous ed.: annd gevous A,B,C 1383 Sonne. ed.: Sonne A,B,C 1384 baptisynge ed.: batpisynge A,B,C 1390 of ed.: vf A,B,C 1396 feawe ed.: foawe A,B,C 1404 season hathe ed.: season bus hathe A,B,C 1418 bownde ed.: bowunde A,B,C 1424-5 a gret ed.: agret A,B,C 1434 note 164 ma.xviij ed.: MA.XVIIJ A,B,C 1558 means ed.: manes A,B,C 1569 to ed.: o A,B,C 1595 an ed.: An A,B,C 1612 presumpteously ed.: preseomteously A,B,C 1660 howe ed.: Howe A,B,C 1668 continewe ed.: cotinewe A,B,C 1739 everlastynge ed.: overlastynge A,B,C 1741 apereth. ed.: apereth A,B,C 1751 never ed.: neverl A,B,C 1797 confirmacion ed.: confirmamacion A,B,C 1818 a gret ed.: agret A,B,C 1838 anguisshe ed.: angnisshe A,B,C 1871 as many ed.: asmany A,B,C

246 / Emendations 1920 withouten ed.: whitouten A^/C 1941 we ed.: whe A,B,C 1951 Wherfore ed.: Whefore A,B,C 1956 pleasaunt ed.: pleasunat A,B,C 1968 and: end A,B,C 1980 in maner ed.: inmaner A,B,C 1985 thou ed.: rhou A,B,C 2007 contrary ed.: cotrary A,B,C 2013 withoute ed.: witoute do A,B,C

Glossary

Unless otherwise indicated, all definitions in this glossary are taken from the Oxford English Dictionary. Words with asterisks are OED antedatings, corrections, or additions. Variant spellings or forms of the same word are in parentheses. abashed disconcerted, discomfited, often used in connection with shame 203 abowndantly 1830 (?) abundantly a byde stand firm 1487 accompted accounted, included 1430 admit to accept as true 1648 affeccion feeling, love, fondness 1856 affecte intention 841 affecteously (affectoussly, agone ago 77

affectuusly)

ardently, eagerly 290, 747, 1125

alonly only, solely, exclusively 81, 985, 1270 angwysshe anguish 1176 * apostohcall connected with or relating to the apostles 28 approve 713n.68 proved or established apte [apter] fit, prepared, ready 1516; fitter 1964 arbitrement decision 1409 *aspercion sprinkling, scattering 80, 1574 assigneis assignees, deputies, representatives 537 astunnyed stunned, stupified 1202 audacite confidence, boldness 590 bankettes banquets 1529 behaulfe (in that] in this matter 44 * belly bestes gluttons 416

248 / Glossary bellyes (slowe) gluttons 409 betoken (betokened, betokeneth, betokenynge) signify, mean, denote 668, 958, 962, 1321, 1498 Wist blessed 859 boddyly bodily 1863 bondmen men in bondage, slaves 753 carnall temporal, but perhaps also sensual 1863 castynge (in my mynde) reflecting on 57 cavillacion trickery, chicanery 51 Chanons clergymen living with other clergy in a house and ordering his life in accordance with the canons of the church 417 chasten correct, discipline 539 chyldly becoming or proper to a child; child-like 759 clyncketh to make a sharp sound; the implication here is that the spirit of God is uttered but not truly felt within 1093 coloure (vnder a] under pretext or pretence of 1759 comformable (conformable) corresponding to 1263, 1937 comfortable encouraging, reassuring, pleasant 1513 commen cheap, but also of frequent occurrence 410 commen communicate, associate with 480, 2015 commenalte commonwealth 1603 commenaunt (comnaunt) covenant, agreement 839, 1348 commeninge talking together 119 committed interested 1418 commodiusly profitably, conveniently 432 Compendiously succinctly, concisely 1474 consayte private opinion, estimation, judgement 1999 consecrate dedicated 1419 consisteth reside, exist 1304 constitucion ordinance, regulation 367, 485 constitute established 738 constrayne force, compel 455, 1846 conuersacion living together 1941 cople join, fasten 1443 coresaye a cause of trouble or grief 46 corsed cursed 288 coursse curse 1275, 1290 crafte deceit, fraud, guile 1657 deale divide, share 1482 debities (debite) deputies 537, 683, 1875 default fault, error 1696

249 / Glossary defende prohibit 370 deferre delay 1439 defoyled maltreated, abused 513 demeane behave, conduct, manage 61 depaite divide 1180 deply deeply 1837 derckei hard to understand, difficult 930 despitfully contemptuously, shamefully 47 diffame dishonour 36 diffuse difficult, complex, confused 356 diligence do the utmost 198 dihgentlier the more diligent 1817 disannull abolish 31, 258, 539, 546 discretly prudently, judiciously 192 dissaytfull deceitful, false, misleading 34 dissimulation hypocrisy 410, 1184 Doctours those trained and skilled in theology and theological disputation 805, 1764 douche German 66 driveth (dryveth] impel, force 1702, 1703 durst dare 1680 dyreccion guidance, conduct 145 edyfied (edyfy] built up in faith and holiness 1112, 1187 enforseth strive, attempt 1696 enquyrannce inquiry 1083 ensamples examples 801 entent intention, purpose 1191, 1207 eschewe (exchewe] avoid, shun 583, 1219, 1648, 1813 Estates governing orders or classes 8 even christen fellow Christian 584, 875, 1615 evidently (evident] clearly, clear 161, 817 exercyse tram, practise 1646 expedient fit, proper 816 expowne set forth, declare 930 expulsed eject, evict 1244, 1472 'exteriall (extenally] outside, external 387, 523, 1104, 1467, 1599 fantasy a supposition resting on no solid ground 1606 farforth (as farforth as, so farforthe, as fane forth] to the extent that, to the specified extent 264, 481, 638, 1300 fayne (fame] gladly 140, 355, 810 fayned counterfeit, false 333, 1442

250 / Glossary feade fed 872 *filippe a blow 587 forbodden forbidden 1821 fordell advantage 382 Forthe on onwards 664 fortuneth (fortune] happen 413 746 foundlinges literally, deserted infants whose parents are unknown. Here used to suggest those of unknown or disreputable origins (the clergy) who place themselves under the Pope's authority 1658 fownde found, discovered 1831 foxye crafty, cunning 51 fragilite weakness 625 fraylnes frailness 1637 frowarde evilly disposed, perverse 868 fulfilled tilled 1759 garnesseth embellish 1982 gestes family, company 1614 gobbet part, portion, fragment 969, 1016 gostly spiritual 804 Go to get to work, come on. An exhortation 1997 *grafte [grafted] fixed in something to create a firm union 963, 1182, 1392, 1424 graunges barns 1758 greace grace 292 greved distressed, troubled 372, 508 gropynge feeling in order to find something 1535 grounde (oute of this] on this basis 328 hartely heartily 1798 *hayle felowes on intimate terms 588-9 heawe cut 558 heddy headstrong 45 herbyhezrby 1216, 1218 herder harder 931 hey res heirs 1163 hidder to (hidderto] hitherto 1842, 1884 hit it 115 holpe helped 687 imagination thinking 1859 immagion (ymagened, ynmagen] imagine 852, 1605 importable unbearable, unendurable 33 impute charge, attribute 1912

251 / Glossary incomprehensible difficult to understand, but also boundless, infinite 1034 incorporate embodied, included 1558 indever endeavour 653 indifferently without difference or distinction 504, 1548 *infame infamous 50 institute establish, ordain 373, 980 "institute order 1804 intent (to the] to the end that 72-3 iote jot, the least amount 594 lury Jewry 684 knet tie, fashion 1506, 1544 knowledge (knowledgynge) acknowledge 1336, 1522, 1598, 1687, 1700, 1870, 1882 lawde [laude] praise 1995, 2001 lefull lawful 504 lett hindrance 432, 1880 light [lighten] plain, not difficult, or perhaps, enlightening 914, 914 lively living 778 luste delight, desire 205 mammettes idols 527 maner (in] mode of procedure, method of action 1980 manifestly (manyfestly) openly, unmistakenly, evidently 420, 760, 765, 779, 1332, 1713 marcy mercy 1061 moysteoure moisture, here used figuratively to suggest water as a source of life 1103 mekliar more meekly 1427 merci mercy 1239 mervelouse wonderfully 912 mischevous evil 1235 *misedify weaken spiritually, mislead 507 mode frame of mind 1941 moo more 921 murmuracion murmuring 1655 near-e not 402, 1071 non none 1843 noyous vexatious, troublesome 41, 1437 or ere, before 1917,2003 ordened (ordeneth] instituted, ordered 1208, 1411, 1577, 1721, 1742 ordinacion ordinance 372, 1706 ordrynge arranging, directing 946

252 / Glossary other either 40, 205, 895, 923, 1066, 1717, 1819, 1916 *over cloyinge satiating 1529 "papistical! popish, used negatively 75, 1704 pareles perils, dangers 1969 partayne pertain 1333 peasable peaceable 2007 perswasion belief, conviction 115, 159 pertaynynge pertaining, belonging 1346, 1635 pete pity 1922 *pharisaicall hypocritical, self-righteous 1248 pilled tonsured, but also beggarly 1003 possibilite power 1079 pastes monuments 527 powieth poureth 1671 predestinate foreordain by divine decree 773, 846 *preordination predestination, foreordainment 772 pretende signify 931 profecyed prophesied 674 prompte ready 659 * proportionable agreeable, consonant 917 provayleth profits 1414 publican one cut off from the church 1259 quickened (quickeneth) revived, vivified 723, 1069, 1966 *Rabys one whose learning is comparable to a Jewish doctor of law,used contemptuously 72 rayned reigned 58 recompence make compensation or atonement for 1896 refressheth reanimate, reinvigorate 1520 rehearce (rehearced) recite, speak 162, 896, 1797 rennynge running 99 repayred restored 1867 reprehendeth (reprehencion) reprimand 1696, 1699 reprove accuse, rebuke 775 *repungneth agaynst stand against 812 repute esteem, think 2000 reserved set apart, retained as one's own 772, 1047 resydue (residue) rest 339, 1945 rude simple, unlearned 947 saverynge relishing, liking 790 scruple doubt, uncertainty 1920 sealeth set apart or authenticate as with a seal 1074

253 / Glossary season (for a] for a period of time 443 sectes used pejoratively for religious orders (monks, friars, etc) competing with Christ's true sect, but also used, in general, for those groups not part of the Christian community or deemed not to be part of it 1253, 1608 serviable willing to serve 2003 *'sett abacke give a check to, hinder 652 seyinge seeing 1821 shamfastnes shame 210 shitt shut 1272 shupe created, shaped 223 similitudes parables, allegories 1792 simulation disceit 157 singuler (singlerly, smgulerly, syngulerly] especially, particularly, special 17, 92, 106, 450, 471, 798, 1218 socke suck 123 so forthe similarly, and then 91 stabhssheth establishes 1521 * stakes like stocks, idols or sacred images 527, 576 staye support 743 stoble stubble; stumps of wheat or other grain 1776 stockes idols or sacred images 576 *strayght (strayghtly] frank, honest 490, 492, 1279 sucker assist, kelp 127 suerteshyppe stewardship, but perhaps also related to 'suer': a disciple or follower 650 super supper 1599 surlyer more sure 351 sustentacion maintenance 1891 swarve turn aside or away from 546 swete pleasing, pleasant 1030 testify acknowledge, profess 1501 testimonial! proof, record 981 tho those 597, 1819, 1827; Wolf wrongly glosses as both 'do' (597) and 'the'(1819) thorowe (throwe) through 26, 149, 893, 1065, 1068, 1118, 1324, 1604 thrauldoms bondage, servitude 677 trone throne 1046 turned oute translated 65 vndiscrecion (vndiscretly] indiscretion, indiscretly 45, 1248, 1790 *vnporged not free or cleared from wrong-doing 1716

254 / Glossary vnright improper, wrong 1526 vnyed united 979 voyd empty 960; leisure 1952 vprysynge rising from bed 1812 vtterly absolutely 776 wedder wether; a male sheep, a ram 1443 welth well-being 1995 wheaie as where 2005 wheare oute (Wheioute) out of which, from which 87, 1731 wist knew 1402 witteth safe (witsafe) vouchsafe 1335, 1877, 1927 wolde willed 1355 wone one 977 wote (wottest) know 402, 1071, 1987 wother other 17, 46, 90, 92, 117, 127, 129, 132, 193, 199, 230, 231, 232, 255, 343, 478, 601, 810, 911, 927, 973, 974, 1179, 1194, 1205, 1238, 1313, 1399, 1548, 1555, 1624, 1659, 1660, 1583, 1700, 1711, 1781, 1792, 1901, 1958, 1990, 2001, 2016 wotheiwyse otherwise 1073, 1413, 1581, 1793 wreke vengeance 2008 wyse manner 1810 wyse (in no) in no manner 1698 wyttingly deliberately 1452 yen ere, before 55 ydle ineffective, worthless 114 ynowe enough 437 yueth youth 106

Appendix A

Collation of Adolph Wolf's Transcription of A Lytle Treatous with the Copy Text 79 124 131 136 137 137 151 157 169 189 192 221 226 233 238 255 282 291 350 411 413 420 448 507

cowrse course hym silfe hymsilfe selves/ selves obtayne obteyne Argentyn/ Argentyn August/ August merytes merites towardes toawades almyghty almyghthy all al discretly discretty thervnto therunto beginnynge begynnynge rightous rightous man off of wother other and vnd And and marvelus marvellus poverte powerte blyssynge blessynge against agaynst comforte conforte For yf Foryf

543 they, thei 580 god/ god 615 me me, 711 canst cannst 736 article artikle 760 all al 769 fyrst first 814 allmygthy allmyghthy 865 tast taste 908 pistle pystle 908 Corrinthians) Corrinthtans 916 prophecey prophecy 922 letter, letter, 943 vnder "vnter 945 tokens tockens 963 receave. receave 968 thynge/ thynge 1005 commaundment commaundement 1007 eaters eathers 1020 vnite unite 1041 none non 1042 requyre require 1089 sprete/ sprete

256 / Appendix A 1129 comforte conforte 1139 beleve belefe 1170 saynct sainct 1220 excomunicacion excommunicacion 1246 malice, malice 1262 acordynge accordynge 1267 Wherfore Wherefore 1294 shulde schulde 1295 bounde bonnde 1303 menne menn 1340 herte. herte 1378 love, love, 1389 trueth. trueth 1393 Wherfore Wherefore 1394 Therfore Therefore 1407 obserued observed 1429 therfore therefore 1462 acordynge accordynge 1463 ensample ensanple 1480 chyldren. children. 1485 heven heaven 1490 membres members 1496 shuldest schuldest

1522 selves, selves 1530 povre poore 1537 therby thereby 1578 Corrinthians Corinthians 1589-90 in trewe love in the trewe love 1624 and und 1632 fraternitees fraternites 1643 is it it is 1651 drynke dryncke 1663 workynge worckynge 1706 goddis godis 1742 manne man 1755 vesteurs) vesteurs 1776 bylde bilde sidenote 197 j.Cor.iij. j.Corr.iij. 1791 sayinge saynge 1816 be. be 1819 lord Lord 1820 thinges thynges 1835 also. And also and 1859 comforte conforte 1933 thanke thancke 1969 and full ond full

Appendix B The Latin Text

The Latin text is taken from Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica ed K. Kehrbach (Berlin, 1900) 21:100-92. Arabic numerals in the text are designed to aid readers find passages cited or alluded to in the section entitled 'The English and Latin Texts.'

DE PUERIS INSTITUENDIS ECCLESIAE Argentinensis Isagoge. Colloquuntur Parens vel Praeceptor et Filius. PARENS. Christianum te ne fateris puer charissime? F. Fateor equidem. 2. P. Unde vero istud habes exploratum? F. Eo quod ex Dei praeceptis me agnosco peccatorem. Contra vero ex promissionibus divinis, idque merito Christi, nihil addubito me in numerum filiorum Dei cooptatum. Christus enim pro peccatis meis expiandis mortem subiit. 3. P. In quo sita est Christiani vita? F. In fide una erga Deum, erga vero proximum in charitate simulandi nescia. 4. P. Quid est fides? F. Est vera atque adeo viva animi persuasio, qua nihil dubitamus, promissiones dei per Christum nobis praestitas, quemadmodum in symbolo, quod Apostolorum vocant, dilucide explicatum est. 5. P. Recense quaeso symbolum istud. F. Credo in Deum patrem omnipotentem, factorem caeli et terrae. Et in Jesum Christum, filium eius unigenitum, Dominum nostrum. Qui conceptus est de spiritu sancto, natus ex Maria virgine. Passus sub Pontio Pilato, crucifixus, mortuus et sepultus. Descendit ad inferos, tertia die

258 / Appendix B resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit ad caelos, sedet ad dextram Dei patris omnipotentis. Inde venturus est iudicare vivos et mortuos. Credo in spiritum sanctum, sanctam Ecclesiam catholicam, communionem sanctorum, remissionem peccatorum, Carnis resurrectionem, et vitam aeternam, Amen. 6. P. Probe omnia recensuisti. Reliquum est ut, quo pacto intelligas, referre non graveris. Die igitur principio, Quid est Deus? F. Is est meus atque adeo omnium credentium pater, omnipotens creator caeli et terrae. 7. P. Eccur Deum appellas tuum patrem? F. Quia bonitatem ipsius et gratiam certo novi. Ex corde quoque agnosco, quicquid boni habeo, hunc unum mihi elargitum, neque porro quicquam aliud in aeternum a Deo mihi datum iri, nisi quod bonum sit in bonumve mihi cedat. 8. P. Age vero cur omnipotentem vocas ac caeli et terrae creatorem? F. Non temere huiusmodi titulo ipsum dignamur. Ex quo enim omnipotens est solusque agit omnia, partim idque frequentius per creaturas, partim vero citra creaturarum adminiculum, tantum abest, ut mali quid mihi accidat, ut potius omnia adversa tentationesque omnes bono mihi sint cessurae. Qui enim non omnia mihi commodarent, quando a patre mei amantissimo in meam salutem attem perantur omnia? 9. P. Probe quidem et sancte respondisti. Proinde si parentes, Ludimagistri aut quispiam alius te obiurgat meliorumque admoneat, Deum id facere memento. In hoc enim Dei et ministri et vicarii sunt, ut te Christiane erudiant. Eorum igitur dicto audientem te atque morigerum esse par est. F. Strenue factum curabo. 10. P. Est ne praeterea aliud quidpiam, cuius haec te verba submoneant. F. Etiam. Deum quippe hinc doceor nusquam non praesentem esse, ut qui cordium etiam cogitationes intueatur. Quod sane diligenter animadversum timori dei seminarium praebet, adeo ut pudore totus suffundar, si quid vel in mentem incidat, quod Christianum baud quaquam addecet. Libet adhaec atque adeo voluptati est turn animo versari turn facere etiam, quae Deo placent. Certus enim sum Deum testem spectatoremque esse omnium, quae facio, atque eidem vehementer adlubescere, si officium meum fecero. 11. P. Pudor hie male agendi honestique amor custodes tibi sunto, a sceleribus te retrahant, ad optima quaeque item te pelliciant indefesse. Proinde si omni momento cogitaveris nihil, quamlibet occultum sit, Dei oculos latere, cautius vitam tuam quotidie perges instituere, ne alio rapiaris, quam Christianum deceat. Unde vero nosti omnipotentiam Dei? F. Persentisco earn in corde, ac quotidiana experientia certissime deprehendo. Omnia siquidem momentanea video et fluxa esse multaque fieri singulis prope momentis, quorum caussae prorsus ignorantur. Neque vero non huius rei et scriptura testimonium suppetit. Genesis enim primo ait Mose: In principio

259 / The Latin Text creavit DEUS caelum et terram. Et Joannis primo: In principio erat verbum et verbum erat apud Deum etc. Et per quern omnia facta sunt. 12. P. Quare de te solo ais: Credo, perinde atque nihil solicitus sis de fide aliorum, cum tamen et alios fide praeditos credamus. F. Eo quod in nullum alium fiduciae quicquam colloco, a nemine alio pendeo, certissimus iustum sua fide vivere. Quod ubi mecum reputo, ex corde profiteor me credere. 13. P. Age si iustus ex fide vivit eademque beatus est, quid porro tibi (beatitudine iam per fidem parta) Christo opus erit? Abunde enim satis est, si in patrem omnipotentem credideris, factorem caeli et terrae. F. Omnibus modis Christo mihi opus est, quo si caruero, ut et Deo caream necesse est. Quemadmodum de Gentibus idem ad Ephesios secundo scribitur. Neque enim Deum vere quis credere potest, nisi per unum Christum. 14. P. Unde vero huius tibi constat ratio? F. Non inficior quidem sine Christo Deum cognosci posse, Rom. 2, at vero non cognoscetur citra hunc tanquam pater, sed ut aut iudex atrocissimus, aut qui nostra haec mortalia nequaquam curet. 15. P. Pinguius haec mihi enarres obsecro. Nondum enim adsequor, quid velis. F. Haud ignore Deum prae omnibus esse diligendum, proximum vero perinde ac meipsum. Matthaei vigesimo secundo. Charitas enim ex corde puro, conscientia bona ac fide non simulata finis est legis .1. Thim. primo. 16. P. Nihil igitur moraris praecepta DEI? F. Quin vehementer ea mihi curae sunt. CHRISTUS enim non venit ad legem destruendam. Neque lex vetus abolita est, sed potius novo quodam modo renovata, ut iam nova lex vocetur, cum tamen ipsissima lex vetus existat. In hoc tantum a veteri dissidens, quod ilia adnexos habuit ritus quosdam externos variasque ceremonias; haec vero mmime ceremoniis huiusmodi adligata, in corde duntaxat regnum suum regnat. Quod sane ubi renovatum est, suum iam nova lex pensum absolvit. Nihil igitur elementa mundi iuris habent, nisi quatenus fides charitasve exigat quicquam. Si etenim hae duae quid iusserint, iam non eo paremus, quod legis litera idem mandat, sed potius ultro ad officium adigimur, spiritu ita nos impellente. In summa itaque nova lex atque adeo vetus ipsa unico verbo, quid exigant, non obscure nobis ob oculos ponit, Nempe isto: Dilige proximum sicut teipsum. Et qui proximum diligit, legem implevit. Iam vero ut intelligas CHRISTO vehementer mihi opus esse neque citra ipsum ad DEUM cuiquam patere viam, sic accipe. Etsi etenim baud illibenter iuxta legis summam atque adeo finem DEUM proximumve diligere cupiam, nequaquam tamen hoc in manu mea situm experior, carne perpetuo mihi negocium facessente. Proinde tantum abest, ut beatum me gloriari ausim, ut potius modis omnibus maledictum me sentiam. Maledictus enim omnis, qui non confirmat verba legis huius, ut faciat ea.5.Mos.27.

260 / Appendix B Caeterum ubi Christum morte sua mea expiasse peccata iam in corde firma fide sentio, certus bonitatis divinae per Christum mihi exhibitae, salva iam sunt omnia. Quis enim intentabit crimina adversus electos Dei? Patet igitur, absque Christo me Deo neutiquam credere posse. Nemo equidem ignorat legem cum praeceptis suis iram tantum operari, Rom. 3. Sed ecce tibi Christus adest is intercedit pro me, maledictum pro me factus, ut ego benedictione atque adeo bonorum omnium pelago potirer. O egregiam atque modis omnibus optabilem permutationem. Iam vero ubi cognoscitur incomparabilis haec Dei bonitas, dimanat indidem fiducia in Deum inconcussa. Nihil enim haesito Christum meam esse redemptionem ac sanctificationem. Hinc et subsequenter dico: Et in JESUM Christum filium eius unigenitum. Verba haec prioribus annectit copula, Et, adeo ut non aliter praecedentibus adhaereant, atque plurima membra in unum corpus coagmentata. Nequaquam igitur haec ab illis divellenda sunt, sed simul eadem fide credenda. 17. P. Age vero quando fides haec sola beat, obtinesque iam, quod votis tuis ambiisti, hoc est, beatitudinem ipsam, nihil scilicet tibi opus erit bonis operibus? F. Quatenus mihi opus sit praeceptis, antea dictum est. Satis praeterea patet, quod cuicunque fides data est, eidem et una dari spiritum ultroneum propagandae gloriae Dei, tarn in se quam in aliis. Ea vero turn illustrior fit, quum proximo id sum, quod mihi est Deus, hoc est, benignus, mansuetus, misericors. Hoc enim pacto veram Dei in nobis imaginem exprimimus. Mea igitur refert, atque adeo cogor proximo meo benefacere. Nequaqam tamen proximo ad comparandam beatitudinem indigeo. Antea enim quam ipsi ex corde benefacere queam, beatitudo haec ex mera gratia mihi est donata. 18. P. Quae tu ais bona opera? F. Fidem solam per Christum in Deum patrem, Joan. 6. In externis vero charitatem erga proximum. 19. P. Legere vero et canere in templis nunquid et bonis operibus accenses? F. Nequaquam. Sine enim fide huiusmodi fiunt. Neque Deus uspiam hanc legendi canendive rationem verbo suo instituit. Scis autem religionem, qualis qualis ilia sit, quae iniussu verbi Dei suscipitur, Deo esse abominandam. Adhaec nemo vel teruncio melior hinc redditur. Iam vero nulla res externa bona dici potest, si non usui sit proximo adque aedificationem faciat. Deus enim spiritu tantum et in veritate adoratur. 20. P. Si igitur probe tuam assequor sententiam, hoc dicere mihi videris, Operibus proximo solum inserviendum. In huius enim usum omnia charitas dispensat. F. Ita res habet. Sed et hinc disco, Confessionem auricularem, indulgentias, peregrinationes, ciborum dierumve delectum, missas atque adeo quicquid Ecclesia externa hactenus observavit vana esse. Que-

261 / The Latin Text madmodum enim praeter Dei verbum isthaec introducta sunt, ita etiam ad proximos nihil hinc commodi rediit. Sed contra magnis impensis nihil agitur, quibus sane pauperibus commode subveniri poterat. 21. P. Vera haec esse nemo ambigit. Quare ad alia quae sequuntur explananda te accmgito. F. Non abs re JESUS nuncupatur redemptor noster. Ipse enim salvum facit populum suum a peccatis suis, Matth. 1. Christus vero unctum significat. A patre enim prae aliis unctus est et sanctificatus. In eoque habitat plenitudo divinitatis corporaliter, Col. 2. Quare Christi humanitatem a divinitate, a qua ad nos missus est, nunquam cogitatione discerno. Dominum nostrum. Dommus noster etiam est secundum humanitatem. A Deo enim omnium accepit potestatem, quae in caelo et in terra sunt, Mat. ult. Et potestatem dedit ei iudicandi quoque, quia filius hominis est, Joan. 5. 22. P. Refertne mea quidquam Christum esse Dominum nostrum? F. Proculdubio vehementer, turn ut securius hie vivere nobis liceat, turn ad intelligendam certius Christianam libertatem. Ex quo enim Christus Dominus noster est, consequitur et nos dominos omnium rerum esse, nihilque nobis posse nocere. 23. P. Quod hoc ex isto colligatur, velim apertius explices. F. Id vero baud difficile est explicatu. Manet siquidem in nobis, et nos in eo, Christus, lo. 15. Ad haec caput est Ecclesiae, Ephe. 5. Omnes unius corporis membra sumus, caput vero Christus est, Rom. 12. Et 1. Cor. 12. Quando igitur eiusdem naturae sumus cum Christo, reliquum est, ut cum Christus omnium Dommus sit, et nos omnium rerum in Christo dominos esse. lam vero ubi libertas humsmodi non est, ut isthic neque Christus sit, necesse est. Quo absente legis servituti non possumus non esse obnoxii. Proinde vetat Paulus, ne rursus servituti hominum nos dedamus, neve elementis mundi nos irretin sinamus, Col.2.1. Cor. 8. 9. et 10. Ro.14. 24. P. Nunquid Chnstianum ligare potest constitutio aliqua humana? F. Nulla quatenus ad animam attinet, ut sunt traditiones de dierum discnmine, ciborum delectu, atque matrimonio. Doctrinae enim sunt Daemoniorum, 1. Timoth.4. At externis et politicis ordinationibus, quas pro commodo reipublicae magistratus civilis instituit, nequaquam parere gravabitur Chnstianus. Quin potius iacturam et bonorum et corporis facturus est, quam quod magistratus dicto non audiat, haud ignarus hunc Dei ordinatiom resistere, quisquis potestati restiterit, Rom. 15. Tit.3. 25. P. Age vero si quis voto se obstrinxerit, certos cibos non gustaturum se, uxoremve non ducturum. Estne huic servandum perpetuo votum? F. Christiani verba sunto: Est est. Non non. Quicquid igitur receperis te facturum, unde ad proximum aliqua redit utilitas, idem praestato. Caeterum si

262 / Appendix B contra Dei praeceptum quid voveris, vovendo peccasti, at si idem praestare coneris, bis iarn peccas. 26. P. Quid audio? F. Quisquis externae se servituti, qua anima obstringitur, mancipaverit, contra Pauli praeceptum agit, inquit enim ad Gal.5. In libertate, qua CHRISTUS nos liberavit, state, Et ne rursus iugo servitutis implicemini. Christianus adhaec nihil iuris nee in corpus nee in animam suam porro obtinet, totus Deo per baptismum consecratus, ut conformis imagini filii sui reddatur, Ro. 6.8. Nemo vestrum sibi vivit sed Domino, Ro. 14. 2. Cor. 6. Verum equidem est per fidem liberos nos esse, at charitas nos servos facit. Nequaquam igitur licebit Christiano a servitute, qua omnibus est obnoxius, sese subducere, ut paucis, nescio quibus, eo commodius se mancipare queat. Quemadmodum non furandum est, ut hinc eleemosynam erogare possis, Sic item nemini concessum est a debita omnibus servitute collum subtrahere, ut hiis tantum servias, quibus cum voto communi vivere instituisti. 27. P. Paupertatem ne quis vovere potest? F. Divitem pauperemve esse non est in manu nostra, sed ex benedictione voluntateque Dei cuivis obtigit. Caeterum onmibus est praeceptum manibus suis laborare, ut aliis subvenire possint, Ephe. 5. et 2. Thess. 3. lam vero Monachi promittunt se nihil proprii servaturos, interim tamen ociosi devorant aliorum sudores, contra praeceptum hoc Pauli, a quo nemo eximitur, qui non laborat, non manducet. 28. P. Probasne vota sacrificorum monachorumve, qui sibi ipsi nuptiis interdicunt? F. Minime. Sunt enim vota huiusmodi ex doctrinis Daemoniorum, 1. Timoth. 4. 29. P. Egregia vero res est virginitas, ut quam Christus materque sua virgo sanctissima illibatam servarunt. F. Haud dubie Angelicum est adeo caste vivere eoque nomine caelibem vitam instituere, ut commodius gloriae Dei provehendae incumbere possis, id vero summa laude dignum est. Atque hoc Paulum aliquamdiu fecisse constat. At si ideo matrimonii iugo colla subdere nolis, quasi opere isto mereri quidquam te putes, toto caelo erras, atque adeo tentas Deum, quasi scilicet is haud satis bonorum operum nos docuerit. Nihil enim uspiam in sacris literis de virginum statu servando cautum legimus. Matrimonium vero statim a condito homine Deus instituit, Non est bonum inquiens hominem esse solum. Item, Mulier a viro ne separetur etc. 30. P. At multo vivitur quietius extra matrimonium. F. Nemo quaerat, quae sua sunt, sed quod aliis sit conducibile. Hue omnes summa contentione feramur. luxta igitur generale praeceptum omnes quisque suo tempore matrimonium subeant, nisi Deus specialiter quempiam vocet ad caelibatum. 31. P. Que potes scire, vocatus ne sis ad matrimonium aut ad caelibatum? F. Tantisper praecepto Dei alligamur, donee aliud charitas obedien-

263 / The Latin Text tiaque erga Deum exigat. Quemadmodum si me Deus ad aliquam functionem vocet, quae ad illustrandam Dei gloriam proximumque beneficiis demerendum mire commoda sit. lam si matrimonio impedirer, quominus commode functioni meae incumbere possem, nequaquam matrimonio me dare nomen conveniet. Quo nomine et Paulus ad tempus ab uxore se abdicavit. Donabit vero is, qui te vocavit, abunde quicquid vocationi digne perficiendae commodabit, atque adeo gratia sua carnem tuam infrenabit, ut caste sobrieque liceat tibi vivere. Quemcunque enim Deus specialiter vocat, huic et ea sufficit, quibus et expedite et digne muneri suo praeesse potis est. 32. P. Quantum igitur intelligo, non abhorrent a matrimonio vestri animi, nisi ad singularia munia Deus vos asciscat. F. Rem ipsam divinasti, nihil tamen iniussu parentum instituemus. 33. P. Possuntne impuberes absque parentum consensu matrimonium contrahere? F. Minima, utve contrahant, non tamen debet ratum haberi. Adhuc enim in patria sunt potestate. Parentibus autem obediendum est, neque quicquam in rebus presertim magni momenti ipsis nescientibus tentandum. 34. P. Quid si parentes, ut non raro est videre, negligentes hac in re fuerint. F. Esto, negligentes sint, non tamen e vestigio tibi ius erit aliquid ex propria libidine agere. In consilium igitur adhibeto amicos, cognates aliosve honestae vitae homines, quibus tuum consilium indica, utque cum parentibus tuo nomine amice agant, rogato. Omnibus enim modis tibi cavendum est, ne morem parentibus gerere detrectes, praesertim si aequa et honesta tibi iniunxerint. 35. P. Ex hiis omnibus, ni fallor, credere mihi videris, Christianum quoad externa omnia liberum esse, neque ullo mundi elemento conscientiam ligari. Proindeque mordicus retinendam libertatem, in quam nos CHRISTUS asseruit. F. Istud credo. Persuasum enim habeo ita Christianum comparatum esse, ut ultro et subeat et ferat, quicquid Domino visum fuerit. 36. P. Consequi videtur hinc Christiano licere facere quicquid volet. F. Nihil minus. Paulus enim ait: In libertatem vocati estis, tantum ne libertatem in occasionem detis carni, sed per charitatem servite vobis in vicem, Gal. quinto. Quam sententiam ego subinde mecum expendo, ne cui sim offendiculo. 37. P. Exemplo mihi paraenesim hanc declara, nondum enim satis intelligo. F. Nullo non cibo Christianus vesci potest libere. Verum si propter cibum frater tuus contristatur, iam non secundum charitatem ambulas, Rom. 14. Simulacrum item nullum est in mundo neque etiam, quod simulacris imolatur, aliquid est, at cuius conscientia etiamnum infirma existens imolatitium edit, polluitur. Si igitur is, qui scientiam habet, simulacrorum epulo accumbit, iam infirmus ut de eisdem edat provocatur, atque offendic-

264 / Appendix B ulo hoc perdit fratrem infirmum, libertate sua prepostere iam abusus, 1. Cor. 8. Licet igitur simulacrum nullum sit in mundo, nihilominus tamen simulacrorum cultus in externis huiusmodi defugiendus est. Proinde quisquis potestatem habet tollendi e medio simulacra atque adeo purgandi ecclesiam externam a reliquis abominationibus, id autem facere negligit, eo quod novit idolum nullum esse in mundo, iam scientia iuflatus, libertate sua abutitur in offendiculum simplicium, recepturus indubie iudicium suum. 38. P. Ceterum Magistratus interest nihil curare impietatem eorum, qui simulacra, missas et reliquas id genus abominationes amplexantur, sed potuis tollere quicquid infirmis offendiculo esse potest. Quemadmodum Josias, etsi populus nondum convertisset se toto corde ad Deum, nihilominus tamen sustulit e medio simulacra cultusque preter verbum Dei introductos. Deus corda hominum solus ab Idololatria vindicat, veri cultus atque adeo divini rationem nobis inserens. At regis interim erat externa haec submovere. Alioqui excusabilis esset Hosea, rex ultimus Israel is enim, etsi populo liberam fecisset potestatem ascendendi ad Hierosolyma, atque isthic iuxta DOMINI praeceptum, ut ex prophetis est deprehendere, legitima deo sacra facere, quia tamen non demolitus est vitulos aureos neque etiam excelsa sustulit, malus vocatur, atque ob id a rege Assyriorum, domino ita officii sui negligentiam vindicante, punitus est misere. Verum nihil ad vos pueros isthaec. Magistratus viderit, ut Spartam suam, quod dicitur, probe ornet. Vestrum erit ex corde evellere simulachra atque Deum simplicissime in spiritu et veritate adorare. Proinde cavete modis omnibus, ne honore aliquo simulachra prosequamini neve genua flectatis caputve renudetis idolo, interne enim Dominus duntaxat et honorandus et timendus est. In hoc vero unice vobis erit incumbendum, ut eos, qui in potestate sublimiori sunt constituti, parentes item atque natu grandiores honore externo dignemini. Alius alium honore praeveniat, inquit Paulus, et animo et gestibus externis. Nemo autem id honoris lignis aut lapidibus impendat. Sed ut finiam tandem, Magistratus, quemadmodum dixi, curet, ne quo pacto in officio suo cessatorem agat ad eaque conniveat, quae lapsus occasionem infirmis dare possunt, ut sunt Idola et missae. Non autem solum, ut e medio tollat huiusmodi offendicula, astringitur, sed ut etiam impigre verum Dei cultum promovere studeat. In hoc enim gladium accepit, ut sit Dei minister. Vae igitur hiis, qui tarn pusillo sunt animo, ut ad plaeraque modo conniventes, nonnunquam etiam obtrudentes palpum officio suo desint, non sinere occasionem nominus Dei blasphemandi, cum potius ingenue CHRISTUS erat confitendus, atque adeo pro nomine suo quaevis patienda. F. Rogabo equidem Deum, ut omnibus, qui in potestate eminentiori sunt constituti, eum animim impertiat, ut, quae officio suo digna sint, sedulo exequantur. 39. P. Quia vero omnes in Domino unum sumus felicesque Christi

265 / The Latin Text merito per fidem facti, cur nam divos invocas, ut pro te intercedant? F. Nequaquam ispos invoco. Nihil enim uspiam hac de re scriptura meminit. lam vero quicquid sine fide fit, peccatum esse novi. Adhaec nullum mediatorem facrae literae nobis proponunt, praeter hominem Christum JESUM, 1. Timoth. 2. 40. P. Ecquid oras porro, cum certum te beatitudinis gloriaris? F. Quia Dominus idem iussit, neque dum assequutus sum, Phil.3. Praeterea mecum adhuc veterem hominem circumfero, in meque legis membra sentio, legi mentis repugnantia, adeo ut in me, hoc est, in carne mea nihil boni esse deprehendam. Proinde oro, ut nomen Dei sanctificetur, confestimque suum regnum perfecte adveniat. 41. P. Potes igitur etiamnum peccare? F. Biphariam peccatur. Impii quidem ad mortem peccant, ex temeritate et praefracto animo in operibus tenebrarum permanentes. Cum enim irae sint vasa, nihil prorsus de fiducia in Deum promissionibusve divinis norunt. At Christiani ex carnis necessitate, ut sic loquar, delinquunt inscientes et imprudentes. Remanet tamen apud ipsos perpetuo fidei fermentum, ac in corde securi sunt bonitatis et misericordiae Dei. Ideo non peccant ad mortem. Siquidem non remanent in operibus tenebrarum, certissimi de adventu CHRISTI in carnem. 42. P. Peccare igitur etiam fidelis poterit? F. Potest. 43. P. Quando igitur qui peccat in morte est, quo pacto accipis hoc Christi verbum: Qui credit in me, habet vitam aeternam? F. Fide obtinemus vitam, sed nondum perfectam, neque enim adhuc perfecte credimus. Proinde quo imperfectior nostra fides est, eo pluribus degravamur peccatis, atque adeo morte ipsa. Omnia namque sub incredulitatem Deus conclusit, ut omnium misereatur. Quod sane si probe expenderimus, ad humiliandos nos mirifice confert, atque ad Deum per Christum nos impellit. In carne quidem nostra nihil est invenire praeter summam desperationem. Ex promissionibus vero Dei nobis Christi merito praestitis certa securitate animus tranquillatur. Quisquis igitur hoc diligenter consyderaverit, affectus suos mortificare conabitur in unumque Deum summa contentione rapietur, ipsius gloriae unice ex totoque pectore studiosus. 44. P. Potestne quispiam certo habere exploratum huiusmodi sibi esse securitatem? F. Securitas haec soli fidei innititur, adeo ut quo plus credis eo etiam securior es. Ex quo autem Christianus adeo se Christo mancipavit, ut omnibus aliis rebus propter hunc posthabitis Deo uni adhaereat in hocque uno delicietur, non poterit non ex fructibus apud se ac domi, quod dicitur, deprehendere, cuiusmodi sit arbor. Hinc et Dominus, Ezech. 20, Sabbata, inquit, mea sanctificate, ut sit signum inter me et vos, ut sciatis, quia ego Dominus Deus vester. Si etenim ultor ad proximum charitatis officiis mihi demerendum propensus fuero patienterque adversa omnia feram, cognosce

266 / Appendix B tanquam de gustu, ut aiunt, Deum mihi propitium ac cor meum spiritu suo iam innovatum. Huiusmodi me argumenta securum atque adeo certum reddunt benevolentia divinae fideique verae fidem non vanam mihi faciunt. 45. P. Perge et reliqua fidei puncta recensere. F. Qui conceptus est de spiritu sancto. Natus ex Maria virgine. Passus sub Pontio Pilato, crucifixus, mortuus et sepultus. 46. P. Cuius quaesto te verba haec admonent? F. Quia conceptus est de spiritu sancto, Luc. 1, Ideo sine peccato ut conceptus sit necesse est. Longe secus atque nos, qui in peccatis omnes nascimur, Psal. 51. Ex Maria virgine. Quo impletum est, quod iam olim Esaia vaticinatus est cap. 7. Virgo concipiet et pariet filium etc. Passus. Nihil enim aliud tota Christi vita fuit, quam perpetua crux. Ideo in mundum venit, ut patris voluntatem perficeret animamque suam in mortem pro nobis redimendis daret. Nos peonam commeriti eramus. Sed ecce Christus, qui peccatum non fecit, pro nobis patitur. Caeterum passionem suam in cruce finiit. Sub Pontio Pilato. Is turn Hierosolymis praesidem egit Caesaris Romani. Ablata enim erat regia potestas a luda iuxta prophetiam Jacob, Gen. 49. Praeterea cum ludaei nihil porro haberent potestatis condemnandi quenquam ad mortem, et gentes oportebat ludaeis conspirare, quo neci Christus daretur, Psal. 2. Crucifixus. Mortem, qua nulla est magis ignominiosa, CHRISTUS subire voluit, ut nos ab omni ignominia atque adeo a morte ipsa liberaret. Adhaec exemplum nobis dare voluit insequendi vestigia ipsius, 1. Pet. 2, Hoc est ut veterem Adam cum concupiscentiis suis crucifigamus. Mortuus. Ex obedientia scilicet patris, Joan, decimo. Per spiritum seipsum obtulit immaculatum Deo, purgans conscientiam nostram a mortuariis operibus, Hebr. 9. Atque adeo peccati hostia nobis factus est, 2. Cor. 5. Sepultus. Revera mortuus est, non aliter atque nos morimur. Curandum tamen est nobis ut una cum ipso et moriamur et consepeliamur. Id vero turn fit, quum longum valere dicimus carnalibus affectibus unumque Deum in nobis operari sinimus. Id quod vere est sabbatum sanctificare. Etsi non contingat plene tantisper dum hie agimus, continget tamen indubie, ubi in aliam eamque sempiternam vitam translati fuerimus. Descendit ad inferos. Christum descendisse ad inferos, luculenter patet ex Psal. 16. et Act. 2. Quemadmodum mortem oppetiit Christus, sic et ad inferos descendit, non spectans hie commodum suum, sed ut ego omnesque fide ipsi insiti a morte atque adeo inferno simus liberi. 47. P. Qui te liberum ais a morte, quum non secus tibi moriendum sit, atque allis mortalibus? Communis enim lex haec est, a qua nemo eximitur. F. Etsi Christiani in Domino obdormiant, revera tamen non moriuntur. Soluta enim a corpore anima quiescit tantisper, donee nos Dominus iterum

267 / The Latin Text expergefaciat. Christus nostra vita est in quo si manseris, hoc est, certo persuasus es de bonitate sua erga te, vives perpetuo. Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis. Traditus est propter peccata nostra, et excitatus propter iustificationem nostri, Rom. 4. Justus pro iniustis mortuus est, ut nos adduceret Deo mortificatus quidem carne, sed iustificatus spiritu. Si resurrexistis cum Christo, superna quaerite, ubi Christus est ad dexteram Dei sedens, Col. 3. 48. P. Quidnam hmc habes consolationis? F. Multum sane. Ex quo enim nihil dubito, Christum pro peccatis meis mortuum in morte manere non potuisse, certo iam novi satisfactum pro meis peccatis eademque una cum morte superata esse. Neque porro nobis in morte manendum, sed per vitae innovationem ad beatam immortalitatem impigre contendendum est. Ideo et sequitur: Ascendit ad caelos, sedet ad dexteram patris omnipotentis. ArticulumhuncAct. 1 habemus. In caelestibus ad dextramque patris Christus residet, hoc est, excellentissima potestate, atque adeo divina gloria dignatus est ipsum Deus supra omnes caelos et Angelos, ut inferna omnia impleret, hoc est, ut nos per spiritum sanctum et dona sua gubernaret, Ephe. 4. 49. P. Ecquid commodi adfert istud credidisse? F. Haud mediocre. Consolationi enim mihi est, quotiescunque adversis praemor. Quando enim cogito Christum adeo me dilexisse, ut non dubitarit animam suam pro me redimendo in mortem tradere, quid porro deesse mihi poterit? quidve incommodi accidere Christo rege et Domino omnium bonorum a me stante. Inde venturus est iudicare vivos et mortuous. Christus semel venit, ut nobis per ipsum ad patrem via pateret, hoc est, promo adventu nostris peccatis morte sua expiatis et docuit et exemplum nobis dedit, quo pacto iuxta patris voluntatem nobis vivendum sit. Secundo adventu adveniet iudicaturus vivos et mortuos, hoc est, iudicii sententiam manifestaturus. Summus enim omnes modo ipsius iudicio aut condemnati aut in vitam praedestinati. Verum iudicium hoc turn primo patefiet, quum secundo advenerit. Hinc et iudicii dies vocatur. Iudicare vero mortuos nihil aliud est, quam damnatorum conscientias hie reprobrare, altero autem adventu promulgare, atque adeo ipsorum condemnationem consummare. Vivos autem iudicare ideo dicitur, quod omnium, qui in Christo vivunt, redemptio turn perfecta fiet. 50. P. Abest interim Christus, donee redierit iudicaturus? F. Nequaquam. Semper enim praesens est spiritu suo usque ad consumationem saeculi, Matth. ult. Et ubicunque duo vel tres in nomine suo fuerint congregati, in medio ipsorum est, Matth. 18.

268 / Appendix B 51. P. Quonam modo hoc fit? F. Nemo haec scire potest, nisi quis experiatur, fide solida innitentem Deo nihil minus quam terrena sapere. Is enim tarn potenter spiritu Christi agitur, ut omnibus modis cupiat ipsius gloriam promotam et proximi commodum. Id quod ubi et serio agit, non potest non meminisse Christi redemptoris, turn beneficia ipsius, turn exemplum, quod nobis vita sua expressit, subinde ob oculos sibi ponens. 52. P. Estne aliquando corporaliter praesens Christus? F. Minime. Christum enim praesentem esse, pugnat adversus hos treis articulos: Ascendit ad caelos. Sedet ad dexteram patris. Inde venturus est, iudicare vivos et mortuos. Ad discipulos praeterea suos ait: Expedit vobis, ut abeam. 53. P. At vero quid sacrificulis Papisticis respondebimus, qui dicere non verentur, quoties quinque haec verba pronunciarint: Hoc est corpus meum, subito Christum corporaliter adesse, panemque in corpus Christi transmutari. F. Absurde hii loquuntur. Nusquam enim iuvenies Dominum ipsis huiusmodi potestatem contulisse aut mandasse, ut verba haec, isto transmutandi panis consilio, super panem proferant. Quicquid scriptum est, in nostram utilitatem est scriptum, ut hinc vel meliores reddamur vel consolationis aliquid percipiamus. 54. P. Si igitur isti errant, veram et germanam verborum istorum intelligentiam mihi explica. F. Non aliter intelligenda sunt atque ea Paulus intellexit. Quotiescunque ait comederitis panem hunc et de poculo biberitis, mortem Domini annunciate, donee veniat. Quod dicitur, Quotiescunque caenam Domini agitis, semper annunciate Domini mortem, donee secundo adventu corporaliter redeat, ea nimirum specie ac corporis habitu, quo turn apparebit. At spiritualiter nunquam non praesens est fidelibus. Neque vero aliter accipienda sunt verba haec, quam Dominus eadem accepit, omnia turn loquutus turn operatus in nostram salutem. Corpus et sanguinem suum spiritualiter manducandum dedit discipulis, hoc est, voluit, ut solida fide crederent corpus et sanguinem patri offerendum in cruce pro multis, quo novum et aeternum gratiae foedus sanciretur. Nempe ut DOMINUM certo scirent sibi ipsis Deum esse propicium. Ipsi vero contra Dei forent filii adiecticii et haeredes in aeternum. Id sane in caena hac ultima Christus adumbrare voluit. 55. P. Sentire igitur videris, Nihil prorsus fidelem haesitare debere, quin Christus hiis verbis corpus et sanguinem suum in mortem dederit pro nobis redimendis. F. Ita sentio, ideo etiam adnectit, Quod pro vobis traditur aut frangitur. Et qui pro vobis effunditur in remissionem peccatorum. 56. P. Non igitur credis Dominum in caena carnem et sanguinem carnaliter ex pane fecisse aut sub pane vinove latitare voluisse? F. Minime id credo. Qui enim Christus in panem se mutasset accumbens visibiliter discipulis? Panis praeterea post verba haec panis mansit. Neque vinum vinum

269 / The Latin Text esse desiit. Suo enim proprio nomine utrumque appellatur a Domino post etiam verborum pronunciationem. Omnia proculdubio opera Domini ver sunt atque, ut sunt, apparent, aut spiritualiter aut corporaliter, quodlibet pro naturae suae conditione. Posteaquam enim ex aqua vinum fecit, aqua esse porro desiit naturaleque vinum sentiebatur. Caeco item ab infantia ita restituit visum, ut etiam Pharisaei quamlibet calumniosi id non potuerint inficiari. Sic et Lazarum a mortuis in vitam revocavit, ut nemo turn ambigeret Lazarum vera donatum vita. Eodem modo corpus et sanguinem vere nobis donat, non quidem corporaliter, sed spiritualiter, in cibum et potum. Ait enim: qui manducaverit carnem meam et biberit sanguinem meum, in me manet et ego in eo. Id quod spiritualiter tantum fieri solet a fidelibus, fides enim ipsorum quotidie fit auctior ac solidior, toti sunt in propaganda quam latissime Chnsti gloria, fratrum commodo student. Mundum discunt contemnere. Quibus omnibus tamquam certissimis argumentis invisibilis Chnsti praesentia deprehenditur, interim tamen, quum nullam hie carnalem praesentiam experiamur in pane, carnaliter adesse nequit. 57. P. Quibus schpturis confirmare potes, Christum carnem suam non dedisse carnaliter discipulis manducandam? F. Plurimas habeo, quae meae sententiae subscribunt. Cap.6. Joan. Dominus carnalem manducationem ut inutilem reiicit, addens verba sua spiritum et vitam esse, hoc est, se loqui tantum de spirituali manducatione et potu vivifico, id quod interne fit per fidem. Quicquid enim carnale est, et quo etiam impius communicat, spiritus et vita esse nequit. 58. P. Nunquid eadem manducatio praescribitur Joan. 6 et in porrectione panis ac vini in caena? F. Eadem sane, nisi quod in caena Dominus signa haec adiecit. At doctrinae summa eadem utrobique. Joan, enim 6. ait: Panis, quern ego dabo, caro mea est, quam ego dabo pro mundi vita. Eodem per omnia tendunt, quae in caena dixit: Accipite, hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis traditur. Similes loquendi formae sunt, eundem igitur ut sensum habeant, necesse est. Quare cum nemo non ea, quae Joan.6. scribuntur, de spirituali manducatione intelligat, quae insania est nolle eodem modo accipere, quae in caena loquutus est Dominus. In summa Christus cibus spiritualis corde manducatur, non igitur ore dentibusque comedi potest. 59. P. At verba haec: Hoc est corpus meum, clara sunt et perspicua. F. Verba Domini lumen sunt intellectumque prestant parvulis, hoc est, ad fidem et charitatem docendam trahunt atque adeo dirigunt omnia. Omnis adhaec prophetia debet esse secundum analogiam fidei. Si enim verbis nudis, ut ita dicam, sine fidei analogia inherere semper oporteret, religio mini esset, patrem meum patrem appellare. Neminem praeterea in via salutare neque calciatum mcedere liceret etc. In vivificantem spiritum, non in literam mortuam nobis est respiciendum. Quicquid Dominus et loquitur et agit,

270 / Appendix B salutiferum nobis existit. Qua de re et Salvatoris cognomen obtinet. Proinde nunquam periculose errabitur quoties manifestis verbis et alia, ad germanum spiritus sensum accepta, componamus atque adeo ex loco aperto alterum obscuriorem, eodem tamen tendentem, interpretemur. Sed et accipienda sunt omnia iuxta loquentis intentionem, ut non tarn vulgo quam vere dicitur. 60. P. Quid praeterea utilitatis haec tibi verba adferunt? F. Verbis hiis memoria redemptionis meae, corpore et sanguine Christi mihi partae, renovatur, vegetatur, fortiorque evadit, atque adeo Christum sic vere possideo, non quod panis sit, aut in vel sub pane delitescat, sed quia nihil addubito ipsum pro me mortuum. Non insolens autem CHRISTO fuit spiritualia signis corporalibus adumbrare, ne non vel sic hominum expergefaceret ignaviam modis omnibus, quae sua est in nos immensa bonitas, captui nostro sese attemperans. Quemadmodum enim ubi in discipulos flaverat, statim subnectit: Accipite spiritum sanctum, non quod flatus ille esset spiritus sanctus, aut quasi flatu isto spiritum sanctum discipuli acceperint. In corda enim ipsorum invisibiliter sed vere spiritum inseruit. Haud secus et nos Christi corpus fide accipimus, quamvis non existat corporaliter in pane. Panis domini in corpus transit. Corpus vero Christi, energia spiritus sancti, per verbum in pectus commigrat. Verbum externum vox est tantum, qua significabatur internum verbum, per quod spiritu suo deus cum pectore nostro colloquitur, modo fide ipsi simus facti insiticii. Ubi enim fides abest, nihil haec externa turn verba turn signa tibi commodabunt. Sunt igitur Sacramenta signa quidem, Christum praesentem indicantia, quern tamen fideles duntaxat accipiunt. Quisquis enim ipsum manducaverit, vivet in aeternum. 61. P. Obstare videtur sententiae tuae, quod Paulus ait: Quisquis ederit panem hunc aut biberit de poculo Domini indigne, reus erit corporis et sanguinis Domini. Haudquaquam enim pronunciaret Apostolus reum quempiam fieri mortis, nisi praesens esset corpus et sanguis. F. Si eo loci, quorsum spectaverit Paulus quidve ante et post verba haec scripserit, probe expendas, certo constabit, eos dixisse Apostolum indigne manducare, qui propriam caenam in edendo occupabant, adeo ut hie esuriret, alius vero ebrius esset. Qua inaequabilitate eorum, qui fratres esse debebant, charitas scindebatur, quam tamen indivulsam atque omnes inter se unius corporis membra esse debere panis Domini significabat. Ad hoc enim testificandum communiter manducabatur. Irreverenter igitur tarn inaequali caena mysticum concordiae symbolum com prophanaretur, Paulus non temere pronunciat ipsos reos factos corporis et sanguinis Domini, ut qui renovarent denuo caussam, ob quam Christus mortuus est ac sanguinem suum pro nobis fudit. 62. P. At vero qui hoc Pauli dilues: Panis, quern frangimus, nonne communicatio corporis CHRISTI est? l.Corint.10. Quomodo enim communica-

271 / The Latin Text tio corporis Christ! esset, nisi quisque corpus Christi manducet? F. At idem Paulus ait: Nonne, qui edunt victimas, participes sacrarii sunt? Cum tamen nemo corporale sacrarium, sub victimae frustillo scilicet delitescens, comedat. Participes igitur sacrarii sunt, qui de eadem victima participant. Sic corporis Christi participes sunt, qui de eodem pane comedunt, hoc est, externe eidem Ecclesiae accensentur, boni scilicet iuxta ac mali, donee veniat tempus messis etc. Pari ratione participes sunt daemoniorum, qui daemoniis imolata manducant, non qui daemonia comedunt etc. 63. P. Age vero, mi puer, fidem tuam iugi passionis Christi memoria corroborato. Neque temere cum quoquam hac de re neque de aliis praeterea discepta. Non enim Ecclesiae DEI contendendi habent consuetudinem. Quin potius veri studiosis amice, quod re est, communica. Operam vero da, ut Christum quaeras ad dexteram paths, hoc est, in caelestibus et captum humanum excellentibus, atque adeo patris gloria potientem, qui per spiritum nobis est praesens atque in nobis operatur odium mali, amorem vero et studium boni. F. Faciam, quod iubes DEO volente. Quamdiu etenim in carne vixero, turn verbis externis turn sacramentalibus signis ita, ut aequum est, utar, persuasum habens, nullum externum utile esse, nisi et intus in pectore nostro spiritus operetur. 64. P. Caeterum quid animo versas, quoties meditaris, Christum venturum ad iudicandum? F. Cogito sane sub extremum iudicium omnes Angelos, homines, Diabolos una congregandos ad Domini iudicium atque isthic visuros Christum corporaliter auditurosque, me simul et cunctos fideles ad beautitudinem ab aeterno electis paratam convocari, Contra vero impios in ignem perpetuum detrudendos. Adhaec indesinenter rogandus interim mihi Dominus ent, ut turn patri me sistere dignetur perfectum et absque macula, ut pro me intercedat, prava in me emendet totumque me novo homine, qui secundum Deum creatus est, supervestiat. Nisi enim ipse egerit omnia, oleum et operam perdideris. Neque vero non et humilius et cautius vitam meam instituere pergo, quoties cogito me sistendum ad iusti huius iudicis tribunal. 65. P. Ecquid deinde in symbolo sequitur? F. Credo in spiritum sanctum. 66. P. Quid sibi volunt haec verba? F. Idem est, ac si dixero: Certo novi ex propriis me viribus non posse consequi promissiones et vitam Christi. Nihil enim aliud, quam quod est carnis, sapio, 1. Cor. 3. Proinde spiritu suo me vocat pater et trahit per Christum, vitae sanctitatis et spiritus autorem, atque adeo omnium, quae nosse operae precium est, doctorem. Cumque ego, quid orare debeam, prorsus nesciam, intercedit ipse pro me, innovat, ducit ac urget aliorsum, quam carnis meae prudentia cupiditasve propendet. Articulo igitur isto cadit omnis fidutia virium atque operum meorum. Quae sane, ubi

272 / Appendix B spiritus demerit, vana et noxia non possunt non esse. Idcirco in spiritum sanctum credo, et non in vires meas proprias. 67. P. Nostine aliquid de trium personarum in divinis, ut vocant, discrimine atque unitate. Quo item pacto una sit patris et filii et spiritus sancti essentia? F. Deus, verbum suum et spiritus suus unus tantum Deus sunt, neque de ipsorum discrimine curiosius est investigandum. Scrutator enim maiestatis a gloria opprimetur. Abunde mini satis est, si novero Deum meum unum Deum esse, Deut. 6. Quod et unico verbo suo, quod apud se erat in principio, omnia creavit, per spiritum vero suum omnia sustentat, moderatur et vivificat. Quodque spiritus in nobis est sua potentia et dona, quo spiritu fideles tangit, excitat, urget, ducit contra carnem et sanguinem. Quisquis spiritum hunc non crediderit nee senserit in corde, fidem habet vanam, ut quae nequaquam in corde radices egerit, sed in lingua tantum resideat. Credit vero in spiritum sanctum, quisquis novit fidem et charitatem Dei esse dona atque adeo supra naturam et captum hominis. Caro enim et sanguis non sapiunt, quae spiritus Dei sunt. Credo Ecclesiam sanctam catholicam. 68. P. Quid per Ecclesiam huiusmodi intelligis? F. Nihil aliud quam communionem et congregationem omnium fidelium, qui per spiritum sanctum et congregati sunt et reguntur, qui etiam externo DEI verbo, baptismo et caena DOMINI inter se utuntur. Caeterum Ecclesia quoties generaliter accipitur, comprehendit etiam mortuos, qui in fide Abrahae quiescunt, una cum hiis, qui modo credunt in futurumque sunt credituri. Horum omnium Christus caput est, nimirum corporis Ecclesiae, hoc est, fidelium. Ephe. 4: Unum corpus, unus spiritus, quotquot vocati sumus, una spes vocationis vestrae, unus Dominus, una fides, unus baptismus. Item CHRISTUS caput est, ex quo totum corpus coagmentatur etc. 69. P. Paulo ante te dicere memini, Sanctos non esse invocandos. lam vero quum hie eosdem fatearis pertinere ad Chrisianae Ecclesiae consortium, indubie pro nobis intercedent, nosque tanquam membra imbecilliora suis praecibus Deo commendaturi adiutabunt. F. Non dubito quin ipsi, in DEO iam viventes, electorum omnium salutem ex animo cupiant. At quando nusquam scriptura, ut ipsos invocem admonuit, nolo ego temere ipsius iniussu quicquam tentare, certus CHRISTUM unum salutis meae sacram esse ancoram ipsumque unicum esse mediatorem inter me et DEUM. 70. P. Eccur Paulus, ut vivi pro se invicem regent, iubet? F. Ut sic per multos Dei gloria illustretur, eademque turn in nobis, turn in aliis fiat auctior, verum defunctos, quum ad metam suam pervenerint, Domini iudicio committamus, solliciti potius de vivis, quos nusquam non scriptura nobis commendat. 71. P. Si Christus Ecclesiae caput est, ut ais, consequitur necessario

273 / The Latin Text ipsam esse invisibilem, quemadmodum et caput est, regnans modo in caelestibus et spiritualibus, neque porro oculis corporeis apparens. F. Neque id mihi obscurum est, ideo et [B8b] christianam credo ecclesiam oculis corporalibus conspici non posse. 72. P. Quare Christus caput appellatur? F. Quia ut a capite, quicquid roboris totum caput habet, in membra dimanat, sic, quicquid gratiae aut spiritus habemus, Christus nobis impartitur atque adeo solus nos moderatur, bonum omne in nobis operans, Rom. 12. 1. Cor. 12. Ephe. 4. 73. P. Age vero, ubi loci christianam Ecclesiam dicis esse, Romaene an Constantinopoli? F. Ubique terrarum et gentium, ubicunque fideles agunt, licet nusquam ab humano die id certo indicari queat. Credere enim ipsam necesse est. Summa, quicunque ex animo credunt ac pietatis studiosi membra sunt ecclesiae. Proinde nulli potestati seculari subiici potest, unum Christum dominum et regem sibi a patre praefectum agnoscens. 74. P. Numquid et peccatores ecclesiae debent accenseri? F. Debent profecto, hii tamen praecipue, qui iuxta propositum Dei vocati sunt, tales enim sunt Dei, nee quisquam ipsos de manu eius repere potest. Pater enim, qui dedit, maior omnibus est, Joan. 10. Sanguis Christi emundabit nos. Caeterum qui a Deo non sunt electi ad vitam, etsi fuco sanctimoniae externae sese pro christianis venditent proque christianis habeantur, nequaquam tamen ad Christi Ecclesiam pertinent. Ideo et Joan, ait: Multi sunt antichristi, e nobis profecti sunt, sed non erant ex nobis, nam si fuissent ex nobis, permansissent utique nobiscum, I.Joan.2. Sic et Paulus sancta quadam iactantia gloriatur sibi persuasum esse, quod nihil prorsus ipsum separare possit a dilectione Dei, quae est in Christo Jesu. 75. P. Probe id capio, Christus etenim et suum corpus se instar personae unius habent, nee quisquam membrum corporis huius esse protest, nisi perpetuo in corpore maneat. Hypocritae quidem ementita sua sanctitate mundo videntur pertinere ad Ecclesiam, tandem vero hii eradicabuntur, Matth. 13. Quam potestatem huiusmodi habe Ecclesia? F. Paulus, membrum sane baud postremum Ecclesiae, ait: Potestatem mihi dedit Dominus in aedificationem et non in destructionem, 2. Corinth. 13. Omnia enim ad aedificationem fieri oportet, 1. Corinth. 14. In quem usum dona etiam spiritualia sunt destinanda, nempe ut, quatenus ad aedificationem faciant, hiisdem utamur, 1. Cormt. 12. 76. P. Habentne aliam etiam potestatem praelati, ut vocant, spirituales? F. Nequaquam dommi hii debent esse, sed ministri tantum Ecclesiae, 1. Corinth. 3. 77. P. Nunquid excommunicatione tanquam potestate aliqua uti possunt? F. Minime. Non enim potestas est excommunicatio, sed potius charitatis opus. Ideo enim excommunicantur quidam, ut ab eorum et vita et

274 / Appendix B doctrina alii cavere possint. Adhaec ut excommunicatus pudore suffusus curet et Deo et hominibus vitae emendatione reconciliari sese. 78. P. Estne Ecclesiae necessaria excommunicatio? F. Adeo quidem necessaria est, ut sine ipsa Christiani esse nequeant, Christianus enim probat omnia, quod autem bonum est, amplectitur, 1. Thessalonicen.5. Neque omni temere spiritui credit, sed probat spiritus, an ex Deo sint, I.Joan.4. Hinc et potissimum cavet a falsis doctoribus, Matth. 6, Tit. 3. Deinde ne vita improborum sibi offendiculo sit, l.Corint. 5, Ephe. 5, 2. Thessalo.3. Hoc autem quid aliud est quaeso, quam ipsissima excommunicatio. 79. P. At nemo vere excommunicatur, nisi idem ex suggestu publice excommunicatus promulgetur. F. Quo aliquis vehementius quempiam contra fidem aut charitatem cum offendiculo peccare animadvertit, tanto magis et hunc, a Deo excommunicatum, vitare studebit. Atqui si peccatori huiusmodi conducibile fuerit non submoveri a commercio hominum, modo nulla ipsius contagione alii offendantur, tolerandus erit. Verum cum paucissimis spirituum diiudicandorum donum sit collatum, habendi sunt tanquam excommunicati et propterea vitandi, quicunque nolunt Ecclesiam audire. Quin et quoad fieri potest, ab avarorum, scortatorum, ebriorum item me consortio subtraham, securus interim, quid cum talibus pro modulo gratiae suae agant alii, sive tolerent sive devitent id genus homines. Caeterum si quis negat Christum in carnem venisse tantove mala sua vita offendiculo sit, ut infirmi non possint non impingere, Adhaec si quis tam laxis habenis in omne scelerum genus ruat, ut resipiscentiae spes nulla sit reliqua, huiusmodi sane ab omnibus merito vitandus est. Cavendum tamen summopere est, ne temere proximorum crimina detegamus omnibusque passim ebuccinemus nulla charitatis ratione habita, ne quando nova tyrannis monachatusve pharisaicus sub excommunicationis specie rursus irrepat. Id quod ad libertatem Christianam et Euangelion perdendum viam sterneret quam latissimam. Proinde observandum est diligenter Pauli exemplum, qui Corinthium ecclesiae suae solummodo vitandum iussit. Idem et Tito scribit, sectarum autorem cavendum. Neque vero non dominus Mat. 18. ait hunc, qui Ecclesiam audire noluerit, tibi habendum tanquam Ethnicum et publicanum. Tibi inquam, cui uni forte nota est huius pertinacia. Neque vero ait toti Ecclesiae, cui forsan scelera ipsius nedum ignota sunt, sed et mire sanctulus et pius habetur. 80. P. Nunquid et animam ligat excommunicatio? F. Ad aedificationem, non ad destructionem usus excommunicationis spectare debet. 81. P. Sed cur Dominus ait: Quicquid ligaveritis in terra, erit et ligatum in caelis etc. Matth. 18. F. Quicquid nos ligamus, hoc est, verbo Dei ligatum ostendimus et declarmus, revera id ligatum est. Eatenus enim nos ligamus, quatenus Dei verbum, quod errare non potest, ligat. Proinde claves nihil

275 / The Latin Text aliud sunt quam verbum Dei, quo caelum aut clauditur aut recluditur, hoc est, per quod cognoscitur, quinam ad regnum caelorum pertineant, quive hoc existant indigni. 82. P. Paulus 1. Corinth. 5. hunc, qui incestum designavit cum noverca, publice coram Ecclesia excommunicavit. F. Si quis publice omnibus est offendiculo, is et ab omnibus evitari debet, hoc est, cum tali nequaquam panem domini frangere neque calicem bibere debemus, atque adeo penitus abstinere a consortio huius. Quantum vero ad civilem cohabitationem attinet iuxta charitatis praeceptum, si quando ope aut opera nostra indiget, ultro adiuvabimus benefici et candidi, quicquid ad aedificationem ipsius facit sedulo curantes. Totique in hoc incumbamus, ut ipsum rursus lucrifaciamus Chnsto. 83. P. Ex his, quae dixisti, mihi non est obscurum, quod Christianorum refert invicem admonere et obiurgare simulque vitare omnes, per quos nomen Dei sanctissimum male auditur, quatenus et nos scire possumus et ad aedificationem facere videbitur. Atqui velim mihi explices, quidnam commodi Chnstiano adferant signa, quae vocant sacramentalia, postquam ab uno Christo totus pendet, liber ab omnibus externis mundi elementis. De baptismo. F. Ut proximo commodet, sacramentis utitur Christianus, nihil plane fiduciae collocans in haec externa, siquidem sola fide vivit. Baptismo in Christianam Ecclesiam accensemur. Caenae vero Dominicae symbolo fidem et charitatem erga proximum testamur. 84. P. Quicunque baptizati sunt, Christum Jesum induerunt. Baptismus igitur non tarn externum est signum, quam ad ipsam animam pertinet. F. Baptismus externus Christi baptismum significat, qui in spiritu et igne conscientias a peccatis emundat, veram iustitiam conferens. Is animae est atque adeo spiritualis. Atqui scriptura non raro figura signove utitur pro eo, quod signo huiusmodi adumbratur. Quemadmodum et aquae baptismum pro Christi baptismo usurpat. Hinc et Paulus baptismum regenerationis lavacrum appellat ac induitionem Christi. 85. P. Quinam sunt baptizandi? F. Omnes, quotquot iuxta regulam charitatis (quae nihil non et sperat et credit, donee oppositum manifesto deprehendat) ad foedus Dei pertinere arbitramur. Quemcunque enim Deus tanquam filmm suum iuxta electionis propositum agnoscit, eundem et possumus et debemus per baptismum tanquam fratrem nostrum agnoscere, nisi aliud iubeat charitas proximive commodum. 86. P. Quo vero pacto polliceri tibi quicquam de pueris potes, quasi ad foedus Dei pertineant, cum nondum fidem suam confiteri possint? F. Quemadmodum Abrahae pueri minime a foedere Dei sunt exclusi Gen. 17, sic et nostn pueri, qui vera posteritas Abrahae sumus, et ad quos proprie spectant

276 / Appendix B promissiones Abrahae factae, adnumerandi sunt foederi huic gratiae Dei, donee adulti operibus testentur se nolle esse sub foedere. Proinde Christus ad se pueros ferri sustinebat, benedicens ipsos ac magna autoritate pronuncians talium esse regnum caelorum. lam vero cum noster baptismus nihilo sane prestantior sit Christi benedictione, qua pueros dignatus est, atque nos non possimus non sperare ipsorum esse regnum caelorum, par est, ut et eosdem recipiamus baptismi signo in externam hanc Christianorum Ecclesiam, non secus atque veteres circumcisione foederi Dei inaugurati sunt. 87. P. Atqui velim ostendas praeceptum aliquod, quo pueros baptizare iubeamur, quemadmodum veteres praecepto ad hoc speciali Dominus astrinxerat. F. Foedus, quod nobiscum pactus est Deus, novum atque adeo in corde est situm, neque enim ulla externa ceremonia id constat. Quare nihil, quod externis aut ceremoniis est alligatum, nobis praecipitur. Unica charitas Christianos, quid facto opus sit, abunde docet. Haec eadem et nos ad ea cogit observanda, quae alioqui mere libera sunt. Veteres quidem sub umbra erant, quare et variis ceremoniis lucem futuram praefigurabant. Nobis vero nihil praecipitur, nisi charitas, vitae totius magistra, idem nos facere iubeat. Sic et caena dominica nobis non est praecepta. Dominus siquidem non dixit: facite, sed quotiescunque feceritis. 88. P. Atqui videtur Christus baptismum praescribere Matt. ult. Euntes inquiens docete omnes gentes, baptizantes eos in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti. F. Hiisce verbis Christus amandavit discipulos ad gentes praedicatum Euangelion atque illos, qui verbum essent recepturi, per baptismum inaugurandos Ecclesiae Christianorum, simulque pro fratribus aeque ac ludaeos habendos. Quod ad baptizandum attinet, nihil isthic loci praecipit aut vetat, sed paucis indicat tantum, qua ratione quove modo praedicatio verbi sit auspicanda. 89. P. Haud difficile hoc est intellectu. Si etenim vel nostra tempestate Euangelion esset praedicandum hiis, qui antea nihil de eodem audivissent, ordo huiusmodi accurate observandus esset, ut scilicet primo docerentur, et, ut veteres loquebantur, catechizarentur, qui adhuc rudes essent. Deinde fidei Christianae baptismo iniciarentur. Quotus enim quisque pueros atque adeo sese in nomen Christi baptizari sustineret, nisi idem antea sciret, quidnam esset Christus. Principio igitur, ut praedicatio antecedat, necesse est. Quid vero respondes ad exempla de baptizatis, nusquam non obvia, in quibus ferme is ordo est observatus, nimirum ut antea docerentur fidei misteria, quam Christianis modo per baptismum nomina dedissent? F. Exemplis huiusmodi, quo pacto in principio Ecclesiae nascentis pleraque sint observata, docemur. Non tamen consequitur, ut porro nobis haec sint observanda. Charitatis arbitrio externa haec committamus, quae suo quidque tempore ordinat, prout commodum noverit. Neque enim quidquam externi ligare nos potest, nisi quod charitas necessarium observatu iusserit.

277 / The Latin Text 90. P. Qui vero pueris baptismus ex charitate dari potest, cum non faciat ad aedificationem? F. Mirifice facit ad aedificationem. Nos etenim, qui adstamus, bonitatis et foederis gratiae divinae admonemur, per quod patrem se nostrum fore Dominus recepit. Pueri vero maioribus suis et Ecclesiae commendantur, ut quos, iam Deo consecrates, ad ipsius unius gloriam educare oporteat. Neque vero non et pueris multo hinc maior erit occasio honeste vivendi: Si quando baptismi admoneantur, ut per quern iam Deo iniciati Christiane porro vivere debeant. Vehementer enim proculdubio pueri mens percelletur, quoties a quopiam hiisce verbis compellatus fuerit: Heus, puer optime. Baptziatus es ac Deo consecratus. Proinde cum modo in numerum filiorum dei es cooptatus, ut pie vivas, operam da, hoc devita, istud amplectere etc. Quod si nihilo melior ex huiusmodi reddetur admonitione, frustraque ipsi memoriam officii sui refrices, baud incommode talem a consortio Christianorum per caenam Dominicam excludere poteris. 91. Parens. Sunt qui dicant infantium baptismum vehementer noxium esse. Hinc enim non parum multi, ut nihil minus quam Christiane vivant, occasionem arripere dicuntur. F. Frustra malo huic, etiamsi baptismum differas, obviam ibis. Ut enim tantisper a baptismo puerum abstineas, donee fidem suam confiteri queat, nihilo tamen melior erit. Simulare enim turn fidem poterit huiusmodi totus incredulus. Baptismo igitur hypocritam gregi Christiano accensebis, neminique licebit baptismum negare, quicunque se Chnstianum mentiatur, quamlibet impius alioquin existat. 92. P. At nomen Dei invanum sumis in os, quoties in nomine paths et filii et spiritus sancti baptizas puerum, qui haedus sit futurus? F. Turn sane quis dehonestat nomen Dei, ubi prudens ac sciens ad nomen Dei glorificandum aliquem baptizaverit, quern tamen certo novit adeo impie victurum porro, ut nomen Dei non possit non male audiri propter scelestam ipsius vitam. Quando vero nobis certo non constat, albus an ater sit futurus, quern baptismo recipimus in Ecclesiam, iuxta charitatis regulam meliora semper sperare debemus. Sic Petrus, optima sibi de Simone Mago pollicitus, non dubitavit ipsum baptizare. Neque ideo nomen Dei igmoninia dehonestatum est. Ita et nos cum Petro non peccabimus, si charitate dictante eos baptizamus, de quibus, ut bene speremus, nihil prohibet. Christi praeterea exemplo idem docemur, qui pueros ad se ferri iussit, benedicens eosdem ac pronuncians talium esse regnum caelorum. Neque absurdum est pueros, ex Christianis parentibus prognatos, aeque ad foedus Dei pertinere, atque apud veteres. Quamdiu igitur vitae suae improbitate nondum se probaverint indignos foedere gratiae, a nobis baud iniuria et illis adnumerandi sunt, quorum Christus ait regnum esse caelorum, idemque baptismo testari possumus. Ubi vero adulti vita sua impia se nihil minus, quam Christianos, esse testentur, possumus et debemus ipsos excludere nullo baptismi respectu habito. Paulus siquidem vetus fermentum expurgandum iubet 1.

278 / Appendix B Cor, 5, nunquam tarn bene habebit Ecclesia, quin piis admisceantur hypocritae, tolerandi sane, donee messis appetat. Porro si quis tarn impie viveret, ut non posset non omnibus esse offendiculo, talis excludi debet. lam vero, qui excluderetur, nisi antea pro pio habitus in consortium Christianorum fuisset receptus? 93. P. Horum, quae de baptismo dixisti, summam compendio mihi perstringas velim. F. Scio hanc esse charitatis naturam, ut non temere de quoquam suspicetur perperam, sed omnes infatigabili spe toleret, nisi, evidentissimis argumentis coacta, nihil porro habeat, quod sperare possit. Proinde indubie credendum est fidelium pueros aeque pertinere ad foedus Dei, atque Abrahae posteritatem, Gene. 17. lam vero cum baptismus nihil aliud sit, quam in Christianorum Ecclesiam receptio ac iniciatio quaedam libera (quia novi testamenti ceremonia est), possumus et debemus communicare pueris nostris signum hoc, ut quos non dubitemus ad Ecclesiam nostram pertinere. Si etenim Christus puerorum, quos ad se accersivit, regnum caelorum esse dixit, quare et nos idem de nostris non crediderimus? 94. P. Perdura igitur in hac sententia, qua per baptismum fidelium pueros, quamlibet infantes, Christo consecramus, securus interim, quicquid alii maleferiati ac irrequieti homines obstrepant. Velim tamen probe vos simul esse memores huius, in quo tota negocii Christiani vis est constituta, nempe baptismi interni, hoc est, regenerationis spiritualis, affectuumque carnalium mortificationis, quae quidem baptismo nobis figurantur inque nobis externum baptismum sequi debent. Proinde quia in filiorum Dei numerum accenseri cupitis Angelique vestri faciem patris intuentur, cavete modis omnibus, ne cui sitis offendiculo, quin potius alius alii ad bonum inserviat et hortator sit. De usu caenae dominicae. 95. P. Quid Christiano confert externus caenae dominicae usus? F. Ad innovationem atque adeo testificationem fidei et charitatis erga proximum. 96. P. Quo modo? F. Quotiescunque panem Domini frangimus, fidem nostram in Christum renovamus, simulque charitatis mutuae nos invicem sedulo memores testamur. Rememoramus enim, credimus et gratias agimus Domino, quod corpus et sanguinem in cruce pro peccatis nostris obtulit, idque porrectione panis et calicis tanquam symbolo quodam testamur. Hac etenim ratione suum corpus edimus sanguinemque vere bibimus, sed spiritualiter et cum ingenti commodo. Huiusmodi siquidem commemoratio, per panem et vinum exhibita, nobis mirifice prodest. Animae enim cibus est salutaris ad vitam aeternam adque omne opus bonum vehementer nos corroborat. 97. P. Confirmabunt igitur sacramenta conscientias? F. Per se quidem

279 / The Latin Text nequent signa confirmare conscientias. Quia vero interim, dum sacramentis utor, simul et commemoro Christi beneficia, morte sua mihi collata, refocillatur, corroboratur ac confirmatur fides mea in Christum, non virtute sacramentorum, sed commemoratione potius beneficiorum Dei, iuxtaque admoneor charitatis erga proximum exercendae. Fractione enim panis Dominici agnosco et alios membra esse eiusdem corporis, cui me nihil addubito iam fide insitum. Proinde cum reliqui, eiusdem caenae participes, ad idem corpus pertineant, totum me consecro officiis aliorum, non mea porro quaesiturus, sed quae aliorum sunt. Quam ob caussam Paulus Corinthios acriter obiurgat, eo quod abuterentur caena Dominica. Cum enim debuissent foedus, cum Christo atque adeo cum fratribus reliquis ictum, renovare, erant qui proprias caenas singulatim occuparent, gulae negotium agentes, atque interim pauperes fortiter esuriebant, vel quod non habebant, quod ederent, vel quia non in tempore venerunt. 98. P. Quo vero modo quis se digne ad caenam praeparabit? F. Probet se homo, ut Paulus docet, hoc est, expendat apud se diligenter, experiaturne in corde suo certa fide Christum pro se corpus et sanguinem suum in mortem tradidisse, probeque consyderet, an ita vitam comparaverit, ut paratus sit deinceps omnibus inservire, neminemve aut fastidiat, aut prae se contemnat etc. Quod si fide et charitate huiusmodi se vacuum esse deprehenderit, Deo conqueratur miseriam hanc suam, rogans eundem indefesse, ut et fidem et charitatem sibi adaugere dignetur. 99. P. Dignene talis de caena Domini participabit? F. Proculdubio. Qui enim si animatus est, Christo et membris suis ad inserviendum foedere se quodam astrinxit, agnoscens ex animo simulque gratias agens benignissimo Deo, adeo nos depereunti, ut non dubitarit corpus et sanguinem suum pro nobis redimendis in mortem tradere. Caeterum si quis, benevolentiae divinae negligenter memor, citra huiusmodi probationem cordisque sui examinationem panem Domini irreverenter manducat, iudicium sibi manducat. Non enim diiudicat corpus Domini, quod per spiritum, charitatis commissuris egregie est coagmentatum. Quemadmodum Corinthii non diiudicabant corpus Domini, quum in caena peragenda nihil prorsus curarent aequabilitatem servandam, ut Paulus ipsis opprobrat. Manducando igitur panem corpus Domini turn diiudicamus, quum diligentissime apud nos excutimus, quam immensa et incomparabilis sit Domini gratia, eidem sic per fidem passionis suae, pro nobis obitae, inserti et incorporati, ut porro libeat summam aequalitatem servare atque adeo, quae aliorum sunt, unice curare iuxta charitatis regulam, symbolo hoc caenae dominicae nobis exhibitam. 100. P. Quicunque igitur non diiudicant corpus Domini neque vera fide spiritualiter carnem Christi manducant calicemve suum bibunt, hypocritae sunt. Fingunt enim hii externa manducatione, se id esse, quod falso dicun-

280 / Appendix B tur, cum tamen interim nihil minus cor ipsorum quaerat. Siquidem Dei Ecclesiam contemnunt, cui se temere admiscent, simulque incomparabilem passionis Christi thesaurum flocci faciunt, adeo incurii ad meditanda beneficia, quae indidem nobis profluxerunt. F. Sequitur igitur quod commemorare passionem Domini, mortem suam annunciare, probare seipsum, digne manducare, ac diiudicare corpus Christi nihil aliud est, quam ex animo cogitare nos omnes in Christo unum esse. Idque non meritis aut virtutibus nostris, sed redemptione, sanctificatione atque aspersione sanguinis sui. A quo sane scopo Corinthii aberrarunt, eo quod cum caena Domini, qua et meditanda cum gratiarum actione passio Domini erat, et manducando panem contestanda fides et charitatis nostra, summam prae se ferrent inaequabilitatem. Ad quam vitandam multus est in toto hoc capite Paulus. Si etenim, quae initio praemittit quaeve in fine adiiciuntur atque adeo omnia inter se contuleris, certissime deprehendes hunc esse genuinum Pauli sensum. Nequaquam igitur aliorsum temere sunt torquenda rapiendave Apostoli verba, quam verborum et sententiarum cohaerentia proprie exigit. 101. P. Quicunque operibus tenebrarum commemorationem hanc mortis Christi contemnere non verentur, eosdem vitato neque cum talibus panem frangito, nimirum cum scortatoribus, ebriis et aliis qui 1. Cor.5. et Ephe.5. enumerantur. Tuum igitur erit, ut sedulo hac cogitatione te exerceas dominumque sine intermissione preceris, ut non tantum lingua, sed et in corde sententia haec altius agat radices. Regnum enim Dei non est in serrnone, sed in virtute Dei, nisi in corde vivat, nihil expediet, quicquid te credere finxeris. Verum pergamus ad sequentia. F. Credo communionem sanctorum. 102. P. Et id mihi explices velim. F. Verbis hiis confitentur omnes, quotquot externe eiusdem nobiscum baptismi et caenae participes sunt, interna autem fide vera et charitate syncera membra se esse probant corporis Christi, veros esse sanctos omniaque ex pari inter sese communia habere. 103. P. Qui non ad hanc communionem pertinent? F. Qui non per Christum sed aliunde intrant, quosve Deus non elegit in hoc, ut sibi credant, ut sunt Judaei, Ethnici, haeretici et peccatores. Aliam enim specialem vivendi et credendi sibi rationem comminiscuntur. Proinde vehementer detestor ac fugio sectarum autores dogmataque absurda, quae citius contention! seminarium praebent, quam ut hinc alatur concordia. Malo enim ea amplecti, quae sanctorum communio approbat, quam novi absurdive quidpiam temere et cum offendiculo aliorum aut comminisci aut sequi. 104. P. Adhaec et opera danda est, ex quo communionem sanctorum credis, ut donis tuis aliorum utilitati studere non graveris. F. Sedulo quidem in hoc incumbo. Sicut enim unum membrum aliis ad commodandum mire propensum est, ita et ego ultro aliis inservire paratus sum. Et quemadmo-

281 /The Latin Text dum summae est mihi voluptatis loco, si videro nobilioribus membris nobiliora quoque dona et ad multorum commodum facientia collata, sic item imbecilliora nequaquam fastidio, sed eorum infirmitates tolero patienter: Si in me peccarint, condono, nemini me praefero, et in summa, omnibus me accommodo, ut omnibus omnia factus quam plurimos Christo lucrifaciam, subinde mecum cogitans, in Christo Jesu nos omnes unum esse. Officium igitur meum neglexero, si ipse mihi vivere instituam, qui potius, quae alioram sunt, curare atque adeo aliis vivere debeo, Rom. 12. 1.Cor. 12, Ephe.4. 105. P. Ex hiis est colligere, quod omnium fidelium turn orationes turn bona opera inter se communia sunt, singulisque bona cedunt omnia. Contra igitur sanctorum communionem agunt, qui bona sua opera divendunt, fraternitates erigunt ac fundationes, nescio quas, sic enim appellant, instituunt pro se ac maioribus. Verum ea, quae sequuntur, explica. F. Remissionem peccatorum. Etsi nos, qui ad sanctorum communionem pertinemus, etiamnum habeamus peccata, ea tamen per fidem nobis condonantur. Credo igitur Deum per Christum peccatorum reliquias mihi non imputaturum. 106. P. Quid igitur indulgentiae sunt Romanae? F. Remissio sunt poenae, peccato commeritae, quam condonato etiam peccato Deus a nobis exigit. 107. P. Reservatne poenarum quicquam Deus? F. Papistae id loquuntur, sed falso. DEUS quidem suos variis aerumnis fere et non uno crucis genere castigat, ut ad animi demissionem amplexandam exerceantur. Quae turn adversa a Deo immissa nequaquam est in manu hominis aut tollere aut adaugere. Vanae igitur sunt indulgentiae papisticae, ex quibus vanissima fidutia lactantur simplices, pauperesque suis defraudantur bonis, magno sudore partis, utque verbo dicam, gravantur conscientiae, loculi evacuantur. 108. P. Estne momenti alicuius absolutio sacrificorum, qua conceptis verbis immurmurant peccata nobis remissa? F. Nihil aliud est quam perniciosa impostura. Qui enim papistae, humanas traditiones tantum urgentes neque ullam partem habentes in regno Dei, aliis possent recludere caelum? Si etenim christiani essent, crucis verbo praedicando unice studerent. Ubi autem fidei donum largiretur Deus, non posset non continue sequi peccatorum condonatio. Tantisper igitur peccata non ignoscuntur, dum fidei dono Deus nos minime dignatur. Proinde inutilis et vana est praedicatio remissionis peccatorum, virtute verborum impetratae, erit autem utilis ex energia spiritus, per quem fides in corda inseritur. 109. P. Improbas igitur confessionem auricularem? F. Earn quidem improbo, quae iam aliquot seculis obtinuit, hac enim simplices falso persuadentur, quasi verba absolutoria, ut vocant, a sacrificulo pronuntiata, tantam

282 / Appendix B habeant potestatis, ut eisdem peccata remittantur. Adhec opere isto, id est, peccatorum recensione putant se mereri gratiam DEI, quae tamen nullo opere humano emi potest, sed ex sola Dei misericordia dimanat. 110. P. Iniuriam mihi facere confession! videris, quando huius non raro mentionem facit scriptura. F. Nihil prorsus meminit de confessione auriculari, sed potius de aliis hiisque variis et utilibus confitendi rationibus. 111. P. Has quaeso mihi percense. F. Principio Deo confitemur ex corde vero, coram quo ubi nos peccatores agnovimus, nequaquam porro nobis imputare vult peccatum. Dixi, confitebor super transgressionibus meis Domino, et tu remisisti iniquitatem peccati mei, Sela. Psal. 32. Secundo. Confiteri dicimur, quando fratri reconciliamur, habenti aliquid adversus nos. Matth. 5: Si obtuleris munus tuum etc. Tertio is confitetur, qui increpantem audit, ad frugem meliorem sese convertens. Nisi enim se peccasse agnosceret, nequaquam audiret arguentem, cuiusmodi sane confessio mire utilis est. Matth. 18. Quarto, Christianus quilibet coram quovis sese peccatorem confitebitur, ut sic pro se invicem Dominum orent, Jacob.5. Atque ut haec confessio libera alioqui, spiritu tamen impellente vehementer adlubescit Christianis, ita contra spiritus libertatem ad Antichristianam confessionem inviti cogimur, ut interim taceam, quod adversus scripturam ac nostrae redemptionis ordinem, quanta quanta est, pugnat. Fide enim sola, non operibus electiciis manuum nostrarum salvamur. 112. P. Qui vero credis Carnis resurrectionem? F. Qui in domino hinc demigrant, in fide, hoc est, sinu Abrahae quiescunt, redemptionem corporis eorum expectantes, donee appetat iudicii dies, Rom.8. Turn gloria Dei, tam diu et tantopere desyderata, revelabitur in nobis, creaturae a servitute corruptionis liberabuntur. Mali iuxta ac boni resurgent in carne, mortaleque, si quid in nobis reliquum est, a vita absorbebitur. Et vitam aeternam, Amen. 113. P. Quo vero pacto istud intelligis? F. Vitam aeternam fidelibus, impiis autem et peccatoribus mortem aeternam. Ut enim illi in praesenti etiam vita aeternae felicitatis primitias habent, sic isti, quamlibet vivere videantur, et hie in ipsissima morte sunt constituti. 114. P. Id vero haud satis assequor. F. Ut iustus fide sua vivit, Habec. 1, ita impio incredulitas sua mors est. Utrique tamen primordia solum vitae mortisve futurae hie habent. Fidelis enim imperfectus adhuc est, eoque carnis tyrannidi, ad peccata nos perpetuo rapienti, etiamnum sumus obnoxii. Translati vero in aliam vitam, liberi erimus et a peccato et morte, victuri semper in Deo. Contra impii, ubi vitae huius umbra evanuerit, in ipsam mortem transferentur.

283 / The Latin Text 115. P. Proba vero id scripturis. F. Omnis, qui credit in eum, non peribit, sed vitam habebit aeternam, Joan. 3. Qui vivit et credit in me, non morietur in aeternum, Joan. 11. 116. P. Hoc equidem mihi dicere videris, pios totos in hoc esse, ut inquirant, somnient ac vigilent aeterna bona, adeo ut, quamlibet persequutionibus et morte ipsa adfligantur, nihilominus tamen secure vivant, nee unquam mori queant. At quo pacto id fiat, edissere mihi. Mori siquidem pius potest et, antequam moriatur, in incredulitatem prolabi. F. Vita aeterna sita est in spiritu et mortificatione carnis, ad quam sane non parum adiumenti adferunt mors temporalis atque persequutionum procellae. Neque inficias ivero me posse alicubi errare atque incredulitate tentari. Certus tamen sum, Deum adeo de me sollicitum, ut in summa fidei nequaquam me aberrare aut in errore damnabili hinc emigrare permittat. Fidelis enim Deus est et suos cognoscit. 117. P. Ubi nam loci purgatorium manebit? F. In horreis ac cellis vinariis Rasorum, quae scilicet praetextu purgatorii egregie instruxerunt. Neque enim fides purgatorium admittere potest. Quando igitur vitam aeternam credo, ut prorsus negem purgatorium, necesse est. A morte siquidem statim anima ad vitam aut mortem demigrabit. 118. P. At asseverant isti purgatorium esse viam, qua eatur ad vitam. F. Christus solus est via et vita. 119. P. Atqui antea pro peccatis satisfactum oportet, quam ad caelum via pateat. F. Christus nostra est satisfactio et redemptio, qui dedit se precium redemptionis pro peccatis nostris, unusque praestitit, quod totus orbis praestare non potuit. 120. P. Paulus, ita enim isti aiunt, purgatorium asserit. Sunt enim, qui super Christum superstruunt ligna, foenum, stipulam, cuiusque opus manifestum fiet, dies enim declarabit, et cuiusque opus quale sit, ignis probabit. Si cuius opus exustum fuerit, damnum patietur, ipse vero salvus fiet, sed sic, tanquam per ignem, 1. Cor. 3. F. Paulus hie non loquitur di statu vitae futurae, quemadmodum falso itsi Paulum ad hoc confirmandum torquent, sed potius de doctrina vitae, quae super Christum fundamentum superstruitur. Haec si praeter Dei verbum iuxta humanae prudentiae consilia extruitur, igne tentationis, ubi adversa atque adeo mors ingruere ceperint, damnum patietur. Ipse tamen salvus erit, eo quod fundamentum sibi Christus est, sed expolietur per ignem, atque solido fundamento, Christo, inaedificabitur. Vides igitur, quam inepte ad purgatorium confirmandum trahatur locus hie Pauli. Pari ratione et reliquae parabolae ac similia, ut de ultimo quadrante et de caetens, eatenus probant, quatenus et in quern scopum a Domino sunt adducta. 121. P. Eccur adiicis ad finem Amen? F. Verbulum hoc vice colophonis est, confirmans praecedentia, quo nimirum ex animo et fide solida omnibus

284 / Appendix B electis vitam aeternam precor, quam DEUS pater nobis omnibus donare dignetur. Amen. QUA RATIONE VITAM suam puer Christianus compare debeat. 122. P. Quonam modo vivere instituisti? F. Baud equidem id eloqui possum. At quae vivendi regula mihi sit praescripta, id vero explicatu non est difficile. 123. P. Enarra quaeso hanc, quatenus ad Christianae institutionis rationem attinet. Quo enim pacto externe sit vivendum, iuxta uniuscuiusque conditionem a parentibus maioribusque idem discere cuivis erit integrum. F. Mane serio mecum expendo, quidnam faciundum quidve sit fugiendum. Quod equidem perquam commode disco ex iugi decem praeceptorum meditatione. In quibus tanquam in speculo mihi ponitur ob oculos, qualisnam vita mea esse debeat. Potissimum vero ea meditanda suscipio, adversus quae gravius deliqui. Atqui quo frequentius id facio, eo certius deprehendo, nequaquam in meis situm esse viribus, ut, quae Dominus iussit, perficere aut cavere possim. Tota enim ex diametro adversus Deum carnis meae natura pugnat. 124. P. Huiusmodi tui ipsius cognitio oppido quam necessaria est. Nosse vero abs te pervelim, an ex tali meditatione sedula tranquillitatem et pacem conscientiae consequaris? F. Minime. Haec enim cogitatio primum me in barathrum inquietudinis atque desperationis tantum praecipitat. Proinde meditor indefesse, qua liceat hinc me explicare. Totus igitur in hoc sum, ut per fidem, de qua crebro diximus, mihi et consilii et auxilii constet ratio. Haec enim certo mihi indicat, apud Deum omnipotentem per Christum IESUM legis implendae facultatem me posse invenire. 125. P. Quo vero pacto istud investigas? F. Crebra et ferventi oratione. 126. P. Quomodo oras? F. Sola cogitatione ex votis. Non aliter ac si variis angustiis obvallatus, qui in unum Deum et spem et fiduciam omnem collocat. 127. P. Et quae ista sunt vota tua ac desyderia? F. Deum invoco tanquam patrem pientissimum, utque in me gloriam suam illustrem faciat sedulo precor, atque me sua gratia talem faciat, qualem esse me decebat. Simul et praeterita peccata mihi ignoscat aque futuris me tueatur. Adversa vero haud deprecor. Non enim id ut faciam, Dominus uspiam mandavit. 128. P. At vero Dominus certam formulam orandi praescripsit. Sic enim orare iubet: Pater noster, qui es in caelis etc. F. Non voluit Dominus ad ista nos verba cogere, sed potius indicare hiisdem, quibus votis quove animo sit orandum. Nihil enim aliud verbis hiisce voluit, quam ut, quid oraturus meditari debeam, certo mihi constet. Proinde et ipse nonnunquam verba haec pronunciare soleo, non ut in ver-

285 / The Latin Text borum pronunciatione orandi vim constitutam arbitrer, sed ut potius verbis hiis admonear, cuiusmodi vota mea desyderiave cordis esse debeant. Quae quidem quo sunt ferventiora, eo minus verborum eloquor. Non raro igitur fit, ut vix uno verbo prolato deinde obmutescam, eo quod statim meditari incipiens, quod pronunciavi, porro non vacet nee libeat pergere. 129. P. Compendio mihi velim indices animi tui vota, quorum te singula orationis dominicae verba commonefaciunt. F. Cum dico Pater noster, certa imaginatione concipio fiduciam plenam consolationis. Deum enim misericordissimum nihi patrem esse persuasum habeo, meque in filium et haeredem suum cooptatum. In caelis. Hie admoneor me ad caelestia vocatum patremque habere caelestem, qui bonitate et potentia omnes carnales patres infinitis modis superat. Sanctificetur nomen tuum. Hac pericope cupio, ut ipse tanquam optimus et omni misericordia exuberans pater nusquam non cognoscatur, adoretur et benedicatur. Adveniat regnum tuum Hoc est, ut suo spiritu et Christi merito Diaboli tyrannidem conterat, quotidieque magis ac magis in nobis per Euangelion suum regnare incipiat. Fiat voluntas tua. Ut voluntas perinde atque in vere caelestibus creaturis nunquam impediatur, hoc est, ut caro nostra coerceatur, quominus voluntati suae obstrepat. 130. P. Quae hactenus in oratione tua enumerasti, in idem fere recidunt. F. Ita est. Tribus enim hiis periodis nihil aliud oratur, quam ut regnum ac gloria DEI in nobis propagetur idemque in nobis turn laudetur turn glorificetur. Panem quotidianum da nobis hodie. Hiisce verbis quicquid ad corpus sustentandum necesse est, peto, posteaquam, ut suum regnum adveniat iustitiaque sua illucescat, rogavi. In quo et agnosco temporalia etiam bona ista dona sua esse nobisque necessaria. Remitte nobis debita nostra, sicut et nos remittimus debitoribus nostris. Quotidie peccamus neque pro peccatis satisfacere possumus. Precamur igitur, ut nobis peccata condonet. Id vero nemo orare potest, nisi ad earn animi demissionem pervenerit, ut ex animo queat et aliis, si qui ipsum offenderunt, ignoscere eaque lege rogare Dominum, ut perinde atque nos aliis, sic et ipse nobis peccata condonet. Et ne nos inducas in tentationem, sed libera nos a malo. Ex quo sine intermissione, proh dolor, a Satana suisque membris tenta-

286 / Appendix B mur, Dominum rogamus, ut nos a malo liberet, hoc est, a Diabolo tentatore, quo minus versutiis suis a bono divellamur neve sub cruce, impatientes DEI voluntati, obluctemur. 131. P. Omniane haec semper, quoties oraveris, tecum animo versas? F. Non sic per capita atque isto ordine, sed in genere. Nimirum ut voluntatis suae dicto audiam, gloriaque nominis sui in me illustretur, neve mihi imputet peccata, porroque me defendat, ne quid designem, quod legi suae adversetur. Utque earn turn corporis, turn animae meae curam pro me gerat, quam pro liberis charissimis pater pius subire non gravatur. Huiusmodi verba incidunt, si quando oravero, et, ut res fert, iam plura, iam vero pauciora. Caeterum ab oratione me ad laborem aut literarum studium accingo, alterum ex hiis, quod parentibus visum fuerit, haud illibenter amplexus. 132. P. Age vero quidnam, anteaquam cibum sumpseris, facere soles? F. Quando omnibus citra delectum cum gratiarum actione vesci licet, DEO gratias ago, huiusmodi vel id genus aliis verbis. Benignissime DEUS ac pater pientissime, cuius bonitas divitiaeque inexhaustae in sempiternum durant, qui etiam, quicquid vitam habet, pascis et enutris, Nos tibi pro cibo hoc gratias agimus, quem, tuo verbo sanctificatum, nobis largiter impertiris. Rogamus insuper te, ut animas nostras vivifico pane verbi, quod ex ore tuo egreditur, pascere digneris, ut sic perpetuo in gratiae tuae vita nobis vivere liceat. Amen. 133. P. Quid praeterea agis? F. Comedo et bibo, summa cum moderatione, tanquam coram Deo teste et spectatore omnium. A mensa vero itidem sequentia precor. Quandoquidem, O pientissime pater, tu nos creasti, et pascis, ut tua per nos gloria illustretur, oramus te, nobis concedere digneris, ut diem hodiernum atque adeo omne vitae nostrae tempus conformes tuae voluntati transigere queamus, tuum nomen glorificemus, ut et commodum et aedificationem proximi nostri queamus augere et perficere, quo deinceps abnegate magis animo patientiores sub cruce, officiosiores erga proximum, fide quoque solidiore in te Dominum ac DEUM nostrum inveniamur, per CHRISTUM IESUM, Dominum nostrum, Amen. 134. P. Quid reliquum temporis agis? F. Inviso scholam, ut vel legere, vel scribere, aut utrumque discam. 135. P. Quid potissimum legis? Multum enim refert, quos primo libros legas. Adeo enim tenaciter haerent, quae in prima aetate imbibimus, ut porro non facile excidant. F. Lego novum testamentum atque Titum Livium, in Germanicam linguam traductum. Caeterum primas tribuo lectioni novi testamenti. Siquando vero in Livio lego, subinde cogitare soleo, Christianum Deo consecratum esse, ideo et non sine timore lego. 136. P. Hoc tibi potissimum ac primum esto, quod quam proxime tibi

287 / The Latin Text DEUM adumbrat. Interim tamen potes alios etiam libros evolvere, ex quibus, quae ad civilia negotia adque exacuendum rationis iudicium, est haurire. Neque vero non Christianus hinc non obscure deprehendit, solam fidem cum charitate bona esse stabilia ac utilia, Caetera vero omnia momentanea, fluxa atque periculi plena. Animus hominis, fidei experienta praediti, lectione gentilium librorum moderata magis atque magis subolfacit mundana haec minime suspicienda esse. Tantumque abest, ut gentilium monimenta cognita obsint Christiano, ut potius mire conducant ad avellendum animum ab admiratione rerum inanium. Operam tamen dabit Christianus, ut sese strenue sacris legendis exerceat, crebro meditetur DEI oracula. Proinde diligentissime curet, ut Hebraicam, Graecam et Latinam linguam perdiscat. F. Tot linguis discendis qui ego sufficerem? Latinam sane temporis procursu discam. Ait adhaec parens se haud permissurum, ut in sacrificulum ungar. 137. P. Potes equidem una fere opera, dum latine discis, simul et Hebraice et Graece discere. Linguam lingua adiuvat ac exornat, quarum beneficio ad veram autorum intelligentiam sanumque iudicium pervenire liceat. Tantum praeterea abest, ut linguarum et scripturae cognito tibi, quamlibet civilibus dedito negociis, official, ut potius hinc magis idoneus ad res gerendas sis evasurus. Hue accedit, quod paulo ante dixisti, Christianum totum esse DEO consecratum. Cum igitur nescias, ad cuiusmodi functionem DEUS te sit vocaturus, nihil respue, quod quocunque modo tibi bono esse poterit. lam vero si praedicando verbo te DEUS praeficiat, noli obluctari, sed cum summa animi demissione vocation! pareto, atque interim te scripturarum lectione, quantum per labores tibi integrum est, exerce, quo dignius provinciae tuae praeesse queas. F. Conabor sedulo, quod iubes. Scio enim me in hoc a DOMINO creatum, ut suae gloriae provehendae vitam meam consecrem. 138. P. Ut vero tandem finiam, Coronidem hanc memori mente servato. Parentibus tuis ex animo et sponte non aliter atque DEO morem geras velim, voluntatem tuam frangito. Tibiipsi ne placeas. Neminem non et meliorem et prudentiorem quam te existima. Tuiipsius ne sis praeco, sed ita vitam compara, ut alii vere tuas laudes ebuccinare queant. Tu vero DEUM laudato, qui per te, quod laude dignum est, fecerit. Humanus in omnes esto. Neminem non tua beneficentia tibi demereri studeto. Parcus esto verborum. Nihil temere loquitor, sed diligenter observa, ne quid tibi excidat, quod non antea tecum expenderis, verum sit necne, ad aedificationemne faciat an cuiquam sit offendiculo. Quod malum est, obticeto, quod vero expedit, loquitor. Gaudeto, si quando videris iuste et honeste quidquam agi. Contra prava, si qua designentur, tibi displiceant. Pacis et studiosus et autor esto. Eos, qui dissident, pro virili tua in gratiam reducito. Ne sis vindictae cupidus, sed ultionem DEO potius relinque. Audiens esto consiliis maiorum atque omnium, qui honestatis nomine commendantur. Libenter et cum summa

288 / Appendix B diligentia verbum DEI audito atque omnino te CHRISTO consecra, qui pro te in cruce mortuus est. Quod ni feceris, iudicio severissimo condemnaberis. Imprimis vero malorum consortia fuge. Neque illis accommodato aures, quos scurrilia, obscoena aut supersticiosa, quaeve nequaquam decent, non pudet effutire. Caetera, quae novisse operae precium est, indubie a Domino edoceberis qui ad vitam te elegit. Amen.

Bibliography

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292 / Bibliography Here begynneth a lytel geste how the plowman lerned his pater noster (STC 20034) Herford, Charles Studies in the Literary Relations of England and Germany in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge: University Press 1886) Higonnet, Anne 'Conclusions Based on Observation' Yale Journal of Criticism 9 (1996) 1-18 Hill, Christopher Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England (New York: St Martin's Press 1997) Hudson, Anne 'The Lay Folks' Catechism: A Postscript' Viator 19 (1988) 307-9 - 'A New Look at the Lay Folks' Catechism' Viator 16 (1986) 243-58 Hume, Anthea Edmund Spenser: Protestant Poet (Cambridge: University Press 1984) - 'English Protestant Books Printed Abroad, 1525-1535: An Annotated Bibliography' in More viii, ii, 1063-91 - 'William Roye's "Brefe Dialoge" (1527): An English Version of a Strassburg Catechism' Harvard Theological Review 60 (1967) 307-21 Iplayne Piers which can not flatter (STC 19903a) Kahn, Victoria Machiavellian Rhetoric: From the Counter-Reformation to Milton (Princeton: University Press 1994) Kincaid, James Child-Loving: The Erotic Child in Victorian Literature (New York: Routledge 1992) King, John N. English Reformation Literature: The Tudor Origins of the Protestant Tradition (Princeton: University Press 1982) Kittelson, James Wolfgang Capito: From Humanist to Reformer (Leiden: E.J. Brill 1975) in Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought vol 17 Knappen, M.M. Tudor Puritanism: A Chapter in the History of Idealism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1939; rpt 1965) Kronenberg, M.E. 'Notes on English Printing in the Low Countries (Early Sixteenth Century)' The Library 4th series 9 (1928-9) 139-63 The Lay Folks' Catechism or the English and Latin Versions of Archbishop Thoresby's Instruction for the People ed Thomas F. Simmons and Henry E. Nolloth (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner 1901) EETS 118 A learned and excellent treatise containing all the principall grounds of Christian religion (1592; 2nd impression 1594; STC 24768) Le Goff, Jacques The Birth of Purgatory trans Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1984) Lehmberg, S.E. The Reformation Parliament 1529-1536 (Cambridge: University Press 1970) The Library of Christian Classics vol 22 Calvin: Theological Treatises trans J.K.S. Reid (London: SCM Press 1954) Loades, D.M. 'The Press under the Early Tudors: A Study in Censorship

293 / Bibliography and Sedition' Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 4 (1964-8)29-50 Locher, Gottfried Zwingli's Thought: New Perspectives (Leiden: E.J. Brill 1981) Lupton, J.H. A Life of John Colet, D.D. 2nd ed (George Bell and Sons; rpt Hamden, Conn.: Shoe String Press 1961) Luther's Works ed Jaroslav Pelikan 55 vols (Saint Louis, Mo.: Concordia Publishing House 1955-86) Maclure, Millar The Paul's Cross Sermons 1534-1642 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1958) Marsilius of Padua Defensor Pads trans Alan Gewirth (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1980) Martin Luther: Selections from His Writings ed John Dillenberger (New York: Doubleday 1961) The Middle Catechism (STC 18730) Milton, John 'De Doctrina Christiana' The Works of John Milton ed Frank Allen Patterson et al vol 14 (New York: Columbia University Press 1933) - Paradise Lost ed Scott Elledge 2nd ed (New York, London: W.W. Norton 1993) Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica 21, 88 K. Kehrbach (Berlin 1900) 100-92 More, Thomas The Complete Works (New Haven: Yale University Press 1965-) Mozley, J.F. William Tyndale (London 1937; rpt Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press 1971) New Catholic Encyclopedia 15 vols (New York: McGraw-Hill 1967) Nichols, Josias An Order of Houshold Instruction (STC 18539.5) Norton, David A History of the Bible as Literature 2 vols (Cambridge: University Press 1993) O'Donovan, Joan Lockwood Theology of Law and Authority in the English Reformation (Atlanta: Scholars Press 1991) Openshaw, Robert Short questions and answerrees [sic], conteyning the summe of Christian Religion (STC 18816) The Oxford Classical Dictionary ed N.G.L. Hammond and H.H.J. Scullard 2nd ed (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1970) Ozment, Steven E. The Reformation in the Cities: The Appeal of Protestantism to Sixteenth-Century Germany and Switzerland (New Haven, London: Yale University Press 1975) Pantin, W.A. The English Church in the Fourteenth Century (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1980) The Penguin Dictionary of Saints ed Donald Attwater (Harmondsworth: Penguin 1965)

294 / Bibliography Perkins, William An exposition of the Lords prayer in the way of catechising (STC 19700) 'Pierce the Ploughmans Crede' ...to which is appended 'God spede the Plough' ed Walter W. Skeat (London: N. Trubner 1867; rpt New York: Greenwood Press 1969) A playne and godly exposytion or declaration of the commune Crede ... and of the .x.commaundementes (STC 10504) The Plowman's Tale in Supplement to the Works of Geoffrey Chaucer being a Supplement to the Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer ed Walter W. Skeat vol 7 (London: Oxford University Press 1897; rpt London 1935) 147-89 A proper dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman ed Douglas H. Parker (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1996) Rastell, John A New Boke of Purgatory (STC 20719) Rex, Richard 'The English Campaign Against Luther in the 1520s' Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 39, 5th series (1989) 85-106 Roberts, T. The Catechisme in Metre (STC 4800.3) Roye, William An exhortation to the diligent studye of scripture/ made by Erasmus Roterodamus. And translated in to inglissh. An exposition in to the seventh chaptre of the first pistle to the Corinthians (STC 10493) Rupp, E.G. Studies in the Making of the English Protestant Tradition (Cambridge: University Press 1947; rpt 1966) St German, Christopher Salem and Byzance (STC 21584) - A treatyse concerninge the power of the clergye, and the lawes of the realme (STC 21588) Shaheen, Naseeb Biblical References in 'The Faerie Queene' (Memphis: Memphis State University Press 1976) Shakespeare, William Love's Labour's Lost ed G.R. Hibbard (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press 1994) A short Catechisme for litle children, learned by one at three yeares of age (STC 4803.8) A short catechisme, or playne instruction, conteynynge the summe of Christian learnynge, sett fourth for all scholemaisters to teache (STC 4812) Sidney, Sir Philip A Defence of Poetry ed J.A. Van Dorsten (Oxford: University Press 1993) Sloyan, Gerald S. ed Shaping the Christian Message (New York: Macmillan 1959) Smeeton, Donald Dean Lollard Themes in the Reformation Theology of William Tyndale (Ann Arbor: Edwards Brothers 1986) vol 6 of SixteenthCentury Essays and Studies Sparke, Thomas 'A Treatise to Prove that Ministers Pvblikely, and Hovse-

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Index

Abell(Abel), 151,231 Abraham (Abraam), 33, 34, 35, 132, 139, 143, 150, 173 Acts, 23, 33, 121, 200, 202, 226 Adam, 33, 34, 117, 119, 121, 173, 174 Adeodatus, 8In Aesop, 236 Alcuin of York: Disputatio puerorum per interrogationes et responsiones, 25 Alexandrinus, 36 Allen, E.: A shorte Catechisme ... setforth [sic] in rnaner of a Dialogue, 28, 36 Alport, E.: David's Catechism, 34-5, 90n Ambrose, St: De Mysteriis, 85n Anabaptist, 39, 60 Andrewes, Launcelot: A Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine, 29, 30, 31,34 Antwerp, 17, 8In, 234 Apollo, 35 Aquinas, Thomas, 162, 168 Argentyn, 3, 14, 15, 75, 77, 102, 255 Arthur, 12 Augustine, St, 24, 81n, 85n, 161,

168, 222; De Catechizandis Rudibus, 85n; De magistro, 8In Augustine of Canterbury, 25 Austrian National Library, 75-6, 77, 238, 243 Bachmann, 228, 229 Bale, John, 12, 21, 214 ; Comedy concernynge thre lawes, 196 Ball, John, 36; A short catechisme containing the principles of religion, together with an exposition or breife notes upon the same, 90-In Barlowe, Jerome, and William Roye: Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe, 3, 5, 7, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17,20,55,56, 57-8, 71, 72, 79n, 8In, 83n, 84n, 85n, 91n, 94n, 161, 164, 167, 177, 179, 185, 186, 187, 191, 193, 195, 209, 216, 217, 230, 233 Barnes, Robert, 12, 21, 93n, 205 Basile, 21 Bath, Duke of, Longleat, England, 75-6, 77, 85n, 238, 243 Bayfield, Richard, 13, 19 Betson, Thomas: Ryght Profytable Treatyse, 86n

298 / Index Bilney, Thomas, 12 Boniface, St, 25 Bonizon of Plaissance, 25 Bonner, Bishop Edmund: An honest godlye instruction, and information for the tradynge [sic], and bringinge vp of Children, set furth by the Bishoppe of London Commaundyng all scholemaisters and other teachers of youthe within his Diocese, that they neither teach, learne reade or vse any other maner of ABC, Catechisme or rudimentes, then this made for the first instruction of youth, 32 Bonner Register, 21 Boswell, James, 45 Bourn, Immanuel: A Light from Christ ...or, the real jewel of Christian Divinity, 35-6 A breefe Catechisme so necessarie and easie to be learned euen of the symple sort, 28, 31, 36 A Briefe Catechisme and Dialogue, 28 A Brief e Catechisme and Dialogue betwene the husbande and his Wy/e, 31,36 A brief e methode of catechising, 33 Bristow, John: An Exposition of the Creede, the Lords Prayer, the tenne Commandements and the Sacraments, 34, 90n British Library, 78 Bromiley, 190 Bruns, Gerald, 88n Bucer, Martin, 21, 61, 63, 204 Bunyan, John: Pilgrim's Progress, 47 Butler, Alban: The Lives of the Saints, 195-6

Byllinges gate, 4, 78, 240 Cain (Cayin), 34, 151,231 Calais (Cales), 12, 77, 82n, 99 Calvin, John, 21, 31, 168, 171; Institutes, 28, 29, 90n Capito, Wolfgang, 6, 9, 10, 16, 28, 50, 72, 79n, 80n, 9In, 92-3n, 94n, 161, 166, 171, 178, 187, 190,204, 206, 211, 236, 237; De Pueris Instituendis Ecclesiae Argentinensis Isagoge, 3, 92-3n Carlstadt, 60. See also Karlstadt Carter, G. Emmett: The Modern Challenge to Religious Education, 85n The Catechism of Thomas Becon with Other Pieces, 21, 28, 29, 30, 31, 87n, 89n A Catechisme or Briefe Instruction in the Principles and Grounds of the true Christian Religion, 34 A Catechisme, or a Christian doctrine necessaire for Chyldren and the ignorant people, 32 The Catechisme in Metre, 32, 40 A catechisme with a Prayer annexed, 31 Caxton, William: Doctrinal of Sapyence, 86n; Floure of the Commaundements, 86n; Ordinarye of Crysten Men, 86n; English version of Somme Le Roi, 86n Charke, W., 35; A short and fruitfull Treatise of the profit and necessitie of Catechising, 30, 33, 35, 43-4 Chrisman, Miriam: Lay Culture, Learned Culture: Books and

299 / Index Social Change in Strasbourg, Strasbourg and the Reform, 84n Chronicles, 33, 70, 166 Chrystostom, John, 24 Cicero: Officia, 236 Clebsch, William, 13, 19, 20, 61, 81n,82n,84n, 201,234, 236; England's Earliest Protestants, 81n Clem of the cloughe, 4, 241 Clemens, 34, 35, 36 Clement vn, pope, 216 Clement of Alexandria: Pedagogue, 85n Cochlaeus, 16, 83n Colet, John, 27, 30, 33; Cathechyzon, 27, 28, 30, 33, 36; Statutes of St. Paul's School, 27, 30, 32 Collinson, Patrick: 'William Tyndale and the Course of the English Reformation/ 14, 83n Colossians, 167, 180, 199, 201-2, 213 Columban, St, 25 A compendious olde treatyse shewynge howe that we ought to haue the scripture in Englysshe, 18 Constantine, 13 Contemporaries of Erasmus: A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, 80n Corinthians (Corrinthians), 13, 17, 24, 55, 59,66, 114, 123, 126, 128, 138, 145, 146, 147, 166, 175, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190, 194, 200, 201, 202, 203, 205, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 214, 217, 218, 219, 222, 224, 226, 227, 229, 231, 234, 235, 238, 241, 245, 255, 256

Coverdale, Myles, 12, 21 Cranmer, Thomas, 12, 21; Catechismus, that is to say, a shorte instruction into Christian religion, 38, 41, 89n Cronycles, Halles, 21 Cyprian, St, 35 Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem, 24, 36; Instruction for Those About to Be Illumined, 85n Daniell, David, 14, 16, 82n, 93n, 161, 166; William Tyndale: A Biography, 6, 80n, 161, 163 Dauid (David), 150, 200 Deakin, Roger, 52 Demaus, Robert: William Tyndale: A Biography, 163 Demetrius, Bishop of Alexandria, 35 Dering, Edward: A briefe and necessary Catechisme or Instruction, 29,31,36 Deuteronomy, 33, 212 Deutz, Rupert of, 83n Dickens, A.G.: The English Reformation, 12, 14, 80n, 9In Dobneck, John, 16. See also latin name Cochlaeus Dod, John, 36; A plaine and familiar exposition on the Lords prayer, 90n; A briefe dialogue concerning preparation for the Lords supper, 90n Donatus, 236 Downame, John, 36; The summe of sacred divinite briefly propounded: more largly explained, 91n Duffy, Eamon: The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, 25, 26, 44, 85-6n, 196

300 / Index Edward: A short catechisme, or playne instruction, conteynynge the summe of Christian learnynge, sett fourth for all scholemaisters to teache, 29 Edward vi, 4, 21,32, 38,40 Egerton, Stephen, 36; A briefe method of catechising, 31, 33 Eligius, St, 25 Elizabeth i, 86n; Elizabethan, 9In Ephesians, 147, 174, 181, 185, 202, 211, 213, 214, 215-16, 219, 229 An epistell of the famous doctor Erasmus vnto Christofer bysshop of Basyle, concernyng the forbedynge of eatynge of flesshe, 189 Erasmus, 14, 18, 81n; De Libero Arbitrio, 170; Paraclesis, 17, 41, 163 Esai, 33 Esaias (Isaiah), 118, 199 Everyman, 46 Exodus, 224 Ezechiel, 118, 198 Fiore, Joachim de, 93n, 216 Fish, Simon: The Supplicacyon of Beggars, 19, 192, 233 Fisher, John: Assertionis Lutheranae confutatio, 234 Foxe, John: The Acts and Monuments, 12, 15, 19, 83n, 221 Frith, John, 12, 19, 21, 63, 79n, 93n, 205; A disputacion of purgatory'e made by lohan Frith which is deuided in to thre bokes, 234 Fulbert of Chartres, 25 Gadamer, Hans-Georg: Plato's Dialectical Ethics, 88n; Truth and Method, 88n

Galatians (Gallathians), 23, 113, 182, 184, 189, 223, 228 Gall, St, 25 Gardiner, Stephen, 12 Garside, Charles: Zwingli and the Arts, 178 Gassner, John: Medieval and Tudor Drama, 196 Gaytrig, John: The Lay Folks' Catechism or the English and Latin Versions of Archbishop Thoresby's Instruction for the People, 25-6, 27, 30, 33, 85n Genesis, 33, 105, 187, 199, 223, 224, 231 Gerrish, B.A.: Grace and Reason: A Study in the Theology of Luther, 170-1 Gerson, John: On Drawing the Little Ones to Christ, 25 Grabes, Herbert: The Mutable Glass: Mirror-Imagery in Titles and Texts of the Middle Ages and the English Renaissance, 88n Grandisson, Bishop of Exeter, 85n Green, Ian, 90n: 'For Children in Yeeres and Children in Understanding,' 26, 32, 44, 86n, 87n Gregory of Nyssa, 24, 35; Great Catachetical Discourse, 85n Grisar, Hartmann: Martin Luther: His Life and Work, 162 Hackett, John, 17 Habakkuk, 323 Hamilton, John: The catechisme, that is to say, ane instruction set furth by Johne Aschbischop [sic] of sanct Androus, 40, 41 Hebrews, 33, 84n, 200, 230 Henry iv, 21

301/Index Henry vin, 4, 16, 19, 20, 37, 67, 94n, 192 Hercules, 35 Herford, Charles: Studies in Literary Relations of England and Germany in the Sixteenth Century, 50-1 Higonnet, Anne, 45 Hill, Christopher: Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England, 89n Hitchyns (Hochyn, Hutchms), William, 5, 13, 80n, 8In, 99, 162, 164 Honorus: Elucidanum, 25 Hoochstraten, Johannes, 17, 8In Hood, Robin (Robmhode), 4, 83, 241 Hoper, John, 21 Hosea, kynge of Israhel, 115, 193 Hubmaier, Balthasar: A Christian Catechism, 29, 31 Hudson, Anne: 'The Lay Folks' Catechism: A Postscript,' 85n; 'A New Look at the Lay Folks' Catechism,' 85n Hugh of St Victor's De qmnque septems seu septenariis, 25 Hume, Anthea: Edmund Spenser: Protestant Poet, 171; 'English Protestant Books Printed Abroad,' 85n; 'William Roye's "Brefe Dialogue,"' 3, 4, 21, 50-2, 57, 58, 60-3, 65-7, 72, 79n, 80n, 92n, 93n, 94n, 196

Jacob (lacob), 119, 199 James (lames), 150, 231 Janz, 29 Jerome, 36 John (Ihon), St, 55, 93n, 105, 109, 125, 126, 134, 139, 146, 151, 173, 178, 181, 182, 197, 198, 199,203, 205, 206-7, 208, 212, 215, 216, 218, 219, 220, 223, 228, 229, 230, 232 John the Baptist, St, 23, 222 Jonas, Justus, 21 Joshua (losua), 33, 34 Joye, George, 12, 21, 79n, 201

Innocent m, 118 losias, the kynge, 114, 193 I playne Piers which can not flatter, 85n Irenaeus, Bishop of Lyons: Proof of the Apostolic Preaching, 85n

Lady Ann, douchesse of Somerset, 4, 78, 240 Lambert, 12 Langenmantel, 204 Latimer (Latymer), Hugh, 12 Lawler, 12, 13

Kahn, Victoria: Machiavellian Rhetoric: From the CounterReformation to Milton, 181 Karlstadt, Andreas Bodenstein von, 190. See also Carlstadt Kincaid, James: Child-Loving: The Erotic Child in Victorian Literature, 45 King, John N.: English Reformation Literature: The Tudor Origins of the Protestant Tradition, 93n, 216 King James Bible, 161 Kings, 193 Kittelson, James, 63, 80n, 166, 205, 236, 237; Wolfgang Capito: From Humanist to Reformer, 79n Kolde, Dietrich, 29,31, 89n Kopfel, Wolfgang, 79n, 166

302/ Index Lawrence, Friar, 82n The Lay Folks' Catechism. See Gaytrig, John Lazarus, 125, 207 Legate, Robert: A Briefe Catechisme and Dialogue, 28, 41 Le Goff, Jacques: The Birth of Purgatory, 233 Lehmberg, S.E.: The Reformation Parliament 1529-1536, 192 Livius (Livy), Titus, 54, 157, 236 Locher, Gottfried: Zwingli's Thought: New Perspectives, 191 Lollard, 18, 93 n, 191 Luft, Hans, 17, 18, 8In, 84n Luke, St, 118, 181, 197, 199, 202, 207,209,210,211,223 Lupton, J.H.: A Life of John Colet, D.D., 27 Luther, Martin, 7, 13, 17, 18, 19, 21, 31,60, 63, 81n, 161, 162, 163, 164; De Servo Arbitrio, 170; Shorter Catechism, 87n; The Small Catechism, 27; Large Catechism, 87n Lutheran, 6, 7, 12, 16, 19, 39, 82n, 93n, 167, 171, 173, 176, 177, 202, 236 Luther's Works, ed Jaroslav Pelikan, 167, 168-9, 172, 173, 174, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 188, 190, 193, 196, 199, 203, 204, 212, 214, 215, 218, 220, 221, 222, 225, 228, 229, 230, 233, 235, 236, 237 Lynne, G. Walter, 4, 21, 76, 78, 240, 242 Majer, John, 36, 90n; The English catechisme, 9In Manipulus Curatorum, 86n

Mark, St, 194, 202, 207, 223 Marshall, William, 94n Marsilius of Padua: Defensor Pads, 89n, 93-4n, 191 Martin Luther: Selections from His Writings, 182 Mary, St, 103, 111, 118 Mary Tudor, queen, 21, 32, 86n Matthew, F.D. (ed): The English Works of Wyclif Hitherto Unpublished, 205 Matthew, St, 16, 21, 33, 54, 55, 56, 80n, 137, 150, 167, 168, 175, 178, 179, 180, 189, 194, 195, 197, 198, 201, 202, 203, 207, 208, 210, 211, 213, 217, 219, 220, 221, 223, 225, 230,231,235,236,241,244 Mierdman, Steven, 76 Milton, John, 47-9; 'De Doctrina Christiana,' 47; Paradise Lost, 48-9 Mirk, John: Festial, 86n; Instructions for Parish Priests, 86n Monmouth, Humphrey, 13 Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, 257 More, Sir Thomas: The Complete Works, 3, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 80n, 82n, 91-2n, 192, 196, 233, 234; The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer, Preface, 18; A Dialogue Concerning Heresies, 17, 196; The Supplication of Souls, 16, 17,234 Moses, 105, 175, 205, 207, 224 Mozley, J.F.: William Tyndale, 163 New Catholic Encyclopedia, 23, 168 Nichols, Josias: An Order of Houshold Instrvction, 31, 33

303 / Index Norton, David, 29 Nowell, 36; The Middle Catechism, 29 Oecolampadius, 21, 204 Openshaw, Robert: Short questions and answerrees [sic], conteyning the summe of Christian Religion, 31, 41-2 Origen, 24, 34, 35, 36, 90n; Catechumenoi, 35 Ozment, Steven: The Reformation in the Cities, 89n Pantenus, 34, 35 Parker, Thomas, 13 Parrie, Henry. See Ursinus, Zacharias Patrick, St, 25 Paul, St, 13, 19, 24, 27, 55, 57, 58, 100, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 123, 126, 128, 129, 132, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 145, 146, 152, 153, 163, 166, 167, 175, 180, 181-2, 186, 188, 196, 202, 209, 213, 217, 227, 235, 238 Paul's Cross fpaulis crosse), 5, 20, 68, 84n, 99, 163-4 Pecham, John, archbishop, 25 Perkins, William, 36; An Exposition of the Lords prayer in the way of catechising, 31, 37 Peter, St, 120, 143, 178, 179, 182, 183, 194, 199, 200, 201, 208, 210, 220 Philippians, 57, 58, 193, 209 'Pierce the Ploughmans Crede' ...to which is appended 'God spede the Plough,' 82n Pius v, pope, 39 Plato, 90n; Dialectical Ethics, 88n

Plautus, 236 The Plowman's Tale, 216 Pons (Pontius) Pilate, 103, 118, 119 A proper dyalogue betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman, 7, 15, 17, 18, 20, 72, 165, 167, 192, 221, 233 Proverbs, 33 Psalms, 199,200,231,244 Pynson: The Kalendar of Shepheardes, 86n Quentell, Peter, 16, 83n, 84n Rastell, John: A New Boke of Purgatory, 234 Revelations, 55, 71, 192, 216, 232, 234-5 Rich, Edmund: Mirror of the World, 88n; Speculum Christiani, 88n; Speculum ecclesiae, 88n; Speculum vitae Christianae, 88n Ridley, 12 Rinck (Rinke, Rynck), Hermann, 16, 17, 21,80n, 83n Roberts, T.: The Catechisme in Metre, 32, 40 Romans, 19, 55, 56, 71, 173, 175, 176, 181, 183, 184, 189, 191, 193, 195, 197, 198, 201, 202, 205, 206, 208, 213, 216, 220, 223, 225, 228, 229,231,234,235 Roye, William: An exhortation to the diligent studye of scripture / made, by Erasmus Roterdamus. And translated in to inglissh. An exposition in to the seventh chaptre of the first pistle to the Corinthians, 13, 17, 18, 8In, 163, 166, 182, 186, 188, 205; Rede Me and

304 / Index Be Nott Wrothe, see Barlowe, Jerome Rufinus of Aquilegia, 24, 168; Comment arius in Symbolum Apostolorum, 85n Rupp, E. Gordon, 12, 13, 14, 118 Rycharde n, 18 St German, Christopher: Salem and Byzance, 94n; A treatyse concerninge the power of the clergye, and the lawes of the realme, 94n Schaeffer, Peter, 16 Schott, Johann, 3, 16, 17, 75, 84n Schuster, 12, 17, 82n Seddon, John. See Sparke, Thomas Shaheen, Naseeb: Biblical References in 'The Faerie Queene,' 162 Shakespeare, William: Love's Labour's Lost, 172 Shaxton, 13 shorne, Sir Ihon, 53, 54, 116, 196 A short catechisme collected by a Christian vnlearned which hath vnitie in doctrin with the militant church in England and the malignant church at Roome, 91 A short catechisme, or playne instruction, conteynynge the summe of Christian learnynge, sett fourth for all scholemaisters to teache, 32 Short-Title Catalogue, 26 Sidney, Sir Philip: A Defence of Poetry, 46 Simon the sorcerer, 143, 226 Singleton, Hugh, 28 Sirach, 194 Skeat, Walter, 82n, 216 Sloyan, Gerald, 24; Shaping the Christian Message (ed), 85n, 90n

Socrates, 34, 90n Somers kaye, 4, 78, 240 Sparke, Thomas, 39; A Catechisme or Short Kind of Instrvction, Whereby To Teach Children and the Ignorantvnter Sort, The Christian Religion (with John Seddon), 42-3, 92n Spenser, Edmund: The Faerie Queene, 46-7, 162, 171 Stafford, 12 Statuta et ordinationes praelatorum in concilia provinciali edita, 20 Steedman, Carolyn: Strange Dislocations, 45 Steele, Robert: 'Notes on English Books Printed Abroad, 15251548,' 80n; A Bibliography of Royal Proclamations of the Tudor and Stuart Sovereigns, 20 Stock, Brian: Augustine the Reader, 81n Stokesley, Bishop, 20, 84n Strauss, Gerald, 90n, 91n; Luther's House of Learning, 7, 87n Sturge, Charles: Cuthbert Tunstal, 80n, 164 Swanson, R.N., 27; 'origins of The Lay Folks' Catechism/ 85n Taverner, Richard, 13; A Catechisme or institution of the Christen Religion, 37-8 Terence, 236 Theophilus, 35 Thessalonians, 185, 186, 218, 219 Thomas, Keith: Religion and the Decline of Magic, 196 Three Reformation Catechisms: Catholic, Anabaptist, Lutheran,27

305 / Index Timothy, 24, 33, 175, 186, 189, 193, 197, 215,219,220, 233 Titus, 84n, 183,219,223 Toncombre (Uncumber), St, 53, 116, 195-6 Tracy, 21 Tudor, Philippa, 25, 26, 44, 80n, 85n, 86n, 87n, 89n; 'Religious Instuction for Children and Adolescents in the Early English Reformation,' 80n Tunstal, Cuthbert, 5, 19, 80n, 164, 216 Turner, William, 21, 91n; A catechisme or briefe instruction in the principles of the Christian religion, 29 Twisse, William: A briefe catechetical! exposition of chnstian doctrine, 91n Tyndale, William, 3, 5, 6, 12-17, 18, 20, 21, 54, 58, 60, 63, 68, 71, 79n, 80n, 8In, 82-3n, 84n, 89n, 93n, 94n, 161, 162, 163-5, 166, 168, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182, 183, 185, 187, 188, 197, 198, 201, 203-4, 205, 208, 212, 214, 216, 218, 221, 222, 224, 227, 228, 229, 230, 234; Doctrinal Treatises, 165, 167, 205, 221, 234; Expositions and Notes, 15, 84n, 174, 182, 185, 186, 214, 227; An Answer to Sir Thomas More's Dialogue, 228, 229,231 Ursmus, Zachanas: Lectures vpon

the Catechism autonsed by the noble Prince Frederick throughout his dominions (trans Henry Parne), 38-9, 43, 9In Virgil, 236 The vocacyon of Johan Bale, 214 Vulgate, 14, 93n Warham, William, archbishop of Canterbury, 19 West, John, friar, 17, 82n Whytford, Richard: A Werke for Householders, 86n William of Paglua: Oculus Sacerdotes, 85-6n Willibrod, St, 25 Wolf, Adolf, 4, 12, 19, 73-4 Wolfe, Reynold, 82n Wolsey, Cardinal, 5, 15, 16, 17, 21, 58, 80n, 8In, 82n, 163, 209, 216 Woodhouse, A.S.P.: 'Nature and Grace in The Faerie Queene,' 171 Woodward, G.W.O., 192 Word, Church, and State: Tyndale Quincentenary Essays, 176 Worde, Wynkyn de, 81n; The Arte or Crafte to Lyue Well, 86n; The Kalendar of Shepheardes, 86n Wycliffe (Wicliff), John, 21, 93n, 205; Wycliffite, 85n, 216, 221 Zwingli, Ulnch, 19, 60, 63, 168, 178, 190-1, 201, 204; Zwmglian, 39, 161, 163, 204