Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum: Volume 5 The Early-Roman Period (30 BCE–117 CE) 9783110787764, 9783110785999

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CORPUS PAPYRORUM JUDAICARUM Volume V

CORPUS PAPYRORUM JUDAICARUM

Volume V The Early-Roman Period (30 BCE–117 CE) Edited by NOAH HACHAM and TAL ILAN BASED ON THE WORK OF THE LATE ITZHAK FIKHMAN IN COLLABORATION WITH Deborah Jacobs, Meron M. Piotrkowski and Zsuzsanna Szántó

     MAGNES

This research was supported by the EINSTEIN STIFTUNG (2013-6) and the ISRAEL SCIENCE FOUNDATION (grant No. 142/16).

ISBN 978-3-11-078599-9 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-078776-4 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-078791-7 Library of Congress Control Number: 2022935931 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2022 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston & Hebrew University Magnes Press, Jerusalem Cover illustration: P. Carlsberg 421: A document mentioning the Jewish Tax; courtesy © Papyrus Carlsberg Collection Typesetting: Michael Peschke, Berlin Printing: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com

Acknowledgement This volume is the second part of our N.CPJ. It collects, translates, and comments on all papyri, ostraca, amulets and inscriptions associated with Jews and Judaism from the earlyRoman period (30 BCE-117 CE), that have been published since the appearance of volume II of O.CPJ. As in the previous volume, we are indebted to the scholarly estate of the late papyrologist Itzhak Fikhman, on whom see the acknowledgment of CPJ IV. For the convenience of our readers, we add the subtitle “The Early-Roman Period (30 BCE-117 CE)” to the book. This volume too benefited from grants by the Einstein-Stiftung in Berlin (2013-16) and the Israel Science Foundation (Grant 142/16). These allowed us to employ our three research assistants (Dr. Deborah Jacobs, Dr. Meron M. Piotrkowski, and Dr. Zsuzsanna Szántó), whose outstanding contribution to the project can be seen on each of its pages. Jacobs was responsible for overseeing and updating Fikhman’s contributions to the documentary Greek papyri; she also wrote commentaries on additional documentary papyri (CPJ 627b-c; 635; 637-9; 646; 655; 667b), as well as on the Book of Esther fragment (CPJ 673), on two new Acta papyri (CPJ 676-7) and on inscriptions published in this volume (JIGRE 171-3). Piotrkowski wrote the commentaries on the two magical papyri (CPJ 6801) and on the Vespasian papyrus (CPJ 679). Szántó wrote the entries on the Demotic papyri (CPJ 620-6), as well as on some documentary Greek papyri (CPJ 645; 657; 663). She also reworked Jacobs’ entries on the three Tiberius-Julius-Alexander inscriptions (JIGRE 171a-c). We would at this juncture like to thank some of our papyrologist friends, who have graciously read our work and rescued us from embarrassing mistakes and omissions. First among these is Prof. Willy Clarysse of Leuven University, the father of the important papyri website Trismegistos (https://www.trismegistos.org/index.php), whose careful and generous comments on the entire book have been priceless. We would also like to thank the two readers of this book on behalf of Magnes Press, who have made many useful comments. Prof. Uri Yiftach made his identity known to us. We were then in touch with him and learnt much from his comments. We are also grateful to Prof. AnneMarie Luijendijk of Princeton University for bringing to our attention a most important ostracon mentioning Pesah (CPJ 638), Prof. Hélène Cuvigny, who provided us with an image of CPJ 637, bearing a picture of Moses, and gave us permission to publish it, and Prof. Sacha Stern who assisted us in calendarical issues. Our student assistant, Cecilia Haendler, helped us read CPJ 646. We and our assistants presented partial results of our research on the Jewish papyri published in this volume at the World Congress of Jewish Studies in Jerusalem (2017) and in the international papyrological conference in Lecce, Italy (2019). We were offered many helpful tips on these occasions, too numerous to count, and we thank all who offered us assistance. The present editors have overseen, directed and guided the entire project. We have gone through all the work of our research assistants, revising, rewriting, editing and adding to it. The responsibility for the whole project, including any error it may contain, is of course ours – ‫( אתי תלין משוגתי‬Job 19:4). Noah Hacham and Tal Ilan

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110787764-201

Jerusalem and Berlin, Tevet 5782, December 2021

Table of contents Acknowledgment ............................................................................................................. v List of abbreviations ........................................................................................................ xi Explanatory note .............................................................................................................. xxvii Papyri of the Early-Roman Period: Introduction ....................................................... 1 Map: Locations where Jews are documented .................................................................. 11 Documentary Papyri ...................................................................................................... 620-32. Jewish ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) .............................................. 620. The family of Thaumastos .................................................................................. 620a. A bilingual poll-tax receipt ........................................................................... 620b. Poll-tax receipt ............................................................................................. 620c. Poll-tax receipt .............................................................................................. 620d. (CPJ 325) Tax receipt .................................................................................. 620e. Poll-tax receipt .............................................................................................. 620f. Poll-tax receipt .............................................................................................. 620g. Poll-tax receipt ............................................................................................. 620h. (CPJ 322, 326, 330, 368) Dyke-tax compensation receipt .......................... 621. Receipt for state-wheat ........................................................................................ 622. Fruit-tax receipt ................................................................................................... 623. Fruit-tax receipt ................................................................................................... 624. Poll-tax receipt .................................................................................................... 625. Iesou son of Tebah .............................................................................................. 625a. Poll-tax receipt .............................................................................................. 625b. Poll-tax receipt ............................................................................................. 625c. Dyke-tax compensation receipt .................................................................... 626. Poll-tax receipt .................................................................................................... 627. Papias son of Abietos .......................................................................................... 627a. Receipt of rent/tax for “sacred sheep” ........................................................ 627b. Bath-tax receipt .......................................................................................... 627c. Bath-tax receipt .......................................................................................... 628. (CPJ 284) Daleas son of Abraimos ..................................................................... 628a. Receipt for delivery of “sacred dates” .......................................................... 628b. Receipt for dyke- and bath-taxes .................................................................. 629. Receipt (for the Jewish tax?) ............................................................................... 630. (CPJ 220, 298, 304, 311, 321, 405) Sambathion alias Iesous, son of Papias ..... 630a. Poll-, bath-, and police-tax receipt ................................................................ 630b. Jewish-tax receipt ......................................................................................... 630c. Poll-tax receipt .............................................................................................. 631. (CPJ 196, 301, 309, 342) Tax receipt ................................................................. 632. (CPJ 288, 335, 341, 343, 346, 348-50, 355, 359, 363-4, 405) Jewish-tax receipt of Pesouris son of Iason ....................................................................................... 633. (CPJ 452a) Fragment of an account ........................................................................ 634. A fragment of a list of names mentioning Iosephos ................................................

12 12 18 19 20 20 21 22 22 23 23 24 24 25 25 26 26 27 27 28 28 29 30 30 31 31 32 32 33 33 34 34 35 35 36 37

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Table of contents

635-7. Mons Claudianus ................................................................................................... 37 635. List of personnel mentioning Ioudanos ............................................................... 38 636. Letter mentioning Ioannes ................................................................................... 39 637. Letter from Iesous to Vernas ............................................................................... 40 638-9. The Umm Balad ostraca ....................................................................................... 40 638. An ostracon concerning “wheat for the Jews” for Passover ............................... 41 639. An ostracon showing an image of Moses ............................................................ 43 640. Registration of sheep and goats ............................................................................... 45 641. Business letter mentioning Jews .............................................................................. 46 642. (CPJ 418) Memorandum of Tiberius Julius Alexander concerning the conventus at Memphis ................................................................................................................... 47 643. List with a Jewish name ........................................................................................... 49 644. Fragment of a private account mentioning Jews ...................................................... 51 645. Fragment of a declaration to Chelkias strategos ...................................................... 54 646. Petition filed against Sambas, a Jew ........................................................................ 55 647. List of names mentioning a Jew ............................................................................... 57 Appendix: List of names perhaps mentioning a Jew ....................................................... 59 648. Account of sheep on the estate of Lucius ................................................................ 60 649. Offer for lease .......................................................................................................... 65 650. Fiscal document ....................................................................................................... 67 651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax) ............................................................... 68 652. List of payers of the Jewish tax ................................................................................ 77 653. Daybook of grain receipts ........................................................................................ 90 654-5. Lists of taxpayers from the Herakleides meris ..................................................... 92 654. Abramos son of Theophilos ................................................................................ 92 655. Iakoub .................................................................................................................. 93 656. A Jew and a Samaritan in an account ...................................................................... 93 657. (CPJ 432) Account of water supply ......................................................................... 95 658. Fragment of a real estate register? ........................................................................... 96 659. Account of beer distribution mentioning Jews ........................................................ 97 660. List of names ............................................................................................................ 104 661. Fragment of a contract of sale of a house ................................................................ 105 662. Fragment of an official letter? .................................................................................. 106 663-72. The Jewish Revolt in Egypt (115-7 CE) ............................................................. 107 663-6. The Apollonios archive ................................................................................... 110 663. Letter to Apollonios concerning the purchase of arms ................................... 110 664. (CPJ 437) Letters from Eudaimonis to Apollonios the Strategos .................. 113 664a. Letter mentioning disturbances ................................................................ 115 664b. Letter mentioning a religious vow in the course of the revolt ................. 116 664c. Letter requesting Apollonios not to leave his post ................................... 117 664d. Letter regarding Apollonios, his wife and children ................................. 119 664e. Letter expressing relief at Apollonios’ well-being .................................. 119 665. (CPJ 446) Letter from Herodes to Herakleios ............................................... 120 666. Letter from Heras to his father Epaphroditos ................................................. 123 667. Letters of Claudius Terentianus to his father Claudius Tiberianus ..................... 125 667a. Letter concerning disturbances at Alexandria .............................................. 125 667b. Another letter of Claudius Terentianus to his father .................................... 127

Table of contents

ix

668. Participation of a Rutilius in the fighting ............................................................ 669. Receipts for money deposited to the credit of recruits ........................................ 670-2. Confiscation of Jewish lands ........................................................................... 670. List of tax-collections mentioning the “Jewish account” ............................... 671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews” ....... 671a. Another document mentioning land “having once belonged to Jews” .... 672. Fragment of a list mentioning the “Jewish account” ......................................

128 129 132 133 135 145 146

Literary Papyri .............................................................................................................. 673-5. LXX papyri ........................................................................................................... 673. LXX Esther E:16–9:3 .......................................................................................... 674. Fragments of LXX Psalms .................................................................................. 675. LXX Job 42:11-2 ................................................................................................. 676-8. Acta Alexandrinorum ............................................................................................ 676. (CPJ 156) Fragment of the Acta Alexandrinorum mentioning Isidoros ............. 677. (CPJ 155) Two delegations and Isidoros before the Emperor Gaius Caligula .. 678. Fragment of the Acta Alexandrinorum? .............................................................. Appendix to the Acta Alexandrinorum papyri: Honourary inscription for Tiberius Claudius Isidoros, gymnasiarchos ....................................................................... 679. Prophecy concerning Vespasian .............................................................................. 680-1. Magical papyri ...................................................................................................... 680. Apotropaic prayer against unclean spirits ........................................................... 681. Hebrew magical-prayer amulet in Greek characters, found in Wales ................

148 148 148 152 158 159 160 163 170 171 173 176 177 180

Appendix 1: An additional Jewish papyrus ................................................................ 184 682. A list of names ..................................................................................................... 184 Appendix 2: Early-Roman inscriptions ....................................................................... 171. Tiberius Julius Alexander ........................................................................................ 171a. Dedication on a bas-relief by Tiberius Julius Alexander .................................. 171b-c. (CPJ 418c) Copies of the edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander ........................ 171b. Edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander: Outer gateway ................................. 171c. Edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander: The great gateway ........................... 172. Graffito from the Temple of Seti I mentioning Ioses .............................................. 173. Hebrew inscription from Kom el-Dikka ..................................................................

185 185 185 186 187 187 188 188

Appendix 3: Documents not considered Jewish and not included in CPJ V ............ 190 Indices ............................................................................................................................. 1. Literary sources .......................................................................................................... 2. Papyri, ostraca, and inscriptions ................................................................................. 3. Roman rulers .............................................................................................................. 4. Months ........................................................................................................................ 5. Names and prosopography of Jews ............................................................................ 6. Ethnica ........................................................................................................................ 7. Titles ...........................................................................................................................

193 193 196 205 206 206 210 210

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8. Professions of Jews .................................................................................................... 9. Geographical locations ............................................................................................... 10. Technical terms .......................................................................................................... 11. Religion ......................................................................................................................

210 210 211 212

Tables of measurements ................................................................................................... 213 Tables of sources, dates and locations of papyri in CPJ V .............................................. 214

List of abbreviations Aegyptus 1975 AFP A.J. AJP Alston 2002 Ameling 2006 ANRW AnSoc Applebaum 1979 ASAE Ast & Azzarello 2012 Avishur 1990 Bagnall 1973 Bagnall 2009 Bagnall & Cribiore 2006 Bagnall & Cribiore 2008 Bagnall & Frier 1994 Balconi 1984 Balconi 1990 Barclay 1996 Barzanò 1988 BASP Bastianini 1988 Bastianini et al. 2020 Bastianini & Whitehorne 1987 BdE Bedier 1995 Ben Zeev 2005

“Aggiunte e correzioni ai papiri documentari (P.Med.) pubblicati in Aegyptus 54 (1974) pp. 3-137,” Aegyptus 55 (1975) 267-70. Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae American Journal of Philology R. Alston, The City in Roman and Byzantine Egypt (London / New York 2002). W. Ameling, “Idios Logos,” in H. Cancik and H. Schneider (eds.), Brill’s New Pauly. Antiquity Volumes (Leiden 2006) http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/ entries/brill-s-new-pauly/idios-logos-e522230 (accessed 9.12.2014). Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt Ancient Society S. Applebaum, Jews and Greeks in Ancient Cyrene (Leiden 1979). Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte R. Ast and G. Azzarello, “A Roman Veteran and his Skilful Administrator: Gemellus and Epagathus in Light of Unpublished Papyri,” in P. Schubert (ed.), Actes du 26e Congrès international de papyrology, Genève, 16-21 août 2010 (Genève 2012) 67-71. Y. Avishur, “‘Ehyeh asher ehyeh’ in Syriac, Arabic, and Judeo-Arabic,” Leshonenu 55 (1990) 13-6 [Hebrew]. R. S. Bagnall, “Some Prosopographical Observations on the Laches Archive,” BASP 10 (1973) 65-70. R. S. Bagnall, “Practical Help: Chronolgy, Metrology, Currency, Geography, Names, Prosopography, and Technical Vocabulary,” in R. S. Bagnall (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology (Oxford / New York 2009) 179-96. R. S. Bagnall and R. Cribiore, Women’s Letters from Ancient Egypt: 300 BC-AD 800 (Ann Arbor 2006). R. S. Bagnall and R. Cribiore, Women’s Letters from Ancient Egypt: 300 BC-AD 800 (Ann Arbor 2008), ebook. https://www.fulcrum.org/concern/monographs/ 79407z10h (accessed 10.3.2020). R. S. Bagnall and B. W. Frier, The Demography of Roman Egypt (Cambridge 1994). C. Balconi, “‘Apographai probaton kai aigon’ dell’età di Tiberio e Caligola (P. Oxy. 354; 356; 352; 355),” Aegyptus 64 (1984) 35-60. C. Balconi, “Le dichiarazioni di bestiame ed il controllo del patrimonio zootecnico nell’Egitto romano,” Aegyptus 70 (1990) 113-22. J. M. G. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora from Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE - 117 CE) (Edinburgh 1996). A. Barzanò, “Tiberio Giulio Alessandro, Prefetto d’Egitto (66/70),” in H. Temporini (ed.), Politische Geschichte (Provinzen und Randvölker: Afrika und Ägypten), (ANRW II, 10/1; Berlin, 1988) 518-80. Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists G. Bastianini, “Le préfet d’Egypte (30 av. J.C. – 297 ap. J.C.): Etat present de la Documentation en 1973,” in H. Temporini (ed.), Politische Geschichte (Provinzen und Randvölker: Afrika und Ägypten) (ANRW II/10.1; Berlin 1988) 472-517. G. Bastianini, et al. (eds.), E me l’ovrare appaga: Papiri e saggi in onore di Gabriella Messeri (P.Messeri) (Firenze 2020). G. Bastianini and J. Whitehorne, Strategi and Royal Scribes of Roman Egypt. Chronological List and Index (Firenze 1987). Bibliothèque d’Étude S. Bedier, Die Rolle des Gottes Geb in den ägyptischen Tempelinschriften der griechisch-romischen Zeit (Hildesheim 1995). M. Ben Zeev, Diaspora Judaism in Turmoil, 116/117 CE: Ancient Sources and Modern Insights (Leuven 2005).

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110787764-202

xii Benaissa 2006 Benaissa 2012 Benner 1975 Bentein 2018 Bernand 1984 BGU I BGU IV BGU XI BIFAO Bingen 1996a

Bingen 1996b Bingen 2002 B.J. BKT IX 115 BL BL Dem Blouin 2012 Bogaert 1994 Bogaert 1995 Bogaert 2000 Bohak 1996 Bohak 1997 Bohak 2000 Bohak 2003 Bohak 2004 Bohak 2008 Bohak 2014

List of abbreviations A. Benaissa, “The Archive of Tryphon Phibas,” ZPE 158 (2006) 226-234. A. Benaissa, “Rural Settlements in the Oxyrhynchite Nome: A Papyrological Survey” Trismegistos online publications (TOP) 4, version 2.0 (Köln / Leuven 2012). M. Benner, The Emperor Says: Studies in the Rhetorical Style in Edicts of the Early Empire (Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia 33; Göteborg 1975). K. Bentein, “Expressing Lineage in Roman and Late Antique Petitions and Contracts: A Variationist Perspective,” JJP 48 (2018) 1-36. A. Bernand, Les portes du désert. Recueil des inscrptions grecques d’Antinooupolis, Tentyris, Koptos, Apollonopolis Parva et Apollonopolis Magna (Paris 1984). Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Königlichen Museen zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden I (Berlin 1895). Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Königlichen Museen zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden IV (Berlin 1912). H. Maehler (ed.), Urkunden römischer Zeit (Ägyptische Urkunden aus den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. Griechische Urkunden XI) (Berlin 1966-8). Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale J. Bingen, “Dumping the Ostraca at Mons Claudianus,” in D. M. Bailey (ed.), Archaeological Research in Roman Egypt: The Proceedings of the 17th Colloquium of the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum (Ann Arbor 1996) 29-38. J. Bingen, “Review of G. Nachtergael, ‘Ostraca du Musée Archéologique de Cracovie (O. Mus. Cracovie),’ Materialy Archeologiczne 27 (1994),” CdE 71 (1996) 183-4. J. Bingen, “Un nouvel épistratège et arabarque alexandrin,” ZPE 138 (2002) 119-20. Josephus, Bellum Judaicum G. Ioannidou, Catalogue of Greek and Latin Literary Papyri in Berlin (P.Berol. inv. 21101-21299, 21911) (Mainz 1996) 149-50. Berichtigungsliste der Griechischen Papyrusurkunden aus Ägypten A. den Brinker, B. Muhs, and S. Vleeming (eds.), A Berichtigungsliste of Demotic Documents, Volume A: Papyrus Editions; Volume B: Ostrakon Editions and Various Publications (Leuven 2005). K. Blouin “Dioikesis,” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Malden 2012) 2118-20. R. Bogaert, Trapezitica Aegyptiaca: Recueil de recherches sur la banque en Égypte gréco-romaine (Firenze 1994). R. Bogaert, “Liste géographique des banques et des banquiers de l’Égypte romaine, 30a-284,” ZPE 109 (1995) 133-73. R. Bogaert, “Les opérations des banques de l’Égypte romaine,” AnSoc 30 (2000) 135-209. G. Bohak, Joseph and Aseneth and the Jewish Temple in Heliopolis (SBL Early Judaism and Its Literature 10; Atlanta 1996). G. Bohak, “Good Jews, Bad Jews and Non-Jews in Greek Papyri and Inscriptions,” in B. Kramer (ed.), Akten des 21. Internationalen Papyrologenkongresses, Berlin 13-19.8.1995 (AfP Beiheft 3; Stuttgart / Leipzig 1997) 105-12. G. Bohak, “The Impact of Jewish Monotheism on the Greco-Roman World,” JSQ 7 (2000) 1-21. G. Bohak, “Hebrew, Hebrew Everywhere? Notes on the Interpretation of Voces Magicae,” in S. B. Noegel, J. Walker, and B. M. Wheeler (eds.), Prayer, Magic, and the Stars in the Ancient and Late Antique World (Pennsylvania 2003) 69-82. G. Bohak, “Jewish Myth in Pagan Magic in Antiquity,” in I. Grunewald and M. Idel (eds.), Myths in Judaism: History, Thought, Literature (Jerusalem 2004) 97-122 [Hebrew]. G. Bohak, Ancient Jewish Magic: A History (Cambridge 2008). G. Bohak, “Greek-Hebrew Linguistic Contacts in Late Antique and Medieval Magical Texts,” in J. K. Aitken and J. Carleton Paget (eds.), The Jewish-Greek Tradition in Antiquity and the Byzantine Empire (Cambridge 2014) 247-60.

List of abbreviations Bonneau 1971 Bowman 1976 Brashear 1995 Bremmer 1999 Brewer 2000 Broux 2015 Broux 2019 Bülow-Jacobsen 1994 Butin & Schwartz 1985 Campbell 1994 Cantarella 1965 Capponi 2004 Capponi 2005 Cauville 2007 Cazzaniga 1967 CdE Chalon 1964 CIJ Clarysse 1984 Clarysse 1989 Clarysse 1994 Clarysse 2007

Clarysse 2012 Clarysse 2017 Clarysse 2018 Clarysse 2020a

xiii

D. Bonneau, Le fisc et le Nil: incidences des irrégularités de la crue du Nil sur la fiscalité foncière dans l'Égypte grecque et romain (Paris 1971). A. K. Bowman, “Papyri and Roman Imperial History, 1960-1975,” JRS 66 (1976) 153-73. W. M. Brashear, “The Greek Magical Papyri: An Introduction and Survey; Annotated Bibliography (1928–1994),” in W. Haase (ed.), Heidentum: Die religiösen Verhältnisse in den Provinzen (ANRW II/18.5; Berlin 1995) 3380-684. J. Bremmer, “The Birth of the Term ‘Magic’,” ZPE 126 (1999) 1-12. R. J. Brewer, Caerleon and the Roman Army (Cardiff 2000). Y. Broux, Double Names and Elite Strategy in Roman Egypt (Studia Hellenistica 54; Leuven 2015). Y. Broux, “Imperial vs. Non-Imperial ousiai in Julio-Claudian Egypt,” CdE 94 (2019) 149-76. A. Bülow-Jacobsen, “Stone for Bread: An Early Second-Century Bread-Weight,” ZPE 103 (1994) 91-2. J.-D. Butin and J. Schwartz, “Post Philonis Legationem,” Revue d’histoire et de philosophie religieuses 65 (1985) 127-9. B. Campbell, The Roman Army, 31 BC–AD 337: A Sourcebook (Routledge Sourcebooks for the Ancient World; London / New York 1994). E. Cantarella, La fideiussione reciproca (‘alleleggue’ e ‘mutua fideiussio’): Contributo allo studio delle obbligazioni solidali (Milano 1965). L. Capponi, “The oikos of Alexandria,” in W. V. Harris and G. Ruffini (eds.), Ancient Alexandria between Egypt and Greece (Leiden 2004) 115-24. L. Capponi, Augustan Egypt: The Creation of a Roman Province (London / New York 2005). S. Cauville, “L’impossible serrement de main ou la pax Romana à Dendara,” RdE 58 (2007) 29-40. I. Cazzaniga, “Una dedica del prefetto M. Rutilio Lupo? Un papiro dell’Univ. Statale di Milano, proveniente dagli scavi di Medinet Madi,” Aegyptus 47 (1967) 213-6. Chronique d’Égypte G. Chalon, L’édit de Tiberius Julius Alexander: Étude historique et exegétique (Olten / Lausanne 1964). J. B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum (2 vols.; Roma 1936-1952). W. Clarysse, “Bilingual Texts and Collaboration between Demoticists and Papyrologists,” Atti del XVII Congresso Internationale di Papirologia III (Napoli 1984) 1345-53. W. Clarysse, “Apollonios: Ambtenaar en Familievader,” in P. W. Pestman (ed.), Familiearchieven uit het land van Pharao (Zutphen 1989) 84-105, 168-70. W. Clarysse, “Jews in Trikomia,” in A. Bülow-Jacobsen (ed.), Proceedings of the 20th International Congress of Papyrologists: Copenhagen, 23-29 August, 1992 (Copenhagen 1994) 193-203. W. Clarysse, “Toponymy of Fayyum Villages in the Ptolemaic Period,” in M. Capasso and P. Davoli (eds.), New Archaeological and Papyrological Researches on the Fayyum: Proceedings of the International Meeting of Egyptology and Papyrology. Lecce, June 8th-10th 2005 (Congedo 2007) 67-81. W. Clarysse, “Salt Tax,” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Oxford 2012) 6023-4. W. Clarysse, “Emotions in Greek Private Papyrus Letters,” AnSoc 47 (2017) 63-86. W. Clarysse, “Identifying Jews and Christians: The Evidence of the Papyri,” in P. Lanfranchi and J. Verheyden (eds.), Jews and Christians in Antiquity: A Regional Perspective (Leuven 2018) 81-100. W. Clarysse, “The Jewish Presence in Graeco-Roman Egypt: The Evidence of the Papyri since the Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum,” in A. Salvesen, S. Pearce and M. Frenkel (eds.), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (Leiden 2020) 305-25.

xiv Clarysse 2020b Clarysse 2021 Clarysse & Gallazzi 1993 Clarysse & Paganini 2009 Claytor 2020 Cohen 1976 Collins 2000 CPJ CPR VII CPR VIII CPR XIII Crawford 1976 Cuvigny 2000 Cuvigny 2002 Cuvigny 2014a Cuvigny 2014b Cuvigny 2021 Daris 1983 Daris 1988 Daris 1991 Daris 2006 Davies 1973 de Jong 2017 De Troyer 2017 Delia 1988 Delia 1991 Demsky 2009 Depauw 2012

List of abbreviations W. Clarysse, “The Emergence of God(s) in Private Greek Papyrus Letters” AnSoc 50 (2020) 129-51. W. Clarysse, “Onomastics and Literature in Greco-Roman Egypt,” in A. Ricciardetto et al. (eds.), Le médecin et le livre: Hommages à Marie-Hélène Marganne (no publication place 2021) 303-26. W. Clarysse and C. Gallazzi, “Archivio dei discendenti di Laches o dei discendenti di Patron?” AnSoc 24 (1993) 63-8. W. Clarysse and M. C. D. Paganini, “Theophoric Personal Names in Graeco-Roman Egypt: The Case of Sarapis,” AfP 55 (2009) 68-89. W. G. Claytor, “Jewish Property Confiscated in the Hermopolite Nome,” ZPE 214 (2020) 236-9. N. G. Cohen, “Jewish Names as Cultural Indicators in Antiquity,” JSJ 7 (1976) 97128. J. J. Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem: Jewish Identity in the Hellenistic Diaspora (Grand Rapids 20002). V. Tcherikover, A. Fuks and M. Stern (eds.), Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum (3 vols.; Cambridge, MA 1957-64). H. Zilliacus, et al. (eds.), Corpus Papyrorum Raineri VII: Griechische Texte IV (Wien 1979). P. J. Sijpesteijn and K. A. Worp (eds.), Corpus Papyrorum Raineri VIII: Griechische Texte V (Wien 1983). H. Harrauer (ed.), Corpus Papyrorum Raineri XIII: Griechische Texte IX (Wien 1987). D. J. Crawford, “Imperial Estates,” in M. I. Finley (ed.), Studies in Roman Property (Cambridge 1976) 35-70. H. Cuvigny, Mons Claudianus: Ostraca graeca et latina III (Cairo 2000). H. Cuvigny, “Remarques sur l’emploi de [idios] dans le praescriptum épistolaire,” BIFAO 102 (2002) 143-53. H. Cuvigny, “‘Le blé pour les Juifs’ (O.Ka.La. Inv. 228),” in G. Tallet and C. ZivieCoche (eds.), Le Myrte et la Rose: Mélanges offerts à Françoise Dunand par ses élèves, collègues et amis (Montpellier 2014) 9-14. H. Cuvigny, “La plus ancienne representation de Moïse, dessinée par un Juif vers 100 ap. J.-C.,” Académie des inscriptions & belles-lettres, comptes rendus (Paris 2014) 339-51. H. Cuvigny, Rome in Egypt’s Eastern Desert, vol. 2 (New York 2021). S. Daris, Dizionario dei nomi geografici e topografici dell’Egitto greco-romano IV/3 (Milano 1983). S. Daris, “Documenti minori dell’esercito romano in Egitto,” in H. Temporini (ed.), Politische Geschichte – Provinzen und Randvölker: Afrika und Ägypten (ANRW II/ 10/1; Berlin 1988) 724-42. S. Daris, Il lessico latino nel greco d’Egitto (Barcelona 19912). S. Daris, “I Quartieri di Arsinoe, Addenda,” ZPE 157 (2006) 143-6. R. W. Davies, “The Enlistment of Claudianus Terentianus,” BASP 10 (1973) 21-5. J. de Jong, “Arabia, Arabs, and ‘Arabic’ in Greek Documents from Egypt,” in S. Bouderbala, S. Denoix and M. Malczycki (eds.), New Frontiers of Arabic Papyrology: Arabic and Multilingual Texts from Early Islam (Leiden 2017) 3-27. K. De Troyer, “17 Esther,” in A. Lange (ed.), Textual History of the Bible. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2452-4107_thb_COM_0017000000 (accessed 1.9.2020). D. Delia, “The Population of Roman Alexandria,” TAPA 118 (1988) 275-92. D. Delia, Alexandrian Citizenship During the Roman Principate (Atlanta GA, 1991). A. Demsky, “Bitiah Daughter of Pharaoh and her Relatives in the Territory of Judah (1 Chronicles 4: 15-20),” in Sh. Vargon et al. (eds.), Studies in Bible and Exegesis Presented to Moshe Garsiel (Ramat Gan 2009) 427-37 [Hebrew]. M. Depauw, “Language Use, Literacy, and Bilingualism,” in C. Riggs (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt (Oxford 2012) 493-506.

List of abbreviations Di Bitonto 1974 DNB Drew-Bear 1979 Drew-Bear 1997 Drexhage 1991 Dross-Krüpe 2011 Druille 2019 Eck 1999 Eck 2007 el-Abbadi 1967 Emmel 1996 Evans 1957 Evelyn-White & Oliver 1938 Fears 1977 Feldman 1960 Feldman 1983 Fiema 1985 Fikhman 1994 Fikhman 1999 Fink 1971 FIRA III Fraser 2007 Fraser & Nicholas 1958 Fuks 1953 Gager 1992 Gambetti 2009 Geissen 2012

xv

A. Di Bitonto, “Dichiarazione di censimento (?),” Aegyptus 54 (1974) 20-1. E. Lüddeckens et al. (eds), Demotisches Namenbuch (18 vols.; Wiesbaden 19802000). M. Drew-Bear, Le Nome Hermopolite: Toponymes et Sites (Missoula 1979). M. Drew-Bear, “Guerre civile et grands travaux à Hermoupolis Magna sous Gallien,” in B. Kramer et al. (eds.), Akten des 21. Internationalen Papyrologenkongresses, Berlin 13.-19.8.1995 (AfP Beiheft 3; Stuttgart 1997) 237-43. H.-J. Drexhage, “Einige Bemerkungen zu den ἔμποροι und κάπηλοι im römischen Ägypten (1.-3. Jh. n.),” Münsterische Beriträge zur antiken Handelsgeschichte 10 (1991) 28-46. K. Droß-Krüpe, Wolle–Weber–Wirtschaft: Textilproduktion der römischen Kaiserzeit im Spiegel der papyrologischen Überlieferungen (Wiesbaden 2011). P. Druille, “La gerousía judía en Alejandría romana del siglo I d.C.: P. Yale II, 107 y Contra Flaco de Filón,” Revue des études juives 178 (2019) 291-327. W. Eck, “The Bar Kokhba Revolt: The Roman Point of View,” JRS 89 (1999) 6789. W. Eck, Rom herausfordern: Bar Kochba im Kampf gegen das Imperium Romanum. Das Bild des Bar Kochba-Aufstandes im Spiegel der neuen epigraphischen Überlieferung (Roma 2007). M. el-Abbadi, “The Edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander: Remarks on its Nature and Aim,” BIFAO 65 (1967) 215-26. S. Emmel, “Greek Biblical Papyri in the Beinecke Library,” ZPE 112 (1996) 28994. J. A. S. Evans, “The Poll-Tax in Egypt,” Aegyptus 37 (1957) 259-65. H. G. Evelyn-White and J. H. Oliver, The Temple of Hibis in El Khargeh Oasis. Part II: Greek Inscriptions (New York 1938). J. R. Fears, Princeps a Diis Electus: The Divine Election of the Emperor as a Political Concept at Rome (Roma 1977). L. H. Feldman, “The Orthodoxy of the Jews in Hellenistic Egypt,” Jewish Social Studies 22 (1960) 215-37. L. H. Feldman, “Proselytism and Syncretism,” in M. Stern (ed.), The Diaspora in the Hellenistic-Roman World (Israel 1983) 188-207 [Hebrew]. Z. T. Fiema, “A Hebrew Inscription from Kom el-Dikka, Alexandria, Egypt,” JARCE 22 (1985) 117-8. I. F. Fikhman, “Sur quelques aspects socio-économiques de l’activité des corporations professionnelles de l’Égypte byzantine,” ZPE 103 (1994) 19-40. I. F. Fikhman, “The Physical Appearance of Egyptian Jews According to the Greek Papyri,” Scripta Classica Israelica 18 (1999) 131-8. R. O. Fink, Roman Military Records on Papyrus (Cleveland 1971). V. Arangio-Ruiz, Fontes Iuris Romani Antejustiniani III (Firenze 19432). P. M. Fraser, “The Ptolemaic Garrison of Hermoupolis Magna,” in E. Matthews (ed.), Old and New Worlds in Greek Onomastics (Proceedings of the British Academy 148; Oxford 2007) 69-85. P. M. Fraser and B. Nicholas, “The Funerary Garden of Mousa,” JRS 48 (1958) 11729. A. Fuks, “The Jewish Revolt in Egypt (A.D. 115-117) in the Light of the Papyri,” Aegyptus 33 (1953) 131-58. J. G. Gager, Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World (Oxford 1992). S. Gambetti, The Alexandrian Riots of 38 C.E. and the Persecution of the Jews: A Historical Reconstruction (Leiden 2009). A. Geissen, “The Coinage of Roman Egypt,” in W. E. Metcalf (ed.), Greek and Roman Coinage (New York 2012) 561-83.

xvi Geraci 1971 Geraci 1977 Gibson 2013

Gignac 1981 Gilliam 1966 GLA Haas 1997 Habermann 2000 Habermann 2004 Hacham 2018

Hacham 2021 Hacham & Ilan 2019 Haensch 2012 Hagedorn 1976a Hagedorn 1976b Hagedorn 1985 Hagedorn 2001 Hagedorn 2004  Hagedorn & Sijpesteijn 1986 Hanson 1984 Hanson 1989 Hanson 1991 Hanson 1992

Hanson 1994

List of abbreviations G. Geraci, “Ricerche sul Proskynema,” Aegyptus 51 (1971) 3-211. G. Geraci, “Un biglietto del prefetto d’Egitto Tiberio Giulio Alessandro relativo al conventus del Menfite. Ancora su P. Med. inv. 69.66 verso,” Aegyptus 57 (1977) 145-50. A. G. G. Gibson, “‘All Things to All Men’: Claudius and the Politics of AD 41,” in A. G. G. Gibson (ed.), The Julio-Claudian Succession: Reality and Perception of the “Augustan Model” (Mnemosyne Supplements, History and Archaeology of Classical Antiquity 349; Leiden 2013) 107-32. F. T. Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods (2 vols.; Milano 1976-1981). J. F. Gilliam, “An Egyptian Cohort in A.D. 117,” in G. Alföldy et al. (eds.), Bonner-Historia-Augusta-Colloquium 1964/1965 (Bonn 1966) 91-7 (reprint in J. F. Gilliam, Roman Army Papers [Amsterdam 1986] 309-15). M. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism (3 vols.; Jerusalem 19741984). C. Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Topography and Social Conflict (Baltimore 1997). W. Habermann, Zur Wasserversorgung einer Metropole im kaiserzeitlichen Ägypten: Neuedition von P.Lond. III 1177: Text, Ubersetzung, Kommentar (Vestigia) (München 2000). W. Habermann, “Bemerkungen zur antiken Löttechnik nach P.Lond. III 1177,” AfP 50 (2004) 189-98. N. Hacham, “The Third Century BCE: New Light on Egyptian Jewish History from the Papyri,” in M. M. Piotrkowski, G. Herman and S. Dönitz (eds.), Sources and Interpretation in Ancient Judaism: Studies for Tal Ilan at Sixty (Leiden / Boston 2018) 130-42. N. Hacham, “The Jewish ‘Ghetto’ of Edfu: A Reconsideration,” Zion 86 (2021) 191-209 [Hebrew]. N. Hacham and T. Ilan, “P. Brem. 48: A New Date and Context,” ZPE 211 (2019) 180-3. R. Haensch, “The Roman Army in Egypt,” in C. Riggs (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt (Oxford 2012) 68-82. D. Hagedorn, “Zum Formular der Kleinviehdeklarationen,” ZPE 21 (1976) 15965. U. Hagedorn, “Gebrauch und Verbreitung makedonischer Monatsnamen in römischen Ägypten,” ZPE 23 (1976) 143-67. D. Hagedorn, “Zum Amt der Διοκητής im römischen Aegypten,” Yale Classical Studies 28 (1985) 167-210. D. Hagedorn, “Bemerkungen zu Urkunden,” ZPE 136 (2001) 148-54. D. Hagedorn, “Bemerkungen zu Urkunden,” ZPE 149 (2004) 159-61. D. Hagedorn and P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Die Stadtviertel von Herakleopolis,” ZPE 65 (1986) 101-5. A. E. Hanson, “Caligulan Month-Names at Philadelphia and Related Matters,” Atti del XVII Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia, III (Napoli 1984) 1107-18. A. E. Hanson, “Village Officials at Philadelphia: A Model of Romanization in the Julio-Claudian Period,” Egitto e storia antica: Atti del Colloquio internazionale, Bologna, 31.8-2.9.1987 (Bologna 1989) 429-40. A. E. Hanson, “Ancient Illiteracy,” in M. Beard et al. (eds.), Literacy in the Roman World (Ann Arbor, MI 1991) 159-98. A. E. Hanson, “Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, Arabes, and Ioudaioi in the First Century A.D. Tax Archive from Philadelphia: P. Mich. Inv. 880 Recto and P. Princ. III 152 Revised,” in J. H. Johnson (ed.), Life in a Multi-Cultural Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond (Chicago 1992) 133-45. A. E. Hanson, “Topographical Arrangement of Tax Documents in the Philadelphia Tax Archive,” in A. Bülow-Jacobsen (ed..), Proceedings of the 20th International

List of abbreviations

Harari 2017 Harker 2008 Heemstra 2010 Hemer 1973 Hennig 1975 Henrichs 1968 Holberg 2007 Hombert & Préaux 1952 Honigman 1991 Honigman 1995 Honigman 2002 Honigman 2003 Honigman 2004 Honigman 2009

Horbury 2014 Horsley 1987 Husson 1983 IGRR IJO III Ilan 2016

Ilan 2017 Ilan 2022

Jackson 2002 Jähne 1981 JARCE JIGRE JJP JNES

xvii

Congress of Papyrologists, Copenhagen 23-29 August, 1992 (Copenhagen 1994) 210-8. Y. Harari, Jewish Magic before the Rise of Kabbalah (Detroit 2017). A. J. Harker, Loyalty and Dissidence in Roman Egypt: The Case of the Acta Alexandrinorum (Cambridge 2008). M. Heemstra, The Fiscus Judaicus and the Parting of the Ways (Tübingen 2010). C. J. Hemer, “The Edfu Ostraca and the Jewish Tax,” PEQ 105 (1973) 6-12. D. Hennig, “Zu neuveröffentlichen Bruchstücken der ‘Acta Alexandrinorum’,” Chiron 5 (1975) 317-35. A. Henrichs, “Vespasian’s Visit to Alexandria,” ZPE 3 (1968) 51-80. J. B. Holberg, Sirius: Brightest Diamond in the Night Sky (Chichester 2007). M. Hombert and C. Préaux, Recherches sur le recensement dans l’Égypte romaine (Leiden 1952). S. Honigman, Les Orientaux en Egypte à l’époque hellénistique et romaine: Lexique onomastique et commentaire (MA Thesis; Jerusalem 1991). S. Honigman, Les Orientaux dans l’Egypte grecque et romaine: onomastique, identité culturelle et statut personnel (PhD dissertation; Paris 1995). S. Honigman, “Les divers sens de l’ethnique Ἄραψ dans les sources documentaires grecques d’Égypte,” AnSoc 32 (2002) 43-72. S. Honigman, “Noms sémitiques à Edfou et Thebes,” BASP 40 (2003) 63-118. S. Honigman, “Abraham in Egypt: Hebrew and Jewish-Aramaic Names in Egypt and Judaea in Hellenistic and Early Roman Times,” ZPE 146 (2004) 279-97. S. Honigman, “Jewish Communities of Hellenistic Egypt: Different Responses to Different Environments,” in L. I. Levine and D. R. Schwartz (eds.), Jewish Identities in Antiquity: Studies in Memory of Menahem Stern (Tübingen 2009) 117-35. W. Horbury, Jewish War under Trajan and Hadrian (Cambridge 2014). G. H. R. Horsley, New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity: A Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Published in 1979 (Macquarie 1987). G. Husson, ‘Oikia’: Le vocabulaire de la maison privée en Égypte d’après les papyrus grecs (Paris 1983). R. Cagnat et al. (eds.), Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes (4 vols.; Paris 1901-1927). D. Noy and H. Bloedhorn, Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis III: Syria and Cyprus (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 102; Tübingen 2004). T. Ilan, “The Jewish Community in Egypt before and after 117 CE in Light of Old and New Papyri,” in Y. Furstenberg (ed.), Jewish and Christian Communal Identities in the Roman World (Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 94; Leiden 2016) 201-224. T. Ilan, “The Mother who Devoured her Son,” in T. Ilan and V. Noam (eds.), Josephus and the Rabbis (2 vols.; Jerusalem 2017) 2:713-30. T. Ilan, “Jewish names in Egypt in the Early Roman Period,” in Mario Capasso, Paola Davoli and Natascia Pellé (eds.), Proceedings of the 29th International Congress of Papyrology, Lecce, 28th July-3rd August 2019 (Lecce 2022) 528535. R. B. Jackson, At Empire’s Edge: Exploring Rome’s Egyptian Frontier (New Haven 2002). A. Jähne, “Die ʼAλεξανδϱέων χώϱα,” Klio 63 (1981) 63-103. The Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt W. Horbury and D. Noy (eds.), Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt (Cambridge 1992). Journal of Juristic Papyrology Journal of Near Eastern Studies

xviii Johnson 1936 Jones 1983 Jördens 2012 JRA JRS JSJ Kasher 1976 Kayser 2003 Kerkeslager 2005 Keyes 1931 Kister 1998 Kortus 1999 Kotansky 1994 Kraeling 1956 Kraft 2003 Kraus 2005 Kruit & Worp 1999 LDAB Lefebvre 1914 Levick 1999 Levick 2000 Levine 2005 Lewis 1959 Lewis 1981 Lewis 1983 Lewis & Reinhold 1955 Lex.Lat.Lehn. LJNLA I LJNLA II

List of abbreviations A. C. Johnson, Roman Egypt to the Reign of Diocletian (An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome II; Baltimore 1936). A. H. M. Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces (Amsterdam 1983). A. Jördens, “Government, Taxation, and Law,” in C. Riggs (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt (Oxford 2012) 56-67. Journal of Roman Archaeology The Journal of Roman Studies Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Periods A. Kasher, “Some Comments on the Jewish Uprising in Egypt in the Time of Trajan,” JJS 27 (1976) 147-58. F. Kayser, “Les ambassades Alexandrines à Rome (Ier-IIe Siècle),” REA 105 (2003) 435-68. A. Kerkeslager, “The Absence of Dionysius, Lampo and Isidoros from the Violence in Alexandria in 38 C.E.,” Studia Philonica Annual 17 (2005) 49-94. C.W. Keyes, “Syntaximon and Laographia in the Arsinoite Nome,” The American Journal of Philology 52 (1931) 263-69. M. Kister, “Legends of the Destruction of the Second Temple in Avot De-Rabbi Nathan,” Tarbiz 67 (1998) 483-529 [Hebrew]. M. Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives aus der Sammlung Papyri Gissenses: Edition, Übersetzung, Kommentar (Giessen 1999). R. Kotansky, Greek Magical Amulets. The Inscribed Gold, Silver, Copper, and Bronze Lamellae. Part I: Published Texts of Known Provenance. Text and Commentary (Opladen 1994). C. H. Kraeling, The Synagogue: The Excavations at Dura-Europos, Final Report, VIII/I (New Haven 1956). R. A. Kraft, “The ‘Textual Mechanics’ of Early Jewish LXX/OG Papyri and Fragments,” in S. McKendrick and O. A. O’Sullivan (eds.), The Bible as Book: The Transmission of the Greek Text (London 2003) 51-72. T. J. Kraus, “Septuaginta-Psalm 90 in apotropäischer Verwendung: Vorüberlegungen für eine kritische Edition und (bisheriges) Datenmaterial,” Biblische Notizen 125 (2005) 39-73. N. Kruit and K. A. Worp, “Metrological Notes on Measures and Containers of Liquids in Graeco-Roman and Byzantine Egypt,” AfP 45 (1999) 96-127. Leuven Database of Ancient Books (https://www.trismegistos.org/ldab/) G. Lefebvre, “Égypte gréco-romaine, III,” ASAE 13 (1914) 87-108. B. Levick, Vespasian, Emperor of Rome (London 1999). B. Levick, The Government of the Roman Empire: A Sourcebook (London / New York 20002). L. I. Levine, The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years (New Haven / London 20052). N. Lewis, “A Veteran in Quest of a Home,” TAPhA 90 (1959) 139-46. N. Lewis, “The Prefect’s Conventus: Proceedings and Procedures,” BASP 18 (1981) 119–29. N. Lewis, Life in Egypt under Roman Rule (Oxford 1983). N. Lewis and M. Reinhold, Roman Civilization: Selected Readings Edited with an Introduction and Notes by Naphtali Lewis and Meyer Reinhold II: The Empire (New York 1955). I.-M. Cervenka-Ehrenstrasser (ed.), Lexikon der lateinischen Lehnwörter in den griechischsprachigen dokumentarischen Texten Ägyptens mit Berücksichtigung koptischer Quellen I (Wien 1996); II (Purkerdorf 2000). T. Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity, Part I: Palestine 330 BCE200 CE (Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum 91; Tübingen 2002). T. Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity, Part II: Palestine 200-650 CE (Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum 148; Tübingen 2012).

List of abbreviations LJNLA III Llewelyn 2002 Lopez 2016 Lopez 2021 LSJ Suppl. Łukaszewicz 2000 Łukaszewicz 2001

Łukaszewicz 2006

Maehler 1966 Malouta & Wilson 2013 Martin 1994 Martin 2020 Maxfield 1981 Maxfield & Peacock 2001 Mayser 1934 Mayser & Schmoll 1970 Mazza 2019 Mckay 1994 Menu 1979a Menu 1979b Menu 1980 Messeri 2001 Migliardi Zingale 1992 Milgrom 1990

xix

T. Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity, Part III: The Western Diaspora, 330 BCE-650 CE (Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum 126; Tübingen 2008). S. R. Llewelyn, New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity 9: A Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Published in 1986-87 (Grand Rapids 2002). D. Lopez, The Flavians and the Jews: The Policy of the Flavian Emperors towards Jews and Judaism after the Destruction of the Second Temple (PhD Dissertation, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2016) [Hebrew]. D. Lopez, Rome and the Jews after the Destruction of the Temple (Jerusalem 2021) [Hebrew]. P. G. W. Glare and A. A. Thompson, Greek-English Lexicon: Revised Supplement (Oxford 1996). A. Łukaszewicz, “Some Remarks on the Trial of Isidorus and Isidorus Junior,” JJP 30 (2000) 59-67. A. Łukaszewicz, “Tiberius Claudius Isidorus: Alexandrian Gymnasiarch and Epistrategus of Thebaid,” in T. Gagos, and R. S. Bagnall (eds.), Essays and Texts in Honor of J. David Thomas (American Studies in Papyrology 42; Oakville, CT 2001) 125-9. A. Łukaszewicz, “Encore Isidoros: Du nouveau sur un turbulent gymnasiarque d’Alexandrie,” in D. Dlugosz (ed.), Grecs, Juifs, Polonais: A la recherche de racines de la civilization européenne; Actes du colloque international tenu à Paris le 14 novembre 2003, dédié a Mélὲze-Modrzejewski (Paris 2006) 154-9. H. Maehler, “Zwei neue Bremer Papyri,” CdE 41 (1966) 342-53. M. Malouta and A. Wilson, “Mechanical Irrigation: Water-Lifting Devices in the Archaeological Evidence and in the Egyptian Papyri,” in A. Bowman and A. Wilson (eds.), The Roman Agricultural Economy: Organization, Investment, and Production (Oxford 2013) 273-306. A. Martin, “Archives privées et cachettes documentaries,” in A. Bülow-Jacobsen (ed.), Proceedings of the 20th International Congress of Papyrologists, Copenhagen 23-29 August, 1992 (Copenhagen 1994) 569-77. A. Martin, “32. Liste de noms,” in Bastianini et al. 2020, 182-5. V. A. Maxfield, The Military Decorations of the Roman Army (London 1981). V. A. Maxfield and D. P. S. Peacock, Survey and Excavations: Mons Claudianus (1987-1993), Volume II: Excavations Part 1 (Cairo 2001). E. Mayser, Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemäerzeit mit Einschluss der gleichzeitigen Ostraka und der in Ägypten verfassten Inschriften II 2.2 (Berlin / Leipzig 1934). E. Mayser and H. Schmoll, Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemäerzeit mit Einschluss der gleichzeitigen Ostraka und der in Ägypten verfassten Inschriften I: Laut- und Wortlehre, 1. Einleitung und Lautlehre (Berlin 19702). R. Mazza, “Dating Early Christian Papyri: Old and New Methods,” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 42 (2019) 46-57. H. A. McKay, Sabbath and Synagogue: The Question of Sabbath Worship in Ancient Judaism (Leiden 1994). B. Menu, “Reçus démotiques gréco-romains provenant d’Edfou,” BdE 81 (1979) 261-80. B. Menu, “Reçus démotiques romains provenant d’Edfou (O.D. IFAO: 2e série),” BIFAO 79 (1979) 121-41. B. Menu, “Reçus démotiques romains provenant d’Edfou (O.D. IFAO: 3e série),” BIFAO 80 (1980) 171-90. G. Messeri, “Suggestioni da PSI IV 308,” ZPE 135 (2001) 165-8. L. Migliardi Zingale, Vita privata e vita pubblica nei papiri d'Egitto: Silloge di documenti greci e latini dal I al IV secolo d.C. (Torino 1992). J. Milgrom, The JPS Torah Commentary: Numbers (Philadelphia / New York 1990).

xx Milne 1901  Modrzejewski 1979 Modrzejewski 1989

Modrzejewski 1995 Modrzejewski 1997 Monson 2014a Monson 2014b Montevecchi & Geraci 1974 Morelli 2017 Muhs 2005 Musurillo 1954 Musurillo 1957 Musurillo & Parássoglou 1974 N.CPJ Nachtergael 1994 Naveh & Shaked 1987 Naveh & Shaked 1993 Nielsen & Worp 2001 Nielsen & Worp 2004 Nongbri 2019 Nur el-Din 1983 O.Berenike I O.Berenike II O.Claud. I O.Claud. IV

List of abbreviations J. G. Milne, “Notes on the Greek Graffiti,” in J. Garstang, El Arabah, A Cemetery of the Middle Kingdom; Survey of the Old Kingdom Temenos; Graffiti from the Temple of Sety (London 1901) 37-9. J. Mélèze-Modrzejewski, “Régime foncier et statut sociale dans l’Égypte ptolémaïque,” in Terre et paysans dépendants dans les sociétés antiques. Colloque international tenu à Besançon les 2 et 3 mai 1974 (Paris 1979) 163-88. J. Mélèze-Modrzejewski, “loudaioi apheremenoi. La fin de la communauté juive d’Égypte (115-117 de n.è.),” in G. Thuer (ed.), Symposion 1985: Vorträge zur griechischen und hellenistischen Rechtsgeschichte (Ringberg 24-26 Juli 1985) (Köln 1989) 337-61. J. Mélèze-Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt: From Ramses II to the Emperor Hadrian (Princeton 1995). J. Mélèze-Modrzejewski, Les Juifs d’Égypte: De Ramsès II à Hadrien (Paris 1997). A. Monson, “Late Ptolemaic Capitation Taxes and the Poll Tax in Roman Egypt,” BASP 51 (2014) 127-60. A. Monson, “Receipts for Sitonion, Syntaxis, an Epistatikon from Karanis: Evidence for Fiscal Reform in Augustan Egypt?” ZPE 191 (2014) 207-30. O. Montevecchi and G. Geraci, “Documenta papyracea inedita ad Neronis atque Othonis principatus pertinentia in papyris Mediolanensibus reperta,” in E. Kiessling and H.-A. Rupprecht (eds.), Akten des XIII. Internationalen Papyrologenkongresses Marburg/Lahn 1971 (München 1974) 293-307. F. Morelli, “I vestiti nuovi del dandy Apollonios. Tessuti di lusso in P.Giss. I 21,” Tyche 32 (2017) 131-7. B. Muhs, Tax Receipts, Taxpayers, and Taxes in Early Ptolemaic Thebes (Oriental Institute Publications 126; Chicago 2005). H. Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs: Acta Alexandrinorum Edited with Commentary (Oxford 1954). H. Musurillo, “A New Fragment of the Acta Alexandrinorum,” JRS 47 (1957) 185-90. H. Musurillo and G. M. Parássoglou, “A New Fragment of the Acta Alexandrinorum,” ZPE 15 (1974) 1-7. New Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum G. Nachtergael, “Ostraca du Musée Archéologique de Cracovie (O. Mus. Cracovie),” Materialy Archeologiczne 27 (1994) 39-53. J. Naveh and S. Shaked, Amulets and Magic Bowls: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity (Jerusalem 1987). J. Naveh and S. Shaked, Magic Spells and Formulae: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity (Jerusalem 1993). B. E. Nielsen and K. A. Worp, “New Papyri from the New York University Collection: II,” ZPE 136 (2001) 125-44. B. E. Nielsen and K. A. Worp, “New Papyri from the New York University Collection: IV,” ZPE 149 (2004) 103-24. B. Nongbri, “Palaeographic Analysis of Codices from the Early Christian Period: A Point of Method,” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 42 (2019) 84-97. M. A. Nur el-Din, “Some Remarks on Bernadette Menu’s Article ‘Reçus démotiques gréco-romains provenant d’Edfou’,” ASAE 65 (1983) 157-60. R. S. Bagnall, C. Helms and A. M. F. W. Verhoogt (eds.), Documents from Berenike I: Greek Ostraka from the 1996-1998 Seasons (Bruxelles 2000). R. S. Bagnall, C. Helms and A. M. F. W. Verhoogt (eds.), Documents from Berenike II: Texts from the 1999-2001 Seasons (Bruxelles 2005). J. Bingen et al. (eds.), Mons Claudianus. Ostraca Graeca et Latina I (Cairo 1992). A. Bülow-Jacobsen (ed.), Mons Claudianus. Ostraca Graeca et Latina IV: The Quarry-Texts (Cairo 2009).

List of abbreviations O.CPJ O.Edfou I, II, III O.Heid. O.Leid. O.Louvre O.Mattha O.Mich. II O.Mich. III OGIS P.Alex.Giss. P.Brem. P.Cair.Zen. P.Corn. P.Flor. III P.Fouad 203 P.Giss.Lit. IV P.Harrauer P.Heid. IV P.Heid. VI P.IFAO I P.IFAO III P.Köln II P.Lond. II P.Lond. III P.Mich. VIII P.Mich. XII P.Mil.Vogl. IV P.Mil.Vogl. VI P.NYU II P.Oxy. III P.Oxy. XLII

xxi

Old Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum J. Manteuffel et al., Fouilles Franco-Polonaises Rapports I Tell Edfou 1937 (Cairo 1937); II Tel Edfou 1938 (Cairo 1938); III Tel Edfou 1939 (Cairo 1950). C. Armoni, J. M. S. Cowey and D. Hagedorn (eds.), Die griechischen Ostraka der Heidelberger Papyrus-Sammlung (Heidelberg 2005). M. A. Nur el-Din, The Demotic Ostraca in the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden (Leiden 1974). D. Devaucelle, Ostraka Démotiques du Musée du Louvre I (Cairo 1983). G. Mattha (ed.), Demotic Ostraka from the Collections at Oxford, Paris, Berlin, Vienna and Cairo (Cairo 1935). H. C. Youtie and O. M. Pearl (eds.), Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis (Ann Arbor 1944): ostraca nos. 700-971. H. C. Youtie and J. G. Winter (eds.), Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis, Second Series (Ann Arbor 1951): ostraca nos. 972-1111. W. Dittenberger (ed.), Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae. Supplementum Sylloges Inscriptionum Graecarum (2 vols.; Leipzig 1903-5). J. Schwartz (ed.), Papyri variae Alexandrinae et Gissenses (Pap.Brux. VII) (Bruxelles 1969). U. Wilcken (ed.), Die Bremer Papyri (Berlin 1936). C. C. Edgar, Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire: Zenon Papyri (Cairo 1931). W. L. Westermann and C. J. Kraemer Jr. (eds.), Greek Papyri in the Library of Cornell University (New York 1926). G. Vitelli, Papiri greco-egizii, Papiri Fiorentini III: Documenti e testi letterari dell'età romana e bizantina (Milano 1915). P. Benoit, “Fragment d’une prière contre les esprits impurs?” Revue Biblique 58 (1951) 549-65. P. A. Kuhlmann, Die Giessener literarischen Papyri und die Caracalla-Erlasse (Berichte und Arbeiten aus der Universitätsbibliothek und dem Universitätsarchiv Giessen 46; Giessen 1994). B. Palme (ed.), Wiener Papyri als Festgabe zum 60. Geburtstag von Hermann Harrauer (P. Harrauer) (Wien 2001) 81-92. B. Kramer and D. Hagedorn (eds.), Griechische Texte der Heidelberger PapyrusSammlung IV (Heidelberg 1986). R. Duttenhöfer (ed.), Ptolemäische Urkunden aus der Heidelberger PapyrusSammlung VI (Heidelberg 1994). J. Schwartz (ed.), Papyrus grecs de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale I (Cairo 1971). J. Schwartz and G. Wagner (eds.), Papyrus grecs de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale III (Cairo 1975). B. Kramer and D. Hagedorn (eds.), Kölner Papyri (P.Köln) II (Opladen 1978). F. G. Kenyon (ed.), Greek Papyri in the British Museum II (London 1898). F. G. Kenyon and H. I. Bell (eds.), Greek Papyri in the British Museum III (London 1907). H. C. Youtie and J. G. Winter (eds.), Michigan Papyri VIII: Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis, Second Series (Ann Arbor 1951). G. M. Browne (ed.), Michigan Papyri XII (Toronto 1975). I. Cazzaniga et al. (eds.), Papiri della Università degli Studi di Milano IV (Milano 1967). C. Gallazzi and M. Vandoni (eds.), Papiri della Università degli Studi di Milano VI (Milano 1977). B. E. Nielsen and K. A. Worp (eds.), Papyri from the New York University Collection II (Wiesbaden 2010). B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri III (London 1903). P. J. Parsons, The Oxyrynchus Papyri XLII (London 1974).

xxii P.Oxy. XLIX P.Oxy. L P.Oxy. LV P.Oxy. LXV P.Oxy. LXXII P.Oxy. LXXIII P.Polit.Iud. P.Princ. I P.Princ. III P.Ryl. II P.Sakaon P.Sijp. 15

P.Stras. V P.Stras. VII P.Stras. IX P.Tebt. I P.Tebt. II P.Vind.Sal. P.Vind.Tand. P.Yadin I P.Yale I P.Yale II Palme 1989 Parássoglou 1975 Parássoglou 1977/8 Parássoglou 1978 Passoni Dell’Acqua 2004 Passoni Dell’Acqua 2007 PEQ Pestman 1963

List of abbreviations A. Bülow-Jacobsen and J. E. G. Whitehorne (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLIX (London 1982). P. J. Parsons, J. R. Rea and E. G. Turner (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri L (London 1983). J. R. Rea (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LV (London 1988). M. W. Haslam et al. (eds.), The Oxyrynchus Papyri LXV (London 1998). N. Gonis and D. Colomo, The Oxyrhunchus Papyri LXXII (London 2008). D. Obbink and N. Gonis, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXIII (London 2009). J. M. S. Cowey and K. Maresch (eds.), Urkunden des Politeuma der Juden von Herakleopolis (144/3-133/2 v. Chr.) (P. Polit. Iud.) (Wiesbaden 2001). A. C. Johnson and H. B. van Hoesen (eds.), Papyri in the Princeton University Collections I (Baltimore 1931). A. C. Johnson and S. P. Goodrich (eds.), Papyri in the Princeton University Collections III (Princeton 1942). J. de M. Johnson, V. Martin and A. S. Hunt (eds.), Catalogue of the Greek and Latin Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester II: Documents of the Ptolemaic and Roman Periods (Manchester 1915). G. M. Parássoglou (ed.), The Archive of Aurelius Sakaon: Papers of an Egyptian Farmer in the last Century of Theadelphia (Bonn 1978). M. Peachin, “Petition to the Centurion from the NYU Collection and the Question of Informal Adjudication Performed by Soldiers,” in A. J. B. Sirks and K. A. Worp (eds.), Papyri in Memory of P. J. Sijpesteijn (P.Sijp.) (Chippenham Wilshire 2007) 79-97. J. Schwartz (ed.), Papyrus grecs de la Bibliothèque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg V (Strasbourg 1973). J. Schwartz (ed.), Papyrus grecs de la Bibliothèque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg VII (Strasbourg 1976-9). J. Schwartz (ed.), Papyrus grecs de la Bibliothèque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg IX (Strasbourg 1985-9). B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt and J. G. Smyly (eds.), The Tebtunis Papyri I (London 1902). B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Tebtunis Papyri II (London 1907). R. P. Salomons (ed.), Einige Wiener Papyri (Amsterdam 1976). P. J. Sijpesteijn and K. A. Worp (eds.), Fünfunddreissig Wiener Papyri (Zutphen 1976). N. Lewis (ed.), The Documents from the Bar Kochba Period in the Cave of Letters I: Greek Papyri (Jerusalem 1989). J. E. Oates, A. E. Samuel and C. B. Welles (eds.), Yale Papyri in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library I (New Haven / Toronto 1967). S. A. Stephens (ed.), P.Yale II (American Studies in Papyrology XXIV; Chico CA 1985). B. Palme, Das Amt des ‘apaitetes’ in Ägypten (Wien 1989). G. M. Parássoglou, “A Daybook of Grain Receipts,” Studia Papyrologica 14 (1975) 85-102. G. M. Parássoglou, “Adnotatiunculae I,” Hellenika 30 (1977/8) 62-72. G. M. Parássoglou, Imperial Estates in Roman Egypt (Amsterdam 1978). A. Passoni Dell’Acqua, “The Liberation Decree of ‘Addition’ E in Esther LXX: Some Lexical Observations Starting from a New Papyrus [P.Oxy LXV, 4443]; New Evidence for the ‘Egyptian Flavour’ of this ‘Addition’,” Adamantius 10 (2004) 72-88. A. Passoni Dell’Acqua, “P. Bon. ISA 3 R e V: conto di distribuzione di birra e altri beni con onomastica ebraica,” in B. Palme (ed.), Akten des 23. Internationalen Papyrologenkongresses Wien, 22.-28. Juli 2001 (Wien 2007) 513-24. Palestine Exploration Quarterly P. W. Pestman, “A proposito dei documenti di Pathyris II Πέρσαι τῆς ἐπιγονῆς,” Aegyptus 43 (1963) 15-53.

List of abbreviations Pfeiffer 2015 PGM Pietersma 1976 Pighi 1964 Preisigke 1925 PSI IX Rathbone 1993 RBLG RdE REA Reinard 2016a

Reinard 2016b Rodriguez 2009 Roos 1922 Rowe 1946 Rowlandson 1996 Rowlandson 1998 Rowlandson 2006

Rupprecht 1984 Russo 2012 Ryholt 2005

Salvaterra 2000

Salzer 2010 SB

xxiii

S. Pfeiffer, Griechische und lateinische Inschriften zum Ptolemäerreich und zur römischen Provinz Aegyptus (Münster 2015). Papyri Graecae Magicae: Die griechischen Zauberpapyri (2nd ed. vols. 1-2 A. Henrichs [ed.] [Stuttgart 1973-74]; 1st ed. vol. 3 K. Preisendanz [ed.] [Leipzig 1941]). A. Pietersma, “The Greek Psalter: A Question of Methodology and Syntax,” VT 26 (1976) 60-9.  G. B. Pighi, Lettere latine d’un soldato di Traiano: PMich 467-472. Nuova edizione critica e commento con la traduzione latina di PMich 465-66. 473-481. 485-487 (Bologna 1964). F. Preisigke, Wörterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden I (Berlin 1925). Publicazioni della Società Italiana IX: Papiri Greci e Latini (Firenze 1926). D. Rathbone, “Egypt, Augustus and Roman Taxation,” Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 4 (1993) 86-99. P. Boned Colera (ed.), Repertorio bibliográfico de la lexicografía griega (Madrid 1998). Revue d’Égyptologie Revue des Études Anciennes P. Reinard, “…als der römische Kaiser Traianus die jüdische Bevölkerung in Ägypten ausrottete: Die Folgen des jüdischen Aufstands 115-117 n. Chr.,” in L. Maier and O. Stoll (eds.), Niederlagen und Kriegsfolgen: Vae Victis oder Vae Victoribus? Vom Alten Orient bis ins Europäische Mittelalter (Berlin 2016) 46-90. P. Reinard, Kommunikation und Ökonomie: Untersuchungen zu den privaten Papyrusbriefen aus dem kaiserzeitlichen Ägypten (Rahden 2016). C. Rodriguez, “P.Mich inv. 4800: Un témoignage du conflit judéo-alexandrin de 38-41 de notre ère?” JJP 39 (2009) 161-97. A. G. Roos, “Apollonius, Strateeg van Heptakomia (Uit het Egyptische leven in de tweede eeuw na Christus),” Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 37 (1922) 1-40; 129-146. A. Rowe, Discovery of the Famous Temple and Enclosure of Serapis at Alexandria (Cairo 1946). J. Rowlandson, Landowners and Tenants in Roman Egypt: The Social Relations of Agriculture in the Oxyrhynchite Nome (Oxford 1996). J. Rowlandson, Women and Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: A Sourcebook (Cambridge 1998). J. Rowlandson, “The Organisation of Public Land in Roman Egypt,” in J. C. Moreno Garcia (ed.), L’agriculture institutionnelle en Égypte ancienne: état de la question et perspectives interdisciplinaires (Cahier de Recherches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’Égyptologie de Lille 25; Villeneuve-d’Ascq 2006) 173-96. H.-A. Rupprecht, “Vertragliche Mischtypen in den Papyri,” in A. Biscardi, J. Modrzejewski and H. J. Wolff (eds.), Mneme Georges A. Petropoulos (18971964) (2 vols.; Athens 1984) vol. 2, 271-83. S. Russo, “P. Tebt. II 476: ancora una petizione,” in P. Schubert (ed.), Actes du 26e Congrès international de papyrologie, Genève, 16-21 août 2010 (Genève 2012) 655-60. K. Ryholt, “On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library: A Status Report,” in S. L. Lippert and M. Schentuleit (eds.), Tebtynis und Soknopaiou Nesos: Leben im römerzeitlichen Fayum (Wiesbaden 2005) 141-70. C. Salvaterra, “L’amministrazione fiscale in una società multietnica: Un esempio dall’Egitto romano sulla base di P. Carlsberg 421,” in L. Mooren (ed.), Politics, Administration and Society in the Hellenistic and Roman World: Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Bertinoro 19-24 July 1997 (Leuven 2000) 287-348. D. M. Salzer, Die Magie der Anspielung: Form und Funktion der biblischen Anspielungen in den magischen Texten der Kairoer Geniza (Tübingen 2010). Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten (1915-).

xxiv Schibli 1983 Schimanowski 2006 Scholem 1965 SEG Sel.Pap.II Shaw & Nicholson 1995 Shelton 1978 Sijpesteijn 1990 Smallwood 1967 Smallwood 1981 Snyder 1938 Solin & Salomies 1994 Sterling 2010 Stern 1991 Strassi 2008 Swiderek 1971 Tacoma 2012 Tacoma 2015 TAD Tallet 2013 TAPhA Tcherikover 1950 Tcherikover 1963 Thomas 1982 Thomas 1984 TM Tov 2004 TUAT NF I Turner 1952 Turner 1954

List of abbreviations H. S. Schibli, “P. Mich. Inv. 4354: Pachtangebot auf Olivenernte,” ZPE 50 (1983) 93-6. G. Schimanowski, Juden und Nichtjuden in Alexandrien: Koexistenz und Konflikte bis zum Pogrom unter Trajan (117 n. Chr.) (Münsteraner Judaistische Studien 18; Berlin 2006). G. Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradition (New York 1965). Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (1923-) A. S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar, Select Papyri II: Public Documents (Leob Classical Library; London / Cambridge 1934). I. Shaw and P. Nicholson, British Museum Dictionary of Ancient Egypt (London 1995). J. Shelton, “Gerald M. Browne, Michigan Papyri (P.Mich. XII). American Studies in Papyrology XIV, Hakkert, Toronto, 1975, pp. x+125, 10 plates,” BASP 15 (1978) 283-6. P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Receipts for Φόρος Προβάτων,” ZPE 81 (1990) 253-4. M. Smallwood, Documents Illustrating the Principates of Gaius, Claudius and Nero (Cambridge 1967). E. M. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule from Pompey to Diocletian: A Study in Political Relations (Leiden 1981). W. F. Snyder, “Ἡμέραι Σεβασταί,” Aegyptus 18 (1938) 197-233. H. Solin and O. Salomies, Repertorium Nominum Gentilium et Cognominum Latinorum (Hildesheim / Zürich / New York 1994). G. E. Sterling, “Tiberius Julius Alexander,” The Eerdmans Dictionary of Early Judaism (Grand Rapids / Cambridge 2010) 1309-10. M. Stern, Studies in Jewish History: The Second Temple Period (Jerusalem 1991) [Hebrew]. S. Strassi, L’archivio di Claudius Tiberianus da Karanis (Berlin / New York 2008). A. Swiderek, “ΙΟΥΔΑΙΚΟΣ ΛΟΓΟΣ (P.Berol. inv. 8143 ABC+7397 recto et P.Berol. inv. 7440 recto),” JJP 16-7 (1971) 45-62. L. E. Tacoma “Imperial Estates, Egypt,” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Malden 2012) 3420-1. L. E. Tacoma, “Imperial Wealth in Roman Egypt: The Julio-Claudian ousiai,” in P. Erdkamp, K. Verboven and A. Zuiderhoek (eds.), Ownership and Exploitation of Land and Natural Resources in the Roman World (Oxford 2015) 71-87. B. Porten and A. Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt (4 vols.; Jerusalem 1986-1999). G. Tallet, “Proskynema formulas,” in R. S. Bagnall et al. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Malden 2012) 5587-8. Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association V. A. Tcherikover, “Syntaxis and Laographia,” JJP 4 (1950) 179-207. V. Tcherikover, The Jews in Egypt in the Hellenistic-Roman Age in the Light of the Papyri (Jerusalem 19632) [Hebrew]. J. D. Thomas, The Epistrategos in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt II (Opladen 1982). J. D. Thomas, “SB VI 9016 and the Career of Iulius Lysimachus,” ZPE 56 (1984) 107-12. Trismegistos (www.trismegistos.org) E. Tov, Scribal Practices and Approaches Reflected in the Texts Found in the Judean Desert (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 54; Leiden 2004). B. Janowski and G. Wilhelm (eds.), Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments, Neue Folge 1: Texte zum Rechts- und Wirtschaftsleben (Gütersloh 2004). E. G. Turner, “Review of H. C. Youtie and J. G. Winter, Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis, Second Series (Michigan Papyri, vol. VIII),” JRS 42 (1952) 133-4. E. G. Turner, “Tiberius Iulius Alexander,” JRS 44 (1954) 54-64.

List of abbreviations

xxv

Turner 1961

E. G. Turner, “ΑΝΟΣΙΟΙ ΙΟΥΔΑΙΟΙ (Review of CPJ),” The Classical Review N.S. 11 (1961) 225-6.

UPZ II

U. Wilcken, Urkunden der Ptolemäerzeit (Ältere Funde) I (Berlin / Leipzig 1927).

Van Beek 2003

B. Van Beek, “Ibion Eikosipentarouron,” Fayum Project, March 7, 2003, http:// www.trismegistos.org/fayum/fayum2/885.php?geo_id=885 (accessed 28.10.2014). P. W. van der Horst and J. H. Newman, Early Jewish Prayers in Greek (Berlin 2008). M. van der Veen and S. Hamilton-Dyer, “A Life of Luxury in the Desert? The Food and Fodder Supply to Mons Claudianus,” JRA 11 (1998) 101-16. J. van Haelst, Catalogue des papyrus littéraires juifs et chrétiens (Paris 1976). P. van Minnen, “Urban Craftsmen in Roman Egypt,” Münsterische Beriträge zur antiken Handelsgeschichte 6 (1987) 31-88. K. Vandorpe, “Persian Soldiers and Persians of the Epigone: Social Mobility of Soldiers-Herdsmen in Upper Egypt,” AfP 54 (2008) 87-108. N. Vega-Navarrete, Die Acta Alexandrinorum im Lichte neuerer und neuester Papyrusfunde (Papyrologica Coloniensa XL; Paderborn 2018). P. F. Venticinque, “Family Affairs: Guild Regulations and Family Relationships in Roman Egypt,” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 50 (2010) 273-94. D. Vignot-Kott, “D’Apollinopolis à Varsovie: Regards sur les textes démotiques d’Edfou dans les collections polonaises,” in T. Derda, A. Lajtar and J. Urbanik (eds.), Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology, Warsaw, 29 July – 3 August 2013 (Warsaw 2016) 895-907. D. Vignot-Kott, “« Souviens-toi que tu as été esclave en Égypte » – Deutéronome 15:15,” in F. Kayser and L. Medini (eds.), Communautés nouvelles en Égypte hellénistique et romaine (Chambéry 2017) 153-76. A. von Permerstein, Alexandrinische Geronten vor Kaiser Gaius: Eine neues Bruchstück der sogenannten Alexandrinischen Mätyrer-Akten (P.bib.univ.Giss. 46) (Giessen 1939).

van der Horst & Newman 2008 van der Veen & Hamilton-Dyer 1998 van Haelst 1976 van Minnen 1987 Vandorpe 2008 Vega-Navarrete 2018 Venticinque 2010 Vignot-Kott 2016

Vignot-Kott 2017 von Premerstein 1939

Wagner 1987 Wallace 1938a Wallace1938b WB Suppl. II Weinstock 1960 Wessely 1913 WGE Whitehorne 1987 Whitehorne 1994 Williams 2013 Williams 2020

Worp 1986

G. Wagner, Les oasis d’Égypte à l’époque grecque, romaine et byzantine d’après les documents grecs (Cairo 1987). S. L. Wallace, Taxation in Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian (Princeton 1938). S. L. Wallace, “Census and Poll-Tax in Ptolemaic Egypt,” AJP 59 (1938) 418-42. H.-A. Rupprecht and A. Jördens, Wörterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden, mit Einschluss der griechischen Inschriften, Aufschriften, Ostraka, Mumienschilder usw. aus Ägypten. Supplement II (1967-1976) (Wiesbaden 1991). S. Weinstock, “Pax and the ‘Ara Pacis’,” JRS 50 (1960) 44-58. C. Wessely, “Das Ghetto von Apollinopolis Magna,” Studien zur Paläographie und Papyruskunde 13 (1913) 8-10. W. Pape and G. E. Benseler, Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen (Braunschweig 1911). J. E. G. Whitehorne “The Hypomnematographus in the Roman Period,” Aegyptus 67 (1987) 101-25. J. Whitehorne, “Religious Expression in the Correspondence of the Strategus Apollonius,” Analecta Papyrologica 6 (1994) 21-36. M. Williams, Jews in a Graeco-Roman Environment (Tübingen 2013). M. Williams, “The Jews of Apollinopolis Magna/Edfu: A Late First Century CE Jewish Community in Upper Egypt Re-examined,” in A. Salvesen, S. Pearce and M. Frenkel (eds.), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (Leiden 2020) 326-43. K.-A. Worp, “Four Ostraca from the Thermenmuseum (Heerlen),” ZPE 65 (1986) 191-4.

xxvi Yiftach 2020

Yiftach-Firanko 2009 Young 2001 Zauzich 1984 Zellmann-Rohrer 2021 Ziegler 1982 Zimmermann 1996 ZPE

List of abbreviations U. Yiftach, “Reconstructing Karanis: Tax Collection and Administrative Innovation in an Arsinoite Town of the Second Century CE,” in Accounts and Bookkeeping in the Ancient World (Legal Documents in Ancient Societies 8; Wiesbaden 2020) 239-51. U. Yiftach-Firanko, “Law in Greco-Roman Egypt: Hellenization, Fusion, Romanization,” in R. S. Bagnall (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology (Oxford / New York 2009) 541-60. G. K. Young, Rome’s Eastern Trade: International Commerce and Imperial Policy, 31 BC-AD 305 (London 2001). K. Th. Zauzich, “Zwischenbilanz zu den demotischen Ostraka aud Edfu,” Enchoria 12 (1984) 67-90. M. Zellmann-Rohrer, “A Greek Exorcistic Amulet against Epilepsy and Other Ills (with an Appendix on the Early Greek Exorcism Formulary of P.Fouad 203),” ZPE 218 (2021) 143-57. J. Ziegler, Iob (Septuaginta Vetus Testamentum Graecum Auctoritate Academiae Scientiarum Gottingensis editum XI,4; Göttingen 1982). K. Zimmermann, “Zum Personennamen Libys/Libyssa,” Chiron 26 (1996) 34971. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik

Explanatory Note [] Reconstruction of a missing text [..] number of letters lost () Resolution of abbreviations ⟦⟧ Εrasure by the scribe … Illegible letters (under letter – uncertain reading) {} Superfluous letter in the original Mistaken omission in the original A word above the text is a later addition of the scribe

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110787764-203

Papyri of the Early-Roman Period: Introduction This volume, like CPJ II, is devoted to the early-Roman period. This epoch begins in 30 BCE, when the Romans under Octavian defeated the last Ptolemaic queen, Cleopatra VII, and her Roman consort, Mark Antony, and annexed Egypt irrevocably to the Roman Empire. It ends in 117 CE, when a Jewish revolt against Rome was ruthlessly put down, effectively annihilating the Greek-speaking Jewish community in the country. The name of the period – the early-Roman – is not just chronological; it reflects the very essence of the period, at least from a Jewish perspective. During the Ptolemaic age, the status of the Jews in Egypt was equivalent to the status of the Greek conquerors. They were assimilated into the broader society and into the elite circles of the Greek administration. The Roman conquest brought about a decline in the status of all those residing outside the Greek poleis (Alexandria, Naokratis and Ptolemais) – including the Jews, who now all became “provincials.” The situation of the Jews of Egypt was not unlike that of their kinfolk in Judea. The latter were subjugated by the Romans after a period of independence. This was followed by two centuries of strife between the new rulers and the Jews, culminating in the destruction of the Temple, and the crushing of the Bar Kokhba revolt. The early-Roman rule of Egypt was characterized by clashes between the Jews and their Greek neighbours, as well as with the Roman rulers, until their near total annihilation during the Jewish revolt of 115-7 CE. Since this is a clearly defined and demarcated chronological period, O.CPJ devoted a separate volume to it.1 The organizing principle of the present volume follows CPJ IV: The papyri are presented in geographical order, beginning in the south, and within each location they are presented chronologically. Thus, the volume opens with ostraca from Upper Egypt (CPJ 620-34), and proceeds northward all the way to the Fayum (CPJ 658), followed by papyri whose provenance is unknown (CPJ 659-62). One exception to the geographic principle is the grouping of papyri recording events associated with the Jewish revolt of 115-7 CE, irrespective of their provenance (CPJ 663-72), because only by grouping them together does the full significance of this event become evident to the reader. This unit thus resembles and complements section XI in CPJ II. CPJ V, like CPJ IV, ends with literary papyri (CPJ 673-81) and an inscription appendix (JIGRE 171-3). In all, the volume includes 66 entries: 63 for papyri and ostraca, and three for inscriptions (84 papyri and ostraca and six inscriptions). Volume II of CPJ consists of the largest number of entries in this series. It includes 309 entries (CPJ 142-450), though it covers the shortest period – 147 years. CPJ I and IV, in comparison, cover 300 years and CPJ III and VI cover over 500 years. How has this come about? Since the current volume records only 63 entries, it is clear that it is not because this was, socially or culturally, a more important historical period for Jews in Egypt; rather it is because of an archaeological discovery – an ostraca tax-receipt collection from Edfu recording many Jews paying various taxes, chief among them the Jewish tax (CPJ 160408; section IX). In the present volume, some more of the Edfu ostraca recording Jews paying taxes are presented (CPJ 620-32), but since the majority of these ostraca was included in CPJ II, CPJ V is considerably thinner than CPJ II. 1

On the situation of Egyptian Jews under Roman rule in this period and the differences between the status of the Jews in Egypt under the Ptolemies and their status under the Romans see CPJ I, 48-93.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110787764-001

2

Introduction

This volume is, thus, a continuation of CPJ II. However, as we include in our volumes papyri in languages that were ignored by O.CPJ, as well as literary papyri, it is important to emphasize how these documents change the nature of CPJ V. Languages: Like in CPJ IV, in this volume we include papyri and ostraca from Egypt dealing with Jews and Judaism in all languages. In CPJ IV this included documents in Greek, Hebrew, Aramaic and old Egyptian (both Demotic and Hieroglyphics). Jews in Egypt lived in a multilingual society, and continued to use their own native languages – Hebrew and Aramaic – besides being initiated into the local native Egyptian language as well as the ruling Greek. In the present volume both Jewish languages have completely disappeared.2 This follows the decline of Aramaic as an administrative language in the later Ptolemaic period. The local Egyptian (Demotic) language took longer to die out as a written language. In the present volume we include seven entries (CPJ 620-6), which record 16 ostraca, in Demotic, mentioning Jews from Edfu. The Romans, though, were not keen on maintaining the old Demotic administrative language, and it too slowly died out in the 1st century CE (Depauw 2012, 494). The latest ostracon in Demotic mentioning Jews in this volume is CPJ 620h from 19 CE, some 50 years after Roman rule set in. Literary papyri: As in CPJ IV, in this volume we include a section of literary papyri, all of them Greek. Four of the nine documents it includes were written by non-Jews. The other five documents consist of three biblical and two magical papyri. Although the most prolific author of Hellenistic-Egyptian Jewry – Philo of Alexandria – was active in this period, the papyri found in Egypt recording his writings all date to the late-Roman-Byzantine period, covered by CPJ VI, and will be reproduced there.3 Under literary papyri we subsume the Acta papyri. This literary genre reports the clashes between the Roman administration and the Alexandrian Greek aristocracy, which O.CPJ included in the category “The Jewish Question in Alexandria.” We put them under literary papyri, however, because, as O.CPJ (following others, foremost Musurillo) claimed: “This genre has nothing to do with official documents, and the protocol form used by AAM (=Acts of the Alexandrian Martyrs) is merely a literary disguise. This view has now been generally adopted.”4 By this reasoning, papyri recording literary texts from the 1st century CE that were only put down in writing in the 3rd century and onwards should not be included in the present volume. However, we do not only follow O.CPJ in slightly bending this rule;5 we are fortunate that of the three new Acta papyri reproduced here, CPJ 676 is palaeographically dated to the 1st century CE (CPJ 677-8 are both dated to the 2nd3rd century). The Acta papyri published here are fragmentary and add little to O.CPJ, but 2

The only document written in Hebrew is in Greek letters – CPJ 681 – an amulet; the only one using the Hebrew alphabet is an inscription on a jar retrieved from the harbour of Alexandria, implying that it is probably imported, not produced locally – JIGRE 173. 3 MMAF 9 – 3rd century CE; PSI XI 1207+P.Oxy. IX 1173+P.Oxy. XI 1356+P.Oxy. XVIII 2158+P.Oxy. LXXXII 5291+P.Haun. I 8 – 3rd century CE; P.Vindob.Gr. 21342+30531+60584 – 5th century CE; P.Berol. 21342 – 6th-7th century CE. 4 CPJ II, 56. 5 The Acta papyri published in O.CPJ are all dated to after the final date of CPJ II: CPJ 154 – 3rd century CE; CPJ 155 (= CPJ 677) – early 3rd century; CPJ 156 is composed of many fragments and O.CPJ fails to date them (see CPJ II, 66); CPJ 157 – early 3rd century CE; CPJ 158 is again composed of many fragments that O.CPJ fails to date (see CPJ II, 87), and since it records a trial before Hadrian (117-135 CE), post-dates the entire volume not just in the time of the recording but also in the time of the events described; CPJ 159 describing events in the time of the emperor Commodus (180-192 CE) is likewise late for the volume.

Papyri of the Early-Roman Period

3

the earliest events described in CPJ 677 are from the last days of the reign of Tiberius, and thus pre-date the earliest events described in the Acta published in O.CPJ and push the clashes between Jews and Alexandrians back to well before the pogrom of 38 CE. Under literary papyri we also include another literary papyrus not composed by Jews. It is written in the genre of post-eventum prophecies and “predicts” the destruction of Jerusalem by a certain king, obviously referring to Vespasian (CPJ 679). The papyrus itself is dated to the 2nd century CE. In a context of a corpus of papyri on Jews and Judaism, this document belongs among the literary papyri. CPJ V, like CPJ IV, includes LXX biblical papyri. Only three LXX papyri dated plausibly to this period have been published thus far, and these are included here (CPJ 673-5).6 It is interesting that, unlike the LXX papyri published in CPJ IV, all from the Pentateuch, the LXX papyri in this volume are all from the Ketuvim (Writings) – Psalms (CPJ 674); Job (CPJ 675) and Esther (CPJ 673). Given the small number of specimens available for observation, it could be a matter of mere chance. In this volume a new semi-literary genre begins to emerge – magical papyri. The genre may have emerged earlier, but for Jews it is documented only from this time. Even though this genre becomes widespread in Jewish Egypt from the late-Roman-Byzantine period, in this volume we record only two such texts. One (CPJ 680) is a 1st-century CE papyrus preserving a Jewish apotropaic prayer against unclean spirits. The second document (CPJ 681) is a 1st-century CE amulet recorded on a sheet of gold, discovered in a Roman fort in Wales. It is recorded in Greek characters, for a soldier with a Semitic name (Alphianos, probably ‫חלפון‬/‫)חלפי‬. It is actually in Hebrew, and the date recorded in it, which mentions an Egyptian month (Thoth), indicates its provenance. In CPJ VI, the volume devoted to the late-Roman and Byzantine period, we encounter many more magical genres and texts. As for O.CPJ’s identity markers of a Jewish papyrus, we have identified innovations in two areas – onomastics and the ethnicon Ioudaios. Onomastics: In our discussion of the onomastics of Jews in the Ptolemaic period, we emphasized continuity.7 The names used by Jews in Upper Egypt were, by and large, the same names they had used in the same region in the Persian period. Greek names began to take over further down the Nile, where greater integration is evident. In general, in the Roman period there is no continuity in the use of Jewish names from the hoary Persian age or from the recently concluded Ptolemaic period (for a minor exception in Upper Egypt, see below n. 25). In CPJ V most of the Jews bear Greek names, but as we already argued,8 the fact that in the Roman period the ethnicon tends to disappear may make many Jews with Greek names invisible. Thus, onomastics provide two reasons for the relatively meager crop of Jewish papyri in the present volume. The first is that Jewish names became the most important indicator of Jewishness in the period, and the second is that less Jews used such names. In a preliminary count, CPJ II records ca. 250 named Jews9 and CPJ V records 210, adding up 6

Although in his seminal article on LXX papyri of Jewish origin Kraft (2003, 60-1) also listed P.Yale I 1 and P.Bodl. 5 as 1st century CE (and thus Jewish) Septuagint papyri (nos. 17-8 in his catalogue), we have discarded them because the arguments for their early date are not convincing. 7 CPJ IV, 21-5. 8 CPJ IV, 6-7. 9 The editors of O.CPJ would have counted more, but we adhere to stricter criteria, described in CPJ IV, 913.

4

Introduction

to 460. Of these, only 157 persons bear Jewish names (see table below). Among the others at least 235 persons bear Greek names, and the rest bear an assortment of Egyptian, Semitic and even Latin names. These latter are identified as Jews, either because they have a family member with a Jewish name, or because they pay the Jewish tax. Considering that we only identified the Greek-name-bearing Jews as Jewish because of these reasons, the number of persons bearing foreign, especially Greek names in the Jewish population was probably considerably larger than recorded here. An interesting phenomenon concerning Jewish names has to do with how these were chosen in Roman Egypt. The table below lists 23 Jewish names (20 male and 3 female) borne by 157 individuals. If we divide 157 by 23 we come up with an average of almost 7 individuals per name, but the vast majority of names are only born by 1-4 individuals. There are, however, 5 names with 10 or more bearers, and of these, 3 have more than 20 bearers; and of these, one name – Joseph – is borne by 32 individuals. This is not surprising since Joseph is one of the most popular names in the Jewish world of this period.10 In the Ptolemaic period, it is also the most popular name – 19 occurrences in total, 6 in CPJ I11 and 13 in CPJ IV.12 Moreover, the two next names that have over 20 occurrences, Isaac (24 occurrences) and Jacob (26 occurrences), are tightly connected to Joseph, though they were less popular in the rest of the Jewish world. These three biblical names are of a father, son and grandson, and also the forefathers of the people of Israel. In the Ptolemaic period, the name Isaac is recorded for 3 persons in CPJ I13 and once more in CPJ IV (in a Demotic marriage contract),14 and the name Jacob is recorded 4 times in CPJ I,15 and in CPJ IV once, for a member of the politeuma in Herakleopolis.16 In other words, these names were not unknown, but they were certainly not as popular as in the earlyRoman period. The table below records the biblical names attested on papyri from the early-Roman period: Name Men 1. Abietos 2. Abraham 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 10

Ananias/Ananios Chelkias Daleas Elea(zar)? Hanias/Annaios/Onias Ioannes

CPJ V

No.

CPJ II

No. Total

627 628a-b (=284); 652; 657; 660 661? 645 628a-b (=284) 653; 669 622; 633 636; 660

1 4

227 365; 374; 412; 428 212 (=229?) 337; 417x2

1 4

2 8

1 3

428 157 407, 429

1 1 2

2 4 1 3 3 4

1 1 1 2 2 2

On this name in other parts of the Jewish world at this time see LJNLA I (Palestine 330 BCE-200 CE) 15068 (230 occurrences); III (the Western Diaspora [including Egypt] 330 BCE-650 CE) 111-20 (117 occurrences); IV (the Eastern Diaspora 33 BCE-650 CE) 88-93 (45 occurrences – most of them late). 11 (1) CPJ 24; (2) 75; (3) 89; (4) 100-2 [=546]; (5) 113; (6) 139. 12 (1) CPJ 522-3; (2) 543a-b; (3) 545a; (4) 548; (5) 553; (6) 554; (7-9) 589x3; (10) 593; (11) 599; (12) 606; (13) 617b. 13 (1) CPJ 42; (2) 78-9 (= CPJ 545a, c-d); (3) 136. 14 CPJ 618. 15 (1-3) CPJ 28x3; (4) 47. 16 CPJ 562.

5

Papyri of the Early-Roman Period

9. 10. 11. 12.

Ionas Ioudas/nos Iasib Isaac

13. Ismailos 14. Jacob

15. Jesus

16. Joseph

17. Sambathion/thius17

18. Saulos 19. Simon 20. Zakur Women 21 Rebekka 22 Mariam 23 Sarah Total:

644 626; 635 659 620g; 644; 648; 651x11; 653x3; 657; 658 633 620a-c,f (=325); 620d; 644x3; 651x7; 652; 655; 659; 682 621; 624; 625a-c; 630a-c (=220+298 +304+311+321+ 405); 637; 659 631 (=183+196+301+ 302+309+342); 634; 640x2; 643; 644x3; 647; 649; 651x4; 652; 657; 659; 660; JIGRE 172 630a-c (=220+298+ 304+311+321); 643; 651x8; 654 623 652

1 2 1 19

235

1

149; 163; 426; 428x2

5

1 3 1 24

157; 211; 235; 251+255+277+ 290; 365; 421x2; 422; 425; 428 194+405; 262+289; 406; 410; 430

10

1 26

5

11

19

165+197+219+ 250+329+339; 240; 262; 406; 414; 416x2; 427x2; 428; 432; 433; 434

13

32

11

197+339; 222; 405; 416x2; 421x2

7

18

1 1

622

1

659

1

1 16

6

157; 161+167; 195; 223; 405; 421

1 195 171+179+180; 427

94

6

1 7

1 2

1 1 2

63

157

The sudden emergence of the names Isaac and Jacob among Jews in Egypt in the earlyRoman period is very dramatic, constituting now 32.6% of the male population bearing Jewish names. With Joseph, they constitute almost 53.6%. Ilan (2022) suggests that, the Egyptian Jews of the Roman period became more aware of the broader context of the Joseph story and, next to Joseph, began adopting his forefathers as the heroes of their 17

There is a particular problem with the name Shabtai/Sambathios, which we described in CPJ IV, 10-3. Here we have counted only persons having relatives bearing other Hebrew names, or paying the Jewish tax.

6

Introduction

Jewish identity – his father Jacob (who also migrated to Egypt and whose name became the second most popular, with 26 occurrences), and his grandfather Isaac (who became the third most popular name, with 24 occurrences). It is in this context that a word about the name Abraham – the name of Isaac’s father, Joseph’s great grandfather, and in fact the forefather of the Jews – is in place. As shown in LJNLA I, 59, the name Abraham is non-existent in Jewish Palestine of the Hellenistic, and the early-Roman period.18 However, in Egypt the name is recorded and scholars have been debating for a long time whether it was Jewish at all, and whether the persons bearing it were Jews. Naomi Cohen (1976, 99-112) had argued that the name recorded in Greek was not Abraham and not Jewish, but rather some Persian name. Bohak (1997, 109-110) claimed that it was a Semitic, not specifically Jewish name. Honigman, however, clearly showed that the name really was used by Egyptian Jews and argued that “After the Pentateuch was translated into Greek in Alexandria, apparently under Ptolemy II Philadelphus, it became an object of study for Jews, arguably not only in Alexandria but also in other Jewish settlements in Egypt … It is probable that these works also contributed to secularizing biblical figures: the latter became heroes of a status similar to that of their Homeric counterparts” (Honigman 2004, 296). The name Abraham is already recorded for Jews in the Ptolemaic period,19 but a slight rise in its use in the Roman period is evident: 4 in O.CPJ and 4 in N.CPJ. Since the Ptolemaic period is almost 300 years long but the early-Roman period is less than 150 years, this is indeed a rise in the representation of the name. Ilan (2022) assumes that it became more popular, despite the aversion of Jews in Palestine from using it, because it was viewed in Egypt in the early-Roman period as one of the (only) four names that really represent what a Jewish biblical name is. Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Joseph constitute in the Roman period 58.8% of all Jewish male names.20 The ethnicon Ioudaios: In comparison with the Ptolemaic period we observe a dramatic decline in the use of ethnica in general and of Ioudaios in particular in the Roman period. This decline is the result of the fact that, for the Romans, ethnica played no legal role. Legally, Egypt was divided between Romans, Greek citizens and Egyptians; or in other words, whoever was not Roman or a Greek citizen was Egyptian.21 Nevertheless, in a small number of documents the ethnicon Ioudaios is recorded: all in all in 9 papyri, 5 of them in this volume.22 This phenomenon is obviously in need of an explanation – why was it necessary to mention the ethnicon at all? In CPJ 151, l. 2, the title of the person “Alexandrian” is crossed out and replaced by Ioudaios, indicating a legal dispute over the status of the person in question (and it may also be carrying with it an anti-Semitic nuance). However, aside from CPJ 151, in none of the papyri is mention of Ioudaios an 18

It shows up in LJNLA I, 60 4 times, all of them fictitious. The first two are the names of translators of the Septuagint (Letter of Aristeas 49 and perhaps also 48). Aristeas is an Egyptian-Jewish fictitious composition, and probably reflects Egyptian-Jewish name-giving practices. The name also appears twice in fictitious compositions of very late Christian Church fathers. 19 In CPJ I once (CPJ 50); in CPJ IV twice (CPJ 531; 607); see also in JIGRE 39; 154. 20 The name Sambation is problematic and should perhaps not be included under Jewish names (CPJ IV, 913). Similarly, the name Simon is a Greek name, but also used by the Jews as transliterating ‫( שמעון‬CPJ IV, 31). If these names are removed from the list above, the four names of the patriarchs and Joseph would constitute almost 67.7% of the biblical names used by Egyptian Jews. 21 For a discussion see CPJ I, 59-66; CPJ IV, 6-7. 22 In CPJ II: 151, 415, 417, 431; in CPJ V: 641, 646, 648, 656, 662.

Papyri of the Early-Roman Period

7

indication of an anti-Jewish attitude. This is true not only for the fragmentary papyri in which even the name of the bearer of this title is not preserved, but also in the others (like CPJ 646, 648), in which the name of the Jew is clearly visible. The readings of Butin and Schwartz (1985) and Russo (2012), which assign to this title a pejorative – even antiSemitic – meaning, are not based on the documents’ content but rather on their historic context – the early-Roman period was characterized by clashes between Jews and Greeks or Jews and their non-Jewish neighbours in Egypt. Hanson (1989), on the contrary, thinks that in the documents she published, Ioudaios is an identity marker of its bearer without any negative attitude, just as other ethnica (Arab – CPJ 647-8; Samaritan – CPJ 656) are. There is, therefore, no visible reason for the sporadic use of the ethnicon Ioudaios in the papyri of this volume, and if the contemporaries needed for some reason to mention it, this reason has not come down to us. Historical innovations Aside from the information presented in each text, the papyri and ostraca included in this volume allow a more nuanced and complex picture of the history of the Jews in earlyRoman Egypt in several central points. In the following we outline them briefly. The Jews of Edfu: In O.CPJ the ostraca from Edfu constituted the largest repository of documents from the early-Roman period. Discovered at the beginning of the 20th century, and excavated in the 1930s, their find-place was considered a Jewish “ghetto” since Wessely (1913) applied this term to it. O.CPJ followed suit and consequently identified all ostraca found in this area, whether they had Jewish identifiers or not, as Jewish, and included them in the corpus. Tcherikover even argued that we do not know why there are no Jewish ostraka from the Jewish quarter before Nero, though there were already Jews in Edfu under the Ptolemies. The most probable answer seems to be that there was no “Jewish quarter” in Edfu under the Ptolemies, Jewish inhabitants being scattered all over the city … So we may conclude that the “delta” quarter became Jewish in the early-Roman period, perhaps in the days of Claudius and Nero. This conclusion does not necessarily suggest the complete abandoning of other quarters by the Jews. Nevertheless, it may be assumed that the rise of anti-Semitism under Vespasian and Domitian, and especially the payment of the “Jewish tax,” forced the Jews to stand together more closely, so that at least the name “ghetto,” coined by Wessely, may not be quite inapplicable in reference to Edfu.23 The assumptions behind these conclusions are: 1. that the earliest ostraca mentioning Jews from the Edfu Delta quarter are from Nero’s reign; 2. that all the inhabitants of this quarter were Jews, banding together and protecting themselves against anti-Semitic neighbours. New Edfu ostraca that we publish in this volume undermine these two assumptions. We include in this volume 16 Demotic ostraca from the Delta quarter mentioning Jews (CPJ 620-6) and 11 Greek ostraca from the Edfu excavations, that had gone missing and were recently published (CPJ 628-32), or that are not from the Delta quarter (627). Some of the Demotic ostraca conclusively show that Jews in the Delta quarter paid taxes already in the reign of Augustus, and three Greek ostraca show that Jews also resided outside this

23

CPJ II, 109.

8

Introduction

designated quarter. Our revised conclusions,24 are thus chronological and demographic. Chronologically, in light of the new documents it is clear that Jews resided in the Delta quarter of Edfu at least from the beginning of the Roman period,25 and not only from the second half of the 1st century CE. Demographically, it appears that not only Jews resided there. In fact, as Hacham (2021) has shown, the percentage of Jews in this quarter is not different from their percentage in other locations. Therefore the Delta quarter in Edfu is not a “ghetto,” nor an exclusive Jewish quarter. Even though many Jews resided in it, and this was probably because Jews chose to live together with others of their kin, this is not any different from the residence pattern of Jews elsewhere in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt.26 Because the Jewishness of the quarter is not absolute, quite a number of ostraca included in O.CPJ, merely because they were found there, would not have been included in N.CPJ.27 The Jewish tax: The first 70 ostraca from Edfu (CPJ 160-229) record persons paying the Jewish tax. From these ostraca the editors drew inferences about the sums paid, about the dates on which they were paid, and more (CPJ II, 111-116). Additionally, another papyrus from the Fayum, 73 CE (CPJ 421), records persons liable to the Jewish tax in the quarter of Apollonios’ camp in Arsinoe, and from this document as well, many interesting conclusions were drawn about the Jewish tax (CPJ II, 204-5). The new ostraca from Edfu recording Jews include only 3 additional receipts for this tax (CPJ 629; 630b; 632), which add little information on it. However, this tax is mentioned in two other documents in the current volume. While CPJ 650 from Polemon meris in the Fayum merely mentions a collector of the Jewish tax, CPJ 652 from 92-3 CE is very informative. It constitutes part of a very long list of payers of the Jewish tax, and the amounts they owed for 18 years. It only includes names beginning with the letter φ, indicating that the original list was much longer and listed at the minimum 200 persons, and probably many more. Why it was drawn up is unclear, but if, as has been suggested, it is a list of payment arrears, it shows that Jews who had somehow evaded paying the tax in previous years, may have been required to pay large sums to the treasury at the end of Domitian’s reign and this could have been grounds for major discontent on the part of large sections of the Jewish population. The pig-tax: In O.CPJ reference to the pig-tax, levied by the Romans, had been used as indication that the person paying it was not a Jew. Thus, when arguing that the name Sambathion ceased to be an indication of Jewishness in the early-Roman period, Tcherikover wrote: “The son of a woman named Sambathion is recorded as paying the ὑϊκή, i.e. a tax imposed on swine-owners (CPJ 489); it is obvious that the ὑϊκή is not exactly a tax that we can expect to have been paid by Jews” (CPJ III, 43). While we agree with Tcherikover that Samabthion was indeed no indication of Jewishness, even earlier 24

On which see in detail in the introduction to the ostraca of Edfu (CPJ 620-32) and Hacham 2021. Some names of Jews on these ostraca from the early days of Roman rule indicate a continuation of the settlement of the Edfu Ptolemaic Jews: Daleas (CPJ 526, 536 [Ptolemaic]; 284; 628a-b [early-Roman]); Zakur (CPJ 525 [Ptolemaic]; 622 [early-Roman]) Abietes (CPJ 525, 529, 531, 536-7, 539 [Ptolemaic]; 627ac [early-Roman]). These are the only names that document continuation from the Ptolemaic period, and even these are not recorded for anywhere else in the early-Roman period, and even in Edfu, they all date to the first half of the 1st century CE. 26 For which see Hacham 2021, 208, n. 79. 27 CPJ 231-4, 241-2, 245, 265, 267-8, 273, 278, 281, 291, 293-5, 297, 306, 313, 327, 328a, 331, 334, 340, 357, 369-70, 404, 408b,d, and of course 375-403, which post-date 117 CE. 25

Papyri of the Early-Roman Period

9

than the early-Roman period,28 one document in the current volume – CPJ 651 from sometime after 15 CE – shows lsakis son of Protarch(os) (l. 115), Iakoubos (l. 117) and Sambathion son of Iakoubos (l. 119), clearly all Jews, paying the pig-tax. We accept that it was a name of another per-capita tax imposed on all the subjects in Egypt, including Jews (Bogaert 2000, 165). The Jewish revolt: O.CPJ set the stage for interpreting the Jewish revolt in Egypt (115-7 CE) in light of papyri. Some new papyri concerning the revolt were published after O.CPJ was completed and several scholars devoted lengthy studies to it,29 offering new insights, mainly regarding detail and chronology. Of the various new papyri they considered, we were persuaded to include in the current volume 16 papyri that we regard as relevant (CPJ 663-72), although only four of them, all dealing with confiscation of Jewish land after the revolt, actually mention Jews (CPJ 670, 671, 671a, 672).30 From the new papyri several insights on hitherto unknown details become available, of which we highlight the most significant. 1. Chronology: O.CPJ had concluded that the revolt ended sometime in the 1st year of Hadrian (who became emperor on August 10, 117),31 while Ben Zeev (2005, 153-4) claimed that it ended in the summer of 117 CE. However, a letter written by Eudaimonis, the mother of Apollonios the strategos of Heptakomia, whose archive is one of the main sources of information on the revolt, on December 20, 117, still begs her son not to stray from his safe place of residence, reflecting a war situation and its dangers (CPJ 664c). The revolt, or at least the unrest, seems to have continued right up to the end of 117 and perhaps also into 118 CE (cf. CPJ 664d). 2. Alexandria: CPJ 435 is an edict by the prefect of Egypt from October 14, in all probability 115 CE, reporting a battle between the Jews and the Romans that had taken place previously. O.CPJ took this to mean that the involvement of this metropolis in the revolt ended at its very beginning.32 Two new papyri that speak of unrest and violence in Alexandria suggest that the edict of October 115 was not the end of the story. In CPJ 667a-b a soldier, Claudius Terentianus, who serves in Alexandria, tells his father of unrest in the city, that brought about a sort of siege on his military camp, and that he himself may have been wounded in the fighting. In another papyrus, CPJ 665, probably dated to October 30, 116 CE, Herodes, the architect of Apollonios the strategos just mentioned, tells of a visit to Alexandria, which he describes as replete with “violent troubles and dangers” (l. 31). From these two papyri we infer that Alexandria was the site of violence in the revolt even towards the end of 116 CE.33 3. Casualties and recruits: CPJ 669, from September 3, 117 CE, is a list of new recruits to a Roman military unit stationed in Upper Egypt. A calculation of the figures implies that a third of the force of this unit is being replaced. The most logical explanation for these new recruits at this time and place is that they were needed to replace soldiers who had 28

See CPJ IV, 10-3. Ben Zeev 2005; Horbury 2014; see also Kortus 1999. 30 For papyri which various scholars suggested were relevant to the revolt, but we were not persuaded, see Appendix 2. 31 CPJ I, 87. 32 CPJ I, 88. Other views were suggested relating to this papyrus. Ben Zeev 2005, 135-9, 160 thinks that it did not concern the Jewish revolt, but rather the suppression of clashes between Greeks and Jews in the city. Horbury 2014, 167-9 does not see this event as the end of the Jewish revolt in Alexandria. 33 See further Hacham & Ilan 2019. 29

10

Introduction

died or been wounded in the fighting. The figures provide a fair picture of the large number of casualties the Romans had suffered in the revolt. 4. The Jewish account: CPJ II includes papyri that mention the confiscation of Jewish property after the suppression of the Jewish revolt (CPJ 445, 448), but it does not provide information about an administrative body that handled the finances of this property. In CPJ V two papyri (670, 672) mention an institution named Ioudaikos logos. Both papyri are fragmentary and their dates are lost, so that a reconstruction of the exact functions and chronology of the institution are impossible, but it certainly shows that the Romans had indeed set up an institution to deal with the huge amount of Jewish property that was confiscated as a consequence of the Jewish revolt.

Locations where Jews are documented

 

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110787764-002

Documentary Papyri 620-32. Jewish ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) Jews were present in Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) from the early Ptolemaic period onwards, documented in Aramaic, Demotic and Greek (CPJ 139; 522-41; JIGRE 157-65).1 However, the bulk of the material concerning Jews in Edfu dates from the Roman period, when the Jewish tax was vigorously collected, as was already shown in O.CPJ. Tcherikover accepted, almost without question, the argument of the Franco-Polish excavation team, that they had excavated a “Jewish quarter” at the site, and that all the ostraca found there were thus Jewish (CPJ II, 108-9). He collected and published 254 Edfu-ostraca (CPJ 160-408)2 and argued that “almost all the ostraka belong to the reigns of Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, and Trajan, i.e. to a period of forty-six years (A.D. 70-116); some ostraka belong to the reigns of Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius (Nos. 230-6)” (CPJ II, 109). On the one hand, we add to this collection some Greek ostraca published by Worp (1986) and Nachtergael (1994), as well as some Demotic receipts published by Menu (1979a, 1979b, 1980) and Vignot-Kott (2016).3 Additionally, we present two receipts that were not included in O.CPJ, but in light of the new ostraca, recent publications suggest they mention a Jew (CPJ 627b-c). On the other hand, however, there are good reasons to modify two of the assumptions of O.CPJ on the Jewish ostraca from Edfu. The first touches on the exclusively Jewish character of the quarter in which they were found and the second relates to their dating. A numerical study regarding the Jewishness of all persons mentioned in the Greek ostraca from the Delta (δ) quarter of Edfu published in O.CPJ, shows the following results:4 They record ca. 165 individuals, of which ca. 110 were definitely Jewish, either because they paid the Jewish tax, and/or because they had Jewish names, and/or because they had a family relationship with persons answering to one of the two previous categories. These amount to roughly 67%.5 Concerning the remaining ca. 55 persons, Jewishness cannot be shown. Of course, they could also have been Jews, since most of the persons paying the Jewish tax did not have distinctive Jewish names, and therefore, a Greek name is not an indication that the bearer was a gentile. With no further proof,

1

O.CPJ also identified CPJ 70-2, 95, 111, 140 as Jewish, but CPJ 70-2, 95, 111 were included because of the name Dositheos, which we do not consider as evidence for Jewishness, and CPJ 140 is a list of names, some of them Semitic, but none of them biblical or otherwise attested for Jews in Egypt; see CPJ IV, 9-10. 2 There are 249 entries in O.CPJ, but under CPJ 183 and 328 two ostraca are recorded for each, and under CPJ 408 – four. 3 Vignot-Kott (2016) identified two additional Demotic ostraca signed by a Thraikides son of Nikias (MN 138891, MN 139858) as Jewish, but there is no reason to identify either name as specifically borne by Jews and the ostraca include no other indication of Jewishness. 4 We do not include in this statistical observation CPJ 375-403, dated to between 151-65 CE, where, as Fuks and Lewis pointed out, “the only distinctive Jewish name among this group, Sarra (No. 378), is only doubtfully read” (CPJ II, 118-9). Furthermore, the issue at hand is the Jewish quarter, which had evidently ceased to exist at the end of the revolt, and therefore one cannot simply list later ostraca discovered in the Delta neighbourhood as related to the Jewish quarter. 5 The additional Greek ostraca we publish do not alter this conclusion.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110787764-003

620-32. Jewish ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu)

13

however, we have no way of knowing either way.6 Obviously Jews constituted the majority of the population in this quarter, but they were most likely not its only inhabitants. The ostraca recording the 33%, which cannot definitely be identified as Jewish, were included in O.CPJ merely because they were found in the area which the excavators identified as a “Jewish quarter.” This is in accordance with Tcherikover’s policy that documents found in a place that is known as “Jewish” should be regarded as Jewish.7 They would not have been included in N.CPJ.8 In addition, O.CPJ had not taken into account the Demotic ostraca found in Edfu. Many more ostraca in this language than in Greek were retrieved in the excavations.9 The excavators provided sparse evidence about them, but in O.Edfou I, 141, they assign ca. 86 specimens to the area of the “Jewish quarter.” Others are reported in the next volumes, without specific location (O.Edfou II, 137; III, 329-30). Thus, we do not know how many of them were found in the “Jewish quarter.” In various articles, Menu published 92 Demotic Edfu-ostraca, 13 of which mention Jews, constituting roughly 14%. We do not know how many of these Jews originated in the “Jewish quarter,” but some of them (mentioned on CPJ 620d, h) are also recorded on Greek Edfu-ostraca of O.CPJ (322, 325, 326, 330, 368). The impression is that a much smaller percentage of persons can be identified as Jews in the Delta quarter in Edfu from these ostraca than from the Greek ostraca. The exclusive Jewishness of the “Jewish quarter” is further put into question. Another consideration is the family make-up of the ostraca collected in O.CPJ. Of the 225 ostraca, 60% belong to six Jewish families (listing only 44 individuals).10 This suggests that most of the ostraca the Franco-Polish archeologists unearthed came from the chance-find of several Jewish family-archives, which do not necessarily represent the entire spectrum of the population in the Delta quarter. However, compared to the number of Jewish ostraca found in the “Jewish quarter,” the number of Jewish ostraca found in other areas of the excavation is negligible.11 Only a new ostracon published by Nachtergael mentioning a Jew (Papias son of Abietos, CPJ 627a) has allowed scholars to identify two other Edfu-ostraca found in Kôm Nord, beyond the “Jewish quarter,” as mentioning the same person (CPJ 627b-c).12 6

Just as the editors of O.CPJ noted that there is no indication of Jewishness in the material finds in the “Jewish quarter” (CPJ II, 108). 7 See Tcherikover 1963, 9. Note that the fourth quarter of Edfu is the only example where this principle was applied; cf. Hacham 2021. 8 The following would not have been included in N.CPJ: 231-4, 241-2, 245, 265, 267-8, 273, 278, 281, 291, 293-5, 297, 306, 313, 327, 328a, 331, 334, 340, 357, 369-70, 404, 408b,d. We would probably also not have included the following ostraca, although in CPJ II, 117 they were incorporated into Jewish families: CPJ 279, 292 (family 10); CPJ 307, 314, 344 (family 5); CPJ 312 (family 8). 9 According to Menu 1979a, 261, ca. 900 Demotic ostraca were found in Edfu. 10 Their family-trees are presented in CPJ II, 117, nos. 1 (40 ostraca), 3 (22 ostraca), 4 (51 ostraca), 5 (10 ostraca), 6 (6 ostraca), 11 (8 ostraca) adding up to 137 ostraca. These statistics do not include the ostraca of N.CPJ. 11 The number of ostraca found in the entire excavated area beyond the “Jewish quarter” is in any case smaller. In O.Edfou I there are 7 (out of 184); in O.Edfou II there are 15, of which 2 are from after 115 CE (and another 33 from the “Jewish quarter”); in O.Edfou III there are 84, of which 15 are from after 115 CE (and another 15 from the “Jewish quarter”). There are in all 225 Greek ostraca from the “Jewish quarter” in the early-Roman period, compared to 106 Greek ostraca from beyond (not counting the new ostraca included in this corpus). 12 O.CPJ did not of course include Edfu-ostraca of the Roman period found in other sections of the excavation; see CPJ II, 108, n. 2.

14

620-32. Jewish ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu)

In conclusion, while the Delta quarter in Edfu was clearly the home of many more Jews than non-Jews, it was not an exclusively “Jewish quarter” and not all who resided in it where Jews. Also, some Jews lived outside that quarter. O.CPJ considered all the ostraca from Edfu as dating to no earlier than Nero’s reign, because most receipts are dated by an emperial year. However, this observation should be modified in light of additional evidence. The Demotic ostraca recording Jews in Edfu, mention, as a rule, only regnal years without the name of the emperor. Yet, in most of the cases it is possible to date them to the early years of Roman rule in Egypt with certainty. They record specifically Roman taxes, such as the poll-tax, providing a terminus post quem for them. Additionally, many of them record high regnal years (CPJ 620-625), which must refer to the reign of Augustus, who was the only emperor who reigned more than 23 years in the early Roman period.13 Since CPJ 322, 325-6, 330, 368 mention persons of the family of Thaumastos also recorded in CPJ 620d-e, and since the ostraca of the latter are dated to the time of Augustus (CPJ 620a-e) and Tiberius (CPJ 620f-h), it stands to reason that the O.CPJ ostraca of the same persons are from the same time (Clarysse 1984, 1352-3). The ostraca mentioning these persons in O.CPJ, like the Demotic ostraca, do not include the name of the ruler. This implies that other Greek Edfu-ostraca in O.CPJ, which do not mention the ruler’s name, are probably Julio-Claudian. The following cases exemplify this assertion: (1) Daleas son of Abraimos, mentioned in CPJ 284, is now recorded in two additional ostraca – CPJ 628a-b. Not just CPJ 284, but also the two new ostraca have no name of emperor recorded on them. These three ostraca could date to any Julio-Claudian emperor that ruled at least 11 years (Augustus, Tiberius, Claudius or Nero). (2) Papias son of Abietos is mentioned in three ostraca published here (CPJ 627a-c), none recording an emperor, and could consequently be dated to the Julio-Claudians. (3) CPJ 230 and 244 mention a Thedetos son of Alexion without the name of an emperor. A person by the same name and patronymic is also mentioned in many other clearly dated ostraca (CPJ 258, 280, 285-6, 296, 308, 316, 336) and in some he pays the Jewish tax (CPJ 187, 189, 192-3). He is mentioned in one document as late as 106 CE (CPJ 336). Manteuffel, the editor of the Edfu ostraca, ascribed CPJ 230, written in “year 2” of an unnamed emperor, to the reign of Nero, because its handwriting resembles CPJ 231, which is explicitly dated to “year 2 of Nero.” If all ostraca are of the same person, he must have paid taxes in Edfu for 50 years (56-106 CE), which is quite a long time, though not impossible. For this reason, Tcherikover opined that “Manteuffel’s dating should be held doubtful” (CPJ II, 136). However, if we assume that there were two Thedetos son of Alexion in this family, and that CPJ 230 and 244, in which no emperor’s name is mentioned, belong to the earlier of the two, then these ostraca can now be dated to 56 and 58 CE respectively, both in the reign of Nero. This also raises the question whether Alexion, father of this family, is Alexion son of Psilychion of CPJ 232, as suggested by Manteuffel (O.Edfou I, 148) and accepted by Tcherikover (CPJ II, 117). This Alexion son of Psilychion – whether Jew or not – is dated in CPJ 232 to year 7 without a ruler’s name. It could be 30 June 23 BCE (Augustus), 21 CE (Tiberius), 47 CE (Claudius) or 61 CE

13

No Edfu Demotic ostracon published to date mentions the name of a ruler (cf. Hacham 2021, 197-8). The dwindling use of Demotic under the Romans is well documented; see Depauw 2012, 494.

620-32. Jewish ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu)

15

(Nero, as suggested by O.CPJ). If he is the pater familias of the present family, Tiberius and Claudius are more likely.14 (4) The same can be said for family no. 2 in Tcherikover’s reconstruction (CPJ II, 117). Five ostraca document the four members of this family. CPJ 251 and 255 mention Thedetos son of Iakoubos paying the laographia of the 6th and 7th year respectively. The emperor’s name is absent.15 CPJ 277 has Iakoubos son of Thedetos, pay 8 drachmai, but the date is illegible. The same person appears in CPJ 290 from year 12. Abramos son of Iakoubos appears on a receipt from year 14, for the laographia of year 13 (CPJ 365). Tcherikover dated these ostraca to Vespasian (CPJ 251, 255), Domitian (CPJ 290) and Trajan (CPJ 365); he dated the lower years to Vespasian’s time, and since this emperor reigned eleven years only, he dated the higher numbers – 12 and 14 – to different and later rulers. However, in light of the documented Flavian-era custom of recording the emperor’s name, it seems strange that not one of these ostraca does so. These ostraca can therefore be dated to each of the Julio-Claudian emperors from Tiberius to Nero (except Caligula) who ruled more than 14 years. All ostraca can, therefore, be dated to the same emperor, resulting in a three-generation family, and Abramos son of Iakoubos from the 14th year should be considered Thedetos son of Iakoubos’ brother.16 (5) Regarding Tcherikover’s family 1, four unnamed-ruler ostraca record Tryphas son of Nikon as the taxpayer. Four other ostraca he received include an emperor’s name, from Vitellius (69 CE; CPJ 236) to the 5th year of Vespasian (72; CPJ 247). His receipts for the Jewish tax are dated to 75 (CPJ 170), 76 (CPJ 172), 77 (CPJ 173), 78 (CPJ 175), 79 (CPJ 177), 80 (CPJ 180), 80-81 (CPJ 182). It is clear, therefore, that this person lived at the beginning of the Flavian epoch. The texts lacking the ruler’s name are for years 3, 8, 10, and 13 (CPJ 240, 260, 272, 373 respectively). Clearly the last document cannot be dated to Vespasian who died in his eleventh year. For this reason, and because this person is not documented in Domitian’s days, Tcherikover could not date this ostracon, and left it with “1st century A.D” (CPJ II, 167). However, if we assume that some of the Edfu ostraca predate the Flavian epoch, Tryphas’ ostraca lacking the ruler’s name are to be dated to Nero’s time, between 57 and 67 CE.17 These additional considerations influence the way the idea of a “Jewish quarter” in Edfu should be understood. The term “Jewish Ghetto” in Edfu was first coined by Wessely 1913, was accepted by the Franco-Polish excavation team, who identified it in a quarter in the Kôm Sud of ancient Edfu,18 and was further elaborated by Tcherikover (CPJ I, 82-3; II, 108-9). However, after his death, Fuks and Lewis of the O.CPJ team wrote: “We feel that we should mention [J.] Schwartz’s doubts concerning the ‘Jewishness’ of Nos. 375-403. He feels that the excavators insisted too strongly on the ‘ghetto’ character of the Fourth District, which may have included many non-Jews …” (CPJ II, 119). Using a loaded term like “ghetto,” which carries negative implications with it, is certainly a projection of the 14

For a detailed discussion see Hacham 2021, 201-3. It bears mention that Tcherikover, mistakenly, added the name “Vespasian” in the English translation of CPJ 251. 16 See in detail Hacham 2021, 198-9. 17 See Hacham 2021, 203-4. For the impilcations of these dating for CPJ 183 and 240 see Hacham, 2021, 203-5. The following Edfu-ostraca of O.CPJ should also probably be dated to the Julio-Claudians, because they mention no rulers: CPJ 267-8, 289, 292, 294-5, 297, 313, 370, 374; for some of these ostraca, Jewishness is doubtful (see Hacham 2021, 204, n. 62). 18 O.Edfou I, 145-9; II, 146-7; III, 111-2; 345-6. 15

16

620-32. Jewish ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu)

time and place of Wessely and of the authors of O.CPJ (the first half of the 20th century19) and implies forced settlement exclusively of Jews in one area, as was the case in the disastrous events of 38 CE in Alexandria (Philo, Flacc. 55-7; 62-71). This, however, was certainly not the case here, as the non-Jews, who probably also resided in the quarter, indicate. The presence of non-Jews in the Delta quarter, together with the many ostraca which do not mention the name of an emperor and probably imply a Julio-Claudian date, pushing back the beginning of the Jewish settlement in this quarter, also destabilizes Tcherikover’s view that “the rise of anti-Semitism under Vespasian and Domitian, and especially the payment of the ‘Jewish tax’, forced the Jews to stand together more closely, so that at least the name ‘ghetto’… may not be quite inapplicable in reference to Edfu” (CPJ II, 109). It is much more likely that the Jewish presence in the fourth quarter of Edfu illustrates the known sociological phenomenon of persons with a shared ethnic background flocking together to the same neighbourhood. We know from Philo, that in Alexandria Jews had chosen to live next to each other in two sectors of the city (Flacc. 55), and Cicero implies at an earlier date (1st century BCE) that there was a district in Rome (near the Aurelian steps) in which Jews “stick together” (Pro Flacco 28:66).20 This is the best scenario for what happened in Edfu too, and indeed Tcherikover himself concedes that “in the first century B.C. there were already Jewish ‘corporations’ in Edfu … a fact hardly possible without a communal organization … we may conclude that the ‘delta’ quarter became Jewish in the early-Roman period, perhaps in the days of Claudius and Nero” (CPJ II, 109; cf. CPJ I, 82-3). From the evidence collected here, this could have happened even earlier, and without relation to any persecutions. Most of the ostracon-receipts presented in this section (CPJ 620a-c, e, g, 624, 625a-b, 626, 630c) deal with the poll-tax, which was called λαογραφία in Greek and Hmt ap.t (headbronze [money]) in Demotic. Scholars have been disputing for a long time whether it was a Roman innovation or the continuation of Ptolemaic-period capitation taxes. According to Wallace (1938b), followed by Capponi (2005, 140-1), it had its origins in the late Ptolemaic period, when a tax called syntaxis was collected, based on a census (laographia). On the other hand, Tcherikover (1950), Evans (1957) and Rathbone (1993) argued that the poll-tax had been introduced by Augustus. Recently, Monson (2014a) has convincingly shown that although the annual poll-tax called laographia was most probably introduced by Augustus, it seems, nevertheless, to have been the continuation of the Ptolemaic syntaxis. Payments for syntaxis are attested in census lists from Theogonis (P.Tebt. I 103, 189) dated to the 1st century BCE and on ostraca from Karanis (O.Mich. IIIII), originally all dated to the early reign of Augustus, but some were more probably drawn up at the end of the Ptolemaic period (Monson 2014a, 137-43; 2014b, 207-230). Other capitation taxes (epistatikon, sitonion) are also attested in late Ptolemaic sources. Therefore, the most plausible view is that Augustus did not invent the poll-tax, but unified the already existing Ptolemaic capitation taxes and introduced the standard poll-tax called laographia. The Roman laographia was levied on adult males aged between 14 and 62 (Bagnall & Frier 1994, 26-30). The Romans imposed the poll-tax on every subject of the province 19 20

See CPJ I, 82, II, 109; and also Ilan 2016, 210. Also in Trikomia in the 3rd century BCE – CPJ 589 (see Hacham 2018, 137-8).

620-32. Jewish ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu)

17

except Roman citizens, citizens of Greek poleis (Alexandria, Ptolemais Hermiou, Naukratis and later Antinoopolis), certain categories of Egyptian priests and some officials. Its annual rate varied between nomes, and certain privileged classes such as the metropolitai (residents of nome capitals) paid a lower rate. In Edfu the annual standard rate of the poll-tax seems to have been 16 drachmai. While in the Ptolemaic period Jews and Greeks, unlike native Egyptians, enjoyed a privileged position regarding taxation, after the Roman conquest, Jews were taxed in the same way as all provincials, both Greek and Egyptians, and were obligated to pay the poll-tax unless they met one of the abovementioned criteria. Besides the poll-tax, other taxes are also attested in these Edfu ostraca. CPJ 620h and 625c record payments for the dyke-tax known as χωματικόν in Greek and pA wS nb / pA Hd nb (dyke-silver) in Demotic. The dykes were the most important agricultural structures in Egypt, their role being crucial for the control and distribution of water after the inundation of the Nile. This tax was already collected by the Ptolemies, but only from people who directly benefited from the maintenance of the dyke- and canal-system. After the Roman conquest it was levied on all taxpayers. The annual rate of this tax throughout Egypt was 6 drachmai and 4 oboloi (indicated as 1 stater, 1 kite and 4 oboloi in Demotic) (Wallace 1938a, 140-3; O.Mattha, 51-2; Capponi 2005, 141-2). The dyke-tax was often collected together with other taxes such as the bath-tax (βαλανευτικόν in Greek, s.t-iwn in Demotic) or the police-tax (φυλακιτικόν in Greek, aq rs in Demotic). While CPJ 628b records the bath-tax as an adjunct to the dyke-tax,21 CPJ 630a attests to the payment of three taxes: dyke-, bath- and police-tax.22 The history of the bath-tax also goes back to the Ptolemies, who were the first to establish public baths and impose a tax on their owners or lessees at a rate of one-third of their revenues (φόρος βαλανείου, τρίτη βαλανείου). The Romans maintained the name of the bath-tax but changed its character, and it was probably used for the establishment of new public baths, especially in Upper Egypt. According to Wallace (1938a, 156), the new tax was actually a capitation tax paid by all taxpayers, whether they used the baths or not. Capponi (2005, 144), however, suggested that this tax was either connected to the entrance to a specific bath or levied only on some categories of the population. At any rate, Jews also paid this tax, in most of the cases a sum of 2 oboloi, most probably only in one instalment. In some receipts (CPJ 627b and c), the bath-tax was paid alone, and in this case the rate was higher and amounted to 3 drachmai and 4 oboloi. As to the police-tax mentioned in CPJ 630a along with the dyke- and bath-tax, it also has its Ptolemaic antecedent. A tax called φυλακιτικόν was collected from the 3rd century BCE onwards either in money or in kind, and provided the wages of the police (Muhs 2005, 56). In the Roman period, a tax by the same name is attested mainly in the 1st century CE (Wallace 1938a, 146-8). Two other taxes are mentioned in the Edfu ostraca. CPJ 621 attests payment for the state’s wheat, literally “the wheat of Pharaoh” (sw, sw Pr-aA), paid by people working on state land. If, for any reason, the crop failed, the farmers could not deliver to the state the required amount of crop. In this case, they had to pay the value of the crop in money as compensation (O.Leid., 45). CPJ 622 and 623 record payment for the fruit-tax. This tax 21

See also similarly in CPJ 183, 203 (with the Jewish tax); CPJ 239, 243, 246, 249, 263, 274, 281 (with the poll-tax); CPJ 244, 287, 289, 292, 296, 305, 311, 319, 333, 345, 357 (dyke- and bath-tax only). 22 See similarly CPJ 253-4, 266 (with the poll-tax); CPJ 252, 259, 318, 340, 353-5, 363 (dyke-, bath- and police-tax only).

18

620. The family of Thaumastos

has been known since early Ptolemaic times as ἕκτη ἀκροδρύων, or only ἀκροδρύων, in Greek and HD tgy / HD tky in Demotic (O.Mattha, 159-60), and its rate was one-sixth of the produce of orchards. The fruit-tax was a harvest tax, but in practice, it was paid in cash, because fruits and vegetables did not keep long. This is also clear from our receipts, according to which the taxpayer paid the compensation of the tax in money (Wallace 1938, 49-53). CPJ 628a reports the payment of a tax for the “sacred dates” also, like for the fruittax, in cash and not in kind. As for the Jewish tax (Ἰουδαίων τέλεσμα / τιμὴ δηναρίων δύο Ἰουδαίων), while in CPJ II, many of the receipts (CPJ 160-229) recorded this tax, very few newly published ostraca mention it. Among the Greek ostraca, only two receipts (CPJ 630b, 632) were certainly drawn up for payment of the Jewish tax. It has also been argued, based on the amount paid, that CPJ 629 records the same tax. No Demotic ostraca published so far record the Jewish tax. The novelty of the texts presented here lies not so much in the fact that the Jews of Edfu paid different taxes, but in the fact that many of the receipts can be dated to the earlyRoman period. Thus, they confirm the continuous Jewish presence in Edfu from the Ptolemaic period,231until the end of the Jewish revolt. Zs. Szántó

620. The family of Thaumastos The eight ostraca presented here record tax receipts of one Jewish family from Edfu during the first decades of Roman rule in Egypt (14 BCE-19 CE). The first taxpayer, Thaumastos son of Iakob, is explicitly mentioned in CPJ 620a (14 BCE), 620b (6 BCE), 620c (3 CE) and 620f (18 CE). Other ostraca were issued to Iakob (CPJ 620d; 7 CE), Nikias (CPJ 620e; 7 CE), Isaac (CPJ 620g; 18 CE) and Petaus (CPJ 620h; 19 CE) sons of Thaumastos. Iakob son of Thaumastos (CPJ 620d) is certainly the son of Thaumastos son of Iakob mentioned above. Nikias son of Thaumastos, who paid taxes in the same place and year as Iakob (CPJ 620e), is probably his brother. Isaac (CPJ 620g) and Petaus (CPJ 620h), also sons of Thaumastos, paying taxes more than a decade later in the same place, were likely their brothers (see Clarysse 1984, 1352-3). If this assumption is correct, we are able to reconstruct three generations of this family, Iakob being the oldest, Thaumastos, his son, and Iakob, Nikias, Isaac and Petaus four grandsons. Their family tree can be drawn as follows:   Iakob Thaumastos Iakob

Nikias

Isaac

Petaus

Clarysse (1984, 1352-3) connected these ostraca to CPJ 322, 325, 326, 330, 368. The ed. princ., followed by O.CPJ, dated these ostraca on palaeographic grounds, to the beginning of the 2nd century CE. Based on the year of the emperor, they suggested that this was 231

As evidenced by the Aramaic ostraca from Edfu published in CPJ IV, and by the rare Jewish names Daleas and Abietes recorded in Aramaic even in the Persian period in Upper Egypt (CPJ IV, 21-5).

19

620. The family of Thaumastos

Trajan, and dated the ostraca to 104-15 CE. These ostraca mention persons named Petaus (CPJ 322, 326, 330, 368) and Iakobos (CPJ 325) sons of a person whose name they read as Thaumasios. Using the Demotic ostraca, Clarysse corrected the reading of the father’s name in Greek to Thaumastos, and identified Iakobos and Petaus of the Greek ostraca with the same-named persons of the Demotic ones. He thus dated the Greek ostraca to the reign of Tiberius, i.e. 21 CE (CPJ 322, 325, 326), 22 CE (CPJ 330) and 32 CE (CPJ 368). The early date is confirmed by the fact that all ostraca from Vespasian on record the name of the ruling emperor. Earlier ostraca mention the emperor’s name infrequently. If this reconstruction is correct, then the ostraca of this family cover a span of 46 years from 14 BCE to 32 CE. In this Jewish family, biblical, Greek and Egyptian names are used side by side, as are Greek and Demotic receipts. Both imply a degree of accommodation to the surrounding Greco-Egyptian milieu.

620a. A bilingual poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 6.9 x 6 cm MN 139801+139831 (Vignot-Kott 2016, 903) TM 702323; Image: Vignot-Kott 2016, 903 Lit.: Vignot-Kott 2017, 165-6; Hacham 2021, 195-6

7 July 14 BCE

The present receipt belongs to the papyrus collection of Warsaw, and records the payment of the poll-tax. The receipt was written for Thaumastos son of Iakob, who paid half the normal rate, i.e. 2 staters, in the month of Epeiph. Since the normal rate of the poll-tax was most probably 4 staters per year, it seems that the present ostracon records only the payment of the first instalment. At the bottom of the Demotic ostracon, Thaumastos signed his name in Greek, as do others in some Demotic ostraca from the same collection (VignotKott 2016, 902-3).

5

1A.t-sp 16 ibd 3 Smw sw 13 wv 6hwmsvAs sA YAqwbs Hmt ap.t sttr 2.t Θαύμαστο[ς]

Year 16, 3rd month of shemu 13. Has paid Thaumastos son of Iakobos the polltax, 2 staters. Thaumastos.

1. 1A.t-sp 16 ibd 3 Smw sw 13 (Year 16, 3rd month of shemu 13). On the dating of these ostraca see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. This dating most probably refers to the reign of Augustus, because it stands at the beginning of the receipt formula. In Edfu, this is a special feature of receipts written under Augustus; see Menu 1979a, 262, n. to l. 2. Later, the date was written at the end of the receipt. 3rd month of the season shemu was Epeiph; thus the ostracon is dated to 7 July 14 BCE. 2. 6hwmsvAs. The name Thaumastos has very few attestations in Egypt, and except for our man, none of them are Jews. 3. YAqwbs. The name Iakob is transliterated here with an additional “s,” which shows that he was known by the Grecised form of his name (Iakobos). For the attestations of this name see LJNLA III, 121-7. 3-4. Hmt ap.t (poll-tax). Literally: “copper (of) poll.” This was the Demotic name of the poll-tax, further on which see the introduction to the Edfu ostraca. 4. sttr 2 (2 staters). Stater was a denomination of the Egyptian tetradrachma; see Table of Measurements.

20

620. The family of Thaumastos

5. Θαύμαστο[ς]. The name of the person paying the tax appears in the last line of this Demotic ostracon in Greek. It may have been his signature, but it is not clear why he had to sign the receipt; alternatively, Uri Yiftach (personal communication) suggested that the addition of his name in Greek was the work of a clerk who processed the document for the administration.

620b. Poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 8 x 6.5 cm 26 June, 13 August 6 BCE O.IFAO Dem. 462 (Menu 1979a, 263) (BL Dem, 758) TM 54129; Image: Menu 1979a, Pl. XXXIX, XXXIXa Lit.: Zauzich 1984, 75; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Vignot-Kott 2017, 166; Hacham 2021, 195-6

The present receipt, belonging to the IFAO collection, was written for the same Thaumastos son of Iakob as CPJ 620a, 620c, 620f. He paid the normal rate of the poll-tax, i.e. 4 staters, for year 23 of Augustus (7 BCE) in two instalments in year 24 (6 BCE): 2 staters in Epeiph, and 2 staters in Mesore. Paying taxes in two instalments was not rare, and if the two payments were made one shortly after the other, they were usually recorded on the same potsherd.

5

1A.t-sp 24 ibd 3 Smw sw 2 wv 6hwmsths (sA) Yqwbs Hmt ap.t HA.t-sp 23 sttr 2.t ibd 4 Smw sw 20 sttr 2.t

Year 24, 3rd month of shemu 2. Has paid Thaumastos son of Iakobos, the poll-tax for year 23, 2 staters; (and) 4th month of shemu 20. 2 staters.

1. 1A.t-sp 24 ibd 3 Smw sw 2 (Year 24, 3rd month of shemu 2). The dating of this receipt must refer to the reign of Augustus, because no other emperor reigned 24 years in the first century of Roman rule in Egypt; see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. The 3rd month of the season shemu was Epeiph. Thus the first payment recorded on the ostracon is from 26 June 6 BCE. 2. 6hwmsths (sA) Yqwbs. The editor read 6hwmstys, corrected later by Zauzich 1984, 75 and BL Dem, 758. Further on this Thaumastos see introduction to CPJ 620. 5. ibd 4 Smw sw 20 (4th month of the season shemu 20). This was Mesore, and the second payment recorded on the ostracon is from 13 August 6 BCE.

620c. Poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 5.8 x 9.8 cm MN 141806 (Vignot-Kott 2016, 904) TM 702324; Image: Vignot-Kott 2016, 904 Lit.: Vignot-Kott 2017, 166-7; Hacham 2021, 195-6

4 June 3 CE

This is a receipt written on a wooden tablet (Vignot-Kott 2016, 904), also from the Warsaw collection. In this case, the receipt records the payment of the poll-tax by Thaumastos and his father Iakob. The same surface was used for receipts of two family members. Both of them paid the poll-tax in two instalments, 2 staters in Pauni and 2 staters in Mecheir, which is why we find four entries in the receipt.

5

1A.t-sp 32 ibd 2 Smw sw 10 wv 6hwmstAs sA Yqwbs Hmt ap.t sttr 2.t Yqwbs sttr 2.t wAH ibd 2 pr.t sw 17 6hwmstAs sttr 2.t Yqwbs sttr 2.t

Year 32, 2nd month of shemu 10. Thaumastos son of Iakobos has paid the poll-tax 2 staters Iakobos 2 staters 2 staters 2nd month of peret 17. Thaumastos Iakobos 2 staters

620. The family of Thaumastos

21

1. 1A.t-sp 32 ibd 2 Smw sw 10 (Year 32, 2nd month of shemu 10). This date can only refer to the reign of Augustus, because no other emperor reigned 32 years in the first century of Roman rule in Egypt; see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. 2nd month of the season shemu is Pauni; thus the exact date of the first payment is 4 June 3 CE. 4. ibd 2 pr.t sw 17 (2nd month of peret 17). According to this line, the second payment was made on 17 Mecheir, which is, however, an earlier date (11 February 3 CE) than that of the first payment (4 June 3 CE). As also noted by Vignot-Kott (2016, 904), this is strange because we would normally expect a later date for the second payment. It is, therefore, possible that the second date refers to the next year, i.e. to year 33, Mecheir 17 (12 February 4 CE), or even that the payment was indeed made in year 32, Mecheir 17, but it was recorded only later, after or at the time of the second payment.

620d. (CPJ 325) Tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 4 x 5 cm 23 February 7 CE O.IFAO Dem. 106 (Menu 1979b, 137) (BL Dem, 597) TM 55504; Image: Menu 1979b, Pl. XLIV, XLIVa Lit.: Clarysse 1984, 1352-3; Zauzich 1984, 71, 74; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Vignot-Kott 2017, 167; Hacham 2021, 195-6

The ostracon, part of the IFAO collection, mentions a certain Iakobos son of Thaumastos, no doubt the son of Iakobos mentioned in CPJ 620a-c, f. For the rest of the family and the family tree see introduction to CPJ 620. Menu considered this a salt-tax receipt, since she read pA HmA in l. 3, but Zauzich, argued that this is another tax. In support of this view, note that, to date, the salt-tax is attested in the Roman period only in documents from the Arsinoite nome, indicating that it was abandoned elsewhere in Egypt; further see Wallace 1938a, 183-4; Clarysse 2012.

5

1A.t-sp 36 ibd 2 pr.t sw 29 r tw YAqwbs sA 6hwmsvAs pA tny … tpy pr.t ibd 2 pr.t hD-qt 1 Dba 4

Year 36, 2nd month of peret 29. Iakobos son of Thaumastos (has given) the … tax for the 1st month of peret and the 2nd month of peret 1 kite, 4 oboloi.

1. 1A.t-sp 36 ibd 2 prt sw 29 (Year 36, 2nd month of peret 29). The editor read 1A.t-sp 34 (year 34), but Zauzich 1984, 74, read 36. This date must refer to Augustus’ reign, since he is the only emperor who reigned more than 23 years. The 2nd month of the season peret is Mecheir; thus the exact date of the ostracon is 23 February 7 CE. 2-3. YAqwbs sA 6hwmsvAs. In CPJ 325, from year 8, Hathyr 29 a Ἰάκοβος Θαυμασ[--] is mentioned. The editors of O.CPJ dated it to 25 November 104 CE (year 8 of Trajan). Clarysse (1984, 1352-3), however, identified him with our Iakobos, and dated CPJ 325 to 25 November 21 CE (year 8 of Tiberius). 3. pA tny (the tax). Menu originally read pA HmA, corrected by Zauzich 1984, 74. The word tny seems certain, but after it the name of the tax is uncertain. Zauzich proposed that it might have been the same tax as in O.IFAO dem. 66, namely pA tny aA, “the donkey (?) tax,” while Vignot-Kott (2017, 167) suggested reading pA tny n pA tky, literally: “the tax of the fruit,” further on which see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. 5. hD-qt; Dba (kite, oboloi). On these monetary units see Table of Measurements.

22

620. The family of Thaumastos

620e. Poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 6 x 8.5 cm 5 May, 23 May 7 CE O.IFAO Dem. 91 (Menu 1979b, 126) (BL Dem 596) TM 55486; Image: Menu 1979b, Pl. XLI, XLIa Lit.: Clarysse 1984, 1353; Zauzich 1984, 74; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Vignot-Kott 2017, 168; Hacham 2021, 195-6

This ostracon dates to the same year as CPJ 620d (7 CE). It was issued to Nikias son of Thaumastos, who paid the poll-tax in two instalments, 2 staters on the 10th of the month of Pachon, and 2 staters eighteen days later, on the 28th of the same month. On the other members of Thaumastos’ family see introduction to CPJ 620. 1A.t-sp 36 tpy Smw sw 10 r wv NygyAs sA 6hwmsvyAs r pA Hmt ap.t sttr 2.t 5 sw 28 sttr 2.t

Year 36, 1st month of shemu 10. Nikias son of Thaumastos has paid for the poll-tax 2 staters, (and) day 28, 2 staters.

1. 1A.t-sp 36 tpy Smw sw 10 (Year 36, 1st month of shemu 10). Year 36 must refer to Augustus’ reign, since he is the only emperor who reigned more than 23 years. 1st month of shemu was Pachon. 10 of this month is 5 May 7 CE. 2-3. NygyAs sA 6hwmsvyAs. While Menu (1979b, 126) read 0ygyAs and Zauzich (1984, 74) read NyqyAs, Clarysse 1984, 1353, n. 23 and BL Dem 596 read NygyAs. The name Nikias was used by Jews both in Aramaic (‫ ;נכיס‬CPJ 523, see there n. to l. 3) and in Greek (Νικίας; CPJ 653, l. 78); see LJNLA III, 342. 5. sw 28 (day 28). Day 28 of Pachon is 23 May.

620f. Poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 8 x 8 cm O.IFAO Dem. 5 (Menu 1979b, 129) TM 55495; Image: Menu 1979b, Pl. XLIII, XLIIIa Lit.: Honigman 2003, 82-3; Vignot-Kott 2017, 167; Hacham 2021, 195-6

14 July 18 CE

This ostracon (as also CPJ 620a) records the payment of the poll-tax, obviously for half a year, because it amounts to only 2 staters, paid in Epeiph, although the normal rate was 4 staters per annum. The taxpayer was the same Thaumastos son of Iakobos as in CPJ 620a-c.

4

6hwmsthAs (sA) YAqwbs Hmt ap.t sttr 2.t HA.t-sp 4 ibd 3 Smw sw 20

Thaumastos son of Iakobos, (has paid) the polltax, 2 staters. Year 4, 3rd month of shemu 20.

2. YAqwbs. The editor originally read AgHwts for the patronymic, but the name Ageuthes is unknown, and the reading seems more likely to be YAqwbs; cf. Honigman 2003, 82, n. 51. 4. HA.t-sp 4 ibd 3 Smw sw 20 (Year 4, 3rd month of shemu 20). Given the fact that the date is at the end of the receipt, it probably refers to the reign of Tiberius, since during the reign of Augustus the dates were indicated at the beginning (Menu 1979a, 262, and n. 2). This is also supported by the family context: while Thaumastos paid the poll-tax during Augustus’ or at the beginning of Tiberius’ reign, his sons, Iakobos, Nikias, Isaac and Petaus paid it mostly during Tiberius’ reign (the only exception is CPJ 620e, which is dated to Augustus’ last regnal year). 3rd month of shemu is Epeiph. Thus, the receipt is dated to 14 July 18 CE.

23

620. The family of Thaumastos

620g. Poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 8 x 8 cm 9 August 18 CE O.IFAO Dem. 51 (Menu 1979b, 127) (BL Dem 596) TM 55491; Image: Menu 1979b, Pl. XLII, XLIIa Lit.: Clarysse 1984, 1353; Zauzich 1984, 70, 73; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Vignot-Kott 2017, 170; Hacham 2021, 195-6

This ostracon, like the previous CPJ 620f, records the payment of the poll-tax for half a year, because it amounts to only 2 staters paid in Mesore. The taxpayer was Isaac son of Thaumastos, on whose family see introduction to CPJ 620.

3

YSHg (sA) 6hwmsvAs Hmt ap.t sttr 2.t HA.t-sp 4 ibd 4 Smw sw 16

Isaac son of Thaumastos, (has paid) the poll-tax, 2 staters. Year 4, 4th month of shemu 16.

1-2. YSHg (sA) 6hwmsvAs. The editor originally read YSwg, but Zauzich 1984, 70, 73, Clarysse 1984, 1353, n. 24 and BL Dem 596, all read YSHg. On the name Isaac see LJNLA III, 127-32. Unlike with his brother Iakobos (see CPJ 620a-d, f), here the Aramaic rather than the Greek form is used. 3. HA.t-sp 4 ibd 4 Smw sw 16 (Year 4, 4th month of shemu 16). The dating refers to the reign of Tiberius; see CPJ 620f, n. to l. 4. The 4th month of shemu was Mesore, therefore the ostracon is dated to 9 August 18 CE.

620h. (CPJ 322, 326, 330, 368) Dyke-tax compensation receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 9 x 7 cm O.IFAO Dem. 63 (Menu 1980, 183) TM 55461; Image: Menu 1980, Pl. XLIV, XLIVa Lit.: Clarysse 1984, 1352-3; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Hacham 2021, 195-6

13 December 19 CE

This receipt was issued to a certain Petou son of Thaumastos, on whose family see introduction to CPJ 620. The receipt records the payment of the dyke-tax compensation for year 5 (of Tiberius). In the Roman period it was clearly paid by all taxpayers for the upkeep of the dykes and canals, at a rate of 1 stater, 1 kite and 4 oboloi (= 6 drachmai and 4 oboloi) per year, as is also attested on our ostracon. This was the general rate in Egypt, but minimal local differences may have existed. Ptw sA 6hwmsvAs pA wS nby HA.t-sp 5 sttr 1.t hD qt 1 Dba 4 3

HA.t-sp 6 ibd 4 Ax.t sw 16.

Petou son of Thaumastos (has paid) the dyke-tax compensation for year 5, 1 stater, 1 kite and 4 oboloi. Year 6, 4th month of akhet 16.

1. Ptw sA 6hwmsvAs. Ptw is probably the Demotic transliteration of Πεταῧς (Petaus). In several ostraca a certain Petaus appears with an uncertain patronymic (CPJ 322: Θαυμασ; 326: Θαυμασιο̣; 330; Θαυμασιυ; 368: Θα). The editors of O.CPJ dated these ostraca to the early 2nd century CE. Clarysse (1984, 1352-3), however, suggested based on our Demotic ostraca, that the patronymic in Greek should be read as Thaumastos, identified the Petaus of the Greek ostraca (and Iakobos of CPJ 325) with our Petou son of Thaumastos (and with Iakobos of CPJ 620d), and dated these ostraca to the reign of Tiberius. 2. pA wS nby (the dyke-tax compensation). This was the Demotic name of the dyke-tax in the Roman period (equivalent to the Greek χωματικόν). In the Theban region the name pA HD nby (literally: “silver of the dyke”) was more common. Further on this tax see O.Louvre, 223-5 and introduction to the Edfu ostraca. 3. ibd 4 Ax.t sw (4th month of akhet). The dating refers to the reign of Tiberius; see CPJ 620f, n. to l. 4. The 4th month of akhet was Choiak. Therefore the ostracon is dated to 13 December 19 CE. Zs. Szántó

24

621. Receipt for state-wheat

621. Receipt for state-wheat Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 9 x 11 cm O.IFAO Dem. 165 (Menu 1980,186-7) (BL Dem, 598) TM 55469; Image: Menu 1980, Pl. XLV, XLVa Lit.: Zauzich 1984, 71; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Hacham 2021, 197-8

11 May 2 BCE

The present ostracon was issued to a certain Iason son of Iesou, whose Jewishness is indicated by his patronymic. Among the ostraca related to Jews, this is the only one recording a receipt for the state-wheat. 1A.t-sp 28 tpy Smw sw 16 r wv YAswn sA Ysw pAy=f sw 1(?) (n) PA-ftw-Mnv HA.t-sp 23

pA hD (?) 2 sttr 2.t

4

Year 28, 1st month of shemu 16. Iason son of Iesou has paid his (artaba of) wheat to Phthoumonthes for year 23, 2 deben (?) and 2 staters

1. 1A.t-sp 28 tpy Smw sw 16 (Year 28, 1st month of shemu 16). The high year-number dates this ostracon to Augustus’ reign, because no other emperor reigned 28 years in the first century of Roman rule in Egypt. Year 28 of Augustus was 3/2 BCE. 1st month of shemu is Pachon, and the ostracon is to be dated to 11 May 2 BCE. 2. YAswn sA Ysw. Menu read the first name as YAswv (Iasot), corrected later by DNB I-18 Korr., 136 and BL Dem, 598 to YAswn (Iason). Iason was a Greek name adopted by Jews; see LJNLA III, 309-12. Honigman’s suggestion (2003, 82-3, n. 51) that the father, Iesou, may have been Iesou son of Tebah has to be rejected; see Introduction to CPJ 625. On the name Iesou see LJNLA III, 103-105. On another son of a Iesou from Edfu see CPJ 624. 3. pAy=f sw (his [artaba of] wheat). This payment is for the state-wheat. Further on this tax see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. PA-ftw-Mnv (Phthoumonthes). This person appears only in this receipt. His official status is not mentioned. He must have been a state official or banker who received the tax payment. Zs. Szántó

622. Fruit-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 12 x 8 cm O.IFAO Dem. 120 (Menu 1979b, 135) (BL Dem, 596) TM 55501; Image: Menu 1979b, Pl. XLIV, XLIVa Lit.: Zauzich 1984, 71, 74; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Hacham 2021, 197-8

21 May 1 BCE

The present ostracon was issued for payment of the fruit-tax. Given the fact that fruits, like other garden products, could not be preserved for long, they were taxed in money. In this case, the taxpayer was a Jew, Hanias/Honias son of Zakur, who paid 1 stater for the fruittax in year 29 of Augustus (1 BCE). 

5

1A.t-sp 29 tpy Smw sw 26 wv 1nyAs (sA) 4qwr pA HD tky HA.t-sp 27 sttr 1.t n wS wty

Year 29, 1st month of shemu 26. Has paid Hanias/Honias son of Zakur the fruit-tax for year 27, 1 stater for compensation (of the payment) in kind.

25

624. Poll-tax receipt

1. 1A.t-sp 29 tpy Smw sw 26 (Year 29, 1st month of shemu 26). Year 29 must refer to Augustus’ reign, since he is the only emperor who reigned more than 23 years. 1st month of the season shemu was Pachon, and the ostracon is to be dated to 21 May 1 BCE. 2. 1nyAs (sA) 4qwr. Menu read 1myAs (sA) 6yanwr, but see Zauzich 1984, 71, 74, DNB I-11, 786, 941 and BL Dem, 596 who all read 1nyAs (sA) 4qwr. The form 1nyAs could indicate either Hanias (similar to CPJ 633, l. 2: Ἀνναιο) or Honias (as in CPJ 556 ll. 12, 22: Ὀνίας̣). The unvocalised Hebrew form ‫ חניה‬is attested in CPJ 525, ll. 88, 111 and in 533, l. 3 and the Demotic form 1nyA in CPJ 544, l. 2. Both can be pronounced either way. The name ‫ זכור‬is biblical (e.g. Neh 3:2); see LJNLA III, 86. 3. pA HD tky (the fruit-tax). Literally: “the silver/money of fruit,” the Egyptian name of the fruit-tax (ἕκτη ἀκροδρύων). Zs. Szántó 

623. Fruit-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 10 x 9 cm O.IFAO Dem. 404+445 (Menu 1979b, 135-6) (BL Dem, 596) TM 55502; Image: Menu 1979b, Pl. XLIV, XLIVa Lit.: Zauzich 1984, 75; Vignot-Kott 2017, 168; Hacham 2021, 197-8

2 November 1 CE

The present ostracon, like CPJ 622, was issued for payment of the fruit-tax. The taxpayer bore the name Saulos, and therefore he was probably a Jew. He paid 1 deben and 3 kite for the fruit-tax in year 31 of Augustus (1 CE).

3

1A.t-sp 31 ibd 3 Ax.t sw 6 wv 4Awls sA … pA HD tky (n) HA.t-sp 30 … HD 1 hD-qt 3

Year 31, 3rd month of akhet 6. Saulos son of … has paid the fruit-tax for year 30, … 1 deben, 3 kite.

1. 1A.t-sp 31 ibd 3 Ax.t sw 6 (Year 31, 3rd month of akhet 6). Year 31 must refer to Augustus’ reign, since he is the only emperor who reigned more than 23 years in the first century of Roman rule in Egypt. 3rd month of the season akhet was Hathyr, thus the ostracon is to be dated to 2 November 1 CE. 1-2. 4Awls sA … (Saulos son of). Menu (1979b) read the first name of the taxpayer as YAwls, but Zauzich 1984, 75, DNB I-13, 951 and BL Dem, 596 corrected this reading to 4Awls, which is the Demotic transliteration of the Grecised form of the biblical name Saul (‫ ;)שאול‬for its (few and later) attestations see LJNLA III, 148. 2. pA HD tky (the fruit-tax). Literally: “the silver/money of fruit,” the Egyptian name of the fruit-tax. 3. HD; hD qt (deben; kite). On these monetary units see Table of Measurements. Zs. Szántó

624. Poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 8 x 8 cm O.IFAO Dem. 65 (Menu 1979b, 124) (BL Dem, 596) TM 55482; Image: Menu 1979b, Pl. XLI, XLIa Lit.: Honigman 2003, 82-3;Vignot-Kott 2017, 168-9; Hacham 2021, 197-8

31 October 6 CE

The present ostracon was written for Kineas son of Iesou recording the payment of the poll-tax in year 36 of Augustus (6 CE) for year 35. His father’s name indicates Jewishness, and he paid the yearly poll-tax (4 staters) in one instalment.

4

1A.t-sp 36 ibd 3 Ax.t sw 4 r wv GynAs sA YAsw Hmt ap.t HA.t-sp 35 sttr 4

Year 36, 3rd month of akhet 4. Has paid Kineas son of Iesou for the poll-tax for year 35, 4 staters.

26

625. Iesou son of Tebah

1. 1A.t-sp 36 ibd 3 Ax.t sw 4 (Year 36, 3rd month of akhet 4). Year 36 must refer to Augustus’ reign, since he is the only emperor who reigned more than 23 years in the first century of Roman rule in Egypt. The tax was paid for the previous year (year 35). 3rd month of akhet is Hathyr, and therefore the ostracon should be dated to 31 October 6 CE. 2. GynAs sA YAsw. Menu read GyatyAs, and vocalized the name as Gytias. This reading was, however, corrected by DNB I-14, 1045 and BL Dem, 596 to GynAs, which is the Demotic transliteration of Kineas. This name is to date unattested among Jews, but has a few attestations among Greeks; see TM Name 3611. Honigman’s suggestion (2003, 82-3, n. 51) that the father, Iesou, may have been Iesou son of Tebah mentioned in CPJ 625 has to be rejected (see introduction to CPJ 625). Zs. Szántó

625. Iesou son of Tebah The following three Demotic receipts were issued to a certain Iesou son of Tebah between 8 and 14 CE, in Edfu. His name indicates that he was a Jew. The receipts do not provide any further information about him. Honigman (2003, 82-3, n. 51) suggested that this Iesou may have been the father of Iason (CPJ 621) and Kineas (CPJ 624), both sons of Iesou. However, all three ostraca of Iesou son of Tebah are later than those of Iason and Kineas. Moreover, since the name Iesous (in all its variants) is documented frequently in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt (see LJNLA III, 103), this identification is doubtful.

625a. Poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 9 x 10 cm 12 June 8 CE O.IFAO Dem. 625 (Menu 1979a, 266) (BL Dem, 759) TM 54138; Image: Menu 1979a, Pl. XL, XLa Lit.: Nur el-Din 1983, 157-8; Zauzich 1984, 70, 75; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Vignot-Kott 2017, 169; Hacham 2021, 197-8

The present ostracon, issued to Iesou son of Tebah, dates to 8 CE. In the present receipt, he paid the poll-tax for half a year, that is, 2 staters.

3

1A.t-sp 37 ibd 2 Smw sw 18 wv YAsw (sA) 6bH Hmt ap.t sttr 2.t

Year 37, 2nd month of shemu 18. Has paid Iesou son of Tebah the poll-tax, 2 staters.

1. 1A.t-sp 37 ibd 2 Smw sw 18 (Year 37, 2nd month of shemu 18). Year 37 could only refer to the reign of Augustus; see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. 2nd month of shemu is Pauni. Therefore, the receipt was issued on 12 June 8 CE. 2. YAsw (sA) 6bH. The editor read the patronymic as 5yl, corrected by Nur el-Din 1983, 157-8, Zauzich 1984, 70, 75 and BL Dem, 759, to 6bH. YAsw is most probably the Egyptian transliteration of the biblical name ‫ישוע‬. Its Greek form Ἰησοῦς is attested several times among Jews; see LJNLA III, 103-5. The name 6bH is enigmatic. Zauzich suggested identifying it with the biblical name ‫( טבח‬Gen 22:24), but Honigman rejected this interpretation (2003, 82, n. 51), because the name is not attested anywhere for Jews during the Hellenistic-Roman period. Zs. Szántó 

625. Iesou son of Tebah

27

625b. Poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 7.5 x 9 cm 29 April, 5 July 10 CE O.IFAO Dem. 624 (Menu 1979a, 268) (BL Dem, 759) TM 54143; Image: Menu 1979a, Pl. XLI, XLIa Lit.: Nur el-Din 1983, 157-8; Zauzich 1984, 70, 75; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Vignot-Kott 2017, 169; Hacham 2021, 197-8

This receipt to Iesou son of Tebah also records the payment of the poll-tax, but the ostracon was drawn up two years later, in 10 CE. Iesou paid the poll-tax in two instalments, and both are recorded on this ostracon by the same hand.

3

1A.t-sp 39 tpy Smw sw 4 wv YAsw sA 6bH Hmt ap.t sttr 2.t ibd 3 Smw sw 11 sp-sn sttr 2.t

Year 39, 1st month of shemu 4. Has paid Iesou son of Tebah the poll-tax, 2 staters; 3rd month of shemu 11, the same, 2 staters.

1. 1A.t-sp 39 tpy Smw sw 4 (Year 39, 1st month of shemu 4). Year 39 refers to the reign of Augustus; see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. 1st month of shemu is Pachon. Thus, this document is to be dated to 29 April 10 CE. 1-2. YAsw sA 6bH. The editor read the patronymic as 6wxim (?), corrected by Nur el-Din 1983, 157-8, Zauzich 1984, 70, 75 and BL Dem, 759 (6bH). The name is the same as in CPJ 625a; see there, n. to l. 2. 3. ibd 3 Smw sw 11 (3rd month of shemu 11). This is Epeiph 11, which is to be dated to 5 July 10 CE. Zs. Szántó

625c. Dyke-tax compensation receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 7 x 9 cm 23 December 14 CE O.IFAO Dem. 626 (Menu 1979a, 271) (BL Dem, 759) TM 54153; Image: Menu 1979a, Pl. XLIII, XLIIIa Lit.: Menu 1979b, 133; Nur el-Din 1983, 157-8; Zauzich 1984, 70, 75; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Vignot-Kott 2017, 170

Among the three tax receipts issued to Iesou son of Tebah, this is the latest, written in year 1 of Tiberius (14 CE) for payment of the dyke-tax, with the usual rate of 1 stater, 1 kite and 4 oboloi (= 6 drachmai and 4 oboloi) per year.

4

YAsw sA 6bH pA wS nby HA.t-sp 43 sttr 1.t hD qt 1 Dba 4 HA.t-sp 1.t ibd 4 Ax.t sw 27

Iesou son of Tebah (has paid) the dyke-tax compensation for year 43, 1 stater, 1 kite and 4 oboloi. Year 1, 4th month of akhet 27.

1. YAsw sA 6bH. The editor read the patronymic as 6bw, corrected by Nur el-Din 1983, 157-8, Zauzich 1984, 70, 75 and BL Dem, 759. Further on these names see CPJ 625a, n. to l. 2. 2. pA wS nby (the dyke-tax). This was the Demotic name of this tax, further on which see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. 2, 4. HA.t-sp 43… HA.t-sp 1.t ibd 4 Ax.t sw 27 (year 43 … year 1, 4th month of akhet 27). The first regnal year refers to the reign of Augustus, while the second to that of Tiberius; see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. The 4th month of akhet is Choiak; therefore the ostracon was issued on 23 December 14 CE. Zs. Szántó 

28

626. Poll-tax receipt

626. Poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 7 x 8.5 cm O.IFAO Dem. 55 (Menu 1979b, 128) TM 55492; Image: Menu 1979b, Pl. XLII, XLIIa Lit.: Zauzich 1984, 71; Honigman 2003, 82-3; Vignot-Kott 2017, 170-1

8 August 18 CE

This receipt was probably drawn up in the 4th year of Tiberius (18 CE), for Ioudas son of Lysi(machos), who paid the yearly rate of the poll-tax (4 staters) in one instalment.

3

Ywvs (sA) Lwsy Hmt ap.t sttr 4 hA.t-sp 4 ibd 4 Smw sw 15

Ioudas son of Lysi(?) (has paid the) poll-tax, 4 staters. Year 4, 4th month of shemu 15.

1. Ywvs (sA) Lwsy (Ioudas son of Lysi[?]). Menu originally read Ywtys (sA) Lwsy, but see Zauzich 1984, 71, who read Ywvs. For the Hebrew (‫ )יהודה‬and Greek (Ἰούδας) equivalents see LJNLA III, 95-102. Note that the Demotic transcribes the Greek of the name with the “s” suffix. The patronymic is an abbreviation of a Greek name with the prefix Lysi. Menu suggested Lysimachos, but there are other options like Lysias (see https://www-trismegistos-org.eu1.proxy.openathens.net/ref/index.php?&search-name=Lysi|i&single_family= single; accessed 10/3/2022). Even if the name is to be reconstruced as Lysimachos, there is no reason to connect him with Lysimachos of two additional Demotic ostraca from Edfu: O.Mattha 87 (3 CE) and O.Mattha 11 (8 CE), receipts issued for one Dositheos son of Lysimachos. For Jews bearing names beginning with the prefix Lysi see LJNLA III, 327-8. 3. hA.t-sp 4 ibd 4 Smw sw 15 (Year 4, 4th month of shemu 15). Since the dating is at the end of the receipt, it most probably refers to the reign of Tiberius, that is, to 18 CE; see CPJ 620f, n. to l. 4 (and Menu 1979a, 262). 4th month of shemu is Mesore. Therefore the ostracon is to be dated to 8 August, 18 CE. Zs. Szántó

627. Papias son of Abietos In 1994 Nachtergael published CPJ 627a, mentioning Papias son of Abietos. This person is Jewish, because of his patronymic (see CPJ IV, 23-4 and LJNLA III, 665), and is not recorded in O.CPJ. However, within the publication of this new ostracon, Clarysse (Nachtergael 1994, 45, n. to l. 1) suggested identifying him with Papias son of Akielos (Παπίας Ἀκιήλου) mentioned on two other ostraca from Edfu (CPJ 627b-c), correcting their reading to Papias son of Abietos. Clarysse’s reading was accepted both by Bingen (1996b) and Hagedorn (2004).1 Although published in O.Edfou II (1938) these ostraca were not included in O.CPJ, because they were not found in the fourth quarter, the area identified by the excavators as the Jewish quarter, but in a sounding in another excavation area – Kôm Nord (O.Edfou II, 152-3). The dates of the three ostraca published here range from the 10th to the 13th year of an unspecified emperor. Earlier editors dated them to the reign of Domitian. However, this dating has its problems. CPJ 627c mentions the month of Sebastos, an honourary name used, as of the 1st century, for the Egyptian month, Thoth, but which during the reign of Domitian was replaced by Germanicus. This rules out year 13 as falling in Domitian’s reign (Hagedorn 2004, 159-60). As neither Vespasian nor Titus had ruled 13 years, these 1

A similar name – Akietos – appears twice among the Edfu-ostraca (CPJ 171, 292). Perhaps, as already suggested by Honigman (2003, 84), the reading of these names are also incorrect and they too should be read as Abietos.

29

627. Papias son of Abietos

ostraca could not date from the Flavian period. They were either from the later time of Trajan or of the earlier Julio-Claudian emperors. Since, as we showed in the introduction to the Edfu ostraca, receipts from the reigns of Julio-Claudians did not as a rule record the names of the emperor, and since these three ostraca include no name of emperor, an earlier date is more likely. It is doubtful, however, whether they could be dated to Augustus’ reign, because the earliest occurrence of a dating mentioning the month-name Sebastos is probably in 6 BCE (SB I 4327) (Capponi 2005, 28), and thus the most likely dating of the ostraca is to the reigns of Tiberius, Claudius or Nero.

627a. Receipt of rent/tax for “sacred sheep” Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 4.8 x 7.5 cm O.Mus.Crac. 4 (Nachtergael 1994) = SB XXII 15504 TM 79063; Image: Nachtergael 1994, Pl. II, 4 Lit.: Bingen 1996b, 183; Hagedorn 2004, 160; Hacham 2021, 199-200

24 CE, 50 CE or 64 CE

This ostracon, together with five others (CPJ 628a-b, 630c, 631-2) published in 1994 by Nachtergael, were acquired by Polish soldiers serving in the British army in Egypt during World War II. The ostraca were either bought on the antiquities market in Cairo or collected on location. There is no doubt, however, that, because they mention the same persons found on ostraca at the excavations of the Franco-Polish team a few years back, they come from the same area in Edfu where hundreds of ostraca of the same sort had been found. This area was designated in many ostraca as quarter δ, and identified by the excavators as a “Jewish quarter,” on which see the introduction to the Edfu ostraca. Papias son of Abietos pays the rent/tax for “sacred sheep” (φόρος ἱερατικῶν προβάτων). The sheep rent/tax (φόρος προβάτων) is recorded in CPJ 268, 284, 377, 384, 391, and the editors identified the payers of the tax as “owners of herds” (CPJ II, 110). However, in none of them, or in any other document, are “sacred sheep” mentioned. Note though that Daleas son of Abraimos, in CPJ 628a pays a tax for “sacred dates” (φοίνικες [or φοινικῶνες] ἱερατικοί). It is obvious that these “sacred” objects were not sacred in any Jewish sense. Perhaps this term refers to taxes that were paid to Egyptian priests or temples, or to a rent paid by a shepherd leasing sheep belonging to a temple (Nachtergael 1994, 45). Πα[π]ίας Ἀβιή̣του φόρου ἱερατικ(ῶν) προβ̣̣(άτων) 3 (ἔτους) ι (δραχμὰς) ιε. (ἔτους) ι Παχὼ(ν) κ̣α̣

Papias son of Abietos for rent/tax of sacred sheep for year 10: 15 drachmai. Year 10, Pachon 21.

1. Πα[π]ίας Ἀβιή̣του. On the name Papias among Jews see LJNLA III, 351-2 (he is no. 5). The name Abietes/Abietos was identified as Jewish by Honigman (2009, 123); see our discussion in CPJ IV, 23-4 and also LJNLA III, 664-5 (he is no. 16). 2. φόρου ἱερατικ(ῶν) προβ̣(άτων) (rent/tax of sacred sheep). There are two interpretations of what φόρος προβάτων means: 1. rent paid for the flocks belonging to confiscated estates and rented out by the state; 2. a sheep tax, paid for grazing rights on state land for privately owned sheep (Sijpesteijn 1990, 253). Nachtergael makes no suggestion as to which of the two is intended here, and makes no reference to the fact that the sheep here are described as “sacred,” about which see introduction above. Based on I. Fikhman

30

627. Papias son of Abietos

627b. Bath-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) O.Edfou II 293 (J. Manteuffel et al.) (BL XI, 296-7; XII, 299) TM 74307 Lit.: Bingen 1996b, 183; Hagedorn 2004, 160; Hacham 2021, 199-200

24/5 CE, 50/1 CE or 64/5 CE

This ostracon and the next one from Edfu record two persons paying the bath-tax. It mentions the name Papias son of A[…] restored by the editors as Akielos, based on CPJ 627c, and amended by Clarysse (Nachtergael 1994, 45, n. to l. 1) to Papias son of Abietos (Παπίας Ἀ[βιήτου]); see introduction to CPJ 627. 2

Παπίας Ἀ[βιήτου καὶ] Πεῦρις Φ[αφίων(ος) βαλ(ανευτικοῦ)] ι̣α (ἔτους) (δραχμὰς) γ (ὀβολοὺς) δ𐅵 (ἔτους) ι̣α̣ [ ]

(Translation:) Papias son of A[bietos and] Peuris son of Ph[aphion for the bath-tax] for the 11th year 3 drachmai, 4 oboloi. Year 11 [ ]. 1. Παπίας Ἀ[βιήτου]. On these names see CPJ 627a, n. to l. 1. For the reconstruction of the second name see introduction to CPJ 627. Πεῦρις Φ[αφίων(ος)]. The patronymic is supplied from CPJ 627c, ll. 1-2, where the same two persons appear. The relationship between them is unknown. [βαλ(ανευτικοῦ)] ([bath-tax]). This emendation is based on CPJ 627c. On this tax see introduction to the Edfu ostraca and the bibliography cited there. 2. ι̣α (ἔτους) [ ]. This date is probably the 11th year of either Tiberius, Claudius or Nero; see introduction to these ostraca. Probably month and day are lost at the end of the line. D. Jacobs

627c. Bath-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) O.Edfou II 294 (J. Manteuffel et al.) (BL XI, 296-7; XII, 299) TM 74308 Lit.: Hagedorn 2004, 160; Hacham 2021, 199-200

21 September 26 CE, 52 CE or 66 CE

On this ostracon see the introduction to CPJ 627b.

5

Παπίας Ἀβιήτου καὶ Πεῦρις Φαφίωνος βαλ(ανευτικοῦ) ιβ (ἔτους) (δραχμὰς) γ (ὀβολοὺς) δ 𐅵 (ἔτους) ιγ μη̣ν̣(ὸς) Σεβασ(τοῦ) κ̅δ̅

Papias son of Abietos and Peuris son of Phaphion for bath-tax for the 12th year 3 drachmai, 4½ oboloi. Year 13, month of Sebastos 24.

11. Παπίας Ἀβιήτου. On these names see CPJ 627a, n. to l. 1. The ed. princ. read here Ἀκιήλου (Akielos), but the name is not attested elsewhere. Clarysse suggested reading Ἀβιήτου (Abietos) here (see introduction to CPJ 627). 1-2. Πεῦρις Φαφίωνος. On this person see CPJ 627b, n. to l. 1. 4. Σεβασ(τοῦ) (Sebastos). An honourary name for the Egyptian month Thoth; on the implications of this month-name for the dating of these ostraca see in the introduction to CPJ 627. D. Jacobs

628. Daleas son of Abraimos

31

628. (CPJ 284) Daleas son of Abraimos In CPJ 284, Daleas (Δαλλέας) son of Abraimos pays the sheep-tax (φόρος προβάτων). He reappears in the two ostraca presented below, which are housed in the collection of the Krakow war museum together with CPJ 627a, 630c, and 631-2 (see introduction to CPJ 627a). In CPJ 628a Daleas (Δαλέας) son of Abraimos pays a tax for the “sacred dates” (φοίνικες [or φοινικῶνες] ἱερατικοί) and in CPJ 628b, half a year later, he pays the dykeand bath-taxes (χωματικόν and βαλανευτικόν). In all these ostraca the year of a ruler is mentioned (year 9 in CPJ 284; year 11 in the two new ostraca), but his name is missing. O.CPJ dated CPJ 284 to 77 CE (year 9 of Vespasian) or to 90 CE (year 9 of Domitian) on the assumption that the Jewish ostraca from Edfu date to the Flavian period (CPJ II, 109). However, in the vast majority of Flavian and later ostraca (CPJ 160-408) the name of the emperor is mentioned. On the other hand, as argued by Clarysse (1984; see introduction to the Edfu ostraca above), ostraca that carry no name of ruler can sometimes definitively be dated to the Julio-Claudian period. In light of this observation, we have dated the ostraca to either the reign of Augustus (20 BCE and 19 BCE), the Edfu ostraca above Tiberius (24 and 25 CE), or of Claudius (50 and 51 CE) or of Nero (64 and 65 CE). The names Daleas and Abraimos are both typical of Upper Egypt in the Ptolemaic period (see CPJ IV, 23-4) and these ostraca signal continuity in Jewish presence in the area from as early as the Persian period.

628a. Receipt for delivery of “sacred dates” Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 4.4 x 10 cm 21 December 20 BCE, 24 CE, 50 CE, or 64 CE O.Mus.Crac. 5 (Nachtergael 1994) = SB XXII 15505 (BL XII, 233) TM 79064; Image: Nachtergael 1994, Pl. III, 5 Lit.: Bingen 1996b, 183; TUAT NF I, 353; Hacham 2021, 201.

This ostracon records the payment by Daleas son of Abraimos of six drachmai and four oboloi as an adaeratio for the “sacred dates” (φοίνικες ἱερατικοί). The adaeratio (ὑπὲρ τιμῆς) is the procedure whereby dues in kind were actually paid in cash. Daleas son of Abraimos, as indicated by his name, was a Jew. What was the φοίνικες ἱερατικοί tax and who was obligated to pay it? Nachtergael (1994, n. to l. 2) thinks that it was a contribution collected by the state from all residents of Egypt and destined for Egyptian temples and the funding of their priests. Bingen (1996b, 183) supposes that it was a contribution paid to the department of ἱερατικά (“sacred properties”) of the imperial fiscus. Another option is that Daleas was obligated to pay the contribution as a lessee of a temple palm-grove (cf. Nachtergael 1994, 45). Δαλέας Ἀβραΐμου τειμῆς 2 φοινίκ(ων) ἱερατ(ικῶν) (δ̣ρ̣α̣χ̣μ̣ὰ̣ς̣) ϛ̣ (τ̣ε̣τ̣ρ̣ώ̣β̣ο̣λ̣ο̣ν̣) (ἔτους) ια Χοί(ακ) κ̣̅ε̣̅ 1 τιμῆς (Translation): Daleas son of Abraimos for the value/price of sacred dates: 6 drachmai 4 oboloi. Year 11, Choiak 25. 1. Δαλέας Ἀβραΐμου. On the name Daleas as the biblical ‫ ְדּ ָל ָיה‬see LJNLA III, 83 (he is no. 4). This is the latest attestation of the name among Jews in Antiquity. Abraimos is a variant of the name Abraham (‫)אברהם‬, on which see LJNLA III, 71-4 (he is no. 3). These two names are attested in Upper Egypt from the Persian period onwards.

32

628. Daleas son of Abraimos

2. (δ̣ρ̣α̣χ̣μ̣ὰ̣ς̣) ϛ̣ (τ̣ε̣τ̣ρ̣ώ̣βο̣ ̣λο̣ ν̣ ̣) (6 drachmai 4 oboloi). The badly preserved sum recorded here is reconstructed by Nachtergael (1994, 45). It is the same sum as in CPJ 628b, for the payment of the dyke-tax (see also, e.g. CPJ 183, 203). We have no proof that this was the rate for the poorly documented “sacred dates” tax, as this is given in different values in other ostraca. For example, in O.Bodl. II 957 from 52 CE and O.Leid. 66 from 53 CE the rate is 8 drachmai 3 oboloi; in O.Bodl. II 961 from 67 CE it is 9 drachmai 3 oboloi; all three ostraca are from the Theban district. (ἔτους) ια Χοί(ακ) κ̣̅ε̣̅ (Year 11, Choiak 25). On this dating see introduction to CPJ 628. Choiak 25 is the 21 December. Based on I. Fikhman

628b. Receipt for dyke- and bath-taxes Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 6 x 6.5 cm 15 June 19 BCE, 25 CE, 51 CE, or 65 CE O.Mus.Crac. 6 (Nachtergael 1994) = SB XXII 15506 (BL XII 234) TM 79065; Image: Nachtergael 1994, Pl. III, 6 Lit.: Bingen 1996b, 183; TUAT NF I, 353; Hacham 2021, 201.

This receipt was given to the same Daleas son of Abraimos for the simultaneous payment of the dyke- and bath-taxes. Such receipts are encountered often among the ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (e.g. CPJ 203, 239), more rarely together with other taxes (such as the Jewish tax, e.g. CPJ 183; or the poll-tax, e.g. CPJ 243). Δαλέας Ἀβραΐμου 2 χω(ματικοῦ) ια (ἔτους) (δραχμὰς) ϛ (τετρώβολον), βαλ(ανευτικοῦ) (διώβολον). (ἔτους) ια Π̣α̣ῦ̣ν̣ι̣ κ̣α̣. (Translation): Daleas son of Abraimos for the dyke-tax for the 11th year: 6 drachmai 4 oboloi; for the bath-tax: 2 oboloi. Year 11, Pauni 21. 1. Δαλέας Ἀβραίμου. On this person’s name and patronymic see CPJ 628a, n. to l. 1. 2. χω(ματικοῦ) ... βαλ(ανευτικοῦ) (for the dyke-tax … for the bath-tax). On these taxes see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. (ἔτους) ια Π̣αῦ̣ ν̣ ̣ι̣ κ̣α̣ (Year 11, Pauni 21). On this dating see introduction to CPJ 628. Based on I. Fikhman

629. Receipt (for the Jewish tax?) Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 7.5 x 7 cm O.Heerlen BL 323 (Worp 1986) = SB XVIII 14011 TM 18274; Image: Worp 1986, Tafel X, n. 4 Lit.: Heemstra 2010

28 June 85 CE

This ostracon, together with CPJ 630a-b (and O.Heerlen BL 218), was found by Klaas Worp in the Thermenmuseum in Heerlen in the Netherlands. How these ostraca got there is unknown. It is a receipt for some tax, but its incomplete text does not allow the reconstruction of the full name of the tax payer and the name of the tax involved is also missing. However, the well-preserved date, and the amount paid, 4 drachmai, coincide with receipts from Edfu recording payments for the Jewish tax (Worp 1986, 194). It is thus likely that this ostracon is a payment of the said tax (see Heemstra 2010, 13-4). The likelihood that this ostracon is from Edfu is supported by the two other ostraca found in the same Museum

630. Sambathion alias Iesous, son of Papias

33

(CPJ 630a-b), which record Sambathion alias Iesous, son of Papias, a well-known person from the Edfu ostraca; see introduction to CPJ 630.

3

]λων Αὐλαίου ] δ (ἔτους) Δομιτιανοῦ (δραχμὰς)] δ. (ἔτους) δ Ἐπεὶφ δ̅.

... lon son of Aulaios ... year 4 of Domitian … 4 (drachmai). Year 4, Epeiph 4.

1. Αὐλαίου. For the name see LJNLA III, 462 (he is no. 2). This name is mentioned in CPJ 295, l. 1 as the father of Bokchoris, and in CPJ 405, l. 5 as the father of Sobtais, both from Edfu. Both are not necessarily Jews, (see introduction to the Edfu ostraca, n. 8) and need not be identified with the Aulaios mentioned on the present ostracon. 2-3. δ (ἔτους) Δομιτιανοῦ … Ἐπεὶφ δ̅ (year 4 of Domitian … Epeiph 4). The ostracon is dated to 28 June 85 CE. 3. [(δραχμὰς)] δ (4 drachmai). This is the rate for half the annual Jewish tax, which was often paid in two instalments (CPJ II, 114-5; e.g. CPJ 220, 222, 228). Based on I. Fikhman

630. (CPJ 220, 298, 304, 311, 321, 405) Sambathion alias Iesous, son of Papias The three ostraca presented here all mention the same person – Sambathion alias Iesous, son of Papias (or Papeias) – a well-known Jew from Edfu paying the Jewish tax in 110 CE (CPJ 220) as well as other taxes (CPJ 298 [96 CE], 304 [99 CE], 311 [101 CE], 321 [104 CE], and probably 405 [1st or 2nd century CE]). His family tree was drawn in CPJ II, 117, family no. 5. Probably Dosarion son of Iesous (CPJ 194, 405) was his son, and Kalleus (CPJ 307) and Ptollas (CPJ 314, 344) sons of Papias were his brothers. On the provenance of the first two new ostraca published here see introduction to CPJ 629. On the provenance of the third ostracon see introduction to CPJ 627a.

630a. Poll-, bath-, and police-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 7.1 x 9.9 cm O.Heerlen BL 334 (Worp 1986) = SB XVIII 14010 (BL XI, 226; BL XII 223) TM 18281; Image: Worp 1986, Tafel X, 3 Lit.: TUAT NF I, 353; Heemstra 2010

17 June 98 CE

This ostracon reports the payment of three taxes simultaneously. For such receipts (less frequent than receipts for the simultaneous payment of the dyke- and bath-taxes) see CPJ 252, 254, 259, 340, 353, 355, 363. Σαμβαθίω(ν) ὁ καὶ Ἰησο(ῦς) Παπίου χω(ματικοῦ) α (ἔτους) Τραιανοῦ τοῦ κυρίου 3 (δραχμὰς) ϛ (τετρώβολον), βαλ(ανευτικοῦ) (διώβολον), φυ(λακιτικοῦ) (ὀβολόν). (ἔτους) α Παῦνι κγ̅. (Translation): Sambathion alias Iesous, son of Papias, for dyke-tax for the 1st year of Trajan the lord: 6 drachmai, 4 oboloi; for bath-tax: 2 oboloi; for police-tax: 1 obolos. Year 1, Pauni 23. 1. Σαμβαθίω(ν) ὁ καὶ Ἰησο(ῦς) Παπίου. On this person see introduction above. On the name Sambathion see LJNLA III, 148-60 (he is no. 30) and CPJ IV, 9-13; on the name Iesous see LJNLA III, 103-5 (he is no. 5). This person bears a double name (Samabathion and Iesous); on this phenomenon in the Roman period see Broux 2015. As to the patronymic Παπίου, CPJ 220 and 304 record it as Παπείου. In light of CPJ 627b,

34

630. Sambathion alias Iesous, son of Papias

which mentions Παπίας, Bingen (1996b, 183) proposed reading his name in all these ostraca as Papias instead of Papios, as in the earlier readings. See also LJNLA III, 351 (he is no. 2). 2-3. χω(ματικοῦ) … βαλ(ανευτικοῦ) … φυ(λακιτικοῦ) (for the dyke-tax… for the bath-tax… for the police-tax). On these taxes see introduction to the Edfu ostraca. In CPJ 311 the same person also pays the bath- and dyke-taxes together. Based on I. Fikhman

630b. Jewish-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 5.4 x 7.6 cm O.Heerlen BL 345 (Worp 1986) = SB XVIII 14009 (BL XI 226) TM 18282; Image: Worp 1986, Tafel X, 2 Lit.: TUAT NF I, 353; Heemstra 2010

24 May 103 CE

The ostracon records the payment of the Jewish tax for half a year (cf. CPJ II, 115). Also in CPJ 220 the same person paid the Jewish tax for half a year. Σαμ̣β̣(α)θ̣ίω(ν) ὁ καὶ Ἰησο(ῦς) Παπίου Ἰουδ(αικοῦ) τελ(έσματος) ϛ (ἔτους) Τραιανοῦ τοῦ κυρίου (δραχμὰς) δ (τετρώβολον). (ἔτους) ϛ Παχὸ(ν) κ̅θ̅. 4 traces of one cancelled line 3 Παχώ(ν)

(Translation): Sambathion alias Iesous, son of Papias, for the Jewish tax of the 6th year of Trajan the lord: 4 drachmai and 4 oboloi. Year 6, Pachon 29. 3. (δραχμὰς) δ (τετρώβολον) (4 drachmai and 4 oboloi). This sum is exactly half of the annual rate for the Jewish tax (8 drachmai and 2 oboloi + 1 drachma for aparchai). Other Edfu-ostraca that record this exact sum are CPJ 186, 195, 200, 206, 213, 224, 225. On the various forms of payment of the Jewish tax see CPJ II, 114-5. Based on I. Fikhman

630c. Poll-tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 6 x 7.2 cm O.Mus.Crac. 7 (Nachtergael 1994) = SB XXII 15507 (BL XI, 238; BL XII, 234) TM 79066; Image: Nachtergael 1994, Pl. IV, 7 Lit.: TUAT NF I, 354

16 May 108 CE

This ostracon was acquired by Polish soldiers in World War II (see introduction to CPJ 627a). It records the payment of half the annual poll-tax (laographia). The same person paid the laographia in CPJ 298, 304, 321. The payment of 8 drachmai recorded in this ostracon is only for half a year, since the annual rate of this tax in Edfu was probably 16 drachmai per person. On the poll-tax see introduction to the Edfu ostraca, and CPJ II, 111.

5

δ̅ ἀμφόδου. Σαμβαθ(ί)ων ὁ κ(αὶ) Ἰησοῦς Παπίου λαογρ(αφίας) ια (ἔτους) Τραιανοῦ τοῦ κυρίου (δραχμὰς) η. (ἔτους) ια Παχὼ(ν) κ̅α̅.

Fourth quarter, Sambathion alias Iesous son of Papias for poll-tax of the 11th year of Trajan the lord: 8 drachmai. Year 11, Pachon 21.

632. Jewish-tax receipt of Pesouris son of Iason

35

1. δ̅ ἀμφόδου (Fourth quarter). The fourth (Delta) quarter was the Jewish quarter of Apollinopolis Magna, which was, however, not exclusively inhabited by Jews; see introduction to the Edfu ostraca, Williams 2020, 330-8, and Hacham 2021. 2. Σαμβαθ(ί)ων. Nachtergael offered the reading Σαμβαθίων for the name of this person, undoubtedly because he is well known from other ostraca in the form Σαμβαθίων. SB XXII 15507, and TM 79066 read Σαμβαθών. Based on I. Fikhman

631. (CPJ 196, 301, 309, 342) Tax receipt Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 6.5 x 8 cm O.Mus.Crac. 8 (Nachtergael 1994) = SB XXII 15508 (BL XII, 234) TM 79067; Image: Nachtergael 1994, Pl. IV, 8 Lit.: TUAT NF I, 2004, 354

5 November 108 CE

This ostracon is also one of the ostraca acquired by Polish soldiers in World War II (see introduction to CPJ 627a). It is a receipt from 108 CE of an unspecified tax paid by Bokchoris son of Iosepos, also mentioned in other ostraca from Edfu. In 102 CE he paid the Jewish tax (CPJ 196); in 99 CE he paid the police- and bath-taxes and the watch tower contribution (CPJ 301); and in 101 (CPJ 309) and 107 CE (CPJ 342) he paid the poll-tax, the former together with his father Iosepos son of Aischylos. He is a member of a welldocumented Jewish family among the Edfu taxpayers (CPJ II, 117, no. 11; cf. Hacham 2021, 205, and n. 64). The receipts in his possession documented in O.CPJ date from 99107 CE. The present ostracon is the latest attestation of this person in the Edfu tax records to date.

4

Βόκχορις Ἰω̣[σήπ(ου)] τέλ(ους) κ̣….. ιβ (ἔτους) Τραιανοῦ τοῦ κυρίου (δραχμὰς) δ. (ἔτους) ιβ Ἁθὺρ θ̅.

Bokchoris son of Io[sepos] for the tax of ... of the 12th year of Trajan the lord: 4 drachmai. Year 12, Hathyr 9.

1. Βόκχορις Ἰω̣[σήπ(ου)]. Bokchoris is an Egyptian name; it was borne by a Pharaoh of the 24th dynasty (see e.g. Josephus, CA 1.305-7; GLA I, 385). For the name among Egyptian Jews see LJNLA III, 666-7 (he is no. 1). The name is also mentioned in two papyri from the Fayum included in this volume. CPJ 644 is a list of persons, most of them bearing Jewish names. This name appears in ll. 13, 22. CPJ 643 is also a list of persons, one of them certainly Jewish. This name appears in ll. 7, 10 (probably the same person). On the name Iosepos see LJNLA III, 111-20 (he is no. 15). 2. τέλ(ους) κ ̣ ̣ ̣ (for the tax of …) ̣ The name of the tax is lost. For a suggestion of its nature see Nachtergael 1994, 48. Based on I. Fikhman

632. (CPJ 288, 335, 341, 343, 346, 348-50, 355, 359, 363-4, 405) Jewish-tax receipt of Pesouris son of Iason Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 4.5 x 7.5 cm O.Mus.Crac. 9 (Nachtergael 1994) = SB XXII 15509 (BL XII, 234) TM 79068; Image: Nachtergael 1994, Pl. V, 9 Lit.: TUAT NF I, 354

30 August 110 CE

Pesouris son of Iason, alias Philon, bearer of an Egyptian name, is mentioned on a large number of ostraca (CPJ 288, 335, 341, 343, 346, 348-50, 355, 359, 363-4, 405). This is the first known receipt of Pesouris’ payment of the Jewish tax. His sons paid the same tax:

36

633. Fragment of an account

Dosas – CPJ 215, 217; Melchion – CPJ 200, 205, 214(?), 216, 218, 221. For his family tree see CPJ II, 117, no. 4. The Delta quarter is mentioned in many ostraca of this family (CPJ 200, 216, 221, 328, 346, 347-51, 356, 358, 363, 372), indicating that they resided in it. From the total of 252 ostraca from Edfu (not including CPJ 375-403 from mid-2nd century) this family is recorded in 52, namely more than 20%. All this family’s ostraca are dated to Trajan’s reign. Πέσο(υρις) Ἰάσων(ος) Φίλωνος Ἰουδ(αϊκοῦ τελέσματος) ιγ (ἔτους) Τραιανοῦ τοῦ κυρίου (δραχμὴν) α (διώβολον). 4 (ἔτους) ιδ Θὼτ β̅.

Pesouris son of Iason alias Philon For the Jewish tax of year 13 of Trajan the lord: 1 drachma 2 oboloi. Year 14, Thoth 2.

1. Πέσο(υρις) Ἰάσων(ος) Φίλωνος. On Pesouris (“the Syrian”) as a name for Jews see LJNLA III, 643-4 (he is no. 2). The father has a double name – Iason and Philon; on this phenomenon in the Roman period see Broux 2015. According to TM Per 333991, Philon is the grandfather’s name. On the name Iason among Jews see LJNLA III, 309-12 (he is no. 11). On the name Philon among Jews see LJNLA III, 392-4 (he is no. 6). 3. (δραχμὴν) α (διώβολον) (1 drachma 2 oboloi). This receipt is a complimentary payment for the Jewish tax. The tax consisted of 8 drachmai, two oboloi and 1 drachma aparchai; see CPJ II, 111-6 and especially 114-5. Pesouris had obviously paid the 8 drachmai tax in a previous instalment, and the current payment is for the overheads. For examples of payments for only 8 drachmai see CPJ 193, 205, 208, 221, and probably also 214 and 216 together. CPJ 205, 221 and 214+216 are payments by Melchion the son of the Pesouris of the present ostracon. Based on I. Fikhman

633. (CPJ 452a) Fragment of an account Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu)? P.Stras. VII 609 (J. Schwartz) TM 26845

Late 1st-early 2nd century CE

7.5 x 4.5 cm

This papyrus belongs to the same milieu as CPJ 452a, which mentions Jews and the festival of Tabernacles. The two documents were found together (P.Stras. VII, 15), and both mention the Jews Annaios and Ismaelos (and also Pasios on the verso of this papyrus), indicating a common provenance. CPJ 452a was dated by the editors to the 2nd century, and registered in CPJ III, dating from after the Jewish revolt. However, Schwartz pointed out that it can be dated much earlier palaeographically, and “could even be from the 1st century CE” (P.Stras. VII, 15), also dating CPJ 452a to that period. Based on onomastic considerations (P.Stras. I, 180), he argued for an Edfu (or more generally an Upper-Egyptian) provenance of the two papyri. λ̣ου [πρ]ο̣σῆλθε Ἀνν̣αιο[ ] τοῦ προκιμένου̣[ ] παρὰ Ἰσμαίλ[ου ] 5 παρὰ Καλλίσ̣[του ] παρὰ ̣[ ] παρὰ ̣[ ] κοινοῦ λ[ογου ] 3

προκειμένου

… Annaios came forward the abovementioned from Ismail[os] from Kallis[tos] from [ ] from [ ] common a[ccount] 4

Ἰσμαήλ[ου]

37

635-7. Mons Claudianus

2. [πρ]ο̣σῆλθε Ἀνναιο[ ] (Annaios came forward). This reading is according to P.Stras. VII, 15 note ad loc. Annaios is also mentioned in CPJ 452a. The name is a variation on the Hebrew root ‫ ;חנן‬see LJNLA III, 671-2 (he is no. 8), and above CPJ 622 n. to l. 2. 4. Ἰσμαίλ[ου]. Ismaelos appears several times in CPJ 452a, and may have been a tenant of the estate in which these documents were drawn. On the name Ismaelos among Jews see LJNLA III, 133 (he is no. 5). Based on I. Fikhman

634. A fragment of a list of names mentioning Iosephos Upper Egypt? O.Heid. 414 (D. Hagedorn) TM 80616; Image: O.Heid., 392

8 x 10 cm

1st-2nd century CE

This ostracon is located in the Heidelberg University collection. Its provenance is unknown, but it was probably found in Upper Egypt. It is a list of names, which were followed by patronymics that have not been preserved. One person, Iosephos, was undoubtedly a Jew. The editor dated the ostracon palaeographically to the 1st-2nd centuries CE, giving preference to the 1st century (O.Heid., 392).

5

10

Α̣[ Αυ..[ Ξένων Α̣[ Φίλων…[ Ἰώσηφος.[ —————.[ Π..[…].ς̣ Π̣.[ Νικίας Φιλ[ Φίλικος υἱός [ Πεταυοῦς Η̣[ ]..[

[...] [...] Xenon son of A[...] Philon [...] Iosephos [...]

Nikias son of Phil[…] Philikos son [...] Petauous son of E[...] [...]

5. Ἰώσηφος. For this common Jewish name see LJNLA III, 111-20. Based on I. Fikhman

635-7. Mons Claudianus Lit.: Bingen 1996a; van der Veen & Hamilton-Dyer 1998; Cuvigny 2000; Maxfield & Peacock 2001; Jackson 2002.

The following three ostraca were found among more than 9000 ostraca excavated at Mons Claudianus, a Roman granite quarry located in the mountains of the eastern desert, between the Red Sea and the Nile Valley, north of Luxor. It was used by the Romans as a source for building material from the 1st to the 3rd century CE. Granidiorite, a white rock of the granite variety, was quarried on location, exported and used in notable buildings in Rome such as the Forum Traiani and the Basilica Ulpia, Hadrian’s villa at Tivoli, the floors and columns of the temple of Venus, the columns of the portico of the Pantheon, as well as Diocletian’s Palace at Split. It was of course also used in temples all over Egypt (Jackson 2002, 43-5).

38

635. List of personnel mentioning Ioudanos

The camp consisted of a garrison, a quarrying site, as well as staff and workers quarters. There was a temple and a bathhouse on the site (Jackson 2002, 36-9). Aside from soldiers, the ostraca refer to skilled civilian workers, divided into two categories: familia (probably Roman skilled workers) and pagani (Egyptian skilled workers) (Cuvigny 2000, 11-4). These were well-paid and well fed. Their lifestyle at the quarry has even been described as luxurious (van der Veen & Hamilton-Dyer 1998). The documents below show that there were Jews among the workers. We have no way of knowing whether they were pagani or familia (Cuvigny 2014a, 12-3). The quarries at Mons Claudianus were most active during the reign of Trajan, but they continued to be worked in the reigns of Hadrian and the Antonines. Since two of the three ostraca can most probably be dated to the reign of Trajan, we have dated them conservatively to before the Jewish revolt, on the assumption that Jews were no longer visible in Egypt immediately after it.

635. List of personnel mentioning Ioudanos Mons Claudianus O.Claud. IV 751 (A. Bülow-Jacobsen) TM 118403; Image: O.Claud. IV, 318

10 x 16 cm

98-117 CE

This ostracon was found in the “south sebekh” (O.Claud. IV, 4), i.e. a rubbish-dump south of the fort of Mons Claudianus. On such rubbish dumps on the site, and the deposition of the ostraca in them see Bingen 1996a. Maxfield and Peacock (2001, 112-3) dated this rubbish dump, based on dated ostraca found in it, to the reign of Trajan. Bülow-Jacobsen dated the present ostracon with the word “Traj” and explained: “I have chosen to indicate [the date] by ‘Traj’ meaning Trajanic … [which] corresponds to the first phase of high activity under Trajan when the columns for the Forum Traiani were being extracted … the Trajanic phase presumably ended in A.D. 112 when Forum Traiani and Basilica Ulpia were completed …” (O.Claud. IV, 4). However, since the next ostracon, found in the same location, is dated, based on other considerations, to somewhat later by Bülow-Jacobsen, we date our ostracon too to the entire Trajan reign. We include this ostracon because in l. 4 it mentions a certain Ioudanos, who was probably a Jew (cf. TM 118403). It should be noted, however, that in papyri.info the name is given as Ἰουλιανός, based on Hélèn Cuvigny’s infra-red reading, see: https://papyri.info/ddbdp/o.claud;4;751 (accessed 10.3.2022). If this reading is correct, there is no proof that this person is a Jew. However, since delta and lambda are very similar in form, neither reading is conclusive, and therefore the ostracon is included here. The ostracon is a list, and must have described the personnel mentioned therein as either familia or pagani. However, its top is lost, and we cannot know whether Ioudanos the Jew belonged to either.

5

Δ[ Β ̣ ̣λειδης Τήρης Βοθυ̣ Ἰουδανος Κορνήλις στομωτ̣ηρίωι Διόδωρος Ε… Χαμουλη( ) Ἐπιχρ…

D... B..leides Teres Bothu Ioudanos Kornelis In the stomoterion Diodoros E... Chamoule... Epichr...

636. Letter mentioning Ioannes

Διόδωρος ν(εώτερος?) 10 Ἀ̣ν̣τ̣ω̣ν̣ᾶς

39

Diodoros (the younger?) Antonas

4. Ἰουδανος. Bülow-Jacobsen lists Ioudanos as “a variant of Ἰουδάνης (Ioudanes) which occurs frequently in P.Babatha and is clearly a Jewish name” (O.Claud. IV, 96). In fact, the form only occurs in P.Yadin 16. Greek forms of Ioudan do not occur anywhere else in the diaspora but the Hebrew version, ‫יודן‬, appears in various papyri from Byzantine Egypt, to be published in CPJ VI (P.Bodl. MS Heb. d. 69, l. 28; PSI inv. 26018+26019, l. 19; Sirat 1985, [Vienna H 43] Pl. 12, ll. 2, 4); see LJNLA III, 96 (nos. 17-20). The form is also frequent in the Land of Israel from the beginning of the 3rd century CE (LJNLA II, 94-8), and infrequently attested there earlier (LJNLA I, nos. 77, 83, 106, 109). Perhaps because the name is attested in Judea in the 1st century CE, the man mentioned on the present ostracon hailed from there. 6. στομωτ̣ηρίωι (In the stomoterion). For this reading see O.Claud. IV, 96; the first edition wrongly read στολωτ̣ηρίωι. The στομωτήριον was some sort of smithy where στόμωμα (iron that had higher content of carbon and was harder than ordinary iron, so that it could be used to work with granite; see O.Claud. IV, 257) was forged. “Archaeology provides evidence for a central smithy […] but it does of course not tell us that this was called Stomoterion” (O.Claud. IV, 3). The stomoterion is also mentioned in O.Claud. IV 723 and 725. D. Jacobs

636. Letter mentioning Ioannes Mons Claudianus O.Claud. I 32 (J. Bingen) TM 24045; Image: O.Claud. I, Planche V Lit.: Martin 1994, 572

6.6 x 5.7 cm

98-117 CE

This ostracon was also found in the “south sebekh” (O.Claud. I, 16-20), and is a part of a small archive of the architect Herakleides (O.Claud. I 27-41). He is mentioned on an inscription, from the prefecture of Rutilius Lupus (113-7 CE; see O.Claud. I, 45-6), who also appears in CPJ 438 and 668, in connection with the Jewish revolt. Obviously, Herakleides could have already been at Mons Claudianus earlier in the reign of Trajan (see introduction to this section, CPJ 635-7). O.Claud. I 27-34 are letters in which a certain Apollonios orders Herakleides to receive various loads of iron. All seven letters were found in the same part of the “sebekh,” indicating that they were all deposited there together (Martin 1994, 572). Each of the ostraca refers to a separate load delivered by a different camel-driver. One of these cameldrivers is a certain Ioannes. This was at the time, before it became a popular Christian name, a very popular Jewish name (LJNLA I, 6-7; 134-43).

5

Ἀπολλώ(νιος) Ἡρακλείδ(ηι) ἀρχ(ιτέκτονι) χα(ίρειν). κόμισαι διὰ καμηλ(ίτου) Ἰωάννου σιδ(ήρια) ϛ. ἔρρωσο.

Apollonios to Herakleides, the architect, greetings. Receive through the camel-driver Ioannes 6 tools of iron. Farewell.

1-2. Ἡρακλείδ(ηι) ἀρχ(ιτέκτονι) (to Herakleides the architect). On this person and his dossier see O.Claud I, 47-9. 3. καμηλ(ίτου) (camel-driver). On camel-drivers see CPR XIII, 106-9. 4. Ἰωάννου. On the name Ioannes among western diaspora Jews see LJNLA III, 105-8 (he is no. 18). Based on I. Fikhman

40

637. Letter from Iesous to Vernas

637. Letter from Iesous to Vernas Mons Claudianus O. Claud. IV 872 (A. Bülow-Jacobsen) TM 118524; Image: O.Claud. IV, 358

12.5 x 9 cm

98-117 CE

This ostracon was found in one of the north-eastern buildings of the Mons Claudianus camp. The editors dated the location as follows: “The ostraca from the area, totaling about one hundred, are predominantly Antoninite in date, with all specific dates laying within the reign of Antoninus Pius” (Maxfield & Peacock 2001, 43). However, Bülow-Jacobsen, eight years later, contradicted this dating, stating: “None of the few ostraca found in the NE-building is dated … but the occurrence of a Jewish name dates the text firmly before the great revolt of 115-117” (O.Claud. IV, 206). Even though there is no need to assume that the revolt of 115-7 wiped out the entire Jewish population in Egypt, Bülow-Jacobsen’s dating seems plausible and we date this ostracon together with the two previous ostraca mentioning Jews. The ostracon is a letter form Iesous to Vernas. Neither are mentioned in any of the other ostraca from Mons Claudianus. In the letter, Iesous informs Vernas that “the column” is ready for transportation on the loading-ramp on the 29th in the first hour. Iesous was apparently responsible for production, while Vernas was responsible for transportation. A similar message is found on O.Claud. IV 880.

5

Ἰησοῦς Οὐερνᾶτι τῷ τειμιωτάτῳ χαίρειν. ὁ στύλος τετέλεσται καὶ ὧραν πρώτην εἰς κρηπεῖδα ἐστὶν ἐνάτῃ καὶ εἰκάδι. τὸ λοιπὸν, [ὅτα]ν σο[ι] δ̣ό̣ξῃ.

Iesous to Vernas, the most honoured, greetings. The column is finished and is on the loading-ramp at the first hour on the twenty-nineth. Proceed at your convenience.

[ἐρ]ρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι.

I hope you are well.

1. Ἰησοῦς. On the name Iesous see LJNLA III, 103. Ilan argued that this name was never used by Christians (LJNLA II, 32-3). 3. ὁ στύλος (the column). Stones quarried at Mons Claudianus were used as building materials for imperial structures in Rome (see introduction to this section). D. Jacobs

638-9. The Umm Balad ostraca The following two ostraca were found in the dump of the praesidium (fortified camp) of Umm Balad, a small quarrying complex, a satellite of Mons Porphyrites, located about 11 km to its south. Mons Porphyrites itself, 45 km west of the Red Sea and 140 km east of the Nile Valley, was a major quarrying site for porphyry, a purple mineral used for statues and other architectural ornaments (Jackson 2002, 3). The camp of Umm Balad was constructed under Domitian at the entrance of a narrow valley that leads to two quarries of another stone – diorite. A small village inside the wadi, directly below the quarries, allowed workers to rest without having to return to the fort located 1.2 km away. Excavations were carried out on location in 2002-3 by the IFAO to protect the site from ongoing damaging activities of the locals of Hurghada.

41

638. An ostracon concerning “wheat for the Jews” for Passover

The stone quarried at Umm Balad was of poor quality, not meeting the standards of the emperors, which explains the limited activity documented at the site. The site itself changed its name during its brief history. It was first called Domitiane, and after Domitian’s damnatio memoriae was renamed Καινὴ Λατομία (New Quarry). Quarrying continued under Trajan. Some ostraca of the Antoninite period indicate that the site was occupied (or reoccupied) later; it may at that point have had a simple logistic function in conjunction with Mons Porphyrites (Cuvigny 2014a, 9). The publisher of these ostraca, Hélèn Cuvigny, informed us that “There are … many texts with Jewish names at Umm Balad” (personal communication, 21.5.2018). Among those she listed Iosepos, Isachis and Ioudas (Cuvigny 2014a, 12; cf. 2014b, 345). However, to date only the two presented below have been published. The Umm Balad ostraca further indicate the presence of Jews in the Eastern-Desert quarries of Roman Egypt in the 1st and the beginning of the 2nd centuries CE, together with CPJ 635-7 of Mons Claudianus.

 

638. An ostracon concerning “wheat for the Jews” for Passover

Domitiane (Umm Balad) 15.5 x 10 cm O.Ka.La. Inv. 228 (Cuvigny 2014; 2021, 537-44) TM 837699; Image: Cuvigny 2014a, 14 Lit: Jackson 2002

7th April 94 or 97 CE

This ostracon belongs to a group of thirty letters, all by the same Latinizing hand of a certain Turranius to various correspondents. Four ostraca (not published) are dated, one to September 29, 96 CE and the others to the 15th year of Domitian (95/6 CE), and the ostracon at hand probably belongs to the same timeframe (Cuvigny 2014a, 10). Turranius was a soldier and supervisor of a nearby well called Prasou, from which Umm Balad received its water. He wrote many letters concerning water-carrying camels, suggesting that he was responsible for water-distribution at Umm Balad (Cuvigny 2014a, 9). The letter at hand concerns “wheat for the Jews” (σεῖτον τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις) in exchange for bread. Five artabai of bread will be collected and sent by camel to be replaced with wheat. The details of the exchange remain uncertain, because we do not know where the persons mentioned in the letter (aside from Turranius) were located. The role of Maximus, the addressee of this letter, is unknown, except for the fact that he is a relative of the architect Hieronymos, the addressee of twelve of Turranius’ letters (Cuvigny 2014a, 9), and since Turranius addresses Maximus in this letter as “Master” (κύριος), he probably held a higher position than Turranius in the Umm Balad hierarchy. On Sokrates (l. 3), who informs Turranius about the issue, see n. to l. 3. The date of the letter is 12 Pharmouthi = April 7. Pharmouthi is a spring month, and Josephus identifies it with Nissan (A.J. 2.311). Since this ostracon demonstrates the quarryadministration’s concern for the sustenance of Jewish labourers during this month, it is probably associated with Passover, in which Jews consume unleavened bread. Sokrates is willing to trade wheat, which can be baked into unleavened bread, against already baked bread, probably erroneously distributed previously among the Jews, but because of Passover should now be removed from their lodgings. For the week of Passover the Jewish labourers needed 5 artabai (ca. 155 kg) of wheat. The figure offers an estimate of the size of the Jewish workforce: since one artaba (ca. 31 kg) is the standard ration of 30 days (Bülow-Jacobsen 1994, 91), five artabai could feed

42

638. An ostracon concerning “wheat for the Jews” for Passover

five people for a month, or 20 people for a week; there were thus about 20 Jewish workers at Umm Balad (Cuvigny 2014a, 13). As mentioned above, several ostraca show the presence of Jews in the quarries of the Eastern Desert; the present ostracon attests to Ἰουδαῖοι being an ethnic group with its particular religious customs, recognized and respected by the Roman administration. However, aside from the concern for the provision of wheat in Passover, we know nothing else about the social standing of the Jews of Umm-Balad. We do not even know whether they were pagani or familia (for which see the introduction to the Mons Claudianus ostraca [CPJ 635-7], and Cuvingy 2014a, 12-3). As to the exact year to which this ostracon can be dated, we have been advised by Prof. Sacha Stern of University College London as follows: “The year 96 CE is possible but unlikely: if the ostracon is pre-Passover, 15 Nisan would have had to occur on c.27 April, which is late. Year 95 is more likely, with 15 Nisan on c.9 April. The question is whether this would have given enough time, from the date of the ostracon (7 April), for the wheat to be delivered on time for 8 April in the evening. Of course it is possible that this activity was not planned in advance, and that it all happened a bit too late. Year 94, with 15 Nisan on c.19 or 20 April, is possible. Year 97 (I presume it does not have to be the reign of Domitian), 15 Nisan on c.17 April, possible. As you can see, the possibilities are endless. There is not enough information to date this certainly” (personal communication May 16, 2018).

5

10

Τουρράνιο⟨ς⟩ Μαξίμωι τῷ φιλτάτωι χαίρειν. γράφει μοι Σωκράτης λογεῦσαι ἄρτων ἀρτάβας πέντε καὶ ἀποστεῖλαι αὐτῷ ὅπως ἀντὶ αὐτῶν λημψόμεθα τὸν σεῖτον τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις. ἔγραψα Δέκμῳ ὅπως λογεύσει καὶ πέμψει μετὰ τῆς ὑδροφορίας ἵνα κάμηλον πέμψωμεν καὶ λημψόμεθα. μελησάτω σοι ταῦτα κ̣α̣ὶ̣ α…π̣α..ος γενέσθαι. ἔρρωσο, κύριε Μάξιμε. Φαρμ(οῦθι) ιβ.

Turranius to Maximus his cherished, greetings. Sokrates writes to me to collect five artabai of bread and send to him so that we receive instead of them the wheat for the Jews. I wrote to Decimus to collect (the bread) and send with the water-carrier, so that we may send a camel (to Sokrates) and receive (the wheat). Make sure that these and [...]. are so. Farewell, master Maximus. 12 Pharmouthi.

6 σῖτον 9-10 λάβωμεν 3. γράφει μοι Σωκράτης (Sokrates writes to me). Cuvigny identifies two men by the name of Sokrates, documented in the ostraca of Umm Balad, who were in communication with Turranius. One is an architect and the other is an ergodotes (labour-overseer). She tentatively identifies the one mentioned in this papyrus as the architect, because he was the more prominent of the two, and so could be mentioned without a title (Cuvigny 2014a, 10). λογεῦσαι (to collect). Because the bread has to be collected, it implies that it has already been distributed previously. It does not make sense that it had previously been baked by the Jews themselves, because they knew they would not consume bread during the coming Passover. 7. ἔγραψα Δέκμῳ (I wrote to Decimus). Decimus’ function is unknown. He was stationed at Umm Balad, where three letters addressed to him were found, one from Turranius (Cuvigny 2014a, 10-1). 8. ὑδροφορίας (water carrier). The “water-carriers” were camels located in Prasou (where Turranius was commander), who brought the daily water supply to Umm Balad. Here a camel from this water caravan is

639. An ostracon showing an image of Moses

43

taken to carry the collected bread. On the question in which direction the camel is expected to take it see Cuvigny 2014a, 12. 9. κάμηλον. For a camel carrying grain, the usual load is six artabai. Too heavy for a donkey, five artabai are therefore a suitable load for a camel (Cuvigny 2014a, 11). D. Jacobs

639. An ostracon showing an image of Moses Domitiane (Umm Balad) 7 x 7 cm O.Ka.La. Inv. 179 (Cuvigny 2014b, 2021, 545-57) Image: Cuvigny 2014b, 347

ca. 81 CE-117 CE

This ostracon belongs to “Phase A” of the excavations at Umm Balad from 2002, which only included material from the time of Domitian and Trajan. There is no text on the ostracon; only a drawing not made by a professional artist. Not only is it drawn in an informal context, it is drawn on an ostracon, a part of a broken artefact, in secondary use. The style too is naïve, almost childish. It depicts a man with a black beard holding an object in his right hand and holding up the left hand outstretched. The object in the right hand extends slightly above it, and continues below, as in a clutch. It is straight at the top like a staff, but is twisted at the bottom. One of the man’s legs is straight, while the other is lifted in what appears to be a running pose. Cuvigny suggested that the image depicted on the ostracon is of Moses and the scene in which he is depicted is taken from Exodus chapter 4 – his encounter with the burning bush in the desert (Cuvigny 2014b, 341-3). The object in his right hand is the staff-turned-snake, which is now being transformed back into a staff (Ex 4:2-4; Cuvigny 2014b, 341). The running pose may represent Moses escaping from the snake (4:3). The left hand, which is grotesquely emphasized, may refer to God having inflicted Moses’ hand and then healed it (4:6-7; Cuvigny 2014b, 342). For further nuances regarding the hand symbolism see Cuvigny 2014b, 343. If Cuvigny’s interpretation is correct, the ostracon is the earliest iconographic depiction of Moses in art. The earliest known biblical images in Jewish iconography to date are from the famous 3rd century CE Dura Europos Synagogue, on the Euphrates. The walls there are covered with frescoes depicting biblical scenes, and an inscription dates them to 244 CE (IJO III, Syr84, Syr85). This is the second phase of the synagogue decoration. In the first phase, from the late-2nd-early-3rd century CE, only geometric ornamentation has been recovered (Kraeling 1956, 34-8). Like this earlier synagogue phase, also vessels used by Jews from before the 3rd century CE display no figurative art. In light of this, the importance of the present artefact cannot be overrated. Yet, it should be emphasized that this ostracon reflects only an informal popular artistic manifestation, from a marginal location, not representing a trend in figurative art in Judaism, or an as-yet unknown Jewish community. According to Cuvigny, the painter of this ostracon may have picked this particular scene, because of a possible Egyptian-desert origin of the story. Alternatively, perhaps the ostracon had served as an amulet directed against snakes in the desert site, where the ostracon was found (Cuvigny, 2014b, 348). D. Jacobs

44

639. An ostracon showing an image of Moses

639. An ostracton showing an image of Moses, © Adam Bülow-Jacobsen.

640. Registration of sheep and goats

45

640. Registration of sheep and goats Oxyrhynchite nome P.IFAO III 43 (J. Schwartz & G. Wagner) TM 21188; Image: P.IFAO III, Pl. 18 Lit.: Balconi 1984; TUAT NF I, 346-7

16.5 x 7.5 cm

20/21 CE

This papyrus, like CPJ 412, 482 is a registration of sheep and goats. All these papyri follow a set Oxyrhynchite formula (Balconi 1984, 39-40). They are from the same region and their dates are similar. On such documents see Wallace 1938a, 86-8; Hagedorn 1976a; Balconi 1984; 1990. A list of these papyri is provided by Nielsen & Worp 2001, 127. This declaration, made to the strategos Hierax by a woman called Kl[…]thos daughter of Iosepos, registers twenty-five sheep and cattle, one goat and the lambs and kids that accompany them. Their number is not indicated, because they were not yet liable to taxation. This document shows that Jewish women were engaged in cattle-breeding. Komonos the shepherd of this woman’s flock is also the son of a Iosepos, and if this is the same Iosepos he is the declarer’s brother, and this was a family business. On Jewish shepherds and cattle owners see CPJ I, 16; Tcherikover 1963, 61-3. Σ̣[ε]φ̣ο..ε̣ι̣… Ἱέρακι [σ]τρατηγῶι παρὰ Κλ[ ̣]θ̣ω̣τος τῆς Ἰωσ̣ή̣που · ἀπογρά̣(φομαι) 5 εἰς τὸ ἐνεστὸς ζ (ἔτους) Τιβερίου Καίσα̣ρ̣ος Σεβαστοῦ τὰ ὑπάρχοντά μοι π̣ρ̣ό̣β̣α̣τ̣α̣ κ̣α̣ὶ̣ θ̣ρ̣[έ-] μματα εἴκοσι πέν10 τε αἶγαν μίαν / κ̣ε / α καὶ τοὺς ἐπακολο̣[υθο]ῦ̣ντ̣ ̣ας ἄ̣ρνας ἐρί̣φου̣[ς] ἃ ν[ε]μήσ̣ο̣ν̣τα ̣ ̣[ι] περὶ [Σε]φῶ̣ τ̣ῆς̣ Θ̣μ̣ε̣σ̣ε̣φ̣ὼ̣ 15 τ̣ο̣παρχίας καὶ δ̣ι̣ʼ ὅ̣λου τοῦ νομοῦ διὰ νομέως Κωμόνου τ̣ο̣[ῦ] Ἰωσήπου λαγραφο̣μένου περὶ τὸ Τα20 ρουθίνου ἐποίκον ὧν κε̣ τ̣αξόμετα [τὸ καθῆκον τέλος] -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -1 Σεφω

Sepho (?) ... to Hierax the strategos from Kl[ ]thos daughter of Iosepos. I declare, for the present 7th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus: In my possession, sheep and cattle twenty-five, one goat, total 25, total 1, and the lambs and kids that accompany them, which will graze around Sepho in the Thmesepho toparchy and throughout the entire nome by the shepherd Komonos son of Iosepos, who is registered for the census around the village of Tarouthinas, and we shall pay for them [the proper dues.]

20 ἐποίκιον 21 καὶ ταξόμεθα

1, 14. Σ̣[ε]φ̣ο.. / [Σε]φῶ̣ τ̣ῆς̣ Θ̣μ̣ε̣σ̣ε̣φώ ̣ . Sepho was a village in the Thmoisepho toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite nome; see TM Geo 2895. It was probably the place of registration and domicile of the owner. For another Oxyrhynchite cattle-registration document mentioning this place see P.NYU II 12. 2. Ἱέρακι [σ]τρατηγῶι (Hierax the strategos). On this person see TM Per 182228. Sheep registrations addressed to him from the same year are also P.NYU II 12; P.Oxy. LV 3778, 3779; SB XII 10794; P.Princ. II 24.

46

641. Business letter mentioning Jews

4. τῆς Ἰωσήπου (daughter of Iosepos). On the name among Jews see LJNLA III, 111-20 (he is no. 52). 6-7. εἰς τὸ ἐνεστὸς ζ (ἔτους) Τιβερίου Καίσα̣ρ̣ος Σεβαστοῦ (for the present 7th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus). Tiberius 7th year was 29 August 20 CE-28 August 21 CE. 13-6. περὶ [Σε]φῶ τῆς Θμεσεφὼ τοπαρχίας καὶ διʼ ὅλου τοῦ νομοῦ (around Sepho in the Thmesepho toparchy and throughout the entire nome). The document declares that the sheep of this herd will only be pastured in this nome. Thmesepho is an orthographic variant – phonetically explicable – of Thmoisepho, on which see TM Geo 2910. On the provenance of the name see P.IFAO III, 62-3. 16-8. διὰ νομέως Κωμόνου το[ῦ] Ἰωσήπου (by the shepherd Komonos son of Iosepos). The name Komonos is otherwise not recorded among Jews (LJNLA III, 322), and is also not recorded elsewhere in documentary papyri (TM Per 266663). Because his father has the same name as the father of the woman who writes this declaration, Komonos was perhaps her brother. According to Balconi (1990, 120-1), the shepherd was usually either the owner himself or his relative (son or brother). However, in CPJ 482, for example, the shepherd is specifically described as the brother of the owner and here he is not. Moreover, Iosepos was the most popular name among Egyptian Jews (see above, Introduction to this volume, 4-6). The father of this person could have been another Iosepos. Komonos was registered in a location other than that of the owner (see ll. 19-20) but, as noted by Balconi (1990, 115), the shepherd and the owner did not usually live in the same village. 19-20. περὶ τὸ Ταρουθίνου ἐποίκον (around the village of Tarouthinas). Read ἐποίκιον. For this place see TM Geo 2906. 22. [τὸ καθῆκον τέλος] ([the proper dues]). This formula is reconstructed based on the Oxyrhynchite formula found on the papyri listed in Balconi, 1984, 37-8. The registration mark of the toparch and the date, usually the month of Mecheir, followed this formal ending; cf. e.g. P.Oxy. II 245, 358, LV 3778, 3779. Based on I. Fikhman

641. Business letter mentioning Jews Oxyrhynchos  24.5 x 30 cm 26-8 CE (?) P.Oxy. LV 3807 (J. Rea) TM 22529; Image: http://163.1.169.40/gsdl/collect/POxy/index/assoc/HASH7046/2548c2c8.dir/POxy.v0055. n3807.a.01.hires.jpg (accessed 10.3.2022)

  This fragmentary letter is written in “a clumsy but practised first century hand with many abbreviations” (P.Oxy. LV, 177-8). Neither the writer nor the addressees are known. The text of col. II, which is much better preserved (especially ll. 24-45), suggests that the letter was written by an “influential” person (P.Oxy. LV 3807, n. to ll. 24-5) and addressed to a colleague. The text of col. I is badly preserved and was not translated by the editor. It differs considerably from the text of col. II, which addresses different administrative matters. The only connection between the two columns is the mention of οἶκος (house) in ll. 7, 21, 31 but it is not certain that the meaning of this term in all three cases is the same (see n. to l. 7). We present here only col. I, because a Jew is mentioned in l. 10 and his brother in l. 11. However, we know nothing more about them. On the ethnicon Ioudaios in papyri from the Roman period see introductions to CPJ 647, 648. Based on three partial chronological references in the papyrus, Rea dated it to between 26-8 CE (P.Oxy. LV, 178).

642. Memorandum of Tiberius Julius Alexander

47

Col. I ].[ ].εξ[ ]δ (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) λη, (λοιπαὶ) λϛ (τετρώβολον) ].ν λαβεῖν ὑπὲρ ...[.. 5 ]κ̣α̣ὶ̣ ἔλεγεν εκ̣ .[.. ].ο̣γρ( ) λαβὼν ἐξ ο̣ἴ̣κου ].ασι τοῦ υἱοῦ α̣ὐτοῦ ].ιων ο̣ καὶ τὸ σῶμα̣ ].ρ ἀνθρώπ̣ινα ]ς τὸν Ἰουδαῖον̣ 10 ]καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ

]4; in sum: drachmai 38, remainder 36, 4 oboloi ]to take for [ ]and he said [ ](after) taking from a house ]of his son ]and the body. ](being) human ]the Jew ]and his brother.

(Translation based on I. Fikhman) 6. ἐξ οἴκου (from a house). Rea (P.Oxy. LV 3807, n. to l. 31), referring to P.Oxy. L, 232, thinks that this term “may suggest some financial office.” This is likely with reference to Col. II, ll. 21 and 31, but it is not so evident here, where the context is more domestic; see τοῦ υἱοῦ α̣ὐτοῦ (= his son, l. 7), and ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ (= his brother, l. 11). 8. σῶμα (body). Rea (P.Oxy. LV, 180) translates this as “corpse.” It is probably connected with ἀνθρώπινα (human) in the next line. Especially in wills, πάσχω ἀνθρώπινον τι is a euphemism for the death of the writer. 12. ἀδελφός (brother). Perhaps referring to the brother of the Jew mentioned in the previous line. Based on I. Fikhman

642. (CPJ 418) Memorandum of Tiberius Julius Alexander concerning the conventus at Memphis Oxyrhynchos? 10 February 69 CE P.Med. inv. 69.66 verso (Montevecchi & Geraci 1974) = SB XIV 11640 TM 18166; Image: Montevecchi & Geraci 1974, Tafel 5 Lit.: Bowman 1976, 156, 164; Thomas 1984, 108-9, 111-2; Barzanò 1988, 530 n. 53; 543 nn. 103-5

The papyrus was published twice by the same editors (Montevecchi & Geraci 1974 = SB XIV 11044; Geraci 1977 = SB XIV 11640), who speculate that it may hail from Oxyrhynchos. Since the beginning of the letter is lost, neither the sender nor the addressee is known. It has been suggested by the editors, and accepted by other scholars, that the letter was written by Tiberius Julius Alexander. Several factors support this hypothesis: (1) the date of the letter (10 February 69 CE); (2) the mention of one Lysimachos in connection with the idios logos. A Julius Lysimachos, the official in charge of the idios logos at this time, is attested in other papyri (Thomas 1984); (3) the expression Λυσίμαχος ὁ ἐμός (= my Lysimachos), which would normally be used only by a superior; (4) the content of the letter itself. If this is indeed a letter written by Tiberius Julius Alexander, it joins the 6 other papyri published in O.CPJ (CPJ 418a-f) and the three inscriptions in which he is mentioned (JIGRE 171a-c in this volume). Tiberius Julius Alexander, who was the prefect of Egypt (66-70[?] CE), is included in CPJ because he was the (apostate) nephew of Philo of Alexandria; for further information see CPJ II, 188-97; Sterling 2010. Montevecchi and Geraci (1974, 306; see also Geraci 1977, 149; cf. Barzanò 1988, 543 n. 104) supposed that the prefect, having been informed of the death of Galba and Otho’s accession to the throne, urgently left Memphis, where he was visiting for the regular

48

642. Memorandum of Tiberius Julius Alexander

conventus (i.e. the day in which the prefect passed judgment), and wrote this letter to an unknown addressee, informing him about postponement of the conventus for the nomes upriver from Memphis and that Lysimachos, the official responsible for the idios logos, will now take his place. Lysimachos, for reasons unknown, was not in Memphis at the time. The event of Galba’s murder and Otho’s ascent to the emperorship is also important from a Jewish perspective, because in its wake Vespasian would be declared emperor of Rome in Judea, and Tiberius Julius Alexander would become one of his first supporters (Josephus, B.J. 4.606-7; 616-8; Tacitus, Historiae 2.73), and participate in the Roman conquest of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Temple (e.g. Josephus, B.J. 6.236-42). [ ] ̣λ̣….. α̣ρ…..ο̣μ̣ο̣ι.̣ τὸν̣ δὲ τοῦ ἰδίου λόγου διαλογισ̣μ̣ὸ[ν ]Λ̣υ̣σί̣μαχος ὁ ἐμὸς 5 ὑπερ[θέ]σ̣θ̣ω̣. ὕστερον γὰρ ἀναπλε[ύ]σ̣[α]ς̣ τοὺς νομοὺς διαλογιε͂ται. (ἔτους) α Μάρκου Ὤτωνος Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος, 10 Μεχὶ̣ρ ιϛ, ἐν Μέμφι. 7 διαλογιεῖται

(Translation): … Let my Lysimachos postpone the conventus of the idios logos. When sailing later upstream, he will hold the conventus in the nomes. Year 1 of Marcus Otho Caesar Augustus Imperator. Mecheir 16, at Memphis. 3. τοῦ ἰδίου λόγου. The idios logos was set up under Ptolemaios VI Philometor as a “special account” (first documented in 162 BCE). Almost all revenues from the sale of state property, especially abandoned or confiscated estates, were paid into this account. By the 1st century BCE at the latest, there was an office responsible for the administration of the land confiscated in favour of the idios logos and for reselling it. The idios logos was perhaps set up in order to separate the increasing number of irregular revenues from the regular revenues in the accounts. In the Roman period the idios logos came under the jurisdiction of an equestrian procurator (ducenarius) (Ameling 2006). 3-4. τὸν̣ ... διαλογισμό[ν] (conventus). Montevecchi and Geraci (1974) suggest that dialogismos here is the Greek equivalent of the Latin conventus. This was the name for the circuit court in Egypt, which the prefect of Egypt held annually between January and April in the different nomes (Lewis 1981). It has, however, been noted by Uri Yiftach (personal communication) that διαλογισμός originally means “balancing the account.” If this is the meaning intended here, the required translation would be “let my Lysimachos postpone balancing the account of the idios logos. When sailing later upstream, he will perform the accountbalancing in the nomes.” 4. Λυσίμαχος ὁ ἐμός (my Lysimachos). That Lysimachos was the head of the idios logos in 69 CE is known from P.Fouad inv. 211 (= SB VI 9016), col. XVIII, l. 18. He also appears in P.Oxy. XLIX 3508, which can be securely dated to 16 April 70 CE. Only the prefect, namely Tiberius Julius Alexander, could have referred to Lysimachos as “my Lysimachos” (Montevecchi and Geraci 1974, 305; Thomas 1984, 111, n. 24), because the phrase could only be used by a superior. 5. ὑπερ[θέ]σθω (postpone). This is the reading of Geraci 1977, 146; see the discussion in Thomas 1984, 112, n. 25. Based on I. Fikhman

643. List with a Jewish name

49

643. List with a Jewish name Oxyrhynchite nome? 12 x 18 cm CPR VII 2 (J. Kaimio) (BL VII, 45) TM 24977; Image: CPR VII, Tafel 2 Lit.: Honigman 1991, 110, 141; Fikhman 1999, 133; TUAT NF I, 348

1st century CE

This text, of unknown provenance, the beginning of which is missing, is a list of persons, each followed by a short physical description. It may have been a part of a longer list, as implied by the η (the number 8) found in l. 2, indicating a paragraph number. Kaimio (CPR VII, 11-2) suggested that this is a copy of a list of census-returns (κατ᾽ οἰκίαν ἀπογραφή). Such census-returns were written, from 33/4 CE until 257/8 CE, at intervals of 14 years one from the other (Bagnall & Frier 1994, 2). Kaimio identified the papyrus as hailing from the 1st century CE Oxyrhynchite nome, because the physical descriptions of the individual (face form and scars) are typical only of census-returns from that time and location, as shown by Hombert and Préaux (1952, 121). This means that it could be dated to either 33/4, 47/8, 61/2, 75/6 or 89/90 CE. However, this papyrus does not conform to the Oxyrhynchite (or any other) census-return formulae known from Roman Egypt, because of the absence of the mother’s name, the age, or the profession of the recorded. Even family relationships that are mentioned are not completely and uniformly documented in all the entries. Therefore, Bagnall and Frier (1994) did not include it in their catalogue of census returns. Perhaps the editor’s suggestion that this papyrus could be an extract of an abridged list of census-returns (CPR VII, 11-2) can solve this conundrum. For a census-return mentioning the Jew Thermoutharion daughter of Isakis see CPJ 426; and see also BGU I 53 which will be included in CPJ VI. The papyrus lists seven individuals, five of whom can be assigned to two families: 1. Alexas son of Dositheos, his son Dositheos and the wife of one of them – Tapeteus (ll. 46); 2. two children of Bokchoris – Sambathis and Dosthes (ll. 7, 10). Two additional individuals are mentioned – Iosephos son of Sembes and Sambathis son/daughter of Sambathios. Whether they are connected to either of the two families remains unclear. The editor (CPR VII, 12) considered all these people as Jews, who resided together in the same estate. He even suggested that the list may be associated with the Jewish tax. However, only one of the persons listed (Iosephos son of Sembes) bears a name that is certainly Jewish. The names Dositheos, Sambathis and Sambathios were popular among Jews, but not exclusively Jewish (CPJ IV, 9-13). However, both Sambathis and Dosthes are sons of Bokchoris, and when found in the same family (see CPJ 543a, l. 3; 549, ll. 1-2, 651, l. 50; 654, l. 71), we consider them Jews making also their father Bokchoris Jewish. Note that Iosephos is squeezed in this papyrus between Sambathis and Dosthes, parhaps placing him in the same family. The papyrus gives physical descriptions of the persons in the list, typical of some Roman period documents (Fikhman 1999, 132-3; cf. Bagnall & Frier 1994, 24). On physical features of Egyptian Jews, as recorded on papyri, see Fikhman 1999. The text was written by a scribe who made many orthographical and grammatical mistakes (CPR VII, 12).

50

643. List with a Jewish name

[ ]….εω̣..[ [ ] η [ ]..ὁμοί̣ω̣ς [ Ἀλ]εξᾶς Δωσιθέ(ου) στρονγυλ(ο)πρόσω(πος) οὐλ(ὴ) χιρὶ δεξιᾷ 5

10

ῷ

Δωσίθεος ὁ υἱὸς στρονγυλ(ο)πρόσω(πος) οὐλ(ὴ) κνή(μῃ) ἀριστερ ῷ

Ταπετεῦς γυνὴ στρονγυλ(ο)πρόσω(πος) οὐλ(ὴ) ποδὶ ἀριστερ Σαμβᾶθις Βοκχ̣ώρεω(ς) οὐλ(ὴ) ἀντικνη(μίῳ) ἀριστερῶι Ἰώσηφος Σεμβήους οὐλ(ὴ) χιρὶ δεξιᾷ Δωσθῆς Βοκχ̣ώρεω(ς) στρονγυλ(ο)πρόσω(πος) οὐλ(ὴ) ἀντικ(νημίῳ) δεξιᾷ Σαμβᾶθις Σαμβαθίου οὐλ(ὴ) γόνατι δεξιᾷ.

4 χειρὶ 5 ἀριστερᾷ 9 χειρὶ 10 δεξιῷ 11 δεξιῷ

(Translation): 8 ... likewise 5 Alexas son of Dositheos, round-faced with a scar on the right hand Dositheos, his son, round-faced with a scar on the left shank Tapeteus, his wife, round-faced with a scar on the left foot Sambathis son/daughter of Bokchoris, with a scar on the left shin 10 Iosephos son of Sembes, with a scar on the right hand Dosthes son of Bokchoris, round-faced with a scar on the right shin Sambathis son/daughter of Sambathios, with a scar on the right knee. 2. η (8). Before this letter there is a diagonal line, indicating that the η signifies the number 8, summing up the previous or following lines, and indicating that the list of persons or families preseved here is partial (CPR VII, 11). 4, 5. Δωσιθέ(ου), Δωσίθεος. The second Dositheos is obviously named after his grandfather (mentioned in l. 4). The name was common among Jews but not exclusively Jewish; see CPJ IV, 9-10. 6. Ταπετεῦς. This is an Egyptian female name. Whose wife was Tapeteus? The editor of CPR VII (indices, 207) considers her to be Alexas’ wife, a plausible supposition. But in many census-returns the wife follows immediately after the husband, before the children. Thus, perhaps Tapeteus was Dositheos’ wife. 7. Σαμβᾶθις Βοκχώρεω(ς). The form Sambathis appears again in this papyrus in l. 11. It is unknown elsewhere from Egypt (see LJNLA III, 148-54 [ours are nos. 82-3]; 186-8). The suffix looks female but it could also be a short form of Sambathios/thaios. The two persons by this name in this papyrus could be either a male or a female. Names derived from Sambath were popular among Jews, but were not exclusively Jewish; see CPJ IV, 9-12. On the name Bokchoris see CPJ 631, n. to l. 1; LJNLA III, 666-7 (he is no. 3). 9. Ἰώσηφος Σεμβήους. The reading of the name Iosephos with η is the correct one; see BL VII, 45. On the name see LJNLA III, 110-20 (he is no. 33). Kaimio (CPR VII, 13) considers the name Sembes a variant of Sambas. Honigman 1991, 141, however, thinks that it is Egyptian and derived from the name of the god Bes. Here it is borne by a Jew, as can be inferred from the name of his son; see also LJNLA III, 649-50 (he is no. 2). 10. Δωσθῆς. Kaimio (CPR VII, 13) read this name as Δωσά̣ης; see also LJNLA III, 632 (he is no. 5). He, however, also proposed Δωσθ̣ῆς as a possible reading, and this name is often attested among Egyptian Jews (see e.g. in CPJ 651, ll. 1, 18, 19, 20, 50, 103, 106). Based on I. Fikhman

51

644. Fragment of a private account mentioning Jews

644. Fragment of a private account mentioning Jews Oxyrhynchite nome 23 x 10 cm P.NYU II 52 (B. E. Nielsen & K. A. Worp) = (Nielsen & Worp 2004) TM 121984; Image: http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.nyu;2;52/images (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit: P.Oxy. LXXII, 120

Early 2nd century CE

This text is the second column of a papyrus, and it is itself a table, divided into three columns. It was first edited by Casson in his 1929 unpublished dissertation, as a document listing “wheat, flour, fodder, and ground meal.” He based his interpretation on the appearance of what he read as σι(λί)γν(ου) (wheat) in the second column (ll. 3, 8, 9, 15, 17), and on the understanding of ἡ α (e.g. l. 2) as referring to (πυροῦ) ἀ(ρτ.) (wheat artaba). He located it in Philadelphia. In 2004 Nielson and Worp reedited the papyrus (Nielsen & Worp 2004, 122; P.NYU II 52). They dismissed Casson’s Philadelphian origin and his reading of the second column as atypical. They wondered whether σιγν was not a reference to a place-name, though they could not identify it; they read ἡ α as ἡ α(ὐτή) (the same), and in ll. 10, 12 they read ἡ α(ὐτὴ) κώ(μη) (the same village). Indeed, according to Gonis (P.Oxy. LXXII, 120), all the words in the second column are names of places: ll. 3, 8, 9, 15 and 17 refer to Σιγκέφα (TM Geo 2900); ll. 6, 11 and 14 to Χῦσις (ΤΜ Geo 6170); ll. 7 and 24 to Ἀθῦχις (ΤΜ Geo 8337); l. 23 to Πῶνις (TM Geo 6991), “all … villages in the upper toparchy of the Oxyrhnchite nome.” These places provenance the papyrus squarely in this nome. The occurrence of Jewish names in the papyrus was noted by Nielsen and Worp (2004, 121). Discarding the possibility that “a list of such names would refer to Christians,” they noted that “it is also unwarranted to designate as Jewish a name solely on the basis of biblical affinities” (Nielsen & Worp 2004, 121). However, in our opinion, following O.CPJ, before 337 CE, biblical names were used solely by Jews (see CPJ IV, 15). Casson, followed by Nielsen and Worp (2004, 122), dated the papyrus palaeographically to the early 2nd century, and it thus testifies to the presence of Jews in the Oxyrhynchite nome before the Jewish revolt. The purpose of this list is enigmatic (Nielsen & Worp 2004, 122). The left hand column lists names. All persons, except two (ll. 14, 18), are listed without patronymic, probably because they were well known to the compiler of the account. The middle column, as shown above, lists the locations of these persons. The right hand column refers to amounts. Nielsen and Worp took the Greek χ( ) followed by a numeral as an abbreviation of χ(οίνικες) (choinikes), which is a subdivision of the artaba for which see in the Table of Measurements. Perhaps the list is a daybook of grain receipts recording payments (of rentals or taxes) made by land owners or public farmers as in CPJ 653. Col. II

5

Τ̣ρ̣( ) Ἰα̣κούβ(ου) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) α χ̣(οίνικες) [ ] ἄλ(λου) [Ἰ]α̣[κ]ώ(βου) Σιγκ(έφα) η ̅̅ ἑτέρο(υ) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) δ χ(οίνικες) θ Σαμβα( ) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) α Ἰωνᾶτ(ος) Χ(ῦσις) ια 𐅵 χ(οίνικες) ς Ἀθ(ῦχις) [𐅵] χ(οίνικες) ζ, ἄλ(λαι) β χ(οίνικες) ς, (γίνονται) (ἀρτάβαι) β  χ(οίνικες) γ̣ Ἰσάκιος Σιγκ(έφα) α𐅵

52

644. Fragment of a private account mentioning Jews

.. 10

15

20

25

Ἰωσήπ(ιος)

Σιγκ(έφα) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) κώ(μη) Χ(ῦσις) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) κ̣ώ̣(μη) ⟦.⟧ . Β̣οκχ(ώριος) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) .... Εκωνο( ) Δημοκ( ) Ἰωσῆπ(ιος) Χ(ῦσις) Ἰωσήπ̣(ιος) Σιγκ(έφα) Τρ( ) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) Σιγκ(έφα) Πτο̣λ(λᾶτος) υ(ἱοῦ) Ἰακ[ώβ(ου)] ἡ α(ὐτὴ) Πτο̣λ(λᾶτος) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) Π̣τολ(λᾶτος) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) Πτολ(λᾶτος) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) Β̣οκχ(ώριος) ἡ α(ὐτὴ) Δωσᾶτ(ος) Πῶ(νις) Ι.[…] Ἀθ(ῦχις) Κλα( ) πω... ἡ α(ὐτὴ) (γίνονται) (πυροῦ) [ἀ(ρτάβαι)].δ̣ 𐅵 χ(οίνικες)

γ  χ(οίνικες) η δ ια  ̣ χ(οίνικες) δ β αή α  χ(οῖνιξ) α δ  χ(οίνικες) γ α 𐅵 χ(οίνικες) ζ α𐅵 ε 𐅵 χ(οίνικες) ς β χ(οίνικες) δ γ  χ(οίνικες) ς α χ(οίνικες) ζ ζ 𐅵 χ(οίνικες) ζ ς δ𐅵

14 or Εβωνο( ) 18 or ὑ(πέρ) 24 Ἰω̣[σῆ]π̣(ος)? 25 Πωλ̣λα ̣ ̣?

(Translation): Tr( )... from Iakoubos from another Iakoubos 5

from another from Samba( ) from Ionas

the same Sink(epha) the same the same Ch(ysis)

1 artaba, ? choinikes 8 (?) 4 artabai, 9 choinikes 1 artaba 11 artabai, 6 choinikes

4

2

Ath(ychis) [ ] artaba, 7 choinikes, other 2 artabai, 6 choinikes, total 2 artabai, 3 choinikes from Isakis Sink(epha) 1 artaba ...

from Iosepis

10

3 artabai, 8 choinikes

the same village

4 artabai

Ch(ysis)

11 artabai

the same village

15

from Bokchoris

the same

[from] Ekono( ) Demok( ) son of Iosepis from Iosepis

Ch(ysis) Sink(epha)

Tr… from Ptollas son of Iakobos from Ptollas 20

from Ptollas from Ptollas

2

Sink(epha)

artabai, 4 choinikes 2 artabai 1 artaba, 8 choinikes 1 artaba, 1 choinix

the same

4 artabai, 3 choinikes

Sink(epha)

1 artaba, 7 choinikes

the same

1 artaba

the same

5 artabai, 6 choinikes 2 2 artabai, 4 choinikes 3 artabai, 6 choinikes

the same the same

2 2

53

644. Fragment of a private account mentioning Jews

25

from Bokchoris from Dosas

the same Po(nis)

I... Kla...

Ath(ychis) the same

1 artaba, 7 choinikes 7 artabai, 7 choinikes 2 6 artabai 4 artabai 2

Total wheat (?) 4 [artabai], ? choinikes 2

2. Ἰακούβ(ου). On the popularity of the name Jacob among Jews in Roman Egypt see Introduction to this volume, 4-6. The name appears again in l. 18; (for both see LJNLA III, 121-7; they are nos. 42-3) and perhaps also in, l. 3. 3. ἄλ(λου) [Ἰ]α̣[κ]ώ(βου) (from another Iakobos). The reading of this person’s name is supported by the word “another” which precedes it and refers back to Iakobos of l. 2. Σιγκ(έφα). This abbreviation appears also in ll. 8, 9, 15, 17. Gonis (P.Oxy. LXXII, 120) identified it as Σιγκέφα (Sinkepha) in the Oxyrhynchite nome; see introduction above. 4. ἑτέρο(υ) (another). This may refer to another Jacob. Casson interpreted this as a proper name – Ἑταῖρος (Hetairos). 5. Σαμβα( ). This abbreviation can be reconstructed as Sambathaios, Sambathion and Sambas, all attested for Jews, but none indubitably so; see CPJ IV, 9-13. 6. Ἰωνᾶτ(ος). This could be understood as a variation of the name Ionathas (LJNLA III, 109-10; he is no. 13), but it is probably the genitive of the biblical name Jonah; see LJNLA III, 108; cf. CPJ 35, l. 18; CPJ 563 l. 17 (a woman called Iona). Χ(ῦσις). Nielsen and Worp (2004, 122) suggested reconstructing here (and in ll. 11, 14) χ(όρτου), i.e. enclosed pasturage. However, like in other cases in the middle column, Gonis (P.Oxy. LXXII, 120) suggested interpreting this as a place name, Χ(ῦσις), in the Oxyrhynchite nome; see introduction above. 7. Ἀθ(ῦχις). The reading of this word is doubtful. Gonis (P.Oxy. LXXII, 120) suggested that this refers to a place, Ἀθῦχις in the Oxyrhynchite nome as in l. 24; see introduction above. [𐅵] ([ artaba]). Reconstruction by Nielsen and Worp (2004, 122). The total in this line is 2.75 artabai 2 and 3 choinikes, which are 2 artabai and 33 choinikes. The extant figures add up to 2 artabai and 13 choinikes, and therefore the missing figure in the beginning of the line is half an artaba. 8. Ἰσάκιος. Isakis was a popular name among the Jews in Roman Egypt; see Introduction to this volume, 4-6; cf. LJNLA III, 127-32 (he is no. 39). 9. Ἰωσήπ(ιος). Three persons with this name are mentioned in this document (ll. 9, 14, 15; for another possible Iosepis see n. to l. 24). This was the most popular name among the Jews in Roman Egypt; see Introduction to this volume, 4-3; cf. LJNLA III, 111-20 (they are nos. 54-6). 13. Βοκχ(ώριος). Two persons with this name are mentioned in this document (see also l. 22); in LJNLA III, 666-7 they are nos. 4-5. On the name Bokchoris see CPJ 631, n. to l. 1. 14. Εκωνο( ) Δημοκ( ) Ἰωσῆπ(ιος). Iosepis is probably the father of (a) person(s) with (an) unidentifiable name(s) that precede(s) him. On the name Iosepis see n. to l. 9 above. 18. Πτολ(λᾶτος) υ(ἱοῦ) Ἰακ[ώβ(ου)] (Ptollas son of Iakobos). An alternative reading for υ(ἱοῦ) (=son) is ὑ(πέρ) (on behalf of) (Nielsen & Worp 2004, 122). According to the first reading, the Jewishness of Ptollas is certain. For the name Ptollas among Jews see LJNLA III, 648-9 (he is no. 6). 23. Δωσᾶτ(ος). On the form Dosas as an Egyptian abbreviation of Dositheos and its popularity among Jews see LJNLA III, 632 (he is no. 6). Πῶ(νις). Gonis (P.Oxy. LXXII, 120) suggested that this refers to Πῶνις in the Oxyrhynchite nome; for which see Πόυνις, in Benaissa 2012, 292 and TM Geo 6991. 24. Ι[ ]. The reading Ἰω[σῆ]π(ος) seems possible (Nielsen & Worp 2004, 122). Based on I. Fikhman

54

645. Fragment of a declaration to Chelkias strategos

645. Fragment of a declaration to Chelkias strategos Herakleopolis/Arsinoite nome 14 x 11 cm 1st century CE? P.Med. inv. 69.59 (Di Bitonto 1974, 20-1) = SB XIV 11269 = P.Mil.Congr. XIV, 20 (BL VIII, 369; IX, 273; XIII, 209) TM 78895; Image: Di Bitonto 1974, Pl. 6 Lit.: Aegyptus 1975, 267; Hagedorn & Sijpesteijn 1986, 103-4; Bastianini & Whitehorne 1987, 20; Bohak 1996, 34

This papyrus is included in this corpus because it mentions Chelkias strategos (administrative head of nome). Chelkias is a biblical name recorded prominently for Jews in Ptolemaic Egypt (LJNLA III, 88-9). This Chelkias is the first definitely recorded Jewish strategos in the papyri of Greco-Roman Egypt. It is difficult to date and locate this papyrus. The editor dated it to the 1st century CE, while Turner (1975, 267) suggested the 1st century BCE. Bastianini and Whitehorne (1987, 20) considered the absence of the court title syngenes next to the title strategos (as is typical of the Ptolemaic period) as pointing to a Roman-period date. Supporting this latter dating is the term ἀμφοδαρχία (l. 5 – quarter under the direction of an ἀμφοδάρχης), which is documented no earlier than the Roman period. Concerning the location, judging by the formulae of the document, Di Bitonto (1974, 20), followed by Bastianini and Whitehorne (1987, 20), attributed the papyrus to the Arsinoite nome. In favour of this localization is the fact that only in the Arsinoite and Memphite documentation were quarters designated Hellenion recorded (see ll. 1, 5; UPZ I 116; P.Cair.Zen. 59593), albeit, in the 3rd century BCE. However, Hagedorn and Sijpesteijn (1986, 103-4), noting that the designation of a quarter (ἀμφοδαρχία) by the name of an eponymous person (Dorion) is a peculiarity of the Herakleopolite documentation, attributed the text to Herakleopolis. It is possible that a Hellenion quarter existed also in Herakleopolis, even though no record of it has survived. The character of the papyrus is also debated. Di Bitonto supposed that it was a census declaration, but Turner (Aegyptus 1975, 267) suggested that it was a petition. For other petitions to Jewish officials from Herakleopolis see the politeuma papyri (CPJ 557-77). ν

5

10

]Ἑλλ̣η̣(νίου) Χ̣ε̣λ̣κίαι στρατηγῶι παρὰ Τεκώσιος τῆς Ὡρίωνος. ὑπάρχει μοι οἰκία ἐν τῇ Δωρίωνος Ἑ̣λληνίου ἀμφοδαρχίᾳ ἐν ᾗ κατ[αγί-] ν̣ε̣ται ὁ υἱός μου [ ] [..]ν ἀπολελυ ̣[ ] [..]σαυται ̣[ ] [….]εχος ̣[ ] [..]μελε̣ν̣ ̣[ ] [….]ου[ ]

(Translation): … of Hellenion. To Chelkias strategos from Tekosis daughter of Horion. A house belongs to me in the Hellenion, the quarter under the supervision of Dorion, in which my son resides … 1 Ἑλλη(νίου). Reading suggested by Hagedorn; see SB XIV 11269, l. 1. based on l. 5 below.

646. Petition filed against Sambas, a Jew

55

2. Χελκίαι. The name Chelkias (‫ )חלקיה‬is attested in Egypt for several persons of a high standing. A certain Chelkias, supposedly a strategos or father of a strategos, is mentioned on a fragmentary inscription, also known as the “Chelkias stone” (JIGRE 129, l. 2 στ[ρατηγοῦ]; l. 7 [σ]τρατηγόν). The most famous Chelkias attested in the sources is the son of Onias, mentioned by Josephus (A.J. 13.285), who became the general (hegemon) of Cleopatra III (end of 2nd century BCE). Further on the name Chelkias see LJNLA III, 88-9. 5. Ἑλληνίου. Di Bitonto (1974, 20), read ατηλνου. The reading Ἑλληνίου was proposed by Turner (Aegyptus 1975, 267) and Parássoglou (1977/8, 66) simultaneously and adopted by Hagedorn and Sijpesteijn (1986, 103-4). Parássoglou argued that quarters by this name are found in Memphis and the Arsinoite nome. Indeed in UPZ II 116 and P.Cair.Zen. 59593 (both dated to the 3rd century BCE) a quarter in Memphis is designated Hellenion, probably after a temple located therein, since both papyri mention cultic activities. Hagedorn and Sijpesteijn (1986, 103-4), however, rejected the suggestion that our papyrus derives from either Memphis or the Arsinoite, claiming that only in the Herakleopolite nome in the Roman period, are quarters named after their leader (ἀμφοδάρχης), in this case – Dorion (TM Geo 9034). ἀμφοδαρχίᾳ (quarter). Amphodarchia means “a quarter under the direction of an amphodarches.” It is recorded in papyri from the Roman period, mostly from the 3rd century CE, e.g. P.Ryl. II 102 (2nd century CE, Hermopolis); CPR I 63 (223-35 CE, Herakleopolite nome); Stud.Pal. XX 25 (218 CE, Herakleopolis). Zs. Szántó based on I. Fikhman

646. Petition filed against Sambas, a Jew Tebtynis (Fayum) 8.1 x 22.9 cm After 27 December 30 CE P.Tebt. II 476 (B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt & J. Godspeed); Russo 2012 TM 13578; Image: http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.tebt;2;476/images (accessed 10.3.2022)

The text, belonging to the Tebtynis papyri, is written on a long strip of papyrus. The verso is blank. The entire papyrus is preserved, as the margins indicate (top margin 1.8 cm, left 1 cm, right 0.7 cm, bottom 5.3 cm). The fragment is held at the Bancroft Library of the University of Berkeley, California. A description of the document appeared in P.Tebt. II, but the text was only published by Russo in 2012. The document is a petition, written according to the following traditional formula: the authority to whom the petition is addressed; name of the petitioner; chronological data; mention of the accused; description of the crime; petition for intervention; final petition for compensation. In this document, a certain Kastor son of Lykos, accuses the Jew Sambas of having attacked him on the 1st of Tybi of the 17th year of the emperor Tiberius (=27 December 30 CE) and demands satisfaction. For another petition against a Jew attacking a resident of Herakleopolis see CPJ 580. The petition is addressed to the epistates phylakiton (chief of police), a position known from the Ptolemaic period that continued to exist up until the middle of the 1st century CE (the latest attestation appears in P.Ryl. II 152 from 42 CE). The final part of the petition, with a statement of the facts, is lost because of a gap in the fabric of the papyrus. Other information, which usually appears in petitions, is also missing: the signature with the data of the person who filed the petition, the response of the authority containing the verdict and the date of the response.

56

646. Petition filed against Sambas, a Jew

Σεραπίωνι [ἐπ]ι̣στP.άτῃ φυλ(ακιτῶν) παρὰ Κ̣ά̣σ̣τ̣ο̣ρος τοῦ Λύκου τῶν ἀπὸ Τεβτύνεως τῆς Πολέμ̣ωνος μερίδο(ς). 5 ὀψίτερον τῆς ὥρας τῇ α̅ τ̣οῦ̣ Τ̣υβ̣ὶ τοῦ ιζ̣ (ἔτους) Τ[ιβ]ερίου Καίσαρος [Σε]β̣α̣στοῦ καταπεριστάς με̣ Σ̣α̣μβᾶς̣ ’Ι[ουδ]α̣ῖος τῶν ἀπ̣[ὸ] Κερκεθουήρε̣ω̣ς̣ 10 καταγειν̣όμενο̣ς̣ ἐ̣ν̣[ Τ̣εβτύ̣ν̣[ει] traces πληγὰς̣ ...... καὶ ἐ̣τραυμάτισέν μ̣ε̣ [ ]…[

Traces 15 Traces [ ].η..[ ]… ..νδ…[ ……….[ ἵ]να ὦι εὐεργετη̣μέ̣νος 20 (εὐτύχει)

To Serapion chief of police, from Kastor son of Lykos, of those from Tebtynis in the Polemon district. At a late hour of the 1st of Tybi in the 17th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, attacked me Sambas, a Jew of those from Kerkethoueris now residing in … Tebtynis [dealt me] blows … and wounded me… (...) (...) (...) (...) (...) so that (I) receive benefaction. Farewell.

1. Σεραπίωνι [ἐπ]ι̣στάτῃ φυλ(ακιτῶν) (Serapion chief of police). Serapion the chief of police (TM Per 356781) is the addressee of five more petitions, all belonging to a group of papyri from Euhemeria: P.Ryl. II 125 (28/9 CE); P.Lond. III 895 (28-30 CE) (cf. BL XI 112 for the exact reading of the name Serapion and the precise date); P.Ryl. II 127 (29 CE); P.Ryl. II 128 (c. 30 CE); SB XX 15182 (29-31 CE). In the description of our document (P.Tebt II, 310) the name is given as Sarapion (seconded by Clarysse, personal communication), but Russo proposed the reading Serapion, which fits the other attestations of this person (Russo 2012, 656). For the interchange of the names Sarapis and Serapis see Clarysse & Paganini 2009, 76-7. 3. ἀπὸ Τεβτύνεως (from Tebtynis). On this location see TM Geo 2287. 5. ὀψίτερον τῆς ὥρας (At a late hour). I.e. the night (Russo 2012, 658). 7-8. καταπεριστάς (attacked). Part. sing. aor. act. of καταπεριίστημι. 8. Σαμβᾶς. The name Samba/Sambas appears often in Egyptian papyri and was occasionally used by Jews; see LJNLA III, 649-50. ’Ι[ουδ]αῖος (a Jew). This is an emendation suggested by Russo (2012, 658). If she is correct, the use of the term is unexpected, since unlike in the Ptolemaic period, in the Roman period ethnica ceased to function as legal definitions of persons, and Ioudaios is thus rarely attested (see CPJ IV, 6, and n. 43). While designating Sambas with this ethnicon may simply be a means of identification, it is perhaps a pejorative, even anti-Semitic designation (Russo 2012, 658); cf. introduction to CPJ 648. 9. Κερκεθουήρεως. On the location of Kerkethoueris see TM Geo 1073. Sambas is the first documented Jew from Kerkethoueris. 11. καταγεινόμενος ἐν … Τεβτύν[ει] (residing in Tebtynis). This is the earliest explicit reference to a Jew residing in Tebtynis (cf. CPJ 20; 595a). D. Jacobs and C. Haendler

647. List of names mentioning a Jew

57

647. List of names mentioning a Jew Philadelphia (Fayum) 4.3 x 8.6 cm P.Mich. XII 638 (G. M. Browne) (BL X, 126; BL XII, 124) TM 25890; Image: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/a/apis/x-3135 (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Shelton 1978, 284; Hanson 1992; Hanson 1994; Honigman 2002, 67; de Jong 2017, 14

41-54 CE

The present text is a list of names registered for tax purposes. Browne, who edited this papyrus in 1974, identified it as a tax register from Philadelphia in the Fayum. He published other such registers in P.Mich. XII 638-42, some of which were published previously (P.Princ. I 1-14; P.Corn. 21-4; P.Graux. I 1-2; P.Mich. X 582; P.Ryl. IV 595). These lists are dated from 31 to 57 CE and the hand that wrote this papyrus also wrote P.Mich. XII 639, 642, P.Princ. I 14, P.Corn. 24, and P.Ryl. IV 595 (P.Mich. XII, 43-4). In 1984 Hanson identified all these papyri and others as part of an archive belonging to Nemesion son of Zoilos, a capitation-tax collector (praktor argyrikon) from Philadelphia, who also copied the famous “Letter of Claudius to the Alexandrians” (CPJ 153). On Nemesion and his career see Hanson 1984, 1108-10; 1989; on his archive see TM Arch 149. Hanson (1992, 137, n. 21) dated the present papyrus, based on other dated papyri from the same archive mentioning the very same persons, to the reign of Claudius (41-54 CE). In this volume we present two papyri from this archive. They record together four Jews: two, a father and son here, because of the name of the father, Iosepos, and another two in CPJ 648, because they are both designated Ioudaios (one of them with the biblical name Isakis). We add as an appendix to these papyri another papyrus from the Nemesion archive, which may record another Jew, though this identification is doubtful. The Nemesion archive includes at least 70 lists of taxpayers and records hundreds of names. In light of what is known about Jews in the Fayum just a few decades earlier (CPJ 7-17; 1926; 28-41; 43-7; 125-31; 133-4; 585-603), and in light of the fact that Nemesion copied the edict of Claudius to the Alexandrians concerning the status of the Jews, it does not seem plausible that only four taxpaying Jews are recorded in this archive. Probably many more Jews simply cannot be identified as such. The limited use of the ethnic designation in the Roman period, on the one hand (see CPJ IV, 6-7), and the fact that most Jews bore Greek or even Egyptian names, on the other hand, explain their growing invisibility, as, for example, the names of the payers of the Jewish tax indicate (CPJ 160-229). The text begins with the words γραφὴ Ἀράβω(ν) (list of Arabôn), whose meaning is debated. Browne understood it as referring to the village Arabon komê (TM Geo 285) located in the Herakleides meris not far from Philadelphia, where the tax lists to which this papyrus belongs were drawn up (P.Mich. XII, 45). Hanson explained the designation Araps/Arabos as an ethnicon. However, the papyrus lists only Egyptian and Greek names as well as one biblical name, Iosepos, but no Arab names (Hanson 1992, 137). Hanson thus concluded that, while in the Ptolemaic period the ethnic designation Araps/Arabos was used in a similar way to any other ethnica, i.e. as a legal and social designation, in the Roman period it may have had a different connotation. On the one hand, the Arabon mentioned in the present document is parallel to other groups listed together in the Nemesion archive, e.g. weavers or greengrocers, who may have constituted a particular socio-economic group, possibly employed in pastoralism. This could explain why a Jew (Apelles son of Iosepos) is listed under Arabon. On the other hand, only the ethnica Ioudaios and Arabos are preserved in this archive (the former in CPJ 648) and “the continued use of these particular ethnics does suggest a degree of separateness and a possible

58

647. List of names mentioning a Jew

lack of amalgamation of Semites into the life of the village” (Hanson 1992, 139). See also the introduction to CPJ 648. We present the text here with the corrections made by Hanson 1992, 137, n. 21.

5

10

15

20

γραφὴ Ἀράβω(ν) Ἀπελλῆ(ς) Ἰωσή̣πο(υ) Ἄγρων Πουώρε̣ω̣(ς) Ἀπολλώ(νιος) Μύσθ(ου) (δραχμαὶ) η Πασίων Ἀπολλω(νίου) Ἕλλη(ν) Σαμβ(ᾶτος) Ἕλλην Ἁρφαή(σιος) Ἄλκιμο(ς) Ἁρφαή(σιος) Πανετβ(εὺς) ἄλλο(ς) Νεκφερῶ(ς) Πετεσούχ(ου) Χαιρή(μων) Ἁρφαή(σιος) Σαμβ(ᾶς) Φάσ̣ι̣το(ς) Ἕκτωρ ἀδελφό(ς) Ἕκτωρ Πανετβ(εύιος) Σαμβ(ᾶς) Ἕκτωρο(ς) Ὧρος Ὡρίωνο(ς) Μύσθ(ας) ἄλλο(ς) Ἡρακλ(ῆς) (ὁμοίως) Ἶβις Ἁτρῆ(ς) ὃς κ(αὶ) Διδυμᾶ̣τ̣(ος) Νεμε̣σ̣ίων Πανετβ(εύιος)

List of Arabes: Apelles son of Iosepos Agron son of Pouoris Apollonios son of Mysthas: 8 drachmai Pasion son of Apollonios Hellen son of Sambas Hellen son of Harphaesis Alkimos son of Harphaesis Panetbeus another (son of Harphaesis) Nekpheros son of Petesouchos Chairemon son of Harphaesis Sambas son of Phasis Hektor his brother Hektor son of Panetbeus Sambas son of Hektor Horos son of Horion Mysthas another (son of Horion) Herakles likewise (?) Ibis Hatres alias Didymas Nemesion son of Panetbeus

2. Ἀπελλῆ(ς). Browne observed that this person may be identified with Apelles in P.Mich. XII 642, l. 8, but this is uncertain, since the reading is conjectural and the patronymic is broken off. The name Apelles for other individuals is recorded in documents from the Fayum at exactly the same period (e.g. P.Princ. I 10, Col. I, l. 13 from Philadelphia, 34 CE – Apelles son of Herakles). In the form Apelles this is the only person named so among Jews (LJNLA III, 217), but the form Apellas is recorded for 6 Jews in the western diaspora (LJNLA III, 217), one of them in Roman Egypt (CPJ 188). It is mentioned specifically in the writings of Horace (Sermones, 1.5.100) in the words “Iudaeus Apella.” On this appearance Ilan commented: “It was suggested that in this context ‘Apella the Jew’ should be understood as a reference to Jews in general, but the name … is not a common Jewish one. Rather, it could be understood as referring to a certain Jew known to Horace’s audience” (LJNLA III, 217; see also GLA I, 323; cf. CPJ 659, recto col. II, l. 12, and introduction to the same papyrus). Ἰωσήπο(υ). On the name Iosepos see LJNLA III, 111-20 (he is no. 48), and Introduction to this volume, 4-6. 13. Ἕκτωρ. The name appears three times for two or three different persons (ll. 13-5). It is a rare name in the Roman period but recorded in Philadelphia often in the first half of the 1st century CE, all apparently belonging to the same family (Clarysse 2021, 318-9). 18. (ὁμοίως) (likewise). This is represented by a horizontal stroke, and stands after the name, probably to indicate the repetition of the same name in the genitive, referring to the father; see P.Mich. XII 638, n. to l. 18. For a possible different meaning of this term see CPJ 651, n. to l. 15. Ἶβις. Browne (ibid.) suggested that this is Herakles’ alias. Based on I. Fikhman

59

Appendix: List of names perhaps mentioning a Jew

Appendix: List of names perhaps mentioning a Jew Philadelphia (Fayum) 4.3 x 8.6 cm P.Mich. XII 642 (G. M. Browne) TM 12307; Image: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/a/apis/x-3144 (accessed 10.3.2022)

41-54 CE

The present text, like CPJ 647, is a list of names registered for tax purposes. It also belongs to the Nemesion son of Zoilos archive (TM Arch 149). We include it here, because it may record a fifth Jew from this archive – a certain Samouelis. Browne wrote of a person mentioned in l. 155 that this name: “I interpret … as Σ̣α̣μουῆρις, a spelling variant of Σαμουῆλις” (P.Mich XII, 65). The letters “l” and “r” are phonetically similar and in Demotic they are represented by the same letter. An Egyptian scribe, writing from dictation, could easily make such an error. Willy Clarysse, in a personal communication, informed us that such a “hypercorrection” is typical of the Fayum dialect. Samouelis is the biblical name Samuel, and its bearer, in the 1st century, is surely a Jew. We present here the text which Browne published. Samoueris is listed with other members of his family and the taxes they paid. Col. VI 155

Ψύων Σ̣α̣μουῆρις Ὥρου Νεκφερῶ(ς) Ὥρου Ὧρος Ἁρφαή(σεως) Ὧρος ἄλλο(ς) Ἁρφαή(σεως) (γίνονται) ἄνδ(ρες) δ, (δραχμαὶ) π

Of Psya Samoueris son of Horos Nekpheros son of Horos Horos son of Harphaesis Horos another son of Harphaesis Total: 4 men (at 20 drachmai each), 80 drachmai

However, the identification of this Samoueris as a Samouelis and Jewish, is doubtful as already noted by Browne. The cluster of four individuals of P.Mich. 642 (Samoueris son of Horos, Nekpheros son of Horos, and two Horos son of Harphaesis) also shows up together in a cluster in P.Princ. I 8, with slight differences, one of them meaningful for the suggested identification. The said cluster runs as follows: P.Princ. I 8, Col. IV, ll. 18-21: Register of taxes (27 November 46-24 July 47 CE)

20

Φαμουήρεω(ς) ὅς καὶ Ἀππῶνις Ὥρο(υ) (ἐτῶν) μη̣ Νεκφερῶ(ς) Ὥρου (ἐτῶν) λθ̣ Ὧρος Ἁρφαή(σεως) τ(οῦ) καὶ Ἀπάθ(ου) μη(τρὸς) Ταύρε(ως) (ἐτῶν) κε̣ Ὧρος Ἁρφαή(σεως) μη(τρὸς) Ταύρε(ως) (ἐτῶν) κ

Phamouereos also called Apponis son of Horos, aged 48 Nekpheros son of Horos, aged 39 Horos son of Harphaesis also called Apathes, whose mother is Tauris, aged 25 Horos son of Harphaesis whose mother is Tauris, aged 20

Note that the first name in this list is Phamouereos instead of Samoueris in P.Mich XII 642. Both names are otherwise unrecorded, and Hanson wrote to Browne that “the initial phi of the name Phamoueris seems absolutely certain” (P.Mich. XII, 65) making the reading Samoueris of P.Mich XII 642 doubtful. If Phamouereos and Samoueris are indeed one and the same, it is uncertain whether he was a Jew (Samoueris=Samouelis), or Phamoueris, although Browne suggests that “perhaps the Φαμ was inadvertently written for Ψαμ, i.e. Σαμ- preceded by the Egyptian masculine article Π” (P.Mich XII, 65).

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648. Account of sheep on the estate of Lucius

Against his identification as a Jew the following arguments can be added: 1. All names of this cluster of individuals, who are all from the same location, are Egyptian, and Jews are usually not found in all-Egyptian surroundings. 2. Although the name Samouelis was quite common among Jews in Egypt in the Ptolemaic period (CPJ 12, 14-5, 24 [twice], 112, 555; JIGRE 29, 58) and in the late Roman and Byzantine period (CPJ 503; SB XVIII 13620; Vienna H 45r [Sirat 1985, pl. 13]; P.Col. inv. 5853), it is not recorded in the current volume (30 BCE-117 CE) at all. Because of these doubts we publish this papyrus in an appendix, and do not list it among papyri relevant to Jews and Judaism in early-Roman Egypt. T. Ilan

648. Account of sheep on the estate of Lucius Philadelphia (Fayum) 70.2 x 29 cm P.Mich. inv. 880 (Hanson 1992) = SB XX 14525 (BL XII, 226; XIII, 222) TM 14886

After 24 July 57 CE

This account derives from the estate of Lucius, an associate of the tax-collector Nemesion son of Zoilos (see introduction to CPJ 647). The preserved text records data about the composition of a sheep flock – losses, sales, expenses and receipts. The information is dated from the last four months of the 2nd year of Nero, and up to Epeiph (l. 77), the 11th month of his 3rd year. Therefore, the document was written no earlier than 24 July 57 CE. A document from the same estate mentioning some of the same persons (but not the identified Jews) is P.Princ. III 152 verso = SB XX 14526. The persons mentioned in this document are variously identified: Either with a patromynic (Apollos son of Sosippos – l. 43; cf. SB XX 14526, ll. 26-7; Pouoris son of Pabos l. 13; cf. SB XX 14526, l. 17); or by profession (Pnepheros the “shepherd” – ll. 3, 26, 32-3, 41, 43-4, 48, 56; cf. SB XX 14526, l. 32; Theon the “farmer” – l. 24; Pouoris the “merchant” – ll. 69, 70; cf. SB XX 14526, l. 17); or by ethnicon (Jews: Sakolaos – l. 12; Isakis – ll. 13, 41-2, 44, 49-50, 55, 57, 59, 60, 63; Arab: Sambas – ll. 49, 65[?]). There is no systematic way of designating the individuals in this document. The identification by ethnicon is very rare in Roman-period documents, because it served no administrative purpose (see CPJ IV, 6-7). Why are Arabs and Jews here (and perhaps Arabs in CPJ 647) designated by their ethnica? Hanson (1992, 138-40) discussed the possibility that this was due to the presence of anti-Semitism in the town of Philadelphia, in which the Nemesion archive was located. Because in this archive a copy of Claudius’ letter to the Alexandrians was found (see CPJ 153 and introduction to CPJ 647), Schwartz had argued that the anti-Semitism in Alexandria had seeped down to the chora and Claudius’ letter in this archive shows it was a problem in Philadelphia (Butin & Schwartz 1985). This could be an explanation for a pejorative connotation of these ethnic designations. Hanson alternatively suggested that “the Semites for whom the village served as a political and economic center, had apparently not blended into its Greco-Egyptian population.” Therefore, the elite of Philadelphia, who allied themselves with Rome, who knew about the unrest in Alexandria, and who were uneasy about this self-segregation, noted these ethnica in their administrative documents (Hanson 1992, 140). Hanson did, however, admit that “Schwartz was probably correct that similar tensions [to those in Alexandria – ed.] existed in Philadelphia under the Julio-Claudian emperors” (Hanson

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648. Account of sheep on the estate of Lucius

1992, 140). On the ethnicon Ioudaios in the early Roman period see further the Introduction to this volume, 6-7. One of the two Jews in this document (Isakis) is mentioned nine times, eight times followed by the ethnicon (ll. 13, 41-2, 44, 49-50, 55, 57, 59, 60). Apparently this was the title he went by, just as Pnepheros in this document went by the title “shepherd” (ll. 3, 26, 32-3, 41, 43-4, 48, 56). We can assume that this was also the title of Sakolaos (l. 12), but even for the few documented Jews who bore an ethnic designation in Roman Egypt, it was not always Ioudaios. Note that in CPJ 647, the Jew Apelles son of Iosepos is listed among the “Arabs.” Isakis’ business in this document is buying sheep (ll. 41-2; 45; 50) and sheepskins (ll. 46, 59, 60) from the herd of Lucius’ estate. In l. 55 he is instrumental in the sale of wool. He appears to have been an independent businessman, not an employee of the estate, although he worked closely with it over the two years covered by this document. recto Col. I λόγος προβάτων Λουκίου β (ἔτους) Νέρωνος Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος, Παχών· Πνεφερῶτι ποιμένι πρόβ(ατα) θηλυκὰ νγ, ἀρσενικ(ὰ) κζ, ἄρνε(ς) κβ, (γίνονται) σύμμικ(τα) πρόβ(ατα) π, ἄρνε(ς) κβ, 5 τούτων διεφθάρη{ι} Παχὼν διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ποιμένο(ς) θηλυκ(ὰ) πρόβ(ατα) β, Παῦνι θηλυκ(ὸν) πρόβ(ατον) α, Μεσορὴ{ι} ἀρσενικ(ὸν) πρόβ(ατον) α, καὶ ἄρνε(ς) β, (γίνονται) πρόβ(ατα) θηλυκ(ὰ) γ, ἀρσενικ(ὸν) α, ἄρνε(ς) β, (γίνονται) ϛ, καταλείπ(εται) πρόβατα θηλυκ(ὰ) ν, ἀρσενικ(ὰ) κϛ, ἄρνε(ς) κ, (γίνονται) ἀριθμοῦ ϙϛ. 10 Λήμματος τῶν ἀπὸ Παχὼν ἕως Μεσορὴ{ι} β (ἔτους) Νέρωνος Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος Παχὼν τ̣ι̣μῆς δερμάτων γ διὰ Σακολάο̣υ̣ Ἰουδ(αίου) (δραχμαὶ) ιβ ….[.]ὁ̣μ̣ο̣ί̣ως Ἰ̣σ̣ά̣κ̣[ι ]Ἰ̣ο̣υ̣δ̣α̣ί̣ωι διὰ Πουωρέω̣(ς) Παβό(τος) [ ]. (δραχμαὶ) η 15 [ ]. [ ]… [ ].. [ τιμῆς ]θηλυκ(οῦ) α, ἀρσ[ε]ν̣ι̣κ(ῶν) γ (δραχμαὶ) ν [ τιμῆς ]θηλυκ(οῦ) α, ἀρσ[ε]νικ(ῶν) β (δραχμαὶ) μ 20 [ τιμῆς ]θηλυκ(οῦ) α, ἀρσ[ε]νικ(οῦ) α (δραχμαὶ) μ [ Πνε]φ̣ερῶτ(ος)[ [ (γίνονται)] (δραχμαὶ) ρν Col. II τούτων ἀνηλώμ(ατος), Παχών· Θέωνι γεωργῶι τιμῆς χόρτου ἀρο(υρῶν) β 25 κόπτρα τῶν προκειμ(ένων)⟦.⟧ἀρο(υρῶν) β Πνεφερῶτι ποιμένι μισθοῦ μηνῶν δ, ἀνὰ (δραχμὰς) ιϛ τιμῆς οἴνου κεραμίων β βαλανευτικοῦ, ἡμιαρταβίου κατʼ ἄνδρα ζυτηρᾶς τοῦ αὐτοῦ ποιμένο(ς)

(δραχμαὶ) ξδ (δραχμαὶ) ιβ (δραχμαὶ) ξδ (δραχμαὶ) ϛ (δραχμαὶ) γ (δραχμαὶ) ι

62

648. Account of sheep on the estate of Lucius

30 (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρνθ καὶ ὑπὲρ δαπανήματος (δραχμαὶ) θ ἐν Λουκίου. γ (ἔτους)· ὁμοίως λόγος προβ(άτων) Λουκίου δι(ὰ) Πνεφερῶ(τος) τοῦ αὐτο(ῦ) ποιμένος μηνὶ Σεβαστῶι π̣ρ̣ό̣β̣(ατα) θηλυκ(ὰ) ν, ἀρσενικ(ὰ) κϛ, ἄρνε(ς) κ 35 (γίνονται) πρόβατα οϛ, ἄρνε(ς) κ. τούτων διεφθάρη{ι} διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ποιμένος τῶι αὐτῶι μηνὶ Σεβαστ[ῶι ]π̣ρ̣ό̣β̣(ατα) θηλυκ(ὰ) β, κ̣α̣ὶ̣ ἀ[ρὴ(ν)] α, (γίνονται) διεφθαρμ(ένα) πρόβ(ατα) β̣, ἀρὴ(ν) α· Φαῶφι Ἁ̣θ̣ὺ̣ρ̣ ἄρνε(ς) γ, (γίνονται) ἄρνε(ς) γ [ ].....( ) δ... 40 Ἁθὺρ ἐ̣ν̣ τ̣ῶ̣ι̣ τεσσαρακ̣[ον]τ̣α̣ρ̣ο̣(υρικῷ) διὰ Θ̣έ̣[ωνος (?)]…..κ̣αὶ̣ διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ Πνεφερῶτ̣ο̣ς̣ ποιμ(ένος) Ἰσ̣ά̣κ̣ι̣ Ἰουδαίωι εἰς πρᾶσιν[ πρ]όβ(ατα) ἀρσενι̣κ̣(ὰ) γ. Col. III Τῦβι διὰ Ἀπολλῶτος τοῦ Σωσίππου καὶ Πνεφερῶτος τοῦ αὐτοῦ ποιμένος τῶι αὐτῶι Ἰσάκι Ἰουδαίωι 45 ὁμοίως εἰς πρᾶσιν, ἀπολογία προβάτ(ων) θηλυκ(ῶν) ε καὶ δέρματος ἀρνίου ἑνός, (γίνονται) πρόβ(ατα) πεπραμένα η, καὶ δέρμ(α) α (2nd hand) Μεσιῶτο̣ς̣

καὶ ἐν τῶι Ἑκατονταρουρικῶι διὰ Πνεφερῶ(τος) ποιμ(ένος) καὶ Σαμβᾶτος Ἀράβου ὁμοίως εἰς πρᾶσιν Ἰσάκι 50 Ἰουδαίωι ἀρσενικὰ πρόβ(ατα) δ, (γίνονται) θηλυκ(ὰ) πρόβ(ατα) ζ, ἀρσενικὰ ζ, ἄρνε(ς) ε, καταλείπεται πρόβατα θηλυκ(ὰ) μγ, ἀρσενικ(ὰ) ιθ, ἄρνε(ς) ιε (γίνονται) π̣[ρό]β̣(ατα) σύμμικτα ο̣ζ λήμματος τοῦ αὐτοῦ γ (ἔτους) 55 μηνὶ Σεβαστῶι διὰ Ἰσάκεως Ἰουδαίου καὶ διὰ Πνεφερῶτος ποιμένος τιμῆ̣ς̣ ἐ̣ρ̣ί̣ω̣(ν) κα̣ὶ̣ Ἰ̣σ̣ά̣[κι ]Ἰουδαίωι διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ̣ π̣ο̣ι̣μέ̣νο̣(ς) αρ .......... δ̣ Φαῶφ̣ι̣ Ἰ̣σά[κι Ἰο]υδα̣ί̣ω̣ι̣ δέρματ(ος) ἀρνίου α 60 Ἁθὺ̣ρ̣ ὁ̣μ̣ο̣[ίως τῶι αὐτῶ]ι̣ Ἰσάκι Ἰουδα[ίωι τ]ι̣μ̣ῆ̣ς ἀρσενικ(ῶν) γ Τῦβι̣ δ̣ι̣ὰ̣[…..].ου καὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ποιμ(ένος)[ Note between columns 3 and 4: ⟦ὡς εἰπὼν ποιμ( ) υ̣…..⟧ Col. IV Ἰ̣σά̣κ̣ι̣ ε̣ἰ̣ς πρᾶσ̣ι̣[ν], ἡ αὐτὴ ἀπολογία π[ροβ(άτων) θηλυκ(ῶν) ε καὶ] ἀρνίου δέρματος [ 65 Μεχεὶρ ὁμοίως ἐν τῶι Ἑκατονταρουρικ(ῷ) δι[ὰ Σαμβᾶτος (?) Ἀράβου ἀρσενικὰ πρόβ(ατα) δ [ (γίνονται) λήμματος ἀργ(υρίου) (δραχμαὶ) ρπϛ̣[ καὶ ἀπὸ τιμῆς ἐρίων μηνὶ Σεβαστῶι [ Πουῶρι ἐμπόρωι προβ(άτων) θηλυκ(ῶν) σ, ἀ[ρσενικ(ῶν) 70 Χοιὰχ ὁμοίως Πουῶρι ἐμπόρωι θηλυκ(ῶν) π, ἀ̣[ρσενικ(ῶν) Τῦβι ὁμοίως τῶ̣ι̣ α̣ὐ̣τῶι ἐμπόρωι θηλυκ(ῶν).[ Μεχεὶρ ὁμοίως τ̣ῶ̣ι̣ α̣ὐ̣τ̣ῶ̣ι̣ ἐμπόρωι θηλυκ(ῶν).[ Φαμενὼθ ὁμοίως τ[ῶι αὐτῶι ἐ]μ̣π̣ό̣ρ̣ωι θ̣η̣λ̣υκ(ῶν).[

(δραχμαὶ) ιβ (δραχμαὶ) γ (δραχμαὶ) β (δραχμαὶ) ζ

63

648. Account of sheep on the estate of Lucius

Φαρμοῦθι ὁμοίως τῶι αὐτ[ῶι ἐμπόρωι ? θη]λυκ(ῶν) σ, ἀρσ̣[ενικ(ῶν) 75 Παχὼν ὁμοίως τῶι αὐτῶι[ ἐμπόρωι ? θηλ]υ̣κ̣(ῶν) ., ἀρσενικ(ῶν)[ Παῦνι τῶι αὐτῶι ἐμπόρωι θη[λυκ(ῶν) ?, ἀρσενικ(ῶν) Ἐπεὶφ τῶι αὐτῶι ἐμ̣π̣ό̣ρ̣ωι θη̣λ̣υκ̣ (ῶν) ν̣δ,[ εἰς χιτῶνα Θεανίου[.]….[ (γίνονται) ὑπὲρ ἐρίων ἀργ(υρίου) (δραχμαὶ)..[ 80 γίνεται ἐπὶ τὸ α[ὐτό καὶ τὰς διὰ Πνε[φε]ρ[ῶ]το(ς)....( ) [ ]..[ γίνεται ἐπὶ τ̣ὸ̣ α̣ὐ̣τ̣ὸ̣....[ 13 Παβῶτος

(Translation): Col. I Account of sheep of Lucius for year 2 of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, in Pachon: to Pnepheros the shepherd, sheep: 53 ewes, 27 rams, 22 lambs. Total: 80 sheep in all, 22 lambs. 5 Of these, there perished in Pachon through the same shepherd, 2 ewes in Pauni 1 ewe, in Mesore 1 ram, and 2 lambs. Total sheep: 3 ewes, 1 ram, 2 lambs. Total: 6. Remainder sheep: 50 ewes, 26 rams, 20 lambs. Total: 96. 10 (Account) of receipts from Pachon to Mesore of year 2 of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator. In Pachon, for the price of 3 skins, through Sakolaos the Jew ... likewise to Isakis the Jew, through Pouoris son of Pabos

12 (drachmai) 8 (drachmai)

15

20

... ... … ... for the price of 1 ewe, 3 rams ... for the price of 1 ewe, 2 rams ... for the price of 1 ewe, 1 ram ... through (?) Pnepheros Total: 150 (drachmai)

50 (drachmai) 40 (drachmai) 40 (drachmai)

Col. II

25

30

Expenditures of these items, in Pachon: to Theon the farmer, for the price of 2 arourai of hay for cutting the aforesaid 2 arourai to Pnepheros the shepherd, for wages for 4 months, at 16 (drachmai) per month for the price of 2 amphorae of wine for bath-tax, one half artabon for per-capita beer-tax for the same shepherd Total: 159 drachmai, and for expenses 9 drachmai in the (account) of Lucius. Year 3, likewise, account of the sheep of Lucius, through Pnepheros

64 (drachmai) 12 (drachmai) 64 (drachmai) 6 (drachmai) 3 (drachmai) 10 (drachmai)

64

35

40

648. Account of sheep on the estate of Lucius

the same shepherd In the month Sebastos he had sheep: 50 ewes, 26 rams, 20 lambs. Total: 76 sheep, 20 lambs; of these, there perished through the same shepherd, in the same month Sebastos, sheep: 2 ewes, 1 lamb. Total lost: 2 sheep, 1 lamb. In Phaophi and Hathyr, 3 lambs. Total: 3 lambs … In Hathyr, in the forty-arourai plot through Theon (?) and through the same Pnepheros the shepherd, to Isakis the Jew, for sale of sheep: 3 rams.

Col. III In Tybi, through Apollos son of Sosippos and Pnepheros the same shepherd to the same Isakis the Jew, likewise for sale, the amount (?) of sheep: 5 ewes 45 and 1 lambskin. Total sold: 8 sheep and 1 skin. And in the 100 arourai-plot \Mesiotos/, through Pnepheros the shepherd and Sambas the Arab, likewise for sale to Isakis the Jew, 4 rams. 50 Total: 7 ewes, 7 rams, 5 lambs. Remainder sheep: 43 ewes, 19 rams, 15 lambs, Total: 77 sheep in all. (Account) of receipts of the same 3rd year: In the month of Sebastos, through Isakis the Jew and 55 through Pnepheros the shepherd, for the price of wool (?) and to Isakis the Jew through the same shepherd 4 ... In Phaophi to Isakis the Jew for one lambskin In Hathyr likewise to the same Isakis the Jew for the price of 3 skins 60 In Tybi through ... and the same shepherd ... Note between columns 3 and 4: As said: shep[herd (?)…] Col. IV

65

70

75

To Isakis for sale, the same amount (?) of 5 ewes and 1 lambskin. In Mecheir likewise, in the 100 arourai-plot, through [Sambas (?)], the Arab, 4 rams. Total: for receipts, 186 (drachmai) of silver and from the price of wool in the month Sebastos ... to Pouoris the merchant for sheep: 200 ewes, ... , ... r[ams ... In Choiak likewise to Pouoris the merchant 80 ewes … r[ams … In Tybi likewise to the same merchant ... ewes In Mecheir likewise to the same merchant ... ewes In Phamenoth likewise to[ the same ]merchant ... ewes In Pharmouthi likewise to the same[ merchant ] 200 [e]wes, ra[ms .. In Pachon likewise to the same[ merchant … e]wes, rams In Pauni to the same merchant […] e[wes, rams] In Epeiph to the same merchant 54 ewes

12 (drachmai) 3 (drachmai) 2 (drachmai) 7 (drachmai)

649. Offer for lease

80

65

For the coat of Theanios … Total: For the wool … silver drachmai Total for the s[ame… and the … through Pne[pheros… Total for the same…

1. Λουκίου. Lucius was the owner of the estate for which this account was written (see introduction above, and TM Per 382719). TM identifies him as the Roman citizen Lucius Catius Catullus, mentioned in P.Sijpesteijn 15, l. 1. 3. Πνεφερῶτι ποιμένι (Pnepheros the shepherd). He was a permanent employee of the estate, who received a monthly wage of 16 drachmai (l. 26), and an allowance of wine (l. 27); the estate also paid some taxes for him (ll. 28-9). 12. Σακολάου Ἰουδ(αίου) (Sakolaos the Jew). Sakolaos is a very rare name, documented only twice in TM Nam 11899 . This is its only attestation in the 1st century CE. 13. Ἰσάκ[ι] Ἰουδαίωι (to Isakis the Jew). On the name Isakis see LJNLA III, 127-32 (he is no. 26). On this name among Jews in Egypt in the early-Roman period see Introduction to this volume, 4-6. διὰ Πουωρέω(ς) Παβό(τος) (through Pouoris son of Pabos). A Pouoris the merchant (ἔμπορος) is mentioned in ll. 69, 70 and his identity with the present Pouoris son of Pabos is proven by mention of Pouoris the merchant son of Pabos in P.Princ. III 152 verso (SB XX 14526), l. 17. In ll. 70-7 he supplies the herd of Lucius’ estate with hundreds of sheep. The papyrus does not disclose the exact nature of either his or of Isakis’ business. In this line he serves as Isakis’ agent, but a comparison of the large figures associated with Pouoris with the small figures associated with Isakis shows that the former was a merchant of greater consequence than the latter. 24. Θέωνι γεωργῶι. Theon, who is designated here “farmer” and recorded in l. 40 without profession, is mentioned in P.Princ. III 152 verso (SB XX 14526), ll. 4, 31 as ταβουρίος (“hay-man”) and in l. 23 without a profession. Since here too he is associated with hay (χόρτος), he is probably the same man. 28. βαλανευτικόν (for bath-tax). On the bath-tax see introduction to the ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (CPJ 620-32). 29. κατʼ ἄνδρα ζυτηρά (for per-capita beer-tax). In the Roman period the beer tax was a capitation tax (at least in the Arsinoite nome); see Wallace 1938a, 187-8. 45, 63. ἀπολογία (amount [?]). The context here requires that the word ἀπολογία – usually meaning “defense” – be understood as amount; see also Preisigke 1925, 187, s.v. (4), (=Abrechnung). 49. Σαμβᾶτος Ἀράβου (Sambas the Arab). On the ethnicon “Arab” see in the introduction to CPJ 647. 65-6. [Σαμβᾶτος (?)] Ἀράβου ([Sambas(?)] the Arab). The name of the Arab (Sambas) is supplied on the basis on ll. 48-9, where this person is associated with the 100-arourai-plot. Hanson 1992, 142 suggested alternatively: “or Πουώρεως (?),” and in a note (p. 143) she refers to the unpublished verso of this document, ll. 196-7. 69. ἐμπόρωι (merchant). On merchants see RBLG, 264, and especially Drexhage 1991. Based on I. Fikhman

649. Offer for lease Herakleides meris (Fayum) 19 x 13.2 cm P.Mich. inv. 4354 (Schibli 1983) = SB XVI 13012 TM 14697; Image: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/a/apis/x-2192 (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Daris 1988, 726-7

42 CE

This incompletely preserved offer for lease of an olive grove was found in the Fayum (Herakleides meris). It is dated to the 3rd year of Claudius, and since the olive-picking season in Egypt is in the late fall, and the lease contract would have been signed shortly before it began, this would be in September-October 42 CE. This papyrus is included in this corpus because the name of the father of one of the lessees is Iosepos (ll. 3-4). His son bore an Egyptian name (Panetbauis), a phenomenon

66

649. Offer for lease

well documented among Egyptian Jews. The other two lessees had full Egyptian names: Petesouchos the elder, son of Esouris and Harmais son of Panetbauis. If Panetbauis, the son of Iosepos was the same person as Panetbauis the father of Harmais, then two generations of Jews with Egyptian names are recorded in this family. The absence of both origin and the place of habitation of the lessor and the lessees (with only a possibly topographic name of the olive grove, l. 11) suggests that both parties knew one another. The text also confirms that Roman military officers functioned as landowners, and that Jews participated in oil production and commerce. On this type of contract see Rupprecht 1984, 280-3; for more bibliography see Schibli 1983, 93, n. 1.

5

10

15

20

Ν̣ε̣ο̣πτολέμωι δεκουρίωνι παρὰ Πετεσούχου πρεσβυτέρου Ἐσούριος καὶ Πανετβαύιος τοῦ Ἰωσήπου καὶ Ἁρμάϊος τοῦ Πανετβαύιος τῶν τριῶν Περσῶν τῆς ἐπιγονῆς ἀλλήλων ἐγγ[ύ]ων εἰς ἔκτεισιν. βουλόμεθα μισθώσασθαι τοὺς ἐκπεπτωκότας εἰς τὸ ἐνεστὸς γ (ἔτος) Τιβερίου Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος Σεβασ[τοῦ] [Γ]ερμανικοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος ἐλαΐνου[ς καρ-] π̣[ο]ὺς [τοῦ] ἐ̣π̣ι̣κ̣α̣λ̣ο̣υ̣μένου Εὐκράτου[ς] ἐλαιῶνος. ὑφιστάμεθα τελέσαι φόρον τοῦ παντὸς ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμο[υ] δραχμὰς τετρακοσίας ἑξή[κο]ντα καὶ ἐξαιρέτων ἐλᾶς ἐγλεκτῆ̣[ς] [μ]ελαίν̣[η]ς ἀρτ[αβ .. τὸν δὲ φόρον ἀποδ[ώσομεν ἐν ἀναφοραῖς] ἰσομερέσι δυσὶ μη[σὶ Φαῶφι καὶ Ἁθὺρ κατʼ ἀ-] ναφορὰν τὸ αἱροῦν ἐ̣[ξ ἴσου καθʼ ἕκαστον] τῶ̣ν̣ αὐτῶ̣ν̣ μηνῶ̣ν̣, ἐὰν[ φαίνηται μισθῶσαι] ἡμεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς προκ(ειμένοις) ἅ̣[πασιν

15 ἐλαίας; ἐκλεκτῆς

21 ἡμῖν

(Translation): To Neoptolemos, decurio, from Petesouchos the elder, son of Esouris and Panetbauis son of Iosepos, and Harmais son of Panetbauis, the three Persians of the epigone, who vouch for the payment together. We wish to rent from the olive-farm named after Eukrates, the olive fruits which have ripened in the present 3rd year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator. We commit ourselves to pay the full payment of four hundred and sixty stamped silver drachmai and for extra fees for ... artabai of black olives. We [will pay this rent] in two equally divided instalments in the months of [Phaophi and Hathyr], at each month [the same share] of the rent. If [you are willing to let] us rent (the crop) under all the aforementioned conditions (...) (Translation based on APIS) 1. δεκουρίωνι (decurio). Latin: city councillor, on which in Egypt see Daris 1991, 38 and Schibli 1983, 93, n. 5 and 94 nn. 7-9. 2. πρεσβυτέρου (elder). This title signifies that in the same family there were two or more individuals named Petesouchos, a widespread name in the Fayum. The younger son would have been called νεώτερος. 3-4. Πανετβαύιος τοῦ Ἰωσήπου. For the name Iosepos see LJNLA III, 111-20 (he is no. 53). This Panetbauis is the only Jew by this name; see LJNLA III, 640.

67

650. Fiscal document

4. Ἁρμάϊος τοῦ Πανετβαύιος. On the possible identification of this Panetbauis with Panetbauis son of Iosepos of the previous line see introduction. The name Harmais is not recorded for Jews elsewhere. 5. Περσῶν τῆς ἐπιγονῆς (lit. Persians “of the descent”). The phrase “Persian of the epigone” appears on documents from the Ptolemaic period onward. In the 2nd and 1st century BCE it designated non-active or unemployed soldiers (Vandorpe 2008), further on which see CPJ 541, n. to l. 5. In the Roman period, however, it became a special legal designation unrelated to military service, and it was applied to the legal status of debtors (cf. CPJ 146, 411, 417, 518a); further on this term see CPJ I, 51, n. 10, Pestman 1963, 25-8 and the bibliography cited there. 6. ἀλλήλων ἐγγ[ύ]ων (who vouch for the payment together). On mutual surety of the Persians of the epigone see Cantarella 1965, 37-43. 11-2. ἐπικαλουμένου Εὐκράτου[ς] ἐλαιῶνος (olive-farm named after Eukrates). Schibli (1983, 93 and 95 n. to l. 11) supposes that the olive-farm was situated in the farmstead of Eukrates. However, only an ἐλαιών (olive-farm) and no ἐποίκιον (farmstead) is mentioned in the papyrus. Rather this olive farm could be named after Eukrates, its previous owner; cf. e.g. P.Yadin 21, l. 10. For a parallel case where property is rented out to someone else but is named after the owner see tAvoda Zarah 2:9. 15. ἐξαιρέτων (extra fees). On this see Schibli 1983, 95 n. to l. 15. Based on I. Fikhman

650. Fiscal document Polemon meris (Fayum) P.Stras. IX 805 recto (J. Schwartz) TM 13237; Image: Palme 1989, Tafel 2 Lit.: Palme 1989, 264-5

16.5 x 7.5 cm

71-116 CE

For this very fragmentary fiscal document making any attempt at translation is futile. The taxes mentioned on the recto are first unspecified ones, and then the poll-tax (laographia) and the Jewish tax (Ioudaikon telesma). On the verso, which is not published, the poll-tax (laographia), the beer-tax (zytera) and the land-tax (geometria) are listed (P.Stras. IX, 7-8). The toponyms indicate that the provenance of the document is the Polemon district of the Arsinoite nome (but see l. 14). The listing of three locations following the mention of the Jewish tax (ll. 16-18) indicates that Jews resided in them. The date of the document falls between the imposition of the Jewish tax in 71 CE and the last documented payments of the Jewish tax during the Jewish revolt under Trajan (116 CE, see CPJ 229). On the Jewish tax see CPJ I, 80-5; II, 110-8; 204-5; and a summary in Heemstra 2010, 7-84. Col. I

5

] .. [ ]ε̣ως̣ 10 φ]όρου̣ ]ρ̣αι̣.Ὀξυρ(ύγχων) ]… Θεογ(ονίδος) ]ς Βερεν(ικίδος)

.. tax for Oxyrhyncha for Theogonis for Berenikis

Col. II [ …. ]τ̣ο[ [ … ]ς ψ .[ [ .. ] ̣τει[ . [ . ]α̣ψ ..[ πα[ ̣] ̣ ι̣α[ .. γο ̣ε .. ( ) [ .. ουψεως̣ [ Ὁμολογοι[ ἀπαιτη(τ ) ἀρ[γ(υρικῶν) ἀργ(υρ ) διαγρα̣(φ ) λαογρα̣(φ ) . [ Βερνικίδ[ος Ἰβιῶνος κ . [

agreement (?) cash tax-gatherer cash payment? poll-tax… for Berenikis for Ibion

68

651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax)

]Ψεντ(ύμεως) τὸ α̅ 15

Psentymis(?)

]..[

ἀπαιτη(τ ) Ἰουδ(αικοῦ) [τελέσματος . ε̣ια̣στ( ) κ[ Ἰβιῶνος κ . [ Λυσι(μαχίδος) κ …[ Ἰερᾶς Βουσ[ίρεως

tax-gatherer of the Jewish [tax] … for Ibion for Lysimachis for Hiera Bousiris

Col. I 11. Ὀξυρ(ύγχων). Oxyrhyncha was located in the meris of Polemon in the Fayum; see TM Geo 1523. 12. Θεογ(ονίδος). Theogonis belongs to the meris of Polemon but its exact location is unknown; see TM Geo 2376. 13. Βερεν(ικίδος). Probably this is Βερενικὶς Θεσμοφόρου (Berenikis Thesmophorou) located in the meris of Polemon; see TM Geo 430. 14. Ψεντ( ). This might refer to Psentymis located in the meris of Themistos; see TM Geo 1970. Col. II 9. ἀπαιτη(τ ) ἀρ[γ(υρικῶν)] (cash tax-gatherers). So in P.Stras. IX, 7. Palme (1989, 265) suggested emending ἀπαιτη(τ) as either ἀπάρνη(σις) (denial) or ἀπαρνέ(ομαι) (I deny), in contrast to the previous line where ὁμολογοι (he agrees or is/are agreeing) appears. Uri Yiftach (personal communication) suggested ammending here ἀπαίτη(σις). He would thus translate this line as “claiming/demanding cash.” Further on ἀπαιτη(τ) see n. to l. 14, below. 13, 16. Ἰβιῶνος κ. This name, followed by the symbol of the aroura, is an oft-used abbreviation for the Arsinoite village Ἰβιὼν Eἰκοσιπενταρούρων (Ibion Eikosipentarouron), on which see TM Geo 885. The genitive Eἰκοσιπενταρούρων probably shows that the territory of the village was divided into kleroi of 25 arourai each, used for infantrymen in the Ptolemaic period (Van Beek 2003). 14. ἀπαιτη(τ ) Ἰουδ(αικοῦ) [τελέσματος] (tax-gatherer[s] of the Jewish [tax]). The reading of ἀπαιτη(τ) here, as also in l. 9 was suggested by Schwartz (P.Stras. IX, 7). The word ἀπαιτητής is translated in LSJ, 175, as “tax-gatherer.” Its earliest attestation in this sense, in documents from Egypt, is on an ostracon from Thebes from 114 CE (O.Heid. 189). For this reason Palme (1989, 265) suggested other possible emendations for this word (see n. to l. 9 above). However, the abbreviated form Ἰουδ definitely refers to the Jewish tax – Ἰουδ(αικοῦ) [τελέσματος] – because there is no room here for the other name of the Jewish tax, recorded on ostraca from Upper Egypt until the eighth year of Domitian (88/89 CE) – τιμὴ δηναρίων δυὸ Ἰουδαίων. The term Ἰ[ουδαικοῦ τελέσ]ματος appears on a papyrus from the Fayum already in 73 CE (CPJ 421, l. 154). Therefore, chronologically, the ἀπαιτη(τ ) here could refer to gatherers of the Jewish tax, even if, to date, this is its only attestation. Yiftach’s suggestion (above, n. to l. 9) would nullify this chronological problem. He would translate this line as “demanding the Jewish tax.” 16-8. Ἰβιῶνος … Λυσι(μαχίδος) … Ἰερᾶς Βουσ[ίρεως]. These locations were in all probability habitations of Jews, paying the Jewish tax. On Ibion see n. to ll. 13, 16, above. Lysimachis was located in the meris of Themistos; see TM Geo 1275. Bousiris was located in the meris of Polemon; see TM Geo 466. Based on I. Fikhman

651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax) Arsinoe (Fayum)?

Frg. A: 21.5 x 23.5 cm Frg. B: 67.5 x 14.3 cm

First half of 1st century CE, after 28 September 15

P.Harrauer 33 (G. Messeri)   TM 58205; Image: P.Harrauer 33, Tafel 15-7 Lit.: TUAT NF I, 349-51 

This papyrus, consists of two fragments: P.Vindob. D 10014 Ro and P.Vindob. D 10103 ab Ro. The Greek text is written on the recto, while the verso has preserved a Demotic theological text, to date unpublished. A part of the text between fragments A and B is lost. Fragment A and the first five columns of fragment B record the final part of a tax register

651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax)

69

for the first regnal year of an unknown emperor. The sixth column is dated to the beginning of the 2nd regnal year but the registration was abandoned, as Messeri noted, probably because it was continued on a new scroll (P.Harrauer, 82). This papyrus records a long list of male names, followed by payments. Messeri suggested that the document is similar to the “daybooks” published in P.Princ. I 1-6 (for P.Princ. I 2 see CPJ 416) and in P.Corn. 21 from Philadelphia, dated to the reign of Claudius, but in our list the mention of the days of the months is omitted. All these papyri record the payment of the syntaximon, a denomination of the poll-tax used particularly in the Arsinoite nome (see Keyes 1931; Wallace 1938a, 122-6; cf. CPJ I, 81; and see recently Monson 2014b). The payments in our papyrus vary from 4 drachmai to 44 drachmai and 2 chalkoi (ll. 47, 84, 98, 99, 106, 107, 110). The latter was the sum of the poll-tax, which native Egyptians had to pay for a whole year (Keyes 1931). The ethnicity of the taxpayers is nowhere indicated, as is to be expected in the Roman period, but an onomastic analysis shows that a considerable number, if not all, the taxpayers were Jews. The number of unquestionable Jewish names is not high: Iakoubos appears 8 times (ll. 13, 18, 45, 56, 93, 106, 118, 119?), Isak (and Isakios, Isakis) appears 11 times (ll. 10, 14, 22, 37, 38, 86, 90, 94, 97, 103, 115); forms of the name Joseph (Iosep[is], Iose[pios?], Iosepos) appear perhaps 4 times (ll. 8, 51, 85 and perhaps also in l. 96; on these three Jewish names in Roman Egypt see Introduction to this volume, 4-6). For the meaning of ὁμ(οίως) (ll. 15, 17, 21, 51, 56, 84) and its implications for further identifying Jews in this papyrus, see below, n. to l. 15. Jewishness can be ascertained for non-biblical name-bearers when they are associated with a Jewish name (ll. 8, 10, 12-3, 14, 18-20, 22, 37, 38, 85, 86, 90, 93, 94, 96?, 97, 103, 106, 115, 116, 119). Others may also be Jewish, but there is no way of ascertaining this. However, several names, which are also repeated in this list, were very popular among Jews (Dosthes ll. 1, 50; Thedas ll. 2, 3, 11, 88; Sambathion ll. 34, 39, 43, 49, 50, 53(?), 55(?), 60; Theodoros ll. 35, 57, 93, 102). The name Angion, which appears in the list twice (ll. 54, 114), may have been understood by Jews as the Greek equivalent of the biblical ‫חגי‬, as the name Simon (ll. 58, 98) may have been interpreted by them as the biblical ‫שמעון‬. We, however, do not automatically identify them as Jews (see CPJ IV, 9-13). The list suggests that the Jews constituted a substantial part of the population of this place in the Arsinoite nome. Of the 106 taxpayers in this list, 27 were Jews, roughly 25%. When added to them the 20 additional persons with names popular among Jews, they constitute roughly 45%. In comparison with other documents of this kind (e.g. P.Princ. I), the presence of Jews is significant. Since it is statistically unlikely that a random registration of taxpayers would produce such a concentration of Jews in one place, and hardly any elsewhere, this seems to be a record of one neighbourhood, as are also other syntaximon documents recording payment according to residence area (e.g. P.Princ. I 7, 8). It thus appears that this is another example of many Jews choosing to reside in one neighbourhood (cf. the Delta neighbourhood in Edfu [see above, Introduction to this volume, 7-8; Hacham 2021, 207-9 and n. 79; Williams 2020]). Nothing can be said about the material status of the persons listed. The taxes were percapita and therefore did not depend on the economic condition of the taxpayers. Slaves are mentioned (ll. 23, 59, 100) but none of them can be considered definitely a slave to a Jew, or a Jewish slave. Family ties can be established in the following cases:

70

651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax)

1. In ll. 2-3 Thedas son of Glaukias and Glaukias son of Thedas are mentioned. Either Thedas is grandfather and grandson, or Glaukias is grandfather and grandson. The name Thedas appears three more times in this papyrus (ll. 11, 88, 97), but these persons are not necessarily connected to this family. 2. In ll. 12-3 Dropides is the son of Ptolemaios, who is the son of Iakoubos. Iakoubos (l. 13) Ptolemaios (ll. 12-3) Dropides (l. 12) 3. From ll. 18-20, 106 it is clear that, on the one hand, Dosthes is the father of Iakoubos and Agenor, and on the other hand, a Dosthes is the son of Agenor (l. 20) and another is the son of Iakoubos (l. 106). There are two options for the reconstruction of this family tree. One was suggested by Messeri (P.Harrauer 33, 90): Dosthes of l. 106 was the son of Iakoubos. He had two sons: Iakoubos and Agenor (ll. 18-9) and a grandson, Dosthes son of Agenor (l. 20). This family tree reconstructs four generations: Iakoubos (l. 106) Dosthes (ll. 106, 18, 19) Iakoubos (l. 18)

Agenor (ll. 19, 20) Dosthes (l. 20)

An alternative reconstruction is suggested here by Hacham and Ilan: Dosthes had two sons: Iakoubos and Agenor (ll. 18-9), and both in turn called their sons after their father – Dosthes (ll. 20, 106). The advantage of this reconstruction is that it entails only three generations, which is more plausible in a list of tax payers from two consecutive years: Dosthes (ll. 18, 19) Iakoubos (ll. 18, 106) Dosthes (l. 106)

Agenor (l. 19) Dosthes (l. 20)

If Ἀ[π]ολλώ(νιος) ὁμ(οίως) in l. 21 is interpreted as “son of the previous’ father” (see below, n. to l. 15), Apollonios should be added to this family as the brother of Dosthes in l. 20 in both reconstructions. 4. In ll. 28-9 two sons of Straton are recorded, followed by two sons of Philon in ll. 301, the first of whom is Straton. The following is the reconstructed family-tree:

71

651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax)

Philon (ll. 30-1)

Seleukos (l. 31)

Straton (ll. 28-30)

Sa..bio (l. 28)

Menelaos (l. 29)

5. In ll. 37-8 Isak(is) son of Ploution and Ploution son of Isakis are mentioned. Either Isakis is grandfather and grandson, or Ploution is grandfather and grandson. 6. In ll. 39-40, Sambathion son of Ptolemaios and Ptolemaios son of Menelaos are mentioned: Menelaos (l. 40) Ptolemaios (ll. 39-40) Sambathion (l. 39) 7. Perhaps Iakoubos son of Peitholaos (l. 93) was the brother of Theodoros son of Peitholaos (l. 116), because the name Peitholaos was rare (this is its only occurrence on papyri in the Roman period; see TM Nam 4994). Peitholaos (ll. 93, 116) Iakoubos (l. 93)

Theodoros (l. 116)

If ὁμοίως in ll. 15, 51 and 56 is interpreted as “son of the previous’ father,” we can add three examples of father and two sons (Zenas and Theophilos sons of Isakis; Iosepos and Sambathion sons of Dosthes; Iakoubos and Sambathion sons of Euktemon, respectively). The list ends with a register of payments for the pig-tax (ὑική) (ll. 114-20). With reference to CPJ 489, Tcherikover argued that people paying the pig-tax could not be Jews (CPJ III, 43). Yet in our papyrus the Jews lsakis son of Protarch(os) (l. 115), Iakoubos (l. 117) and Sambathion son of Iakoubos (l. 119) all pay this tax. Although the name of the tax may suggest that it was imposed on pig-owners, as in the Ptolemaic period (Wallace, 1938a, 143), in the Roman period it became a per-capita tax, unconnected with pig-farming (Bogaert 2000, 165; cf. Jördens 2012, 60; contra Capponi 2005, 151-2). Our papyrus supports this contention, as it combines the laographia with the pig-tax. Obviously Jews also had to pay it. Fragment A Col. I Πτολ(εμαῖος) Δωσθ(οῦ) Γλαυκ(ίας) Θηδᾶτο(ς) Θηδᾶς Γλαυκ(ίου) Βήβη(ς) Πτολ(εμαίου)

η η η η̣

Ptolemaios son of Dosthes Glaukias son of Thedas Thedas son of Glaukias Bebe(s) son of Ptolemaios

8 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 8 (dr.)

72 5

10

15

20

651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax)

Τηφ( ) ὃς καὶ Λεοννᾶτ(ος) Λεοννά(του) Θέων Ζωί(λου) Νίκω(ν) Ἰωσήπ(ιος) Φίλω(ν) Πετεοῦτ(ος) Πάπο̣(ς) Ἰσάκε̣(ως) Πάπο(ς) Θηδᾶτο(ς) Δροπί(δης) Πτολ(εμαίου) Πτολ(εμαῖος) Ἰακοῦβ(ου) Τεύφιλο(ς) Ἰσάκεω(ς) Ζηνᾶς ὁμ(οίως) Πολέμω(ν) Λ̣…ο̣( ) Σώπ̣α̣(τρος) ὁμ(οίως) Ἰάκουβ(ος) Δωσθ(οῦ) Ἀγήνω(ρ) Δωσθ(οῦ) Δωσθ(ῆς) Ἀγήνορο(ς) Ἀ[π]ολλώ(νιος) ὁμ(οίως) Ἁρπαμο(ῦς) Ἰσάκε[ω(ς) …] Γαλάτη(ς) Ὠφ( ) δοῦλ(ος) ....].[..]..

ιβ η ιβ ιβ ιβ η η η η δ̣ η̣ δ δ ιβ ιβ δ̣ [..] [..] [..]

Teph() alias Leonnatos son of Leonnatos Theon son of Zoilos Nikon son of losepis Philon son of Peteous Papos son of lsakis Papos son of Thedas Dropides son of Ptolemaios Ptolemaios son of Iakoubos Teuphilos son of lsakis Zenas likewise Polemon son of L[ ... ] Sopatros likewise Iakoubos son of Dosthes Agenor son of Dosthes Dosthes son of Agenor A[p]ollonios likewise Harpamous son of lsaki[s ... ] Galates slave of Oph() ... […]

12 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 4 (dr.) […] […] […]

Col. II 25          30          35     

    40          45       

  50 

Ῥόδιπ(πος) Πλουτάρχ(ου)   Ἀλέξ(ανδρος) Νικαίου   Πέταλο(ς) Ἀρχίπ(που)   Σα̣.βίω( ) Στράτω(νος)   Μενέλ(αος) Στράτω(νος)   Στράτω(ν) Φίλω(νος)   Σέλευκ(ος) Φίλω(νος)   Σθενιδ( ) Ζ̣.[…] Ζωί(λος) […]λ̣[…]   Σαμ̣βαθίω(ν) Λ̣..( )  Θεόδω(ρος) Λυσᾶτο(ς)   Φίλω(ν) Σωστρά(του)   Πλουτ(ίων) Ἰσάκεως   Ἰσὰκ Πλουτίω(νος) Σαμβαθ(ίων) Πτολ(εμαίου)   Πτολ(εμαῖος) Μενελ(άου)   Πυθίω(ν) Αἰνέου Πτολ(εμαῖος) Κεφάλο(υ)  Ε̣ὔβιο̣(ς) Σαμβα[θί]ω̣(νος)   Ἀρ̣χ[ί]δ(αμος) Νίλ[ο](υ)   Ἰάκ[ου]β̣(ος)..[.]….   .]α..[.]…  ……]..[….  

 

δ δ δ δ δ δ δ η δ η η ιβ η η η κ χ(αλκοῦς) β ιβ ιϛ̣ ι̣β̣ ιβ χ(αλκοῦς) β ι̣β χ(αλκοῦς) β̣ [..]χ(αλκοῦς) β μδ χ(αλκοῦς) β [ χ(αλκοῦς)] β

Col. III Σαμβα̣[θίω(ν)] Εὐκτή(μονος)  χ(αλκοῦς) β Σαμβαθίω(ν) Δωσθ(οῦ)  χ(αλκοῦς) β

Rhodippos son of Ploutarchos  Alexandros son of Nikaios  Petalos son of Archippos  Sa.bio( ) son of Straton  Menelaos son of Straton  Straton son of Philon  Seleukos son of Philon  Sthenid( ) son of Z[ ... ]  Zoilos [son of ...] Sambathion son of L[ ... ]  Theodoros son of Lysas  Philon son of Sostratos  Ploution son of lsakis  lsak son of Ploution Sambathion son of Ptolemaios  Ptolemaios son of Menelaos  Pythion son of Aineas  Ptolemaios son of Kephalos  Eubios son of Samba[thi]on  Arch[i]damos son of Nilos  Iak[ou]bos [son of ... ]  [...] [...] [...] Samba[thion] son of Euktemon  Sambathion son of Dosthes 

4 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 20 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 12 (dr.) 16 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 12 (dr.) 2 (ch.) [...] 2 (ch.) 44 (dr.) 2 (ch.) [...] 2 [(ch.)] 2 (ch.) 2 (ch.)

651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax)

       

Ἰωση(π …) ὁμ(οίως)  Δ̣ωρίω(ν) Πετεοῦτο(ς) Σ[αμβα]θίω(ν) Μενελ(άου)  Σώστρα(τος) Ἀγγίω(νος) 

χ(αλκοῦς) β χ(αλκοῦς) β χ(αλκοῦς) β χ(αλκοῦς) β

Iosepis/os likewise Dorion son of Peteous S[amba]thion son of Menelaos  Sostratos son of Angion

73 2 (ch.) 2 (ch.) 2 (ch.) 2 (ch.)

1. Δωσθ(οῦ). Dosthes, a variation on Dositheos, was a popular name among Jews. In this papyrus it appears seven times (ll. 1, 18, 19, 20, 50, 103, 106); only here is the Jewishness of the bearer uncertain. On Dosthes among Jews see LJNLA III, 250-3. 2. Θηδᾶτο(ς). The form Thedas (like Theodas or Theudas) is an abbreviation of a theophoric name such as Theodotos or Thoedosios. It is recorded in this form only in this papyrus. However, the similar abbreviation Theudas (Θευδᾶς) was a popular name among the Jews of Palestine (see LJNLA I, 286, under Theodorus). The form Θήδετος is recorded for Jews paying taxes in e.g. CPJ 186; 251 (see LJNLA III, 295-7, under Theodotos) and on an epitaph from Thebes (SEG XLVIII 2028). The name Thedas is recorded 6 times in this papyrus (ll. 2, 3, 11, 79, 88, 97). In l. 97 he is certainly a Jew. 8. Νίκω(ν) Ἰωσήπ(ιος). The name of the father, as many others in this list, is abbreviated, and so its form cannot be decided. Messeri (P.Harrauer 33, l. 8) suggested the form Iosep(ios), but the form Iosep(ou) is just as likely (cf. l. 85: Ἰωσήπο[υ]). On the name see LJNLA III, 116. On the name Nikon among Jews see LJNLA III, 344 (he is no. 3). 10. Πάπο(ς) Ἰσάκε(ως). On the name Papos among Jews see LJNLA III, 352 (he is no. 1). On the form Ἰσάκις see LJNLA III, 130, n. 16. This is the most common Jewish name in this document, appearing 11 times; see introduction above. 12. Δροπί(δης) Πτολ(εμαίου). This Dropides is a Jew; see introduction, family tree no. 2. At present this is the only Dropides recorded among Jews; see LJNLA III, 249. The dynastic name Ptolemaios was often borne by Jews (see LJNLA III, 363-6; he is no. 22). 13. Πτολ(εμαῖος) Ἰακοῦβ(ου). The name Iakoubos appears 8 times in this document; see introduction above. On this name see LJNLA III, 121-7. 14. Τεύφιλο(ς) Ἰσάκεω(ς). Teuphilos is a Jew, because of his patronymic. On Teuphilos as (an Egyptian) variant of Theophilos see LJNLA III, 653 (he is no. 8). On Isakis see above, n. to l. 10. 15. Ζηνᾶς. For this name among Jews see LJNLA III, 281 (he is no. 2). ὁμοίως (likewise). The term occurs six times in this document (ll. 15, 17, 21, 51, 56, 84). What is its meaning? Messeri suggested that it signifies father and son sharing the same name, in this case “Zenas son of Zenas” (P.Harrauer, 90; cf. P.Corn. 21, l. 15). This is also the opinion of Willy Clarysse (personal communication). However, if true, the document displays exceptions to this notation practice: ll. 5-6 read Λεοννᾶτ(ος) Λεοννά(του) (Leonnatos son of Leonnatos) and l. 62 reads Θέων Θέωνος (Theon son of Theon). Another suggestion is that ὁμοίως refers to the father of the previous person mentioned in the list. If this is the case, there are more certain Jews in this list: Zenas – now son of Isakis, ll. 14-5; Apollonios – now nephew of Iakoubos, ll. 18, 21; Sambathion son of Dosthes – is now brother of Iosepis, ll. 50-1; Sambathion son of Euktemon is now brother of Iakoubos, ll. 55-6. However, in this case too there is inconsistency. In ll. 18-9 “son of Dosthes” (Δωσθ[οῦ]) appears twice, instead of ὁμοίως in the second case. In ll. 28-9 “son of Straton” (Στράτω[νος]) likewise appears twice; see also above CPJ 647, n. to l. 18. 18. Ἰάκουβ(ος) Δωσθ(οῦ). On Iakoubos see above, n. to l. 13; on Dosthes see above, n. to l. 1. 19. Ἀγήνω(ρ) Δωσθ(οῦ). This Agenor, is the same person mentioned in l. 20, and he is Jewish; see introduction, family tree no. 3. At present this is the only Agenor recorded among Jews; see LJNLA III, 199. 21. Ἀ[π]ολλώ(νιος) ὁμ(οίως) (A[p]ollonios likewise). On the possibility that this Apollonios is a certain Jew and on the meaning of ὁμ(οίως) see above, n. to l. 15. On the name Apollonios among Jews see LJNLA III, 219-21 (he is no. 9). 22. Ἁρπαμο(ῦς) Ἰσάκε[ω(ς)]. At present this is the only Harpamous recorded among Jews; see LJNLA III, 634. On Isakis see above, n. to l. 10. 28-31. On family relationships of these persons see introduction, family tree no. 4. 34. Σαμβαθίω(ν). On the problems of identifying this name as Jewish see CPJ IV, 9-13. On the form Sambathion see LJNLA III, 148-60 (he is no. 101). 35. Θεόδω(ρος). Theodoros was a popular name among Jews; see LJNLA III, 299-301, but there is no indication that this person was Jewish. 37-8. Πλουτ(ίων) Ἰσάκεως … Ἰσὰκ Πλουτίω[νος]). On these see above, introduction, family tree no. 5. At present this is the only Ploution recorded among Jews; see LJNLA III, 357. On the name Isakis see above, n. to l. 10.

74

651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax)

39-40. On family relationships between these persons see introduction, family tree no. 6. 45. Ἰάκ[ου]β(ος). On the name Iakoubos see above, n. to l. 13. 49. Σαμβα̣[θίω(ν)] Εὐκτή(μονος). This is perhaps the same taxpayer as in l. 55 (P.Harrauer, 91, n. to l. 55). 50. Σαμβαθίω(ν) Δωσθ(οῦ). On the name Sambathion see above, n. to l. 34. On the name Dosthes see above, n. to l. 1. Although neither name is a certain indication of Jewishness, since both were popular among Jews, it is likely that these persons were Jewish. If ὁμοίως in the next line indicates that Iosepos of l. 51 is also son of this Dosthes (see above n. to l. 15), all these persons are certain Jews. 51. Ἰωση(π...) ὁμ(οίως). For the reconstruction of the name see above, n. to l. 8. On ὁμ(οίως) see above, n. to l. 15. 53. Σ[αμβα]θίω(ν) Μενελ(άου). Sambathion son of Ptolemaios, in all probability the grandson of Menelaos, is listed in ll. 39-40 (see above, introduction, family tree no. 6). There is no reason to think that the present S[amba]thion is the son of Menelaos of l. 40, because they are recorded a long way apart from each other, and because it was uncommon to name a son after a brother. 54. Σώστρα(τος) Ἀγγίω(νος). The name Angion seems to be a variant of Angaios (Ἀγγαῖος), the Greek form of the biblical ‫( חגי‬Haggai). It is recorded, for example, in two (probably Idumean) inscriptions from Hermopolis Magna (JIGRE 155, l. 205; JIGRE156, ll. 65, 112). The name appears again in l. 114 and Messeri suggested that it is the same person (P.Harrauer, 90, n. to l. 54).

Fragment B Col. I traces 55 

60 

65 

Col. II [Σαμβ]αθ(ίον) Εὐκτή(μονος) [Ἰ]άκουβ(ος) ὁμ(οίως) Θεόδωρο(ς) Ἀλεξάνδρο(υ) Ζήνων Σίμωνο(ς) Ψωσφη( ) δοῦλ(ος) Λάγο(υ) Σαμβαθίω(ν) Φιλώτο(υ) Αἰγιε̣(ὺς) Ἀλεξάνδρο(υ) Θέων Θέωνος Ἁροβρωοῦς Π̣[..].ξ̣ο(υ) Ξ̣…φ̣ω̣( ) Ἀ̣λ̣ε̣ξ̣ά̣(νδρου).[..].χ( ) ….]ξω̣( ) Ῥ̣ο̣δί̣[π(που) ] [Ἀλέξ]ανδ(ρος) Κεφαλ[… ……..]…..[…].[.

δ ιβ ιβ δ η η δ δ χ(αλκοῦς) β χ(αλκοῦς) β δ ιβ ιβ ..

[Samb]athion son of Euktemon  [I]akoubos likewise  Theodoros son of Alexandros  Zenon son of Simon  Psosphe( ) slave of Lagos  Sambathion son of Philotas  Aigieus son of Alexandros  Theon son of Theon  Harobroous son of P[ ... ]xos  X[…]pho( ) son of Alexandros  [...]xo( ) son of Rhodi[ppos]  [Alex]andros son of Kephal[ ... ]  [...] [...]

4 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 2 (ch.) 4 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 12 (dr.)

Col. III 70

75

  80   

.[ Ξ̣άνθ(ος) [ [Π]τολ̣(εμαῖος) Ἰσιδ[ώ]ρ̣[ο(υ) Πέταλο(ς) Ε[ὐ]μ̣ήλ(ου) [.].ξεμω( ) Σωστρά(του) Δωρίω(ν) Παπεῖτο(ς) Πτολ(εμαῖος) Ἀλέξα(νδρου) Σώπατρο(ς) Ἡρᾶτ[ο](ς) Τρύφω(ν) Ἀλεξά(νδρου) Φίλητο(ς) Δ̣ι̣δ̣υ̣μ̣ί̣(ωνος) με( ) Φανία̣(ς) Θ[η]δᾶτος Πτολ(εμαῖος) Ξ.[ [.].[

η̣[ ] ιβ ιβ ιβ η δ ιβ ιβ ιβ η η κ̣

[...] Xanthos [son of ... ] [P]tolemaios son of lsid[o]r[os] Petalos son of E[u]melos ... xemo() son of Sostratos Dorion son of Papeis Ptolemaios son of Alexandros Sopatros son of Heras Tryphon son of Alexandros Philetos son of Didymion ... Phanias son of Th[e]das  Ptolemaios son of X[ ... ]  [...]

8 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 4 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 20 (dr.)

651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax)

75

Col. IV

85

90

95

Νικόλας Αἰνήου Πτολ(εμαῖος) Ἱππάλο(υ) Πέταλο(ς) ὃς κ(αὶ) Ἀλέξα(νδρος) ὁμ(οίως) Σώπατρο(ς) Ἰωσήπο(υ) Στράτω(ν) Ἰσάκεως Σῶσεις Μναο̣ῦ̣τ(̣ ος) Ῥόδιππο(ς) Θηδᾶτ(ος) Παπεῖς Δωρίω(νος) Ἰσὰκ ὃς κ(αὶ) Διοφάνη(ς) Ἀπ̣ο̣λ̣..τρο(υ) Πτολ(εμαῖος) Αἰνήου Πτολ(εμαῖος) Θεοδώρο(υ) Ἰάκουβ(ος) Πειθολ(άου) Ἰσάκιος Θεοδώ(ρου) ….]..[..].[…]..[.]..

δ η

Nikolas son of Aineas Ptolemaios son of Hippalos Petalos alias Alexandros μδ χ(αλκοῦς) β likewise κ Sopatros son of losepos λϛ Straton son of lsakis κ Soseis son of Mnaous μδ Rhodippos son of Thedas η Papeis son of Dorion lsak alias Diophanes son of ιϛ Apol[ ... ]tros δ Ptolemaios son of Aineas ̣ Ptolemaios son of Theodoros η̣ Iakoubos son of Peitholaos κδ lsakios son of Theodoros [...]

4 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 44 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 20 (dr.) 36 (dr.) 20 (dr.) 44 (dr.) 8 (dr.) 16 (dr.) 4 (dr.) [.] 8 (dr.) 24 (dr.)

Col. V

100

105

...].πο( ) Τήρου(ς) [Ἰσ]ά̣κις Θηδᾶτο(ς) Πυρρίω(ν) Σίμωνο(ς) Πρόταρχο(ς) Δωρίωνο(ς) Φιλ....() δούλ(ος) Μεγίστη(ς) Λεύκιο(ς) Ἀντιπάτρο(υ) Θεόδωρο(ς) Στράτω(νος) Ἰσάκις Δωσθ(οῦ) Θετσ̣ᾶς Νικολάο(υ) Ι.[.].[.]… Ἰ̣ά̣σο̣ ̣νος Δωσθ(ῆς) Ἰ̣α̣κούβ(ου) ……αν̣.( )………β( ) ………………..

κδ χ(αλκοῦς) β η μδ χ(αλκοῦς) β μδ χ(αλκοῦς) β ιβ κ χ(αλκοῦς) β η ιβ β β μδ χ(αλκοῦς) β μδ χ(αλκοῦς) β κα 

[Iose]pos son of Teres [Is]akis son of Thedas Pyrrion son of Simon Protarchos son of Dorion Phil[...]() slave of Megiste Leukios son of Antipatros Theodoros son of Straton lsakis son of Dosthes Thetsas son of Nikolaos [...] son of Iason Dosthes son of Iakoubos [...] [...]

24 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 8 (dr.) 44 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 44 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 12 (dr.) 20 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 8 (dr.) 12 (dr.) 2 (dr.) 4 (ob.) 2 (dr.) 4 (ob.) 44 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 44 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 21 (dr.) 4 (ob.)

Col. VI 110

β (ἔτους) μη(νὶ) Σεβαστῶι λ̅ Ἑρμίας Ἡρακλείδο(υ)

115

Κράτερο(ς) Σηράμβο(υ) Τρύφω(ν) Εὔφριο(ς) Ἡρᾶς Πτολ(εμαίου) Σώστρα(τος) Ἀγγίωνο(ς) Ἰσάκις Προτάρχ(ου) Θεό̣δ̣ωρ̣ο̣(ς) Π̣ειθολ̣άο̣(υ) Θε̣…η̣( ) ὁς κ(αὶ) Φιλω̣( ) Ἀλεξά(νδρου)

μδ χ(αλκοῦς) β η κϛ̣ = κϛ̣ = α- χ(αλκοῦς) β α- χ(αλκοῦς) β ὑικ(ῆς) (δραχμὴν) αα-̣ χ̣(αλκοῦς) β̣ ὑ̣ικ(ῆς) (δραχμὴν) αα̣-̣ [χ(αλκοῦς) ]β ὑ̣ι̣κ(ῆς) (δραχμὴν) α-̣

Year 2, in the month Sebastos 44 (dr.) 2 (ch.) 30th Hermias son of Herakleides Krateros son of Serambos 8 (dr.) 4 (ob.) Tryphon son of Euphris 26 (dr.) 2 (ob.) Heras son of Ptolemaios 26 (dr.) 2 (ob.) Sostratos son of Angion 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.) 2 (ch.) 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.) 2 (ch.). Isakis son of Protarchos pig-tax: 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.) Theodoros son of 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.) 2 (ch.). Peitholaos pig-tax: 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.) 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.) 2 The[…]e() alias Philo( ) son of Alexandros [(ch.)]. pig-tax: 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.)

76 Ἰάκουβ(ος) ... ( ) Σαμβαθί[ω(ν)] Ἰ̣α̣κ̣... 120

..[..].

651. List of taxpayers of syntaximon (poll-tax)

α-̣ χ̣(αλκοῦς) [β] ὑικ(ῆς) (δραχμὴν) αα̣-̣ [χ(αλκοῦς) β] ὑικ(ῆς) (δραχμὴν) αὑ̣ι̣κ̣(ῆς) (δραχμὴν) α-

Iakoubos son of [...] Sambathi[on] son of Iak[oubos] […].

1 (dr.) 1 (ob.) [2] (ch.). pig-tax: 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.) 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.) [2 (ch.)]. pig-tax: 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.) pig-tax: 1 (dr.) 1 (ob.)

55. [Σαμβ]αθ(ίων) Εὐκτή(μονος). See n. to l. 49 above. As in l. 50 above, these persons are certain Jews if ὁμοίως of the next line refers to Euktemon as father of Iakoubos (see n. to l. 15 above). The name Euktemon is not recorded for Jews elsewhere. 56. [Ἰ]άκουβ(ος) ὁμ(οίως). On Iakoubos see above, n. to l. 13. On ὁμ(οίως) see above, n. to l. 15. 57. Θεόδωρο(ς) Ἀλεξάνδρο(υ). On the name Theodoros see above, n. to l. 35. 58. Ζήνων Σίμωνο(ς). Simon is the standard transliteration of the Hebrew name ‫שמעון‬, but it is also a Greek name; see LJNLA III, 165-73 (he is no. 60). The name also appears in l. 98 below. 60. Σαμβαθίω(ν) Φιλώτο(υ). On the name Sambathion see above, n. to l. 34. 79. Φανία̣(ς) Θ[η]δᾶτος. On the name Thedas see above, n. to l. 2. 85. Σώπατρο(ς) Ἰωσήπο(υ). On the name Sopatros among Jews see LJNLA III, 377-8 (he is no. 5). On Iosepos see above, n. to l. 8. 86. Στράτω(ν) Ἰσάκεως. On the name Straton among Jews see LJNLA III, 373-5 (he is no. 10). On the name Isakis see above, n. to l. 10. 88. Ῥόδιππο(ς) Θηδᾶτ(ος). On the name Thedas see above, n. to l. 2. 90. Ἰσὰκ ὃς κ(αὶ) Διοφάνη(ς) (lsak alias Diophanes). On the name Isak see above, n. to l. 10. On the name Diophanes see LJNLA III, 248 (he is no. 2). Note that this Jew is known both by a biblical and a Greek theophoric (pagan) name. 92. Πτολ(εμαῖος) Θεοδώρο(υ). On the name Theodoros see above, n. to l. 35. 93. Ἰάκουβ(ος) Πειθολ(άου). On Iakoubos see above, n. to l. 13. At present this is the only Peitholaos recorded among Jews in Egypt; see LJNLA III, 355. The other attestation of this name on this papyrus (l. 116) is probably of the same person; see family no. 7 in the introduction above. 94. Ἰσάκιος Θεοδώ(ρου). On the name Isakios see above, n. to l. 10. Theodoros here is certainly Jewish because of his son’s name. On the name Theodoros see above, n. to l. 35. 96. [...].πο( ) Τήρου(ς). Only two letters are visible in the tax-payer’s name. A possible emendation is [Ἰωση]πο(ς), making him Jewish. On Iosepos see above, n. to l. 8. On the name Teres among Jews see LJNLA III, 381 (he is no. 2). 97. [Ἰσ]άκις Θηδᾶτο(ς). On the name Isakis see above, n. to l. 10. On the name Thedas see above, n. to l. 2. 98. Πυρρίω(ν) Σίμωνο(ς). On the name Simon see above, n. to l. 58. 102. Θεόδωρο(ς) Στράτω(νος). On the name Theodoros see above, n. to l. 35. 103. Ἰσάκις Δωσθ(οῦ). On the name Isakis see above, n. to l. 10. On the name Dosthes see above, n. to l. 1. 104. Θετσᾶς. For a similar name (Θεττᾶς) of a Jew see CPJ 659 verso col. II l. 10 (cf. recto col. II l. 10). 106. Δωσθ(ῆς) Ἰακούβ(ου). On these persons see introduction above, family tree no. 3. On both names see above, n. to l. 18. 114. Σώστρα(τος) Ἀγγίωνο(ς). On this person see above, n. to l. 54. α- χ(αλκοῦς) β (1 [dr.] 1 [ob.] 2 [ch.]). This is the rate of the pig-tax, see n. to next line. 115-20. ὑικ(ῆς) (pig-tax). It is unlikely that the pig-tax was introduced in Egypt before the Ptolemaic period, since pigs were anathema for native Egyptians as they were for Jews (Wallace 1938a, 143). In the Ptolemaic period, and as the name indicates, it was a property tax assessed on the number of pigs owned. In the Roman period it became a capitation tax, a μερισμός of 1 drachma and 1 obolos collected along with other capitation taxes. Wallace (1938a, 144) concluded that “it was paid by [everyone], including, the unhappy Jews.” On the pig-tax (ὑική) see the bibliography cited in P.Harrauer, 92 and Bogaert 2000, 165. 115. Ἰσάκις Προτάρχ(ου). On the name Isakis see above, n. to l. 10. On the name Protarchos among Jews see LJNLA III, 361 (he is no. 2). 116. Θεόδωρο(ς) Π̣ειθολ̣άο̣(υ). On the name Theodoros see above, n. to l. 35. On Peitholaos see above, n. to l. 93.

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

77

118. Ἰάκουβ(ος). On the name Iakoubos see above, n. to l. 13. 119. Σαμβαθί[ω(ν)] Ἰ̣α̣κ̣[ουβ(ος)]. On the name Sambathion see above, n. to l. 34. Iakoubos is an emendation of the letters Ἰ̣α̣κ̣. On the name Iakoubos see above, n. to l. 13. Based on I. Fikhman

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax Tebtynis (Fayum) P.Carlsberg 421 (Salvaterra 2000) = SB XXVI 16697 TM 97151; Image: Salvaterra 2000, 345-8, Tav. 1-4 Literature: Clarysse 2018, 92-6; Clarysse 2020a, 317-9

92/3 CE

The document presented here is composed of 10 fragments of different dimensions recording a list of taxpayers. The verso was reused for a Demotic literary text. It was acquired in the antiquities market in Cairo, but clearly belongs to the Tebtynis Temple library which was both excavated in 1931, and looted by local falahin around the same time. In this temple, hundreds of literary texts, mostly in Demotic but also in Hieratic and Hieroglyphics, were copied on the backs of discarded administrative documents in Greek (Ryholt 2005, 142-5). The Demotic narrative on the verso of this papyrus relates the exploits of the imaginary Pharaoh Mereneith (Salvaterra 2000, 311). In the taxpayer’s list, each name is accompanied with the amount of taxes due, or most probably, the amount already paid, from each year, for 18 years, from the 8th regnal year of Vespasian (75/6 CE) down to the 12th year of Domitian (92/3 CE), in reverse chronological order. In the preserved text, the name of Titus is mentioned repeatedly, when his 3rd year is preserved (frg. 1, col. II, ll. 6, 10, frg. 2, l. 11; frg. 3, l. 13), perhaps to differentiate it from the 3rd year of Domitian, recorded quite near it. The name of Domitian is perhaps mentioned once (frg. 3, l. 22). The name of Vespasian is not mentioned. Out of the 36 preserved individual entries, only nine list payments for the entire duration of 18 years (frg. 1, col. II, ll. 7-11; frg. 2, ll. 3-7; ll. 8-12; frg. 3, ll. 1-5; ll. 10-4; frg. 7, ll. 2-6; frg. 8, col. II, ll. 12-5; frg. 10, ll. 1-5; ll. 6-8), while the rest list payments ranging from 6 to 17 years. Salvaterra (2000, 288) suggested, based on the chronology and on the amounts, that the document lists persons who paid or should pay the Jewish tax, which added up to 9 drachmai and 2 oboloi. This sum is typical only of the Jewish tax, as evidenced in the ostraca from Edfu (see CPJ I, 80-1; II, 114-5). And indeed, some of the taxpayers listed in this papyrus have biblical patronymics (Abramos – frg. 2, l. 3; Iosepos – frg. 2, l. 8; Iakoubos – frg. 10, l. 6). A short explanation about the sums of the Jewish tax (on which see in detail in CPJ II, 111-6) is in order. In Egypt, the Jewish tax was paid in the local currency at an annual rate of 8 drachmai (=2 denarii) and 2 oboloi. The 2 oboloi were probably a surcharge, levied because the payment was made in local money (CPJ II, 114). In receipts later than 73 CE, a further sum of 1 drachma was levied, designated aparchai (e.g. CPJ 167). The term itself means “first fruits” and this tax was perhaps introduced instead of the traditional tax (in kind) on the first fruits paid to the priests at the Temple in Jerusalem (Salavaterra 2000. 294, n. 12), although in Jewish-Hellenistic literature this term was generally used for taxes sent to Jerusalem by diaspora Jews (CPJ II, 115; cf. Philo, Leg. 156, 216). Hemer (1973, 7) pointed out that aparchai was perhaps “a cynically opportunistic adaptation of a Jewish term to cover an arbitrary increase.” Since, as Heemstra (2010, 15) also pointed out, the aparchai appears on ostraca only after 73 CE, Wallace (1938a, 176) suggested that this

78

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

may be a unique phenomenon related to the Jewish Temple of Onias, which was closed or destroyed in 73 CE. Perhaps one Egyptian drachma was added to the Jewish tax as substitution for the tax that had previously been paid to the Onias Temple (Heemstra 2010, 15). The sum of 9 drachmai and 2 oboloi was paid in different ways; sometimes, the entire amount was paid at once (CPJ 167-79), sometimes in two instalments (CPJ 180, 182, 186, 200, 213); sometimes the payments were partial and in some cases the payment was made without the aparchai or the 2 oboloi (e.g. CPJ 162-6, 205, 208). The list of payments follows a general pattern: the name of the taxpayer, his patronymic, the name of his grandfather, his matronymic, the regnal years and the amounts paid; at the end of each entry the total is given. The entries are fragmentary, and the extensive reconstruction below, almost entirely based on Salvaterra’s work, builds on this general pattern. Two exceptions to the sum of 9 drachmai 2 oboloi are recorded throughout the papyrus: 1. The payment for the 10th year of Vespasian is double (18 drachmai and 4 oboloi), followed by a recording of the 8th year. The double sum should be explained as payment also for the missing 9th year (Salvaterra 2000, 304), in which for some reason the tax was not collected. In the ostraca from Edfu the full payment for year 9 of Vespasian is recorded (CPJ 173-4), while for year 10 of the same emperor, the regular sum is paid (CPJ 175-6). The amount of 18 drachmai and 4 oboloi for two years, is attested on an undated ostracon from Edfu (CPJ 188). 2. It is unclear why the payment for the 7th year of Domitian was consistently reduced to 6 drachmai and 4 oboloi. In an Edfu ostracon from the same year the full sum was paid (CPJ 184). There are some exceptions to the general pattern: 1. frg. 1, col. II, l. 6 – year 2 of Titus, 6 drachmai 2 oboloi; 2. frg. 3, l. 9 – 5 drachmai 2 oboloi; 3. frg. 3, l. 16 – 5 drachmai 1 obolos; 4. frg. 8, col. II, l. 2 – 4 oboloi; 5-7. frg. 1, col. I, l. 4; frg. 4, ll. 5, 9 – a total in these lines indicates that in one other year a reduced sum was paid (see notes below) (Salvaterra, 296-7, n. 17). As also in the case of the consistent reduction of Domitian’s year 7, the reasons for these reductions are unclear. The Edfu ostraca are not helpful here, for when they record a reduced sum, it is a receipt of partial payment (CPJ II, 115). Here, however, in light of the nature of the document, the sums given are complete annual payments. Obviously, there are still unsolved questions about the collection and payment of the Jewish tax in Egypt. The presence of eleven taxpayers with names beginning with the letter Φ suggests that the list was arranged alphabetically. However, the internal alphabetical order was not strictly kept. In frg. 8, col. II, Φιλοῦς of l. 1 is followed by Φίλων of l. 5, who is then again followed by Φιλοῦς of ll. 7 and 12. One exception is frg. 2, which lists a person whose name begins with Δ (Dareis). It was probably inserted here from another part of the list (Salvaterra, 321-2). As Clarysse observed: “the preserved fragments contain at least ten persons and all names start with Φιλ-. If we multiply this figure by 20 for the other letters of the alphabet, at least 200 persons are listed. But given the fragmentary state of the text, the total was no doubt a multiple of 200” (Clarysse 2018, 95). Therefore, it is probable that it concerned not only the Jewish population of a village or of a small town but rather of a larger region (more on such documents see Yiftach 2020, esp. 241-2). The nature of our document remains a mystery. Salvaterra argues that this list could be a document against which the administration was able to check if the payments were actually made (Salvaterra 2000, 295), or it could be a register of people who had previously evaded the tax assessors and revenues (Salvaterra 2000, 296; cf. Clarysse 2018,

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

79

94). If the latter was the case and people had to pay back taxes for 18 years, “the total amounts range from 52 to 165 drachmai. As a workman in the Roman period earned about one drachma a day, this corresponds to two months to half a year of manual wages” (Clarysse 2018, 94). Clarysse notes “I do not know of any list of, for instance, poll-tax payers with their taxes covering several retrograding years” (Clarysse 2018, 94). This may indicate a more severe collection policy concerning the Jewish tax in the days of Domitian (cf. e.g. Suetonius, Domitian 12; for a summary and a nuanced approach see Lopez 2016, 243-53). Fragment 1 (23.8 x 9.5 cm) Col. I 1 ]= 2 [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 3 [± 27 letters] (ἔτους) (δραχμὰς) θ= 4 [vacat] γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) νβ Col. II 1 θ [(ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 2 δ [(ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 3 β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) [θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [vacat] γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) . .] 4 Φιλοῦς Δωρᾶτος τ̣ο̣ῦ̣ [δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 5 ς (ἔτους) ⟨(δραχμαὶ)⟩ θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 6 γ (ἔτους) Τίτου ⟨(δραχμαὶ)⟩ θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς̣̣ α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρη̣– 7 Φιλοῦς Ἡρᾶτος τοῦ Φιλίππου μητρὸς Τ̣ρυφᾶτος 8 ιβ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ια (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ̣= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= θ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= 9 ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) ⟨(δραχμαὶ)⟩ θ= 10 β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ̣= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= 11 ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη̣ η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [vacat] γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρξε= Col. III 1 Φι[λοῦς (?) τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 2 γ (ἔτους) [± 30 letters] 3 [ [vacat] γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) . .] 4 Φιλοῦς̣ [τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 5 α̣ [(ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη] 6 η (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ= [vacat] γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ξε=] (Translation): Col. I 1 ...], 2 oboloi 2 [PN son of PN son of PN whose mother is PN] 3 ...] year ..., 9 drachmai 2 oboloi 4 total 52 drachmai 5 oboloi

80

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

Col. II 1 [year] 9, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi?; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 2 [year] 4, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 3 year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total ?? drachmai] 4 Philous son/daughter of Doras son of [PN whose mother is PN] 5 year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; [year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 6 year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total 108 drachmai 1 obolos. 7 Philous son/daughter of Heras son of Philippos whose mother is Tryphas 8 year 12, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 11, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 9, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 9 year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 10 year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 11 year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total 165 drachmai 2 oboloi. Col. III 1 Phi[lous son/daughter of PN son of PN whose mother is PN] 2 year 3… 3 [total ?? drachmai] 4 Philous [son/daughter of PN son of PN whose mother is PN] 5 [year] 1, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi;] 6 year 8, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total 65 drachmai 2 oboloi.] Col. I 4. (δραχμαὶ) νβ (total 52 drachmai 5 oboloi). This sum includes payments for five years at the normal rate of 9 drachmai and 2 oboloi and for one year at the rate of 6 drachmai 1 obolos. There is no way of knowing for which years this individual paid the tax, and in which year s/he paid a reduced sum; therefore we refrain from any reconstruction. However, Salvaterra (2000, 318) hypothesized that within these six years falls year 2 of Titus, for which also Philous (frg. 1, col. II, l. 6) paid a reduced sum (6 drachmai 4 oboloi). Col. II 1-3. The reconstruction is based on Salvaterra 2000, 318. Salvaterra suggested that the total paid is 140 (ρμ) drachmai, based on a calculation of the reconstructed data in the extant lines. However, since the column does not begin with the name of the taxpayer, and since many calculations begin with year 12 of Domitian (and not year 9 as here), the list may have begun a line earlier and the sum may have been higher. Moreover, the sum of year 7 of Domitian (end of l. 1) is uncertain; see next note. For these reasons we do not reconstruct the total at the end of l. 3. 1. [ς?] ([6 drachmai 4 oboloi?]). Salvaterra (2000, 318) reconstructed here, with a question mark, θ= (9 drachmai 2 oboloi), as in most years recorded in this document. However, all extant records of this year in the papyrus record 6 drachmai 4 oboloi (frg. 2, ll. 5, 10; frg. 10, ll. 3, 8). Moreover, in frg. 3, ll. 3, 7, 12, Salvaterra herself (2000, 330) reconstructed the payments of year 7 of Domitian as 6 drachmai 4 oboloi. More on this sum see below, n. to l. 9. 4. Φιλοῦς Δωρᾶτος. The name Philous can be male or female. In frg. 4, l. 6 it is clearly a matronymic, while for all other entries it is impossible to decide. All occurrences in LJNLA III, 657 are feminine. However, in P.Mich. II 123 the form is used as a patronymic (e.g. col. IX, l. 7).

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81

Δωρᾶτος. Doras is a hypocoristic of Dorotheos. On the name see Salvaterra 2000, 319 and LJNLA III, 249. 5. Reconstruction based on the general pattern of the papyrus. 6. γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (year 3 of Titus). This is the only year in the papyrus consistently mentioning the name of the emperor; see introduction. β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς (year 2, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi). The reading of the sum is uncertain, and see further down in this line. γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρη– (total 108 drachmai 1 obolos). The total of all the sums preserved on the papyrus for this person is 81 drachmai 2 oboloi. The difference between this sum and the total preserved here (108 drachmai 1 obolos) is 26 drachmai 5 oboloi. In l. 5 the sums paid for three years are missing. Had Philous paid throughout these years the full Jewish tax – 9 drachmai 2 oboloi – the total would have been 109 drachmai 2 oboloi. Since this is not the total, it is clear that in one of these years Philous had paid a reduced rate of 8 drachmai 1 obolos. However, note that in two cases the reading in these lines is doubtful. The first is in year 2 of Titus, for which the suggested reading is 6 drachmai 4 oboloi (see also below, n. to l. 9). Yet, if we read here 5 drachmai 3 oboloi the figures would also add up, though this sum too is not recorded elsewhere. The other doubtful reading is the total itself. If instead of 8 (η) we read 6 (ς), and instead of 1 obolos (–) we read 4 oboloi (), the total would also add up, if we assume that in one of the missing years Philous paid 6 drachmai 4 oboloi as in year 2 of Titus. See Salvaterra 2000, 319. 7. Φιλοῦς Ἡρᾶτος τοῦ Φιλίππου μητρὸς Τρυφᾶτος. For the name Philous see above, n. to l. 4. The theophoric name Ἡερᾶς (Heras) derives from the Greek goddess Hera. On the name among Jews see CPJ 464, l. 23 and LJNLA III, 289. On the Greek name Philippos, occasionally used by Jews, see LJNLA III, 389. Tryphas is an Egyptian form of the Greek name Tryphon; see LJNLA III, 655. Perhaps this name also appears in frg. 3, l. 1. 7-11. Philous son/daughter of Heras is the only person in this papyrus for whom a complete text, recording the payment of the Jewish tax for 18 years, is fully preserved. 9. ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς (year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi). This reduced sum, paid in year 7 of Domitian, is identical to the sum two other individuals paid for exactly the same year (frg. 2, ll. 5, 10). However, in frg. 1, col. II, l. 6, the same reduced sum was paid in year 2 of Titus. It should be noted that this is the sum paid for the dyke-tax at this time throughout Egypt (Wallace 1938a, 140-1; for examples of Jews paying this tax see CPJ 183; 243-2; 628b, 630a). 11. ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη (year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi). The payment of this tax in the 10th year of Vespasian was double (as also in frg. 2, ll. 7, 12 and frg. 6, ll. 3, 6). At the same time, in the 9th year of the same emperor, a collection of the tax is not recorded at all. This double sum no doubt represents a collection of the tax of both years; see also introduction above. The amount of 18 drachmai and 4 oboloi, a payment for two years, is also attested on an ostracon from Edfu (CPJ 188), although on that document the year is not preserved. η (ἔτους) (year 8). This is the last year recorded in this document, and “the year 75/76 CE is that of the first Roman census after the introduction of the fiscus Iudaicus in AD 70. The control of payment apparently went back to this census operation” (Clarysse 2018, 93). Col. III 2-3. The line begins with the character γ, i.e. the 3rd year of a certain ruler, which can refer to either Domitian or Titus. Salvaterra (2000, 320-1) reconstructs the entry as covering years 3 of Titus down to 8 of Vespasian. 5-6. Salvaterra’s reconstruction (2000, 321), based on the general pattern of the papyrus. 6. [ξε=] ([65 drachmai 2 oboloi]). This reconstruction is based on the assumption that the tax was paid uniformly in all the years.

Fragment 2 (10.6 x 11 cm) 1 [? (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ)] θ̣=[± 20 letters] 2 [.] (ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣) (δραχμαὶ) θ̣[= 3 [ὁ δεῖνα ? Ἀ]βρά[μου τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 4 ιβ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [ια (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= θ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 5 ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς [ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=]

82 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ̣ [(ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη η (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ= [vacat] γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρξε=] Δαρ̣ε̣ῖς Ἰωσήπου τοῦ Τ̣ρ̣ύφω̣[νος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] ιβ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ια (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ̣[= θ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) [θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ι̣η̣ η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [vacat] [γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρξε=]

(Translation): [year ?]…, 9 [drachmai] 2 oboloi; 1 2 year ..., 9 drachmai [2 oboloi;] [PN son of A]bra[mos son of PN whose mother is PN] 3 4 year 12, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; [year 11, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 9, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 5 year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi; [year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 6 year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 [of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 7 year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total 165 drachmai 2 oboloi.] 8 Dareis son of Iosepos son of Trypho[n whose mother is PN] 9 year 12, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 11, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 9 drachmai [2 oboloi; year 9, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 10 year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; [year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 11 year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 12 year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; [total 165 drachmai 2 oboloi.] If we accept the hypothesis that the list is ordered alphabetically, this column would be placed in the beginning of this papyrus, far removed from the next preserved column, because it lists a person (Δαρεῖς), whose name begins with Delta, and all other names in this papyrus begin with Phi (Salavterra 2000, 321-2). 3. [Ἀ]βρά[μου]. On the name Abramos see LJNLA III, 72 (he is no. 16). 4-7. Salvaterra’s reconstruction (2000, 323), based on the general pattern of the papyrus. 7, 11. [γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρξε=] ([total 165 drachmai 2 oboloi]). This is the total for persons who paid the tax from year 12 of Domitian down to year 8 of Vesapasian, including the reduced rate of year 7 of Domitian, as is explicit in frg. 1, col. II, ll. 7-11. 8. Δαρεῖς Ἰωσήπου τοῦ Τρύφω[νος]. Dareis is a variant of the Persian royal name Darius and is documented on papyri for Jews four times; see LJNLA III, 624 (he is no. 4). For Iosepos see LJNLA III, 11120 (he is no. 57). On Tryphon see LJNLA III, 383-5 (he is no. 10). 9-12. Salvaterra’s reconstruction (2000, 324-5), based on the general pattern of the papyrus.

Fragment 3 (5.5 x 21.2 cm) 1 [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς Τ]ρ̣υφα̣[ίνης ?] 2 [ιβ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ια (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= θ] (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ]= η (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ=] 3 [ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους)] (δ̣ρ̣α̣χ̣μ̣αὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ=]

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

83

[β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ=] β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ=] [ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρ̣[ξε=?] [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ Πτολ]ε̣μαίου̣ μ̣η̣τ̣(ρὸς) Λαυδ[ίκης] [ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] δ̣ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] [β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ=] β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ̣= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) [θ=] [ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ)] ε̣= [vacat] (γίνονται) [(δραχμαὶ) ?] [...]υ̣λ̣ .[.] Φιλίπ̣π̣ο̣υ̣ τοῦ Ρ̣[ … μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] [ιβ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ια (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ]θ= θ[ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] η̣ (ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣) [(δραχμαὶ) θ=] [ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ]θ̣= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ̣= γ (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ=] [β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) ]Τ̣ί̣του (δραχμαὶ) θ= β̣ (ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣) ⟨(δραχμαὶ)⟩ θ= α̣ (ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣) [(δραχμαὶ) θ=] [ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] [vacat] γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρ[ξε=?] [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς] ....ς [ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους)] (δραχμαὶ) θ̣=̣ β̣ (ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣) (δραχμαὶ) ε– α (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ=] [γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη] η (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ= [vacat] (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ?] [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς ]ς̣ [ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] β̣ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ=] [γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ι]η η (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ=] ] [vacat] τ̣ετέ̣λ̣(εσται). [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος β] (ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣) Δο̣μ̣ι̣τι[ανοῦ (δραχμαὶ) θ=] [α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α] (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) ιη] [η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] [vacat] γ(ίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ο̣[δ ?]

(Translation): 1 [PN son of PN son of PN, whose mother is T]rypha[ina] 2 [year 12, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 11, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] year [9, 9 drachmai] 2 oboloi; year 8, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 3 [year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi?; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4,] 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 4 [year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 5 [year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] total 1[65 drachmai 2 oboloi ?] 6 [PN son of PN son of Ptol]emaios whose mother is Laud[ike] 7 [year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi?; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; [year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 8 [year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 9 [year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8,] 5 drachmai 2 oboloi; total [? Drachmai.] 10 [...]yl.[.] son of Philippos son of R[... whose mother is PN]

84 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

[year 12, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 11, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10,] 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 9, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] year 8, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] [year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi?; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5,] 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] [year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 ]of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] [year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] total 1[65? drachmai 2 oboloi.] [PN son of PN son of PN whose mother is ]….s [year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3,] 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 5 drachmai 1 obolos; year 1, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] [year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 18 drachmai] 4 oboloi; year 8, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total ? drachmai.] [PN son of PN son of PN whose mother is …]s [year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] [year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 1]8 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] [ ... ] paid. [PN son of PN son of PN whose mother is PN year 2] of Domiti[an, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi] [year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1,] 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, [18 drachmai 4 oboloi;] [year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] total 7[4 drachmai 4 oboloi?]

The whole fragment is Salvaterra’s reconstruction (2000, 330), based on the general pattern of the papyrus. 1. [Τ]ρυφα[ίνης?]. Τρυφαίνης (Tryphaina) or Τρυφᾶτος (Tryphas) are both possible restorations (cf. Salvaterra 2000, 326). On the name Tryphas see above note on frg. 1, col. II, l. 7, and LJNLA III, 655. On Tryphaina see LJNLA III, 446. The payments of the tax for all persons listed from here on in this fragment do not end in year 12 of Domitian, but somewhat earlier. 3, 7, 12, On the reconstruction of the sum of Domitian’s year 7, see above, frg. 1, col. II, n. to l. 1. 5, 14. (δραχμαὶ) ρ[ξε=?]= (1[65 drachmai 2 oboloi]). This emendation is based on the total for persons who paid the tax from year 12 of Domitian down to year 8 of Vespasian, including the reduced rate of year 7 of Domitian, as is explicit in frg. 1, col. II, ll. 7-11. 6. [Πτολ]εμαίου μητ(ρὸς) Λαυδ[ίκης]. The dynastic name Ptolemaios was popular among Jews; see LJNLA III, 363-6. Λαυδ[ίκης] is probably a variant of the Hellenistic dynastic name Λαοδίκη or Λαωδίκη (Laodike), which is well attested in the papyrological record. On the name among Jews see LJNLA III, 435. 9. ε= (5 drachmai 2 oboloi). The reading is uncertain, and this sum is not recorded elsewhere in this papyrus. For such reductions see introduction above. 10. υλ.[.] Φιλίππου τοῦ Ρ[ ]. Salvaterra (2000, 328) suggests two possible reconstructions for the first name: Ἰούλιος (Iulios) (see LJNLA III, 502-5) or Αἰσχύλος (Aischylos) (see LJNLA III, 202). 16. ε– (5 drachmai 1 obolos). Another irregular reduced sum; see introduction above. 21. τετέλ(εσται) (paid). The phrase suggests that a payment had been made; it does not appear elsewhere in the text. 22. Δομιτι[ανοῦ]. For the reading see Salvaterra 2000, 329. This is the only appearance of this emperor’s name in the papyrus. Salvaterra suggests that his name is inserted here so as not to confuse between year 2 of Domitian and year 2 of Titus. 23. [Τίτου]. Although the name of the emperor Domitian probably appears in the previous line, and therefore the name of Titus referring to his 3rd year is consequently redundant, since there is space here for +20 letters (Salveterra 2000, 326), and since the name of Titus generally appears with reference to his 3rd year, (see introduction above), it should be added here too. 24. ο[δ ?] (7[4 drachmai 4 oboloi ?]). This is the total of eight years regular payments, from Vespasian’s 8th to Domitian’s 2nd year.

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

85

Fragment 4 (4.3 x 8.1 cm) 1 ] (γ̣ί̣ν̣ο̣ν̣τ̣α̣ι)̣ [(δραχμαὶ)… 2 [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος] μ̣ητρὸς [± 5-6 letters]ος 3 [± 15 letters] (δραχμαὶ) θ= . (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= 4 [± 20 letters ]. (ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς)̣ (δραχμαὶ) θ̣= 5 [± 10 letters [vacat] (γίνονται)] (δραχμαὶ) ρ̣̣ι̣ς . 6 [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος] μητρὸ̣ς̣ Φ̣ιλοῦτος 7 [ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ)] θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ̣[=] 8 [β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ)] θ= α̣ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= 9 [ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= (γίνονται)] (δραχμαὶ) ρ̣ι̣ς̣ . 10 [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ...]ου..[ ] 11 Traces (Translation): 1 ... total … [drachmai] 2 [PN son of PN son of PN] whose mother is […]os 3 … 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year ?, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 4 … year ?, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 5 ... [total] 116 drachmai ? 6 [PN son of PN son of PN] whose mother is Philous 7 [year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi?; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5,] 9 [drachmai] 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai [2 oboloi;] 8 [year 2, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi ?; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2,] 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 9 [year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total] 116 drachmai? 10 [PN son of PN son of PN whose mother is PN] … 5, 9. (δραχμαὶ) ρις . (116 drachmai?). According to Salvaterra (2000, 331-2) the sum is 116, followed by traces. We suspect that these traces might represent oboloi. The sum must cover 13 years, since full payment of 12 years adds to 112 drachmai. This suggests that for at least one year, a reduced sum was paid. Savaterra suggested that in years 7 and 2 of Domitian, the sum was 6 drachmai 4 oboloi (as elsewhere in the papyrus. For year 7 see e.g. frg. 1, col. II, n. to l. 9; for a reduced sum in year 2, see frg. 1, col. II, l. 6). This is how the sum is represented here. Another possible option is that a reduced sum of 4 drachmai was paid only in one (unknown) year, as below, frg. 8, col. II, l. 2. Both suggestions ignore the traces, which may indicate additional oboloi. 6. Φιλοῦτος (Philous). On this name see frg. 1, col. II, n. to l. 4. Here the person is certainly female.

Fragment 5 (6.7 x 7 cm) Col. I 1 [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς Σαμβα(?)]θο̣ῦτ̣ ος 2 [ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] γ (ἔτους) ⟨(δραχμαὶ)⟩ θ= 3 [β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] α̣ (ἔτους) ⟨(δραχμαὶ)⟩ θ= 4 [ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρ]ιη̣ 5 [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= 6 ]... Col. II 1 Φιλ[...τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος]

86

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

(Translation): Col. I 1 [PN son of PN son of PN whose mother is Samba]thous 2 [year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi?; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 3 [year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 4 [year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total 1]18 drachmai 4 oboloi 5 [PN son of PN son of PN whose mother is PN] year 10, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 6 .... Col. II 1 Phil[... son of PN son of PN whose mother is PN] Col. I 1. [Σαμβα(?)]θοῦτος. The restoration is uncertain. On the different possibilities see Salvaterra, 2000, 334. For the name Sambathous see CPJ 498i. For it being a variant of ‫ שבתית‬see LJNLA III, 186-91. 4. [(γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρ]ιη̣ ([total 1]18 drachmai 4 oboloi). This would be the sum paid for thirteen years, if the payment for twelve years is the standard 9 drachmai 2 oboloi, but in year 7 of Domitian, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi were levied (see above, frg. 1, col. II, n. to l. 9). Col. II 1. Φιλ … most probably Φίλ[ων] or Φιλ[οῦς]; see Salvaterra 2000, 335. On Philous see above, frg. 1, col. II, n. to l. 4. On Philon see below, frg. 6, n. to l. 1.

Fragment 6 (3.4 x 4.7 cm) 1 2 3 4 5 6

Φίλων..[τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α [(ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη̣̣ [η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) οδ] [Φ]ίλων Διο.[...τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) [θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη [η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ξε=]

(Translation): Philon..[son of PN son of PN whose mother is PN] 1 2 year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 3 year 10, 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; [year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total 74 drachmai 4 oboloi.] 4 [Ph]ilon son of Dio[… son of PN whose mother is PN] 5 year 1, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 6 year 10, 18 drachmaι 4 oboloi; [year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total 65 drachmai 2 oboloi.] 1, 4. Φίλων. For this name among Jews see LJNLA III, 392-4. 3. [οδ] ([74 drachmai 4 oboloi]). This is the total of regular payments for eight years, as in frg. 3, ll. 224, above. 6. [ξε=] ([65 drachmai 2 oboloi]). This is the total of regular payments for seven years.

Fragment 7 (1.2 x 4.6 cm) 1 [± 3 letters] θ= [ ] 2 [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνο]ς τοῦ [δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 3 [± 3 letters] (ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [± 20 letters]

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652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

4 5 6

[± 3 letters] (ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [± 20 letters] [± 3 letters] (δραχμαὶ) θ= [± 20 letters] [ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ιη] η [(ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [vacat] (γίνονται) δραχμαὶ?]

(Translation): 1 ... 9 drachmai 2 oboloi 2 [PN son of PN] son of [PN whose mother is PN] 3 ... year ?, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; … 4 ... year ?, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; … 5 ..., 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; … 6 [... year 10, 18 drachmai] 4 oboloi; year 8, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi;

total drachmai?]

2-6. The length of the entry suggests that it had registered payments for the entire eighteen years.

Fragment 8 (6.4 x 13.8 cm) Col. I 1 [ ] traces 2 [ ] traces [ ] (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ)..̣ 3 4 [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς..]ιου 5 [ ]= 6 [ ] 7 [ ]= 8 [ ] ̣ Col. II 1 Φιλοῦς Α[… τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 2 η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) δ [ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 3 β (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 4 ι (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) ιη η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [vacat] (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ?] 5 Φίλων Σί[μωνος? τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 6 θ (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ= η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ?] 7 Φιλοῦς.[τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 8 [ια (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= θ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς?] 9 ς (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 10 α (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 11 ι (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) ιη η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [vacat] (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ?] 12 Φιλοῦς.[τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 13 ιβ̣ (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ= ια (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= θ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 14 ζ [(ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 15 β (ἔτους) [(δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=]

88

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

(Translation): Col. I 1 ... 2 ... 3 … total ... drachmai 4 oboloi; 4 [PN son of PN son of PN whose mother is PN] 5 ... 2 oboloi 6 … 7 ... 2 oboloi 8 ... 4 oboloi Col. II 1 Philous son/daughter of A[… son of PN whose mother is PN] 2 year 8, 4 drachmai; [year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi?; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 3 year 2, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 4 year 10, [18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total ? drachmai] 5 Philon son of Si[mon? son of PN whose mother is PN] 6 year 9, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi?; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total ? drachmai] 7 Philous [son/daughter of PN son of PN whose mother is PN] 8 [year 11, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 9, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi?;] 9 year 6, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 10 year 1, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 11 year 10, [18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; total ? drachmai] 12 Philous [son/daughter of PN son of PN whose mother is PN] 13 year 12, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 11, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 10, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 9, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 14 [year] 7, [6 drachmai 4 oboloi?; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 15 year 2, [9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] Col. II 1, 7, 12. Φιλοῦς Α[ ]. On the name Philous see frg. 1, col. II, n. to l. 4 above. 2. (δραχμαὶ) δ (4 drachmai). This is the only case in the entire papyrus in which this reduced sum is paid; see introduction above. There is no way of knowing whether it includes additional oboloi. 5. Φίλων Σί[μωνος?]. The restoration Σί[μωνος] (son of Simon) is likely because the name was frequently used by Jews; see LJNLA III, 165-73. On Philon see above, frg. 6, n. to ll. 1, 4. 6. [ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς? ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] ([year 7, 6 drachmai 4 oboloi?; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;]). Salvaterra suggested two reconstructions for this line. The difference between them is as to whether to include these years. In her second reconstruction, which includes only years 9 and 8, she calculates the total as 18 drachmai 4 oboloi.

Fragment 9 (3.1 x 11.3 cm) 1 ]... 2 ] (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= 3 ] (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= 4 ]...

652. List of payers of the Jewish tax

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

89

]... [ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τοῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς? Ἐυτέ]ρπης ]...= ] = α̣ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ]... ].. ]. (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= ]. ]ου.. ] (ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣) (δραχμὰς) θ[=]

(Translation): 1 [ ] ... 2 [ ] year ?, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 3 [ ] year ?, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 4 [ ] ... 5 [ ] ... 6 [PN son of PN son of PN whose mother is Eute]rpe 7 [ ]… 2 oboloi 8 [ ] 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi 9 [ ]… 10 [ ].. 11 [ ]. year ?, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; 12 [ ]. 13 [ ]ou .. 14 [ ] year ?, 9 drachmai [2 oboloi;] 6. [Ἐυτέ]ρπης. The Greek female name Euterpe borne by a Jewess is attested in CPJ 421, l. 189; see LJNLA III, 422.

Fragment 10 (3.8 x 8.2 cm) 1 [ὁ δεῖνα] Πετάλου τ[οῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 2 [ιβ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ)] θ= ια (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= θ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 3 [ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς]̣ ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ[= ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 4 [β (ἔτους)] (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [γ (ἔτους) Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) θ= β (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 5 [ι (ἔτους)] (δραχμαὶ) ιη̣ η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ[= [vacat] (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ρξε=] 6 [ὁ δεῖνα] Ἰα̣κούβου τ[οῦ δεῖνος μητρὸς τῆς δεῖνος] 7 [ιβ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ)] θ= ι̣α (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [ι (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= θ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= η (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] 8 [ζ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ς] ς (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= [ε (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= δ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ= γ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) θ=] (Translation): 1 [PN] son of Petalos [son of PN whose mother is PN] 2 [year 12,] 9 [drachmai] 2 oboloi; year 11, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; [year 10, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 9, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 3 [year 7, 6 drachmai] 4 oboloi; year 6, 9 drachmai [2 oboloi; year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] 4 [year 2,] 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; [year 3 of Titus, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 2, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 1, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;]

90 5 6 7 8

653. Daybook of grain receipts

[year 10,] 18 drachmai 4 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai [2 oboloi; total 165 drachmai 2 oboloi] [PN] son of Iakoubos [son of PN whose mother is PN] [year 12,] 9 [drachmai] 2 oboloi; year 11, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; [year 10, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 9, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 8, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;] [year 7, 6 drachmai] 4 oboloi; year 6, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; [year 5, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 4, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi; year 3, 9 drachmai 2 oboloi;]

1. Πετάλου. This is the only certainly Jewish person bearing the name Petalos. For other doubtful Jews see CPJ 589, l. 125 (the patronymic of a certain Theudoros); Salvaterra’s suggested restoration of CPJ 407 (2000, 343); CPJ 651, ll. 27, 72, 84; LJNLA III, 355. 5. [ρξε=] ([165 drachmai 2 oboloi]). Our reconstruction, based on the similarity to frg. 1, col. II, ll. 8-11. 6. Ἰακούβου. On the name Iakoubos see LJNLA III, 121-7 (he is no. 18). Based on I. Fikhman

653. Daybook of grain receipts Fayum? 30 x 24 cm P.Lond. II 194 (F. G. Kenyon) = SB XIV 11426 TM 25321 Lit.: Parássoglou 1975

2nd half of 1st century CE

P.Lond. II 194 lists payments of taxes and rentals for six days in an unknown month (Parássoglou 1975, 86). The payments were made in wheat by landowners and public farmers to the sitologoi (keepers of the public granary). The sitologoi would then prepare monthly and annual reports from daybooks such as this. The amount of wheat recorded after the name of each tenant represents the total of the rental (Parássoglou 1975, 92). The find location of this papyrus, first published by Kenyon in 1898, is unknown, but it refers to the villages Boubastos and Neilopolis (in the Arsinoite nome). The papyrus was dated palaeographically by Kenyon (P.Lond. II, 124) to the second half of the 1st century, while TM 25321 narrows this date down to its last quarter. Although published in 1898, the text was not included in CPJ II, despite the mention of the Jewish name Eleazar (ll. 70, 122). The reading (TM 25321) that Isamis (ll. 33, 71, 78, 108) is actually Isakis made it clear that the papyrus mentions at least four Jews engaged in agriculture: Tryphon son of Eleazar (ll. 70, 122), Menelaos son of Isakis (ll. 33, 71), Isakis son of Nikias (l. 78) and Isakis alias PN (l. 108). The document records payments made by Tryphon son of Eleazar (ll. 70, 122) and by Isakis (l. 108) to the ousia (estate) of Philodamos and by Menelaos son of Isakis (l. 71) and Isakis son of Nikias (l. 78) to the central fiscal administration (dioikesis). The estate of Philodamos (Φιλοδαμιανὴ οὐσία), which lay in the territory of Hephaistias, Boubastos and Philadelphia, is also known from other sources (TM Geo 1770). Land belonging to Jews in this area was confiscated after the Jewish revolt (see CPJ 671, l. 44). We reproduce below only the parts concerning Jews. The papyrus also lists other persons with names that were common for Jews, such as Δωσίθεος (l. 72) or Θήδευς (l. 76), but we have not reproduced them here, because there is no certainty of their Jewishness; see introduction to CPJ 651 and CPJ IV, 10, n. 61.

91

653. Daybook of grain receipts

Col. II 33 Μενέλαος Ἰσάκιος (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαι) κε ιβ´

Menelaos son of Isakis, 25 artabai of wheat

Col. III 70 ι̅ϛ̅ Φιλ(οδαμιανῆς) Τρύφων Ἐλεάζ(αρος) (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαι) ϙε 𐅵

The 16th. For the estate of Philodamos: Tryphon 1 son of Eleazar, 95 artabai of wheat

διοι(κήσεως) Μενέλαο(ς) Ἰσάκιο(ς) (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαι) ξα δ´ 78

διοι(κήσεως) Ἰσᾶκ[ις] Νικίου ....αίου (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαι) θ (γίνονται) Βο(υβάστου) (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαι) φνδ β[´], οὐσι(ακῶν) (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαι) νζ̣ 𐅵̣

Col. IV 108 Ἰσᾶκις ὁ κ(αὶ) Θη... Ἡρᾶτος (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαι) θ (γίνονται) (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαι) τνδ 𐅵 γ´ η´, οὐσι(ακῶν) (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαι) ιε Col. V 120 ι̅θ̅ Φιλ(οδαμιανῆς) Λου..[ διοι(κήσεως) Ἰαννο( ).[ Τρύφων Ἐλε̣[άζ(αρος)

1 2

2

For the dioikesis: Menelaos son of Isakis, 61 artabai of wheat. For the dioikesis: Isakis son of Nikias ..., 9 artabai of wheat. Total for Boubastos: 554 artabai of wheat, for estate property 57 artabai of wheat. Isakis alias The... son of Heras, 9 artabai of wheat Total for Boubastos: 354 , , artabai of wheat, for the estate 15 artabai of wheat The 19th. For the estate of Philodamos: Lou ... For the dioikesis: Ianno( ) ... Tryphon son of Ele[azar]

33, 71. Μενέλαος Ἰσάκιος. For the name Menelaos among Jews see LJNLA III, 332. His patronymic, Isakis, is a new reading by Clarysse in TM Per 229457, based on the British Museum microfilm. For the name Isakis see LJNLA III, 127-32. 70. Φιλ(οδαμιανῆς). On the Philodamean estate (Φιλοδαμιανὴ οὐσία) see Parássoglou 1975, 88-91 and TM Geo 1770. Τρύφων Ἐλεάζ(αρος). The same individual is mentioned in 1. 122. On the name Tryphon among Jews see LJNLA III, 348 (he is no 6); on Eleazar see LJNLA III, 77-9 (he is no. 5). 71. διοι(κήσεως) (for the dioikesis). The dioikesis (lit. financial administration) was one of the main departments of the Ptolemaic and Roman administration of Egypt. At its head stood the dioiketes (lit. financial minister) whose power was reduced after Augustus’ annexation of Egypt; see in detail in Hagedorn 1985. This department was in charge of the management of public land and the collection of certain taxes; see Blouin 2012 and bibliography there. 78. Ἰσᾶκ[ις] Νικίου. Reading according TM Per 187992. For the name Isakis see n. to l. 33. On Nikias among Jews see LJNLA III, 342. 79, 109. Βο(υβάστου) (for Boubastos). On this village located in the Herakleides meris of the Arsinoite nome see TM Geo 463 and bibliography there. Jews are recorded in Boubastos in the Ptolemaic period (CPJ 600) and in the Roman period (CPJ 654). 108. Ἰσᾶκις ὁ κ(αὶ) Θη... Ἡρᾶτος (Isakis alias The... son of Heras). This may be a third Isakis (TM Per 188014). His patronymic – Heras – is either a Greek theophoric name mentioning the goddess Hera, or a short form of the common name Herakleides. Aside from CPJ 464, ll. 26-7, where a certain “Heras, otherwise called Azakiel” of the 2nd century CE is mentioned, this is the only certain Jew bearing this name (see LJNLA III, 289). 121. Ἰαννο( ). This could be another Jewish name, because of the theophoric element “Ia.” 122. Τρύφων Ἐλε[άζ(αρος)] On this person see n. to l. 70. Note that he is listed here as paying to the Philodamean estate again three days later. Based on I. Fikhman

92

654-5. Lists of taxpayers from the Herakleides meris

654-5. Lists of taxpayers from the Herakleides meris CPR VIII 1-8 as well as P.Vind.Tand. 13-5 are all parts of the same tax lists written by the same scribe. The lists mention individuals from villages of the Herakleides meris in the Arsinoite nome. Each line records the village name (in the genitive), the name of the taxpayer, the amount of tax, additional payments (προσδιαγραφόμενα) and the abbreviation for συμβολικόν (receipt charge). Lucius Bellenus Gemellus is mentioned in one of these papyri (P.Vindob.Tand 14, l. 38; on this person see TM Per 35372). An archive of his family was found in the Fayum (Ast & Azzarello 2012; TM Arch 134) and his latest mention is from 110 CE. Two papyri listing Jewish taxpayers are presented below. Because of the mention of Jews in this list we suggest dating them from the period between the last quarter of the 1st century and the Jewish revolt.

654. Abramos son of Theophilos Herakleides meris (Fayum) 34.8 x 16.5 cm 75-117 CE P.Vind.Tand. 15 (P. J. Sijpesteijn & K. A. Worp); BL VII, 279; VIII, 506 TM 24926; Image: https://digital.onb.ac.at/RepViewer/viewer.faces?doc=DOD_%2BZ125134004&order=1&view=SINGLE (accessed 10.3.2022)

This payrus is one of the lists of taxpayers from the Herakleides meris. The verso is used for a Demotic contract, dated either to the time of Augustus or to that of Trajan (P.Vindob.Tand, 102-3). We include here only a few lines of the list. l. 68 records a Jew, Abramos son of Theophilos. In l. 71 a Dositheos son of Sambathion is mentioned; he may also have been a Jew. Βουβ(άστου) Ἄβραμο(ς) Θεοφίλο(υ) Μένδ(ητος) Σαμβᾶς Φίλωνο(ς) 70 Μητροδ(ώρου) ἐποι(κίου) Βουβ(άστου) Δωσίθ(εος) Σαμβαθιο( ) (Translation): From Boubastos

Abramos son of Theophilos

From Mendes Sambas son of Philon 70 From Metrodorou epoikion From Boubastos

Dositheos son of Sambathion

ζ π̣ρ(οσδιαγραφόμενα) = ∠ σ(υμβολικόν) μβ ζ  π̣ρ(οσδιαγραφόμενα) γ  σ(υμβολικόν) ι = ∠ π̣ρ(οσδιαγραφόμενα)  σ(υμβολικόν) 7 drachmai with additional payments of 2 oboloi, receipt charge 42 drachmai 7 drachmai 3 oboloi with additional payments of 3 drachmai 1 obolos, receipt charge 10 drachmai 2 oboloi with additional payments of 4 oboloi, receipt charge

68. Βουβ(άστου) (from Boubastos). On this village, located in the Herakleides meris of the Arsinoite nome, see TM Geo 463; for other Jews in Boubastos see CPJ 653. Ἄβραμο(ς) Θεοφίλο(υ). On the name Abramos see LJNLA III, 71-4 (he is no. 12). On Theophilos among Jews see LJNLA III, 306-8 (he is no. 9). Note that a certain Teuphilos the Jew is mentioned in a papyrus from Lucius Bellenus Gemellus’ archive (CPJ 431, ll. 15-16). πρ(οσδιαγραφόμενα) σ(υμβολικόν) (additional payments … receipt charge). For this formula, repeated often in these documents, and its meaning see P.Vindob.Tand., 79-81. 69. Μένδ(ητος) (from Mendes). This village was located in the Herakleides meris; see TM Geo 1350.

656. A Jew and a Samaritan in an account

93

70. Μητροδ(ώρου) ἐποι(κίου). This village was located in the Herakleides meris; see TM Geo 1367. 71. Δωσίθ(εος) Σαμβαθιο( ). Neither Dositheos nor Sambathion are uniquely Jewish names (see CPJ IV, 9-13), but because they appear here together we suspect Jewishness (see also CPJ 543a l. 3; 549; CPJ 651, l. 50). On the name Dositheos among Jews see LJNLA III, 250-6 (he is no. 43), and on Sambathion see LJNLA III, 148-60 (he is no. 95). The name Sambathion also appears in this document in l. 93.

655. Iakoub Herakleides meris (Fayum) 23 x 11.3 cm 75-117 CE CPR VIII 4 (P. J. Sijpesteijn & K. A. Worp) TM 24953; Image: https://digital.onb.ac.at/RepViewer/viewer.faces?doc=DOD_%2BZ232852908&order=1&view=SINGLE (accessed 13.3.2022)

This papyrus is another of the lists of taxpayers from the Herakleides meris. The back of the papyrus displays traces of a Demotic text. We reproduce only the lines relevant for our corpus, which mention Iakoub – a Jew. Col. II 17 Ἀφροδί(της) πόλ(εως)

Ἀρίστιον Σ̣ι.[ δι(ὰ) Ἰακουβ traces [

From Aphroditopolis

Aristion son of Si... through Iakoub

17. Ἀφροδί(της) πόλ(εως) (Aphroditopolis). Several cities in Egypt were given the name Aphroditopolis, most notably Per Hathor or Pathyris (modern Gebelein) in Upper Egypt, ca. 40 km south of Thebes, because Aphrodite was identified with the Egyptian goddess Hathor. The Aphroditopolis quoted here is probably the one located near Boubastos in the Fayum; see TM Geo 232. Ἀρίστιον. Aristion was a common Greek name (see WGE, 130). The name of the father is not preserved but it may have been Simon, which is also a common Greek name, but was understood by Jews as the Greek form of the name ‫שמעון‬. 18. Ἰακουβ. On the name Iakoub see LJNLA III, 121-7 (he is no. 23). D. Jacobs

656. A Jew and a Samaritan in an account Tebtynis (Fayum) P.Mil.Vogl. IV 212 (D. Foraboschi) (BL VI, 88; IX, 169; XII, 127, XIII 142) TM 12405 Lit.: Bagnall 1973; 1974; P.Mil.Vogl. VI; Clarysse & Gallazzi 1993

21 May 109 CE

This papyrus belongs to the archive of “Patron’s descendants,” which consists (to date) of 89 verified texts, all found in Tebtynis (TM Arch 66), mainly from the 2nd century CE (last dated document is from 204 CE). Patron’s descendants were a wealthy family from the Arsinoite nome. The papyrus is an account of various payments made by the Patron family. It consists of eleven columns on the recto and thirteen on the verso. In general, the individuals mentioned in the text are listed by name and patronymic, or by name and profession, or, more rarely, only by name or only by profession, especially when the listing concerns a group of professionals. Here we reproduce col. VI, ll. 1-4, col. VII, ll. 1-5, col. X, ll. 1-2 and ll. 17-20 of the recto, because among those receiving payments in them are Iason the Samaritan and an anonymous Ioudaios. The designations of Iason as Samaritan and of someone else as

94

656. A Jew and a Samaritan in an account

Ioudaios are peculiar. Note that col. X is a copy of cols. VI and VII. In the case of Iason the indication is unnecessary, because no other Iason is mentioned in the text. The purpose of his designation is, therefore, unclear. It can indicate Iason’s provenance from the village Samareia, a well-known place of residence for Jews in the 3rd-2nd centuries BCE (see CPJ IV, 170), but the mention of provenance is very rare in our text, and in other cases it is indicated by the name of the village in the genitive (col. VI, l. 5) or in the genitive with the preposition ἀπό (col X, l. 3; col. XII verso, ll. 4, 8; col. XIII verso, l. 16). For this reason, the purpose of designating Iason as Samaritan was probably not to indicate provenance, but a religious-ethnic background. As far as Ioudaios is concerned, the ethnicon is probably used to replace a personal name and also indicates a religious-ethnic background (see below, n. to col. XII, l. 1). recto Col. VI, ll. 1-4 τιμῆ(ς) χλ(ωρῶν) [ Μεχὶ(ρ) Ἰάσωνι [Σαμαρείτ(ῃ)] (ἀρουρῶν) γ δ´ συμφω(νηθεῖσαι) (δραχμαὶ) ρλϛ ἐλα(ίου) ποιμ(έσι) [ 4 τ

] τὸ συμφωνηθ(ὲν)

Col. VII, ll. 1-5 Φαμενὼ(θ) ζ Ἰουδαίωι βόσ[κ(οντι) ὁμ(οίως) μηνὸς [ κβ δαπάνης εξ[ μισθ(οῦ) ἐριοπλ[ύταις παιδίῳ βόσκ(οντι) ο.[ 5 Col. X, ll. 1-2 (ὧν) ἀνηλ(ωμάτων) Μεχεὶρ Ἰάσωνι Σαμαρείτ(ῃ) τιμ(ῆς) χλ(ωρῶν) (ἀρουρῶν) γ δ´ [(δραχμαὶ) ρλϛ] 2 ἐλαίου ποιμέσι (δραχμαὶ) τ

For the price of green-fodder: In Mecheir. To Iason the Samaritan for 3 arourai, the agreed 136 drachmai. To the herdsmen, for oil, the agreed 300 (drachmai). Phamenoth 7th. To Ioudaios who grazes equally for the month … 22nd For expenses ... For wages to the wool-cleaners. To the slave who grazes ... of which expenses of Mecheir. To Iason the Samaritan for the price of green-fodder for 3 arourai, [136 drachmai]. To the herdsmen, for oil, 300 drachmai.

Col. X, ll. 17-20 Φαμενὼθ ζ Ἰ[ουδ]αίωι βόσκοντι μηνός Phamenoth 7th. To Ioudaios who grazes for one month α καὶ ἡμ[(ερῶν)]….(δραχμαὶ) κβ [ ] κ and ... days, 22 drachmai ... 20 ... κβ δαπάνης [ ] ἀριθμήσεως [(δραχμαὶ)] ϛ 22nd. For expenses ... of the account, 6 drachmai. 20 τῶν ὑπεργ(αζομένων) δ[ι(ὰ)] τοῦ νέου λόγ(ου) For the services through the new account 8 (δραχμαὶ) η (τριώβολον) drachmai 3 oboloi. Col. VI, l. 2/col. X, l. 1. [Σαμαρείτ(ῃ)], Σαμαρείτ(ῃ) (Samaritan). Daris (1983, 241) considers this as an ethnicon (“da Samaria di Palestina”); Jördens (WB Suppl. II, 288) considers it a geographical indication (i.e. the village of Samaria in the Fayum, Egypt); see introduction above. Col. VII, l. 1/col. X, l. 17. Ἰουδαίωι, Ἰ[ουδ]αίωι (to Ioudaios). Ioudaios as a term here would be unusual, because it is missing an article. It was taken by Foraboschi (P.Mil.Vogl. IV, 35) as an ethnicon substituting a personal name and this interpretation was accepted by WB Suppl. II, 288. This account also lists other individuals without name and article e.g. παιδί(ῳ) (child/slave; recto, col. I, l. 6; col. VII, ll. 5, 8); ἐριοκ(άρτῃ) (sheerer; recto, col. I, l. 11; col. V, l. 6); ἐργάτηι (workerman; recto, col. II, l. 17). The entry was probably Ἰουδαίῳ βόσκοντι πρόβατα (to Ioudaios who grazes sheep; cf. recto col. I, l. 6: παιδίῳ βόσκοντι πρόβατα – to a child/slave who grazes sheep). It should be noted, however, that the designation Ioudaios (as an ethnicon) is unusual in the Roman

657 Account of water supply

95

period (see CPJ IV, 6-7), and is not the same as “workman” or “sheerer.” For these reasons, it could be understood as a personal name like ‫( יהודי‬Yehudi) in Jer 36:14 (which is, however, transliterated in LXX as Ιουδιν). For a possible reconstruction of names of this sort see Demsky 2009, 432-3. Yet, in the anti-Jewish atmosphere of the early-Roman period in Egypt, less than a decade before the Jewish revolt, this may actually be looked upon as a slur. For other mentions of the ethnicon Ioudaios in this volume see CPJ 641, l. 10; 646, l. 8; 648, e.g. l. 12; 662 l. 2; see also the introductions to CPJ 647 and 648. Based on I. Fikhman

657 (CPJ 432). Account of water supply Arsinoe (Fayum) 263 x 22 cm 113 CE P.Lond. III 1177 V (Habermann 2000) = SB XXVI 16652 TM 11763; Image: Habermann 2000, Tafelen 1-18 Lit: bibliography to CPJ 432; Llewelyn 2002, 71; Habermann 2004; Malouta & Wilson 2013, 292-3

This long papyrus, recording almost 400 lines, was first edited by Kenyon and Bell in 1907, and parts of it were published as CPJ 432 (col. I; col. II, ll. 30-8; col. III, ll. 39-61; col. IX, ll. 199-200). However, the ed. princ. presented only fourteen columns of writing and reported three further columns as illegible (P.Lond. III, 180-90). Habermann (2000) published a new edition of the papyrus, in which he corrected readings of the ed. princ. and added the three missing columns (cols. XV-XVII). Two Jews are listed in these additional columns, which we reproduce below. Although col. III, ll. 57-61 mentions water supply for two synagogues, we do not reproduce these lines, because the text is already found in O.CPJ. The papyrus is an account written by four administrators of the water supply system of Arsinoe. It enumerates incomes and expenditures for a period of six months between Pachon year 16 and Phaophi year 17 of Trajan (113 CE). After the introductory heading (col. I), the text presents the incomes of the water supply system (cols. II-IV), which consist of contributions made by different officials of the town, on the one hand, and payments made by customers, on the other hand. Among the latter, we find not only different bath-houses but also two Jewish synagogues. For an updated discussion of these see McKay 1994, 226-7; Habermann 2000, 44, 140-4; Levine 2005, 88. The rest of the account enumerates expenditures, such as payments to contractors, labourers, oxen drivers, or payments for cords, wood or other materials for machines. Among the addressees of these payments there are some Jews: Mareinos son of Iosepos received payment for the wood that he provided for machines (col. IX, ll. 199-207); Apollonios son of Isakis was paid for the oxen that were employed in the water reservoirs (col. XVI, l. 350); Abramos son of Philon received a sum of money (col. XVII, l. 371), but because of the fragmentary nature of the text, it is uncertain for what kind of service (see below, n. to l. 373). These Jews were craftsmen or worked in agriculture in the region of Ptolemais Euergetis. Col. IX, ll. 199-207 Μαρείνῳ Ἰωσήπ[ο]υ̣ ξύλ(ων) ἀκανθ(ίνων) εἰς μηχ(ανὴν) καινή[ν] 200 ἁψείδω[ν] γ̅ (δραχμαὶ) ν̣ [ἄ]λλων ἀ[κα]ν̣θ(ίνων) η̣ καὶ ἑτέρου ἀποτό̣μο̣υ̣ ε̣ἰ̣ς̣ ἁ[ψεῖδ]ας κα[ὶ] κνή[μ]ας μηχανῶ(ν) [(δραχμαὶ) ] κ[αὶ] κυπαρίσσου ε̣ἰ̣ς̣ ζυγοτράχηλ(ον) [(δραχμαὶ)] δ κα[ὶ ….] κ..[ξύ]λ̣ου ἀκανθ(ίνου) εἰς .[…..]ς 205 [erased ] (δραχμαὶ) ιθ̣

96

658. Fragment of a real estate register?

φορέτρου μ̣η̣χ( ) καὶ ἁψείδ(ων) καὶ ἄλ(λων) ξύλ(ων) (ὀβολοὶ) ιη (γίνονται) (δραχμαὶ) ϙθ (ὀβολοὶ) ιη. (Translation): To Mareinos son of Iosepos, for 3 wheels of acacia wood for a new saqqiah (water wheel) 50? drachmai. For other 8? acacia wood and other tailored (material) for wheels and spikes of saqqiahs [… drachmai] and for cypress wood for neck-piece of yoke 4 [drachmai] and […] acacia wood for […] [erased ] 19? drachmai. For payments for the saqqiahs and wheels and for other woods 18 oboloi. Total: 99 drachmai 18 oboloi. 199-207. The first two lines of this section were presented in CPJ 432. Subsequently, Habermann also read ll. 201-7 as refering to the same monetary transactions with Mareinos son of Iosepos. We present here his readings of the entire section. 199. Μαρείνῳ Ἰωσήπ[ο]υ̣. For the name Iosepos see LJNLA III, 111-20 (he is no. 26). For the name Mareinos among Jews see LJNLA III, 521-2 (he is no. 1).

Col. XVI, ll. 347-50 [//] μισθ̣[οῦ ταυ]ρ̣ι̣κῶν ἐργασαμ[ένων] ἐν καστ̣[έλλοις]. Πα[χών.] Διδύ̣μ̣ῳ ὥστε Σαραπ[ίωνι Σαραπ]ί̣ωνο(ς) μ̣ ̣ ταυ̣ρι[κοῦ] ζεύγ(ους) α̅ ἡμερῶν ε̅ (δραχμαὶ) κ 350 Ἀπολλωνίῳ Ἰσάκι[ο]ς ἀ̣π[ὸ] Ψενύρ[εω]ς̣ (δραχμαὶ) κ (Translation): [//] For the rental of oxen working in water reservoirs. In Pachon. To Didymos for Sarapion son of Sarapion … for one pair of oxen, for 5 days, 20 drachmai. To Apollonios son of Isakis from Psenhyris, 20 drachmai. Col. XVI. This column lists payments for the services of oxen. 350. Ἀπολλωνίῳ Ἰσάκι[ο]ς ἀ̣π[ὸ] Ψενύρ[εω]ς̣ (to Apollonios son of Isakis from Psenhyris). Apollonios was a common theophoric Greek name adopted by Jews; for its attestations see LJNLA III, 219-21. Isakis was one of the most popular biblical names among the Jews of Egypt in the Roman period; see Introduction to this volume 4-6. This Apollonios was from Psenhyris, which was a village not far from Arsinoe; see TM Geo 1957.

Col. XVII, ll. 370-3 370 Traces Ἀβρ[άμ]ῳ Φιλω[ν Μαρ[ί]ωνι Μαρίω̣[νος κ̣̅δ̣̅ Ὀρσεῦτι ζευγ( ) [

Traces To Abramos son of Philo[n…] To Marion son of Marion […] (Pauni?) 24, for Orseus a pair [of oxen]

371. Ἀβρ[άμ]ῳ Φιλω[ν]. For the biblical name Abramos see LJNLA III, 71-74. For Philon among Jews see LJNLA III, 392-4. 373. ζευγ( ) (a pair [of oxen]). This looks like another entry of payment for oxen. The same Marion son of Marion is also listed in col. XVI, l. 352 for the same service. This may imply that Abramos son of Philon also received payment for oxen services. Zs. Szántó

658. Fragment of a real estate register? Polemon meris (Fayum) P.Stras. IX 868 (J. Schwartz) TM 26529

13 x 12 cm

2nd century CE

This fragment is a list of houses with the names of their owners. Based on l. 7, it is clear that they were located in the Polemon meris in the Arsinoite nome. Probably, as in l. 6, all names were followed by the patronymic, the names of the paternal grandfather, of the

659. Account of beer distribution mentioning Jews

97

mother and of the maternal grandmother, but the beginnings and ends of the lines are lost. The names are mostly Egyptian, some Greek and one Jewish (l. 4: Isakis). The editor dated the papyrus palaeographically to the 2nd century CE and argued that “the papyrological mention of Isakis cannot always be considered as referring to the biblical patriarch; in our case neither the context, nor the date of the script, can make the grandfather Isak Jewish” (P.Stras. IX, 110). However, in the 2nd century CE (and until 337 CE; see CPJ IV, 15), the name Isakis on papyri was undoubtedly Jewish. Even if almost no Jews were left in Egypt after the Jewish revolt of 115-7 CE, Isakis the grandfather of Pakysis, the owner of the registered house, was alive before the revolt. .. 2 bis

4 bis 5 6 bis

8 bis

] οἰκία Διδᾶτος .[ ]ι̣σ̣εως τ̣οῦ Παπεῖτος [ .β ] ο̣ἰκία Ἁρποκρατίωνος .[ ]υ̣ Πακῦσις Δίου τοῦ Ἰσάκεω[ς μβ ]..δι.[.].[.]ν̣αιο( ) ]α̣ρου τοῦ Πετεήσιο(ς) (μητρὸς) Ταορσέως τῆς Ὀρσε̣ν̣ούφ[εως μα Πολέμω]νος μερίδος Κυνῶν̣ πόλεως σ̣ιω.[ ]ω̣ρος Μέρσεως τοῦ Πανεσνέως (μητρὸς) Θερμοτη̣[ ια

... house of Didas... ...sis son of Papeis... .2 ... house of Harpokration... ... of Pakysis son of Dios, grandson of Isakis 42 ... ... grandson of Peteesis, whose mother is Taorseus daughter of Orsenouphis 41 ... of Polemon meris of Kynopolis... ...]oros son of Mersis, grandson of Panesnis, whose mother is Thermot... 11

4. Πακῦσις Δίου τοῦ Ἰσάκεω[ς]. Πακῦσις is mistakenly in the nominative instead of the genitive; a possible restoration of the beginning of this line would be [οἰκία το]ῦ Πακύσις (house of Pakysis) but in ll. 1 and 3 οἰκία is not followed by τοῦ. For this name among Jews see LJNLA III, 639 (he is no. 2). For the name Dios among Jews see LJNLA III, 247 (he is no. 4). On the name Isakis among Egyptian Jews in the earlyRoman period see Introduction to this volume, 4-6; in LJNLA III, 128 he is no. 27.  7. [Πολέμω]νος μερίδος Κυνῶν̣ πόλεως. Κυνῶν πόλις, as suggested by Schwartz (P.Stras. IX, 110), refers to a village located in the Polemon meris; see TM Geo 1195. Based on I. Fikhman

659. Account of beer distribution mentioning Jews Provenance unknown 13 x 14 cm P.Bon. ISA 3 (Passoni Dell’Acqua 2007) TM 140538; Image: Passoni Dell’Acqua 2007, 516-7

Late Ptolemaic or early-Roman period

This badly preserved papyrus is cropped at the top, on the right and on the left. In the middle of the verso the vertical fibres are gone. The fringe at the bottom (ca. 2 cm) is well preserved. The first columns of both recto and verso record lists of beer deliveries either to single persons or to guilds/associations (σύνοδοι), while the second column of both sides enumerates most probably different expenses and credits registered day by day as may be indicated by the numbers 19 and 20 on the recto, col. II, ll. 1-2. It seems that these

98

659. Account of beer distribution mentioning Jews

expenses are connected with beer production. Due to the bad preservation of the papyrus, it is impossible to establish who registered the entries, or who the recipients of the beer listed in it were. The document was probably drawn up at a beer-shop or a brewery (recto col. I, l. 8; Passoni Dell’Acqua 2007, 514-5). On the production of beer, on brewers and on beersellers see bibliography in Passoni Dell’Acqua 2007, 514-5, n. 5. The papyrus was dated by Passoni Dell’Acqua (2007, 513) to the end of the Ptolemaicbeginning of the Roman era, based on the monetary terms mentioned in it. Its provenance is unknown; the two toponymics mentioned in it (Achillion – recto col. I, l. 5; Psenhyris – l. 7) are names of several locations in Egypt (see notes below). The name Ἰασείβις is the Greek equivalent of the biblical name ‫ישיב‬, which was popular among Jews in Upper Egypt in the Ptolemaic Period (see CPJ IV, 23, Table 9). The personal names suggest that many of the addressees of the distributions and of the goods given on credit were Jews. Passoni Dell’Acqua (2007, 518-9) suggested that they may all have been Jews; however, one person mentioned in the papyrus is a swineherd (recto, col. I, l. 10), and is, therefore, most probably not Jewish. Only the following are clearly Jews: Iosepos (recto col. I, l. 3); Iakoubos (l. 5); Iaseibis (l. 14); Rebekka (verso, col. I, l. 4); Lazaros and his son Thettas (col. II, l. 10; the latter perhaps also mentioned in recto col. II, l. 10); Iesous and Alexas his father (verso, col. II, l. 13), in total, 8. However, also the following may have been Jewish, because they bear names favoured by Jews: Sambathion (and thus also his son Ploution – recto, col. I, l. 4bis); Sambathion (and thus also his brother Theoxenos – l. 9); Sambathion (and thus also his father Peteous – l. 10); Theodoros (l. 11); Theuda (and thus also her father Apelles – col. II, l. 12); Dosas (and thus also his father Xeno… – verso, col. II, l. 11). These add up to another 11 persons, providing a list of 19 Jews, almost two thirds of all the persons mentioned in the papyrus. The document lists several guilds (σύνοδοι), two of them described as the guild of beersellers (ζυτοπώλων σύνοδος, recto, col. I, ll. 5, 12; verso, col. I, ll. 4, 11) and of barbers (σύνοδος τοῖς κουρεῦσι, recto, col. I, l. 8). For a discussion of guilds in Roman Egypt, probably contemporary with this document, and bibliography see Fikhman 1994; Venticinque 2010. One (female) Jew is listed as a member of the beer-sellers guild (Rebekka verso, col. I, l. 4). The son of Iosepos (recto, col. I, l. 3), designated “head of the cowherds” (ἡγούμενος βουκόλων), was likely the head of the cowherds’ guild. According to Venticinque (2010, 275, n. 6) ἡγούμενος is the title of guild-leaders, and twice in this papyrus it appears in this sense (recto col. I, ll. 1, 6). The papyrus also records other professionals not directly associated with guilds: a fluteplayer (recto, col. I, l. 4), a swineherd (l. 10), a fuller (l. 14), weavers (l. 14, verso, col. I, ll. 3, 13), the first of these – son of Iaseibis – is a Jew based on this name. Perhaps all these were also members of guilds. Venticinque states that “at times guilds were simply designated as ‘the fullers’ or ‘the dyers’” (2010, 277). In such a case this papyrus lists at least one other Jew as a guild member – the said son of Iaseibis, the weaver. There is no way of knowing whether all the members of the guilds mentioned in the document were Jews. If they were not, and if the papyrus is from the Roman period, it is of interest that a Jew served as a head of a professional guild not restricted to Jews (recto, col. I, l. 3). Although guilds/associations are mentioned in CPJ 138 in connection with a συναγωγὴ ἐν τῆι προσευχῆι (both terms relating to the Jewish synagogue), that document is too fragmentary to determine its contents or the nature and function of its synodoi. Thus, our papyrus is the first documentary instance in which Jews are undoubtedly members of professional guilds in Hellenistic-Roman Egypt. From literary evidence, however, the

99

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membership of Jews in such guilds in Roman Egypt is attested. In tSukkah 4:6 a description of the great Synagogue in Alexandria is given and in it the order of seating is described as follows: “and they would not sit randomly, but goldsmiths would sit by themselves, silversmiths by themselves, and weavers (‫ )גרדיים‬by themselves, Tarsian weavers by themselves and blacksmiths by themselves. And why so? So that if a visitor comes, he can make contact with his trade, and thus he will be able to make a living.” In this source the division into professional guilds influenced the way Jews are seated in the synagogue. The placement of guilds (synodoi) in the synagogue in the enigmatic CPJ 138 receives unexpected support. One of the obligations of guild members, according to Venticinque (2010, 282), was to participate in family life-cycle events of other guild members, like births, weddings and burials. Another obligation of guild members was to apprentice the sons of their colleagues in the shared profession (Venticinque 2010, 288-92). Guild’s also supported financially members who needed help on such occasions (Venticinque 2010, 282). These clauses in a guild’s charter may perhaps contribute to the understanding of some lines in the present papyrus. If we accept the reconstruction of verso, col. I, ll. 6-7, the Jewess Rebekka, a member of the beer-sellers guild (l. 4), delivers 21 choes of beer “for the wedding of the daughter of Kerk()” (l. 7). In l. 6 the same Rebekka delivers 10 choes of beer “for the taking of a son,” perhaps as an apprentice by another guild member. There is no way of knowing whether these are her son and daughter, or whether any of the persons involved in these transactions, aside from Rebekka, were Jews. recto Col. I ]Ἡρακλείδ(ου) ἡγ(ούμενος) (τῆς πρώτης) σ(υνόδου) ὥ(στε) τῇ σ(υνόδῳ) ]. δ(ιὰ) Σεύθου καὶ τοῦ υ(ἱοῦ) ].. Ἰωσή(που) βούκ(ολος) ἡγ(ούμενος) βουκ(όλων) ὥ(στε) τοῖς βουκ(όλοις) ] Ἀγαθῖν(ος) Κακοῦ ὥ(στε) Σωσίππ(ῳ) αὐλη(τῇ) 4bis 5

10

] καὶ ὥ(στε) δ(ιὰ) Νικολάου Πλουτί(ωνι) Σαμβαθί(ο)υ ] Ἰακούβ(ου) ἐκ τ(οῦ) Ἀχιλλίων(ος) ὥ(στε) ἐν ζ(υτοπώλων) σ(υνόδῳ) τῶι στρατιώ(τῃ) ].( )Τοκω(έως) ἡγ(ούμενος) (πρώτης) σ(υνόδου) ὥ(στε) τῇ σ(υνόδῳ) ].ας Ψενυρίτη(ς) ὥ(στε) τῇ σ(υνόδῳ) ]αρ(). ὥ(στε) τῇ σ(υνόδῳ) τοῖς κουρεῦσι ἐν τῷ πυλῶ(νι) το(ῦ) ζυ(τοπωλίου) Θεό]ξενος ἔφοδ(ος) ὥ(στε) τ̣ῇ σ(υνόδῳ) Σαμβαθίω(νι) ἀδε(λφῷ) και τῶι τριχ(α?) ] ὑόφορβ(ος) ὥ(στε) τῇ σ(υνοδίτῳ) Σαμβαθίω(νι) Πετούω(τος) ] Θεοδώρου βωμῶν ὥ(στε) Δημᾶτη ἐφόδ(ῳ) ].ωφω() ὥ(στε) ἐν ζ(υτοπώλων) σ(υνόδῳ) Διδύμῳ ἀδελφῷ ] Π̣τολεμ(αῖος) Λυβικο(ῦ) ὥ(στε) σ(υνοδίτοις) Ζωσίμῳ κ(αὶ) Θεομν(ήστῳ) ] Ἰασεί̣β(εως) γέρδ(ιος) ὥ(στε) Πτολλ(ᾶτι) Ἀριστερω(τέρου) γναφῖ

χ(όες) κδ (γίνονται) χ(όες) κθ𐅵 χ(όες) ε𐅵 χ(όες) κε𐅵 χ(όες) ι (ὧν) χ(όες) β (γίνονται) χ(όες) ια χ(όες) θ χ(οῦς) α χ(όες) ̣ ̣ χ(όες) ιη χ(όες) γ𐅵 χ(όες) γ χ(όες) β χ(όες) ς χ(όες) β χ(όες) ε χ(όες) ς

11 Δημᾶτι 14 γναφεῖ

(Translation): [PN] son of Herakleides, head of the first guild, for the guild through Seuthes and his son

24 choes; total 29 choes 5 choes

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659. Account of beer distribution mentioning Jews

[PN] son of Iosepos, cowherd, head (of the guild) of cowherds, for the cowherds 4

[ ] Agathinos son of Kakos, for Sosippos, flute-player

4bis 5

and through Nikolaos, for Ploution son of Sambathion [PN] son of Iakoubos from Achillion, for the soldier in the guild of beer-sellers [PN] son of Tokoys, head of the first guild, for the guild [ ...]as from Psenhyris, for the guild [ ] for the guild for barbers in the gatehouse of the beer-shop

10

[Theo]xenos, policeman, for the guild, to Sambathion, his brother, and to the ? [PN] swineherd, for Sambathion son of Petouos, member of the guild [PN] son of Theodoros of the altars for Demas, policeman [ ] for Didymos, his brother, in the guild of beer-sellers [ ] Ptolemaios son of Lybikos, for Zosimos and Theomnestos, members of the guild [PN] son of Iaseibis, weaver, for Ptollas son of Aristeroteros, fuller

25 choes 10 choes, of which 2 choes; total 11 choes 9 choes 1 chous ... choes 18 choes 3 choes 3 choes 2 choes 6 choes 2 choes 5 choes 6 choes

1. Ἡρακλείδ(ου) ἡγ(ούμενος) (τής πρώτης) σ(υνόδου) (… son of Herakleides, head of the first guild). It is unknown what kind of guild is intended here. Perhaps there were two guilds of the same kind; perhaps this title indicates the primacy of this guild compared to others. Usually, one person headed the guild (cf. recto, col. I, l. 3), but this guild had two heads (recto, col. I, l. 6). χ(όες). Plural of χοῦς. This measuring unit for liquids, in this case beer, equals 3.24 (or, in an alternative system from the Fayum, 4.875) litres (Bagnall 2009, 188); see Table of Measurements. 3. [..] Ἰωσή(που) βούκ(ολος) ἡγ(ούμενος) βουκ(όλων) ([PN] son of Iosepos, cowherd, head [of the guild] of the cowherds). This Jew is described as the head of the cowherds, which in all probability implies that he was the head of the cowherd’s guild; see introduction above. On the name Iose(pos) in early-Roman Egypt see Introduction to this volume, 4-6. 4bis, 9, 10. Σαμβαθί(ο)υ/Σαμβαθίω(νι)/Σαμβαθίω(νι). The name Sambathion is not Jewish as such, but was popular among Jews; see CPJ IV, 9-13. 5. Ἰακούβ(ου) ἐκ τ(οῦ) Ἀχιλλίων(ος) (son of Iakoubos, from Achillion). On the biblical name Iakoubos in earlyRoman Egypt see Introduction to this volume, 4-6. The formulation Ἰακούβ(ου) ἐκ τ(οῦ) Ἀχιλλίων(ος) is difficult. If Ἀχιλλίων(ος) is a personal name, the preposition ἐκ (from) is unusual. In all other entries in this papyrus, the filiation is expressed through a genitive. Besides, the name of the grandfather is not mentioned in any other entry. Consequently, Passoni Dell’Acqua (2007, 521) suggested that this refers to the toponymic Achilleos (Ἀχιλλέως) in the Hermopolite nome, mentioned in several papyri from the 3rd to the 7th centuries CE (Drew-Bear 1979, 78; TM Geo. 3415). Other locations elsewhere in Egypt also go by this name (see TM Geo. s.v. Ἀχιλλέως). Indeed, in a recent study, Bentein (2018, 9-10) collected all cases of genealogical expressions in contracts and petitions throughout Roman rule in Egypt. His catalogue includes over 4000 documents and this rare combination showed up in only 17 instances. Bentein concluded that: “the combination ἐκ with the genitive indicates ‘origin,’ rather than lineage strictly speaking” (Bentein 2018, 9) but he admitted that the number of instances in which it is mentioned is too small to reach definitive conclusions. τῶι στρατιώ(τῃ) (for the soldier). The relationship of the unnamed soldier to the guild of beer-sellers is not clear; it is unlikely that a soldier would be a member of a professional guild. 7. Ψενυρίτη(ς) (from Psenhyris). A number of locations bear this name, both in Upper and Lower Egypt (TM Geo. s.v. Ψενῦρις). 8. τῇ σ(υνόδῳ) τοῖς κουρεῦσι (the guild of the barbers). As a rule, the term designating an association (ἐργασία, κοινόν, σύνοδος) was followed by the genitive plural of the name of the profession. Sometimes it was sufficient to mark the name of the profession in plural without the preceding term designating the guild, but here we have the term with the name of the profession in the dative. The correct phrase would be τῇ συνόδῳ τῶν κουρεῶν (for the guild of the barbers). It is also strange that the barbers received the beer in the gate-house of the beer-shop – ἐν τῷ πυλῶ(νι) το(ῦ) ζ(υτοπωλίου). In other entries, there is no such detail. For a list of κουρεῖς (barbers) see Harrauer, CPR XIII, 117-20.

659. Account of beer distribution mentioning Jews

101

9. [Θεό]ξενος. On the suggestion that the name Theoxenos was used by Jews see Clarysse 1994, 198. Another possible restoration proposed by Passoni Dell’Acqua (2007, 519, n. 21) is [Philo]xenos. The name Philoxenos was borne by Jews (LJNLA III, 391). The likelihood that this person is Jewish is based on the fact that he is the brother of Sambathion (see above, introduction). 10. [..] ὑόφορβ(ος) ὥ(στε) τῇ σ(υνοδίτῳ) Σαμβαθίω(νι) Πετούω(τος) ([PN] swineherd, for Sambathion son of Peteous, member of the guild). Since PN, a swineherd or the son of a swineherd, supplies beer for Sambathion son of Peteous, a member of the guild, one may suppose that it was a guild of swineherds. In this case, it is unlikely, but not impossible, that Sambathion was a Jew. For another swineherd, whose father’s name is Sambathion see SB XVI 12738, col. II, l. 26: [ ]ε̣ι̣δ̣η( ) Σαμβαθίω(νος) ὑόφο(ρβος); for a discussion of Jews paying the pig-tax see CPJ 651, n. to ll. 115-20. 11. [..] Θεοδώρου βωμῶν ([PN] son of Theodoros of the altars). The name Theodoros was popular among Jews (LJNLA III, 299-305). This person’s occupation was in some way associated with altars, surely nonJewish, since except for the Temple of Onias, there is no evidence for Jewish altars or sacrifice worship in Egypt in this period. 13. Λυβικο(ῦ). This could be a name (see Zimmermann 1996), but also an ethnicon (Lybian). Ἰασείβ(εως) γέρδ(ιος) (PN son of Iaseibis, weaver). On the biblical name ‫ ישיב‬see LJNLA III, 132-3. The name appears in Aramaic documents from the Ptolemaic period from Upper Egypt (see CPJ 27, 114, 525, 527, 528), perhaps suggesting that this papyrus too derives from the same region. γέρδ(ιος) … γναφῖ. (weavers … fullers). On textile production and professions in Roman Egypt, based on papyrological evidence, see Dross-Krüpe 2011 (esp. 47-93). On a list of fullers see Harrauer, CPR XIII, 5865.

Col. II

5

10

ι̅θ̅ βρ[οχή (?) κ̅ με[ βροχή [ φυρ(άματος) (ἀρτάβαι) [ ἔτους ὀψώ(νιον) ου.[ ἄρ(των).[ ε.. [vacat] πίστις • Θεττᾶς [ • Τρύφαιν̣[ • Θε̣υδοῦς Ἀπελλῆς [ (Translation):

5

10

the 19th for stee[ping]? ... the 20th ... steeping ... for malting ... artabai year salary ... breads ... … [vacat] on credit • Thetta • Tryphain... • Theudous Apelles

102

659. Account of beer distribution mentioning Jews

1, 3. Βροχή (steeping). The term is associated with beer production. Our translation is based on Johnson’s translation of P.Tebt. II 401 (1936, 382-3). 4. φυρ(άματος) (for malting). This term is also associated with beer production. Our translation is based on Johnson’s translation of P.Tebt. II 401 (1936, 382-3). 10. • Θεττᾶς [ ]. This and the next two names (Tryphain, Theudous Apelles) are mentioned under the heading πίστις (on credit), which may indicate that they received beer on credit. Therefore, the checkmark preceding their names was probably inserted as indication of completed payment (Passoni Dell’Acqua 2007, 514). The same checkmark appears again in the verso, col. II, ll. 10-3 before the names Thettas son of Laz[arus], Dosas son of Xeno[...] and Iesous son of Alex[as]. 12. • Θευδοῦς Ἀπελλῆς [ ]. Theudous (=Theuda) is a female name, derived from Theodoros. On the name Theuda among Jews see LJNLA III, 427. The name Apelles is also attested in CPJ 647, and his Jewishness is indicated by the name of his father – Iosepos (Ἀπελλῆ[ς] Ἰωσήπο[υ]). On the name Apelles among Jews see above, CPJ 647, n. to l. 2.

verso Col. I

5

10

] [vacat] ] ὥ(στε) λο(ιπὸν) χλ( ) τοῖς ἐφόδ(οις) ].γερδ() γινομ() ἐν τοῖς ἀρρ() ] ὀνό(ματος) Ῥεβέκκα ἐν ζ(υτοπώλων) σ(υνόδῳ) ]ο( ) • [αὐτῆς ὀ]νό(ματος) ὥ(στε) ἀναλαμβ(άνειν) τὸν̣ υἱόν [αὐτῆς ὀ]νό(ματος) ὥ(στε) ἰς γαμ(ὸν) θυγα(τρὸς) Κερκ̣() ].οτε μοσχ() ].γίνο() ὥ(στε) σ(υνόδου) προ̣στάτι τ]υ̣μπάνου ]ς ἐν ζ(υτοπώλων) σ(υνόδῳ) Πετ..() ὀρινω() ] Ἀθη(ναῖος) ὥ(στε) Ἀλε(ξ)ᾶτι γέ]ρδ̣(ιος) Μελαγκ(ώμας)

χ(όες) ε ••• χ(όες) γ • χ(όες) χ(οῦς) α • χ(όες) ι • χ(όες) κα • χ(όες) β • χ(όες) [vacat] χ(όες) β • χ(όες) β • χ(οῦς) α •

7. εἰς

(Translation): [vacat] for ... left ... for the policemen weav[er] ... in the ... in the name of Rebekka, in the guild of beer-sellers ... • 5 [in her] name, for taking up the son [in her] name, for the wedding of the daughter of Kerk() ... ] for the prostates of the guild ] drum 10 ] in the guild of beer-sellers Pet... ] Athenaios, for Alexas ] Melankomas, [we]aver

5 choes ••• 3 choes • ... choes 1 chous • 10 choes • 21 choes • 2 choes • choes [vacat] 2 choes • 2 choes • 1 chous •

4. Ῥεβέκκα. For this biblical name see LJNLA III, 185. Passoni Dell’Acqua (2007, 522) thinks that she was connected with beer production or sale. Women (including Jewish women, as this Rebekka shows) participated in Egypt in many commercial activities as artisans and owners in workshops (Rowlandson 1998, 218-79), although we do not know with certainty whether they were members of guilds. 9. σ(υνόδου) προστάτι (prostates of the guild). The term prostates has a broad semantic field. A prostates

659. Account of beer distribution mentioning Jews

103

– a person “standing at the fore” – was commonly the leader of something. In this case, the title designates the head of one of the guilds listed in this papyrus. 12. Ἀθη(ναῖος). Passoni Dell’Acqua (2007, 520, and n. 38) claims that this could be either an ethnic designation (Athenian; cf. Lybikos [recto col. I, l. 13]) or a personal name. However, Willy Clarysse (personal communication) rightly pointed out that in this case only the latter is possible, because by the Roman period “no ethnic from Athens is to be expected.” In this case the accent is Ἀθήναιος.

Col. II

5

10

μ.[ φυρ̣(άματος) (ἀρτάβαι)..[ (ὧν) περ() ρε𐅵 [ (γίνεται) ιβ𐅵 πίστε[ως κ( ) ις πρ( ) ρζ𐅵 χ(αλκοῦ) (τάλαντον) α..[ (ὧν) ὀψώ(νιον) στ(ατῆρες) Αφξ Ἀλε(ξ)ᾶτι ἄρτω(ν) π (γίνεται)... [ καὶ ἐγ λ(όγου) ἐμ( ) [ ἀπό̣λ̣ο̣γ̣ος̣ πίσ[τεως • Θεττᾶς Λαζ̣[άρου • Δωσᾶς Ξενο[ Θε[ο • Ἰησοῦς Ἀλεξ[ᾶτος

(Translation): ... for malting ... artabai of which ... 105 ... total 12 on credit 5

10

… 107 chalkoi, 1 talanton ... of which for salary, 1560 stateres for Alexas 80 breads, total ... and in the account ... account of the cre[dit] • Thettas son of Laz[aros] • Dosas son of Xeno[...] The[o...] • Iesous son of Alex[as]

5. στ(ατῆρες) (stateres). For this monetory unit see Table of Measurements. 10. • Θεττᾶς Λαζ[άρου]. Because of his patronymic (Lazaros), Thettas was a Jew. Perhaps he is also mentioned in recto, col. II, l. 10. A similar name (Θετσᾶς) is found in CPJ 651, l. 104. Concerning the latter, Ilan (LJNLA III, 702), notes that she has “found no word or name which is associated with this form or root.” Passoni Dell’Acqua (2007, 520, n. 37) suggests that the name may be related to Θε(δ)δαῖος or Θαδδαῖος, who was one of Jesus’ disciples (Matt 10:3; Mark 3:18). On the name Λάζ[αρος] ([E]Lazaros) among Jews see LJNLA III, 77. 11. • Δωσᾶς. On the name Dosas see LJNLA III, 632. 13. • Ἰησοῦς Ἀλεξ[ᾶτος]. Iesous is a biblical name (LJNLA III, 103), and therefore his father is also Jewish. Ἀλεξ[ᾶτος] is the reconstruction of Passoni Dell’Acqua (2007, 518). On the name among Jews see LJNLA III, 208. It could, however, also be Ἀλεξ[άνδρου]. Based on I. Fikhman

104

660. List of names

660. List of names Provenance unknown P.Stras. V 361 (J. Schwartz) TM 25440 Lit.: Honigman 1995, 144-5

11 x 10.5 cm

Second half of the 1st century CE?

The recto displays the upper part of two columns listing names; the verso is a literary text on history or philosophy. Some of the names in the second column are biblical and hence clearly Jewish (Ioannes son of Iosepos, Abramos), while other Greek names such as Theophilos were sometimes used by Jews. Based on a document from Edfu in which the names Theophilos and Methysion (and also Iosepos) are documented (CPJ 406), Schwartz (P.Stras. V, 77) attributed this document to Edfu, and dated it to the second half of the 1st century CE. However, these names do not point to a clear Edfu origin, nor is there any strong indication in the present text for the suggested date. The mention of ἐκφορίο(υ) (rent) (col. I, l. 5) suggests that it is a list of payments. Schwartz (P.Stras. V, 77) suggested that the abbreviation φο( ) in col. I, refers to dates (φοῖνιξ). The text in the second column is too fragmentary to be fully understood. Schwartz suggested that the names were followed by a number of drachmai. Col. I ]Σίμωνο[ς Σπ]αρτακ̣( ) Πτολ(..) φ[ο]( ) η´ ο]υ 5

Θε]οφίλου ]ἐκφορίο(υ)

φο( ) δ´ [φ]ο( ) α . φο( ) δ´..

Ἀντιπά]τρου Σαρ.( ) φο( ).. ]Δωσι[…].[.].[ ].[ Col. II Σαμβατ̣αίου ..[ δι(ὰ) Διονυ[σίο]υ[ Ἰωάννου Ἰωσή[που Θεοφίλου Θεοδ[ 5 Σωστράτου Α.ω̣[ Ἀβράμου .[ Κλεοπ̣ά̣τρα̣[ς Μεθ̣υ̣σ̣ί̣ω[νος Δω[σι]θέου [ Νεσ[…].[ 10

Col. I. from Simon from [Sp]artak(os)(?) son of Ptol(emaios) dates(?) ... dates(?) [from The]ophilos dates(?) 1 (?) rent dates(?) [from Antipa]tros son of Sar( … son of Dosi[theos] …

) dates...

from Sambataios through Diony[sio]s from Ioannes son of Iose[pos] from Theophilos son of Theod… from Sostratos son of A.o… from Abramos from Kleopatra from Methysio[n] from Do[si]theos from Nes…

Col. I 1. Σίμωνο[ς]. The name Simon could be Jewish as well as Greek; see LJNLA III, 165-8 (he is no. 56). 5. δ´ ( ). Schwartz supposed κ̅ο,̅ i.e. at the end of the line. 6. [Ἀντιπά]τρου Σαρ. Schwartz considered Antipatros to be the son of Sarra mentioned in CPJ 171, 179, 180. On the name Antipatros among Jews see LJNLA III, 216. However, since there is no reason to suppose that our papyrus is from Edfu (see introduction above), there is no reason to connect these two Sarras. If, Sarra of CPJ 171, 179, 180 is a woman, Honigman (1995, 145) doubts the possibility of mentioning a person

105

661. Fragment of a contract of sale of a house

by his/her matronymic in any official administrative document. Sarras could, however, be an Egyptian male name (see JIGRE 161, n. to l. 1 [in Appendix 2, CPJ IV]). Moreover, the abbreviation Sar( ) is normally attested for the most common Egyptian name Sarapion. The Jewishness of this person is therefore most doubtful. 7. Δωσι[ ... ]. On the doubtful Jewishness of the name Dositheos see CPJ IV, 9-13. Col. II 1. Σαμβαταίου. On the doubtful Jewishness of the name Sambataion see CPJ IV, 9-13. 3. Ἰωάννου Ἰωσή[που]. Ioannes, son of Iose[pos] is clearly a Jew. On the name Ioannes see LJNLA III, 105-6 (he is no. 17). On the name Iosepos/Iosephos, see Introduction to this volume, 4-6. 4. Θεοφίλου Θεοδ[ ]. On the name Theophilos among Jews see LJNLA III, 306-7 (he is no. 7). The father’s name is either Theodoros or Theodotos; see LJNLA III, 295-304 (he is no. 28 in the Theodoros list). Even though both father and son have theophoric names popular among Jews, this person is not necessarily Jewish. 6. Ἀβράμου. Abramos is certainly Jewish. On Abramos, see Introduction to this volume, 6. 8. Μεθυσίω[νος]. On the name Methysion among Jews see LJNLA III, 637 (he is no. 2). This name, along with Iosepos (l. 3) and Theophilos (l. 4), also occurs in CPJ 406, a 1st or 2nd century ostracon from Edfu, on the basis of which Schwartz proposed that the present papyrus may also be from Edfu (P.Stras. V, 77); see introduction above. 9. Δω[σι]θέου. On the name Dositheos see above, n. to col. I, l. 7. Based on I. Fikhman

661. Fragment of a contract of sale of a house Provenance unknown P.Stras. IX 811 (J. Schwartz) TM 26520 Lit.: Bogaert 1994, 411; 1995, 172, n. 165

6 x 4.5 cm

2nd century, pre-117 CE (?)

This text, which Schwartz (P.Stras. IX, 15) dated to the first half of the 2nd century, is very fragmentary. However, the word πρότερον (former) in l. 4 may refer to the former owner of the house in question, indicating that this is a deed of sale of a house, or of a part of it. The bad state of preservation of the text allows neither a reconstruction of the names of the contracting parties, nor of the conditions of the contract. It is clear, though, that one of the contracting parties was a woman, that the building, or a part of it, formerly belonged to another owner, and that the price was paid through a bank. According to Bogaert’s suggestion (1995, 172, n. 165), the name of the banker was Ananios. Tcherikover (CPJ I, 15-6; cf. Tcherikover 1963, 50, 66-8) had noted that there is no evidence for a Jewish banker in any of the papyri, throughout the entire Hellenistic-Roman period. If we accept Bogaert’s reading, this is the first Jewish owner of a private bank in Roman Egypt. If indeed a Jewish banker is mentioned here, the papyrus should be dated to no later than the end of the reign of Trajan, because it is unlikely that a Jew continued to own a bank after the Jewish revolt of 115-7 CE. On exchange banks in Greco-Roman Egypt, see Bogaert 1994.

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ο]ῦ̣ μηνὸς Ξαντ̣ικοῦ [.]γ [ ].. τὴν ὁμολ̣ο̣γ̣ο̣ῦ̣σ̣α̣[ν ].. πρότερον ….ης κ..[ ]ς αἰθρίου καὶ τὸ λοιπὸ̣[ν ].. καὶ τ̣[..]ο̣υ[

… in the month Xandikos ... 3 … that she, the acknowledging party … formerly … … the atrium and the rest … … and the …

106

662. Fragment of an official letter?

].ι̣των τ̣.ν̣ιο..[ ].σι̣ω̣ς τοῖς π….υ…[ ] τ̣ῆς Ἀν̣α̣νί̣ ου κολλυβισ̣τ̣[ικῆς τραπέζης ἀνεπιδ]ά̣νιστον̣ καὶ καθαρὸν̣ [ἀπὸ ]ν καὶ μηδέ̣να ἀν...[ 10

… of the … to … … the exchange [bank] of Ananios ... … free from mortgage and clear of debts ... ... and nobody...

9 [ἀνεπιδ]άνειστον 1. μηνὸς Ξαντικοῦ (month of Xandikos). The Macedonian month Xandikos corresponds to the Egyptian month Mecheir (Hagedorn 1976b, 161). 4. αἰθρίου. This is probably a transliteration of the Roman atrium, on which see Husson 1983, 29-36.  8. Ἀνανίου. Schwartz (P.Stras. IX, 16, n. to l. 8) suggested as a possible restoration of the name here Amanios or Abanios, both very rare in the papyri. Bogaert (1995, 172, n. 165) proposed the reading Ανανίου. Ananios is a Jewish name well attested in the papyri; see LJNLA III, 91-3. We accept his reconstruction, and for this reason include this papyrus in the present volume. κολλυβιστ[ικῆς τραπέζης] (exchange bank). This reconstruction was suggested by Schwartz (P.Stras. IX, 15). On this term in Greco-Roman Egypt see Bogaert 1994, 95-120.  9-10. [ἀνεπιδ]ά̣νιστον καὶ καθαρόν̣ (free from mortgage and clear of debts). On this recurring formula see P.Stras. IX, 16. Based on I. Fikhman

662. Fragment of an official letter? Provenance unknown P.IFAO I 18 (J. Schwartz) TM 28731; Image P.IFAO I, Plate V, A

5.5 x 5 cm

2nd century CE (?)

The papyrus is too fragmentary to determine its nature, its date, or its provenance. It is probably a letter, because of the word [ἔπ]εμ̣ψα (sent) written on its margin, perpendicular to the text. The mention of “the Jews” (l. 2) and “the farmers” (l. 7) as groups marks the papyrus as an administrative document (cf. CPJ 600, where “Jews,” “Persians,” “Arabs,” and “machimoi” are listed together). If this is the case, although the articulation οἱ is missing, perhaps the traces μη̣δο of l. 3 may be read as Mῆδοι (Medes; cf. SB XIV 11416, ll. 21-2). The mention of “the Jews” in this document induced Schwartz to attribute the text to a time before the end of the reign of Trajan, perhaps to the time of the Jewish revolt itself (115-7 CE). On palaeographical grounds, however, the papyrus could be dated to a later period. For lack of other evidence, we stay with Schwartz’s dating. For provenance see n. to l. 4 below.

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ὑπόλοιπα̣ ο̣.[ σα ο̣ἱ Ἰουδαῖοι̣ [ καὶ μη̣δο.[.].[ Ψῶβθ[.]ν..[ ἐκεῖ̣ τ̣ο̣υσ.η.[ μεν καὶ οὐ χω[ οἱ γεωργοὶ οι̣[ …….ην.[ [.].[..].[..]..[

remaining … … the Jews… and Medes (?) in Psobth[ . ]n … there … and not… the farmers…

663-72. The Jewish Revolt in Egypt (115-7 CE)

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At the left side, from the top downwards: [ἔπ]εμ̣ψα sent (Translation D. Jacobs) 1. ὑπόλοιπα (remaining). The word can refer either to things or to persons, and may even mean survivors. 4. Ψωβθ[.]ν. Ψωβθις (Psobthis) is the name of four villages in different toparchies of the Oxyrhynchite nome (TM Geo 2884-7), of a village in the Hermopolite nome (TM Geo 8249), of another in the Western Desert (TM Geo 8248), of one more in Upper Egypt (TM Geo 9713) and a further two in Lower Egypt (TM Geo 8250; 9714). Based on I. Fikhman

663-72. The Jewish Revolt in Egypt (115-7 CE) The diaspora Jewish revolt of 115-7 CE remains a historical enigma. It is poorly recorded, and therefore every additional piece of information about it makes a difference. The editors of O.CPJ were well aware of this situation and rightly concluded that, at least as far as the events in Egypt are concerned, papyri can add much useful information on this important and dramatic event. They collected 16 papyri, which they identified as relevant to the revolt (CPJ 435-50), and Alexander Fuks interpreted them individually and prefaced them with a thoughtful report on what light they shed on the revolt (CPJ II, 225-7). It is not the intention of the present editors to replace that account. The editors of O.CPJ, as many before them, identified the archive of Apollonios the strategos of Heptakomia (TM Arch 19) as a major source on the rebellion and on the atmosphere in Egypt at the time. Eight of the papyri they included in the section on the Jewish revolt derived from this archive (CPJ 436-9; 442-4; 446). Since their publication, many more Apollonios-archive papyri have been published (see especially Kortus 1999), and some of them probably touch on the Jewish revolt. The picture emerging from them requires slight modifications in the reconstruction suggested by Fuks. In a subsection devoted to Apollonios’ archive, we discuss eight new papyri from it (CPJ 663; 664a-e; 665-6). O.CPJ did not discuss explicitly the criteria used to identify a papyrus as relevant to the revolt. Obviously, if the word Ioudaios or its derivatives appear in the papyrus, this is a good indication that it touches on the Jewish revolt. Only a few of the papyri collected in O.CPJ answer this criterion.1 In the additional papyri published here, only two papyri (CPJ 670, 672), which document a financial-administrative institution that manages confiscated Jewish properties – the Ioudaikos logos – document this term. Also CPJ 671 and 671a mention royal land that “had once belonged to Jews” – βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων). Eleven papyri were included based on other criteria. Of the seven papyri included in O.CPJ, which do not mention Jews explicitly, five are from the Apollonios 1

1. CPJ 435, col. III, l. 26-col. IV, l. 1: τῆς Ῥωμαίων π[ρ]ὸς Ἰουδαίο̣υς̣ μάχης (the battle between the Romans and the Jews); 2. CPJ 438, l. 4: τοὺς ἀνοσίους Ἰο[υδαί]ους (the impious Jews); 3. CPJ 443, col. II, ll. 4-5: τῶν ἀνοσίων [Ἰου]δα̣ί̣ων (the impious Jews); 4. CPJ 444, col. II, l. 26: [το]ὺς τ[ῶ]ν [Ἰο]υ[δα]ίων θορύβους (the disturbances of the Jews); 5. CPJ 445, ll. 9-10: τῶν τοῖς [Ἰ]ουδαίοις ὑπαρξάντων (of the property formerly held by Jews); 6. CPJ 447: ἐμπ(ρησθεῖσαι) ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων (buildings burnt by the Jews); 7. CPJ 448, l. 11: ἀ[π’ Ἰ]ουδαίων ἀνειρη[μ]ένων (from Jews who have been killed); 8. CPJ 449, l. 23: ἐν τῷ Ἰουδ(αϊκῷ) ταράχῳ (in the Jewish disturbance); 9. CPJ 450, l. 33: πρὸς Εἰουδαίους πόλεμον (the war against the Jews).

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663-72. The Jewish Revolt in Egypt (115-7 CE)

archive (CPJ 436-7; 439, 442, 446). They were included in O.CPJ for various reasons. The letters of Eudaimonis and Aline, Apollonios’ mother and wife respectively, were included because they express well the atmosphere in Egypt at the time of the revolt. O.CPJ noted that “some of the expressions used by this irascible old lady … and her rebellion against the gods when things go wrong … have become famous among students of papyrology” (CPJ II, 227). Whitehorne (1994) devoted a detailed study to Eudaimonis’ (and others’) religious expressions, as indications of a time of crisis and war. We have included in N.CPJ five additional letters of Eudaimonis, published after O.CPJ appeared in print, which use similar expressions (CPJ 664a-e). Most of the papyri published in O.CPJ explicitly mentioning Jews, tie them with terms that denote battle (μάχη), war (πόλεμος), and disturbance (θόρυβος; τάραχος/ταραχή). In our new collection, we have included papyri in which such terms appear in a chronological setting that fits the revolt, even when Ioudaioi are not attached to them.21 In collecting the papyri published here, we have used detailed studies of the revolt that have been published in the last decades. The two most important are Ben Zeev 2005 and Horbury 2014. Of a different character is Kortus 1999, in which new Apollonios-archive papyri were published, some of them of relevance to the revolt. Ben Zeev’s study is of special importance, because she devoted one section to papyri, republished them with translation of the relevant sections, and appraised to what extent they are relevant to the revolt. Sometimes she accepted Kortus’ identification of papyri as relevant, and sometimes she rejected his judgment. In our study we have often followed Ben Zeev, and once in a while Kortus. We have also rejected some of the papyri they identified as relevant (see Appendix 2: Documents not considered Jewish and not included in CPJ V), or that may be argued in general that they could refer to the war. For example, P.Brem. 23 is from Heptakomia, the town where Apollonios was strategos in Upper Egypt, which may have been involved in the fighting, but for which we have no such information. The papyrus is exactly dated to 7 November 116 (ll. 64-5: [ἔτους] κ Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Νέρουα Τραιανοῦ Ἀρίστου Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Δακικοῦ Παρθικοῦ Ἁθὺρ ια), and it details security arrangements and guard duties for the town, street by street. By November 116 CE the Jewish revolt was in full swing. Apollonios the strategos was probably not in the district at the time, but rather in Memphis in the north, fighting against the rebels (see CPJ 439 and Fuks 1953, 143-5). We do not know why guard duties were arranged in Heptakomia at this time. This could have become necessary because of the circumstances of the revolt – either because, when he went away, the strategos took with him the regular militia that watched the streets of the city, or because extra guard duties were necessary due to the dangers posed by the Jewish revolt, or both. On the other hand, this could be a document recording regular activities, carrying this date by mere chance. Since no further details are mentioned in the papyrus, allowing one to decide which of these options is correct, we have not included it in N.CPJ. Another group of papyri not included in N.CPJ discusses building activities carried out on Apollonios’ estate in Hermopolis. In two of them Aline is involved (CPJ 446; P.Giss. I 20). In others, Herodes the architect of Apollonios or his brother Hierakion are mentioned (P.Alex.Giss. 43; P.Giss. III 67; P.Ryl. II 233). O.CPJ included CPJ 446 because Herodes 21

CPJ 664a, ll. 3, 9 – ταραχαί; 665, l. 32 – σκυλμῶν καὶ κινδύνων (violent troubles and dangers); 666, l. 18 – ἐσχάτοις (extreme danger); 667a, ll. 29-30 – θόρυβον καὶ ἀκαταστασίαν (disturbance and anarchy); 667b, l. 14 – [θόρυ]βον (disturbance).

663-72. The Jewish Revolt in Egypt (115-7 CE)

109

the architect, its author, mentions remains of destruction on the way to Alexandria, making land-travel impossible. Kortus (1999, 132) thought the building activity mentioned in this papyrus is the same as the one in P.Giss. I 20 and P.Giss. III 67, and suggested identifying them as papyri associated with the destruction inflicted by the rebels. Building activities in an estate, however, are a frequent phenomenon, before, during and after a revolt. Their mere mention does not imply destruction or hostile activity, and since they are not dated, there is no reason to associate them with the revolt. Similarly, Fuks in O.CPJ included CPJ 446 not because of building activities, which it mentions, but because of the destruction mentioned in it, and did not include P.Giss. I 20, which mentions building activities, but no destruction. The papyri included in N.CPJ do not make a substantial difference, compared to information available in O.CPJ, but they add some details. For example, in CPJ 669 recruits to the Roman army replace the casualties of war, constituting a third of the fighting force. In CPJ 663 Apollonios instructs one of his appointees to buy him some weapons. Although the papyrus is not precisely dated, and although no direct reference to fighting is found in it, Ben Zeev (2005, 168) convincingly argues that “this purchase of arms seems quite exceptional in view of the fact that usually the strategoi had only civil responsibilities.” Because we only know of Apollonios fighting the Jews, it is likely that this weapons-purchase was undertaken on the occasion of the Jewish rebellion. CPJ 665, a letter relating a trip undertaken by Herodes, Apollonios’ steward, to Alexandria, exposes the dangers of river travel during the revolt, and the dangers in the city (Hacham & Ilan 2019). Two other papyri (CPJ 667a-b), letters of Terentius – a navy soldier – to his father, confirm the dangerous situation in Alexandria and the actions taken by the Romans to counter the upheaval. Since the publication of O.CPJ new thoughts on the chronology of the revolt have been voiced. Ben Zeev, for example, argued that since there are still Jewish-tax receipts from Edfu from the spring of 116 CE (March-May; CPJ 227-9), it is unlikely that the revolt had broken out much earlier, and had certainly not yet reached Upper Egypt (Ben Zeev 2005, 152-3). Horbury, however, rejected this new dating (2014, 171), conceding only that it took the rebellion until the summer of 116 CE to reach deep into Upper Egypt. Our minor contribution to this debate is based on CPJ 665. We suggest dating this papyrus, from October 30th of an unnamed year, to 116 CE. It is written from Alexandria and describes the city as in turmoil and danger. Since CPJ 435, dated to October 14, 115 CE, describes the quelling of riots between Jews and Greeks in Alexandria, this latter papyrus probably refers to the stasis described in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. IV 2.1-2, which had broken out in Alexandria in Trajan’s 18th year, and escalated in the next year to open war, which is described in CPJ 665 (Hacham & Ilan 2019). On another occasion, we suggest a new view on the chronology of the end of the rebellion, based on new papyri. CPJ 664c is a letter by Eudaimonis to her son Apollonios. It is dated to 20 December (Χο̣ί̣ακ κδ) of an unknown year. In this letter, she requests her son not to leave his post, because that would grieve her. We assume this is because there is danger beyond. Aline, Apollonios’ wife, is in this letter with him, but his daughter Heraidous is with Eudaimonis. This means that it was written after June 117 CE, which is the date of CPJ 442, relating Aline’s return to her husband in Upper Egypt to give birth. It must, therefore, be dated to 20 December, 117 CE. The tone of the papyrus makes it likely that the war was not quite over by then. Later than CPJ 664c, we place CPJ 664d, which still speaks of danger, but Apollonios and Aline are now with both their children (“More

110

663. Letter to Apollonios concerning the purchase of arms

than anything I pray that you may be saved together with your wife Aline and your children, untouched”). If the previous letter, in which their daughter is still in Hermopolis, is from December 117, this letter cannot be earlier than January 118 CE. These letters show that the Jewish war was not quelled in one stroke. In the summer of 117 CE, contra Ben Zeev (2005, 153-4), it was certainly not over yet, and probably continued in some areas well into the winter of 117-8 CE. Like in O.CPJ (445, 448), four papyri in N.CPJ (670, 671, 671a, 672) describe the aftermath of the revolt and reflect the disastrous consequences for the Jews, mostly in the realm of land confiscation. Two of the new papyri name an institution that managed the confiscated property – Ioudaikos logos. This institution illustrates how the Romans dealt with Jewish confiscated lands. Unfortunately, the state of the papyri in which it is mentioned, and the fact that one of them (CPJ 672) is not dated, while in the other (CPJ 670) the date can be variously interpreted, does not allow determining when it came into existence, nor how long it functioned (see introduction to CPJ 670-2).

663-6. The Apollonios archive As in O.CPJ (CPJ II, 226-7), most papyri about the Jewish revolt of 115-7 CE derive from Apollonios’ archive, on which see also Roos 1922; P.Brem.; Kortus 1999; Reinard 2016a and the introduction above.

663. Letter to Apollonios concerning the purchase of arms Hermopolis 33.5 x 21 cm 20 May/19 June 115?/116? P.Giss. II 47 (P. M. Meyer) = Chrest.Wilck. 326 (U. Wilcken) = P.Giss.Apoll. 6 (M. Kortus) = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 14 (BL I, 170; BL V, 35) TM 19441; Image: https://papyri.uni-leipzig.de/rsc/viewer/GiePapyri_derivate_00003820/pgiss-inv025rectoR300.jpg (accessed 10.3.2022); P.Giss.Apoll., Pl. 4 Lit.: Ben Zeev 2005, 168; Horbury 2014, 239; Reinard 2016b, 675-81.

This papyrus reports the purchase of weapons for Apollonios in Koptos in Upper Egypt. The reason for this purchase is not spelt out. However, since the strategos did not usually have military responsibilities, and since no other war event, aside from the Jewish revolt, is known from the days of Apollonios’ office as strategos in Upper Egypt, for which weapons would have been necessary, this purchase is likely associated with the Jewish uprising (Ben Zeev 2005, 168; Reinard 2016b, 675-6), and therefore relevant for this corpus. The date of the papyrus is uncertain. It is from the 25th of a month beginning with the letter Π. Opinions differ as to the year of this document. Meyer, who did not associate it with the Jewish revolt, dated it to the days of Hadrian (P.Giss. II, 63); Kortus, who did, preferred 115 CE (P.Giss.Apoll., 96; see also BL V, 35). Ben Zeev (2005, 168), who thinks the rebellion did not begin before May 116 CE, dated it to 116 CE. Both Kortus and Ben Zeev argued that buying weapons was the first action that had to be taken once hostilities broke out. It is indeed difficult to decide which is the more convincing date. According to Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. IV 2.1-2, and as implied in CPJ 435, clashes in Alexandria broke out in the summer of 115 CE, and Apollonios, who served as strategos in Heptakomia in Upper Egypt, may have begun to prepare himself for the outspread of riots to his part of

663. Letter to Apollonios concerning the purchase of arms

111

the country by arming himself. This date may be supported by the cheap deals of which the writer of the letter boasts that he managed to arrange for Apollonios. In times of eminent crises, no deals would have been had (but these may, of course, have been mere boasts). On the other hand, since in Upper Egypt Jews still paid the Jewish tax till the spring of 116 CE, Apollonios may not have had a good reason to buy weapons and prepare for battle a year earlier. Thus, May-June 116 CE is also a likely date for this letter (see further Reinard 2016b, 675-6). An alternative interpretation was raised by Willy Clarysse (personal communication). He notes that at the time of great urgency in 116 CE, Apollonios would probably not have ordered his weapons from Koptos but would have bought them locally or obtained them from the army and would only bother about military efficiency. In this papyrus, however, stress is laid on their beauty not on their military use. They may have been purchased for victory celebrations. The purple and spices also point to festivities. Clarysse supposes therefore that these items were bought either for a victory celebration over the Jews or for celebrations of the accession of Hadrian. The tone of the letter is formal, and does not provide information about the relationship between the writer and Apollonios. It is clear that some of the equipment purchased was for Apollonios’ personal use (e.g. the sword ll. 11-2). It is unclear, however, whether the [ὅπλ]α (weapons) in l. 2 also refer to a purchase of equipment for Apollonios’ military unit; see n. to l. 2 below.

5

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[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] Ἀ̣π̣ολ[λω]νί̣ωι τῶι τιμιωτά̣τ̣[ωι χαί]ρει[ν.] [πάντα τὰ ὅπλ]α̣ [ὧ]ν [ἕνε]κα̣ ἦλθ̣εν Ἑρμί̣α̣ς ἀ̣γ̣ορ̣άσ̣α̣[ς] [ἔπεμψά σοι] διʼ [α]ὐ̣[τ]ο̣ῦ̣ ἡ̣[δό]με̣νος ἐπὶ τῶι κα̣τ̣[ὰ τ]ὰ̣ς [εὐχὰς γνή]σ̣ια καὶ λείαν ἄ̣ξια εὑρῆσθ[αι] ὡ̣ς̣ καὶ [ὑπὸ πάντ]ω̣ν τῶν ἰδόντων θαυμ̣α̣σ̣θῆναι. [ὁ μὲν γὰρ] θ̣ώραξ ἐκ καλοῦ ὠροχάλκ̣ο̣υ ὢν καὶ [τὴν πλοκ]ὴ̣ν̣ λεπ̣[τ]ότατος καὶ τὸ μεῖζον ἐλα[φρότατος] ὡς μὴ κ[ά]μνειν τὸν φοροῦντα αὐτὸν [ἠγορά]σ̣θη πολλῶν [ἀ]ξ̣ιολόγων συν̣εληλυθότων [μοι] φί[λ]ω̣ν̣ ἀργ(υρίου) (δραχμῶν) τ̅ξ̅ ἀντὶ πλε̣[ίον]ο̣ς ὡς καί σοι [φανήσ]εται. ἡ δὲ [σα]μσεῖρα Ἰτ̣αλικὴ καλουμένη [ ̣ ̣ηνατος] ὁ̣μοί[ως ἀντὶ πλεί]ονος (δραχμῶν) π̅ κ̣α̣ὶ τὸ [ἡ]μιλεί̣[τρι]ον τῆς πορφύρα̣ς̣ ἀντὶ (δραχμῶν) σ̅ξ̅δ̅ [(δραχμῶν)] σ̅ν̅β̅ [κα]ὶ τὰ δύο μάτια τῶν ἀρτυμάτων (δραχμῶν) π̅. παραζώ̣[ν]ι̣ον γὰρ π[ρ]ὸς τὸ π̣αρὸν γνήσιον οὐχ̣ ε̣ὑρέ̣θ̣η, ἀλλʼ οὐ[δ]ὲ ἐδικ[αί]ω̣σα ἀγ̣ο̣ράσαι ἀπ̣οδοκιμασ[θῆ]ναι δυν̣άμενον. τὸ [ὀν]άριον τ̣ὸ χαλκοῦν [ε]ἰ ἐπωλεῖτ[ο] δ̣ραχμῶν κ̅δ̅ ἔ̣κτοτε̣ ἂ̣ν ἔπεμ̣ψ̣ά σοι· εἰ δὲ βού[λ]ε̣ι α̣ὐ̣τὸ ἀγο̣ρασ̣θῆνα̣ι̣ (δραχμῶν) μ̅, [ὅ]σ̣ω[ν ὁ τε]χ̣ν̣[είτ]ης πα̣[ρα-] κ̣αλούμε̣νο̣ς̣ [ὑπ]ι̣[σ]χνεῖτ̣αι δώ̣σε̣ιν, δήλωσόν μ̣[οι.] ἃ̣ς μέντοι δε̣δώκεις εἰς το̣ῦ̣το̣ (δραχμὰς) κ̅δ̅ ἔπε̣μψά [σοι,] καίπ̣ερ Διονυσ[ί]ου τοῦ ἀργ̣υ̣ροκόπου κατασ̣χό̣ντο̣ς̣ μο̣υ̣ ὅλας (δραχμὰς) μ̅ ε̣ἰ̣ς ἐνεχύρου λόγο̣ν τῆς πεμφθε[ί-] Σ

25

σ̣ης ⟦μ⟧οι ὑ̣πὸ τὰ ζ̣ῴ̣δια ξυλίνης θήκ̣ης· ἥν, ἐὰν δό̣ξῃ σοι, κύριέ μου, ἀναπέμψεις μοι, ἵν̣α ἀποδοὺς δυνηθῶ ἀπολα̣βεῖν τὸ ἴδιον· [ῥ]ᾳδί[ω]ς̣ γὰρ παρὰ σοὶ ὁμοία

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663. Letter to Apollonios concerning the purchase of arms

30

αὐτῆι γεν̣έ̣σθαι δύ̣ναται. π̣ε̣ρὶ ὧ̣ν ἄ̣λ̣λ̣ω̣ν βούλ̣ει, [γρά]φε μοι̣ [ἡ]δ̣έως [π]ληρώ̣σ̣ο̣ν̣[τι]. (2nd hand) [τ]ὸ ἄ[σημ]ο̣ν [νῦν ἐστ(ιν)] [(δραχμῶν) τ̅] ξ̅β̅· ὡς γὰρ ο̣[ἶδα]ς, ἐν Κ[ό]πτῳ̣ καθ̣ʼ ἡμέραν διάφορο̣[ι] γ̣είνονται τιμαί. [ἐρ]ρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι, κύριέ μου. Π[αῦνι] κε.

4 λίαν 8 φε̣ροῦντα (P.Giss.Apoll. 6) 13 ἡμιλίτριον 26 ὅμοια 29 γίνονται

(Translation): To the most distinguished Apollonios, greetings. All the weapons, because of which Hermias came, I have bought and sent to you by him gladly, that they can be of use, and that it was possible to find them cheaply, so that all the persons who saw them were amazed. The cuirass, of very good brass, very finely woven and very light in comparison to its size, so that it does not tire the one who wears it, was bought in the presence of many respectable people, friends of mine, for 360 silver drachmai, but it is worth more, as you will realize. Also the sword called Italian (was bought) for 80 drachmai, (which is) beneath its worth; and the half pound of purple cloth for 252 instead of 264, and the two matia of the spices for 80 drachmai. A dagger suitable for this occasion could not be found and I did not think it right to buy one which could be rejected as unworthy. I would have sent you the small copper container had it been sold for 24 drachmai; but if you are willing to buy it for 40 drachmai – for this price the craftsman promises to give it to you – then let me know. The 24 drachmai which you have given me for this purpose I sent to you, although Dionysios the silversmith kept from me full 40 drachmai as pledge for a wooden box sent to you for the pictures. Send it back to me, my lord, if it seems right to you, so that I can give (it) back and receive what belongs to me, since something similar to it may be easily found in your place. As to the other things that you want, write to me, I shall gladly carry them out. (2nd hand:) The uncoined metal is valued at 362 drachmai because, as you know, prices change in Koptos on a daily basis. I pray that you may feel well, my lord P[auni] 25. (Translation based on Ben Zeev) 2. [πάντα τὰ ὅπλ]α̣ [ὧ]ν [ἕνε]κα̣ ἦλθ̣εν Ἑρμί̣α̣ς ἀ̣γο̣ ρ̣άσ̣α̣[ς] (All the weapons, because of which Hermias came, I have bought). Meyer, the first editor of the papyrus, read here: [.] ….. [..]αων .. κλημεν Ἑρμίας ἀγοράσας[ ] (… Hermias I have bought), but he considered his reading uncertain (P.Giss. II, 63). The present reading was suggested by Schubart (BL I, 170) and accepted by Kortus (P.Giss.Apoll., 100). However, since [ὅπλ]α̣ (weapons) is an almost complete reconstruction, it is doubtful whether the letter began with a general statement mentioning weapons. 11. ἡ δὲ [σα]μσεῖρα Ἰτ̣αλικὴ καλουμένη (the sword called Italian). This is the only attestation of the word σαμσεῖρα in the papyri. As noted by Meyer (P.Giss. III, 166) and accepted by Kortus (P.Giss. Apoll., 100), it is most probably of Persian origin and means “sword.” 14. δύο μάτια τῶν ἀρτυμάτων (two matia of spices). On the volume measure mation see Table of Measurements. 29. [(δραχμῶν) τ̅]ξ̅β̅ (362 drachmai). Reading suggested by Schubart (BL I, 170). ἐν Κ[ό]πτῳ̣ (in Koptos). As is clear from this line, the writer of the letter went to Koptos to purchase these items. Koptos, the metropolis of the Koptite nome in Upper Egypt, was the starting-point of a caravan route to Berenice on the Red Sea, and therefore became an important center for commerce in Greco-Roman Egypt; see TM Geo 1159. 30. Π[αῦνι] κε (P[auni] 25). All scholars have completed the name of the month as Π[αῦνι] (Pauni, i.e. June 19) though it could also be Π[αχών] (Pachon, i.e. May 20). For Ben Zeev, who thinks the revolt only began after May 116, June is preferable for the date of Apollonios’ armament. However, even if some Jews were still paying the Jewish tax in May 116 CE, this does not mean that the revolt was not drawing near. Apollonios could have been preparing himself for what was coming. Of course if the letter is from 115 CE, both May or June are possible dates. Zs. Szántó

664. Letters from Eudaimonis to Apollonios the Strategos

113

664. (CPJ 437) Letters from Eudaimonis to Apollonios the Strategos Lit.: Pucci 1981, 50-1; Clarysse 1989; Whitehorne 1994; Rowlandson 1998, 118-24; Kortus 1999, 64-87; 102-7; 125-30; Ben Zeev 2005, 171-4; Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 139-41; 147-8; 154-8.

The letters of Eudaimonis to Apollonios, the strategos of the Apollinopolites-Heptakomia nome in Upper Egypt, form an important component of the Apollonios archive (TM Arch 19). There are 17 letters written by women from this archive, of which three were written by Aline, Apollonios’ wife (CPJ 436; P.Giss. I 20 – to Apollonios; P.Giss. III 78 – to Tetes) and nine by Eudaimonis (CPJ 442; P.Flor. III 332; P.Giss. I 23 – to Aline; CPJ 437; CPJ 664a-e – to Apollonios; see Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 139-63; Kortus 1999, 79-81; Ben-Zeev 2006, 23). Among them are several letters they wrote from Hermopolis, the family seat, to Apollonios in Upper Egypt, while he was involved in the fighting during the Jewish revolt. The real family relationships of Eudaimonis to the strategos Apollonios and to his wife Aline are unclear; no official documents containing such data have come down to us. In personal letters the expressions υἱός (son), θυγάτηρ (daughter), ἀδελφός (brother) and ἀδελφή (sister) do not always indicate family relationships, but can also reflect terms of affection. The meaning of these expressions in papyri from the Apollonios archive (e.g. son – CPJ 664a, l. 2; b, l. 1; c, l. 2; d, l. 2; e, l. 2; daughter – CPJ 442, ll. 1-2; brother – CPJ 436, l. 1; sister – CPJ 442, l. 17; 664c, l. 15) is therefore uncertain. For a long time it was believed that Eudaimonis was the mother of both Apollonios and of his wife Aline, indicating that theirs was a sibling marriage. This position was argued in detail by Wilcken (P.Brem., 10-3) and accepted by many scholars, including Fuks (CPJ II, 227, n. 2) and Modrzejewski (1995, 200, 202, 204). However, in two letters published by Schwartz (P.Alex.Giss. 57 = SB X 10652A; CPJ 664d) Eudaimonis addresses only Apollonios as her son, whereas Aline is mentioned in the same letters as his wife (σύμβιος) and not his sister. Therefore, Schwartz concluded that Apollonios and Aline were not brother and sister. If so, whose mother was Eudaimonis? Clarysse discussed the question at length and concluded that she had to be the mother of Apollonios and not of Aline (Clarysse 1989, 88-9, and especially the family tree on p. 99). Modrzejewski, however, who in the third (French) edition of his book retracted from his former position on a sibling marriage between Apollonios and Aline, considered Eudaimonis the mother of only Aline, and understood Apollonios as merely her son-in-law (Modrzejewski 1997, 278, 280-1). In all the papyri cited here Eudaimonis calls Apollonios her son. Since none of Eudaimonis’ letters are dated by year, it is difficult to know whether they are associated with the revolt. O.CPJ included two letters by Eudaimonis, based on the urgent tone voiced in them – CPJ 437, ll. 3-4, where she warns Apollonios against the Jewish rebels with the words “may they not roast you,” and CPJ 442, ll. 25-8, where she writes to Aline, that she will “pay no attention to the gods until I get my son back safe.” These have been understood as references to the events of the war. Whitehorne (1994) interpreted the extreme religious expressions in Eudaimonis’ letters as indicating their association with the Jewish revolt (see now Clarysse 2020b, 144). This criterion seems correct; and at least in the case of CPJ 664b, we considered the religious fervour voiced in it as meriting its inclusion in this corpus (contra Whitehorne 1994, 26). Aside from religious fervour, also deep concern, as well as advice to stay away from danger, can be used as criteria for inclusion of certain papyri in the war-letters (see especially CPJ 664c; contra Whitehorne 1994, 26).

114

664. Letters from Eudaimonis to Apollonios the Strategos

However, other criteria, aside from the urgent tone, have to be considered. The first of these is the addressees of the letters. It appears that when Apollonios was first appointed strategos of the Apollinopolites-Heptakomia nome (113/4 CE), he left his home in Hermopolis with his wife, Aline, to go to his new position. However, once he was called to military duty, Apollonios sent his family back to Hermopolis, considering it safer (CPJ 436). Ironically, this location also came under attack during the Jewish revolt (CPJ 664a; 666; Fuks 1953, 144). Towards the end of the revolt the family was reunited in Upper Egypt (CPJ 664d). Thus, when Eudaimonis writes to both Apollonios and Aline, one should assume that the letter dates from either before the beginning of the revolt or from after June 117 CE, when Aline went back to join Apollonios (CPJ 442; cf. Ben Zeev 2005, 154). If, however, she writes to Apollonios, stating that his wife and/or daughter are with her, this means that Apollonios is not with the entire family, and thus war is not over (Rowlandson 1998, 119).1 Another criterion, which Kortus (1999, 15, 79) suggested to distinguish events from the time of the war and those at its very end, are the mention of Apollonios’ “children.” Before and during most of the war, so Kortus, Apollonios only had one daughter – Heraidous. The reference to children in plural must imply that the strategos and his wife have been reunited, and only afterwards Aline had given birth to a child.2 This criterion, however, has not been accepted by all scholars. CPJ 664d, from Eudaimonis to Apollonios, was taken by Ben Zeev (2005, 20-1; 170-1, n. 16) to date from the time of the revolt, because of the phrase “more than anything I pray that you may be saved” (πρὸ τ̣ῶν [ὅλ]ων εὔχομαί σε διασῴζεσθαι̣; ll. 3-4). Kortus (1999, 79), however, claimed that because “children” are mentioned in the letter (and they and Aline are with Apollonios), this letter has to be dated to after the revolt. CPJ 664c, which we identify as a revolt document, because of the concern for Apollonios’ health and security voiced in it, probably describes a chronological middle ground: Aline, who in CPJ 442 is pregnant, and travelled to be with her husband, is with Apollonios, but they do not yet have “children” (in plural) and Heraidous (their daughter) is with her grandmother in Hermopolis (cf. also P.Giss. III 77, 78). Aline must have become pregnant around the beginning of 117 CE, after Apollonios won a victory in Memphis – in the north – and while on his way to Heptakomia – in the south – may have visited Hermopolis (see also Fuks 1953, 145-7). Here we present five additional letters Eudaimonis wrote to Apollonios (CPJ 664a-e), which are probably from the time of the revolt, based on their urgent tone, and on the chronological criteria just described. The question of the dating of the revolt in general and its discrete stages in particular is complex (see above Introduction to the papyri of the revolt, 10710). Irrespective of this question, the new letters of Eudaimonis to Apollonios are presented here in a hypothetical chronological order, based on contents. CPJ 664a-b reflect a situation of disturbances and war. These are stated explicitly in CPJ 664a and can be

1

A letter from a certain Sarapias to Eudaimonis may belong to the Apollonios archive (PSI IV 308). If it does, it may be mentioning Aline (in l. 8) with Eudaimonis (see Messeri 2001, 166-7, nn. 7-10), but not with Apollonios, reflecting the situation at this time. 2 Kortus 1999, 241-6 brings this argument strand to extremes when he claims that P.Giss. III 76 (=P.Giss.Apol. 78), which mentions Apollonios with Aline and children together, should be dated to 116/7 CE (p. 244). However, even according to his own criteria this is only the terminus post quem for this papyrus and it is probably later. See also P.Giss. I 13; P.Brem. 13.

664a. Letter mentioning disturbances

115

deduced from Eudaimonis’ vow in CPJ 664b. In CPJ 664e she thanks the gods for her prayers being answered, and therefore it is likely that it was written after the suppression of the revolt and a cessation of hostilities. In CPJ 664c Eudaimonis entreats her son to stay where he is, and even though Aline is with Apollonios, Heraidous is still with her grandmother, reflecting a situation of imminent danger. In CPJ 664d the family as a whole has been reunited with Apollonios, but his mother still prays for him to be saved, indicating that tensions have not fully subsided. For the relative chronology of these new letters compared to one of Eudaimonis’ letters in O.CPJ (CPJ 442) see Introduction to the papyri of the revolt, 109. Eudaimonis’ letters in O.CPJ add little information on the events themselves, and even CPJ 437, which was used to show the cruelty of the Jews during the revolt (“may they not roast you”), was reread by Clarysse “may they not defeat you” (Clarysse 1989, 97; see also Ben Zeev 2005, 171-3). The new papyri may, however, push the complete end of hostilities, at least in Upper Egypt, to the very end of 117-beginning of 118 CE (see below, CPJ 664c, n. to l. 24 and the Introduction to the papyri of the revolt, 109-10; contra Fuks 1953, 150-1; Ben Zeev 2005, 153-6).

664a. Letter mentioning disturbances Hermopolis 12 x 13 cm 116 or 117 CE P.Alex.Giss. 58 (J. Schwartz) = SB X 10652B = Kortus 1999, 125-9 = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 22 TM 27580; Image: https://papyri-giessen.dl.uni-leipzig.de/receive/GiePapyri_schrift_00003370 (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Whitehorne 1994, 27, 29; Hagedorn 2001, 148; Ben Zeev 2005, 170-1; Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 141; Reinard 2016a, 50-1

recto

5

10

Εὐδαιμον̣ὶς Ἀ̣πολλωνίωι τῶι υ̣ἱ̣ῶι πο̣λλὰ χαίρειν. ὁ̣ρ̣ῶσ̣α̣ τ̣ὰς πα̣ρʼ ἡμεῖν ταραχ̣[ὰς] οὐ καρτε̣[ρ]ῶ̣ νυ̣κτ[ὸ]ς ἡμέρας ε[ὐ]χ̣[ομ̣έν̣η τ̣οῖς θεο̣[ῖ]ς π̣ᾶσι̣ καὶ π[άσαις] [ὅ]π̣ως [σε] δ[ι]αφυ̣λάξ̣ωσι [...]π̣[.] .ω̣ς̣ [παρ]ακλ̣[η]θ̣εὶς ο[ὖ]ν [..]σ̣[..]ν̣ σε̣αυ[τὸ]ν διάγ̣[α]γε μ̣έ̣χρι οὗ πα̣[ρ]έ̣λθ[ωσι αἱ] τ̣οῦ καιρ̣οῦ τούτου ταραχαὶ κ[αὶ .. α]παν̣τᾶ̣ς ἡμῖν εἰς παραμ̣ύ̣[θιον]. μὴ ὀκ̣νήσ̣ῃς π̣[ερὶ τῆς] σ̣ῆ̣ς [σωτη]ρίας δηλῶσα[ί μοι. ἀσπάζε-] [ταί σε] Ἡραιδοῦς ἡ [μεικρὰ καὶ] [ ... ca. 9 … ]οι̣κο[

Eudaimonis to Apollonios her son, many greetings. Seeing the disturbances near us, I cannot endure, and night and day I pray to all the gods and goddesses to guard you carefully … please … behave yourself until the disturbances of this time are gone and … you can meet us to console us. Do not delay in informing me about your well-being. [Young] Heraidous salutes you and …

verso (2nd hand) [Ἀπολλωνίωι σ]τρατηγῶι Ἑπτακωμίας. 15

To Apollonios strategos of Heptakomia.

(Translation based on Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 141) 1-2. Εὐδαιμονὶς Ἀπολλωνίωι τῶι υἱῶι (Eudaimonis to Apollonios her son). On the family relationship between Eudaimonis and Apollonios see introduction above. 3. ὁρῶσα (seeing). Reading according to Hagedorn 2001, 148. 3, 9. ταραχ[άς]; ταραχαί (disturbances). What are these disturbances? Schwartz (P.Alex.Giss. 58, n. to l. 3) thought that this term has nothing to do with the Jewish revolt, and that it denotes minor local disturbances, such as a strike that may have been mentioned in CPJ 442, ll. 15-7 (οἱ ἡμῶν ὅλην τὴν πόλιν [π]ροσπεύδοντες πλέον μισθόν – our people have been marching all over the city, asking for more pay).

116

664b. Letter mentioning a religious vow in the course of the revolt

However, Tcherikover translated the last words in this sentence as “offering higher wages” explaining its wording as not associated with a strike or disturbances (CPJ II, 246). Moreover, it seems that in our papyrus Eudaimonis describes herself as being in immediate danger, the cause of which cannot be a mere local strike. Also, the ταραχαί of l. 9 are described as “of this time” and as effecting directly not only Eudaimonis, but especially Apollonios elsewhere. Therefore, a different explanation is in order. Ben Zeev (2005, 171) suggested that the word ταραχ̣[άς] of l. 3 refers to the disturbances of the Jewish revolt in Hermopolis as evidenced also in CPJ 666, ll. 17-9 (see next note). The word ταραχή may mean “revolt” and is already attested as such in Egypt of the 2nd century CE; indeed, a papyrus from 151 CE (CPJ 449) refers to the Jewish uprising as Ἰουδαΐκος τάραχος (Jewish disturbance). Fuks assumed, concerning this reference, that “although this is the only instance of τάραχoς being used in the papyri in this connection, it is not unlikely that it was the official designation of the events of A.D. 115-17” (CPJ II, 257, n. to l. 23). Despite the term here being in the plural, since the present papyrus is much earlier than CPJ 449, dating to the time of the revolt itself, the use of ταραχαί to describe discrete events in the revolt, may have constituted a stage on the way to τάραχος becoming a terminus for the revolt itself (cf. van Minnen 1987, 62-3; Drew-Bear 1997, 241 n. 19). ὁρῶσα τὰς παρʼ ἡμεῖν ταραχ[άς] (seeing the disturbances near us). This phrase is another reference to the danger in which Hermopolis was found during the Jewish revolt; see CPJ 666, ll. 17-9 (cf. CPJ 436, ll. 16-9; Fuks 1953, 143-4). 4-6. ε[ὐ]χ[ο]μένη τοῖς θεο[ῖ]ς πᾶσι καὶ π[άσαις] [ὅ]πως [σε] δ[ι]αφυλάξωσι (I pray to all the gods and goddesses to guard you carefully). This is one of Eudaimonis’ formulations, about which Whitehorne (1999, 25) wrote: “in the letters with a connection to the Revolt we find fuller and more complex religious sentiments being used than in those letters that have no such connection.” However, a similar expression in P.Flor. III 332, ll. 11-2 (“I have neither bathed nor worshiped the gods, in my fear for what hangs over you”), is associated with problems of a private nature which Eudaimonis has with a certain Diskas, and is not connected with the revolt. This suggests that Whitehorne’s observation does not always work (cf. Whitehorne 1999, 28). 5. π[άσαις] (all … [goddesses]). Emended by the editor (P.Alex.Giss. 58, n. to l. 5). 6. δ[ι]αφυλάξωσι […]π[.] (guard carefully). Schwartz read and suggested the emendation δ[ι]ασυ[λ]λα[β]ῶσι [ἀ]π[ρόσ]κ[οπον] (watch over you unharmed), noting that its meaning is similar to P.Giss. I 17, l. 7 (διαφυλάσσουσι ἀπρόσκοπον). The emendation of the second word seems certain (Clarysse 2020b, 141). Regarding the reading of the first word, Whitehorne (1994, 29) observed that Schwartz’s reading is a hapax legomenon. The reading we offer is based on more recent observations made on the papyrus itself by Hagedorn (2001, 148; see also Ben Zeev 2006, 28). The translation is thus likely “that they guard you carefully, unharmed.” 8-9. πα[ρ]έλθ[ωσι] (are gone). Reading according to Hagedorn 2001, 148. 13. Ἡραιδοῦς. Heraidous, the daughter of Apollonios and Aline is often mentioned in the archive; see P.Alex.Giss. 78-9 and CPJ 437. During the revolt she stayed with her grandmother, Eudaimonis, in Hermopolis; see also below 664c, ll. 18-9. In 664d, l. 5, where “children” are mentioned, Heraidous is obviously with her parents after the revolt has subsided. Based on I. Fikhman

664b. Letter mentioning a religious vow in the course of the revolt Hermopolis 7 x 11 cm P.Alex.Giss. 60 (J. Schwartz) = SB X 10652D = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 17 TM 27582; Image: Bagnall & Cribiore 2008, A7.5 Lit.: Bagnall & Cribiore 2008, letter 35 A7.5

116 or 117 CE

recto [Εὐδ]αιμονεὶς Ἀπολλωνίωι τῶι υἱῶι πλεῖ[στα] χαίρειν. π̣ρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σε ὑγιαίνειν καὶ .[. [.......] καὶ ἀπρόσκοπον εἶναι πάντοτε. γει5 [ν]ώσκειν σε θέλω ὅτι οὐκ ἐ̣ξύρημαι εὐ[…

Eudaimonis to Apollonios her son, many greetings First of all, I pray that you are in good health and … …. and that you are unharmed always. And I wish you to know that I did not cut my hair …

664c. Letter requesting Apollonios not to leave his post

α̣ὐτὸς οὐκ οἶδας ὅτι οὐ μὴ ποιήσω ἄλλα πε[.. [- ca.17 - ἐ]καρήθην οὖν [……

-- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -verso

[Ἀπολλω]νίωι στρατη(γῶι) Ἑπτακωμ̣[ίας]

117

you yourself do not know that I shall not do other things... … haircut … To Apollonios the strategos of Heptakomia.

1. Εὐδαιμονὶς

(Translation based on Bagnall & Cribiore, 2008). 3-4. πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σε ὑγιαίνειν καὶ ... καὶ ἀπρόσκοπον εἶναι πάντοτε (First of all, I pray that you are in good health and … and that you are unharmed always). This concern formula indicates that this letter was written by Eudaimonis during the revolt (see introduction above and Ben Zeev 2005, 23, 170). 4. καί (and). Reading according to TM/papyri.info. 5. σε (you). papyri.info precedes this word with the word δέ. ὅτι οὐκ ἐξύρημαι (that I did not cut my hair). This seems to be part of a religious vow Eudaimonis made to ensure Apollonios’ safety (Bagnall & Cribiore 2008, A7.5). Abstention from hair-removal is a universal phenomenon (see e.g. Milgrom 1990, 356-7). For similar ascetic behaviour in the Jewish tradition (the nazir) see Num 6:5. 6. οἶδας (know). This is a common form in documentary papyri for the standard οἷσθα. ὅτι οὐ μὴ ποιήσω ἄλλα … (that I shall not do other things …). These other things she will refrain from doing (like refraining from cutting her hair) also refer to the vow she made. 7. [ἐ]καρήθην οὖν (haircut). The verb-form ἐκαρήθην is otherwise not documented. Schwartz (P.Alex.Giss, p. 61) suggested that it is an error made by the writer for ἐκαρήν (1st aor. pass. of the verb κείρω – “cut, crop”), and suggested that it is connected to ἐξύρημαι of l. 5. Bagnall and Cribiore (2008, letter 35, A7.5) translated this word as “I had my hair cut,” obviously based on this suggestion. However, there are at least two other options for explaining this verb here: (1) If, indeed, it refers to a haircut, since in l. 5 Eudaimonis declares that she had not cut her hair, in this line a “not” (μή, οὐκ) could be lurking in the incompletely preserved line; (2) Since κείρω has other meanings aside from a reference to a haircut (ravage, destroy, devour, waste), Eudaimonis could also be speaking of the other effects of the Jewish war. N. Hacham and T. Ilan

664c. Letter requesting Apollonios not to leave his post Hermopolis 18 x 16 cm 20 December, 117 CE P.Giss. I 21 = Kortus 1999, 64-71 (BL XII, 77; XIII, 101) TM 19423; Image: https://papyri.uni-leipzig.de/receive/GiePapyri_schrift_00002800 (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Rowlandson 1998, 123; Hagedorn 2001, 149-50; Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 154-5; Morelli 2017

recto

5

Εὐδα[ι]μ̣ονὶς Ἀπολλωνίωι τῶι υἱῶι πλεῖστα χαίρε̣ι̣ν. λίαν ἐχάρην ἀκούσασα ὅτ̣ι ἔρρ̣̣ωσαι καὶ ἡ̣ ἀδελφή σου Σο̣ῆρι̣ς. ἀφʼ ᾖ̣ς ἡ̣μ̣έρας ἔπεμψάς μοι, ἐζήτησα τὸ λακ̣ώ̣νιο̣ν καὶ οὐχ εὗρον ἀλλὰ ἀτταλιανὸν σαπρόν. οὐκ ἀγνοεῖς δὲ ὅτι ἡμιλίκαὶ (δραχμὰς?) β ὁ̣λκῆς

10

τριον ἔδωκας εἰς τὸ συνθεσείδιον τὸ λευκόν διὸ δαπανᾷς λίτραν μίαν καὶ ὁλκῆς στατῆρα. ἀγοράσεις οὖν καὶ πέ̣μψεις, [ἵ]ν̣α̣ τ̣α̣χέως σοι̣ πεμφθῇ. παρακαλ̣ῶ δέ σε μένε ἐπὶ σαυτοῦ, ἵν̣α̣ μή μ̣ε̣ [λυ-

Eudaimonis to Apollonios her son, many greetings. I much rejoiced when I heard that you are well, and your sister Soeris. From the day you sent me word, I looked for the Laconian (garment) but I could not find any except for a worn out Attalian (garment). You are not unaware that you gave half a and 2 drachmai of weight

pound for the white gown on which account you spend one pound and a stater of weight. You are to buy and send it, in order that it can be sent to you in a hurry. I beg you to remain where you are in order not

118

15

20

verso

664c. Letter requesting Apollonios not to leave his post

πήσ[ῃ]ς ει̣μ̣α̣[….]. ἄ̣σ̣π̣α̣σαι Ἀλιν̣ὴν τὴν ἀδελφήν σου̣. εὐχάριστεῖ σοι λ[ί]αν Σοῆρις καὶ ἔγραψέ̣ μοι ἐπιστολὴν περὶ τούτου. [ἀ]σ̣πάζετ̣αί σε καὶ τὴν μητέρα Ἡ[ρα]ιδοῦς̣ ἡ μικρά. (2nd hand) ἔρρωσ̣ο τέκν̣ο̣ν̣. Χο̣ί̣ακ κδ.

to grieve me … Salute your sister Aline. Soeris thanks you exceedingly and wrote me a letter about it. Young Heraidous salutes you and her mother, (2nd hand) Farewell (my) child. Choiak 24.

Ἀπολλωνίωι σ̣τρα̣τ̣η̣γῶι Ἀπολ̣[λωνοπολίτου]

To Apollonios, strategos of the Apollonopolite.

12 ed. princ.: ἀ̣π̣[ο]πεμφθῇ 13 ed. princ.: ἡαυτοῦ

(Translation based on Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 154-5) 3. λίαν ἐχάρην ἀκούσασα ὅτι ἔρρωσαι (I much rejoiced when I heard that you are well). Although this intensive expression is common in women’s letters (see Clarysse 2017, 76), together with the words of ll. 124 (see note below), they indicate that the letter was written at a time of danger. 4. καὶ ἡ ἀδελφή σου Σοῆρις (and your sister Soeris). Soeris is Apollonios’ sister, mentioned e.g. in CPJ 442, as having given birth to a child during the revolt. The orthography of her name there is Σουεροῦς. For a letter which a certain Soeris wrote to Aline see P.Brem. 64 (in Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 146). In this sentence she appears in the nominative case, and thus shares the greetings to Apollonios with Eudaimonis, the author of the letter. Since ll. 16-7 inform us that Soeris wrote to Eudaimonis, at this time she is neither with her mother nor with her brother. 5-7. λακώνιον … ἀτταλιανόν (Laconian [garment] … Attalian [garment]). Both Laconia and Attaleia are place names in the ancient Greek world – Laconia is the area of Sparta and Attaleia is in south-western Turkey (today Antalya). On garments associated with these places see Morelli 2017. The specific technical terminology Eudaimonis uses here may very well be associated with the fact that, before the war, she ran a sort of cottage textile industry, also mentioned in CPJ 442, where Eudaimonis states on the one hand that, after Aline left, she got material from the dyer and immediately began to weave, but on the other hand “I cannot find girls to work with me” even though “our people have been marching all over the city, offering higher wages” (see also Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 139, 152, 159, 161). 7-8. ἡμιλίτριον ἔδωκας `καὶ (δραχμὰς?) β ὁλκῆς´ (half a pound and 2 drachmai of weight). Reading according to Hagedorn 2001, 149-50. The ed. princ. read ἡμῖν τρ[ ]ον and κα̣ὶ̣ ἐ̣β̣λ̣ά̣β̣η̣ς between the lines. 12-4. παρακαλῶ δέ σε μένε ἐπὶ σαυτοῦ, ἵνα μή με [λυ]πήσ[ῃ]ς (I beg you to remain where you are in order not to grieve me). After having voiced her relief that her son is well (l. 3), Eudaimonis advises him not to go anywhere, probably so as not to put himself in danger again. Similar advice Aline voices in CPJ 436, ll. 14-9, while the Jewish war was raging. In the present papyrus, the Jewish war seems not to be over yet. 15. Ἀλινὴν τὴν ἀδελφήν σου (your sister Aline). This is an example in which Eudaimonis calls Aline Apollonios’ sister, although she is his wife. On this issue see introduction. 18-9. [ἀ]σπάζεταί σε καὶ τὴν μητέρα Ἡ[ρα]ιδοῦς ἡ μικρά (Young Heraidous salutes you and her mother). This formula shows that Heraidous is not with her mother, who is now with Apollonios. Obviously, when the pregnant Aline undertook the journey to join her husband (see CPJ 442 and Fuks 1953, 147), Heraidous stayed with her grandmother; see introduction. 20. (2nd hand). This greeting is probably in Eudaimonis’ own handwriting, indicating that the rest of the letter is dictated; see Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 47. 21. Χοίακ κδ (Choiak 24). This refers to the 20th of December. CPJ 664c is the only one among Eudaimonis’ new letters that is dated. In O.CPJ there is also one dated letter – CPJ 442: In Pauni 29 (=June 23) the pregnant Aline sets off to join Apollonios (l. 6), and the date of Eudaimonis’ letter to her is Epeiph 22 (July 16). O.CPJ dated this letter to July 117 CE. The present letter is therefore 5 months later. Note that CPJ 443 is dated to November 28, 117 CE, almost a month earlier. In it, Apollonios asks for leave a second time. CPJ II, 247 assumes that this is because the war is over, but if that were the case, the strategos may not need to ask for permission to leave his post. Moreover, as this is the second time he applied for leave, his first

664e. Letter expressing relief at Apollonios’ well-being

119

request (several weeks earlier) was probably rejected, indicating that even though the rebellion was in decline, peace was not yet fully restored. Therefore, although Ben Zeev (2005, 155-6) argues that the revolt ended in the summer of 117 CE, our papyrus and CPJ 443 may indicate that peace and quiet were not fully restored until sometime later, at the earliest, the end of 117. N. Hacham and T. Ilan

664d. Letter regarding Apollonios, his wife and children Hermopolis 5.5 x 1.5 cm End of 117-beginning of 118 P.Alex.Giss. 59 (J. Schwartz) = SB X 10652C = Kortus 1999, 79-81; Ben Zeev 2005, no. 15 TM 27581; Image: https://papyri-giessen.dl.uni-leipzig.de/receive/GiePapyri_schrift_00003380 (accessed 10.3.2022)

recto Εὐδαιμονὶς Ἀπολλωνίωι τῶι φιλοστοργοτάτωι υἱῶι χα(ίρειν). πρὸ τ̣ῶν [ὅλ]ων εὔχομαί σε διασῴζεσθαι̣ ἅμα τῆι συμβίωι σου 5

verso

σ

Eudaimonis to Apollonios most affectionate son greetings. More than anything I pray that you may be saved together with your wife

Ἀλινῆι καὶ ἀβασκάντοις ου παιδί̣ο̣ι̣ς. .. [.] . δ̣ὲ̣ τ̣οῖ̣ ς ἄλλοις καὶ τοῦ [ -ca. 13- ].ως Ι‧‧ .ω̣ν̣α̣ ἔχι̣[

Aline and your children, untouched (by the evil eye) ...and the other...

[Ἀ]π̣ολλωνί̣ω̣[ι στρατηγῶι]

To Apollonios the strategos.

(Translation: Ben-Zeev, 2005, 21) 3-4. πρὸ τῶν [ὅλ]ων εὔχομαί σε διασῴζεσθαι (More than anything I pray that you may be saved). This letter is included here because of this phrase, which suggests that Apollonios is in some danger and Eudaimonis’ prayers are necessary to secure his well-being (see introduction). For a similar formulation, but without the urgent tone, in other papyri from this archive, see e.g. P.Giss. I 23 and P.Brem. 64. 5-6. Ἀλινῆι καὶ … `σ´ου παιδίοις (Aline and your children). Because children (and not only one child – Heraidous) are mentioned, this papyrus should be dated to after CPJ 442 ll. 3-4 (“you will be delivered of a child”), and also after CPJ 664c, in which Apollonios is with Aline, but Heraidous is with her grandmother. In the present papyrus she is with her parents (and her newborn sibling). N. Hacham and T. Ilan

664e. Letter expressing relief at Apollonios’ well-being Hermopolis 14 x 10 cm P.Giss. I 22 (Kortus 1999, 72-5) = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 27 TM 19424; Image: Kortus 1999, Tafel 2, no. 97 Lit.: Ben Zeev 2005, 172-3; Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 155-6

End of 117-beginning of 118

This entire letter is a religious note of thanksgiving, typical of Eudaimonis’ style in her communication with the gods (see Whitehorne 1994, 27-8). The situation described here is one in which the war is over, Apollonios is safe (which Eudaimonis interprets as reward for her piety, ll. 6-7), and she now prays that her son will honour her with his presence, presumably in Hermopolis (ll. 3-5). recto [Εὐδαιμ]ο̣νὶς Ἀπολλων̣ίωι τῶι [(?)…..]μ̣οτάτωι υἱῶ̣ι πολλ̣ὰ̣ χ̣(αίρειν).

Eudaimonis to Apollonios her most … son, many greetings.

120

5

665. Letter from Herodes to Herakleios

[πρὸ π]ά̣ν[τ]ων εὔχομ̣[α]ί σε [τὸν ἀγ]α̣θ[ὸν] ἀ̣σ̣π̣[άσ]α̣σθαι [καὶ] τὴν [γλυκυ]τάτην σ̣ου ὄψιν προσκυ[νῆσαι] νῦ̣ν ὄ̣ν̣τως ἀμοιβ[ὴ]ν̣ [ἤδη] τῆς εὐσεβείας μου ἀης

10

[πολ]α̣μβα̣νούσ σε ἀπρόσ[κοπ]ο̣ν καὶ ἱλαρώτατον. ταῦ[τά μ]οι ἡ πᾶσα εὐχή ἐστι [καὶ μ]έριμνα. ταῦτα καὶ θεοῖς [ἀρέ]σ̣κε[ι] δ̣ιει.ε̣ μοῦ κα̣ὶ νι[…..]ε̣α̣ο̣ς ε[ὐ]σεβεία .[ [- ca.9 -σ]ια̣ν̣ ἐνδι

[First] of all I pray to welcome you, [trea]sure, and to kiss your [sweet]est sight, now at last being recompensed for my piety, receiving you unharmed and in high spirits. These are my whole prayer and concern. These things too are pleasing to the gods . . . ... piety …

verso Ἀπολλωνίωι ἀπὸ [Εὐδαιμονίδος].

To Apollonios from (Eudaimonis).

(Translation based on Whitehorne 1994, 35) N. Hacham and T. Ilan

665. (CPJ 446) Letter from Herodes to Herakleios Hermopolis 36 x 13 cm 30 October 116 P.Brem. 48 (U. Wilcken) = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 46 (BL VIII, 68) TM 19632; Image: http://brema.suub.uni-bremen.de/papyri/content/pageview/365748 (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Husson 1983, 316; Whitehorne 1994, 29, 36; Horbury 2014, 204, 233, 242; Hacham & Ilan 2019

This papyrus belongs to the Apollonios archive (TM Arch 19). It is written on the back of an account from the year 107/8 CE (P.Brem. 41). The text is a letter written by Herodes, an architect in the service of Apollonios on his Hermopolite estates. As is evident from CPJ 446 (and also from P.Giss. III 67), he was hired by Apollonios’ family to construct for them a new house in the vicinity of Hermopolis. Roos (1922, 136) argued that this building project entailed renovation of property damaged during the revolt, as described in CPJ 443, col. II. In the latter, dated 28 November 117 CE, Apollonios applied for leave to go and inspect his damaged properties. Herodes would not have been working on a new building project before the war had ended and Apollonios had inspected the damage. Wilcken (P.Brem., 46) accepted this premise and thus dated CPJ 446 to 29 August 118 CE. This dating is confirmed from another angle. The building activity is also mentioned in two other letters addressed to Apollonios – P.Ryl. II 233 and P.Giss. I 20 – the latter being from Aline. She ends the letter by sending her husband greetings from his children (P.Giss. I 20 l. 25). Obviously this was after she had given birth to their second child towards the end of the revolt (see CPJ 664c-d). P.Ryl. II 233 and P.Giss. I 20 are not included here or in O.CPJ, because they are not directly connected to the Jewish war. CPJ 446 was included because it mentions that Herodes “will not be able to go on foot through the country because of its devastation” (l. 23), obviously caused by the Jewish rebellion, which is now over but its traces are still visible. Wilcken assumed that the present letter is associated with the same building activities mentioned in CPJ 446 because in ll. 22-6 purchase of wood from the Oxyrhynchite nome is mentioned, and in CPJ 446 woodwork is mentioned in ll. 3-4 (P.Brem., 113). He therefore suggested dating both to 118 – CPJ 446 on 29 August; CPJ 665 on 30 October.

665. Letter from Herodes to Herakleios

121

As in CPJ 446, the present letter also mentions Herodes in association with his brother Hierakion in Alexandria. In CPJ 446 he asks for leave to visit him. In the present letter he actually is in Alexandria visiting his brother, among other activities. It is clear, however, that the visit in the present letter is not the realization of his request for leave in CPJ 446, since the way he arrived in Alexandria according to the present papyrus is completely different from the one he planned in CPJ 446 (cf. P.Brem., 113 and n. to l. 28 below). Although Jews are not mentioned in the letter, because of “the violent troubles and dangers” (ἁδρῶν σκυλμῶν καὶ κινδύνων) described in l. 32, it is almost certain that it was written in the thick of the Jewish war and not after it. Perhaps also the severe storm mentioned in l. 5 (χειμῶνος σφοδροῦ), refers to the disturbances caused by the Jewish revolt. It is therefore clear that this document is earlier than CPJ 446. More on the warlike situation in Alexandria during the revolt see CPJ 667. The text does not preserve a complete date, only the month and the day (Hathyr 3 = 30 October). If it is indeed from the time of the revolt, it should be dated to 30 October 116 CE (cf. Ben Zeev 2005, 76 who included this text under “texts which may concern the Jewish revolt” [72]). It cannot date to 115 CE, because on the 14th of October of that year, the Roman governor Rutilius Lupus had issued an edict (CPJ 435), which reflects that earlier unrest in Alexandria had been quelled by the Roman army. Obviously, violence had broken out again when our letter was written, and it is more likely that this happened after a year than after only 16 days (cf. Eusebius, Hist.Eccl. IV 2.3). Support of this date is found in ll. 30-1, which mention the Alexandrian Sarapeum as an active temple. Historians and archaeologists suppose that this temple was badly damaged or actually destroyed in the Jewish revolt; see n. to ll. 30-1 and Reinard 2016a, 55-6. Because by October 117 CE, the Jewish revolt was certainly on the decline, and therefore the Sarapeum must have been destroyed previously, this letter has to date from the previous year.

5

10

15

20

Ἡρώδ[η]ς Ἡρακλείωι τῶι τιμιωτάτωι χαίρειν. γίνωσκ[έ] με τῆι τρίτηι μηνὸς κατηντηκέναι ε[ἰ]ς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν καίπερ πολλ[ὰ] ἐκ[ι]νδύνευσα ἀπὸ χειμῶνος σφοδροῦ κατὰ τοῦ βί[ο]υ, ἀναδεδωκέναι δὲ αὐτῆι τῆι τρίτηι Ἀπίᾳ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ φίλου Ἀπολλῶτος ἐπιστολήν, ἧι εἶπον ὅτι κατὰ πάροδον ἀκούσας ὁ Ἀχιλλεὺς ὁ μέ[λ]λοντός μου φίλωι ⟦μέλλοντος⟧ περὶ τοῦ καταπλεῖν ἐγγὺς ὡς ἀκηκοότος τὸ[ν] υἱὸν ἀσθενεῖν καὶ νῦν φημι σὺν θεῶι [α]ὐ[τ]ὸν ἐρρωμένον. ἐρωτῶ σε οὖν ..[..]…. Ἀχιλλεῖ, ὃ ἂν δόξῃ σοι, ..[..μ]ε̣ ἀναδεδωκότα τὴν ἐπιστολ[ὴν] ..[.]..…μοι, μεθʼ ἡμέρας δὲ [.]. [π]ροσκαρτερεῖν αὐτ̣ῆι̣, ἱν λάβω ἀντιφ[ώ-] [ν]ησιν. συνέτυχον δὲ καί μ[ου ἀ]δελφῶ[ι] Ἱερακίωνι, ὡ̣ς̣ ἔγραψά σοι διὰ Κάστορος τοῦ φίλου. εἴ με ἀπηρτίκει ἡ Κλαυδί[α] Ἀπία τῆι ἀντιφωνήσει, οὐκ [ε]ἶχον ὑπ[ό-]

Herodes to Herakleios, the most esteemed, greetings. Be informed that on the 3rd of the month I arrived in Alexandria, although I was exposed to great mortal danger because of a severe storm, and that on the same third day, I handed over to Apia the letter of my friend, Apollos. I said to her that […] Achilleus … […] sailing down the river, he had heard that the son was sick, and now I affirm that with the gods’ help he is in good health. I therefore ask you [ ... ] to Achilleus, if it seems right to you, [ ... ] I handed over the letter [ ... ] to me in [...] days to wait for her, so that I can get an answer. I also met my brother Hierakion, as I wrote to you through Kastor, my friend. Had Claudia Apia not prepared the answer, I would not have had any reason

122

665. Letter from Herodes to Herakleios

θεσιν ἐνθάδε ῥέμβεσθαι. ὑπομισε

25

30

35

μνήσκω δέ περὶ τῆς ⟦ξυλείας⟧ ξυλέας τῆς οἰκοδομῆς, εἴ πως δυνασθήσεις ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀξυρυγχείτου ἀπηρτισμένην ὠνήσασθαι, ἵνα μὴ ἐμπέσωμεν ὕστερον εἰς τοὺς χειροτέχνας. γίνωσκε δέ, ὅτι ἐκ διαραμάτων σπουδαίως κατῆλθον π[ολ]λοῦ ναύλου. πρὸ πάντων αὔριον τὸ προσκύνημά σου ποιήσω ἐν τῶι Σαρα[π]είωι ἐπεὶ σήμερον οὐκ ἀνέβην ἀπὸ ἁδρῶν σκυλμῶν καὶ κινδύνων. (2nd hand) ἔρρωσο, φίλτατε. Ἁθὺρ γ ὥρᾳ η. (3rd hand) Ἱερακίων ἀσπάζομαί σε, γλυκύτατε. (4th hand) Ἡρακλείωι ἐπιτρόπ(ωι) Ἀπολλωνίου στρα(τηγοῦ).

to hang around here. And I you

remind of the wood for the construction in case you could buy [some wood] produced in the Oxyrhynchites so that we would not fall on the handycraftsmen later. Be informed that I came here in a hurry by small boats at a high fare. Before all things, tomorrow I shall make the obeisance for you in the Sarapeum, since I did not go up there today because of the violent troubles and dangers. (2nd hand) Farewell, my dearest friend. Hathyr 3 the 8th hour. rd (3 hand) I, Hierakion, greet you, my dear fellow. (4th hand) To Herakleios, steward of Apollonios strategos.

(Translation based on Whitehorne 1994, 36) 17 ἵνα 23 ξυλείας 28 διεραμάτων 1. Ἡρακλείωι τῶι τιμιωτάτωι (Herakleios, the most esteemed). This person was the epitropos (steward) of Apollonios estate; see CPJ 439, verso: Ἡρ[α]κλείῳ ἐπιτ[ρόπῳ]; P.Giss. I 26, verso: Ἡρακλείωι [ἐ]πι[τρόπῳ Ἀπο]λλω[νίου στρατ]ηγ[ο]ῦ; P.Giss. III 67, l. 9: [Ἡράκ]λειος ὁ ἐπίτρ[οπος]. He is the recipient of CPJ 439 – a letter reporting a Jewish defeat near Memphis. 5. ἀπὸ χειμῶνος σφοδροῦ (because of a severe storm). Wilcken (P.Brem., 113) identified this storm as one which endangered the boat-traffic on the Nile and put Herodes’ life in danger. Indeed, sporadically and rarely the end of October-beginning of November can witness heavy storms. For example, at the end of October 2019 heavy rain and flooding hit Cairo and northern Egypt. However, χειμών can metaphorically refer to wars and other social upheavals (LSJ, 1983, s.v. II, 2). In light of the reference to the “violent troubles and dangers” (ἁδρῶν σκυλμῶν καὶ κινδύνων) further down in the papyrus (l. 32), perhaps a metaphorical interpretation should be preferred. Cf. Appian’s description of his own troubles travelling by boat to Pelusium during the revolt (Appian, Liber Arabicus 19 = GLA II, 348). On travel difficulties on the Nile during the revolt see also CPJ 441, col. II, ll. 4-7; 666, ll. 4-6. 7. ἀναδεδωκέναι δὲ (…) Ἀπίᾳ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ φίλου Ἀπολλῶτος ἐπιστολήν (I handed over to Apia the letter of my friend, Apollos). One reason for Herodes’ journey to Alexandria was the handing over of Apollos’ letter to Claudia Apia (see also ll. 14-6, 20-2 below). Any other detail about this letter is unknown. 8-10. κατὰ πάροδον ἀκούσας … ὁ μέ[λ]λοντός μου φίλωι ⟦μέλλοντος⟧ περὶ τοῦ ... ἐγγὺς. We have not been able to understand the syntax of this sentence, and so have not translated it; cf. P.Brem., 115. 9-10, 23. μέ[λ]λοντός μου φίλωι ⟦μέλλοντος⟧; ⟦ξυλείας⟧ ξυλέας. Herodes was apparently in a hurry when writing this letter, since the words μέλλοντος and ξυλέας are repeated and then deleted. 19. Ἱερακίωνι … Κάστορος. Both persons appear in CPJ 666, ll. 20-1. Hierakion was Herodes’ brother, who was also in the service of Apollonios, while Kastor was one of his other employees. 20. με. According to Clarysse (personal communication), the word με stands here as a weak form for μη (not). Another translation could be “had Claudia Apia prepared for me.” 20-1. Κλαυδί[α] Ἀπία (Claudia Apia). She is the same Apia who received a letter in l. 7. 23-6. περὶ τῆς ⟦ξυλείας⟧ ξυλέας τῆς οἰκοδομῆς εἴ πως δυνασθήσεις ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀξυρυγχείτου ἀπηρτισμένην ὠνήσασθαι (the wood for the construction in case you could buy [some wood] produced in the Oxyrhynchites). Wilcken connected this letter with four others, mentioning the construction projects for Apollonios in Hermopolis after the war (CPJ 446, P.Giss I 20, III 67, P.Ryl. II 233). He assumed that he is asking Herakleios here to buy Oxyrhynchite wood for those same projects, and identified the ξενικὰ ξυλά (“foreign wood”) mentioned in P.Giss. III 67, ll. 9-10 as this same wood (P.Berm., 115-6; cf. Husson 1983, 313-9, esp. 316, n. 3; Kortus 1999, 144-5). However, since Herodes worked in construction, his interest in buying building materials is understandable, regardless of when this letter was written. Because we consider it to have been written during the war (sometime before CPJ 446 and P.Giss. III 67), we do not think that a connection between the building projects of Apollonios and the purchase of wood mentioned in this papyrus is necessary.

666. Letter from Heras to his father Epaphroditos

123

28. ἐκ διαραμάτων (by small boats). Wilcken (P.Brem., 116) interpreted this term as “transfers” across canals, but the further attestations in papyri published since suggest it was “a kind of small boat” (LSJ Suppl 92: s.v. διέραμα; cf. Horbury 2014, 242, n. 288). This seems like a description of an emergency measure – Herodes is not using the regular transportation available on the Nile in peacetime, probably because of the war. It is therefore clear that the journey Herodes took here is not the one for which he asked permission from Apollonios in CPJ 446, where he explained that he would sail in his brother’s boat. 29. π[ολ]λοῦ ναύλου (at a high fare). Another indication for the troubled time in which Herodes was travelling is the mention of the high price he had to pay to the boat-person who took him to Alexandria. Obviously he did not pay the standard price, because the skipper would only be willing to put himself in such danger, were he well paid for it. 30-1. τὸ προσκύνημά σου ποιήσω ἐν τῶι Σαρα[π]είωι (I shall make the obeisance for you in the Sarapeum). The Sarapeum was a temple dedicated to Sarapis, established by the Ptolemies, which was ruined and rebuilt several times. It was excavated in 1940s (Rowe 1946). The excavators assume that it was badly damaged or destroyed during the Jewish revolt and rebuilt by Hadrian (Rowe 1946, 62-4; cf. Smallwood 1981, 399; Applebaum 1979, 316-7; Horbury 2014, 232-3). Support for this assertion is found in Sib. Or. V, 487-8 which foresees the destruction of a Sarapeum (καὶ σύ, Σάραπι λίθους ἀργοὺς ἐπικείμενε πολλούς, κείσῃ πτῶμα μέγιστον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τριταλαίνῃ – “And thou, Sarapis, dwelling on thy pile of profitless stones, shalt lie a vast ruin in the midst of wretched Egypt;” cf. Horbury 2014, 232). On parts of Sib Or. V as dating to after the Jewish revolt in Egypt, but before the Bar Kokhba war see Collins 2000, 144. If Herodes assumes that he can still make obeisance in the Sarapeum, the letter has to be dated to either before its destruction, or a long time after the rebellion. Horbury, who accepts the date 118 CE for this letter, suggested that “even if damaged, soon after the revolt it could still be visited in a normal way” (Horbury 2014, 233). However, it makes more sense that this letter is from before the attack on the Sarapeum and the damage inflicted to it. 31-2. ἐπεὶ σήμερον οὐκ ἀνέβην ἀπὸ ἁδρῶν σκυλμῶν καὶ κινδύνων (since I did not go up there today because of the violent troubles and dangers). The dangers experienced in the city of Alexandria itself, as described in these words, are so extreme that people like Herodes refrain from going out in the streets. This reminds one of Claudius Terentianus’ words in CPJ 667, ll. 11-3, that for five days “… nor was anyone of us able to pass the c[amp] gate” probably because of the effects of the Jewish revolt in Alexandria. The term κίνδυνοι appears elsewhere in relation to the Jewish revolt; see CPJ 441, col. III, l. 15. N. Hacham and T. Ilan

666. Letter from Heras to his father Epaphroditos Hermopolis 19.3 x 7.6 cm 26 April-24 June 116 P.Brem. inv. 7 (Maehler 1966) = SB X 10277 = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 21 TM 16754; Image: http://brema.suub.uni-bremen.de/papyri/content/titleinfo/770778 (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Ben Zeev 2005, 171; Reinard 2016a, 50

This papyrus is another document from the Apollonios archive (TM Arch. 19). It was one of the six papyri which were considered lost when Wilcken published his Bremer Papyri in 1936 and one of the two which were rediscovered and published in 1966 by Maehler. This papyrus is a letter from Heras to his father, Epaphroditos, well-known from other papyri in this archive as an employee of Apollonios in the Hermopolite nome (Kortus 1999, 204). Heras is located in Chenoboskia (l.16), a town in Upper Egypt, and his father is in his usual location in the Hermopolite nome, but his mother and sister are in Hermopolis itself (ll. 14-18). The letter reports the dangerous situation in Hermopolis and the fear of the writer, Heras, for the safety of his female relatives there. He appeals to his father to send for and remove them from Hermopolis, because he had heard from a soldier that the city was in grave danger. Although Jews are not mentioned in the letter, the danger of which Heras speaks is probably because of the revolt. Therefore the letter has to be dated to 116-7 CE and because it seems to confirm the military success of the Jews at the beginning of the rebellion in Hermopolis, as evidenced also in CPJ 436 and 664a (see also Fuks 1953, 144), 116 CE seems more likely.

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666. Letter from Heras to his father Epaphroditos

Ἡρᾶς Ἐπαφροδίτωι τῶι κυρίωι πατρὶ χαίρειν. Μόγις ποτὲ [εὑρ]ὼν τὸν ἐρχόμενον πρὸς σὲ εἴσχυσα {γὰρ} ἀσπάσασθαί σε· οἶδα δʼ ὅτι εὐκτέο̣[ν] ἐστίν̣ [σ]ο̣[ι.] παρακαλῶ οὖν ἀντιγ̣ράψαι μου περί τε τῆς σωτηρίας σου καὶ τῆς τ̣ο̣ῦ ἀδελφοῦ μου ὑγιείας· καλῶς οὖν ποιήσεις, κ̣ύρ̣ι̣ε, μεταπέμψασθα̣ι̣ τὴ̣ν̣ μητέρα μου καὶ τὴν̣ [ἀ]δ̣ελφήν μου, ἐπεὶ διπλοκάριος̣ ἦλθεν εἰς Χηνοβόσκ[ι]α καὶ ἀπεφήν̣ατο Ἀρχίαι̣ [ὅτ]ι ἐν ἐσχάτοις ἐντὶν ἡ Ἑρμοῦ πόλις. ἀσπάσαι Χρήσιμον καὶ Κάστορα καὶ Σαραπίωνα τὸν ξηρὸν καὶ Ἱερακίωνα καὶ Φιβᾶν καὶ τοὺς κ̣[….].[ ἡμῶν φιλτ̣ά[̣ τους. ἔρρωσό μοι] κύριε πα̣[

5-6 ἴσ|χυσα

7 εὐκταῖο[ν]

9 μοι

Heras to Epaphroditos his lord father greetings. Having found with difficulty somebody who travels to you, I could greet you. I know that this would please you. Now I beg you to write back to me about your well-being and the health of my brother. You would do well, my lord, to send for my mother and my sister, since a duplicarius has just come to Chenoboskia and informed Archias that Hermopolis is in extreme danger. Greet Chresimos and Kastor and Sarapion the lean and Hierakion and Phibas and the... our dearests. Goodbye my lord [

18 ἐστὶν

1. Ἡρᾶς Ἐπαφροδίτωι (Heras to Epaphroditos). Epaphroditos was one of Apollonius’ employees (Kortus 1999, 204). He is also mentioned in P.Giss.Apoll. 22, 23, 24 and perhaps in P.Brem 57; see Maehler 1966, 346. His son Heras is not mentioned elsewhere in the archive. 4-5. Μόγις ποτὲ [εὑρ]ὼν τὸν ἐρχόμενον πρὸς σέ (Having found with difficulty somebody who travels to you). Although finding a person to deliver a letter is often presented in the papyri letters as difficult, the difficulty here seems to be the result of unrest, caused by the Jewish revolt, and hampering travel from Upper Egypt (see below, ll. 16-7) to the Hermopolite nome, where Epaphroditos resides. For more evidence on Nile-travel difficulties in 116/7 CE see CPJ 441, col. II, ll. 4-7 and 665, ll. 27-9. 11-5. καλῶς οὖν ποιήσεις, κύριε, μεταπέμψασθαι τὴν μητέρα μου καὶ τὴν [ἀ]δελφήν μου (You would do well, my lord, to send for my mother and my sister). The verb μεταπέμψασθαι (send for) indicates that the mother and sister of Heras were not with Epaphroditos. They were probably in Hermopolis where danger was imminent (see ll. 18-9). Because Epaphroditos is at this time present in the Hermopolite nome, his son is advising him to bring the mother and sister out of the dangerous city to the relative safety of Epaphroditos’ residence, which is in one of Apollonios’ estates (see Maehler 1966, 346). 15. διπλοκάριος (duplicarius). A Roman soldier who received double pay, usually as a reward for outstanding valour; see Maxfield 1981, 238-9. This duplicarius’ name is not mentioned, because it was probably unknown to Heras, and his importance is that he brings military news about the situation in Hermopolis. 16. Χηνοβόσκ[ι]α. On Chenoboskia, a town in Upper Egypt in the nome of Diospolites Mikras see TM Geo 5089. In this place Archias (l. 17), who has just heard the news about Hermopolis, resides, and it is from him that Heras learns of the situation. Thus, it is likely that Heras is also in Chenoboskia. 17-21. Ἀρχίαι … Χρήσιμον ... Σαραπίωνα. These persons are not known from elsewhere. 20. Κάστορα. For this Kastor in Apollonios’ archive see CPJ 665, l. 19, where Herodes the architect, the author of the letter, describes him as his friend; see next note. 21. Ἱερακίωνα. Hierkion is mentioned in CPJ 446, l. 20 and 665, ll. 18-9 as the brother of Herodes the architect.

667a. Letter concerning disturbances at Alexandria

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22. Φιβᾶν. A Phibas is mentioned elsewhere in the Apollonios archive (P.Brem. 9, l. 10; P.Giss.Apoll. 21, l. 17; 34, l. 7), perhaps the same person. On this name, especially in the Hermopolite district, see Benaissa 2006, 228, n. to l. 1. 24. κύριε πα̣[ ]. Maehler proposed two possible restorations, one without a date and one with: κύριε πα[τέρ] (=lord father) or κύριε Πα[χών + day] (=lord, Pa[chon + day]) (Mahler 1966). Another possibility is κύριε Πα[ῦνι + day] (=lord Pa[uni + day]). If the dated version is accepted the papyrus has to be dated to between April 26 and June 24. The year to which it refers is uncertain. In TM the editors date it to 116 CE, and if that were the case, than it is too early for the beginning of the revolt according to Ben Zeev (2005, 167). Based on I. Fikhman

667. Letters of Claudius Terentianus to his father Claudius Tiberianus These two letters belong to the bilingual Greek and Latin archive of the veteran Claudius Terentianus (P.Mich. VIII 467-81, 510; TM Arch 54). They were written to Terentianus’ father, Claudius Tiberianus; they were found in Karanis, perhaps where Terentianus settled after his retirement from the Roman army (Lewis 1959, 142-3). The archive is of great interest both for linguists and for Roman military historians (see bibliography in TM Arch 54). Several unpublished letters of the archive are housed in the Michigan collection (Strassi 2008, 50-3). Terentianus, the author of most of the letters in the archive, was a Roman soldier, who served in the navy. His unit was the classis Alexandrina stationed at the military camp of Nikopolis, outside Alexandria (P.Mich. VIII 467, ll. 12-7; cf. Davies 1973, 22; Ben Zeev 2005, 177; Haensch 2012, 70-1). SB VI 9636, ll. 8-9, 14-5 indicates clearly that he was already discharged in 135-6 CE (Lewis 1959), and since Roman soldiers served 25 years, he enlisted in 110 CE. This means that he was in the army during the Jewish revolt. The editors of O.CPJ did not include the letters presented here, probably because Jews are not explicitly mentioned in them (see Turner 1961, 226). However, the only serious military upheaval known in Alexandria from the time in which Terentianus wrote his letters was the Jewish revolt under Trajan (cf. Horbury 2014, 211-2). Thus, the two letters presented here, which mention θόρυβος (disturbance, tumult, uproar, 667a, l. 29; 667b, l. 14 [reconstructed]) and ἀκαταστασία (confusion, anarchy, 667a l. 29-30) likely evidence this rebellion. The term θόρυβος is also used to describe the Jewish revolt in CPJ 444, l. 26. For other papyri describing unrest in Alexandria in association with the Jewish revolt see CPJ 435, 665.

667a. Letter concerning disturbances at Alexandria Karanis (Fayum) 17.1 x 27 cm 116-7 CE P.Mich. VIII 477 (H. C. Youtie & J. G. Winter) = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 23 TM 27090; Image: http://ipap.csad.ox.ac.uk/4DLink4/4DACTION/IPAPwebquery?vPub=P.Mich.&vVol= 8&vNum=477 (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Turner 1952, 133; Lewis 1959, 142-3; Pighi 1964, 78; Kasher 1976, 147-8; Haas 1997, 402, n. 17; 403 n. 20; 406 nn. 27-8; 407 n. 32; Ben Zeev 2005, 177; Strassi 2008, 50-3; Horbury 2014, 211-2

In this letter Claudius Terentianus writes to his father about personal and family affairs and informs him of his participation in the suppression of grave disturbances in Alexandria. We

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667a. Letter concerning disturbances at Alexandria

reproduce here only the beginning of the letter and the fragments concerning the events in Alexandria, and their consequences for Terentianus.

5 26

30 35

[Κλαύ]δ̣[ιο]ς̣ Τ̣[ερεντιανὸς Κλαυδίῳ] Τ[ιβ]ερ[ι]ανῶι τῷ π[ατρὶ] καὶ κυρί[ῳ πλεῖστα χαίρειν]. πρὸ μὲν π[ά]ντων ε[ὔχομ]αί σε [ὑ]για[ίνειν καὶ εὐτυχεῖν, ὅ] μοι εὐκ[τ]αῖόν ἐστιν, τὸ̣ π[ροσ]κ̣ύ̣ν̣[η]μ̣ά̣ [σου πο]ι̣̣ο̣[ύμ]ε̣νος καθʼ ἑκάστην ἡ[μέρ]αν παρὰ [τῷ κυρίῳ Σαράπιδι κ]α̣[ὶ τ]οῖς συννάοις [θ]εο[ῖ]ς. ... καὶ ἐρω[τ]ῶ σε ἂν δύνῃ [μοι ταχύτ]ε̣ρον πέμψαι ὑπόδημα ἐπὶ πο[λλ]ὰ̣ ὀνε̣[ίναμαι αὐτῶν]. ο̣ἶδ̣ε̣ς̣ γὰρ ὅτι κοπιῶμεν ἄρτι δ[ιό]τ̣[ι] κα[θαιροῦμε]ν τ[ὸ]ν θόρυβον καὶ ἀκαταστασίαν τῆς πόλ[εως.] ... ἐ̣π[̣ ει]δ̣ὴ οὐχ̣ εὕ̣ρ̣ηκα ἐγὼ πέμψαι διὰ τὸ νωθρε[ύεσ]θαί με, καλῶς οὖν [π]οιήσεις τὰ σὰ μετέ[ωρ]α ἐκπλέ[ξαι τ]αχέω[ς] κα[ὶ] καταπλε[ῦ]σαι πρὸς ἐμέ. ὁ γὰρ κάμ̣[ατο]ς ἄρτι ἀ[γέλοι]ός ἐστιν κἂν δ̣[έ]ο̣[ν] ε̣[ἵνα] τ̣ρ̣αφῶ ὑπὸ ἄλσ

λο̣[υ, ὡς] ἀκούεις π̣[αραγ]εινόμεν[ος] ἐπ[ὶ τῆς πόλεως. ... 28 ἐπεὶ ὀν[ίναμαι] οἶδας 35 νῦν 38 καὶ ἂν

ἵνα

(Translation:) Claudius T[erentianus] to [Claudius] Tiberianus, his father and lord, [many greetings]. First of all, I pray for your health [and success, which] are my wish, and I make obeisance [to you … ] daily in the presence of [our Lord Sarapis] and the gods who share his temple. (…) And I ask you, if you are able, to send me a sandal without delay, since I derive much benefit [from them]. For you know that we are working hard now, in view of the fact that we are suppressing the disturbance and anarchy of the city. (…) Since I have found no one to send because I am ill, you will therefore do well to conclude your business quickly and sail down to me. For the illness is at this moment no laughing matter(?), and it is even necessary that I be fed by someone else, [as] you will hear when you come to [the city] (...) (Translation based on P.Mich. VIII, 62) 4. π[ροσ]κ̣ύν̣ [̣ η]μ̣α̣ … [πο]ι̣ο̣[ύμ]ε̣νος (I make obeisance). On this see Geraci 1971. For a similar exclamation see CPJ 665, l. 30; cf. CPJ 664e, ll. 5-6. 26, 30. We do not reproduce the beginning of l. 26, nor the end of l. 30. 27. ὑπόδημα (a sandal). The singular form probably refers to a pair of sandals (P.Mich. VIII, 61). 28. οἶδες = οἶδας. On this form see Gignac 1981, 353-4. 29-30. θόρυβον καὶ ἀκαταστασίαν (disturbance and anarchy). While Youtie and Winter remark that Terentianus’ letter to his father appears too casual to refer to the Jewish revolt under Trajan and link it to one of the periodic violent outbreaks in Alexandria, they nonetheless note that θόρυβος signifies the Jewish uprising in CPJ 444, l. 26 (P.Mich. VIII, 61). Youtie and Winter further note that in P.Mich. VIII 467, l. 8 Terentianus writes that he is being sent to Syria with a detachment, suggesting that this may also be associated with the Jewish war under Trajan. However, even if the reference is to these years, the direction of the fleet to Syria is more likely associated with Trajan’s Parthian campaign. It is unlikely that while a revolt was raging in Egypt, forces would be directed to other regions involved in the revolt. Moreover, because P.Mich. VIII 467 is not dated, it may also be associated with a completely different phase in Terentianus’ service. Turner’s view (1961, 226), that the words “disturbance and anarchy” reflect the Jewish revolt, is convincing. 35, 39. We do not reproduce the beginning of l. 35, nor the end of l. 39.

667b. Another letter of Claudius Terentianus to his father

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36-8. διὰ τὸ νωθρε[ύεσ]θαί με ... ὁ γὰρ κάμ[ατο]ς ἄρτι ἀ[γέλοι]ός ἐστιν (because I am ill … For the illness is at this moment no laughing matter). This illness is mentioned in several papyri; on its possible connection with the Jewish revolt see below, CPJ 667b, n. to ll. 14-8. Based on I. Fikhman

667b. Another letter of Claudius Terentianus to his father Karanis (Fayum) 17 x 32.6 cm 116-7 CE P.Mich. VIII 478 (H. C. Youtie & J. G. Winter) (BL IV, 55; VII, 111, IX, 161) TM 27091; Image: http://ipap.csad.ox.ac.uk/4DLink4/4DACTION/IPAPwebquery?vPub=P.Mich.&vVol= 8&vNum=478 (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Turner 1952, 133; Kasher 1976, 147-8; Haas 1997, 403 n. 20, 406 nn. 27-8; 407 n. 32; Strassi 2008, 54-7

The present letter is closely connected to CPJ 667a. Both texts were written by Claudius Terentianus to his father Claudius Tiberianus on his sickbed. The editors note that “the papyrus … is so defective that it is impossible to recover the meaning of much more than a third of the text … extensive restoration is needed to give meaning to an otherwise unintelligible text” (P.Mich VIII, 63). We reproduce the first part of the letter, which may be referring to the revolt. In ll. 11-3 it is stated that it was impossible to pass through the gates (perhaps of the military camp), hinting at serious insecurity in Alexandria as in CPJ 665 and CPJ 667a. According to the heavy reconstruction of ll. 14-6, Terentianus was injured in great disturbances that ensued, and transgressors of the law are mentioned. If this reconstruction is accepted, these lines too refer to the Jewish revolt.

5

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[Κλαύδιος Τερεντιανὸς Κλαυδίῳ] Τιβεριανῷ [τῷ πατρὶ καὶ κυρίῳ πλεῖστα] χαίρε[ιν]. πρὸ μ[ὲν πάντ]ω[ν εὔχομαί σε ὑγιαίνει]ν, [ὅ μοι εὔ-] κταῖόν ἐ[στι]ν, ὑ[γι]α̣ί̣[νω δὲ καὶ αὐ]τὸς τ[ὸ] προ[σκύ-] ν[η]μά σου ποιούμ[ενος καθʼ ἑκάστ]ην ἡμ[έρ]αν παρ[ὰ] τῷ κυρίῳ Σαράπ[ιδι] καὶ τοῖς [συν]νάοις θ[εοῖς]. γειν[ώσκειν] σε θέλω [ὅτι] ἐξέρχ[εσθαι τεταγμένο]ς̣ ἀπ̣[όντ]ος σο[υ] κατελθε̣[ῖν] εἰς Νέ[αν Πόλιν πάντως] οὐκ ἠ̣[δυ]νήθην̣. [τό-] τε γὰρ τόσ̣[ο]ν ἐπηρ̣[εασμὸν τῆς νό]σου μα̣[.] ̣τ[.]ς παρ[.] .[…..] ἀ̣κ[ό]σ̣μω̣ς̣, κ̣[αὶ ἠδυνήθην] ἡμέρ[ας πέ]ντε μηδέ̣ν̣ σοι [γ]ρ̣ά̣φ̣ε̣[ιν, μήτιγε ἀν]αβῆν[α]ί [σο]ι̣, οὐδὲ τὴν πύλ[ην] τῆς π[αρεμβολῆς] ἐξελθ[εῖν] ἔσ̣χ̣[η]κ̣έ̣ τις ἡμῶν. [ε]ὐχαρισ[τῶ τῷ θεῷ ὅτι] μ̣ε̣τὰ τ̣[ὰς] πέ[ντ]ε, ἡμῶν ἡ[μ]έρας ἄλ[λας …. θόρυ]βον το[σο]ῦτον, ἀφʼ ο̣[ὗ] σ̣ί̣ν̣[η] ἔσχα, κ.[………..]..[……] ἀνεῦρε τ[οὺς] τ[ῶν] νόμ[ων παραβάτας …….. σ]έ̣σωμε γινομ[έν]η̣ς μᾶλλ[ον χάριτός σοι κατα]βεβηκό̣τ̣ι. ...

6 γιν[ώσκειν] 16 [σ]έ̣σωμαι

(Translation): [Claudius Terentianus to Claudius] Tiberianus, [his father and lord, many] greetings. First of [all I pray for your health, which is my] wish. I [myself] am in good health and make obeisance for you da[ily] in the presence of our lord Sarapis and the [gods] who share his temple. I want you to k[now] that although I was [ordered to go] out on duty in your a[bsence], I was [altogether] unable to go down to Ne[apolis]. For it was at that time that ... so violent [an attack of ill]ness … disorderly(?), an[d I was unable] for fi[ve da]ys to write to you anything, [not to speak

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668. Participation of a Rutilius in the fighting

of go]ing up to you. Nor was anyone of us able to pass the c[amp] gate. I give than[ks to the god that] after the five days ... so great a [distu]rbance, in which I was wounded … he found [the transgressors of the l]aws ... I have recovered from my illness, and I am the mo[re grateful to you for coming do]wn (...) (Translation based on P.Mich. VIII, 66) 1-6. Restored based on P.Mich. VIII 476, ll. 1-5 and CPJ 667a. 8. Νέ[αν Πόλιν]. On Neapolis, the state granary in Alexandria see TM Geo 5876. 9. τόσ̣[ο]ν ἐπηρ[εασμὸν τῆς νό]σου (so violent [an attack of ill]ness). Claudius Terentianus refers to being ill also in CPJ 667a, ll. 36, 38, and in P.Mich. VIII 468, ll. 21-2. 11-2. οὐδὲ τὴν πύλ[ην] τῆς π[αρεμβολῆς] ἐξελθ[εῖν] ἔσ̣χ̣[η]κ̣έ̣ τις ἡμῶν (Nor was anyone of us able to pass the c[amp] gate). This sentence is evidently bound to the disturbances mentioned in l. 14. It implies either that it was considered dangerous for Roman soldiers to stray beyond the confines of the military camp, or even that the military camp itself was under siege; for danger in Alexandria cf. also CPJ 665, ll. 29-32. 13. [ε]ὐχαρισ[τῶ τῷ θεῷ] (I give than[ks to the god]). The reconstruction is convincing; on the popularity of this formula in personal letters of the 2nd century CE see Clarysse 2020b, 136-7. 14-5. [θόρυ]βον το[σο]ῦτον, ἀφʼ ο[ὗ] σίν[η] ἔσχα (so great a [distu]rbance, in which I was wounded). This is a creative restoration (P.Mich. VIII, 63-4). The emendation θόρυβον is based on CPJ 667a, l. 29. σίν[η] ἔσχα (I was wounded) is almost a complete restoration. If the reconstruction of the sentence is correct, Terentianus is the only named Roman soldier known to date who was a casualty of the Jewish revolt. This reconstruction is however, problematic; since Terentianus was ill (see n. to l. 9 above; and in ll. 16-7 below he recovers) it is unlikely that he took part in any fighting in which he may have been wounded. If he was indeed wounded, there is no way of knowing whether Terentianus’ illness, mentioned in the previous lines, is a result of the wound, or the illness of CPJ 667a. 16. τ[οὺς] τ[ῶν] νόμ[ων παραβάτας] ([the transgressors of the l]aws). This speculative emendation is according to P.Mich. VIII, 64. The reconstructed expression refers to the Jewish rebels. The image of the Jews as lawless was common in the Hellenistic-Roman period (cf. e.g. 3 Macc. 5:20: τῶν ἀθεμίτων Ἰουδαίων – the lawless Jews), and intensified in references to the revolt of 115-17 CE. Elsewhere, both in papyri associated with the revolt and in the post-revolt Acta Alexandrinorum, the Jews are designated ἀνόσιοι Ἰουδαῖοι (impious Jews: CPJ 438, l. 4; CPJ 443, col II, ll. 4-5; CPJ 157, ll. 43, 49-50; CPJ 158a, col. VI, l. 14). Fuks argued that this became the official designation of the Jews in the wake of the revolt (CPJ II, 249). D. Jacobs

668. Participation of a Rutilius in the fighting Medinet Madi (Fayum) 39.5 x 23 cm SB X 10502 (Cazzaniga 1967) = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 20 (BL VI, 168) TM 14310 Lit.: Ben Zeev 2005, 174-6

117 CE

This small papyrus fragment, reconstructed by Vandoni from three pieces and consisting of only three incomplete lines, was found in 1966 during the first season of the Italian excavations at Narmouthis (Medinet Madi). On Narmouthis see Clarysse 2007, 67-81. The state of the papyrus makes it impossible to decide its character and purpose, namely whether it is a copy of an inscription or a fragment of a document associated with combat. Though there is no explicit mention of the Jewish revolt, the papyrus’ association with it is suggested by context. It mentions a hegemon Rutil(ius), who was involved in some fighting. In all probability this refers to Marcus Rutilius Lupus, who was prefect of Egypt at least from January 113 to no later than August 117 (for the documentation of this prefect see Bastianini 1988, 482-3; TM Per 85825). CPJ 438 testifies that Rutilius was personally involved in the fighting during the Jewish revolt. If CPJ 435, which also mentions fighting

669. Receipts for money deposited to the credit of recruits

129

against the Jews, was indeed a decree of the prefect, Rutilius Lupus must have been its author. Because the Jewish revolt was the only known insurrection dated to his term of office, the fighting mentioned in the present papyrus must refer to it. On other identification options for this Rutil(ius), also associated with the Jewish revolt, see Ben Zeev 2005, 174-5 and n. 37. ]ος ἡγεμὼν Ῥουτίλ ] ἠθέλεσεν ] στρατεύσας

… the prefect Rutil(ius) … …. wanted … … having fought …

1. ἡγεμών. The term hegemon is widely attested in the papyri referring to the prefect of Egypt (Bastianini 1988, 583, nn. 3-5; 593-4). Based on I. Fikhman

669. Receipts for money deposited to the credit of recruits Provenance unknown 51 x 20 cm 3 September 117 CE PSI IX 1063 (G. Vitelli) = Sel.Pap. II 368 = FIRA III 126 = Fink 1971, no. 74 = Migliardi Zingale 1992, no. 78 = Campbell 1994, no. 11 = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 29 TM 17472; Image: http://www.psi-online.it/images/orig/PSI%20IX%201063%20r.jpg?1365957107 (accesed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Johnson 1936, 677-8; Gilliam 1966; Kasher 1976, 156-7; Daris 1988, 760; Cuvigny 2002, 144; Ben Zeev 2005, 155, 177; Horbury 2014, 241

This military document, is a list of receipts issued by the signiferi (standard-bearers) of the six centuriae of the cohors I Augusta Praetoria Lusitanorum equitata (on which see Daris 1988, 760-1), stationed in the first third of the 2nd century CE in Upper Egypt. It attests the receipt of deposits for the recruits newly assigned to the cohort. The document is written by the six different hands of the standard bearers, according to the same formula: a description of the standard-bearer who receives payments; the centurion Longinus Tituleius who pays him; the sum paid and the number of new recruits; the date (in all six cases 21st year of Trajan, Thoth 6 = 3 September 117 CE). Gilliam (1966, 95-6) suggested a connection of the document with the Jewish revolt on two grounds: the date of the document and the significant change in the manpower of the cohort. The 126 recruits listed in this document constitute one third or more of the regular force of a cohort’s foot-soldiers in the 2nd century CE. Gilliam concluded that these receipts reflect the casualties the cohort suffered during the revolt. Furthermore, all the recruits came from Asia and none from Egypt. Perhaps the local recruiting pools were exhausted by the revolt (cf. Ben Zeev 2005, 176-7). A similar recruitment of soldiers to the Roman army but on a larger scale is recorded in the context of the Bar-Kokhba revolt; see Eck 1999, 80; 2007, 29-41. Col. I (1st hand) Λονγεῖνος Λόνγ[ος] σημεαφόρ[ο]ς [σπ]είρης α̅

5

Λουσιτανῶν (ἑκατονταρχίας) Τιτουληίου Λ[ο]νγείνωι Τιτουληίῳ ἰατ̣[ρῷ] (ἑκατοντάρχῳ) χαίρειν. ἔλ[αβ]ον παρὰ σοῦ [δη]νάρια τετρακόσια εἰκοσιτ[ρί]α ὀβολοὺς κ̣ ὑ̣πὲρ δηποσίτο̣υ̣ τ̣ι̣[ρώνων] Ἀσ[ιανῶ]ν δ̣ι̣σ̣τριβούτων ἐν τῇ κεντυρίᾳ ἀνδρῶν εἴκοσι. ἔτους εἰκοστοῦ καὶ ἑν ⟦..⟧ Τραια[νοῦ] ἀρίστου Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρίου, Θὼ[θ] ϛ̅.

130

669. Receipts for money deposited to the credit of recruits

(2nd hand) Οὐαλέριος Ῥοῦφος σημεαφόρος σπείρ(ης) α̅ Λουσι̣τ̣ανῶν (ἑκατονταρχίας) 10 Κρήσκεντος Λον̣γ̣ε̣ί̣ν̣ῳ̣ Τιτουληίῳ (ἑκατοντάρχῳ) χαίρειν. ἔλαβον παρὰ σοῦ δηνάρια ἀργυρᾶ διακόσια τριάδύο ὀβολοὺς τέσσαρες

κοντα ⟦τρία⟧ τὰ χωρηγέντα εἰς δη[πό]σιτον τειρώἈσιανῶν

νων ἀριθμῷ δ̣εκ[α]ε̣π̣τά. ἔτους εἰκοστοῦ πρώτου Τραιανοῦ ἀρίστου Καί[σαρο]ς τοῦ κυρ[ίο]υ, Θὼθ ϛ̅. Col. II (3rd hand) [….]ιος Μάξιμος σ̣η̣μ̣[ε]αφόρ[ος σ]π̣ε̣ί̣ρ̣ης α̅ Λο[υ]σι[τ]ανῶν (ἑκατονταρχίας) Κ[έλε]ρος Λον̣[γί]ν̣ῳ Τιτουληίῳ (ἑκατοντάρχῳ) [σ]πείρης τῆς αὐτῆς χαίρειν. ἔλ̣[αβ]ον̣ παρὰ σοῦ [δ]ηνάρια τετρακ̣[όσ]ι̣α̣ πεν[τηκοντ]αδύ̣ω ὀβο5 [λ]οὺς δύω ὑπὲρ δηποσίτ[ου τιρ]ώνων [Ἀ]σι[α]νῶν διστριβούτων ἐν τῇ κ[εν]τυρί[ᾳ] ἀ̣ν̣δρῶν εἴκοσι. (ἔτους) κα̅ Τραια[νο]ῦ ἀ[ρί]στου Καίσαρ[ο]ς τοῦ κυρίου, Θὼθ ἕκτῃ. (4th hand) Γ(άιος) Δομίτιος Ῥοῦφος σημεαφόρος σπείρης α̅ Λουσιτανῶν (ἑκατονταρχίας) Τα.... 10 Λονγείνῳ [Τ]ιτουληίῳ (ἑκατοντάρχῳ) χαίρειν. ἔλαβον παρὰ σοῦ δηνάρια διακόσ[ι]α̣ δεκαὲν ὀβολοὺς εἰκοσιὲξ ὑπὲρ δηποσίτου [τ]ιρών̣ων Ἀσιανῶν διστριβούτων ἐν τῇ κεντυρίᾳ ἀριθμῷ εἰκοσιδύω. ἔτους κα Τραιαν[οῦ] ἀ̣ρ̣ί̣[σ]του Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρίου, Θὼ[θ] ἕκτῃ. Col. III (5th hand) [- ca.12 -]ρ̣ιανὸς σημεαφόρο[ς σπείρης α] [Λουσιτανῶν] (ἑκατονταρχίας) Ἀγρίου Λονγείν[ῳ Τιτουληίῳ (ἑκατοντάρχῳ)] [σπείρης τῆς α]ὐτῆς χαί[ρ]ειν. ἔλαβ[ον παρὰ σοῦ] δη̣[νάρια ..]ιακόσια δεκαὲξ ὀβολ[οὺ]ς τ̣[ρεῖς ὑπὲρ] 5 δηπο[σίτ]ου [τι]ρώνων Ἀ[σ]ιανῶν διστρι[βού]των ἐν [τ]ῇ κε[ντ]υρ[ί]ᾳ ἀνδρῶν εἰκ[ο]σιτε[σσ]άρων. (ἔτους) κα̅ [Τ]ραι[ανο]ῦ ἀρίστου Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρί[ου], Θὼθ ἕκτῃ ... (6th hand) Κο̣ύιντος Ἑρέννιος σημιαφόρος σπέρης α̅ Λουσιτανῶν (ἑκατονταρχίας) Λωνγειανοῦ̣ Λωνγείνῳ 10 Τειτωλ̣ηίῳ (ἑκατοντάρχῳ) σπείρης τῆς αοὐτῆς χαείρεν. ἔλαβον παρὰ σοῦ δηνάρια ἑκατὼν ἐνενηκονταδύο ὀβο εἰκοσ̣ε ὑπὲρ δηπωσ̣έ⟦ι⟧των τερώνω εἰκοσιτρειῶν Ἀσσευ ανῶν διστριβότε ἐν τ[ῇ] κε[ν]το̣υ̣ρ̣ί̣ᾳ. ⟦ἔτος⟧ (ἔτους) κα̅ 15 αοὐτ[ο]κράτωρο[ς] Καίσαρος [Ν]έρουα ιανοῦ ἀρόστου Καί[σ]αρο[ς] τ κυρίου, Θὼθ ἕκτην. Col. I, 1 σημειοφόρος 9 σημειοφόρος 12 τέσσαρας 12-3 τιρώ|νων Col. II, 1 σημειοφόρος 4 πεντηκονταδύο 5 δύο 9 σημειοφόρος 13 εἰκοσιδύο Col. III, 1 σημειοφόρος 8 σημειοφόρος; σπείρης 10 αὐτῆς χαίρειν 11 ἑκατὸν 12 εἴκοσι 12-3 δη|ποσίτου 13 τιρώνω εἰκοσιτριῶν 134 Ἀσι|ανῶν 14 διστριβούτων 15 αὐτ[ο]κράτωρο[ς] ἀρίστου 16 ἕκτῃ

669. Receipts for money deposited to the credit of recruits

131

(Translation): Col. I (1st hand) Longinus Longus, signifer of the Cohort I Lusitanorum, of the centuria of Tituleius, to Longinus Tituleius, physician (?) centurio, greetings. I have received from you 423 denarii and 20 oboloi as the deposit of the recruits from Asia assigned to the centuria, 20 men. 21st year of Trajan Optimus Caesar, our lord, Thoth 6. (2nd hand) Valerius Rufus, signifer of the Cohort I Lusitanorum, of the centuria of Crescens, to Longinus Tituleius, centurio, greetings. I have received from you 232 silver denarii and 4 oboloi supplied as the deposit of the recruits from Asia, in number 17. 21st year of Trajan Optimus Caesar, our lord, Thoth 6. Col. II (3rd hand) [ . . . . ]ius Maximus, signifer of the Cohort I Lusitanorum, of the centuria of Celer, to Longinus Tituleius, centurio of the same cohors, greetings. I have received from you 452 denarii and 2 oboloi as the deposit of the recruits from Asia assigned to the centuria, 20 men. 21st year of Trajan Optimus Caesar, our lord, Thoth 6. (4th hand) Gaius Domitius Rufus, signifer of the Cohort I Lusitanorum, of the centuria of Ta... to Longinus Tituleius, centurio, greetings. I have received from you 211 denarii and 26 oboloi as the deposit of the recruits from Asia assigned to the centuria, in number 22. 21st year of Trajan Optimus Caesar, our lord, Thoth 6. Col. III (5th hand) [+12 letters ]rianus, signifer of the [Cohort I Lusitanorum], of the centuria of Agrius, to Longinus [Tituleius, centurio of] the same [cohors], greetings. I have received from you [ ]16 denarii and 3 oboloi as the deposit of the recruits from Asia assigned to the centuria, 24 men. 21st year of Trajan Optimus Caesar, our lord, Thoth 6. (6th hand). Quintus Herennius, signifer of the Cohort I Lusitanorum, of the centuria of Longinus, to Longinus Tituleius, centurio of the same cohors, greetings. I have received from you 192 denarii and 20 oboloi as the deposit of 23 recruits from Asia assigned to the centuria. 21st year of Emperor Caesar Nerva Trajan Optimus, Caesar, our lord, Thoth 6. The notes on the first receipt are relevant also for the next five receipts. Col. I, 1-2. [σπ]είρης α̅ Λουσιτανῶν (Cohort I Lusitanorum). This unit is documented in Upper Egypt both in 111 and 131 CE (Gilliam 1986, 96). One could therefore suggest that the battles, in which it suffered the casualties necessitating the recruitment of new soldiers, took place in that location, though it is far from certain. 2. Τιτουληίου. According to Gilliam (1966, 92, nn. 4-5) the name Tituleius may indicate a military family. He considers him a centurio princeps. 3. ἰατ[ρῷ]. The combination of ἰατρός with the symbol for centurio suggests medicus centurio or medicus ordinarius. The medicus centurio was not a civilian attached to the army but actually had the military rank of a centurio (Fink 1971, 278, n. to l. 3). The reading ἰατ̣[ρῷ] is uncertain (Cuvigny 2002, 144). 5. δηποσίτου τι[ρώνων] Ἀσ[ιανῶ]ν (deposit of the recruits from Asia). On deposits handed to new recruits, see Lex.Lat.Lehn. II, 236-47. 7. ἔτους εἰκοστοῦ καὶ ἑν⟦ ̣ ̣⟧Τραια[νοῦ] (21st year of Trajan). There was no 21st year of Trajan, since the emperor never completed his 20th year. He died on 8/9 August 117 CE. This is, however, not the only document in which his death is ignored; see e.g. P.Oxy. III 489, which was also written some weeks after his death but is dated according to his reign. Gilliam (1986, 96-7) notes that the news of the emperor’s death had not yet reached the region where this papyrus was composed by 3 September 117, and this means that the document must hail from Upper Egypt, where he thinks the cohort was located; see n. to ll. 1-2, above. 8. Θὼθ ϛ̅ (Thoth 6). This date is 3 September 117 CE. Since the revolt lasted at least until December 117 CE (see CPJ 664c, n. to l. 21), the present document was produced during the hostilities and probably reflects

132

670-2. Confiscation of Jewish lands

the recruitment of soldiers who are to immediately engage in combat, and not merely to bolster the diminished ranks of the unit. Col. III, 4. []ιακόσια([]16). Can be emended as [δ]ιακόσια (200) or [τρ]ιακόσια (300). Based on I. Fikhman

670-2. Confiscation of Jewish lands The failure of the Jewish revolt had disastrous consequences for the Jewish population of Egypt (CPJ I, 92-3, and nn. 86-7). Aside from the slaughter of myriads of Jews (Appian, Bella Civilia II, 90.380 = GLA II, 350; Eusebius, Hist.Eccl. IV, 2.4; ySukkah 5:1, 55b), it led to their economic ruin. From a Roman point of view, the Jews had committed a crime against the state and the Jewish population endangered the economic balance of the empire. Confiscation of property (confiscatio bonorum) followed accordingly. Hadrian probably issued a decree, which punished the Jews in this manner, probably echoed in Syncellus’ Chronographia (“Hadrian punished the Jews who were fighting in faction against the Alexandrians” – Dindorf edition, 348D; see Modrzejewski 1995, 220-2; Ben Zeev 2005, 187-8; Horbury 2014, 209-10; 246, n. 306). A number of papyri record the confiscation of Jewish lands for a length of time after the end of the rebellion. Two of them had appeared in O.CPJ (445 and 448) and four are added here (CPJ 670-2). In two of the new papyri (670, 672) the term Ioudaikos logos appears.1 This term is absent in the other four papyri: CPJ 445, which has to be dated to before July 118 CE (Whitehorne 1979, 172-3; Modrzejewski 1989, 352, n. 62; Ben Zeev 2005, 54), speaks of τῶν τοῖς [Ἰ]ουδαίοις ὑπαρξάντων (translated by the editors as “property formerly held by the Jews”). CPJ 448, from 130 CE, speaks of lands ἀ[π’ Ἰ]ουδαίων ἀνειρη[μ]ένων (or ἀφειρη[μ]ένων, see Modrzejewski 1989, 360) translated by the editors as “from Jews who have been killed” (modified by Modrzejewski to “Jews punished by confiscation of property”). Both CPJ 671 (at least 18 times), and CPJ 671a (once) mention the words βασιλ(ικῆς γῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) (“royal [lands] having once belonged to Jews”). Both are from about the same timeframe (671 from around 188 CE; 671a from between the second half of the 2nd century and the first half of the 3rd century). In three of these papyri property that had once belonged to Jews is mentioned together with property once belonging to Greeks: CPJ 448, ll. 11-2: ἀ[π’ Ἰ]ουδαίων ἀφειρη[μ]ένων καὶ Ἑλλήνων; CPJ 671, ll. 8, 16, 31-2, 39: βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) … καὶ (πρότερον) Ἑλλή(νων); CPJ 672, ll. 8-9: Ἰουδαικοῦ λόγου πεκουλίου [Ἑ]λλήνων ἀκληρονομήτ(ων). The Ioudaikos logos was no doubt an administrative department that dealt with confiscated Jewish property (cf. Modrzejewski 1989, 351-5). It is however, poorly documented: not only does it appear in only two (or three) fragmentary papyri that do not supply much information; even the dates of these papyri are uncertain. Therefore it is difficult to know what the characteristics of the Ioudaikos logos were: was it a new institution or one and the same as the institution of Vespasian’s time, which was responsible for collecting the Jewish tax – the fiscus Judaicus (which is the Latin equivalent)? For how long and where did it exist? Was it the only fiscus responsible for Jewish properties or where there others? Ben Zeev (2005, 189) suggested that because it is 1

And probably also in CPJ 458; see P.Köln II, 133 where Hagedorn proposes reading Ἰουδαικοῦ [λόγου] ἐδηλώ[θησ]αν εἰ[σπεπρα]χθα[ι] “from the Jewish account, declared to have been exacted;” see also at length Reinard 2016a, 63-4.

670. List of tax-collections mentioning the “Jewish account”

133

mentioned neither in CPJ 448 (dated to 130 CE), nor in CPJ 671 (dated to 188 CE), by 130 CE it no longer existed (cf. Reinard 2016a, 63). In our opinion, the information at our disposal does not allow us to hypothesize and reconstruct its characteristics or dates. Rather, because over the entire period, in papyri from 118 CE and 130 CE and then again in 188 CE the term does not appear, Ioudaikos logos was obviously not the official name of the body that administered Jewish confiscated property and was only used sporadically. Also, in three papyri the Jewish property is closely tied to Greek property, probably showing that sometimes the departments responsible for ownerless lands were associated with one another. The administrative structures involved in these transactions were evidently complex.2

670. List of tax-collections mentioning the “Jewish account” Provenance unknown 9 x 18 cm 119/20, 140/1 or 163/4 CE P.Köln II 97 (D. Hagedorn) = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 41 TM 21201; Image: http://www.uni-koeln.de/phil-fak/ifa/NRWakademie/papyrologie/frames/fr097.html (accessed 13.3.2022) Lit.: Horsley 1987, 210; Modrzejewski 1989, 354; Bogaert 1995, 172; Ben Zeev 2005, 186-90; Horbury 2014, 245; Reinard 2016a, 62-3

The present text, of an unknown provenance, is one of the two which explicitly mention the Ioudaikos logos (ll. 8, 15); the other one being CPJ 672 (see introduction above). Based on palaeography, Hagedorn dated this papyrus to the earlier rather than later part of the 2nd century CE. Since a 4th regnal year of an unknown emperor is mentioned in l. 10, he suggested that this could refer to Hadrian (119/20), Antoninus Pius (140/1) or Marcus Aurelius (163/4) (P.Köln II, 133). The papyrus is a list of taxes gathered from imperial estates (on which see n. to ll. 2, 5, 7, 12, 14), some of them obviously confiscated from Jews. The taxes are collected in money and not in kind, as is common, and this explains the mention of bankers (τραπεζείταις) in l. 11. The roles of Tiberius Claudius Eros, Gaius Sara[…] and Aelius Satur[ninus], mentioned in this papyrus (ll. 6, 11, 13, 18), are unclear.

5

10

15

2

] ἐ̣π̣[ὶ τ]ὸ αὐτ̣ὸ̣ τ̣ῆ̣ς̣ ε̣ἰ̣σ̣πράξεως [ [ο]ὐ̣σ̣[ι]ῶν Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) Βων  [ γίν̣ο(νται) (τάλαντα) β (δραχμαὶ) Εσζ= καὶ ἐγλ[ …] π̣α̣ρ̣ὰ̣ ….[ οὐσιῶν Οὐεσπασιανοῦ (δραχμαὶ)..[ παρὰ δὲ Τιβερίῳ Κλαυδίῳ Ἔρωτι [ οὐσιῶν Τίτου (δραχμαὶ) Δϡιγ  ου̣[ Ἰουδ̣α̣ικοῦ λόγου (δραχμαὶ) σπα  [ γίν[ο](νται) (τάλαντα) ζ (δραχμαὶ) υνϛ=  σὺν δὲ τοῖς .[ Τῦβι τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος δ (ἔτους) [ ..[..]σιων τραπεζείταις̣ Γ̣αίου Σαρ̣α̣[ οὐσ[ι]ῶν Οὐεσπ(ασιανοῦ) (δραχμαὶ) Ετπα οὐσι[ῶν Τίτου γίν̣ο(νται) (δραχμαὶ) Ευμβ , παρὰ δὲ Τιβ[ερίῳ Κλαυδίῳ Ἔρωτι (τάλαντα) ζ̣ (δραχμαὶ) Εωξγ οὐσιῶν Τίτ[ου .[..].νου (δραχμαὶ) ρα  Ἰουδαικοῦ λόγου̣ [ λόγ̣ου (δραχμαὶ) ξδ̣ = .[

For discussions and suggestions on the meaning and function of the Ioudaikos logos see Swiderek 1971; Modrzejewski 1989; Ben Zeev 2005, 186-90.

134

670. List of tax-collections mentioning the “Jewish account”

του̣ παρὰ τῷ Ἔρω[τι Αἰλίῳ Σατουρ[νείνῳ ]ουσαν[ -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -11 τραπεζίταις

(Translation): making a total of the collection of dues ... from the estates of Titus 2850 drachmai 5 oboloi 2 chalkoi ... total: 2 talanta 5207 drachmai 2 oboloi and ... from ... 5 from the estates of Vespasian ... drachmai ... at Tiberius Claudius Eros ... from the estates of Titus 4913 drachmai 3 oboloi 6 chalkoi ... from the Jewish account 281 drachmai 5 oboloi 6 chalkoi ... total: 7 talanta 456 drachmai 2 oboloi 2 chalkoi with ... 10 Tybi of the present 4th year ... the bankers of public funds Gaius Sara[...] from the estates of Vespasian 5381 drachmai 4 oboloi, from the estates [of Titus ... total: 5442 drachmai 2 chalkoi, at Tib[erius Claudius Eros ... 7 talanta 5863 drachmai 4 oboloi 6 chalkoi, from the estates of Tit[us ... 15 … 101 drachmai 1 obolos from the Jewish account ... account 64 drachmai 2 oboloi ... at Eros ... (at?) Aelius Satur[ninus ... ... 2, 5, 7, 12, 14. [ο]ὐσ[ι]ῶν Τίτου (from the estates of Titus); οὐσιῶν Οὐεσπασιανοῦ (from the estates of Vespasian). The estates (ousiai) carrying the name of an emperor, or of a member or friend of the imperial family, were owned by the imperial family or by members of the emperor’s entourage. They constituted private property, as opposed to Roman state property. The origin of the ousiai is debated. Parássoglou (1978, 5-6) argued that they were private estates purchased on the free market, while Crawford (1976) supposed that they were granted by the emperor in the same way as the Ptolemaic doreai (gift estates) were granted by the kings, and that in fact they originated from the confiscation of Ptolemaic doreai after the Roman conquest of Egypt. Recently, Tacoma (2015) suggested that the ousiai circulated among a limited number of people around the emperor. For the view that during the Julio-Claudian dynasty the ousiai were all imperial lands, see Broux 2019. What is certain is that in the Julio-Claudian period the ousiai were named after their current or former owner, e.g. Ἀγριπινιανῆς οὐσία (the ousia of Agrippina – CPJ 672, l. 5); or Ἰουλίας Σεβ[αστῆς] οὐσίας τῶν πρότερον [Γαίου] Ἰουλ[ί]ου Ἀλεξάνδρου (the estate of Julia Augusta, of lands formerly the property of Gaius Julius Alexander – CPJ 420b, ll. 6-8). Later, the Flavians transformed the ousiai and reorganized them into one department called the ousiakos logos (account of imperial estates), which consisted of two ousiai only – that of Vespasian and that of Titus. This division of the ousiai in Egypt remained in place until the 3rd century CE. Further on the creation and the development of the ousiai see Crawford 1976; Parássoglou 1978; Rowlandson 1996, 55-61; Capponi 2005, 104-6; Tacoma 2012; 2015. 3. Hagedorn (P.Köln II, 134) suggested that the end of the line may perhaps to be reconstructed as καὶ ἐγλ[όγου ἐλοιπρογραφήθησαν] (and they set forth a public notice about the balance of accounts). 6. παρὰ δὲ Τιβερίῳ Κλαυδίῳ Ἔρωτι (at Tiberius Claudius Eros). The entries containing παρὰ δὲ + dative probably denote where the money is currently deposited; see e.g. Mayser 1934, 487-9. The individuals mentioned (like Tiberius Claudius Eros here) could either be bankers or higher officials (P.Köln II, 134, n. to l. 6). An honorary inscription for one Tiberius Claudius Eros, a gymnasiarch from Alexandria, dating to the 1st century CE is recorded in SB I 592. Our Tiberius may be the same person or his descendent. 8. Ἰουδαικοῦ λόγου (Jewish account). On the “Jewish account” see introduction to this section.

671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews”

135

11. ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣]σιων τραπεζείταις̣ (... the bankers). Hagedorn (P.Köln II, 134, n. to l. 11) suggests reading ουσίων τραπεζείταις̣ (bankers of the estates) or δη[μο]σίων τραπεζείταις (bankers of public property); based on other examples, Bogaert 1995, 172, n. 161, argued for the latter. Based on I. Fikhman

671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews” Arsinoite nome 14 x 76 + 14 x 45 cm After 188, most probably 189 CE P.Berol. inv. 8143 ABC + 7397 recto (Swiderek 1971) = SB XII 10892 = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 38 TM 14350; Image: http://berlpap.smb.museum/02395/ (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Parássoglou 1975, 89, n. 8; P.Köln II, 133; Horsley 1987, 210; Modrzejewski 1989, 353-61; 1995, 21722; Ben Zeev 2005, 56-68; 188-9; Horbury 2014, 245; Reinard 2016a, 61-2

The papyrus, listing royal and public lands, consists of two fragments (P.Berol. inv. 8143 ABC + 7397 recto). It is incomplete: only columns IV-X have survived (according to the numeration inside the text), but the lower part of the columns is lost, and columns IV and X are very fragmentary. The list had included at least 73 sections, as the last mentioned number (ογ̅, l. 98) indicates, but parts of only 25 sections survive. Each parcel records the following data: number; geographical location in relation to the preceding section; category of land, area and rate of rental in wheat; farmers; boundaries; data referring to years 24-28. Years 24-28 can only refer to Commodus, whose reign is always recorded as a continuation of his father Marcus Aurelius. The document, therefore, records actions from 185-8 CE, probably for a presumed diamisthosis (periodic redistribution of public land) in 189 CE (Swiderek 1971, 52; for diamisthosis in general see Rowlandson 2006, 182-4). The document records the area surrounding the village of Philopator in the Fayum. It documents for the first time the existence of Jewish landowners in its vicinity. The properties mentioned in this papyrus are defined as βασιλικὴ γῆ (royal land) either πρότερον Ἰουδαίων (having once belonged to Jews) or πρότερον Ἑλλήνων (having once belonged to Greeks). These lands became in most cases royal lands, in one case prosodos land (revenue land) (l. 25), and in some cases part of the estates of Philodamos (ll. 40, 44) and Doryphoros (ll. 55, 80, 83). However, while property once owned by Jews is mentioned at least eighteen times (ll. 12, 15, 21, 25, 28, 31, 35, 39, 43, 44, 48, 52, 55, 60, 76, 80, 83, 87), property once owned by Greeks is mentioned only four times (ll. 8, 16, 31, 39). This papyrus is paralleled by two other papyri in which property that had once belonged to Jews is mentioned together with property once belonging to Greeks – CPJ 448, 672 (see introduction to this section, above). This shows that properties that fell to the state after the Jewish revolt – both from confiscation of Jewish land and from heirless casualties among the Greeks – were treated by the Roman administrative body, the idios logos. Obviously, the number of Greeks fallen in action without heirs was considerably smaller than that of the Jews who participated in the revolt and died or lost their property as a consequence. The Jewish plots documented in this papyrus are usually small: 1 aroura (ll. 12, 48, 52), 1 arourai (l. 87), 2 arourai (l. 28), 2 arourai (l. 76), 2 arourai (l. 83), 3 arourai (l. 25), arourai (l. 44), 4 arourai (l. 21), 4 arourai (l. 35). Some larger plots are also 3 mentioned: 19 arourai (l. 15); 21 arourai (l. 55). The lands that once belonged to Jews do not necessarily preserve the size of the land that individual Jews had owned prior to the

136

671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews”

revolt, since when leased out they could easily have been sub-divided or joined together. Yet, mention of the land’s previous ownership (Jewish and Greek) 70 years after the revolt, says something about the administrative institution that managed both sets of land (as also in the case of the ousiakos logos; see CPJ 670, n. to ll. 2, 5, 7, 12, 14). This could have been the Ioudiakos logos, mentioned in other documents (CPJ 670; 672), but the fragmentary character of our document excludes any certainty. Although this text was drawn up more than 70 years after the Jewish revolt of 115-7 CE, it serves as evidence for its consequences, since it describes confiscated lands in a limited region. Assuming that the same level of confiscation of Jewish property was practiced all over Egypt, the proportions of the catastrophe were enormous. recto Col. IV

5

10

ἐ]πὶ τοῦ λι(βὸς) βασιλ(ικὴ) γ(ῆ) τ]ῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) . (πυροῦ)] η′ διὰ τῶ]ν γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ] . καὶ τῶν λ( ) [(πυροῦ) . ](πυροῦ) β̣ ]λ( ) (πυροῦ) γ′ [καὶ (πρότερον) Ἑλ]λ(ήνων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) β (ἄρουραι) δ .[ ]λιβὸς καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) διώρ(υγες) τῶ]ν ἀναλ( ) κ̣ε (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ) ] (πυροῦ) ϛ′

(Translation): ... at the west royal land ... and others at the rate of … artaba of wheat ... at the rate of artaba of wheat ... through the farmers of ... and of … at the rate … of artaba of wheat … at the rate of 2 artabai of wheat ... at the rate of artaba of wheat [and having once belonged to] Greeks 4 arourai at the rate of 2 artabai of wheat ... at the west and at the east canals ... in year 25 ... at the rate of artaba of wheat. 2, 7, 10. Swiderek (1971, 58-9) suggested restoring in all of these lines ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ). This combination, followed by the indication of a fraction of an artaba of wheat, appears at the end of each section. Swiderek (1971, 51) found the meaning of this combination unclear. Uri Yiftah (personal communication) suggested emending the last word as ἀναληφθέντων (participle of the aorist passive voice for ἀναλαμβάνω=to confiscate). The missing words in these lines should therefore be translated as “the confiscated.” 4-5. Based on other columns, Swiderek (1971, 59) suggested reconstructing these lines as [διὰ τῶ]ν γεω(ργῶν) τῶν [ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)· γί(τονες) …] (through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries …). On the village of Philopator see below, n. to l. 12.

Col. V 12 κϛ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) καὶ λιβὸς (τούτων) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ (ἄρουρα) α διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) καὶ βορ(ρᾶ) 13 καὶ λιβ̣ὸς βασιλ(ικὴ) γῆ, ἀπηλ(ιώτου) διῶρ(υξ)˙ κ̣δ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ, κε (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′, κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ), κη (ἔτει) 14 τῶν̣ ἀ̣ν[̣ αλ( )] καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ)  ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) 15 κζ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) [βο]ρ̣(ρᾶ) (τούτων) βασιλ(ικῆς γῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) (ἄρουραι) [ι]θ ϣλ̅β̅ξ̅δ̅ ὧν ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ (ἄρουραι) ι̣β̣ η̅ι̅ϛ̅λ̅β̅ξ̅δ̅ ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) β𐅵 (ἄρουραι) ϛ̣ ϣι̅ϛ̅λ̅β̅

671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews”

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

137

καὶ (πρότερον) Ἑ̣λ̣λ̣ή̣(νων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ (ἄρουραι) ... (ἄρουραι) κ̣δ̣ ϣλ̅β̅ξ̅δ̅ δι[ὰ] γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος) καὶ Δείου Πανούρεως καὶ Πανούρεως α......˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) Διδύμου [Κ]άστορος κατ(οικικὸν) ἐλαιών, βορ(ρᾶ) Δ[ι]δύμου Διονυσίου ἐλαιώ(ν), λιβὸς βασιλ(ικὴ) γῆ, ἀπηλ(ιώτου) διῶρ(υξ) καὶ ..επ( ) Διδύμου Δίου Διονυσίου ἐδ(άφη), λιβὸς διῶρ(υξ)˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ𐅵 καὶ τῶν λο( ) (πυροῦ) , κε (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) , κϛ (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ), κζ (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) , κη (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) α ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) η̅ κη̅ σφρα(γῖδος) νότ(ου) (τούτων) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) (ἄρουραι) δ η′ τέλ(ουσαι) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ νότ(ου) τῆς ἐπ(άνω) σφρα(γῖδος) καὶ βασιλ(ικὴ) γῆ καὶ ἐπ( ) κατ(οικικὰ) ἐδ(άφη) Ἀγαθοκλείας, βορ(ρᾶ) βασιλ(ικὴ) γ(ῆ), ἀπηλ(ιώτου) διῶρ(υξ), λιβὸς διῶρ(υξ) καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τοῦ βορ(ρᾶ) κατ(οικικὰ) ἐδ(άφη)˙ κδ (ἔτει) [ἀν(ὰ)] (πυροῦ) δ ⲱ, κε (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′, κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ), κη (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) κθ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) ἐχόμ(εναι) [προσ]όδ(ου) γῆ(ς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ (ἄρουραι) γ𐅵 διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) ἡ ἐπ(άνω) σφρα(γὶς) καὶ β̣[ασ]ιλ(ικὴ) γ(ῆ) καὶ ἐπ( ) κατ(οικικὰ) ἐδ(άφη) Ἀγα̣θ̣ο̣κλείας, βορ(ρᾶ) πρ̣[ο]σόδ(ου) γῆ, ἀπηλ(ιώτου) διῶρ(υξ) καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τοῦ [ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ)] (πυροῦ).., [κε (ἔτει)] τῶν λ( ) [κ]αὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′, κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ), κη (ἔτει)

12 γεί(τονες)

17 γεί(τονες)

25 γεί(τονες)

(Translation): Section 26: at the north and at the west of them royal land having once belonged to Jews 1 aroura at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south and north and west royal land, at the east a canal. In year 24 at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ... in year 28 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat ... Section 27: at the north of them royal land having once belonged to Jews 19 arourai from which 12 arourai at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat and 6 arourai at the rate of 2 artabai of wheat and having once belonged to Greeks ... arourai at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat ... 24(?) arourai through the farmers of the village Philopator and Deios son of Panouris and Panouris … Boundaries: at the south the katoikic olive-yard of Didymos son of Kastor, at the north the olive-yard of Didymos son of Dionysios, at the west royal land, at the east a canal and ... the lands of Didymos son of Dios son of Dionysios, at the west a canal. In year 24 at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat and ... at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26 ..., in year 27 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 28 ... and others at the rate of 1 artaba of wheat ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat. Section 28: at the south of these royal land having once belonged to Jews 4 arourai paying at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south the above mentioned section and royal land and ... katoikic lands of Agathokleia, at the north royal land, at the east a canal, at the west a canal and the northern katoikic lands. In year 24 at the rate of 4 artabai of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ..., in year 28 ... Section 29: at the north 3 adjacent arourai of prosodos land having once belonged to Jews at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south

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671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews”

the above mentioned section and royal land and ... katoikic lands of Agathokleia, at the north prosodos land, at the east a canal and ... [In year 24 ... at the rate of ... artabai] of wheat, [in year 25] ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ..., in year 28. 12. βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) (royal land having once belonged to Jews). This is the first mention in this papyrus of lands confiscated from Jews, which, in most of the cases, became royal land (βασιλικὴ γῆ). This is a term inherited from the Ptolemaic period, when a considerable part of the agricultural land belonged to this category. After the Roman reorganisation of the land-tenure system, “royal land” became a sub-category of “public land” (δημoσία γῆ or δημόσια ἐδάφη, translating the Latin term ager publicus) and was administered by the dioikesis (public treasury), as opposed to the hieratika (sacred account), responsible for temple lands, and the idios logos (special account) responsible for irregular revenues (Rowlandson 2006, 175-6). Confiscated lands (administered as a rule by the idios logos), reverted in time to private ownership, through sale at auction, but, as this document shows, property in the Arsinoite village of Philopator confiscated from Jews after the revolt was incorporated into royal land, i.e. public land. Φιλοπ(άτορος). On the village of Philopator located in the Herakleides meris of the Arsinoite nome see TM Geo 1776. 15. (ἄρουραι) [ι]θ ϣλ̅β̅ξ̅δ̅ ὧν ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ (ἄρουραι) ι̣β̣ η̅ι̅ϛ̅λ̅β̅ξ̅δ̅ ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) β 𐅵 (ἄρουραι) ϛ ϣι̅ϛ̅λ̅β̅ arourai from which 12 arourai at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat and 6 arourai at the rate (19 of 2 artabai of wheat). One part of the land having once belonged to Jews is assessed at a rate of 3 artabai of wheat, while the other one at 2 artabai. The sum of the two numbers is 19 , instead of 19 arourai as is written in the text. The scribe has obviously made a mistake (Swiderek 1971, 59). 17. καὶ Πανούρεως α......˙ (and Panouris ...). Swiderek (1971, 59) tentatively suggested reading ἀδελφοῦ (his brother) after Πανούρεως. Διδύμου [Κ]άστορος κατ(οικικὸν) ἐλαιών (the katoikic olive-yard of Didymos son of Kastor). The adjective κατοικικός refers to the land of katoikoi (military settlers), who under the Ptolemies were granted plots of lands in return for military service. These allotments were subject to a fixed levy in kind and did not form private property, although in practice they became heritable, together with the transferal of the military obligation. In the Roman period, this category of land was retained with two important changes: the military obligation disappeared, and they became private lands (ἰδιωτικὴ γῆ; the Latin ager privatus); see Rathbone 1993, 84-5. 25. βορ(ρᾶ) ἐχόμ(εναι) [προσ]όδ(ου) γῆ(ς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) ... (ἄρουραι) γ𐅵 (at the north 3 adjacent arourai of prosodos land having once belonged to Jews). On ἐχόμεναι in the sense of “adjacent, adjoining,” see Husson, 1983, 204. In this case the land that once belonged to Jews became prosodos land (revenue land). This term is rarely attested and was a distinct category of public land. Rowlandson (2006, 175-6) assumed that it comprised land between confiscation and permanent reassignement. γ𐅵 (3 ). Reading based on papyri.info. Swiderek (1971, 54) read 3 . 27. Based on l. 23, Swiderek (1971, 59) suggested reconstructing the beginning of the line as βορρᾶ κατ(οικικὰ) ἐδ(άφη) (at the north katoikic lands).

Col. VI 28 λϛ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) (τούτων) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ (ἄρουραι) β διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) βασιλ(ικὴ) γ(ῆ), βορ(ρᾶ) καὶ ἀπ[ηλ(ιώτου) καὶ] 29 λιβὸς διώρ(υγες)˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ ιβ′ καὶ τῶν λο( ) (πυροῦ) , κε (ἔτει) τῶν ἀνα̣λ̣( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′, κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶν ἀν[αλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) .,] 30 κη (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) [.] ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) 31 λζ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) [(τούτων)] ἀνὰ (μέσον) ὄντος διαστήμ(ατος) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) [(πρότερον) Ἰο]υδ(αίων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ (ἄρουραι) γ η̅λ̅β̅ καὶ (πρότερον) Ἑ(λλ)ή̣(νων) 32 ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) β𐅵 (ἄρουραι) δ δι[ὰ γεω(ργῶν)] τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος) καὶ Σενδ[ρα Δι]οδώρου˙ γί(τονες) πάντοθ(εν) διώρ(υγες)˙ κ[δ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ)] (πυροῦ) γ̣ ιβ′ 33 καὶ τῶν λο( ) (πυροῦ) 𐅵, κε (ἔτει) τῶ[ν λ( )κ]αὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′, κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶ̣[ν λ()], κη (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ)  34 [ἐπ( )τ]ῶν ἀναλ( )

671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews”

35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43

139

λη̅ σφρα(γῖδος) λιβὸς (τούτων) ἀνὰ (μέσον) [οὔσ(ης)] διώρ(υγος) καὶ ὁδοῦ {(τούτων)} βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) [Ἰο]υ̣δ̣(αίων) (ἄρουραι) δ ϣλ̅β̅. ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ διὰ γ[εω(ργῶν) τ]ῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) κατ(οικικὰ) ἐδ̣(άφη) [Σ]α̣μβοῦτος τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρο[υ, βο]ρ(ρᾶ) καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) δη(μοσία) ὁδός, λιβὸ(ς) δη̣(μοσία) [ὁδός˙ κδ] (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ ⲱ, κε (ἔτει) τῶν ἀν̣[αλ( )] καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) , κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ(), [κη] (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) [.] [ἐ]π( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ)  λθ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) ἐχόμ(εναι) ἀνὰ (μέσον) οὔσ(ης) δη(μοσίας) ὁδοῦ καὶ ὑδρα(γωγοῦ) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) ἀν̣(ὰ) [(πυροῦ)] γ̣ (ἄρουραι) β 𐅵 καὶ (πρότερον) Ἑλλή(νων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) β 𐅵 (ἄρουραι) [ διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος) καὶ Σενδρα Διοδώρου˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) [ὑδρ]α̣γ̣ω̣(γὸς) κ̣(αὶ) δη(μοσία) ὁδός, βορ(ρᾶ) Φιλοδα(μιανῆς) οὐσ(ίας) ἐδ(άφη) ἑξ(ῆς) ἰσαγό(μενα), ἀπηλ(ιώτου) κατ(οικικὰ) ἐδ(άφη) ..η̣νης Ζωσίμου˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ). (ἄρουραι) γ, αἱ λοιπ(αὶ) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ 𐅵 καὶ τῶν λ( ) ἄλ(λων) [(πυροῦ).], κε (ἔτους) ἕως κϛ (ἔτους) τῶν λ( ), κ̣η̣ (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ)  ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) [ [μ̅ σ]φ̣[ραγῖδος βασι]λ̣(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (π̣ρ̣ό̣τ̣ε̣ρ̣ο̣ν̣) [Ἰου]δ̣(αίων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) ̣(ἄ̣ρ̣ο̣υ̣ρ̣α̣ι̣) ..̅.̅.̅. διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τ[ῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)]

28 γεί(τονες)

32 γεί(τονες)

36 γεί(τονες)

40 γεί(τονες)

41 εἰσαγό(μενα)

(Translation): Section 36: at the north of these 2 arourai of royal land having once belonged to Jews at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south royal land, at the north and east and west canals. In year 24 at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat and ... at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 [and others at the rate of ... artaba of wheat], in year 28 ... and others at the rate of ... artaba of wheat ... Section 37: at the north and east [of these], in the middle being the space between (canals), 3 arourai of royal land [having once belonged] to Jews at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat and 4 arourai having once belonged to Greeks at the rate of 2 artabai of wheat through the [farmers] of the village Philopator and Sendra Diodoros. Boundaries: from all sides canals. In year 24 at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat ... and at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ..., in year 28 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat ... Section 38: at the west of these in the middle being a canal and a road 4 arourai of royal land having once belonged to Jews at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south the katoikic lands of Sambous daughter of Alexandros, at the north and east a public road, at the west a public [road. In year 24] at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ..., in year [28] ... and others at the rate of ... artabai of wheat ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat. Section 39: at the north, in the middle being a public road and an irrigation ditch 2 adjacent arourai having once belonged to Jews at the rate of 3 artabai and ... arourai having once belonged to Greeks at the rate of 2 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator and Sendra Diodoros. Boundaries: at the south an irrigation ditch and a public road, at the north the lands of the estate of Philodamos which will be mentioned below, at the east the katoikic lands of ...ene daughter of Zosimos. In year 24 3 arourai at the rate of ... artabai of wheat, the remaining at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat and ... the others [at the rate of … artabai of wheat], in year 25 till year 26 ..., in year 28 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat ... and others at the rate of ... artabai of wheat ...

140

671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews”

Section [40]: ... arourai of royal land having once belonged to Jews at the rate of ... artabai of wheat ... through the farmers [of the village of Philopator]. 31-2. βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) [(πρότερον) Ἰο]υδ(αίων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ (ἄρουραι) γ η̅λ̅β̅ καὶ (πρότερον) Ἑ(λλ)ή̣(νων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) β𐅵 (ἄρουραι) δ (3 arourai of royal land having once belonged to Jews at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat and 4 arourai having once belonged to Greeks at the rate of 2 artabai of wheat). This is the only paragraph in this papyrus where these two categories of land are listed together (cf. CPJ 448, 672). Both were transferred into the category of royal land. The distinction demonstrates that these lands had been viewed by the administration as two separate categories. It is unclear how, if the idios logos adminstered these lands, the distinction in it between Jewish and Greek lands functioned. 39. (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) (royal land having once belonged to Jews). Swiderek’s restoration (1971, 59), based on other lines (ll. 12, 15, 21 etc.) showing that the confiscated Jewish lands became royal lands. Col. VII

44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59

με̅ σφρα(γῖδος) νότ(ου) καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) (τούτων) Φιλοδα(μιανῆς) οὐσ(ίας) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ (ἄρουραι) γ η̅λ̅β̅ διὰ γεω(ργῶν) [τῶν ἀ]π̣ὸ̣ Φ̣ι̣λ̣[οπ(άτορος)˙] γί(τονες) νό(του) διῶρ(υξ), βορ(ρᾶ) τῆς α(ὐτῆς) οὐσ(ίας) ἐδ(άφη), ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ἐλ(αιὼν) ἀναγρα(φόμενος) π̣ε̣ρὶ Τρ( )ς˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ 𐅵 κ̣α̣ὶ̣ τῶ[ν λ( ) (πυροῦ).,] ̣ ̣λ̣( κε (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′, κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ), κη (ἔτει) τ̣ῶ̣ν̣ ἀ̣να ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) ϛ′ ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ). μϛ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) (τούτων) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) (ἄρουρα) α τέλ(ουσα) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) [κατ(οικικὰ) ἐδ(άφη)?] Ἀρχωνίδου Ἡρακλ( ), βορ(ρᾶ) καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) καὶ λιβὸς διώρ(υγες)˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ 𐅵 καὶ τῶν λο( ) (πυροῦ) ϛ′, [κε (ἔτει) τῶν] ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ)., κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ), κη (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ′ ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀ[ναλ( ) μζ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) (τούτων) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) (ἄρουρα) α τέλ(ουσα) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) κ[αὶ βορ(ρᾶ)] καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) καὶ λ̣[ιβ]ὸς διώρ(υγες)˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ 𐅵, κε̣ (ἔτει) τῶ̣ν̣ ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′, κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τ̣ῶ̣[ν ἀναλ( ), κη (ἔτει) τῶ[ν ἀ]ν̣αλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) 𐅵 ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) μη̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) (τούτων) ἀνὰ (μέσον) οὔσ(ης) διώρ(υγος) Δορυφο(ριανῆς) οὐσ(ίας) Ἰουδ(αίων) (ἄρουραι) κα τέλ(ουσαι) ἀ̣ν̣(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπ̣ὸ̣ Φ̣[ιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) διῶρ(υξ), βορ(ρᾶ) τῆς α(ὐτῆς) οὐσ(ίας) ἐδ(άφη), ἀπηλ(ιώτου) τῆς α(ὐτῆς) οὐσ(ίας) ἐδ(άφη), λιβὸς δι[ῶ]ρ(υξ) καὶ προσόδ(ου) γῆ ἑξ(ῆς) ἰ[σαγο(μένη)] καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τοῦ βορ(ρᾶ) τῆς α(ὐτῆς) οὐσ(ίας) ἐδ(άφη)˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ ⲱ καὶ τῶν λο( ) ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) 𐅵, κε (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) [ κϛ (ἔτει) τῶν ἀ̣ν̣αλ( ), κζ (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) , κη (ἔτει) ἀ̣ναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) ιβ′ ἐπ( ) τ̣… καὶ ἄλ(λων) [(πυροῦ).

45 γεί(τονες)

48 γεί(τονες)

56 γεί(τονες)

56 εἰ[σαγο(μένη)]

671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews”

141

Translation): Section 45: at the south and east of these 3 arourai in the estate of Philodamos having once belonged to Jews at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south a canal, at the north the lands of the same estate, at the east an olive-yard registered near Tr( )s. In year 24 at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat, and [wheat] ..., in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ..., in year 28 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat ... others at the rate of ... artabai of wheat. Section 46: at the north of these 1 aroura of royal land having once belonged to Jews paying at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south [the katoikic lands?] of Archonides son of Herakl( ), at the north and east and west canals. In year 24 at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat and ... at the rate of artaba of wheat, [in year 25] ... and others at the rate of ... artabai of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ..., in year 28 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat ... Section 47: at the north of these 1 aroura of royal land having once belonged to Jews paying at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south [and north] and east and west canals. In year 24 at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ... in year 28 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat ... Section 48: at the north of these, in the middle being a canal, 21 arourai of the estate of Doryphoros to Jews paying at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Ph[ilopator]. Boundaries: at the south a canal, at the north lands of the same estate, at the east lands of the same estate, at the west a canal and a prosodos land that will be [mentioned below] and lands of the same estate to the north. In year 24 at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of ... artabai of wheat, in year 26 ..., in year 27 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 28 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat ... and others [at the rate of … artaba of wheat]. 44. Φιλοδα(μιανῆς) οὐσ(ίας) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ (ἄρουραι) γ ̅η̅λ̅β̅ (3 arourai in the estate of Philodamos having once belonged to Jews at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat). This land formerly belonging to Jews was incorporated into the estate of Philodamos, for which see Parássoglou 1975, 88-91, CPJ 653, col. III, l. 70, col. V, l. 12, and TM Geo 1770. As to the size of the land, see Swiderek (1971, 55), arourai). The correction here is according to SB XII, 82. On estates in who read (ἄρουραι) γ ̅μ̅λ̅β̅ (3 Roman Egypt see CPJ 670, n. to ll. 2, 5, 7, 12, 14. 45. ἐλ(αιὼν) ἀναγρα(φόμενος) περὶ Τρ( )ς (an olive-yard registered near Tr( )s). On registration in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt see Yiftach-Firanko 2009, 546-8 with references to earlier bibliography. Τρ( )ς is probably the abbreviation of the name of a locality (Swiderek 1971, 59; see also SB XII, 82). 46. κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) (in year 26, in year 27). Our reading. The editor read this as κζ (ἔτει) κϛ (ἔτει) (in year 27, in year 26), and so also in papyri.info; however, from rereading the papyrus itself it is clear that the order is 26, 27 as elsewhere in the papyrus (see e.g. l. 37). 48-9. [κατ(οικικὰ) ἐδ(άφη)?] Ἀρχωνίδου Ἡρακλ( ) ([the katoikic lands?] of Archonides son of Herakl(,)). As suggested by Swiderek (1971, 59), another possible reading is [κατ(οικικὰ) ἐλαιών] Ἀρχωνίδου Ἡρακλ( ) ([the katoikic olive-yard] of Archonides son of Herakl( )). 52. γί(τονες) νό(τον) κ[αὶ βορ(ρᾶ)] (Boundaries: at the south and north). Swiderek (1971, 56) did not print the word γί(τονες) (boundaries), although it is clearly visible on the papyrus.

Col. VIII 60 [νγ̅? σφρα(γῖδος) (πρότερον) Ἰου]δ̣(αίων) (ἄρουραι) [..]. η̅ι̅ϛ̅ τέλ(ουσαι) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ δ(ιὰ) γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) 61 [ ] Θ̣ερμουταρίου τῆς Σα̣τ̣ο̣ρ̣νείλου, λιβὸς τῆς α(ὐτῆς) οὐσ(ίας) 62 [ἐδ(άφη)˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) .. καὶ τῶν] λ̣ο( ) ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) η′, κε (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′, κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ).,

142 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75

671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews”

[κη (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) ] ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) [νδ̅? σφρα(γῖδος) (ἄρουραι)] α̣ 𐅵 τέλ(ουσαι) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) β 𐅵 διὰ γεω(ργῶν) Διοσκ̣όρου Πτο̣λε̣(μαίου) [ γί(τονες) νό(του) ]. ἀπηλ(ιώτου) βασιλ(ικὴ) γ(ῆ), βορ(ρᾶ) διῶρ(υξ), λιβὸς ὑδραγω(γός)˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) δ γ′ [ κζ (ἔτει) τ]ῶν λ( ), κη (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) .′ ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) [νε̅? σφρα(γῖδος) (ἄρουραι)] ̣ η̅ιϛ̅λ̅β̅ τ̣έλ(ουσαι) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) β 𐅵 διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν .. ανου Πτολε(μαίου) [ ] γί(τονες) νό(του) προσόδ(ου) ἐδ(άφη) καὶ ἡ̣ ξ̅ σφρα(γὶς) καὶ πρ.( ) ὁδ(ός), β̣[ο]ρ(ρᾶ) καὶ… [ ] ὑδρ(αγωγός)˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) δ ιβ′, κε (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) , κϛ (ἔτει) [κζ (ἔτει) … κη (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ] ἄλ(λων) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) ϛ′ ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) (ἄρουραι)] γ ϣλ̅β̅ τέλ(ουσαι) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ διὰ γεω(ργῶν) [νϛ̅? σφρα(γῖδος) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του).. [ ] ἡ ξ̅ σ̣φρα̣(γίς), ἀπηλ(ιώτου) προσόδ(ου) γῆ, λιβὸς Θερμούτεως τῆς [ ] κ̣δ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ 𐅵 καὶ τ̣[ῶ]ν̣ λο( ) (πυροῦ) α, κε (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (π̣υ̣ρ̣ο̣ῦ̣) γ′, [ τῶν ἀνα]λ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) .′ [ ]τ̣ῶν ἀναλ( ) κ[αὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) ]

60 γεί(τονες)

65 [γεί(τονες)]

69 γεί(τονες)

72 γεί(τονες)

(Translation): [Section 53?: ... having once belonged to] Jews. arourai paying at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south [ … ] of Thermoutarion daughter of Satorneilos, at the west lands of the same estate. [In year 24 at the rate of ... artabai of wheat ... and] others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ..., [in year 28] ... [Section 54?: ... ] 1 [arourai] paying at the rate of 2 artabai of wheat through the farmers of Dioskoros son of Ptolemaios ... [Boundaries: at the south ...] at the east royal land, at the north a canal, at the west an irrigation ditch. In year 24 at the rate of 4 artabai [... in year 27 ...], in year 28 ... and others at the rate of ... artabai of wheat ... [Section 55?: ...] [arourai] paying at the rate of 2 artabai of wheat through the farmers of ... anos son of Ptolemaios ... Boundaries: at the south prosodos lands and section 60 and ... road, at the north and ... irrigation ditch. In year 24 at the rate of 4 artabai of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, [in year 27 ..., in year 28 ... and] others at the rate of artaba of wheat … [arourai] paying at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the [Section 56?:] 3 village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south ... the section 60, at the east prosodos land, at the west the (land) of Thermoutis daughter of ... In year 24 at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat ... and ... at the rate of 1 artaba of wheat, in year 25 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat ... and others at the rate of ... artabai of wheat ... and [others at the rate of ... artabai of wheat]. 60, 64, 68, 72. [νγ̅?], [νδ̅?], [νε̅?], [νϛ̅?] (Section 53?, Section 54?, Section 55?, Section 56?). The numbers of the sections are reconstructed. 65. [ … γί(τονες) νό(του) … ]. ἀπηλ(ιώτου) βασιλ(ικὴ) γ(ῆ), βορ(ρᾶ) διῶρ(υξ), λιβὸς ὑδραγω(γός)˙ ([Boundaries: at the south ...] at the east royal land, at the north a canal, at the west an irrigation ditch). The usual order of compass points is not followed; see Swiderek 1971, 60.

671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews”

143

68. ̣ ̣ανου Πτολε(μαίου) (... anos son of Ptolemaios). Perhaps he is the brother of Dioskoros son of Ptolemaios mentioned in l. 64 (Swiderek 1971, 60).

Col. IX 76 ξ̣[γ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) ]λ̣…….. βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) (ἄρουραι) β η̅λ̅β̅ξ̅δ̅ τέλ(ουσαι) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶ[ν 77 .[ ]γί(τονες) νό(του) ἡ ξ̣̅ σ̣φ̣ρα(γὶς) [ ] Δορυφο(ριανῆς) οὐσ(ίας)………… Ἁρ[πο]κρατίωνος ηι…… 78 [ ]. λιβὸς βασιλ(ικὴ) γῆ, ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ὑδρα(γωγός). κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) δ, κ̣ε̣ (ἔτους) ἕως κζ (ἔτους) τῶν ἀναλ( ), κη (ἔτει) τ̣ῶ̣(ν) 79 ἀ̣ν̣α̣λ̣( ) [καὶ ἄ]λ(λων) 𐅵 ἐ̣π̣( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) 80 ξδ̅ σ̣φ̣ρ̣α̣(γῖδος) [νό]τ̣(ου) ἐχόμ(εναι) ἐ̣γ̣β̣(αίνουσαι) λ̣ι̣β̣(ὸς) Δ̣ορυφ̣ο(ριανῆς) οὐσ(ίας) (πρότερον) Ἰ[ουδ(αίων)] (ἄρουραι).. ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ). διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος). 81 γ̣[ί(τονες) ν]ό̣(του) [ ] .ου[ ]βορ(ρᾶ) τ̣ὰ̣ προισηγμ(ένα) καὶ … γ(ῆ), ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ὑδ̣ρ̣α(γωγὸς), λιβ(ὸς) δη(μοσία) ὁδός˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) . 82 ] κ̣η (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) κ(αὶ) ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′ ἐ̣π̣( ) τ̣ῶ̣ν̣ …[ ἀναλ( ) 83 ξ̣ε̣̅ σ̣[φρα(γῖδος) ]Δορυφο(ριανῆς) οὐσ(ίας) Ἰουδ(αίων) (ἄρουραι) β ι̅ϛ̅λ̅β̅ τέλ(ουσαι) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ).. δ[ιὰ γεω(ργῶν)] τ̣ῶ̣ν̣ ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) κατ( ) 84 …[ ] Θ̣ε̣ρ̣[μουταρίo]υ̣.. Σ̣τρατείνου κ(ατ)οι(κικὰ) ἐδ(άφη), λιβὸς ὁδὸς κ[αὶ] τὰ ἐπὶ τοῦ νότ(ου) κ(ατ)οι(κικὰ) ἐδ(άφη)· κδ (ἔτει) ἀ(νὰ) (π̣υ̣ρ̣ο̣ῦ̣) ., 85 [κε (ἔτει)] τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′, κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ), κη (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′ 86 ἐπ( ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) 87 ξϛ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) νότ(ου) ἐχόμ(εναι) ἐγ̣β(αίνουσαι) λι(βὸς) Δορυφο(ριανῆς) οὐσ(ίας) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων) (ἄρουραι) α 𐅵 τέλ(ουσαι) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) γ διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ Φιλοπ(άτορος)˙ γί(τονες) νό(του) τῆς α(ὐτῆς) οὐσ(ίας) ἐδ(άφη), βορ(ρᾶ) κ(ατ)οι(κικὰ) ἐδ(άφη) 88 Θερμουταρίου τ̣ῆ̣[ς] Σ̣τρατείνου ἡ ξ̅ σφρα(γίς), λιβὸς δη(μοσία) 89 [ὁδὸς ]…..[ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ). καὶ τῶν] λο( ) (πυροῦ) .., [κε (ἔτει)] τ̣ῶν λ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) γ′, κϛ (ἔτει) κζ (ἔτει) τῶν λ( ) 77 γεί(τονες)

81 γ̣[εί(τονες)]

83 γεί(τονες)

88 γεί(τονες)

(Translation): [Section 63]: 2 arourai of royal land having once belonged to Jews paying at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of ... Boundaries: at the south the section 60 ... of the estate of Doryphoros ... of Harpokration ... at the west royal land, at the east an irrigation ditch. In year 24 at the rate of 4 artabai of wheat, in year 25 till year 27 ..., in year 28 ... [and] others at the rate of artaba of wheat ... Section 64: at the south, adjacent (to the previous section) overstepping at the west, in the estate of Doryphoros, having once belonged to [Jews] ... arourai at the rate of ... artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. B[oundaries]: at the south ..., at the north the aforementioned and … land, at the east an irrigation ditch, at the west a public road. In year 24 at ... artabai of wheat ... in year 28 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat ... arourai of the estate of Doryphoros to Jews paying [Section] 65: ... 2 at the rate of ... artabai of wheat through the [farmers] of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south ... the katoikic lands of Ther[moutarion] daughter of Strateinos, at the west a road and the southern katoikic lands. In year 24 at the rate of ... artabai of wheat, [in year 25] ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ..., in year 28 ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat ...

144

671. Description of lands, including lands “having once belonged to Jews”

Section 66: at the south adjacent (to the previous section) overstepping at the west, in the estate of Doryphoros, having once belonged to Jews 1 arourai paying at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers of the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south the lands of the same estate, at the north the katoikic lands of Thermoutarion daughter of Strateinos (and) the section 60, at the west a public [road ...] ... [In year 24 at the rate of ... artabai] of wheat ... [in year 25] ... and others at the rate of artaba of wheat, in year 26, in year 27 ... 76-7. διὰ γεω(ργῶν) τῶ[ν ] . (through the farmers of ...). Perhaps the lacuna at the end of the line and the beginning of the next should be reconstructed as τῶ[ν ἀπ]ὸ Φ[ιλοπ(άτορος)˙] (of the village Philopatros), as in ll. 12, 16, 21 etc. (Swiderek 1971, 60). 81. βορ(ρᾶ) τὰ προισηγμ(ένα) καὶ ̣ ̣ ̣ γ(ῆ) (at the north the aforementioned and ... land). Swiderek (1971, 60) noted that the reading of τά after βορ(ρᾶ) is doubtful. After the word καί she suggested reconstructing βασ(ιλικὴ) γ(ῆ) (royal land). 84. Θερμ[ουταρίο]υ Στρατείνου (Thermoutarion daughter of Strateinos). Reading according to Swiderek 1971, 60, n. to l. 84, based on l. 88, where the name Θερμουταρίου τῆ[ς] Στρατείνου is mentioned. Due to lack of space, she suggested reading the same name here without τῆς (Swiderek 1971, 60). 88. ἡ ξ̣ σφρα(γίς) ((and) section 60). Probably καί is missing at the beginning of the phrase (Swiderek 1971, 60).

Col. X 90 οα̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) καὶ [ ἀν(ὰ) (πυροῦ) β 𐅵 (ἄρουραι) . .̅.̅[ τῆς Ἡρακλ( ) βορ(ρᾶ) [ βασ̣ιλ(ικὴ) [γ]ῆ˙ κδ (ἔτει) ἀν(ὰ) [(πυροῦ) τῶν ἀναλ( ) καὶ ἄλ(λων) (πυροῦ) [ 95 οβ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) [ Ἡρακλ( ) ἀμφοτ( ) [ τῶν λο( ) (πυροῦ)  κε (ἔτει) τῶ[ν ογ̅ σφρα(γῖδος) βορ(ρᾶ) ἐχόμ(εναι) ἀνὰ (μέσον) [ βορ(ρᾶ) βασιλ(ικὴ) γῆ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ὑ[δρα(γωγός) 100 κϛ̣ (ἔτει) [κζ] (ἔτει) τῶν ἀναλ( ) [ (Translation): Section 71: at the north and ... at the rate of 2 artabai of wheat ... arourai …daughter of Herakl( ), at the north ... royal land. In year 24 ... [arourai at the rate of ... artabai of wheat] ... and others at the rate of ... artabai of wheat … Section 72: at the north and east ... Herakl( ) … at the rate of artaba of wheat. In year 25 ... Section 73: at the north adjacent in the middle ... at the north royal land, at the east an [irrigation] ditch ... In year 26, in year [27] ... Based on I. Fikhman

671a. Another document mentioning land “having once belonged to Jews”

145

671a. Another document mentioning land “having once belonged to Jews” Hermopolite nome P.Mich. inv. 1000 (Claytor 2020) Image: Claytor 2020, 239

15.3 × 5.7 cm

150-225 CE

The papyrus was purchased from Maurice Nahman (an antiquities dealer) in 1922 and is located in the Michigan Papyrology Collection (Claytor 2020, 236, n. 6). It was identified as hailing from the Hermopolite nome, because it mentions the Hermopolite village of Prektis (l. 2), which is recorded in other papyri. Claytor (2020, 237) dated the papyrus palaeographically, describing its writing as an “administrative hand of the later second or early third century.” The papyrus is poorly preserved with only the top margin visible. It is not clear how much text is missing on all other sides. It seems to be part of a tax register. In l. 5 βασιλ(ικῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδαίω[ν] (royal (land) having once belonged to Jews) is mentioned next to the name of Ptolemos. There is no way of knowing if this land description relates only to Ptolemos, or to the other persons and lands mentioned in the extant previous lines. We include this papyrus here because, like CPJ 671, it records lands that had belonged to Jews and became royal lands. CPJ 671 is roughly from the same period (shortly after 188 CE), but it is from the vicinity of the village Philopator in the Fayum. The fact that our papyrus is from the Hermopolite nome shows that the transformation of confiscated Jewish lands into royal lands was not a local Fayum practice, but rather a land-wide policy. The administrative name of these lands shows that even well after half a century a fossilized memory of its previous owner remained. Of special interest is also the provenance of the papyrus. The Hermopolite nome was the location of the estates of Apollonios the strategos, and where his archive was found (see CPJ 663-6). In O.CPJ, Fuks speculated about fighting that had taken place in Hermopolis and its vicinity (CPJ II, 237). However, neither Hermopolis nor its nome are mentioned there, and it is not clear who is writing whom and from where. In the present volume two pieces of evidence supply concrete proof of the Hermopolite district’s involvement in the fighting. In CPJ 664a, l. 3, Eudaimonis, who is present in the Hermopolite nome throughout the fighting, writes: “Seeing the disturbances near us”; and in CPJ 666, ll. 12-8, in a letter from Heras to his father Epaphroditos, he writes explicitly: “You would do well, my lord, to send for my mother and my sister, since a duplicarius has just come to Chenoboskia and informed Archias that Hermopolis is in extreme danger.” The present papyrus, which witnessed land confiscations from Jews who had resided in the district, supplies further evidence for the Hermopolite Jews’ involvement in the war. ]τι Μῆνις Πευῆτος μητ(ρὸς) Εὖτο[ς ἀπὸ κώμης] Πρήκτεως καταγεινόμενος [ἐν ]κετου Ἡρακλέοντος, γί(νονται) γενημ(ατογραφουμένων) ὑπ[αρχόντων ] Ἡρακλήου (ἀρουρ.) ιγ ἀπὸ τ ̣[ λ

146

672. Fragment of a list mentioning the “Jewish account”

5

]. Πτολέμου βασι(ικῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδαίω[ν ] (ἀρουρ.) α [vacat] (πυροῦ) (ἀρταβῶν) γ ] ̣ ̣[ ] ̣[ ----------------

2 καταγινόμενος

(Translation:)

5

… Menis, son of Peues, whose mother is Eus … … from the village] of Prektis but dwelling [in … … of Herakleon; total for sequestered properties … … of Herakles, 13 arourai, from … … of Ptolemos, royal (land) having once belonged to Jews … … 1 aroura, 3 artabai of wheat …

2. Πρήκτεως. Name of a village recorded in the Hermopolite nome (TM Geo 2947). This is its earliest attestation, since the other papyri in which it is mentioned are no earlier than the 4th century CE. 3. γενημ(ατογραφουμένων) (sequestered). On this term and its meaning see Claytor 2020, 237. 5. βασι´λ`(ικῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδαίω[ν] (royal [land] previously belonging to the Jews). On this term see CPJ 671, n. to l. 12. As in the Arsinoite village of Philopator, also property confiscated from Jews in the Hermopolite village of Prektis, was incorporated after the revolt into royal, i.e. public land. N. Hacham and T. Ilan

672. Fragment of a list mentioning the “Jewish account” Fayum (?) 14 x 16 cm 2nd century CE P.Berol. inv. 7440 (Swiderek 1971, 61) = SB XII 10893 = Ben Zeev 2005, no. 39 TM 26709; Image: http://berlpap.smb.museum/02215/ (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Parássoglou 1978, 28; P.Köln II, 133; Horsley 1987, 210; Modrzejewski 1989, 353-60; 1995, 217-22; Ben Zeev 2005, 189; Horbury 2014, 245

This papyrus lists taxes paid for land, mentioning, like CPJ 670, the Ioudaikos logos, i.e. the “Jewish account.” The provenance of the papyrus is unknown. Crawford (1976, 62) attributed the text to the Arsinoite nome (Fayum), while Parássoglou (1978, 74, 75, 77) suggested cautiously the Mendesian nome. Swiderek (1971, 61) dated the papyrus to the 2nd century CE, based on palaeographic grounds. Note however, that the phrase διανομῆς στεμμάτων (l. 10) appears only in two tax-lists papyri from Theadelphia in the Fayum (BGU IX 1894, l. 121; P.Col. V 1, verso 1a. l. 38), and this may support a Fayum provenance for our papyrus as well. These two papyri are dated to 157 and 160 CE respectively, and this can support Swiderek’s suggested date. Further on the Ioudaikos logos and parallel institutions see introduction to the confiscation of Jewish lands. We present only the text of the intelligible second hand (ll. 411).

672. Fragment of a list mentioning the “Jewish account”

2nd hand 5

10

147

θεοῦ Τίτου Δορυφοριανῆς [ Ἀγριπινιανῆς οὐσίας [ Ἀκτηιανῆς οὐσίας δηλουμένης εἶνα[ι ἐν τῇ Ἀλε-] ξανδρέων χώρᾳ [ Ἰουδαικοῦ λόγου .σν[ πεκουλίου [Ἑ]λλήνων ἀκληρονομήτ(ων) .[ διανομῆς σ̣τε̣ μμάτων ..[ ἐκτ̣ὸ̣ς̣ λόγων .[

On the left margin beside ll. 7-9 some unintelligible characters are inserted in a third hand. 2 Ἀγριππινιανῆς

(Translation of ll. 4-11): from (the estate) of the deified Titus, from (the estate) of Doryphoros [ 2nd hand 5 from the estate of Agrippina [ from the estate of Akte known as situated [in the chora of the Alexandrians [ from the Jewish account 250 [ from the patrimony of Greeks (deceased) without heirs [ 10 from the distribution of guilds [ (from the contributions of those) outside the accounts [ 4. θεοῦ Τίτου Δορυφοριανῆς (from [the estate] of the deified Titus, from [the estate] of Doryphoros …). As noted in CPJ 670, n. to ll. 2, 5, 7, 12, 14, the Flavians reorganized the Julio-Claudian estates into the two of Vespasian and Titus. In some cases, however, information is provided about the former owners of certain estates. For the estate mentioned in this line, which had once belonged to Tiberius Claudius Doryphoros, a freedman of Claudius (Parássoglou 1978, 23) see TM Geo 12034. Note here (and also in ll. 5-6) the use of the adjectival form -ιανῆς (Δορυφοριανῆς, Ἀγριπινιανῆς, Ἀκτηιανῆς) to indicate the former owner of the estate. 5. Ἀγριπινιανῆς οὐσίας (from the estate of Agrippina). On the term ousia and its meaning see CPJ 670, n. to ll. 2, 5, 7, 12, 14. In the Julio-Claudian era this ousia had belonged to either Valeria Agrippina (Caligula’s mother) or to Iulia Agrippina (his sister; Parássoglou 1978, 20); see TM Geo 13147. Based on the present text, it seems that not only the ousia of Doryphoros but also those of Agrippina and Akte (mentioned in l. 6) were incorporated into the ousia of Titus; see also Parássoglou 1978, 28. 6. Ἀκτηιανῆς οὐσίας (from the estate of Akte). On the ousia of Akte, a freedwoman of Claudius, who became a mistress of Nero (Parássoglou 1978, 26), see TM Geo 8862. 6-7. [ἐν τῇ Ἀλε]ξανδρέων χώρᾳ ([in the] land of the Alexandrians). This was a technical topographical term describing the territory surrounding the city of Alexandria. The term appears from the Ptolemaic period onwards, and it seems to have been a special, low-tax land, which the Ptolemaic king leased or sold to Alexandrian citizens only. In the Roman period, the prefect Tiberius Julius Alexander confirmed that this territory should be excluded from taxation (Capponi 2004, 115). See also Modrzejewski 1979; Jähne 1981; and Jones 1983, 304, 475, n. 11; in the papyri see TM Geo 2630. 8. Ἰουδαικοῦ λόγου (Jewish account). The term is also mentioned in CPJ 670, ll. 8, 15; see further introduction to this section. 9. πεκουλίου [Ἑ]λλήνων ἀκληρονομήτ(ων) (from the patrimony of Greeks [deceased] without heirs). On the significance of πεκούλιον as patrimony see Modrzejewski 1989, 353, n. 63. Ἑλλήνων ἀ[κλ]ηρονομήτων are also mentioned in CPJ 448, l. 12 on which text see Modrzejewski, 1989, 342-51. 10-1. διανομῆς στεμμάτων [ ] ἐκτὸς λόγων (from the distribution of guilds [ ] from [the contributions] of those outside the accounts …). An identical formulation, also in two lines, is found in BGU IX 1894, ll. 1212, a tax list from 157 CE Theadelphia. διανομ(ῆς) στεμμάτων also appears in P.Col. V 1, verso 1a, l. 38, from 160 Theadelphia. For a discussion of the term στέμμα, from which it transpires that it may mean guild, see P.Col. V, 55-6. ἐκτὸς λόγων refers to income from outside the logos ousiakos (estates account); cf. BGU IX, 108. Based on I. Fikhman

Literary Papyri 673-5. LXX papyri Three Jewish LXX papyri are presented in this section. Their Jewishness is supported by their being written on a scroll rather than a codex, and in two of them, most significantly, by the presence of the Tetragrammaton in palaeo-Hebrew characters (CPJ 674-5: Job and Psalms). All three papyri were palaeographically dated to 1st-2nd centuries CE, precluding their identification as Christian. Note, however, that the LXX papyri of the Ptolemaic period (CPJ 610-3) were more securely dated, because they were all found on mummy cartonnage – a mummifying practice common in the Ptolemaic period, which went out of use with the arrival of Rome. Palaeography is a less reliable dating method and in the words of Nongbri (2019, 94), “historical arguments should never depend too heavily upon the dates of manuscripts that have been assigned only by palaeography.” Carbon 14 datings can more conclusively date a document, confirming or rejecting the palaeographic dating suggested (see in general Mazza 2019), but to date, these are not available for the said papyri. The Bible, in whatever language, was the most important, reliable and sanctified book for Jews the world over in the Roman period. The paucity of biblical papyri in Egypt in this period is a matter of coincidence, and does not reflect on the popularity or status of the book. Similarly, nothing can be deduced from the fact that the three papyri we present here come from the Writings, as opposed to the Ptolemaic biblical papyri, which are all from the Pentateuch. We do not include in this section two papyri that were listed by Kraft (2003, 60) and Tov (2004, 305) as probably Jewish LXX papyri from this period. P. Yale I 1 (TM 61924), a codex which was first dated to the 90s of the 1st century CE (P.Yale I, 5), was reread by Emmel, who cast doubt on this dating (Emmel 1996, 290). P.Bodl. Ms. Bibl. Gr. 5 is dated in general to the 2nd century or even later (Kraft 2003, 60).

673. LXX Esther E:16-9:3 Oxyrhynchos 16.9 x 30.2 cm Late 1st-early 2nd century CE P.Oxy. LXV 4443 (K. Luchner) TM 61923; LDAB 3089; Image: http://163.1.169.40/cgi-bin/library?e=q-000-00---0POxy--00-0-0--0prompt10---4----ded--0-1l--1-en-50---20-about-4443--00031-001-1-0utf-00&a=d&c=POxy&cl=search&d=HASH 583332d0419fa90762f2f9 (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Kraft 2003, 59; Passoni Dell’Acqua 2004

This papyrus scroll, found in Oxyrhynchos, preserves parts of Greek Esther. This composition is a rewritten Esther, consisting of a (free) translation of the Hebrew text, with six large additions (A-F). The current papyrus includes part of Addition E (the second Edict of Artaxerxes) followed by a Greek translation of eight verses of the Hebrew Esther (8:13-9:3). It was dated by Luchner (P.Oxy LXV, 4) to the end of the 1st-beginning of the 2nd century CE, making it the earliest extant Greek Esther text. Jewishness is indicated by the scroll form of the papyrus, its early date, and the absence of contracted nomina sacra (θεο̣ῦ col. I, l. 12; σωτηρ̣[ί]α̣ν̣ l. 19; ἀνθρώποις col. II, l. 5). Also the scribal practices in this scroll suggest Jewish provenance – end of line left blank at end of paragraph (col. II, ll. 8, 14); beginning of line protruding into the left margin when a new paragraph begins (col. II, ll. 9, 15; col. III, l. 8). Also evident in some cases are

673. LXX Esther E:16-9:3

149

horizontal dashes at the end of lines (not marking the end of a verse or paragraph) whose purpose is unclear (col. I, ll. 24, 28, 30; col. II, ll. 21, 22, 29). The script of the scroll is beautifully executed, probably implying that it was a presentable, public copy, perhaps used for public reading at Purim. Note that in rabbinic literature it is expressly stated that the scroll of Esther could be publically read in Purim in all languages (mMegillah 2:1; cf. bMegillah 8b-9a). Of the two Greek recensions extant for Esther, the Old Greek (OG) and Alpha-Text (AT) (see De Troyer, 2017), the papyrus text almost always follows the former, but also displays unique readings. Two orthographic phenomena evident in this papyrus are the opposite of those present in CPJ 674: 1. The iota adscriptum is evident throughout (except in col. II, l. 10). 2. Itacism: In several places, but not consistently, instead of the ι we find the diphthong ει (col. I, l. 2: ἡμεῖν; l. 18: συνεπεισ̣χ̣ύ̣ε̣ι̣[ν]; l. 19: θ̣λ̣ε̣ί̣ψ̣ε̣[ω]ς̣; cf. Passoni Dell’Acqua 2004, 74). Another linguistic phenomenon evident repeatedly in this papyrus is assimilation by replacement of κ with χ before θ (col. I, l. 15: ἐ̣χ̣θ̣[έν]τ̣ε̣ς̣; col. II, l. 9: ἐχθ̣εῖναι; ll. 18, 27: ἔχθεμα (P.Oxy. LXV, 7; see further Mayser & Schmoll, 1970, 156).

5

10

15

20

25

30

Col. I. [ὑψίστου ]κ̣αὶ̣ μ̣ε̣γ̣ίστου ζῶντος 7 [θεοῦ τοῦ ]κ̣ατευ̣θ̣ύ̣να ̣ ντος ἡμεῖν [τε καὶ τοῖ]ς̣ προγ̣ό̣νοις ἡμῶν τὴν [βασιλείαν ]καθάπ̣ερ προαιρο̣ῦμεθα. [καλῶς οὖ]ν̣ ποιήσετε μὴ̣ προσ[χρησάμε]ν̣οι τοῖς ὑπὸ Αμαν ἀπ̣ο[σταλεῖσιν γ]ράμμα̣σι διὰ τὸ καὶ αὐτὸν [τὸν ταῦτ]α̣ παρα[ν]όμως ἐξ[ε]ργα[σάμενον ]ἐ̣σταυρῶσθαι πρὸς ταῖς [… Σούσ]ων πύλαις σὺν π̣[α]ν̣οι[κίαι, τὴν ]κ̣αταξ̣[ία]ν τοῦ τὰ πάντ̣α [ἐπικρατο]ῦ̣ν̣τος θεο̣ῦ διὰ τάχο̣υ̣ς [ἀποδόντ]ος αὐτῶ̣ι τὴν [ἀ]πώ̣λε̣ι̣α̣ν̣ [τὸ ἀντίγρ]α̣φον τ̣ῆς ἐπισ[τολῆς] [ταύτης ]ἐ̣χ̣θ̣[έν]τ̣ε̣ς̣ ἐ̣ν παν[τὶ τ]ό̣[πωι μετὰ ]παρρη[σ]ί̣α̣ς̣ ἐ[ᾶ]ν τ̣[οὺς Ἰο]υ̣[δαίους χρ]ῆ̣σθαι τοῖς ἑαυτ̣[ῶν νο-] [μίμοις κ]αὶ συνεπεισ̣χ̣ύ̣ε̣ι̣[ν αὐτοῖς] [ὅπως τοὺς ]ἐ̣ν κα[ι]ρ̣ῶι̣ θ̣λ̣ε̣ί̣ψ̣ε̣[ω]ς̣ [ἐπιθεμέ]νους αὐ̣το̣ [ῖς ]ἀ̣μ̣[ύνωντ]αι [……. τ]οῦ δω̣[δ]ε̣κά̣τ̣ου̣[ μηνὸ]ς […… Αδ]α̣ρ τῆ[ι ]α̣ὐτῆι ἡμ[έραι· τα]ύ̣[την γὰρ ὁ τὰ ]πάντα δυνασ̣τε̣[ύω]ν̣ [θεὸς ἀντ᾽ ὀλ]εθρείας τ̣οῦ ἐκ[λε]κ̣- – [τοῦ γένου]ς̣ ἐ̣π̣ο̣[ί]ησεν αὐτοῖς ε̣ὐ[φροσύνην. ]κ̣α̣ὶ̣ ὑμεῖς ἐν ταῖς[ ἐπ]ω[νύμοις ἐ]π̣ίσημον ἡμέραν με[τὰ πάσης ε]ὐ̣ωχί[α]ς ἄγετε, καὶ – [νῦν καὶ με]τ̣ὰ ταῦτα σωτηρ̣[ί]α̣ν̣ μ̣ὲν [τῶν εὐνοο]ύ̣ν̣τ̣ων τοῖς Πέρσαις – [τῶν δὲ τούτ]οις ἐ̣[π]ιβουλευσάντων

E16

17 18

19

20

21

22 23

of the most high and most great living God, who has directed for us and for our ancestors the kingdom exactly as we would wish it. You will therefore do well not to carry out the letters sent by Haman, because he who also unlawfully did these things has been crucified at the gates of Susa with his whole household, since the God who rules over all things has recompensed him swiftly with deserved destruction. Let a copy of this letter be posted in every place publically, to allow the Jews to live according to their own practices and to assist them so that in a time of oppression they may defend themselves against attackers … … of the twelfth month, … Adar, on that same day. For God, who rules over all things, instead of a day of destruction for his chosen people, has made this for them to be a day of joy. And you among your commemorative (feasts), shall celebrate with all good cheer, this day both now and hereafter a deliverance for the well-disposed toward the Persians, but for those who plot against them

150

673. LXX Esther E:16-9:3

1. [ὑψίστου] καὶ μεγίστου (of the most high and most great). This is the OG text, but the καί between the two adjectives is not found in other mss. 7 The meaning of this sign at the end of the line is unclear. 4. καθάπερ προαιροῦμεθα (exactly as we would wish it). In both OG and AT the version is ἐν τῇ καλλίστῃ διαθέσει (the most excellent order). P. Oxy. LXV, 7 notes this as a “unique and radically different reading.” The expression occurs nowhere else in Esther; however in 3 Macc 7:2, also in documentary language (the second epistle of Ptolemy IV Philopator), we read καθὼς προαιροῦμεθα (as we would wish it). Note that the same formulation is reflected in Old Latin Esther; see Passoni Dell’Acqua 2004, 73-4. 6. Αμαν (Haman). Following this name, the signifier Αμαδάθου is absent here as in AT and in some mss of OG. 7. καί (also). As in AT; the word is missing in OG. 8. παρα[ν]όμως (unlawfully). The term, whether as adverb or adjective (παράνομος), does not occur anywhere else in Esther and is not witnessed by the mss; Passoni Dell’Acqua (2004, 73) suggests that this addition emphasizes the wickedness of Haman. 9-10. ἐσταυρῶσθαι πρὸς ταῖς [… Σούσων] πύλαις (crucified at the… gates of Susa). The verb “crucify” (ἐσταυρῶσθαι) precedes here “the gates of Susa” in contrast to all other testimonies. On a possible reconstruction of the beginning of l. 10 see P. Oxy. LXV, 7. 13. [ἀποδόντ]ος αὐτῶι τὴν [ἀ]πώλειαν (recompensed him … with … destruction). The OG has κρίσις (judgment) here instead of [ἀ]πώλειαν. However, one codex (55) has the variant ἀπόλλoντος. ἀπώλεια (destruction) is a much stronger noun than κρίσις (Passoni Dell’Acqua 2004, 74-5). 21. [……. τ]οῦ (… of the). The words that appear here in all versions are τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ (on the thirteenth) or something similar. There is no place for this rendition here. P. Oxy. LXV, 7 suggest that the text may have read τηι ιγ. 22. In OG the word Αδαρ comes immediately after the word μηνός. Because of the space at the beginning of l. 22, P. Oxy. LXV, 7 suggest reconstructing here ὅς ἐστιν, as in AT. 26. ὑμεῖς ἐν (you, among). In OG: ὑμεῖς οὖν ἐν. 26-7. [ἐπ]ω[νύμοις ἐ]πίσημον (commemorative … this). The words ὑμῶν ἑορταῖς (your festivals) are missing here, as in Ms A. 28. ἄγετε, καὶ (shall celebrate … both). In all mss, between these two word, the word ὅπως (so that) is inserted. The absence of a verb in the next part of the sentence makes this particle here superfluous. 29-31. σωτηρ[ί]αν μὲν [τῶν εὐνοο]ύντων τοῖς Πέρσαις [τῶν δὲ τούτ]οις ἐ[π]ιβουλευσάντων (a deliverance for the well-disposed toward the Persians, but for those who plot against them). So (or with small variations) in Ms A and related mss. In other mss this is a subordinate clause and not a direct object: σωτηρία ᾖ ἡμῖν καὶ τοῖς εὐνοοῦσιν Πέρσαις, τοῖς δὲ ἡμῖν ἐπιβουλεύουσιν (deliverance may be for us and for the welldisposed Persians, but to those who plot against us …).

Col. II μνημοσύνην τῆς ἀπωλείας. πᾶσα δὲ πόλις ἢ χώρα τὸ σύνολ̣ον, ἥτις κατὰ ταῦτα μὴ ποιήσηι, δόρατι καὶ πυρὶ καταναλωθεῖσα με5 τ᾽ ὀργῆς· οὐ μόνον ἀνθρώποις ἄβατος, ἀλλὰ καὶ θηρ̣ίοις καὶ πετεινοῖς εἰς τ[ὸ]ν̣ ἅπαντα χρόνον αἴσχιστος κατασταθήσεται. τὰ δὲ ἀντίγραφα ἐχθ̣εῖναι ὀφθαλμο10 φανῶς ἐν πάση̣ι̣ τηι βασιλεία, ἑτο̣[ί]μους δὲ εἶναι πάντας τοὺς Ἰο[υ]δαίους εἰς ταύτην τὴ̣ν̣ ἡμέραν πολεμῆσαι αὐτῶν τοὺς ὑπεναντίους. 15 οἱ μὲν οὖν ἱππεῖς ἐξῆλθον σπεύ̣δοντες τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως λεγόμενα ἐπιτελε̣ῖ̣ν· ἐξετέθη δὲ τὸ ἔχθεμα [κα]ὶ ἐν Σούσο̣ι̣ς. ὁ δὲ

a memorial of destruction. Every city and country, without exception, that does not do according to this, by spear and fire shall be destroyed with wrath; it shall be not only made impassable for people, but also most shameful to wild animals and birds for all time. 8:13 Now, let the copies be posted conspicuously in all the kingdom, so that all the Jews be ready on this day to fight against their adversaries. 14 So the horsemen went out in a hurry to perform what the king had commanded, and the ordinance 15 was posted also in Susa. Then 24

673. LXX Esther E:16-9:3

20

25

30

Μαρδοχαῖος ἐξῆλθε̣ν ἐστολισμέ̣νος̣ τὴν βασιλικὴν [σ]το̣λὴ̣ν καὶ στέφανον ἔχων χρυ- – σοῦν καὶ διά̣δ̣ημα βύσσινον – πορφυρ̣οῦ[ν· ἰ]δόντες δ̣ὲ̣ οἱ ἐν Σ̣ού̣ σοις ἐχάρησαν. τοῖς δὲ Ἰουδαίọ[ι]ς̣ [ἐγέ]ν̣ετο φῶς κ̣α̣[ὶ ε]ὐ̣φ̣ρ̣ο̣σύνηι· κ̣α̣τ̣ὰ̣ π̣[ό]λιν̣ κ̣α̣ὶ̣ χώ̣[ρα]ν̣, ο̣ὗ ἂν ἐξετέθηι τ̣ὸ̣ ἔ̣χ̣θ̣ε̣μ̣α̣, χ̣α̣ρ̣ὰ̣ καὶ εὐφροσύν̣η̣ι τ̣οῖς Ἰ̣ο̣υ̣δ̣α̣ίοις, κώθ̣ων καὶ εὐφροσύ̣νηι, καὶ π̣ολλοὶ – τῶν̣ ἐ̣θ̣ν̣ῶ̣ν̣ π̣ε̣ρ̣ι̣ετέμν[ο]ν̣τ̣ο̣ κα̣ὶ Ἰουδάϊζον διὰ τὸν φόβον τῶν Ἰ

16 17

151

Mardochaios went out, wearing the royal robe, with a gold crown and a diadem of purple linen, and when the people in Susa saw him they rejoiced. For the Jewsthere was light and gladness; in every city and country wherever the ordinance was posted there was joy and gladness among the Jews a feast and gladness. And many of the nations were circumcised and became Jews out of fear of the J[ews]

4. καταναλωθεῖσα (shall be destroyed). The form is a participle (aor. pass.) instead of the pass. fut. καταναλωθήσεται found in most LXX versions; see Passoni Dell’Acqua 2004, 75, n. 9. This form cannot be translated verbally into English; therefore we translated it in the future tense. 7. αἴσχιστος (most shameful). So in some mss, including Ms A. In others ἔχθιστος (most hostile). Passoni Dell’Acqua (2004, 75) claims that this noun too (like in col. I, ll. 2 and 8) is stronger than in other LXX versions. 8, 14. Under the first character of these lines there is a short dash indicating the end of a paragraph and the beginning of a new one in the next line, which is extended into the margin. The paragraph between these two markings contains instructions regarding the previous edict issued by the king (Addition E). The second dash indicates the end of these instructions. 11. δέ. Like in Ms A, and unlike the τε in other mss. 26-27. οὗ ἂν ἐξετέθηι τὸ ἔχθεμα (wherever the ordinance was posted). The papyrus skips the phrase οὗ ἂν ἐξετέθη τὸ πρόσταγμα (wherever the edict was posted) in agreement with Ms A and a few other manuscripts. Perhaps this is a result of homoioteleuton.

Col. III (lines 1-5 lost) Ἰου̣[δαίοις· οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἀντέστηι φο-] βο[ύμενος αὐτούς.] οἱ̣ [γὰρ ἄρχοντες τῶν σατραπῶν] κα[ὶ οἱ τύραννοι καὶ οἱ βασιλικοὶ] 10 γρα[μματεῖς ἐτίμων τοὺς Ἰου-] δ[αίους·] (Traces)

9:2 3

[… the opponents] of the Jews [perished], for no one resisted, because they feared them. For the rulers of the satrapies and the tyrants and the royal secretaries esteemed the Jews

Col. III 6-7. The text agrees with most of the OG mss, that differ from MT. 8. Like col. II ll. 9 and 15 above, this line is extended into the left margin, though it is not preceded with a dash under the first letter of the previous line. This marking indicates the beginning of a new paragraph. N. Hacham and T. Ilan based on D. Jacobs

152

674. Fragments of LXX Psalms

674. Fragments of LXX Psalms Oxyrhynchos A 6.1 x 5.1 P.Oxy. LXXVII 5101 (D. Colomo & W. B. Henry) TM 140272; Image: P.Oxy. LXXVII, pls. II-III

1st-2nd century CE

The papyrus includes four stretches of texts recording the remains of seven psalms (26; 44; 47-9; 63-4) from one papyrus Psalms scroll, in six columns. It is inscribed only on one side. The fragments were found among the Oxyrhynchos papyri and tentatively dated (based on palaeography) to the early-Roman period (1st-2nd century CE). The Jewishness of the text is clearly decided by the Tetragrammaton in palaeo-Hebrew characters (as in CPJ 675; see introduction there). For an earlier papyrus that records the Tetragrammaton see CPJ 612; on this phenomenon in the Dead Sea scrolls see Tov 2004, 238-45. In many instances this papyrus leans toward the MT version of the Psalms, over and against other LXX witnesses. A notable example is the absence of the second half of verse 64:1: Ιερεμιου καὶ Ιεζεκιηλ ἐκ τοῦ λόγου τῆς παροικίας, ὅτε ἔμελλον ἐκπορεύεσθαι (of Ieremias and Ezekiel from the account of the resident community when they were about to set out) which is also absent in MT (D l. 13; other examples: B l. 6; C, col II, ll. 23, 25, 36; col. III, ll. 10, 19, 22-3; D 15). Two orthographic phenomena are evident in this papyrus: 1. The absence of an iota adscriptum throughout, unlike in the LXX Ptolemaic papyri (CPJ 610-3 and also the earlyRoman CPJ 673), reflecting common pronunciation. In our reconstructions we include neither an iota subscriptum nor an iota adscriptum. 2. In several places, but not consistently, instead of the diphthong ει, the scribe wrote ι (see A ll. 6, 11; C, col. II, ll. 4, 24; col. III, l. 18), probably also reflecting common pronunciation. In general, stichs end at the end of lines. However, when a verse or a stich ended in the middle of the line the scribe often, but not always, indicated this by a dicolon with blanks before and after (C. col II, ll. 5, 6, 7; col. III, ll. 19, 23, 24, 26; D, l. 16); cf. P.Oxy. LXXVII, 2. A

Psalms 26 (27):9-14

5

10

].[.].[.].[ [βοηθός μου γενοῦ, μὴ ]ἀ̣π̣οσ̣κ̣ορα̣κ̣ί̣σ̣η̣ς̣ μ̣ε̣ [καὶ μὴ ἐνκαταλίπης με, ὁ ]θ̣εὸς̣ ὁ σ̣ω̣τ̣ή̣ρ̣ μ̣ο̣[υ] [ὅτι ὁ πατήρ μου καὶ ἡ μήτηρ μο]υ̣ ἐνκα̣τ̣[έλιπόν με,] [νομοθέτησόν με, hwhy, ἐ]ν τῆ ὁδῶ̣ σ̣[ου] [καὶ ὁδήγησόν με ἐν τρίβω ]εὐθία̣ [ἕνεκα τῶν ἐχθρῶν μου. μ]ὴ̣ π̣α̣ρ̣αδῶ̣ς μ̣ε̣ [εἰς ψυχὰς θλιβόντων μ]ε̣, [ὅτι ἐπανέστησάν μοι μάρ]τυρε̣ς ἄδ̣ικο̣ι̣, [καὶ ἐψεύσατο ]ἡ̣ ἀ̣[δικία ἑ]α̣υτῆ. [πιστεύω τοῦ ἰ]δ̣ῖ̣ν τὰ ἀγαθὰ̣ [vacat?] [ἐν γῆ ζώντων. ὑπο]μ̣ενόντων τ̣ὸ̣ν̣ hw[hy] [ἀνδρίζου καὶ κρ]αταιούσθω ἡ καρ̣δ̣ία σ̣[ου] [καὶ ὑπόμεινο]ν̣ τ̣[ὸν] ḥẉḥỵ.

26:9 26:10 26:11 26:12

26:13 26:14

be my helper, do not damn me and do not abandon me, O God, my savior, because my father and my mother abandoned me make laws for me, O Lord, by your way, and guide me on a straight path for the sake of my enemies. Do not give me up to the souls of people that afflict me because unjust witnesses rose against me and injustice lied to itself. I believe, in order that I may see the good things [vacat?] in the land of the living. Waiting for the Lord, take courage and let your heart be strong and wait for the Lord!

674. Fragments of LXX Psalms

153

4. ἐνκα̣τ̣[έλιπόν] (abandoned). The scribe wrote ν instead of γ, probably because of the pronunciation of this word; cf. the diphthong ει as described in the introduction above. The same verb in l. 3 is reconstructed likewise; cf. also a similar reconstruction in C, col. III, l. 31-2. At the end of the line half a verse is missing due to homoioteleuton (ὁ δὲ κύριος προσελάβετό με – but the Lord took me to himself). 5. [hwhy] The emendation of the Tetragrammaton here is based on the traces visible in ll. 12 (hw[hy]) and 14 (ḥẉḥỵ), and on the clear form preserved in D. l. 14. 11. [vacat?] At the end of the line, the scribe probably left a space for the Tetagrammaton (as in MT), which was unwittingly forgotten by a second scribe, who inserted these palaeo-Hebrew letters elsewhere in the text. Alternatively, if one scribe wrote the Greek and the palaeo-Hebrew Tetragrammata (as seems obvious in D, l. 14 below), here he did not add one for an unknown reason (see P.Oxy. LXXVII, 4). 12. [ὑπο]μ̣ενόντων (waiting). LXX has here ὑπόμενον (in the imperative). The form here is not recorded elsewhere in LXX mss. The editors suggested that this change was made because of “the influence of the preceding ζώντων” (P.Oxy LXXVII, 5).

B

Psalms 44 (45):4 (5)-8 (9) ]..[ κ]α̣ὶ̣ τῶ κάλ̣[λει σου] [καὶ ἔντεινον καὶ κατευοδοῦ καὶ ]β̣ασίλευε[ [ἕνεκεν ἀληθείας καὶ πραΰτητος κ]α̣ὶ δικαι̣[ο]σ̣[ύνης] 5

10

[καὶ ὁδηγήσει σε θαυμαστῶς ἡ δ]ε̣ξιά[ σ]ο̣υ.̣ [ [τὰ βέλη σου ἠκονημένα, – λαοὶ ]ὑ̣π̣οκάτω σο̣[υ] [πεσοῦνται – ἐν καρδίᾳ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ]τ̣[ο]υ̣ β̣ασ[ιλέως] [ὁ θρόνος σου, ὁ θεός, εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα τοῦ αἰῶνος] [ῥάβδος εὐθύτητος ἡ ῥάβδος τῆς βασ]ι̣λε̣[ίας σου] [ἠγάπησας δικαιοσύνην καὶ ἐμίσησα]ς̣ ἀ̣[νομίαν]

44:4 … and in your beauty 44:5 and draw and prosper, and become king for the sake of truth and meekness and righteousness and your right hand will guide you marvelously. 44:6 Your arrows are sharp – peoples shall fall under you – in the heart of the king’s enemies. 44:7 Your throne, O God, is forever and ever. A rod of equity is the rod of your kingship; 44:8 you loved righteousness and hated lawlessness.

6. [ἠκονημένα, – λαοί] (sharp – peoples). Most mss have between these two words δυνατέ (o powerful); cf. 44:4. However, like in MT, a few lone mss lack its equivalent, and this papyrus appears to belong to this group, because the space left here does not allow for this emendation (P.Oxy. LXXVII, 5).

C Col. I

Psalms 47 (48):13 (12)-15 (14)

5

].[ ]….[ [διηγήσασθε ἐν τοῖς πύργ]ο̣ις αὐ[τ]ῆ̣[ς θέσθε] [τὰς καρδίας ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν ]δ̣ύ̣ν̣αμ̣ιν̣[ αὐτῆς] [καὶ καταδιέλεσθε τὰς βάρ]ε̣ις αὐ̣τ̣ῆ̣ς̣ [ὅπως ἂν διηγήσησθε εἰς γ]ε̣νεὰν ἑ[τέραν] [ὅτι οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ θεὸς ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶ]ν̣[

47:13-4

47:15

recount it in its towers; dispose your hearts for its power, and inspect its bastions, that you may recount to another generation that this is God, our God

Approximately eleven lines are missing between this verse and the one in the next column (P.Oxy. LXXVII, 6).

154

674. Fragments of LXX Psalms

Col. II

Psalms 48 (49):6 (5)-21 (20)

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

[ἵνα τί φ]ο̣βοῦμα̣ι̣ ἐν ἡ̣μέ̣ρ̣α̣[ π]ο̣ν̣ηρ̣ ᾶ; [ἡ ἀνομ]ί̣α τ̣ῆς̣ πτ̣έρνη̣ς̣[ μου κυ]κλώ̣σ̣[ει με] [οἱ πεπο]ιθ̣ότες̣ ἐ̣πὶ̣ τῆ[ δυνάμει αὐτῶν] [καὶ ἐπὶ τ]ῶ̣ πλήθι τοῦ π̣λ̣[ο]ύ̣[του αὐτῶν] [καυχώ]μ̣εν̣ο̣ι : ἀ̣δε̣[λφὸς οὐ λυτροῦται λυτρώσε-] [ται ἄνθ]ρ̣ωπος : ο̣ὐ δ[ώσει τῶ θεῶ ἐξίλασ-] [μα αὐτο]ῦ̣ : καὶ τ̣ὴν̣[ τιμὴν τῆς λυτρώσεως τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτοῦ] [καὶ ἐκόπι]α̣σε̣ ν[ ε]ἰ̣[ς τὸν αἰῶνα καὶ ζήσεται εἰς τέλος] [ὅτι οὐκ ὄψεται καταφθοράν] [ὅταν ἴδῃ σοφοὺς ἀποθνῄσκοντας. ἐπὶ τὸ] [αὐτὸ ἄφρων καὶ ἄνους ἀπ]ολοῦ[νται καὶ] [καταλείψουσιν ἀλλοτρίοις τὸ]ν̣ πλοῦτ[ο]ν̣ α̣[ὐτῶν] [καὶ οἱ τάφοι αὐτῶν οἰκίαι α]ὐ̣τῶν εἰς τὸ̣ν̣ α̣ἰ̣[ῶν]α̣, [σκηνώματα αὐτῶν εἰ]ς̣ γενε̣ὰν̣ κ̣αὶ γεν̣εά[ν] [ἐπεκαλέσαντο ὀνόμ]α̣ α̣ὐτ̣ῶν̣ ἐ̣π̣ὶ̣ τῶν̣ γ̣α̣[ιῶ]ν̣, [καὶ ἄνθρωπος ἐν ]τ̣ι̣μ̣ῆ̣ … σ̣ο̣γ[̣ .]υειτ̣α̣ι̣ [συνεβλήθη τοῖς κ]τ̣ή̣ν̣ε̣σ[̣ ιν ]τ̣οῖ[ς ] ανο̣[ή]τ̣ο[̣ ις κ]α̣ὶ̣ ὡ̣[μοι]ώ̣θη α̣ὐ̣τ[̣ οῖς] [αὕτη ἡ ὁδὸς αὐτῶ]ν̣ σκάνδα̣λ̣ον̣ α̣[ὐ]τ̣ο̣ῖ[̣ ς] [καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐ]ν τῶ σ̣τόματι̣ αὐτ̣ῶν̣ [εὐδοκήσο]υ̣σ̣[ιν. δ]ι̣άψαλμα. [ὡς πρόβα]τ̣[α ]ἐ̣ν̣[ ἅδ]η ἔθε̣ν̣τ̣ο, θ̣άνα̣τ̣ο̣ς̣ πο̣[ιμαί-] [νει αὐτού]ς̣· καὶ κα̣[τ]ακυ̣ρ̣ιεύ̣σου[σιν αὐτῶ]ν οἱ εὐθ̣εῖς̣[ εἰ]ς̣ τ̣[ὸ π]ρ̣ο̣ΐ, [καὶ ἡ βο]ή̣θια αὐτ̣ῶ̣[ν ]π̣[αλαι]ω̣θή[σεται] [ἐν τῶ ]ἅδη τῆς δόξ[ης αὐτο]ῦ. [πλὴν ὁ θ]εὸς λυτρ̣ώσ[εται τὴ]ν̣ ψυ̣χ̣[ήν μου] [ἐκ χειρὸ]ς̣ ἅϊδου ὅ̣τ̣αν̣ λ̣[αμβάνη με. Διάψαλμα] [μὴ φοβῆσ]ον ἐὰν̣ πλουτ[ήση ἄνθρωπος] [καὶ ὅταν π]λ̣ηθ̣υνθῆ ἡ δ[όξα τοῦ οἴκου αὐτοῦ] [ὅτι οὐκ ἐ]ν̣ τ̣ῶ ἀ̣ποθνήσκ̣[ειν] [αὐτὸν λ]ή̣μψεται τὰ π̣ά̣[ντα, οὐδὲ συν-] [καταβήσε]τ̣αι αὐτ̣[ῶ ]ἡ δόξ̣[α αὐτοῦ. ὅτι ἡ ψυχὴ] [αὐτοῦ ἐν τ]ῆ̣ ζωῆ̣ α̣ὐτο[ῦ εὐλογηθήσεται] [ἐξομολογή]σ̣ετ̣α̣ί σοι, ὅτ̣[αν ἀγαθύνης αὐτῶ. εἰς-] [ελεύσεται ἕω]ς̣ γενᾶς π[ατέρων αὐτοῦ] [ἕως αἰῶνος ο]ὐ̣κ ὄ̣ψοντ̣[αι φῶς] [ἄνθρωπος ἐν τι]μ̣ῆ̣[ 35 γενεᾶς

48:6

48:8

Why should I fear on an evil day? The lawlessness at my heel will surround me; those who trust in their power and boast of the abundance of their riches. A brother does not ransom; shall anyone

48:9

ransom? He will not give God his atonement, nor the price for redeeming his soul.

48:7

48:10 And he desist forever and will yet live completely; he will not see corruption 48:11 when he sees wise people die! Fool and dolt will perish together and leave their wealth to strangers. 48:12 And their graves are their homes forever, their coverts to generation and generation. They named their lands their own. 48:13 And a person in honour … resembles senseless beasts and became like them. 48:14 This way of theirs is a pitfall to them and afterwards with their mouth they will express contentment. Interlude on strings. 48:15 Like sheep they were placed in Hades. Death shall be their shepherd, and the upright shall exercise dominion over them at dawn and help for them will wear out in Hades, [away] from his glory. 48:16 On the other hand, God will ransom my soul from Hades’ hand, when he receives me. Interlude on strings. 48:17 Do not be afraid if a person becomes rich and when the glory of his house increases, 48:18 because when he dies, he will take nothing, nor will 48:19 his glory go down with him, because his soul in his life will be blessed; 48:20 he will acknowledge you when you treat him well; he will enter the company of his fathers; they will never again see light. 48:21 A person in honour …

674. Fragments of LXX Psalms

155

5, 6, 7. For the dicolon in the middle of these lines see introduction above. 8. [ἐκόπι]α̣σεν (desist). This is the reconstruction of P.Oxy. LXXVII, 7, according to all LXX mss. Rhalfs conjectured here ἐκόπασεν (desist), consonant with MT (‫)וחדל‬. Both reconstructions are possible. The meaning of κοπιάω is “work hard, be weary,” but it could also be a variant of κοπάζω, which means “desist, come to rest” (LSJ s.v. κοπιάω). We thus reconstruct the word, with the mss, but translate with “desist,” which fits both forms. 15. [ὀνόμ]α̣ (named). Restoration suggested by the editors based on space, with Ms 2110. On the absence of αὐτῶν at the end of the line see editors’ note (P.Oxy. LXXVII, 7). 16. The end of the line is incomplete; the traces do not allow a reconstruction according to any of the known manuscripts. 23. [εἰ]ς̣ (at). The reconstruction, based on the available sigma, follows several manuscripts, and is consistent with MT (‫) ַל ֹבּקֶ ר‬. 25. τῆς δόξ[ης αὐτο]ῦ ([away] from his glory). In LXX, the preposition ἐκ (of, away) appears before τῆς. In the visible traces here it is clearly absent, making the translation of this difficult verse unintelligible and less in conjunction with MT; see P.Oxy. LXXVII, 8. The visible υ at the end of the line, however, makes it clear that the singular αὐτοῦ is intended here. This is closer to MT’s ‫ ִמזְּ ֻבל ל ֹו‬than LXX’s plural αὐτῶν. 27. ἅϊδου (Hades). The same term is written in two forms in this document – without iota (ἅδη, l. 25) and here, with iota. The ancient form is the latter (see e.g. Homer, Odyssey 4.834). Although usually this papyrus ignores the iota subscriptum, the fact that there is a iota here is perhaps an indication that in the case of this name, the iota-less orthography had not yet become fixed (cf. also in a Jewish context with iota – JIGRE 38, l. 6). Hades is the standard translation of ‫ שאול‬in LXX. 28. [μὴ φοβῆσ]ον ἐὰν̣ πλουτ[ήση ἄνθρωπος] (Do not be afraid if a person becomes rich). The reading ον ἐάν̣ is certain, although it is not attested in any LXX textual witness. Instead of ἐάν (if) LXX has ὅταν (when). The preceding verb in the Hebrew text is ‫ אל תירא‬which is translated in all LXX witnesses with μὴ φοβοῦ (imp. pres. sing.). The editors of the papyrus allow for about 7 letters in the missing beginning of the line, ending with the readable ον. These letters are the suffix of the aorist imperative; therefore we suggest reconstructing here [μὴ φοβῆσ]ον, which makes no difference in the meaning of the verse. 36. ὄ̣ψοντ̣[αι] (see). The plural is like MT, as also in other Greek translations (see P.Oxy. LXXVII, 8). 37. For the rest of verse 21, the final verse of this psalm, see P.Oxy. LXXVII, 8.

Col. III

Psalms 49 (50):2-16

5

10

15

ἐ̣κ̣ Σ̣ε̣[ιων ἡ εὐ]π̣ρ̣έ̣π̣[εια τῆς ὡραιότητος αὐτοῦ] ὁ θεὸς̣ ἐμ̣[φαν]ῶς ἥξε[ι] ὁ̣ θ̣ε̣[ὸ]ς̣ ἡ̣[μῶ]ν̣, καὶ ου[ παρασιωπήσεται] πῦρ ἐ̣ν̣[ώπ]ιο̣ν̣ α̣ὐτ̣ο[̣ ῦ καυθήσεται] καὶ̣ κύ̣κ[λω αὐτ]ο̣ῦ̣ κα[ταιγὶς σφόδρα] π̣ρ̣[οσκαλέσε]τ̣αι τὸν̣ ο̣ὐ[̣ ρανὸν ἄνω καὶ τὴν γῆν] [δια]κρ̣ῖνα̣ι̣ τὸν λαὸν̣ α̣[ὐτοῦ] συν̣ά̣γετε αὐτῶ τοὺ̣[ς ὁσίους αὐτοῦ] τοὺς διαθιθεμένο̣υς̣[ τὴν διαθήκην αὐτοῦ] ἐπὶ θ̣υσία, καὶ̣[ ἀ]ν̣α̣γ̣γ̣ε̣λ[̣ οῦσιν] [οἱ ]οὐρ̣α̣ν̣οὶ̣ τ̣ὴ̣ν̣ δι̣κ̣α̣ι̣[οσύνην αὐτοῦ] [ὅ]τ̣[ι ὁ ]θ̣[εὸς ]κρ̣ιτής ἐ̣[στιν. διάψαλμα] [Ἄκουσο]ν̣, λαό[ς μου, καὶ λ]α̣λ̣ή̣[σω σοι] Ἰ̣σ̣ρ̣ά̣[ηλ, καὶ διαμα]ρ̣τ̣ύ̣ρ̣[ο]υμαί σοι· ὁ θεὸ̣ς ὁ θε[ός σ]ο̣ύ̣ ε̣ἰ̣μι ἐ̣[γώ] οὐ̣κ ἐν̣ τ̣αῖς̣[ θυ]σ̣ίαις σ̣[ο]υ̣ ἐλέγξω σε, τ̣ὰ̣ δὲ ὁλοκαυτ̣ώ̣μ̣α̣ σ̣ο̣υ̣ ἐν̣ώπιόν̣[ μού] ἰ̈σιν διὰ παντ̣ό̣ς̣[ : ]ο̣[ὐ δέ]ξ̣ομαι ἐ[κ τοῦ οἴκου] σου μόσχον : ο[ὐδὲ ἐκ τῶ]ν ποιμν̣[ίων σου]

49: 2 49:3 49:4 49:5 49:6 49:7 49:8 49:9

Out of Seion is the splendor of his beauty God will come conspicuously our God – and he will not pass by in silence; a fire will burn before him and all around him is a mighty tempest – very much. He will summon the sky above and the earth to judge his people discerningly. Gather to him his devout, who make a covenant with him by sacrifice, and the heavens will declare his righteousness, because God is judge. Interlude on strings. Hear, O my people, and I will speak to you O Israel, and I testify against you God, your God, I am Not in your sacrifices will I rebuke you; nor are your whole burnt offerings before me continually. I will not accept from your house a calf, nor from your flocks

156 20

25

30

πρόβατα. ὅτι ἐμά̣[ ἐστι]ν̣ πάν̣τ[α τὰ θηρία] τοῦ δρυμο̣ῦ, κτήν̣[η ἐ]ν̣ τοῖς̣ ὄρε[σιν] καὶ βό̣ες· ἔγν̣ων π̣άν̣τα̣ τὰ πε̣τ̣ε[ινὰ τῶν] ὀρέων̣ : κα[ὶ ]ὡ̣ραι̣ότης̣ ἀγ̣ροῦ μετ’[ ἐμοῦ] [ἐ]στιν : ἐὰν πεινάσω, οὐ μή σοι εἴ̣[πω] [ἐ]μὴ γάρ ἐ[σ]τιν ἡ̣ ο̣ἰκ̣ουμέ̣ν̣η κ[α]ὶ̣[ τὸ πλήρω-] [μ]α α̣ὐτῆ̣ς̣ : μ̣ὴ φάγομ̣[αι ]κρέα̣[ ταύρων] [ἢ α]ἷ̣μα ἀρνών̣ πίομα[ι] [θῦσο]ν τ̣ῶ θεῶ θυσίαν α̣ἰ̣νέσ̣[εως] [καὶ ]ἀπό̣δος τῶ θ̣ε̣ῶ̣ τ̣ὰς ε̣ὐ̣χά̣ς σ̣[ου] [καὶ ]ἐ̣π̣ικα̣λ̣ε̣σ̣[α]ί̣[ με ]ἐ̣ν ἡμ̣έρα θ̣[λίψεως] [καὶ ἐξελο]ῦ̣μαί σε, καὶ δ̣οξά̣σεις μ̣[ε. διάψαλμα] [τῶ δὲ ἁμα]ρτωλῶ̣ ε[ἶ]π̣εν ὁ θεό̣[ς] [ἵνα τί σὺ δι]η̣γ̣ῆ̣ τὰ δικ̣α̣ι̣[ώ]ματ̣[ά μου] [καὶ ἀναλα]μ̣βάν̣[εις τὴν διαθήκην μου]

674. Fragments of LXX Psalms 49:10 sheep, because mine are all wild animals of the forest, beasts on the mountains 49:11 and cattle. I know all the birds of the mountains, and a field’s beauty is with me. 49:12 If I am hungry, I will not tell you, for the world is mine and its fullness. 49:13 Surely I will not eat flesh of bulls or drink blood of lambs. 49:14 Offer to God a sacrifice of praise and pay to God your vows. 49:15 And call on me in a day of affliction, and I will deliver you, and you shall glorify me. Interlude on strings. 49:16 But to the sinner God said: Why do you recite my statutes? and take my covenant on your lips?

9 διατιθεμένους 17 ὁλοκαυτώματα 18 εἰσιν At the beginning of the column there is space for three lines that would record the superscription and the first verse of Ps 49. 1. Σ̣ε̣[ιων] (Seion). This spelling of the name Zion is found often in LXX; cf. also below D l. 14. 4. ἐ̣ν̣[ώπ]ιο̣ν̣ (before him). This is the reconstruction of the editors, as in Ĺ manuscript group. Alternatively, it could read, with other LXX versions, ἐ̣ν̣[αντ]ίο̣ν.̣ 8. συν̣άγετε (gather). On this form see P.Oxy. LXXVII, 9. 10. θ̣υσία (sacrifice). In the singular, as in MT. 12. [ὁ ]θ̣[εός] (God). P.Oxy. LXXVII, 8 probably mistakenly omitted the [ὁ] in its emendation. 18. ἰσιν (are). Read εἰσιν (pl.). The plural corresponds to MT’s nominal clause; it is the first textual witness of this form in LXX Ps 49:8 (where τὰ ὁλοκαυτώματα – neut. pl. is usually, as in idiomatic Greek, followed by the sing. ἐστιν); cf. Pietersma 1976, 64-5. 19. μόσχον (calf), in sing. as in MT (contra μόσχους of LXX). 20. πρόβατα (sheep). The Hebrew ‫ עתודים‬appears here and in verse 13. Here it is translated as πρόβατα (sheep); there (l. 27) it is translated as ἀρνοί (lambs). These words are not attested in these verses in any other textual witness. Most LXX witnesses have here χίμαροι (he-goats) and in verse 13 τράγοι (also he-goats). 22. ἔγν̣ων (I know). In 1st sing. aor. instead of ἔγνωκα (1st sing. perf.); cf. LXX Ps 134(135):5. 23. ὀρέων̣ (of the mountains). Like MT (‫)עוף הרים‬. In LXX τοῦ οὐρανοῦ (of the sky). 27. ἀρνών̣ (lambs). See above, n. to l. 20. 29. τῶ θ̣ε̣ῶ̣ (to God). In all LXX witnesses τῷ ὑψίστῳ (to the most high – translating correctly the Hebrew ‫)עליון‬. P.Oxy. LXXVII, 10, suggests that this is an error, based on a similarity to τῶ θεῶ appearing in the parallel stich in the previous line.

D

Psalms 63 (64):6 (5)-64 (65):5 (4)

5

[δ]ι̣ηγ̣[ήσαντο τοῦ κρύψαι παγίδας] [εἶ]πε[ν Τίς ὄψεται αὐτούς; ἐξηρεύνησαν ἀνομίας] ]ἐξέ̣λ̣[ιπον ἐξερευνῶντες ἐξερευνήσει] ]προ̣[σ]ελ̣[εύσεται ἄνθρωπος, καὶ καρδία βαθεῖα] ]καὶ ὑ̈ψ[ωθήσεται ὁ θεός] ]βέλος[ νηπίων ἐγενήθηψαν αἱ πληγαὶ αὐτῶν] ]καὶ ἐξη[σθένησαν ἐπ’ αὐ]τ̣ο̣ὺ[̣ ς αἱ γλῶσσαι αὐτῶν] [κ]α̣ὶ ἐτα[ράχθ]η̣σ̣[α]ν̣ πάντε̣[ς ο]ἱ̣ θε[ωροῦντες αὐτούς]

63:6 63:7

63:8 63:9

… they talked in order to hide snares. They said: Who can see them? They searched out acts of lawlessness; they left off conducting their search. A person will come forward and his heart is deep, and God will be exalted. A dart of infants their blows became, and against them their tongues became weak. And all who saw them were troubled.

674. Fragments of LXX Psalms

10

15

20

[κ]α̣ὶ ἐφοβήθη[ π]ᾶ̣ς ἄνθρωπος καὶ ἀνή̣[γγειλαν τὰ ἔργα τοῦ θεοῦ] [κ]αὶ τὰ π[ο]ιή[μ]ατα̣ α̣ὐτοῦ συνῆ[καν] [κ]α̣ὶ̣ εὐφρα̣νθ̣ή̣σετ̣αι δίκαιος ἐπὶ τ̣[ῶ hwhy καὶ ἐλπιεῖ ἐπ’ αὐτόν] [κ]α̣ὶ̣ ἐ̣πα̣[ι]νεθήσ̣ο̣ν̣τ̣αι̣ παν̣ οἱ εὐθ[εῖς τῆ καρδία] .].[ ]Εἰς τὸ τέλ ψα̣λ̣μ̣ὸ̣ς τῶ Δαυειδ,[ [Σοὶ πρ]έπει hwhy ὕ̣μ̣νος̣, ἐ̣ν Σειων,[ [καὶ σοὶ ]ἀπο̣δοθήσεται εὐχὴ [εἰσάκο]υσον προσευχῆς : πρὸς σὲ π̣[ᾶσα σὰρξ ἥξει] [λόγοι ]ἀ̣νομῶν ὑ̈περηδυνάμ[ωσαν ἡμᾶς] [καὶ τ]αῖς ἀσεβεί̣[αις ἡ]μῶν σὺ[ ἱλάση] [μακάρ]ι̣ος[ ὃ]ν[ ἐξελέξω καὶ προσελάβου] [κατοι]κήσ[ε]ι̣[ ἐν ταῖς αὐλαῖς σου]

157

63:10 And every person feared, and they proclaimed the works of God and what he had done they perceived. 63:11 And one who is righteous will be glad in the Lord and will hope in him, and all the upright in heart shall be commended. 64:1 Regarding completion. A psalm to Daueid. 64:2 To you a hymn is due, O Lord, in Seion and to you shall a vow be paid. 64:3 Listen to a prayer! To you all flesh shall come. 64:4 64:5

Words of lawlessness overpowered us and our impieties you will atone. Happy is he whom you chose and took to yourself; he shall dwell in your courts.

2 [εἶ]πα[ν] 12 πάντες 2. [εἶ]πε[ν] (he said). For the singular instead of the plural see P.Oxy. LXXVII, 10. 8, 11. [κ]α̣ὶ … [κ]α̣ὶ̣ (and … and). Not found in any LXX witness nor in MT; probably added under the influence of the preceding and following lines (P.Oxy. LXXVII, 10). 12. ἐ̣πα̣[ι]νεθήσ̣ο̣ντ̣ ̣α̣ι (shall be commended). As in some LXX witnesses; others have ἐπαινεσθήσονται. 13. [.].[ ]Εἰς τό (regarding). The editors prefaced this line with marks indicating something illegible. Given, however, that the last words of Ps 63 appear at the end of l. 12, and that the first words in Ps 64 (Εἰς τό) appear in line 13 after an indentation of about 6 letters, this must have been the way the scribe indicated the beginning of a new psalm. τέλ (completion). Short for τέλος. This is the only letter in superscript in the extant fragments of this papyrus. Δαυειδ. This spelling of the name David is found often in LXX. Following Δαυειδ most LXX witnesses have the word ᾠδή (an ode; ‫)שיר‬, as in MT, but it seems to be missing here; see P.Oxy. LXXVII, 11. At the end of this verse most LXX mss have an additional verse: Ιερεμιου καὶ Ιεζεκιηλ ἐκ τοῦ λόγου τῆς παροικίας, ὅτε ἔμελλον ἐκπορεύεσθαι (of Jeremiah and Ezekiel from the account of the resident community when they were about to set out). Here this sentence is absent as in MT and in a few LXX mss. 14. hwhy ὕμνος (a hymn … O Lord). The order of these two words here (unlike both MT and LXX) is reversed. Also, the scribe inserted the Tetragrammaton here, instead of θεός (‫)אלהים‬. 15. εὐχή (vow). As the editors note (P.Oxy. LXXVII, 11), the form of the η may suggest its final position at the end of the line. If this is correct, this means that, unlike some LXX witnesses, it was (like in MT) not followed by ἐν Ιερουσαλημ (in Jerusalem). 16. After προσευχῆς most mss have μου (my) or ἡμῶν (our). In this form LXX alters the vocalized MT description of God “hearer of prayer” (‫ ;שֹׁמֵ עַ תְּ פִ לָּה‬as also in Aquila) to an imperative εἰσάκουσον προσευχῆς (hear prayer!). The addition of “my” or “our” in this case is understandable. Our papyrus is found half way between the two versions; cf. P.Oxy. LXXVII, 11. 18. [τ]αῖς ἀσεβεί̣[αις] (impieties). In plural. Other mss have the singular τὰς ἀσεβείας. 20. [κατοι]κήσ[ε]ι̣ (dwell). In agreement with Ms Sinaiticus. Most LXX witnesses have here κατασκηνώσει (encamp). N. Hacham and T. Ilan

158

675. LXX Job 42:11-2

675. LXX Job 42:11-2 Oxyrhynchos 10.5 x 7 cm 1st century CE P.Oxy. L 3522 (P. J. Parson) TM 61922; LDAB 3079; Image: http://163.1.169.40/gsdl/collect/POxy/index/assoc/HASH5156/5e335e05.dir/ POxy.v0050.n3522.a.01.lores.jpg (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Kraft 2003, 59; Tov 2004, 304

This papyrus belongs to the Oxyrhynchos collection in Oxford. It comprises remains of the top of one column, with traces of the next one, in which only three certain letters are clearly visible. The legible text is part of a LXX Job scroll (42:11-2), in which the reverse was left blank. It has been dated palaeographically to the early 1st century CE (P.Oxy. L, 1). The divine name, which appears twice in this scroll (ll. 2 and 5), is written as a Tetragrammaton in palaeo-Hebrew script. This phenomenon is documented from the 1st century BCE to the 7th century CE in several Jewish texts from the Roman and Byzantine periods, both in the Land of Israel and in the diaspora, both in Hebrew and in Greek manuscripts (see Tov 2004, 238-246; CPJ 674). This phenomenon indicates that the scroll was written by a Jew or for Jews (Kraft 2003, 53). The fact that the papyrus is on a scroll, which was the standard form of writing the Jewish LXX Bible (and not on a codex), further supports this assertion (Kraft 2003, 52). Another feature of Jewish orthography evident in this papyrus are two blank spaces left by the scribe at the end of verses or topics (Kraft 2003, 53; Tov 2004, 303-15; CPJ IV, 206). The early date suggested by the editor also indicates Jewishness; there are, of course, no extant Christian texts of LXX from the 1st century CE. Col. II is very fragmentary, but appears to be the continuation of the same biblical book. Parson suggested three possible reconstructions for it – one based on verse 42:15, one on 42:17c and one on 42:17d. If one of the two last suggestions is correct, it indicates that the LXX Job version in the 1st century CE already included an extended addition to the Hebrew version (see Ziegler 1982, 413). .

Col. I 1 κ]α̣ὶ̣ ἐθαύμασαν, ὅσα ἐπ[ήγαγε]ν ὁ ḥ[w]hy ἐπ’ αὐτὸν· ἔδ̣[ωκε δὲ ]αὐτῷ ἕκαστος ἀμνάδα μίαν ]καὶ τετράχμον χρυσοῦν 5 ἄ]σ̣ημον. ὁ δὲ hwhy εὐλόγησ]ε̣ν τὰ ἔσχατα Ιὼβ ἤ τὰ [ἔμπ]ρ̣οσθεν· ἦν δὲ τὰ κτ[ήνη αὐτοῦ πρόβα]τα μύρια [τετρακισχίλια] κ̣ά̣μ̣η̣[λοι 10 . . . Col. II 1 . . …[ σαν[ 5 …. [

. Col. I

.

.

.

42:11

42:12

… and wondered at the extent of what the Lord had brought upon him, and each gave him one lamb and a four-drachma weight of gold bullion. Yet, the Lord blessed the last years of Iob more than the ones before, and his livestock was fourteen thousand sheep [six thousand] camels …

676-8. Acta Alexandrinorum

159

1-2. ὅσα ἐπ[ήγαγε]ν ὁ ḥ[w]hy ἐπ’ αὐτὸν (at the extent of what the Lord had brought upon him). In LXX: ἐπὶ πᾶσιν, οἷς ἐπήγαγεν αὐτῷ ὁ κύριος (at all that the Lord had brought upon him) and see Parson’s note (P.Oxy. L, 2). This version is not otherwise attested; see Ziegler 1982, 410-1. 2, 5. Hwhy. The name of God is presented in palaeo-Hebrew characters, as also in some other Greek biblical papyri (e.g. CPJ 674 in this volume). The phenomenon of adding the name of God in Hebrew characters – square or palaeo – is well documented, and often the Greek scribe left a space for the name, which was then filled in by a second scribe (see e.g. CPJ 612). In the present papyrus, Parson argues that “the scribe … himself wrote the Hebrew continuously and fluently” (P.Oxy L, 1). However, note that there is a blank space before the Tetragrammaton in l. 5. Parson noted that the scribe was not versed in the palaeoHebrew alphabet “since the medial and final he have different shapes” (P.Oxy L, 1). Tov (2004, 303) however claimed that a final he is intentionally used here. 4. τετράχμον (four-drachma). τετράχμον is a contracted form of τετράδραχμον, which appears here in LXX. On the attestations of this form and its meaning see P.Oxy. L, 2. 5. After the word [ἄ]σ̣ημον and before the word ὁ there is a blank space, marking the end of verse 11. 7. There is a blank space between the words ἔμπροσθεν and ἦν, marking the end of a topic, in the middle of a verse (see Tov 2004, 311). Col. II Three clear letters are visible in l. 4 and traces of other unidentified letters can be detected in other lines (P.Oxy. L, 2). Parson identified these remains as either of verses 14-5, or of verse 17c, or of verse 17d, as follows: First reconstruction: Κ̣έ̣ρ̣[ας καὶ οὐχ εὑρέθη42:14-5 [Amalthia] Horn. [And there were not σαν [κατὰ τὰς θυγατέρας Ἰὼβ found [(women) … than Job’s daughters 5 …. [ Second reconstruction: β̣α̣β̣[ λαβὼν δὲ γυναῖκα Ἀράβισ42:17c [Io]bab. [Now he took a wife, an Arabσαν [γεννᾷ υἱόν ᾧ ὅνομα Ἐννών ἦν δὲ ian [and fathered a son named Ennon. 5 α̣ὐ̣τ̣ὸ̣[ς and he … Third reconstruction: κ̣α̣ὶ̣ [οὗτοι οἱ βασιλεῖς οἱ βασιλεύ42:17d And [these are the kings who reigned [in Edom, which also σαν[τες ἐν Ἐδώμ ἧς καὶ 5 α̣ὐ̣τ̣ὸ̣[ς he … The last two options reconstruct verses absent from MT Job. If one of these reconstructions is correct, it indicates that already in the 1st century CE, LXX Job included additional verses. N. Hacham and T. Ilan

676-8. Acta Alexandrinorum The Acta Alexandrinorum, or “The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs” (Musurillo 1954), is a literary genre developed in Alexandria. The compositions belonging to it are written in the guise of authentic courtroom protocols, in which representatives of the Alexandrian demos confront Roman emperors about the misgovernment of their city. Most of the Acta end with the legal defeat of the Alexandrians, whose representatives are then executed. The interest of CPJ in some of these compositions lies in the blatent anti-Jewish utterances found in them, prominent among them the accusation against the emperor that he supports the Jews in their dispute with the Alexandrians. For a detailed introduction see CPJ II, 5560. The three Acta papyri included here are extremely fragmentary, and add little detail to the picture drawn in O.CPJ. CPJ 676 and 678 are included because they mention Jews explicitly. The importance of CPJ 676 is that it is palaeographically dated as the oldest

160

676. Fragment of the Acta Alexandrinorum mentioning Isidoros

extant Acta papyrus. It also mentions Isidoros, who plays a major role in CPJ 156. In CPJ 677 we present the complete text of CPJ 155. O.CPJ published only a snippet of it, because it mentions an Isidoros. In the intervening years an additional fragment of this papyrus was discovered and read. Its publication lead to much debate, with several scholars emphasizing the likely role the Jews play in it, though they are not mentioned explicitly (Harker 2008; Gambetti 2009). If they are correct, this Acta text purports to describe the earliest events associated with the Acta genre, already in the days of the emperor Tiberius.1

676. (CPJ 156) Fragment of the Acta Alexandrinorum mentioning Isidoros Oxyrhynchos 6 x 13 cm 1st century CE P.Oxy. XLII 3021 (P. J. Parsons) TM 67315; LDAB 8632; Image: http://163.1.169.40/cgi-bin/library?e=q-000-00---0POxy--00-0-0--0prompt10---4----ded--0-1l--1-en-50---20-about-3021--00031-001-1-0utfZz-8-00&a=d&c= POxy& cl=search&d= HASH0bf1beb12276744be3ddec (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Hennig 1975; Łukaszewicz 2000; Harker 2008, 30-1; 204-5; Gambetti 2009, 217-20; Vega-Navarrete 2018, 45-51

This text is written on one side of a papyrus (the other side, recording a 1st century document) and only the right side of the first column is legible. It is dated palaeographically to the late 1st century CE (Harker 2008, 204). It lists the names of at least two people (Tiberius Claudius, Isidoros and perhaps Dionysios), it refers to an emperor (whose name is probably not mentioned on the extant papyrus) and an Alexandrian delegation (ll. 7, 9), and it mentions Jews, temples and gods. These motifs are documented in other Acta Alexandrinorum. For this reason it has been attributed to the Acta (P.Oxy. XLII, 74). Because of the fragmentary nature of the text, it is impossible to know what else it contained. In any case, it is the earliest papyrus recording an Acta text, considerably earlier than the other Acta papyri (CPJ 154-9, 677-8), and much closer to the events it purports to describe. One of the major debates about the character of the Acta pertains to their (relative) historicity or their (completely) fictitious character (CPJ II, 55-60 and more recently Harker 2008, 24-47). However, even those who are more inclined to see them as fiction agree that the Acta are based on historical events, primarily the execution of Isidoros. Concerning the present papyrus, Harker (2008, 31) claims that “even if the account was based on official minutes, the original document has been edited and adapted.” Perhaps because of its early date, this papyrus reflects better than other later Acta papyri the anti-Roman and the anti-Semitic atmosphere in Alexandria close to the time of the events it describes. 1

In 1957 Musurillo published P.Mich. inv. 4800, a papyrus found in the 1926 University of Michigan excavations in Karanis, as another Acta papyrus. On its possible connection to Jews he wrote: “We cannot be sure whether the victims were Greeks or Jews; more likely, however, they were Alexandrians … That Jewish-Greek relations are somehow involved may perhaps be deduced from the reference to ‘arabarchs’ (7)” (Musurillo 1957, 185). Rodriguez (2009) also considered the text relevant for the Jewish question in Alexandria, not as a fragment of the Acta, but rather as fragments of a lost work of Philo on the 38 CE pogrom. However, Vega-Navarette (2018, 331) noted that the text mentions explicitly neither Alexandrians nor Jews, and that the mention of the arabarch is no proof of the association of the papyrus with either. We follow her judgement and therefore we do not include this papyrus here. On the possible connection of the inscription SEG L 1563 with the Acta see Appendix to these papyri below.

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The persons mentioned in this papyrus are a Tiberius Claudius and an Isidoros (son of?) Dionysios (see notes below). Gambetti (2009, 219) believes that the name Tiberius Claudius was conferred on the person recorded in this document after Claudius’ accession to the throne. She argues that, since Claudius succeeded Gaius Caligula on January 24, 41 CE, this date represents the terminus post quem for the events described in this papyrus. Isidoros, mentioned in it, is probably the gymnasiarch and leader of the anti-Jewish faction from Alexandria known from Philo (e.g. Leg. 355) and CPJ 154-6. He was executed on May 1, 41 CE (CPJ 156d, ll. 16-7). This date must represent the terminus ante quem for the events described in this papyrus, in which he is a member of the Alexandrian delegation (Gambetti, 2009, 219-20). The subject of the hearing is the conflict between Alexandrians (l. 9) and Jews (l. 12). At first the Alexandrian ambassadors are introduced and they greet the emperor (ll. 4-7). Lines 9-16 can be interpreted as either the Alexandrians’ defense of the correctness of depriving the Jews of privileges they should not have had in the first place, because of their impiety, or as the request of the Jewish ambassadors from the emperor to reinstate their previous privileges, which they lost under Caligula, to which the Alexandrian ambassadors respond by accusing the Jews of impiety. The text breaks off at this point, but Gambetti claims that Claudius’ decision documented in his “Letter to the Alexandrians” (CPJ 153) is the direct response to the events described in this papyrus (Gambetti 2009, 220). Col. 1

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].κου[....].α̣ρ̣α.[ ].ας καὶ ἐκάθισεν ]ταῦτα υ σ̣υ̣[ν]κ̣αθημεμ]ετὰ ταῦτα εἰσῆλθαν ]Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος ]ς Ἰσίδωρoς Διoνυσίo(υ) ]. πρέσβεις πάντες αὐ]τ̣οκράτωρ σεβαστέ Ἀλεξ]̣α̣νδρέων πρέσβεις ]αιων λέγετ̣ε ]θα σε κύριε σεβαστέ ]προόντα τοῖ̣ς Ἰουδαίοις ].α νῦν ἐστέρηνται ]ν ἀλλὰ τῆς τ̣ῶν θεῶν ].εν τοῖς ἱερoῖς αὐτῶν ]κατ̣εμπ̣ατ̣οῦνται ]νομενο[..].υ̣..

Col. 2 [ ……… .[ ……… α[ ……… [ ………… [ ………… [ ………... .[ ………… .[ ………… [ …………. [ …………. [ …………. [ …………. [ …………. [ …………. [ …………. [……………

Translation Col. 1 …. ... and took his seat … this … assessors (?) ... after this there entered ... Tiberius Claudius ... Isidoros (son of?) Dionysios ... all (the?) ambassadors ... “Lord Emperor!” ... ambassadors of the Alexandrians “...you say ” “...you, Lord Emperor ... preexisting for the Jews ... now deprived” ... but of the gods ... in their temples ... are trampled ...

3 οι 2. .ας. The traces may, according to Parsons, refer to the name [Ἀγρίπ]π̣ας, as in CPJ 156a, l. 4; c, l. 21 (P.Oxy XLII, 75). ἐκάθισεν (took his seat). Parson’s suggests that this should refer to the emperor (P.Oxy XLII, 75). 3-4. ταῦτα υ σ̣υ̣[ν]κ̣αθημε (this … assessors [?]). Two restorations were suggested: μετὰ ταῦτα ὑ[= οἱ] σ̣υ̣[ν]κ̣αθήμε[νοι ἐκάθισαν] (After this the assessors took their seats) (P.Oxy XLII, 75); [καὶ ἐκάθισαν μετὰ] ταῦτα υ (=οι) σ̣υ̣[ν]κ̣αθημε[νοι αὐτῷ συγκλητικοί] (And after this the assessors took their seats and with them those of senatorial rank) (Hennig 1975, 320). Hennig suggested that in the lacuna, those of senatorial rank were preceded by a number. 5-7. Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος […]ς Ἰσίδωρoς Διoνυσίo(υ) […] πρέσβεις πάντες (Tiberius Claudius ... Isidoros [son of?] Dionysios … all [the?] ambassadors). In these lines the names of several people appear: Tiberius Claudius, Isidoros and Dionysios. The fragmentary state of the papyrus does not allow for a definite

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identification of these people, what their role is, and what is the relationship between Isidoros and Dionysios. One opinion is that Tiberius Claudius actually refers to the emperor Claudius himself (Gambetti 2009, 219) and the others are names of delegation members. Another opinion holds that all names list members of the said delegation (e.g. P.Oxy. XLII, 76; Harker, 2008, 204; Gambetti 2009, 218-9). In this case various identifications were suggested. Some (Hennig 1975, 324-5; Łukaszewicz 2000, 63, n. 15) raised the possibility that Tiberius Claudius is Tiberius Claudius Barbilos mentioned in Claudius’ letter to the Alexandrians (CPJ 153, ll. 16, 36, 105; and most likely also as Balbilos in CPJ 156c, l. 31; cf. CPJ II, 7980); but he could be anyone else with this combination of praenomen and gentillium, indicating Claudius’ favor (Gambetti, 2009, 219, and n. 24). Concerning Isidoros, most scholars (e.g. Hennig 1975, 320-1; Gambetti, 2009, 219) identify him with the Alexandrian anti-Semitic gymnasiarch of the Acta Isidori (CPJ 155-6). However, concerning Dionysios there is disagreement. On the one hand, some suggest, reading the name in the genitive, identifying him with the father of Isidoros (P.Oxy XLII, 76; Modrzejewski 1995, 174; cf. Łukaszewicz 2000, 63). On the other hand, Gambetti (2009, 218) suggested separating him from Isidoros, reading his name in the nominative, and identifying him with Gaius Iulius Dionysios, member of an Alexandrian embassy, rendered Γάιος Ἰούλιος ∆ιονύσιο(ς) in CPJ 153, l. 17; cf. Philo, Flacc. 20; and CPJ 154 ll. 28, 30, 32, 33, 38, 49, 51. 8. [αύ]τ̣οκράτωρ σεβαστέ (“Lord Emperor!”). This vocative exclamation appears to be the opening address of the Alexandrian delegation to the emperor. 10. ]αίων. Parsons suggested restoring [Ἰουδ]αίων, assuming that the words are attributed to Claudius, who asks the Jewish ambassadors to speak (P.Oxy XLII, 76, n. to l. 10). On the basis of this supplement Hennig (1975, 320) proposed the restoration: [πρέσβεις Ἰουδ]αίων λέγετε (ambassadors of the Jews, speak!). Harker (2008, 204), however, restores ll. 9-10: [Ἀλεξ]α̣νδρέων πρέσβεις [τί περὶ τῶν Ἰουδ]αίων λέγετε; (Ambassadors of the Alexandrians, [what do] you say [concerning the] Jews?). 11. [ ]θα. Probably [-με]θα (P.Oxy. XLII, 76, n. to l. 11). 13. [ ].α. This should probably be restored as ἀλλά (‘but’; P.Oxy XLII, 76, n. to l. 13) as in the next line. 11-3. σε κύριε σεβαστέ … προόντα τοῖ̣ς Ἰουδαίοις ... .α νῦν ἐστέρηνται (you, Lord Emperor ... preexisting for the Jews … now deprived). These lines are fragmentary and open to conflicting interpretations. Parsons suggested that in l. 10 “the emperor tells the Jewish envoys to speak; and they reply (ll. 11-13): ‘we beg you to restore the preexisting rights of the Jews, of which they have been deprived’” (P.Oxy XLI, 76 , n. to l. 10). According to Harker, though, in l. 10 “the emperor asks: ‘Ambassadors of Alexandria, [what] do you say [about] the Jews?’” and “the remainder of the column is … the speech of the Greek embassy concerning the status of the Alexandrian Jews.” In ll. 11-3 “the Alexandrian Greeks may be arguing that the pre-existing rights of the Alexandrian Jews have been abolished (by Flaccus).” 14-6. τῆς̣ τ̣ῶν θεῶν … .εν τοῖς ἱερoῖς αὐτῶν … κατ̣εμπ̣ατ̣οῦνται (of the gods ... in their temples ... are trampled). These lines are the words of the Alexandrian ambassadors, accusing the Jews of impiety. Parsons (P.Oxy XLII, 76, n. to ll. 14-6) proposes the following emendation: “they despise worship of the gods, keep no images in their temples, trample under foot normal usages of piety.” These words then would imply general accusations, but do not describe specific actions. Hennig (1975, 320) thinks that ἐν τοῖς ἱερoῖς αὐτῶν (θεῶν?) relates to κατ̣εμπ̣ατ̣οῦνται (are trampled), implicating the Jews in the actual destruction of pagan temples in Alexandria in their revenge against the Alexandrians following the death of Caligula (cf. Josephus, A.J. 19.278). According to Harker these lines explain the Alexandrian delegation’s aim to preclude Jews from Alexandrian citizenship, since “the Jews trample upon convention by refusing to worship the emperor as a god in their temples. How could they therefore claim Alexandrian citizenship?” (Harker 2008, 31). D. Jacobs, N. Hacham and T. Ilan Based on I. Fikhman

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677. (CPJ 155) Two delegations and Isidoros before the Emperor Gaius Caligula Fayum?

P.Giss. frg. A: 28.5 x 21.5 cm B: 15 x 24 cm C: 6 x 7 cm P.Yale: 12 x 14.5 cm

2nd-3rd century CE

P.Giss.Lit. 4.7 (Kuhlmann, 1994) TM 58940; LDAB 35; Image: P.Yale II, pl. VII Lit: Musurillo & Parássoglou 1974; Stephens 1985, 85-97; Harker 2008, 134-7; Gambetti 2009, 87-136; Vega-Navarrete 2018, 62-112; Druille 2019

This papyrus, which consists of several fragments now housed in the libraries of the universities of Giessen and Yale, is so fragmentary that it does not preserve even one line intact. The Giessen-papyrus fragments were purchased in 1928 in the Fayum antiquities market. Initially inventoried as P 308 A-C, the Giessen papyrus was subsequently published and restored in 1939 as P.Bibl.Univ.Giss. 46, by von Premerstein, who identified it as belonging to the genre of the Acts of the Pagan Martyrs (von Premerstein, 1939, 12; cf. Musurillo 1954, 105-16). The editors of O.CPJ included column III of this papyrus in their corpus (CPJ 155), because an Isidoros is mentioned in it (ll. 33-4). They assumed that this Isidoros is the infamous Alexandrian gymnasiarch of CPJ 154, 156 and Philo’s Flacc. 126, 135-45, Leg. 355 (and now also in CPJ 676). The editors of O.CPJ noted, though, that Jews are not mentioned in the papyrus, and its context is not clear. In 1974, Musurillo and Parássoglou published a fragment from the same papyrus, housed in the Yale University collection (P.Yale inv. 1385; Musurillo & Parássoglou 1974). The text was subsequently republished by Stephens as P.Yale II 107 (pp. 85-97). In 1994, Kuhlmann re-edited the combined papyrus and published it in a Giessen-University papyri publication as P.Giss.Lit. 4.7. Recently the papyri were published with new reconstructions and readings by Vega-Navarrete (2018), who also succeeded in combining the unidentified fragment B from Giessen to the top right hand part of the Yale fragment. However, there are still six fragments that have not been incorporated into the text. Further on the publication history of the papyrus see Vega-Navarrete 2018, 62-4. Because P.Yale II 107 also does not mention Jews, when Musurillo and Parássoglou published the Yale fragment, they made no connection between it and the Jewish question in Alexandria. However, subsequently, in two separate publications, Harker (2008) and Gambetti (2009) put forward arguments for the papyrus being about disputes between Jews and Greeks in Alexandria, and about the citizen rights of the former. Vega-Navarrete (2018, 67-9) and Druille (2019) also lean in this direction. The papyrus documents a hearing of two delegations before the emperor. The protocol of the hearing is embedded within a narrative framework. It begins in the days of the emperor Tiberius (col. I, l. 7), and mentions certain Alexandrians and an unnamed accuser. At the beginning of col. II an embassy sets sail, only to find that Tiberius’ is dead (col. II l. 10). For this reason the hearing continues under Gaius, who also passes judgment. The protocol part of the papyrus includes the names of three persons: Eulalos (col. II, ll. 3, 26), Areios (col. II, l. 33; col. III, ll. 2, 3, 8, 12, 20) and in the end also Isidoros (col. III, l. 334). Other actors are a certain “accuser” (col. I, l. 10; col. II, ll. 21, 27; col. III, ll. 2, 5, 11, 12-3, 19-20, 24-5) and Alexandrians (col. I, l. 12; col. II, l. 34; col. III, ll. 5-6, 27-8). At the end of the hearing Gaius condemns the accuser to burning (col. III ll. 24-5) and sends a

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letter to the Alexandrians (col. III, ll. 25-8). The papyrus also mentions 173 elders (col. I, l. 14), the names of two cities in Italy – Ostia (col. II, l. 4) and Rome (col. II, l. 6) – 18 myriads (col. I, l. 15; col. II, l. 5) and 630 years (col. II, ll. 17, 23). Finally, col. IV mentions falling, running, capture and a beheading (ll. 21-4), but the text is too fragmentary to establish the subjects of these verbs. From col. III, ll. 3-5, 8-16, 20-4 it is clear that Areios defends the Alexandrians against “the accuser,” and because his defense succeeds, Gaius orders the execution of the accuser. In col. III, ll. 33-6, Isidoros clearly adds to Areios’ arguments against the enemies of the Alexandrians, represented by the accuser. It is not clear, however, what role Eulalos plays in this papyrus. Although it had been held that Eulalos was also a representative of the Alexandrians (Harker 2008, 35; Gambetti 2009, 136), recently Vega-Navarrete (2018, 656) suggested that he was the representative of their opponents, and is in fact “the accuser” (and see also Druille 2019, 304). The identity of the opponents of the Alexandrians is not preserved. Gambetti (2008, 102-36) and Harker (2009, 36) identify them as Jews because of the mention of a foreigner (ξενικός: col. III, ll. 9, 21), a homeland (πατρίς: col. I, ll. 4-5; col. III, ll. 15-6) and citizenship (πολειτεία: col. III, l. 22). The mention of Isidoros (col. III, l. 33-4) also supports this hypothesis. Gambetti adds some considerations in support of this view. Despite Harker and Gambetti’s agreement on this, they differ greatly in their interpretation of the nature of the papyrus. Gambetti believes that it contains trustworthy historical details, based on genuine documents that were produced (in Latin) at the time of the trial it describes. It could therefore be used for the reconstruction of events in 37 CE, before the outbreak of violence against the Jews in Alexandria in 38 CE. Harker, on the other hand, believes that even if the papyrus preserves a distant historical memory, it has been so thoroughly reworked, that the events are hardly recognizable. He is even willing to consider the possibility that the papyrus misplaces events from after the riots in a time that preceded them (Harker 2009, 37). The date of the events described in the papyrus is clear. In col. II, ll. 8-10, Tiberius’ chamberlain replies to the ambassadors’ unpreserved question that the emperor had died (τέλος ἔχει). Tiberius died on March 16, 37 CE and his death was publically announced on March 18 (Josephus, A.J. 18.228). In light of this date, Gambetti argues that it corroborates one of Philo’s otherwise inexplicable statements. According to Philo, the Jews believed that Flaccus would not permit them to send an embassy to Rome to congratulate Gaius on his ascent to the throne and instead they sent him a petition (Philo, Flacc. 97). Gambetti suggests that the reason for this statement may have been that there was already a Jewish embassy present in Rome at the time (Gambetti, 2009, 87-8). These observations suggest that the tension between Jews and Greeks in Alexandria preceded the riots of 38 CE and were acuter, since it was already necessary at least a year earlier to dispatch embassies to Rome to dispute the matter before the emperor (see now Druille 2019, 302-3, 326, who offers an expalantion for this early embassy – it was a response to the census by Flaco in 33 CE, in which many Jews lost their Alexandrian citizenship). However, the earlier date of the Greek-Jewish dispute in Alexandria is not the only new information that can be gleaned from this papyrus. In the words of Harker, “the story is unique among the Acta Alexandrinorum stories in that the Alexandrian Greeks win their case and their opponents receive the punishment which is reserved for the Greeks in other stories. In doing so the author may be embellishing the traditions which promulgate that Gaius was well disposed towards the Alexandrian Greeks, a claim readily found in the

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writings of Philo” (Harker 2008, 37; cf. Flacc. 23; Leg. 338). This papyrus is thus a novelty in the Acta’s portrayal of the relationship between the Alexandrians and the Roman emperors, but agrees with the picture painted by Philo. While Claudius is portrayed in the Acta as consistently opposed to the Alexandrians, Gaius Caligula is here portrayed as their supporter and ally. If these contradictory policies of the emperors were consistent, it allows for new reconstructions of the events in Alexandria and Rome between Jews, Alexandrians and Romans in the years 37-41 CE (see the second scenario in our reading of the Isidoros inscription appendix to the Acta papyri). Or as put by Kerkeslager (2005, 912): “Probably the new emperor’s attempt to root out potential enemies left over from the reign of Gaius has much … to do with the execution of Isidoros … the rise and fall of Isidoros somehow hinged on the political winds introduced by the succession of emperors.” The text and translation we bring below is mainly based on Vega-Navarrete’s recent reedition of the papyrus (2018). In her study she provided a detailed apparatus and extensive notes. In our commentary below we mainly discuss questions pertaining to the Jewish context of the papyrus. Col. I (P.Giss) ]οσ[ ] ̣προκα̣θ̣ε]ω̣τoν̣[….. ] κατ̣αστὰς ].σ̣υ̣.[….].τῇ̣ πατρί[δι ]..[…….].α.σας τα ]..ε̣τ[ …. ]γ̣ρ̣ά̣ψας ἐ[πιστολὴν ]Τι̣[β]έρι̣ο̣ς Κ̣αῖσα̣ρ̣· τῇ μὲ(ν) ]ε̣ι̣..[ .. ]αδε θεωρῆσαι ]….[.].υ..νετ̣αι̣ [[μεν]] ]…….δὲ κατήγορον α]ὐ̣το̣ῦ̣ ἁ̣ψάμενος εἶπε(ν)· ]..Ἀλεξανδρέων. ν ο κύ]ρ̣ιε αὐτοκράτωρ ν π̣ο].ς ἀπὸ ρ̅ο̅γ̅ γερό[ντω]ν̣ δ]έκα̣ καὶ ὀκτὼ μυριάδα̣[ς] ]..ηθη, τόδε εἶ̣πε̣[ν] ]….πε̣ρὶ̣ τούτων..[ ]……α̣.ν.[ ….] ]..τα κ[α]τ̣.[ ……] ].εαν..[ 15 lines missing Col. II (P.Giss. Col. II ⎟ P.Yale Col. I) ].α̣. ὁ δ̣ὲ̣ ε̣ἶπεν· πλέε τ[ο]⎟ιγαρ[οῦν πρὸς τὸ]ν̣ κύρι̣[ο]ν̣ ν ἔπλευσαν ν ⎟ δε […… τῶν] ρ̅ο̅γ̅ δι̣ὰ̣ τ̣οὺς ρ̅ο̅γ̅ καὶ Εὔλ̣α̣⎟λος […….].ον εἰς Ὠστίαν. ἐ̣κ̣εῖθεν̣ κε̣[.]⎟.σιοις α[…..]σ̣αν ν ὄντων μ.[.]ω̣ν ι̅η̅ ν η̣[.]⎟ ̣ ̣ ̣ δ̣ε̣.[..] Ῥ̣ώμην· ν καταβα[ί]ν̣ο̣υ̣σ̣ι̣ δ̣ὲ [α]⎟ὐ̣τ̣ο̣ῖ̣ς̣ ἀπ̣ὸ̣ τ̣ῶν…ι̣ων συνήν[τ]η̣σε̣ ν ι̣.[..]⎟ .[ ὁ̣ κοιτωνί̣τ̣ης Τιβερίο̣υ̣. ν ο̣[ἱ] δὲ ἀ̣σ̣π̣α̣[σάμε-]

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and he said: Sail, therefore, to the Lord. They sailed. the 173 on behalf of the 173 and Eulalos [and went] to Ostia. Thence … being … 18 to Rome. While they were stepping off (the boat) from the ... Tiberius’ chamberlain met them … and they greeted

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νοι αὐτὸ̣ν̣ ἠ̣ρώτων· τί .[...] κυρ.[ εἶπ̣εν· τέλος ἔχει. ν ε[ τ̣̅ό̣[τ’] ἔφη Γάϊος Γερμ̣[ανικός κα̣ὶ̣ ποῦ ἐστιν, ἔφη, [ [ … ]ευεται· οἱ δὲ [ [εἰ]σ̣ερχομένου αὐ̣[τοῦ [ .. ].τ̣ι γένοιτ̣ọ, κύρ̣̣ι̣ε …[ [ .. ]..ιστον̣…ον ε̣ιστο.[ [ .. ].ν̣τιστη χ̅λ̅ ἐνιαυτοὺς̣ [ [ ….. ]… ἐπὶ τῷ γ̣[ [ ]ν̣των π̣[ [ ]ην..[.. εἶ]πεν[..].[ ] ἄχθομαι ὅτι κατη[γορ[ [ ]ε̣με[.]οι ἀ̣κ̣ουσομ[ [ ]..α…. Ḷ χ̣̅λ̣̅ εκα[ [ ] προση[..]..π̣ρωτ.[ […… φη]σιν· κύριε, χ̣α̣ῖρε, αὐ̣τ̣ο̣κ[̣ ράτωρ. Καῖ-] [σαρ εἶπεν·] Εὔλαλε, χ̣[αῖ]ρε, καὶ κ̣α[ [ ]ν ὁ κατή[γορος] [ ]διὰ τί τα[.........]ε̣ν̣ [ ].[..].περ πατ̣ρ̣[ [ ].[.]πο[..].ν οὐκ ἀπ̣ή̣ρτ̣[ησ]α̣ς [ ]ε̣.. κατηγοροῦμαι, τοῦτ’ ἔστιν [ ]τε… γ̣ὰρ τύχῃ οὐκ̣ ἔνι· ν με [ ] Ἄ̣ρειος εἶπεν· ν κύρ[ι]ε̣, χαῖρε [ ] ν χάρις μὲ[ν] Ἀλεξαν[δρ ].[......]η σὺ εἶ ὁ τ[ο]ῦ κόσμου Col. III (P. Yale) ⎟ P. Giss Fragment B θεὸς καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐκράτη⎟σ̣ας. Καῖσαρ [εἶ-] πεν· Ἄρειε, χαῖρε. καὶ δ.υ..ρ̣[.]⎟ς̣ κατηγ[ορἌρειο[ς] εἶπ̣[εν·] οὐκ οἶδα, κύριε, ⎟ ἀλλὰ ἄκ[ου-] ε̣ καὶ ἕτοιμός εἰμι πρὸς ἀπο[λ]⎟ογίαν τ̣[ῶν ν? [κ]ατηγόρων Ἀλεξανδρέων.⎟ Ἀλεξαν̣[δρ..ουφ..ο[........]δια Μακ̣ε⎟δ̣ο̣νιαν[ …..το [.]..μ.θεωρ[….. Ἀ]⎟ λε[ξαν-] δ̣ρέω̣[ν ........]λ̣ω. ν? Ἄρειος εἶ[πεν·]⎟.[... ..[…], κύριε, οὐκ ἔνι ξενι[κῷ⎟..]..[... καὶ δ[ι]ά̣λογος. διὸ ἐπίτρε[ψον … π̣ρ̣ὸς τὸν κα̣τήγορον .[ […]σα . ἐπιτρέπω. ν? Ἄρειος δ̣[ὲ πρὸς τὸν κατή-] γ̣ο̣ρ[ο]ν̣ ἀποβλέψας εἶπεν· .[ ὁ δὲ λέγει· τί γάρ; σὺ τοῦτο ἔξει[ς Ἄρειος] [ε]ἶ̣π̣εν̣· σὺ τῆς πατρίδος μου κ[ [….]. ἴσως κἀγὼ τῆς σῆς πα[τρίδος [……………]εἶπε[ν]· Ἀ̣λ̣έ̣ξαν̣[δρ[ [ ὁ κατήγο-] Col. III continued (P. Giss) [ρ]ος εἶπεν· […………]γ̣[… Ἄρειος] εἶπεν· ἴδ[ε] δὴ ξ̣ενι[κὸς] γ̣[ὰ]ρ μ̣αλ̣[...

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Him and asked: What … Lord (?) he said: He died. Then Gaius Germanicus said … and he said: Where is ... … And the … as he entered … … may it happen, O Lord … 630 years … … … he said … … I am displeased that acc[user … … listening … … 630 (years?) ... says: Lord, greetings, Empe[ror. Caesar [said:] Eulalos, greetings and … … the accuser … … ... you did not separate I am accused, this is … for, by chance, this is not possible. Areios said: Lord, greetings … and thanks to(?) the Alexandrians … you are the world’s God and you became the ruler of the city. Caesar said: Areios, greetings, and … accuser Areios said: I do not know, O Lord, but listen and I am ready to utter a defense against the accusers of the Alexandrians. Alexandrians … Macedonian(?) … observe(?) ... of the Alexandrians ... Areios said: ... ... O Lord, it is not possible for a foreigner … and a debate. Therefore, allow … against the accuser … … I allow (it). Then Areios looking straight at the accuser said … and he said: What? Do you allow this? [Areios] said: You of my homeland ... in the same way also I am of your homeland ... said: Alexan[dr… [the accus]er

20

said ... [Areios] said: See he is a foreigner [indeed],

677. Two delegations and Isidoros before the Emperor Gaius Caligula

λαβὼν πο[λ]ειτείαν, ἀ[λλ’ ἀ]πογραφό[μενος ἔ-] ξ̣ω. ὥστε ἀ̣π̣έ̣δειξεν̣ [τὴ]ν κατήγορ̣[ίαν οὐ δί-] κ̣αιον. ν Γάϊος Καῖσαρ ἐκ[έ]λευσεν τὸ[ν κα-] τ̣ήγορον καῆν̣αι̣. ν ἔγραψεν .[.. ἐ-] π̣ιστολὴ[ν .....]τ̣[ο]ιαύτην· ν? [ [Γ]ά̣ϊος Καῖ[σαρ ….. τῶν] Ἀλεξαν[δρέ-] ων̣ χ̣α̣[ίρειν ………………]επιπ̣α̣.[ ..ως α̣[…………………….]..π̣α̣[ .νον….[………………….]ευερ[γε… [..]τ̣[..]εγν[ω ……………].μαστ.[ λ̣ε̣μ̣ου αἰτια[…………….].εμ̣ο… …ε̣ ε. ι..ε.[…………….]βο[μ]ε̣ν Ἰσιδ̣ώ̣ρου λέξ[αντος .........]...[...]ν μὴ ἐ̣χέτωσαν μ[ήτ]ε ἀρετῆς στέφ[α]ν̣ον Col. IV 17-8 lines missing ]..ο̣το̣[ ]……[ ]ι̣ν̣[ ]κ̣αια̣ν̣[….]οσ̣π̣.[ ].οἱ δὲ ἐ[μπε]σ̣όντες τ̣[ …έδ]ραμον̣ [με]θ’ ὃ πολλοὺς[ συ]νλημ[φ]θῆναι καὶ τ[ ἀπ]εκεφάλισεν. οἱ δ̣ὲ̣[ ]ν ᾐτησ̣α̣[ ]εκαλε[ ].σεμε[ ].ων..[ ].ν[ ].α̣ν̣ αυτομ̣[ ]σ̣τ̣ε[ ]χαρίσα̣[ς] μ̣ου τὴν̣[ ].[.].εσ̣.ι̣ε̣ν̣[

25

30

35

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having received citizenship but being registered outside. So that he showed the accusation to be unjust. Gaius Caesar ordered the accuser to be burnt. He wrote ... a letter ... thus: Gaius Cae[sar … of] the Alexandrians greetings ... ... ... benefactors … the reason for the war (?) ... Isidoros having said ... let them have neither …, nor the crown of valour

... … … ... … and they were falling were running. Afterwards many ... … be captured … he beheaded. And they

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Col. I 2. προκαθε- (chaired [?]). Vega-Navarrete reconstructs the word as προκαθέ[ζεται] or προκαθε[ζόμενος], referring to the emperor who chaired the court session described here. If this is indeed the correct reading, it contextualizes the text within the genre of the protocol, typical of the Acta narratives. 4-5. πατρί[δι] (homeland). See discussion to col. III, ll. 15-6, below. 6-7. γράψας ἐ[πιστολὴν] Τι[β]έριος Καῖσαρ (Tiberius Caesar wrote a letter). As is obvious from this and Tiberius’ other occurrence in col. II, l. 8, the events described in the first part of this papyrus refer to his reign. Already Kalbfleisch (in von Premerstein 1939, 5, 15) suggested the reconstruction ἐ[πιστολήν]. If he is right, it is still not clear whether the letter was written to Tiberius or by him (Vega-Navarrete 2018, 86). However, if, as the nominative form of the emperor’s name may indicate, Tiberius himself wrote the letter, this column reported the outcome of a first court session over which he presided. This outcome would then be similar in wording to col. III, ll. 25-6, where the second court session, presided over by Gaius, ended with his writing a letter (ἔγραψεν .[... ἐ]π̣ιστολή[ν]). 10. κατήγορον (the accuser). A person in this role appears often in the papyrus (col. II, ll. 21, 27; col. III, ll. 2, 11, 12-3, 24-5). Because of the fragmentary state of the present column, his role is unclear. In his other occurrences, he is the opponent of the Alexandrians, who is sentenced to death in col. III, ll. 24-5.

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677. Two delegations and Isidoros before the Emperor Gaius Caligula

12. Ἀλεξανδρέων (Alexandrians). These represent one of the delegations pleading before the emperor, as in other Acta papyri. They appear also in col. II, ll. 34-5; col. III, ll. 5, 7-8, 17, 27-8. ν This symbol marks a small space in the text, indicating the end of a sentence or a clause. 13. [κύ]ριε αὐτοκράτωρ (Lord Emperor). This vocative form, addressing the emperor, is another indication of the protocol-form of this composition. 14. ρ̅ο̅γ̅ γερό[ντω]ν (173 elders). The number 173 also appears (twice) in col. II, l. 3, referring in all probability to the same body as here. These 173 are described as “elders,” suggesting that they were an official institution, the gerousia of Alexandria, though such an institution is not documented elsewhere; see Musurillo 1954, 108-10 and recently Vega-Navarrete 2018, 66-7. 15. [δ]έκα καὶ ὀκτὼ μυριάδα[ς] (18 myriads). The figure 180,000 represents either the total number of Alexandrian citizens (e.g. Harker 2008, 35 following von Premerstein, 1939, 46-7) or the number of Jews in the much larger city of Alexandria, that accommodated a population of ca. 500,000 (Delia 1988, esp. 286-8). Col. II 3. ρ̅ο̅γ̅ διὰ τοὺς ρ̅ο̅γ̅ (the 173 on behalf of the 173). For this figure see above, n. to col. I, l. 14. Εὔλα⎟λος. This person appears also in l. 26 below. He is one of the speakers before the emperor. Scholarly consensus has until recently held, that he is a speaker of the Alexandrians together with Areios and Isidoros (e.g. Harker 2008, 35; Gambetti, 2009, 113, 115). Yet, while Gambetti (2009, 136) views him as a historical figure, Harker (2008, 37) interprets his name as symbolic (“sweet speaker”). Vega-Navarrete (2018, 65-6, 69, 76), on the other hand, views Eulalos as the speaker of the Jewish delegation, and identifies him with the accuser, mentioned in col. I, l. 10. 4. […].ον εἰς Ὠστίαν ([and went] to Ostia). Gambetti (2008, 96) reads [καὶ ἤλ]θον (went). VegaNavarrete (2018, 90) prefers [εἰσέβα]λ̣ον (entered). For Gambetti (2009, 107-9), who believes the events described here are historically verifiable, Ostia could have been the location of the trial described below, because it was here that Gaius spent the few days between Tiberius’ death and his imperial entry into Rome. But note that in l. 6 the embassies seem to be in Rome already. 5. μ.[.]ων ι̅η̅ (18 …). Von Premerstein (1939, 5) read μυ̣[ρ]ί̣ων, suggesting that, like in col. I. l. 15, this refers to a population of 180,000 (pp. 40-2). Stephens (P.Yale II, 94) suggested μηνῶν (months) as a possible reconstruction. For a summary see Vega-Navarrete 2018, 90-1. Gambetti (2009, 106-12, 136) accepts the second reading, suggesting that a Jewish delegation was present in Rome 18 months before the trial presided over by Gaius began (March 37 CE), pushing back the beginning of the dispute between Jews and Greeks in Alexandria to 35 CE. 6. Ῥώμην (Rome). See n. to l. 4 above. 10. τέλος ἔχει (he died). This refers to the death of the emperor Tiberius on March 16, 37 CE. 11. Γάϊος Γερμ̣[ανικός] (Gaius Germanicus). This is Vega-Navarrete’s reading. Previous scholars read γερα[ίαι], elders; cf. col. I, l. 14 above. 17, 23. χ̅λ̅ ἐνιαυτούς̣ (630 years). This number is enigmatic. Von Premerstein (1939, 40-2) suggested that it refers to the first arrival of Greeks in Egypt (593 BCE). Another suggestion (Kayser 2003, 446-7) is that it may refer to the time that had elapsed since Solon’s reform of the boule in Athens (593 BCE). Gambetti (2009, 135), however, assumes that 630 years are evidence for the beginning of the presence of Jews in Egypt. Subtracted from the date of the document (37 CE), the year arrived is 594/3 BCE when Pharaoh Psammetichus II led a military expedition against Nubia and may have employed Jewish mercenaries. The very early existence of the Jewish Temple in Elephantine is documented in a letter, in which the leaders of the Jewish community inform their interlocutor that when Cambyses II invaded Egypt in 526 BCE, he found their Temple already standing (TAD A4.7, ll. 13-4). 33. Ἄρειος. He appears also in col. III, ll. 2, 3, 8, 12, 20 and is the speaker of the Alexandrian delegation. 35-col. III 1.1. σὺ εἶ ὁ τ[ο]ῦ κόσμου θεὸς καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐκράτη⎟σ̣ας (you are the world’s God and you became the ruler of the city). This deifying address to Gaius certainly derives from a pagan delegation. It is also evidence for the good relationship between the emperor Gaius and the Alexandrians. Col. III 2. Ἄρειε, χαῖρε, καὶ δ.υ..ρ[.]⎟ς̣ κατηγ[ορ] (Areios, greetings, and … accuser). All previous publications before Vega-Navarrete joined fragment B here, read the last visible word as δεύτερ[ος/ον], inferring that Areios is the second speaker of the Alexandrians. They suggested various emendations for the end of the line. However, with Vega-Navarrete’s reconstruction, there is no basis for a second speaker. 6. δια Μακ̣ε⎟δ̣ον̣ ιαν (Macedonian?). On this reading and its connection to the civil rights of the Jews in Alexandria see Vega-Navarrete 2018, 99-101.

677. Two delegations and Isidoros before the Emperor Gaius Caligula

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9. οὐκ ἔνι ξενι[κῷ] (it is not possible for a foreigner). This utterance of Areios, the speaker of the Alexandrians, is a condemnation of the anti-Alexandrian accuser of being foreign to the city; on the identity of the non-Alexandrians as Jews see introduction above; on who is implied by ξένος see CPJ 155 n. to l. 21. 14. [Ἄρειος]. The suggested emendation (Stephens 1985, 90; cf. Gambetti 2009, 98; Vega-Navarrete 2018, 81) is plausible. 15-6. σὺ τῆς πατρίδος μου κ[….]. ἴσως κἀγώ τῆς σῆς πα[τρίδος] (You of my homeland [ ] in the same way also I am of your homeland). The homeland is a central topic in this trial, also mentioned in col. I, l. 4, (and perhaps also in col. II, l. 29). Here Areios distinguishes between his homeland and the homeland of the accuser, nullifying the latter’s arguments. On this topic being a component of the identification of the accuser as Jewish see introduction above. 19-20. [ὁ κατήγορ]ος ([accus]er). For the emendation see Musurillo & Parássoglou 1974, 5. 20. γ̣[… Ἄρειος] (...[Areios]). For the emendation see Stephens 1984, 91. 21-3. ἴδ[ε] δὴ ξενι[κὸς] γ[ὰ]ρ μαλ[ ... ] λαβὼν πο[λ]ειτείαν, ἀ[λλ’ ἀ]πογραφό[μενος ἔ]ξ̣ω (see he is a foreigner [indeed], having received citizenship but being registered outside). The general meaning of these lines is clear: Areios speaks to the accuser directly, accusing him that he is a foreigner and has therefore received his citizenship under false pretenses. However, there is no agreement regarding the actual reconstruction: ἴδ[ε] δή: Reading according to most scholars. Vega-Navarrete read only ἰδ[.]. η. μ̣αλ[ ... ]: either μᾶλλον, μάλα or μάλιστ’; see Vega-Navarrete 2018, 82, 102-3. λαβών. Reading according to Vega-Navarrete (2018, 103). All previous scholars reconstructed [κατα]λαβών, suggesting that the accuser had illegally acquired his citizenship. Vega-Navarrete’s reading (and the translation presented above) suggests that he had been given citizenship, even though he resides outside the city. ἀ[λλ’ ἀ]πογραφό[μενος ἔ]ξω: According to this reconstruction, the accuser’s misdemeanor is that he is registered outside the city and therefore is not an Alexandrian and cannot represent the Alexandrians. As someone registered outside Alexandria, he could be residing elsewhere in Egypt or even outside Egypt, i.e. he is accused of not being an Alexandrian, and not necessarily of being a Jew, who has no right to be an Alexandrian. Note though, that Musurillo and Parássoglou (1974, 5) offered here another reconstruction: πο[λ]ειτείαν ἀ[να]πόγραφο[ν ...] (citizenship not registered …) and suggested (p. 7) that the line could end with a word like [παρεδέ]ξω (received). In this reconstruction, the accuser received Alexandrian citizenship in some unknown way, though he is not registered as such. This is the sort of problem Jews in Alexandria faced. For arguments against this reading see Gambetti 2009, 116-8; Vega-Navarrete 2018, 103-4. 24-5. ἐκ[έ]λευσεν τὸ[ν] κα[τ]ήγορον καῆναι (ordered the accuser to be burnt). The execution of the opponent of the Alexandrians contradicts all other Acta texts, which end with the execution of one of the Alexandrian representatives. On burning as a form of Roman execution see Harker 2008, 35-6; Gambetti 2009, 118-25. 32. λεμου αἰτια[ (the reason for the war?). The reconstruction of the first word as πολέμου is accepted by most scholars, though only Harker (2008, 36) suggests that this war refers to the violent clashes between Jews and Alexandrians in 38 CE. If, however, the events described in the papyrus should be dated to the last days of Tiberius, and to Gaius accession, as Gambetti suggests, the war in question is obscure. 33-4. Ἰσιδώρου. This is the first mention of an Isidoros in the present papyrus and the role he plays in it is unclear. An Isidoros is mentioned both in the writings of Philo (Flacc. 126, 135-45; Legat. 355) and in the Acta Isidori (CPJ 154, 156, 676) as a gymnasiarch of Alexandria, and an enemy of Flaccus (Flacc. 135-45), who was executed in 41 CE, after he unsuccessfully prosecuted the Jewish king, Agrippa I, in a trial before the emperor Claudius (CPJ 156). From CPJ 156b, col. I, ll. 13-6 it transpires that Isidoros had also prosecuted Naevius Macro, the prefect of the Praetorians, in a trial before Gaius in the spring of 38 CE, and from Philo that he also prosecuted the prefect of Egypt, Flaccus, sometime later (Flacc. 125; cf. Kerkeslager 2005, 76-77, 84). Isidoros was thus present in Rome, and acted as favoured lawyer under Gaius. It is likely that the Isidoros mentioned here, who also appears in a legal setting among Gaius’ favourites, is the same man. However, his presence is not necessarily associated with the Jewish question (contra CPJ II, 65; cf. CPJ 154; see also Vega-Navarrete 2018, 110). 35. ἀρε[τ]ῆς στέφ[α]νον (crown of valour). The nature of the crown of valour denied to someone here has been disputed (see Harker 2008, 36; Gambetti 2009, 128-35). Harker and Gambetti associate it explicitly with Jews. However, as Vega-Navarrete (2018, 110-2) shows, not one of these suggestions is conclusive.

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678. Fragment of the Acta Alexandrinorum?

Col. IV. This column records several verbs that indicate action and violence (falling, running, capture, beheaded). Harker (2008, 36) suggests that these are descriptions of the riots in 38 CE in Alexandria, following these proceedings, but the fragmentary nature of the papyrus prevents any certainty. N. Hacham, T. Ilan and D. Jacobs

678. Fragment of the Acta Alexandrinorum? Fayum? 8.8 x 7.9 cm 2nd-3rd century CE BKT IX 115 (Ioannidou, 1996) TM 58934; DCLB 29; Image: https://berlpap.smb.museum/04412/ (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit: Vega-Navarrete 2018, 341-4

This small fragment, which may have been acquired in the Fayum, was published in 1996 in the catalogue of Greek and Latin literary papyri of the Berlin collection. It was dated palaeographically to the 2nd-3rd century CE. On the verso are traces of an unpublished documentary text. Ioannidou identified the papyrus as an Acta Alexandrinorum text. Although she did not explain this identification, one may assume that this is because the fragment mentions Ἰουδαῖοι (Jews), διάταγμ[α] (edict – for both see col. II, l. 3) and Καῖσαρ (Caesar col. II, l. 6). Vega-Navarrete (2018, 342) explicitly identified these terms as reasons for including this papyrus in her Acta publication, and associated it with the Acts of Paulus and Antoninus (CPJ 158) from the reign of Hadrian. She even claimed that the hand that produced this fragment could be the same hand that produced recension B of the Acts of Paulus and Antoninus (=CPJ 158b). However, while all the factors just mentioned may indicate that the papyrus belongs to the Acta, they are not decisive for such identification. The fragment could be dealing with different issues. It is included in this volume because it mentions Jews. Because of the very fragmentary character of col. I, in which no one complete word is legible, we only reproduce col. II.

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Col II των το..[ τετραμμέν[ Ἰουδαῖοι· συμ̣[... Λού-] που διάταγμ̣[α Ἡρακλείδ̣[ Καῖσαρ· κ[ καιρὸν [ τοις ε̣[ απαγ̣.[ σ̣τρατ[ καὶ τ.[ η[..].ν.[ ν̣[

Translation Jews …[Lu-] pus edict Heracleid[es/ Caesar reason ... ... … and … ... ...

(Reading and reconstruction based on Ioannidou and Vega-Navarrete) 3. Ἰουδαῖοι (Jews). This word is both in the nominative and begins slightly left of the margin of the column. This probably implies that a new speaker is about to begin his speech, as is typical of Acta papyri, and especially the Acts of Paulus and Antoninus, recension A (Vega-Navarrete 2018, 343-4). The Jews are thus a party in the deliberations reported.

Appendix: Honorary inscription for Tiberius Claudius Isidoros, gymnasiarchos

171

3-4. [Λού]που (Lupus). Ioannidou suggested reading here the name of the Roman prefect of Egypt during the Jewish rebellion (115-7 CE) Marcus Rutillius Lupus (TM Per 85825). Vega-Navarrete (2018, 341) finds this emendation plausible. However, as suggested by Uri Yiftach (personal communication) it could also refer to Tiberius Julius Lupus (TM Per 110561), who was prefect of Egypt in the years 71-3 CE. 4. διάταγμ[α …] (edict). An edict issued by the prefect Lupus, and described with this term is found in CPJ 158a, col. I, ll. 3-5; (καὶ Θέω[ν] π̣ερὶ τούτ[ο]υ διάταγμα ἀνέγνω [τοῦ?] Λ̣ούπου – Theon read the edict of Lupus) and also in col. III, ll. 21-2. Vega-Navarrete (2018, 341) suggests that if the reconstruction of the name Lupus is correct, this edict may be the same one. The papyrus is however too fragmentary to decide the matter. 5. Ἡρακλείδ̣[..]. The name occurs in other papyri associated with Jews (see Vega-Navarrete 2018, 341-2) but this person cannot be identified with any of them. 6. Καῖσαρ (Caesar). Vega-Navarrete (2018, 342) notes that the emperor here is mentioned in the nominative, but unlike Ἰουδαῖοι, the word does not extend to the left of the margin. 11-2. Both these lines are undecipherable, but, according to Vega-Navarrete (2018, 344), both extend into the left margin, perhaps indicating a dialogue form in the composition. T. Ilan

Appendix to the Acta Alexandrinorum papyri: Honourary inscription for Tiberius Claudius Isidoros, gymnasiarchos Alexandria, Kom el-Dikka 66 x 56 x 50 cm 1st century CE Łukaszewicz 2001 = SEG L 1563; LVI 1971 TM 135613; Image: Łukaszewicz 2000, 62-3; https://www.pinterest.fr/pin/426505027212321862/ (accessed 10.3.2022) Lit.: Łukaszewicz 2000; Bingen 2002; Łukaszewicz 2006

This Greek inscription was discovered on a slab of limestone during excavations at Kom el-Dikka, Alexandria, in 2000. The stone was found in secondary use in the south-eastern part of the Roman baths of the 4th century CE. The inscription was first published by Łukaszewicz (2000, 2001). It is dedicated to a Tiberius Claudius alias Isidoros, gymnasiarchos, hypomnematographos, chiliarchos, epistrategos of the Thebaid and arabarches, son of Tiberius Claudius Isidoros, gymnasiarchos. Both father and son are clearly not Jewish. Łukaszewicz argued that one of the Isidori of this inscription is to be identified with the notorious Alexandrian gymnasiarch Isidoros, who played a major role in the anti-Jewish Acta Alexandrinorum (see CPJ 156, 676, 677), “since no other Isidorus appears in known records as the gymnasiarch of Alexandria” (Łukaszewicz 2001, 126; cf. Sijpesteijn 1986, 52-3). Łukaszewicz also claimed that Roman citizenship was granted to father and son by Claudius, and that only the elder could have been the said Isidoros (see below n. to ll. 1-2). In light of these assertions, Harker argued that the elder Isidoros also cannot be identified with the gymnasiarch of the Acta, because “it is implausible that Isidorus received the citizenship from Claudius in AD 41, as the names Tiberius Claudius would imply, who then executed him and allowed his son to embark upon a career in the imperial administration. The Isidorus of the Alexandrian stories and the Roman citizen are likely to be different men” (Harker 2008, 16; and similarly in Bingen 2002, 120, n. 8; see below n. to l. 3). Against these claims one could argue that Roman citizenship, indicated by the praenomen Tiberius, and the gentilium Claudius, could have already been granted to the elder and younger Isidoros in the reign of Tiberius, who was also a Claudian (for persons with such names see e.g. P.Mich V 312, ll. 7-8 [34 CE]; PSI VIII 918, l. 3 [38-9 CE]), and

172

Appendix: Honorary inscription for Tiberius Claudius Isidoros, gymnasiarchos

thus, the younger Isidoros could theoretically also be the gymnasiarch of the Acta. However, since in this inscription, Isidoros junior boasts the titles of gymnasiarchos, hypomnematographos, chiliarchos, epistrategos of the Thebaid and arabarches, there is simply not enough time for one person to accomplish such a brilliant career (about which see in the notes below) and set up this inscription in the short reign of Gaius Caligula, and then be executed in 41 CE by Claudius. We therefore tend to agree with Bingen and Harker, that this inscription has nothing to do with Isidoros of the Acta and actually refers to two other, otherwise unknown Alexandrian gymnasiarchs. Thus, it does not really belong in CPJ and we bring it here to counter the view that it does. [Τ]ιβέριον Κλαύδιον Τιβε̣[ρίου] Κλαυδίου ’Iσιδώρ̣ο̣υ γυμνασιάρχου υἰὸν Κυρείνα Γε̣μ̣ε̣ῖν̣ον, τὸν καὶ ’Iσίδωρον, γυμνασίαρχο̣ν, 5 ὑπομνηματογράφον, χιλίαρχο̣ν̣, ἐπιστράτηγον Θηβαίδος κ̣α̣ὶ̣ ἀραβάρχην ἡ πόλις διὰ Τιβερ̣ί̣ο̣υ̣ Κλαυδίου Ἡρακλείου.

To Tiberius Claudius – son of Tiberius Claudius Isidoros, gymnasiarchos – Gemeinus of the Quirina tribus, alias Isidoros, gymnasiarchos, hypomnematographos, tribunus militum, epistrategos of Thebaid and arabarches. The city, by the agency of Tiberius Claudius Herakleios.

(Text and translation according to Łukaszewicz 2001) 1-2. [Τ]ιβέριον Κλαύδιον Τιβε̣[ρίου] Κλαυδίου Ἰσιδώρ̣ου̣ . The younger Tiberius Claudus Isidoros’ father, according to this inscription is another Tiberius Claudius Isidoros. Łukaszewicz (2001, 126) argued that Isidoros the younger cannot be Isidoros from the Acta, because the gymnasiarch of the Acta’s father was a certain Dionysios. However, it is not quite clear that Dionysios of CPJ 676, l. 6 is Isidoros’ patronymic, as argued by Gambetti (2009, 218). Elsewhere (Philo, Flacc. 20; CPJ 154 ll. 28, 30, 32, 33, 38, 49, 51), a Dionysios, an Alexandrian fellow of Isidoros, is recorded (see Kerkeslager 2005, 61-6). 2. γυμνασιάρχου (gymnasiarchos). The office of gymnasiarch was one of public service. It brought with it honour and political visibility, but mostly a financial burden of supporting the city’s gymnasium from private funds (Delia 1991, 106-7; see also CPJ II, 70). Mention of the relative modest title gymnasiarch in our inscription, next to the elevated title of epistrategos of the Thebaid, shows that it was a valued nomination, at least in the eyes of the Alexandrians who set up the inscription. 3. υἰὸν Κυρείνα Γε̣μ̣εῖ̣ νο̣ ν (son of … Gemeinus, of the Quirina tribus). Łukaszewicz’s original reading was: [Κ]ώ̣ιον, Κυρειναῖο̣ν,̣ Ῥ̣ό̣δι̣ ον (citizen of Kos, Kyrene and Rhodes). Bingen (2002), who found the possibility that an Alexandrian would gain citizenship in all these locations highly unlikely, suggested reading υἱὸν Κυρείνα Γε̣μ̣εῖ̣ ν̣ον τὸν καὶ Ἰσίδωρον (son … Gemeinus of the Quirina tribus alias Isidoros), a reading also accepted later by Łukaszewicz (2006). Bingen’s reconstruction – Γε̣μ̣εῖ̣ ν̣ον – is based on the existence of a Κλαύδιος Γέμινος, who, according to an inscription preserved on the Colossus of Memnon at Thebes (Bernand 1960, no. 67), served as ἀραβάρχης καὶ ἐπιστράτηγος Θηβαίδος like the Tiberius Claudius, alias Isidoros, of our inscription. Identification of this person with another Claudius Geminus mentioned in an inscription from Alexandria, dated to the prefectship of Mettius Rufus (89-91 CE; Fraser & Nicholas 1958; cf. TM Per 85944) led Thomas (1982, 185) to date the Claudius Geminus of the Memnon inscription to “before 91.” Bingen, who accepted this identification, considered our Tiberius Claudius Isidoros junior as the father of Claudius Geminus of the Memnon inscription. By placing our Isidoros junior between the earlier gymnasiarch – who in his opinion obtained citizenship between 41 and 54 – and Claudius Geminos, who was active in the 80s and 90s, he dated him to the 60s and 70s of the 1st century, i.e. several decades after the Isidoros of the Acta papyri. However, it should be noted that the Geminus of the Memnon inscription is designated neither Tiberius, nor Isidoros, nor gymnasiarch. 5. ὑπομνηματογράφος. The hypomnematographos (lit. recorder) was a high-ranking, uniquely Alexandrian office, for whose civic duties see Whitehorne 1987. Whitehorne (1987, 103) noted that many documents in which this title is mentioned refer to persons who no longer bear it, and he suggested that “what this retention of the title does confirm for us is that it was always regarded as a mark of high honour to have held the office.” In this it resembled the title of the gymnasiarch for which see above n. to l. 2 (contra CPJ II,

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70: “The duties of a ὑπομνηματογράφος – a salaried government official – are not appropriate to a well-to-do citizen of Alexandria”). χιλίαρχο̣ν.̣ This term, “commander of a thousand” is equivalent to Latin tribunus militum; cf. Łukaszewicz (2000, 64). This means that our Isidoros also boasted a military career in the Roman army. A tribune had to be a Roman citizen (which our Isidoros clearly was) and to serve an extended period in the army. 6-7. ἐπιστράτηγον Θηβαίδος (epistrategos of Thebais). Under Roman rule, Egypt was divided into at least three administrative regions (ἐπιστρατηγίαι): Upper, Middle, and Lower Egypt. The governor of Upper Egypt, also known as the Thebaid, was called ἐπιστράτηγος (Thomas 1982). More on this title see introduction to JIGRE 171a. ἀραβάρχην. Literally, “leader of the Arabs,” this title is most probably identical with the title alabarch, held by the prominent Jew, Alexander, Philo’s brother. The arabarches “is known to have fulfilled two functions with respect to the Red Sea trade, both to do with the collection of duties and tolls of various types” (Young 2001, 59). The arabarches of this inscription is not the only one recorded in the 1st century who also held the office of epistrategos of the Thebaid; see above, n. to l. 3. 7-8. Τιβερ̣ί̣ου̣ ̣ Κλαυδίου Ἡρακλείου. The identity of this person is unknown. Łukaszewicz (2001, 129) argues that this Tiberius Claudius Herakleios “was certainly a member of the family of the Isidori and might have been a son of Isidoros junior.” Bingen (2002, 120), however, thinks that it is more likely that he was Isidoros Junior’s freedman. N. Hacham, T. Ilan and D. Jacobs

679. Prophecy concerning Vespasian Oxyrhynchos 9.1 x 9.5 cm 2nd century CE P.Oxy. LXXIII 4950 (S. R. West) TM 117829; Image: http://163.1.169.40/gsdl/collect/POxy/index/assoc/HASH010e/822b79f1.dir/POxy.v0073. n4950.a.01.hires.jpg (accessed 10.3.2022)

This papyrus fragment preserves the upper part of one column, and remains of the first letters from a second column. The upper margin was at least 2 cm high. The back is blank. The text was dated to the 2nd century CE, based on palaeographic similarity to other subliterary papyri discovered at Oxyrhynchos (P.Oxy. VI 853; XLIX 3452; cf. P.Oxy. LXXIII, 124). The papyrus provides an account of a king (βασιλεύς), who will come to Egypt after he had prevailed over other kings. It also mentions a king “who will destroy the great sanctuary, the famous Jerusalem.” The names of both these kings are not mentioned, and it is only because of the reference to Jerusalem and the destruction of a temple that they can be identified. The Temple was destroyed in 70 CE. Vespasian had become emperor in 69 CE, after the four-emperor year in which the three contenders to the office who preceded him (Galba, Otho and Vitellius) perished. This suggests that the beginning of the text is about Vespasian, who indeed came to Egypt in 69 CE, where he had been acclaimed emperor, and the kings over whom he prevailed were the contenders to the emperorship in 68-9 CE. The king who destroyed Jerusalem was his son Titus. Because the text is written in future tense, it is likely that it belongs to the genre of prophecies, and it is of course a vaticinium ex eventu. West argues that the tendency for texts of this genre “to survive far beyond the events to which the predictions originally related” makes it unsurprising that it was deemed worthy of copying a century after the events it describes (P.Oxy. LXXIII, 125). The papyrus is included in this corpus because it alludes to the destruction of the Temple and Jerusalem.

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Roman emperors frequently presented their accession to the throne as mediated through signs which indicated a consensus deorum to their election (see Fears 1977). Prophecies about the advent of a ruler from the East were widespread throughout the Roman Empire, mainly in the 1st century CE, and were interpreted after the event as referring to Vespasian’s rise to the purple, since he became emperor while in Judea. Thus, Josephus wrote: “…what more than all else incited them (=the Jewish rebels) to the war was an ambiguous oracle, likewise found in their sacred scriptures, to the effect that at that time one from their own country would become ruler of the world. This they understood to mean someone of their own race, and many of their wise men went astray in their interpretation of it. The oracle, however, in reality signified the sovereignty of Vespasian, who was proclaimed Emperor on Jewish soil” (B.J. 6.312-3). Not just Josephus the Jew testifies to the proliferation of such prophecies; Tacitus and Suetonius offered evidence for their existence and their contradictory interpretation (Tacitus, Historiae 5.13.1-2; Suetonius, Vespasian 4.5-6). Josephus’ own prophecy to Vespasian (B.J. 3.400-2; mentioned also by Suetonius, Vespasian 5.6; Cassius Dio, Historiae Romana 66.1.4) belongs to this genre. Kister (1998, 512-7) thinks that Tacitus’ and Suetonius’ reports are based on Jewish traditions that interpreted Isa 10:34 (“The Lebanon shall fall in the hands of a great one”) as referring to a king coming from the East. In the writings of these Roman historians (as well as in Josephus), this authentic Jewish prophecy served Flavian propaganda, justifying Vespasian’s claim to the throne “not requiring forgery” (Kister 1998, 517). As shown by Lopez (2021 e.g., 30-42), Flavian propaganda needed legitimizing sources, which showed that Vespasian did not rise to power in the wake of a civil war, but rather as a result of a victory in a Roman war for the empire. The present papyrus is an independent witness to such prophecies, showing a local Egyptian variant of Flavian propaganda. Although this text is certainly not Jewish, it displays surprising similarities to Jewish texts on the same topic. In rabbinic sources a prophecy regarding Vespasian’s ascent to the throne is placed in the mouth of Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai (Lamantations Rabbah 1:5; bGittin 56a-b; Avot de-Rabbi Nathan A, 4; B 6). Basing his prophecy on Isa 10:34, he applied the verse to the theological argument that only an emperor would be able to destroy the Temple. Thus, as in the present papyrus, becoming emperor is connected to destroying the Temple. It is, however, impossible to know whether there is any connection between the papyrus prophecy and the Jewish-prophecy traditions. Although it is a piece of Flavian propaganda, the remnants of the present papyrus are not anti-Jewish. The acclamation (or reception) of Vespasian as the new Roman emperor at Alexandria was certainly an event in which Greco-Egyptian society took pride, as reflected in the double mention of Egypt in this papyrus (ll. 2, 5). It fixes the date of Vespasian’s arrival in Egypt to the “seventeenth day after the Dog Star’s rising” (l. 4). Given that the rising of the Dog Star (Sirius) traditionally fell on July 19 (25 Epeiph; see n. to l. 4), Vespasian’s arrival in Egypt would be August 6 (69 CE). Providing a precise date for this event conveys its importance for the author.

5

Col. I ....] ἀ̣ναιρέσεις̣ [ἑ]τ̣έρων βασιλέων ...].ς ἐλεύσετ̣αι εἰς Αἴγυπτον βασιλεὺ]ς ἰχνεύμονος ὀφθαλμοὺς ἔχων ....]ομικος, τῇ δὲ ι̅ζ̅ κυνὸς ἄστρου ....]ο̣σι̣ς Αἰγύπτου καὶ ἔσται βασιλεὺς

Col. II ν[ ο[ μ[ ε[ τ[

679. Prophecy concerning Vespasian

10

....]ας ὃς καθελεῖ τὸ μέγα ἱερὸν τὸ θρυ]λ̣ούμενον Ἱεροσόλυμα τῇ αὐτῇ κυνὸ]ς̣ ἐπιτολῇ καὶ παρεμβολὰς ἐπιστή]σ̣ει. ἀπολοῦνται γὰρ λειμανχούμενοι.]δε αὐτοῦ ταβ̣ο̣..[.].(.)ϊ̣..(.).ν̣ ].[ ………………………………………

175

φο[ κα.[ στ.[ τη[ ασ.[ ολο[ [.].α.[ ……………

9-10. λιμαγχούμενοι

(Translation): After the destruction of other kings there will come to Egypt a king with a mongoose’s eyes … On the seventeenth day after the Dog Star’s [rising] … of Egypt. And there will be a king … who will destroy the great sanctuary, the famous Jerusalem, at the same rising of [the Dog Star], and he will (set up) military camps. For they will perish from hunger … (Translation based on P.Oxy. LXXIII 4950) 2. ἐλεύσετ̣αι εἰς Αἴγυπτον (will come to Egypt). Vespasian’s sojourn in Egypt from the second half of 69 to the summer of 70 CE is well attested (see e.g. Josephus, B.J. 4.656; Tacitus, Historiae 4.51, 81; Suetonius, Vespasian, 7.1; Cassius Dio 65.8-9; see Henrichs 1968; Levick 1999, 52-3). However, neither the exact date of his arrival, nor that of his departure, are known. He was still there on June 21, 70 CE (the date of the Capitol’s rededication according to Tacitus, Historiae 4.53.2; see Levick 1999, 91). 3. ἰχνεύμονος ὀφθαλμοὺς ἔχων (with a mongoose’s eyes). This unusual description of a ruler recalls Suetonius’ characterization of Vespasian’s looks, as having “the expression of one who was straining at stool” (vultu veluti nitentis – Vesapsian 20.1). West (P.Oxy, LXXIII, 124) maintains that the reference to the mongoose should be seen as favourable towards Vespasian, in view of the animal’s ability to slay snakes and other venomous vermin. In Egypt, the mongoose was revered for its victory over the evil snake-god Apophis (see Shaw & Nicholson 1995, 139). 4. ι̅ζ̅ κυνὸς ἄστρου (On the 17th day after the Dog Star’s [rising]). The “Dog Star” is the ancient designation of the constellation of Sirius. The rising of Sirius is linked with the inundation of the Nile and marks the beginning of the Egyptian year. The day for the rising of Sirius was Epeiph 25, equivalent to July 19, and the period of its rising lasted until mid-August; see Holberg 2007, 15-28, esp. 21-2, and cf. the reference to the dog-star in PGM II, XIII 390-1, 401. Thus, this papyrus is probably saying that Vespasian arrived in Egypt on August 5, 69 CE. Cassius Dio (Historia Romana 66.8.1) also reports that Vepasian arrived in Egypt at about this time, for he states that upon his arrival in Alexandria, the Nile rose one handbreadth higher than usual in one day. 5. ἔσται βασιλεύς (there will be a king). This is probably a reference to a different king, most likely Titus, who destroyed Jerusalem. 6-7. καθελεῖ το μέγα ἱερὸν τὸ [θρυ]λούμενον Ἱεροσόλυμα (will destroy the great sanctuary the famous Jerusalem). According to Josephus’ chronology, the Temple was burnt by the Romans between the 8th and the 10th of the Macedonian month Loios, i.e. August 3-5, 70 CE (B.J. 6.220, 236, 250). The siege of Jerusalem ended on Gorpiaeus 8, i.e. September 2, when the Romans finally conquered the upper city and set it ablaze (B.J. 6.405). Describing Jerusalem as θρυλούμενον (famous) is similar to its description by Pliny the Elder roughly at the same time (longe clarissima urbium Orientis non Iudaeae modo – by far the most famous city of the east and not of Judea only – Historia Naturalis 5.70; GLA I, no. 204; cf. Stern 1991, 518-30). 7-8. τῇ αὐτῇ [κυνὸ]ς̣ ἐπιτολῇ (at the same rising of [the Dog Star]). The Temple in Jerusalem was indeed destroyed at the time of the rising of Sirius (see n. to l. 4), though a year after Vespasian’s arrival in Alexandria. We need to assume that τῇ αὐτῇ here refers to the same star, but not to its rising in the same year. 8-9. παρεμβολὰς ἐπι[στή]σ̣ει (he will [set up] military camps). One of the consequences of the war in Judea was the change of its status to a consular province, stationing the military camp of the Xth Legion on the ruins of Jerusalem. Perhaps it is to this that the papyrus refers. 9-10. λειμανχού[μενοι] (perish from hunger): Compare Josephus’ remarks on the horrific famine that prevailed in Jerusalem during the siege (see e.g. B.J. 5.425-38; 6.193-213; cf. Ilan 2017). M. M. Piotrkowski

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680-1. Magical papyri

680-1. Magical papyri The aim of this corpus is to collect all papyrological evidence for Jews and Judaism. Therefore, magical papyri and amulets, which also belong to this category, should be included. Indeed, in O.CPJ, Tcherikover had intended to include a section on Jewish magic (CPJ I, 110-1), although he argued that “the existence of Jewish elements in this medium was due to the activity of such Jews as left their ancestral tradition in search of a new faith.” Perhaps for this reason, the editors of CPJ III, after the death of Tcherikover, went back on this plan, arguing that “The criteria of inclusion in the C.P.Jud. … failed us here, and it proved that even a reliable selection would be unattainable” (CPJ III, v). However, the dramatic developments in the field of the study of Jewish magic in the last few decades have changed the picture completely (see primarily Bohak 2008; Harari 2017) and we are thus compelled to attempt anew the collection of Jewish magical texts from Egypt. The term “magic” derives from the Greek word μαγεία. magoi (μάγοι) is a designation assigned by ancient Greeks to Persian priests (Bremmer 1999).  Soon, however, the term began to carry the meaning of “sorcerer.” Defining magic is controversial; for our purposes we use a dictionary definition: “the use of means (as charms or spells) believed to have supernatural power over natural forces.”1 If defining “magic” on the whole is controversial, defining “Jewish magic” is equally vexing (Bohak 2008, 8-69; Harari 2017, 68-175). The most conclusive criterion for identifying a Jewish magical text could have being its composition by a Jew or for a Jew. However, since most magical texts lack both the name of the scribe and the name of the client, we need to apply other criteria from contents, in order to identify them as Jewish. The boundaries between religions, when it comes to magic, are very flexible. The use of Jewish elements in all magic was widespread in antiquity and Jewish symbols, angelic names and divine epithets were popular in non-Jewish magic, because it was believed that these were potent (Bohak 2000, 4-9; 2003; 2004). By the same token, Jewish magicians did not shy away from borrowing pagan elements from the world of non-Jewish magic (Bohak 2008, 227-90). Thus, Jewish magical texts employ elements primarily associated with pagan magic, such as vowel-triangles, charactêres (magic signs), and voces magicae (magic words). However, by adopting Greco-Egyptian divine epithets, Jewish magicians did not refer to pagan deities as gods, but rather transformed them into voces magicae, angels, or demons (Bohak 2008, 256-7).2 Thus, identifying a magical text as Jewish is notoriously difficult. We therefore briefly list criteria for identifying Jewish magic (on which see Bohak 2008, 209-15). The only indisputable indication for the Jewishness of a magical text is its use of Hebrew and Aramaic, in the Hebrew alphabet, because only Jews wrote in it. However, since many Jewish magical texts were written in Greek, we are compelled to establish further criteria, as follows: 1. Texts that were transliterated into Greek from a Hebrew or Aramaic Vorlage (see CPJ 681).

1

Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary (11th ed.; Springfield: Merriam-Webster’s Inc., 2004) 747. On the variety of approaches see summary in Harari 2017, 1-67. 2 For a pagan magic text with many Jewish elements see e.g. PGM I, IV II, 3007-3086; For Jewish texts with pagan elements see e.g. PGM II, XXIIb ll. 1-26 and PGM II, XXXVI ll. 295-311.

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2. Texts that have a Hebrew or Aramaic parallel elsewhere – this indicates that even if the Greek text is embedded in a non-Jewish context, it is likely that its origin is Jewish.3 3. Texts that employ biblical quotes, imagery and historiolae4 – the use of the Bible can assist in identifying the Jewishness of a magical text; however biblical references (e.g. [LXX] Psalm 91 [90]) were also used by non-Jews, especially Christians.5 Yet, the lesser known a biblical reference is, the higher the likelihood of the text’s Jewishness. 4. Texts that feature a Hebrew syntax – this indicates that a given magical text once had an underlying Hebrew version, thus enhancing the probability of its Jewish origin. 5. Texts that make use of Jewish divine, angelic or magic names. These names were however also widely in use in pagan and Christian magical texts; cf. Bohak 2004, 100. Any one of these criteria is not enough to define a text as Jewish. Obviously, the more of the above criteria present in a single text, the higher the likelihood that it is Jewish. By applying these criteria, we have identified two magical texts from the early-Roman period as Jewish: an apotropaic prayer in Greek (CPJ 680), and a magical amulet inscribed on a gold lamella discovered at the Roman fort of Segontium (modern-day Caernarfon in Wales) but probably written in Egypt (CPJ 681). We identified the first text as Jewish because it refers to the biblical figure of Joshua, mentions the Exodus (criterion 3) and notably refers to the people (of Israel) as “this” people and not in the general sense to “the” people (of Israel). We identified the second text as Jewish, because it is mainly in Hebrew, transliterated into Greek (criterion 1). The amulet also mentions the name of its client, a certain Alphianos (ll. 24-5) whose name seems to be the Aramaic (Jewish?) ‫חלפון‬/‫חלפי‬. Notably, both these texts are in Greek, just as there is no Hebrew or Aramaic in other papyri in this volume (except for the tetragrammatons in CPJ 674 and 675). In the later Roman and Byzantine period, we encounter – next to Greek – several magical texts written in Hebrew and Aramaic, as also in other genres. Naturally, only two texts include only two magical genres (a protective amulet CPJ 681, and a prayer with a magical content CPJ 680). In the late Roman and Byzantine period we encounter many more magical genres. M. M. Piotrkowski

680. Apotropaic prayer against unclean spirits Provenance unknown 16 x 11 cm End of 1st-beginning of 2nd century CE P.Fouad 203 (Benoit 1951) TM 63231; LDAB 4436 Lit.: van der Horst & Newman 2008, 123-33; Zellmann-Rohrer 2021, 156-7

P.Fouad 203 is an apotropaic prayer against unclean spirits. It is now preserved at the Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale (IFAO) in Cairo. Neither its provenance, nor its date and place of acquisition are known. The papyrus is mutilated and sometimes difficult 3

See e.g. an incantation of the womb, in a pagan magical textbook (PGM II, VII ll. 260-71), and its parallel in the Cairo Genizah (T.-S. K 1.157: 1a/12-21). 4 Historiolae are the “mythical stories and precedents which are narrated or alluded to in order to tap their hidden powers for a specific magical ritual” (Bohak 2008, 312). 5 On the popularity of Ps 90(91) in non-Jewish (and Jewish) magic see Kraus 2005.

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680. Apotropaic prayer against unclean spirits

to read. The prayer is written only on the recto side of the papyrus, indicating that it was part of a scroll. The text preserves one column of nineteen lines. Traces of letters on its right edge and on its left show that there were other columns in this scroll, and suggest that both the beginning and the end of the text are missing. The writing is elegant, characteristic of literary papyri. On palaeographic grounds, Benoit dated the text to the end of the 1st or the beginning of the 2nd century CE (P.Fouad 203, 550). Other commentators accepted this dating (Van Haelst 1976, 298; van der Horst & Newman 2008, 125). In this prayer the supplicant calls upon God, requesting the assistance of His angel to bound and exorcise potentially harmful unclean spirits and cast them into the abyss. The supplicant relies on God, who had previously demonstrated His great power in leading His people out of Egypt and supporting Joshua in battle. The prayer also shares many motifs with the Bible, LXX, and Second Temple literature (see notes below). Although the prayer is concerned with keeping evil powers at bay, it is not an exorcism, for there is no mention here of a possessed person whose demon the supplicant seeks to expel. Rather, it seems that the prayer had the function of an amulet (P.Fouad 203, 564; Van Haelst 1976, 298; van der Horst & Newman 2008, 125). Van der Horst and Newman (2008, 125-6) stated: “Although it cannot be entirely ruled out that the text is of Christian origin, both the contents and the date of the papyrus make it much more probable that it has a Jewish provenance.” Additionally, the extant text lacks any hint of a Christian provenance, such as references to Jesus, or to any other symbols associated with Christianity (P.Fouad 203, 564). Supporting evidence for the Jewish provenance of the papyrus is also the expression τοῦ λαοῦ τούτου (ll. 5-6), specifying “this people” (i.e. Israel), implying that its author wrote from a Jewish perspective (van der Horst & Newman 2008, 129).

5

10

15

] ]σ̣ ].ν̣ ]ης ]. ] ].

τὸ ἔντειμον ὄνομα δέδειτε, ἀκάθαρτα˙ ἐξαποστείλαι ἡμεῖν τὸν ἄγγελον αὐτοῦ τὸν προκαθηγησάμενον τοῦ λαοῦ τούτου τῇ ἐξαγωγῇ ὡς ὤφθη τῷ Ἰεσοῦ τῷ τοῦ Ναυμε καὶ κατερείψας ἡμᾶ̣ς̣ εἰς ἄβυσσον> εἰς τόπ[ο]ν ἀπωλείας> καὶ ἐπικαλύψα̣ς ὑμᾶς εἰς χάος˙ διὸ οὐκέτι ὀφθήσεσθε, οὐδ’ ὑπαντᾶτε κακοποιῆσαι ψυχάς˙ [ἡ] δὲ τειμὴ καὶ ἡ δόξα τῷ [κ(υρί)]ῳ δι’ αἰῶνος˙ τῷ ἐξορκιζ̣ομένῳ τῷδε καὶ τοῖς παρ’ αὐτοῦ πᾶσιν καὶ συμ̣παροῦσιν [ ]

(Text according to Zellmann-Rohrer)

̣

.

αποστ[ καὶ σο̣[ χ̣ιζο[ κισλ̣[ βυβ.[ μα[ .οσ[ εσκε[ σω[ τη[ ηπ̣ [ η.[ ..[ ηε.[ ητι.[ .α̣[ .ω[

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179

2 [κ]αὶ ἔσ̣τε Benoit 3 ὑμῖν 7 ὅς 9 ὑμᾶς 11 ὑ… Benoit ὑ[μῖν] van der Horst & Newman 13 ὑπάρ[ξ]ετε Benoit 14 ψυχή[ν] 15 τιμὴ 17 τῷ Benoit 19 συμ̣παροῦς[.]. Benoit

(Translation): Fear the glorious name, impure: May He dispatch against you His angel who led the way ahead of this people in the Exodus, as he appeared to Iesous son of Naume, having also cast you down into the abyss, into a place of destruction, and covered you in darkness. Therefore, you will appear no more, neither will you attack to harm souls – but honour and glory is the Lord’s forever – against this one who is being exorcised and his associates and companions … (Translation based on Zellmann-Rohrer 2021) 1-2. τὸ ἔντειμον ὄνομα δέδειτε (Fear the glorious name). Denoting the divine name of the God of Israel; cf. LXX Deut 28:58 (φοβεῖσθαι τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ἔντιμον); Tobit 3:11; 3 Macc 2:9, Pss. Sol. 8:26; 17:5. 2. ἀκάθαρτα (impure). This probably refers to unclean spirits; see van der Horst & Newman 2008, 128. Unclean spirits of different sorts are well attested in all genres of Second Temple Jewish literature and in the New Testament; see e.g. Zech 13:2; Jubilees 10:1-2; 4Q511, 48-51, ll. 3-4; 11QPsa col. 19, l. 15; Mark 1:23. 2-4. ἐξαποστείλαι ἡμεῖν τὸν ἄγγελον αὐτοῦ (May He dipatch against you His angel). It is clear that the form ἡμεῖν (to us) should be amended to ὑμῖν (to you); see van der Horst & Newman 2008, 129 and n. to ll. 8-9 below. For the verb ἐξαποστείλαι as optative, see van der Horst & Newman 2008, 128. The same verbal form appears in a prayer in LXX Ps 19(20):3; cf. Deut 28:20. For the use of the verb ἐξαποστείλλειν together with the mention of an angel see e.g. LXX Mal 3:1; Ps 151:4; cf. 11Q11 iv 5 for the sending of an angel to punish evil spirits. Note that the verb ἐξαποστέλλω, and the noun ἐξαποστόλη, are used frequently in the LXX Exodus story (e.g. Ex 3:20; 4:21, 23; 5:1; 13:17). 3-7. τὸν ἄγγελον αὐτοῦ τὸν προκαθηγησάμενον τοῦ λαοῦ τούτου τῇ ἐξαγωγῇ (His angel who led the way ahead of this people in the Exodus). For the angel who guided Israel in the Exodus see Ex 14:19; 23:20-3; Num 20:16. The expression τοῦ λαοῦ τούτου (this people) indicates the Jewishness of the papyrus. The noun ἐξαγωγή does not appear in the Bible, but it is the title of Ezekiel the Tragedian’s drama on the Exodus (’Εξαγογή; see Clement of Alexandria, Strom. 1.23.155; Eusebius, Praep. ev. 9.29.14; cf. P.Oxy. LXXXIII 5348), and Philo gives it as the title for the biblical book of Exodus (e.g. Migr. 14). In addition, the verb ἐξάγειν appears often in the Bible in connection with the Exodus, and also, as here, in connection with “the people” (ὁ λαός); e.g. LXX Ex 3:10, 12; 7:4. 7-8. ὡς ὤφθη τῷ Ἰεσοῦ τῷ τοῦ Ναυμε (as he appeared to Iesous son of Naume). On the angel who appeared to Joshua, see Josh 5:13-5. The spelling of both Ἰεσοῦ and Ναυμε is strange. The usual form of the name in LXX is Ἰησοῦς. For examples of the name spelt with ε see LJNLA I, 127, nos. 37-8. The patronymic in LXX is commonly spelt as Ναυή. The odd spelling appears to be a scribal error (van der Horst & Newman 2008, 130; but cf. P.Fouad 203, 554-5). Note that the papyrus’ author made other spelling mistakes. 8-9. καὶ κατερείψας ἡμᾶ̣ς̣ εἰς ἄβυσσον (having also cast you down into the abyss). The form ἡμᾶς (us) should be amended to ὑμᾶς (you); cf. l. 3 and n. to ll. 2-4 above. For the syntax here see the discussion in van der Horst & Newman 2008, 130-1. In LXX ἄβυσσος translates (among other terms) the biblical ‫תהום‬. In Second Temple and early Christian literature the term is used to describe the infernal prison of evil spirits and the angels who rebelled against God (e.g. 1 Enoch 21:7; 11Q11 ii 5; iv 7; Luke 8:31; Rev 20:1-3). However, in association with the Exodus mentioned in ll. 6-7, it could refer here to the drowning of the Egyptians in the Red Sea (cf. Ex 15:5; see also van der Horst & Newman 2008, 131). 10. τόπ[ο]ν ἀπωλείας (place of destruction). The word ἀπωλεία in LXX sometimes translates the Hebrew ‫אבדון‬. For the combination of this term with “abyss” (see previous line) see Rev 9:11: ἄγγελον τῆς ἀβύσσου, ὄνομα αὐτῷ Ἑβραϊστὶ Ἀβαδδών, καὶ ἐν τῇ Ἑλληνικῇ ὄνομα ἔχει Ἀπολλύων (the angel of the abyss, whose name in Hebrew is Abaddon, but in Greek his name is Apollyon); see also 11Q11 iv 7-10. Ἀπολλύων is the participle of the verb ἀπόλλυμι from which the word ἀπωλεία derives (van der Horst & Newman 2008, 131). 11-2. ἐπικαλύψα̣ς ὑμᾶς εἰς χάος (who covered you in darkness). Χάος is synonymous with ἄβυσσος (van der Horst & Newman 2008, 132). For χάος in combination with ἀπωλεία, like here, see PGM I, IV l. 1248. For χάος as the place where evil spirits are punished see 1 Enoch 10:13. 14-6. [ἡ] δὲ τειμὴ καὶ ἡ δόξα τῷ [κ(υρί)]ῳ δι’ αἰῶνος (but honour and glory is the Lord’s forever). The combination of the praises to the God of Israel δόξα and τιμή is also found in LXX Ps 28 (29):1; 95 (96):7; Job 37:22; see also 1 Tim 1:17 where εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων follows. The formula here, though (δι’ αἰῶνος), is Greek rather than biblical (van der Horst & Newman 2008, 133).

180

681. Hebrew magical-prayer amulet in Greek characters, found in Wales

16-7. ἐξορκιζομένῳ (being exorcised): This verb is common in apotropaic texts and in magical papyri, where it is not only employed to denote “exorcism,” but also has the meaning “to adjure” or “to call upon;” see e.g. PGM I, IV l. 274. M. M. Piotrkowski

681. Hebrew magical-prayer amulet in Greek characters, found in Wales Segontium (Caernarfon, Wales) Kotansky 1994, 3-12 (no. 2) TM 154929; Image: Kotansky 1994, 4 Lit.: Bohak 2003, 74-77; Bohak 2014, 248-49

10.4 cm x 3.05 cm

1st-2nd century CE

This gold amulet was discovered in 1827 at the site of an ancient cremation cemetery outside the Roman fort of Segontium (modern-day Caernarfon in Wales) during the excavations of a house of a later date. The object is now housed in the local town Council of Cardiff. Twenty-five lines of a magical text, mostly a Hebrew prayer for protection written in Greek characters, were incised on a sheet of gold. Some words were squeezed in between lines and on the right margin of the text. A random punctuation appears between some magic names. The palaeography of the amulet allows dating it to the 1st-2nd century CE; it is of interest that the earliest occupation layer at Caernarfon (75-140 CE) coincides with the palaeographic date (Kotansky 1994, 3-4). Another chronological indicator is the absence of the matrilineal formula in the client’s name (ll. 24-5), an absence common only in early magical amulets, pre-dating the 2nd century CE (Kotansky 1994, 9). The prayer on the amulet consists of Hebrew magical formulae transliterated into Greek (Bohak 2003, 74-77; 2008, 210). The only Greek phrases in it are the expression ὢν ὢν ὢν ζῶν καλῶς (ll. 5-7: “being, being being, living excellently”) and the concluding formula, which reads διαφύλαττέ με, ’Αλφιανόν (ll. 22-5: “protect me, Alphianos”). Since most of the Hebrew phrases on this amulet are uncommon in pagan magic, and various elements used here largely derive from a common pool of Jewish liturgical phrases, there is little doubt that this amulet is Jewish (Bohak 2003, 77). Were we to piece together only the Hebrew phrases of the text, it could have been considered an intact Hebrew amulet, reading as follows: Αδωναι ελωαιε σαβαωθ ειε εσαρ ειε σουρα αρβαρτ ιαω ελλιων ἁννωρα ἁγγιββωρ βαιμαλααμωθ βαρουχ αθθα ουβαρουζ οὑδηχα αει ωλαμ λεωλαμ

‫אדני אלוהי צבאות אהיה אשר אהיה סורה ע}ר{ברת יהו עליון הנורא הגיבור במלחמות ברוך אתה וברוך‬ ‫הודך חיי עולם לעולם‬ Although this amulet was found in Wales, it seems to have originated in Egypt. In l. 17 the following signs are to be read: “Θουθ XIII.” The first word could be interpreted as a reference to the Egyptian deity Thoth, known for his magical powers, but this deity also lent its name to an Egyptian month. Kotansky (1994, 9) and Bohak (2003, 76) both think this a reference to the Egyptian god, making this amulet a typical syncretistic magical text. However, several arguments speak against this assumption. First, there are no other syncretistic elements in this uniquely Jewish prayer. Second, Thoth appears at the end of the text, and not as an integral part of it. Third, it is followed by XIII, which Bohak (2003, 76) interpreted as unintelligible Greek. The suggestion that Thoth is the name of an

681. Hebrew magical-prayer amulet in Greek characters, found in Wales

181

Egyptian month, XIII is the Roman numeral 13, and both are a date, removes these difficulties. In magical texts the time in which a spell is written or uttered is crucial. Lists of recommended days for such actions are recorded in handbooks for magicians. From Egypt we have such a list in PGM II, VII ll. 155-67, and among the days mentioned in it, in which performing magical acts are propitious, is the 13th of each month (l. 156). Also, in the same papyrus, in ll. 272-84, a list of dates within specific Egyptian months is given. Thoth 13 is among them (l. 272). Although from the very beginning, scholars have interpreted this list as “days that are unsuitable for magic operations” (Betz 1986, 124), this detail is not in the papyrus, and the text may actually list dates that are especially fitting for such operations. In light of these lists, we think that reading Θουθ XIII as the date on which the amulet was written, is more likely. If the amulet is indeed of Egyptian origin, how it ended up in Wales remains unknown. Perhaps it was written by a Jew in Egypt (in the 1st-2nd century CE) for a certain Jew, Alphianos, as his Semitic name suggests (see n. to ll. 24-5, below). Since both Egypt and Wales were in the Roman Empire, it makes sense that the amulet arrived in Wales with the Roman army. The question whether it arrived there with Alphianos himself (who may have been a Roman soldier) or with someone else must remain unanswered. Note that this amulet is not the only discovery of an artefact imported from Egypt to Wales by Roman military personal or by their family members (Brewer 2000, 43-6). Ἀδωναῖε· Ἐλωαῖε Σαβαωθ ειε εσαρ ειε σουρα αρβαρτιαω. ὢν ὢν ὢν ζῶν κα-

-‫אדו ָני א‬ -‫לוהי צבא‬ -‫ות אהיה אשר אהי‬ ... ‫ה סורה‬ ‫יהו‬.. ....

ελλιων ἁννωρα ἁγγιββωρ βαιμα10 λααμωθ βαρουχ αθθα ουβαρουζ οὑδηχα αει ωλαμ λεωλαμ Ἀκκραμα15 ραχαμαρι αμο-

-‫ הנ‬,‫ עליון‬... -‫ורא הגיב‬ -‫ור במ‬ -‫לחמות ב‬ -‫רוך אתה ו‬ -‫ברוך הוד‬ -‫ך חֵ י עולם ל‬ ......‫עולם‬ ….

5

λῶς

Φ

ριμ αβζανα Θοὺθ XIII (magic signs) (magic signs) (magic signs) (magic signs) (magic signs) 20 (magic signs) (magic signs) (magic signs) (magic signs) (magic signs) διαφύλαττέ με, Ἀλφια25 νόν. (Translation based on Kotansky 1994)

.... ....

.... .... .... ....

Lord, God of Hosts, I-am-who-Iam, turn away … … IAO. Being, being, being, living excellently Most High, the awesome, the mighty in wars, blessed are You and blessed is Your glory living forever and ever. Akkramarachamari amoph

rim abzana 13th of Thoth (magic signs) (magic signs) (magic signs) (magic signs) (magic signs) (magic signs) Protect me, Alphianos.

1-3. Ἀδωναῖε. Ελωαῖε Σαβαωθ (Lord, God of Hosts – ‫)אדו ָני אלוהי צבאות‬. This is a biblical quotation; see e.g. 2 Sam 5:10; 1 Kgs 19:10, 14; Amos 4:13; Ps 89:9. The Greek transliteration here (Ἀδωναῖε) evidences

182

681. Hebrew magical-prayer amulet in Greek characters, found in Wales

the way the tetragrammaton was pronounced. All three elements of this epithet appear in Jewish and nonJewish magic, though mostly not all three together and/or not in this order; cf. Kotansky 1994, 206-7 – Amulet 38, l. 1. For an almost exact parallel see Ashmolean Museum Inv. No. 1921.1121 (Ἀδωναι ’Εηλωε Σαβαωθ). 3-4. ειε εσαρ ειε (I-am-who-I-am – ‫)אהיה אשר אהיה‬. This epithet appears in Ex 3:14 and is often used in ancient Jewish magic (Bohak 2003, 75); for specific examples see Naveh and Shaked 1987, Amulet 2, l. 10; 3, ll. 2-3; 11, l. 1; 12, l. 40; Naveh & Shaked 1993, Amulet 18, l. 1; 28, ll. 19, 27-8; for later examples from the Genizah see Salzer 2010, 72-4; for the formula in magical texts in Syriac and Arabic see Avishur 1990. 4. σουρα (turn away – ‫)סורה‬. Interpretation as Hebrew, and translation are both according to Kotansky 1994, 5. For the verb ‫ סור‬in this meaning see e.g Isa 52:11. 4-5. αρβαρτιαω (… IAO). A similar combination of letters appears in magical texts (Gager 1992, 266) and also in two Jewish magical papyri (PGM II, XXIIb l. 15: Ἀβραθιαώθ; PGM II, XXXVI l. 308: Ἀρβαθιαω). If this word derives from Hebrew, it has been suggested that it denotes ‫ – ארבעת יהו‬the four letters of the name of IAO, i.e. the Tetragrammaton. However, in this mostly Hebrew text, it may be connected to the previous verb (‫ – סורה‬turn away) reading ‫( סורה עברת יהו‬turn away the Lord’s wrath; see Kotansky 1994, 5-6). For biblical precedents see Isa 9:18, 13:13; Ezek 7:19; Zeph 1:18. 5-6. ὢν ὢν ὤν (being, being, being). This phrase is probably associated with Ex 3:14: ‫( אהיה אשר אהיה‬ll. 3-4). In LXX it reads ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ ὤν; see Kotansky 1994, 6; Bohak 2003, 76. The triple repetition of the word is typical of magic incantation texts; see e.g. Naveh & Shaked 1987, Amulet 2, l. 4: ‫ ;אל אל אל‬3, l. 2 ‫]י[הו יהו‬ ‫ ;יהו‬4, l. 33: [‫ ;ביה יה ביה יה בי]ה יה‬Naveh & Shaked 1993, Amulet 19, l. 20 ‫ ;אח אח אח‬Kotansky 1994, 222 Amulet 41 ll. 43-5 Ἐλωειν ΟΖΟΙ Ἐλωειν Ἐλωειν; cf. the angels’ chant in Isa 6:3 (‫ – קדוש קדוש קדוש‬Holy Holy Holy, appearing also in a magical context in Naveh & Shaked 1987, Amulet 12, ll. 16-7). 6-7. ζῶν καλῶς (living excellently). For the formula and its possible Greek philosophical background see Kotansky 1994, 6-7, 10-12. 7-9. ελλιων ἁννωρα ἁγγιββωρ (Most High, the awesome, the mighty – ‫)עליון הנורא הגיבור‬. This phrase is composed of three epithets of the God of Israel. They appear in different combinations in the Hebrew Bible (e.g. Deut 10:17; Ps 47:3), but never in this one. The three components appear together in the Amidah prayer, blessing of the Fathers, together with other epithets, but not in the order we find here. In Hebrew amulets ‫ נורא‬as one of God’s epithets appears in Naveh & Shaked 1993, Amulet 28, l. 16. The God of Israel as ‫אל‬ ‫( חזק וגיבור‬a strong and mighty God) appears in Naveh & Shaked 1993, Amulet 16, l. 3. The double ν in ἁννωρα and the double γ and β in ἁγγιββωρ probably indicate the strong dagesh in the Hebrew original (cf. αθθα in l. 11). The double λ in the first word is the only example in a clear Hebrew word in this amulet of a doubled letter, where the Hebrew has no dagesh. Therefore, it can perhaps be interpreted as the assimilation of the two words ‫( אל עליון‬ελ ελιων); cf. Gen 14:18; Ps 78:35 and also in the Amidah prayer, blessing of the fathers mentioned above. 9-10. βαιμαλααμωθ (in wars – ‫)במלחמות‬. Unlike the lines above and below, the Hebrew in these two lines is not obvious. Kotansky (1994, 4, 7) read βαιλλαλααμωθ and suggested the Hebrew ‫( בלילה למות‬in the night of death/pestilence) or the Aramaic ‫( בעל לעלא המות‬Lord over the death/pestilence). Bohak (2003, 77) cast doubt on this reading stating: “it is precisely the accuracy of the transcriptions of the Jewish liturgical fragments that should render suspect any claim that such clusters as bailla laamoth also are Hebrew, but Hebrew so corrupt as to be unrecognizable.” In a more recent publication, he suggested the reading βαιμαλααμωθ, identifying Μ instead of ΛΛ. This, together with the previous word (‫)הגיבור‬, would produce the Hebrew phrase ‫“( הגיבור במלחמות‬the mighty in wars”), which is similar to the biblical phrase – ‫גיבור‬ ‫( מלחמה‬Ps 24:8) (Bohak 2014, 249, n. 9). Although in the transcription from the Hebrew, there is no role for the ι before the μ, it nevertheless appears to be the preferable reading. 10-1. βαρουχ αθθα (blessed are You – ‫)ברוך אתה‬. This Hebrew phrase is commonly employed in Jewish liturgical and magical texts; for biblical precedents see e.g. Ps 119:12; 1 Chr 29:10; for ‫ ברוך אתה‬in a Hebrew amulet see Naveh & Shaked 1993, Amulet 3, l. 18; 15, l. 23; cf. Kotansky 1994, 7-8. 11-2. ουβαρουζ (and blessed be – ‫)וברוך‬. The first word repeats the βαρουχ of the previous phrase. The ζ is in all probability a spelling mistake (Bohak 2003, 76). The word begins with ου as “and” as is correct Hebrew. 12-3. οὑδηχα (Your glory – ‫)הודך‬. Kotansky (1994, 7) suggested reading οὑδηχα as the Hebrew ‫הודך‬, denoting “Your glory” (e.g. Ps 145:5). Bohak (2003, 76) adds that ‫( עוזך‬your power) is also plausible. The vowel combination ου (instead of ο) supports this suggestion.

681. Hebrew magical-prayer amulet in Greek characters, found in Wales

183

13-4. αει ωλαμ λεωλαμ (living forever and ever – ‫)חֵ י עולם לעולם‬. Because ἀεί is a Greek word (forever), and because this amulet combines Greek with Hebrew (cf. ll. 5-6), Kotansky (1994, 7) considered this term as Greek, being the equivalent of the following Hebrew ‫עולם לעולם‬. Bohak (2003, 76) suggested, however, that αει can also be the transliteration of the Hebrew ‫( חיי‬life of) and ‫ חַ ֵיי עולם לעולם‬would then be “eternal life, forever,” deriving from Dan 12:2. Note, though, that “eternal life forever” is more a wish than an epithet of the Divine (and also in Dan 12:2 it refers to people rising to eternal life and not to God), and since these words appear at the end of a long list of divine epithets, it is more likely to be one too. We suggest ‫חֵ י עולם‬ ‫( לעולם‬living forever and ever; cf. Dan 12:7). 14. From this line onwards the text is no longer in Hebrew. 14-5. Ἀκκραμαραχαμαρι. This is a variant of a common vox magica (’Ακραμαχαμαρι); for which see Brashear 1995, 3578. For other occurrences, see e.g. PSI I, 29 (= PGM II, XXXV l. 24); Ashmolean Museum Inv. No. 1921.1121, ll. 2, 33; and also in an Aramaic amulet from Turkey Naveh & Shaked 1987, 9 (‫ ;)עקרמכמרי‬cf. Scholem 1965, 89, 94-5. 15-6. αμοριμ. Kotansky (1994, 9) suggests that this vox magica refers to the nation of the “Amorites.” However, see Bohak 2003, 75, n. 22. 16. `φ´αβζανα. For this vox magica see Bohak 2003, 76. 17. Θουθ XIII (13th of Thoth). For the meaning of these signs as signalling a date see introduction above. For magical dates on amulets like this one (month and day but not year) see three amulets from Oxyrhynchos (PGM II, XXVIII a-c). The date here, according to our interpretation, is in Roman numerals. 24-5. Ἀλφιανόν. Kotansky (1994, 9) suggested that this is a Latin name; however, according to Solin & Salomies 1994, 12, there is doubt whether the name Alfianus is actually documented in Latin. Ilan argues that it is ‫חלפון‬/‫חלפי‬, a variant of the Semitic ‫( חליפה‬LJNLA III, 673, he is no. 2). M. M. Piotrkowski

Appendix 1: An additional Jewish papyrus 682. A list of names Arsinoite nome 2.5 x 5.5 cm. P. Messeri 32 (P.Brux. inv. E. 7197) (Martin 2020) TM 901309; Image: Bastianini et al. 2020, Tavola XXVII.

1st-2nd century CE, probably before 117

This papyrus was acquired by Carl Schmidt in 1936 for the Musée royaux d’Art et d’Histoire in Brussels together with many others. Schmidt dated the batch of papyri to the 1st-2nd century and opined that they may all derive from Soknopaiou Nesos, mentioned in many of them – a large village in the Fayum (TM Geo 2157). The papyrus consists of traces of two columns, the first of whom is not legible. Col. II is a list of names, and lines 1-8 are probably all of persons from the same location, while l. 9, which extends into the left margin, opens with the letters Σοκ. Martin (2020, 182) interpreted this as an abbreviation of Σοκ(νοπαίου Νῆσος), indicating that from here on, all persons listed are from that village. However, Graham Claytor (personal communication) casts doubt on this interpretation. Martin (2020, 183) noted that in the 1st-2nd centuries CE, the name Iakobio[s] (l. 9) is certainly Jewish, and the name Thedeto[ (l. 2) could also have been a name of a Jew, and suggested that the document was a list of Jews paying the Jewish tax. This however must remain in the realm of speculation. Martin also rightly noted that this is the earliest evidence for Jews in this Fayum village. Since most Jews disappear from the papyri record after the end of the Jewish revolt in 117 CE, it is likely that this papyrus dates to no later. Col. II

5

10

καὶ Αδ[ Θηδετο[ Κουρεὺ[ς Ἀνδρων[ικο Πτολεμαιο̣[ Μνασήου [ Μνασήο[υ Εὐβίονο[ς Σοκ(νοπαίου Νῆσος)· Ἰακούβιο[ς Θε[

and Ad . [ Thedeto[ Koureu[s Andron[iko Ptolemaio[ of Mnaseos [ of Mnaseo[s Eubiono[s Soknopaiou Nesos: Iakoubi[s The…[

2. Θηδετο. This name is an abbreviation to the Greek Theodotos (TM Num 5488). In this form it is recorded for 3 or 4 certain Jews (three on ostraca from Edfu: 1. CPJ 186-7, 189, 192-3, 208, 219, 228, 230, 244, 258, 280, 285-6, 296, 308, 316, 336; 2. CPJ 251, 255, 277, 290; 3. CPJ 282-3, 362, 371; the fourth [CPJ 425, l. 32] – is a Θηδε son of Iakobos from Oxyrhynchos). It is also recorded on an epitaph from Thebes for a person whose ethnic identity is unknown (SEG XLVIII, 2028). It is thus quite likely that the person mentioned here is also Jewish. 6, 7. Μνασήου. As noted in LJNLA III, 336, Μνασ is a common Greek prefix for many names, but in LJNLA I, 188-9 and II, 147 – both from Palestine – names of this sort are listed under the biblical Manasseh (‫)מנשה‬. It is, however, unlikely that this is the name intended here. 9. Ἰακούβιο[ς]. This is a very common biblical name in Egypt; see LJNLA III,121-7, and especially the introduction to this volume, 4-6. T. Ilan

Appendix 2: Early-Roman inscriptions Like in our previous volume (CPJ IV), we include here inscriptions from Egypt relevant to Jews and Judaism, that were included neither in O.CPJ, nor in JIGRE. The numbering continues JIGRE and CPJ IV.

171. Tiberius Julius Alexander Tiberius Julius Alexander (TM Per 266615), son of Alexander the alabarch and nephew of Philo of Alexandria, renounced Judaism and pursued a Roman military career. He was procurator of Judea in 46-8 CE, and prefect of Egypt (praefectus Aegypti) in 66-9 CE. He is documented in CPJ 418(a-f) and probably also in CPJ 642. For a detailed discussion of this person see CPJ II, 188-97; Schimanowski 2006, 126-39; Sterling 2010. Neither in O.CPJ, nor in CIJ, nor in JIGRE were the inscriptions set up by Tiberius Julius Alexander included. This section fills in the void.

171a. Dedication in bas-relief by Tiberius Julius Alexander Temple of Hathor (Denderah) 3 April 42 CE OGIS II 663 = IGRR I 1165 = SB V 8899 = Smallwood 1967, no. 156 = Bernand 1984, no. 30 (SEG XXXIV 1613) = Pfeiffer 2015, no. 53 TM 88343; Image: Lefebvre 1914, Pl. XII Lit.: Turner 1954; Weinstock 1960, 50-1; el-Abbadi 1967; Barclay 1996, 106 n. 6; Alston 2002, 201; Cauville 2007; Gibson 2013

The present inscription is the earliest documentary source mentioning Tiberius Julius Alexander and it relates that in 42 CE he held the position of epistrategos of the Thebaid, “an official of equestrian rank, with extensive but purely civil powers in a limited area of Egypt” (Thomas 1982, 1; on Tiberius Julius Alexander see p. 52). The office of epistrategos was a procuratorship, second in rank only to that of the prefect of Egypt, and it was as a rule an imperial nomination (Thomas 1982, 56). As Fuks notes, “it is probable that this appointment was due to the friendship existing between the family of the new Emperor Claudius and the family of Alexander the alabarch (cf. ant. 19.276-7)” (CPJ II, 189). The present inscription, engraved on the eastern wall of the great temple at Denderah (TM Geo 2312) in 42 CE (Turner 1954, 58) was set up to honour Claudius’ birthday. It is a relief showing the emperor Claudius offering a garland to the deities Osiris-Noferhotep and Geb, as they are identified by the hieroglyphs (Bedier 1995, 24-7). The dedication was made personally by the prefect of Egypt, his epistrategos, Tiberius Julius Alexander, and the strategos Areios son of Areios. ὑπὲρ τῆς Τ[ιβερίου Κλ]αυδίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστο[ῦ Γε]ρμανικοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος εἰρή[ν]ης καὶ ὁμονοία̣[ς το]ὺς προκειμέ̣[νους] θεούς, ἐπὶ Λευκίου Αἰμιλίου Ῥή[κτου] ἡ̣γ̣εμόνος [καὶ] Τ̣ι̣βερίου Ἰουλίου Ἀλ[εξάνδ]ρου ἐπιστρατήγου, Ἀρείου τοῦ Ἀρείου στρα[τηγοῦν]τος, ἔτους βʹ Τιβερίου Κλαυδ[ίο]υ Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ 5 Γερμανικοῦ Αὐτοκράτορο[ς], Φαρμοῦθι ηʹ Σεβαστῆι. (Translation): For the Pax and Concordia of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Imperator, [I dedicate] the gods represented here, when Lucius Aemilius Rectus was prefect, Tiberius Julius Alexander epistrategos and Areius son of Areius strategos. Year 2 of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Imperator, Pharmouthi 8, Augustan day.

186

171. Tiberius Julius Alexander

2. εἰρή[ν]ης καὶ ὁμονοία̣[ς] (Pax and Concordia). The politics of peace and concord were an important element of Claudius’ political manifesto in the early stage of his reign. The chaotic political situation, in which he ascended the throne, made it necessary to emphasize his engagement in peace and concord. This political message was part of Claudius’ propaganda and appears also on his coins (Gibson 2013). [το]ὺς προκειμέ̣[νους] θεούς ([I dedicate] the gods represented here). The gods are not expressly named, but it is clear from the relief scene and the hieroglyphic inscription, that they are Osiris-Noferhotep and Geb. Claudius’ positive attitude toward Egyptian gods is reflected on this relief, where he is depicted offering flowers to the two Egyptian deities. 3. Λευκίου Αἰμιλίου Ῥή[κτου] ἡ̣γε̣ μόνος (Lucius Aemilius Rectus was prefect). Although Rectus is partially restored, the reading is beyond doubt. Lucius (TM 133346) was appointed prefect of Egypt soon after Caligula’s assassination (CPJ II, 43, n. 1). He also published Claudius’ letter to the Alexandrians about the status of the Jews (CPJ 153). 4. Ἀρείου τοῦ Ἀρείου στρα[τηγοῦν]τος (Areius son of Areius was strategos). Since Denderah was located in the Tentyrite nome (TM Geo 2312), Areius must have been its strategos. 5. ἔτους βʹ […] Φαρμουθὶ ηʹ Σεβαστῆι (Year 2 […] Pharmouthi 8, Augustan day). This date corresponds to 3 April 42 CE. The Augustan days were days on which events associated with the imperial family (like birthdays and ascension days) were celebrated monthly (as was the Hellenistic custom) and therefore noted in official documents (Snyder 1938, 197-8). On the 8th of the month Claudius’ birthday was celebrated (ibid., 215-6). In Claudius’ letter to the Alexandrians, dated to five months before this inscription, he permits the Alexandrians to celebrate his birthday as Augustan day (CPJ 153, Col. II, ll. 29-31). It appears that the Denderah inscription was also set up to celebrate this event. D. Jacobs and Zs. Szántó

171b-c. (CPJ 418c) Copies of the edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander Temple of Hibis (Kharga Oasis) 2.45 m x 2 m Shortly after 28 September 68 CE OGIS II 669 = Evelyn-White & Oliver 1938, no. 4 = IGRR I 1263 = SB V 8444 = Lewis & Reinhold 1955, no. 98 = Levick 2000, no. 172 = Pfeiffer 2015, no. 58 TM 103024; Image: Evelyn-White & Oliver 1938 Lit.: Turner 1954; Chalon 1964; Bonneau 1971, 165-71; Barclay 1996, 106, n. 6; Levick 2005; Schimanowski 2006, 126-39

The edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander, presented in these inscriptions, is one of the most detailed known edicts of any Egyptian prefect. It has been preserved in three copies: One on papyrus and two on inscriptions. And it had a long-lasting effect since the papyrus copy dates from several decades after its promulgation (see CPJ 418c). Of the three remaining copies, the relevant line of the papyrus mentioning Tiberius Julius Alexander was published as CPJ 418c (see also CPJ II, 189). The two inscriptions are presented here. Both of them were found on the walls of the temple of Hibis in the Kharga Oasis, the more complete one on the east face of the northern jamb of the outer gateway and the other, incomplete one (written in two columns), within the great gateway. This second copy is almost certainly earlier, because it was left uncompleted, either because it was not located in a sufficiently public venue, or there was no space on the wall to complete it (Evelyn-White & Oliver 1938, 23). The edict was issued on 6 July 68 CE (Epeiph 12, see l. 65), when Tiberius Julius Alexander had already been prefect of Egypt for two years, but less than a month after Nero’s death and three weeks after Galba was proclaimed emperor (ushering in the fouremperors year). The strategos of the Thebaid region ordered the publication of the edict on 28 September, following which it was inscribed on the walls of this temple twice. The edict purports to address several transgressions committed against the urban wealthy

171. Tiberius Julius Alexander

187

classes and the country-farmers (ll. 5-6). It lists measures to be taken against the colonial power’s wrongdoings and corruption that had set in. In O.CPJ, Fuks presented only the first line of this text, in which the name of Tiberius Julius Alexander occurs, because the edict “has nothing to do with Jews or Judaism” (CPJ II, 195). We agree with his conclusion and so present here only the same introductory opening of the inscriptions. Barclay (1996, 106 and n. 6) had claimed that this inscription is also relevant to the question of Tiberius Julius Alexander’s apostasy, since on more than one occasion in it, he addresses the gods reverently (ll. 16, 25, 26, 27, 29). However, in all these cases, the divine epithet actually refers to the emperor or emperors, and cannot be used to argue a polytheistic devotion, but rather loyalty to the imperial power of Rome. We do not reproduce these lines here.

171b. Edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander: Outer gateway 1 Ἰούλιος Δημήτριος στρατηγὸς Ὀάσεως Θ[ηβαΐ]δος∙τοῦ πεμφθέντος μοι διατάγματος ὑπὸ τοῦ κυρίου ἡγεμόνος Τιβερίου Ἰουλίου Ἀλεξάνδρου τὸ ἀντίγραφον ὑμεῖν ὑπέταξα, ἵν’ εἰδότες ἀπολαύητε τῶν εὐεργειῶ. (ἔτους) β̅ Λουκίου Λιβίου εβαστοῦ ουλπικίου 3 Γάλβα Αὐτοκράτορος Φαῶφι α̅ Ἰουλίᾳ Σεβαστῆι. Τιβέριος Ἰούλιος Ἀλέξανδρος λέγει∙ …

(Translation): Julius Demetrius, strategos of the Oasis of the Thebaid: I have appended for you the copy of the edict sent to me by the Lord Perfect Tiberius Julius Alexander, so that you may know and profit from his acts of beneficence. Year 2 of Lucius Livius Augustus Sulpicius Galba, Imperator, on Phaophi 1, the day of Julia Sebaste. Edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander: (Translation: Levick 2000, no. 172) 1. Ἰούλιος Δημήτριος στρατηγὸς Ὀάσεως Θ[ηβαΐ]δος (Julius Demetrius, strategos of the oasis of the Thebaid). This is a letter by the local strategos, introducing the edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander. διατάγματος (edict). The Greek equivalent of edictum (Chalon 1964, 78). 2-3. (ἔτους) β̅ Λουκίου Λιβίου εβαστοῦ ουλπικίου Γάλβα Αὐτοκράτορος Φαῶφι α̅ Ἰουλίᾳ Σεβαστῆι (Year 2 of Lucius Livius Augustus Sulpicius Galba, Imperator, on Phaophi 1, the day of Julia Sebaste). This date is 28 September 68. The announcement of the edict in the Kharga Oasis is dated to the 2nd year of Galba, while the edict itself was published in Alexandria in his 1st year as is clear from l. 65 (ἔ̣[το]υ̣ς πρώτο[υ Λουκ]ί̣ο̣υ̣ Λειβίο[υ] [Γάλ]βα Καί[σ]αρος Σεβαστοῦ Αὐτο̣κράτορος, Ἐ̣[π]ε̣ῖφ[ι] ιβʹ). Epeiph 12 corresponds to 6 July 68. It took 84 days from the publication of the edict in Alexandria till its dissemination in Upper Egypt, which is more than the usual time for such actions (around 50 days). For a discussion of the reasons for this see Chalon 1964, 92. On commemoration days honouring the imperial family and mentioned on official documents, see JIGRE 171a, n. to l. 5. Julia Sebaste is perhaps Livia, Augustus’ wife. 3. Τιβέριος Ἰούλιος Ἀλέξανδρος λέγει (Edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander). This is a common praescriptio (introduction) which was a formal element of imperial edicts. It consists of the name of the issuing magistrate, followed by a verb of declaration, dicit in Latin or λέγει in Greek (Chalon 1964, 95). The body of the edict follows the praescriptio. Further on the formalities of imperial edicts see Benner 1975.

171c. Edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander: The great gateway Col. I 1 Ἰούλιος Δημήτριος στρατηγὸς Ὀ̣ά̣[σε]ω̣ς̣ [Θ]η̣[βαΐδος∙ vacat ] τοῦ πεμφ[θέ]ντος μοι διατάγμ[ατ]ος ὑπὸ [τοῦ κυρίου ἡγεμόνος] Τιβερίου Ἰουλίου Ἀλε[ξ]άνδρου τὸ ἀν[τ]ίγραφον ὑμ̣εῖ[ν ὑπέταξα] ἵν’ εἰδότες ἀπολαύητε τῶν εὐεργεσ[ιῶ]ν. (ἔτους) β̅ Λουκίου Λειβίου Σε̣[β]α̣σ[τοῦ] 5 Σ̣ο̣υ̣λ̣π̣ι̣κ̣ίου Γ[άλβα Αὐ]τ̣ο̣κράτορος. Φαῶφι α̣̅ Ἰουλ̣[ίᾳ Σεβαστῇ] [Τιβέριος Ἰούλιος Ἀλέξανδρος λέγει∙] [vacat]

188

172. Graffito from the Temple of Seti I mentioning Ioses

For a translation and notes see JIGRE 171b. D. Jacobs and Zs. Szántó

172. Graffito from the Temple of Seti I mentioning Ioses Osireion, Temple of Seti I, Abydos Milne 1901, 38

1st century CE

Abydos is one of the oldest cities in Upper Egypt, near the modern el-Balyana. The town can be traced back to the early Old Kingdom. It was the most important centre for the worship of Osiris. The temple of Seti I (19th dynasty – 1290-1279 BCE), known as the Great Temple of Abydos, remains almost complete. Merneptah (1213-1203 BCE), Seti’s grandson, added the Osireion chamber. Graffiti found in the Osireion indicate that pilgrims visited the temple from the 21st dynasty (1069-945 BCE) until the Roman period. Graffiti were left in many languages including Demotic, Aramaic (on which see TAD D22.7-29), and Greek. The following graffito was etched by a certain Ioses, which was a uniquely Jewish form of the name Joseph (never adopted by Christians in the Roman period, as shown by Williams 2013, 296-7). It was tentatively dated by Milne (1901, 38, no. 45) to the 1st century CE. If this Ioses was indeed Jewish, it is of some interest that in his graffito on the Temple wall he declares his actions as proskynema, i.e. an act of devotion to the God of the Temple, in this case Osiris. This Ioses, however, is not the only Jew who left graffiti on walls of Egyptian Temples; see also Ioudas on the Osiris Temple at Dush (Wagner 1987, 60-1) and Theudotos son of Dorion Ioudaios, Ptolemaios son of Dionysius Ioudaios and Lazaros (twice) in the Temple of Pan Euodos at El-Kanais in the Eastern Desert (JIGRE 121-4); see also Abram in a dedication inscription of a shrine to Pan and other gods from Ptolemais 138/7 BCE (JIGRE 154); cf. Williams 2013, 270, 275-6 for Jews worshipping pagan gods outside of Egypt. On the meaning of this phenomenon in general see Feldman 1960, 23-4; 1983, 202-5; Barclay 1996, 99-100.

3

τὸ προσκύνημα Ἰώσης

The adoration of Ioses

1-2. τὸ προσκύνημα (the adoration). A proskynema inscription is “an inscription declaring a pilgrim’s devotion in a temple or holy place, which refers to the sustainable and material result of the act of worship” (Tallet 2013). It is specific to the epigraphy of Egypt from the 2nd century BCE down to the Roman period. 3. Ἰώσης. A form of the biblical name Ioseph, specifically used by Jews. On this form see LJNLA III, 111-20 (he is no. 114). D. Jacobs

173. Hebrew inscription from Kom el-Dikka Alexandria, Kom el-Dikka Fiema 1985

1st-2nd century CE

A Hebrew word incised on the upper part of an amphora with an intact handle was found in Kom el-Dikka, Alexandria, in 1976. The vessel was found among late Roman debris. Fiema (1985, 117-8) is uncertain regarding its origin, and dates it from the 1st century BCE to the 1st century CE. The inscription was incised on the vessel after it had been fired. It

173. Hebrew inscription from Kom el-Dikka

189

only consists of one word but, because this is only a sherd, it may be incomplete. On the use of Hebrew characters see Introduction, 2, n. 2. ‫ברכם‬

Bless them.

‫( ברכם‬Bless them). The editor prefers the reading ‫( בָּ ְרכֵם‬bless them; imperative with a pronominal suffix), although he considers two other possible readings: ‫( ברכה‬blessing) and ‫( כרכס‬Karkas, a biblical name of a Persian courtier, for which see Esth 1:10) (Fiema 1985, 117). D. Jacobs

Appendix 3: Documents not considered Jewish and not included in CPJ V Papyrus

Date

Provenance

Reason for rejection

Variants of the name Shabtai in Greek (see Introduction, CPJ IV, 10-3) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

CPGr I 8 CPR VIII 1 O.Heid. 325 P.Bingen 58 P.Congr. XV 15 P.Med. 79 SB XIV 12170 SB XVI 12738 SB XVIII 13144 SB XX 14085

7 BCE 1st-2nd century CE 98 CE 22 CE 80 CE 30 CE 31/2 CE 35 CE Pre 94 CE 13/2 BCE or 31/2 CE

Alexandria Fayum Apollinopolis Magna Philadelphia Karanis Philadelphia Oxyrhynchite nome Philadelphia Euhemeria Fayum

Sabbathaios (x2) Sambathion Sambathion Sambathion Sambathion Sambathion Sambathaios Sambathion Sambathion Sambathion (x2)

Karanis

Simon

The name Simon (see CPJ 522, n. to l. 1) SB XIV 11506

9/8 BCE

The name Dositheos (see Introduction, CPJ IV, 9-10) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

CPR VIII 3 O.Mattha 87 O.Mattha 11 P.Congr. XV 15 P.Lugd.Bat. XXV 27

1st -2nd century CE 3 CE 8 CE 80 CE 1st century CE

Fayum Apollinopolis Magna Apollinopolis Magna Karanis Hermopolite nome ?

Dosith(eos) Dositheos Dositheos Dositheos Dositheos

1st-2nd century CE 1st-2nd century CE 1st-2nd century CE 2nd century CE

Fayum Fayum Apollinopolis Magna Dionysias (Fayum)

Maria Marion Abdion The reading of the name Ionas has been corrected to Pioneos in the new edition of the text.

Prohibition to grow plants to make weapons. No direct connection to the revolt. Arrangement for a policing force in Heptakomia at the time of the revolt. No direct connection. Kortus suggested associating them with the circumstances of CPJ 446, but there is no internal reason for this. O.CPJ, which knew P.Giss. 20 also did not include it.

Other non-Jewish names 1. 2. 3. 4.

CPR VIII 2 CPR VIII 3 O.Heid. 163 P.Dion.Herm. 8

Jewish revolt 1.

BGU XI 2085

119 CE

Fayum

2.

P.Brem. 23

7 November 116

Hermopolis

118 CE?

Hermopolis

3. P.Giss. I 20 4.

P.Giss. III 67

Appendix 3: Documents not considered Jewish and not included in CPJ V

191

5.

P.Heid.Lat. 7

Pre 127 CE

Unknown

6.

P.Vindob. L 2

98-127 CE

Unknown

The reading of the name Turbo, who put down the Jewish revolt, is completely reconstructed. Mentions casualties in battle. No proof that this was during the Jewish revolt. The unit may have been with Trajan in Mesopotamia.

77 CE 113 CE

Apollinopolis Magna Apollinopolis Magna

No mention of Jews No mention of Jews

Jewish Quarter? 1. 2.

O.Heid. 162 O.Mus.Crac. 10

Indices 1. Literary sources ........................................................................................................... 2. Papyri, ostraca, and inscriptions ................................................................................. 3. Roman rulers ............................................................................................................... 4. Months ........................................................................................................................ 5. Names and prosopography of Jews ............................................................................. 6. Ethnica ........................................................................................................................ 7. Titles ........................................................................................................................... 8. Professions of Jews ..................................................................................................... 9. Geographical locations ............................................................................................... 10. Technical terms ......................................................................................................... 11. Religion .....................................................................................................................

1.

193 196 205 206 206 210 210 210 210 211 212

Literary sources

1.1 Bible Gen 14:18 22:24 Ex 3:10, 12 (LXX) 3:14 3:20 (LXX) 4:2-4, 6-7 4:21, 23 5:1 (LXX) 7:4 (LXX) 13:17 (LXX) 14:19; 23:20-3 15:5

681, n. to ll. 7-9 625a, n. to l. 2 680, n. to ll. 3-7 681, nn. to ll. 3-4; 5-6 680, n. to ll. 2-4 639 680, n. to ll. 2-4 680, n. to ll. 2-4 680, n. to ll. 3-7 680, n. to ll. 2-4 680, n. to ll. 3-7 680, n. to ll. 8-9

Num 6:5 20:16

664b, n. to l. 5 680, n. to ll. 3-7

Deut 10:17 28:20 (LXX) 28:58 (LXX)

681, n. to ll. 7-9 680, n. to ll. 2-4 680, n. to l. 1

Josh 5:13-5 2 Sam 5:10

680, n. to ll. 7-8 681, n. to ll. 1-3

1 Kgs 19:10, 14

681, n. to ll. 1-3

Isa 6:3 9:18 10:34 13:13 52:11

681, n. to ll. 5-6 681, n. to ll. 4-5 679 681, n. to ll. 4-5 681, n. to l. 4

Jer 36:16

656, n. to Col. VII, l. 1 and Col X, l. 17

Ezek 7:19

681, n. to ll. 4-5

Amos 4:13

681, n. to ll. 1-3

Zeph 1:18

681, n. to ll. 4-5

Zech 13:2

680, n. to l. 2

Mal 3:1 (LXX)

680, n. to ll. 2-4

Ps 19(20):3 (LXX)

680, n. to ll. 2-4

194

Indices

24:8 26(27):9-14 (LXX) 28(29):1 (LXX) 44(45):4(5)-8(9) (LXX) 47:3 47(48):13(12)15(14) (LXX) 48(49):6(5)21(20) (LXX) 49(50):2-16 (LXX) 63(64):6(5)-64(65): 5(4) (LXX) 78:35 89:9 90(91) 95(96):7 (LXX) 119:12 134(135):5 (LXX)

681, n. to ll. 9-10 674 680, n. to ll. 14-6 674 681, n. to ll. 7-9

145:5 151:4 (LXX)

681, n. to ll. 12-3 680, n. to ll. 2-4

Job 37:22 (LXX) 42:11-2 (LXX)

680, n. to ll. 14-6 675

674 674 674 674 681, n. to ll. 7-9 681, n. to ll. 1-3 Introduction to Magical Papyri 680-1, n. 5 680, n. to ll. 14-6 681, n. to ll. 10-1 674, n. to C, Col. III, l. 22

Esth 1:10 E16-24; 8:139:3 (LXX)

JIGRE 173 673

Dan 12:2, 7

681, n. to ll. 13-4

Neh 3:2

622, n. to l. 2

1 Chr 29:10

681, n. to ll. 10-1

1.2 New Testament Matt

10:3

Mark

1:23 3:18

659, n. to verso, Col. II, l. 10 680, n. to l. 2 659, n. to verso, Col. II, l. 10

Luke 1 Tim Rev

8:31 1:17 9:11 20:1-3

680, n. to ll. 8-9 680, n. to ll. 15-6 680, n. to l. 10 680, n. to ll. 8-9

1.3 Qumran 4Q511 11Q11

48-51, ll. 3-4 ii 5 iv 5

680, n. to l. 2 680, n. to ll. 8-9 680, n. to l. 2-4

iv 7 iv 8-10 11QPsa col. 19, l. 15

680, n. to ll. 8-9, 10 680, n. to l. 10 680, n. to l. 2

1.4 Apocrypha and pseudepigrapha Tobit 3 Macc

3:11 2:9 5:6 7:2 Letter of Aristeas 48-9

680, n. to l. 1 680, n. to l. 1 667b, n. to. l. 16 673, n. to l. 4 Introduction, 6, n. 18

Sib.Or. V Pss. Sol. 1 Enoch Jubilees

487-8 8:26; 17:5 10:13 21:7 10:1-2

665, n. to ll. 30-1 680, n. to l. 1 680, n. to ll. 11-2 680, n. to ll. 8-9

680, n. to l. 2

195

Literary sources

1.5 Josephus B.J. 3.400-2 4.606-7, 616-8 4.656 5.425-38 6.193-213 6.220, 236, 250 6.236-42 6.312-3 6.405

679 642 679, n. to l. 2 679, n. to ll. 9-10 679, n. to ll. 9-10 679, n. to ll. 6-7 642 679 679, n. to ll. 6-7

A.J. 2.311 13.285 18.228 19.278

638 645, n. to l. 2 677 676, n. to ll. 14-6

C.A. 1.605-7

631, n. to l. 1

1.6 Philo Flacc.

2 20 23 55-7, 62-71 97

641 676, n. to ll. 5-7; Appendix to Acta, n. to ll. 1-2 677 Introduction to 620-32 677

125 126, 135-45 Leg. Migr.

355 388 14

677, n. to Col. III, ll. 33-4 677, introduction; n. to Col. III, ll. 33-4 676, 677 677 680, n. to ll. 3-7

1.7 Rabbinic literature Mishnah Megillah 2:1 Tosefta Sukkah 4:6 Yerushalmi Sukkah 5:1, 55b

673 659 670-2

Bavli Megillah 8b-9a Gittin 56a-b Midrash Avot de-Rabbi Nathan A 4; B 6 Lamentations Rabbah 1:5

673 679

679 679

1.8 Greek and Latin sources Appian Bella Civilia II 90.380 Liber Arabicus 19

670-2 665, n. to l. 5

Cassius Dio Historia Romana 65.8-9 679, n. to l. 2 66.1.4 679 66.8.1 679, n. to l. 4 Homer Odyssey Horace Sermones

4.834

674, n. to C, Col. I., I. 27

1.5.100 647, n. to l. 2

Pliny the Elder Historia Naturalis 5.70 679, n. to ll. 6-7

Suetonius Vespasian 4.5-6 5.6 7.1 20.1 Syncellus Chronographia Dindorf ed. 348d Tacitus Historiae 2.73 4.51, 53.2, 81 5.13.1-2

679 679 679, n. to l. 2 676, n. to l. 3

670-2 642 679, n. to l. 2 679

196

Indices

1.9 Church fathers Clement of Alexandria Strom. 1.23.155

680, n. to ll. 3-7

Eusebius Hist. Eccl. IV 2.1-2

Praep. Ev.

2. Ashmolean inv. 1921.1121 BGU

CPJ

Papyri, ostraca, and inscriptions 135 136 138 139

681, nn. to ll. 1-3, 14-5

I IX

53 1894

XI

2085

I

7-17 12 14-5 19-26 20 24 27 28 28-41 35 42 43-7 47 50 63 70-2 75 78-9 89 95 100-2 111 112 113 114 125-31 133-4

Introduction to 66372; 663 2.3 665 2.4 670-2 9.29.14 680, n. to ll. 3-7

643 672, introduction, n. to ll. 10-1 Appendix 2 647 647 Appendix 647 Appendix 647 646, n. to l. 11 Introduction, 4, n. 11; 647 Appendix 659, n. to recto, Col. I, l. 13 Introduction, 4, n. 15; 647 647 644, n. to l. 6 Introduction, 4, n. 13 647 Introduction, 4, n. 15 Introduction, 6, n. 19 645, n. to l. 5 620-32, n. 1 Introduction, 4, n. 11 Introduction, 4, n. 13 Introduction, 4, n. 11 620-32, n. 1 Introduction, 4, n. 11 620-32, n. 1 647 Appendix Introduction, 4, n. 11 659, n. to recto, Col. I, l. 13 647 647

CPJ

II

659 Introduction, 4, n. 13 659 Introduction, 4, n. 11, 620-32 140 620-32, n. 1 146 649, n. to l. 5 149 Introduction, 5 151 Introduction, 6 and 8 n. 22 153 647, 648, 676 and n. to ll. 5-7; JIGRE 171a, n. to ll. 3, 5 154 Introduction, 2, n. 5; 676 and n. to ll. 5-7; 677 and n. to Col. III, ll. 33-4; Appendix to Acta n. to ll. 1-2 155 Introduction, 2, n. 5; 676-8; 676 and n. to ll. 5-7; 677 and n. to Col. III, l. 9 156 Introduction, 2, n. 5; 676-8; 676; 676 and n. to ll. 5-7; 677 and n. to Col. III, ll. 33-4; Appendix to Acta 156a 676, n. to l. 2 156d 676 156c 676 and n. to ll. 5-7 157 Introduction, 2 n. 5 and 5; 667b, n. to l. 16; 676 158-9 Introduction, 2, n. 5; 676 158 678 158a 667; 667b, n. to l. 16; 678, n. to l. 4

197

Papyri, ostraca, and inscriptions

158b 678 160-229 620-32; 647 160-408 Introduction, 1; 620-32; 628 161 Introduction, 5 162-80 652 163 Introduction, 5 165 Introduction, 5 167 Introduction, 5 170 620-32 171 Introduction, 5; 627; 660, Col I, n. to l. 6 172 620-32; 652 173 620-32; 652 175 620-32; 652 177 620-32 179 Introduction, 5; 660, n. to Col. I, l. 6 180 Introduction, 5; 620-32 660, n. to Col. I, l. 6 182 620-32; 652 183 Introduction, 5; 620-32, nn. 2, 17, 21; 628a, n. to l. 2; b; 652, n. to Frg 1, Col. II, l. 9 184 652 186 630b, n. to l. 3; 651, n. to l. 2; 652; 682, n. to l. 2 187 620-32; 682, n. to l. 2 188 647, n. to l. 2; 652, and n. to Frg 1, Col. II, l. 9 189 620-32; 682, n. to l. 2 192 620-32; 682, n. to l. 2 193 620-32; 632, n. to l. 3; 682, n. to l. 2 194 Introduction, 5; 630 195 Introduction, 5; 630b, n. to l. 3 196 Introduction, 5; 631 197 Introduction, 5 200 630b, n. to l. 3; 632; 652

203 205 206 208 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 239 240

620-32, n. 21; 628a, n. to l. 2; b 632, and n. to l. 3; 652 630b, n. to l. 3 631, n. to l. 3; 652; 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 5 Introduction, 4 630b, n. to l. 3; 652 632, and n. to l. 3 632 632 and n. to l. 3 632 632 Introduction, 5; 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 5; 629, n. to l. 3; 630; 630a, n. to l. 1; 630b 632, and n. to l. 3 Introduction, 5; 629, n. to l. 3 Introduction, 5 630b, n. to l. 3 630b, n. to l. 3 Introduction 4; 663-72 629, n. to l. 3; 663-72; 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 4; 650; 663-72 620-32; 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, and n. 8 Introduction, 8, n. 27, 14; 620-32, and n. 8 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 Introduction, 5 620-32 620-32, n. 21; 628b Introduction, 5; 620-32, n. 17

198

Indices

241-2 243 244 245 246 247 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 258 259 260 262 263 265 266 267 268 272 273 274 277 278 279 280 281 282-3 284

Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 620-32, n. 21; 628b 620-32; 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 620-32, n. 21 620-32 620-32, n. 21 Introduction, 5 Introduction, 5; 62032; 651, n. to l. 2; 682, n. to l. 2 620-32, n. 22; 630a 620-32, n. 22 620-32, n. 22; 630a Introduction, 5; 62032; 682, n. to l. 2 620-32; 682, n. to l. 2 620-32, n. 22; 630a 620-32 Introduction, 5 620-32, n. 21 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 620-32, n. 22 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 8, 17 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 8, 17; 627a 620-32 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 620-32, n. 21 Introduction, 5; 62032; 682, n. to l. 2; Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 620-32, n. 8 620-32; 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 8, 21 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 4 and 8, n. 25;620-32; 627a; 628

285-6 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 301 302 304 305 306 307 308 309 311 312 313 314 316 318 319 321

620-32: 682, n. to l. 2 620-32, n. 21 632 Introduction, 5; 620-32, nn. 17, 21 Introduction, 5; 62032; 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 87 620-32, nn. 8, 17, 21; 627 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 8, 17 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 8, 17; 629, n. to l. 1 620-32 and n. 21; 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 8, 17 Introduction, 5; 630; 630c Introduction, 5; 631 Introduction, 5 Introduction, 5; 630; 630a, n. to l. 1; 630c 620-32, n. 21 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 620-32, n. 8; 630 620-32; 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 5; 631 Introduction, 5; 620-32, n. 21; 630; 630a, n. to l. 2-3 620-32, n. 8 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 8, 17 620-32, n. 8; 630 620-32; 682, n. to l. 2 620-32, n. 22 620-32, n. 21 Introduction, 5; 630; 630c

199

Papyri, ostraca, and inscriptions

322 325

326 327 328 328a 329 330 331 333 334 335 336 337 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347-51 353 354 355 356 357 358-9 362 363 364 365

620-32; 620, 620h and n. to l. 1 Introduction, 5; 620-32; 620; 620d and n. to ll. 2-3; h, n. to l. 1 620-32; 620; 620h and n. to l. 1 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 620-32, n. 2; 632 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 Introduction, 5 620-32; 620; 620h and n. to l. 1 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 620-32, n. 21 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 632 620-32; 682, n. to l. 2 Introduction, 4 Introduction, 5 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 8, 22; 630a 632 Introduction, 5; 631 632 620-32, n. 8; 630 620-32, n. 21 632 632 620-32, n. 22; 630a 620-32, n. 22 620-32, n. 22; 630a; 632 632 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 8, 21 632 682, n. to l. 2 620-32, n. 22; 630a; 632 632 Introduction, 4; 620-32

368

620-32; 620; 620h and n. to l. 1 369 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 370 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 8, 17 371 682, n. to l. 2 372 632 373 620-32 374 Introduction, 4; 620-32, n. 17 375-403 Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, nn. 4, 8, 632 377 627a 378 620-32, n. 4 384 627a 391 627a 404 Introduction, 8, n. 27 405 Introduction, 5; 629, n. to l. 1; 630; 632 406 Introduction, 5; 660 and Col. II, n. to l. 8 407 Introduction, 5; 652, Frg. 10, n. to l. 1 408 620-32, n. 2 408b, d Introduction, 8, n. 27; 620-32, n. 8 410 Introduction, 5 411 649, n. to l. 5 412 Introduction, 4; 640 414 Introduction, 5 415 Introduction, 6, n. 22 416 Introduction, 5; 651 417 Introduction, 4, and 6, n. 22; 649, n. to l. 5 418 642 418c JIGRE 171b-c 420b 670, n. to ll. 2, 5, 7, 12, 14 421 Introduction, 5, 8; 650, n. to 14; 652, Frg. 9, n. to l. 6 422 Introduction, 5 425 Introduction, 5; 682, n. to l. 2 426 Introduction, 5; 643 427 Introduction, 5 428 Introduction, 4-5

200

Indices

429 430 431 432 433-4 435-50 435 436 437 438 439 441 442

443 444 445 446 447-50 448

CPJ

III

449 452a 458 464 482 489 498i

CPJ

IV

503 518a 522-41

Introduction, 5 Introduction, 5 Introduction, 6, and n. 22 Introduction, 5; 657 and n. to ll. 199, 207 Introduction, 5 663-72 Introduction, 9; 663-72, n. 1, 665; 667; 668 663; 664a, n. to ll. 3, 9; 664c, n. to l. 12-4; 666 664; 664a, n to l. 13 636; 663-72, n. 1; 667b, n. to l. 16; 668 665, n. to l. 1 665, n. to ll. 5, 31-2; 666, n. to ll. 4-5 664; 664a, n. to ll. 3, 9; 664c, n. to ll. 4, 57; 18-9; 21; 664d, n. to ll. 5-6 663-72, n. 1; 664c, n. to l. 21; 665; 667b, n. to l. 16 663-72, n. 1; 667; 667a, n. to ll. 29-30 Introduction, 10; 663-72, n. 1; 670-2 665 and n. to ll. 23-6, 28; 666 n. to l. 21; Appendix II 663-72, n. 1 Introduction, 10; 670-2, 671, and n. to Col. VI, ll. 31-2; 672, n. to l. 9 664a, n. to ll. 3, 9 633 670-2, n. 1 652, n. to Col. II, l. 7; 653, n. to l. 108 640 and n. to ll. 16-8 Introduction, 8; 651 652, n. to Frg. 5, Col. I, l. 1 647 Appendix 649, n. to l. 5 620-32

522

Introduction, 4, n. 1. 2; Appendix II 523 Introduction, 4, n. 12; 620e, n. to ll. 2-3 525 Introduction, 8, and n. 25; 622, n. to l. 2; 659, n. to recto, Col. I, l. 13 526 Introduction, 8, and n. 25 527 659, n. to recto, Col. I, l. 13 528 659, n. to recto, Col. I, l. 13 529 Introduction, 8, and n. 25 533 622, n. to l. 2 531 Introduction, 6, and n. 19, 8, 25 536-7 Introduction, 8, and n. 25 539 Introduction, 8, and n. 25 541 649, n. to l. 5 543a Introduction, 4, n. 12; 654, n. to l. 71 543b Introduction, 4, n. 12 544 622, n. to l. 2 545a Introduction, 4, nn. 12, 13 545c-d Introduction, 4, n. 13 546 Introduction, 4, n. 12 548 Introduction, 4, n. 12 553-4 Introduction, 4, n. 12 555 647 Appendix 556 622, n. to l. 2 557-77 645 562 Introduction, 4, n. 16 563 644, n. to l. 6 580 646 585-603 647 589 Introduction, 4, n. 12; 620-32, n. 20; 652, Frg. 10, n. to l. 1

201

Papyri, ostraca, and inscriptions

O.Edfou II

293 294

627b 627c

O.Heerlen

BL 218 BL 323 BL 334 BL 345

629 629 630a 630b

O.Heid.

613 617b 618

Introduction, 4, n. 12 646, n. to l. 11 Introduction, 4, n. 12 653, n. to ll. 79, 109; 662 Introduction, 4, n. 12 Introduction, 6, n. 19 673-5 673-5, 675, n. to ll. 2, 5 673-5 Introduction, 4, n. 12 Introduction, 4, n. 14

162 163 189 325 414

Appendix 2 Appendix 2 650, n. to l. 14 Appendix 2 634

63 2 1-8 1 2 3 4

645, n. to l. 5 543 654-5 Appendix 2 Appendix 2 Appendix 2 655

O.IFAO dem. 5 620f 51 620g 55 626 63 620h 65 624 66 620d, n. to l. 3 91 620e 106 620d 120 622 165 621 404+445 623 462 620b 624 625b 625 625a 626 625c

593 595a 599 600 606 607 610-1 612

CPR

I VII VIII

IJO

III

JIGRE

Syr84-5

639

29 38, l. 6

Appendix to 647 674, n. to C Col. II, l. 27 39 Introduction, 6, n. 19 58 Appendix to 647 121-4 JIGRE 172 129 645, n. to l. 2 154 Introduction, 6, n. 19; JIGRE 172 155-6 651, n. to l. 54 157-65 620-32 161 660, n. to Col. I, l. 6

MMAF

9

Introduction, 2, n. 3

O.Claud. I

27-41 32 723 725 751 872 880

636 636 635, n. to l. 6 635, n. to l. 6 635 637 637

957 961

628a, n. to l. 2 628a, n. to l. 2

IV

O.Bodl. II

O.Ka.La.

inv. 179 639 inv. 228 638

O. Leid. 66

628a, n. to l. 2

O.Mattha

11 87

626, n. to l. 1; Appendix 2 626, n. to l. 1; Appendix 2

O.Mus.Crac.

4 5 6 7 8 9 10

627a 628a 628b 630c 631 632 Appendix 2

P.Alex.Giss.

43 57 58

663-72 664 664a and nn. to ll. 3,

202

Indices

59 60 78-9

20

P.Giss.Lit.

76 77 78 6 21 22-4 78 4.7

663-72; 664; 665 and n. to ll. 23-6; Appendix 2 664c 664e 664; 664d, n. to ll. 3-4 665, n. to l. 1 663 663-72; 665 and n. to l. 1; n. to ll. 23-6; Appendix 2 664, n. 4 664 664 663 666, n. to l. 22 666, n. to l. 1 664, n. 4 677

P.Graux. I

1-2

647

P.Harrauer

33

651, and n. to l. 8

P.Haun. I

8

Introduction, 2, n. 3

P.Heid.Lat.

7

Appendix 2

P.IFAO I III

18 43

662 640

P.Köln

97

670

194 895 1177

653 646, n to l. 1 657

9, l. 5 664d 664b 664a, n. to l. 13

21 22 23

P.Berol. inv. 8143 ABC + 7397 recto 671 inv. 7440 672 21342 Introduction, 2, n. 3 P.Bibl.Univ.Giss. 46

677

P.Bingen

58

Appendix 2

P.Bodl.

5 69

Introduction, 3, n. 6 635, n. to l. 4

P.Bon. ISA

3

659

P.Brem.

inv. 7 9 13 23 41 48 57 64

666 666, n. to l. 22 664, n. 4 663-72; Appendix 2 665 665 666, n. to l. 1 664c, n. to l. 4; 664d, n. to ll. 3-4

P.Cair.Zen.

59593

645 and n. to l. 5

P.Carlsberg

421

652

P.Col.

inv. 5853 V 1 verso 1a

Appendix to 647 672 and n. to ll. 1011

P.Cong. XV

15

Appendix 2

P.Corn.

21 21-4

651 and n. to l. 15 647

II III

P.Giss.Apoll.

II

P.Lond. II III V

26 47 67

P.Lugd.Bat. XXV 27

P.Dion.Herm. 8

Appendix 2

P.Flor.

664; 664a, n. to ll. 4-6

III

P.Fuad P.Giss.

332

inv. 211 642, n. to l. 4 I

13 17

664, n. 4 664a, n. to l. 6

P.Med.

Appendix 2

79 Appendix 2 inv. 69.59 645 inv 69.66 verso 642

P.Mich. II V VIII

123 312 467-81 467 468 476 478

652, n. to Col. II, l. 4 Appendix to 678 667 667a, n. to ll. 29-30 667b, n. to l. 9 667b, n. to ll. 1-6 667b

203

Papyri, ostraca, and inscriptions

X XII

510 582 638 639-43 642

inv. 880 inv. 4354 inv. 4800

667 647 647 and n. to l. 18 647 647 and n. to l. 2; Appendix to 647 648 649 676-8, n. 1

P.Mil.Vogl. IV 212

656

P.NYU II

640, n. to ll. 1, 14, l. 2 644

12 52

P.Oxy. II

245 358 III 489 VI 853 IX 1173 XI 1356 XVIII 2158 XLII 3021 XLIX 3452 3508 L 3522 LV 3778 3779 3807 LXV 4443 LXXIII 4950 LXXVII 5101 LXXXII 5291 LXXXIII 5348

P.Princ. I

II  

III

P.Ryl.

II

IV

640, n. to l. 22 640, n. to l. 22 669, n. to l. 7 679 Introduction, 2, n. 3 Introduction, 2, n. 3 Introduction, 2, n. 3 676 679 642, n. to l. 4 675 640, n. to ll. 2, 22 640, n. to ll. 2, 22 641 and n. to l. 6 673 679 674 Introduction, 2, n. 3 680, n. to ll. 3-7

1-8 651 8 Appendix to 647 1-14 647 10 647, n. to l. 2 24 640, n. to l. 2 102 645, n. to l. 5 152, verso 648 102 125 127-8 152 233 595

645, n. to l. 5 646, n. to l. 1 646, n. to l. 1 646 663-72; 665 and n. to ll. 23-6 647

P.Sijpesteijn

15

P.Strass. V VII IX

361 660 609 633 805 recto 650 811 661 868 658

P.Tebt. I

103

476

Introduction, to Jewish ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu), 16 Introduction, to Jewish ostraca from Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu), 16 659, n. to recto, Col. II, l. 1, 3, l. 4 646

13-5 15

654-5 654

189

II

P.Vind.Tand.

648, n. to l. 1

401

P.Vindob. D 10014 RO D 10103a-b RO Gr. 21342 Gr. 30531 Gr. 60584 L2

651 651 Introduction, 2, n. 3 Introduction, 2, n. 3 Introduction, 2, n. 3 Appendix 2

P.Yadin

16 21

635, n. to l. 4 649, n. to ll. 11-2

1 107 308

Introduction, 3, n. 6 677 114, n. 2

P.Yale

I II IV

PGM I IV l. 274-5 680, n. to ll. 16-7 IV l. 1248 680, n. to ll. 11-2 IV ll. 3007-3086 680-1, n. 2 II VII ll. 155-67 681 VII ll. 260-71 680-1, n. 3 XIII ll. 390-1, 401 679, n. to l. 4 XXIIb ll. 1-26 680-1, n. 2 XXIIb l. 15 681, n. to ll. 4-5 XXVIII a-c 681, n. to l. 17 XXXV l. 24 681, n. to ll. 14-5 XXXVI ll. 295-311 680-1, n. 2 XXXVI l. 308 681, n. to ll. 4-5 PSI

IV

308

114, n. 2

204

Indices

VII 918 IX 1063 XI 1207 inv. 26018-9 SB

I VI V X

XII XIV

XVI

592 4327 9016 9636 8444 8899 10652A 10652B 10652C 10652D 10277 10502 10794 10892 10893 11044 11269 11416 11426 11506 11640 12170 12738 13012

XVIII 13144 13620 14009 14010 14011 XX 14085 14525-6

Appendix to 678 669 Introduction, 2, n. 3 635, n. to l. 4 670, n. to l. 6 627 642, n. to l. 4 667 JIGRE 171b-c JIGRE 171a 664 664a 664d 664b 666 668 640, n. to l. 2 671 672 642 645 and n. to l. 1 662 653 Appendix 2 642 Appendix 2 659, n. to Col I, l. 10; Appendix 2 649

15182 15504 15505 15506 15507 15508 15509 XXVI 16652 16697 XXII

SEG XXXIV 1613 XLVIII 2028 L

1563

Stud.Pal. XX TAD Vienna

A D

Appendix 2 Appendix to 647 630b 630a 629 Appendix 2 648 and n. to ll. 13 and 24 646, n. to l. 1 627a 628a 628b 630c and n. to l. 2 631 632 657 652 JIGRE 171a 651, n. to l. 2; 682, n. to l. 2 676-8, n. 1; Appendix to 676-8 645, n. to l. 5

4.7 677, n. to ll. 17, 23 22.7-29 JIGRE 172 H 45a

635, n. to l. 4

Roman rulers

3.

205

Roman rulers

3.1 Emperors Tiberius (Τιβερίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ) 640, ll. 6-7; 646, ll. 6-7; 677, (Τιβέριος Καῖσαρ) Col. I, l. 7; (Τιβερίου) Col II, l. 8 Gaius Germanicus (Caligula) (Γάϊος Γερμ̣[ανικός]) 677, Col. II, l. 11; (Γάϊος Καῖσαρ) Col. III, ll. 24; 27 Claudius (Τιβερίου Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος) 649, ll. 9-10; JIGRE 171a, ll. 1-2, 4-5 Nero (Νέρωνος Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος) 648, ll. 1-2, 11 Galba (Λουκίου Λιβίου εβαστοῦ ουλπικίου Γάλβα Αὐτοκράτορος) JIGRE 171b, ll. 2-3 Otho (Μάρκου Ὤτωνος Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος) 642, ll. 8-9

Vespasian (Οὐεσπασιανοῦ) 670, ll. 5, 12 Titus (Τίτου) 652, Frg. 1, Col. II, ll. 2, 6, 10, Col. III, l. 5; Frg. 2, ll. 6, 11; Frg. 3, ll. 4, 8, 13, 17, 20, 23; Frg. 4, l. 8; Frg. 5, Col. I, l. 3; Frg. 6, ll. 2, 5; Frg. 8, Col. II, ll. 3, 10, 15; Frg. 10, l. 4; 670, ll. 2, 7, 12, 14; (θεοῦ Τίτου) 672, l. 4 Domitian (Δομιτιανοῦ) 629, l. 2; 652, Frg. 3, l. 22 Trajan (Τραιανοῦ τοῦ κυρίου) 630a, l. 2; 630b, l. 2-3; 630c, l. 4; 631, l. 3; 632, l. 2-3; (Τραιανοῦ ἀρίστου Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρίου) 669, Col. I, ll. 7-8, 14; Col. II, ll. 7-8, 13-4, Col. III, ll. 7, 14-5

3.2 Prefects Lucius Aemilius Rectus (Λευκίου Αἰμιλίου Ῥή[κτου]) JIGRE 171a, l. 3 Marcus Rutilius Lupus (Ῥουτίλ) 668, l. 1; ([Λού]που) 678 ll. 3-4?

Tiberius Julius Alexander 642; (Τιβερίου Ἰουλίου Ἀλεξάνδρου) JIGRE 171b-c Tiberius Julius Lupus ([Λού]που) 678 ll. 3-4?

3.3 Epistrategoi Tiberius Claudius Gemeinus alias Isidoros ([Τ]ιβέριον Κλαύδιον ... Γε̣μ̣εῖν̣ον, τὸν καὶ ’Iσίδωρον) Appendix to Acta, l. 6

Tiberius Julius Alexander (Τ̣ι̣βερίου Ἰουλίου Ἀλ[εξάνδ]ρου) JIGRE 171a, l. 3

3.4 Strategoi Apollonios TM Per 260001 (Ἀπολλώνιος) 663, l. 1; 664a, ll. 1, 15; b l. 1, 8; c, ll. 1, 22; d, ll. 1, 8; e, ll. 1, 15; 665, l. 36 Areos TM Per 110795 (Ἀρείου τοῦ Ἀρείου στρα[τηγοῦν]τος) JIGRE 171a, l. 4 Chelkias TM Per 196201 (Χελκίαι στρατηγῶι) 645, l. 2

Hierax TM Per 182228 (Ἱέρακι [σ]τρατηγῶι) 640, l. 2 Julius Demetrios TM Per 394714 (Ἰούλιος Δημήτριος στρατηγὸς Ὀάσεως Θ[ηβαΐ]δος) JIGRE 171b-c, l. 1

206

Indices

4.

Months

4.1 Egyptian Thoth (Θώτ) 632, l. 4; (Θώθ) 669, Col. I, ll. 8, 14, Col. II, ll. 8, 14, Col. III, ll. 7, 16; (Θούθ) 681, l. 17 Phaophi (Φαῶφι) 648, ll. 39, 59; 649, l. 18; JIGRE 171b, l. 3 Hathyr (ibd 3 Ax.t) 623, l. 1; 624, l. 1; (Ἁθύρ) 631, l. 4; 648, ll. 39, 40, 60; 649, l. 18; 665, l. 33 Choiak (ibd 4 Ax.t) 620h, l. 3; 625c, l. 4; (Χοί(ακ)) 628a, l. 2; (Χοιάχ) 648, l. 70; (Χοίακ) 664c, l. 21 Tybi (tpy pr.t) 620d, l. 4; (Τυβί) 646, l. 6; 648, ll. 43, 61, 71; 670, l. 10 Mecheir (ibd 2 pr.t) 620c, l. 4; d, ll. 1, 4; (Μεχίρ) 642, l. 10; 656, Col. VI, l. 2 (Μεχείρ) 648, ll. 65, 72; 656, Col. X, l. 1

Phamenoth (Φαμενώθ) 648, l. 73; 656, Col. VII, l. 1, Col. X, l. 17 Pharmouthi (Φαρμ(οῦθι)) 638, l. 13; 648, l. 74; (Φαρμοῦθι) JIGRE 171a, l. 5 Pachon (tpy Smw) 620e, l. 1; 621, l. 1; 622, l. 1; 625b, l. 1; (Παχώ(ν)) 627a, l. 3; 630c, l. 5; 648, ll. 2, 5, 10, 12, 23, 75; 657, l. 348; (Παχό(ν)) 630b, l. 3 Pauni (ibd 2 Smw) 620c, l. 1; 625a, l. 1; (Παῦνι) 628b, l. 2; 630a, l. 3; 648, ll. 6, 76; (Pauni?) 657, l. 373; (Π[αῦνι]) 663, l. 30 Epeiph (ibd 3 Smw) 620a, l. 1; b, l. 1; f, l. 4; 625b, l. 3; (Ἐπείφ) 629, l. 3; 648, l. 77 Mesore (ibd 4 Smw) 620b, l. 5; g, l. 3; 626, l. 3; (Μεσορή) 648, ll. 7, 10

4.2 Macedonian Xandikos (Ξαντ̣ικοῦ) 661, l. 1

4.3 Roman Sebastos (Σεβασ(τοῦ)) 627c, l. 4; (Σεβαστῶι) 648, ll. 34, 37, 55, 68; 651, l. 109

5.

Names and prosopography of Jews

Abietos m. (Ἀβιή̣του) f. of Papias 627a, l. 1; 627c, l. 1; (Ἀ[βιήτου]) 627b, l. 1 Abraham m. 1. (Ἀβραΐμου) f. of Daleas 628a, l. 1; 628b, l. 1 2. ([Ἀ]βρά[μου]) 652, Frg. 2, l. 3 3. (Ἄβραμο(ς)) s. of Theophilos (no. 2) 654, l. 68 4. (Ἀβρ[άμ]ῳ) s. of Philo[...] 657, Col. XVII, l. 371 5. (Ἀβράμου) 660, Col. II, l. 6 Agenor m. (Ἀγήνω(ρ)) s. of Dosthes (no. 2), b. of Jacob (no. 7), f. of Dosthes (no. 3) 651, ll. 19, 20 Alexas m. (Ἀλεξ[ᾶτος]) f. of Jesus (no. 6) 659, verso, Col. II, l. 13 Alphianos m. (’Αλφιανόν) 681, ll. 24-5 Ananias m. (Ἀν̣α̣ν̣ίου) 661, l. 8 Angion m. (Ἀγγίω(νος)) f. of Sostratos 651, ll. 54, 114 Annaios/as see Onias

Apelles (Ἀπελλῆ(ς)) s of. Joseph (no. 9) 647, l. 2 Apol[...]tros m. (Ἀπ̣ο̣λ̣ ̣ ̣τρο(υ)) f. of Isaac (10) alias Diophanes 651, l. 90 Apollonios m. 1. Ἀ[π]ολλώ(νιος) s. of Agenor, b. of Dosthes (no. 2), nephew of Jacob (no. 7)? 651, l. 21 2. (Ἀπολλωνίῳ) s. of Isaac (no. 18) 657, l. 350 Aulaios m. (Αὐλαίου) 629, l. 1 Bokchoris m. 1. (Βόκχορις) s. of Joseph (no. 1) 631, l. 1 2. (Βόκχορις) f. of Dosthes (no. 1) and Sambathis (no. 1) 643, ll. 7, 10 Chelkias m. (Χ̣ε̣λ̣κίαι) 645, l. 2 Daleas m. (Δαλέας) s. of Abraham (no. 1) 628a, l. 1; 628b, l. 1 Dareis m. (Δαρ̣ε̣ῖς) s. of Joseph (no. 15) 652, Frg. 2, l. 8

Names and prosopography of Jews

Demok( ) m. (Δημοκ( )) s. of Joseph (no. 7) 644, l. 14 Dio[...] m. (Διο.[ ]) f. of Philon (no. 3) 652, Frg. 6, l. 4 Diophanes m. (Διοφάνη(ς)) alias Isaac (no. 10), s. of Apol[...]tros, 651, l. 90 Dios m. (Δίου) s. of Isaac (no. 19), f. of Pakysis 658, l. 4 Doras m. (Δωρᾶτος) f. of Philous (no. 1) 652, Frg. 1, Col. II, l. 4 Dositheos m. (Δωσιθ( )) s. of Shabtai (no. 5) 654, l. 71 Dosthes m. 1. (Δωσθῆς) s. of Bokchoris (no. 2), b. of Sambathis (no. 1) 643, l. 10 2. (Δωσθ(οῦ)) f. of Jacob (no. 7), Agenor and Apollonios 651, ll. 18, 19 3. (Δωσθ(ῆς)) s. of Agenor 651, l. 20 4. (Δωσθ(οῦ)) f. of Shabtai (no. 3) and Joseph (no. 12) 651, l. 50 5. (Δωσθ(οῦ)) f. of Isaac (no. 13) 651, l. 103 6. (Δωσθ(ῆς)) s. of Jacob (no. 7) 651, l. 106 Dropides m. (Δροπί(δης)) s. of Ptolemaios (no. 1) 651, l. 12 Eleazar m. 1. (Ἐλεάζ(αρος)) f. of Tryphon (no. 2) 653, ll. 70, 122 2. (Λαζ̣[άρου]) f. of Thettas 659, verso, Col. II, l. 10 Euktemon m. (Εὐκτη(μονος)) f. of Shabtai (no. 2) and Jacob (no. 9)? 651, ll. 49, 55 Eulalos (Εὔλ̣α̣λος) 677, Col. II, ll. 3, 26 Euterpes f. ([Ἐυτέ]ρπης) 652, Frg. 9, l. 6 Hanias see Onias Harmais m. (Ἁρμάϊος) s. of Panetbauis? 649, l. 4 Harpamous m. (Ἁρπαμο(ῦς)) s. of Isaac (no. 6) 651, l. 22 Heras m. 1. (Ἡρᾶτος) f. of Philous (no. 2), s. of Philippos (no. 1) 652, Frg. 1, Col. II, l. 7 2. (Ἡρᾶτος) f. of Isaac (no. 17) 653, l. 108 Honias see Onias Iakob / Iakoub, see Jacob Iaseibis, see Yashib Iason m. 1. (YAswn) s. of Jesus (no. 1) 621, l. 2 2. (Ἰάσων(ος)) alias Philon (no. 1), f. of Pesouris 632, l. 1

207

3. (Ἰάσωνι) 656, Col. VI, l. 2, Col. X, l. 1 Iesou / Iesous, see Jesus Ioannes, see Yohanan Ionas m. (Ἰωνᾶτ(ος)) 644, l. 6 Ioses / Iosephos / Iosepos, see Joseph Ioudaios m. (Ἰουδαίωι) 656, Col VII, l. 1; Col. X, l. 17 Ioudanos, see Judah Ioudas, see Judah Isaac m. 1. (YSHg) s. of Thaumastos, b. of Jacob (no. 2), Nikias and Petays 620g, l. 1 2. (Ἰσάκιος) 644, l. 8 3. (Ἰσάκι) 648, ll. 13, 41-2, 44, 49-50, 55, 57, 59, 60, 63 4. (Ἰσάκε̣(ως)) f. of Papos 651, l. 10 5. (Ἰσάκεω(ς)) f. of Theophilos (no. 1) 651, l. 14 6. (Ἰσάκε[ω(ς)]) f. of Harpamous 651, l. 22 7. (Ἰσάκεως) f. of Ploution 651, l. 37 8. (Ἰσὰκ) s. of Ploution 651, l. 38 9. (Ἰσάκεως) f. of Straton 651, l. 86 10. (Ἰσὰκ) alias Diophanes, s. of Apol[…]tros 651, l. 90 11. (Ἰσάκιος) s. of Theodoros (no. 1) 651, l. 94 12. ([Ἰσ]άκις) s. of Thedas 651, l. 97 13. (Ἰσάκις) s. of Dosthes (no. 5) 651, l. 103 14. (Ἰσάκις) s. of Protarchos 651, l. 115 15. (Ἰσάκιος) f. of Menelaos 653, ll. 33, 71 16. (Ἰσᾶκ[ις]) s. of Nikias (no. 2) 653, l. 78 17. (Ἰσᾶκις) s. of Heras (no. 2) 653, l. 108 18. (Ἰσάκι[ο]ς) f. of Apollonios (no. 2) 657, l. 350 19. (Ἰσάκεω[ς]) f. of Dios 658, l. 4 Isak / Isakis / Isakios, see Isaac Ismailos m. (Ἰσμαίλ[ου]) 633, l. 4 Jacob 1. (YAqwbs) f. of Thaumastos 620a, l. 3; 620f, l. 2; (Yqwbs) 620b, l. 2-3; 620c, ll. 2, 3, 5 2. (YAqwbs) s. of Thaumastos, b. of Nikias, Isaac (no. 1) and Petays 620d, ll. 2 3. (Ἰα̣κούβ(ου)) 644, l. 2 4. ([Ἰ]α̣[κ]ώ(βου)) 644, l. 3 5. (Ἰακ[ώβ(ου)]) 644, l. 18 6. (Ἰακοῦβ(ου)) f. of Ptolemaios (no. 1) 651, l. 13 7. (Ἰάκουβ(ος)) s. of Dosthes (no. 2), b. of Agenor, f. of Dosthes (no. 6) and Apollonios 651, ll. 18, 106 8. (Ἰάκ[ου]β̣(ος)) 651, l. 45 9. ([Ἰ]άκουβ(ος)) s. of Euktemon? 651, l. 56

208

Indices

10. (Ἰάκουβ(ος)) s. of Peitholaos, b. of Theodoros (no. 2) 651, l. 93 11. (Ἰάκουβ(ος)) 651, l. 118 12. (Ἰ̣α̣κ̣[...]) f. of Shabtai (no. 4) 651, l. 119 13. (Ἰα̣κούβου) 652, Frg. 10, l. 6 14. (Ἰακουβ) 655, l. 18 15. (Ἰακούβ(ου)) 659, recto, Col. I, l. 5 16. (Ἰακούβιο[ς] 682, l. 9 Jesus m. 1. (Ysw) f. of Iason (no. 1) 621, l. 2 2. (YAsw) f. of Kineas 624, l. 2 3. (YAsw) s. of Tebah 625a, l. 2; 625b, l. 1; 625c, l. 1 4. (Ἰησο(ῦς)) alias Shabtai (no. 1), s. of. Papios 630a, l. 1; 630b, l. 1; 630c, ll. 2-3 5. (Ἰησοῦς) 637, l. 1 6. (Ἰησοῦς) s. of Alexas 659, verso, Col. II, l. 13 Joseph m. 1. (Ἰω̣[σήπ(ου)]) f. of Bokchoris 631, l. 1 2. (Ἰώσηφος) 634, l. 5 3. (Ἰωσ̣ή̣που) f. of Kl[ ]thos 640, l. 4 4. (Ἰωσήπου) f. of Komonos 640, l. 18 5. (Ἰώσεφος) s. of Sembes 643, l. 9 6. (Ἰωσήπ(ιος)) 644, l. 9 7. (Ἰωσῆπ(ιος)) f. of Demok( ) 644, l. 14 8. (Ἰωσήπ̣(ιος)) 644, l. 15 9. (Ἰωσή̣πο(υ)) f. of Apelles 647, l. 2 10. (Ἰωσήπου) f. of Panetbauis 649, ll. 3-4 11. (Ἰωσήπ(ιος)) f. of Nikon 651, l. 8 12. (Ἰωσῆ(π)) s. of Dosthes (no. 4)? 651, l. 51 13. (Ἰωσήπο(υ)) f. of Sopatros 651, l. 85 14. ([...].πο( )) s. of Teres 651, l. 96 15. (Ἰωσήπου) s. of Tryphon (no. 1), f. of Dareis 652, Frg. 2, l. 8 16. (Ἰωσήπ[ο]υ̣) f. of Mareinos 657, l. 199 17. (Ἰωσή(που)) cowherd 659, recto Col. I, l. 3 18. (Ἰωσή[που]) f. of Yohanan (no. 2) 660, Col. II, l. 3 19. (Ἰώσης) JIGRE 172, l. 3 Judah m. 1. (Ywvs) s. of Lysimachos 626, l. 1 2. (Ἰουδάνος) 635, l. 4 Kineas m. (GynAs) s. of Jesus (no. 2) 624, l. 2 Kl[ ]thos f. (Κλ[ ̣]θ̣ω̣τος) d. of Joseph (no. 3) 640, l. 3 Komonos m. (Κωμόνου) s. of Joseph (no. 4) 640, l. 17 Laudike f. (Λαυδ[ίκης]) 652, Frg. 3, l. 6

Lysias / Lysimachos m. (Lwsy) f. of Judah (no. 1) 626, l. 1 Mareinos m. (Μαρείνῳ) s. of Joseph (no. 16) 657, l. 199 Menelaos m. (Μενέλαος) s. of Isaac (no. 15) 653, ll. 33, 71 Nikias m. 1. (NygyAs) s. of Thaumastos, b. of Jacob (no. 2), Isaac (no. 1) and Petays 620e, l. 2 2. (Νικίου) f. of Isaac (no. 16) 653, l. 78 Nikon m. (Νίκω(ν)) s. of Joseph (no. 9) 651, l. 8 Onias m. 1. (1nyAs) s. of Zakur 622, l. 2 2. (Ἀνν̣αιο[ ]) 633, l. 2 Pakysis m. (Πακῦσις) s. of Dios 658, l. 4 Panetbauis m. (Πανετβαύιος) s. of Joseph (no. 14), f. of Harmais? 649, l. 3 Papias m. 1. (Παπίας) s. of Abietos 627a, l. 1; 627b, l. 1; 627c, l. 1 2. (Παπίου), f. of Shabtai (no. 1) alias Jesus (no. 4) 630a, l. 1; 630b, l. 1; 630c, l. 3 Papos m. Πάπο(ς) s. of Isaac (no. 4) 651, l. 10 Peitholaos m. (Πειθολ(άου)) f. of Jacob (no. 10) and Theodoros (no. 2) 651, ll. 93, 116 Pesouris m. (Πεσο(ῦρις)) s. of Iason (no. 2) 632, l. 1 Petalos m. (Πετάλου) 652, Frg. 10, l. 1 Petaus m. (Ptw) s. of Thaumastos, b. of Jacob (no. 2), Nikias and Isaac (no. 1) 620h, l. 1 Petou, see Petaus Phil[...] m/f (Φιλ[ ̣ ̣]) 652, Frg. 5, Col. II, l. 1 Philippos m. 1. (Φιλίππου) f. of Heras 652, Frg. 1, Col. II, l. 7 2. (Φιλίπ̣π̣ο̣υ̣) 652, Frg. 3, l. 10 Philo[...] m. (Φιλω[…]) f. of Abraham (no. 4) 657, l. 371 Philon m. 1. (Φίλωνος) alias Iason (no. 2), f. of Pesouris 632, l. 1 2. (Φίλων) 652, Frg. 6, l. 1 3. ([Φ]ίλων) s. of Dio[...] 652, Frg. 6, l. 4 4. (Φίλων) s. of Simon 652, Frg. 8, Col. II, l. 5 Philous m/f 1. m/f (Φιλοῦς) s./d. of Doras 652, Frg. 1, Col. II, l. 4

Names and prosopography of Jews

2. m/f (Φιλοῦς) s./d. of Heras and Tryphas 652, Frg. 1, Col. II, l. 7 3. m/f (Φι[λοῦς] (?)) 652, Frg. 1, Col. III, l. 1 4. m/f (Φιλοῦς̣) 652, Frg. 1, Col. III, l. 4 5. f (Φ̣ιλοῦτος) m. of PN 652, Frg. 4, l. 6 6. m/f (Φιλοῦς) 652, Frg. 8, Col. II, l. 1 7. m/f (Φιλοῦς) 652, Frg. 8, Col. II, l. 7 8. m/f (Φιλοῦς) 652, Frg. 8, Col. II, l. 12 Ploution m. (Πλουτ(ίων)) s. of Isaac (no. 7), f. of Isaac (no. 8) 651, ll. 37, 38 Protarchos m. (Προτάρχ(ου)) f. of Isaac (no. 14) 651, l. 115 Ptolemaios m. 1. (Πτολ(εμαίου)) f. of Dropides, s. of Jacob (no. 6) 651, ll. 12, 13 2. ([Πτολ]ε̣μαίου̣) 652, Frg. 3, l. 6 Ptollas m. (Πτο̣λ(λᾶτος)) s. of Jacob (no. 5) 644, l. 18 Rebekka f. (Ῥεβέκκα) 659, verso, Col. I, l. 4 Sakolaos m. (Σακολάο̣υ)̣ 648, l. 12 Sambas m. 1. (Σαμβα( )) 644, l. 5 2. (Σ̣α̣μβᾶς̣) 646, l. 8 Sambathion, see Shabtai Sambathios m. (Σαμβαθίου) f. of Sambathis (no. 2)? 643, l. 11 Sambathis m/f. 1. (Σαμβᾶθις) s./d. of Bokchoris (no. 2), b. of Dosthes (no. 1) 643, l. 7 2. (Σαμβᾶθις) s./d. of Sambathios? 643, l. 11 Sambathous f. ([Σαμβα(?)]θο̣ῦτ̣ ος) m. of PN 652, Fr. 5, Col. I, l. 1 Saul m. (4Awls) s. of PN 623, l. 1 Sembes m. (Σεμβήους) f. of Joseph (no. 5) 643, l. 9 Shabtai m. 1. (Σαμβαθίω(ν)) alias Jesus (no. 4), s. of Papias (no. 2) 630a, l. 1; 630b, l. 1; 630c, l. 2 2. (Σαμβα̣[θίω(ν)]) s. of Euktemon 651, l. 49, 55 3. (Σαμβαθίω(ν)) s. of Dosthes (no. 4), b. of Joseph (no. 12) 651, l. 50 4. (Σαμβαθί[ω(ν)]) s. of Jacob (no. 12) 651, l. 119 5. (Σαμβαθιο( )) f. of Dositheos (no. 3) 654, l. 71 Simon m. (Σί[μωνος]) f. of Philon (no. 4) 652, Frg. 8, Col. II, l. 5    

209

Sopatros m. (Σώπατρο(ς)) s. of Joseph (no. 13) 651, l. 85 Sostratos m. (Σώστρα(τος)) s. of Angion 651, ll. 54, 114 Straton m. (Στράτω(ν)) s. of Isaac (no. 9) 651, l. 86 Tebah m. (6bH) f. of Jesus (no. 3) 625a, l. 2; 625b, l. 2; 625c, l. 1 Thaumastos m. (6hwmsthAs) s. of Jacob (no. 1), f. of Jacob (no. 2), Nikias, Isaac (no. 1) and Petays 620a, l. 2; 620f, l. 1; (6hwmsths) 620b, l. 2; (6hwmstAs) 620c, ll. 1, 4; (6hwmstyAs) 620d, ll. 2-3; 620e, ll. 2-3; 620g, ll. 1-2; 620h, l. 1; (Θαύμαστο[ς]) 620a, l. 5 Thedas m. (Θηδᾶτο(ς)) f. of Isaac (no. 12) 651, l. 97 Thedetos m. (Θηδετο) 682, l. 2 Theodoros m. 1. (Θεοδώ(ρου)) f. of Isaac (no. 11) 651, l. 94 2. (Θεό̣δ̣ωρ̣ο̣(ς)) s. of Peitholaos, b. of Jacob (no. 10) 651, l. 116 Theophilos m. 1. (Τεύφιλο(ς)) s. of Isaac (no. 5) 651, l. 14 2. (Θεοφίλο(υ)) f. of Abraham (no. 3) 654, l. 68 Thettas m. (Θεττᾶς) s. of Eleazar (no. 2) 659, verso, Col. II, l. 10 Tryphaina/Tryphas f. ([Τ]ρ̣υφα̣[ίνης]) 652, Frg. 3, l. 1 Tryphas f. (Τ̣ρυφᾶτος) m. of Philous (no. 2) 652, Frg. 1, Col. II, l. 7 Tryphon m. 1. (Τ̣ρ̣ύφω̣[νος]) f. of Joseph (no. 15) 652, Frg. 2, l. 8 2. (Τρύφων) s. of Eleazar (no. 1) 653, ll. 70, 122 Yashib m. (Ἰασεί̣β(εως)) weaver 659, recto, Col. I, l. 14 Yohanan m. 1. (Ἰωάννου) 636, l. 4 2. (Ἰωάννου) s. of Joseph (no. 18) 660, Col. II, l. 3 Zakur m. (4qwr) f. of Onias (no. 1) 622, l. 2 

210

Indices

6.

Ethnica

Alexandrians (Ἀλεξανδρέων) 672, ll. 6-7; 676, l. 9; 677, Col. I, l. 12; Col. II, l. 34-5; Col. III, ll. 5, 7-8, 27-8 Arabian (Ἄραψ/Ἀράβου) 647, l. 1; 648, ll. 49, 66 Greeks (Ἑλλή(νων)) 671, ll. 8, 16, 31, 39; 672, l. 9 Ioudaios (Ἰουδαίος/Ἰουδαίου) 638, l. 6; 641, l. 10; 646, l. 8; 648, ll. 12, 13, 42, 44, 50, 55, 57, 59, 60; 656, Col VII, l. 1; Col. X, l. 17; 662, l. 2; 676, l. 12; 678, l. 3; (Ἰουδ(αικοῦ) [τελέσματος]) 650 Col. II, l. 14 (Ἰουδ̣α̣ικοῦ

7. ambassadors of the Alexandrians ([Ἀλεξ]α̣νδρέων πρέσβεις) 676, ll. 7, 9 arabarches (ἀραβάρχην) Appendix to Acta, l. 7 duplicarius (διπλοκάριος̣) 666, l. 15 elders (γερό[ντω]ν̣) 677, Col. I, l. 14 epistates phylakiton ([ἐπ]ι̣στάτῃ φυλ(ακιτῶν)) 646, l. 1 epitropos (steward) (ἐπιτρόπ(ωι)) 665, l. 36 gymnasiarchos 676, n. to ll. 5-7; 677, n. to ll. 33-4; (γυμνασιάρχου) Appendix to Acta, ll. 2, 4 hegemon of the first guild (ἡγ(ούμενος) (τῆς πρώτης) σ(υνόδου)) 659, recto, Col. I, ll. 1, 3

8.

Titles hegemon (of the guild) of the cowherds (ἡγ(ούμενος) βουκ(όλων)) 659, recto, Col. I, ll. 1, 6 hypomnematographos (ὑπομνηματογράφον) Appendix to Acta, l. 5 policeman (ἔφοδ(ος)) 659, recto, Col. I, ll. 9, 11, verso, Col. I, l. 2 prostates of the guild (σ(υνόδου) προ̣στάτι) 659, verso, Col. I, l. 9 tax gatherer 650, Col. II (ἀπαιτη(τ ) ἀρ[γ(υρικῶν)) ll. 9, (ἀπαιτη(τ )) Ἰουδ(αικοῦ) [τελέσματος]) 14 tribunus militum (χιλίαρχο̣ν̣) Appendix to Acta, l. 5

Professions of Jews

camel-driver (καμηλ(ίτου)) 636, l. 3 cowherd (βουκ(όλος)) 659, recto, Col. I, l. 3

9.

λόγου) 670 ll. 8, 15; 672, l. 8; (βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων)) 671 ll. 12, 15, 21, 25, 28, 31, 35, 39, 43, 44, 48, 52, 55, 60, 76, 80, 83, 87; (βασι(ικῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδαίω[ν]) 671a l. 5 Jew, see Ioudaios Macedonian (Μακ̣εδ̣ο̣νιαν) 677, Col. III, l. 6 Mede (μη̣δο.[.]) 662, l. 3 Persian of the epigone (Περσῶν τῆς ἐπιγονῆς) 649, l. 5; (Πέρσαις) 673, l. 30 Samaritan (Σαμαρείτ(ῃ)) 656, Col. VI, l. 2; Col. X, l. 1

weaver (γέρδ(ιος)) 659, recto, Col. I, l. 14

Geographical locations

9.1 Locations mentioned in the papyri Achillion (Ἀχιλλίων(ος)) 659, recto Col. I, l. 5 Alexandria (Ἀλεξάνδρειαν) 665, l. 4; (667a-b); ([Ἀλε]ξανδρέων χώρᾳ) 672, ll. 6-7   Aphroditopolis (Ἀφροδί(της) πόλ(εως)) 655, l. 17 Apollonopolite (Ἀπολ̣[λωνοπολίτου]) 664c, l. 22 Arabon komme? 647, l. 1 Ath(ychis) (Ἀθ(ῦχις)) 644, ll. 7, 24 Berenikis (Βερεν(ικίδος)) 650, Col. I, l. 13, (Βερνικ(ίδος)) Col. II, l. 12

Boubastos (Βο(υβάστου)) 653, l. 79; 654, ll. 68, 71 Bousiris (Βουσ[ίρεως]) 650, Col. II, l. 18 Chenoboskia (Χηνοβόσκ[ι]α) 666, l. 16 Ch(ysis) (Χ(ῦσις)) 644, ll. 6, 11, 14 Hellenion (Ἑλλ̣η̣(νίου)) 645, ll. 1, 5 Hermopolis (Ἑρμοῦ-πόλις) 666, ll. 18-9 Ibion (Ἰβιῶνος) 650, Col. II, ll. 13, 16 Jerusalem (Ἱεροσόλυμα) 679, l. 7 Kerkethoeris (Κερκεθουήρε̣ω̣ς̣) 646, l. 9

Technical terms

Koptos (Κ[ό]πτῳ̣) 663, l. 29 Kynopolis (Κυνῶν̣ πόλεως) 658, l. 7 Lysimachis (Λυσι(μαχίδος)) 650, Col. II, l. 17 Memphis (Μέμφι) 642, l. 10 Mendes (Μένδ(ητος)) 654, l. 69 Neapolis (Νέ[αν Πόλιν]) 667b, l. 8 Prektis (Πρήκτεως) 671a, l. 2 Ostia (Ὠστίαν) 677, Col. II, l. 4 Oxyrhyncha (Ὀξυρ(ύγχων)) 650, Col. I, l. 11 Oxyrhynchites (Ὀξυρυγχείτου) 665, l. 25 Philodamean estate (Φιλ(οδαμιανῆς)) 653, ll. 70, 120; (Φιλοδα(μιανῆς)) 671, ll. 40, 44 Philopator (Φιλοπ(άτορος)) 671, ll. 12, 16, 21, 25, 28, 32, 36, 40, 44, 48, 52, 60, 72, 80, 83, 87 Polemon meris (Πολέμ̣ωνος μερίδος) 646, l. 4; 658, l. 7

211

Po(nis) (Πω(νις)) 644, l. 23 Psenhyris (Ψενύρ[εω]ς̣) 657, l. 350; Ψενυρίτη(ς) 659, recto Col. I, l. 7 Psentymis (Ψεντ( ) τὸ) 650, Col. I, l. 14 Psobthis (Ψωβθ[ ̣]ν) 662, l. 4 Rome (Ῥ̣ώμην) 677, Col. II, l. 6 Sepho (Σ̣[ε]φ̣ο) 640, ll. 1, ([Σε]φῶ̣) 14 Sin(kepha) (Σιγ(κήφα)) 644, ll. 3, 8, 9, 15, 17 Soknopaiou Nesos (Σοκ(νοπαίου Νῆσος)) 682, l. 9 Tarouthinas (Ταρουθίνου) 640, ll. 19-20 Tebtynis (Τεβτύνεως) 646, ll. 3, (Τ̣εβτύ̣ν̣[ει]) 11 Theogonis (Θεογ(ονίδος)) 650, Col. I, l. 12 Thmesepho toparchy (Θ̣μ̣ε̣σ̣ε̣φ̣ὼ̣ τ̣οπ ̣ αρχίας) 640, ll. 14-5

9.2 Locations where papyri were found Abydos JIGRE 172  Alexandria Appendix to Acta; JIGRE 173 Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) 620a-h; 621; 622; 623; 624; 625a-c; 626; 627a-c; 628a-b; 629; 630a-c; 631; 632; 633 Arsinoe (Fayum) 651? 657 Arsinoite nome 671; 682 Denderah JIGRE 171a Edfu, see Apollinopolis Magna Fayum 653?; 677?; 678? Herakleides meris (Fayum) 649; 654; 655 Herakleopolis 645? Hermopolis 663; 664a-e; 665; 666

Hermopolite nome 671a Karanis 667a-b Kharga Oasis JIGRE 171b-c  Medinet Madi (Fayum) 668 Mons Claudianus 635; 636; 637 Oxyrhynchite nome 640; 643?; 644 Oxyrhynchos 641; 673; 674; 675; 676; 679 Philadelphia (Fayum) 647; Appendix to 647; 648 Polemon meris (Fayum) 650 ; 658 Segontium (Caernarfon, Wales) 681 Tebtynis (Fayum) 646; 652; 656 Umm Balad 638; 639

10. Technical terms bankers (τραπεζίταις) 670, l. 11 citizenship (πο[λ]ειτείαν) 677, Col. III, l. 22 conventus (διαλογισ̣μ̣ὸ̣[ν]) 642, ll. 3-4 crown of valour (στέφ[α]ν̣ον) 677, Col. III, l. 35 decurio (δεκουρίωνι) 649, l. 1 dioikesis (διοι(κήσεως)) 653 ll. 71, 78, 121 exchange bank (κολλυβισ̣τ[̣ ικῆς τραπέζης]) 661, l. 8 fourth quarter (δ̅ ἀμφόδου) 630c, l. 1 guilds/associations σ(υνόδου) 659, recto Col. I, ll. 1, 6, 7, 9, 10, 13 verso Col. I, l. 9; (σ̣τ̣εμμάτων) 672, l. 10 guild of barbers (σ(υνόδῳ) τοῖς κουρεῦσι) 659, recto, Col. I, l. 8

(guild) of cowherds (βουκ(όλων)) 659, recto, Col. I, l. 3 guild of beer-sellers (ζ(υτοπώλων) σ(υνόδῳ)) 659, recto Col. I, ll. 5, 12, verso Col. I, l. 4, 11 homeland (πατρίδος) 677, Col. I, ll. 4-5; Col. III, ll. 15-6 idios logos (ἰδίου λόγου) 642, l. 3 Jewish account (Ἰουδ̣α̣ικοῦ λόγου) 670, ll. 8, 15; 672, l. 8 katoikic lands 671, ll. κατ(οικικὸν) 17, κατ(οικικὰ) ἐδ(άφη) 22, 23, 26, 36, 41, (48), 84, 88 ousia (οὐσι(ακῶν)) 653, l. 79

212

Indices

ousia having once belonged to Jews (οὐσ(ίας) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων)) 671, ll. 44, 55, 80, 83, 87 ousia of Agrippina (Ἀγριπινιανῆς οὐσίας) 672, l. 5 ousia of Akte (Ἀκτηιανῆς οὐσίας) 672, l. 6 ousia of Doryphoros (Δορυφοριανῆς οὐσ(ίας)) 671, ll. 55, 56, 57, 61, 77, 80, 83, 87, 88; (672, l. 4) ousia of Philodamos (Φιλοδα(μιανῆς) οὐσ(ίας)), (653, ll. 70, 120); 671, ll. 40, 44, 45 ousia(i) of Titus (οὐσιῶν Τίτου) 670, ll. 2, 7, 12, 14; (672, l. 4) ousia of Vespasian (οὐσιῶν Οὐεσπασιανοῦ) 670, ll. 5, 12 prosodos land (προσόδ(ου) γῆ) 671, ll. 25 ((πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων)), 26, 56, 69, 73 quarter (ἀμφοδαρχίᾳ) 645, l. 5 royal land (βασιλ(ικὴ) γ(ῆ)) 671, ll. 1, 13, 18, 22, 26, 28, 65, 78, 93, 99 having once belonged to Greeks ((πρότερον) Ἑ̣λ̣λ̣ή̣(νων)) 671, ll. 8, 16, 31, 39 having once belonged to Jews (βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) (πρότερον) Ἰουδ(αίων)) 671, ll.

12, 15, 21, 28, 31, 35, 39, 43, 48, 52, 60?, 76 smithy (στολωτηρίωι) 635, l. 6 taxes: bath-tax (βαλ(ανευτικοῦ)) 627b, l. 1; 627c, l. 3; 628b, l. 2; 630a, l. 3; 648, l. 28 dyke-tax (pA wS nby) 620h, l. 2; 625c, l. 2; (χω(ματικοῦ)) 628b, l. 2; 630a, l. 2 fruit-tax (pA HD tky) 622, l. 3; 623, l. 2 Jewish tax (Ἰουδ(αικοῦ) τελ(έσματος)) 629, l. 3?; 630b, l. 2; 632, l. 2; 650, Col. II, l. 14; 652 pig-tax (ὑικ(ῆς)) 651, ll. 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120 police-tax (φυ(λακιτικοῦ)) 630a, l. 3 poll-tax (Hmt ap.t) 620a, ll. 3-4; 620b, l. 3; 620c, l. 2; 620e, l. 3; 620f, ll. 2-3; 620g, l. 2; 624, l. 3; 625a, l. 3; 625b, l. 2; 626, l. 2 (λαογρ(αφίας)) 630c, l. 3; 650, Col. II, l. 11; (651) sacred sheep tax/rent (φόρου ἱερατικ(ῶν) προβ̣̣(άτων)) 627a, l. 2 sacred dates, value of (φοινίκ(ων) ἱερατ(ικῶν)) 628a, l. 2

 

 

11. Religion Adoration/obeisance (προσκύνημα) 665 l. 30; 667a l. 4; 667b ll. 4-5; JIGRE 172, ll. 1-2 gods 664a, l. 5; 664e, l. 11; 667a, l. 5; 667b, l. 6; 676, l. 14; JIGRE 171a, l. 2 Elohei-Sabbaot (Ἐλωαῖε Σαβαωθ) 681, ll. 1-3 Elyon (ελλιων) 681, l. 7 Iao (ιαω) 681, l. 5 I am who I am (ειε εσαρ ειε) 681, ll. 3-4 Osiris-Noferhotep (JIGRE 171a) Geb (JIGRE 171a)

Lord (’Αδωναῖε) 681, l. 1 Sarapis (Σαράπ[ιδι]) (667a, l. 5), 667b, l. 6 Tetragramaton in ancient Hebrew Script (ḥẉḥỵ) 674 A, ll. 5, 12, 14; D, ll. 11, 14; 675, ll. 2, 5; Passover (638) Sarapeum (Σαρα[π]είωι) 665, l. 30-1 temples (ἱερoῖς) 676, l. 15; great (μέγα ἱερόν) 679, l. 6 (JIGRE 171a; b-c; 172)

Table of measurements Demotic rtb  hD hD-qt Sttr Dba

artaba > A volume measurement of Persian origin, equivalent to 38.8 litres (Bagnall 2009, 186-7). See also ἀρτάβη (artaba) in Greek. silver deben > The basic weight and monetary unit of the Egyptian measuring system, containing 91 grams of silver. In the sources, it is simply referred to as hD (silver). One hD equals 10 HD-qt (silver kite; see Muhs 2005, 24). silver kite > A weight and monetary unit containing 9.1 grams silver, equalling 1 shekel and 2 drachmai (Muhs 2005, 24). stater = tetradrachma = denarius > A weight and monetary unit equivalent to the Roman denarius. One stater equals 4 drachmai and 2 kite (Bagnall 2009, 189; Geissen 2012, 561-83). See also στατήρ in Greek. obolos > A subdivision of the drachma equalling the old Semitic ma‘ah. 6 oboloi equal 1 drachma (Bagnall 2009, 189).

Greek ἄρουρα ἀρτάβη δηνάριον δραχμή ὀβολός μάτιον στατήρ τάλαντον χαλκοῦς χοῖνιξ χοῦς

aroura > The basic unit of area measurement being 10,000 square Egyptian cubits, i.e. 2756.25 m² (Bagnall 2009, 185). artaba > A volume measurement of Persian origin, equivalent to 38.8 litres and divided into 10 matia (= metra) and 40 choinikes (Bagnall 2009, 186-7). See also rtb (artaba) in Demotic. denarius = stater = tetradrachma > A weight and monetary unit equivalent to 4 drachmai (Bagnall 2009, 190). See also Sttr in Demotic and στατήρ in Greek. drachma > The basic weight and currency unit. While the Attic drachma contained 4.3 grams silver, the lighter Ptolemaic and early-Roman drachma was only 3.5 grams. The drachma was subdivided into 6 oboloi (Bagnall 2009, 190). obolos > A subdivision of the drachma equalling the old Semitic ma‘ah. 6 oboloi equal 1 drachma (Bagnall 2009, 189). mation (= metron) > A dry measure equalling a tenth of an artaba, i.e. 3.88 litres (Bagnall 2009, 186-7). stater = tetradrachma = denarius > A weight and monetary unit equivalent to the Roman denarius and to 4 drachmai (Bagnall 2009, 190). See also Sttr in Demotic. talanton > The word means “weight,” and was the basic weighing unit. 1 talanton was equivalent to 60 mna and 6000 drachmai (Bagnall 2009, 189-90). chalkous > A subdivision of the obolos, in which there are 8 chalkoi (Bagnall 2009, 189). choinix > A subdivision of the artaba equalling 0.97 litres (Bagnall 2009, 1867). chous > A subdivision of the metretes. The Attic chous, divided into 12 kotylai, equalled 3.25 litres, while the Arsinoite chous, divided also into 12 kotylai, approximated 4.875 litres (Kruit & Worp 1999; Bagnall 2009, 187-8).

Tables of sources, dates and locations of papyri in CPJ V 1. Table of sources 620a. MN 139801+139831 620b. O.IFAO Dem. 462 620c. MN 141806 620d. O.IFAO Dem. 106 620e. O.IFAO Dem. 91 620f. O.IFAO Dem. 5 620g. O.IFAO Dem. 51 620h. O.IFAO Dem. 63 621. O.IFAO Dem. 165 622. O.IFAO Dem. 120 623. O.IFAO Dem. 404+445 624. O.IFAO Dem. 65 625a. O.IFAO Dem. 625 625b. O.IFAO Dem. 624 625c. O.IFAO Dem. 626 626. O.IFAO Dem. 55 627a. O.Mus.Crac. 4 627b. O.Edfou II 293 627c. O.Edfou II 294 628a. O.Mus.Crac. 5 628b. O.Mus.Crac. 6 629. O.Heerlen BL 323 630a. O.Heerlen BL 334 630b. O.Heerlen BL 345 630c. O.Mus.Crac. 7 631. O.Mus.Crac. 8 632. O.Mus.Crac. 9 633. P.Stras. VII 609 634. O.Heid. 414 635. O.Claud. IV 751 636. O.Claud. I 32 637. O. Claud. IV 872 638. O.Ka.La. Inv. 228 639. O.Ka.La. Inv. 179 640. P.IFAO III 43 641. P.Oxy. LV 3807 642. P.Med. inv. 69.66 verso 643. CPR VII 2 644. P.NYU II 52 645. P.Med. inv. 69.59 646. P.Tebt. II 476 647. P.Mich. XII 638 Appendix to 647. P.Mich. XII 642 648. P.Mich. inv. 880 649. P.Mich. inv. 4354

650. P.Stras. IX 805 651. P.Harrauer 33 652. P.Carlsberg 421 653. P.Lond. II 194 654. P.Vind.Tand. 15 655. CPR VIII 4 656. P.Mil.Vogl. IV 212 657. P.Lond. III 1177 V 658. P.Stras. IX 868 659. P.Bon. ISA 3 660. P.Stras. V 361 661. P.Stras. IX 811 662. P.IFAO I 18 663. P.Giss. II 47 664a. P.Alex.Giss. 58 664b. P.Alex.Giss. 60 664c. P.Giss. I 21 664d. P.Alex.Giss. 59 664e. P.Giss. I 22 665. P.Brem. 48 666. P.Brem. inv. 7 667a. P.Mich. VIII 477 667b. P.Mich. VIII 478 668. SB X 10502 669. PSI IX 1063 670. P.Köln II 97 671. P.Berol. inv. 8143 ABC + 7397 recto 671a. P.Mich. inv. 1000 672. P.Berol. inv. 7440 673. P.Oxy. LXV 4443 674. P.Oxy. LXXVII 5101 675. P.Oxy. L 3522 676. P.Oxy. XLII 3021 677. P.Giss.Lit. 4.7 678. BKT IX 115 Appendix to the Acta SEG L 1563 679. P.Oxy. LXXIII 4950 680. P.Fouad 203 681. Kotansky 1994, no. 2 682. P. Messeri 32 JIGRE 171a. OGIS II 663 171b-c. OGIS II 669 172. Milne 1901, 38 173. Fiema 1985

Tables of sources, dates and locations of papyri in CPJ

215

2. Papyri of the early-Roman period sorted by date 1. 20 BCE/24/50/64 CE 2. 19 BCE/25/51/65 CE 3. 14 BCE 4. 6 BCE 5. 2 BCE 6. 1 BCE 7. 1st C BCE 8. 1 CE 9. 3 CE 10. 6 CE 11. 7 CE 12. 7 CE 13. 8 CE 14. 10 CE 15. 14 CE 16. 18 CE 17. 18 CE 18. 18 CE 19. 19 CE 20. 20/21 CE 21. 24/50/64 CE 22. 24-5/50-1/64-5 CE 23. 26-8 CE 24. 26/52/66 CE 25. 30 CE 26. 41-54 CE 27. 41-54 CE 28. 42 CE 29. 42 CE 30. 57 CE 31. 68 CE 32. 69 CE 33. 71-116 CE 34. 75-117 CE 35. 75-117 CE 36. 81-117 CE 37. 85 CE 38. 92/3 CE 39. 94/97 CE 40. 98 CE 41. 98-117 CE 42. 98-117 CE 43. 98-117 CE 44. 1st C CE 45. 1st C CE

628a 628b 620a 620b 621 622 659 623 620c 624 620d 620e 625a 625b 625c 620f 620g 626 620h 640 627a 627b 641 627c 646 647 Appendix to 647 649 JIGRE 171a 648 JIGRE 171b-c 642 650 654 655 639 629 652 638 630a 635 636 637 643 645

46. 1st C CE 47. 1st C CE 48. 1st C CE 49. 1st C CE 50. 1st C CE 51. 1st C CE 52. 1st C CE 53. 103 CE 54. 108 CE 55. 108 CE 56. 109 CE 57. 110 CE 58. 113 CE 59. 115/116 CE 60. 116 CE 61. 116 CE 62. 116/117 CE 63. 116/117 CE 64. 116/117 CE 65. 116/117 CE 66. 117 CE 67. 117 CE 68. 117 CE 69. 117-118 CE 70. 117-118 CE 71. 119-20/140-1/163-4 CE 72. 150-225 CE 73. 188-9 CE 74. 1st-2nd C CE 75. 1st-2nd C CE 76. 1st-2nd C CE 77. 1st-2nd C CE 78. 1st-2nd C CE 79. 1st-2nd C CE 80. 1st-2nd C CE 81. 1st-2nd C CE 82. 2nd C CE 83. 2nd C CE 84. 2nd C CE 85. 2nd C CE 86. 2nd C CE 87. 2nd C CE 88. 2nd-3rd C CE 89. 2nd-3rd C CE

651 653 660 675 676 Appendix to Acta JIGRE 172 630b 630c 631 656 632 657 663 665 666 664a 664b 667a 667b 664c 668 669 664d 664e 670 671a 671 633 634 673 674 680 681 682 JIGRE 173 644 658 661 662 672 679 677 678

216

Tables of sources, dates and locations of papyri in CPJ

3. Papyri of the early-Roman period sorted by geographical location 620a. 620b. 620c. 620d. 620e. 620f. 620g. 620h. 621. 622. 623. 624. 625a. 625b. 625c. 626. 627a. 627b. 627c. 628a. 628b. 629. 630a. 630b. 630c. 631. 632. 633. 634. 635. 636. 637. 638. 639. 640. 641. 642. 643. 644. 645. 646. 647. Appendix to 647. 648. 649.

Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu Edfu? Upper Egypt? Mons Claudianus Mons Claudianus Mons Claudianus Umm Balad Umm Balad Oxyrhynchite nome Oxyrhynchos Oxyrhynchos? Oxyrhynchite nome? Oxyrhynchite nome Herakleopolis/Arsinoites Tebtynis (Fayum) Philadelphia (Fayum) Philadelphia (Fayum) Philadelphia (Fayum) Herakleides meris (Fayum)

650. Polemon meris (Fayum) 651. Arsinoe (Fayum)? 652. Tebtynis (Fayum) 653. Fayum? 654. Herakleides meris (Fayum) 655. Herakleides meris (Fayum) 656. Tebtynis (Fayum) 657. Arsinoe (Fayum) 658. Polemon meris (Fayum) 659. Provenance unknown 660. Provenance unknown 661. Provenance unknown 662. Provenance unknown 663. Hermopolis 664a. Hermopolis 664b. Hermopolis 664c. Hermopolis 664d. Hermopolis 664e. Hermopolis 665. Hermopolis 666. Hermopolis 667a. Karanis (Fayum) 667b. Karanis (Fayum) 668. Medinet Madi (Fayum) 669. Provenance unknown 670. Provenance unknown 671. Arsinoite nome 671a. Hermopolite nome 672. Fayum? 673. Oxyrhynchos 674. Oxyrhynchos 675. Oxyrhynchos 676. Oxyrhynchos 677. Fayum? 678. Fayum? Appendix to Acta. Alexandria, Kom el-Dikka 679. Oxyrhynchos 680. Provenance unknown 681. Segontium, Wales 682. Arsinoite nome JIGRE 171a JIGRE 171b-c JIGRE 172 JIGRE 173

Denderah Kharga Oasis Abydos Alexandria, Kom el-Dikka