Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum: Volume 4 [The Ptolemaic Period (323 BCE–30 BCE)] 9783110674521, 9783110674507

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CORPUS PAPYRORUM JUDAICARUM Volume IV

CORPUS PAPYRORUM JUDAICARUM

Volume IV Edited by NOAH HACHAM and TAL ILAN BASED ON THE WORK OF THE LATE ITZHAK FIKHMAN IN COLLABORATION WITH Meron M. Piotrkowski and Zsuzsanna Szántó WITH CONTRIBUTIONS BY Robert Kugler, Deborah Jacobs, Thomas Kruse

     MAGNES

This research was supported by the EINSTEIN STIFTUNG (2013-6); the ISRAEL SCIENCE FOUNDATION (grant No. 142/16) and the publication was supported by a grant from the Arieh (Leo) Lubin Foundation, Mandel Institute for Jewish Studies, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

ISBN 978-3-11-067450-7 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-067452-1 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-067457-6 Library of Congress Control Number: 2020934815 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2020 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston & Hebrew University Magnes Press, Jerusalem Cover illustration: P.Polit Iud. 8: A document that mentions explicitly “the politeuma of the Jews” of Herakleopolis; courtesy © Papyrussammlung Köln. Typesetting: Michael Peschke, Berlin Printing: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com

Acknowledgement In collecting, editing and composing the trilogy of the new Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum we did not begin from scratch. We have benefitted greatly from the generous contribution of the scholarly estate of the late outstanding papyrologist Itzhak Fikhman, who had devoted many years to the preparation of a new CPJ but did not live to complete it. On his deathbed, he handed his entire oeuvre over to Professor Hannah M. Cotton of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, who had then generously shared it with us. We are most grateful for this wonderful gift, without which we would not have been able to produce this (and the following) volume(s) in the relative short time that was available to us. The foundation of this project, laid down by a professional papyrologist of international standing such as Fikhman, has greatly contributed to its quality. It is for this reason that CPJ IV is dedicated to his blessed memory. As students of the late Professor Itzhak Fikhman (Hacham) and of the late Professor Menahem Stern (Ilan), the youngest editor of the old CPJ, we consider this project as one link in the chain of tradition. This new Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum project has been made possible by generous grants of the Einstein-Stiftung in Berlin (2013-16) and the Israel Science Foundation (Grant 142/16). These allowed us to employ over this time period several resourceful students (Judith von Bresinsky, Cecilia Biondi-Haendler, Marcel Aulich and Dominique Bobeck) and three excellent research assistants (Dr. Meron M. Piotrkowski, Dr. Zsuzsanna Szántó and Dr. Deborah Jacobs), whose outstanding contribution to the project can be seen on each of its pages. Piotrkowski and Szántó’s contributions to the present volume have been substantial. Piotrkowski wrote the bulk of the commentary on the Aramaic papyri, and the Aramaic inscriptions in the inscription appendix. Szántó wrote the entries on the Demotic papyri and also thoroughly edited and occasionally wrote the commentaries on the Greek documentary papyri (a first draft of which was composed by Itzhak Fikhman). She also wrote the entries to the two hieroglyphic inscriptions in the inscription appendix. Jacobs wrote the commentary on one literary papyrus (CPJ 614: A Sibylline Oracle: The Seventh King), as well as the commentaries on the two Greek inscriptions in the inscription appendix. The author of each commentary is mentioned at the end of each entry. We have been helped along the way by several wonderful colleagues, who each generously shared with us his/her expertise. Professor Robert Kugler of Lewis and Clark University (Portland, Oregon) has provided us with his new readings and excellent translations of the politeuma papyri (CPJ 557-576), as well as sharing with us a large number of insights into their contents and meaning. In some cases he has agreed to co-author the commentary. Professor Thomas Kruse of the Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften has kindly shared with us a new unpublished politeuma papyrus (CPJ 577) which is presented here for the first time, and to which he also wrote the introduction. Professor Willy Clarysse of the University of Leuven has also shared with us one unpublished papyrus (CPJ 606) and one unpublished ostracon (CPJ 555), which we bring here for the first time. Moreover, he has generously read all our Demotic entries, offered corrections and made many helpful suggestions. We also consulted Professor Ada Yardeni of Jerusalem on various readings of the Aramaic papyri as well as the one Hebrew biblical text published here (CPJ 609). While this book was in print, Professor Yardeni passed away – ‫יהי זכרה ברוך‬. We benefitted from the advice and support of Professor Robert Kraft of the University of Pennsylvania on biblical Greek papyri (CPJ 609-13) and from the support of Professor Nikolaos Gonis of the University

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Acknowledgement

College of London and Prof. Sacha Stern of Kings College London. Professor Alexandra von Lieven has carefully read the hieroglyphic inscriptions for us (JIGRE 167, 170) and has made many helpful suggestions, guarding us from pitfalls and errors. Pierre-Luc Angles and Gert Baetens shared with us their publication of a Demotic papyrus mentioning Jews (CPJ 616). Partial results of our research on the Jewish papyri to be published in these volumes have been presented by us, as well as by our research assistants, in the Brill conference in Jerusalem 2013, the International collaborative conference of the SBL and the EABS in Vienna 2014, the EABS conference in Cordoba in 2015, in the SBL meeting in Atlanta 2015, in the Orion conference in Jerusalem 2016, in a research seminar in Oxford on the Jews of Egypt in 2016, in the international papyrological conference in Barcelona in 2016 and in a session in the World Congress of Jewish Studies in Jerusalem in 2017. We were offered many helpful tips on these occasions, too numerous to count, and we thank all who offered us assistance. The present editors have overseen, directed and guided the entire project. We have gone through all the work of our research assistants, revising, rewriting, editing and adding to it. In doing this we benefited from the comfortable and inviting space provided to us by the Mandel-Scholion Interdisciplinary Center in the Humanities and Jewish Studies of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. The responsibility for the whole project is of course ours. We take full responsibility for any error that may have fallen in the present volume: ‫אתי תלין‬ ‫( משוגתי‬Job 19:4). Noah Hacham and Tal Ilan

Jerusalem and Berlin, Nissan 5778, Spring 2018

Table of contents Acknowledgement ............................................................................................................. v  List of abbreviations.......................................................................................................... xi  Explanatory note ...................................................................................................... xxxviii  Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1  Papyri of the Ptolemaic Period: Introduction ............................................................. 21  Documentary papyri ...................................................................................................... 30  521. A Jew in textile production ...................................................................................... 30  522. A salt-tax receipt ...................................................................................................... 30  523. An Aramaic-Demotic bilingual salt-tax receipt ....................................................... 31  524. A Demotic-Greek bilingual salt-tax receipt ............................................................. 33  525. Account of sales, income, and inventory ................................................................. 34  526. A fragmentary letter ................................................................................................. 43  527. A fragmentary letter ................................................................................................. 46  528. A fragmentary letter concerning the sale of grain.................................................... 46  529. Notice of dispatch of a goat and vessels .................................................................. 48  530. A land registry .......................................................................................................... 49  531. An account ............................................................................................................... 50  532. An account in silver currency .................................................................................. 52  533. An account in silver currency .................................................................................. 53  534. An account in silver currency .................................................................................. 55  535. An account of grain contribution ............................................................................. 56  536. A receipt for wine? ................................................................................................... 57  537. An account of vessels ............................................................................................... 59  538. An account of wheat................................................................................................. 60  539. A list of names ......................................................................................................... 61  540. An inscription on a jar-ostracon ............................................................................... 61  541. A reclamation letter .................................................................................................. 62  542. An account in silver currency .................................................................................. 63  543 (CPJ 49). Aristomenes son of Ioseph ....................................................................... 64  543a. A Demotic-Greek bilingual receipt of measurement ........................................ 65  543b. A wine-tax receipt ............................................................................................ 67  544. A Demotic receipt of measurement.......................................................................... 67  545 (CPJ 77-9). Isakis son of Straton .............................................................................. 69  545a. A Demotic receipt of measurement .................................................................. 69  545b. A Greek grain harvest tax receipt ..................................................................... 71  545c. A Demotic receipt for wheat for the food of the ibis........................................ 72  546 (CPJ 100-2). A receipt for delivery of chaff ............................................................. 72  547. A tax receipt ............................................................................................................. 73  548. Notification to an epistates....................................................................................... 74  549. A Demotic receipt of measurement.......................................................................... 75  550. A receipt for beer-tax ............................................................................................... 76  551. A receipt for grazing and pasture-tax ....................................................................... 77

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552. An Account of consignment of oil ........................................................................... 78  553. A receipt for delivery of an earthenware vessel ....................................................... 79  554. End of a letter (?) with a list of names ..................................................................... 80  555. A list of names ......................................................................................................... 81  556. A loan contract ......................................................................................................... 82  557-77. The Archive of the Jewish Politeuma in Herakleopolis ..................................... 86  557. Petition to Alexandros politarches and the politeuma of the Jews .................... 89  558. Petition to Alexandros politarches and the politeuma to release a prisoner ...... 93  559. Petition to the archontes concerning a marriage contract .................................. 95  560. Petition to the archontes of the Jewish politeuma regarding dissolution of a betrothal ....................................................................................................... 98  561. Petition to the archontes regarding ownership of a house ............................... 101  562. Petition to the archontes regarding an unfinished investigation ...................... 103  563. Petition to the archontes for the return of Philippa .......................................... 107  564. Petition to the archontes concerning a loan ..................................................... 111  565. Petition to the archontes about the purchase of a slave and a wet-nursing contract.......................................................................................... 114  566. Petition to the archontes about non-delivery of ordered wool ......................... 118  567. Petition to the archontes about a debt .............................................................. 119  568. Petition to the archontes about an unpaid lease ............................................... 120  569. Petition to the archontes ................................................................................... 122  570. Petition to the archontes ................................................................................... 123  571. Petition to the archontes (?) ............................................................................. 124  572. Petition to the archontes (?) ............................................................................. 125  573. Letter about the release of Jews from prison .................................................... 126  574. Letter from the judges in Peenpasbytis to the judges in Herakleopolis ........... 128  575. Report from the elders in Peene to the archontes of the Jewish politeuma in Herakleopolis ................................................................................................ 129  576. Letter from the elders in Tebetnoi to the archontes in Herakleopolis .............. 131  577. Petition to Straton politarches and the archontes............................................. 132  578. Acknowledgement of a paid debt by a guarantor................................................... 135  579. Complaint against a Jew concerning an inheritance .............................................. 139  580. Notification to Dioskourides phrourarchos about a Jewish soldier committing domestic disturbance .............................................................................................. 142  581. Petition of a Jew to Ktesias archiphylakites .......................................................... 144  582. A letter mentioning the Sabbath ............................................................................. 146  583. A letter mentioning the Sabbath ............................................................................. 147  584. A List of names ...................................................................................................... 149  585-588. Zenon papyri ................................................................................................... 150  585 (CPJ 2). A list of products from Palestine ........................................................ 151  586. Accounts concerning wheat and monetary payments ...................................... 152  587. An Account submitted by Hermias to Zenon ................................................... 153  588. A fragment mentioning Jews ............................................................................ 155  589-94. Greek tax-registers from the Fayum ................................................................. 155  589. Greek composite tax-register for Trikomia and other villages ......................... 157  590. Greek tax-collection register from Trikomia .................................................... 164  591. Greek composite tax-register for Lysimachis, Trikomia and Lagis ................. 165 

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ix

592. Greek tax-register for Trikomia ....................................................................... 166  593. Fragment from a Greek composite tax-register ................................................ 167  594. Tax-collection register ...................................................................................... 168  595. Contracts from Samareia concerning Jews ............................................................ 169  595a. Lease of a vineyard ......................................................................................... 171  595b. Dowry receipt ................................................................................................. 174  595c. Receipt for the restitution of a dowry ............................................................. 176  595d. A contract of lease and of cultivation of a garden .......................................... 178  596. Demotic salt-tax area record .................................................................................. 180  597 (CPJ 127). Dositheos son of Drimylos ................................................................... 181  597a. Dositheos son of Drimylos in a Greek contract .............................................. 183  597b. Dositheos son of Drimylos in a Greek contract ............................................. 184  597c. Dositheos son of Drimylos in a Demotic contract .......................................... 185  598. Petition concerning an illegal construction ............................................................ 186  599. List of persons receiving grain ............................................................................... 188  600. Greek village list of ethnic groups mentioning Jews ............................................. 189  601. Fragment of a list of Ptolemaic klerouchoi ............................................................ 190  602. Beginning of a document concerning a loan between Jews................................... 191  603. A work contract involving Jews............................................................................. 193  604. Fragment of a list of klerouchoi ............................................................................. 196  605. Private account mentioning the Sabbath ................................................................ 197  606. Greek house-by-house register............................................................................... 199  607. List of payments ..................................................................................................... 200  608. Account of brick suppliers ..................................................................................... 204  Literary papyri ............................................................................................................. 206  609. The Nash Papyrus: Decalogue and Shema ............................................................. 207  610. Fragments of LXX Deuteronomy .......................................................................... 212  611-613. Three early scrolls of the Septuagint (P.Fouad 266) ...................................... 216  611. Fragments of a LXX Genesis scroll ................................................................. 216  612. Fragments of a LXX Deuteronomy scroll ........................................................ 219  613. Fragments of another LXX Deuteronomy scroll .............................................. 257  614. A Sibylline Oracle: The Seventh King................................................................... 261  615. A pseudo-historical account mentioning Samaria and Jerusalem .......................... 265  Appendix 1: Additional Jewish papyri and ostraca .................................................. 275  616. A Demotic memorandum submitted by a Jew ....................................................... 275  617. Jewish suppliers of an outpost in the desert ........................................................... 277  617a. Abi... son of Psenshabtai ................................................................................ 277  617b. Iosepos son of Psenshabtai ............................................................................. 278  618. Demotic marriage contract ..................................................................................... 279  619. Registration of contributions to a proseuche ......................................................... 282  Appendix 2: Ptolemaic inscriptions ........................................................................... 285  157-165. The Aramaic inscriptions from Edfu .............................................................. 285  157. An Aramaic family epitaph .............................................................................. 286  158. A reused Aramaic tombstone ........................................................................... 287  159. A fragmentary Aramaic epitaph ....................................................................... 287 

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160. An Aramaic epitaph .......................................................................................... 288  161. A fragmentary Aramaic epitaph ....................................................................... 288  162. A fragmentary Aramaic epitaph ....................................................................... 288  163. A fragmentary Aramaic epitaph ....................................................................... 289  164. A fragmentary Aramaic epitaph ....................................................................... 289  165. A fragmentary Aramaic epitaph ....................................................................... 290  166. An Aramaic epitaph from Latopolis ...................................................................... 290  167. A funerary stele of a Buchis bull............................................................................ 290  168. A Jewish epitaph for Ionathas ................................................................................ 296  169. A Jewish epitaph mentioning Ioseph ..................................................................... 297  170. A Hieroglyphic statue -inscription from Tanis ...................................................... 298  Appendix 3: Documents not considered Jewish and not included in N.CPJ IV ..... 301  Indices............................................................................................................................ 303  1. Literary sources .......................................................................................................... 303  2. Papyri, ostraca, and inscriptions................................................................................. 307  3. Alexander the Great and the royal family of the Ptolemies ....................................... 315  4. Months........................................................................................................................ 315  5. Names and prosopography of Jews ............................................................................ 316  6. Ethnica........................................................................................................................ 323  7. Titles ........................................................................................................................... 323  8. Professions of Jews .................................................................................................... 323  9. Geographical locations ............................................................................................... 324  10. Technical terms ........................................................................................................ 325  11. Religion .................................................................................................................... 326  Table of measurements .................................................................................................. 329  Tables of sources, dates and locations of papyri in N.CPJ ............................................ 332 

List of Abbreviations 1QIsa 4QLXXLeviticusa Abd el-Ftah & Wagner 1998 Adler 1938

AfP Aimé-Giron 1931 Aimé-Giron 1939 A.J. Akeel & Depauw 2005 Albright 1937 Albright 1949 Allam 1991 Aly & Koenen 1980 An.Pap. AÖAW Armoni 2000 Armoni 2012 Baetens & Angles 2018 Bagnall 1982 Bagnall 2009 Bagnall & Derow 2004 Bandi 1937 Bar-Kochva 1989 Bar-Kochva 2010 Barclay 1996 BASOR BASP Bauschatz 2007

D. W. Parry and E. Qimron, The Great Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaa): A New Edition (Leiden 1998). P.W. Skehan, E. Ulrich and J. E. Sanderson, Qumran Cave 4, IV: Palaeo-Hebrew and Greek Biblical Manuscripts (DJD IX; Oxford 1992). A. G. Abd el-Ftah and G. Wagner, “Épitaphes grecques d’époque ptolémaïque de Sedment el-Gebel (IIe/Ier siècles): Une communauté juive dans la Chôra égyptienne,” Cahier de Recherches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’Égyptologie de Lille 19 (1998) 85-96. E. N. Adler, “The Adler Papyri: The Archive of a Family at Pathyris, Being a Collection of Greek and Demotic Papyri Between 134 and 88 B.C.,” Actes du Ve Congrès International de Papyrologie: Oxford, 30 août – 3 septembre 1937 (Bruxelles 1938) 12-9. Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete N. Aimé-Giron, Textes araméens d'Egypte (Service des antiquités de l’Egypte; Cairo 1931). N. Aimé-Giron, “Adversaria Semitica,” BIFAO 38 (1939) 1-63. Flavius Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae M. Akeel and M. Depauw, “Two Demotic Ostraca from the Cairo Museum,” Enchoria 29 (2004/5) 11-4. W. F. Albright, “A Biblical Fragment from the Maccabaean Age: The Nash Papyrus,” JBL 56 (1937) 145-76. W. F. Albright, “On the Date of the Scrolls from ‘Ain Feshkha and the Nash Papyrus,” BASOR 115 (1949) 10-9. S. Allam, “Egyptian Law Courts in Pharaonic and Hellenistic Times,” JEA 77 (1991) 109-27. Z. Aly, and L. Koenen., Three Roles of the Early Septuagint: Genesis and Deuteronomy (Bonn 1980). Analecta Papyrologica Anzeiger der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften C. Armoni, “Drei ptolemäische Papyri der Heidelberger Sammlung,” ZPE 132 (2000) 225-39. C. Armoni, Studien zur Verwaltung des Ptolemäischen Ägypten: Das Amt des Basilikos Grammateus (Paderborn 2012). G. Baetens and P.-L. Angles, “A Demotic Memorandum to the Village Epistates with a Greek Subscription (P.dem.Mon. 5),” CdE 93 (2018) 281‐94. R. Bagnall, “Religious Conversion and Onomatic Change,” BASP 19 (1982) 105-24. R. S. Bagnall, “Practical Help: Chronolgy, Metrology, Currency, Geography, Names, Prosopography, and Technical Vocabulary,” in R. S. Bagnall (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology (Oxford / New York 2009) 179-96. R. S. Bagnall and P. Derow (ed.), The Hellenistic Period: Historical Sources in Translation (Malden / Oxford 2004). L. Bandi, “I conti privati nei papiri dell’Egitto greco-romano,” Aegyptus 17 (1937) 349-451. B. Bar-Kochva, Judas Maccabaeus: The Jewish Struggle against the Seleucids (Cambridge 1989). B. Bar Kochva, The Image of the Jews in Greek Literature: The Hellenistic Period (Berkeley 2010). J. M. G. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE – 117 CE) (Edinburgh 1996). Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists J. Bauschatz, “Ptolemaic Prisons Reconsidered,” Classical Bulletin 83 (2007) 3-47.

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xii Bauschatz 2013 Beentjes 1997 Ben Zeev 2005 Benaissa 2012 Bennett 2011 Beyer 1986 BGU I BGU IV BGU VI BGU VII BGU VIII BGU X BGU XII BGU XIII BGU XIV BGU XV BGU XX BiezunskaMalowist 1974 BiezunskaMalowist 1977 BIFAO Bingen 1987 Bingen 1988 Bingen 2002 Birnzweig 2014 B.J. BL BL Dem. Blasius 2002

Bloom 2001 Blumell 2015 Blumell 2016

List of Abbreviations J. Bauschatz, Law and Enforcement in Ptolemaic Egypt (Cambridge / New York 2013). P. C. Beentjes, The Book of Ben Sira in Hebrew: A Text Edition of All Extant Hebrew Manuscripts and a Synopsis of All Parallel Hebrew Ben Sira Texts (Vetus Testamentum Supplements 68; Leiden 1997). M. Pucci Ben Zeev, Diaspora Judaism in Turmoil, 116/117 CE: Ancient Sources and Modern Insights (Interdisciplinary Studies in Ancient Culture and Religion 6; Leuven 2005). A. Benaissa, Rural Settlements of the Oxyrhynchite Nome: A Papyrological Survey (Leuven 2012). C. Bennett, Alexandria and the Moon: An Investigation into the Lunar Macedonian Calendar of Ptolemaic Egypt (Studia Hellenistica 52; Leuven 2011). K. Beyer, The Aramaic Language: Its Distribution and Subdivisions (Göttingen 1986). Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Koeniglichen Museen zu Berlin: Griechische Urkunden I (Berlin 1895). Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Koeniglichen Museen zu Berlin: Griechische Urkunden IV (Berlin 1912). W. Schubart and E. Kühn (eds.), Papyri und Ostraka der Ptolemäerzeit (Berlin 1922). P. Viereck and F. Zucker (eds.), Papyri, Ostraka und Wachstafeln aus Philadelphia im Fayûm (Berlin 1926). W. Schubart and D. Schäfer (eds.), Spätptolemäische Papyri aus amtlichen Büros des Herakleopolites (Berlin 1933). W. Müller (ed.), Papyrusurkunden aus ptolemäischer Zeit (Berlin 1970). H. Maehler (ed.), Papyri aus Hermupolis (Berlin 1974). W. M. Brashear (ed.), Greek Papyri from Roman Egypt (Berlin 1976). W. M. Brashear (ed.), Ptolemäische Urkunden aus Mumienkartonage (Berlin 1981). C. A. Nelson (ed.), Financial and Administrative Documents from Roman Egypt (Berlin 1983). F. Reiter (ed.), Dokumentarische Texte der Berliner Papyrussammlung aus ptolemäischer und römischer Zeit (Berlin / Boston 2014). I. Biezunska-Malowist, L’esclavage dans l’Égypte gréco-romaine I: Période ptolémaïque (Archiwum Filologiczne 30; Wroclaw 1974). I. Biezunska-Malowist, L’esclavage dans l’Egypte gréco-romaine II: Période romaine (Archiwum Filologiczne 35; Wroclaw 1977). Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale J. Bingen, “Θέμιστος avec -os comme Themistus,” CdE 62 (1987) 234-9. J. Bingen, “Papyrus littéraires et documents, review of H. Harrauer, Griechische Texte IX, Neue Papyri zum Steuerwesen im 3 Jh. v. Chr. (Wien 1987),” CdE 63 (1988) 173-7. J. Bingen, “Un nouvel épistratège et arabarque alexandrin,” ZPE 138 (2002) 119-20. H. Birnzweig, Monitory Terms in Marriage Contracts in Talmudic Literature and Parallel Sources (MA Thesis, Hebrew University Jerusalem 2014) [Hebrew]. Flavius Josephus, Bellum Judaicum Berichtigungsliste der Griechischen Papyrusurkunden aus Ägypten A. den Brinker, B. Muhs, and S. P. Vleeming (eds.), A Berichtigungsliste of Demotic documents, Volume A: Papyrus Editions, Volume B: Ostrakon Editions and Various Publications (Studia Demotica 7A & 7B; Leuven 2005). A. Blasius, “Zur Frage des geistigen Widerstandes im griechisch-römischen Ägypten – die historische Situation,” in A. Blasius & B. U. Schipper (eds.), Apokalyptik und Ägypten: Eine kritische Analyse der relevanten Texte aus dem griechisch-römischen Ägypten (Leuven / Paris / Sterling 2002) 41-62. J. Bloom, Paper Before Print: The History and Impact of Paper in the Islamic World (New Haven 2001). L. H. Blumell, “A Jewish Epitaph from the Fayum,” JSJ 46 (2015) 182-97. L. H. Blumell, “A New Jewish Epitaph Commemorating Care for Orphans,” JSJ 47 (2016) 310-29.

List of Abbreviations Bogaert 1980 Bogaert 1984 Bogaert 1988 Bogaert 1991 Bogaert 1994 Bogaert 1998 Bogaert 1999 Bogaert 2000 Bogaert 2001 Bohak 1995 Bohak 1997 Bohak 2002 Bohak 2008 Bonneau 1971 Botta 2009 Bowman 1944 Brashear 1996 Braunert 1964 Bresciani 1962 Bresciani et al. 1976 Bresciani et al. 1981 Bresciani et al. 1993 Briant 2002 Brunsch 1981 Buitenwerf 2003 Burkitt 1903 C.A.

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R. Bogaert, “Les reçus d’impôts thébains en argent des IIe et IIIe siècles,” CdE 55 (1980) 284-305. R. Bogaert, “Banques et banquiers à Thèbes à l’époque romaine,” ZPE 57 (1984) 24196. R. Bogaert, “Liste chronologique des banquiers royaux thébains,” ZPE 75 (1988) 11538. R. Bogaert, “La banque des Memnonia: Une mise au point,” ZPE 86 (1991) 259-63. R. Bogaert, Trapezitica Aegyptiaca. Recueil de recherches sur la banque en Égypte gréco-romaine (Papyrologica Florentina 25; Firenze 1994). R. Bogaert, “Liste géographique des banques et des banquiers de l’Égypte ptolémaïque,” ZPE 120 (1998) 165-202. R. Bogaert, “Les opérations des banques de l’Égypte ptolémaïque,” Ancient Society 29 (1998-1999) 49-145. R. Bogaert, “Les opérations des banques de l’Égypte romaine,” Ancient Society 30 (2000) 135-269. R. Bogaert, “Les documents bancaires de l’Égypte gréco-romaine et byzantine,” Ancient Society 31 (2001) 173-288. G. Bohak, “CPJ III, 520: An Egyptian Reaction to Onias’ Temple,” JSJ 36 (1995) 3241. G. Bohak, “Good Jews, Bad Jews and Non-Jews in Greek Papyri and Inscriptions,” in B. Kramer (ed.), Akten des 21. Internationalen Papyrologenkongresses, Berlin 1319.8.1995 (AfP Beiheft 3; Stuttgart / Leipzig 1997) 105-12. G. Bohak, “Ethnic Continuity in the Jewish Diaspora in Antiquity,” in J. R. Bartlett (ed.), Jews in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (London / New York 2002) 175-92. G. Bohak, Ancient Jewish Magic: A History (Cambridge 2008). D. Bonneau, Le fisc et le Nil: Incidences des irrégularités de la crue du Nil sur la fiscalité foncière dans l’Égypte grecque et romain (Paris 1971). A. F. Botta, The Aramaic and Egyptian Legal Traditions at Elephantine. An Egyptological Approach (Library of Second Temple Studies 64; London / New York 2009). R. A. Bowman, “An Aramaic Religious Text in Demotic Script,” JNES 4 (1944) 219231. W. M. Brashear, “An Alexandrian Marriage Contract,” in R. Katzoff, Y. Petroff and D. Schaps (eds.), Classical Studies in Honor of David Sohlberg (Ramat Gan 1996) 367-84. H. Braunert, Die Binnenwanderung: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte Ägyptens in der Ptolemäer- und Kaiserzeit (Bonner Historische Forschungen 26; Bonn 1964). E. Bresciani, “Un papiro aramaico di età tolemaica,” in Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Rendiconti. Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, Ser. VIII, XVII (Roma 1962) 258-64. E. Bresciani, M. P. Giangeri Silvis, S. Pernigotti, “Ostraka demotici da Ossirinco,” SCO 25 (1976) 37-88. E. Bresciani, M. Carmela Betro and S. Pernigotti, “Ostraka demotici da Ossirinco,” EVO 4 (1981) 181-94. E. Bresciani, S. Sanseverino and S. Volpi, “Ostraka demotici Pisani inediti,” EVO 16 (1993) 43-56. P. Briant, From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire (Winona Lake 2002). W. Brunsch, “Holzbrett BM 29423: Abrechnung über Ziegel,” Orientalia 50 (1981) 246-8. R. Buitenwerf, Book III of the Sibylline Oracles and its Social Setting with an Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha 17; Leiden 2003). F. C. Burkitt, “The Hebrew Papyrus of the Ten Commandments,” JQR 15 (1903) 392408. Flavius Josephus, Contra Apionem

xiv Cadell & Le Rider 1997 Calderini 1924 Capponi 2005 Capponi 2016 Cartledge & Spawforth 2002 CBQ CDD CdE Černý & Parker 1971 Chabot 1916 Christensen, Thompson & Vandorpe 2017 CIIP I CIJ II Clarysse 1976 Clarysse 1981 Clarysse 1984 Clarysse 1987 Clarysse 1990a Clarysse 1990b Clarysse 1994a Clarysse 1994b Clarysse 2002 Clarysse 2012 Clarysse 2013a Clarysse 2013b Clarysse 2018

List of Abbreviations H. Cadell and G. Le Rider, Prix du blé et numéraire dans l’Égypte Lagide de 305 à 173 (Papyrologica Bruxellensia 30; Bruxelles 1997). A. Calderini, Thesauroi. Ricerche di topografia e di storia della pubblica amministrazione nell’Egitto greco-romano (Studi della Scuola Papirologica 4/3; Milano 1924). L. Capponi, Augustan Egypt: The Creation of a Roman Province (London / New York 2005). L. Capponi, “Il nucleo storico degli Acta Appiani,” Politica Antica: Rivista di prassi e cultura politica nel mondo greco e romano 6 (2016) 111-25. P. Cartledge and A. Spawforth, Hellenistic and Roman Sparta: A Tale of Two Cities (London 2002). Catholic Biblical Quarterly J. H. Johnson (ed.), The Demotic Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago 2001-). https://oi.uchicago.edu/research/publications/demoticdictionary-oriental-institute-university-chicago. Chronique d’Égypte J. Černý and R. A. Parker, “An Abnormal HieraticTablet,” JEA 57 (1971) 127-31. J.-B. Chabot, Répertoire d’épigraphie semitique III (Commission du Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres; Paris 1916). T. Christensen, D. J. Thompson and K. Vandorpe (eds.), Land and Taxes in Ptolemaic Egypt. An Edition, Translation and Commentary for the Edfu Land Survey (P.Haun. IV 70) (Cambridge 2017). H. M. Cotton et al. (eds.), Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae/Palaestinae, Volume I: Jerusalem, Part 1 (Berlin / New York 2010). J. B. Frey (ed.), Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum. Recueil des inscriptions juives qui vont du IIIe siècle avant Jésus-Christ au VIIe siècle de notre ère II: Asie, Afrique (Roma 1952). W. Clarysse, “Some Ghost-Names in Ptolemaic Papyri,” OLP 6-7 (1975-76) 53-58. W. Clarysse “Prosopography,” in P.W. Pestman (ed.), A Guide to the Zenon Papyri vol. 1 (Leiden 1981) 271-457. W. Clarysse, “Bilingual Texts and Collaboration between Demoticists and Papyrologists,” Atti del XVII Congresso Internationale di Papirologia III (Napoli 1984) 1345-53. W. Clarysse, “Greek Loan-Words in Demotic,” in S. B. Vleeming (ed.), Aspects of Demotic Lexicography: Acts of the Second International Conference for Demotic Studies Leiden 19-21 September 1984 (Leuven 1987) 9-33. W. Clarysse, “Abbreviations and Lexicography,” Ancient Society 21 (1990) 33-44. W. Clarysse, “An Epistolary Formula,” CdE 65 (1990) 103-6. W. Clarysse, “Jews in Trikomia,” in A. Bülow-Jacobsen (ed.), Proceedings of the 20th International Congress of Papyrologists: Copenhagen, 23-29 August, 1992 (Copenhagen 1994) 193-203. W. Clarysse, “Greeks and Persians in a Bilingual Census List,” in E. Bresciani (ed.), Acta Demotica. Acts of the Fifth International Conference for Demotists, Pisa, 4th-8th September 1993 = EVO 17 (1994) 69-77. W. Clarysse, “A Jewish Family in Ptolemaic Thebes,” JJP 32 (2002) 7-9. W. Clarysse, “Salt Tax,” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Malden 2012) 6023-4. W. Clarysse, “Glaukos, Policeman (? and Demetrios, epistates) of Mouchis,” TM Archive ID 384 (2013). W. Clarysse, “Diophanes, Governor (strategos) of the Arsinoite Nome,” TM Archive ID 71 (2013). W. Clarysse, “Identifying Jews and Christians: The Evidence of the Papyri,” in P. Lanfranchi and J. Verheyden (eds.), Jews and Christians in Antiquity: A Regional Perspective (Leuven 2018) 81-100.

List of Abbreviations Clarysse & Lanciers 1989 Clarysse, Remijsen & Depauw 2010 Clarysse & Thompson 2018 Clarysse & Van der Veken 1983 Cohen 1974 Cohen 1976 Cohen 1993 Cohen 1999 Cohen N. 1999 Collins 1974 Collins 1997 Collins 2000 Collins 2004 Collombert 2000 Collombert 2012 Cook 1903 Cook 1973 Cotton 1994 Cotton 1997 Cowey & Maresch 2003 Cowley 1915a Cowley 1915b Cowley 1923 CPGr. I CPJ CPR V CPR XIII

xv

W. Clarysse and E. Lanciers, “Currency and the Dating of Demotic and Greek Papyri from the Ptolemaic Period,” Ancient Society 20 (1989) 117-32. W. Clarysse, S. Remijsen, and M. Depauw, “Observing the Sabbath in the Roman Empire: A Case Study,” SCI 29 (2010) 51-7. W. Clarysse and D. J. Thompson, “P. Count 2 Continued: A Ptolemaic Population Register from the Arsinoite Nome,” in C. J. Martin et al. (eds.), Hieratic, Demotic and Greek Studies and Text Editions. Of Making Many Books There Is No End: Festschrift in Honour of Sven P. Vleeming (P.L.Bat. 34; Leiden 2018) 162-89. W. Clarysse and G. Van der Veken (eds.) (with the assistance of S. P. Vleeming), The Eponymous Priests of Ptolemaic Egypt (P.L.Bat. XXIV; Leiden 1983). N. G. Cohen, “The Greek and Latin Transcriptions Mariam and Maria: Their Sociological Significance,” Lĕšonénu 38 (1974) 170-80 [Hebrew]. N. G. Cohen, “Jewish Names as Cultural Indicators in Antiquity,” JSJ 7 (1976) 97128. S. J. D. Cohen, “’Those Who Say They Are Jews and Are Not’: How Do You Know a Jew in Antiquity When You See One?” in S. J. D. Cohen and E. S. Frerichs (eds.), Diasporas in Antiquity (Atlanta 1993) 1-45. S. J. D. Cohen, The Beginnings of Jewishness: Boundaries, Varieties, Uncertainties (Berkeley 1999). N. G. Cohen, “The Name ‘Shabtai’ in the Hellenistic-Roman Period,” in A. Demsky (ed.), These are the Names: Studies on Jewish Onomastics 2 (Ramat Gan 1999) 11-28 [Hebrew]. J. J. Collins, The Sibylline Oracle of Egyptian Judaism (Missoula MO, 1974). J. J. Collins, Seers, Sibyls and Sages in Hellenistic Roman Judaism (Leiden 1997). J. J. Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem: Jewish Identity in the Hellenistic Diaspora (Grand Rapids 20002). J. J. Collins, “The Third Sibyl Revisited,” in E. G. Chazon et al. (eds.), Things Revealed: Studies in Early Jewish and Christian Literature in Honor of Michael E. Stone (Leiden 2004) 2-19. Ph. Collombert, “Religion égyptienne et culture grecques: L’exemple de Διοσκουρίδης,” CdE 75 (2000) 47-63. P. Collombert, “À propos des toponymes de la stèle Bucheum n° 9,” in A. Gasse, F. Servajean and Ch. Thiers (eds.), Et in Ægypto et ad Ægyptum: Recueil d’études dédiées à Jean-Claude Grenier (Montpellier 2012) 203-12. S. A. Cook, “A Pre-Massoretic Biblical Papyrus,” PSBA 33 (1903) 34-56. J. M. Cook, The Troad: An Archaeological and Topographical Study (Oxford / New York 1973). H. Cotton, “A Cancelled Marriage Contract from the Judaean Desert,” JRS 84 (1994) 64-86. H. Cotton, “The Guardian (ἐπίτροπος) of a Woman in the Documents from the Judaean Desert,” ZPE 118 (1997) 267-73. J. M. S. Cowey and K. Maresch, “A Recurrent Inclination to Isolate the Case of the Jews from their Ptolemaic Environment? Eine Antwort auf Sylvie Honigman,” SCI 22 (2003) 307-10. A. E. Cowley, “Notes on Hebrew Papyrus Fragments from Oxyrhynchus,” JEA 2 (1915) 209-13. A. E. Cowley, “Another Aramaic Papyrus of the Ptolemaic Period,” PSBA 37 (1915) 217-23. A. E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford 1923). M. Manca Masciadri and O. Montevecchi, I Contratti di baliatico (Milano 1984). V. Tcherikover, A. Fuks and M. Stern (eds.), Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum (3 vols.; Cambridge, MA 1957-64). J. R. Rea and P. J. Sijpesteijn (eds.), Corpus Papyrorum Raineri V: Griechische Texte II (Wien 1976). H. Harrauer (ed.), Corpus Papyrorum Raineri XIII: Griechische Texte IX (Wien 1987).

xvi CPR XVIII CPS CRAI Criscuolo 1990 Crönert 1928 Croy 2006 Cuvigny 2009 Cuvigny 2014 Degen 1978a Degen 1978b Delcor 1993

Deissmann 2004 Depauw 1997 Depauw 2006 Depauw 2007 Depuydt 1986 Depuydt 1997 Devauchelle 1989 Di Bitonto 1968 Di Bitonto 1976 DJD XIV DNB Doering 1999 Dogniez & Harl 1992 Drexhage 1992

List of Abbreviations B. Kramer (ed.), Corpus Papyrorum Raineri XVIII: Griechische Texte XIII, Das Vertragsregister von Theogenis (Wien 1991). R. Scholl, Corpus der ptolemäischen Sklaventexte. (3 vols.; Forschungen zur antiken Sklaverei, Beiheft 1; Stuttgart 1990). Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres L. Criscuolo, “Impegno di ricostruzione di una casa,” in “Papiri inediti della Collezione dell’Università Cattolica di Milano,” Aegyptus 70 (1990) 8-11. W. Crönert, “Oraculorum Sibyllinorum Fragmentum Osloense,” Symbolae Osloenses 6 (1928) 57-9. N. C. Croy, 3 Maccabees (Septuagint Commentary Series; Leiden / Boston 2006). H. Cuvigny, “The Finds of Papyri: The Archaeology of Papyrology,” in R. S. Bagnall (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology (Oxford / New York 2009) 30-58. H. Cuvigny “La plus ancienne représentation de Moïse dessinée par un Juif vers 100 ap. J.-C,” CRAI 2014/I, 339-51. R. Degen, “Die aramäischen Ostraka in der Papyrus-Sammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek,” in R. Degen, W. W. Müller, and W. Röllig, Neue Ephemeris für Semitische Epigraphik III (Wiesbaden 1978) 33-57. R. Degen, “Zu den aramäischen Texten aus Edfu,” in R. Degen, W. W. Müller, and W. Röllig, Neue Ephemeris für semitische Epigraphik, vol. 3 (Wiesbaden 1978) 5966. M. Delcor, “Remarques sur la datation du Ps. 20 comparée à celle du psaume araméen apparenté dans le papyrus Amherst 63,” in M. Dietrich and O. Loretz (eds.), Mesopotamica-Ugaritica-Biblica. Festschrift für Kurt Bergenhof zur Vollendung seines 70. Lebensjahres am 7. Mai 1992 (Alter Orient und Altes Testament 232; Neukirchen-Vluyn 1993) 25-43. A. Deissmann, Bible Studies: Contributions Chiefly from Papyri and Inscriptions to the History of the Language, Literature and Religion of Hellenistic Judaism and Primitive Christianity (Eugene OR 2004). M. Depauw, A Companion to Demotic Studies (Papyrologica Bruxellensia 28; Bruxels 1997). M. Depauw, The Demotic Letter. A Study of Epistolographic Scribal Traditions against their Intra- and Intercultural Background (Demotische Studien 14; Sommerhausen 2006). M. Depauw et al. (eds.), A Chronological Survey of Precisely Dated Demotic and Abnormal Hieratic Sources (Trismegistos Online Publications; Köln 2007). L. Depuydt, “The Semantic Structure of jw–ei ‘come’ and Sm–bwk ‘go’,” in W. K. Simpson ( ed.), Essays on Egyptian Grammar (New Haven 1986) 22-30. L. Depuydt, Civil Calendar and Lunar Calendar in Ancient Egypt (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 77; Leuven 1997). D. Devauchelle, “Lettre de réclamation à Edfou (ostracon démotique Edfou 1001),” BIFAO 89 (1989) 81-8. A. Di Bitonto, “Le petizioni ai funzionari nel periodo tolemaico. Studio sul formulario,” Aegyptus 48 (1968) 53-107. A. Di Bitonto, “Frammenti di petizioni del periodo tolemaico,” Aegyptus 56 (1976) 109-43. E. Ulrich, F. M. Cross, S. White Crawford, J. A. Duncan, P. W. Skehan, E. Tov and J. Trebolle Barrera, Qumran Cave 4 IX: Deutoronmy, Joshua, Judges, Kings (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XIV; Oxford 1995). E. Lüddeckens and H. J. Thissen et al. (eds), Demotisches Namenbuch, (18 vols.; Wiesbaden 1980-2000). L. Doering, Schabbat. Sabbathalacha und -praxis im antiken Judentum und Urchristentum (Tübingen 1999). C. Dogniez and M. Harl, Le Deutéronome (La Bible d’Alexandrie 5; Paris 1992). H.-J.  Drexhage, “Feminine Berufsbezeichnungen im hellenistischen Ägypten,” Münstersche Beiträge zur antiken Handelsgeschichte 11/1 (Münster 1992) 70-9.

List of Abbreviations Driver 1932 Driver 1939 Droß-Krüpe & Paetz 2014 Dunand 1966 Dunand 1971 Durand 1997 Epstein 1912 Eshel 1991 EVO Fairman 1934 Falivene 1998 Falivene 2002 Fiema 1985 Fikhman 1997 Fikhman 2001 Fisher 2006 Fischer-Bovet 2012 Fischer-Bovet 2013 Fischer-Bovet 2014 Fitzmyer 1974 Franko 1988 Frösén 2009 Fuks 1953-4 Gallazzi & HadjiMinaglou 2000 Gallazzi & Sijpesteijn 1996 Gauger 1998

xvii

J. R. Driver, “The Aramaic Papyri from Egypt: Notes on Obscure Passages,” JRAS 64 (1932) 77-90. G. R. Driver, “New Aramaeo-Jewish Names in Egypt,” JEA 25 (1939) 175-6. K. Droß-Krüpe and A. Paetz, “Unravelling the Tangled Threads of Ancient Embroidery: A Compilation of Written Sources and Archaeologically Preserved Textiles,” in M. Harlow and M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Greek and Roman Textiles and Dress: An Interdisciplinary Anthology (Ancient Textiles Series 19; Oxford 2014) 207-35. F. Dunand, Papyrus Grecs Bibliques (Papyrus F. Inv. 266). Volumina de la Genèse et du Deutéronome (Cairo 1966). F. Dunand, “Papyrus grecs bibliques (Papyrus F. inv. 266). Volumina de la Genèse et du Deutéronome,” Études de Papyrologie 9 (1971) 82-150. X. Durand, Des Grecs en Palestine au IIIe siècle avant Jésus-Christ. Le dossier syrien des archives de Zénon de Caunos (261-252) (Cahiers de la Revue Biblique 38; Paris 1997). J. N. Epstein, “Glossen zu den aramäischen Papyrus und Ostraka,” ZAW 32 (1912) 128-38. E. Eshel, “4QDeutn: A Text That Has Undergone Harmonistic Editing,” Hebrew Union College Annual 62 (1991) 117-54. Egitto e Vicino Oriente H. W. Fairman, “The Hieroglyphic Inscriptions,” in R. Mond and O. Myers (eds.), The Bucheum II: The Inscriptions (Excavation Memoirs 41; London 1934) 1-51. M. R. Falivene, The Herakleopolite Nome: A Catalogue of the Toponymes with Introduction and Commentary (American Studies in Papyrology 37; Atlanta 1998). M. R. Falivene, “[Review of] J. M. S. Cowey and K. Maresch, Urkunden des Politeuma der Juden von Herakleopolis (144/3-133/2 v. Chr.), Köln 2001,” Bibliotheca Orientalis 59 (2002) 541-50. Z. T. Fiema, “A Hebrew Inscription from Kom el-Dikka, Alexandria, Egypt,” JARCE 22 (1985) 117-8. I. F. Fikhman,  “L’état des travaux au “Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum IV,” in B. Kramer et al. (eds.), Akten des 21 Internationalen Papyrologenkongeresses: Berlin 13.-19.8.1995 (AfP Beiheft 3; Stuttgart / Leipzig 1997) 290-6. I. F. Fikhman, “La description physique des Juifs égyptiens d’après les papyrus grecs,” in I. Andorlini et al. (eds.), Atti del XXII Congresso Internationale di Papirologia, Firenze, 23-29 agosto 1998 (Firenze 2001) 461-8. N. R. E. Fisher, “Citizens, Foreigners and Slaves in Greek Society,” in K. H. Kinzl (ed.), A Companion to the Classical Greek World (Malden 2006) 327-49. C. Fischer-Bovet, “Katoikoi,” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Malden 2012) 3712-3. C. Fischer-Bovet, “Egyptian Warriors: The Machimoi of Herodotus and the Ptolemaic Army,” The Classical Quarterly 63 (2013) 209-36. C. Fischer-Bovet, Army and Society in Ptolemaic Egypt. Armies of the Ancient World (Cambridge / New York 2014). J. A. Fitzmyer, “Some Notes on Aramaic Epistolography,” JBL 93 (1974) 201-25. G. F. Franko, “Sitometria in the Zenon Archive: Identifying Zenon’s Personal Documents,” BASP 25 (1988) 13-98. J. Frösén, “Conservation of Ancient Papyrus Materials,” in R. S. Bagnall (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology (Oxford / New York 2009) 79-100. A. Fuks, “Dositheos son of Drimylos: A Prosopographical Note,” JJP 7-8 (1953-4) 205-9. C. Gallazzi and G. Hadji-Minaglou, Tebtynis I (Cairo 2000). C. Gallazzi and P. J. Sijpesteijn, “P. Cairo inv. JE 51509: Lists of Payments,” ZPE 113 (1996) 171-82. J.-D. Gauger, Sibyllinische Weissagungen: griechisch-deutsch (Düsseldorf / Zürich 1998).

xviii Geller 1978 Gera 1998 Gignac 1976 Goldbrunner 2004 Gonis 2004 Gorre 2010 Grafton Milne 1901 Grelot 1972 Grenier 2009 Grier 1934 Gronewald 2010 Gronewald 2011 Gruen 1998 Gundel 1961 Habermann 1998 Habermann 2000 Hacham 2002 Hacham 2017 Hacham 2018

Hacham 2021 Hagedorn 1980 Harmatta 1959 Harvey 1998 Hata 2011 Hauben 1979 Heckl 2014

List of Abbreviations M. J. Geller, “New Sources for the Origins of the Rabbinic Ketubah,” Hebrew Union College Annual 49 (1978) 227-45. D. Gera, Judaea and Mediterranean Politics: 219 to 161 B.C.E. (Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies 8; Leiden / New York / Köln 1998). F. T. Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods (2 vols.; TDSA 55/1 and 55/2; Milano 1976, 1981). L. Goldbrunner, Buchis. Eine Untersuchung zur Theologie des heiligen Stieres in Theben zur griechisch-römischen Zeit (Turnhout 2004). N. Gonis, “J. G. Tait Reads O.Ashm.Shelton,” ZPE 150 (2004) 194-6. G. Gorre, “Une première mention d’Hippalos, stratège de la Thébaïde?” CdE 85 (2010) 230-9. J. Grafton Milne, “Notes on the Greek Graffiti,” in J. Garstang (ed.), Arabah: A Cemetery of the Middle Kingdom; Survey of the Old Kingdon Temenos; Graffiti from the Temple of Sety (London 1901) 37-9. P. Grelot, Documents araméens d'Égypte (Littératures Anciennes du Proche Orient 5; Paris 1972). J.-C. Grenier, “Les pérégrinations d’un Boukhis en Haute Thébaïde,” in C. Thiers (ed.), Documents de Théologies Thébaines Tardives (D3T I) (Montpellier 2009) 3948. E. Grier, Accounting in the Zenon Papyri (New York 1934). M. Gronewald, “Sibyllinische Orakel,” in C. Armoni, M. Gronewald et al. (eds.), Kölner Papyri XII (Paderborn 2010) 1-17. M. Gronewald, “P.Macquarie inv. 586 (1), ein neues Fragment zu P.Köln XII 467: Sibyllinische Orakel,” ZPE 177 (2011) 57-62. E. S. Gruen, Heritage and Hellenism: The Reinvention of Jewish Tradition (Berkeley 1998). H. G. Gundel, “Verlorene Papyri Jandanae,” Aegyptus 41 (1961) 6-16. W. Habermann, “Zur chronologischen Verteilung der papyrologischen Zeugnisse,” ZPE 122 (1998) 144-60. W. Habermann, Zur Wasserversorgung einer Metropole im kaiserzeitlichen Ägypten. Neuedition von P.Lond. III 1177: Text, Übersetzung, Kommentar (München 2000). N. Hacham, The Third Book of Maccabees: Literature, History and Ideology (PhD Thesis, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, 2002) [Hebrew]. N. Hacham, “A Jewish Family in Ptolemaic Thebes: A Reconsideration,” ZPE 202 (2017) 219–20. N. Hacham, “The Third Century BCE: New Light on Egyptian Jewish History from the Papyri” in M. M. Piotrkowski, G. Herman and S. Dönitz (eds.), Sources and Interpretation in Ancient Judaism: Studies for Tal Ilan at Sixty (Leiden and Boston, 2018) 130-42. N. Hacham, “The Jewish ‘Ghetto’ of Edfu: A Reconsideration,” Zion 86 (2021) (forthcoming); [Hebrew]. D. Hagedorn, “Ein dritter Zeuge für Melankomas, den Archisomatophylax und Strategen des Arsinoites?” ZPE 38 (1980) 190. J. Harmatta, “Irano-Aramaica (Zur Geschichte des frühhellenitischen Judentums in Ägypten),” Acta Antiqua 7 (1959) 337-409. G. Harvey, “Synagogues of the Hebrews: ‘Good Jews’ in the Diaspora,” in S. Jones and S. Pearce (eds.), Jewish Local Patriotism and Self-Identification in the GraecoRoman Period (Sheffield 1998). G. Hata, “Where is the Temple Site of Onias IV in Egypt” in J. Pastor, P. Stern and M. Mor (eds.), Flavius Josephus: Interpretation and History (JSJ Supplements 146; Leiden 2011) 177-91. H. Hauben, “A Jewish Shipowner in Third-Century Ptolemaic Egypt,” Ancient Society 10 (1979) 167-70. R. Heckl, “Inside the Canon and Out: The Relationship Between Psalm 20 and Papyrus Amherst 63,” Semitica 56 (2014) 359-79.

List of Abbreviations Heichelheim 1925 Herrmann 1958 Hölbl 2001 Hombert & Préaux 1942 Honigman 1991 Honigman 1993 Honigman 1994 Honigman 1995 Honigman 2002 Honigman 2003a Honigman 2003b Honigman 2004 Honigman 2009

Honigman 2013

Honigman 2016 HTR Hughes, Muhs & Vinson 2005 Husson 1983 IEJ IJO I Instone-Brewer 2011 Jacobs 2014 JAOS JARCE Jastrow 1903 JBL JEA JEOL JIGRE

xix

F. Heichelheim, Die auswärtige Bevölkerung im Ptolemäerreich (Klio Beih. 18; Leipzig 1925). J. Herrmann, Studien zur Bodenpacht im Recht der graeco-aegyptischen Papyri (Münchener Beiträge zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte 41; München 1958). G. Hölbl, A History of the Ptolemaic Empire (London / New York 2001). M. Hombert and C. Préaux, “Recherches sur le prosangelma à l’époque ptolémaïque,” CdE 17 (1942) 259-86. S. Honigman, Les Orientaux en Egypte à l’époque hellénistique et romaine. Lexique onomastique et commentaire (Jerusalem 1991). S. Honigman, “The Birth of a Diaspora: The Emergence of a Jewish Self-Definition in Ptolemaic Egypt in the Light of Onomastics,” in S. J. D. Cohen and E. S. Frerichs (eds.), Diasporas in Antiquity (Atlanta 1993) 93-127. S. Honigman, “[Review of] Mélèze Modrzejewski, Les Juifs d’Égypte de Ramsès II à Hadrien (Paris 1991),” Revue Biblique 101 (1994) 118-29. S. Honigman, Les Orientaux dans l’Égypte grecque et romaine: Onomastique, identité culturelle et statut personnel (PhD dissertation, Paris 1995). S. Honigman, “The Jewish Politeuma at Heracleopolis,” SCI 21 (2002) 251-66. S. Honigman, “Politeumata and Ethnicity in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt,” Ancient Society 33 (2003) 61-102. S. Honigman, “Noms sémitiques à Edfou et Thèbes,” BASP 40 (2003) 63-118. S. Honigman, “Abraham in Egypt: Hebrew and Jewish-Aramaic Names in Egypt and Judea in Hellenistic and Early Roman Times,” ZPE 146 (2004) 279-97. S. Honigman, “Jewish Communities of Hellenistic Egypt: Different Responses to Different Environments,” in L. I. Levine and D. R. Schwartz (eds.), Jewish Identities in Antiquity: Studies in Memory of Menahem Stern (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 130; Tübingen 2009) 117-35. S. Honigman, “‘Jews as the Best of All the Greeks’: Cultural Competition in the Works of Alexandrian Judaeans of the Hellenistic Period,” in E. Stavrianopoulou (ed.), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Nations, Practices and Images (Leiden 2013) 208-32. S. Honigman, “The Ptolemaic and Roman Definitions of Social Categories and the Evolution of Judean Communal Identity in Egypt,” in Y. Furstenberg (ed.), Jewish and Christian Communal Identities in the Roman World (Leiden 2016) 25-74. Harvard Theological Review G. R. Hughes, B. P. Muhs and S. Vinson, Catalog of Demotic Texts in the Brooklyn Museum (Oriental Institute Communications 29; Chicago 2005). G. Husson, ΟΙΚΙΑ. Le vocabulaire de la maison privée en Egypte d’après les papyrus grecs (Paris 1983). Israel Exploration Journal D. Noy, A. Panayotov and H. Bloedhorn, Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis I: Eastern Europe (Tübingen 2004). D. Instone-Brewer, Traditions of the Rabbis from the Era of the New Testament: Volume 2a, Feasts and Sabbaths: Passover and Atonement (Grand Rapids 2011). D. Jacobs, “The Images of Space in the Third Sibylline Oracle,” (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Theologische Fakultät, 2014). http://edoc.hu-berlin.de/docviews/abstract.php?id=40565. Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt M. Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature (London 1903). Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap “Ex oriente lux” W. Horbury and D. Noy (eds.), Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt (Cambridge 1992).

xx JIWE I JJP JNES Johnson 2004 Johstono 2012 Jördens 1992 Jördens 2012 JQR JRAS JRS JSJ JSOT JSS Kaltsas et al. 2010 Kaplony-Heckel 1990 Kaplony-Heckel 1993 Kaplony-Heckel 1994 Kaplony-Heckel 1999 Kaplony-Heckel 2001 Kaplony-Heckel 2003 Kaplony-Heckel 2006 Kaplony-Heckel 2007 Kaplony-Heckel 2010 Kasher 1985 Kasher 2002 Kasher 2008

Kato 2008 Katzoff 1995

List of Abbreviations D. Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe, Volume I: Italy (Excluding Rome), Spain and Gaul (Cambridge 1993). Journal of Juristic Papyrology Journal of Near Eastern Studies S. R. Johnson, Historical Fictions and Hellenistic Jewish Identity: Third Maccabees in its Cultural Context (Berkeley / Los Angeles / London 2004). P. A. Johstono, Military Institutions and State Formation in the Hellenistic Kingdoms (PhD dissertation, Duke University 2012). A. Jördens, “Chronique. CPR XVIII,” CdE 67 (1992) 341-58. A. Jördens, “Status and Citizenship,” in Christina Riggs (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt (Oxford 2012) 247-259. Jewish Quarterly Review Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal of Roman Studies Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Period Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Journal of Semitic Studies D. Kaltsas et al., “Bemerkungen zu papyri XXIII,” Tyche 25 (2010) 205-24. U. Kaplony-Heckel, “Theben-West und Theben-Ost (31 demotische r-rh=w Ostraka aus dem British Museum),” in S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim II (Jerusalem 1990) 517-624. U. Kaplony-Heckel, “Theben-Ost I: Acker-Schreiber und Familien-Archive nach den demotischen r-rh=w Ostraka,” ZÄS 120 (1993) 42-71. U. Kaplony-Heckel, “Wasser für den Aussenposten (Das demotische Archiv der Oxyrhynchos-Ostraka),” in B. Menu (ed.), Les problèmes institutionnels de l’eau en Égypte ancienne et dans l’antiquité méditérranéenne (Bibl. d’Étude 110; Cairo 1994) 229-38. U. Kaplony-Heckel, “Theben-Ost II. Zwölf neue r-rh=w - Quittungen und fünf KurzQuittungen aus dem Acker-Amt,” ZÄS 126 (1999) 41-54. U. Kaplony-Heckel, “Theben-Ost III. Die r-rh=w-Tempel-Quittungen und ähnliche Texte. Erster Teil: Allgemeiner Teil und Texte Nr. 18-25,” ZÄS 128 (2001) 24-40. U. Kaplony-Heckel, “Die interessante ltm-Quittung Stockholm MME 11055 und die anderen elf demotischen ltm-Ostraka,“ AfP 49 (2003) 57-78. U. Kaplony-Heckel, “Theben-Ost III: Die r-rh=w-Tempel-Quittungen und ähnliche Texte. Zweiter Teil: Neunzehn r-rh=w-Tempel-Quittungen (Nr. 26-44), eine staatliche r-rh=w-Quittung (Nr. 30A) und drei inj-Tempel-Quittungen (Nr. 35A, 45, 46)” ZÄS 133 (2006) 34-50. U. Kaplony-Heckel, “Demotische ‘Aruren-Ostraka’ aus Theben,” in B. Palme (ed.), Akten des 23. Internationalen Papyrologenkongresses (Papyrologica Vindobonensia 1; Wien 2007) 325-46. U. Kaplony-Heckel, “Theben-Ost III. Dritter Teil,” ZÄS 137 (2010) 127-44. A. Kasher, The Jews in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt: The Struggle for Equal Rights (Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum 7; Tübingen 1985). A. Kasher, “Review Essay: Urkunden des Politeuma der Juden von Herakleopolis (144/3-133/2 v. Chr) (P.Polit.Iud.) by James M. S. Cowey; Klaus Maresch,” JQR 93 (2002) 257-68. A. Kasher, “The Jewish politeuma in Alexandria: A Pattern of Jewish Communal Life in the Greco-Roman Diaspora,” in M. Rozen (ed.), Homelands and Diasporas: Greek, Jews and Their Migrations (International Library of Migration Studies 2; London 2008) 109-25. I. Kato, “Demotic Matrimonial Property Contracts Recorded in the sanx-documents: A Re-examination of the Term ‘sanx’,” Orient 43 (2008) 119-49. R. Katzoff, “Hellenistic Marriage Contracts,” in M. J. Geller, H. Maehler and A. D. E. Lewis (eds.), Legal Documents of the Hellenistic World (London 1995) 37-45.

List of Abbreviations Katzoff 1996 Katzoff & Schreiber 1998 Keenan et al. 2014 Kister 2001 Kister 2002 Kloppenborg 2006 Klotz 2010 Koenen 1968 Koenen 2002

Kool 1954 Kornfeld 1973 Kornfeld 1974 Kottsieper 1988a

Kottsieper 1988b Kottsieper 1997 Kraft 2003 Kramer 2002 Krauss 1910-1 Kruit & Worp 1999 Kruse 2008

Kruse 2011

Kruse 2012 Kruse 2013 Kruse 2015

xxi

R. Katzoff, “Greek and Jewish Marriage Formulas,” in R. Katzoff (ed.), Classical Studies in Honor of David Sohlberg (Ramat Gan 1996) 223-34. R. Katzoff and B. Schreiber, “Week and Sabbath in Judaean Desert Documents,” SCI 19 (1998) 102-14. J. Keenan, J. Manning and U. Yiftach-Firanko (eds.), Law and Legal Practice in Egypt from Alexander to the Arab Conquest (Cambridge 2014). M. Kister, “From Philotas to Hillel: ‘Betrothal’ Contracts and their Violations,” Tarbiz 70 (2001) 631-2 [Hebrew]. M. Kister, “From Philotas to Hillel: ‘Betrothal’ Contracts and their Violations,” SCI 21 (2002) 57-60. J. S. Kloppenborg, The Tenants in the Vineyard: Ideology, Economics, and Agrarian Conflict in Jewish Palestine (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 195; Tübingen 2006). D. Klotz, “Two Overlooked Oracles,” JEA 96 (2010) 247-54. L. Koenen, “Die Prophezeiungen des ‘Töpfers’,” ZPE 2 (1968) 178-209. L. Koenen,“Die Apologie des Töpfers an König Amenophis oder das Töpferorakel,” in A. Blasius and B. U. Schipper (eds.), Apokalyptik und Ägypten: Eine kritische Analyse der relevanten Texte aus dem griechisch-römischen Ägypten (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 107; Leuven / Paris / Sterling 2002) 139-88. P. Kool, De Phylakieten in Grieks-Romeins Egypte (Leiden / Amsterdam 1954). W. Kornfeld, “Jüdisch-aramäische Grabinschriften aus Edfu,” AÖAW 110 (1973) 123-37. W. Kornfeld, “Beiträge zur aramäischen Namenforschung,” AÖAW 111 (1974) 374-83. I. Kottsieper, “Papyrus Amherst 63: Einführung, Text und Übersetzung von 12,11-19,” in O. Loretz (ed.), Die Königspsalmen: Die altorientalisch-kanaanäische Königstradition in jüdischer Sicht. Teil 1: Ps. 20, 21, 72, 101 und 144. Mit einem Beitrag von I. Kottsieper über Papyrus Amherst (Ugaritisch-Biblische Literatur 6; Münster 1988) 55-75. I. Kottsieper, “Anmerkungen zu Pap. Amherst 63 I:12,11-19: Eine aramäische Version von Ps 20,” ZAW 100 (1988) 217-44. I. Kottsieper, “El: ferner oder naher Gott,” in R. Albertz and S. Otto (eds.), Religion und Gesellschaft: Studien zu ihrer Wechselbeziehung in den Kulturen des Antiken Vorderen Orients (Alter Orient und Altes Testament 248; Münster 1997) 25-74. R. A. Kraft, “The ‘Textual Mechanics’ of Early Jewish LXX/OG Papyri and Fragments,” in S. McKendrick and O. A. O’Sullivan (eds.), The Bible as Book: The Transmission of the Greek Text (London 2003) 51-72. B. Kramer, “Urkundenreferat 2001,” AfP 48 (2002) 267-348. S. Krauss, Talmudische Archäologie, (2 vols.; Leipzig 1910-1). N. Kruit and K. A. Worp, “Metrological Notes on Measures and Containers of Liquids in Graeco-Roman and Byzantine Egypt,” AfP 45 (1999) 96-127. T. Kruse, “Das Politeuma der Juden von Herakleopolis in Ägypten,” in M. Karrer and W. Kraus (eds.), Die Septuaginta: Texte, Kontexte, Lebenswelten. Internationale Fachtagung veranstaltet von Septuaginta Deutsch (LXX.D), Wuppertal 20.-23. Juli 2006 (Tübingen 2008) 166-75. T. Kruse, “Die Festung in Herakleopolis und der Zwist im Ptolemäerhaus,” in A. Jördens and J. F. Quack (eds.), Ägypten zwischen innerem Zwist und äußerem Druck. Die Zeit Ptolemaios’ VI. bis VIII. Internationales Symposion Heidelberg 16.-19.9.2007 (Wiesbaden 2011) 255-67. T. Kruse, “Strategos, Egypt” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Malden 2012) 6419-21. T. Kruse, “The Nile Police in the Ptolemaic Period” in K. Buraselis, M. Stefanou and D. J. Thompson (eds.), The Ptolemies, the Sea and the Nile: Studies in Waterborne Power (Cambridge 2013) 172-84. T. Kruse, “Ethnic Koina and Politeumata in Ptolemaic Egypt,” in V. Gabrielsen and C. A. Thomsen (eds.), Private Associations and the Public Sphere. Proceedings of a Symposium held at the Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters, 9-11 September 2010 (Copenhagen 2015) 270-300.

xxii Kubo 1982 Kugler 2010

Kugler 2011a Kugler 2011b

Kugler 2012

Kugler 2013

Kugler 2016a Kugler 2016b Kuhs 1996 Kupiszewski & Modrzejewski 1957/8 Kutscher 1974 Láda 1997 Láda 2002a Láda 2002b Lanciers 1991 Lauterbach 1906 LCL Levine 1975 Levine 2005 Levinskaya 1990 Lewis 1986

List of Abbreviations S. Kubo, “The Sabbath in the Intertestamental Period.” in K. A. Strand (ed.), The Sabbath in Scripture and History (Washington 1982) 57-69. R. Kugler, “Dorotheos Petitions for the Return of Philippa (P.Polit.Jud. 7): A Case Study in the Jews and their Law in Ptolemaic Egypt,” in T. Gagos et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the Twenty-Fifth International Congress of Papyrology: American Studies in Papyrology (Ann Arbor 2010) 387-96. R. Kugler, “Dispelling an Illusion of Otherness? A First Look at Juridical Practice in the Heracleopolis Papyri,” in D. Harlow et al. (eds.), The “Other” in Second Temple Judaism (Grand Rapids 2011) 457-70. R. Kugler, “Uncovering a New Dimension of Early Judean Interpretation of the Greek Torah: Ptolemaic Law Interpreted by its Own Rhetoric,” in H. von Weissenberg, J. Pakkala and M. Marttila (eds.), Changes in Scripture: Rewriting and Interpreting Authoritative Traditions in the Second Temple Period (Berlin 2011) 165-75. R. Kugler, “Peton Contests Paying Double Rent on Farmland (P.Heid.Inv. G 5100): A Slice of Judean Experience in the Second Century BCE Herakleopolite Nome,” in E. F. Mason et al. (eds.), A Teacher for All Generations: Essays in Honor of James C. VanderKam II (JSJ Supplements 153; Leiden 2012), 537-51. R. Kugler, “Uncovering Echoes of LXX Legal Norms in Hellenistic Egyptian Documentary Papyri: The Case of the Second-Century Herakleopolite Nome,” in M. Peters et al. (eds), XIV Congress of the International Organization for Septuagint and Cognate Studies, Helsinki 2010 (SBL Series 59; Atlanta 2013) 143-53. R. Kugler, “What Really Troubled Andronikos? A Note on P.Polit.Iud. 1,” in J. Baden, H. Najman and E. J. C. Tigchelaar (eds.), Sibyls, Scriptures, and Scrolls: John Collins at Seventy (JSJ Supplements 175; Leiden 2016) 673-87. R. Kugler, “Judean Legal Reasoning in P.Polit.Iud. 3-5: A Research Report,” in T. Derda et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw, 29 July–3 August 2013 III (JJP Supplements 28; Warsaw 2016), 1565-78. C. Kuhs, Das Dorf Samareia im griechisch-römischen Ägypten: Eine papyrologische Untersuchung (Magisterarbeit: Heidelberg 1996).   http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/volltextserver/479/1/samareia.pdf H. Kupiszewski and J. M. Modrzejewski, “UPHRETAI: Étude sur les fonctions et le rôle des hyperètes dans l’administration civile et judiciaire de l’Égypte grécoromaine,” JJP 11-12 (1957/58) 141-66. E.Y. Kutscher, The Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaa), (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 6; Leiden 1974). C. A. Láda, “Who were those of the Epigone?” in B. Kramer (ed.), Akten des 21. Internationalen Papyrologenkongresses, Berlin, 13-19.8.1995 (AfP Beiheft 3; Stuttgart / Leipzig 1997) 563-9. C. A. Láda, “Bemerkungen zu Papyri XV; Korr.,” Tyche 17 (2002) 259. C. A. Láda, Foreign Ethnics in Hellenistic Egypt (Studia Hellenistica 38; Prosopographia Ptolemaica 10; Leuven 2002). E. Lanciers, “[Review of] H. Harrauer, Corpus Papyrorum Raineri, Band XIII. Griechische Texte IX. Neue Papyri zum Steuerwesen im 3. Jh. v. Chr. (Wien 1987),” Aegyptus 71 (1991) 289-92. J. Z. Lauterbach, “Weights and Measures,” in Jewish Encyclopedia 12 (1906) 483-90. Loeb Classical Library B. A. Levine, “On the Origins of the Aramaic Legal Formulary at Elephantine,” in J. Neusner (ed.), Christianity, Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults. Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty (Leiden 1975) 37-54. L. I. Levine, The Ancient Synagogue. The First Thousand Years (New Haven and London 20052). I. Levinskaya, “A Jewish or Gentile Prayer House? The meaning of ΠΡΟΣΕΥΧΗ,” Tyndale Bulletin 41 (1990) 154-9. N. Lewis, Greeks in Ptolemaic Egypt: Cases Studies in the Social History of the Hellenistic World (Oxford 1986).

List of Abbreviations LGPN I LGPN II LGPN III Lidzbarski 1908 Lidzbarski 1915 Lidzbarski 1927 Liesker & Tromp 1986 Lippert 2016 LJNLA I LJNLA III Llewelyn 1992 Llewelyn 2002 LSJ Lucas & Harris 1962 Lüderitz 1983 Lüderitz 1994 Luft 1973 Manca Masciadri & Montevecchi 1982 Manca Masciadri & Montevecchi 1984 Manning 2003 Manning 2010 Manning 2014 Maresch 1996 Mason 1999Mason 2007 Masson 1993 Mayer 1985 Mayer 1988 Mazar 1957 McGing 1997 McKay 1994 Millard 2012

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P. M. Fraser and E. Matthews, A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names I: The Aegean Islands, Cyprus, Cyrenaica (Oxford 1987). M. J. Osborne and S. G. Byrne (eds.), A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names II: Attica (Oxford 1994). P. M. Fraser, E. Matthews, A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names IIIA: The Poloponnese, Western Greece, Sicily and Magna Graeca (Oxford 1997). M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris für semitische Epigraphik II (Giessen 1908). M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris für semitische Epigraphik III (Giessen 1915). M. Lidzbarski, “Epigraphisches,” OLZ 30 (1927) 1043-4. W. H. M. Liesker and A. M. Tromp, “Zwei ptolemäische Papyri aus der Wiener Papyrussammlung,” ZPE 66 (1986) 79-90. S. Lippert, “Egyptian Law, Saite to Roman Periods,” in G. Williams (ed.), Oxford Handbooks Online, 2016 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935390.013.48. T. Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity, Part I: Palestine 330 BCE - 200 CE (Tübingen 2002). T. Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity, Part III: The Western Diaspora 330 BCE - 650 CE (Tübingen 2008). S. R. Llewelyn, New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity 6: A Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Published in 1980-81 (North Ryde 1992). S. R. Llewelyn, New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity 9: A Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Published in 1986-87 (Grand Rapids 2002). H. G. Liddell and R. Scott (eds.), A Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford 1968). A. Lucas and J. R. Harris, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (London 1962). G. Lüderitz, Corpus jüdischer Zeugnisse aus der Cyrenaika (Wiesbaden 1983). G. Lüderitz, “What is the Politeuma?” in J. W. van Henten and P. W. van der Horst (eds.), Studies in Early Jewish Epigraphy (Leiden 1994) 183-225. U. Luft, “Aus der Geschichte der Berliner Papyrus-Sammlung. Erwerbungen und Ankäufe orientalischer Papyri zwischen 1828 und 1861,” AfP 22 (1973) 5-46. M. A. M. Manca Masciadri and O. Montevecchi, “Contratti di baliatico e vendite fiduciarie a Tebtynis,”Aegyptus 62 (1982) 148-61. M. A. M. Manca Masciadri and O. Montevecchi, I contratti di baliatico (Milano 1984). J. G. Manning, Land and Power in Ptolemaic Egypt. The Structure of Land Tenure (Cambridge 2003). J. G. Manning, The Last Pharaohs: Egypt under the Ptolemies, 305-30 BC (Princeton 2010). J. G. Manning, “4.1 Marriage,” in Keenan et al., 2014, 149-54. K. Maresch, Bronze und Silber. Papyrologische Beiträge zur Geschichte der Währung im ptolemäischen und römischen Ägypten bis zum 2. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (Papyrologica Coloniensia 25; Opladen 1996). S. Mason (ed.), Flavius Josephus: Translation and Commentary (Leiden 1999-). S. Mason, “Jews, Judaeans, Judaizing, Judaism: Problems of Categorization in Ancient History,” JSJ 38 (2007) 457-512. O. Masson, “Quand le nom ΠΤΟΛΕΜΑΙΟΣ était à la mode,” ZPE 98 (1993) 157-67. W. R. Mayer, “Zur Unterteilung des Sekels im spätzeitlichen Babylonien,” Orientalia 54 (1985) 203-15. W. R. Mayer, “Ergänzendes zur Unterteilung des Sekels im spätzeitlichen Babylonien,” Orientalia 57 (1988) 70-5. B. Mazar, “The Tobiads,” IEJ 7 (1957) 137-45; 229-38. B. C. McGing, “Revolt Egyptian Style: Internal Opposition to Ptolemaic Rule,” AfP 43 (1997) 273-314. H. A. McKay, Sabbath and Synagogue: The Question of Sabbath Worship in Ancient Judaism (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 122; Leiden 1994). A. Millard, “The Alphabet,” in H. Gzella (ed.), Languages from the World of the Bible (Berlin 2012) 14-27.

xxiv Modrzejewski 1975 Modrzejewski 1981 Modrzejewski 1992 Modrzejewski 1993 Modrzejewski 1995 Modrzejewski 1996 Modrzejewski 2001

Modrzejewski 2006

Modrzejewski 2008 Modrzejewski 2012 Modrzejewski 2016

Monson 2012 Montevecchi 1973 Montevecchi 1985 Montevecchi 1990

Moore 2015 Mooren 1975 Mooren 1977 Mueller 2006 Muffs 1969 Muhs 2005 Muhs 2007 Muraoka 2015 Mussies 1994

List of Abbreviations J. M. Modrzejewski, “Chreématistes et laocrites,” in J. Bingen, G. Cambier and G. Nachtergael (eds.), Le monde grec. Pensée, littérature, histoire, documents. Hommages à Claire Préaux (Bruxels 1975) 699-708. J. M. Modrzejewski, “La structure juridique du mariage grec,” in E. Bresciani (ed.), Scritti in onore di Orsolina Montevecchi (Bologna 1981) 231-68. J. M. Modrzejewski, “Papyrologie documentaire 1989-1991,” JJP 22 (1992) 129-214. J. M. Modrzejewski, “How to Be a Jew in Hellenistic Egypt?,”  in S. J. D. Cohen and E. S. Frerichs (eds.), Diasporas in Antiquity (Atlanta 1993) 65-92. J. M. Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt: From Ramses II to the Emperor Hadrian (Princeton 1995). J. M. Modrzejewski, “Jewish Law and Hellenistic Legal Practice in the Light of Greek Papyri from Egypt,” in N. S. Hecht et al. (eds.), An Introduction to the History and Sources of Jewish Law (Oxford 1996) 75-99. J. M. Modrzejewski, “The Septuagint as Nomos. How the Torah Became a ‘Civic Law’ for the Jews of Egypt,” in J. W. Cairns and O. F. Robinson (eds.), Critical Studies in Ancient Law, Comparative Law and Legal History: Essays in Honour of Alan Watson (Oxford / Portland 2001) 183-99. J. M. Modrzejewski, “La fiancée adultère. A propos de la pratique matrimoniale du judaïsme hellénisé à la lumière du dossier du politeuma juif d’Hérakléopolis (144/3133/2 av. n.è.),” in J.-C. Couvenhes and B. Legras (eds.), Transferts culturels et politique dans le monde hellénistique. Actes de la table ronde sur les identités collectives (Sorbonne, 7 février 2004) (Paris 2006) 103-18. J. M. Modrzejewski, La Bible d’Alexandrie. Troisième Livre des Maccabées. 15.3 (Paris 2008). J. M. Modrzejewski, Le droit grec après Alexandre: L’esprit du droit (Paris 2012). J. M. Modrzejewski, “The Jewish Oath in Ptolemaic Egypt,” in D.M. Schaps, U. Yiftach and D. Dueck (eds.), When West Met East: The Encounter of Greece and Rome with the Jews, Egyptians, and Others. Studies Presented to Ranon Katzoff in Honor of his 75th Birthday (Trieste 2016) 169-77. A. Monson, From the Ptolemies to the Romans: Political and Economic Change in Egypt (Cambridge 2012). O. Montevecchi, La Papirologia (Torino 1973). O. Montevecchi, “[Review of] E. Boswinkel and P. W. Pestman (eds.), Les archives privées de Dionysios, fils de Kephalas (P.L.Bat. 22), Vol. XXII A; Vol. XXII B (Leiden 1982),” Aegyptus 65 (1985) 224-7. O. Montevecchi, “Note lessicali nei papiri: gli aggettivi in –σιμος,” in M. Capasso, G. Messeri Savorelli and R. Pintaudi (eds.), Miscellanea papyrologica in occasione del bicentenario dell’edizione della Charta Borgiana (Papyrologica Florentina 19; Firenze 1990) 443-9. S. Moore, Jewish Ethnic Identity and Relations in Hellenistic Egypt. With Walls of Iron? (Leiden / Boston 2015). L. Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt: Introduction and Prosopography (Bruxelles 1975). L. Mooren, La hiérarchie de cour ptolémaïque (Studia Hellenistica 23; Leuven 1977). K. Mueller, Settlements of the Ptolemies. City Foundations and New Settlement in the Hellenistic World (Studia Hellenistica 43; Leuven 2006). Y. Muffs, Studies in the Aramaic Legal Papyri form Elephantine (Leiden 1969). B. Muhs, Tax Receipts, Taxpayers, and Taxes in Early Ptolemaic Thebes (Oriental Institute Publications 126; Chicago 2005). B. Muhs, “Demotic and Aramaic Ostraca from Early Ptolemaic Edfu, not Thebes,” Enchoria 30 (2006/7) 147-50. T. Muraoka, “Textual Criticism and Nationalist Sentiments,” Vetus Testamentum 65 (2015) 313-5. G. Mussies, “Jewish Personal Names in Some Non-literary Sources,” in J. W. van Henten and P. W. van der Horst (eds.), Studies in Early Jewish Epigraphy (Leiden 1994) 242-76.

List of Abbreviations N.CPJ Naveh & Greenfield 1984 Naville & Griffith 1890 Nelson 1976 Newberry 1899 Nims 1958 Nims & Steiner 1983 Nims & Steiner 1985 NOAB 2007 Nur-el-Din 1979 O.Ashm.Shelt. O.Bodl. I O.Cair. O.CPJ O.Douch V O.Eleph. DAIK O.Heerlen BL 345 O.Heid.

O.Ka.La.inv. 228 O.Mattha O.Mus.Cracovie O.Ont.Mus. I O.Ont.Mus. II O.Stras. I O.Wilck. (=WO) Oates 1963

xxv

New Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum J. Naveh and J. C. Greenfield, “Hebrew and Aramaic in the Persian Period,” in W. D. Davies and L. Finkelstein (eds.), The Cambridge History of Judaism I (Cambridge 1984) 115-29. E. Naville and F. L. Griffith, The Mound of the Jew and the City of Onias: Belbeis, Samanood, Abusir, Tukh El Karmus 1887 (London 1890). C. A. Nelson, “A Receipt for Beer Tax,” CdE 51 (1976) 121-9. P. E. Newberry, The Amherst Papyri: Being an Account of the Egyptian Papyri in the Collection of the Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney, F.S.A. at Didlington Hall, Norfolk (London 1899). C. F. Nims, “A Demotic ‘Document of Endowment’ from the Time of Nectanebo I,” MDAIK 16 (1958) 237-46. C. F. Nims and R. C. Steiner, “A Paganized Version of Psalm 20:2-6 from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script,” JAOS 103 (1983) 261-74. C. F Nims and R. C. Steiner, “Bible’s Psalm 20 Adapted for Pagan Use,” Biblical Archaeology Review 11 (1985) 20-3. M. D. Coogan et al. (eds.), The New Oxford Annotated Bible: New Revised Standard Version with the Apocrypha (Oxford 20073). M. A. Nur-el-Din, “The Proper Names in Mattha’s Demotic Ostraka: A Reconsideration,” Enchoria 9 (1979) 45-8. J. C. Shelton, Greek Ostraca in the Ashmolean Museum from Oxyrhynchus and other Sites (Papyrologica Florentina 17; Firenze 1988). J. G. Tait (ed.), Greek Ostraca in the Bodleian Library at Oxford and Various Other Collections I (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 21; London 1930). C. Gallazzi, R. Pintaudi and K.-A. Worp (eds.), Ostraka greci del Museo Egizio del Cairo (Papyrologica Florentina 14; Firenze 1986). Old Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum G. Wagner (ed.), Les ostraca grecs de Douch V (Cairo 2001). G. Wagner (ed.), Elephantine XIII. Les Papyrus et les Ostraca grecs d’Elephantine (P. et O.Eleph. DAIK) (Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 70; Mainz 1998). K.-A. Worp, “Four Greek Ostraka from the Thermenmuseum (Heerlen),” ZPE 65 (1986) 191-4. C. Armoni, J. M. S. Cowey and D. Hagedorn (eds.), Die Griechischen Ostraka der Heidelberger Papyrus-Sammlung. Mit Beiträgen von Wolfgang Habermann (Veröffentlichungen aus der Heidelberger Papyrus-Sammlung n.F. 11; Heidelberg 2005). H. Cuvigny, “ ‘Le blé pour les Juifs’ (O.Ka.La. Inv. 228),” in G. Tallet and C. ZivieCoche (eds.), Le Myrte et la Rose: Mélanges offerts à Françoise Dunand par ses élèves, collègues et amis (Montpellier 2014) 9-14. G. Mattha, Demotic Ostraka from the Collections at Oxford, Paris, Berlin, Vienna and Cairo (Publications de la Société Fouad I de Papyrologie. Textes et Documents 6; Cairo 1945). G. Nachtergael, “Ostraca du Musée Archéologique de Cracovie (O.Mus.Cracovie),” Materialy Archeologiczne 27 (1994) 39-53. A. E. Samuel, W. K. Hastings, A. K. Bowman and R. S. Bagnall (eds.), Death and Taxes: Ostraka in the Royal Ontario Museum I (American Studies in Papyrology 10; Toronto 1971). R. S. Bagnall and A. E. Samuel (eds.), Ostraka in the Royal Ontario Museum II (American Studies in Papyrology 15; Toronto 1976). P. Viereck (ed.) (mit Beiträgen von W. Spiegelberg), Griechische und griechischdemotische Ostraka der Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek zu Strassburg im Elsass I (Berlin 1923). U. Wilcken (ed.), Griechische Ostraka aus Aegypten und Nubien (2 vols.; Leipzig / Berlin 1899). J. F. Oates, “The Status Designation: Pérsēs, Tēs Epigonēs,” in L. Richardson (ed.), Yale Classical Studies 18 (New Haven 1963) 1-129.

xxvi OGIS OLP OLZ Oppenheim 1973 OrSu P.Alex.Giss. P.Amh. II P.Ant. I P.Ant. III P.Beatty VI P.Berl.Dem. II P.Berl.Spieg. P.Berl.Zill. P.Berol. 21342 P.Brem. P.Brem.inv. 7 P.Brooklyn P.Brux.Dem. P.Cair.Masp. III P.Cair.Zen. I P.Cair.Zen. III P.Cair.Zen. IV P.Carlsberg 421

P.Col. IV (=P.Col.Zen. II) P.Col. X P.Count P.CtYBR inv. 154v P.Dime III

List of Abbreviations W. Dittenberger (ed.), Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae. Supplementum Sylloges Inscriptionum Graecarum (2 vols.; Leipzig 1903-05). Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica Orientalistische Literaturzeitung A. L. Oppenheim, “A New Subdivision of the Shekel in the Arsacid Period,” Orientalia 42 (1973) 324-7. Orientalia Suecana J. Schwartz (ed.), Papyri variae Alexandrinae et Gissenses (Papyrologica Bruxellensia 7; Bruxelles 1969). B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), Classical Fragments and Documents of the Ptolemaic, Roman and Byzantine Periods (London 1901). C. H. Roberts (ed.), The Antinoopolis Papyri I (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 28; London 1950). J. W. B. Barns and H. Zilliacus (eds.), The Antinoopolis Papyri III (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 47; London 1967). F. G. Kenyon (ed.), Chester Beatty Biblical Papyri VI: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ecclesiasticus (London 1937). S. Grunert (ed.), Demotische Papyri aus den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin II: Thebanische Kaufverträge des 3. und 2. Jarhhunderts v.u.Z. (Berlin 1981). W. Spiegelberg (ed.), Demotische Papyrus aus den Königlichen Museen zu Berlin (Berlin / Leipzig 1902). H. Zilliacus (ed.), Vierzehn Berliner griechische Papyri: Urkunden und Briefe (Societas Scientiarum Fennica, Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum 11, 4; Helsingfors 1941). W. M. Brashear, “Literary and Sub-Literary Papyri from Berlin,” in A. BülowJacobsen (ed.), Proceedings of the 20th International Congress of Papyrologists, Copenhagen, 23-29 August, 1992 (Copenhagen 1994) 284-91. U. Wilcken, Die Bremer Papyri (Abhandlungen der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil-hist. Klasse 2; Berlin 1936). H. Maehler, “Zwei neue Bremer Papyri,” CdE 41 (1966) 342-53. J. C. Shelton (ed.), Greek and Latin Papyri, Ostraca, and Wooden Tablets in the Collection of the Brooklyn Museum (Papyrologica Florentina 22; Firenze 1992). W. Spiegelberg (ed.), Die demotischen Papyrus der Musées Royaux du Cinquantenaire (Bruxelles 1909). J. Maspero (ed.), Papyrus grecs d’époque byzantine: Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire III (Cairo 1916). C. C. Edgar (ed.), Zenon Papyri: Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire I (Cairo 1925). C. C. Edgar (ed.), Zenon Papyri: Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire III (Cairo 1928). C. C. Edgar (ed.), Zenon Papyri: Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire IV (Cairo 1931). C. Salvaterra, “L’amministrazione fiscale in una società multietnica: Un esempio dall’Egitto romano sulla base di P.Carlsberg 421,” in L. Mooren (ed.), Politics, Administration and Society in the Hellenistic and Roman World. Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Bertinoro 19-24 July 1997 (Leuven 2000) 287-348. W. L. Westermann, C. W. Keyes and H. Liebesny (eds.), Columbia Papyri IV: Zenon Papyri: Business Papers of the Third Century B.C. Dealing with Palestine and Egypt II (New York 1940). R. S. Bagnall and D. D. Obbink (eds.), Columbia Papyri X (American Studies in Papyrology 34; Atlanta 1996). W. Clarysse and D. J. Thompson, Counting the People in Hellenistic Egypt (2 vols.; Cambridge 2006). N. Gonis, “Seventeen Beinecke Papyri,” AfP 61 (2015) no.11, 341-2. S. Lippert and M. Schentuleit (eds.), Demotische Dokumente aus Dime III (Wiesbaden 2010).

List of Abbreviations P.Dion. P.Diosk. P.Ehevertr. P.Eleph. P.Eleph.Wagner P.Enteux. P.Freib. III P.Gen. III P.Gen. IV P.Giss.Lit. 4.7 P.Hamb. I P.Haun. I P.Heid. III P.Heid. IV P.Heid. VI P.Heid. VIII P.Herm.Rees P.Hever P.Hib. I P.Hou P.IFAO I P.Köln II P.Köln III P.Köln XV P.Köln (Pap.Theol. 53-60) P.Lille Dem. II

xxvii

E. Boswinkel and P. W. Pestman (eds.), Les archives privées de Dionysios, fils de Kephalas (P.L.Bat. 22; Leiden 1982). J. M. S. Cowey, K. Maresch and C. Barnes (eds.), Das Archiv des Phrurarchen Dioskurides (Papyrologica Coloniensia 30; Paderborn 2003). E. Lüddeckens (ed.), Ägyptische Eheverträge (Wiesbaden 1960). O. Rubensohn (ed.), Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Königlichen Museen in Berlin: Griechische Urkunden, Sonderheft, Elephantine-Papyri (Berlin 1907). See O.Eleph. DAIK O. Guéraud (ed.), ΕΝΤΕΥΞΕΙΣ: Requêtes et plaintes adressées au Roi d’Égypte au IIIe siècle avant J.-C. (Publications de la Société Royale Égyptienne de Papyrologie. Textes et Documents 1; Cairo 1931). J. Partsch (ed.), Juristische Urkunden der Ptolemäerzeit (Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-Hist. Kl. 7; Heidelberg 1927). P. Schubert (ed.), Les Papyrus de Genève III: Textes littéraires et documentaires (Genève 1996). L. Migliardi Zingale and G. Casanova (eds.), Papyri dell’Universita di Genova (PUG IV) (Papyrologica Florentina XLVI; Firenze 2016). P. A. Kuhlmann (ed.), Die Giessener literarischen Papyri und die Caracalla-Erlasse; Text, Übersetzung und Kommentar (Berichte und Arbeiten aus der Universitätsbibliothek und dem Universitätsarchiv Giessen 46; Giessen 1994). P. M. Meyer (ed.), Griechische Papyrusurkunden der Hamburger Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek I (Leipzig / Berlin 1911-24). T. Larsen (ed.), Papyri Graecae Haunienses I: Literarische Texte und ptolemäische Urkunden (Copenhagen 1942). P. Sattler, Griechische Papyrusurkunden der Heidelberger Papyrussammlung (Heidelberg 1963). B. Kramer and D. Hagedorn (eds.), Griechische Texte der Heidelberger Papyrussammlung (Veröffentlichungen aus der Heidelberger Papyrussammlung N.F. 5; Heidelberg 1986). R. Duttenhöfer (ed.), Ptolemäische Urkunden aus der Heidelberger Papyrussammlung (Veröffentlichungen aus der Heidelberger Papyrussammlung N.F. 7; Heidelberg 1994). D. Kaltsas (ed.), Dokumentarische Papyri des 2. Jh. v. Chr. aus dem Herakleopolites (Veröffentlichungen aus der Heidelberger Papyrussammlung N.F. 10; Heidelberg 2001). B. R. Rees (ed.), Papyri from Hermopolis and Other Documents of the Byzantine Period (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 42; London 1964). H. M. Cotton and A. Yardeni (eds.), Aramaic, Hebrew and Greek Documentary Texts from Nahal Hever and Other Sites, with an Appendix containing Alleged Qumran Texts. The Seiyal Collection II (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert 27; Oxford 1997). B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Hibeh Papyri I (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 7; London 1906). S. P. Vleeming (ed.), The Gooseherds of Hou (Studia Demotica 3; Leuven 1991). J. Schwartz (ed.), Papyrus grecs de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale I (Bibliothèque d’Étude 54; Cairo 1971). B. Kramer and D. Hagedorn (eds.), Kölner Papyri II (Papyrologica Coloniensia 7/2; Opladen 1978). B. Kramer, M. Erler, D. Hagedorn and R. Hübner (eds.), Kölner Papyri III (Papyrologica Coloniensia 7/3; Opladen 1980). Ch. Armoni, T. Backhuys et al. (eds.), Kölner Papyri XV (Papyrologica Coloniensia 7/15; Paderborn 2017). T. A. Wayment, “P.Köln (Pap.Theol. 53-60) + P.BYU (091 D562e), Three Binding Strips Preserving Sirach (38.28.4-39.4.4),” ZPE 183 (2012) 67-71. F. de Cenival (ed.), Cautionnements démotiques du début de l’époque ptolémaïque (Société d’Histoire du Droit. Collection d'Histoire Institutionnelle et Sociale 5; Paris 1973).

xxviii P.Lille Dem. III P.Lond. III P.Lond. VII P.Med.inv. 69.66 P.Mich. I (= P.Mich.Zen.) P.Mich. III P.Mich. IV P.Mich. VIII P.Mich. XIII P.Mich. XVIII (= P.Mich.Koenen) P.Mich.inv. 5552 P.Münch. III P.Mur. P.Neph. P.Ness. III P.NYU II P.Oslo III P.Oxy. IX P.Oxy. XI P.Oxy. XIII P.Oxy. XIV P.Oxy. XVII P.Oxy. XVIII P.Oxy. XXII P.Oxy. XLII P.Oxy. XLIV P.Oxy. XLVI P.Oxy. XLVII

List of Abbreviations F. de Cenival (ed.), Papyrus démotiques de Lille III (Mémoires publiés par les members de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 110; Cairo 1984). F. G. Kenyon and H. I. Bell (eds.), Greek Papyri in the British Museum III (London 1907). T. C. Skeat (ed.), Greek Papyri in the British Museum VII: The Zenon Archive (London 1974). G. Geraci, “Un biglietto del prefetto d’Egitto Tiberio Giulio Alessandro relativo al conventus del Menfite: Ancora su P.Med. inv. 69, 66 verso,” Aegyptus 57 (1977) 14550. C. C. Edgar (ed.) Zenon Papyri in the University of Michigan Collection (University of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series 24; Ann Arbor 1931). J. G. Winter et al. (eds.), Miscellaneous Papyri (University of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series 38; Ann Arbor 1936). H. C. Youtie (ed.), Tax Rolls from Karanis (University of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series 42; Ann Arbor 1936). H. C. Youtie and J. G. Winter (eds.), Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis, Second Series (University of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series 50; Ann Arbor 1951). P. J. Sijpesteijn (ed.), The Aphrodite Papyri in the University of Michigan Papyrus Collection (Studia Amstelodamensia 10; Zutphen 1977). C. E. Römer and T. Gagos (eds.), P.Michigan Koenen: Michigan Texts Published in Honor of Ludwig Koenen (Studia Amstelodamensia 36; Amsterdam 1996). C. Bonner, The Last Chapters of Enoch in Greek (Studies and Documents 8; London 1937). U. Hagedorn, D. Hagedorn, R. Hübner and J. C. Shelton (eds.), Griechische Urkundenpapyri der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München I (Stuttgart 1986). P. Benoit, J. T. Milik and R. de Vaux (eds.), Les grottes de Murabb’at (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert 2; Oxford 1961). B. Kramer, J. C. Shelton and G. M. Browne (eds.) Das Archiv des Nepheros und verwandte Texte (2 vols.; Aegyptiaca Treverensia 4; Mainz 1987). C. J. Kraemer Jr. (ed.), Excavations at Nessana III: Non-Literary Papyri (Princeton 1958). B. Nielson and K. A. Worp (eds.), Papyri from the New York University Collection II (Wiesbaden 2010). S. Eitrem and L. Amundsen (eds.), Papyri Osloenses III (Oslo 1936). A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IX (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 12; London 1912). B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XI (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 14; London 1915). B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XIII (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 16; London 1919). B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XIV (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 17; London 1920). A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVII (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 20; London 1927). E. Lobel, C. H. Roberts and E. P. Wegener (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVIII (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 26; London 1941). E. Lobel and C. H. Roberts (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXII (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 31; London 1954). P. J. Parsons (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLII (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 58; London 1974). A. K. Bowman, M. W. Haslam, J. C. Shelton and J. D. Thomas (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLIV (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 62; London 1976). J. R. Rea (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLVI (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 65; London 1978). R. A. Coles and M. W. Haslam (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLVII (GraecoRoman Memoirs 66; London 1980).

List of Abbreviations P.Oxy. L P.Oxy. LV P.Oxy. LXXVII P.Oxy. LXXXII P.Paramone P.Petaus P.Petrie II P.Petrie III P.Polit.Iud. P.Princ. I P.Rain.Cent. P.Rein. I P.Ryl. 458 P.Ryl. IV P.Ryl.Dem. P.Schoyen P.Sijp. P.Sorb. II P.Sorb. III P.Stras. VII P.Stras. IX P.Tebt. I P.Tebt. III.1 P.Tebt. III.2 P.Tor.Amen. P.Tor.Botti

xxix

A. K. Bowman et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri L (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 70; London 1983). J. R. Rea (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LV (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 75; London 1988). A. Benaissa (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXVII (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 98; London 2011). N. Gonis, F. Maltomini, W. B. Henry and S. Slattery (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXXII (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 103; London 2016). J. M. S. Cowey and B. Kramer (eds.), Editionen und Aufsätze von Mitgliedern des heidelberger Instituts für Papyrologie zwischen 1982 und 2004 (AfP Beiheft 16; München / Leipzig 2004). U. Hagedorn, D. Hagedorn, L.C. Youtie and H.C. Youtie (eds.), Das Archiv des Petaus (Papyrologica Coloniensia 4; Opladen 1969). J. P. Mahaffy (ed.), The Flinders Petrie Papyri II (Royal Irish Academy, Cunningham Memoirs 9; Dublin 1893). J. P. Mahaffy and J. G. Smyly (eds.), The Flinders Petrie Papyri III (Royal Irish Academy, Cunningham Memoirs 11; Dublin 1905). J. M. S. Cowey and K. Maresch, Urkunden des Politeuma der Juden von Herakleopolis (144/3-133/2 v. Chr.) (Papyrologica Coloniensia 29; Wiesbaden 2001). A. C. Johnson and H. B. van Hoesen (eds.), Papyri in the Princeton University Collections I (The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Archaeology 10; Baltimore 1931). Festschrift zum 100-jährigen Bestehen der Papyrussammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer (Wien 1983). T. Reinach, W. Spiegelberg and S. de Ricci (eds.), Papyrus grecs et démotiques recueillis en Égypte (Paris 1905). C. H. Roberts, Two Biblical Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester (Manchester 1936). C. H. Roberts and E. G. Turner (eds.), Documents of the Ptolemaic, Roman and Byzantine Periods (Manchester 1952). F. Ll. Griffith, The Demotic Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester (Manchester 1909). P. Pintaudi (ed.), Papyri Graecae Schøyen (Firenze 2005). A. J. B. Sirks and K. A. Worp (eds.), Papyri in Memory of P. J. Sijpesteijn (American Studies in Papyrology 40; Oakville 2007). J. Gascou (ed.), Un Codex fiscal Hermopolite (P.Sorb. II 69) (American Studies in Papyrology 32; Atlanta 1994). H. Cadell, W. Clarysse and K. Robic (eds.), Papyrus de la Sorbonne (P.Sorb. III nos 70-144) (Papyrologica Parisina 1; Paris 2011). J. Schwartz et al. (eds.), Griechische Papyrus der Kaiserlichen Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek zu Strassburg VII (Publications de la Bibliothèque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg 5; Strasbourg 1976-9). J. Schwartz (ed.), Griechische Papyrus der Kaiserlichen Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek zu Strassburg IX (Publications de la Bibliothèque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg 9; Strasbourg 1985-9). B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt and J. G. Smyly (eds.), The Tebtunis Papyri I (GraecoRoman Archaeology 1; Graeco-Roman Memoirs 4; London 1902). A. S. Hunt, J. G. Smyly et al. (eds.), The Tebtunis Papyri III. Part I (Graeco-Roman Archaeology 3; Graeco-Roman Memoirs 23; London 1933). A. S. Hunt, J. G. Smyly and C. C. Edgar (eds.), The Tebtunis Papyri III. Part II (University of California Publications, Graeco-Roman Archaeology 4; Graeco-Roman Memoirs 25; London 1938). P. W. Pestman (ed.), L'Archivio di Amenothes figlio di Horos: Testi demotici e greci relativi ad una famiglia di imbalsamatori del secondo sec. a.C. (Milano 1981). G. Botti (ed.), L’Archivio demotico da Deir el-Medineh (Firenze 1967).

xxx P.Tsenhor P.Vindob.Gr. 26782 P.Vindob.Gr. 29810 P.Yadin I P.Zen.Pest. Parca 1985 Passoni Dell’Acqua 1986 Pelletier 1972 Perkins 2015 Peskowitz 1997 Pestman 1961 Pestman 1965 Pestman 1967 Pestman 1981 Pestman 1985 Pestman 1993 Petrie 1906 Piotrkowski 2019 Plodzien 1951 Pomeroy 1984 Porten 1968 Porten 1990 Porten 2014 Porten et al. 1996 Porten & Lund 2002 Porten & Yardeni 1991

List of Abbreviations P. W. Pestman (ed.), Les Papyrus démotiques de Tsenhor (Studia Demotica 4; Leuven 1994). P. Sanz (ed.), Griechische literarische Papyri christlichen Inhalts I (MPER N.S. 4; Wien 1946) 50-1. H. Oellacher et al. (eds.), Griechische literarische Papyri II (MPER N.S. 3; Wien 1939) 61-3. N. Lewis, Y. Yadin and J. C. Greenfield (eds.), The Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters I: Greek Papyri, Aramaic and Nabatean Signatures and Subscriptions (Judean Desert Studies 2; Jerusalem 1989). P. W. Pestman (ed.), Greek and Demotic Texts from the Zenon Archive (P.L.Bat. 20; Leiden 1980). M. Parca, “Prosangelmata ptolémaïques: Une mise à jour,” CdE 60 (1985) 240-7. A. Passoni Dell’Acqua, “Le testimonianze papiracee relative alla ‘Siria e Fenicia’ in età tolemaica (i papiri di Zenone e le ordonanze reali),” Rivista Biblica Italiana 34 (1986) 233-83. A. Pelletier, “Σαββατα: Transcription grecque de l’araméen,” Vetus Testamentum 22 (1972) 436-47. L. Perkins, “Deuteronomy,” in J. K. Aitken (ed.), The T&T Clark Companion to the Septuagint (London 2015) 68-85. M. B. Peskowitz, Spinning Fantasies: Rabbis, Gender, and History (Berkeley / Los Angeles 1997). P. W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt: A Contribution to Establishing the Legal Position of the Woman (Leiden 1961). P. W. Pestman, “Les archives privées de Pathyris à l’époque ptolémaïque: La famille de Pétéharsemtheus, fils de Panebkhounis,” in E. Boswinkel, P. W. Pestman, and P. J. Sijpesteijn (eds.), Studia Papyrologica Varia (P.L.Bat. 14; Leiden 1965) 47-105. P. W. Pestman, Chronologie égyptienne d'après les textes démotiques (332 av. J.C. – 453 ap. J.C.) (P.L.Bat. 15; Leiden 1967). P. W. Pestman (ed.), A Guide to the Zenon Archive (2 vols.; P.L.Bat. 21; Leiden 1981). P. W. Pestman, “The Competence of Greek and Egyptian Tribunals According to the Decree of 118 B.C.,” BASP 22 (1985) 265-9. P. W. Pestman, The Archive of the Theban Choachytes (Second Century B.C.): A Survey of the Demotic and Greek Papyri Contained in the Archive (Studia Demotica 2; Leuven 1993). W. F. Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities (London 1906). M. M. Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (Berlin / Boston 2019). S. Plodzien, “The origin and competence of the πράκτωρ ξενικῶν,” JJP 5 (1951) 21727. S. B. Pomeroy, Women in Hellenistic Egypt: From Alexander to Cleopatra (New York 1984). B. Porten, Archives from Elephantine: The Life of an Ancient Jewish Military Colony (Berkeley / Los Angeles 1968). B. Porten, “The Calendar of Aramaic Texts from Achaemenid and Ptolemaic Egypt,” in S. Shaked and A. Netzer (eds.), Irano-Judaica II: Studies Relating to Jewish Contacts with Persian Culture Throughout the Ages (Jerusalem 1990) 13–32. B. Porten, “A Comprehensive Table of Bethel Names in Ancient Inscriptions,” Maarav 21 (2014) 223-34. B. Porten, J. J. Farber, C. J. Martin, G. Vittman, L. S. B. MacCoull and S. Clackson (eds.), The Elephantine Papyri in English: Three Millennia of Cross-Cultural Continuity and Change (Leiden 1996). B. Porten and J. A. Lund, Aramaic Documents from Egypt: A-Key-Word-In-Context Concordance (Winona Lake 2002). B. Porten and A. Yardeni, “Three Unpublished Aramaic Ostraca,” Maarav 7 (1991) 207-27.

List of Abbreviations Porten & Yardeni 2005 Posener 1936 Préaux 1939 Préaux 1955 Preisigke 1915 Preisigke 1922

Pringsheim 1950 PSBA PSI V PSI X PSI XI PSI Congr. XVII Puech 2008 Qimron 1986 RBLG Recklinghausen 2005 Redmount & Friedman 1997 Redon 2014 Reekmans 1948 Révillout 1885 Ricci 1924 Rigsby 1994 Ritner 2002 Ritter 2011 Rösel 2000 Rowlandson 1998 Rowlandson 2012 Royse 2016 Ruozzi Sala 1974 Rupprecht 1981

xxxi

B. Porten and A. Yardeni, “Two Aramaic Salt-tax Receipts by the Scribe Joseph,” Enchoria 29 (2004/5) 55-9. G. Posener,  La première domination perse en Égypte: Recueil d’inscriptions hiéroglyphiques (Bibliothèque d’Étude 11; Cairo 1936). C. Préaux, L’économie royale des Lagides (Bruxelles 1939). C. Préaux, “Sur les fonctions du πράκτωρ ξενικῶν,” CdE 30 (1955) 107-11. F. Preisigke, Fachwörter des öffentlichen Verwaltungsdienstes Ägyptens in den griechischen Papyrusurkunden der ptolemäisch-römischen Zeit (Göttingen 1915). F. Preisigke, Namenbuch, enthaltend alle griechischen, lateinischen, ägyptischen, hebräischen, arabischen und sonstigen semitischen und nichtsemitischen Menschennamen, soweit sie in griechischen Urkunden (Papyri, Ostraka, Inschriften, Mumienschildren usw.), (Heidelberg 1922). F. Pringsheim, The Greek Law of Sale (Weimar 1950). Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology Pubblicazioni della Società Italiana: Papiri greci e latini V (Firenze 1917). Pubblicazioni della Società Italiana: Papiri greci e latini X (Firenze 1932). Pubblicazioni della Società Italiana: Papiri greci e latini XI (Firenze 1935). M. Manfredi (ed.), Trenta testi greci da papiri letterari e documentari editi in occasione del XVII Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia (Firenze 1983). É. Puech, “Ben Sira and Qumran,” in A. Passaro and G. Bellia (eds.), The Wisdom of Ben Sira: Studies on Tradition, Redaction, and Theology (Berlin 2008) 79-118. E. Qimron, The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Harvard Semitic Studies 29; Atlanta 1986). P. B. Colera (ed.), Repertorio bibliográfico de la lexicografía griega (Diccionario Griego-Español, Anejo III; Madrid 1998). D. von Recklinghausen, “Ägyptische Quellen zum Judentum,” ZÄS 132 (2005) 14760. C. A. Redmount and R. F. Friedman, “Tales of a Delta Site: The 1995 Field Season at Tell el-Muqdam,” JARCE 34 (1997) 57-83. B. Redon, “Le maillage militaire du Delta égyptien sous les Lagides,” in A.-E. Veïsse and S. Wackenier (eds.), L’armée en Égypte aux époques perse, ptolémaïque et romaine (Genève 2014) 45-80. T. Reekmans, “Monetary History and the Dating of Ptolemaic Papyri,” in W. Peremans et al. (eds.), Studia Hellenistica 5 (Leuven 1948) 15-43. E. Révillout, “La suite d’un dossier,” Revue Égyptologique 4 (1885) 152-6. C. Ricci, La coltura della vite e la fabbricazione del vino nell’Egitto greco-romano (Milano 1924). K. J. Rigsby, “Graecolatina,” ZPE 102 (1994) 191-3. R. Ritner,”Third Intermediate Period Antecedents of Demotic Legal Terminology,” in K. Ryholt (ed.), Acts of the Seventh International Conference of Demotic Studies, Copenhagen 23-27 August 1999 (Copenhagen 2002) 343-59. B. Ritter, “On the πολίτευμα in Heracleopolis,” SCI 30 (2011) 9-37. M. Rösel, “Israels Psalmen in Ägypten? Papyrus Amherst 63 und die Psalmen XX und LXXV,” Vetus Testamentum 50 (2000) 81-99. J. Rowlandson (ed.), Women and Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: A Sourcebook (Cambridge 1998). J. Rowlandson, “Laokritai,” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Malden 2012) 3906-7. J. R. Royse, “The Biblical Quotations in the Coptos Papyrus of Philo,” The Studia Philonica Annual 28 (2016) 49-76. S. M. Ruozzi Sala, Lexicon nominum semiticorum quae in papyris graecis in Aegypto repertis ab anno 323 a.Ch.n. usque ad annum 70 p.Ch.n. laudata reperiuntur (Testi e documenti per lo studio dell’antichità 46; Milano 1974). H.-A. Rupprecht, “Die Ananeosis in den gräko-ägyptischen Papyri,” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the Sixteenth International Congress of Papyrology, New York, 24–31 July 1980 (American Studies in Papyrology 23; Chico 1981) 379-88.

xxxii Rupprecht 1994a Rupprecht 1994b

Rupprecht 1995a Rupprecht 1995b Sachau 1911 Salmenkivi 2003 Salvaterra 2000 Satlow 2001 Sattler 1962 Saur 2004 Sayce & Cowley 1907 SB Schäfer 1997 Schaps 2012 Scheuble-Reiter 2012a Scheuble-Reiter 2012b Schipper & Blasius 2002 Schnebel 1925 Scholl 1989 Schwabe 1936 Schwartz 1978 Schwartz 2008 Schwartz 2014 Schwiderski 2004 SCI SEG Segal 1947 Segal 1972 Segal 1987 Segert 1986 Sel.Pap. I Shelton 1977 Sijpesteijn 1990

List of Abbreviations H.-A. Rupprecht, Kleine Einführung in die Papyruskunde (Darmstadt 1994). H.-A. Rupprecht, “Hybris: Anmerkungen zu einem Delikt in den Papyri der ptolemäischen und römischen Zeit,” in S. Buchholz, P. Mikat, D. Werkmüller (eds.), Überlieferung, Bewahrung und Gestaltung in der rechtsgeschichtlichen Forschung (Paderborn 1993) 269-75. H.-A. Rupprecht, “Sechs-Zeugenurkunde und Registrierung,” Aegyptus 75 (1995) 3753. H.-A. Rupprecht, “Besprechungen (Review of CPR XVIII),” Zeitschrift der SavignyStiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 112 (1995) 462-8. E. Sachau, Aramäische Papyrus und Ostraka aus einer jüdischen Militär-Kolonie zu Elephantine (Leipzig 1911). E. Salmenkivi, “A Note on the Ptolemaic epi ton prosodon,” Acta Philologica Fennica 37 (2003) 123-32. See P.Carlsberg 421 M. L. Satlow, Jewish Marriage in Antiquity (Princeton / Oxford 2001). P. Sattler, Studien aus dem Gebiet der Alten Geschichte (Wiesbaden 1962). M. Saur, Die Königspsalmen: Studien zur Entstehung und Theologie (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 340; Berlin 2004). A. H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley, “An Aramaic Papyrus of the Ptolemaic Age from Egypt,” PSBA 29 (1907) 260-72. Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten (1915-). P. Schäfer, Judeophobia: Attitudes toward the Jews in the Ancient World (Cambridge, MA 1997). D. M. Schaps, “Kyrios,” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Malden 2012) 3845-6. S. Scheuble-Reiter, Die Katökenreiter im ptolemäischen Ägypten (Vestigia, Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte 64; München 2012). S. Scheuble-Reiter, “[Recension of] H. Cadell, W. Clarysse, K. Robic (eds.), Papyrus de la Sorbonne (P.Sorb. III nos 70–144) (Papyrologica Parisina I; Paris 2011),” Tyche 27 (2012) 245-8. B. U. Schipper and A. Blasius (eds.), Apokalyptik und Ägypten: Eine kritische Analyse der relevanten Texte aus dem griechisch-römischen Ägypten (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 107; Leuven / Paris / Sterling 2002). M. Schnebel, Die Landwirtschaft im hellenistischen Ägypten I: Der Betrieb der Landwirschaft (Münchener Beiträge zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte 7; München 1925). R. Scholl, “Zur Höhe der Salzsteuer für Sklaven,” ZPE 76 (1989) 95-7. M. Schwabe, “Three Finger Rings,” Tarbiz 7 (1936) 345-51. D. R. Schwartz, “The Priests in Ep. Arist. 310,” JBL 97 (1978) 567-71. D. R. Schwartz, 2 Maccabees: Commentaries on Early Jewish Literature (Berlin / New York 2008). D. R. Schwartz, Judeans and Jews: Four Faces of Dichotomy in Ancient Jewish History (Toronto 2014). D. Schwiderski, Die alt- und reichsaramäischen Inschriften / The Old and Imperial Aramaic Inscriptions: Volume 2: Texte und Bibliographie (Berlin 2004). Scripta Classica Israelica Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (1923-). M. Z. Segal, “The Nash Papyrus,” Leshonenu 15 (1947) 27-36 [Hebrew]. M. Z. Segal, Sefer Ben Sira ha-Shalem (Jerusalem 1972). J. B. Segal, “Five Ostraca Re-examined,” Maarav 4 (1987) 69-74, 105-9. S. Segert, “Preliminary Notes on the Structure of the Aramaic Poems in the Papyrus Amherst 63,” Ugarit Forschungen 18 (1986) 271-6, 289-97. A. S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar (eds.), Select Papyri 1: Private Affairs (London / Cambridge, MA 1932). J. C. Shelton, “Short Notes on Documentary Texts,” ZPE 24 (1977) 69-73. P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Inscriptions from Egypt,” CdE 65 (1990) 122-5.

List of Abbreviations Sijpstein 2009 Sirat 1985 Skeat 1954 Smelik 1985 Smith 1998 Söllner 1995 Spiegelberg 1907 Stefanou 2013 Steiner 1991 Steiner 1995

Steiner 1997 Steiner & Nims 1984 Steiner & Nims 2017 Stern 1983 Stern, GLAJJ Stern 2012 Strassi 1994

Strassi 1997 Straus 2000 Stud.Pal. VIII Stud.Pal. X Szántó 2018

TAD A-D Taubenschlag 1955

xxxiii

P. J. Sijpstein, “Arabic Papyri and Islamic Egypt,” in R. S. Bagnal (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology (Oxford / New York 2009) 452-72. C. Sirat, Les papyrus en caractères hébraїques trouvés en Égypte (Paris 1985). T. C. Skeat, The Reigns of the Ptolemies (Münchener Beiträge zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte 39; München 1954). K. A. D. Smelik, “The Origin of Psalm 20,” JSOT 31 (1985) 75-81. M. Smith, “Review of K.-T. Zauzich, Papyri von der Insel Elephantine (Berlin 1993),” Enchoria 24 (1997/8) 194-205. M. A. Söllner, “Bemerkungen zur Datierung verschiedener Papyri,” ZPE 107 (1995) 81-4. W. Spiegelberg, “Ein demotisches Ostrakon mit jüdischen Eigennamen,” OLZ 10 (1907) 595-6. M. Stefanou, “Waterborne Recruits: The Military Settlers of Ptolemaic Egypt,” in K. Buraselis, M. Stefanou and D. J. Thompson (eds.), The Ptolemies, the Sea and the Nile: Studies in Waterborne Power (Cambridge 2013) 108-31. R. C. Steiner, “The Aramaic Text in Demotic Script: The Liturgy of a New Year’s Festival Imported from Bethel to Syene by Exiles from Rash,” JAOS 111 (1991) 362-3. R. C. Steiner, “Papyrus Amherst 63: A New Source for the Language, Literature, Religion, and History of the Aramaeans,” in M. J. Geller, J. C. Greenfield and M. P. Weitzman (eds.), Studia Aramaica: New Sources and New Approaches (Oxford 1995) 199-207. R. C. Steiner, “The Aramaic Text in Demotic Script (1.99),” in W. W. Hallo and K. Lawson Younger Jr. (eds.), The Context of Scripture I: Canonical Compositions from the Biblical World (Leiden 1997) 309-27. R. C. Steiner and C. F. Nims, “You Can’t Offer Your Sacrifice and Eat It Too: A Polemical Poem from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script,” JNES 43 (1984) 89-114. The Aramaic Text in Demotic Script: Text, Translation and Notes (Academia.edu 2017); https://www.academia.edu/31662776/The_Aramaic_Text_in_Demotic_Script_Text_Tr anslation_and_Notes. M. Stern, “The Jewish Community and its Institutions,” in idem. (ed.), The Jewish Diaspora in the Hellenistic-Roman World (The History of the People of Israel 10; Jerusalem 1983) 161-87 [Hebrew]. M. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism (3 vols.; Jerusalem 1974-84). S. Stern, Calendars in Antiquity: Empires, States, and Societies (Oxford 2012). S. Strassi, “Problemi relativi alla diffusione delle disposizioni amministrative nell’Egitto romano: Il ruolo degli hyperetai e le formule di trasmissione dei documenti,” in A. Bülow-Jacobsen (ed.), Proceedings of the 20th International Congress of Papyrologists, Copenhagen, 23-29 August, 1992 (Copenhagen 1994) 504-7. S. Strassi, Le funzioni degli hypéretai nell’Egitto greco e romano (Schriften der Philosophisch-historischen Klasse der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften 3; Heidelberg 1997). J.-A. Straus, “Liste commentée des contrats de vente d’esclaves passés en Egypte aux époques grecque, romaine et byzantine,” ZPE 131 (2000) 135-44. C. Wessely (ed.), Griechische Papyrusurkunden kleineren Formats (P.Kl. Form. II; Leipzig 1908). C. Wessely (ed.), Griechische Texte zur Topographie Aegyptens (Leipzig 1910). Z. Szántó, “Shabtai in Egypt: Cultural Interactions between Jews and Egyptians under the Ptolemies,” in M. M. Piotrkowski, G. Herman and S. Dönitz (eds.), Sources and Interpretation in Ancient Judaism: Studies for Tal Ilan at Sixty (Leiden / Boston, 2018) 174-87. B. Porten and A. Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt (Jerusalem 1986-1999). R. Taubenschlag, The Law of Greco-Roman Egypt in the Light of the Papyri 332 B.C. – 640 A.D. (Warsaw 1955).

xxxiv Taubenschlag 1959 Tcherikover 1933-4 Tcherikover 1937 Tcherikover 1959 Tcherikover 1961 Tcherikover 1963 Tcherikover & Heichelheim 1942 TG 2487 Thiers 1995 Thissen 1976 Thissen 2014 Thomas 1970 Thomas 1975 Thompson 1984 Thompson 2009 Thompson 2011 ΤΜ Tov 2004 Tov 2012 TUAT NF I Uebel 1962 Uebel 1965 UPZ I UPZ II Van Beek 2003 van der Meer 2006

van der Toorn 1992

List of Abbreviations R. Taubenschlag, “La compétence du κύριος dans le droit gréco-égyptien,” AHDO II (Bruxelles 1938) 293-314 = R. Taubenschlag, Opera Minora II (Warsaw 1959) 35377. V. Tcherikover, “Palestine in the Light of the Papyri of Zenon,” Tarbiz 4 (1932-3) 22647; 354-65; 5 (1933-4) 37-44 [Hebrew]. V. Tcherikover, Palestine under the Ptolemies: A Contribution to the Study of the Zenon Papyri (Mizraim 4-5; New York 1937). V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews (English translation by S. Appelbaum; Philadelphia 1959). V. Tcherikover, The Jews in the Graeco-Roman World (Tel Aviv 1961) [Hebrew]. V. Tcherikover, The Jews in Egypt in the Hellenistic-Roman Age in the Light of the Papyri (2nd edition; Jerusalem 1963) [Hebrew]. V. Tcherikover and F. M. Heichelheim, “Jewish Religious Influence in the Adler Papyri?” HTR 35 (1942) 25-44. M. Ebeid, “Demotic Inscriptions from the Galleries of Tuna el-Gebel,” BIFAO 106 (2006) 57-74. Ch. Thiers, “Civils et militaires dans les temples: Occupation illicite et expulsion,” BIFAO 95 (1995) 493-516. H.-J. Thissen, “Demotische Ostraka aus Oxyrhnychos II,“ Enchoria 6 (1976) 63-77. H.-J. Thissen, “Logistische Probleme im Aussenposten,” in A. Dodson et al. (eds.), A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man. Studies in Honour of W. J. Tait (GHP Egyptology 21; London 2014). J. D. Thomas, “Unedited Merton Papyri I,” JEA 56 (1970) 172-8. J. D. Thomas, The Epistrategos in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt (2 vols.; Papyrologica Coloniensia 6; Opladen 1975-82). D. J. Thompson, “The Idumaeans of Memphis and the Ptolemaic Politeumata,” in M. Gigante (ed.), Atti del XVII Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia, Napoli, 19-26 maggio 1983 III (Napoli 1984), 1069-75. D. J. Thompson, “The Multilingual Environment of Persian and Ptolemaic Egypt: Egyptian, Aramaic, and Greek Documentation,” in R. S. Bagnall (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology (Oxford / New York 2009) 395-417. D. J. Thompson, “Ethnic Minorities in Hellenistic Egypt,” in O. van Nijf and R. Alston (eds.), Political Culture in the Greek City After the Classical Age (Leuven 2011) 10117. Trismegistos (www.trismegistos.org) E. Tov, Scribal Practices and Approaches Reflected in the Texts Found in the Judean Desert (Leiden 2004). E. Tov, Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible (3rd edition, revised and expanded; Minneapolis 2012). B. Janowski and G. Wilhelm (eds.), Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments, Neue Folge 1: Texte zum Rechts- und Wirtschaftsleben (Gütersloh 2004). F. Uebel, “Zu P.Iand. Inv. 364,” AfP 17 (1962) 188-9. F. Uebel, “Review of P. J. Sypesteyn, Penthmeros Certificates in Graeco-Roman Egypt (Leiden 1964),” Bibliotheca Orientalis 22 (1965) 277-8. U. Wilcken, Urkunden der Ptolemäerzeit (ältere Funde) I: Papyri aus Unterägypten (Berlin 1927). U. Wilcken, Urkunden der Ptolemäerzeit (ältere Funde) II: Papyri aus Oberägypten (Berlin 1935-1957). B. Van Beek, “Samareia (meris of Polemon)” https://www.trismegistos.org/fayum/fayum2/2077.php?geo_id=2077. M. N. van der Meer, “Provenance, Profile, and Purpose of the Greek Joshua,” in M. K. H. Peters (ed.), XII Congress of the International Organization for Septuagint and Cognate Studies, Leiden 2004 (Septuagint and Cognate Studies 54; Atlanta 2006) 5580. K. van der Toorn, “Anat-Yahu, Some Other Deities, and the Jews of Elephantine,” Numen 39 (1992) 80-101.

List of Abbreviations van der Toorn 2016 van der Toorn 2017 van Minnen 2013 Van’t Dack 1969 Van’t Dack 1993 Vandorpe 2000 Vandorpe 2008 Vandorpe 2009 Vandorpe 2014 Vargyas 2008

Veïsse 2004 Velkov & Fol 1977 Vercoutter 1950 Vleeming & Wesselius 1982 Vleeming & Wesselius 19831984 Vleeming & Wesselius 19851990 von Recklinghausen 2005 von Reden 2007 Waddell 1944 Wagner 1987 Wallace 1938 Wängstedt 1969 WB Weill 1913

xxxv

K. van der Toorn, “Eshem Bethel and Herem-Bethel: New Evidence from Amherst Papyrus 63,” ZATW 128 (2016) 668-80. K. van der Toorn, “Celebrating the New Year With the Israelites: Three Extrabiblical Psalms from Papyrus Amherst 63,” JBL 136 (2017) 633-49. P. van Minnen, “[Review] Hélène Cadell, Willy Clarysse, and Kennokka Robic, Papyrus de la Sorbonne (P.Sorb. III nos 70-144). Papyrologica Parisina [1]. Paris: Presses de l’université Paris-Sorbonne, 2011,” BASP 50 (2013) 315-8. E. Van’t Dack, “Εξω ταξεων et σημεια dans des papyrus démotiques,” AfP 19 (1969) 155-65. E. Van’t Dack, “Les triacontaroures du Corpus P.Raineri XVIII, Griechische Texte XIII,” JJP 23 (1993) 163-7. K. Vandorpe, “The Ptolemaic Epigraphe or Harvest Tax (Shemu),” AfP 46 (2000) 169232. K. Vandorpe, “Persian Soldiers and Persians of the Epigone: Social Mobility of Soldiers-Herdsmen in Upper Egypt,” AfP 54 (2008) 87-108. K. Vandorpe “Archives and Dossiers,” in R. S. Bagnall (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology (Oxford / New York 2009) 216-55. K. Vandorpe, “The Ptolemaic Army in Upper Egypt (2nd-1st centuries B.C.),” in: A.E. Veïsse and S. Wackenier (eds.), L’armée en Égypte aux époques perse, ptolémaïque et romaine (Haute études du monde gréco-romaine 51; Genève 2014) 105-35. P. Vargyas, “The Alleged Silver Bars of the Temple of Ptah: Traditional Money use in Achaemenid, Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt,” in Á. Szabó and P. Vargyas (eds.), Cultus Deorum. Studia Religionum ad Historiam I: De Oriente Antiquo et Regione Danuvii Praehistorica in Memoriam István Tóth (Pécs 2008) 123-38. A.-E. Veïsse, Les “Révoltes égyptiennes”: Recherches sur les troubles intérieurs en Égypte du règne de Ptolémée III à la conquête romaine (Studia Hellenistica 41; Leuven 2004). V. Velkov and A. Fol, Les Thraces en Égypte gréco-romaine (Studia Thracica 4; Sofia 1977). J. Vercoutter, “Les statues du général Hor, gouverneur d’Hérakléopolis, de Busiris et d’Héliopolis (Louvre A. 88, Alexandrie, s.n.),” BIFAO 49 (1950) 85-114. S. P. Vleeming and J. W. Wesselius, “An Aramaic Hymn of the Fifth Century B.C.,” Bibliotheca Orientalis 39 (1982) 501-9. S. P. Vleeming and J. W. Wesselius, “Betel the Saviour,” JEOL 28 (1983-84) 110-40. S. P. Vleeming and J. W. Wesselius, Studies in Papyrus Amherst 63: Essays on the Aramaic texts in Aramaic/Demotic Papyrus Amherst 63 (2 vols.; Amsterdam 198590). D. von Recklinghausen, “Ägyptische Quellen zum Judemtum,” ZÄS 132 (2005) 14760. S. von Reden, Money in Ptolemaic Egypt: From the Macedonian Conquest to the End of the Third Century BC (Cambridge 2007). W. G. Waddell, “The Tetragrammaton in the LXX,” JTS 45 (1944) 158-61. G. Wagner, Les Oasis d’Egypte à l’époque grecque, romaine et byzantine d’après les documents grecs (Cairo 1987). S. L. Wallace, Taxation in Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian (Princeton University Studies in Papyrology 2; Princeton 1938). S. Wängstedt, “Demotische Ostraka aus ptolemäisch-römischer Zeit,” OrSu 18 (1969) 69-100. F. Preisigke and E. Kiessling (eds.), Wörterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden, mit Einschluss der griechischen Inschriften, Aufschriften, Ostraka, Mumienschilder usw. aus Ägypten (4 vols.; Berlin 1925-44). R. Weill, “Un document araméen de la moyenne-Egypte,” Revue des Études Juives 65 (1913) 16-23.

xxxvi Weinfeld 1985 Weingort 1979 Weiss 2003 Wevers 1974 Wevers 1977a Wevers 1977b Wevers 1978 Wevers 1995 WGE Wilcken 1920 Wilfong 1989 Williams 2013 Winnicki 1995 Winnicki 2009 Wipszycka 1965 Wolff 1939 Wolff 1970 Wolff 1978 Worp 1989 Worp 1992 Wright 2015 Yadin, Greenfield & Yardeni 1994 Yardeni 1991 Yardeni 2000 Yaron 1958 Yaron 1960 Yiftach-Firanko 1999 Yiftach-Firanko 2003 Yiftach-Firanko 2008 Yiftach-Firanko 2012a

List of Abbreviations M. Weinfeld, “The Pagan Version of Psalm 20:2-6: Vicissitudes of a Psalmodic Creation in Israel and its Neighbors,” Eretz Israel 18 (1985) 130-40 [Hebrew]. A. Weingort, Intérêt et crédit dans le droit talmudique (Bibliothèque d’histoire du droit et droit romain 21; Paris 1979). H. Weiss, A Day of Gladness: The Sabbath among Jews and Christians in Antiquity (Columbia 2003). J. W. Wevers, Genesis (Septiaginta Vetus Testamentum Graecum; Göttingen 1974). J. W. Wevers, “The Earliest Witness to the LXX Deuteronomy,” CBQ 39 (1977) 240-4. J. W. Wevers, Deutoronomium (Vetus Testamentum Graecum III,2; Göttingen 1977). J. W. Wevers, Text History of the Greek Deuteronomy (Mitteilungen des SeptuagintaUnternehmens 13; Göttingen 1978). J. W. Wevers, Notes on the Greek Text of Deuteronomy (Atlanta 1995). W. Pape et al. (eds.), Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen (2 vols.; 3rd edition; Brauschweig 1911). U. Wilcken, “II. Referate. Papyrus-Urkunden,” AfP 6 (1920) 361-447. T. G. Wilfong, “Western Thebes in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries: A Bibliographic Survey of Jême and its Surroundings,” BASP 26 (1989) 89-145. M. Williams, Jews in a Graeco-Roman Environment (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 312; Tübingen 2013). J. K. Winnicki, “[Review of] B. Kramer, Das Vertragsregister von Theogenis (P.Vindob.G 40618), Vienna 1991 (Corpus Papyrorum Raineri, Band XVIII. Griechische Texte XIII),” BASP 32 (1995) 209-12. J. K. Winnicki, Late Egypt and Her Neighbors: Foreign Population in Egypt in the First Millennium BC (JJP Supplements 12; Warsaw 2009). E. Wipszycka, L’Industrie textile dans l’Egypte romaine (Archiwum Filologiczne 9; Wroclaw / Warsaw / Krakow 1965). H. J. Wolff, Written and Unwritten Marriages in Hellenistic and Postclassical Roman Law (Philological Monographs 9; Haverford 1939). H. J. Wolff, Das Justizwesen der Ptolemäer (Münchener Beiträge zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte 44; 2nd edition; München 1970). H. J. Wolff, Das Recht der griechischen Papyri Ägyptens in der Zeit der Ptolemäer und des Prinzipats. Volume 2: Organisation und Kontrolle des privaten Rechtsverkehrs (München 1978). K.-A. Worp, “How did Egyptian Scribes Calculate Net Drachmae in West Bank Tax Receipts,” ZPE 76 (1989) 63-8. K.-A. Worp, “Tables of Tax Receipts on Greek Ostraka from Late Byzantine and Early Arab Thebes,” An.Pap. 4 (1992) 49-55. B. G. Wright III, The Letter of Aristeas: ‘Aristeas to Philocrates’ or ‘On the Translation of the Law of the Jews’ (Berlin 2015). Y. Yadin, J. C. Greenfield and A. Yardeni, “Babatha’s Ketubba,” IEJ 44 (1994) 75101. A. Yardeni, The Book of Hebrew Script (Jerusalem 1991) [Hebrew]. A. Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic, Hebrew and Nabataean Documentary Texts from the Judaean Desert and Related Material A: The Documents (Jerusalem 2000). R. Yaron, “Aramaic Marriage Contracts from Elephantine,” JSS 3 (1958) 1-39. R. Yaron, “Aramaic Marriage Contracts: Corrigenda and Addenda,” JSS 5 (1960) 6670. U. Yiftach-Firanko, “Συγγραφη òμολογíας – συγγραφη συνοικισíου: A Problem Reconsidered,” JJP 29 (1999) 137-49. U. Yiftach-Firanko, Marriage and Marital Arrangements: A History of the Greek Marriage Document in Egypt. 4th century BCE – 4th century CE (Münchener Beiträge zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte 93; München 2003). U. Yiftach-Firanko, “Who Killed the Double Document in Ptolemaic Egypt?” AfP 54 (2008) 203-18. U. Yiftach-Firanko, “Doppelurkunde,” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Malden 2012) 2209-10.

List of Abbreviations Yiftach-Firanko 2012b Yoyotte 1963 ZÄS ZATW Zauzich 1968 Zauzich 1985 Zauzich 1987 Zauzich 2013 ZAW Zevit 1990 Zivie-Coche 1998 Zivie-Coche 2000a Zivie-Coche 2000b Zivie-Coche 2004 ZPE Zuckerman 1985-8

xxxvii

U. Yiftach-Firanko, “The Death of the Surety,” in B. Legras and G. Thür (eds.), Symposion 2011: Études d’histoire du droit grec et hellénistique (Paris, 7-10 septembre 2011) (Wien 2012) 365-82. J. Yoyotte, “L’Égypte ancienne et les origins de l’antijudaïsme,” Revue de l’Histoire des Religions 163 (1963) 133-43. Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft K.-Th. Zauzich, Die ägyptische Schreibertradition in Aufbau, Sprache und Schrift der demotischen Kaufverträge aus ptolemäischer Zeit (Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 19; Wiesbaden 1968). K.-Th. Zauzich, “Der Gott des aramäisch-demotischen Papyrus Amherst 63,” Göttinger Miszellen 85 (1985) 89-90. K.-Th. Zauzich, “Einige unerkannte Ortsnamen,” Enchoria 15 (1987) 169-79. K.-Th. Zauzich, “Der ägyptische Name der Juden,” in A. F. Botta (ed.), In the Shadow of Bezalel. Aramaic, Biblical, and Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Bezalel Porten (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 60; Leiden 2013) 409-16. Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Z. Zevit, “The Common Origin of the Aramaicized Prayer to Horus and of Psalm 20,” JAOS 110 (1990) 213-28. C. Zivie-Coche, “Un compagnon de Panemerit. Sân 91-200, OAE 3003,” in P. Brissaud and C. Zivie-Coche (eds.), Tanis: Travaux récents sur le tell Sân el-Hagar, 1987-1997 (Paris 1998) 533-64. C. Zivie-Coche, “Les statues de Panemerit, prince de Tanis sous le règne de Ptolémée Aulète,” in Ph. Brissaud and Ch. Zivie-Coche (eds.), Tanis: Travaux récents sur le tell Sân el-Hagar 2, 1997-2000 (Paris 2000) 349-439. C. Zivie-Coche, “Une statue de Pikhaâs, compagnon de Panemerit. Caire JE 67093,” in Ph. Brissaud and Ch. Zivie-Coche (eds.), Tanis: Travaux récents sur le tell Sân elHagar 2, 1997-2000 (Paris 2000) 441-82. C. Zivie-Coche, “Panemerit et Pikhaâs, évergètes de la ville,” in Ch. Zivie-Coche, Tanis: Travaux récents sur le tell Sân el-Hagar 3, Statues et autobiographies de dignitaires. Tanis à l’époque ptolémaïque (Paris 2004) 235-89. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik C. Zuckerman, “Hellenistic Politeumata and the Jews: A Reconsideration,” SCI 8-9 (1985-8) 171-85.

Explanatory Note [] Reconstruction of a missing text [..] number of letters lost () Solution of abbreviations ⟦⟧ Εrasure by the scribe … Illegible letters (under letter – uncertain reading) {} Superfluous letter in the original Mistaken omission in the original A word above the text is a later addition of the scribe

Introduction

1

Introduction The three volumes of the old Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum (henceforth O.CPJ), edited by Professors Victor A. Tcherikover, Alexander Fuks and Menahem Stern of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, appeared in print between 1957 and 1964. In these volumes, the goal the editors set for themselves was the collection of all papyri mentioning Jews or Jewish issues published up to that date,1 and their republication with a commentary, whose purpose was to target Jews and Judaism. The importance of the project at the time could not be overestimated, as indicated by the fact that it immediately gained the status of a canon; scholars thought, and think to this day, that if one wishes to find out what is known about Egyptian Jews in the papyri of the Ptolemaic, Roman and Byzantine periods, one need look no further. O.CPJ was published in three volumes, each dedicated to a major time period: 1. Ptolemaic (323 BCE-30 BCE); 2. Early Roman, until the Jewish Diaspora Revolt (30 BCE117 CE); 3. Late Roman and Byzantine, down to the Arabic conquest (117 CE-641 CE). It included (at least2) 520 papyri and ostraca. At the end of the preface to the third volume Menahem Stern and Alexander Fuks wrote: “It is possible that new finds, such as the recently discovered Bar-Kocheba Papyri, will necessitate in future a supplementary volume to the Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum.”3 This current publication is the fulfilment of this anticipation. It is not intended to replace O.CPJ or render it obsolete. We will not be republishing any of the papyri so well edited in the original volumes,4 nor does this introduction propose to replace the excellent Prolegomena of O.CPJ,5 which is still one of the best existing overviews of the history of the Jews in Egypt in the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods. Moreover, we use the model set by O.CPJ for this publication: Each papyrus or ostracon we publish includes (1) an introduction which explains what the papyrus is, where it was found, when it was written, how it looks, and why we consider it Jewish; (2) the papyrus-text in the original language; (3) an English translation of the papyrus6; and (4) notes on textual and historical aspects, especially from a Jewish perspective. This new Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum (henceforth N.CPJ) will include first and foremost the numerous additional documentary papyri mentioning Jews or Judaism that have been published in over half a century since the fifties of the twentieth century. In this, we continue to use O.CPJ as our guide. We collect here the same sort of papyri published in 1

Or in fact volume I only until the end of 1954 (O.CPJ I, xx), volume II until 1958 (O.CPJ II, vii), and most of vol. III until 1957 (O.CPJ III, v). Tcherikover died in 1958; some papyri were added between his death and the date of publication of the third volume in 1964. 2 This reservation derives from the following: Although there are 520 entries in O.CPJ, occasionally, under certain entries, more than one papyrus is listed, as for example CPJ 127, which includes five papyri (a-e) all connected with, or mentioning, Dositheos son of Drimylos. 3 O.CPJ III, vi. 4 An exception to this principle is e.g. CPJ 432, about which the editors had written: “three further columns are reported… to be illegible” (O.CPJ II, 220). They have now been published (Habermann 2000), and some parts of them will be included in CPJ V as CPJ 657. 5 O.CPJ I, 1-111. 6 O.CPJ always presented the English text without noting emendations present in the Greek text. In N.CPJ, we present synoptically papyri that have the character of lists, the original with the English in parallel columns. In such cases, we also show in the translation where the emendations occur. In other cases, we usually made an effort to include the emendations, but we have not been fully consistent. In places where a translator is not mentioned, it is either the ed. princ. or the CPJ team-member mentioned at the bottom.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110674521-001

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Introduction

O.CPJ. However, we will also include in N.CPJ numerous papyri that were published before the 1950s, but were not collected in O.CPJ, because its editors followed a different policy than ours. In the following lines we will explain our policy, and highlight the points in which we deviate from the path of our predecessors. a. Language: O.CPJ includes only Greek papyri (with CPJ 457b, 463, 465 in Latin being the only exceptions). The O.CPJ team was indeed aware of the existence of Aramaic documents in Egypt from the third and second centuries BCE. Tcherikover wrote in the prolegomenon to the Ptolemaic period: “During the entire third century, and perhaps the first half of the second, Egyptian Jews continued to speak Aramaic, as is shown by papyri and ostraca in that language.”7 The team was no less aware of the Hebrew and Aramaic documents, which are dated to the late Roman and Byzantine period, for Tcherikover wrote about them in the prolegomenon to that period: “In 1905 some scraps of Hebrew-written papyri were found by Grenfell and Hunt in Oxyrhynchos, and Cowley, who edited them, dates them about A.D. 400.”8 Unlike Greek, which was the common language of the realm, Aramaic and especially Hebrew were distinctly Jewish languages, and documents written in them were definitely written by Jews.9 However, Tcherikover and his team consciously decided not to include these papyri and ostraca in O.CPJ, obviously because they were not written in Greek. This assertion is best indicated with regard to CPJ 503. This document, discovered in Oxyrhynchos, was probably written in Greek, although only five lines of it have been preserved. The first two preserved lines are in Greek. O.CPJ published only the second Greek line (the first one being illegible). The remaining lines, which are in Aramaic, and were published by Cowley,10 were not included in O.CPJ. It is clear to us that this part of the papyrus belongs, no less, to a collection of Jewish papyri. We have gone back to the early publications, in which these Hebrew and Aramaic papyri feature, as well as to newer ones, in which additional papyri in these languages have been published, and we collect and analyze them in N.CPJ. Another language on papyri and ostraca that is important for the history of the Jews in Egypt is Demotic, a late script of the old Egyptian language. Demotic was still very much in use among Egyptian administrative clerks and scribes throughout the entire Ptolemaic, and well into the Roman period. Jews feature in Demotic documents in the same way as they do in Greek papyri, and since the study of Demotic papyrology has made huge strides in the last half century, we are much better informed about these documents today than the editors of O.CPJ could have been. In N.CPJ Demotic documents mentioning Jews are included.11 b. Literary Papyri: Tcherikover had written emphatically: “No literary papyri (e.g. biblical texts) have been included in C.P.Jud.”12 This is in fact an inaccurate description of one major sub-section in O.CPJ, which does include the unique literary genre that the editors designated “Acts of Alexandrian Martyrs” (CPJ 154-9). This genre, however, is neither Jewish, nor was it composed by Jews, but rather anti-Semitic. Of course anti-Semitic literature is important for the study of Jewish history, and we too include three additional 7

O.CPJ I, 30. O.CPJ I, 101. 9 For a detailed discussion of the use of Aramaic in the earlier period, see below pp. 27-8. 10 Cowley 1915a, 212. 11 For further details see below p. 27 and the Introduction to the Roman period in vol. V. 12 O.CPJ I, xx. 8

Introduction Introduction

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“Acta” papyri in N.CPJ.13 However, if a corpus of “Jewish” papyri should include what anti-Semites wrote in their literary imagination about Jews, why should papyri that represent Jewish literary output be more out of place in such a collection?14 In N.CPJ we have decided to include Jewish literary papyri as well, and thus we enrich our perception of Jewish cultural life in Egypt in the millennium under discussion. By Jewish literary papyri we mean not just literary papyri in Hebrew (like the Nash papyrus – CPJ 609 – from the second century BCE, or several piyyutim from the fifth and sixth centuries CE), but also fragments of what is famously described as Jewish-Hellenistic literature, either originally written in Greek, like the works of Flavius Josephus15 or the philosopher Philo of Alexandria,16 or translations from Hebrew or Aramaic of apocryphal or pseudepigraphic writings, like Ben Sira,17 or 1 Enoch.18 N.CPJ will also of course include biblical papyri of both Hebrew and Septuagint texts. Regarding the latter, we assume that not only pre-Diaspora Revolt Septuagint papyri are Jewish, but also quite a few from the next two centuries were produced in Jewish circles, or were in use by them. This assertion challenges the reigning view that assigns all Septuagint texts from after 117 CE to a Christian milieu, distorting and belittling the picture of Jewish presence in late-antique Egypt. Detailed discussions of the literary papyri will be presented in the last section of each volume. c. Magic: In late antiquity, prior to, and during the rise of Christianity, Jewish beliefs and concepts, divine epithets and names of angels became potent elements in the universal genre of magical texts in the entire Roman and Mesopotamian world.19 Tcherikover was aware of this fact and had intended to include some magical papyri in O.CPJ. He wrote: “No less important is the evidence of papyri magicae. This curious literature of religious spells and exorcisms… strongly imbued with Jewish elements which are closely mingled with elements of the pagan and Christian religions. In Section XV an attempt has been made to select from the large number of magic papyri those revealing the closest affinity with Jewish beliefs and ideas.”20 At the preface of O.CPJ III, however, Stern and Fuks wrote: “Our only deviation from Tcherikover’s original plan was in replacing papyri magicae…” They explained that this was because “even a reliable selection would be unattainable in view of the wide difference of opinion prevailing among competent scholars” about what is a Jewish magical papyrus.21 In the half century dividing us from O.CPJ, the study of magic in general, and of Jewish magic in particular, has received an enormous boost, both from the discovery of hundreds of medieval magic spells and recipes (most likely going back to Late-Antiquity) in the Cairo 13

CPJ 676-8. For the awareness of the problematic exclusion of biblical papyri, see O.CPJ III, v. 15 P.Vindob.Gr. 29810 (B.J. 2:576-8, 582-4). 16 1. P.Berol. 21342 (Deus 151, 154-5); 2. P.Rain.Cent. 36 (De virtutibus 62-70); 3. PSI XI 1207 + P.Oxy. IX 1173 + P.Oxy. XI 1356 + P.Oxy. XVIII 2158 + P.Oxy. LXXXII 5291 (a long codex including several Philonic works); 4. the Coptos Codex (known as Pap), which includes two almost complete tracts of Philo, but which was discovered with fragments of New Testament parchment inserted within its pages; see Royse 2016, 49-53. 17 1. P.Oxy. XIII 1595 (1:1-6, 8-9); 2. P.Rain.Cent. 27 (29:13-26a); 3. P.Köln (Pap.Theol. 53-60) (38:29-39:4) + P.Beatty VI 11 (36:28–37:11; 37:1–22; 46:6-11; 16b-47:2) + P.Schoyen I 15 (40:25-41:10); 4. P.Vindob.Gr. 26782 (42:17-9); 5. P.Ant. I 8 (45:15, 19-22). 18 1. P.Oxy. XVII 2069 (77:7-78:1; 85:10-86:2; 87:1-3); 2. P.Mich.inv. 5552 (106:13-107:3). 19 For a balanced appraisal of the phenomenon see Bohak 2008, 196-201. 20 O.CPJ I, 110. 21 O.CPJ III, v. 14

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Introduction

Genizah,22 and from the emergence of hundreds of Jewish magic bowls dated to LateAntiquity from Mesopotamia.23 In N.CPJ we have delved into (mostly Greek, but also Aramaic) magical texts in recipes, spells, handbooks, and amulets from Egypt, both on papyri and on other materials. We made a sustained effort to separate those that are clearly Jewish from those that only display Jewish characteristics, and we include the former in N.CPJ. Most magical texts are included in CPJ VI, from the late Roman and Byzantine period, but two magical texts are included in CPJ V (CPJ 680-1). d. Samaritans: In the Prolegomena to O.CPJ the only mention of Samaritans is in a footnote, in which the editors note that “the village Σαμάρεια in the Fayum may have been founded by Samaritans from Palestine.”24 Elsewhere, and quite in contrast to this suggestion, O.CPJ “wonders [whether] the whole population of Samareia at the time was Jewish.”25 The issue is never raised again until in O.CPJ III, 102-5, two papyri mentioning Samaritans are included. One (CPJ 513) is a divorce bill from 586 CE between two people (the woman bearing the biblical name Erabekka – ‫)רבקה‬, who are described as Σαμαρῖται τὴν θρησκίαν (Samaritans by religion). In the introduction to this papyrus the editors offer a very brief review of Samaritan presence in Egypt from the time of Alexander,26 but do not explain why Samaritans are included in a corpus of Jewish papyri. CPJ 514 is a papyrus from Nessana (P.Ness. III 95, l. 17) in the Negev, namely it is not from Egypt at all. In this papyrus a Samaritan item is mentioned. Under CPJ 513 the editor also mentions P.Ness. III 91, Col. 1, l. 5, in which Θεοδόρου Σαμαρεος (Theodoros the Samaritan/of Samaria) is mentioned, but this papyrus is not included in O.CPJ. In N.CPJ we will attempt to fill in the void described here. The inclusion of Samaritan papyri in a corpus of Jewish texts is well justified. The Samaritans were closely associated with the Jews (of Palestine and beyond) from their inception, sharing some of the same religious texts, and the same country, and were sometimes more closely, sometimes less directly, connected to Jewish history. There are not all that many Samaritan papyri; N.CPJ will include at least 3 documentary papyri mentioning Samaritans,27 one of them (P.Heid. IV 333) specifically mentioning Mount Gerizim (Argerizim), and also one fragment of a Samaritan Torah scroll housed in the Berlin Egyptian Museum, including bits of Gen. 1 in Samaritan script.28 e. Inscriptions: O.CPJ III included an Appendix which presented the Jewish inscriptions from Egypt that had appeared in the then recently published Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum II (CIJ II; Rome 1952), and added to them 6 inscriptions (CIJ II 1530A-D; 1532A; 1539A) that were either missed by CIJ or appeared in print after it was published. In 1992, William Horbury and David Noy published their updated collection of Jewish inscriptions from Egypt: Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt (JIGRE; Cambridge). They republished all the inscriptions already available in CIJ and in O.CPJ III, as well as 16 22 Instead of citing long bibliographical lists we refer the reader to Bohak 2008, 143-226, who sums up the topic and refers to all relevant bibliography. 23 Bohak 2008, 183-94. 24 O.CPJ I, 4-5, n. 12. 25 O.CPJ I, 171 (under CPJ 28). 26 O.CPJ III, 103. 27 1. P.Mich. IV 224 (172/3 CE); 2. P.Heid. IV 333 (5th century CE); 3. P.Sorb. II 69 (618/9 CE). 28 P.Berol. inv. 23139 001.

Introduction Introduction

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additional inscriptions (JIGRE 10-2, 18, 23, 26, 102-5, 123-4, 126, 131-2, 134), all in all 134. In an appendix, they declared 6 inscriptions previously considered Jewish as not being so (JIGRE 135-40) and listed another 10 inscriptions from elsewhere in the Roman Empire, mentioning Jews of Egypt (JIGRE 141-50). We have decided here too to follow O.CPJ’s policy of including inscription appendices at the end of each of the three N.CPJ volumes, but since JIGRE is a relatively recent and reliable publication, we will not reproduce any inscriptions included in it. Instead, we will edit a number of inscriptions that were published after JIGRE,29 but much more than this, we will publish inscriptions mentioning Jews that were simply overlooked.30 In O.CPJ the editors apologize that “some Hebrew and Aramaic inscriptions… are included [in O.CPJ III], to avoid a break in the numbering [of CIJ].”31 Our policy is to include Jewish inscriptions in all languages. Our appendix to the Ptolemaic volume will include ten Aramaic32 and two Hieroglyphic inscriptions from the Ptolemaic period mentioning Jews.33 We will also include in the Roman-period volume appendix the three Tiberius Julius Alexander Inscriptions (JIGRE 171a-c) that had been known to the editors of O.CPJ, because at least part of the latter inscription was preserved on papyrus. They, however, decided not to include them in their appendix because “the edict has nothing to do with Jews or Judaism.”34 We think that the fact that such an edict was issued, and such an inscription erected by a Jew by birth, requires that we at least reproduce the introduction to these inscriptions, which include the titles and position of the person in this volume. We will not include in our appendix the 20 inscriptions published by A. G. Abd el-Ftah and G. Wagner, from a place in Middle Egypt (between Herakleopolis and Oxyrhynchos) called Sedment el-Gebel, which they claimed was a Jewish cemetery dating from the Ptolemaic period.35 They based this claim on the fact that in two inscriptions from the cemetery, the male name Σαμβαταῖος (inscription no. 1) and the female name Σαμβάτιν (inscription no. 5) are recorded. However, as argued by O.CPJ,36 and as we will argue more forcefully below,37 throughout the entire Hellenistic-Roman periods in Egypt these names cannot be considered uniquely Jewish. f. Definitions: In the introduction to O.CPJ the editors laid out the criteria according to which they defined a documentary Jewish papyrus.38 They did not analyze anywhere the numerical results of the use of these criteria, or the significance of one of them in one period, and its insignificance in another. In the following lines we will analyze these criteria as they appear in O.CPJ, add our new papyri, and show how these criteria contribute to the understanding of the history and status of the Jews in Egypt over time.

29

Sijpesteijn 1990; Bingen 2002; Blumell 2015; 2016. Grafton Milne 1901; Schwabe 1936; Fiema 1985; Wagner 1987, 60-1. 31 O.CPJ III, 138, n. 2. 32 Kornfeld 1973; 1974. 33 Zivie-Coche 1998; Fairman 1934. 34 O.CPJ II, 195. 35 Abd el-Ftah & Wagner 1998. 36 O.CPJ III, 43-56. 37 See below, pp. 10-3. 38 O.CPJ I, xvii. 30

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Introduction

1. “Papyri in which the word Ἰουδαῖος or Ἑβραῖος appear.” This category is obvious, but the old and new papyri demonstrate that these terms were used differently over time, as will now be shown. Of the 217 Greek documentary papyri of the Ptolemaic period,39 51 (23.5%)40 record the title Ioudaios, always on papyri from Middle Egypt and the Fayum (not on ostraca from Upper Egypt).41 The use of the term Ioudaios to designate the group of people in which we are interested is, thus, a major phenomenon of the Ptolemaic-period Greek documentary papyri. This is clear not just from the presence of this term in Ptolemaic papyri, but also from its near total absence in the following periods. Of the ca. 386 Greek documentary papyri of the early Roman period42 only 9 (≈2.3%) mention Ioudaios.43 One of these few, CPJ 151 (5/4 BCE), is very famous. It is one of the very few papyri purported to derive from Alexandria, and in it a certain Helenos son of Tryphon styles himself Alexandrian. This is crossed out, in another hand, and instead the scribe wrote above the crossed-out word “Ioudaios from Alexandria.” About this document the O.CPJ editors wrote: “… Helenos was forced by an oikonomos of the government to pay the loagraphia… Helenos, being the son of an Alexandrian citizen… and having enjoyed a Greek education, probably in the gymnasium… was sure of his citizenship. Yet it is one thing to conceive oneself as a citizen and another to bring legal evidence for one’s status… the oikonomos was probably right in compelling Helenos to pay the poll-tax…”44 We believe that, had Helenos (in the scribe’s and oikonomos’ eyes) not attempted to pass himself off as

39

Although there are only 141 entries in O.CPJ I, some entries include more than one papyrus; counting them all results in 150 papyri. N.CPJ adds 67 Greek documentary papyri. 40 23 in O.CPJ (CPJ 8, 9a-b, 18-26, 30, 33, 38, 43, 46, 125, 128, 130, 133, 135, 141). 28 in N.CPJ (CPJ 558, 560, 562, 564-5, 567-70; 576-81, 587-8; 595a-d; 598, 600-4; 606). Of these 11 are of the politeuma papyri (CPJ 558, 560, 562, 564-5, 567-70; 576-7), which are also counted as Jewish because of the next category described by O.CPJ – “things Jewish.” 41 All the documents mentioning Ioudaios are papyri, from Middle Egypt or the Fayum; ostraca from Upper Egypt lack this designation. All the Aramaic documents also lack this designation. As to Demotic documents, most of them in this collection are also ostraca, and also lack this term. As for Demotic papyri, recently, Zauzich (2013, 412-3) argued that the term rmt Yhw(A) or rmt Yh (man of Yaho/Judea) can be read in some Demotic sources, implying a reference to Jews. In favour of his suggestion he cited P.Lille Dem. III 99 and P.Lille Dem. II 94, both published by F. de Cenival. P.Lille Dem. III 99 is a long salt-tax area record, in which de Cenival read rmt Yh(?) (without translating) along with other groups such as Wynn (Greeks) or rmt Pylq (men of Philae) (P.Lille Dem. III, 20). This text, however, was republished by Clarysse and Thompson as part of P.Count 2 (col. XXI), and they read rmt Yb (man of Elephantine) instead of rmt Yh claiming that “the b was covered by a papyrus fibre [...]; after cleaning, it is perfectly clear on the original papyrus” (P.Count I, 88-9). As to P.Lille Dem. II 94, de Cenival (P.Lille Dem. II, 114-6) did not suggest any transliteration for the ethnic designation of Horos son of Harchebis. Later, however, in a note to P.Lille Dem. III 99 (P.Lille Dem. III, 24) she claimed that the ethnic designation found in P.Lille Dem. II 94 should also be read as rmt YhA (without translation). This observation was obviously based on P.Lille Dem. III 99, where this reading has been proven incorrect. It should also be noted that in P.Lille Dem. II 94, Horos as well as his father Harchebis and his mother Bastet-etis have genuine Egyptian names, which makes his Jewishness less likely. Besides the Lille papyri, Zauzich (2013, 4123) mentioned other papyri from the Tikas archive recording the ethnic term rmt YhwA (P.Tikas 10, 11, 12 and 13), but those texts remain to date unpublished, and thus cannot be presented in this corpus. 42 Although there are only 309 entries in CPJ II, some entries include more than one papyrus; counting them all results in 328 papyri. The number of the Greek documentary papyri in N.CPJ is not yet set. The count ca. 58 is provisional. 43 4 in O.CPJ (CPJ 151, 415, 417, 431) and 5 in N.CPJ (CPJ 641, 646, 648, 656, 662). 44 O.CPJ II, 30.

Introduction Introduction

7

citizen of the polis of Alexandria under false pretences, there would have been no need to resort to designating him Ioudaios. In conclusion, the term Ioudaios, as an ethnic signifier, was very common in the Ptolemaic period, until the end of the second century BCE, and very rare later on.45 This can best be explained by the changes brought about by the Roman administration, whereby ethnica, which were part of Ptolemaic legal identifiers, became redundant. In the Ptolemaic period, all ethnic indicators separated their bearers from the indigenous Egyptians. In the Roman period, there were three categories: politai, i.e. citizens of the polis (who were all Hellenes and were exempt from the poll-tax); Hellenes who were not citizens of a polis (who paid a reduced poll-tax); and all others (who paid the poll-tax in full; see e.g. Monson 2012, 265-71; Jördens 2012). By losing their non-Egyptian status, the Ioudaioi lost their privileges. 2. The second category defined by the O.CPJ as indicating Jewishness seems very different from the first category, but enfolds within it a clearly identifiable continuity: “Papyri which mention events or technical terms that point to Jews or Judaism (for instance… προσευχή or Σάββατα… as are papyri mentioning the Jewish revolt under Trajan).”46 In N.CPJ this category includes the 21 new politeuma papyri (CPJ 557-77), which confirm the existence of an institution of self-rule run by Ioudaioi in Ptolemaic Egypt. Out of 217 Greek documentary papyri of the Ptolemaic period, 44 (20.3%) belong to this category.47 In the early Roman period a significant shift took place in its importance. Of the total of 386 papyri and ostraca, as many as 143 (≈37%) attest to it.48 Even with the added weight of the politeuma papyri, the category defined by O.CPJ as mentioning “events or technical terms that point to Jews or Judaism” is attested much more often in the Roman than in the Ptolemaic period. What are the elements that come to the fore and make Jews and Judaism that much more visible in this period? The answer is much less a cause for celebration than the publication 45

We intentionally wrote “end of the second century BCE” and not “end of the Ptolemaic period,” because the number of Jewish papyri from the last 70 years of Ptolemaic rule (100-30 BCE) is very small (see below p. 267), and in none of them is the title Ioudaios used as a person’s ethnicon. The use of the ethnic designation was, in any case, on the decline at the end of the Ptolemaic period; see Mueller 2006, 168; Fischer-Bovet 2014, 171. Also, on the small number of papyri in general from the first century BCE see Habermann 1998, especially the diagram on p. 147. 46 O.CPJ I, xvii. 47 In O.CPJ I: 1. Mention of Toubias the head of a Ptolemaic klerouchia in Transjordan – 7 papyri (CPJ 2a-d; 4; 5; 17); 2. Mention of the Sabbath – 1 papyrus (CPJ 10); 3. Mention of Dositheos son of Drimylos – 5 papyri (CPJ 127a-e); 4. Mention of a proseuche – 2 papyri (CPJ 129, 138); 5. Anti-Semitic composition – 1 papyrus (CPJ 141). In N.CPJ: 1. The Jewish politeuma – 21 papyri (CPJ 557-77); 2. Mention of a Jew from Palestine – 1 papyrus (CPJ 585); 3. Mention of the Sabbath – 3 papyri (CPJ 582-3; 605); 4. Mention of Dositheos son of Drimylos – 3 papyri, (CPJ 597a-c, one of them in Demotic not counted in the statistics); 4. Mention of a proseuche – 1 papyrus (CPJ 619). 48 In O.CPJ II, of the 328 documents, 119 fit this definition. 1. Jewish archive – 2 papyri (CPJ 142-3); 2. Jewish quarter – 1 papyrus (CPJ 423); 3. proseuche – 1 papyrus (CPJ 432); 4. Philo’s family – 13 papyri (CPJ 418af, 419a-e, 420a-b); 5. Anti-Semitic (Acta) literature – 14 papyri (CPJ 150; 152-5; 156a-d; 157; 158a-b; 159ab); 6. The Jewish tax – 72 ostraca and a papyrus (CPJ 160-229; 183a; 421); 7. The Jewish Revolt 115-7 CE – 14 papyri (CPJ 435-44; 446-7; 449-50); 8. Confiscation of Jewish property – 2 papyri (CPJ 445; 448). In N.CPJ 24 belong here: 1. The Philo family – 1 papyrus (CPJ 642); 2. Pesah – 1 ostracon (CPJ 638); 3. AntiSemitic (Acta) literature – 3 papyri (CPJ 676-8); 4. The Jewish tax – 5 papyri and ostraca (CPJ 629; CPJ 630b; CPJ 632; CPJ 650; CPJ 652); 5. The Jewish Revolt – 12 papyri (CPJ 663, 664a-e, 665-6, 667a-b, 668-9); 6. Confiscation of Jewish property – 3 papyri (CPJ 670-2). For a breakup of the statistical data see below, p. 20, Table 2.

8

Introduction

of the politeuma papyri. Jews become visible in the papyri of the early Roman period because of the abundance of anti-Semitic propaganda literature, the imposition of the Jewish tax following the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem, records of the Jewish revolt in 115-7 CE, and evidence of confiscation of Jewish lands and property after the revolt. This implies that, while the use of the ethnicon Ioudaios was on the decline at this time,49 “the Jewish question” in Egypt, and with it the use of other terms in which the same root is employed (e.g., and most prominently δύο Ἰουδαίων = two[-denar] Jewish [tax]), were on the rise.50 The reader may have noticed that up to now, aside from citations of O.CPJ, we have not translated the term Ioudaios. There is, of course, a reason, for this. While O.CPJ translated Ioudaios and all other terms derived from this root unproblematically as “Jew,” in the twenty-first century a major academic debate on the meaning of this term and its translation into English has erupted. Scholars have argued about whether it had, in the Second Temple period, one meaning (geographical ethnicity) or two meanings (geographical ethnicity and religion).51 In our work we have no intention of entering this debate. We have decided to translate the term Ioudaios as “Jew” throughout, first and foremost in order not to confuse between N.CPJ and O.CPJ, which we assume will be read together. Furthermore, the group designated Ioudaioi in the Ptolemaic period continued to exist, and was called by the same name in the Roman period, as for example, the name of the Jewish tax – duo Ioudaion. Although legal and bureaucratic differences concerning ethnicity existed between the Ptolemaic and Roman periods (accounting for the decline in the use of the term Ioudaios), this group, which we now call Jews, was distinct in both periods from those in the midst of whom they lived. Thus, no one would call the rebellion of 115-7 CE a Judean revolt. It did not take place in Judea. It was a Jewish rebellion, and the rebels were Jews. We do not quite know what made the Ioudaioi distinct in the eyes of non-Jews; they had (as we know from other sources) shared a common faith, but the papyri fail to show this. Instead, they show that they shared a common fate – they were treated fairly by the Ptolemies and persecuted by the Romans. We now turn to the last two categories defined by O.CPJ as useful indicators of Jewishness. 3. “Documents originating from what are known to have been places of exclusively Jewish settlement, e.g. the ostraka from Edfu.”52 This category was created, as the example cited in it indicates, to define an area excavated by a Franco-Polish expedition in Edfu, in which a large repository of ostraca, indicating the payment of the Jewish tax between 70 and 116 CE, was found, and to list, among the Jewish ostraca, ones with no Jewish indicators, only included by dint of their being found in direct proximity to clearly Jewish ones. This 49

See discussion above, pp. 6-7. Hostility to Jews was perhaps already on the rise from the end of the Ptolemaic period (see in this volume the Hieroglyphic inscriptions JIGRE 167; JIGRE 170; for a summation see Schäfer 1997, 121-68), although this only becomes conspicuous in the papyri in the Roman period. 51 For example, in the latest English translation of the works of Flavius Josephus, a major project headed by S. Mason (Flavius Josephus: Translation and Commentary [Leiden 1999-]), Ioudaios is systematically translated with “Judaean,” and see also Mason 2007, 480. For a refutation of this thesis see Schwartz 2014. For a full bibliography see ibid., 114-5, n. 9; 158-9, n. 1. Also on this question, specifically with relation to the papyri, see Cohen 1999, 99-104, who argued that the Ioudaioi of the Ptolemaic papyri are the quintessential ethnic immigrants, newly arrived from the territory of Judea, or their descendants, and see now Honigman 2016. 52 O.CPJ I, xvii. 50

Introduction Introduction

9

approach was applied ad absurdum with relation to CPJ 375-403, all ostraca found in the “Jewish Quarter” in Edfu but dated to after 117, and in none of them is any other form of Jewishness (such as Jewish names or payment of the Jewish tax) evident. The editors of O.CPJ wrote of these ostraca: “After the death of Professor Tcherikover, we submitted the proofs of this section to Prof. J. Schwartz of Strasbourg… We feel that we should mention Schwartz’s doubts concerning the ‘Jewishness’ of Nos. 375-403. He feels that the excavators insisted too strongly on the ‘ghetto’ character of the Fourth District… However, Professor Tcherikover, though not unaware of the difficulties, decided to include these ostraca in the Corpus, and we have resolved to leave them…”53 Based on the observation that the “Jewish Quarter” in Edfu may not have existed, we do not think that a provenance of a text from this region makes it Jewish.54 In N.CPJ we have included some Edfu ostraca that have been published after O.CPJ,55 but only those that meet any of the other three criteria set out by O.CPJ – the term Ioudaios, “things Jewish” or Jewish names. 4. “Papyri containing Jewish names.”56 The rest of the Greek documents from the Ptolemaic and early Roman periods not defined by the above categories are decided as Jewish because of Jewish names. Based on this category, 134 documents of the Ptolemaic period are included in O.CPJ and N.CPJ (61.7%), and 236 documents of the early Roman period (61.1%).57 From this we can deduce that while the criteria Ioudaios and “things Jewish” change places between the Ptolemaic and early Roman periods, the name element remained fairly stable, constituting ca. 60%. In both periods, it is the most dominant criterion, according to which Jewishness is decided. What does a Jewish name mean? In O.CPJ, the editors wrote: “It goes without saying that only a Hebrew name can provide unquestionable evidence for the Jewish origins of its bearer.”58 We would like to begin by qualifying this observation: We are not really looking at Hebrew names, but rather at biblical names.59 Biblical names are indubitably Jewish in the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. Aside from this category, we have rejected the two speculative assumptions raised by O.CPJ about the names Dositheos and Shabtai. Although Tcherikover was aware that “it would be wrong to consider every man named, say Theophilos to have been a Jew,” nevertheless he argued that “Dositheos is the only theophoric name which seems to have been used in the Hellenistic period almost exclusively by Jews.”60 It seems to us, however, 53

O.CPJ II, 118-9. For more on the “Jewish quarter” of Edfu see the Introduction to CPJ V and Hacham 2021. 55 From Nachtergael 1994, in which 14 ostraca were published, we include only 6, all of them based on uniquely Jewish names (CPJ 627a; 628a-b; 630c; 631), except one (CPJ 632), which is a receipt for paying the Jewish tax. From Worp 1986, in which 4 ostraca were published, we include 3, two (CPJ 630a-b) because they mention the same person as CPJ 630c and one because it records the Jewish tax (CPJ 629). We also included two ostraca from the old publication of these documents (CPJ 627b-c) because they mention a person recorded in CPJ 627a, whose name was read incorrectly in the initial publication. 56 O.CPJ I, xvii. 57 For a breakup of the statistical data see below, p. 20, Table 3. 58 O.CPJ I, xvii. 59 E.g. if a man bears the name Moses (especially in Hebrew characters), even though this is historically an Egyptian name from the dynastic period, we still consider the person Jewish, because it had become so intimately associated with the Hebrew Bible; see Williams 2013, 337-43. 60 O.CPJ I, xix. 54

10

Introduction

that the name Dositheos should be treated in the same way as other theophoric names Tcherikover mentioned.61 Based on the name Dositheos, O.CPJ included the following papyri and ostraca, which we would have rejected out of hand: CPJ 31; 69-72; 76; 81-3; 95; 111. The same is true for the list of other criteria found in O.CPJ I, p. xix, such as “father and son bear names that may be Jewish,” which O.CPJ have occasionally included in their corpus (e.g. CPJ 32 Theodoros son of Dositheos; 131 Theodotos son of Dositheos; 146 Theodote daughter of Dositheos), but we do not.62 Just like O.CPJ, we too take special issue with the biblical name Shabtai (‫שבתי‬, Sabbataios; Sambathaios and its other variants; see Ezra 10:15; Neh 8:7, 11:16). In O.CPJ the issue of the Jewishness of persons bearing this name was discussed at length63 and the editors concluded that by the Roman period the name was taken over almost completely by pagan non-Jewish Sabbath-observers, who even worshipped a Goddess of the Sabbath. Therefore, unless additional indications of Jewishness were available, O.CPJ identified persons bearing the name as non-Jewish Sabbath observers. A special section in O.CPJ III was devoted to “The Sambathions” and CPJ 481-99; 518 are all papyri that were included in O.CPJ despite the fact that the editors were convinced that they were not Jewish, because “the only procedure which can be considered methodologically correct was either to include them all in the Corpus or to reject them all [and] since the latter way would exclude from the Corpus persons certainly connected with Sabbath-observance, I have preferred the former way…”64 O.CPJ’s discussion of the Sambathions is exemplary and we have no intention of repeating or refuting it. Yet, the argument put forward by O.CPJ that in the Ptolemaic period “the bearers of [=the name Shabtai in all its forms] were, of course, Jews”65 is incorrect. Already almost two decades ago N. Cohen showed that the chronological division between Ptolemaic and Roman non-Jews using this name could not be made. Non-Jews had used the name Shabtai from its very inception in Babylonia in the sixth century BCE, and also in Ptolemaic Egypt. She was willing to concede, however, that while the form Sambathion and its like was adopted by non-Jews early on, the form Sabbataios, which derives directly from the way ‫ שבת‬was transcribed in the LXX, was still reserved for Jews.66 What we would like to show, however, is that the phenomenon which Tcherikover identified (and Cohen modified slightly), of Egyptian non-Jews adopting the name Shabtai, perhaps as evidence for Sabbath-observance in the Roman or even already in the Hellenistic period, should be 61 In a count of persons named Dositheos in Ptolemaic papyri that Dr. Zsuzsanna Szántó conducted for us, based on Trismegistos and papyri.info, we have discovered that the name appears in 87 documents, of which 41 (i.e. less than 50%) are also documented in O.CPJ and in N.CPJ. However, many of the 41 are there because they appear on papyri where others who are clearly Jews also appear, or because O.CPJ had used the name as a criterion for identifying Jews. If we remove these we are left with only 10 definitely Jewish persons named Dositheos (CPJ 19; 21; 30, 43; 95; 127a-e + 597a-c; 543a; 549; 595b x2), i.e. ca. 12%. This is not a negligible number, and shows that the name was indeed popular among Jews, but it was certainly not used exclusively by Jews. The best proof for this is a Dositheos mentioned in P.Petrie III 34a (210-183 BCE) l. 2, as Δωσιθέου Θράικος (Dositheos the Thracian). 62 An exception is CPJ 549: a Demotic receipt of measurement, issued for a certain Dositheos son of Shabtai. We include this ostracon in the corpus because of the combination, Shabtai and Dositheos, which were both popular among Jews, though neither is in itself an indication of Jewishness. 63 O.CPJ III, 43-56. 64 Ibid., 56. 65 Ibid., 43. 66 Cohen N. 1999, 19-23.

Introduction Introduction

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even more broadly defined. Our argument is based on documents in Aramaic and Demotic, which the editors of O.CPJ ignored. O.CPJ related that “in the Cairo Museum there is a coffin of a mummy from the time of the Emperor Claudius bearing the name of the deceased woman, Sambathion, and adorned by the traditional design so familiar in Egyptian mourning ceremonies: two goddesses, Isis and Nephtys, standing at a coffin and mourning the death of Osiris,”67 and therefore the woman could not be Jewish. In the same vein, we are able to show similar pagan attestations associated with the name for considerably earlier periods. First, we turn to Demotic.68 Regarding this language, a technical note is in order. Unlike Greek, in Demotic there is a letter corresponding to the Hebrew ‫שׁ‬, and therefore there can be no doubt that 5bty corresponds to the Hebrew ‫שבתי‬. N.CPJ includes six papyri that record the name in Demotic, in which the bearers are indeed Jews (CPJ 523; 524; 543a; 544; 549; 608).69 We have, however, not identified them as Jewish based on this name, but rather on other criteria. We have, indeed, not included all the persons named 5bty found in Demotic papyri from the Ptolemaic period in N.CPJ for reasons very similar to those described in O.CPJ for the Roman period. Many of them are found in decidedly Egyptian contexts, and some of them in obvious pagan ones. Thus, for example, P.Brux.Dem. 5 (=P.Survey 3) is a deed belonging to the archive of Panas son of Pechytes of the Theban choachytai (lit. waterpourers). This is a bilingual but fundamentally Demotic archive, thoroughly described by P. W. Pestman (1993). The Theban choachytai were Egyptian funerary priests performing services in the cults of the dead, caring for tombs, libations, and offerings. P.Brux.Dem. 5, from 154/3 BCE, was written for the choachytes Horos son of Horos listing all the tombs in his possession. Among the tomb-owners a Shabtai appears, indicating that he was buried according to Egyptian funerary traditions. This is not exactly what we would expect from a Jew. Another text is P.Tor.Botti 22, from 108 BCE, a marriage contract drawn up between Pakis, a servant of the falcon god Montu, and Semmuthis, an Egyptian woman. Clearly, they were both Egyptians, as are all the witnesses listed on the back of the papyrus. One of the witnesses, however, bears the name Harmiusis son of Shabtai.70 Was he Jewish or Egyptian? We do not know, but the general context of the papyrus is clearly Egyptian. Another example is TG 2487, a limestone coffin of a sacred animal from Tuna el-Gebel (resting place of sacred animals) from the third century BCE, on which a supposed variant of the name Shabtai (4bvA) was inscribed. A person bringing a sacred animal to be buried in the galleries of Tuna elGebel is certainly not behaving as we would have expected from a Jew. This observation can be further substantiated by Aramaic evidence. The name Shabtai is one of many that Ptolemaic Jews of Upper Egypt inherited from the Jews of the region in the Persian period.71 Thus, for example, on two contracts from Elephantine, persons named

67

O.CPJ III, 43. See now Szántó 2018. 69 See also the Demotic name Psenshabtai (PA-Sr-5bt) in CPJ 617a-b. 70 P.Tor.Botti, 128 reads the name as 1r-mAi-Hsi sA 4A-wrti (Harmiusis son of Sawerti), but based on the photograph attached to the publication, the patronymic is clearly 5bty (Shabtai); see DNB I/13, 964. We owe this observation to Dr. Zsuzsanna Szántó. 71 See below, pp. 22-3, Tables 8-9. The name Shabtai is not listed in the tables, because as a result of the discussion here, we do not consider it Jewish. 68

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Introduction

Shabtai serve as witnesses (TAD B.3.9, l. 10; 4.4, l. 2172). In a list of contribution to the Jewish God Yahu, exactly dated to 400 BCE, a certain Shabtai is listed (TAD C.3.15, l. 40). At the same time, and also from the Persian period (late sixth to the early fifth centuries BCE), we find in TAD A.2.1, a letter from Nabushu to his sister Nanaihem (both Babylonian theophoric names), blessings in the names of the gods Bethel (‫)ביתאל‬, the Queen of Heaven (‫ )מלכת שמין‬and Ptaḥ (‫)פתח‬. In l. 10 of the document Shabtai son of Shug is greeted as a family member. He is hardly likely to have been Jewish. Also, on a sandstone anthropoid sarcophagus found in the Aswan Museum (TAD D.18.18), “painted with traditional burial scenes,”73 the name Shabtai is inscribed on the left side. It is possible that in single cases Jews behave in ways that are not consonant with Jewish living. Here, however, we observe a much broader phenomenon, both in Aramaic and Demotic documents, of many Shabtais, who are found surrounded only by definitely non-Jews, and who behave in decidedly nonJewish ways, over a very long period of time. Thus, it is specifically regarding the biblical name Shabtai that, unless proven otherwise, we do not automatically identify its bearer as a Jew. These Demotic and Aramaic examples demonstrate that, regardless of whether the reason non-Jews – Egyptians, Persians, Babylonians, Greeks – adopted this name in Egypt because they became Sabbath-observers, as O.CPJ argues, or for some other obscure reason, Shabtai’s popularity in an Egyptian context predates the Roman period by centuries. Indeed, O.CPJ admits as much when writing: “Our richest evidence of Sabbath-observance in the Fayum villages belongs to the second century [CE]… probably due to mere chance, depending upon the fact that papyrologists were exceptionally lucky in finding large papyrus scrolls… all belonging to the second century... and obtain, as a consequence, the false impression that the sect of Sabbath-observers is only now making its first appearance in Egypt.”74 In light of the evidence from the Demotic and Aramaic documents presented here, the picture has to be revised.75 Of special interest is O.CPJ’s following observation: “The Sambathions of the third century are less numerous than those of the second century, and they disappear entirely in the fourth.”76 This observation, which is patently true, should alert us to the fact that “Shabtai/Sambathion” is not a Late-Antique phenomenon, but rather a Persian-Hellenistic one, which is also manifest on the margins in the Roman period, and effectively disappears with the rise of Christianity. Whether at its height it represented, as suggested by O.CPJ, “the wide-spreading Sabbath-observance among the pagans,”77 or whether it is an indication of something else entirely, it seems to us that Christians (in Egypt at least) certainly identified the name with the Jewish practice of Shabbat-observance, and kept away from it.

72

In both cases, they are witnessing documents drawn up by Jews. It is not clear, however, that they themselves were Jews, as the first of these is father of Sinkishir (‫ )סנכשר‬and the second is son of Kibd/ra (‫רא‬/‫)כבד‬, both not Hebrew or biblical names. 73 TAD D, 238. 74 O.CPJ III, 53-4. 75 In light of this, we would not have included the following 21 papyri and ostraca listed in O.CPJ: CPJ 34, 44, 51-60, 96, 97, 103, 115, 122, 144, 409, 411, 413. In addition, CPJ 265; 279; 327; 369 were included because they mention a Sambathion, on the one hand, and were found in what was identified by O.CPJ as the Jewish quarter in Edfu, on the other hand, and on both counts they would not have been included by us in light of the above observations. 76 O.CPJ III, 55. 77 O.CPJ III, 53.

Introduction Introduction

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In light of our observations regarding the (non-)Jewishness of both the name Dositheos and the name Shabtai, had we chosen to re-edit O.CPJ it would obviously have produced a much smaller corpus. A list of the papyri not included in N.CPJ on these and other grounds is presented in an appendix at the end of each volume. The definition of Jewish papyri in O.CPJ (vol. III) and N.CPJ (vol. VI) We have, up to now, not discussed the above categories in the late Roman and Byzantine periods because of their uniqueness. Volume III of O.CPJ includes only 70 entries. This is considerably less than the 141 entries of vol. I, and the 309 entries of vol. II. Yet, vol. I covers almost 300 years (323 BCE-30 BCE) and vol. II only 147 years (30 BCE-117 CE), while vol. III covers 524 years (117-641). Additionally, the 70 entries (=110 papyri) collected in O.CPJ III do not always resemble the entries in the other O.CPJ volumes. The 20 Sambathion entries (CPJ 481-99, 51878), by admission of the editors themselves, and as we have just shown, cannot be considered Jewish. This leaves us with 50 entries. If we remove from these the two Samaritan papyri (CPJ 513-4), we are left with 48. We will be saying something about statistical probabilities in the following lines, although we are well aware of the fact that any statistical observations on such small numbers can change dramatically with the addition or subtraction of but a few documents.79 The 48 entries (=62 papyri) of O.CPJ III are divided as follows: 9 papyri are identified by the ethnicon Ioudaios, two by the ethnicon Hebraios, and in another one the same man is identified by both. In N.CPJ, we add at least 40 new Greek documentary papyri to this period,80 8 of which are identified as Jewish because of the term Ioudaios mentioned in them, 6 because of the term Hebraios, and another one in which both terms appear.81 Thus, in ca.

78

These are 46 papyri because CPJ 481a-c in fact includes 3 papyri; CPJ 486a-b includes 2; 489a-i includes 9; CPJ 497a-c includes 3; CPJ 498a-k includes 11; and CPJ 518a-d includes 4. 79 As Habermann (1998) has demonstrated, the distribution of the published papyri in Greco-Roman antiquity is not even. The second century CE (followed by the third century) are, by far, the best documented centuries for papyri. For Jews they are demonstrably the worst, especially after 117 CE. It is true that the fifth and seventh centuries in general are badly documented (for all this see the diagram on p. 147, and also those on the following pages), but this does not coincide perfectly with the way Jewish papyri from these centuries are distributed, which are also not well documented for the fourth and sixth centuries. 80 1. BGU XIII 2319 (126 CE); 2. BGU I 53 (133 CE); 3. P.Hamb. I 8 (136 CE); 4. P.Petaus 101 (182-7); 5. P.Petaus 126 (185 CE); 6. SB XVI 12553 (2nd/3rd C CE); 7. P.Wisc. II 57 (2nd-3rd C CE); 8. P.Sijp. 33 (3rd C CE); 9. P.Fouad I, Univ. 29 (306 or 320 CE); 10. P.Oxy. LXI 4123 (307-8 CE); 11. P.CtYBR inv. 760 (309 CE); 12. P.Oxy. XIV 1722 (313 CE); 13. P.Oxy. L 3574 (314/8 CE); 14. SB XVIII 13108 (316 CE); 15. P.Ryl. IV 627+628+633+638 (317-25 CE); 16-7. P.Herm.Rees 52-3 (398 CE); 18. P.Oxy. XLVI 3314 (4th C CE); 19. P.Herm.Rees 20 (4th C CE); 20. P.Oxy. LXXX 5364 (4th C CE); 21. P.Oxy. XLIV 3203 (400 CE); 22. P.CtYBR inv. 154v (4-5 C CE); 23. P.Oxy. LXXVII 5119 (403 CE); 24. O.Berenike I 99 (4th-5th C CE); 25. O.Berenike I 109 (4th-5th C CE); 26. BGU XII 2161 (5th C CE); 27. SB XXVI 16607 (5th C CE); 28. SB XIV 11416 (5th-6th C CE); 29. CPR V 18 (538 CE); 30. P.Oxy. LV 3805 (566 CE); 31. P.Lond. III 869 (6th C CE); 32. P.Ant. III 189 (6th-7th C CE); 33. P.Brooklyn 15 (6th-7th C CE); 34. SB XIV 11541 (6th-7th C CE); 35. P.Iand VI 132 (6th7th C CE); 36. P.Mich. XIII 662 (615 CE); 37. Stud.Pal. VIII 741 (645 CE); 38. SB X1V 11844 (7th C CE); 39. P.Sijp. 36 (7th C CE); 40. Stud.Pal. X 182 (7th/8th C CE). 81 Ioudaios: 9 in O.CPJ (CPJ 452b; 456; 500; 505; 508-10; 515-6). 8 in N.CPJ (SB XVIII 13108; P.Herm.Rees 52, 53; P. Oxy. XLIV 3203; BGU XII 2161; SB XIV 11416; P.Oxy. LV 3805; P.Lond III 869; Hebraios: 2 in O.CPJ (CPJ 463, 512); 6 in N.CPJ (P.Ant. III 189; P.Brooklyn 15; Stud.Pal. VIII 741; SB XIV 11844; P.Sijp. 36; Stud.Pal. X 182; both Hebraios and Ioudaios: CPJ 511; SB XIV 11416.

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102 documents, the term Ioudaios/Hebraios appears 27 times, (≈26.5%), slightly higher than in the Ptolemaic period (23.5%) and much higher than in the early Roman period (2.3%).82 What this demonstrates is that in the late Roman and Byzantine periods, while the number of identifiable Jewish papyri in Greek dramatically decreases, the use of the term Ioudaios is on the rise after the drop in its use in the early Roman period. This phenomenon should be explained against the new milieu in Egypt – Christianity. Christians (and most Greek documents after 312 CE were composed by Christians) definitely used the term Ioudaios in a religious sense, as shown by CPJ 508 and P.Lond. III 869, where persons are described as Ἰουδαῖος τὴν θρησκείαν – Jew by religion. This claim is further substantiated by the chronological distribution of the papyri in which the term Ioudaios is mentioned. Within the longue durée of this last epoch (covering well over half a millennium), all the papyri mentioning Ioudaioi are from the fourth to the sixth centuries. Then, in the late sixth to the early seventh century, slightly preceding, and then coinciding with the arrival of Islam, the term Hebraios surfaces. When this happens, the term Ioudaios all but disappears. There seems to be a trend here. It is hard to say what this trend means, but if Graham Harvey is right, and these designations, both for Jews and for Christians, “indicate that ‘Hebrews’ are ‘good Jews’ in that they are traditional, pious and conservative,”83 we see that Egyptian Jews here join the universal trend. They avoid the term Ioudaios, which Christians had marked as basically negative, and use the more neutral Hebraios. In CPJ ΙΙΙ and CPJ VI later Greek papyri, the signifier “things Jewish” is responsible for identifying at least 30 papyri.84 Thus, the “things Jewish” component in the late Roman and Byzantine periods constitutes 29.4% of the papyri listed, not far-removed from the figures for the early Roman period (37%).85 The Ioudaios/Hebraios component of CPJ III and of CPJ VI (≈26.5%), on the other hand, resembles in its pervasiveness the Ptolemaic period (23.5%). Consequently, the third component – the name identifier – which, in both the Ptolemaic and early Roman periods, was the most useful indicator of Jewishness, experienced a major decline.86 While in the Ptolemaic period names constituted 61.7% of the identifiers for Jewishness, and in the early Roman period they constitute 61.1%, in the late Roman and Byzantine periods they constitute only ≈45%.87 It is still a substantial portion of the whole, but it is considerably lower than in the previous periods. This should come as 82

For a breakup of the statistical data see below, p. 20, Table 4. Harvey 1998, 132-47. The citation is on p. 145. 84 18 in O.CPJ: 1. CPJ 452a – a papyrus mentioning Tabernacles (should actually have been listed in O.CPJ II, as CPJ 633 indicates. This papyrus is closely associated with it and dated to before 117 CE); 2-3. 454, 468 – a Jewish street; 4-6. 507, 519, 520 – anti-Semitic utterings; 7-10. 457a-d – the Sabbath; 11-4. 458-60, 504 – the Jewish tax; 15. 467 – a Jewish festival; 16. 473 – Synagogue of the Jews; 17. 503 – Hebrew writing; 18. 506 – Jewish leader. 12 in N.CPJ: 1-2. BGU I 53, P.Hamb. I 8 – the Herodian family; 3. P.CtYBR inv. 760 – Oxyrhynchos Jewish community; 4-6. P.Oxy. XIV 1722, P.Oxy. L 3574, P.Oxy. LXXVII 5119 – mention of Hebrew names from Provincia Palaestina; 7-8. P.Ryl. IV 627+628+633+638, SB XXVI 16607 – geographical papyri mentioning toponyms from Palestine; 9. P.Oxy. LXXX 5364 – headman of the Jews; 10-11. O.Berenike I 99, 109 – Jewish customs goods; 12. SB XIV 11541 – the Sabbath. 85 For a breakup of the statistical data see below, p. 20, Table 5. 86 For a breakup of the statistical data see below, p. 20, Table 6. 87 The statistics of CPJ III are further skewed in favour of the name component, for it includes, even with this loose criterion, at least 9 documents, which we in N.CPJ would not have included: CPJ 462, from the years 150-61 CE, are 8 ostraca belonging to the archive of one woman – Pollia Maria – who was identified as Jewish because of her second name, which O.CPJ identified as deriving from the biblical Mariam. However, the name is actually Latin – the feminine of Marius (Cohen 1974); CPJ 465 from 205 CE, in Latin, is a list of Roman soldiers, some of whom have Semitic names, but none of them biblical. 83

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no surprise since, as O.CPJ puts it, “in the Byzantine period a Hebrew name ceases to be a sign of Jewish origin, since Christians commonly adopted biblical names.”88 O.CPJ used 337 CE (the year of Constantine’s death) as an Archimedean point for names. All biblical names before this date are of Jews. All those who post-date it may not be. This suggestion was later substantially fortified by R. Bagnall’s detailed statistical study of the beginning of the use of Christian (including Hebrew biblical) names. He showed that, until the beginning of the fourth century, there is virtually no evidence of Christian names in Egypt;89 by the end of the 350s, over 50% of the population documented on papyri bore Christian names.90 He concluded from this that the fourth century saw a rapid Christianization of Egypt, beginning in 313 CE, after the emperor Constantine made Christianity a tolerated religion. Only after this date, Christians began to call their children by Hebrew biblical names on a large scale, but these children were only recorded in documentary papyri some 25 years later. This coincides with 337 CE of O.CPJ. This is, of course, giving an exact date for a process that took several years, but in a corpus like this one we have to set clear boundaries. We do, however, make decisions on each papyrus based on its own merits, and use this date when no other internal evidence is available. We can in fact define what identifiable Jewish names are in the late Roman and Byzantine periods even more exactly. There were two biblical names which, for obvious reasons, Christians refrained from using – one for its sanctity (Jesus) and one for its infamy (Judas). Almost all the papyri that we identify as Jewish in N.CPJ after 337 CE based on name are documents in which Judas – which always remained very popular among Jews – appears.91 It seems to us that the decline of the name component as a positive element for identifying Jews in papyri is also responsible for the dramatic decline in the number of Greek documentary papyri recording Jews in the late Roman and Byzantine periods. O.CPJ argued correctly that after the suppression of the Jewish revolt against Rome, “between A.D. 117 and A.D. 337 the general impression is of a complete breakdown of Jewish life in Egypt.”92 Yet they also argued, in the introduction to the papyri of “A.D. 337 to the sixth or seventh century,” that “the small number of documents in this section serves as a good indication of the gradually declining importance of Egyptian Jewry.”93 However, this is inaccurate; it is not the Jewish community that was on the decline, but rather its visibility in Greek papyri. If one really wants to know about the Jewish community of Late-Antiquity in Egypt, the Hebrew and Aramaic papyri are indispensable, as we will show in CPJ VI. g. Chronology: O.CPJ had defined the chronological boundaries of their collection well: “nearly a thousand years from Alexander the Great till the Arab conquest.”94 In N.CPJ we have not strayed far from this definition at its beginning, but we have taken a certain liberty regarding its end. This is because our corpus is defined by two criteria – the use of papyri 88

O.CPJ I, xvii. Bagnall 1982. On this claim see pp. 112-4. He does document two names that he identifies as plausibly Christian in his database (Apollos and Paulus) but both are not Hebrew biblical. 90 Bagnall 1982, 122; and see now for a modified conclusion Clarysse 2018, 96-9. 91 1. P.Oxy. XLIV 3203; 2. P.Oxy. XLVI 3314; 3. P.CtYBR inv. 154 v; 4. CPR V, 18; 5. P.Iand VI 132. See also CPJ 466; 501. For the others identified by name, which are not many, we give explanations in the commentary. 92 O.CPJ I, 94. 93 O.CPJ III, 88. 94 O.CPJ I, 1. 89

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and the use of Greek. Despite the Arab conquest, the process of replacement of Greek by Arabic was gradual, taking about a century and a half. Additionally, although paper was introduced into the Arab world during the eighth century,95 it only arrived in Egypt by the ninth century.96 Thus, we have decided to include in our corpus all papyri in Greek in which Jews are mentioned, even when these were allegedly (mostly based on the untrustworthy criterion of palaeography) written late in the seventh or even the eighth century, and all papyri inscribed in Hebrew and Aramaic. h. Dating: O.CPJ does not explain how the dating of the individual papyri it presents was reached. In many documentary papyri this is not a problem, because the texts are internally dated. However, when a papyrus is dated in O.CPJ as e.g. “Mid-second century B.C.,”97 the editors had based themselves on the dating offered by the ed. princ. There are several methods of dating. One is archaeological context; if the papyrus was found in a controlled excavation, the dating would be based on the layer in which the papyrus was found. This would in turn be dated based on absolute chronology (like dateable coins, or dated documents found in the same context, or based on Carbon 14 measurements), or relative chronology (when one layer is above, i.e. later, then one, and below, i.e. earlier, then another). However, most papyri come from the antiquities market, or excavations carried out so long ago that many dating methods in use in archaeology today were not yet practiced. Thus, the most common method of dating papyri is palaeography, i.e. the science of identifying certain scribal practices with particular times. Needless to say, this method is very imprecise. In N.CPJ, the application of the palaeographical dating method is especially important, because of the numerous literary papyri that will be collected in it, which are hardly ever internally dated. Here is the problem with which we are faced: The Torah was translated into Greek, according to the Letter of Aristeas, during the reign of Ptolemy II Philadelphos (283246 BCE). Does this mean that we include all Septuagint papyri in the first (Ptolemaic) volume? Ben Sira’s grandson informs us, in the prologue to the Greek translation of the book, that he translated it after he arrived in Egypt in 132 BCE. Does this mean that all BenSira papyri fragments should be incorporated in the first (Ptolemaic) volume? Philo flourished in first century CE Alexandria. Does this mean that all Philo papyri should be included in the second (early Roman) volume of this corpus? Or should we be rather guided by the fact that the earliest Philo papyrus available (PSI XI 1207 + P.Oxy. IX 1173 + P.Oxy. XI 1356 + P.Oxy. LXXXII 5291 + P.Oxy. XVIII 2158 + P.Haun. I 8) is dated palaeographically by the editors to the third century CE, and should thus be included in the third (late Roman and Byzantine) volume? This problem is already evident in O.CPJ. In Section VIII of O.CPJ vol. II, designated “‘The Jewish Question’ in Alexandria,” the editors included compositions that are semihistorical novels, which they designated: “Acts of Alexandrian Martyrs.” These compositions purport to tell events dating from the first to the early second centuries CE, i.e. to the times of the emperors Caligula (37-41 CE), Claudius (41-54 CE) or Hadrian (117-138 CE).98 However, in O.CPJ itself the editors acknowledged that CPJ 154 should be dated to 95

Sijpstein 2009, 452-3. Bloom 2001, 42-3, 74-85. 97 E.g. CPJ 29-32. 98 CPJ 154-8. We intentionally do not include CPJ 159 here (“A trial before Commodus”) because the opinion of scholars today is that it is not about Jews at all; see Capponi 2016. 96

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“the third century A.D.” and that CPJ 15599 should be dated to the “middle of the second or early third century,” although both tell tales about Caligula’s reign, at least a century earlier. We have decided that in N.CPJ we will follow the date of the papyrus, and not the date of composition. Vol. IV will include only Septuagint papyri that were written in the Ptolemaic period (CPJ 610-13). It will include the Nash papyrus (CPJ 609) because there is at present a consensus among scholars that it was copied in the Ptolemaic period.100 On the other hand, all seven Ben Sira papyri included in this collection will be located in vol. VI, because the earliest of the fragments (P. Ant. I 8) is dated to the third century CE, etc. We realize that this decision is made mostly based on palaeographic considerations, and may create some distortions. The reason why CPJ 610-13 were all identified as dating to the Ptolemaic period is not because of palaeography, but rather because they all come from mummy cartonnage. This industrial mummification technique was prominent in the Ptolemaic period and went out of use under the Romans.101 Therefore, papyri recovered from mummies pre-date the Roman period. This makes these papyri certainly Jewish, because before the advent of Christianity the Septuagint was a Jewish book. It appears though that there is bias among scholars, who when asked to date JewishHellenistic literary papyri tend to date them later, rather than earlier, on the assumption that Christians were responsible for copying and preserving them. Since most Jewish apocryphal and pseudepigraphic writings have come down to us through Christian channels, scholars tend to forget that they were once Jewish. Ben Sira has survived in Jewish hands and in Hebrew not just in rabbinic quotations,102 and in the Judean Desert,103 but also in manuscripts preserved in the Cairo Genizah.104 Other texts have perhaps not fared so well, but their Jewish origin is undeniable, and there is no reason to assume that all evidence for these texts from late antiquity is Christian. Are all the apocryphal and pseudepigraphical papyri necessarily late? Are some of them not to be dated from before the Jewish revolt of 115-7 CE? Did only Christians read these texts in Greek in places like Oxyrhynchos, where they were found, or did Greek-speaking Jews also participate in this literary activity? Did only Christians use the Septuagint after 117 CE, or was it still a Jewish work, read for example in the synagogue of Oxyrhynchos (CPJ 473)? In some cases, the Jewishness of Greek biblical texts (like CPJ 674, where the Tetragramaton is written in palaeo-Hebrew characters) is beyond doubt. We thus cannot dismiss the possibility that some if not most of the literary papyri we present in this corpus were copied by Jews for Jews. As a working hypothesis, we accept the decisions of the editors in ed. princ. concerning the dating of the papyri. Thus, when listing them, we place them chronologically according to these datings. However, we do not always accept the editors’ categorical classification of these texts as Christian. A detailed discussion of the Jewishness of the literary papyri will be presented in the introduction to the literary papyri in N.CPJ VI. i. Arrangement of documents: The number of the last papyrus in O.CPJ is 520. In order to show our connectedness to O.CPJ we begin the numbering in N.CPJ with 521. This will 99

O.CPJ II, 60, 64. No date is given by O.CPJ to the papyri CPJ 156-7, telling of Claudius and Hadrian’s reign respectively. 100 See Tov 2012, 111. 101 On cartonnage and its dating see Frösén 2009, 87-91; Cuvigny 2009, 33-4; 45-7. 102 For a comprehensive list see Segal 1972, 37-42. 103 See Puech 2008. 104 See Beentjes 1997.

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Introduction

allow papyri from our collection to be cited as e.g. CPJ 610, etc. However, it is important to note that CPJ 521 refers again to the Ptolemaic period. The editors of O.CPJ opined on the order of the papyri in each section as follows: “the publication of the texts in a strictly chronological order would not give a correct picture. The material itself naturally falls into certain divisions.”105 The categories they then list are the following: “the Jews of the Fayum according to the Zenon Papyri”;106 “The Jews of Alexandria under Augustus”;107 “The Jews of Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) in the years A.D. 70-116”;108 or “The Jewish Revolt under Trajan.”109 The reader may note here that except for this last category, all the items have a specific geographical context: the Fayum, Alexandria, Edfu. This suggests that if there is an internal reason for listing these papyri together, going according to a geographical arrangement will, by definition, place them one next to the other. Our organisation is geographical. We begin (as in the Egyptian imagination) in the deep south of Upper Egypt, and proceed down the Nile to the Delta and finally to Alexandria. This we do not just because our preference for an ancient Egyptian concept of geography has driven us to begin in the south, but rather because of a historical observation on Judaism in Egypt. Our earliest (tangible/papyrological) records of Jews in Egypt are to be found in the most southern extreme of Egypt – the Island of Elephantine.110 While it is true that this settlement should be squarely situated in the Persian period, and we have practically no evidence for a Jewish presence in the island, or beyond in Aswan, from the Ptolemaic period,111 we have become convinced that there is a continuation of Jewish settlement in Upper Egypt, from the Persian to the Ptolemaic period. The Jewish settlement in Edfu probably replaced the more southern one of Elephantine. Edfu is the location where Jews continued to use Aramaic in the third century BCE, and many of their names are the same ones they had used in Elephantine in the Persian period.112 Geography, however, in a good historical study, cannot replace chronology. While adhering to a geographical order, we stick very firmly to an internal chronological sequence.113 If an ostracon from Thebes is dated to 151/0 BCE (CPJ 546) it will be located before another ostracon from Thebes (CPJ 547), dated to 143 BCE. If a papyrus from the Fayum is dated to 232 BCE (CPJ 595) it will be located before another papyrus from the Fayum (CPJ 596) dated to 229 BCE. The only exceptions to this rule are the papyri from Herakleopolis. Because of the major importance of the politeuma papyri (CPJ 557-77), because of their provenance from the same archive from this location, and because they all evidence the same Jewish institution, they precede collectively – in the order of the ed. princ. – all other Herakleopolis and Herakleopolite nome papyri (CPJ 578-84).

105

O.CPJ I, xix-xx. O.CPJ I, 131-46. 107 In O.CPJ II, 1-24: “Jews in Alexandria in the Early Roman Period.” 108 In O.CPJ II, 108-77: “Ostraka from the Jewish Quarter of Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu).” 109 Actually called “The Jewish Revolt in Egypt (A.D. 115-17),” O.CPJ II, 225-60. 110 See Porten 1968. 111 Except for CPJ 521, an ostracon from Elephantine, dated palaeographically to the second century BCE, and mentioning an [Ἐλε]άζαρ. 112 See primarily Honigman 2003b; 2009, and in detail below, pp. 21-4. 113 In this too we do not exactly follow O.CPJ. In its section “Jewish Tax-Collectors, Government Officials and Peasants in Upper Egypt,” CPJ 71, dated to 104 BCE, is followed by 72, dated in general to the 2nd century BCE, and is then followed by 73, dated to 162 BCE. Likewise, CPJ 94 from 97 BCE is followed by CPJ 957, dated to the 3rd-2nd centuries BCE, and then by CPJ 98, dated to 161 BCE. 106

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With O.CPJ we acknowledge, though, that some categories transgress geographical boundaries, and so, in the volume devoted to the Ptolemaic period (N.CPJ IV), we list a papyrus on Dositheos son of Drimylos in Demotic, which was found in Memnoneia (ThebesWest, CPJ 597c), in Upper Egypt, together with two others mentioning the same person, found in the Fayum (CPJ 597a-b). In the volume on the early Roman period, like in O.CPJ II, we too have a section devoted to the Jewish revolt, which will wind up the entire period, and will traverse the entire geographical expanse of Egypt.

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Introduction

Appendix: Statistics Tables Table 1: Ioudaios in Ptolemaic and early Roman Greek papyri O.CPJ Ioudaios N.CPJ Ioudaios Ptolemaic 150 23 67 28 % 15.3 % 41.8% Roman 328 4 ca. 58 5 % 1.2% ≈8.6%

Total 217 ca. 386

Ioudaios 51 23.5% 9 ≈2.3%

Table 2: “Things Jewish” in Ptolemaic and early Roman Greek papyri O.CPJ Things Jewish N.CPJ Things Jewish Total Ptolemaic 150 16 67 28 217 % 10.6% 41.8% Roman 328 119 ca. 58 24 ca. 386 % 36.3% ≈41.4%

Things Jewish 44 20.3% 143 ≈37%

Table 3: Jewish onomastics in Ptolemaic and early Roman Greek papyri Jewish names N.CPJ Jewish names Total O.CPJ Ptolemaic 150 112 67 22 217 % 74.6% 32.8% Roman 328 205 ca. 58 28 ca. 386 % 62.5% ≈48.3%

Jewish names 134 61.7% 236 ≈61.1%

Table 4: Ioudaios/Hebraios in Late Roman and Byzantine Greek papyri Total O.CPJ Ioud/Heb N.CPJ Ioud/Heb Late Rom/Byz 62 12 ca. 40 15 ca. 102 % 19.3% ≈37.5%

Ioud/Heb 27 ≈26.5%

Table 5: “Things Jewish” in Late Roman and Byzantine Greek papyri Things Jewish O.CPJ Things Jewish N.CPJ Things Jewish Total Late Rom/Byz 62 18 ca. 40 12 ca. 102 30 % 29% ≈30% ≈29.4% Table 6: Jewish onomastics in Late Roman/Byzantine Greek papyri O.CPJ Jewish names N.CPJ Jewish names Total Late Rom/Byz 62 32 ca. 40 14 ca. 102 % 51.6% ≈35%

Jewish names 46 ≈45%

Papyri of the Ptolemaic Period: Introduction 1. Onomastic continuity Like O.CPJ, the first volume of our collection is devoted to the Ptolemaic period. Unlike it, we stress continuity rather than innovation. In the first three sentences of the prolegomenon to the Ptolemaic period Tcherikover wrote: “The emigration of Jews from Palestine to Egypt can be studied from the sixth century B.C. onwards. It was probably the great catastrophe of 586 B.C. that forced the Jews to leave their mother country in search of new habitations. This first wave of Jewish immigration into Egypt is attested by the prophet Jeremiah and by the author of the ‘Letter of Aristeas,’ as well as by the well-known Aramaic papyri from Elephantine.” In the fourth sentence of the prolegomenon, though, Tcherikover abandons this line of investigation, continuing with the observation that “in the Hellenistic age emigration started, perhaps under Alexander…” Although the Jews of Elephantine reemerge occasionally in the Prolegomena,1 this is never done in order to show continuity, but rather to point out discontinuity. The discontinuity concept is probably the result of the fact that O.CPJ did not notice the existence of a substantial Jewish community in Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) in the early Ptolemaic period (the third century BCE). They were well aware of a massive one in the early Roman period, for they wrote: “We do not know why there are no Jewish ostraka from the Jewish quarter before Nero, though there were already Jews in Edfu under the Ptolemies.”2 Indeed, although they recorded 7 ostraca from Ptolemaic Edfu mentioning Jews (CPJ 70-2; 95; 111; 139-40), most of them would not have been included in N.CPJ.3 This meagre presence of Jews in Edfu is not a historical reflection, and is not even a reflection of the evidence. It is merely a reflection of O.CPJ’s strategic decision to ignore Jewish documents in Aramaic. Once these are included in the discussion, a completely different picture emerges. The argument for a continuous Jewish presence in Upper Egypt from Elephantine to Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) and Diospolis Magna (Thebes), and from the Persian to the Ptolemaic period, belongs to Sylvie Honigman. Based on a thorough onomastic study of the Jewish communities of Elephantine in the Persian period and of Edfu in the third century BCE Ptolemaic Egypt, she argued: “The onomastic profile of this community allows us to conclude that these Jews arrived in Egypt in the Persian era. They subsequently preserved their onomastic identity at least up to the early second century BCE.”4 She also argued that “thirty-five of the forty-six Hebrew names found in the Aramaic documents from Edfu are typical of the Persian period.”5 This claim is however not substantiated with any reference and in our study we were able to show this for only 12 names,6 as in Table 8: 1

O.CPJ I, 12 as an example for settling foreign troops in Egypt before the Hellenistic period; O.CPJ I, 30: use of Aramaic. 2 O.CPJ II, 109. Based on more recent studies, it is now obvious that ostraca from Edfu mentioning Jews in the Roman period can be dated to much earlier; see primarily Clarysse 1984; CPJ 620-6 and Hacham 2021. 3 CPJ 70-2; 95 and 111 because they are identified as Jewish due to the presence of the name Dositheos. 4 Honigman 2009, 121. 5 Ibid. 6 We have not included in Table 8 the name Shabtai, for the reasons argued above, pp. 10-3. Two other names may also have been included. In CPJ 526 the female name ‫ פלטית‬is recorded, whose male equivalent ‫ פלטיה‬is mentioned in the Persian period (TAD B2.1; 3.1; 3.7; D3.17). In CPJ 534 the female name ‫ ברוכה‬is recorded, whose male equivalent ‫ ברכיה‬is mentioned in the Persian period (TAD B2.9-10; 3.6; C3.15; D9.2). Note

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110674521-002

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Introduction

Table 8: Jewish names in Persian-period and Ptolemaic-Aramaic papyri Name Persian period documents Ptolemaic period Elephantine documents Edfu 1 TAD B6.3 CPJ 525 ‫( אבהי‬Abihi) 2 TAD B2.1-2, 6, 10; 3.1-2, 6, 11; 4.2; CPJ 533 ‫( אחיו‬Ahio) C3.15; 4.6; D7.9, 15; 9.4 3 CPJ 525, 531 ‫( זבדי‬Zebedi[ah]) TAD B3.2; D2.25; 18.9 4 TAD B2.3-5, 7, 9; 3.3, 6, 8, 10, 12; CPJ 525 ‫( זכור‬Zakur) 6.3; C3.15; 4.6; D2.9; 3.17; 9.3, 14; 12.1 5 TAD B2.7, 11; 3.4, 6, 8, 10-3; 6.4; CPJ 525, 532, 536 ‫( חגי‬Haggai) C3.13-5; 4.4-6, 8; D4.29; 7.29-30 6 CPJ 525 ‫( יהונתן‬Jonathan) TAD B4.4; 6.4 7 TAD B2.3-4; 4.2; 7.2; C3.15; D7.9, CPJ 529 ‫( מלכיה‬Malkiah) 13 ‫משלם‬ 8 TAD B2.2-4, 7, 9-10; 3.1, 3, 6, 8-13, CPJ 525, 536 (Meshullam) 15; C3.3, 15; 4.5; D3.2, 17; 7.35; 9.3-4, 12; 21.7 9 TAD B2.3-4, 6-7, 9-11; 3.1, 3, 5, 8, CPJ 525, 526, 531, ‫( נתן‬Nathan) 10-12; 4.19; 6.4; 7.3; 8.10; C3.14-5; 533, 536 4.6, 8; D1.9; 3.17; 7.4, 20, 28; 12.1; 13.3. 10 ‫( עבדיהו‬Abdiahu) TAD C3.4 CPJ 525, 526, 532, 533 11 ‫( עקבן‬Akban) TAD B4.2 CPJ 528 12 ‫( שלום‬Shallum) TAD B2.10; 3.13; 7.3; C3.13, 15; CPJ 531, 532 4.6; D1.13; 3.17 Honigman went on to argue that the Jewish community in Edfu was similar to the Elephantine one, not just in its names, but also in its religious institutions. Based on the presence of Jewish priests in CPJ 525, Honigman hypothesised that the Edfu Jews of the third century BCE had a temple, like the Jews in the Persian period in Elephantine and then in second century BCE Heliopolis.7 As attractive as this suggestion is, in the absence of any positive evidence, it would have to remain in the sphere of speculation.8 Moving from Edfu northwards, to second century BCE Thebes, we follow Honigman’s argument for continuity. O.CPJ acknowledged the presence of a major Jewish community in Ptolemaic Thebes in the second century BCE, depending on Greek ostraca for this observation. They wrote: “Since the word ‘Jew’ does not appear in these ostraka at all, the proper name is the only criterion for distinguishing a Jew from a non-Jew,”9 and after having allowed themselves some leeway in identifying what a Jewish name is, included 77 ostraca

however, that the name ‫( דליה‬Delaiah), for which we have no evidence from Persian Elephantine, is mentioned in three Elephantine papyri as the name of Sanbalat of Samaria’s son (see TAD A4.7; 8; 9), i.e. it was a recognised Israelite name in this period. 7 Honigman 2009, 121-3. 8 See also our discussion in CPJ 525 n. to l. 85. 9 O.CPJ I, 199-200.

Papyri of the Ptolemaic Period: Introduction

23

in their collection (CPJ 48-124, dating from 191/190 BCE [CPJ 48] to 86/85 BCE [CPJ 111]). Honigman’s observations regarding the onomastic character of the Jews of Thebes are, once again, very insightful: “Greek and Demotic ostraca and papyri from the second century BCE document the presence there of many Jews who bore the very same Hebrew names typical of Persian times, as in Edfu.”10 Although in general correct, this observation is again imprecise. Our record shows 12 names that are recorded in Jewish characters in Edfu ostraca and papyri, which then appear in Greek in ostraca from Thebes. However, two thirds of them appear for the first time in the Edfu Aramaic documents, and are not recorded in Persianperiod documents. This is shown in Table 9. Table 9: Jewish names in Persian-period, Ptolemaic-Aramaic and Ptolemaic-Greek ostraca Name Persian Ptolemaic Ptolemaic Thebes Elephantine Edfu 1 – CPJ 525, 529, Ἀβιήτης CPJ 48, ‫( אביתי‬Abietei)11 531, 536-7, 74, 87, 101, 105, 539 548, 550, 553 2 – CPJ 531 Ἄβραμος CPJ 50 ‫( אברם‬Abram) – CPJ 526, 534 Δαλλαίας CPJ 121 3 ‫( דליה‬Delaiah) See in table 8 CPJ 525, 532, Ἀγγαίος CPJ 547, 4 ‫( חגי‬Haggai) 536 551 5 – CPJ 525, 533 Ωνίας CPJ 86; ‫( חניה‬Honiah) 1nyA CPJ 544 – CPJ 525 Ευιεις? CPJ 140 6 ‫( יחיי‬Yihyi) 7 – CPJ 525, 527- Ἰσίβιος CPJ 27; ‫( ישיב‬Yashib) 8, 536-7 Ἀσίβιος CPJ 114 8 – CPJ 534, 537 Ἰτκούμιος CPJ 554 ‫( יתקום‬Itkum) 9 See in table 8 CPJ 525-6, Νάταν CPJ 116 ‫( נתן‬Nathan) 531, 533, 536 10 See in table 8 CPJ 525-6, Ἀβδίους CPJ 65, ‫( עבדיהו‬Abadiah[u]) 532, 533 73, 75, 80, 108-9. See in table 8 CPJ 531-2 Σολλούμιος CPJ 11 ‫( שלום‬Shallum) 64, 104 (+68, 85?) ‫]י[שמעאל‬ – CPJ 531 Ἰσμάηλος CPJ 120 12 ([Yi]shmael) Another of Honigman’s astute observations concerns one name recorded in this table, that has led her to the following convincing conclusions: “The decisive element allowing this comparison between the two groups is, paradoxically, an Aramaic, non-biblical name— Abyeti. While the Edfu ostraca give its Aramaic spelling (’byty), second-century documents from Thebes give this name in its Hellenised form, Abietos and Abietes. Intriguingly, this non-biblical name has not been found anywhere else so far, neither in Egypt nor in the entire ancient Near East. This name’s presence at both sites, alongside other onomastic 10 11

Honigman 2009, 123. This name is recorded in Demotic as well, see CPJ 541; 543a.

24

Introduction

correspondence, cannot be coincidental.”12 Indeed, the name is not found anywhere else, as Honigman observes. It is, however, found in Edfu, in Greek, at another time. In CPJ 627a-c a Papias son of Abietos in the first century CE paid different taxes in Edfu. In CPJ 227, dated to March 31, 116 CE, a Maria daughter of Abietes, a resident of Edfu, paid the Jewish tax, probably for the last time, just before this settlement, together with the entire Jewish community in Egypt, ceased to exist. This is indeed a fascinating and long-lasting Jewish onomastic phenomenon, which we can reconstruct through new and old documents.13 The presence of these names from Elephantine through Edfu to Thebes, and from the Persian period to the second century BCE evidences continuity between the Jewish communities of Upper Egypt from the Persian to the Hellenistic periods. At the same time, we observe the recording of these names in Aramaic earlier and more to the south, and their recording in Greek later and more to the north. This is evidence for the long hand of Ptolemaic rule reaching southwards to Thebes, and in the second century BCE, also imposing its bureaucratic language on the inhabitants,14 but it also probably reflects Jewish migration northwards at the same time.15 It should further be emphasised that some of the unique Jewish names of Upper Egypt then travelled further north, and occasionally appear in papyri mentioning Jews in the Fayum. To complete our onomastic survey, we record these names in Table 10: Table 10: Jewish names from Upper Egypt recorded in the Fayum Name Persian Ptolemaic Edfu Elephantine See Table 8 1 ‫( חגי‬Haggai) – CPJ 525, 530, 2 ‫( ידלה‬Yedlah) 532-3 3 ‫( יהדת‬Judith) – CPJ 534-5 4 ‫( יהונתן‬Jonathan) See Table 8 5 6 7

12

‫( יחיי‬Yihyi) ‫( שלום‬Shallum) ‫]י[שמעאל‬ ([Yi]Shmael)

– –

See Table 9 See Table 8 See Table 9

Ptolemaic Fayum Ἀγγᾶις CPJ 28 Ιδέλλας CPJ 39; Ἰάδουλις CPJ 589 Ἰουό̣δ̣ειτις CPJ 589 Ἰωναθᾶς CPJ 24, 28, 126, 128, 592, 595a, d Ιεης CPJ 591 Σαλύμιος CPJ 589 Ἰσμάηλος CPJ 13; Σαμάηλος CPJ 24

Honigman 2009, 123. There is only one other ostracon from Roman Edfu that indicates onomastic continuity. CPJ 284 is a receipt issued to Dalleas son of Abraimos (Δαλλέας Ἀβραίμου) on Pharmouthi 4, year 9 (of an unnamed ruler), confirming his having paid the cattle tax. He is now also mentioned in N.CPJ in two ostraca from the Roman period (CPJ 628a-b). Both names are recorded in third century Aramaic documents from Edfu; see Table 9. O.CPJ dated it to either to 77 CE or to 90 CE, but we have reason to believe it is earlier; see CPJ 628 and Hacham 2021. 14 For the reinforced Greek-Ptolemaic presence in Upper Egypt, see e.g. Hölbl 2001, 157. 15 Demotic can serve as supporting evidence for the persistence of old administrative languages in Upper Egypt. It continued, as shown e.g. by Vandorpe (2009, 241), to be present in Upper Egypt more than in Lower Egypt. In CPJ IV we include eleven ostraca and four papyri in Demotic that are relevant to Jews. Eight of the ostraca and one papyrus are from Upper Egypt; three from Edfu (CPJ 523-4; 541); and two are bilingual – CPJ 523 Demotic-Aramaic and CPJ 524 Demotic-Greek. Another five Demotic ostraca and one papyrus from Thebes (CPJ 543a; 544; 545a; 545c; 549; 597c); one of them (CPJ 543a) is bilingual – Demotic-Greek. 13

Papyri of the Ptolemaic Period: Introduction

25

Not all the names in this table are of the same cloth. Jonathan and [Yi]shmael became common names in Egypt, marked almost uniquely for Jews.16 The names were also popular for Jews in Palestine.17 The other five names, which were not popular elsewhere in the Jewish world, merely leaked from Upper Egypt to the Fayum in the third century BCE18 (CPJ 589; 59119). 2. Geographical distribution The papyri evidence of O.CPJ testifies that Jews were concentrated in two regions: Thebes in Upper Egypt (O.CPJ section V) and the Fayum in Middle Egypt (O.CPJ sections II, III, IV, and VI). The presence of Jews in the former region, as has just been argued, derives from a continuity of settlement from the Persian period. The substantial Jewish presence in the Fayum derives from the great value the Ptolemies put on settlement in this region. They developed and improved it by building a massive network of irrigation canals and offered generous conditions to soldiers and other settlers who came to the Fayum, and Jews were among them.20 While N.CPJ supports this geographical picture, it adds two other regions of a substantial Jewish presence – Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) in Upper Egypt, as discussed above (Onomastic continuity), and the Herakleopolite nome in Middle Egypt, located about 70 kilometres south-east of Fayum Lake. This presence is evidenced, first and foremost, through the 21 Jewish politeuma papyri (CPJ 557-77); but aside from these, another 7 papyri from the town and nome have been published. Had we depended on O.CPJ, which documents only two papyri from this region (CPJ 18 and 136),21 we would not have known about this remarkable, vibrant, probably military Jewish settlement in Herakleopolis, which is to date the only Jewish community documented in the papyri as having its own mechanism of selfrule. The addition of these two Jewish centres in Egypt in N.CPJ results from, on the one hand, our inclusive methodology regarding non-Greek papyri (Edfu), and on the other hand, from new finds and publications (Herakleopolis). The settlement map of Jews in Egypt can thus only be drawn based on the evidence at hand. Absence of evidence does not imply absence of settlement. We know, for example, from later periods that there was a major Jewish community in Oxyrhynchos (100 km south of Herakleopolis). Was it founded after the Ptolemaic period? Such a claim cannot be supported by the absence of evidence. For the 16

LJNLA III, 109-11. LJNLA I, 144-50; 177-9; II, 111-3; 138-9. 18 Ἀγγᾶις of CPJ 28, however, is dated to the middle of the second century BCE (155-144). 19 Note that three of these names – Yedlah, Judith, Shalum – are all recorded in the same document from Trikomia (CPJ 589), which lists many Jews living in one quarter in the village (the quarter of Maron). 20 For the Ptolemaic settlement and reclamation project in the Fayum see Manning 2003, 99-125; Mueller 2006, 23-30; 96-104; 149-51; 165-73. 21 With perhaps also CPJ 41 and 137. The first of these documents, dated to the middle of the second century BCE, may very well have been from the Herakleopolite nome. The letters ἐν τῷ Ἡρ are visible on it, but O.CPJ I, 188 argued that although “the only possible reconstruction [of this reading] would be Ἡρ[ακλεοπολίτηι]... the correct restoration may be ἐν τῆι Ἡρ[ακλείαι κώμη]” because “it is more likely that the document is confined to the Fayum, since two villages in the Fayum… are referred to in the papyrus.” This argument is based on the optical illusion that it is much more likely to find Jews in the Fayum than in the Herakleopolite nome. The identification of CPJ 137’s provenance in the Herakleopolite nome is based on BGU VIII 1730. All other papyri in this BGU volume are from Herakleopolis, but the editors state specifically that it is not clear whether this papyrus belongs to the rest of the group (BGU VIII, 1). 17

26

Introduction

meantime, CPJ 564 reports a ruling of the Jewish politeuma of Herakleopolis concerning a Jew who resides in the Oxyrhynchite nome.22 This probably implies that there was no Jewish politeuma in Oxyrhynchos, and regardless of how large the Jewish settlement at the site, it was significantly smaller than the settlement in Herakleopolis. Table 11 sums up our information to date about Jewish settlement in Ptolemaic Egypt based on documents from O.CPJ and N.CPJ. From this table it is clear that there were in the Ptolemaic period (aside from Alexandria, not documented in the papyri) four major areas where Jews settled (Apollinopolis Magna [Edfu]; Diospolis Magna [Thebes]; the Herakleopolite nome; the vast area of the Fayum), and evidence from elsewhere is insignificant. Table 11: Distribution of papyri according to provenance23 O.CPJ N.CPJ

Edfu 7 20

Thebes 46 12

Upper Egypt 2824 625

Middle Egypt – 426

Herakleopolis 4 28

Fayum 46 25

Lower Egypt 1 227

3. Chronology Jews are evident in the papyri from the entire third and second centuries BCE.28 The table presented here shows how the papyri of O.CPJ and N.CPJ are distributed according to centuries.29 Table 12: Distribution of papyri according to chronology O.CPJ N.CPJ

3rd cent. BCE 44 41

3rd-2nd cent. BCE 4 6

2nd cent. BCE 85 45

2nd-1st cent. BCE 5

1st cent. BCE 1030 631

What this table shows is that both the third and second centuries BCE are well documented. The much higher figure for the second century BCE in O.CPJ is a result of a chance find of 65 ostraca, mostly from Thebes in Upper Egypt (Section V), exclusively dated to the second century. In N.CPJ, two other substantial collections of documents – the Aramaic ostraca from Upper Egypt mostly from the third century BCE, and the chance find of the politeuma papyri from Herakleopolis from the second century BCE – allow for an almost equality 22

And CPJ 617a-b also record Jews from the same region. Not included, because unhelpful in identifying a Jewish settlement pattern: 1. Zenon papyri from Palestine (entries CPJ 1-6); 2. Dositheos son of Drimylos papyri (CPJ 127a-e; 597a-c); 3. an anti-Semitic papyrus (CPJ 141); 4. unknown provenance (CPJ 42, 138; 604). 24 One from Coptos (CPJ 69), one from Ombo (CPJ 96) and 26 of unknown provenance (CPJ 93, 97-106, 10910; 112-24). 25 One from Elephantine (CPJ 521); one from Hierakonpolis (CPJ 542); and four of unknown provenance (CPJ 552-5). 26 Two papyri from the Hermopolite nome (CPJ 556 and 616) and two ostraca from the Oxyrhynchite nome (CPJ 617a-b). 27 One from Sakkara (CPJ 607); and one from Tell el-Yahudiya (CPJ 608). 28 Specifically on the third century BCE see Hacham 2018. 29 The following papyri are not included in the table, because they are dated in general to the Ptolemaic period without a more precise date: CPJ 109, 122, 551, 555, 616. The literary papyri CPJ 609-15 are also not included in the calculation. 30 1. CPJ 44 (99-8 BCE); 2. 45 (early 1st C BCE); 3. 94 (97 BCE); 4. 111 (88 BCE); 5. 136 (51 BCE); 6. 137 (50 BCE); 7. 138 (Cleopatra’s reign); 8. 139 (1st C BCE); 9. 140 (49 BCE); 10. 141 (100-50 BCE). 31 1. CPJ 541 (1st C BCE); 2. 549 (91 BCE); 3. 550 (1st C BCE); 4-5. 582-3 (50-49 BCE); 6. 584 (1st C BCE). 23

Papyri of the Ptolemaic Period: Introduction

27

between the two centuries. What both collections show is a meager Jewish presence on papyri in first century BCE, the last 70 years of Ptolemaic rule. However, this is not a uniquely Jewish phenomenon. The first century BCE is badly documented for papyri in general, yielding many less papyri than in the two preceding and the two following centuries.32 4. Languages This volume includes documents written in four languages: Greek, Egyptian (in Hieroglyphic and Demotic), Aramaic and Hebrew. Egyptian: Demotic is the ancient Egyptian language in its newest written manifestation (since the seventh century BCE). It was still a major administrative language in Ptolemaic Egypt (especially Upper Egypt), and continued to be in use well into the Roman period.33 In this volume, we incorporate 15 Demotic papyri and ostraca, which record Jews.34 What can we learn from these Demotic sources about Jews and Demotic? Did the Jews learn or use the Egyptian language? The documents recorded here cannot answer this question, because Jews are attested in Demotic documents written by Egyptian scribes. We cannot know whether the Jews recorded therein understood the content of the receipts they received. None of these documents provide any evidence for a Jew, who wrote a contract or a receipt in Demotic, or signed one.35 On the other hand, naturally, a Jew who lives among Egyptians should have been in possession of at least a basic level of the local language. Those who married Egyptians (perhaps like Shabtai attested in CPJ 523-4), or ones who called their children by Egyptian names, are the best candidates for such an assumption. Hieroglyphic: The ancient Egyptian script, which was preserved in Egyptian temples as a traditional “holy language,” appears in this volume in two temple inscriptions mentioning Jews (JIGRE 167, 170). Aramaic: The case with Aramaic is quite the opposite. Aramaic was brought to Egypt with the Persian administration and was used there for all administrative purposes while the Persians ruled.36 The 20 documents collected in this volume in the Aramaic language and in square (Hebrew) characters37 (and the 10 Aramaic inscriptions of the Appendix) all come from Upper Egypt, and are dated palaeographically to after the demise of Persian rule, at a time when the administrative language was either the local Egyptian or the imported Greek of the new rulers. There are two options. Either Aramaic continued to be used as an administrative language by local scribes, who were trained under the departing administration, and who continued to ply their trade under the new regime; or, alternatively, 32

Habermann 1998, especially the diagram on p. 147. See Thompson 2009, 399. 34 1-2. CPJ 523-4; 3. 541; 4. 543a; 5. 544; 6. 545a; 7. 545c; 8. 549; 9. 596; 10. 597c; 11. 608; 12. 616; 13. 617a; 14. 617b; 15. 618. At a certain point we ceased to include new documents in vol. IV. We will include these in an appendix to N.CPJ vol. VI. We already know of an ostracon published by Ghislaine Widmer as “Ostracon démotique” in the Catalogue de l’exposition Du Nil à la Loire: La collection égyptienne des musées d’Orléans, curated by C. Letellier-Gorget (Orléans, 2017), 211-2. Also, we have been kindly informed by Pierre-Luc Angles of the University of Heidelberg that he is in the process of publishing a Demotic papyrus mentioning a Jew, a Jonathan (P.Würzburg inv. 24), from the Ptolemaic period, which we hope to also include in the appendix. 35 Except perhaps CPJ 616, which may have been written by a Jewish royal scribe; see discussion in the introduction to CPJ 616 (in Appendix 1). 36 See Naveh & Greenfield 1984, 115-6. 37 1-2. CPJ 522-3; 3-18. 525-40; 19. 542; 20. 552. 33

28

Introduction

all these documents were produced by Jews, because after the departure of the Persians, the Jews were the only people who used this language. Therefore, the Ptolemaic administration recognised Aramaic as a Jewish ethnic language. A survey of all the documents in Aramaic from Ptolemaic Egypt (conveniently collected in and read by B. Porten and A. Yardeni in TAD) tends toward the latter explanation. Of the 20 documents recorded in this language and written in square characters, not one displays features that are distinctly non-Jewish, and only one – CPJ 552 listing only Greek names – does not display any Jewish features at all.38 We have decided to include it on the assumption that, once Ptolemaic rule came into its own, the older administrative language was discarded, and only Jews were allowed to continue using the Aramaic language and script, as it was conceived as their ethnic language, in the same way that Demotic was considered the ethnic language of the Egyptians. The 21st Aramaic document in this corpus further proves this assertion. It is the one Aramaic document that shows markedly pagan characteristics – CPJ 615 – and it was written in Demotic characters. This may indicate that Aramaic as a spoken language among non-Jews may not have died out so quickly, but that writing Aramaic in square characters was reserved for Jews. It is, thus, likely that when writing administrative documents for non-Jews, Jews would have done it in Aramaic.39 Greek: Most of the documents in this volume are written in Greek. The majority of these documents come from Middle Egypt and the Fayum, where the Ptolemaic administration maintained a firmer grip than in Upper Egypt. Like the Demotic documents just described, most of these documents were not composed or written by Jews. However, the use of Greek by the petitioners addressing the Jewish politeuma in Herakleopolis constitutes the strongest proof for the extent to which the Greek language had taken hold among the Jews of Egypt. Hebrew: The Nash Papyrus (CPJ 609), a document recording biblical verses from the Decalogue and the Shema, is the only document in the Hebrew language in this volume. This text indicates for the first time that Jews of Ptolemaic Egypt used the Hebrew language at least in religious contexts.

38

See however also CPJ 540 which mentions only Shabtai, not in itself indicating Jewishness (see above pp. 10-3); CPJ 542, which only mentions a person with a possible biblical name ‫( שבי בר בחי‬Ezra 2:42); in both cases the use of the Aramaic language impacted their inclusion in N.CPJ. 39 See also CPJ 522-3, where Yosef the scribe (obviously a Jew) writes receipts in Aramaic for the government salt-tax. On the use of Aramaic in Ptolemaic Egypt see also Thompson 2009, 399-400. For the announcement that an Aramaic papyrus and several Aramaic ostraca from the 3rd-2nd centuries BCE were discovered in Tebtynis (Fayum), see Gallazzi & Hadji-Minaglou 2000, 31.

Locations where Jews are documented Alexandria

Tell el-Yehudiya

Sakkara

Palosis Oxyrhynchos

Techtho

Akoris kome Kleopatras kome

Hermopolis

Memnoneia Hermonthis Thebes Hagir Esna Hierakonpolis Edfu

0

200

Elephantine km

Fayum Karanis Philadelphia Boubastos Alexandrou Nesos Lagis Samareia

Tanis

Lysimachis Fayum

Themistos meris Ghoran

Tebetny Ptolemais

Herakleides meris Tebtynis

Bousiris

Gurob

Herakleopolis Peenameus Sobthis

0

100

km

Documentary papyri 521. A Jew in textile production Elephantine O.Eleph. DAIK 6 (G. Wagner) TM 74460 Lit.: Dross-Krüpe & Paetz 2014, 218, n. 64

8 x 7 cm

2nd century BCE

This ostracon derives from the archaeological excavation on the Island of Elephantine on the Nile across from Aswan (O.Eleph.DAIK, 11). It was probably a list of textile artisans, compiled for fiscal reasons. In the first line it mentions fullers, and in the second it mentions a weaver. The third line mentions Eleazar or Lazaros and his profession is not indicated, but based on this context his engaging in the textile production is very likely. His name indicates that he was a Jew. Textile production was mainly an “Egyptian” profession but Jewish artisans working in this field are attested; see O.CPJ I, 16-7, 54 and Tcherikover 1963, 66 n. 83. οἱ γνα[φε]ῖ̣[ς ] Ἄμμων ὑφά̣[ντη]ς [Ἐλε]άζαρ ---------

The fullers Ammon, weaver Eleazar

3. [Ἐλε]άζαρ. Another possible reading would be [Λ]άζαρ[ος?]. On this name see LJNLA III, 77-9. Based on I. Fikhman

522. A salt-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) Size unknown Lidzbarski 1927 = TAD D8.13 (B. Porten & A. Yardeni) TM 91065 Lit.: Porten & Yardeni 2005, 55-9; Muhs 2007, 147-50; Thompson 2011, 101

23 March 252 BCE

This Aramaic ostracon was acquired in Luxor by the demotist Spiegelberg in 1927 and sent for publication to the semiticist and epigrapher Lidzbarski. The piece is now lost, but because it is written by the same scribe as CPJ 523, which is from Edfu (see introduction to that ostracon), this piece should be assigned to the same location (see also note to CPJ 523, ll. 710). The ostracon was read and deciphered with difficulty, because of its smudgy state of preservation. It is a receipt for the salt-tax, on which see P.Count II, 36-89; Clarysse 2012, 6023-4; and introduction to CPJ 589-94. The ostracon is dated to 23 March 252 BCE, in the reign of Ptolemy II Philadelphos. The receipt was issued to a certain Shimeon, who was obviously Jewish, by a certain Yosef the scribe, who was also a Jew. Yosef is also the scribe of another ostracon, CPJ 523, a bilingual Demotic-Aramaic receipt for the payment of the salt-tax and written only eight months earlier (29 Pachon, year 32 = 20 July 253 BCE) to Taese, the daughter of Shabtai, whose wife, Tapwer or Tapoueris, is mentioned in the Demotic section of the ostracon and in a further Demotic salt-tax receipt (CPJ 524). Shi[me]on son of PN and his ‫רת‬/‫שוד‬ ͘ .‫יהב ש]מע[ון בר פ‬ wife gave 3 q(uarters) silver for ‫ \ בשם כסף‬// ‫ואתנתתה כסף ר‬ the salt-tax. Yosef the scribe wrote ‫מלחא כתב יו͘ ͘סף ספרא‬ on the 30th of Tyb[i], year 33. \ // ¬ ԇ ‫ ¬ לתעב]י[ שנת‬ԇ ‫ב‬ (Translation based on Lidzbarski’s reading)

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110674521-003

523. An Aramaic-Demotic bilingual salt-tax receipt

31

1. ‫ש]מע[ון‬. The reconstruction is likely. Shimeon was a very popular name among Jews in Upper Egypt. It is attested both in Jewish script (‫ – שמעון‬CPJ 525, ll. 91, 93, 95-6; 531; 533, ll. 2, 9; 535, l. 8[?]; 538, l. 9) and in Demotic (5man – CPJ 543a, ll. 1, 2). The form Σίμων, however, is a Greek name, not necessarily denoting Jewishness. See further LJNLA III, 165-73 (he is no. 12). ‫רת‬/‫ש͘וד‬.‫פ‬. Shimeon’s patronymic was read but not deciphered. It does not seem to be a Jewish name. 3. ‫( מלחא‬salt-tax). Lidzbarski (1927, 1044) stated that the word may either denote a “sailor,” or “salt.” The latter meaning seems to be the correct one in light of parallel evidence; see Porten & Yardeni 2005, 55-9. ‫יוסף‬. The same person appears in CPJ 523, l. 3. The name Yosef (Joseph) was extremely frequent among Egyptian Jews; it is found in Aramaic, Greek, as well as in Demotic documents (CPJ 543a; 545a); see LJNLA III, 111-20 (he is no. 6). ‫( ספרא‬scribe). This scribe was an official of the Ptolemaic administration, since he was involved in collecting the salt-tax. The same person functions similarly in CPJ 523, where on the opposite side of the ostracon, written in Demotic, an Egyptian scribe fulfils the same role. Yosef’s profession indicates integration of Jews into the Ptolemaic bureaucratic system. 4. \ // ¬ ԇ ‫ ¬ שנת ]י[לתעב‬ԇ ‫( ב‬on the 30th of Tyb[i], year 33). The date is according to the Egyptian calendar to be identified with 23 March. Yosef the scribe, who wrote this ostracon, also wrote the Aramic part of CPJ 523, the Demotic part of which was dated palaeographically to the 3rd century BCE. Year 33 in this century could only be assigned to Ptolemy II Philadelphos, i.e. 252 BCE. M. M. Piotrkowski

523. An Aramaic-Demotic bilingual salt-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu)

Size unknown

20 July 253 BCE (Aramaic text) 16 July 243 BCE (Demotic text) O.Dem.Wien 284 (Demotic: O.Mattha 134; Aramaic: Porten & Yardeni 2005) (BL Dem., 449) TM 49793; Image: Porten & Yardeni 2005, Pl. 6-7 Lit.: Nur-el-Din 1979, 47; Akeel & Depauw 2005; Muhs 2005, 48; Muhs 2007

On this Aramaic-Demotic bilingual ostracon two salt-tax receipts were written perpendicular to each other. It belongs to the same group of Demotic texts as O.Cairo JdE 67047 (Akeel & Depauw 2005), and CPJ 524, because some of the signatories on them are the same (see note to ll. 7-10). Muhs (2007, 147) identified O.Cairo JdE 67047 as the ostracon found by the Franco-Polish archaeology team in Edfu, whose photograph was published in 1937 (O.Edfou I, Pl. 44b). From this, he concluded that O.Cairo JdE 67047, CPJ 522-4 are from Edfu. From the information gleened by Muhs, it appears that Yosef, the scribe who wrote receipts in Aramaic (CPJ 522-3), worked in a tax-collection office next to scribes who wrote in Demotic (Patous son of Poueris, Sminis son of Chapokrates, Poueris son of Petosiris; CPJ 523-4) and at least one scribe who wrote in Greek (Rhodon; CPJ 524). The first edition of the Demotic text by Mattha in 1945 (O.Mattha 134) did not refer to the Aramaic text. Its existence came to light decades later thanks to Porten and Yardeni (2005). The Aramaic text is the older one. It was inscribed by Yosef in 253 BCE, for Taese daughter (?) of Shabtai concerning the payment of the salt-tax (see the introduction to CPJ 589-94). The text presents the normal salt-tax rate for women, which is a quarter kite (3 oboloi, rate B from 254 to 231 BCE). Ten years later, in 243 BCE, another salt-tax receipt was drawn up on the same ostracon, but this time in Demotic by an Egyptian scribe, Poueris son of Petosiris. This receipt was also written for a woman, Tapoueris wife of Shabtai. She is also the recipient of CPJ 524 – another salt-tax receipt from 244 BCE. Shabtai, appearing

32

523. An Aramaic-Demotic bilingual salt-tax receipt

in both texts on this ostracon and in CPJ 524, is most likely one and the same person. The family apparently used the same ostracon for Taese and then for Tapoueris. Yosef the scribe was certainly Jewish, and the Jewishness of Shabtai is also very likely. Aramaic text: Taese daughter (?) of Shabtai gave for her salt-tax 1 q(uarter) silver. Yosef the scribe wrote on the 29th of Pachons, year 32.

...‫יהבת תאסי ברת‬ ‫שבתי בשם כסף מלחא‬ ‫זי לה כסף ר \ כתב יוסף‬ ‫ לפחנס‬/// /// /// ԇ ‫ספרא ב‬ \\ ¬ ԇ ‫שנת‬

5

1. ‫תאסי‬. This is an Egyptian feminine name (also documented in CPJ 525, l. 88 [‫ ]תסא‬and 534, l. 6 [‫)]תסי‬. According to Degen (1978a, 46), it is the feminine equivalent of Pasi (see e.g. CPJ 534, ll. 5, 7), attested in Greek as Τάσις. It means “the guardian” (Modrzejewski 1995, 76). It is also recorded for a woman in CPJ 424 (dated to 87 CE) but there is doubt whether she was Jewish. The relationship between her and Shabtai cannot be established with certainty, since the reading of the word ‫ברת‬ (daughter) is not clear. If she was indeed the daughter of Shabtai, we are dealing with a mixture of Egyptian and Semitic names within one family. It was common in Ptolemaic Egypt for Jews to adopt Egyptian and Greek names. 2. ‫שבתי‬. On the name Shabtai among Jews see Introduction, pp. 10-3. ‫( מלחא‬salt-[tax]). The letters are not clear. The ed. princ. reading here is based on a parallel Aramaic salt-tax receipt (CPJ 522) dated to 252 BCE. 3. \ ‫( ר‬1 q[uarter]). The rate of the salt-tax was 1 4 kite (= 3 oboloi) for females, and 1 2 kite (= 1 drachma) for males, beginning from year 32 of Ptolemy II Philadelphos (254 BCE) until year 5 of Ptolemy III Euergetes (231 BCE). For the different tax rates through time see introduction to CPJ 589-94. 3-4. ‫( יוסף ספרא‬Yosef the scribe). For this person and his profession see CPJ 522, n. to l. 3.

Demotic text = O.Mattha 134 (perpendicular to the Aramaic text): in Ta-pA-wr tA rmt.t 5bty HD (qt) 1 4 HD HmA n HA.t-sp 4.t sX PA-wr sA PA-di-Wsir n HA.t-sp 4.t tpy Smw sw 27 sX Pa-tA.wy sA PA-wr n HA.t-sp 4.t tpy Smw sw 27 r HD (qt) 1 4 n HD HmA HA.t-sp 4.t 10 sX Ns-Mn sA anx-pA-Xrd r HD (qt) 1 4 HA.t-sp 4.t tpy Smw sw 27

Tapoueris wife of Shabtai brought 1 silver (kite) for salt-tax of year 4. Signed 4 by Poueris son of Petosiris in year 4, 1st month of shemu 27. Signed by Patous son of Poueris in year 4, 1st month of shemu 27 concerning 1 silver (kite) for the salt-tax of year 4. 4 Signed by Sminis son of Chapokrates concerning 1 4 silver (kite) in year 4, 1st month of shemu 27.

(Translation based on O.Mattha 134) 6. Ta-pA-wr. Mattha originally read Ta-pA-IaH, which was corrected according to CPJ 524, where the Egyptian-named wife of Shabtai appears again (see CPJ 524, l. 1 and Muhs 2007, 147, n. 7). Tapoueris is an Egyptian feminine name; thus, she was either an Egyptian-born woman who married a Jew, Shabtai, or a Jewess with an Egyptian name. This bilingual ostracon (243 BCE) was written one year after CPJ 524 (244 BCE), but the scribes are the same. Apparently, the three documents belonged to the same family. 5bty. This is the Demotic form of the name Shabtai; see above, l. 2. 7. HD (qt) 1 4 (1 4 silver [kite]). Egyptian scribes continued to reckon according to the Egyptian accounting system. The basic unit was the deben (referred to as HD X), equivalent to ten kite (referred to as qt X or HD qt X), containing 9.1 grams of silver.

524. A Demotic-Greek bilingual salt-tax receipt

33

The Egyptian kite equalled two drachmai, and its fractions were referred to simply as HD X, because there were no fractions of deben; see Muhs 2005, 23-5. HD HmA (salt-tax). Literally, “money of salt,” which is the name of the salt-tax in Demotic, but in many cases it is designated only pA HmA, i.e. “the salt.” 7-10. Mattha suggested different readings of the names in the ed. princ.: PA-wr sA PA-di-Imn, which was then corrected by Akeel and Depauw 2005, 12 (to PA-wr sA PA-di-Wsir), and Pa-9Hwti-pA-IaH was corrected by Nur-el-Din 1979, 47, and BL Dem., 449 (to Pa-tA.wy sA PA-wr). Two of the three subscribers, Poueris son of Petosiris and Sminis son of Chapokrates, also appear in O.Cairo JdE 67047, published by Akeel and Depauw 2005, 11, and dated to 243 BCE, while Patous son of Poueris together with Sminis son of Chapokrates also appear in CPJ 524, written for Tapoueris. All of these texts (together with CPJ 522) come from the same location, since they were written by the same scribes. Earlier, based on this connection, all were provenanced in Thebes, but B. Muhs identified O.Cairo JdE 67047 as the same ostracon from Edfu whose photograph was published in 1937 by the excavators (Muhs 2007, 147, and reference in n. 2). Therefore, he concluded that all these ostraca came from Edfu. 8. tpy Smw (1st month of shemu). In Demotic, the months have no individual names, but are numbered. Each season had four months, and the first month of the season shemu was Pachon. For more on this see Bagnall 2009, 180. M. M. Piotrkowski and Zs. Szántó

524. A Demotic-Greek bilingual salt-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 12.2 x 9.8 cm O.Dem.Wien 129 (Wängstedt 1969) = SB XVIII 13629 (BL Dem., 670) TM 2556; Image: Wängstedt 1969, 73 Lit.: Muhs 2005; Porten & Yardeni 2005; 47; Muhs 2007

29 July 244 BCE

This Demotic-Greek bilingual tax-receipt belongs to the same group of texts as O.Cairo JdE 67047 (Akeel and Depauw 2005), CPJ 522, and CPJ 523, all of them from Edfu (see Muhs 2007, introduction to CPJ 523 and note to CPJ 523, ll. 7-10). It was issued to Tapoueris wife of Shabtai, also mentioned in the Demotic part of CPJ 523, which was issued after the present receipt (243 BCE). Although Tapoueris is an Egyptian name, we have good reason to suppose that her husband Shabtai was Jewish, since ten years earlier an Aramaic salt-tax receipt was written for his daughter by Yosef the scribe (Aramaic part of CPJ 523). The text presents the standard formula of salt-tax receipts; on the salt-tax and its rates see introduction to CPJ 589-94. Although the receipt is in Demotic, the last scribe, Rhodon, signed it in Greek.

5

in Ta-pA-wr tA rmt.t 5bty HD (qt) 1 4 HD HmA (n) HA.t-sp 3 sX Pa-tA.wy sA PA-wr (n) HA.t-sp 3 ibd 2 Smw sw 10 sX Ns-Mn sA anx-pA-Xrd r HD (qt) 1 [HD] HmA HA.t-sp 3 ibd 2 Smw 4 sw 10 ἐχειρογράφησεν Ῥόδω̣ν 𐅵

Tapoueris wife of Shabtai brought 1 4 silver (kite) for salt-tax of year 3. Signed by Patous son of Poueris in year 3, 2nd month of shemu 10. Signed by Sminis son of Chapokrates concerning 1 4 silver (kite) for salt-tax of year 3, 2nd month of shemu 10. Vouched by Rhodon (concerning) 1 2 (drachma).

1. Ta-pA-wr tA rmt.t 5bty. Wängstedt recognised in his edition that this salt-tax receipt was issued to the same woman (Tapoueris wife of Shabtai) as the Demotic part of CPJ 523, written one year later, in 243 BCE. Following Mattha’s reading, he also read Ta-pA-IaH, corrected later by DNB I-16, 1178, and BL Dem., 670. On Tapoueris see CPJ 523, n. to l. 6.

34

525. Account of sales, income, and inventory

2. ibd 2 Smw (2nd month of shemu). This month was Pauni; see CPJ 523, l. 8. 2-3. Pa-tA.wy sA PA-wr and Ns-Mn sA anx-pA-Xrd. The two scribes, Patous son of Poueris and Sminis son of Chapokrates, appear in the Demotic part of CPJ 523. Mattha’s reading (Pa-9Hwti-pA-IaH) was corrected to Pa-tA.wy sA PA-wr by Nur-elDin 1979, 47; see BL Dem., 670. 5. 𐅵. 1 4 Egyptian kite was equivalent to 1 2 drachma. Zs. Szántó

525. Account of sales, income, and inventory Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 60 x 16 cm 3rd century BCE Oxford, Bodleian Library Ms. Heb. a. 5 [P] (Sayce & Cowley 1907) = TAD C3.28 (B. Porten & A. Yardeni) TM 43833; Image: TAD C, 259, 261 Lit.: Cowley 1923, 190-9; Driver 1932, 83-6; Aimé-Giron 1939, 1-63; Harmatta 1959, 337-409; Grelot 1972, 105-21; Kasher 1985, 159-60; Honigman 1995, 157-60; Modrzejewski 1995, 74-7; Honigman 2003b, 63118; 2009, 119-21

This papyrus was acquired by Sayce in Luxor, but, according to the dealer from whom it was acquired, it was found in Qûs. It seems, though, that the document was originally drawn up in Edfu, since the place is mentioned in col. X, l. 119 (see also Honigman 1995, 157). The occurrence of distinctly Greek names (e.g., Arsinoe in l. 82) in the papyrus supplies a terminus post quem of the Hellenistic period for the document and this fits with the palaeographic assessment, which places the text in the late 3rd or early 2nd century BCE (Sayce & Cowley 1907, 260; Cowley 1923, 190-1; Aimé-Giron 1939, 61). Harmatta (1959, 390) suggested a narrower date for the papyrus (331-310 BCE), based on the usage of various monetary and measuring units featured in it. However, onomastic considerations suggest a 3rd century BCE date; the use of the Ptolemaic dynastic name Arsinoe supports this later dating, because a certain amount of time would elapse between the appearance of Arsinoe as a Ptolemaic dynastic name (no earlier than the beginning of the 3rd BCE) and it becoming popular. Additionally, one person with a biblical name mentioned in the papyrus is the son of another with a Greek name (Haggai son of Diophoros/Dipyros – l. 87) suggesting that several decades had elapsed between the time that the Jews first came into contact with Greek names and the period when this document was drawn up. Even though we number the columns in the document according to Yardeni and Porten’s reconstruction in TAD C3.28, beginning with the recto, i.e. the text written along the fibres, Cowley (1923, 190-9) read the verso, i.e. the text written across the fibres, first and we consider his reconstruction correct. He suggested that the document began with col. VII, and that l. 79 is the first one, describing what the document is – an account (‫)חשבן‬, a memorandum (i.e. a collection of documents copied one after the other; see Haramatta 1959, 339-40; for a similar document in Greek from the same period see CPJ 589). Cowley suggested that it was an account of a business of some kind, not of a private household, or a list of business transactions. He thought it was associated with a certain Abihi (Cowley 1923, 191; Modrzejewski 1995, 74). This person was probably a woman, as the name appears in a document from Elephantine from the year 400 (‫ – אביהי ברת אושע‬see TAD C3.15, l. 93, and also perhaps ‫ אבי]ה[י ברת נתון‬in l. 103). Cowley thinks she may have received the documents

525. Account of sales, income, and inventory

35

recorded in this papyrus (‫אבהי‬ ͘ ‫)זי כתבת ]ו[נתנת͘ ͘ל‬. However, it is more likely that she was only involved in the transactions recorded between ll. 80-8, since most of them are from other women (Shelamzion, l. 80; Shabtit l. 81; Arsinoe ll. 82-3; an anonymous daughter of… l. 84; Taese, l. 88). It was suggested by Modrzejewski (1995, 74) that her partner may have been Jonathan, addressed in ll. 90, 104, 105. His mention, however, may indicate the beginning of yet another listing of documents, because Abihi is never mentioned in the document again, and in l. 90 deeds (‫ )שטריא‬presented to Jonathan are listed. A superficial look at the document shows an overt mixture of Jewish, Greek, and Egyptian names, Jewish names predominating. Jewishness is indicated by biblical names but some Jews have Egyptian names with biblical names for their relatives (e.g. Taese daughter of Ḥanniah [l. 88]; Obadyahu son of Pachos, l. 117) and others have Greek names in a similar combination (Arsinoe daughter of Yohanan [l. 82]; Haggai son of Diophoros [l. 87]). At a second glance, the papyrus can be clearly divided onomastically between the recto and the verso. The verso records 23 Jews (and at the most one Greek; see below commentary to Col. XI). The recto records Jews too (e.g. Judah – ll. 18 and 35), but it displays a majority of non-Jewish names, most of them Greek (e.g. Apollonios son of Jason, l. 5; Isidoros, l. 23, Lysimachos, l. 26 etc.) at a rate of 2:1. In addition, it records entries for two persons who are most probably designated by their ethnicon (‫ – י]ו[ניא‬the Ionian, e.g. l. 6; and ‫ – ערביא‬the Arab, l. 62), indicating that the persons here are not Jews. The verso thus seems to record internal Jewish transactions, while the recto records transactions in which mostly non-Jews were involved. There is another distinction between recto and verso. While the verso is all about transactions associated with wheat (‫ – חנטן‬mentioned in ll. 80-2, 99, 101), the recto is mainly about liquids – probably wine or oil – measured in logs (‫ לגן‬ll. 3-4, 6-9, 11-6, 18, 20, 23, 268, 31-6, 38-43, 45, 51a, 52, 54, 54-b-g, 62, 64-8, 70-1). Both terms appear only on one of the two sides. This brings us to the problem of Col. XI on the recto and Col. VI on the verso. This is a separate fragment that was identified, already by Sayce & Cowley (1907), as belonging to the end of the document, and they identified Col. VI as recto because of the direction in which the writing on the fibres is evident. This reconstruction was universally accepted. However, Col. XI, l. 125 (verso) of the fragment records the name Herakleides, which is evidently Greek, and while there are very few other Greek names on the verso, the same name appears in l. 25 on the recto. The other side of this fragment (universally identified as recto) records the word ‫ בחנטן‬twice, and this word does not appear elsewhere on the recto, but appears several times on the verso. Thus, we assume that this fragment came from another piece of papyrus, that was stuck to the big one upside down, and that in fact Col. VI belongs to the verso and Col. XI to the recto. In any case, both sides were written by the same hand, suggesting that the papyrus was a collection of documents (memoranda) recorded by a scribe to be deposited in an archive. Recto Col. I [In flagon(s) of] fours/fourths in our presence: Kelal: 1 ka at 1 sh(ekel), 2 q(uarters); 1 sh(ekel) remains (to be paid). ̷ Nikias/Nikaios: 6 logs at 3 q(uarters); 1 m(aah and a) h(alf) remain (to be paid). entry Nikias/Nikaios: 6 logs at 3 q(uarters); 1 (quarter) remains (to be paid).

‫]בגרב[ ארבעיא באפנא‬ \ ‫͘כ ͘ל ͘ל כא \ בש \ ר \\ שאר ש‬ ‫ \\\ בר \\\ שאר מ \ פ‬/// ‫̷ נכיס לגן‬ \ ‫ \\\ בר \\\ שאר‬/// ‫בב נכיס לגן‬

36

525. Account of sales, income, and inventory

Apollonios (son of) Iason: 1 ka (and a) h(alf) at 2 sh(ekels), 1 q(uarter). ̷ I(o)naya (=the Ionian): 4 logs at 2 q(uarters). ̷ I(o)naya (=the Ionian): 1[+1] (=2) logs at 1 q(uarter). entry Nikias/Nikaios: 6 logs at 3 q(uarters). I: 2 logs. Nathan (son of) Nadb(a)i: 1 log at 1 m(aah and a) h(alf). ̷ I(o)naya (=the Ionian): 3 logs at 1 q(uarter), 1 m(aah and a) h(alf). entry Nikias/Nikaios: 6 logs at 3 q(uarters). ̷ I(o)naya (=the Ionian): 1+[x] logs[… Col. II ̷ Nabis: 6 logs at 3 q(uarters). ̷ I(o)naya (=the Ionian): 4 logs at 2 q(uarters). entry Nikias/Nikaios: 6 logs at 3 q(uarters); 2 q(uarters) remain (to be paid). ̷ Judah: 2 logs at 1 q(uarter) (corrected from: 2 q[uarters]). entry Nikias/Nikaios: 1 log (at) 1 m(aah and a) h(alf). ̷ I(o)naya (=the Ionian): 2 logs at 1 q(uarter). ̷ I(o)naya (=the Ionian): 1 ka (and a) h(alf) at [1+]1 (=2) [sh(ekels)], 1 q(uarter). In flagon(s) of fives/fifths: ̷ Isidoros: 2 logs at 1 q(uarter). ̷ Pyrrhos/Poros: 1 ka at 1 sh(ekel), 2 q(uarters). ̷ Herakleides: half (a ka) at 3 q(uarters). ̷ Lysimachos: 7 logs at 3 q(uarters), 1 m(aah and a) h(alf). ̷ Kestos/Kostas/Xuthos: 6 logs at 3 q(uarters). ̷ PN: 5 logs at 2 q(uarters), 1 m(aah and a) h(alf). (corrected from: 4 logs at 2 q[uarters]). Abietei (son of) Netina: 2 quarters.

\ ‫אפלניס יסן כא \ פ בש \\ ר‬

\\ ‫̷ יניא לגן \\\ \ בר‬ \ ͘‫̷ יניא לגן \]\[ בר‬ \\\ ‫ \\\ בר‬/// ‫͘ב ͘ב ͘נ ͘כ ͘י ͘ס לגן‬ \\ ‫אנה לגן‬ ‫ נתן נדבי לג \ במ \ פ‬10 ‫̷ יניא לגן \\\ בר \ מ \ פ‬ \\\ ‫ \\\ בר‬/// ‫בב נכיס לגן‬ \]\ ‫̷ יניא לגן‬ \\\ ‫ \\\ בר‬/// ‫̷ נבס לגן‬ \\ ‫ \ בר‬/// ‫ ̷ יניא לגן‬15 \\\ ‫ \\\ בר‬/// ‫בב נכיס לגן‬ \\ ‫שאר ר‬ \\ ‫̷ יהודה לגן \\ בר‬ ‫בב נכיס לג \ מ \ פ‬ \ ‫ ̷ יניא לגן \\ בר‬20 \ ‫̷ יניא כא \ פ ב͘]ש \[\ ר‬

[‫בגרב חמשת]א‬ \ ‫̷ יסדרס לגן \\ בר‬ \\ ‫̷ פרס כא \ בש \ ר‬ \\\ ‫ ̷ הרגלתי פלג בר‬25 ‫ \\\ בר \\\ מ \ פ‬//// ‫̷ לסמקס לגן‬ \\\ ‫ \\ בר‬//// ‫̷ כסתס לגן‬ ‫ \ בר \\ מ \ פ‬/// | ‫רכרדס לגן‬/‫דפדרס‬ \\ ‫אביתי נתי͘ ͘נ ͘א רבען‬

Col. III ⟦ \͘ /͘/͘ ‫ ⟧אביתי] נתינא [ ר͘ ͘ב ͘ען‬30 ⟦Abietei [(son of) Netina]: 3 quarters⟧ ̷ Isidoros: 4 logs at 2 q(uarters). \\ ‫ \ בר‬/// ‫̷ יסדרס לגן‬ ̷ I(o)naya (=the Ionian): 6 logs at 3 q(uarters). \\\ ‫בר‬ ͘ \\\ /// ‫̷ יניא לגן‬ ̷ Bacchios: 9 logs at 1 sh(ekel), 1 m(aah and a) h(alf). ‫ \\\ בש \ מ \ פ‬/// /// ‫̷ בכיס לגן‬ ̷ Ionaya (=the Ionian): 2 logs at 1 q(uarter). \ ‫̷ יוניא לגן \\ בר‬ ̷ Judah: 5 logs at 2 q(uarters), 1 m(aah and a) h(alf) ‫ \ בר \\ מ \ פ‬//// ‫ ̷ יהודה לגן‬35 ̷ I(o)naya (=the Ionian): 3 logs at 1 q(uarter), 1 m(aah and a) ‫̷ יניא לגן \\\ בר \ מ \ פ‬ h(alf). ̷ Rehabel: 1 log at 1 m(aah and a) h(alf). ‫̷ רחבל לג \ במ \ פ‬ ̷ Abdi (son of) PN: 4 l[ogs] at 2 q(uarters). \\ ‫ \ בר‬/// [‫ד ל]גן‬/‫ר‬.. ‫̷ ͘ע ͘ב ͘ד ͘י ס‬ ̷ I(o)naya (=the Ionian): [2+]2(=4) logs at 2 q(uarters). \\ ‫ \ [בר‬/]// ‫יניא לגן‬ ͘ ̷ ̷ Patepi: 4 logs at 2 q(uarters). \\ ‫ \ בר‬/// ‫ ̷ פתפי לגן‬40 ̷ Petau: 6 logs at 3 q(uarters). \\\ ‫ בר‬/// /// ‫פתו לגן‬ ͘ ̷ ̷ Ionaya (=the Ionian): ⟦5⟧ 4 logs at 2 q(uarters) ⟦1 ⟦‫ ⟧\⟦\⟧\⟦ בר \\ ⟧מ \ פ‬/// ‫̷ יוניא לגן‬ m(aah and a) h(alf)⟧. ̷ Zopyros: 2 logs at 1 q(uarter). \ ‫̷ זפרה לגן \\ בר‬ 5 m(aahs)

en(try) Petau: 2 kas at 3 sh(ekels); remain (to be paid) ̷ Hermias: 3 logs [at] 1 q(uarter), 1 m(aah and a) h(alf). …

5

\\ /// ‫מ‬

‫ב פתו כאן \\ בש \\\ שאר‬ ‫ ]ב[ר | מ | פ‬/// ‫ארמיס לגן‬ ͘ ̷ 45 ...

525. Account of sales, income, and inventory

37

Col. IV In the house of Yashib yql hl‘tyk 5. \\ /// ‫בבית ישיב יקל ה͘לעתיך‬ In our house hl‘tyk 2 except for 2 ptḥn. ‫הלעתי ͘ך \\ ברא מן \\ פתחן‬ ͘ ‫͘בביתנא‬ Objects of bronze which they put on the date-palms of pḥn. ‫נחשיא זי יהבו על תמריא זי פחן‬ \ //[/ ]‫ \\\\ ש‬/// ‫שנתא זא במכס כרשן‬ This year for tax: 7 karsh, [1+]3 (=4) sh(ekels). (vacat) ̷ entry Petau: 8 logs at 1 sh(ekel). \ ‫ \\ בש‬/// /// ‫̷ בב פתו לגן‬ \ ‫ \ \\⟦ בש‬// /// ‫⟧לגן‬ ⟦8 logs⟧ at 1 sh(ekel). ⟦ \⟧\ ‫̷ פתפי לגן ⟧\⟦\\⟧\⟦ בר‬ ̷ Patepi: ⟦4⟧ 2 logs at ⟦2⟧ 1 q(uarter) ̷ Abietei to our house: 3 quarters. ͘ //͘ /͘ ‫̷ אביתי לבתנא ר͘ ͘ב ͘ען‬ ̷ Lysimachos: 4 [log]s at 2 q(uarters). \\ ‫ \ בר‬/// ‫מקס] לג[ ͘ן‬ ͘ ‫̷ ͘ל ͘ס‬ ⟦ ⟧ ⟦ ⟧ ⟦ ⟧‫] [ה‬ ⟦ ⟧ ⟦ ⟧ ⟦ ⟧ \ ‫ \ בש‬//[// /// ‫⟧ ⟦ ]לגן‬ ⟦ ⟧ [5]+3(=8) [logs] at 1 sh(ekel). \\ ‫ \[ בר‬/// ‫⟧ ⟦ ]לגן‬ ⟦ ⟧ [4 logs] at 2 q(uarters). \\ ‫ \[ בר‬/// ‫⟧ ⟦ ]לגן‬ ⟦ ⟧ [4 logs] at 2 q(uarters). \\ ‫ \[ בר‬/// ‫⟧ ⟦ ]לגן‬ ⟦ ⟧ [4 logs] at 2 q(uarters). [ ] ....‫̷] [נתן‬ [̷ ] Nathan … [(rest erased)].

50 51a

54a 54b 54c 54d 54e 54f 54g 54h

Col. V ‫[מברא‬...] . ‫] [שאר תכ‬ 55 […] remains … tk. […] mbr’ Nikias/Nikaios brought the value of the wine: [x] kar[sh], ‫͘ה ͘יבלו נכיס דמי חמר כ͘ ͘ר]שן‬ ⟦‫ש \\\ ⟧מ | פ‬ 3 sh(ekels) ⟦1 m(aah and a) h(alf)⟧. 1 on loan Nikias/Nikaios …[ ]‫ז ͘ב ͘זפה נכיס ח‬/| 30th of Thoth . ‫ ¬ לתחות ל‬ԇ ⟦ ⟧. 60 ⟦ ⟧ \ ‫ \ ר‬/// ԇ ‫זוזן‬ 24 zuz, 1 q(uarter). ̷ ̷ ̷ The Arabian: 72. Judah: 1[+1+]1 (=3) [log]s at 1 \ ‫ יהודה] לג[ן \]\[\ בר‬.72 \ /// ‫̷ ערביא לגן‬ ‫מ\פ‬ 4 logs q(arter), 1 m(aah and a) h(alf). \\ ‫בר‬ at 2 q(uarters). ̷ Sosratos: 3 [logs] at 1 q(uarter), 1 m(aah and a) h(alf). ‫̷ ססרתס] לגן [\\\ בר \ מ \ פ‬ \ /// ‫ שבתי ב͘ ͘ז ͘נה לגן‬.73 \\ ¬ ‫ אנה לגן‬65 I: 12 logs. 73. ̷ Shabtai here: 4 logs \\ ‫בר‬ .74 \ /// ‫בב אנה לגן‬ entry I: 4 logs. 74. at 2 q(uarters). /// /// ‫בב אנה לגן‬ entry I: 6 logs. /// /// ‫בב אנה לגן‬ entry I: 6 logs. ̷ Nikias/Nikaios: 1 ka, 1 sh(ekel) {at} [2] \\ ‫[שאר ר‬ ͘ \\ ]‫̷ נכיס כא \ >ב A volume measurement of Persian origin, already mentioned by Herodotus (1.192) (Briant 2002, 414-5; Porten & Lund 2002, 1, 484). It occurs in the Elephantine papyri (e.g., TAD B4.4; TAD C3.14), where it also relates to a land measurement. See also rtb (artaba) in Demotic and ἀρτάβη (artaba) in Greek. aroura > The Aramaic equivalent of the Greco-Egyptian land measure aroura (ἄρουρα). On the Aramaic term see Epstein 1912, 138. One aroura was 10,000 square Egyptian cubits, i.e. 2756.25 m². See also sTA (aroura) in Demotic. griv/grib > A measuring unit, denoting “a handful,” equalling one se’ah (‫ ;סאה‬unit of dry measure, see below). ‫ ג‬can also stand for the more common biblical measure (and equivalent of the ma’ah) ‫( גרה‬gerah), which corresponds to 1 20 of a shekel (e.g. Ex 30:13; Lev 27:25; Num 3:47; see Millard 2012, 26-7; Porten & Lund 2002, 73). garban = flagon > A volume measurement for wine or wheat, probably a Persian loan-word (Harmatta 1959, 408; Porten & Lund 2002, 73). zuz > ½ a shekel, corresponding to one (silver) drachma (Krauss 1910-1, 2:406-7; Weill 1913, 22; Harmatta 1959, 389-90; Instone-Brewer 2011, 201). ḥallur/ḥallurin > Small monetary unit, probably of Babylonian origin (Cowley 1923, xxxi). One ḥallur = 1 40 shekel (Porten & Lund 2002, 135-7, 484). ka > An Aramaic liquid volume measurement used in Egypt instead of the hin (equalling 12 logs; see Porten & Lund 2002, 153, 484). karsh > A monetary/weight unit, perhaps of Persian origin (Cowley 1923, xxxi). One karsh equals 10 shekels (Cowley 1923, xxx-xxxii; Harmatta 1959, 389; Porten & Lund 2002, 172-5, 484). log > The log (lagan) is a biblical liquid measurement equal to approximately 1 2 a litre (Lev 14:10-24; see Lauterbach 1906, 483-4; Porten & Lund 2002, 204-5, 484). ma’ah > A monetary unit equalling 1 12 shekel, or one Greek obolos. The ma’ah (Aramaic) is identical with the biblical measurement ‫( גרה‬Ex 30:13; Num 3:47; see also bBekhorot 50a). This measurement/currency is perhaps based on the Tyrian obole (Weill 1913, 212; Oppenheim 1973; Mayer 1985; Mayer 1988; NOAB 2007, 534-5). seah > A (biblical) volume measuring unit (NOAB 2007, 534-5). peleg = half > See Segal 1987, 73; Porten & Lund 2002, 265-6, 484. qab/qub > A (biblical) liquid measurement equalling 4 logs (Harmatta 1959, 341-2; NOAB 2007, 534-5). reva‘ = quarter > A ¼ of a shekel, both as a weight measurement and as a monetary unit (Lidzbarski 1908, 244-8; Weill 1913, 21; Chabot 1916, 307; NOAB 2007, 534-5; Porten & Lund 2002, 484). shekel > A well-known biblical weight and monetary measurement, which was used also by other Semitic peoples. In Egypt, the shekel was traditionally equated to the Egyptian kite, and both equalled 2 drachmai (Oppenheim 1973; Mayer 1985; Mayer 1988; NOAB 2007, 534-5).

Demotic ip.t rtb 

1

oipe > An Egyptian grain measurement equivalent to 20 litres. It was equal to ¼ khar and 40 hin (Depauw 1997, 166-7; Muhs 2005, 26). artaba > A volume measurement of Persian origin, equivalent to 38.8 litres (Bagnall 2009, 186-7). See also ‫( ארד = א‬ardabs) in Aramaic and ἀρτάβη (artaba) in Greek.

See Bagnall 2009.

330 hn

HD HD-qt  HD ¼ 

XAr

sTA

ga qb

Table of Measurements hin > A subdivision of the oipe (ip.t) and the khar (XAr). Originally, 160 hin equalled 4 oipe and 1 khar. After the introduction of the Persian artaba (rtb), 60 hin were equal to 1 artaba, and the value of the khar was reduced to 80 hin (Depauw 1997, 166-7; Muhs 2005, 26). silver deben > The basic weight and monetary unit of the Egyptian measuring system, it contained 91 gr of silver. In the sources, it is simply referred to as HD (silver). One HD equals 10 HD-qt (silver kite; see Muhs 2005, 24). silver kite > A weight and monetary unit containing 9.1 gr of silver and equalling 1 shekel and 2 drachmai (Muhs 2005, 24). ¼ silver (kite) > A ¼ of an Egyptian kite, equal to an Aramaic quarter (‫)רבע = ר‬. While whole numbers of kite were expressed as HD-qt X to avoid confusion with whole numbers of deben, its fractions were referred to as HD X, since there were no fractions in the deben (Muhs 2005, 24). khar > An Egyptian grain measurement, originally equivalent to 80 litres and divided into 4 oipe (ip.t) and 160 hin (hn). After the introduction of the Persian artaba (rtb), which equalled 60 hin, the khar remained in use, but its value was reduced to 80 hin (Depauw 1997, 166-7; Muhs 2005, 26). aroura > The standard unit of area measure dating back to pharaonic times. It equalled 2756.25 meter2. Its subdivisions are generally indicated by fractions (½, ¼ sTA etc.), and it served as the principal unit of measurement for the calculation of taxes on land (Bagnall 2009, 185-6). ga = vessel, container > An Egyptian liquid measurement referring to a type of vessel, its exact size is unknown. It is probably the abbreviation of gaga, which was also a type of measure (CDD G, 12). kebi = jug, pitcher > An Egyptian liquid measurement referring to a type of vessel, its exact size is unknown. It was also used as a measure of capacity (Bresciani et al. 1993, 46, no. 4, n. to l. x+3.; CDD Q, 19).

Greek ἄρουρα ἀρτάβη δραχμή κεράμιον κοτύλη μετρητής

μέτρον μώια ὀβολός σταθμίον στατήρ

aroura > See sTA (aroura) in Demotic and ‫( אשל‬aroura) in Aramaic. One aroura was 10,000 square Egyptian cubits, i.e. 2756.25 m² artaba > A volume measurement of Persian origin, equivalent to 38.8 litres and divided into 10 metra and 40 choinikes (Bagnall 2009, 186-7). See also ‫( ארד = א‬ardabs) in Aramaic and rtb (artaba) in Demotic. drachma > The basic weight and currency unit. While the Attic drachma contained 4.3 gr silver, the lighter Ptolemaic drachma was only 3.5 gr. The drachma was subdivided into 6 oboloi (von Reden 2007, 38; Bagnall 2009, 190). keramion = pottery jar > A container of wine, which does not have any precise capacity. The commonest keramia were equal to 3 or 4 choes (Bagnall 2009, 188). kotyle > A subdivision of the chous. The Attic kotyle equalled 0.27 litres, while the Arsinoite kotyle equalled 0.406 litres (Kruit & Worp 1999; Bagnall 2009, 187-8). metretes > A liquid measuring unit. Different metretai existed in Ptolemaic Egypt. The Attic metretes (Αττικός μετρητής) was used for measuring oil, and was equivalent approximately to 39 litres; it was divided into 12 choes and 144 kotylai. The Arsinoite metretes (Ἀρσινοικός μετρητής), which was used for measuring wine, was equivalent to approximately 29.25 litres, and was divided into 6 choes and 72 kotylai (Kruit & Worp 1999; Bagnall 2009, 187-8). metron > A dry measure equalling a tenth of an artaba, i.e. 3.88 litres (Bagnall 2009, 186-7). moia = jar > A unit of measurement used for chaff (O.Heid., 21). obolos > A subdivision of the drachma equalling the old Semitic ma’ah. 6 oboloi equal 1 drachma (Bagnall 2009, 189). stathmion > A weight unit used for wool, its precise value being unknown.  stater = tetradrachma > A weight and monetary unit equivalent to 4 drachmai. The Ptolemaic stater was lighter that the Attic stater (17.3 gr), since Ptolemy I Soter reduced its weight to 15.7 gr (von Reden 2007, 38; Bagnall 2009, 190).

Table of Measurements τάλαντον χαλκοῦ δραχμή χαλκοῦς χοῖνιξ χοῦς

331

talanton > The word means “weight,” and was the basic weighing unit. 1 talanton was equivalent to 60 mna and 6000 drachmai (Bagnall 2009, 189-90). copper drachma > This is the so-called bronze standard, the value of which was independent of the silver drachma. Around 210 BCE, it became the basic weight and currency unit (Reekmans 1948; Maresch 1996, 1-20; von Reden 2007, 70-5). chalkous > A subdivision of the obolos which equals 8 chalkoi (Bagnall 2009, 189). choinix > A subdivision of the artaba equalling 0.97 litres (Bagnall 2009, 186-7). chous > A subdivision of the metretes. The Attic chous, divided into 12 kotylai, equalled 3.25 litres, while the Arsinoite chous, divided also into 12 kotylai, approximated 4.875 litres (Kruit & Worp 1999; Bagnall 2009, 187-8).

M. M. Piotrkowski, Zs. Szántó

332

Tables of sources, dates and locations of papyri in N.CPJ

Tables of sources, dates and locations of papyri in N.CPJ 1. Table of sources 521. O.Eleph.DAIK 6 522. TAD D8.13 523. O.Dem.Wien. 284 524. O.Dem.Wien 129 525. TAD C3.28 526. TAD D1.17 527. TAD D7.55 528. TAD D7.56 529. TAD D7.57 530. TAD D8.3 531. TAD D8.4 532. TAD D8.5 533. TAD D8.6 534. TAD D8.7 535. TAD D8.8 536. TAD D8.9 537. TAD D8.10 538. TAD D8.11 539. TAD D9.15 540. TAD D11.26 541. O.IFAO.Dem.inv. 1001 542. TAD D8.12 543a. BGU VI 1454 543b. O.Lips.inv. 745 544. O.Dem.Bodl. 686 545a. O.Dem.Brooklyn 12768-1672 545b. O.Wilck. 731 545c. O.Mattha 233 546. BGU XIV 2453 547. O.Heid. 18 548. O.Ashm.Shelt. 42 549. O.BM 25139 550. O.Camp. 1925.103 Thebes 551. O.Ont.Mus. II 74 552. TAD C3.29 553. O.Heid. 1 554. BGU X 2009 555. O.Cambridge 556. P.Dion. 22 557. P.Polit.Iud. 1 558. P.Polit.Iud. 2 559. P.Polit.Iud. 3 560. P.Polit.Iud. 4 561. P.Polit.Iud. 5 562. P.Polit.Iud. 6 563. P.Polit.Iud. 7 564. P.Polit.Iud. 8 565. P.Polit.Iud. 9 566. P.Polit.Iud. 10 567. P.Polit.Iud. 11

568. P.Polit.Iud. 12 569. P.Polit.Iud. 13 570. P.Polit.Iud. 14 571. P.Polit.Iud. 15 572. P.Polit.Iud. 16 573. P.Polit.Iud. 17 574. P.Polit.Iud. 18 575. P.Polit.Iud. 19 576. P.Polit.Iud. 20 577. P.Graec.Mon. 287+293 578. P.Heid. VIII 417 579. P.Gen. III 128 580. P.Diosk. 1 581. P.Heid.inv. 5100 582. BGU XX 2846 583. BGU XX 2847 584. BGU XIV 2425; O.Heid. 19 585. P.Lond. VII 2141 586. P.Col. IV 77 587. P.Zen.Pest. 35 588. P.Lond. VII 2184 589. CPR XIII 4 590. CPR XIII 30 591. CPR XIII 5 592. CPR XIII 19 593. CPR XIII 8 594. CPR XIII 12+10 595a. CPR XVIII 7 595b. CPR XVIII 8 595c. CPR XVIII 9 595d. CPR XVIII 11 596. P.Count 2 597a. P.Vindob. 40588 597b. P.Med.inv. 83.17 597c. P.Berl.Dem. II 3096 598. P.Sorb. III 103 599. P.Petrie III 90 600. P.Count 15 601. P.Mich. XVIII 781 602. BGU XIV 2381 603. P.Köln. III 144 604. BGU XIV 2423 605. PSI Congr. XVII 22 606. P.Mon.inv. 344 607. P.Cairo.inv JE 51509 608. O.Petrie 24 609. P.Nash (Camb. MS Or.233) 610. P.Ryl. III 458 611. P.Fouad. 266a (942) 612. P.Fouad. 266b (848)

Tables of sources, dates and locations of papyri in N.CPJ 613. P.Fouad. 266c (847) 614. P.Macquarie.inv. 586 + P.Oslo II 14 + P.Köln. inv. 20380 615. P.Amherst 63 616. P.Dem.Mon. inv. 5 617a. O.Pisa inv. 2 617b. O.Köln.inv. 285 618. P.Köln XV 637 619. P.Gen. IV 144 JIGRE 157 TAD D21.7 158 TAD D21.8 159 TAD D21.9

160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170

333

TAD D21.10 TAD D21.11 TAD D21.12 TAD D21.13 TAD D21.14 TAD D21.15 TAD D21.16 Bucheum Stelle 9 Kom Aushim Inv. no 647 Moen Inv. 632 San 91-200

2. Papyri of the Ptolemaic Period sorted by date 1. 258 BCE 2. 253-243 BCE 3. 252 BCE 4. 248/7 BCE 5. 245-239 BCE 6. 245-231 BCE 7. 245-231 BCE 8. 245-231 BCE 9. 245-231 BCE 10. 245-231 BCE 11. 245-231 BCE 12. 244 BCE 13. 232 BCE 14. 232 BCE 15 232 BCE 16. 232 BCE 17. 229 BCE 18. 223 BCE 19. 222 BCE 20. 222 BCE 21. 221 BCE 22. 3rd C BCE 23. 3rd C BCE 24. 3rd C BCE 25. 3rd C BCE 26. 3rd C BCE 27. 3rd C BCE 28. 3rd C BCE 29. 3rd C BCE 30. 3rd C BCE 31. 3rd C BCE 32. 3rd C BCE 33. 3rd C BCE 34. 3rd C BCE 35. 3rd C BCE 36. 3rd C BCE 37. 3rd C BCE 38. 3rd C BCE 39. 3rd C BCE 40. 3rd C BCE

585 523 522 607 586 589 590 591 592 593 594 524 595a 595b 595c 595d 596 597b 597a 597c 598 525 526 527 528 529 530 531 532 533 534 535 536 537 552 553 587 588 599 618

41. 3rd C BCE 42. 3rd-2nd C BCE 43. 3rd-2nd C BCE 44. 3rd-2nd C BCE 45. 3rd-2nd C BCE 46. 3rd-2nd C BCE 47. 3rd-2nd C BCE 48. 3rd-2nd C BCE 49. 3rd-2nd C BCE 50. 3rd-2nd C BCE 51. 3rd-2nd C BCE 52. 3rd-2nd C BCE 53. 3rd-2nd C BCE 54. 3rd-2nd C BCE 55. 3rd-2nd C BCE 56. 3rd-2nd C BCE 57. 3rd-2nd C BCE 58. 190/89 BCE 59. 179 BCE 60. 176 BCE 61. 176 BCE 62. 167 BCE 63. 163-56 BCE 64. 161 BCE 65. 160 BCE 66. 156 BCE 67. 154 BCE 68. 154 BCE 69. 154 or 136 BCE 70. 153 BCE 71. 153/2 BCE 72. 152 BCE 73. 151/50 BCE 74. 150 BCE 75. 147/6, 136/5 BCE 76. 143 BCE 77. 145 BCE 78. 143-32 BCE 79. 143-32 BCE 80. 143-32 BCE

619 538 539 540 542 600 608 JIGRE 157 JIGRE 158 JIGRE 159 JIGRE 160 JIGRE 161 JIGRE 162 JIGRE 163 JIGRE 164 JIGRE 165 JIGRE 166 578 554 601 602 543b 579 543a 544 545a 546 580 581 545b 545c 603 547 604 577 573 JIGRE 167 571 572 576

334

Tables of sources, dates and locations of papyri in N.CPJ

81. 142 BCE 82. 141-31 BCE 83. 140 BCE 84. 138/7 BCE 85. 137 BCE 86. 135 BCE 87. 135 BCE 88. 135 BCE 89. 135 BCE 90. 135/4 BCE 91. 135/4 BCE 92. 134 BCE 93. 134 BCE 94. 134 BCE 95. 133 BCE 96. 133/2 BCE 97. 132 BCE 98. 114 or 78 BCE 99. 111 BCE 100. 2nd C BCE 101. 2nd C BCE 102. 2nd C BCE

574 575 559 566 617a 557 558 568 569 561 570 560 562 563 564 567 565 605 556 521 548 606

103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122.

2nd C BCE 2nd C BCE 2nd C BCE 2nd C BCE 2nd C BCE 2nd-1st C BCE 91 BCE 80-51 BCE 50/49 BCE 49 BCE 1st C BCE 1st C BCE 1st C BCE 1st C BCE 1st C BCE 1st C BCE 2nd C BCE-1st C CE Ptolemaic Ptolemaic Ptolemaic

609 610 614 615 617b JIGRE 168 549 JIGRE 170 582 583 541 550 584 611 612 613 JIGRE 169 555 551 616

3. Papyri of the Ptolemaic Period sorted by geographical location 521. 522. 523. 524. 525. 525. 526. 527. 528. 529. 530. 531. 532. 533. 534. 535. 536. 537. 538. 539. 540. 541. 542. 543. 544. 545. 546. 547. 548. 549. 550.

Elephantine Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Hierakonpolis Thebes Thebes Thebes Thebes Thebes Thebes Thebes Thebes

551. 552. 553. 554. 555. 556. 557. 558. 559. 560. 561. 562. 563. 564. 565. 566. 567. 568. 569. 570. 571. 572. 573. 574. 575. 576. 577. 578. 579. 580. 581.

Thebes Upper Egypt Upper Egypt Upper Egypt Upper Egypt Akoris Kome, Hermopolite Nome Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolis Herakleopolite Nome Herakleopolite Nome Phnebieus, Herakleopolite Nome

Tables of sources, dates and locations of papyri in N.CPJ 582. 583. 584. 585. 586. 587. 588. 589. 590. 591. 592. 593. 594. 595a. 595b. 595c. 595d. 597a. 597b. 597c. 598. 599. 600. 601. 602. 603. 604. 605. 606. 607.

Sadaleion, Herakleopolite Nome Sadaleion, Herakleopolite Nome Herakleopolite Nome Philadelphia, Fayum Philadelphia, Fayum Philadelphia, Fayum Philadelphia, Fayum Trikomia, Fayum Trikomia, Fayum Trikomia, Fayum Trikomia, Fayum Trikomia, Fayum Trikomia, Fayum Samareia, Fayum Samareia, Fayum Samareia, Fayum Samareia, Fayum Ptolemais, Fayum Krokodilopolis, Fayum Memnoneia (Thebes-West) Mouchis, Fayum Fayum Boubastis, Fayum Herakleides Meris, Fayum Philadelphia, Fayum Alexandrou Nesos, Fayum Middle Egypt Fayum Fayum Sakkara

608. 609. 610. 611. 612. 613. 614. 615. 616. 617a. 617b. 618. 619.

Tell el-Yahudiya Fayum? Fayum? Provenance unknown Provenance unknown Provenance unknown Provenance unknown Thebes? Hermopolis Oxyrhnchos Oxyrhnchos North Fayum Fayum

JIGRE 157 JIGRE 158 JIGRE 159 JIGRE 160 JIGRE 161 JIGRE 162 JIGRE 163 JIGRE 164 JIGRE 165 JIGRE 166 JIGRE 167 JIGRE 168 JIGRE 169 JIGRE 170

Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Hagir Esna (Latopolis) Hermontis Karanis Tell el-Yahudiya Tanis

335