Chan-kuo Ts’e 0892641223, 9780892641222

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Chan-Kuo Ts‘e Translated by ).

I. CRUMP, Jr.

CLARENDON PRESS • OXFORD 1970

PREFACE It is my hope that this translation will give the interested non-specialist an impression congruent to that formed by an educated Chinese when he reads the Chan-kuo Ts'e. For this reason footnotes have been kept to a m inim um and words and phrases which I feel certain the Chinese implies are never fenced in with parentheses. Whenever there has been serious doubt in my mind, I bracket the material or place a bracketed question m ark after it. Brackets are used also to enclose those statements appearing at the end o f some items which scholars believe to be addi­ tions done by hands other than the original. Each item is indentified by its page number in the Ssu-pu Ts‘ung~k‘an (SPTK) edition o f the Chan-kuo T se and by an item number to refer the reader to the appropriate place in Kuo-tse K ‘an-yen (iCY). Explana­ tion o f these numbers and their use will be found on p.588. In addition to these mechanical guides to keep items distinct from one another Professor Hawkes has written headings for all four hundred and ninety-seven items which furnish excellent clues to their contents and a sensible w ay o f referring to them - there is nothing less likely to evoke the mem ory o f an anecdote or piece o f literature than citing it by number. Since the chronology o f the Warring States era is quite un­ certain, the dates assigned to the various rulers under whose names the items are grouped are meant to be only rough indications of the times these men are traditionally supposed to have lived. W ith this book, as w ith any extensive effort, attempts to acknow­ ledge all the help one has received are bound to fail, but there are a number o f persons (besides the one to whom this volume is dedicated) who deserve my warmest gratitude and public thanks. First and last it has been the fresh and inquiring interest of many students - some o f whom are colleagues now - which kept me at w ork on the Chan-kuo Ts(e, but for stimulating my interest in translating it for publication I must first thank Professor Paul Demiéville. I am grateful for his help with the publication o f “The Chan-kuo Ts‘e and Its Fiction” in T'oung Pao and for his conviction that I should and could translate the com­ plete work. Next came Professor David Hawkes’s invitation to con­ sider the Oxford Library o f East Asian Literatures as a means by which

viii

PR E FA C E

a complete translation might be published - this somehow made the job seem more conceivable. Subsequently, his scholarship and conscienti­ ous efforts to improve the book while avoiding the imposition o f taste have made him the ideal editor to w ork w ith and have greatly en­ hanced the final product. Valuable advice, encouragement and constructive criticism o f Intrigues: Studies of the Chan-kuo Tsle from a number o f scholars helped me stick to my last until it was finished. M y procedure in translating this w ork was to do the m ore interesting pieces first - a form o f self-indulgence carrying its own penalties, since once the cream had been skimmed off, the task of dealing with those not inconsiderable quantities o f thin milk which Chan-kuo Ts*e un­ fortunately contains became all the m ore laborious. For making the final stages o f this work pleasanter I want to thank the University o f Michigan's Department of Far Eastern Languages and Literature and the Center for Chinese Studies for the generosity which helped make available to me three charming and talented research assistants, Mrs. Vivian Ling Hsü, Miss Ruth Li, and finally Miss Sharon Perszyk who evoked the gentle ghost of Sister Hilary to tidy up m y orthography. T o all of these and others not mentioned, go my thanks and the hope that the product is worthy o f you. J.I.C. Ann Arbor and Oxford

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION

THE BO O K OF C H O U 1 Chou evades an extradition order

I

23

2 The Heir Apparent

23

3 Tso Shang advises caution and wins employment

24

4 C hou Tsui’s value

25

5 C hou’s honouring o f Ch'u-li Chi excused

26

6 Su Tai frees Chou from a levy and wins a tow n for her

26

7 Han Ch'ing’s persuasions free W est Chou from an onerous duty

28

8 W ei dissuaded from marching through W est Chou

29

9 A dangerous exchange o f territories is prevented

29

10 C hou Tsui seeks to avert a C h‘in attack

30

11

31

The ruler o f Chou loses a battle and wins a park

12 Chou’s minister in C h‘in is insured against blame

32

13 Po C h‘i and the parable o f the archer

33

14 C hou averts C h V s w rath by incriminating a victorious general

34

15 C hou cunningly complies with powerftd C h u in order to alarm Ch‘u’s rivals

34

16 Homage to C h‘in averted with W ei’s help

35

17 C hou Tsui advised on personal relations in the Ch‘in court

35

18 C hou Tsui dissuades the king o f C h‘in from attacking C hou

36

19 A secret alliance against C h‘in

36

20 The nine cauldrons

37

21 The fall o f Yi-yang

38

22 Han dissuaded from intervening in the quarrel o f East and W est Chou

39

23 East Chou supplied with an argument to dissuade others from aiding W est Chou

40

CONTENTS

X

24 West C hou opens the sluices and Su-tzu takes fees from both sides

40

25

Protocol defended

41

26

Shih Yen tells Chou how to escape from a dilemma and gain territory from Han

41

Chou provisions Ch'u's enemies but appeases her resent­ ment

42

28

Su Li speaks for Chou Tsui

42

29

Chou Tsui is given a plan which will make him joint minister in Han and W ei

43

27

30 The king o f W ei is advised to patronize Chou Tsui

44

31

45

Chou Tsui upbraided for his loyalty

32 The sacred precincts

46

33

46

The parable o f the fowler

34 Chou told how a small state may be influential

47

35

A forged letter procures a traitor's death

47

36

Chao Chien plans to escape assassination

48

37

Chou Tsui's plan

48

38

The Duke o f Hsueh advised to support Chou Tsui

49

39 The king o f Ch‘i warned of the disadvantages o f being C h‘in's ally

49

40

Kung-shih Chi gets a w ord in first

50

41

A good minister bears the blame for his master’s faults

50

42

The citizen o f the world

51

43

Chin T ‘ou urged to support C hou Tsui

52

44

Chou Tsui warns Chin T ‘ou

52

45

The dialecticians o f Chou

53

46

T H E B O O K O F C H ‘IN A harsh lawgiver and his fate

54

The story o f Su C h m : how he failed in Ch‘in, studied hard, and succeeded in Chao; and how he was despised in adversity and respected in the hour of his triumph

55

The king o f Ch‘in resolves to disturb the game-cocks

59

47

48

CONTENTS

xi

49 W ei breaks a promise but is forced to keep it 50 Ching Li excused 5i Ching Li talks himself out o f ransom

59 60

52 Beyond Hsi-ho 53 Chang Yi, the beautiful m aid, and the handsome boy

61

54 Ch*en Chen is defamed, but proves his loyalty 55 The two wives

63

S6 The ruler o f the Yi-ch‘ü 57 Ssu-ma Ts‘o wins his debate w ith Chang Yi before the king and is justified by events

65

58 The Shang-yii lands *59 C h‘en Chen, the songs o f W u, and the quarrelling tigers

68

60 Chang Yi out of favour and his enemies prom oted 61 Kan Mao advised how to be rid o f Chang Yi

72 72

62 H ow Chang Yi ruined C h'u-li Chi

72

63 The Han-chung blight 64 W hat is said in the east 65 Pien-cli iao and the king’s carbuncle

73

66 Tseng-tzu’s m other drops the shuttle •67 Feng Chang and the broken pledge

75

68 Kan Mao procures valour with gold and takes the town o f Yi-yang 69 Kan Mao before the walls o f Yi-yang is advised against sparing his men 70 Kan Mao rallies the king o f C liin from his despair 71 Kan Mao’s enemies at hom e plot against him 72 Kan Mao’s ingenious plan for dealing w ith disputants 73 Kan Mao eliminates a rival by craft

öl 62 64

66 70

73 74 77 77 78 78 79 79 80

74 Kan Mao wants W ei to supervise a truce 75 The king o f Ch‘in is admonished with odes and analogues

80

76 The king o f Ch‘in has an argument and loses his temper

83

77 The virgins o f Chiang-shang 78 A dowager’s partiality

83

81

85

CONTENTS

xii

79 The king hears pros and cons and decides to negotiate

85

80 The duke o f Hsüeh urges the destruction o f Ch‘i

86

81 Leng Hsiang excuses himself by means o f flattery

87

82 A fragment

87

83 The balance o f power

88

84 The king o f C b in ’s m other cautions him against employ­ ing Lord Cbeng-yang

89

85 The Three States persuade Ch‘u to act against her ow n interests

90

86 The Ch‘i wom an

91

87 A fragment

91

88

92

Su Tafs letter

89 The fief o f T ao 90 Huang Hsieh addresses the king o f C b in on C hV s behalf 91

The barking dogs

94 95 100

92 The thousand-league horse

100

93

101

Fan-tzus letter

94 The king o f C h‘in kneels to Fan C hü and hears his views on international affairs

102

95 Fan Chü persuades the king o f Ch‘in to assert his authority

107

96 The gambler and the sacred grove

108

97 A lutanist cites history

110

98

h i

The queen o f C b in and her lover

99 Attacking m en and attacking territories

112

100 A dialect w ord

113

101

113

The dogs and the bone

102 Marquis Ying advised to seek favour with Lord W u-san 103

The king o f Cb'in tests Marquis Ying’s philosophical resignation and finds it insincere

104 Po C b i refuses to change his opposition to the Chao campaign 105 The generals besieging Han-tan are slandered by their

114 115 116

CONTENTS

xiii

men, but are saved from execution by Fan C hü’s argu­ ments

120

106 Su-tzu pleads for Chao w ith the king o f C h‘i and wins peace

122

107 Chang Yi offers a persuasion that will make C h‘in master o f the world and wagers his head on its success

125

108 H ow Ts‘ai Tse disputed w ith Marquis Ying and gained his place and how, after many years as minister o f Cli in, he yielded up his office in turn

131

109 H ow the merchant Lü Pu-wei invested in a king's son and became a great minister

137

110

The page-boy Kan-lo

139

in

Tun Jo offends a king and then does him great service

141

112

The Six States

143

113

Yao Chia defends himself against a slander

144

114

T H E B O O K O F C H ‘I A defeated army’s supplies

148

115 Ch‘i profits from the ruin o f her ally

148

116

149

Chang-tzu keeps faith w ith the living and the dead

117 Chang Kai’s condolences

150

118 Tsou Chi ruins his rival w ith the help of a diviner

151

119 The handsome man

151

120 C h‘i delays until friend and foe are weakened and then makes both her vassals

153

121 T ‘ien Chi wins a battle, ignores advice, and is barred from entering his own country

154

122 T ‘ien Chi in C h‘u

155

123 Tsou Chi’s protégés

155

124 The king o f Ch*u is given a reason for wanting an enemy statesman to keep his post in Ch‘i

156

125 Chao dissuaded from intervening in the war between Ch‘i and Yen

156

126 Su C h‘in persuades the king of C liin to join the Alliance

157

CONTENTS

XVI

181

How Lord An-ling w on a fief by vowing to share his prince’s grave 182 A prisoner is reassured, but Chao Hsi-hsü feels tricked 183

227 229

Su Ch‘in in Ch‘u finds the cost o f living high and the king hard to approach

230

184

Su Ch‘in wins Ch'u to the Alliance

230

185

Tzu-hua punctures the self-esteem o f the king o f C h‘u

232

186 The duty o f a loyal minister

235

187

Ching Li escapes punishment

236

188

The king o f Ch‘u earns a rebuke

237

189

Ch u incites Han to betray her allies and then tricks her in order to give aid to Ch‘i 190 T u Ho speaks for and against W ei and Chao Yang twice changes his mind

239

191

Leng Hsiang and C h‘en Chen discuss alliances

240

192

Chang Yi repairs his fortunes by flattering the ladies

240

Cheng Hsiu learns of the king o f C h'in’s beautiful daugh­ ter and procures Chang Y i’s release from Ch‘u 194 Chang Mao wins honour by Chin Shang’s assassination

242 243

19$

Chang Yi persuades Ch‘u to join the Coalition

244

196

Chao Kuo is told how to avoid banishment

247

238

193

197 Huan Tsang urges the king o f C h ‘u to receive Chao Chü back in favour 198 The king o f Ch‘u finds a way to oblige Hui-tzu while pleasing Hui-tzu’s enemy 199 Ch'en Chen turns a slander to good account

249 250

200

Queen Cheng Hsiu eliminates a rival

250

201

The five pairs o f earrings

251

202

Ch‘i Ming gains a hearing

252

203

Lao Lai-tzu’s teeth

252

204

How Han Ch'ih’s cunning was his own downfall, as C h‘en Chen foretold

252

205

Huan Tsang defends Chao C hü’s unwillingness to m ount an offensive

253

248

CONTENTS

xvii

206 C h'eng Hun receives help from a town and afterwards requites it

254

207

The two towns

255

208

C h‘en Chen advises the king against paying in advance

255

209 The king o f Ch‘u is advised not to have a virtuous man as his representative in C h‘in

256

210 A plan to make Kan Mao chief minister in W ei

257

211

257

A devious plan

212 Su Li shows Chao C hü how he may keep his forces intact

258

213 The king o f Ch‘u detained in Ch‘in 214 Shen-tzu shows how the best result may be obtained by

258

215

the simultaneous use o f three incompatible plans

259

Su-tzu and the heir

261

216 The eastern lands

262

217 The elixir o f life

262

218 The tw o envoys

263

219 Chuang Hsin tells the king o f the dragon-fly, the ricesparrow, the crane, and o f other matters which make him tremble

264

220 Ching Yang’s guile causes two armies to withdraw with­ out a blow 221 The owl and the pawns

266 267

222 Sun-tzu is first dismissed and then re-invited but declines with a letter and afu

268

223 The king o f W ei is encouraged to let C h‘u attempt the impossible

270

224 The king o f C h‘u is offered some aphorisms by one who 225

would persuade him to lead the Alliance

271

The wounded bird and the archer

272

226 Han Ming tells the story o f Po Lo and the famous horse

273

227 Li Yüan’s daughter and Lord M eng-ch‘ang

274

228 The teachings o f Lieh-tzu

277

xviii

CONTENTS

THE B O O K O F CHAO 229 The fall o f Earl Chih 230 231

278

Hsi Tz'u foretells the revolt o f Han and W ei bu t is unheeded

282

Chang M eng-t'an instructs his ruler and gives up farming to aid his country

283

232 Yü-jang’s revenge

285

23 3

Right o f way

287

234

Su Ch'in outlines his plan for a great alliance

288

235

The two trees

292

236

Chao enlists support for Yen

293

237

Chang Yi delivers a threatening letter and the king of Chao repudiates the Alliance and pays homage to C h'in

293

Chao is shown how, by detaining Kan Mao, she could drive some hard bargains

295

The king o f Chao discusses the advantages of barbarian dress

296

240

Chou Shao receives a barbarian outfit and becomes a tutor

303

241

Chao Yen clings to the old fashion and earns a royal rebuke

305

238 239

242 The king o f Chao’s new cavalry 243 244

306

C h u in her defeat is dissuaded from turning to C h'i and induced to turn to Chao instead

307

Chao asks C h'in to appoint a minister and takes care that all parties shall be pleased

308

245

The Three Chin stand firm together

308

246

The relative advantages o f two alliances compared

310

247 Li Tui hears a devious plan to strengthen Chao’s position by weakening W ei’s good relations w ith other states

312

248

Chao urged to return her conquests

312

249

An immigrant wins trust by building a large house

313

250

Su Ch'in is asked to speak the words o f the spirits and tells the story o f the image o f w ood and the image o f clay

313

CONTENTS

xix

251 Lord Meng-cli ang receives a fief in Chao but treats it as a loan

315

252 Li T ui’s machinations after the defeat o f the Five States alarm W ei, who approaches C h‘i with a rival plan

315

253 A fief in Sung

318

254 The opportunity o f a hundred lifetimes

319

255 The six unprofitable moves

320

256 Su Li seeks by means of a letter to dissuade the king o f Chao from attacking Ch‘i

323

257 The king o f Ch'in is infuriated when Chao repudiates a bargain, but loses the ensuing war

325

258 The instrument o f madness

326

259 The king keeps faith with Lou Huan

327

260 Ma Fu objects to a foreign commander of Chao’s forces

328

261 The sword W u-kan

330

262 The queen o f Chao and the old commander

332

263 The third dishonour

334

264 Yü C h‘ing’s gloomy predictions are fulfilled

337

265 W en-po’s mother

338

266 Lu-lien saves Chao by his good advice but refuses to take a reward

342

267 Lord P'ing-yiian takes the advice o f Kung-sun Lung and refuses a fief

347

268 Liang Yi discovers w hy the king o f C h‘in three times refused to receive Chao’s envoy 269 The king of Chao’s suspicions allayed

348 350

270 Chao in Lord Chien-hsin’s hands

350

271 Chancellor P‘i receives further warnings

351

272 Three refusals and tw o wrongs

352

273 Lord P ‘ing-yüan hears his plan denounced and takes the point

352

274 Kung-tzu Mou’s parting advice

353

275 The citizen o f Chao

354

CONTENTS

XX

276

The piece o f d oth

277 278

Lord Chien-hsin’s beauty

279 280

Merchants and ministers compared

281

War-dress in the palace

282

King Hsiao-ch‘eng shows his trust

283

The king o f Chao receives a letter urging the importance o f ChTs friendship

Lord Chien-hsin advised to give Ho-chien to Lii Pu-wei The tiger’s paw

284

Chao Chuang demoted and reinstated

285

The advantages o f killing T i Chang

286

Feng Chi questions the king’s neutrality

287

Feng Chi at the audience

288

The king o f Chao wishes to buy a horse and learns about mulberry gall

289

Shih Chün obtains Lord C h‘un-p‘ing’s release from Ch*in

290 Lord W u-an’s wooden arm and the fall o f Chao 291

Chao destroys her best generals

292

T H E B O O K O F W E I, O R L IA N G Viscount Huan yields Earl Chili land to feed his arrogance

293

By angering Han and Chao, W ei wins their respect and homage

294 Yueh Yang eats his son 295

Hsi-men Pao learns from his prince how to gain fame and merit

296

The Marquis o f W ei and the game-keeper

297

The Marquis o f W ei finds that a ruler is not praised for being musical

298

W u Ch‘i expatiates on the unreliability o f natural defences

299 Kung-shu Ts‘o’s modesty gains an increased reward 300 King Hui disregards a dying man’s advice 301

Wei and her allies seek to intimidate Han

CONTENTS

xxi

302 A tiger in the market place

377

303 The king o f W ei drinks w ith his royal visitors and hears edifying words from the Duke o f Lu

378

304 Kung-tzu Li and the heir o f W ei

379

305 The heir o f W ei learns the secret o f not losing but is unable to make use o f it

380

306 The king o f W ei learns that he must first humble himself in order to obtain revenge

381

307 Hui Shih’s plan for the repatriation o f a hostage prince

382

308 King H ufs funeral and the great snow

383

309 The king o f W ei is shown the advantages o f double­ dealing

385

310 Su Chain’s persuasion wins W ei to the Alliance

385

311 The chronicler’s advice

387

312 Kung-sun Yen raises his status at home by enlisting help abroad

388

313 The king o f W ei disregards Chang Yi’s advice but later finds it expedient to follow it

388

314 Ch‘en Chen finds advantage in being slandered

390

315 C h£en Chen sets out for W ei but ends in Ch‘i

390

316 The coercive adviser

391

317 Yung C hü saves W ei from an attack by showing that its real object would be unharmed

392

318 H anP 'eng

393

319

C h‘en Chen learns the secret o f power

393

320 Kung-sun Yen uses a pleasant meeting to wreck a treaty

395

321 Kung-sun Yen is told what to say

395

322 W hen the ox and the horse are yoked together

396

323 A small beginning is the better policy

396

324 The king’s arms and legs

397

325 The king employs T ‘ien Hsü to watch his other ministers

398

326 The hsi-shou has Shih Chü discredited

399

327

399

The siege o f Ch‘iang

CONTENTS

xxii

328

Chang Yi persuades Wei to join the Coalition

400

329

Kin Yi saves a hostage from execution

402

330 The elderly concubine

403

331

The hsi-shou rids himself o f some bother

403

332

Hui Shih makes sure of a welcome

404

333

Planting willows

404

334

Su Tai gives a rehearsal

405

335

Chang Yi does some counter-espionage

406

336

Chou Tsui in Ch‘i

406

337

Su Tai dissuades the king o f Ch*in from forcing Lord Hsin-an to leave W ei

407

Lou W u is angered by the attem pt to reverse his treaty

408

338 339

Ch‘u returns the heir o f W ei and is at once attacked

409

340

The heir o f Wei offers some advice

410

341

An anonymous letter diverts Chain’s attention from W ei

412

342 Lou Huan’s solution

413

343

414

A queen’s anxiety for her lover stands W ei in good stead

344 W ei breaks a promise and gains five cities

415

345

Mang M ao’s crime

416

346

Su Tai and Su Li

417

347

The king o f W ei is offered three policies and bidden not to fearC liin

418

Lord She-yang’s son

421

348

349 W ei cites an historical parallel to the king o f Chao

421

350 Lord M eng-ch‘ang raises tw o armies by his persuasions in Chao and Yen

422

351

The king o f Wei shows w hy an attack on Ta-liang is not in the interests o f the attacker

424

352

The barking dogs

424

353

The king o f W ei disregards Chao C hi’s advice but finds that he needs his help

425

354 Jui Sung finds a profitable w ay o f severing relations between Ch*in and Chao

426

CONTENTS

xxiii

355 The king o f Ch‘u addressed on W ei’s behalf

427

3 56 Ill-matched envoys

427

3 57 Po Kuei outlines a plan to counter Lord Ch'eng-yang

428

358 H ow Hsü Chia raised the siege of Ta-liang

428

359 The last thing on the list

430

360 Sun C h'en warns the king o f W ei against trying to put out the fire with faggots

43 3

361 A nonagenarian shames the king o f Ch‘i

434

362 Fan Ts‘o writes two letters and escapes execution

43 5

363 Chu Chi dissuades W ei from attacking Han

436

364 The king o f W ei is told how to make capital out o f the war o f Ch‘in and Chao

440

365 An em pty concession

440

366 Lou W u advises the king o f W ei whom to take to a con­ ference

441

367 W hy states perish

442

368 Chang Mao catechizes the king o f Wei and obtains the right answer

443

369 Ssu-ma Yi-chi’s retainer

444

370 The tow n o f Ning-yi

444

371 W u C h‘ing counsels the king o f Wei against showing weakness

445

372 The m an in the chariot

445

373

446

Chou Hsiao learns how to seem important

374 Lord Hsin-ling is told what to forget

446

375

So Kao and his son

447

376 The catamite and the fish

449

377

Lord Ch'un-shen promises troops

450

378

W ei on the verge o f destruction

450

379

The yü-shih o f An-yi

451

380

W ei and Lao-ai

451

381

T h e\v ra th o f commoners

452

382

flan ’s portion

45 5

CONTENTS

xxiv

383

Nieh Cheng the assassin

45 5

384

Ch‘eng W u and Shen Pu-hai

459

385

Shen Pu-hai finds out w hat the king o f Han wants to hear

459

386

Shen Pu-hai teaches his prince to refuse him

460

387

Su Ch‘in s persuasion wins Han for the Alliance

460

388

The king o f Han seeks advice about employing ministers

462

389

The minister from Ch u

462

390 The king o f Ch‘in hears that it is unwise to persecute a defeated foe 391

Kimg-chung advises giving once to gain twice and the king o f Han discovers the consequences o f not taking this advice

463

463

392 Kung-chung grants an audience

465

393

466

Chang Yi persuades Han to join the Coalition

394 How Chang Yi was driven from C h ‘in

468

395

468

Kung-sim Hsien learns how to curb a rival

396 Yu T ‘eng tells Kung-chung how to save Yi-yang

468

397

A beast at bay

469

398

The king o f Ch'in is compared favourably w ith his ministers

471

399

Kung-chung hears a speech rehearsed

472

400

Kung-chung isolated

474

401

Kung-shuis told how to get a tow n without asking

474

402

A leaking boat

475

403

The fierce dog

475

404

Kung-chung engages an expert on C h‘u affairs

476

405

Kung-chung and Kan Mao

477

406

Cheng Ch‘iang hears a cheaper w ay to injure Han

477

407 Kung-shu leams that there are more effective ways o f protest than resignation

478

408

479

A profitable alliance

409 Kung-shu is shown how, by promising to fight but doing nothing, he can please tw o countries

479

CONTENTS

XXV

410 Feng Chün seeks a w ay to avoid detention

480

411 Cheng Ch‘iang exceeds his commission but is not punished

480

412 The heir o f Han shrinks from dividing his country and is forced to flee

481

413 The persecution o f Chi Se

481

414 Kung-shu is advised against murdering Chi Se

481

415 M ore reasons why Kung-shu should not kill Chi Se

482

416 Lord Hsin-ch‘eng hears how to obtain the services o f Kung-shu and P oY ing

483

417 A use for Chi Se

483

418 A kingly business

484

419 A backer for Chi Se

484

420 Leng Hsiang advises the heir to stay

485

421 The king o f Ch'in’s m other makes an interesting disclo­ sure and encourages the Han envoy to greater efforts

485

422 Kung-sun Mei gives a frank account of Han’s position

486

423 Kung-chung is told how to be blessed in success and pros­ perous in failure

488

424 Kung-chung hears the advantage o f early submission

489

425 Chou sends back a Han prince

490

426 The king o f C h‘u tests his position

491

427 Su Tai assuages the king o f Chain’s anger against Han

492

428 The king o f Han is urged to pin all hopes on an alliance against Ch‘in

493

429 The king o f Han is told o f one way in which he could emulate certain famous historical personages

494

430 Han Yang obtains his recall from a burdensome posting

497

431 The beauties o f the harem

498

432 The district o f Yun

498

43 3

Honouring the physician

499

434

The king ofC h'in looks after a friend

499

43 5

Han M in is advised n o t to persecute his personal foes

500

xxvi

CONTENTS

436

Lord Shan-yang’s fief

501

437

T'ien Ling travels in spite o f illness and obtains help from Ch‘in

501

438

Hsiang Chin regains his post

502

439

Pi Hsieh’s offences

502

440

The Son o f Heaven

503

441

Lord Chien-hsin is advised to cherish Han Hsi

503

442

THE B O O K OF YEN Lord Feng-yang overcomes a personal dislike for reasons o f state

505

443

Su Ch‘in persuades Yen to join the Alliance

444 Yen sues for peace in order to prolong the war 445 446

506 507

Su Ch*in persuades the king o f Ch‘in to relinquish his conquests

508

The concubine who spilled the wine

509

447

Su Tai tells the king of Yen how to annihilate Ch‘i

511

448

Ch‘un-yü K ‘un promises to act the part o f Po Lo

514

449

Ch en Ts‘ui and the Queen M other

514

45Q The king o f Yen receives a letter and sends troops to join the Three Chin 451

516

King K‘uai o f Yen emulates the sage-kings but loses his life

517

452

Su Li and Su Tai and the affairs o f Yen and Ch‘i

520

453

Ch‘i procures Su Tai’s release from W ei

521

454

Chang Yi persuades Yen to join the Coalition

521

455

The king o f W ei is persuaded to receive the Yen ambassador

523

456

King Chao’s revenge

523

457

By Su-tzu’s craft Ch‘i is weakened and Yen is able to lead the other states against her

525

458 459

Su Tai writes a letter to the king o f Yen Su Tai discusses the nature o f his service with the king of Yen and tells himjthe sto ry o f the faithful concubine

526 529

CONTENTS

xxvii

460 The go-between

532

461

532

Su Tai gives his reasons for feigning flight

462 The man o f Ch‘i 463

Su-tzu resolves a dilemma

535 536

464 Su Tai loses battles on Yen’s behalf

536

465

538

Su Tai writes from C h ‘i to his old employer

466 Su Tai advises the king of Yen against going to Ch‘in

539

467 The C h‘u envoy and the famine in Yen

542

468 The mussel, the heron, and the fisherman

543

469 Y iiehY i corresponds with the king o f Yen

543

470 Chang Ch*ou and the border guard

547

471 The king o f Yen writes a letter o f apology

548

472 Chao takes advantage o f an alliance with C h‘in to attack Yen, but is frustrated by a resourceful diplomat

551

473

553

Ching K‘o the assassin

THE B O O K OF SUNG 474 M o-tzu convinces the king o f C h‘u that Sung is not worth attacking

562

475

563

Sung and Chao play at war and Liang is pleased

476 A regent is told how to prolong his rule

564

477 Sung trades on a promise o f help from C h‘u in order to obtain peace with C h‘i

564

478 W h y Tsang-tzu was sad

565

479 The wickedness of king Yen

565

T H E B O O K O F W E I, T H E L E S S E R 480 The stove

567

481 Nan-wen Tzu discounts a threat

568

482 Nan-wen Tzu suspects a gift

569

483 Nan-wen Tzu averts an attack

569

484 H u Yen saves P ‘u

570

485 Master Wu-hsia earns his bribe

571

486 The price o f extradition

571

xxviü

C O N TEN T S

487 Yin Shun-chü at the ruler’s death-bed

572

488

573

The tactless bride

T H E B O O K O F C H U N G -S H A N 489 Yüeh Yang eats his son

574

490

The ruler o f Chung-shan assumes the royal tide

574

491

Chang Teng’s rehearsal

476

492

Kung-sun Hung seeks to cast suspicion on another but finds that it rebounds upon himself

578

Ssu-maHsi makes his enemy a queen

579

493 494

How Ssu-maHsi made Yin Chien a queen

580

495

Li Tz‘u declares Chung-shan ripe for attack

581

496

The bowl o f m utton

582

497

A plan for survival

583

B IB L IO G R A P H Y

584

A L PH A B E TIC A L F IN D IN G LIST

588

INTRODUCTION I It is generally agreed that the largest collection o f historical anecdote, fable, and tales o f famous people dating from the pre-Han era (c. 300221 b.c.) is the Chan-kuo Ts'e. Its origins as an entity are very clearly described by Liu Hsiang, acting palace librarian at the Han court at the beginning o f the first century a .d ., in a memorial to the throne which still constitutes the preface tojnodem editions o f the Chan-kuo Tse: Regarding the book I have edited and called the Chan-kuo Tse: there were in the Secretariat Library a number of fragmented chapters which were badly mixed together. There was in addition another work in eight sections, each named after a country, which contained serious deficiencies. Following the sequence of countries as given in the one work I arranged the fragmented chapters in rough chronological order. When I had used those items with no observable order to fill in some of the gaps and after I had discarded duplica­ tions, I had a book in thirty-three sections (p'ien). There were a great many mistaken, missing, and incomplete characters in it. (For example was often writteen ^ and ^ became jjr.) The fragments in the Secretariat Library came from books originally called called Kuo-ts'e, Kuo-shih, Tuan-ch*ang9 Shih-yüf Ch'ang-shu, and Hsiu-shu. It appeared to me that peripatetic persuaders of the Warning States era used to repay those countries which employed them by contriving schemes for their use. It therefore seemed proper to me to call this new book the Chan-kuo Ts*e (Intrigues of the Warring States) . . . I have made an editorial manuscript of this work to be copied into a good hand. . . This concludes the business end o f Liu Hsiang's memorial-preface. Here he moors his editorial craft and strikes out across the quaking ground o f moral and historical exegesis. Later there will be reason to quote his observations in this area, but for now it should simply be noted that Liu Hsiang fixed the name o f the w ork for all time though he may n o t actually have understood the meaning o f the title he used. It is possible that tse in the title o f the fragment meant simply ^bundles of wooden slips' on which books were written in early China.1 In that 1 See Crump I, p. 323, n. 2. (A list o f bibliographical abbreviations and their full citations is given on p. 584.)

2

C H A N -K U O T S ‘E

case kuo-ts'e would better have been translated simply ‘Books o f the Various States’. Another possibility also presents itself. In later China the term ts'e was also used to mean ‘examination essays on current affairs’ in which the student often had to propose policies which he believed could be used to cope w ith hypothetical govern­ mental situations posed by the examiner. If this meaning o f ts'e was the one in question, ‘it is even arguable that Chan-kuo Ts'e meant not “Intrigues o f the W arring States” but “ Imaginary speeches on Warring States themes” .’1 The Chan-kuo Ts'e circulated during the Later Han Dynasty and we still have annotations on a few chapters o f the text by one Kao Yu who flourished during the chien-an period o f Han (a.d. 196-219). Later (T‘ang and Sui) bibliographies in official histories mention a Chan-kuo Ts'e in 33 chiian and Kao Y u’s notes in 31 chüan; but notes reliably attributable to Kao Y u may be found nowadays in something like eight chiian. Sometime during the years o f the decline and following the fall o f the Han dynasty, the Chan-kuo Ts'e begins to acquire its aura o f a wicked book. In this it is at first linked w ith the Shih-chi (which is understandable enough since quantities of the Chan-kuo Ts'e9s prose can be found in Shih-chi)y2 but whereas Shih-chi is purged o f its bad name with the passage o f time, Chan-kuo Ts'e forever remains one o f that limited group o f book titles (Machiavelli’s Prince is a Western example) the mere mention o f which greatly stimulates the flow o f choleric humours in proper guardians o f public morality - most par­ ticularly, one imagines, among those w ho have never read them. The San-kuo Chih biography o f C h‘in Fu who flourished around a.d. 230 and w ho was, it seems, admired for his obiter dicta on many subjects, relates a challenge he was once given on the subject o f the Chan-kuo Ts'e. As with so m uch in Chinese biographical writing we cannot be sure that Ch'in was not joining battle with a straw man as a 1 D. Hawkes in his review of Crump, Intriques. JAOS, 86-1 (1966), p. 63. 2 W e have brief notice, for example, that the eighth son of Emperor Kuang-wu of the Latter Han (reg. a . d . 25-58) requested a copy of Shih-chi and Wang Feng, who was at the time the most powerful figure in the court of a rather compliant emperor, turned down his request on the grounds that the book ‘contains the deceitful and opportunistic stratagems of the Warring States*. See Ch*i Ssu-ho, p. 260 and K.M. 0560.4.

IN T R O D U C T IO N

3

land of formal exercise in orthodoxy, but the general attitude o f his age emerges clearly from the text: Li Ch'iian wished to borrow a copy o f the Chan-kuo Ts*e from Ch'in Fu and the latter asked him ’ ‘O f w hat use are the Horizontal and Vertical strategies o f theW arning States?' ‘Confucius and Yen [Chiin] P ‘ing gathered together all the books they could find in order to write the Ch'un-cWiu and the [Lao-tzu] Chih-kuei. Therefore, just as the sea is so immense because it receives all rivers, the knowledge o f the Superior Man is made enormous by the widest possible learning V ‘If a book were not one o f the historical records or the plans o f C h o u / replied Ch‘in Fu, ‘Confucius would n o t use it; if a W ay were not |the W ay o f Empti­ ness and N ature, Yen [Chün] P ‘ing w ould not expound it. The sea may receive all kinds o f turbid matter but each year it purges itself anew. However, the Superior Man when he widens his knowledge will not look upon anything which is not proper (pu-li). N ow , the Chan-kuo Tse rehearses again and again the arts used by [Chang] Yi and [Su] C h ‘in to sustain themselves while killing others and the destruction o f others for the preservation o f oneself is precisely what is abominated in the Canon. It is for this reason that Confucius, when he struggled to express himself as he w rote the CWm-cfiiu , placed his greatest emphasis on rectitude, and the writing o f the Hsiao-ching was undertaken to broaden and make clear virtuous action, to put a halt to the drift in morality and nip in the b u d .. .*

There is much, much m ore o f this cant and the reader himself is probably able to recall similar lugubrious moralizing from Western literature. It is sad to note the Chinese moralist straddling the self-same petard which has always plagued his Western counterpart: If this book is to be so rigorously avoided by the orthodox, how did the orthodox critic learn w hat to criticize? However, Chan-kuo Ts‘e had in the past a much more lively function than that o f putting small dents in stiff orthodoxies; from time to time it was a satellite o f a group o f works referred to loosely as the Seven Books. These, it was popularly supposed, were keys to secret and immense power. If one studied them diligently (providing always that he had the genuine text, and this proved to be the hitch) he would acquire skills verging on (if not of) the occult. The secret-book-of-theancients complex developed early in China and lasted until very recent times. It is a composite o f widespread illiteracy and equally widespread belief in literacy and scholarship as the best if not the only vehicle to any goal - riches, secular power, or transcendental harmony. The 1 K.M. 1018. 3.

4

C H A N -K U O T S ‘E

reader will find mention of what is perhaps the earliest representative of this class, The Secret Talisman o f T'ai Kung in item 47 o f the present translation (p .5 $ ^ It is in this alluritig if sUghtly sinister role o f a secret book that we find what is chronologically the next citation of Chan-kuo Ts'e in Chinese histories. The following story is from Shih-shuo Hsin-yü (xxxii, 2) and it concerns Yiian Yiieh (-chih) w ho flourished around a .d . 370 : Yüan Yiieh was a skilful speaker, very accomplished at ch'ang-tuan persuasions, and highly intelligent as well. At the beginning o f his career he was military aide (ts*an-chiin) to Hsieh Hsiian and very well treated by him . Later on he observed mourning for his parents but w hen he had put away his mourning robes he returned to the capital and the only gift he offered anyone was a copy o f the Chan-kuo Ts'e. He would say to them , ‘W hen I was young I used to read the Analects, Lao-tzu, and even Chuang-tzu and the Book of Changes, but these works are all just so many headaches. W hat possible benefits can they yield? The one im portant thing in the w orld is Chan-kuo Ts'e!9 Having gone down-river to persuade Ssu-ma Hsiao-wen w ho had been made king he became very close to him. Yüan Yüeh had almost all the mechanism o f the empire in his hands before he was suddenly executed.1

The implication here is that by diligent study of the Chan-kuo Ts'e, Yüan Yüeh came very dose to swinging a coup à9état and if others devoted themselves to the text with just a little m ore energy they might suceed. Such was the supposed power o f the book. The story is useful also because it links ch'ang-tuan persuasions with the Chan-kuo Ts'e. W e will return to that m atter a little later. O ne way or another we have documentation for the text's existence until close to a . d . 400, though copies must have been rdatively scarce. Two bibliographies compiled under imperial auspices indicate that the work - somewhat reduced in size - survived the period o f China's disunion (220-589) and was know n in T ‘ang times, though it is seldom mentioned except in an offhand manner in footnotes to more acceptable works. By 1034, however, a compilation o f the holdings in all the palace libraries shows that less than half the o f book could be found. Between 1041 and 1083 Tseng Kung, a scholar whose ortho­ doxy was impeccable and whose understanding o f prose style was

11wish to thank Professor Richard Mather for bringing the Shih-shuo story to my attention. I had only known the truncated version which forms Yuan Yueh-chih’s biography in the Chin History, K.M. 1278.3.

IN T R O D U C T IO N

5

generally admired, undertook to reconstruct the text. Whatever m ay or may not have been part o f the book in the past, it is Tseng Kung’s reconstruction which we have today and which Chinese since the eleventh century have referred to as the Chan-kuo Ts‘e. Tseng Kung, who by all accounts was a skilful and intelligent scholar, not only establishes the text, but his introduction to it (considered a model o f its kind) sets one aspect o f the emotional and critical tone to be used toward the book by the orthodox Confucian for the next nine cen­ turies: Liu Hsiang, in his preface to the book, says that in the Chou dynasty men advocated above all else enlightenment through civilizing influences and per­ fection o f their regulations. For this reason they achieved Grand Concord (ita-chih). After the Chou, when schemes and deceit were in vogue and the path to benevolence and right action was obstructed. Great Disharmony was the result. His theory is beautifully put. He says in conclusion that the planners o f the Warring States era, as seen in this book, simply estimated what rulers o f the time were capable o f doing. That these men could not do otherwise is evidence o f their submission to prevailing custom instead o f cleaving to their own convictions. Confucius and Mencius lived several hundred years after the beginning o f the Chou, at the tim e when the old laws had perished and former custom had long been merely ashes. Those two alone understood the W ay o f former kings and believed that it must not be changed. D id they not try to fortify the rulers o f their time w ith precisely that w hich later eras could not attain to? And did they not urge them never to forget the intentions o f the Former Kings simply because they did not accord w ith the times they lived in or the changes they met with or the practices o f their age? The concord established by the T w o Emperors and the Three Kings had certainly changed much, its methods were certainly different, but its meaning to a state or to the empire had first and last, from the beginning to the end, always remained constant. It was the desire o f these two philosophers to do exacdy the same thing. N ow , laws are made to meet changes peculiar to an age and will not always be identical, but The W ay establishes w hat is fundamental and that will never be different. This is a principle which can never change and these two men preserved it. They had no need of exotic argument. Their one hope was never to be lax in preserving principle. O f them it can be said they remained unaffected by the drift o f the times and maintained faith in themselves. But the persuaders o f the W arring States were not of the same stamp. They recognized n o W a y in which to have faith and took delight in changing an argument to fit any circumstance; they bent their hearts and minds to only one thing - devising the comprehensive scheme ! For this reason they argued only

B

6

C H A N -K U O T S ‘E

the convenience o f treachery and concealed its perils, they spoke only o f the goodness o f warfare and hid its grief so that all who did as they bade profited from it - but the profit never exceeded the harm. There was much to be gained, but it never equalled the loss. In the end Su C h ‘in, Shang Yang, Sun Pin,W u C h ‘i, Li Ssu and their ilk lost their lives, while C h‘in and the other Feudal Lords w ho employed them lost their states. Clearly they were a catastrophe to their times - and yet their age never awakened to this fact. O nly theW ay o f Former Kings, through all the changes o f tim e and differences o f law, can be examined and show no flaw, used and reveal no weakness. This is why the Sages o f the past w ould never change it for another. N ow , some may object that heretical theories harm w hat is proper and must be acted against and ended. Therefore, must we n o t destroy this book? The reply should be that if a ruler wishes to suppress pernicious doctrine he will first cause it to be made clear to all the empire so that men o f his time may understand w hy it cannot be used - then suppression will be achieved properly. H e will also make sure men o f future generations understand that such a doctrine could not be used - after which later avoidance o f it w ill be accomplished w ith under­ standing. W hy then should it be necessary to destroy this book? Acting against it and putting an end to it has no advantages over the alternative I suggest. This is how the matter was handled in Mencius’s works; he speaks o f Shen-nung, he quotes Mo-tzu only to be able to show how w rong they were. Furthermore the text o f Chan-kuo Ts*e preserves 245 years o f history, actions and events from the end o f the Ch‘un-ch‘iu to the beginning o f the C h‘u-Han era; it cannot simply be discarded. The w ork has twenty-one chapters annotated by Kao Yu (some say thirty-two chapters). The Chlung-wen catalogue says eight o f them were preserved and in this edition we managed to preserve ten.

So the proper gentleman’s rationale for the reconstruction o f this book was that it constituted a ‘dreadful example* o f what happened when orthodoxy languished. Tseng Kung’s half-hearted afterthought on the value o f Chan-kuo Ts‘e to history deceives no one: I am certain the most potent consideration leading Tseng to resurrect the w ork was his deep piety toward artifacts o f his nation’s past, but I am equally certain that he did not remain unaffected by the book’s ingeniousness and sophistication o f prose style. Other Chinese who were probably equally orthodox were deeply impressed by just these aspects. Liu Hsiang: But they were officials o f great talent. They estimated the capacities o f rulers o f their age, put forward the most amazing plans and manifested uncommon in­ telligence. They turned peril into security and loss into salvation in a manner which delights: it is well w orth reading.

IN T R O D U C T IO N

7

W ang Chüeh1 (fl. 1065) : Though it is not a repository o f proper morality, the elegance o f its debates even over rash doctrines - makes it a paragon o f literary style.

Li Ko-fei (fl. c. 1090) : those who read the book should admire the effectiveness o f its persuasions and overlook the baseness o f its subject m atter so that they are moved only by the rhetoric itself.

Pao Piao (fl. 1140): Its prose and arguments are learned but brilliantly perspicuous, it is engaging yet subtle, economical yet penetrating.

Since these quotations all come from men who had some part in creating one or another o f the book's various editions it stands to reason that each had a stake in its acceptance. A better measure o f the admiration the Chinese have long held for the prose o f the Chan-kuo Ts‘e is to note how often and how extensively excerpts from it show up in important and prestigious anthologies of literary Chinese (ku-wen). In Intrigues: Studies o f the Chan-kuo Ts'e2 1 noted four major early col­ lections of ku-wen which included an average of twenty items each from Chan-kuo Ts*e. To this list should now be added the recent Hsien-diin Wen-hsüeh Shih Ts'an-k'ao Tzu-liao (Peking, 1962), twenty items, and the Hsien-cKin Wen-hui (Hong Kong, 1963) with sixty-one items, both published after Intrigues had gone to press. I do not believe, however, that the appeal o f technical and artistic excellence in the Chan-kuo Ts*e9s prose could have saved it from the torch o f the Philistine on the one hand and the inflamed sensibilities o f the orthodox on the other had it not been that the book, its characters, their words, and their acts have had that deep and timeless appeal for the Chinese that characterizes the ‘great books' of a society - books which constitute an im portant part o f its classical heritage. The con­ tents o f the Chan-kuo 7 s‘e are diffuse in tone, uneven in quality and in places garbled. B ut simply to read off the names o f its dramatis personae is to recite a list o f Chinese eponyms. W hen a certain Chan-kuo Ts*e character is wicked, apparently he is so in the fashion that best suits Chinese taste; when another is heroic he is a perfect Chinese hero; when a third is quick-witted it is exacdy the kind o f nimbleness of wit the Chinese reader would like to have. This does not mean that 1 Further identification of these figures may be found in Crump /, pp. 328-9. 2 See Crumpt Intrigues, pp. 43-4.

8

C H A N -K U O T S ‘E

these qualities have a parochialism which m ight preclude appreciation by the Western reader; he simply appreciates them in one dimension less than the Chinese. An important piece o f a civilization’s heritage becomes so pardy because it has been turned to for inspiration and reinterpretation frequendy. In this respect also the Chan-kuo Ts'e is unquestionably a major vehicle for Chinese values, self-images, and icons. One need not accept the historicity o f the Chan-kuo T se to understand from its con­ tents that the central political fact o f the age it describes was that the slighdy non-Chinese state o f C h‘in was gradually throttling the Six States which looked upon themselves as being the true Chinese. If the six Chinese states could have unfastened themselves from each other’s throats long enough to combine and destroy the menacing country o f Ch‘in, Chinese history would have had a very different shape indeed. They did nothing o f the sort, o f course. They all tried to appease Ch'in by bribery so they would be free to dismande each other unmolested. Chan-kuo Ts‘e gives the reader such a sweeping and complex view o f this age and its devotion to political suicide that he can sense the separate force o f each act adding itself to the total and inevitable out­ come until he feels an almost tragic grandeur in the final disaster as C h'in devours each state in turn. A number o f historic figures in addition to Yüan Y üeh are reputed to have thought highly of or been influenced by the Chan-kuo Ts‘e. Among them, surely JSu Hsün (ioqq—66), one of the Sung dynasty’s ‘Eight Great Prose Masters’, is the most famous. By popular account he is supposed to have been m uch influenced by the prose style o f the Chan-kuo Ts*e, but that is something very difficult to document. There is absolutely no doubt, however, that he read the history o f the W arring States’ era as it is interpreted in the Chan-kuo Ts*e and took its bitter lessons to heart. He, therefore, did use the Chan-kuo T se as the most genuine and im portant kind o f heritage a culture can have ~ one which is examined and reinterpreted by each age as it is needed. Sometime between 1056 and 105^ he composed the famous piece . The essay is actually an exposition o f W arring States’ history meant to serve as a warning for his own day. It is a criticism o f the feckless and temporizing policies of emperor Jen-tsung who, Su Hsün felt, was increasing the pow er of the Liao

IN T R O D U C T IO N

9

and the Hsi-hsia (border states which were rapidly becoming too strong for the Sung court to challenge head-on) by the gifts he gave them to buy off their threats. So the following is not simply a literary exercise; as far as Su Hsün is concerned, it is a matter of the life or death o f his country : X The Six States were not destroyed because their weapons were dull orÆ ieir warfare inept. Their real weakness lay in appeasing Ch‘in: to bribe CUu1 an d so diminish their ow n strength was the path to certain destruction. J / One may well dem ur and ask if each and every one of the six perished lecaurc it bribed Ch‘in. T he reply must be that those states which did not b rJb /C h ‘in were destroyed by the ones that did because the former were robbed o f effec­ tive aid by die latter and very soon could not stand by themselves - this is w hy I say the real weakness o f the Six States lay in appeasing C h‘in. The territory Ch‘in acquired w ithout having to do battle for it - when she gained a litde it might be a hamlet and when she gained much it was often a city - actually amounted to a hundred times more than she ever got by warfare. The amount o f territory lost by the Lords to her this way was a hundred times more than they lost to her in batde. Such being the case, w hat most delighted C h‘in and what most harmed the Lords had nothing to do w ith warfare. One cannot help thinking o f the ancestors o f these men. They made their beds in the field, exposed to frosts and dews. They once cleared away the tares and brambles by their ow n hands in order to gain them a foot - nay, a single inch o f land. Contrast this w ith their descendants w ho seem to have cherished very litde the inheritance left them. T hey gave it away as though diey were tossing out mouldy hay - today five towns, tom orrow ten - just to buy themselves a peaceful night’s sleeep. They arose the next day, however, to find the soldiers o f C h‘in already camped on their borders. And o f course the territory o f the Lords was limited while the avarice o f C h‘in was not. The m ore diligendy they served Ch‘in the m ore importunate became her encroachments until primacy and submission, victory and defeat were decided without a batde. It was quite obvious that this could only end the way it did. As the ancients themselves put it: ‘Appeasing Ch*in by giving her territory is like puttting out a fire w ith kind­ ling - as long as the faggots last the fire will b u m /1 The rulers o f C h i never appeased C h‘in yet she finally took her turn with the other five - her king was banished and his state destroyed. W hy? Because she had allied herself w ith Ch‘in and did not assist the other five states. The rulers o f Yen and Chao began w ith very forward-looking policies. They were able to defend tE3r territories and were determined never to use them to buy off Ch‘in. This is w hy Yen - not a large state - was one o f the last to fall. She made effective use o f her military. It was not until Prince Tan’s scheme to employ the assassin Ching K ‘o that Yen began to invite disaster. Chao faced C h‘in in five 1 This analogy can be found in a number o f places in CRT; see 360 and 265.

IO

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great battles; two she lost but three she won. Later Ch m struck Chao twice again and each tim e she was turned back by Li Mu.When C h'in finally reached Li M u through slander and brought about his execution, Chao's capital district o f Han-tan finally became a province o f Ch'in. Unhappily, Chao had used her military well but did not press to conclusions with it. Be that as it may. Yen and Chao found themselves trapped in an era when C lfin’s conquest was nearly complete. It is truthful to say that they had been isolated and were at the end o f their wits and strength. They in fact went down fighting and perished only when they had done all they could. But suppose at an earlier time these three had been more stingy with their territories? Suppose Ch‘i had never dallied with Ch‘in? Suppose no assassin had been dispatched? Suppose the great generals had not been executed? It would have been very difficult to balance those three states against Ch‘in and decide which had the edge in battle and which would more likely have sur­ vived. Alas, if only the states had taken the lands used to appease C h‘in and offered them as fiefs to the finest officers in the empire, had they been as assiduous in attracting outstanding men to help them against C h ‘in as they were in serving C lfin herself, had they presented a united front to the west, Ch*in could have got them in her jaw s no doubt, bu t she could never have swallowed them. H ow melancholy to think that so much pow er allowed itself to be threatened into extinction by Ch'in. Day by day and m onth by month they pared away their substance and hastened down the road to their own destruction ! I say this to all those who rule: never allow yourselves to be coerced by the power o f another state. The Six States were feudal princedoms as was C h‘in. Their power was less than that o f C h‘in, but there was still a chance that they could have overcome her had they not chosen to appease her. If someone w ith the entire empire at his command should take the same path as the Six States, his action w ould be even less defensible than was theirs.1

One can hardly imagine a better exposition of the historical thread that runs through the Chan-kuo Ts*e. Furthermore, even though a great deal o f the text deals with the state o f Ch'in (and not in a pejora­ tive fashion), the reader of Chan-kuo TVe, Western or Chinese, will share - whether he wants to or not - S \ i Hsiin’s sad sense o f what might have been. He will find himself siding w ith the Chinese states and against Ch‘in and alternately being stirred by irritation at and sorrow for them. This, in the largest aspect, is what the Chan-kuo Ts‘e is about and w hy it has had the kind o f visceral appeal to Chinese o f all centuries 1 An annotated version of Liu-kuo Lun may be found in Ku-chin Wen-hsuan, vol. 3, p. 1117 (published by the Kuo-yii Jih-pao press).

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which assured its survival in the face o f all the strictures orthodoxy had to offer. II But the Chan-kuo Ts‘e is not history. Most Chinese have treated it as such and in this they were only following the lead o f its first editor, Liu Hsiang. The bulk o f his memorial-preface outlines a kind o f ortho­ dox, hornbook history which was accepted uncritically and repeated thousands o f times between H an times and the present. Since so many Chinese have believed for so long that the Chan-kuo Ts‘e is history and does record just what Liu Hsiang said it did, it would be a senseless neglect o f the greater part o f the book's role in Chinese cultural history to refuse to treat its traditional position in the Chinese scheme o f things simply because recent scholarship has demonstrated quite clearly that it belongs generally to the world o f fiction rather than history. In order fully to appreciate the rest of the Liu Hsiang preface the reader must be aware that orthodox historical thought in China has always viewed the period from the Legendary Sage Emperors on, as a continuous period o f slow decay. The Chou dynasty (traditional dates, 1122-255 b.c.) arrested this long decline somewhat - goes the orthodox view - by putting into effect the ‘kingly W ay’ (wang-tao) and govern­ ing by its ‘virtue’ (te). This virtue ‘grew thinner’ as the Chou dynasty wore on. The Chan-kuo Ts‘e is supposed, in the orthodox scheme o f things, to be a record o f the times when this impalpable and transcen­ dental ‘virtue’ had finally vanished entirely and other things taken its place: . . . And when the Chou dynasty had reached the reigns of kings K‘ang and Chao, the great Virtue (te) was debased, but the general outlines of the past could be discerned even though by the Ch‘un-ch*iu period (722-484 b . c .) the Chou dynasty had already lasted for 400 years: the imposing remains of its heritage had not been completely destroyed even then, and the Five Hegemons still acknowledged the Chou house. After the Hegemons, though the Chou rulers were lacking in virtue, there were competent ministers flourishing in the Middle Kingdoms - Tzu-ch‘an of Cheng, Shu-hsiang of Chin, and Yen Ying of Ch‘i - who assisted their princes and aided them with their govern­ ment. These men sustained one another by justice, they moved each other through arguments which cited the Songs, they conducted audiences with deference and punctiliousness, they joined with each other at the Convocations and made pacts pledging mutual aid in their covenants. The commands of the

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Son of Heaven were in a sense effective and the states that had made solemn sacrifice together at Convocations were restrained by a sense of shame. In this way the smaller states knew some security and the people some respite. It was of these things that Confucius asked, ‘What difficulty can there be if one rule with the compliance proper to propriety !' Had not the power and the duration of Chou’s civilizing influence been vast indeed? This is standard treatment for the era in Chinese historical epitomes. In truth the C hou house lost, by 700 b.c., whatever influence it had over the brawling states which had once been quasi-feudal units owing some fealty to the Chous, and the attention paid to it by the Hegemons was as perfunctory as the regard shown for the Mikoto by the most powerful Japanese shoguns. In this connexion it should be noted that there is almost nothing in the books o f East and W est C hou in the Chan-kuo Ts‘e which could not be or should not be subsumed under one o f the other states. Chou was nothing more than a name, but Chinese historical orthodoxy prefers Liu Hsiang’s belief that the Chou dynasty lasted until 221 b.c. He continues : By th4 time of Duke Hsiao of Ch‘in (250 b . c .) compliance and propriety had vanished and warfare alone was a matter of concern. Humanity and justice had beça discarded in favour of deceit and opportunism. Rebels and userpers had become nobles and princes which meant the most treacherous states became the greatest powers. Each imitated the other. Newcomer copied predecessor until they consumed each other, joining with larger states or annexing small ones. Each year marauding troops would appear again and blood would cover the ground, father and son became estranged, brother was uneasy with brother, husbands and wives were separated from one another and a man could scarce preserve even his own life - the Way and its Virtue perished in darkness. As time wore on it became worse. There were seven great states and five small ones remaining. Those which were a match for one another struggled for supremacy. All were in truth warring states - greed was rife and the struggle for advantage went on endlessly. Each state followed a different teaching and each was a law unto itself; there was neither a Son of Heaven in the highest position nor local hegemons at the lower. Force constituted merit and battle alone determined which would be the greatest power. Victory alone was esteemed. Arms and armour were never laid aside and deceit was succeeded only by treachery. Had there been anything left of theWay and its Virtue it could never have revealed itself in this era. Those states with great plans ig­ nored all moral restraints and put their faith only in those things they considered dependable; they made alliances by means of hostages and tried to protect their states through manifold treaties and multiple pacts. This was why Men­ cius and Hsün-tzu - as well as other Confucians - were ignored by the era

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while the practitioner of the Horizontal and Vertical Alliances, die peripatetic persuader, was the darling of the age. To read between the lines o f Liu Hsiang’s last paragraphs, whatever system of interdependencies had once existed among the Chou states had broken dow n completely. ‘The very nature o f feudal control implies a set o f powerfiil barons w ho could be expected to assert claims in perpetuum over fiefs which theoretically they hold only at the hand of their liege/1 W hen this and other developments had trans­ pired - for example, metal-working became widespread instead o f remaining a kingly prerogative - these emerging states had little patience with earlier forms o f feudal deference and none at all with Chou claims to suzerainty. They fought each other for territories and competed to attract technicians to their courts to replace, in many cases, hereditary courtiers. Liu Hsiang continues : ^ Then Su Ch‘in, Chang Yi, Kung-sun Yen, Ch‘en Chen, Su Tai, SuLi and thè^r ilk created the Horizontal and Vertical strategies and ctiang-tuah persuasion!, rising up and overturning one another’s arguments right and left. Su Chftn created the Vertical and Chang Yi the Horizontal alliances, tf tjie Horjzöntal succeeded, the king of Ch‘in was to be emperor; had the VerticaltfTumphed, Ch‘u would have been the supreme king.Whatever state they resided in waxed powerful; when they left it the country became weak. But at this period Ch‘in had become the strongest of the states and the other Lords had already begun to weaken. Su Ch‘in united them, however, and for a time the six were as one to resist and turn back Ch'in. Ch‘in was afraid and dared not move its troops beyond The Pass - for twenty-nine years no weapon was drawn. In 1925 Henri Maspero demonstrated that the portions o f the Chan-kuo Ts‘e which deal w ith Su C h‘in, Chang Yi, and the so-called Horizontal and Vertical strategies (tsung-heng) are fictitious. He confronted the dates of the Vertical Alliance with the probable dates during which this Alliance was supposed to have been in force and discovered that according to the Chan-kuo Ts(e itself The Alliance would have been dissolved one year before it began. There can really be no doubt that those sections dealing with Su Ch‘in, Chang Yi, and the Horizontal and Vertical Alliances are fragments, just as Maspero says, ‘o f a w o rk ... done in the form o f a romance’. Almost a century earlier Ma Kuo-han had concluded as Maspero did that these sections of the Chan-kuo Ts*e were pieces o f a lost book called the Su-tzu (The Romance o f Su Ch‘in). Nowhere in the turbulent period o f the late W arring States 1 Crump, Intrigues, p. viii.

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era is there any time to fit in the fifteen years during which Su C h‘in was supposed to have marshalled the Six States and held C h‘in at bay (even the Chan-kuo Ts'e does not claim the twenty-nine years Liu Hsiang gave T he Alliance). T ruth m ay be stranger than fiction but fiction is much more accommodating and in many ways more satis­ factory. The dismal facts o f history quite clearly show - as Su Hsün pointed out in his essay on the Six States - that the Middle Kingdoms never did unite and reverse the steady advance o f Ch‘in. C h‘in devoured them one at a time while the rest looked on. H ow splendid it would have been, however, i f someone w ith great persuasive powers and much talent had united them all and successfully led them against the hated Ch‘in. Someone, sometime, devised a rhetorical romance (it must have been almost entirely composed o f Su C h'in’s persuasions addressed to the kings o f the Six States) by which history's flinty contours were softened and made infinitely m ore acceptable to the Chinese. Su Ch*in's actions and advice are often not those o f a proper gentleman but Chinese o f all centuries listened with relish to the stories o f his deeds and heard every word through the uproar o f fulminating orthodoxy. O f course, to have a man of Su Ch‘in's stature defeated by something as bloodless as the relentless force o f history would hardly be satis­ factory. Only one fully as clever as he - but possessing in addition the touch o f the fiend - should overcome him. There is some reason to believe that Chang Yi, Chan-kuo Ts'es deuteragonist and Su C hm 's antagonist, was a historical personage, but none at all for believing he did what the Chan-kuo Ts'e credits him with. Liu Hsiang concludes his preface by implying that China's eventual unification under Ch‘in was Chang Yi'sacc6mpH§lHnent : f v But Ch‘iji was a state qf great influence and many natural resources. All the schemersvwent first to (|h*i - Su Ch‘in to begin with had hoped to establish the HorizontahCoalition |br Ch‘in but when she would not use him he went east to form the Vertical Alliance. When Su Ch‘in died Chang Yi formed the Coalition. All thp/Lords obeyed him and faced the west to do homage to Ch'in. It was for this reason that Ch‘in Shih-huang - from his country of four bastions, anchoring himself on the passes of Yao and Han-ku, straddling the riches of Lung and Shu, heeding the schemes of many advisers and using the most ardent warriors of six generations - ate away the Six States as the silk­ worm gnaws away the leaf. He brought all the Lords under his control and unified the empire___

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The sections o f the Chan-kuo Ts*e which are devoted to the elaborate speeches o f Su Ch‘in and Chang Yi and a number o f other items related to the Horizontal (which I call C h'ins Coalition in the present translation) and the Vertical (which I call The Alliance) are, as I have said, pieces o f one or more rhetorical romances featuring Su Ch‘in and Chang Yi. Maspero suggests the legendary Su Ch‘in was such a success that he was given two brothers, Su Tai and Su Li. The last paragraph o f item 466 makes it very clear that some sort of a sequel to the Romance o f Su ChUn had his younger brothers reconstituting The Alliance - this time for the country o f Yen - on the model of their famous older brother.

m However, a Romance of Su CKin, even with a sequel, accounts for a good deal less than half o f the Chan-kuo Ts‘e. W hat are we to make o f the rest? M y theory on the question has already been worked out at length elsewhere,1 so if the reader will indulge me I will give only m y conclusions here and ask him to consult Intrigues for details. W ith some obvious exceptions (the assassin and avenger tales, a small number o f items which appear to have come from fictionalized annals - 46, 324, etc. - and an even smaller number which seem to be highly coloured biographies or parts thereof) the bulk o f the Chan-kuo T$‘e consists o f examples o f a form which I have called the Eersuasiom This sub-genre I consider to be the product of men w ho were trained or training themselves in the techniques o f persuasion rhetoric. W e can only theorize, o f course, but there is every indication that by 300 b.c. Chinese preoccupation w ith language, argument, and opinion had reached a stage o f development which we o f the W est know better in a Mediterranean setting, where it was called the Age o f the Sophists. If, as I believe, the Chan-kuo Ts*e and its persuasions are relics o f the Age of Chinese Sophists we should not think o f the book as history of in­ different quality but as rhetoric o f high quality. If we do this, m uch about the w ork becomes clearer: During the so-called ‘Second Sophistic’ in Greek and Roman rhetoric, it was common practice w ith rhetoricians to give their pupils historic or legendary events upon which they were required to give advice or to persuade to a course 1 Idem, chap. VIII, ‘The Persuader’s Tradition'.

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o f action as though they were actually there. Such school exercises later became very popular as a form of public speaking in which the rhetorician showed his skill in devising new and ingenious persuasions and advice to fit historical situations long past. These exercises were called suasoriae. One of the best known was posed thus: ‘The Athenians deliberate whether they should remove the trophies of their victory over the Persians, since Xerxes threatens that he will return if thpy-acc not removed/ Various approaches are recorded. Cestius Pius: T shall invade, says Xerxes; he is only promising me more trophies/ Argentarius: ‘Are you not ashamed? Xerxes sets a higher value on your trophies than on you/ Gallio chose the opposite side: We shall be exhausted with victories before they are exhausted with defeats/1 Suppose a Chinese rhetorical tradition included some such device as the suasorfy for training men in the art of persuasion; would that not explain much of whabjs most baffling about the Intrigues [Chan-kuo Ts*e]? If exercises by the masters oVd^^iariples of such a ‘school* were part of the ‘school’s* heritage it would not only explain many of the contradictions in the Intrigues, but it would account for many other facets of this delightful work. Why, for example, do so many persuaders so often speak their entire piece with no in­ terruption from the ruler, who simply says ‘so be it* when the persuader is finished? Why are the pieces in the Intrigues so beautifully polished? And how did the men in the Intrigues invariably think of just the right thing to say for the occasion? These become understandable if the training a man underwent to pursue the career he hoped for (political adviser, emissary, and the like) in­ cluded model advice which would or should have been offered at certain historic occasions, and somehow found its way into what we now call the Chan-kuo Ts'eß I f the Chan-kuo Ts'e is viewed as possibly containing rhetorical exer­ cises, a number o f things about its style and the forms it uses fall into place. The only item I can point to w ith some assurance that it may be a school exercise is 145. 145 is unique because the composer appears to have jotted down nine elaborations w hich he could create on a given theme and then to have gone on to w rite nine persuasions to go with them. W e seem to have, in this example alone, what m ay be the notes o f a student o f rhetoric preserved along w ith the set o f persuasions he created. If any of these nine persuasions stood elsewhere in the book by itself it would be totally indistinguishable from any other item in form and tone; so even though n o other item in the Chan-kuo Ts*e can be12 1 These are merely the sententiae from famous examples as recorded by Seneca Rhetor. The suasoriae themselves were long speeches. 2 Crump, Intrigues, p. 103.

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certainly identified as an actual rhetorical exercise we can state with a degree o f confidence what the characteristics of such exercises must have been simply by analysing the sub-genre which I have chosen to call the persuasion. The term diang-tuan (oijuan-ch*ang) has now appeared in this intro­ duction in three contexts: one of the pvoto-Chan-kuo Ts*e fragments was called Tuan-ch*ang; Yüan Yftek was called a ‘skilful speaker and very accomplished at efiang-tuan persuasions'; Liu Hsiang in his description o f the period of which he supposes the Chan-kuo Ts'e is a history, says, ‘Su Ch‘in, Chang Y i . . . and their ilk created the Horizon­ tal and Vertical Strategies and cWang-tuan persuasions/ Some time ago I collected all the evidence I could find on this term and put it in close juxtaposition w ith the various explanations that had been attempted.1 I found nothing very convincing about them. The latest and most serious attempt is probably the best : W hen the art o f the persuader was called diang-tuan it referred to praising someone’s strong points (ch‘ang) while counting the weaknesses (tuan) o f the others as a w ay to flatter him; or, exposing someone’s supposed strong points and dwelling on his weaknesses in order to frighten him; or, pointing out the shortcomings and strong points o f several people either to drive them apart or bring them together - depending on w hat was called for.12

It appeared to m e that since we are dealing with a rhetorician’s book (though the term diang-tuan does not appear once in Chan-kuo Ts*e) in all likelihood it referred to something that would be a characteristic o f the rhetoric involved in a certain style of persuasion. Unhappily for all concerned the phrase ‘strongpoints and shortcomings', which diang-tuan surely must imply, is so general it could fit a great many phenomena. It was m y conviction at that time (and it has since been reinforced) that no one can read through the Chan-kuo 7Ve - whether he believes it to be a history or fiction - and not be struck by the frequency o f a type of item which I shall call a ‘doubled persuasion' for want o f better term. There are several differing forms that these persuasions take. The simplest, most frequently seen and most striking I will call type one. It either states or implies the following form for the argument : 1 Idem, pp. 110-15. 2 Wei-shu T'ung-k'ao, p. 539.

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You should take this action (i). If it succeeds (2) you will have gained A. If it fails (3) you will have gained B. There are nearly forty items (somewhat under 10 per cent o f the total number of items in the entire work) which have this as their basic construction. Here are two: 233 Marquis W en o f W ei asked Chao for right-of-way through Chao to attack Chung-shan. Chao was about to refuse w hen Chao Li said: ‘T hat would be a mistake ! I f Wei attacks but cannot take Chung-shan (3) she will be exhausted by the attempt while Chao will become the stronger. I f Wei takes Chung-shan (2) she will never be able to control the peace across the entire country o f Chao which will mean that the country obliged to use troops was Wei but the one gaining territory will be Chao. You would do best (1) by allowing them passage and doing so happily. They will then realize that Chao expects to profit by it and so will recall their troops. ‘It would be best for your majesty to give them right o f w ay and convince them you can do nothing else/ 207 Han Kung-shu had Ch‘i and W ei on his side and the heir had C h ‘u and Ch‘in on his in their struggle for the state. Cheng Shen, ChV s envoy to Han, gave the towns o f Hsin-ch‘eng and Yang-jen to the heir. The king o f Ch‘u was furious and was about to have him punished, but Cheng Shen said, ‘I took it upon myself (1) to give them for the good o f our state. I decided that i f the heir were given Hsin-ch‘eng and Yang-jen for his struggle w ith Kung-shu and he won the state (2), then Ch‘i and W ei w ould attack Han. H an would then, in great haste, put her fate in C h'u's hands - in which case w ould they dare request Hsin-ch‘eng and Yang-jen? I f the heir did not win, (3) if he fled and did not perish, he w ould then arrive here w ith his hat in his hand. W ould he dare speak o f the towns then?' ‘Good', said the king o f Ch‘u, and did not have him punished.

In addition to this rather arresting formula that is clever and leaves the hearer the impression he has been given a comprehensive scheme which cannot fail, there is one almost as common which I will label type two. Type two is simply a deliberate reinforcing o f the argument by giving the reason for doing something and against not doing it: If you do A it will be good (1). If you do not do A it will be bad (2). O r the reverse (If you do not do A it will be bad, if you do do A it will be good.) The care which the persuader lavished on shaping his argument both to give reasons for doing something and against not doing it often strikes the Western reader as being strange. I believe this is because we dp not

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have the strong tendency towards parallelisms that the Chinese lan­ guage always has had and delighted in. W hat looks to be a rather weak device o f argument in the type two double persuasion is, I believe, more than likely simply the supplying o f an expected artistic device rounding off with an antithesis. Below is an excerpt from one o f per­ haps a hundred type two items : You must quickly accept a treaty w ith Ch‘u and Chao, receive Han’s heir and make the salvation of Han your chief business (1). Thereafter you may request your former territories from Han and Han will surely com ply. . . .I f, on the contrary you do not sustain Han (2) the tw o Chous will be in p e ril. . . and W ei and C h‘i will be in terror. I would single out one m ore type o f doubling, not because it is fre­ quently used but because it represents w hat I consider to be the ideal of the persuader wielding his rhetoric o f double persuasion. Here he poses a dilemma (which is simply a pair o f double alternatives each o f which is equally repugnant) which he solves with a perfect type one double persuasion. Below are the last two paragraphs of what is technically the finest example of double persuasion : ‘The king o f C h a o . . . is going to ask for your woman called Yin.’ The king coloured and saddened. ‘Chao is a powerful state’, continued Ssu-ma Hsi. ‘W hat she requests must be given. If you, sire, do not yield, your state will be in danger. If you do yield you will be the laughing stock among the Lords.* (Dilemma) ‘What can be done?’ asked the king. *You must elevate her as your queen (1) and forestall Chao’s request’, replied Ssu-ma Hsi. ‘No one has ever askedfor another's queen (2) and even i f Chao should wish to (3), the neighbouring states would never allow it.’

While these simple types are the armatures upon which are moulded hundreds o f persuasions in the Chan-kuo Ts'e, the most artistically successful o f them are combinations o f one or more types and are often very skilfully fleshed-out w ith convincing appeals to human greed, love, and self-esteem. O f the shorter items, surely 24 and 98 are the finest examples. ' To return to the meaning o f ch'ang-tuan persuasions. It is my belief that somehow the term refers to this strong and clear tendency on the part of the persuader (as he is seen in the Chan-kuo Ts'e) to frame his persuasions in ‘doubles*: thesis and antithesis, arguments for a certain action and against its opposite and other classes o f doubles such as paradoxes and dilemmas. However we may analyse them for their

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logic, one fact is apparent. The writers were very intent on achieving rhetorical symmetry which exploited both the genius o f their language and human delight in balance and complementation. It is highly likely then that the Chinese student o f rhetoric was drilled in the composition of ‘doubled persuasions’ and very likely had to present them as school exercises. It is certainly not clear how the literal meaning o f the term (‘strongpoints and shortcomings’) applies to all of these doubled cases, but it is not at all impossible that it did. This rather technical rhetorical trick of doubling will identify the persuasion readily but not all persuasions contain doubles. However, the persuasion can also be sorted out from bits of biographies, narra« tives, and annals which are to be found scattered through the book by examining its treatment of time. Persuasions exhibit no imaginary flow of events. Events are caught in the amber o f argument and remain static in a persuasion. The persuader often makes hypotheses about what should happen in the future if a certain act is undertaken - indeed one o f the greatest weaknesses o f the form is spinning the thread o f future probability so thin that it snaps in the reader’s mind and he rejects not only the persuader’s guesses about the probable sequence of events but the entire persuasion. The persuader can also narrate the history o f the event he is addressing himself to, but events never transpire and succeed each other as they would in a story: time is not manipulated in this fashion by the composer o f a persuasion. And when the ruler is made to say ‘so be it’ at the end o f the rhetorician’s per­ suasive and sometimes intricate efforts, only as much imaginary time has passed as it took the persuader to speak his words. This is the great difference between a persuasion and other forms of fiction - the prime intent is never to tell a story (which implies a succession o f events), but always to convince a hearer. There are, to be sure, items in the Chattkuo Ts‘e where imaginary tim e moves forward until it reaches the persuasion section which may account for a small part o f the whole 151 and 359 are good examples - and in 4.64.^though it is not particu­ la rly ingenious, there is obviously narrative movement through time: at least three days elapse during the piece. These are exceptions, how­ ever. In the vast majority o f cases, the brief narrative content o f the item is simply to build a frame within which persuasive rhetoric can be displayed to its best advantage.

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The persuasion is wedded to argument and its purpose is swaying opinion. It is never limited to statements o f fact but there are examples o f excellent forensic rhetoric where the reader experiences the same feelings he has while listening to tw o skilful lawyers presenting sum­ mations: while A is speaking it is obvious to the listener that A’s view o f the matter is both reasonable and right. B then addresses himself to the question and suddenly the listener finds himself believing that B ’s contentions are equally reasonable and right. The best o f this type is without doubt 265 where Lou Huan and Yü Ch mg persuade and dis­ suade the kingno^CTss than three times each. The Chinese rhetorician was often concerned with orderliness o f presentation and 424 achieves an almost copy-book regularity; the persuader first states' that there is an act his patron can undertake which will bring about three desirable consequences and then, in three neat paragraphs, details how each o f the three will come about.1 But this kind o f mechanical ingenuity is far less often seen than the extended and skilful use o f analogy in the form o f an anecdote (see 372 for example). The fable or apologue is sometimes elevated to truly artistic heights as in the case o f the multiple and developing animal-analogies found in 219, and many o f Chan-kuo Ts'es fables are the most famous in the nfetory o f Chinese letters

(e.g.468). ’T S T h e y are a part o f Chinese rhetorical tradition we should expect to find extreme care given to the language o f the persuasions and this is, indeed, everywhere evident. Experiments with style range from the outstanding clarity and simplicity of rhythm found in the opening paragraphs of 288 to the lavish and gaudy icons o f Su C liin ’s first attempt to persuackTthe Ling o f Ch‘in (47). There are some very pretentious affairs which not only preach t5uT3o it rather badly as is the case w ith 130. But these are rare, and often the persuasions are capable o f extremely subtle observations on human nature (171) and handsomely turned out apothegms: ‘The ruder the village the more it finds strange in the world; and the backwoods scholar finds food for debate in anything’ (239). It is sometimes true, as Watson notes, \ . . they are, like most diplom atic speeches, long-winded and mad­ deningly complex’,2 but they can contain the most compressed and 1 There may be a connexion here with 290 which I have suggested was a rhetori­ cal exercise. —— 8 Watson Illy p. 87.

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trenchant comments imaginable. Describing the dissimilarity of two personalities, one persuader observes : Those two are as unlike as the fabled pair o f friends from Chin and Ch‘u. The man from Chin saw his companion from Ch‘u strapping on his sword in dangerous haste. He mildly suggested moderation, whereupon the one from C h‘u became so insensed at the though of delay that he set upon his companion from Chin.

The persuasions o f Chan-kuo Tsce are generally lacking in philosophical cant and often exhibit a healthy irreverence for everything including the persuader himself: The persuader . . . all day and every night waving his fists, bulging his eyes and grinding his teeth trying to convince rulers that The Alliance is advantageous.

This freedom to be irreverent may not have come about simply because a persuader was not supposed to toady to a ruler as his courtiers did; there are also indications in the Chan-kuo Ts'e that it was under­ stood a person presenting a persuasion was exempt from ordinary rules governing lèse majesté - resembling somewhat the immunity of the European court fool or jester. In 480 and elsewhere (e.g. 130 and 298) you find statements by rulers such as TIf this is a persuasionTshall liHow it; if it is n o t you will die VIV IV This translation, while it has o f course used all available editions o f the Chan-kuo Ts'e, is based on the Senkokusaku Seikai (Chan-kuo Ts*e Cheng-chieh) edited by Yokota Ikö. The woodblock edition of this was first published in 1829 and it subsequently became the basis for the Kambun Taikei series’ version o f Chan-kuo Ts‘e. I follow these editions and unless it is stated otherwise in the notes I take the advice of Yokota on textual problems. In one im portant respect, however, I depart from Yokota and the Kambun Taikei edition. Yokota seems to have seen an edition o f the Chan-kuo Ts‘e T*an-sou by Chang W en-kuan ijg 3C ffi which is the only version of the Chan-kuo Ts'e ever to have included one extra item at the end o f the Book o f Ch‘in II and another at the end o f the Book o f C h‘u. Yokota includes these tw o extra items in his work while admitting that no other edition had ever carried them. Since they have never been part o f any standard Chinese edition, I have omitted them from this translation.

THE BOOK OF CHOU

K I N G A N (401-369 b.c .) I

Chou evades an extradition order When Yen Sui became a criminal1 Yang Chien2 was his accomplice in aim e. The road o f the latter led through Chou and the ruler o f Chou kept Yang Chien with him for fourteen days, after which time he sent ]iirn on his way with a carriage and a team o f four. Han sent an envoy to Chou to upbraid that country for its action and the ruler of Chou was worried. O ne o f his guests said, ‘J ust say to Han in a forthright manner, “I knew that Yen Sui was a criminal and Yang Chien was his accomplice, so I kept the latter here fourteen days awaiting your country’s commands. But in m y small state there is no place to hold a criminal and since your representative did no t arrive I had to send him off.9" SPTK i. 2a KY 8. 28 3 K I N G N A N (314-256 B.c.)

2 The H eir Apparent Kung, the heir apparent of Chou, had died leaving five pretenders, all of whom were loved by the ruler and none of whom had yet been made his successor. 1 By arranging for the assassination of ft UtLalso known as Ife & See 383. 2 W ith Yokota. It appears as S in 429 also. 8 For an explanation of these initials, see Bibliography, p. 584 and the introduction to Alphabetical Finding List, p. 588.

23

24

T H E B O O K OF C H O U - K IN G N A N

Chao Chien, the ssu-ma1, said to the king o f Ch‘u: ‘Your majesty should settle a fief upon Kung-tzu C hiu so that he may be chosen as successor* ‘If the ruler o f Chou should not concur/ said Tso C h‘eng to Ssu-ma Chien, ‘then you would be in difficulty and relations would be broken off w ith Chou. You had rather say to the ruler of Chou, “Will your excellency tell me. Chien, in confidence which one he favours so that I may instruct the king o f Ch‘u to settle land on him/* * [\ . . If you wish to become heir apparent and send a man to K ‘ung, servant to Chan-tzu, the minister’s attendant, to say that the king seems to make you (?) do this, this would constitute having a powerful officer in their midst who would hamper the minister. The minister would then make him heir apparent/]2 SPTK i. 3a KY 8. 24

3 Tso Shang advises caution and wins employment The king o f Ch*i was asked: ‘W hy does your majesty not support Chou Tsui w ith a fief so that he may become the heir apparent?* The king o f C h‘i ordered Ssu-ma H an to use such an inducement to advance Chou Tsui in Chou. ‘If Chou should not agree/ said Tso Shang to Ssu-ma Han, ‘Then you would be in difficulty and relations would be broken off with 1 The title means ‘Master o f Horse*. Like other names o f hereditary posts, it could be used by its holder as a surname. 2 The section of text in brackets is quite corrupt. Fortunately, as Chung Feng-nien points out (pien-wu, p. 7), it carries enough information to prove that it was never properly a part of 2. Chung says: “N o matter who the ‘you’ referred to is, the ruler o f Chou or the ssu-ma Chien, the meaning shows that the person being persuaded wants to be the heir. There is no sense to this form o f address when the other facts in the (story) are taken into account . . . Also, since (the story) . . . demonstrates that choosing the heir was entirely up to the ruler o f Chou, the statement ‘the minister would then make him heir apparent* is in conflict with the earlier statements.’* Chung thinks the last 44 characters constitute a fragment of another story attached to 8. 24 by error. I agree.

T H E B O O K O F C H O U - K ING N A N

25

Chou. You had rather say to the ruler o f Chou “send someone to tell me in confidence whom you wish seated and I will instruct m y king to advance him by settling land on him ” .’ T h ro u g h this plan Tso Shang became employed. SPTK i. 3b K Y n.15

4 Chou Tsui’s value Ssu-k‘ou Pu said to the ruler o f C hou on behalf o f C hou Tsui: ‘T o send a man to C h‘i telling the king that C hou Tsui is unwilling to be made the heir will certainly make your highness unpopular.’1 ‘Once Han the smith bought a fine sword for T ‘ai-kung o f C h‘i but since the latter did not know enough to appreciate such a blade he returned it to the smith and fined him as well. A man o f Yüeh offered the smith a thousand in gold for the blade but the smith refused to sell it because such a price would be too great a loss. W hen the smith was dying he left his son this injunction: “Always make certain you are not the only one to know the w orth o f a thing.” ‘Your highness, in trying make Chou Tsui become the heir, resembles a man who is the only one to know the w orth o f a certain half-tally.12 N o one else believes it worth a thing. I fear that the king o f C h‘i will con­ clude you really wish to raise Kuo3 and are forcing C hou Tsui to decline in order to deceive C h‘i. Y our highness will appear very crafty and Tsui very false. ‘W hy don’t you “buy” an article which all can believe is valuable? Simply do not stint your favour or the gifts you make to Tsui hence­ forth. By doing so you will let all the empire see he is valuable to you.’ SPTK i. 4a KY 10. 9 1 Or, ‘is a course I would avoid if I were you’. 2 Without the missing half it would take special information to know the halftally was worth anything. 2 Another possible heir to Chou’s holdings.

26

T H E B O O K O F C H O U - KING N A N

5 C h o u s honouring o f C ttu - li Chi excused Ch‘in had ordered C h u -li Chi to visit C hou with a retinue o f a hundred carts. The ruler o f Chou welcomed him with great respect and an honour guard o f troops. The king o f C h‘u was furious and upbraided Chou for so honouring a guest from C h ‘in. "O f old when Earl Chih, the Hegem on, attacked the C h‘iu-yu/ said Yu T ‘eng to the king o f C h‘u, ‘he presented them w ith a great bell mounted on a wide wagon and then entered with his troops.1 The C h‘iu-yu perished for they had taken no precautions. W hen Ts‘ai fell, Duke Huan, the Hegemon, had spread w ord abroad that he attacked C h‘u, while in truth it was Ts‘ai he was invading. ‘Today, C h‘in is a ravenous state and her appetite is for Chou. So when Ch‘u-li C hi was sent to C hou w ith a hundred carts the king o f C hou was frightened. W ith the lessons o f Ts'ai and the Ch'iu-yu in mind he sent forth his tallest troops in the front ranks but behind them were his strongest crossbows. It was called guard o f honour for Chi but was in fact a cage. ‘Besides, should the ruler o f C hou n o t love his country? He fears that if Chou were lost it would bring grief to you, your m ajesty/ The king o f C h ‘u was mollified. SPTK i. 5a K

Y

9 . 3

6 Su Tai frees Chou from a le v y and wins a town fo r her During the battle for Yung-shih, H an levied arms and provisions on Chou. The ruler o f Chou was distressed and told Su Tai o f it. 1 Kao Yu’s note gives this story: 'The C h'iu-yu were covetous o f a great bell which was offered as an inducement. They opened up a road from their country to Chin in order to bring it in. Earl Chih followed them w ith his troops, attacked and took them.’ The source of this anecdote is unknown to me. Details on the fall o f Ts'ai are to be found in the Tso-chuan, Hsi, 2nd year.

TH E B O O K OF C H O U - KING N A N

27

'W hat is there here to distress you?’ asked Su Tai. ‘N ot only can I cause Han to cease levying arms and provisions upon your majesty but

can even secure for you the tow n o fK ao -tu / ‘If you can do this/ cried the ruler o f Chou in delight, ‘then I will request that our state follow your direction in all m atters/ Su Tai thereupon set off for Han to have audience with its minister, Kung-chung C h ‘ih. ‘Has m y lord not heard the plan of C h‘u?’ he asked. ‘Chao Ying told the king o f C h‘u, “H an is devoid o f troops and her granaries arc empty. If I attacked Yung-shih and laid siege by hunger, Han has not the wherewithal to defend the city and in less than a m onth it would be taken.” ‘Now, however, Yung-shih has been under siege for five months and they have not been able to take it. This distresses C h‘u and the ruler o f C h‘u has begun to suspect Chao Ying’s plan is unworkable. ‘My lord is now levying arms and grain from C hou and this tells Ch‘u that you are in trouble. If Chao Ying hears o f it he is certain to importune the king o f C h‘u to increase the troops surrounding Y ungshih and it will be taken/ ‘It is true', said Kung-chung, ‘but my emissary has already left/ ‘My lord’, replied Tai, ‘w hy not take this opportunity to present Chou with the tow n o f Kao-tu?’ ‘To forgive C hou the levy o f arms and grain is enough and m o re/ cried Kung-chung in anger. ‘W hat have we to do with presenting Kao-tu?* ‘If you should give them K ao-tu/ replied Tai, ‘C hou would submit gratefully and throw in her lot w ith Han. When C h‘in hears this she is certain to be enraged, b u m C hou’s passport tallies and refuse her am­ bassadors. Thus m y lord will gain the entire state o f Chou in exchange for the rustic tow n o f K ao-tu - can he afford to refuse?* ‘So be it*, said Kung-chung. He forgave Chou the levies o f arms and grain and granted her the tow n o f Kao-tu. Ch‘u could not, in the end, reduce Yung-shih and withdrew. SPTK i. 5b KY9.4

28

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7 Han C K in g s persuasions free W est Chou from an onerous duty The Duke o f Hsüeh had used C h ‘i’s armies to attack C h‘u on behalf o f Han and W ei and (in return?) Han and W ei were attacking Ch‘in in alliance with the Duke o f Hsüeh. They were expecting food and troops from West Chou. Han Ch m g1 spoke to the Duke o f Hsüeh for West C hou: ‘M y lord, you used your country to attack C h‘u to help Han and W ei and after nine years o f fighting secured the area north o f Yüan and Shè to add to the power o f Han and Wei. Today you attack Ch'in and will again benefit them. W hen H an and W ei no longer fear Ch‘u to the south and are not troubled by Ch* in in the west, their lands will be broad and, being mightier, they will make light o f C h‘i. It is my stupid opinion that my lord should consider this situation dangerous, for the twigs flourish when the root retreats and what is solid today will someday become hollow. It would be safer if you asked my humble ruler to secretly side w ith C h ‘in. O n your part you would neither attack, request troops, nor demand food from his state.J ‘Then when you approach Han-ku Pass and have no t raised your hand against Chou, get my ruler to speak o f your intentions to the king of C h‘in. He will say, “The Duke o f Hsüeh does not intend to harm Ch'in for the benefit o f Han and W ei. He really wishes you to force Ch‘u to cede its eastern regions12 to C h ‘i. To do this you must release the king o f C h‘u as a guarantee of amity.” 3 If you should order my ruler to make such a proposal to Ch*in, Ch‘in will avoid a defeat and will be glad to press C h‘u for her eastern regions to escape harm to herself. W hen the king o f Ch‘u is released he will be obligated to Ch‘i and C h‘i will get the eastern regions and become more powerful. Your fief o f Hsüeh will be safe for generations, C h‘in will not be gready harmed and will remain a power to the west of the Three Chin, and as a result they will surely give great weight to good relations with Ch‘i.’ 1 SC has Su Tai. 2 Also known as T

* See also 212.

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29

‘So be it’, said the Duke o f Hsûeh. He sent Han C h'ing to Ch‘in, called off the attack by the three states, and asked neither troops nor

food from W est Chou. SPTK i. 6b KYp. i

8 W ei dissuaded from marching through W est Chou When die three states returned from their attack on C h‘in, West Chou was concerned lest W ei ask right o f passage. On behalf o f West Chou someone said to the king o f W ei, ‘C h ‘u and Sung1 are not benefited by Ch‘m s kindness12 to you so they are (?) about to attack your majesty’s towns3 to profit Ch‘in /4 The king o f W ei in fear ordered his troops to abandon5 the planned marches and move eastwards at full speed.6 SPTK i. 7b KY 11. 16

9 A dangerous exchange o f territories is prevented Han and W ei exchanged territories and W est Chou did not gain by it. Fan Yü said to the king o f C h‘u, ‘Chou will perish ! In the exchange, 1 Index treats them as two separate names though Kambun does not mark them that way. a Following Yokota; but SPTK has f i , ‘agreement', which would be normal. •After Yokota: literally, ‘assemblages’. Yokota construes it as aggregations o f people, hence, ‘towns’, but Pao treats it as collections of valuables, hence, ‘trea­ sures'. 4 And turn her against the Three Chin by attracting her to Ch‘u and Sung? 6 Seki says should be IB. However that may be, the meaning is clear enough the army would spend less time foraging in Chou. 6 Thereby foraging for a shorter time on Chou territory.

30

T H E B O O K O F C H O U - K IN G N A N

Han gains two districts and W ei loses two.1 The reason this is being done is to encircle the two Chou. There are the Nine Cauldrons in those two states and they alone are w orth more than the two dis* tricts [?]2 ‘W hen W ei holds Nan-yang, the lands of Cheng, and Three Rivers, thus encircling Chou, then C h‘u’s holdings beyond Fang-ch‘eng Mountain will be peril. W hen Han has both parts o f Shang-tang, thus bringing her into contact with Chao, the area above Sheepgut Canyons in Chao will be in danger. The day the exchange takes place Ch‘u and Chao will become unim portant/ The king o f C h‘u was afraid and joined Chao in halting the ex­ change. SPTK i. 8a KY io. 12

IO

Chou Tsui seeks to avert a ChUn attack Ch*in attacked the army of W ei’s general Hsi W u at Yi-ch‘iieh and pressed on to attack Chou. C hou Tsui asked a man to speak to Li Tui, the ssu-k'otß o f Chao, and say : ‘Your excellency had best prevent Ch‘in’s attack on Chou. The finest plan for Chao would be to bring about another engagement between C h‘in and Wei. If C h‘in should attack Chou and take it she must at least suffer heavy casualties. Ch‘in anticipated having only to take Chou and had not intended attacking W ei. If she attacks Chou and does not reduce her, she will have suffered losses from her victory over W ei and her defeat at the hands of C hou - she will certainly not attack W ei again. ‘If you, sir, prevent Ch‘in from attacking Chou now, before she can make peace w ith Wei, then she will be faced with the whole country o f 1 As Pao points out, this is a curious ‘exchange* where one only loses and the other only gains. 2 1 am not at all certain of this translation but the meaning would seem to be that the prize at stake is far higher than the tw o (or four) districts mentioned. 8 Title of the Chao commander-in-chief.

THE B O O K OF C H O U - KING N A N

3i

Chao intact and will have no recourse but to obey her. Your excellency will then have both turned back C h‘in and stabilized Chou. W hen C h‘in leaves Chou she will have to fight Wei. W ei cannot cope w ith her and must settle with her through your excellency - then again you will be in a strong position. ‘If, in desperation, W ei should cope w ith Ch‘in, then your excel­ lency will have preserved Chou, caused W ei and C h‘in to have en­ gaged one another and Chao will be in an overwhelmingly important position/ SPTK i. 8b KY9.2

II

The ruler o f Chou loses a battle and wins a park When Hsi W u was defeated at Yi-ch‘üeh the ruler o f Chou went to Wei to seek succour, but the king o f W ei excused himself because o f his troubles in Shang-tang. O n his way back the ruler o f Chou saw the game park at Liang and was delighted by it. C h‘i-wu K‘uei said to his ruler: ‘The game park at W en is no less delightful and it is closer by. I can acquire it for your highness/ He returned for an audience with the king of Wei. ‘Does the ruler o f Chou hate me?* asked the king. ‘If he did not, whom should he hate?’ replied C h‘i-w u K‘uei. ‘I am concerned for your majesty. The ruler o f Chou is after all chief o f strategy. He has interposed his country between C h‘in and your majesty to resist Ch‘in, but your majesty will not help him. To your servant it appears that he will certainly put his country under service to Ch‘in. If C h‘in uses its forces from beyond the great walls and the populace o f C hou as well in order to attack Nan Yang, then both the two Shang-tangs will be lost/ ‘It is true; w hat can be done?’ asked the king of W ei. ‘The ruler o f Chou is not by nature fond of small profit', replied C h i-wu K‘uei, ‘and to serve Ch‘in is small profit. If your majesty would give him 30 thousand border guards and the park o f Wen, the

T H E B O O K OF C H O U - K IN G N A N

32

ruler o f Chou would be able to explain things to the elders and his people, would have the park at W en to amuse himself and would not ally himself with C h‘in. ‘Your servant once heard that taxes from W en Park bring you eighty in gold a year. If the ruler of Chou got the park he would be your majesty’s tenant and would pay one hundred and twenty a year. Thus, not only would the Shang-tang be secure but there would be an additional income o f forty in gold/ The king o f Wei! thereupon sent M eng Mao to present the park at W en to the ruler o f Chou and allowed him 30 thousand border guards. SPTK i. 9b KY 10.11

12

C h ous minister in C K i n is insured against blame After Hsi W u was defeated, C hou sent her chief minister Chou Tsu to Ch‘in. Someone said to him: ‘W hy do you not say to the ruler o f Chou, “If I go to Ch‘in the relations between Chou and C h‘in will be worsened. Y our highness’ ministers1 will be made much o f by C h‘in in order to have one o f them become chief minister in m y stead. W hoever it is will then slander me to C h‘in and make it impossible for m e to carry out m y mission. I would prefer to quit m y post as chief minister before I go. Your high­ ness can then make the one [most likely to be covetous o f my post] chief minister and having gained w hat he wishes he will not slander Chou to the king o f C h‘in.” ‘However, your ruler intends to honour C h‘in by sending you, his chief minister. If you were to quit your post and then go on the mission it would be a slight to Ch‘in so you will not be allowed to resign. But if you say what I told y ou to before you leave, good relations with C h‘in will be credited to you and if bad relations are 1X is probably

T H E B O O K O F C H O U - KING N A N

33

the outcome o f your mission then your detractors will be blamed and punished/1 SPTK i. 10b KY 11.17

13

Po C h'i and the parable o f the archer Su Li said to the ruler o f Chou : 'He who defeated Han and W ei, w ho killed Hsi W u, attacked Chao and took Lin, Li-shih and C h‘i was Po C h‘i. In truth he is gifted in warfare and possessed o f heaven’s command. At present he goes to attack Liang and it is certain to fall. W hen it does Chou will be in peril. Your highness had best stop him and tell him the following : 'There was once in C h‘u a most excellent archer named Yang Yuchi who paced off one hundred paces from a willow leaf and in one hundred shots hit it one hundred times. All attending cried, “Splendid!” O ne man, however, walked over to him saying, “Excel­ lent archery, but I can teach you how to shoot !” "'Everyone else says it was splendid, but you, sir, only that you can teach me to shoot. W hy did you not do the shooting in m y place?” asked Yang Yu-chi. ‘ “ Oh, I couldn’t teach you to straighten your right arm so, or crook your left arm thus” , replied the other. “But you are a man who let fly one hundred times at the willow leaf, hitting it each time; yet you do not rest your skill. In a short time, when your attention or strength wanes a bit, the bow will buck or an arrow will be crooked and you will miss once - wiping out all o f your previous merit.” ‘“Now you are the one responsible for the destruction o f Han and Wei, the death o f Hsi W u and the attack north against Chao which secured Lin, Li-shih and C h‘i. Your accomplishment, Po Ch'i, is great,” you must say. “But now you again move C h‘in’s troops from their garrisons to bypass the twin countries of Chou, and tread over 1 Chou Tsu having sown the seed of suspicion, the ruler of Chou will suspect anyone who speaks against Chou Tsu of having secretly ruined relations between Chou and Ch‘in.

34

TH E B O O K OF C H O U - K IN G NAN

Han in order to attack Liang. If in this one assault you should be un­ successful you will destroy all your past merit. You should rather, sir, plead illness and not go forth. SPTK i. n a KY io. 6

H

Chou averts C h tu s wrath by incriminating a victorious general The troops o f C h‘u were at Shan-nan (in Chou)1 and W u Te was about to inflict the king o f C h V s w rath upon Chou. ‘You should make the heir go to our borders with the Advocate General',12*said someone to the ruler o f Chou, ‘and welcome W u Te there. Your highness himself should welcome W u Te at the outskirts of the city and allow all the empire to know you have treated him with great respect. Next, you must make sure that rum our reaches Ch‘u that the ruler o f Chou gave gifts to W u Te. The rumours should even quote the inscription to be found on this and that vessel. His king will then demand the vessels from him but W u Te will not have them to give. For this his king will find him guilty o f crim e/ SPTK i.nb KY io. 7

15

Chou cunningly complies w ith powerful C h ‘u in order to alarm C h tu s rivals C h‘u8 asked for a right o f way between the tw o Chous to reach Han and W ei4*and the rulers o f Chou were worried. Su C h‘in said to them, 1 After Yokota and Kao Yu. 2 W ith Yokota, but the use of MF is not clear. W- jE is probably just what it looks to be - the legal and protocol officer. 8 SPTK has the opening sentence: ‘Ch‘u ch‘ing tao yii liang Chou.’ 4 This is all geographical nonsense. Chung Feng-nien suggests it should probably be ‘reach Yen and Chao*.

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35

‘Clear a road for Ch u right to the Yellow River. Han and W ei will certainly dislike this while Ch‘i and C h m will fear that C h uis about to seize the Nine Cauldrons and will come to the aid o f Han and W ei by attacking C h‘u. C h u will then scarcely be able to manage any thing to the north o f Fang-ch‘eng so it is unlikely she will insist on right o f passage between the two Chous. B ut if those four states are not en­ couraged to be angered at C h’u, then however much your highnesses may dislike giving Ch‘u the Cauldrons she will get them. SPTK i. 12a KY io. 8

16

Homage to ChUn averted with W e i s help Ch‘in summoned the ruler o f C hou to court and the latter was against going there, so someone spoke to the king o f Wei on C hou’s behalf, saying: ‘Ch‘in summons the ruler o f Chou because C h‘in is about to attack Nan-yang in Wei. W hy should your majesty not send W ei troops into Ho-nan? The ruler o f C hou would hear o f this and use it as an excuse to refuse to go to Ch‘in. If Chou does not go to C h m , Ch‘in will not dare cross the River to attack Nan-yang.’ SPTK i. 12b KY io. io

17

Chou Tsui advised on personal relations in the ChUn court When the ruler o f Chou went to Ch‘in someone said to C hou Tsui, I t will be best if you praise the filial actions o f the king o f C h‘in and make a gift o f the Yiian1 area to the queen mother for her own in­ come. The king and queen m other will certainly be pleased and you will have Ch‘in on your side. If relations with Ch‘in are good, the 1 Yasui notes that M of the Huang ed. (p. 3b) and SC is doubtless correct, Kao Yu*s note on it having been misinterpreted as early as T ang times.

36

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ruler of Chou will surely consider this your accomplishment; if relations turn o u t badly, the man w ho urged the ruler of Chou to enter Ch‘in will surely be punished !’ SPTK i. 12b KY10.5

l8

Chou Tsui dissuades the king o f C K in from attacking Chou Ch‘in wanted to attack Chou but C hou Tsui said to the king: ‘The plan for Ch‘in is not to attack Chou. The material gain would hardly benefit Ch‘in while the bad name for such an act would make Ch*in shunned by the empire. If the empire shims Ch‘in it m ust ally itself eastward with C h‘i. W ith your troops tired by a campaign in Chou and having driven the empire to unite w ith Ch*i, C h'in will stand alone and will fail in her efforts to be king of all. It is because the empire wishes to weaken C h‘in that your majesty is being urged to attack Chou. W hen C h‘in and the empire are equally exhausted the empire will keep you from passing beyond1 C hou/ SPTK 1.13a KY 11.13

19

A secret alliance against Cbtin Kung T‘o said to the ruler o f C hou: ‘Yüan depended upon Ch‘in and made light o f Chin. Ch‘in had a famine and Yüan was lost to Chin. Cheng depended upon W ei and made light o f Han. W ei attacked Ts‘ai and Cheng was lost to Han. C hu and Chü fell to C h‘i, C h‘en and Ts‘ai to Ch‘u - they were all dependent upon protector states and all ig­ nored a neighbouring enemy. A t present your highness relies much upon Han and W ei yet makes light o f Ch‘in and I fear harm will come to his state. It would be best to send Chou Tsui to arrange a secret 1 Following Yasui and Kao Yu’s note; (®) fr, 'lateral motion eastward’.

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37

alliance with Chao to prepare your state against Ch'in. Then it will not come to ruin.* SPTK i. 13a KY i i . 14 KING H U I1

20 The nine cauldrons Ch‘in had raised an army and approached Chou and was demanding the Nine Cauldrons. The ruler o f Chou, distressed, spoke o f it to Yen Shuai. ‘Rest easy I beg you, your majesty,’ replied Yen Shuai, ‘and allow me to seek succour in the east from C h ‘i.’ Having arrived there Yen Shuai spoke to the king o f C h‘i : ‘M y lord, the wickedness o f C h ‘in is now so great that she wishes to send her troops to Chou and demand the Nine Cauldrons. The ruler o f Chou and his ministers have among them determined that rather than let the cauldrons go to Ch‘in they will send them to your majesty’s state. Now, to sustain a country in peril has about it a fair name, whilst posses­ sion o f the Nine Cauldrons carries with it substantial wealth. I ask your highness to reflect on this.’ The king o f C h‘i rejoiced and sent forth a brigade o f fifty thousand troops under C h‘en Ch‘en-ssu to rescue Chou, and the C h‘in forces retired. But when C h‘i requested the Nine Cauldrons as her due, the ruler of Chou was once more distressed. ‘Rest easy I beg you, your majesty,' said Yen Shuai again, ‘and allow your servant to go eastward and disencumber us.’ ‘Chou has trusted in the rectitude o f your great country’, said Yen Shuai when he arrived in C h‘i; ‘Father and son, minister and prince have been sustained by you, and it is our wish that the Cauldrons be given you. It remains only to know by what road they should be delivered to C h‘i.’ 1 Contemporary of King Nan, who was his cousin. He ruled over the eastern of the two parts into which the shrunken domains of Royal Chou were now divided.

c

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‘W e shall ask for right of way through Liang’, replied the king of Ch‘i / ‘You must not, my lord. Liang’s sovereign and ministers have long coveted the cauldrons and plotted for them from the heights o f Hui­ la i to the sloughs o f Shao-hai. Once the bronzes enter Liang they will never leave.’ ‘W e shall ask for a road through C h‘u, then.’ ‘You must not, my lord. C h‘u’s sovereign and ministers have long coveted the Cauldrons and plotted for them in the courts at She. Once the bronzes enter Ch‘u they will never leave/ ‘Well, by w hat route then m ay we fetch the bronzes to Ch‘i?’ asked the king. ‘This is just w hat has concerned m y humble prince,’ replied Yen Shuai. ‘For the Cauldrons are not so many vinegar jugs or sauce pots to be carried to C h‘i dangling from the hand or clutched at the breast. N or can they be hustled off to Ch‘i like hare-started horses or birdharried crows. O f old when Chou conquered Yin and got the caul­ drons, ninety thousand men drew a single bronze and the nine o f them required all together eight hundred and ten thousand men, both troops and officers, w ith the tackle and gear appropriate for such a force. Now, though your majesty has the men for it, what troubles your servant is the route by which they may be brought o u t/ ‘It has seemed these several times, sir, that you do not intend to present them at all’, said the king. ‘I would not dare deceive your m ighty state’, replied Yen Shuai. ‘Let the king merely say outright by what route they are to come forth and my humble prince will move the cauldrons at your com m and/ But the king o f C h‘i ceased his requests. SPTK 2. ib KY 4. i

21

The f a ll o f Yi-yang W hen Ch‘in attacked Yi-yang the ruler o f Chou asked Chao Lei, ‘W hat do you think will happen?’

T H E B O O K OF C H O U - KING HU I

39

‘Yi-yang will certainly fall/ «But the walls o f Yi-yang enclose an eight-// square’, said the ruler o f Chou. ‘There are a hundred thousand first-rank troops within them and grain sufficient for several years. Kung-chung's arm y numbers two hundred thousand and General Ching Ts'ui with the hordes o f Ch‘u is approaching through the mountains to come to the city’s relief. Surely C h‘in will be unsuccessful?” ‘Kan Mao is a sojourner in C h‘in’ replied Chao Lei. Tf he attacks Yi-yang and succeeds he will become what the Duke o f C hou was to King Wen. If he fails, even his footprints will disappear from Ch‘in. The king o f Ch‘in disregarded the advice of his close ministers when he ordered the attack on Yi-yang, and if the city should not be taken he will be shamed. I assure you the city will fall/ ‘W hat would you advise me to do, then?’ asked the king. ‘You should remind the Ch‘u general Ching Ts‘ui 'that his rank is that o f the Jade Baton and his post that o f Pillar of the State; that vic­ tory can add nothing to what he has, while defeat can only mean death; and that nothing would be better for him than to turn his back on Ch'in to save Yi-yang. Say to him : “If you move your troops forward, Ch'in1 will fear that you are going to take advantage o f her exhaustion in order to attack and will ply you w ith gifts, and Kung-chung will »hink you are advancing on his behalf and will empty his treasury/” [Ch‘in took Yi-yang and Ching Ts‘ui did advance his troops. Ch'in, in fear, ceded him the town o f Chu-tsao and Han did indeed give him great gifts. Ching Ts‘ui received a d ty from Ch'in, treasure from Han,2 and put the country o f Chou in his debt.] SPTK 2. 3a KY4.2

22 Han dissuaded from intervening in the quarrel o f East and W est Chou East and West C hou were at war. Han was about to rescue W est Chou when someone spoke to the king o f Han on behalf ofEast Chou: 1 This does not make sense as it stands. See Crump, Intrigues, p. 151. 1 i.e. from Kung-chung.

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‘W est Chou is the country o f the Son o f Heaven and it is rich in famous treasures. Hold back your troops and do not send them forth you will put East Chou in your debt and be able to em pty the trea­ suries of West C h o u / SPTK 2.4a

KY5.3

23

East Chou supplied with an argument to dissuade others from aiding W est Chou W hen East and West Chou were at war, West Chou hoped to ally herself to C h‘u and Han. C h‘i Ming said to the ruler o f East Chou: ‘I am afraid that W est C hou will use her wealth to bribe Ch‘u and Han to help her get land from East Chou. It would be best to say the following to C h’u and Han: “There are tw o conditions governing W est Chou's desire to give you treasure.1 A t the m om ent East Chou’s troops are not threatening W est C hou so no W est Chou treasure enters Ch‘u and Han. If you wish to get your treasure you should en­ courage us to attack West C hou.” Then if W est Chou does give them o f her wealth we shall have got it for them. They will feel obliged to us and West C hou will be weakened in the process/2 SPTK 2. 4a

KY5.4

24

W est Chou opens the sluices and Su-tzu takes fees from both sides East Chou wished to sow its land to rice but West C hou would not open the river sluices. Chou o f the east was troubled over this but 1 That is, if we attack you get it, if we don't attack she w on't offer it, according to Pao Piao. 2 By draining her wealth (?).

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4i

Su-tzu spoke to its ruler and begged permission to treat with West Chou for water. He arrived in Chou o f the west and spoke to its ruler : ‘M y lord’s plans are faulty; b y withholding water from East Chou now he is making her wealthy. Its citizens have all sown to dry grain and no other ! If m y lord would really do them harm he should open the sluices immediately and injure their seeds. W ith the sluices opened East Chou must replant to rice. Then when you deny them the waters they must come to West Chou as suppliants and receive their orders from your majesty V The king agreed and released the waters and Su-tzu received the gold of both countries. SPTK 2 . 4b KY5.5 25

Protocol defended Chao Hsien being at Yang-ti, the ruler o f Chou wished to send his minister of state there. The minister o f state, however, was reluctant to go, so Su Li spoke to the ruler o f Chou for him : ‘When the king o f C h‘u and the king o f W ei met you sent Ch‘en Feng to Ch‘u and Hsiang-kung to W ei. Similarly, when the kings o f Ch‘u and Han met, you sent She-kung1 to C h‘u and Hsiang-kung to Han. This time, though Chao Hsien is not even a head o f state, you wish your highest minister to go to him . If a king were at Yang-ti, whom would your majesty send?’ 4Well said’, replied the ruler o f Chou and called off the mission. SPTK 2. 5a KY 5.6

26 Shih Yen tells Chou how to escape from a dilemma and gain territory from Han Ch‘in wanted a right o f way through Chou in order to attack Han. 1CKT W has ft5

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Chou feared that by granting it she would alienate H an and by not granting it she would offend C lf in. Shih Yen said to the ruler of Chou: ‘W h y not send someone to Kung-shu of H an to say, “ C h ‘in dares to quit her frontier defences to attack H an only because she trusts Chou. If you were to cede land to C hou and send an impressive embassy to Ch‘u, C lfin could hardly fail to have doubts about C hou and you would not be attacked.” At the same time say to the king of C lf in, “Han has forced us to accept some o f her territory so that you will become suspicious o f us. However, I dare not refuse H an.” The king o f C lfin certainly cannot order you to refuse it, so you will gain territory from Han while obeying Ch*in.’ SPTK 2. 5b KY5.7

27

Chou provisions C V u s enemies but appeases her resentment C lf u attacked Han’s city o f Yung-shih and Chou was provisioning Han and C lf in in the battle. T he king o f C h‘u grew angry at Chou for this. The ruler o f Chou became fearful and a man was sent to speak to Ch‘u’s king. ‘If a sovereign o f your majesty’s pow er shows anger at Chou,’ said he, ‘Chou, in fear, will certainly ally herself with those whom now she only provisions. This will provide your majesty w ith a stiffer foe. You should rather allay Chou’s fears quickly. One w ho has offended in the past and lately been forgiven will surely serve your majesty with gratitude.’ SPTK 2. 5b KY5.8

28 Su L i speaks f o r Chou Tsui Su Li said to Su C h‘in on behalf o f C hou Tsui: ‘W h y don’ty o u tell the

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43

y jjg i to heed Chou Tsui and use land to make an alliance with Wei?2 Chao will surely ally herself w ith C h ‘i in anger over this. Thereby you will have allied [your state?] with m ighty Ch u [.. .]3 ‘If you are willing to go along with Chou Tsui's actions you will be the maker o f alliances and Chou Tsui the ceder of lands/4 SPTK 2. 6a KY 7.18

29

Chou Tsui is given a plan which w ill make him jo in t minister in H an and W ei Someone said to Chou Tsui, ‘As minister o f Sung, Ch‘ou Ho wants to see to it that C h‘in joins Chao and Sung to defeat the Three States.5 If the Three States are not defeated he is just as willing to jo in Chao and Sung and isolate Ch*in. In other words if he finds Han and W ei are weakly allied together and with Ch‘i, he will use [Chao6] and Sung to 1 Even to the untutored eye it is obvious that Pao Piao’s notes are wrong here CKT invariably calls the ruler of Chou, M not 3*. Yokota, who is following Pao, perpetuates the error in the hope o f forcing this item to make sense. * Chung Feng-nien says, ‘Su Li and the others in the item happen all to be men of Chou so someone simply provisionally put them in the [Chou] section . . . the “king** in the first sentence refers to the king o f Chao and the item should certainly be in the Chao section. Pao*s [assumption that] “wang” refers to the ruler of Chou because King Nan still ruled as king [has caused him] to divide the sentence after 3% Ä . Although W u Shih-tao*s “correction” says “he [Pao] is completely misled” , [Wu] still is unaware that ending the sentence after % is also wrong.’ • Each commentator has a theory on the origins - through graphic corruption of * * * . ‘Untranslation* is the refuge o f small talent - this is agreed - but tortured translation for the sake of honour is worse. I think the story corrupt; I do not understand Id o not believe any commentator so far has come up with a credible explanation, so I do not translate it. 4 Having understood so few components one can hardly expect the whole to make sense. It does not. * Assumed to be Han, Wei and Ch*L C h‘ou Ho is supposed to be speaking as one in the employ of Chao. • With Yokota, I supply Chao.

U

T H E B O O K OF C H O U - K IN G H U I

defeat the Three States or1 [just as readily] he will jo in the Three States. ‘W hy don’t you, sir, let someone ask the following o f the kings o f Han and W ei: “ W ould your majesties enjoy seeing C hao and Ch‘in sell each other out? You need only join together and make2 Chou Tsui your joint minister. W hen it is thus made apparent that the two o f you cannot be divided, Ch‘in and Chao w ill certainly sell each other out in an effort to make alliance with both o f you.” ’ SPTK 2 .6b K Y 7. 19

30

The king o f W ei is advised to patronize Chou Tsui On Chou Tsui’s behalf the following was said to the king o f Wei : ‘C lfin knows that Chao is troubled by the possibility o f war with Ch‘i and since C h‘in fears an alliance between the tw o she is doubtless reinforcing C hao.3 Chao dares not engage Ch‘i for fear Ch‘in will not join her but will, instead, form an alliance with C h‘i before Chao can. It is unthinkable that Ch‘in and Chao should be competing for an alliance with C h ‘i while your majesty has not a single m an working on it for W ei’ T f your majesty does not order4 C hou Tsui to bring together W ei’s allies on the side o f Ch‘i, then in a m ilitary emergency when Ch‘i is attacked, she will see no reason to be your ally.[?] SPTK 2 .6b KY8. 20 1 Yasui suggests that ID should precede this JUJ. Certainly the sentence as it stands is unusual. W ith Yasui’s conjecture it would read, ‘If they are firmly allied he will join the Three States.’ 2 fr* should be ^ after Yokota et al. 8 To encourage Chao to attack C h‘i? 4 Yokota, and others, think this should be ^ and I follow them. But the text from here on is totally ambiguous - it is simply a matter o f choosing the most likely commentary. SPTK , Yokota and Yasui all have different interpretations and W u Shih-tao notes that there are at least two interpretations o f 0 V . My translation is based on Kambun, but I am not satisfied that the text demands my interpretation more than another.

T H E B O O K OF C H O U - KING H U I

45

31

Chou Tsui upbraided fo r his loyalty Someone1said to Chou Tsui : ‘The king o f W ei has given you power over his state because he hopes to join forces with Ch‘in and attack C h‘i. N ow the Duke o f Hsüeh was once a ruler but he has dismissed thoughts o f his city o f Hsueh and put aside concern over the graves o f his ancestors.12 You are the only one w ho clings to an em pty loyalty, believing it to be a splendid example o f proper action between ruler3 and minister to keep faith with your erstwhile ruler and refuse to attack C h‘i.4 For this you [risk?]5 the w rath o f mighty C h‘in. Such action is not defensible! W hat you might better do is to say to the king o f Wei and the Duke o f Hsüeh: “Let me go to Ch‘i for your majesty. The rest o f the empire can do her no harm [so she needs no alliances].6 But if things turn against you I will be able to plead your case to bring C h‘i to the rescue. If no trouble develops you can thereafter attack [Ch‘i].7 I was once a slave8 to Ch‘i.9 It would not do for me to hamper your relations with the empire [because o f that] - You have treated me too well! If I go to Ch'i [at least] you will never have to w orry about that country.” ’ SPTK 2. 7a KY 8. 21 1 Note that 28,29, 30, and 31 all have nothing whatever to do with either East or West Chou. The only common factor is the presence of Chou Tsui. ÄLe. he is ready to attack Ch‘i. • W ith S e k i,* - ^ . 4 Yokota concludes from this that Chou Tsui was originally an officer o f Ch‘i. • I am certain jSl is an error but Yokota’s R is not convincing and Pao’s Æ would be crabbed grammar. • After Yasui.

7idem, 9Le. served her; other commentators read SL 9SPTK has instead of EL This, combined with the ambiguity already present yields two wildly divergent interpretations. M y version of this section - the one which seems most sensible to me - is based on Yasui’s notes.

46

TH E B O O K OF C H O U - K IN G HUI

32

The sacred precincts Chao had seized the sacred precints o f Chou and the ruler of Chou, disturbed by this, told Cheng C h‘ao. ‘D o not be concerned, your highness’, said Cheng C h‘ao. ‘Let me have only thirty pieces o f gold and I will get them back.’ The ruler gave him the gold and Cheng C h‘ao presented it to the Grand Seer o f Chao, while informing him about the sacred precincts. W hen next the king o f Chao became ill he summoned the Grand Seer to make prediction. The Seer reprimanded the king saying: ‘The sacred precints o f Chou are causing the malignant influence.’ Chao returned the precints. SPTK 2. 8a KY 8. 22

33 The parable o f the fow ler Tu Ho, wishing to advance Ching Ts‘ui in Chou, spoke to its ruler. ‘The small size o f your highness’s country will cause you completely to exhaust your treasures in payments to the feudal lords. This is some­ thing which demands consideration. Let me give you an example: if the netter o f wildfowl casts his net in a place where there are no birds, he may cast the day long and capture nothing ! If he casts his net in a place where birds are too numerous then he will flush the whole flock ! He must cast in an area between where the birds are numerous and where there is none, then he will take wildfowl ! ‘N ow if your highness should seek the services of a great personage he may be scorned, but if he depends on a man o f little stature, that man may have influence on no one and your highness will have to furnish treasure for him . Your highness must seek the services o f an officer who is at present penurious but who will certainly become a great personage later - then you will surely gain w hat you desire !’ SPTK 2. 8b KY 8/23

T H E BO O K OF C H O U - K IN G HUI

47

34 Chou told how a small state may be influential When the Three States were opposing C h ‘in, Chou sent her minister to Ch'in but the minister, because o f the weak position C h‘in was in,1 delayed his journey. Someone said to him : ‘It is as yet impossible to know how weak or strong C h‘in may be, but she wants to know how things are going in the Three States so you ought to have audience with the king o f Ch‘in and then say, “Let me go on your behalf and listen to what they are doing in the east.” ‘Ch'in will certainly hold you in great respect. Being so honoured you will bring importance to C hou by securing relations between Chou and Ch‘in. 4Ch‘in is an im portant state and already has good relations with Chou; then since [?]2 Ch‘i is also well disposed toward Chou, Chou will never lack for alliances with powerful states/8 SPTK 2. 9a KY 8. 25

35 A forged letter procures a traitors death Ch‘ang T ‘o4 defected from W est Chou and went to East Chou where he revealed all o f West Chou’s affairs. East Chou rejoiced. West Chou was furious. Feng Chii5 said, T can assassinate that man if your highness will give me thirty catties o f g o ld / Feng Chü sent off an agent carrying the gold and a letter to Ch'ang T o which would compromise him. It read: This is to remind Ch‘ang 1 Intrigues V, p. n has certainly got this wrong when it translates ‘the minister, being afraid that Ch‘in would treat him disrespectfully__ ’ * I am following W u Shih-tao and Yokota in m y translation rather than Pao who says, 4Ch‘in and Ch‘i were the powers at this time and if Ch‘in were treated well Ch‘i must also be - this urges him also to gain Ch‘i*s support.’ * If you succeed with C h‘in. 4 Probably the same as Kung T o Ä Ht o f 19 and other items. * CKT TV has C fl. and he is so listed in Index, It is easy to see how H (chii) could be mistaken for £ (tan) or vice versa.

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TH E B O O K O F C H O U - KING H U I

T ‘o that if the thing can be done it m ust be done at any cost; if it cannot be done you must return immediately. The longer the delay the more will leak out and it will mean your life/ Then he sent another to say to the Eastern Chou border patrol, ‘There is a spy coming over to n ig h t/ The patrol caught the one who carried the letter and turned him over to the East C hou court. Im­ mediately afterwards Ch‘ang T ‘o was executed. SPTK 2 .9b KY 8. 26 36

Chao Chien plans to escape assassination Chao Chien had fallen out w ith East Chou and someone said to him, ‘Let me suggest a secret plan/ ‘W hat is it?’, asked Chao Chien. ‘W est Chou hates East C hou very much and always hopes to set C h‘u against her. W est Chou will certainly send men to murder you. You must then spreadit about thatit is East Chou which is trying to kill you and that will turn the king [of C h‘u] against h e r/1 ‘Good’, said Chao Chien. ‘Also, I must fear assassination by East Chou so I shall speak ill of W est C hou and cause her to be disliked by C h‘u and hasten peace [between Ch‘u] and East C hou/ SPTK 2 . 10a KY 8. 27

37 Chou Tsui9s plan Chou Tsui said to Lü Li:2 ‘W hy not cause Ch‘in to attack Ch‘i? I would then tell Ch‘i to appoint you her minister.3 W hen you have C h‘i serving C h‘in you need never fear anything. 1 This is not only a hazardous plan, but is probably also a garbled story. SPTK originally showed Ö 19, which Pao emends to &. ®. 2 A Ch'in general, according to Yokota. SC 72/4 ‘Lii Li fled [Ch‘in] and went to C h‘i. 3 Following Pao and Yokota.

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«Afterwards you should have me situated in W ei to cause her to jçrve Ch'in as well. This would make you master o f the empire. In the cast you would be valuable to Ch‘i, in the west honoured in Ch'in. In addition Ch‘in and Ch‘i would be united, so you would be honoured forever f SPTK 2. iob KY 6.9 38

The D uke o f Hsiieh advised to support Chou Tsui Someone1 said to the Duke of Hsüeh: ‘The reason the king o f C h ‘i, w ho once treated Chou Tsui so generously, drove him out, listened to Chu Fu2 and made Lü Li his minister was because he wanted C h‘in as his ally. If Ch‘in and Ch‘i com­ bine, Chu Fu and Lü Li will be im portant indeed ! And those who con­ trol both Ch‘i and Ch‘in will surely make light of you, m y lord. ‘You had best muster troops to the north, urge Chao to [?]3 Ch‘in and Wei, take C hou Tsui to you and treat him well, and reverse ChVs treaties in order to prevent the empire from following her. If Ch‘i is deprived o f Ch‘in the empire can concentrate its troops against her. Chu Fu will flee and who then will manage the country for the king ofCh'i?’ SPTK 2 . 14b K Y 7 .16

39 The king o f C t i i warned o f the disadvantages o f being C hains ally Ch‘i heeded Chu Fu and cast out Chou Tsui.4 ‘Driving Chou Tsui away and making Lü Li your minister on the 1 Traditionally supposed to be Su Tai. 1 Also given in SC as Ch'in Fu. * SC has ‘to make peace with’, but as it stands in Yokota it does not make sense. 4 Originally a part o f 38. Note that this item has nothing to do with Chou.

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T H E B O O K OF C H O U - K IN G HUI

advice o f Chu Fu was all done to bind C h‘in more closely to you’, said someone to the king o f Ch‘i. ‘But if you succeed in getting Ch‘in as an ally you will also increase the severity w ith which the rest of the empire attacks C h‘i. ‘Obviously if C h‘in and Ch‘i imite, Chao will fear attack and will muster her troops against C h'i to give notice to Ch'in. N ow whether C h ‘in uses Chao to attack C h‘i or forces C h ‘i into an attack on Chao, it will be the same in principle. And things should not be so managed(?). Likewise, it is the same in principle whether you use Chu Fu’s advice or direcdy court attack from the em pire/ SPTK 2 . 15a k y 7. 17

40 Kung-shih C hi gets a word in first Lü Ts‘ang, minister o f Chou, was arranging audiences between the ruler o f Chou and some retainers. Kung-shih Chi, the former minister, feared they would speak against him so he sent a man to the ruler o f C hou w ith this message : ‘These retainers are great debators, but w hat makes them unac­ ceptable is their delight in slandering others/ SPTK 2. 12a K Y 6.10

41 A good minister bears the blame fo r his master s faults W hen W en,1 the ruler o f Chou, dismissed Kung-shih Chi and made L u Ts‘ang his minister, the citizens were not pleased and the ruler was disturbed by this. ‘There is always praise and blame in any state', said someone to W en o f Chou; ‘the faithful minister causes the blame to fall on him­ self and the praise to attach to his ruler. W hen the ruler o f Sung stole 1 This is the only identified 'ruler o f Chou1in CKT.

T H E B O O K OF C H O U - K IN G HUI

51

his people’s time to construct a pavilion and the citizens thought ill o f it1 Tzu Han quit his post as chief minister and became Master of public Works. The people then thought ill o f Tzu Han and well of their king. Duke Huan o f C h‘i had seven market places within his palace and seven hundred compounds for his women. The people grumbled and Kuan Chung2 built the San-kuei Mansion for himself to conceal the excesses o f Duke Huan and damage his ow n reputation among the citizens. ‘Recorded in the histories are hundreds o f cases of ministers who murdered their rulers and every one o f these was a great official who had been much praised. It is not certain, therefore, that one whom the people praise is a blessing to the state. The influence o f m any litde people when accumulated in one place becomes as great as a m ountain/ The ruler o f Chou retained Lü Ts‘ang. SPTK 2 . 12b K Y 6 .11

42 The citizen o f the world Once there was a man from W en who migrated to Chou but Chou did not admit aliens. ‘Are you an alien?’ they asked him. ‘No, a native’, he replied. They asked him what lane he lived in and he could not tell them, so the bailiff took him off to jail. The ruler sent a man to question him. ‘W hy did you call yourself a citizen when you are an alien?’ he asked. ‘When I was a child and learned the Book o f Odes, I chanted the verses that went: Any land with the heavens above it Is the king’s land. Anyone within the circling sea Is the king’s servant.3

11do not translate

(he had no faithful minister to shield him) for I agree with Yokota that it appears to be a note incorporated into the text. ÄDuke Huan's principal minister. * Ode 205, Waley, Songs 285; accepted text begins differently.

$2

THE B O O K OF C H O U - KING HUI

‘Since Chou rules all under heaven I am the servant o f the Son of Heaven - how should I be an alien? This is why I said I was a citizen.* The ruler of Chou made his officer release the man. SPTK 2. 13a KY 6.12

43 Chin T 'ou urged to support Chou Tsui Someone said to Chin T ‘ou on Chou Tsui's behalf, ‘Ch‘in is suspicious that Chou Tsui is going to C h‘i to set the empire against her. She also knows that Chao would be in trouble if she did battle with C h‘i and so she fears an alliance between Chao and C h ‘i.1 This will surely cause her to ally herself w ith Ch‘i before Chao can. And if C h‘i and Chi‘n become allies your state will be only ruins ! ‘The best course would be to go to C h‘i*s rescue2 and help C h ‘in in­ vade Han and Wei. Then Shang-tang and Chang-tzu will be in your hand; you will receive treasure from C h‘in in the west3 and land from Han in the south; W ei will be in distress and I, working for you in the east, will give you an alliance !’ SPTK 2.13b KY 6.13

44 Chou Tsui warns Chin T*ou C hou Tsui said to Chin T ‘ou : ‘You are trusting4 to an alliance w ith C h‘in to fight against mighty C h‘i. If you win, C h‘in will come to some understanding5 w ith Ch‘i 1 T* is doubtless p as Yokota and others think. All of the emendations o f the names of states I do on the advice of Yokota et al. The item makes no sense otherwise and the next item suggests that is probably what should be done. 2 Seki thinks Ch‘i was embroiled in a war with Han and W ei at the time. 8 llC should be 0 . This kind of idiot error lends some credibility to the need for wholesale emendation. 4 W u Shih-tao and Yasui gloss H as ‘depend on*. I follow them. 5 After Seki.

THE B O O K OF C H O U - KING HUI

53

and will be enriched1 by her territories, but will yield precious little land to your country o f Chao. Afterwards, she will be ready to do battle with the empire. ‘If you should not win, your state will be mortally wounded and you must then do whatever Ch‘in wishes. C h‘in has already got Shang-tang, T ‘ai-yüan and Hsi-tu12 from Han and Wei. Her territory covers half the empire. She also dictates terms to Ch‘i, C h‘u and the Three Chin. W hat kind o f planning would it be to overturn your state and risk your person for this dubious alliance?’ SPTK 2. 14a KY 6. 14

45 The dialecticians o f Chou Shih-hsing Ch‘in34said to the t*ai-liang-tsao* ‘If you wish to make sure o f the name of Hegemon, you must equip yourself with the dialec­ ticians o f Chou.’ To the ruler o f C hou he said, ‘Your highness should order your debators to make m uch o f you in C h‘in.’ [?]5 SPTK 2 . 14b KY 6. 15

1 After Seki. 2 I follow Pao’s text as does Yokota. Note the dilemma in argument. 2 Chung Feng-nien points out that Yu-hsing is probably the proper reading as it is also found in Kuo Yii. 4 Title of a Ch‘in dignitary. 5 Chung Feng-nien believes this is missing some text at the end. I hope so for it makes little sense as it stands.

THE BOOK OF CH‘IN

D U K E H S IA O

(3 6 1 -3 3 8

b.c

.)

46 A harsh lawgiver and his fate W ei Yang fled from W ei and w ent to C h m , where Duke Hsiao used him as his minister, gave him the fief o f Shang and called him Lord Shang, and Lord Shang governed Ch'in. Everywhere his laws were carried out to the letter and there was justice without favour. Punish­ ment applied equally to the great and the powerful and reward was not limited to the favoured and the well-born. The law even reached the heir apparent, whose tutor was branded and mutilated. A year after that, property could remain on the streets and no one would steal it. The citizens took nothing that was not their own. C o in ’s arms and armies were m ighty and all the Lords feared her. But punishments had become harsh and mercy scarce; the law existed only to bend the people to it. W hen Duke Hsiao had used Shang Yang eight years he became ill and could not leave his bed. He wanted Lord Shang to succeed him, but Lord Shang refused. Duke Hsiao died and King Hui succeeded him. After King Hui had taken control of government, Lord Shang an­ nounced that he was taking leave.1 Then someone persuaded the king saying, ‘W hen a minister is too powerful the country is in danger; when an attendant is too close your life is in danger. In Ch‘in today even wom en and babes speak of “ Lord Shang’s law” , no one speaks o f your majesty’s law. This is because he has become the ruler and your majesty has been turned into his minister. But I wish your majesty to reflect on the fact that Lord Shang is your m ortal enem y/ 1 Following Seki’s notes.

54

THE B O O K OF C H 'I N - K IN G HUI-W EN

s$

W hen Lord Shang returned from his leave King Hui had him rent asunder by chariots and no one in C h‘in m ourned his passing. SPTK 3. ia KY 11. i

K IN G H U I - W E N (337-311

b .c .)

47 The story o f Su C h 'in :h o w he failed in Ch*in9 studied hardy and succeeded in Chao; and how he was despised in adversity and respected in the hour o f his triumph When Su Ch‘in first devised the Horizontal strategy he spoke to King H u io fC h m .1 ‘Your majesty's state has the wealth o f Pa, Shu and Han-chung on its west and the steeds o f Tai and the furs o f H u in the north. To the south it is bounded by M t. W u and the lands o f C h‘ien-chung and to the east it is sealed by the peaks o f Yao and the canyon o f Han-ku. Fat fields, flourishing people, ten thousand chariots and a million mettlesome troops; a thousand miles o f rich fallow-land and an abundance laid up within defensible borders - truly an arsenal o f nature, the most awe­ some state in the world ! ‘Your majesty’s genius, his people’s multitude, the skill o f his riders and chariots and the training o f his troops could regulate the Lords 2 and swallow up the w orld and you could declare yourself emperor. I beg your majesty to hold this thought in his mind, for his servant will set forth how this shall be fulfilled.’ ‘W e have heard it said,' replied the king, ‘ “First fledge pinions then fly aloft, first gentle your nature then punish crime, first deepen virtue then bid your people act, first be conversant w ith good rule then im­ portune great ministers." You, sir, have come to my court with stem 1 1.e. King Hui-wen. It was customary to abbreviate these double titles by using the first half only. 1 The rulers of the other states.

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THE B O O K OF C H T N - K IN G H U I-W E N

purpose, reckoning the great distance as nothing, and I would hear your instruction on another day/ *1doubt your majesty’s ability to make use o f these resources’, said Su Ch‘in. ‘Yet Shen-nung did attack the Pu-sui, the Yellow Emperor fought at Cho-lu and seized Ch‘ih-yu, Yao attacked Huan Tou, Shun attacked the Three Miao, Yü fought Kung-kung, T ‘ang w ent against the Hsia, King W en against Ch‘ung, King W u against C hou and Duke Huan o f Ch‘i took up arms to become Hegemon of the whole empire ! Indeed, who has n o t gone to war? ‘The hosts o f old drove their chariots shaft against shaft but their word was binding and the empire was as one. Then began alliances of north and south and treaties o f east and west though arms and armour were never put aside. Soon learned pedants embellished their words and the Lords fell into confusion. A m yriad pretexts came to hand - more than any could understand. Statute bred ordinance and the people learned deceit; edicts multiplied and became murky till the populace knew not what they stood for. Anxiety vexed low and high; the citi­ zens knew not what to stand by. Graceful phrases and elegant words kept troops in armour and hands on swords; arguments grew more specious, robes more impressive and wars more frequent. More clever became the sayings and less controlled the land. Tongues were worn off, ears deafened and all remained undone. They preached righteousness, prated fidelity, but the empire belonged to none. ‘Finally rulers rejected the literate and cozened the warrior who lashed together his breastplate by day, honed his blade by night, and knew nothing b ut the battleground. Then gain came unbidden where they stood and their lands broadened while they sat at ease. The Five Emperors, the Three Kings, the Five Hegemons, brilliant ruler or sage prince - one and all wished to win provinces, and if their authority would not do so they did battle to extend their lands. For much land they plied their armies, for a little they smote w ith halberds; and when this was done great success attended them. Therefore let your arms be victorious abroad, let fidelity be strong at home, let those above be awesome and those below submissive ! ‘Today, if you would be pre-eminent among great states, threaten mighty countries, overset enemy nations, control all within the four seas, make all men your children and the Lords your vassals, you must

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57

do so by force o f arms. Today’s rulers, heritors of the past, are heed­ less o f the supreme way; they were schooled in confusion and rule in disorder, are bemused by words, besotted w ith verbiage, sunk in dis­ putation and smothered w ith speech. . . and from your majesty’s com­ ments I conclude that you too will never reach hegemony !’ Ten times Su C h ‘in sent his persuasions to the king o f Ch‘in who acted on none. His sable cloak w orn bare, his coffer emptied and his purse exhausted, Su Ch‘in turned homewards with bandaged feet in grass sandals. W ith his memorials in a tattered sack, with haggard visage worn and black, w ith his frame gaunt and ugly he reached home. Nor did his wife rise from spinning, nor did his sister fan up the hearth, nor did his parents speak with him. Su Ch‘in choked and sighed: ‘N o husband to my wife, no brother to my sister, no child to my parents - these insults all spring from the country of Ch‘in.’ That night he brought forth his books to the number o f some two score boxes and found within them the Secret Talisman o f T ‘ai-kung. Bowed over it he recited the schemes therein, thumbed and pored to fit and fathom them .1 If ever he dozed while at study he drew forth a gimlet and stabbed his thigh till the blood ran off at his heel and asked, ‘Where stands the man who persuades a ruler and will not put forth whatever wealth he has for honour and ministry?’ When a year was passed and his study was complete he said, ‘Here are persuasions meet for the rulers o f our time!’ Thereupon he passed through the Rook and Swallow Gates and got audience in the Palace of Splendour to persuade the king o f Chao. He spoke to the rhythm of his practised gestures and greatly pleased the king o f Chao who thereafter titled him Prince W u-an and gave him the seal o f chief minister. One hundred armoured chariots had he to follow in his retinue, a thousand bolts o f brocade silk, o f white jade pieces a hundred pair, and ten thousand ounces of yellow gold. He aligned the Vertical states and deranged the Horizontal in order to bring mighty C h‘in to its knees. W hile Su Ch‘in held power in Chao, all passes were closed to C h ‘in. If And in those times the vastness o f the empire, the multitude of its lfPra$ek suggests ‘read them to tatters’.

5»

THE B O O K OF C H ' I N - K IN G H U I-W E N

people, the authority o f the powers and princes and the skill o f its advisers were all devoted to the plans o f Su C hm . N o t a dipper of grain was wasted nor a weapon raised. N o t a soldier fought, not a bow­ string parted, n o t a dart was broken; and the Lords cherished one another. Closer were they than brother is to brother. Thus it was that *a sage was present and the empire submitted, one man was used and all men followed him ’. It is said that "if a m an be diligent in ruling he need never be tested in war; if he serves in his own court he need never serve outside his own marches !’* , In the day o f Ch*in’s pre-eminence a daily toll o f yellow gold was used to keep the highroads all agleam w ith chariots’ brazen hubs and lines o f mounted men. But soon all China east of Yao knew the fame and magnified the state o f Chao. Su Ch‘in came from the alleys o f poverty where homes are holes in courtyard walls, where mats o f m ulberry serve for walls and roll up or down on insubstantial hinge-pins; whose dwellers cringed to cartshafts and bowed to bits and halters.1 Yet now he travelled throughout China speaking at length before princes o f men, confounding their courtiers, outwitting all others. W hile he was on an embassy to the king of Ch‘u, Su Ch'in’s road took him through Lo-yang. His family heard the news, swept the hearth and dooryard, prepared a banquet and went forth thirty li to greet him on the highroad. His wife averted her glance in deference and hearkened to his every word. His sister crawled to him and prostrated herself, greeted him in greatest reverence and made apology. ‘W hy is m y sister now so humble who was once so haughty?’ he asked. ‘M y brother’s estate is lofty and his wealth great’, she replied. ‘Alas’, said Su Ch‘in, ‘in poverty even m y parents w ould not own me; yet in wealth m y whole family stands in awe and fear o f me. Then can any man bom on earth neglect power and despise wealth?* SPTK 3. 2a KY 11.2(24) 1 PruSek thinks this refers to Su Ch'in, ‘leaning on his dashboard and holding his reins’. Archiv Oriental™, 37 (1966), p. 591.

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59

48

The king o f C K in resolves to disturb the game-cocks King Hui o f C h‘in said to Han-ch‘üan Tzu, "I am being treated with contempt by Su Ch'in. Once again he is trying by his ow n intelligence to unite the Lords o f the east in an alliance to make C h‘in look ridicu­ lous. Chao depends on the num ber o f states allied to her and so has sent Su Ch‘in w ith bribes to them to pay for treatid* B ut uniting the Lords is as unlikely as having several game cocks1 sharing a single perch ^that m uch is certainly clear ! ‘I hive forborne and restrained myself for quite some time, but now I am going to send W u-an Tzu2 to make m y meaning clear to them !’ ‘You should n o t’, replied Han-ch* üan Tzu. ‘If it were to attack a dty or destroy a tow n I should ask you to send W u-an Tzu, but for the man to make our state appear in a good light and to deal w ith the Lords I beg you to use our guest minister Chang Yi.f ‘I respectfully follow your suggestion’, replied King H ui SPTK 3 .6b K Y 12. 3

49 W ei breaks a promise but is forced to keep it When Wei and C h‘u were fighting at Hsing-shan, W ei promised C hin the district o f Upper Lo if Ch‘in would have no intercourse with Ch‘u. Wei was victorious, defeating C h‘u at Nan-yang, but when Ch‘in pressed Wei for her reward W ei refused to give it. Kuan C h‘ien said to thekingofC h‘in: ‘Your majesty, you should tell the king o f C h‘u that W ei promised you land but turned his back on you when he was victorious. Then ask the king of Ch’u to deal with you.3 Say then, “W ei will fear that Ch‘in

11follow Seki. 1 Much ado is made by W u Shih-tao over 1Wu-an Tzu-ch‘i \ But this is done because of assumed anachronism. I believe it was indeed meant to be ‘Wu-an Chiin, Po Ch‘i \ 81 refrain from direct discourse up to here because it becomes very confusing otherwise.

do

THE B O O K OF C H ‘I N - K IN G H U I-W E N

and C h‘u will join forces and will surely give C h‘in her land. This will mean that Wei will have gained victory over C h‘u but lost land to C h‘in. It will also mean that you will be able to put me under obligation to you by using W ei’s territory and therefore much wealth will travel from Ch‘in to Ch‘u. ‘“ W ei is weakened after her recent battles. If she does not come forward with the promised territory, you attack her in the south while I cut her offin the west, and she will be in peril.” ’ ‘Good!*, said the king o f Ch‘in [and used this speech to the king o f C h‘u. The king o f C h‘u let it be know n that he was dealing w ith Ch‘in. W ei heard and, being fearful, she yielded Upper Lo to Ch'in.]1 SPTK 3. 7a KY 20. 5

50 Ching L i excused Ching Li, Ch‘u’s envoy, was in Ch*in and he accompanied the king o f Ch'in to the meeting with the king of W ei at the border. C h ‘u was angered.2 C h‘in ordered C hou Tsui to say to the king o f Ch‘u: ‘W ei was requesting that C h‘in have no intercourse with C h‘u but rather ally herself w ith Ch‘i3 and this is why Ching Li met Wei. M y ruler met W ei with him and treated them both very well. Consequently Ch‘i will not ally herself w ith Ch‘in.’ After that the king o f Ch‘u forgave Ching Li and thought highly of4 (?) Chou Tsui. SPTK 3. 7b KY 20. 6 1 1 isolate this part of the item as a later addition on the very shaky grounds that it ‘sounds wrong* to me. If pressed, I could only say that it begins too abruptly (probably because of the lack of erh) and is not clearly something the king did rather than said. 2 See 186. 3 W ith the commentators I emend S to here. 4 I follow Yokota though 18 is not often used this way in CKT.

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61

51 Ching L i talks him self out o f ransom The king o f Ch‘u had sent Ching Li to C h‘in and one of the king of C h‘in*s guests said to him: 4Your majesty, the king o f C h cu loves Ching Li well so I think you should detain him to buy yourself some territory. If the king o f Ch4u agrees to it you will have w on new lands without using weapons. If he does not agree, kill Ching Li. For whoever they change to 1 will not be the equal o f Ching Li and that will be more convenient for your plans.’ The king detained Ching Li. Ching Li sent a man to persuade the king o f C h4in as follows: 4I see that the king’s power can make light o f the whole empire but can­ not get him enough lands. W hen I came on my mission I heard that both Ch4i and W ei were ceding land to C h ‘in and that the reason for their doing so was simply that Ch4in and C h‘u were as close as brothers. If your majesty detains me now it will show the whole empire that you do not have Ch4u as an ally - and w hat have Ch4i and Wei to fear from an isolated country? W hen Ch4u knows that you are all by yourself she will certainly not give the land you are requesting but will strengthen her ties with other countries to plan her future, and your state will then be in peril. You had better release me instead.’ The king then let him go. SPTK 3. 8a K Y 2 0 .7 52

Beyond H si-ho W hen Ch u attacked W ei, Chang Y i said to the king o f C h‘in, ‘You should side with W ei to stiffen her spine. If she wins she will once again obey Ch‘in and she will certainly offer up the area beyond Hsi-ho. If she does not win she will not be able to control this territory and you will certainly take it.'

11am not sure of this translation but Chung Feng-nien (pien urn, p. 23) discusses it at length and emends the text to make better sense. He has some textual evidence to back it up.

6a

T H E B O O K OF C H T N - K IN G H U I-W E N

T he king took Yi's advice and furnished the hsi-shou1 o f Wei with ten thousand troops and one hundred chariots from P ‘i-shih2. They were victorious3 but W ei’s troops were spent and in fear o f Ch‘in she offered, as predicted, the area beyond Hsi-ho. SPTK 3. 8b KY 12.10

53

,

Chang Y ij the beautiful maid and the handsome boy T*ienHsin4 persuaded King H u io f C h‘inon C hen’s behalf: ‘I fear your majesty may act the way o f the ruler o f Kuo5 did* Duke Hsien o f Chin wanted to attack6 Kuo but feared the presence of C hou Chih-ch‘iao, so Hsün Hsi said to him, “ ‘Beautiful wom en can tangle a tongue’ as it says in the Book o f Chou? Send the king a woman for his pleasure. The admonitions o f Chou Chih-ch‘iao will then go unheeded and his government will be in turmoil.” W ith that he left. His advice was followed and Kuo was overcome. ‘Next Duke Hsien wished to attack Yü but feared the presence of Kung Chih-ch‘i. Hsün Hsi said, “The Book of Chou6 says, ‘A beautiful lad can ruin an older head.’ Send the king a comely boy whom you have instructed to ruin Kung Chih-ch‘i. The latter’s admonitions will go unheeded and he will flee.” Having done this, Duke Hsien attacked Yü and took it. 1 W u Shih-tao points out that a SC nien-piao says, ‘Hsi-shou of Yin-chin became the “tai liang-tsao” \ which makes Hsi Shou sound as though it is merely a name. But cf. SC 70/47. 2 This is supposed to have been W ei’s territory. Cheng-yi says it was. 3 W ith Yokota I think Jfi £ is a note interpolated into the text and so do not translate it. 4 Also given as T ie n Hua f9 in SPTK , Hsi Hua H ¥ is noted by W u Shih-tao and in the eyebrow notes of C K T I I it is given as T ien Hsin-chih Ö ^ 6 This should probably read ‘The way Kuo SB and Yü fill did’ as all commentaries indicate. 6 Misprinted f t tai in Kambun. 7 That is, Chi Chung Chou-shu, SPTK ed. 2/1. The term Chou-shu is used four times in C K T (52, 292, 310, and 358) once referring to nothing we know o£ twice to the Chi Chung Chou-shu and once to *K‘ang-kao’ in the Book ofHistory. 8 idem.

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4Now Ch‘in looks upon itself as a king’s estate and the one country capable of doing harm to a king’s estate is C h‘u. C h‘u knows both Lord Heng-men’s ability with troops and C h4en Chen’s brilliance, so she has been flattering Chang Yi to come here on behalf o f the Five States to slander those two men. I beg your majesty to pay him no heed/ Chang Yi did indeed come to speak and began to slander Chen, but the king of C h‘in simply became angry and would not listen.1 SPTK 3. 9a KY 14. 11

54

,

C \ten Chen is defamed but proves his loyalty Again Chang Yi defamed C h‘en Chen before the king o f C h‘in : ‘Ch'en Chen’s posting between C h‘in and Ch‘u has brought him good treatment at the hands o f C h‘u but has not caused C h‘in to be better treated by C h‘u. Does this not show that Chen acts for himself but not for his country? Besides, Chen will leave Ch‘in and go to Ch‘u. Why doesn’t your majesty investigate this?’ ‘I have heard that you would leave C h‘in and go to C h‘u’, said the Ving to Ch‘en Chen. ‘Am I to believe this?’ ‘It is so’, replied C h’en Chen. ‘Then these words o f Yi may in truth be believed?’ asked the king. ‘These are not only the words o f Yi. The veriest man on the street knows this. Hsiao-yi loved his family and all under heaven wanted him as son. Tzu-hsü o f old was faithful to his lord and all under heaven wanted him as minister. Thus it is that the servant or concubine who can be sold to a neighbour o f the same lane is a good one indeed and the woman who can be married to one in her own hamlet is a good woman indeed. W ere I not faithful to you, my lord, w hat would Ch‘u want o f me? Being faithful but cast out, where should I go if not toCh‘u?’ ‘Good’, said the king and no longer wished to send him away. SPTK 3 .10a KY 14.11a * The comparison between Chang Yi, the beautiful maid and the handsome boy is not appropriate.

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T H E BO O K O F C H ‘I N - KING H U I - W E N

55 The tw o wives Ch en Chen left Ch‘u and returned to Ch‘in. ‘When C h‘en Chen was your majesty’s minister/ said Chang Yi to the king o f C h‘in, ‘he constandy sent news of your country’s affairs to Ch‘u. I will not work w ith him. I request your majesty to send him away and if he goes to C h‘u, to have him killed/ ‘He would not dare return to C h ‘u \ said the king; but he summoned C h‘en Chen. ‘W e cannot use your counsel, sir. W here would you like to go? W e should be pleased to furnish your carriage/ ‘Your servant would like to go to Ch‘u / ‘Yi said you would go to C h‘u and now I know you will go. Indeed, you could hardly go elsewhere !’, said the king bitterly. ‘Sire, your servant deliberately chose to go to C h‘u so that he might be in accord with your majesty’s and Yi’s plans, and that he might make clear that his heart had never gone to Ch‘u \ replied C h‘en Chen. ‘There was once a man o f Ch‘u who had two wives, your majesty. Another m an tried to seduce the elder wife but she rebuked him. He then tempted the younger and she was compliant. N o t long after, the husband o f the two died and a friend o f the tempter asked him which one he would marry. “T he elder” , he replied. “But the elder repulsed you while the younger gave you her favours. W hy would you wed the elder?” “W hen they lived in the other man’s house I wished them compliant; but if one were to be my wife I should wish her to rebuke another such as I.” ‘The present king o f C h‘u is an enlightened ruler, your majesty, and his minister, Chao Yang, is virtuous. If I had been an official in another state and had sent news o f its affairs to C h u , then the king o f C h‘u would not now take me as an officer and Chao Yang would refuse to work w ith me. This should make clear whether your servant’s heart has ever gone to Ch‘u.’ Chen left and Chang Yi entered. ‘Where is C h‘en Chen going then?’ he asked the king. ‘Ch‘en Chen is the w orld’s greatest debator', replied the king. ‘He looked us full in the eye and said, “ I must go to Ch‘u” and thereafter we

TH E BOOK OF C H ‘IN - K ING H U I-W E N

65

could do nothing. I asked him ‘I f you must go to C h‘u then Yi’s words may in truth be believed?” “ These are not only the words of Yi,” said he, “the veriest man on the street knows this. Tzu-hsü was faithful to his ruler and all under heaven wanted him as minister. Hsiao-Yi loved his family and all under heaven wanted him as son. Sell a concubine to someone in her own lane and she is a good one. Marry a woman to someone in her ow n village and she is a good woman. If I were not faithful to your majesty,” said he, “ why should C h‘u think I would be faithful? And being faithful but cast out,” said he, “where would I go if not to Ch‘u?” * The king o f C h‘in accepted this and treated him well.1 SPTK 3.10b KY 14.12

56 The ruler o f the Y i-ctiii When the ruler o f the Yi-ch‘ü2 came to W ei, Kung-sun Yen said to him, ‘The road is long and it is not likely I shall see you pass this way again. Allow me, then, to tell you how matters stand.’ *1wish to hear’, replied the ruler o f the Yi-ch‘ti. ‘When the Middle Kingdoms are not warring against C h‘in then Ch‘in is plundering and burning your country. W hen the Middle Kingdoms are at war with C h‘in, then Ch‘in will send speedy envoys heavy with wealth to prove that she serves your state.’ ‘I listen to your commands with respect’, said the ruler o f the Yich‘û. Very litde time passed before the Five States attacked Ch‘in. Ch‘en Chen said to the king o f Ch‘in, ‘The ruler o f the Yi-ch‘ü is a worthy ruler among the barbarians; your majesty should bribe him to mollify him.’

‘Good advice’, said the king and sent a thousand bolts of em­ broidered silk and a hundred fine women to the ruler of the Yi-ch‘u. Ywh‘uinturncalledtogether his ministers andgave themhis plan. 154 and 5s

are tw o parts of the same story'. For a reconstruction see Crump,

Intrigues, pp. 86-7. ^Traditionally taken to be Western Ch‘iang people.

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‘This is w hat Kung-sun Yen spoke o f’, he said, and raising his troops he attacked C h‘in and heavily defeated her below Li-mien. SPTK 3. 12a K Y 1 5 .4

57 Ssu-ma T s o wins his debate with Chang Yi before the king and is justified by events Ssu-ma Ts‘o and Chang Y i argued before King Hui o f Ch‘in. Ssu-ma Ts‘o wished Ch‘in to attack the country of Shu; Chang Yi held that nothing was so good as attacking the country o f Han. Ï would hear your persuasions’, said the king, whereupon Chang Yi replied: ‘You must ally yourself with the country o f W ei, treat the country of Ch‘u well, send your troops into the land o f Three Rivers which is know n as Yi-yang - stop up the pass o f Huan-yüan Kou, and bestride the roads o f Tun-liu. In this way the country o f W ei will be severed from the district of Nan-yang, and Ch‘u will be brought to the lands o f Nan-cheng. ‘Then must C h‘in attack Hsin-ch‘eng and Yi-yang to draw near to the marches o f the imperial lands o f Chou so that she may punish the crime o f Chou and forthw ith attack both C h‘u and Wei. W hen the country o f Chou knows by this that she will not be succoured, her Nine Brazen Cauldrons will be given to you. ‘W hen you have laid hold o f the Nine Brazen Cauldrons, put your hand on the seals and registers o f the empire, and have under your arm the emperor, whereby to rule the land, then throughout all the worlds all must heed you. This would be a kingly business. ‘But n o w let us consider Shu: a mean land o f the west which ob-, serves only the rude usages o f the Jung and Ti tribes. W ere they toi present troops and set their people to work for C h‘in, it would still noti suffice to give you the name o f Ruler; were you to gain their lands, itj would still not profit you. ‘Your minister has heard, “W ho strives for name is at the court, who strives for profit is at the m arket” , and now the lands of Three Rivers!

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and the house o f Chou are both the market and court o f the empire and et our prince would strive not for them but for the barbarous Jung and Ti ; this would be a far from kingly business/ Then Ssu-ma Ts‘o spoke: ‘N ot so ! I have heard it said that one w ho joshes to enrich his state attends to the widening o f his lands, one w ho wishes to make powerful his troops must enrich his people, and one who wishes to w in a king’s estate must extend his virtue. If these three conditions are fulfilled, the king’s estate will follow naturally. ‘Now your majesty’s lands are small and his people poor, so your minister would have you do what is easily done. Let us consider Shu: indeed a mean land o f the west which does indeed observe only the rude nsages o f the Jung and Ti tribes, and which has within it disorder like that in the times o f Chieh and Chou. W ere Ch’in to attack it, it would be like a w olf in the flocks. W ere you to gain their lands they would suffice to widen your state and their wealth would suffice to enrich your people and renew your troops. ‘They would submit to you before you had need to harm the people. Therefore the country m ight be taken and yet the empire would not think you cruel. Your profit m ight exhaust the western sea and yet the Lords of the empire would not think you covetous. Thus, by one stroke fame and wealth would both be yours, and you would have beside the name o f one w ho forbade cruelty and set confusion straight. ‘Now what if Ch‘in were to attack Han and steal the emperor? To steal the emperor brings w ith it an evil name but does not bring certain profit You would have a name for unrighteousness and would attack that which the empire is unwilling to see endangered. Your pinister wishes to make clear the reasons. ; ‘Chou is the land o f the imperial house and Ch‘i and Han are coun­ tries of the same blood as Chou. W hen Chou knows that it must lose 0 * Nine Brazen Cauldrons and Han knows that it must surrender the lands of Three Rivers, then those two countries will combine their fUength and plan as one. Thereupon will they rely on C h‘i and Chao in d seek ease from Ch‘u and W ei. T o C h‘u they will give the Caul­ drons and to W ei, lands. Your majesty will be unable to prevent this. ‘These, then, are what your minister calls dangers, and the plan does not have in it the perfection o f attacking Shu.’ ê ;King Hui replied, ‘Good, I shall follow your advice.’

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Finally he did raise his troops and attack Shu. Ten months passed and he took it, whereupon Shu was put in order. The ruler o f Shu changed his title and styled himself vassal and the king of C h ‘in sent Ch‘en C huang to be minister to Shu. ‘W hen Shu was annexed, Ch‘in was the more strong, wealthy, and honoured and could make light o f the Lords. SPTK 3. i 3a KY 12. 7

58 The Shang-yii lands After C h‘i had assisted C h ‘u against C h‘in and seized the district o f C h ‘ü-wo, C h ‘in longed to assault Ch‘i in revenge. B ut to King Hufs vexation, relations between Ch‘i and C h‘u remained good. He spoke to Chang Yi: ‘I wish to attack C h‘i, but she and Ch‘u are at present on good terms. Could you, sir, give thought to w hat m ight be done for me?’ ‘If your majesty will arrange for a chariot’, replied Chang Yi, ‘and gather together certain valuables for me, I shall be pleased to see what 1| can d o / j Having gone south and been received in audience with the king of C h ‘u he spoke as follows : ‘O f all the persons in w hom the prince of m y rustic province takes delight there is none in w hom he delights more than in your exalte^ majesty. And for m y part, there is nothing which would please me more, either, than to be minister to your exalted majesty. ‘There is no one, however, w hom my humble sovereign detest more than the king o f C h‘i, and I, too, detest him most. At present tin crimes o f this king of C h‘i have fallen most heavily against my prince H e would attack Ch‘i, but knowing that your m ighty country hai amicable relations with C h ‘i, stays his order and prevents m y be< coming your minister. ‘If your highness would seal up his border passes and sever relation with C h‘i - and your minister will see to it that C h‘in presents yoi with six hundred H square in the region o f Shang-yü - then Ch*

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*rill become weak, and a weak Ch‘i would be merely a servant to you. In the north you would weaken Ch‘i, in the west, your virtue would be ureat in Ch‘in, and for yourself you would have the advantage of the kads of Shang-yü. Here then is a single plan w ith three benefits devolving!’ The king o f C h‘u was delighted and bruited it about his court, saying, ‘W e have secured six hundred li square o f the Shang-yü lands/ All his courtiers who heard or held audience congratulated him, save only Ch‘en Chen, who, upon holding conference later, offered no felicitations. ‘W e have obtained six hundred li o f Shang-yü land/ said the long, ‘neither raising a weapon nor harming a man. Even I cpnsider this to be wisdom and m y attendants all tender congratulations, but you, sir, do not. W hy is this?* 4In my view’, replied Ch‘en Chen, ‘the lands in Shang-yü will not materialize, but calamity will, so I hesitate to present m y compliments rashly/ ‘\Vhy do you say this?’ asked the king. ‘The reason C h‘in favours your highness is because you have Ch‘i as your ally. N ow if this gift o f lands does not materialize and you break with Ch‘i, your country will be left unallied, and w hy should Ch‘in treat a state thus isolated w ith respect? It is not part o f Ch‘in’s plan to present you the lands first and then make you break w ith C h‘i. But if you sever relations first so that you may be awarded land later then you are certain to be duped by Chang-Yi - and if you are cheated by *Chang Yi your majesty will truly have cause to lament. You will have fathered trouble in the west from Ch*in and broken relations in the north with Ch‘i, and troops from both countries will surely strike you !' ‘I serve myself well in this matter*, cried the king, heedless. ‘You, *iir, are to stop up your lips and wait upon m y management f The king sent an envoy to break with Ch*i and before he had returned sent yet another to confirm it. Chang Yi returned to C h‘in and tent his man to arrange a secret alliance between Ch‘i and C h‘in. ' C h u sent a general to receive the lands from Ch‘in but w hen Chang Y i arrived he pretended illness and held no audience. t ‘Does Master Chang disbelieve that I have broken w ith C h‘i?* asked £tbe king of Ch‘u and sent a bravo to C h‘i to revile its king. Knowing

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that Ch‘u had broken with C h ‘i, Chang Yi came forth to receive the general. "From this place to that is six ft in length and breadth', said Chang. ‘I know nothing o f six ft !* creid the general, ‘I know only o f six hundred ft !* ‘I am but a hum ble man - where w ould I get six hundred ft from?’ The king o f C h ‘u was furious w hen his envoy returned and he raised an army to strike C h‘in. ‘M ay I speak, sire?* asked C h ‘en Chen. ‘You may n o w / ‘T o attack C h ‘in is unsound policy. You should instead tempt them by the offer o f a great city and jo in them against C h‘i. In this fashion w e lose to C h‘in but gain from C h‘i: is n o t our state then still w ithout loss? ‘Today m y lord has separated from C h‘i and been cheated by Ch‘in; b u t should C h ‘in and Ch‘i be brought together because of us, then we m ay be certain o f disaster/ C h‘u heeded him not but levied troops and attacked Ch‘in. Ch‘i did jo in Ch‘in and the house o f Han followed her lead, and Ch‘u suffered a great defeat at Tu-ling. C h ‘u*s land and peoples remained intact but she barely escaped from disaster. [This happened by ignoring C h‘en Chen's plan while believing too m uch o f C hang Yi.] SPTK 3. 15a K Y 14. i

59

,

,

C\Cen C hen the songs o f W u and the quarrelling tigers C h‘u broke off relations w ith C h‘i and the latter raised troops to attack C h‘u. ‘My advice to you, sire/ said C h‘en Chen to the king o f Ch‘u, ‘is to cede territory in the east to C h‘i while you negotiate w ith C h‘in in the W est/ T he king o f C h‘u dispatched C h ‘en Chen to C h‘in where he was welcomed by the king.

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‘You were once Chain’s m a n / the king said, ‘and you and I know each other o f old. I lacked cleverness and attended not in person to the affairs of my state. It was for this that you forsook me and served the king of Ch‘u. Howbeit, today C h‘i and Ch‘u war on one another and I am advised from one quarter that advantage would be gained by taking sides, from another that siding with neither w ould advantage me. But s*r’ n^S^t you not keep faith w ith the schemes you make for your present master and scheme besides on my behalf V ‘Could it be that your majesty has not heard of the man from W u who travelled to Ch‘u?’ asked Ch‘en Chen. ‘There he was much cherished by the king and when he became ill the king straightway dispatched someone to inquire about him. ‘‘Is he truly ill or only hom e$ick?” the king’s man asked. “I do n o t yet know whether he is home­ sick” replied an attendant, “ but w hen he is truly sick for home he sings songs o f W u. ‘Well, I am about to “sing songs o f W u ” for your majesty. Have you not heard the advice o f Kuan Yü? Once two tigers quarrelled over the corpse o f a man. Pien Chuang-tzu would have slain them but Kuan Yü stayed him. “Tigers are cruel beasts to whom m an is a sweet­ meat. Now two are fighting over a m an the smaller m ust die and the larger be wounded. You must wait for the wounded beast and slay it. Thereby in a single stroke you will have killed both. Y ou will then win fame for two tigers having troubled yourself over something less than one.” ‘Today Ch‘i and Ch‘u are locked in a battle which will see one go down in defeat. Your majesty on discovering which one has been de­ bated should muster his troops and go to its rescue - thereby gaining die advantage o f saving C h‘i w ithout the danger of attacking C h‘u.’ [*To follow a scheme and know w hat lies hidden or destructive in it p given only to a king. For, “schemes are roots of the event and follow­ ing them is the mechanism o f preservation and destruction.” Few are A ey who hold their kingdoms when their planning is aw ry or their &cccution faulty. Wherefore it is said: ‘W ho planneth twice over is not ^Unseated; who acteth circumspectly is not beguiled.” 'J1 SPTK 3 . 17a . . K Y 15.2

y°u>

rn u section is clearly unrelated to the rest of the tale and is probably a set o f l^orism s from elsewhere.

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60 Chang Yi out o f favour and his enemies promoted W hen King Hui o f C h‘in died Kung-sun Y en wanted to diminish Chang Yi. Li Ch‘ou said to him, ‘O rder Kan M ao to Wei, Kung-sun Hsien to Han, and raise C h‘u-li Chi in C h‘in. These three are Chang Y i s enemies and if you make use o f them the Lords will certainly be aware that C h‘in does n ot belong to Chang Y u SPTK 3.18b

KY15.3 K IN G W U (310-307 B.c.) 6l

Kan M ao advised how to be rid o f Chang Yi Chang Yi wanted to use Ch‘in troops to rescue W ei. ‘Give them to him*, said Tso Ch*eng to Kan Mao. ‘If W ei does not return the troops to C h‘in, Chang Yi will n ot dare to return. If W ei does return them it will mean that Chang Yi has realized his am bition in W ei and dares not return him self/1 ‘Unless Chang-tzu leaves Ch‘in [Ch‘in need never2] elevate y o u / SPTK 3.18b KY 12. 6

62 H ow Chang Y i ruined C h‘u-Ii C h i This is the way Chang Y i ruined C h‘u-li Chi. He treated him with great honour and sent him as ambassador to C h‘u. Then he ordered the king of C h‘u to request that Ch‘u-li Chi be made minister o f C h‘in. At this point Chang-tzu said to the king o f C h ‘in, ‘Ch‘u-li Chi was 1 Since he would thereafter be suspected as being W ei's man. 2 Following Yokota’s emendation but with little enthusiasm for it; S P T K sugges­ tions are even less convincing.

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treated with great honour and made ambassador to C h'u to better our country’s relations. But as soon as he is actually there the king o f C h‘u requests you to make him minister. I can hear C h‘u-li Chi now. “ W ould your majesty like to damage Yi in C h ‘in? I will help you.” The king o f C h‘u thinks it good and so asks that Chi be made your minister. Your majesty, i f you consent, he will use your state to serve the king o f C h u / The king o f C h‘in was very angry and C h‘u-li Chi fled. SPTK 3 . 18b KY 12. 8

63 The Han-chung blight Chang Yi wished to give Han-chung to C h‘u so he said to the king o f C hm : ‘As long as we have the “Han-chung blight” no man will know where he may plant his tree. If a family owns a property that does them no good they are harmed by it. At present the southern part o f Hanchung is beneficial to C h‘u and is only an embarrassment to us/ Kan Mao said to the king, ‘Is it true that large nations gain only trouble from their territory? If the empire should revolt against you and your majesty offered Han-chung to make peace w ith Ch‘u, C h‘u would certainly desert the other states and be your ally. If you gave Han-chung to Ch‘u today and the empire turned against you to­ morrow, what would you use to buy C h V s allegiance with?’ SPTK 3. 19a KY 12. 9

64 W h at is said in the east Someone spoke to W ei Jan on behalf o f W ei. ‘Have you heard, sir, w hat is being said in the east?’ ‘I have heard nothing/

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‘Hsin Chang and Yang Wu-tse persuade the king o f Wei, the Duke of Hsüeh, and the kung-shu, saying, “ W e beg1 to convey to you our ruler’s pledges and treaties o f alliance and w e are sure that no harm will come. Should anyone attempt to subvert this alliance we wish only to be allowed to cut his throat.2 There is, however, one thing which we w ould be bothered b y :3 should the king o f Ch‘u put his state at Jan’s disposal and seek trouble with our rulers, w e would all think very ill of it.” N ow m y lord is in the east and has indeed spoken to C h‘u, and is thereby making prophets out o f [?] Chang [and Tse]4 and you are working to defeat your own ends. Tt would be far better if you were to return your fief [of T ‘ao?] to put Ch‘u in debt to you [?] ; watch how the Duke o f Hsüeh rules [?],* see what the Three States wish o f C h‘in but cannot obtain, and ask for it for them so that they will trust you. Y ou should see w hat Chang and Tse cannot gain from the Duke o f Hsüeh and seek it from him on their behalf to show that you think them im portant.’ SPTK 3 . 19b

K Y 17.3

65 Pien-chUao and the k in g s carbuncle The great physician Pien-ch‘iao visited king W u of Ch'in and the king showed him the carbuncle on his face. Pien-ch'iao offered to remove it. ‘Your majesty’s carbuncle is forward o f the ear and below the eye’, cried the king’s attendants. ‘If the physician should not cease soon 1 This is a thoroughly corrupt text and R is the least comprehensible part of it. 1 follow Chung Feng-nien when I emend it to ®f. For the rest I also rely most heavily on his version in K'an-yen. 2 O r, ‘we wager our necks on the outcome’. 3 W ith Yokota and others, the next sixteen characters are a copying error and should not be translated. 4 Yokota and others think that Chang Yi is an error for Chang Tse 9 M R I con­ cur; next one also. 3 This and the following seem to be non-sequiturs, and I mark the dubious parts thus: [?].

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enough while removing it he m ight cause your majesty to lose his hearing or the sight o f an eye/ As a result the king excused Pien-ch‘iao. Pien-ch‘iao was furious ^ d threw down his flint lancet. ‘Your majesty planned this by consulting with one who had know­ ledge but now he revokes it on the advice o f those who know nothing ! jf the government o f C h‘in were run in the same fashion, the country would perish with your first action/ SPTK 3 .20b KY 15. 5

66 T sen g -tzu s mother drops the shuttle ‘If I could but drive m y state carriage through Han’s land o f Three Rivers and look upon the palaces o f C h o u / said King W u o f C h‘in to Kan Mao, ‘then I m ight perish but m y deeds would survive me !’ "Then I beg your majesty’s leave to make an alliance w ith W ei in order to attack Han’, replied Kan Mao. He was given permission, and King W u’s relative Hsiang Shou was sent as his aide. W hen they reached W ei, Kan Mao said to Hsiang Shou, ‘If you, sir, will return now to the king and tell him W ei is willing to do as we wish but caution him n o t to attack yet, then whatever success we have shall be to your credit/ Hsiang Shou did as he was asked and the king awaited Kan Mao’s return at Hsi-jang to ask him his reasons for delay­ ing attack. ‘Sire, Yi-yang is a great district. T he wealth of Shang-tang and N anyang have long been concentrated there. It is called a district but it might better be named a commandery ! Y our majesty will have die craggy mountains at his back and must attack it a thousand li from his base. Here will be difficulty indeed/ ‘Your servant recalls that Chang Y i annexed Pa and Shu for C h‘in in the west, took Hsi-ho where the Yellow River loops in the north, and in the south seized Shang-yung. B ut the empire did not think more o f Chang Yi; it praised the virtue o f his ruler, you ancestor. ‘Once Marquis W en o f W ei ordered Yüeh Yang to command an

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attack on Chung-shan. After three years he took it and returned to claim his honour. Marquis W en showed him a chest full o f defaming letters and Yüeh Yang bowed down his head to the ground saying “Your servant gains no honour in this victory, it was accomplished through the pow er of his master/* ‘N ow I am b ut an outlander serving your majesty. C h‘u-li Chi and Kung-sun Yen have the country o f Han nestling in their arm pits; when they come and speak before your majesty you will listen to them and be tempted to cheat your ally, W ei, and I will be left to face the wrath of Kung-chung C h‘ih. ‘Once, when the saintly Tseng-tzu lived in the country o f Pi, there was another o f the same clan w ho was also called by his name. This one had killed a man, and a neighbour called out to Tseng-tzu’s mother, “Tseng Shen has killed a m an.” His m other did not leave off her weaving but said: ‘M y son is no murderer.” In a while another cried, “Tseng Shen killed a man” but she continued to weave as before. The third time someone cried out “ Tseng Shen killed a man” she dropped her shuttle in fear, leaped her threshold and fled. Despite the virtue of Tseng Shen and his mother’s faith in him, when three others had shaken her confidence she too misbelieved her son. ‘Your servant’s nobility being somewhat less than that o f Tsen Shen, your majesty’s faith in me being less firm than Tseng’s mother’s, and m y detractors being more numerous than three, I fear your majesty will drop the shuttle while I am gone.’ ‘I will not listen to them’, replied the king. ‘I make covenant with you now that this will be so / They thereupon made a covenant at Hsi-jang. Yi-yang was laid under siege for five months but would n o t fall, Ch‘uli Chi and Kung-sun Yen did argue before the king who believed them and recalled Kan Mao to accuse him. ‘Was there n o t a covenant at Hsi-jang’ asked Kan Mao. ‘There was’, replied the king after a litde. Then he mustered all his forces, ordered Kan Mao to lead them against Yi-yang once more, and shortly thereafter the city fell. SPTK 3.20b K Y 15.6

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67 Feng Chang and the broken pledge During the battle for Yi-yang, Feng Chang said to the king o f C h'in : ‘If we should n o t take Yi-yang, Han and C h ‘u will both seize upon our failure and the country will truly be endangered. W e had best cede Han-chung to C h‘u to gain her am ity and prevent her interfering in the battle. Han will then be isolated and can do nothing against Ch*in/ The king agreed, dispatched Feng Chang to pledge the district o f Han-chung to C h‘u, and Yi-Yang was taken. C h u reminded Feng Chang of his words and demanded Han-chung from him . Feng Chang then spoke to the king o f Ch‘in: ‘Y our majesty must n o w banish me and say to the king o f C h‘u; “W e never did cede land to the king o f C h 'u f ’1 SPTK 3 .22b

K Y 15.7

68 Kan M ao procures valour w ith gold and takes the town o f Yi-yang When Kan Mao attacked Yi-yang, he thrice drummed his troops forward and they would not assault the walls. A lieutenant under Ch‘in’s General o f the Right spoke to him : ‘Sir, no matter how strong our arms are, there will still be numerous casualties/ ‘I am an oudander’, replied Kan M ao. ‘I am minister o f Ch‘in because I held up Yi-yang as a bait for die king. If I n o w attack Yiyang and fail to take it, Kung-sun Yen and Ch‘u-li Chi will destroy me within Ch‘in, Han C h‘ih will use his state to crush me outside C h‘in, and I will have seen m y last day in batde anywhere ! Come, tom orrow we will sound the attack again and if Yi-yang does not fall, its suburbs will be my to m b / 1 H as piece shows such poverty o f invention th at it stands out from the common nm of CKT items. It m ay, o f course, be truncated.

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Kan Mao dien distributed his ow n gold to be added to the prize money. O n the m orrow the drums again sounded the advance and Yi-yang was taken. SPTK 3 .22b K Y 15.8

69 Kan M ao before the walls o f Yi-yang is advised against sparing his men Before Yi-yang had been taken Chain's casualties were heavy. Kan Mao was about to rest the troops when his General o f the Left1 spoke to him. ‘Sir, you are assailed in C h ‘in by Ch‘u-li Chi and Kung-sun Yen. Outside C h'in you have incurred the w rath of Han Ch'ih. If at this moment you fail to show skill in battle you will truly be reduced to straits. Your only recourse is to press the attack on Yi-yang. When it has fallen your skill will be manifest, there will be no way in which C h‘u-li Chi o r Kung-sun Yen can attack you. The people o f Ch‘in will then vent their hatred on th em / SPTK 3. 23a K Y 15.9

70 Kan M ao rallies the king o f Ch* in from his despair During the seige o f Yi-yang, Ch‘u broke with C h'in and allied herself w ith Han. T he king o f Ch*in despaired. 4Although she has aligned herself with H an / said Kan Mao, C h‘u will never engage us for the benefit of H an; and Han for her part fears to go into battle w ith a changeable Ch‘u in the rear. Han and Ch‘u will hin1 This I understood to be the sense o f ‘Tso-ch'eng* but it could possibly be a; proper name.

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der one another. Your minister knows this because although she has made alliance w ith Han, Ch‘u picks no quarrel with us/ SPTK 3 .23b K Y 1 5 .10

71 Kan M a o s enemies at home p lo t against him During the battle for Yi-yang Yang T a1 spoke to Kung-sun Hsien, a minister of Ch‘in. ‘Sir, give me fifty thousand troops and let me attack W est Chou. The Nine Brazen Cauldrons will be yours to curb Kan Mao with if I take it; if not, then Ch‘in will have attacked Imperial Chou and the world will hate her for that. All will come swiftly to the aid o f Han and Kan Mao’s undertaking will fail/ SPTK 3. 23b, 8. 14a KY 60.14

72

Kan M ao9s ingenious plan fo r dealing with disputants T he men Ch‘u sends to persuade me are very forceful disputants/ said die king o f Ch‘in to Kan Mao, ‘and we have found ourselves hard pressed when matching words with them. Is there anything we can do about this?’ ‘Your majesty must not trouble himself over it’, replied Kan Mao. ‘When the forceful arguers are sent, you must pay them no heed what­ ever. But when the weak-willed persuader is sent to you, you must act on his arguments. In this fashion C h V s irresolute men will be advanced and her forceful ones neglected, allowing your majesty to control her/ SPTK 3. 24a K Y 1 5 .11 1 Also given as Yang T*ing ( ? ) « .

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73 K an M ao eliminates a rival by craft W hile Kan Mao was chief minister o f Ch'in, the king became very partial to Kung-sun Yen, ‘I shall make you chief minister*, said the king when he and Kung-sun Yen were standing together at leisure. One o f Kan M ao’s subalterns passed by, heard this and informed Kan Mao. ‘M ay I take the liberty o f complimenting your majesty on your ac­ quisition o f a virtuous minister*, said Kan Mao when he had gone in to have audience w ith the king. ‘I have entrusted my state to you, sir. W hat other virtuous minister have I acquired?* ‘Your majesty is to make the hsi-shou1 his minister.* ‘W here did you hear this?* asked the king. ‘The hsi-shou told me*, was the reply. The king, angry that Kung-sun Yen should have divulged the matter, banished him. SPTK 3 .24b KY 16.13

74 Kan M ao wants W ei to supervise a truce Kan Mao made a pact between C h‘in and W ei to attack C h‘u. C h‘ü Kai, whom C h‘u had succeeded in making C h'in’s minister, arranged a truce between C h‘u and C h‘in during which Ch‘in reopened her borders to admit emissaries from Ch‘u. Kan Mao said to the king o f Ch‘in: ‘If we are beguiled by Ch‘u into keeping W ei from supervising this peace, Ch‘u2 will say to herself, “ C h‘in is selling W ei out, W ei will be unhappy and will make a treaty w ith us.** If C h‘u and W ei acted as a single state, Ch‘in would be badly harmed. 1 Kung-sun Yen’s official title. * Some commentators would change this to W ei.

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‘Your majesty could not do better than ask W ei to oversee the truce,1 This w ould make W ei happy. If your majesty were less dis­ liked in Wei he would have claim upon even more territory there/ SPTK 3 .24b KY 16. 14

The king o f ChUn is admonished with odes and analogues Someone said to the king of C h‘in: ‘In my ignorance, your majesty, I am perplexed by your disrespect for Ch‘i, your indifference toward Ch*u, and your grudging care o f Han. I had heard that a true3 king is not arrogant after a military victory and even a hegemon m ay be harsh but not unfeeling. To avoid arrogance in victory will cause the empire to submit and being stem but not unfeeling induces neighbouring states to offer alliances. Recendy your majesty treated W ei and Chao with forbearance and great success. B ut your indifference to Ch‘i amounted to arrogance. In the victory at Yi-yang you were unsympathetic about any relations with Ch‘u. This was unfeeling arrogance and not part o f the business of overlordship. I have the temerity to be concerned about this on your majesty’s behalf and to feel dissatisfaction with it. ‘ ‘‘All things have beginnings” , as it says in the Odes,4 “ but few come to a good end.” That is w hy former kings paid greatest attention to the beginnings and the final results o f any action. H ow do we know the Odes are right? O f old, Earl Yao o f Chih killed Fan and Chunghang and put Chin-yang under siege. In the end, however, he became the laughing-stock o f the three houses.5 ‘Fu-Ch‘ai, king o f W u, held Yüeh at bay6 from M ount K‘uai-chi,

1Having observers there to see that W ei’s interests were not prejudiced? 8 This looks as though it were another attem pt to make a persuasive argum ent against Chain’s doing w hat it obviously did do ultimately. But the ‘facts’ used are quite different from 90, q.v. 8 Subsequent statements below make this sound very much like the Confucian ‘true king*. 4 Ode 255 ; see also item 90. 5 i.e. Han, Chao and W ei. 8 Chung-hua 9. See Tso-chum Ai-kung, ist year. Legge p. 794.

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and was victorious over C h‘i at Ai-ling. B ut for his behaviour at Huang-ch‘ih and his improper action, in Sung1 he was captured and put to death at Yü-sui by Kou-chien.2 ‘King H ui of Liang attacked Ch‘u, was victorious over Ch‘i, con­ trolled the troops o f H an and Chao and drove the twelve Feudal Lords to the Son o f Heaven’s court at Meng-chin. But later his son died and while he was still in plain mourning cap, he was seized in C h‘in. All of these men were capable - it was simply that they were capable o f initiating but not o f concluding their actions. ‘Today your majesty has shattered Yi-yang and destroyed Three Rivers, yet not an officer in the land has dared say a word against you. A country in search o f imperial rule transgressed the boundaries of both Chous and not a single lord dared peer beyond the outpost at Yang-hou. You took Huang-chi but neither the troops of Han o r Ch‘u dared advance. If you are able to bring diis to a successful conclusion, your majesty, the Three Kings could not have done as much had they been four in number; the Five Hegemons could not have accomplished any more had they been six in number. But if you cannot bring off the final results and come to grief, 1 fear that all the rulers o f the feudal states and every officer between the Yellow and the Chi Rivers will see you simply as another King of W u or an Earl Chih. The ode3 says, “W h o claims he will go a hundred li is only half w ay there after nine­ ty.” The end of thejoum ey is hardest. ‘Your majesty and the king o f C h ‘u4 at present appear equally arrogant. As I see it, in whatever trouble breaks out - as far as the Lords are concerned - if Ch‘u does not receive their troops then Ch‘in will. ‘H ow do I know they think this way? The people o f Ch‘in will go to W ei’s rescue in order to hold Ch‘u off and C h‘u will rescue Han in order to stave off C h‘in. The four states are equally matched and cannot renew their battle w ith each other. N o, the Sung area of C h‘i, beyond the “ ink lines“ o f their conflict, will be the balance. Therefore, who­ ever seizes die Sung area first the Lords will attack.5 1 Ai-kung, 13th year. Legge p. 832. 2 SPTK does not include place o f death. N or does Tso-chuan give the name Yii-sui. 8 A ‘lost ode*. 41add this at Yokota’s suggestion; the W does im ply it. 5 Seki, and others, suggest the last should be 35.1accept the emendation in my translation.

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‘ifC h 'in seizes the Sung area first the Han house will be w orn down. Han being worn down, Ch‘u will stand alone and she will receive their troops.1 If you keep on with your plan, your majesty, both your country and Ch‘u will become the laughing-stock o f the empire !* SPTK 3. 25a K Y 20.1

76 The king o f ChUn has an argument and loses his temper The king o f Ch‘in argued with Chung C h ‘i2 and could not prevail. The king became furious but Chung C h‘i left his presence w ith dignity. Someone spoke to the king on Chung Ch‘i’s behalf and said: "Chung Ch‘i is a bold man indeed,3 but only because he happens to live in an age o f enlightened rulers. In the past, had he dealt with kings like Chieh and C hou he would certainly have been murdered.* It was for this reason the king o f C h‘in did not punish Chung C h‘i. SPTK 3. 27 K Y 2 1 .2

K IN G C H A O - H S IA N G (306-251 b.c.)

77 The virgins o f Chiang-shang Kan Mao fled Ch'in to go to Ch‘i. As he left the border he m et Sutzu. ‘Have you ever heard about the virgins o f Chiang-shang, sir?' he asked. 1 The reverse is also im plied about W ei and C h in . 1 Chung Feng-nien says: ‘This and the person in 97 are probably the same. To judge by his speech in the other item he was simply a direct and upright minister admonishing his king. Kao’s note saying he was “a Ch‘in dialectition” was prob­ ably only drawn from the [opening words] o f this story: it does not seem correct.* See also Crum p, Intrigues, p. 45. 1 Yokota objects to yen» W u says the way it stands must be an error. Obviously both men find the construction odd for CKT.

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‘N o \ said Su-tzu. ‘One among them was so poor that she did not even own a candle. The others spoke o f driving her away. “W e should be rid of someone so poor that she has no candle!" But she replied, “Because I have no candle I come early to sweep your rooms and put your mats in order. W ho grudges anyone the light which shines on his walls?1 1 was for­ tunate that you gave it to m e; but it cost you nothing and I always thought it brought you some advantage. W hy should you drive me away?" ‘The others spoke about it among themselves, agreed she was right and let her stay. ‘N ow I have been unworthy and am driven beyond the borders of Ch‘in. I should like to “sweep your room s", sir, and “put your mats in order", and if I am fortunate I will not be driven away/ ‘G ood/ said Su-tzu. ‘Allow me to make you im portant by using Ch‘i / He then w ent westwards to persuade the king o f C h‘in: ‘Kan Mao is a worthy man, an uncom m on officer w ho has served several generations o f C h‘in rulers. He knows which areas o f your state are easy and which are difficult o f access all the way from the border posts o f Yao and Chi-ku. If he were to use C h‘i to gain alliances w ith . Han and W ei and scheme against C h‘in it certainly would not be to your advantage !’ ‘But what can I do about that now?’ asked the king o f C h‘in. ‘Receive him with rich gifts and increase his allowances when you go to meet him. W hen he has come to you, give him Huai Valley in fief so that he will never leave you again. H ow could the empire ally it­ self against Ch‘in then?' ‘Good*, said the king, and made Kan Mao chief minister. He sent the seals o f this office to C h‘i to welcome him back, but Kan Mao declined and would not leave. Su Tai spoke to the king o f C h‘i for him and said, ‘You can see what a worthy man Kan Mao is. This day C h‘in has sent the seals o f chief minister to welcome him back, but he felt so obliged by your majesty’s generosity that he would not leave wishing to serve you instead. ‘N ow how will you treat him? If you do not keep him, he will cer­ tainly feel no m ore obligation towards you. And if they get à man of 1 SC, T cannot buy a candle but, fortunately, you cannot use up all the light from yours.’

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Han Mao's worth and he is given authority over the multitudes o f Ch'in, will they not be hard to reckon with?' ‘True', said the king and offered him the title of chief minister to keep him in Ch‘i. SPTK 3 .27b KY 16.12 78

A dowagers partiality Hsien Tse said to Kung-sun Hsiao: ‘You are one of the most respected officials in Ch‘in and have gained personal merit in m any victories. You are not yet a minister only because the mother o f the king dis­ likes you. ‘Hsin Jung,1 to whom the king’s m other is partial, has fled C h‘u and is at present in East Chou. W hy should you not use all the great re­ sources of Ch‘in and Ch‘u to establish him as chief minister in Chou? Ch'u would certainly find this convenient and when Hsin Jung has all the prestige o f C h‘in and Ch‘u behind him the king's m other will be pleased with you and you will become minister. SPTK 3 .28b KY 21. 3

79 The king hears pros and cons and decides to negotiate The Three States attacked Ch‘in and penetrated to Han-ku gorge. The king of Ch‘in said to Lou Huan, ‘The enemy’s troops are deep in our country; I wish to cede the H o-tung area and parley with them .' ‘To cut off the Ho-tung area would be a great loss', replied Lou Huan. ‘To avoid disaster for your state would be a great gain. Such matters should be decided within the royal house. W hy not summon Kung-tzu Ch‘ih and speak to him about it?’ 1 Chung Feng-nien thinks Hsin Jung should be Mi Jung, who is m ore commonly called Hsin-ch'eng Chiin. Yokota and W u think it should be the queen m other’s younger brother, Hua-yang Chiin.

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The king did so and Kung-tzu C h ‘ih replied: 'I f you negotiate with them you will regret it and if you don’t negotiate you will regret it.’ 'H ow is that?’ 'W hen you have given them H o-tung and parleyed with them, and when they have left you will say, “ W hat a pity ! They would have left anyway, but I gave them the three cities o f Ho-tung which is just what they wanted.” This is how you w ould regret negotiating. 'If you do not parley and the Three States penetrate Han-ku, your capital, Hsien-yang, will be in danger. Then you will say, “W hat a pity! I was chary o f three cities and so did not parley w ith them. This is how you w ould regret not negotiating.” ’ 'Since I must have regrets in either case,’ said the king, 'I would rather regret losing three cities than regret endangering Hsien-yang. I I have decided to negotiate !’ So in the end he sent Kung-tzu C h'ih to use three cities to parley with the Three States, and they withdrew their troops. SPTK 3. 29a KY19. 3

80 The duke o f Hsüeh urges the destruction of C h 'i The Duke of Hsüeh spoke to W ei Jan in W ei’s behalf: *1have heard that the king o f C h'in hopes to use Lü Li to acquire Ch'i and make his control over the empire complete. You will certainly be diminished if he succeeds. Ch'i and C h'in will draw closer together so that they may bring the Three C hin under their control, and Lü Li will be made minister o f both states. Y ou will have acquired C h'i as an ally at the expense o f bringing greater honour to Lü Li,1 and being safe from the rest o f the empire’s troops, C h'i will direct her hatred towards you in particular. 'The best thing you can do is to urge the king o f Ch'in to command m y king2 to press his attack on C h'i; and I shall request, when Ch'i is 1 It is supposed that Lü Li fled C h'in because he had offended W ei Jan. SC note. a i.e., o f W ei.

7 S /i4

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broken, that all the territories gained be put in fief to you. W hen Ch‘i is destroyed Chin [i.e. Wei] will be strong; when Chin is strong the king o f C hm will fear her and must make m uch of you so that you can ally Chin to him . Ch‘i will give us W ei cities3 but will not sup­ port Cli in against W ei. [Wei] must hold you in high esteem in her service to Ch‘in, so you will find that a defeated Ch‘i will yield merit for you, and W ei in your grasp will give you importance. W ith Ch‘i defeated and your fief settled, C h ‘in and W ei will both hold you in esteem. But if C h‘i remains unharmed Lü Li will be back in favour and you will truly be in difficulty/ SPTK 3 .29b K Y 16. i

8l Leng Hsiang excuses him self by means o f flattery Leng Hsiang said to the king of Cli in: ‘I wished to make Ch‘i serve your majesty so I helped her attack Sung. W ith Sung broken, Chin [i.e. W ei] would be in peril and the dty o f An-yi w ould be yours. Yen and Chao dislike the idea o f a united Ch‘i and C h'in so they will be quick to cede land to establish good relations w ith you; this would make C h‘i give m ore weight to your majesty. So, in effect, I attacked Sung to dismay C h‘i and bring honour to your majesty. Surely, I thought, there was nothing you would object to in m y attacking Sung? I knew you to be a brilliant ruler who would already have discerned all these effects, so I did not even speak to you o f m y intentions. SPTK 3. 30b KY 12.4

82 A fragment . . . said to Marquis Jang, 1 have been thinking about a fief for you. * I follow Yokota’s suggestion and read # for which f t may be a copyist’s error.

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[Nothing1] would be as good as [Yin], Sung has gravely offended and C h‘i is [deeply2] infuriated and will (?) rend Sung asunder. To have m ighty Ch'in in your debt to help establish your fief is the sort of opportunity that comes only once in a hundred generations !* SPTK 3 .30b K Y 17.5

S

3

The balance o f pow er Someone spoke to W ei Jan saying : "If C h‘u defeats C h‘in3, Ch‘in will no longer balance ChVs power. Ch*‘in’s emissaries have carried their tallies in Han and W ei for three generations, but C h ‘i has only recently obligated them to her. Yet if Ch‘i and Ch*in wrangle over treaties with Han and W ei and the latter succumb to pressure from the east4, C h‘in will be attacked. ‘Ch‘i has a thousand li square o f eastern states and Ch‘u encircles5 a thousand li square o f the Nine Barbarians’ lands,6 south to Fu-li out­ post and north to Sweetfish Pass. In balance [all that stands against them]7 is Sung and Lesser Wei, and Sung and Lesser W ei are about the equivalent of the C h‘i cities o f Ah and Chen. W ith Ch*i profiting from tw o thousand-// squares8, what hope has C h‘in o f offsetting C h‘i? 1 This whole item is a truncated slightly garbled version of the same statements made in 251 and 252. In 251 it reads ‘N othing w ould be more fitting than Yin.* Yokota contends that 81 had dropped the M, and & has become Bfe. I follow him in this. 2 Part o f the thiice repeated statement (again in 251) goes: 5¥ 1& $1 3$ fil ffi etc. Following the hints, M in 81 should be a mistake for SI. I accept Y okota in this also. 3 This follows Yokota’s division o f the sentence. K*an-yen (pietir-um p. 19) says it should be ‘W hen Ch‘u is broken, C h‘in w ill not be able to balance off C hV There is much to be said for this interpretation because the latter part seems to assume Ch‘i will be in control o f C h‘u*s land. The whole text is thoroughly corrupt however. 4 i.e., ally themselves w ith Ch‘i. 5 Yao text (Shih-li chüpeti 5/3 has® . 6 This is probably w here ‘and are wealthy [?] by their monopoly over the Yiieh-Ii people* belongs. See note 6. 7 Most commentators agree to this but I am translating notes here, not text. 3 I have taken out % S etc., for it makes no sense here.

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‘if Han1 and W ei parted with2 the rich fat lands of Fang-cli eng in order to bcseige [?]3 Cheng [?]4 no m ore troops need be raised and they would be adequate to damage C h‘in w ithout waiting for C h‘i/[?] SPTK 3. 31a

KY 17.4

84 The king o f ChU ns mother cautions him against employing Lord Ch'eng-yang When the Five States were resting at C h‘eng-kao5 the king o f Ch‘in tried to get Lord C h‘eng-yang made minister of Han and Wei, Neither would agree to his request. The queen m other in Ch‘in spoke to the king o f Ch*in on W ei Jan's6 behalf: ‘It is because o f you that Lord Ch‘eng-yang has been living in obscurity in Ch‘i. If, seeing him honoured, you were to receive him back again, would you be able to mollify him ?' 1 would not.' ‘Those who have been unwelcome when they were unknown can avenge themselves when they are finally successful’, continued the queen mother. ‘I think you cannot use him, for to do so would destroy future relations w ith Han.' SPTK 3.31h K Y 1 7 .7 1 Some suggest it should be Ch‘u and W ei. 2 Morohashi 13061... 152. 31follow Pao here but it makes very little sense. 4 Han is often spoken o f as Cheng in C K T and this leaves the last paragraph almost complete gibberish. 5 That is, their troops w ere resting after a defeat during their alliance against Ch‘in. See also 255,347,426, etc. • Here Lord Ch‘eng-yang and W ei Jan are treated as tw o different people.

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85 The Three States persuade C K u to act against her own interests Ch‘in took the Han-chung area o f Ch‘u and the two states fought each other twice at Lan-t‘ien where a great defeat befell the C h‘u troops. W hen Han and W ei heard Ch‘u was in difficulty they fought their way south to Teng whereupon Ch‘u withdrew from C h‘in and retired south. Later,1 the Three States planning their attack on C h‘u were afraid that Ch‘in w ould come to her rescue. Someone persuaded the Duke o f Hsüeh that he could send an emissary to say the following to C h ‘u: ‘The soldiers o f the Three States will now leave Ch‘u and Ch‘u should respond b y attacking C h‘in. Though taking Lan-t‘ien was certainly a difficult thing to do, how very much less so will it be to regain your old territory o f Han-chung? ‘If C h‘u even suspects that C h‘in m ay not come to her rescue then these words will certainly encourage her to respond as asked,9 said the persuader ‘and if C h‘in is made to know that Ch‘u has been making plans with the Three States to force Ch‘in to send forth her troops, she will not come to C h V s aid. ‘Then if the Three States attack C h‘u swiftly she will run and tell Ch‘in in panic and Ch‘in will be even less inclined to send forth her troops. In this fashion we can alienate C h‘in, attack C h‘u and be cer­ tain o f victory.9 ‘Good9, said the Duke o f Hsüeh, and he sent a man o f prestige to Ch‘u. As expected C h‘u responded strongly. Thereupon the Three States joined forces and attacked Ch‘u, and C h‘u sought rescue by Ch‘in. Ch‘in could not risk sending her troops out so the Three States succeeded in wining a great victory. SPTK 3. 32a K Y 19. i 1 There is an obvious division here between the tw o sections o f the item . Pao notes that it should probably say here ‘three states attacked C h'u, Ch‘u asked help from Ch‘in \

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86 The ChU woman When the Duke o f Hsüeh w ent into W ei1 he dismissed the Ch‘i woman. ‘W hy does your majesty not take her to wife?* asked Han C h‘un o f the King of Ch‘in. ‘You could then plunder W ei with the assistance o f Ch‘i and Shang-tang would be yours. Ch‘i and Ch‘in would then unite to put Fu-ch‘u on the throne. W ith Fu-ch‘u enthroned, his mother would be in Ch‘in and W ei would be merely a province o f Ch‘in. ‘This being accomplished, Han Min will be using C h‘i and C h‘u to plunder Wei in order to embarrass the Duke o f Hsüeh; meanwhile Tso will wish to make the position o f his younger brother firm. I will then ask you to comply with the wishes o f both these men and Wei, in fright, voll restore die Ch‘i woman. Fu-ch‘u will certainly serve Ch‘in to the end o f time. The C h‘i wom an will be furious w ith the Duke o f Hsüeh when she returns and will eventually bring Ch‘i to serve your majesty.’ SPTK 3. 33a K Y 19.2

87 A fragm ent ‘If the peace is not secure,’ someone said to W ei Jan, ‘then troops must be used again and Po C h‘i will again fight at the head o f them. If he is victorious you will be in difficulties; if he loses he will [make 1 Chung Feng-nien says: ‘According to Lord M eng-ch‘ang’s biography we find that he fled to W ei when he was in disfavour w ith King M in o f Ch‘i; this is probably the same period as the above stay. However, Han Ch‘un’s remarks are extremely absurd and foolish: Ch‘in was already great and m ighty, what need was there for these devious acts?9

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alliance with Chao?]1 and you will be diminished. The best thing for you to do is [?].* SPTK 3.31a KY 17.6

88 Su T a t s letter After the battle at Hsing-shan, Chao was about to join C h‘in in an attack on Ch‘i. In fear, Ch‘i sent T'ien Chang to make a treaty with Chao by offering her the d ty o f Y ang-wu and sending Shun-tzu to Chao as hostage. The king o f Chao was delighted, called off his troops and said to the king o f Ch‘in: ‘C h'i is giving m e Yang-wu and sending Shun-tzu as a pledge, for they w ant to forestall an attack. I have taken the liberty o f telling this to my officers/ The king o f C h‘in sent Kung-tzu T ‘o to speak to the king of Chao and he said: Once your state and C h'i w ent to W ei's rescue together but Ch*i broke her treaty - for she is untrustworthy — and your state informed m y king o f this infidelity. You offered m y king two altars3 o f land to help C h‘in defray the cost of sacrifices for her aid. At present you are resting your troops and I hear you intend to join Ch‘i in alliance. But all this is beyond the knowledge o f an emissary. I am here merely to offer you forty thousand armoured troops. It is up to your great state to decide whether they are wanted.' O n C h‘i's behalf Su Tai wrote to Marquis Jang : I had heard from persons travelling between Ch‘i and Chao that C h'in was about to reinforce Chao w ith forty thousand armoured men for her attack on Ch‘i. I convinced m y king that this was not so 1 The last sentences o f this item arc gibberish but Chung Feng-nien’s speculation here - which is w hat is translated between the brackets - seems reasonable enough. 2 The last five characters are not translatable. Yasui and Chung Feng-nien hazard guesses but they are nothing more than that. 8 That is, two villages, each w ith its ow n altar.

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by saying, ‘The king o f C h‘in is enlightened and conversant with strategy and Marquis Jang is intelligent and practised in the conduct o f government, so C h‘in is certainly not reinforcing Chao with forty thousand troops/ W hy did I say so? In the first place because the only thing that ever united the Three Chin was a deep enmity to­ wards Ch‘in. W hy, the Three Chin have cheated and tricked Ch‘in fully a hundred times, but C h‘in goes on pretending that they are trustworthy and o f good character.1 I f today Ch‘i were broken to fatten Chao,2 it would be o f no profit to C h‘in. This is the first reason why it will not be done. Ch‘in s planners must say: ‘If we break C h‘i and weaken Chin [i.e. Chao]3 we will control future victories over Chin and C h‘u. But Ch‘i is an exhausted country. Using a whole empire4 to smite her would be like using bolts from a heavy crossbow to lance a pimple. How then will our king o f Ch‘in control exhausted Chin and Ch‘u?*6 This is the second reason w hy it will n o t be done. If C h‘in were to send out too few troops, neither Chin nor Ch‘u would believe that Ch‘in was w ith them. If C h‘in sends too many. Chin and C h‘u would be under her control and C h‘i - being frightened - will n ot run to C h ‘in to make alliance but to Chin and Ch‘u instead.6 This is the third reason why it will not be done. If Ch*i ceded territory to make certain o f Chin and C h‘u, then those two countries would be at peace while C h‘i would muster her troops on their behalf and blunt her weapons for them. In that case Ch*in herself w ould be the object o f attack! That is the fourth reason. All this would mean that Chin and C h‘u were then using Ch‘in to break Ch‘i and C h‘i to crush C h‘in. Is it likely that Chin and Ch‘u could be so clever while Ch‘i and C h‘in acted so stupidly? That is the fifth reason w hy it will not be done. 1 So they will have no reason to unite. * Most commentaries agree that IS # HL R S is an interpolation. * Probably should be ‘Chin [i.e., Chao] and Ch*u\ 4Le., Chao and Ch‘u and Ch*in. 4The battles against Ch‘i w ill be too easy on Chao and Ch‘u - they w ill not have exhausted themselves. •There are at least tw o distinctly different interpretations o f this: SPTK has ‘Chin and Ch‘u w ill also be under Ch‘in*s control and C h'i w ould be at the mercy o f Chin and Ch*u. Ch‘i seeing C h‘in thus would go to Chin and Ch‘u /

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Ch‘in means to get An-yi and will then treat Ch‘i well1 so that the city m ay be secure. There is no threat in this either. W hen C h in has An-yi, Han and W ei will be deprived o f Shang-tang. W hich is the m ore profitable, seizing the belly and bowels of the Three Chin with ease or sending off troops and fearing they will never return? This is why, in my ignorance, I told m y rustic prince, ‘The king o f C h in is enlightened and used to strategy, and Jang-hou is in­ telligent and skilled in the conduct o f government, so there will certainly be no reinforcing o f Chao’s arm our with forty thousand C h in men in order to attack Chi*. SPTK 3. 33b KY 16.15

89 The f i e f o f T €ao C h in ’s guest minister Tsao said to Marquis Jang: ‘C h in gave you the fief o f T ‘ao and because o f that she has dominated the empire for many years. If an attack on C h i succeeds, T ‘ao will become enormously strong. It will be chief among all the smaller states and bring them all to the court o f her ruler. Even the empire will have to pay her heed. This is the very stuff o f hegemony! B ut if the attack on C h i should fail, distress will be T ‘ao*s closest neighbour and she will be left defenceless. In fact, attack upon C h i is the very instrument o f T ‘ao’s survival. ‘If you wish to ensure her survival, w hy not send a man to say this to the minister o f Yen: “ A sage cannot create the proper time but he will never mistake it when it arrives. Shun was good but had he never met Yao he could not have become emperor. T ‘ang and King W u were worthies but they had to have Chieh and Chou or they would not have become kings. So the goodness and w orth o f Shim, T ‘ang, and King W u would n ot have made them rulers had the time not been ripe. If you now attack Ch‘i your time for greatness will have come! W ith the combined power o f the empire, attack Ch‘i, your enemy, avenge the shame o f King Hui and secure the merit o f King Chao. 1 Kambm misprints for H here.

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You will do away w ith this eternal source o f threat to the everlasting benefit o f Yen and the magnification o f your own fame. 4“ The Book o f History tells us, ‘T o establish virtue nothing is as good as increase; in rooting out harm nothing is as good as thoroughness/1 failed to destroy Yüeh so Yüeh destroyed her. Ch‘i did not ruin Yen so Yen ruined her. The destruction o f Ch‘i by Yen and the des­ truction o f W u by Yüeh came about because the source o f harm had not been thoroughly eradicated. 4“If you do not seize this opportunity to establish your merit and wipe out your source o f harm, C h‘in may find in the end that being the ally of another, such as Ch‘i, would be better. Then if C h‘i and Chao join together they will have reason to hate you deeply. They will use this hatred2 to get you blamed for something in Yen. Then even if you wish to repent your action you will not be allowed to. ‘“Muster all Yen’s troops, then! Strike C h‘i swiftly and the empire will join you as though each was avenging his ow n father or son! If you actually destroy C h‘i you will be enfeoffed in Ho-nan with im­ mense territory. T o the south it will border T ‘ao and you will have open roads to all o f the Middle States. For generations you will be un­ troubled. Concentrate all your ambition on attacking Ch‘i and think o f nothing else!” ’ SPTK 3. 35b K Y 16. 2

90

Huang Hsieh addresses the king o f ChUn on C h 'u s behalf In the twentieth year o f King Ch‘ing-hsiang General Po Ch‘i o f Ch*in razed Hsi-ling in C h‘u while other forces took Yen-ying and Yi-ling. They burned the tombs o f Ch‘u’s ancestors and the king was forced to move to the northeast and secure himself in the d ty o f Ch‘en. Being so weakened, Ch‘u thereafter became an object o f C h‘in’s scorn, so Po Ch‘i again marshalled troops for an attack. 1* W Legge, p. 296, w here the text varies considerably. 1 After Yokota. SPTK Pao’s note says: 4Chao w ill use your enemy, (Ch4i) \ however.

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There was a man o f Ch‘u, one Huang Hsieh, who had travelled widely and had vast knowledge. The king thought he could save the situation so he sent him as envoy to C h in . There he persuaded King Chao o f C h'in saying : ‘There are no countries in the empire m ore powerful than C h‘in and C h‘u but I understand your majesty wishes to attack Ch‘u. This would be like tw o tigers fighting each other: jackals will profit from their exhaustion. You had m uch better treat C h‘u well: I beg leave to ex­ plain why.1 T have heard that things reach their extremes and then reverse them­ selves; winter and summer are examples o f this. T o extend w hat has already reached its extremity is perilous, as when too m any chess pieces are balanced atop one another. Today your great state is half the empire: it forms tw o frontiers o f China. Never in the history of our people has a state controlled so great an area. Three generations of emperors there have been. King W en, King W u and your majesty himself, but none has extended his land to Ch‘i to break up the close ties among the central states. You have C h‘eng C h‘iao guarding your interests in Han and Ch*eng C liiao has caused lands to be turned over to Ch*in.2 Your majesty has neither armoured his troops nor indulged in threats but Han has given him a hundred li o f land. One must ack­ nowledge your majesty’s ability. You mustered your troops and attacked W ei, blocking the gates o f its capital, taking Ho-nei, and raz­ ing the cities o f Yen, Suan-tsao, Hsü and T ‘ao-jen,3 while the forces of C h‘u and Yen circled about like clouds but dared not attack you. It is obvious you have m uch merit. You rested your troops and gave your people respite for tw o years before you mobilized them again against W ei. You further took P ‘u-yen and Shou-yüan on the approach to Jen-p mg Hill. Then Hsiao-huang and Chi-yang brought their troops back to enclose their d ty walls and W ei surrendered. You ceded land to die n o rth o f the P ‘u at M o village to Yen in order to 1 This whole introductory section is considered a separate item in some editions. Yokota thinks it was inserted by W u Shih-tao in to his Pao version. T he Yao version seems always to have had it. ‘H e persuaded the king o f Chao* at this juncture appears in S P T K but not in Yokota. * A ll commentators agree db A IK should be Ml A Kl. The form er makes no sense and the latter does, so I translate it thus. 9 Yokota makes it Yen-suan, Tsao-hsii and T ‘ao-jen. S C has T‘ao-ju, f t A .

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“cut the waist o f Ch‘i and Han“ [P]1 and “break the backbone which is ^ e i and Chao“ .2 All the Lords were at sixes and sevens and none would come to the rescue. Y our majesty’s stature is certainly awe-inspiring.

‘If your majesty can sustain his m erit and conserve his stature while moderating his propensity to do battle, thus adding to the precepts of humaneness and righteousness, he need never fear trouble again. Indeed, if there had been four instead of Three Kings or six instead of Five Hegemons, they could not have accomplished as much as you may. ‘If you trust solely in the multitude o f your troops and the m ight o f their arms to destroy3 the awesome W ei clan, hoping to make the rest o f the kings in the empire your vassals, I am afraid you will suffer for it. ‘Everything has a beginning/ as the Odes say, ‘but few things come to a good end.4 The Book o f Changes3 says, “ The young fox may ford the stream but his brush gets wet.“ W hat they mean is that to begin things is easy, to end them is difficult. H ow do I know it is so? Earl Chih could see the profit in an attack on Chao but he could not know what was to befall him at Y ü-tz‘u. W u could forsee how convenient it would be to attack Ch‘i but n o t the defeat at Kan-sui. It was not that these two states lacked accomplishments: they were so bemused by the advan­ tage o f beginning that they underestimated the grief the end could bring. W u believed w hat Yüeh said and felt free to attack C h‘i. Having defeated the Ch‘i troops at Ai-ling he returned and the king o f Yüeh took him prisoner at the confluence o f Three Rivers. Earl Chih had faith in Han and W ei, but felt free to attack Chao and he laid siege to Chin-yang city. Victory was all but in his hands when Han and W ei turned on him and murdered Earl Yao o f Chih on Tso-t‘ai.e ‘At the moment your majesty is so covetous o f C hV s destruction that he has forgotten how much that would strengthen W ei. I, how­ ever, have thought o f it for you and would not do it if I were you. The ode7 says: “The greatest martial spirit goes not against a cottage, if it 11 follow Seid. * S C is certainly right here. 8 W ith Yokota et a l, I t should be HI. 4 Ode 255, Waley, 242. 8 Hexagram 64. • This may mean ‘on the mound throw n up by the digging of his canal*. Cf. Yokota. TA so-called ‘lost ode*.

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be too far off.” From this point o f view you make a neighbour your enemy when you destroy C h‘u. The Odes also say: “W hat is in the minds of others I shall divine: Even the crafty, bounding hare is caught by the hound.” 1 ‘Today your majesty’s plans are in mid-career yet they are based on the belief that Han and W ei will deal w ith you. This is exactly like W u and her trust in Yueh. I have heard “an enemy can never be under­ estimated nor left for another day” .2 1 fear that the humble words Han and W ei use cover thoughts o f harm and that in the event they will trick your majesty’s great state. W hy? Because you have no history of obligation between yourself and H an and W ei, but you do have a heri­ tage o f hatred am ong you. Fathers and sons from those two states have fought and died in Ch*in, one on the heels o f another for one hundred generations. Their ow n countries were ravaged, their altars destroyed, their temples toppled. Bellies were cut open, faces smashed, heads severed from bodies and bones left to bleach in the wilds, skulls and cadavers faced one another on the borders. Sire and son, the aged and infirm, captured and bound followed one another on the roads. Souls and spirits wandered back and forth, for no one fed them; the surviving people could not keep themselves alive. Clans and families broke up. They drifted away and are slaves in every comer of the empire. That Han and Wei are n ot yet destroyed makes them still a threat to Ch‘in. B y attacking C h‘u today will your majesty not increase it? And when you m ount your attack how will you send your troops? W ill you ask right o f passage from your enemies Han and W ei? If so, from the day the troops leave you will fear they may n o t return. That would be the same as reinforcing your enemies w ith your own soldiers. ‘If your majesty does not ask passage o f vengeful Han and W ei then you must fight for the stony fields o f Sui-yang - a land which is all wide creeks and heavy rivers, hilly forests and mountain gorges; a land which feeds no one. Your majesty could possess it and he would no t have territory. Your majesty would be known as the destroyer of C h‘u but he would not in reality have gained any lands. ‘Further, the day your majesty attacks C h‘u four states will rise in response. Ch‘in and C h‘u being locked in battle, W ei will send her troops to attack Liu. 1 Ode 198jW dley 298. 2 I am assuming that the saying ends here.

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«Fang-yü,1 Chih, Hu-ling, Tang, Hsiao, and Hsiang, and all of ancient Sung will be taken.2 Ch‘i troops will move south and take the area north of the Ssu. These are all the fattest and most accessible lands 0f the central plains and your majesty will simply have caused others to attack and gain them. You will have destroyed Ch‘u in order to make Han and W ei the wealthiest o f the middle kingdoms and Ch‘i more unyielding. The power o f Han and W ei will be quite sufficient to pit against Ch‘in. Furthermore, C h‘i w ith her southern border on the Ssu, her back to the sea in the east and her northern limits pressing the Yellow River will be immune to calamity. O f all the countries in the empire none will be as strong as C h‘i. C h‘i and Wei8 having got their lands will conceal the profit they derive from them and feign a most subservient air for a year or so, but then C h‘i will become an emperor. And even if she does not, she has all the power needed to prevent your majesty becoming emperor. ‘Your majesty’s plan certainly has misfired if his great lands, numerous followers, and powerful arms in one stroke earn him the hatred o f Ch‘u,4 subvert his control over Han and Wei and confer imperial dignity upon C h i ! ‘I am only thinking o f you, your majesty, when I say that nothing would be better than treating C h u well and forming an alliance with her to approach Han. Han will certainly agree. Your majesty’s cloak will be the fastnesses o f Shan-tung, your sash will be the income from the Yellow River plains and Han will be a “noble within your passes” .5 ‘If you do this you can put one hundred thousand armed m en in the Cheng area and the W ei clan’s blood will run cold. Hsü and Yen-ling will do nothing but guard themselves and there will be no coming or going between Shang-ts‘ai and Chao-ling. W hen this occurs W ei will also be your “noble w ithin the passes” . ‘As soon as your majesty is on good terms with C h u there will be two rulers o f great states whose territory flows into that o f C h‘i. Then 1 Kambutt Taikei has Fang and Yii marked as tw o separate towns. This is an error. See S C and Index. Similarly w ith H u-ling. But oddly enough, Taikei has Hsiaohsiang, though the other authorities treat them as tw o cities. * Presumably the choicest land. • Wei is probably excrescent here. 41 follow Yokota’s suggestion from SC; Ü should be in meaning at least 1 Le., vassal. As in S C and S P T K .

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all you need do is fold your hands and the fields o f ChTs right flank will be taken. Then your majesty’s holdings will stretch from sea to sea and will span the vital regions o f the empire. Yen and Chao will be denied contact w ith C h ‘i and Ch‘u, and C h ‘i and Ch u will lack Yen and Chao. W hen this is done you can threaten Yen and Chao while holding off Ch‘i and C h ‘u and all four states will surrender before they can feel the pain/ SPTK 3. 36b K Y 2 0 .9 91

The barking dogs Tuan C h‘an said to Lord Hsin-Ch'eng,1 ‘H e w ho walks by night can resist becoming a burglar, but he cannot prevent the dogs from barking at him. N ow that I have become an officer I can refrain from criticizing you before the king, but I cannot prevent others criticizing me for refraining. Keep that in mind, sir/ SPTK 3 .41b j K Y 67.22

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92 The thousand-league horse

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Tuan-kan Yueh-jen said to Lord Hsin-ch'eng: ‘An apprentice of ■ W ang Liang2 the charioteer was driving one day and said o f one of his ; team, “ A true thousand-league horse!” Just then he met a disciple of the charioteer Tsao-fu8 who replied, “T he horse will not go a thousand leagues.” ‘ “This is a thousand-league horse and i f you drive a thousand-league span w hy should you not make a thousand leagues?” 1 It is probable that both this and 9a were once part o f the Han section o f C K T as Chung Feng-nien points out (K lan-yent p. 67) for a Li Shan note in Wen-hsüan refers to Hsin-ch'eng Chun as ‘the m inister o f Han*. * The charioteer o f Chao Chien-tzu, cf. Mencius 4T ‘eng Wen-kung* ksia, 1. 8 Variously referred to as charioteer to a king o f Ch‘i or charioteer to King Mu o f Chou.

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1“Your lines and bridle are too long.” ‘So, the lines and bridle represent only one ten thousandth part in the work of driving a chariot, but just enough to prevent making the thousand leagues. ‘At this moment I, worthless as I am, am also a ten thousandth part o f Ch‘in ; and if your excellency should not make sure that I am unfettered during my audience, that also m ight be a case o f “lines and bridle being too long’*/ SPTK 3. 42a K Y 67. 23

93 F an~tzus letter Having been brought into C h‘in by W ang Chi, Tan-tzu w rote to King Chao as follows : I have heard that when an enlightened ruler establishes his govern­ ment he feels bound to reward m en o f merit and employ men o f ability. Those whose labours are great he pays well. Those who accomplish much he gives high rank. Those who can lead he appoints to high office. N o one deficient in ability dares work w ith him and no able man can stay hidden from him. I f m y words seem good to you then act on them, understand their principle and benefit by it. If you do not use them in the future, then you should relegate me to inactivity. There is a saying, ‘The merely human king rewards those w hom he loves and punishes those not in his favour. The enlightened ruler does otherwise: his rewards must go to the accomplished and his punishments be imposed only upon those who transgress/ At present I have not offended enough for the headsman’s block and his axe; so would I be likely to experiment w ith dubious schemes for your majesty? However that may be, if you hold me in low esteem and choose to abuse m e you cannot avoid slighting the man who recommended me - and if that happens will he ever again argue the merits1 o f anyone else before your majesty? 1 Following Yasui w ho says it means ‘to reiterate and argue back and forth in judging someone’, i.e., ‘to thrash out in open debate’.

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I have heard o f Chou’s Ti-o Jade, the Chieh-lü Jade o f Sung, W ei’s Hstian-li and C h V s Ho-p‘u; these four great treasures lacked only polishing to make them objects know n throughout the empire. Is it not also probable then that even your sage majesty may some day reject something o f possible value to his state? I have heard that you look within your ow n state for someone w ho can benefit your family b u t seek among the Lords for someone to benefit the state. And when there is an enlightened ruler in the empire the Feudal Lords are not covetous o f their ow n advantage.1 W hy? Because they w ould not dim their own lustre. A good physician knows whether his patient’s illness is critical or not, just as a sage ruler knows w hat actions make for success or failure. If a thing is beneficial he will act upon it, if harmful he will discard it. If he is n ot sure which it is he will cautiously test it. If he acts thus, the sages Yao, Shun, Yü, and T ‘ang could come back to life and they would fault him in nothing ! The most pertinent thing I have to say I dare not write in this letter; and things less important than those I have mentioned are not w orth saying at all. N ow is it your opinion that I will prove stupid and not in accord w ith your thinking? O r that those w ho have praised me are base and unworthy o f your attention? If such is not the case, then it is my greatest hope that you will grant me a few moments o f whatever time you have for pleasure and allow me an audience to present m y im portant statements. The letter was sent up to the king o f Ch‘in and he was delighted by it. He apologized to W ang Chi and dispatched a coach to summon Fan Chii. S P T K 3 .42b K Y 17. 8

94 The king o f Ch'in kneels to Fan Chii and hears his view s on international affairs W hen Fan Chii arrived, the king o f C h‘in welcomed him in his own 1 i.e., the advantage they gain by holding on to a com petent man?

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palace saying, ‘W e have long felt it proper to receive instruction from you in person. But most recently there has been the pressing affair of the Yi-ch'ü1 and I have seen the queen mother almost daily. N ow the Yi-ch‘ü trouble is ended and I place myself under your orders. I consider myself ignorant and inept, but let me respectfully offer you henceforth the courtesy o f a host towards his guest/ After this Fan Chü paid his respects and withdrew. But all those who had beheld Fan C hü’s audience that day were much changed in countenance and colour ! The king of Ch‘in then sealed himself off from his attendants, and in the empty palace he knelt formally. ‘W ould it please you to instruct me in some matter, sir?* ‘Yes, y e s.. / answered Fan Chü. Some time passed and the king again made his request. Again, Fan Chü answered, ‘Yes, yes . . / W hen this happened the third time the king, still kneeling, said, ‘Perhaps, good sir, you would not be pleased to teach me?* ‘I would not have the presumption !’ exclaimed Fan Chü, apologiz­ ing. ‘However, it is said that when King W en first met Lü Shang the sage he seemed merely to be a fisherman seated on the sunny bank o f the W ei and so the distance between their stations was great. Yet such was the profundity o fL ü ’s speech that he delivered only one persuasion to King W en, was straightway made Grand Tutor and rode back in King W en’s chariot. Thereafter King W en gained great merit by employing Lü Shang and in the end acquired all under heaven and became emperor. N o w if King W en had kept aloof from Lü W ang and exchanged no profound words w ith him, the house of Chou would never have had the pow er to produce a Son o f Heaven, nor would W en and W u have become kings. ‘Your servant is an alien official, his station much removed from your majesty’s, yet all o f w hat I wish to tell you deals w ith affairs between a lord and his ministers or touches on matters o f a man and his ow n flesh and blood. Your servant would gladly have made clear his rude fidelity by speaking straightway, but I did not know your majesty’s mind. That is why I three times made no answer to your question. ‘Yet it is not that I am in fear and dare not speak. No, though I 1 K'an-yen begins 18.10 here.

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knew that today I would speak to your face and tom orrow I would be executed behind your back, I should not fear to speak. For if a great king believes and puts to use the words o f his minister then the latter may die without regret or be banished w ithout sorrow. Even ulcerating one's skin with lacquer or playing the madman with hair unbound and hanging down one’s shoulders has n o t been accounted a disgrace for ministers. Further, I know the Five Emperors for all their sanctity, the Three Kings for all their humanity and the Five Hegemons for all their nobility, are dead. W u-huo w ith his strength is dead, and Pen and Yii despite their courage are dead: death is that which no man can avoid. So i f I should suffer the inevitable while yet aiding in some slight degree the country o f Ch‘in, it would be much to m y liking. H ow should I fret over the matter o f death? ‘W u Tzu-hsü hid in a sack to be carted beyond Chao Pass in C h‘u. He fled by night and hid by day until he reached the waters o f Ling. He had no food for his m outh and crawled the street of W u ’s capital begging for his meals. Yet in the end he made the state o f W u flourish and Ho-lü, its king, became Hegemon. Could I but see schemes o f mine bear fruit like W u Tzu-hsü’s, then you might add to my tortures a dark dungeon where I could never again be seen, for if my persuasions were being put in effect then how should I be saddened? Chi-tzu and Chieh-yii ulcerated their flesh w ith lacquer or unbound their hair to feign madness. Neither succeeded at Yin or in Ch*u. But if I were to do as Chi-tzu or Chieh-yü did and help a ruler I considered worthy, it could only reflect great glory upon me. W here lies the dishonour in this? ‘The one thing I fear is that the world m ight see your servant exhaust his loyalty and still be laid by the heels. All the others would stop up their mouths and hobble their feet before they would come to C h‘in. Your majesty is fearful o f the queen m other above you and bemused by the actions o f traitorous officers below you. I fear you might languish in the inner palace never free from your warders’ hands to the end o f your life in darkness and ignorance, unable to shed light on their treachery. For in the greater aspect the ancestral temples may be toppled and destroyed and in the lesser aspect your own person could be isolated and in peril. But this is all I fear. For the rest - the worry over disgrace and poverty, the sting o f death and banishment for myself - your servant

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considers them unw orthy o f fear. For if I should die and m y counsel yet prevail then I should be more honoured than if I lived unheeded/ ‘Honoured sir/ exclaimed the king o f Ch‘in kneeling, ‘W hat do you say? To be sure, C h‘in is a rude and remote country and its king is ig­ norant and unworthy. Happily for me you have reached here and heaven has thus enabled me to maintain the temples o f my ancestors by troubling you disgracefully. That I am able to receive your teaching is proof that heaven favours my ancestors and does not forsake m e in my isolation. ‘How then, honoured sir, can you speak as you have just done? D o not doubt me when I say that there is no affair too high or too low though it touch the queen mother or m y high ministen - upon which I will not welcome all your instructions/ Fan Chü bowed twice and the king o f Ch‘in returned the obeisance. ‘Your majesty’s country has Kan-ch‘üan and Ku-k‘ou in the north, the rivers Ching and W ei girdling its south, with Lung and Shu to the right and chasms and slopes to the left’, said Fan Chu. ‘W ith a thousand war chariots and a million crack troops - taking into account the brav­ ery o f Ch‘in’s infantry and the multitude o f her riders - if you should go against the Feudal Lords it would be like letting slip the Han-lu hound against a crippled hare, your supremacy would be established at once. But instead o f this you close your passes and fear even to let your forces peer into China East o f the Mountains. This is because Jang-hou schemes faithlessly for your state and your majesty’s plans fall short/ ‘I wish to hear how they fall short/ ‘To attempt an attack on the powerful state o f C h‘i by skirting Han and W ei is not a plan to use, your majesty. If you dispatch insufficient forces you will not harm Ch‘i, but i f you send too many, you will harm Ch‘in. I suspect you intend to dispatch a part o f your forces and thereby bring out all the combined forces o f Han and W ei. This is simply not sensible! Is it possible to be on uncertain terms with one country and by-pass it in order to attack another country? This is not planning. ‘Once C h‘i attacked C h‘u, smashing her armies, killing her generals and crossing a thousand li o f countryside, but did not get a single hand’s breadth o f territory in the end. She could not pretend that she wanted no lands, and eventually the other Feudal Lords perceived Ch‘i’s

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exhaustion and the conflict between her ruler and his minister. So they raised forces and attacked her. The ruler was shamed, his troops decimated, and the w orld laughed. The reason this happened is that she attacked Ch*u and thereby fattened Han and W ei; this is what is called “ borrowing a thief’s weapon to feed a robber” , It were better i f your majesty negotiated with those distant from him and attacked those close by. For then every inch of territory would be the king’s inch, and every foot the king’s foot. Is it not folly to disregard those near you and attack a distant state ^ O f old the territory o f Chung-shan was only five hundred square ti and Chao took it. From this, name, fame and profit accrued to Chao till none in the empire could harm her. / / ‘N ow Han and W ei are the middle kingdoms, the pivots o f the empire. And if your majesty would become Hegemon he must become close to the middle kingdoms and use the pivot o f the empire to threaten C h‘u and Chao. W hen Chao is strong, Ch‘u will cleave to you; when C h‘u is strong Chao will cleave to you. W hen both have attached themselves to you then Ch‘i will be afraid; and being so she will serve C h'in w ith the humblest terms and the greatest treasure. W hen Ch‘i is attached to you then Han and W ei may be reduced to ruins. ‘W e have wanted to be close to W e i/ replied the king, ‘but she is a country which changes frequently and I have not succeeded. May I ask how I can become close to her?’ ‘Use humble words and rich gifts to serve her’, replied Fan Chü. ‘If that does not suffice, cede territories to tempt her. If that does not suffice then raise troops and attack her.’ Soon afterwards C h‘in took Hsing-ch‘iu and when H$ing-ch‘iu was razed, W ei asked for an alliance w ith Ch‘in. [The guest minister, Fan Chü, again persuaded King Chao] saying: ‘The territory o f C h‘in and Han are mixed together like a tapestry, but C h‘in is afflicted with Han as a tree is w ith boring worms, or a man is with visceral ailments. If there should be an outbreak in the empire no one could do m ore harm to C h‘in than Han. Your majesty could do nothing better than to take it.’ ‘I wish to take Han, but she will not submit’, replied the king. ‘What must I do?’ ‘You must muster your troops and attack Ying-yang, after which the route to Ch‘eng-kao will be closed. To the north you must cut off the

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T ‘ai-hang road so that troops in Shang-tang cannot descend. W ith the attack on Ying-yang the country will be severed into three parts at a single stroke. Han, finding that she is doomed, cannot but submit and ^ id i Han submissive, hegemony can be h a d / ‘It is good’, said the king. SPTK 3. 44a KY 18. 9,18.10

95 Fan Chii persuades the king o f ChUn to assert his authority ‘When I lived East o f the Mountains’, said Fan Chü, ‘I heard that in Ch‘i there was a T ‘ien Tan, but I did not know that Ch‘i had a king: I knew that in C h‘in there was a queen mother, Marquis Jang, and the Lords Ching-yang, Hua-yang and Kao-ling, but never heard that it had a king. ‘We call one w ho is reponsible for the state a king. O ne who is able to control the harm and benefit his state incurs we call a king. One who has the awesome power over life and death w e call a king. ‘At present the queen mother takes action for the state and does not consult you; Marquis Jang sends forth his own emissaries and does not report to you; Ching-yang and Hua-yang decree beatings and execu­ tions with impunity and Kao-ling advances and demotes men without asking your permission. It is impossible that a state should exist with four nobles so empowered and not be in peril. ‘One need only be attached to one o f these four powerful men to ask himself if indeed there is any king. In that case is your power not already overthrown? Do orders still originate with your majesty? ‘They say a good ruler keeps his authority firm inside the state and his influence weighty outside it.1 B ut the envoys o f Marquis Jang have arrogated the king’s influence. They make and break alliances among the Lords and their military tallies are found all over the empire. Every­ one must obey when they order this enemy attacked or that country invaded. And when a victory is w on or merit gained the benefit re­ turns to Marquis Jang’s fief o f T ‘ao while the unpleasant restrictions laid

1From here on it becomes increasingly like the wording o f 96.

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on the Lords are all your majesty's responsibility. B ut when a batde is löst, resentment builds among your people and calamity afïècts your state. ‘The ode says,1 “W hen the fruit is heavy the bough is strained, when the bough is strained the trunk is harmed. W hen a capital is too great it endangers the state; when a minister is too strong he menaces his king.“ ‘W hen Nao Ch‘ih took power in C h‘i he bound King M in by his joints and suspended him from a beam in the ancestral temple. There the king hung all night and died the next day. W hen Li T ui took charge o f Chao he slowly starved the Ex-King until one hundred days later he was dead. ‘Today the queen m other and Marquis Jang are actually in power while Kao-ling, Ching-yang2 and Hua-yang aid them. In the end there will be no king o f C h‘in for he will have fallen as those other kings did to N ao C h‘ih and Li Tui. I see your majesty all alone in his palaces and I fear that generations hence the ruler o f Ch‘in will not be a descendant of your majesty/ T he king o f Ch‘in was alarmed, put aside the queen mother, drove Marquis Jang away and sent Kao-ling, Ching-yang and Hua-yang beyond the borders. ‘In the past/ said the king o f Ch‘in to Fan Chü, ‘Duke Huan o f Ch‘i secured Kuan Chung and referred to him as “Uncle" and now that I have you I shall treat you as I would m y father/ SPTK 3 .48b KY 18. 11

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The gambler and the sacred grove ‘And your majesty has doubtless heard about the spirit o f the Grove in the country of Hanker?' Marquis Ying asked King Chao. ‘There lived in Hanker an extremely rash youth w ho got the sacred Grove to 1 It is doubtful that Book of Odes is meant here even though it also appears in SC. 96 has the same quotation but does not imply it is anything more than a folk saying. 2 Kambun misprints ‘Ching-ling’.

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gamble with him. “ If I beat you,” said the boy, “ you must lend me your genie for three days. If I lose to you, you m ay do as you please with me.” So saying, he cast the dice for the Grove with his left hand and for himself w ith his right. The Grove lost and lent the boy his genie for three days. B ut when the Grove went to get back his Spirit he was turned away. Five days later the Grove began to wither and in seven it had died. ‘The country o f C h'in is your majesty’s Grove and Power is its genie: is lending it to others not fraught with danger? N ow I have never heard of a fmger greater than an arm nor an arm being greater than a leg, but if such should exist it could only indicate a serious disease! ‘A hundred men scrambling to fetch a gourd by cart will accomplish less than one man holding it in his hand and walking purposefully. For if the hundred actually managed to get it aboard their wagon you may be quite sure that the gourd would be split asunder by the time it arrived. Today the country o f C h'in is used by Lord Hua-yang, by Marquis Jang, by the Queen M other and by your majesty. If it is not to remain a gourd w ith which one m ay dip his water, it is no matter. But if you want to make use o f your gourd - 1 mean your country - it has been split asunder by them and is no more serviceable. ‘I have heard it said, “ W hen the fruit is heavy the bough is strained; when the bough is strained the trunk is harmed; when a capital is too great it endangers the state, when a minister is too strong he menaces his king.” Yet in your city today every man w orth more than a peck o f grain is the minister’s man - and this includes your majesty’s lieuten­ ants, chancellors, and even his personal attendants. Even in times o f peace this should not happen, but should there ever be trouble, then I would certainly witness a king standing all alone in his own court. ‘I have the temerity to feel fear for your majesty. And w hat I fear is that in the country o f C h‘in, many generations hence, the rulers will no longer be descendants o f yours. 'Your servant has heard that the awesome presence of great rulers in the past held their minister in check at hom e and spread abroad their control over the land.1 Their government was neither troubled nor seditious and their deputies trod a straight path, fearing to do other1After Huang

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wise. But today the deputies o f Marquis Jang1 split the Lords among themselves, and tallies given by his hand are recognized all over the land. He arrogates the power of a great state to muster troops and attack the Lords, but the profit from his victories and gains all return to his ow n fief o f T ‘ao,2 the spoils enter the treasuries o f the queen mother, while revenues from within your borders find their way to Hua-yang. Surely w hat used to be called “the road to danger and destruction for state and ruler’*begins here. ‘If three honoured persons can drain the state to secure themselves, can the king’s power be absolute? And do commands originate with him ? In truth, your majesty, only one command in every three does.’3 SPTK 3. 50a KY 18.12

97 A lutanist cites history King Chao o f Ch‘in said to his attendants : ‘Are Han and W ei as strong now as they used to be?’ ‘They are not', they replied. ‘Are Ju Erh and W ei Ch‘i as capable as Meng-ch‘ang and Mang Mao were?’ ‘They are not.’ ‘W ith the capabilities o f Meng-ch‘ang and Mang Mao directing the troops o f a strong Han and a strong W ei, we were attacked and no harm came to us’, said the king. ‘That no harm can come from the inept Ju Erh and W ei C h‘i directing a weak H an and a feeble Wei against us is certainly clear !' ‘Quite so !’ cried his attendants. Chung Ch‘i4 pushed aside his lute and replied: 1 This is ‘T'ai-hou* in the text but it makes much better sense to read Marquis instead. 2 One o f W ei Jan's holdings, in Shantung. He also held the town o f Jang in Ch'u, whence his title. 8 The sense of the last half of this item is also to be found in 95. 4 5 T has ÿ St and SC has This may be an official post rather than a persona] name.

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‘Your majesty’s estimation o f the empire is faulty! O f old, in the time of the Six Chin,1 the Chih clan was the strongest. Earl Chih had exterminated Fan and Chung-hang and then led Han and W ei to invest Chao Hsiang-tzu in the tow n o f Chin-yang. He diverted the Chin River and it flooded Chin-yang until only six feet o f city wall remained above water. Earl Chih went forth to view2 the river, taking Han K‘ang-tzu as driver and W ei Huan-tzu as guard in his chariot. 4“I did not realize that a river could lose a man his country,” said he; “now that I do know it I seen that the Fen River could be used to flood An-yi and the Chiang to flood P ‘ing-yang.” 3 ‘Wei Huan-tzu nudged Han K‘ang-tzu and K‘ang-tzu pressed his sandal4 against W ei Huang-tzu’s heel. At that moment in the chariot when elbow touched elbow and foot pressed foot the Chih lands were divided. Earl Chih perished, his state was lost and he became the butt o f the empire’s laughter. ‘Now Ch‘in is strong, but not more so than was Earl Chih. Han and Wei are weak, but less so than they were below the walls o f Chinyang - and now is the time when they will again ‘‘use the elbow and the foot” . I trust your majesty will not take them too lightly.’ SPTK 3. 51a K Y 2 0 .4 98

The queen o f ChUn and her lover The widowed Queen Hsüan o f C h‘in had had one Wei C h‘ou as her lover. Ill and on her deathbed, she issued an order that he was to be buried with her when she died. This troubled W ei Ch‘ou. A certain Yung Jui went to the queen on W ei C h‘ou’s behalf to dissuade her from her plan. ‘Does your highness believe that there is sentience after death?’ he asked. 1 i.e.t the six great families o f Chin: Fan, Chung-hang, Chih, Han, W ei, and Chao. * f? read hsing\ to view, to inspect, see Chung-hua 2365.3. a The seats of government in Wei and Han respectively. 4 Both SPTK and Yokota accept which is not in die Tseng edition. I accept it also.

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‘No, I do not’, replied the queen. ‘Ah! Your highness’s godlike intelligence clearly perceives that the dead feel nothing. W h y then would you have one whom you loved alive buried with the dead who feel nothing? If the dead are sentient, your highness, then your husband, the deceased king, will have been harbouring his anger against you for a long time now and you will scarce have time to make amends to him and certainly no time left for further dalliance with W ei Ch‘ou.’ ‘True', said the queen and desisted. SPTK 3. 52b KY 16.16

99 Attacking men and attacking territories C h ‘in attacked Han and surrounded the city o f Hsing. Fan C hü spoke to the king of Ch‘in : ‘There are those w ho attack territories and those who attack men. W hen Marquis Jang assaulted W ei ten times and failed to harm her, it was not that Ch‘in was weak and W ei was strong, but rather that he was attacking territories and they are dear to the hearts o f rulers. Now for a ruler, officers and men will gladly die; when one assails what is beloved by the ruler he is pitting himself against m en happy to sacrifice their fives, and so the ten attacks brought no victory. N ow that your majesty is about to attack Han and surround Hsing I would have you attack men instead o f territories. ‘Your majesty should announce that you invade Han and invest Hsing because o f Chang Yi. If Chang Yi’s power is great in Han, he will cede you territory to buy himself off. But how many times can Han cede its land and survive? If Chang Y i’s power is little, the king o f Han will cast him out and replace him w ith another who may not be the equal o f Chang Yi at driving a bargain ; in which case your majesty will still get all he demands o f Han.’ SPTK 3. 52 KY 18.13

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100 A dialect word Marquis Ying said, ‘In Cheng they call jade which has not been worked “pure” ; in Chou they call fresh-dressed rats which have not yet been preserved, “pure” . 4A man o f Chou carrying fresh-dressed rats passed a Cheng merchant and asked him if he wanted to buy some “pures”. The merchant replied that he did. B ut when he was shown dressed rats he declined them. ‘Now Lord P'ing-yuan [Kung-tzu Sheng]1 is busy getting him­ self a name for virtue throughout the empire. It was he who banished his own ruler, the ex-king of Chao, to Sha-ch‘iu in order to become minister, yet rulers everywhere still respect him. This merely proves that rulers are less intelligent than the Cheng merchant. They are so dazzled by the w ord “pure” that they do not trouble to discover what reality lies behind i t / SPTK 3. 53a KY 18. 14

IOI The dogs and the hone All the officers o f the empire joined the Alliance and gathered in Chao to urge an attack on C h‘in. ‘There is no need to worry over this, your majesty,* said C h‘in*s minister, Marquis Ying, to the king o f C h‘in. ‘Allow me to get rid of them. Ch‘in has no quarrel with the officers o f the empire. They gather now to make plans for an attack against Ch‘in simply because each seeks wealth and fame for himself. Look at your own hounds - some are sleeping, some are up, some walk about and others are simply standing where they are. In any case, they are not fighting. But throw a bone to diem and they will all be on their feet in an instant, snapping at each other. W hy? You have given them a reason to fight each other. 1 Following Chung Feng-nien, not W u Shih-tao.

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'W e must then dispatch T ‘ang Chü complete with musicians and provide him with five thousand in gold to set up quarters w ith Wu-an and give a great banquet. He must say to all in Han-tan, “ Whoever wishes to may come and be given gifts o f money/* ‘The schemers against Ch‘in should no t be able to get money, but those who do will be as close as brothers to Ch‘in. ‘You, sir/ [said Marquis Ying to T ‘ang C hü1], ‘in order to make Ch'in’s plans successful, must pay no attention to where the money goes. Your achievement will be greatest if you distribute it all. W e are sending another five thousand in gold after y o u / T ‘ang Chü w ent to W u-an but was unable to distribute more than three thousand before all the “officers o f the empire” were fighting one another. SPTK 3. 53b KY 19.15

102 Marquis Ying advised to seek favour with Lord Wu-an Someone said to Marquis Ying: ‘Did Lord [Wu-an2] capture Ma Fu?* ‘H e did/ ‘D id he also invest Han-tan?* ‘He did/ ‘W hen Chao is lost the king o f C h‘in will be king o f us all3 and Lord W u-an will become one o f the Three Nobles. Lord W u-an in his victories for C h ‘in has taken more than seventy towns. In the south he took Yen and Ying and Han-chung. He also captured M a Fu*s forces without the loss o f a single armoured soldier. Even Duke Shao of Chou and Lü W ang did not better this record. ‘W hen Chao is lost, the king o f C h ‘in is king o f us all, and Lord W u-an is one o f the Three Nobles, will you be able to serve under him? 1 W u Shih-tao says there is something missing at this point in the text. I agree and believe it must be something resembling what I have inserted. 2 There is general agreement that Po C h‘i is the person spoken o f here. 3 i.e., emperor.

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Whether or not you wish to serve under him you will certainly have no say in the matter. ‘Once, when C h‘in attacked Hsing-ch‘iu and put Shang-tang in jeopardy, the people o f Shang-tang w ent over to Chao. Citizens of the empire have disliked the thought o f being C h‘in subjects for a long nme ! Today when you attack Chao, her northern people will go over to Yen, her eastern lands will go to C h‘i and the south to C h‘u and Wei. What Ch‘in gets will not amount to much. For this reason it is better to [? arrange for Chao to1 cede lands and thereby gain merit in W u-an’s

eyes]-’ SPTK 3 .54b K Y 19.16

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The king o f C h‘in tests M arquis Ying philosophical resignation and finds it insincere When Marquis Ying lost his fief o f Ju-nan in Han, King Chao o f Ch‘in said to him, ‘Are you saddened by the loss of your fief?’ ‘I am not/ ‘Why are you not?" ‘There was once a certain Tung-m en W u in Liang whose son had died and he did n o t grieve’, replied Marquis Ying. ‘His majordomo said to him, “You loved your son more than anyone in the empire yet now he is dead you show no grief. H ow can this be?” Tung-m en W u replied, “There was a time when I had no son and when I had none I did not grieve. N o w that m y son has died it has become just as it was when I had no son. W hy should I grieve over him?” ‘Once I was the landless son o f a W ei family2 and being this caused me no grief. N o w that I have lost Ju-nan it is just the same as being a landless son o f a W ei family again. W hat should grieve me about that?’ 1This is not dear but the implication seems to be that Marquis Ying should urge that ceding of territory by Chao be accepted as the basis for peace between Ch'in and Chao. SC has ‘so it will not be a credit to Po Ch‘i \ 1 Following Yokota I think it should be ife T* or tfc ?■ in all three cases.

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T he King of Ch‘in did not think the explanation proper and related it to Meng Ao, adding: ‘Nowadays if a single one of m y cities is besieged, food is tasteless in my m outh and I can find no ease in my bed. Yet Marquis Ying has lost all his territory and says he feels no grief. Can these be his real feelings?* ‘Let me go and determine what his true feelings are*, said M eng Ao, and he went to see Marquis Ying. ‘I wish to die*, said Meng Ao. ‘W hy should you say that?* asked Marquis Ying. ‘All the empire knows that the king of C h‘in uses you as his teacher and the fact is even m ore clearly know n within the country o f C h‘in it­ self*, replied Meng Ao. ‘My power is only w hat I get by being the king o f C h‘in*s general. W hen I see a state as small as H an risk destruction, and flout you by taking your lands, why should I wish to live any longer? It would be better if I were to die [attempting to regain your land].* Marquis Ying bowed to Meng Ao and said, ‘I shall leave that matter in your hands.* Meng Ao reported this to King Chao and ever afterward when Mar­ quis Ying spoke o f matters concerning H an the king o f C h‘in dis­ counted his words believing he thought only o f how to get back Ju-nan. SPTK 3. 55a KY 19. 17

104 Po Chti refuses to change his opposition to the Chao campaign Having recruited the strength o f his soldiery and rested his citizens, King Chao o f Ch‘in was ready again to attack Chao, but Po C h‘i the Lord W u-an said C h‘in could not. ‘In past years, when the state was em pty o f troops and m y citizens knew famine you took no account o f the people's strength but demanded m ore supplies to destroy Chao*, said the king. ‘Yet now I have rested m y people and bred up new troops. Supplies have been set aside and the army's allowances are many times that o f earlier days and yet you say we must not attack. W hat is your explanation?*

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‘In the battle at Ch‘ang-p‘ing the C h‘in forces w on a great victory whilst Chao’s armies lost heavily. C h ‘in was overjoyed and Chao was terrified’, replied Po C h‘i. ‘Ch‘in’s dead were given lavish burials, her wounded were nursed with extravagant care. C h‘in veterans wined and dined one another in celebration and laid waste their possessions. ‘In Chao few o f their dead were gathered up and none o f their wounded was treated. They wept for one another’s grief and were the more knit together by their troubles. Feverishly they ploughed their fields to regain their wealth. At this moment, although your majesty could field twice as m any troops as before, in m y opinion Chao will meet them with ten times more preparation. ‘In Chao, ever since the battle o f C h‘ang-p‘ing, both minister and prince have lived in concern and fear. They have held court early and retired late; they have thought little of words and much o f goods. Marriages have been arranged with all their neighbours, to bind Yen and Wei to them w ith family ties and to secure good relations w ith Ch‘i and Ch*u. Their thoughts have been concentrated and their minds pre­ occupied with preparations against C h ‘in. Internally they have achieved what they sought and externally they have succeeded in establishing alliances. Chao has managed it so well that she is no longer vulnerable to us.’ ‘Since m y troops are already mustered,’ said the king o f Ch*in, 1 shall send Wang Ling, chief of the five cantonments, to lead his forces against Chao.’ Ling was not successful and lost his five forces. The king wanted to send Lord W u-an but Lord W u-an pleaded illness and would not go, so the king dispatched Marquis Ying to see Lord W u-an and reprimand him in the name o f his king. ‘The land of Ch‘u is a five thousand li square,’ said Ying-hou to Lord W u-an, ‘and her pikemen num ber in the millions. Once you led a force numbering in the thousands into C h‘u razed her tw in capitals o f Yen and Ying, set fire to her temples and drove east as far as Chingling. The people o f C h‘u quaked w ith fear, fled to their eastern areas and dared not so much as face the west. ‘One after the other Han and W ei mustered large forces against the troops you led which were no more than half the enemy’s number. But you did battle w ith them and so shattered the armies of both states at

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Yi-ch‘üeh that “enough blood flowed to float their shields” and two hundred and forty thousand were slaughtered. As a result, to this day Han and W ei remain our eastern allies. Such is your merit, sir, and everyone in the empire knows it. ‘N ow Chao has lost seven or eight of every ten men she had at C h‘ang-p‘ing,’ continued Marquis Ying. ‘She is weak and depopulated. This is why I, your king, am sending a force many times the size of C hao’s, and I want you to be its leader. W ith it you will certainly exterminate Chao. M any times you have led few against m any and seized victories as though you were a god. Will not victory be still m ore certain when you lead a strong force against a weak one; the m any against the few?’ Po Ch‘i replied: ‘A t that time the king o f C h‘u put all his faith in the size o f his state and took no pains w ith its government. His ministers gained m erit by invidiousness, slanderers were used, and the good ministers were kept at a distance. He lost the hearts o f his people and neither wall nor m oat was in good repair. Having lost his good ministers, he had o f course made no arrangements for defence. This is the reason I was able to lead my troops so far into his land. W e by-passed walled cities, burned our boats and bridges behind us to make our m en concentrate on the task, and we foraged in the wilds and outside city walls to feed our troops. At that time the officers and men o f C h‘in looked on the army as their hom e and their superiors as their parents. W e needed no covenants or plans in order to be close and to keep faith with each other. W e were o f one mind and shared the same strength, none turned heel even in death. But the people o f Ch‘u were fighting each for his ow n fields. Each had one eye on his own home so that each heart was divided and none had heart for the battle. This is w hy we succeeded. § ‘In the fighting at Yi-ch‘üeh, H an was isolated [?] and turned to Wei. She did not w ant to be the first to use her forces. Wei was relying on Han’s best troops which she hoped to make her vanguard. Both armies bickered over petty advantage and their strength was not united. Because o f this I could use diversionary forces to make Han keep to her formation while our main force and crack troops took W ei by sur­ prise. W ith the W ei army defeated the Han force scattered, and taking advantage o f our first victory we drove them into retreajy* This was 1 Or, as Yokota observes, in this case it could be read pei, ‘northward.

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why I was able to succeed there. I planned each tim e to make capital of inherent tendencies or natural order. Is there anything god-like in that?’ ‘In the event, however, C h ‘in broke Chao’s troops at C h‘angp'ing but did not thereafter take advantage o f her shock and fear to destroy her. W e were timid and left her alone, allowing her to plough and harvest and replenish her supplies, to care for her orphaned, rear her babes and recruit more troops. W e let her mend arms and train men to increase her power; extend her walls and deepen her moats to add to her firmness. ‘Her ruler has become humble before his ministers and they in turn have become deferential toward their best warriors. It has even come to pass that among those under Lord P ‘ing-yüan, husbands have ordered wives and concubines to fill out the ranks in their squads. ‘Ministers and citizens are o f the same mind, the higher ranks and the lower are united in their efforts, just as when Kou-chien was surrounded on K‘uai-chi. ‘Attacking Chao today we shall find her defending herself obstinately. W e may try to engage her troops but they will not come forth. W e may invest her towns but they will not be overcome. If we attack her long walls they will n ot be taken, and if w e pillage her open lands we shall certainly gain nothing. If our troops are sent forth with no success the Lords will take heart, and help for Chao will arrive from outside. ‘I can see the harm in this action, but I fail to perceive the benefit. W e would regret it deeply if we failed to bring it off/ Marquis Ying was mortified and retired to tell the king. ‘Am I not going to be able to destroy Chao simply because o f Po Ch‘i?’ cried the king, and he increased the muster of his troops and switched their command from W ang Ling to W ang Ho for the attack on Chao. Han-tan was besieged for eight or nine months and the toll o f dead and wounded was high. But C h‘in did not reduce the city. The king of Chao sent out his light, fast troops and attacked Ch‘in. Afterwards Ch‘in made a number o f efforts against Chao but suc­ ceeded in none. Lord W u-an said, ‘Since they would not listen to my reasoning, what else could they have expected?’ The king heard o f it and was angered. H e summoned Lord W u-an to an audience and had him forcibly raised from his bed to attend it.

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‘You may be ill,’ said the king, ‘but you are my general even when you sleep. I f you accomplish what I desire I will reward you generously but if you do not I will be just as generous w ith my displeasure/ Lord W u-an performed the Wo-t'ou and said: ‘I had thought that by not acting in this instance I might gain no m erit but would at least avoid offence; by not acting I have commit­ ted no crime ; but I see that I shall not avoid punishment. Yet all I hoped for was to make your majesty review m y worthless plan to give up an attack on Chao and look to the welfare o f your ow n people, thereby showing the Lords that you had changed. Calm their fears, attack any who are overbearing, and punish the faithless, so that you may command the Lords and the empire may be settled. W hy must Chao be con­ quered before you do this? ‘T o heed m e/ he continued, ‘would be “ to yield to a minister and gain victory over an empire” . If you do not examine m y worthless plan it must be because you wish to have satisfaction from Chao in order to put me in the wrong. But that would be a case o f “victory over one minister at the cost o f alienating a whole empire” . W hich is the more impressive - victory over one minister or victory over an entire empire? ‘I have heard that an enlightened ruler loves his state and a faithful minister his good name. An injured state cannot be made whole nor can dead troops be brought to life. I am m ore ready to die from the severest punishment than I am to injure m y good name as a general. I hope your majesty will consider this/ The king did not answer, so Po Ch‘i left. SPTK 3. 56a K Y 7 4 .10

105 The generals besieging H an-tan are slandered by their men, but are saved from execution by Fan C h its arguments C h'in attacked Han-tan and for seventeen months the city did not fall. ‘W h y don’t you offer bounties to your officers and men?’ Chuang asked W ang Chi, the commander.

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*1 promised the king I would heed the prompting o f no man', replied W ang Chi. «That is certainly n ot right', replied Chuang. ‘Even between father and son there are orders which are to be obeyed and others which are not. If the father says, “Put aside your most honoured wife” , or “ Sell your beloved concubine” , these are orders to be obeyed. But then if he says, “Feel loneliness for them no longer”, this would be an order not likely to be obeyed. B ut if some village crone were to say ‘Young Miss So-and-So will be entertaining a young gentleman on such and such a night”1 [her words will very likely be heeded]2. The wife will have been got rid of and the beloved concubine will have been sold, but the heart will not be reconciled to it. Before the heart can be instructed what to do, it must already wish to do it.[?] ‘Though you have been much honoured by the king, the tw o o f you are not closer than father and son. Though your troops and officers are lowly they are no m ore so than the village crone. You have long coveted rank and scorned those below you, but I have heard that three men claiming to see a tiger will create one,3 that ten men can make even a bludgeon soft,4 and that if enough tongues push a wingless thing it will fly. Therefore I say it would be better, m y lord, to give your men bounties and treat them with special ceremony.' Wang Chi did not heed him, and his men, when they became poorer, slandered Wang Chi and Tu Chih, by accusing them o f planning sedition. The king o f C h‘in was furious and wished to have both them and Fan C hü put to death. Fan Chii said to him : ‘I was nothing but a commoner from a small eastern state. I offended Wei5 and fled here. There is no Lord w ho will rescue me nor do I have any intimate of yours for a friend. Your majesty raised me up from among many other wayfarers and set me to managing your country’s affairs. The empire has heard o f me now and heard of your majesty’s selection o f me. 1 Meaning the son would still visit his wife or concubine behind his father’s back so the crone’s words would be more effective than his father's. 8 After Yokota who suggests something like this has been left out. 8 See 302. 4 Or ‘a hammer handle look crooked or stretched’, which seems to be what Pao and Yokota imply. 6 SPTK has 4Ch‘u and W ei’ which most commentators think is wrong - Yasui excluded.

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‘In m y ignorance I am sympathetic1 to the guilty men; but i f your majesty openly executes them and me, you will reveal to the empire that you chose unwisely and will be the object o f much criticism by the other Lords. I beg your permission to take the poison cup and thenif your majesty would be gracious enough to give m e a burial befitting a minister o f his state - you will not have offended against the propriety observed between prince and minister and will not suffer the reputation o f having mistakenly raised someone to high position.’ ‘You have reason on your side', said the king, and not only called off the execution but gave him still more preferential treatment. SPTK 3. 59b KY 19.18

I06 S u -tzu pleads fo r Chao with the king o f C ltii and wins peace W hen Ch‘in attacked Chao, Su-tzu spoke to the king o f C h‘in on C hao’s behalf: ‘I understood that an enlightened king discussed the talents o f citizens widely and chose the skilled among them, which was why such a king’s officers were always equal to the tasks they faced and their efficiency was never impaired. The advice o f others he listened to always, and w hen it was timely he used it, which was w hy such a king’s demands did not exhaust his resources and hatreds never appeared. I ask your majesty to examine w hat I am about to suggest and test it against the demands o f this moment. ‘I have heard that a man carrying wealth in his bosom does not travel at night and that a m an who is bent on great acts does not seek an un­ w orthy foe. So a truly worthy man has heavy responsibilities but acts w ith no arrogance; a truly wise man is very accomplished but speaks deferentially. Therefore no one grudges either the respect he receives, nor is the world jealous o f their wealth. ‘I have heard that in a state hundreds of times larger than it need be, citizens take no pleasure in enlarging it still more.2 Also, when his 1 Yasui insists this should be as Pao’s text originally had it. It is difficult to make this yield meaning. 2 Commentary other than Pao’s agrees that & should probably be f t .

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achievements already tower above the rest o f his generation, a ruler Joes not commit his people to further military action; and a people whose strength is exhausted will not be further strained by a humane king. To return to peacefulness when all demands are satisfied is the mark of a sage ruler; to rest one’s citizens when their achievement is great is the secret o f military art. ‘At present if your troops are used mercilessly and are not rested even when they are exhausted, and if you are furiously determined that Chao’s capital become your city, then Chao can hardly hope to survive. But Chao is bordered on all sides by other states; so you may take Hantan today but it will no t be o f lasting profit to your state : by this I mean that your territory will be vast but unplanted, your people will be vic­ torious but unrested. You will have to increase exactions on your new citizens until they appear to submit; but they will not remain submis­ sive for long. ‘As the saying goes, f ï f a victory is won but the country is in peril, your work is not done; when achievement is great but control is weak the land is not yours.’*jSo, service beyond his capabilities is something that even a father cannot expect from his son; demands without limit are something that even a ruler may not make of his ministers. He who knows that the hidden can become obvious will be strong [?] ; he who can discern that citizens who are rested can be used will be a hegemon; he who understands that the little things are the most im portant will become a true king.’ ‘But,’ said the king, ‘if I rest m y people and m y troops, the empire will make an alliance and oppose Ch‘in.’ ‘But I know that they cannot ally themselves and oppose C h‘in suc­ cessfully !’ replied Su-tzu. ‘I know that T ‘ien Tan an d ju Erh are com­ pletely wrong. No, not just they but all the rulers in the empire are totally wrong.1 To imite f i defeated Ch‘i, an exhausted C h‘u and a beggared W ei with a Chao o f uncertain strength in the hope o f im­ poverishing Ch‘in and humbling Han is the height o f folly. ‘Kings W ei and Hsüan o f Ch‘i were the worthiest rulers o f their age. Their power was great2 and their lands were broad. Their states were 1 W ith Yokota Jft is a copyist’s error. The character appears further on in the text. * This seems to be used w ith its older meaning ‘power* instead of the usual CKT meaning of ‘obligation*.

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wealthy and their citizens capable. Their generals were aggressive and their troops strong. King Hsüan made use o f these resources and in time broke Han, cowed W ei, went south against C h‘u and west against C h‘in. But there above Yao-sai1, the troops of C h‘i were pinned for ten years. The people o f Ch‘in fled the area but did not surrender. Meanwhile ChTs cities became em pty ruins !2 The reason the troops of C h‘i were broken while Han and W ei managed to survive was that C h‘i had attacked C h‘u and Ch‘in and then met with calamity [?] * Today thereisnosurplus wealth such as Kings W ei and Hsüan had, nor do their crack troops draw on the storehouses o f wealthy Han and dough­ ty W ei, nor are their generals as sagacious as T ie n Tan4 and Ssu-ma Jang-chü. ‘N o, to unite a defeated C h‘i, an exhausted Ch‘u, a beggared Wei, and a Chao of undetermined strength in the hope of impoverishing C h‘in and humbling Han is the gravest o f errors. In my estimation the alliance [you fear] will never be formed. [.. .]5 ‘In the past, Ch‘in attacked the heartland o f the empire and made it submit. Three states harried [?]6 Ch‘in; Chao She and Pao N ing were generals o f their forces and C h‘u had four m en [?]. They rose and har­ ried, drew near to the heartland but did not rescue Wei in the end. And when Ch‘‘in left they did not follow. W as it thus because the three states feared Ch‘in and loved the heartland? O r perhaps they loved C h‘in and feared the heartland? No. They attacked but did not rescue. They did not follow retreating Ch‘in because the troops o f the three states were in difficulty and Chao She and Pao Ning were [wearied].7 1 SPTK has Yao-han, 2 1 read the text as it stands except for deletion o f SI with Seki, and read % as 8 This is not really clear even though it appears readable. 4 It is likely this should have been T ‘ien Wen. 5 W ith Yokota, the next forty-two characters must come from some other item. They are a complete non-sequitur concerning JW £ and Ù §* # JE£. 6 Following Yokota but not with confidence. 7 At this point the whole last half of the item becomes too questionable to trans­ late usefully» I fear. SPTK has $£ here instead of f | ‘exhausted*. Just after Ü & ‘this was because*, SPTK has but Yokota rejects it. (Wu Shih-tao says there is more missing after it as well.) SPTK claimed to understand the forty-two character insert about ‘white horse is no horse*. Yokota did not.

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Therefore they gave o f their territory [.. .J1 T'ien Tan in command o f ChVs great power used his troops to ram p about within his own state for fourteen years but never dared array his forces to attack Ch'in jmd break Han. Instead he galloped about within his own fief.2 And s0 j know o f no alliance [and if it were made] how could it last? [?]’ [After that the king o f Ch'in disbanded his forces and remained within his borders .//The Lords rested and the empire was at peace. For twenty-nine years none attacked an o th er.^ « SPTK 3. 61a K Y 4 0 .2

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Chang Y i offers a persuasion that w ill make C K in master of the world and wagers his head on its success Chang Yi persuaded the king o f Ch*in in these words : ‘I have heard it said that to speak on a matter about which you know nothing is unwisdom and to say nothing about a matter you do under­ stand is acting in bad faith. The minister w ho acts in bad faith w ith his king should be executed; but so should the minister who advises when he knows nothing. ‘Nevertheless I wish to tell you all that I have learned and let your majesty pass judgement upon me. f/A s I hear it, the empire, with Yen on the north and Wei in the south, has made alliance w ith C h‘u, strengthened its position with C h‘i and gathered up what is left o f Han in order to form the Alliance^Æhey plan to move to the south-west to engage C h‘in. Ignorant as I am I find this laughable. There are three ways to failure in the world and these countries have achieved all of them. H ow can I say this? I have heard it said that using the turbulent to attack the well-ordered results 1 Here Yokota, by a terrible wrench of the mind, says : ‘They ceded land to bribe Ch*in to defeat Ch‘i*. W u Shih-tao implies that the phrase is part o f the five states* attack on Ch*i but, ‘the three states’ failure to rescue the heartland and the final ceding of land to defeat Ch'i is to demonstrate they were allied but never unified*. 2 This also verges on gibberish. 2 A later addition? At any rate, hyperbole o f the Su Ch‘in romance type.

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in failure; using the wicked to attack the upright results in failure; and sending the seditious against the obedient results in failure. The coffers o f the empire are n o t full and its granaries are empty. They can summon all their citizens and rank them in battle lines m ore than a million strong, their officers can bear the executioner’s naked sword before them and the headsman’s axe at their rear, but the troops will still flee and it will not even be possible to execute any. Those in command will be incapable o f killing and their citizens will be in­ capable o f dying, because they have talked o f rewards and no t given them and threatened punishments but not carried them out. If neither rewards nor punishments have been made dependable1, people are not willing to die in battle. ‘But C h‘in gives orders and carries out both rewards and punishment in such a way that the meritorious and those lacking merit each get w hat they deserve.12 M en fly from the bosoms o f their parents, and though they have never in their lives seen an enemy, hearing the sounds o f war they stamp their feet, bare their chests, and rush upon naked blades or across beds o f coals determined to die in the forefront. Such is the difference between Ch‘in and the Alliance. The difference between the decision to die in battle or not and a citizen’s choosing to do one or the other is a matter of pride in battle. O ne who is proud to fight is equal to ten w ho are not; ten are equal to a hundred who are not, a hundred are a match for a thousand, a thousand for ten thousand, and ten thousand can conquer the empire. ‘If one squared up an average between the widest and narrowest extensions o f Ch‘in, her territory would form a rectangle several thousands o f li on each side and her famed battalions number a million men. Ch‘in’s commands carry w ith them a certainty o f reward or punishment and she is situated in such a w ay that she is unmatched anywhere in the rest o f the empire. W hen these factors are employed in battle against the empire, nothing it can produce will equal Ch‘in. For this reason3 any w ar involving C h‘in has been a victory for her, any attack she launched has gained its objective, any force that faced her has been shattered. In this way C h‘in has opened up for herself thousands of 1 W ith Yokota the Han-fei IS is better than ff. 2 I follow the Han-fei commentary here rather than Yokota. 8 After Yokota from Han-fei £ n= 4fe.

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H o f territory and that has been her great accomplishment. Should her arms and armour fall to pieces, her citizens sicken, her stores be drained, her fields revert to weeds and her granaries fail; should the Lords on all sides refuse to submit to her and should she not gain hegemony, the cause could be nothing other than lack o f loyalty1 on the part o f her ministers. ‘Let me venture to speak o f days gone by. O f old Ch‘i crushed Ching2 in the south and Sung in the east. She made Ch‘in submit in the west and in the north Yen was broken by her. In the centre Han and Wei3 served her. Her lands waxed great and her troops mighty. W hat she attacked she took, and her orders controlled the empire. The clear Chi and the muddy Yellow River sufficed for her boundaries; long walls and great dikes served her for frontiers. She was a state that had won five wars. But one she lost, and after that Ch‘i was finished. ‘Viewed in this manner then, warfare means life or death even to a great state.4 ‘None the less about enemies I have heard it said, “Branch and root dear both away, neighbour to calamity neither be nor stay; thus, never become catastrophe's prey." For example, C h‘in attacked Ching, broke her, attacked her capital o f Ying, and took Tung-t‘ing, W u-chu, and Chiang-nan. The king of Ching fled east and took refuge in C h‘en. At that moment if C h‘in had used her forces to press Ching hard Ching would have fallen altogether. Had Ching fallen, her population would have been well worth having and her territories would have benefited C h‘in. In the east this could have weakened5 C h‘i and Yen and in the centre it would have troubled the Three Chin. Thus in a single stroke Ch‘in could have achieved hegemony and all the Lords would have been brought to her court. ‘But Ch‘in’s planners did nothing. The troops were withdrawn and a settlement was made w ith Ching which allowed her to reconstitute her shattered state, regroup her scattered population, establish a leader for her society and a high priest for her temples, and finally to lead the rest 1i.e., refusing to speak on matters they know something o f or vice versa. 8Le., Ch*u. * Kambun misprints this as ‘Ch‘in and W ei\ 4 Hence no minister should advise war unless he knows something o f the matter.? 5 Following Yokota after Han-fei.

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o f the Lords west to hamper Ch‘in. This was undoubtedly the first time C h ‘in lost her way on the road to hegemony. ‘W hen the empire discovered a similarity in their ambitions and stationed their armies below Mt. Hua, your majesty used a stratagem, to break them. Then his troops reached the capital of Wei. Had they then simply surrounded the capital city o f Liang for several weeks, it would have been taken. And Liang being taken, Wei w ould have fallen. The fall o f W ei would have broken the unity of Chao and Ching, and the unity o f Chao and Ching once ruptured, Chao would have been in peril and C hing isolated. This done you could have threatened C h ‘i and Yen in the east and contained the Three Chin in the centre. Thus in a single stroke you could have achieved hegemony and brought the neighbouring Lords to your court. B ut your counsellors did not carry this out. They drew off the troops, retreated, and made terms with W ei. They allowed W ei to reconstitute1 her shattered state, regroup her scattered population and establish a leader for her society and a high priest for her temples. This undoubtedly was the second time C h‘in lost her way on the road to hegemony. ‘Before this, when Marquis Jang ruled C h‘in, he used the troops of one state to accomplish the ends o f tw o.2 For this reason C o in ’s soldiers spent their entire lives exposed to the elements outside their ow n coutry while C h ‘in’s citizens spent all their existence in toil and weariness at home. This could not produce hegemony and undoubtedly the third time Ch‘in lost her way on the road to hegemony. ‘Chao is a nation o f the centre, populated by a heterogeneous folk. H er people are frivolous and difficult to use. Orders are not obeyed and neither rewards nor punishments are consistently applied. The nature o f its territories makes it difficult to defend. Its leaders are unable to get the most from its citizens. In all respects it appears to be a doomed state. Yet with no concern for its people’s hardship it mustered all its troops and stationed them at Ch‘ang-p‘ing to do battle for Han’s half of Shang-tang. ‘Your majesty had a strategem to break them with had you attacked Chao K‘uo at W u-an. At the time no one highly placed in Chao was sympathetic toward anyone below him and noble and commoner dis1 Kambutt misprints Ä for Jft. 2 Ch*in and his own fief o f Tao.

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jyusted each other, as a result of which Han-tan was poorly defended, fjan-tan being taken, the area o f Ho-chien would have been under your control and your troops could have been led westward to attack Hsiuand, crossing Sheepgut Canyon, could have subdued Tai and Shang-tang. The thirty-six districts o f Tai and the seventeen districts of Shang-tang would have become C h‘in’s w ithout the loss o f a single armoured soldier or the distress o f a single citizen. Tai and Shang-tang would have become C h ‘in’s w ithout a fight! Tung-yang and Ho-wai would have returned to Ch‘i w ithout a battle ! And all territory north of Chung and the H u-t‘o would have fallen to Yen without a struggle ! This would have m eant that Chao was finished. W ith Chao taken Han is certainly lost. W ith Han lost Ching and W ei cannot stand by them­ selves. W ith Ching and W ei unable to remain independent you would in this one stroke have ruined Han, consumed Wei, pressed Ching hard so that Ch‘i and Yen would be weakened in the east, and stopped up the Pai-ma ford thus flooding out the W ei clan. In one stroke the Three Chin would have fallen and the Alliance have failed. Your majesty could have waited w ith folded hands while the empire formed in line to submit to you, and the name o f Hegemon would have been yours But your advisers w ould not do it. They led away the troops in retreat and made peace w ith Chao. ‘Despite the intelligence o f your majesty, the m ight of your troops, and your potential for hegemony, neither land nor honour were gained. Instead, the clumsiness o f your planners invited imposition by a ruined state. ‘The fact that a ruined Chao did not collapse and a Ch‘in destined for hegemony did n ot become hegemon was the first sure mea­ sure the empire had o f Ch'in’s planners. The mustering o f all Ch‘in troops to attack Han-tan, the subsequent failure to take it, C h‘in’s withdrawal, casting away her weapons in fear and trembling, gave the empire a second measure, this time o f C h‘in*s power. ‘W hen they w ithdrew they assembled in Li-hsia; and there your majesty w ith additional troops pressed the engagement. But gaining no victory o f consequence, both sides retired in exhaustion. And this was a third measure the empire had o f C h'in’s strength. Internally they have taken the measure o f our planners, and beyond our borders they have

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found th e limits o f our armed strength. So I am not surprised that the empire finds it simple to form the Alliance. ‘If inside our state arms and armour grow dull and decay, if our people are wearied, our stores depleted, our fields abandoned and our granaries empty, then outside our country the Alliance o f the empire will grow ever more firm. I beg you to consider this, your majesty. ‘Furthermore, I have heard one must “act in fear and trembling, take m ore care tom orrow than today. W ho fears the W ay can hold the empire.” How do I know this is so? O f old when Chou was the Son of Heaven he commanded the hosts o f his empire. So numerous were they that his left flank drank in the Ch‘i valley and his right drank the Yüan. So vast were they that the Ch‘i dried up and the Yüan flowed no more. W ith these forces he hoped to distress King W u of Chou. King Wu led three thousand troops in the simplest o f armour and in one day’s fighting broke Chou’s state, captured his person, seized his land and w on over his people. All the world was shocked. ‘Earl Chih led the hosts o f three countries against Chao Hsiang-chu1 in Chin-yang. He dammed the river and flooded the city. Three years had passed and the city was on the very verge o f destruction when Hsiang-chu prepared the tortoise shell and counted the divining slips to see what woe or weal lay in store and which state would surrender. Then he sent Chang M eng-t‘an in secret to turn Earl C hih’s alliance against him. He gained the support o f tw o states and together they attacked Earl Chih’s army,2 captured his person and accomplished Hsiang-chu’s purpose. ‘Today if one squared up the average o f the narrowest and widest extensions of C h‘in her territory would be a square several thousands o f li on each side. H er famous battalions num ber more than a million men, her commands carry with them the certainty o f reward or punish­ ment, and she is situated in such a fashion that her match cannot be found in the empire. If these resources were used against the empire it would become C h‘in’s. This is w hy I have risked death in the hope of seeing your majesty and telling you how you may break the Alliance, raze Chao, destroy Han, cause Ching and W ei to submit, and bring C h‘i and Yen closer to you in order to achieve the name o f Hegemon. 1 Probably the same person as Chao Hsiang-tzu. 2 N ot ‘country’. I follow Yokota.

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‘Try m y persuasion, your majesty, and if in one stroke the Alliance |s not broken, Chao is not razed, Han is not destroyed, Ching and W ei Jo not submit and C h‘i and Yen do not jo in you - if you do not gain llic name o f Hegemon and you do not bring all the neighbouring Feudal Lords to your court then behead me, your majesty, as a warning to jji y0Ur country o f what comes from disloyal counsel.’* SPTK 3. 64a KY 12 .5

108 H ow T sa i Tse disputed w ith M arquis Ying and gained his place and how, after many years as minister o f C htin, he yielded up his office in turn T$‘ai Tse had been driven out o f Chao into Han and W ei where he was robbed on the highroad o f his last bronze vessel. He heard that Marquis Ying was doubly culpable for his advocacy of Cheng An-p‘ing and Wang Chi and was in disrepute w ith Ch‘in. So westward he went to Ch‘in. But before he had audience w ith King Chao, he sent out a man to carry words which would mislead and anger Marquis Ying. ‘Ts‘ai Tse, visitor from Y en / said this man, ‘the most eminent practitioner of high policy disputation, will have one audience with the king o f Ch‘in and forthwith be made chief minister in place of your excel­ lency/ W hen Marquis Ying had heard this he summoned Ts‘ai Tse. Ts‘ai Tse entered and made a perfunctory bow to Marquis Ying who was displeased. W hen he was presented to Marquis Ying, Ts‘ai Tse was equally arrogant and Marquis Ying upbraided him: ‘You, sir, have spread word that you would succeed me as minister of Ch‘in. Can this be true?' Sung W ei or Tsung Wei $ £ or §5ft) in SY, and Yen Hsiang in HH. This term is usually contrasted w ith r t shih but here seems to be a syn­ onym for it. 8 Given also as

am.

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yet tax your shih w ith not giving you what they hold dear, then this is hardly a case o f shih being easy to secure but difficult to find useful!9 SPTK 4 . 17a

K Y 2 9 .9 K I N G M I N (300-284. B.c.)

134 Drawing the snake9s legs General Chao-yang o f Ch‘u had attacked Wei, overthrown its army, killed its general and taken eight cities. He then moved his troops out to attack C h‘i. C h‘en Chen, acting for the king o f C h‘i, gained audience with Chao-yang. After he had made obeisance and congratulated the general on his victories he arose and asked: *According to the usages o f Ch‘u what would be the rank and posi­ tion of one who overturned an arm y and killed its commander?9 ‘His position would be Pillar of the State/ replied Chao-yang, ‘and his rank that o f Jade B aton/ ‘Is there any higher estate than that?9asked Ch‘en Chen. ‘None but the prime minister.9 ‘Ah, the prime minister is high indeed!9 returned Ch‘en Chen, ‘and no king is likely to appoint two o f them. W ith your permission, excellency, I would like to draw a comparison: ‘There was once a m an of Ch‘u w ho offered a sacrifice. Having done so he gave his companions a flagon o f wine. “This is enough and more for one man," said they, “but not enough for several. Let us each draw a serpent on the ground and he who finishes first shall drink the flagon down." ‘One o f them finished his snake first and took the flagon in his left hand - being about to drink it down - but with his right hand he com­ menced to draw again saying: “I can even give mine legs!99 ‘Before he had finished, another had completed his snake, took the flagon and drank it. “A snake has no legs so you couldn’t have drawn one", said he; and the one who had put legs on the snake lost his wine. ‘At present, my lord minister o f Ch*u, you have crushed W ei’s

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army, killed her general, and taken eight o f her cities with your own forces still intact. You threaten Ch‘i, and C h‘i fears you gready. Here is fame enough! Your estate is so high that it cannot be increased. He who has fought only victorious batdes but does not know when to cease will finally perish and have his honour revert to a successor. W hat you are doing now is like putting the legs on a snake/ Chao-yang, realizing that Ch'en was right, withdrew his troops and left. SPTK 4. 17b KY 26. 4

13 5 Purchasing peace Ch‘in attacked Chao so Chao ordered Lou Huan to use five cities to make peace with Ch‘in and gain her aid in an attack on Ch‘i. The king o f C h‘i grew fearful and sent an envoy offering ten Ch‘i cities for peace with Ch‘in//Lou-tzu was frightened in turn and promised twenty-four districts from Shang-tang to the king o f Ch‘in. Chao Tsu then journeyed to Ch‘i and said to its king: ‘If your majesty wishes to be free o f pressure from Ch‘in and Chao you should ally Ch‘i w ith Chao so that Chao wears Ch‘in out. W ith C h‘in exhausted Ch‘i would be untroubled/ SPTK 4. 18a KY 26. 5 136

T ‘ien Y in g s f i e f C h‘i was about to enfeoff T ‘ien Ying with Hsüeh but the king o f Ch‘u was angry when he heard o f it and threatened to attack C h‘i. This caused the king o f C h‘i grave misgivings, so Kung-sun Han said to T ‘ien Ying: ‘The success or failure o f this enfeoffment does not rest in ChTs hands but in ChV s. Let me persuade the king o f C h‘u in such a way that C h‘u will want you enfeoffed even more than Ch‘i /

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‘I will leave the whole matter in your hands’, replied T ‘ien Ying, and Kung-sun Han spoke to the king o f C h‘u for him thus: 4When Lu and Sung became vassals o f Ch‘u, Ch‘i did not. The reason she did not was because she was great while Lu and Sung were small. Your majesty did not become angry that Ch‘i was great but simply profited from the fact that Lu and Sung were small. ‘But if Ch‘i carves a fief for T ‘ien Ying from her own territory she will be made smaller and weaker thereby; so I ask your majesty not to hinder the affair.’1 ‘Good’, said the king o f Ch‘u and did n ot interfere. SPTK 4. 18b KY 23. 2

137 The leviathan T ‘ien Ying, the Lord Ching-kuo, was building up the walls o f Hsueh and many of his men admonished him. Ching-kuo finally told his usher to allow no one into his presence. There was a man from Ch‘i, however, who made this request: ‘I will say only three words to you; if I say one w ord more you may boil me alive !’ The prince had him admitted for this. The man hurried in and presented himself. ‘T he sea leviathan’, he said, and turned to go. ‘Stay*, said the prince. ‘Your servant does not intend to trifle w ith his ow n life’, replied the other. ‘Have done with that,’ said the prince, ‘and explain to me further.’ ‘Has m y lord not heard o f the leviathan which no net can trap nor hook can snare? If it should strand itself by carelessness then even the ant may do as it will with the beast ! N ow Ch‘i is like the leviathan’s sea to you, my lord; you will always have C h‘i, so what concern have you with Hsueh? But, should Ch‘i be lost, then you could build Hsüeh’s walls as high as heaven and it would avail you nothing.’ 1Kambun has printed the punctuation in the wrong place here.

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‘It is well spoken’, said Lord Ching-kuo and ceased raising the walls o f Hsüeh. S P T K 4 . 19a K Y 24. 3

138 The treasury report Lord Ching-kuo said to the king o f Ch‘i, ‘It is absolutely necessary that you listen to your five officials’ treasury report each day and frequently inspect the treasure itself/ ‘It shall be done’,1 said the king, but when he had done it once2 he was wearied with the task and gave it over to Lord Ching-kuo. S P T K 4 . 19b

KY 24. 4

139 Lord Ching-kuo's knowledge o f men Lord Ching-kuo thought highly o f Ch‘i Mao-pien3 who was a very vindictive man and n o t at all liked by Lord Ching-kuo’s other retainers. Once Shih-wei4 admonished Lord Ching-kuo on the matter but the latter paid no heed and left. Lord Meng-ch‘ang then spoke to him in private and Lord Ching-kuo became very angry. ‘Though I were cut off from you all and had to leave m y family I would do even that i f it made Ch‘i Mao-pien happy’, he cried. ‘I will not send him away !’5 After that he accorded C h‘i Mao-pien first rank among his retainers, made his eldest son serve him, and sent him food every m orning and evening. Several years later, KingW ei died and King Hsüan took the throne. Lord Ching-kuo was on very poor terms with King Hsüan so he 1

should be should be E . 2 Also known in LSCC as Chi (Ä!) Mao-pien. 4 Index treats this as a proper name, so I do also, though with no great faith that it is. 5 Kambun has misprinted $9 for K. 2 3l

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retired to Hsüeh w ith Ch’i Mao-pien. N ot long afterwards C h‘i Mao-pien asked leave to go and have audience w ith King Hsiian. «I ain in such disfavour with h im / said Lord Ching-kuo, ‘that you are certain to find death at his hands/ *1 Jo not, in fact, go there seeking to have m y life spared/ replied Ch‘i Mao-pien, ‘but go I m ust/ Lord Ching-kuo could not stop him , so Ch‘i Mao-pien travelled to Ch‘i and when the king heard o f it he hid his anger to wait for him. Ch‘i Mao-pien having been given audience, the king said to him : ‘So you are the man w hom Lord Ching-kuo loves and listens to !’ 1 am loved by him, it is tru e/ replied C h‘i Mao-pien, ‘but it is not true that Lord Ching-kuo heeds me. W hen your majesty had just been made heir apparent, for instance, I said to him “The new heir has an ungenerous look, is heavy jawed and shows the least auspicious physi­ ognomy.1 Persons o f this type will turn on others. You had best see that he is put aside and the W ei wom an’s child, Chiao-shih, raised instead.” “No,” replied Lord Ching-kuo, weeping, “I could not bear to do that.” If he had listened to me then he would certainly not be in trouble now. This was the first time he paid me no heed. ‘When we arrived in Hsüeh, Chao Yang o f Ch‘u offered to exchange several times the am ount of land for the fief o f Hsüeh. I told Lord Ching-kuo he should do it, but he said, “I received Hsüeh from our former king and though I am disliked by the present monarch, how could I explain such an act to his ancestor? Besides, the ancestral temples are in Hsüeh. How can I bring myself to turn them over to C h‘u?” ‘This was another time he paid me no heed - the second/ The king sighed heavily, his face working, ‘To think that Lord Ching-kuo was so true to me and to think I almost knew nothing o f it ! Would you be willing to ask Lord Ching-kuo to come to me?’ ‘I comply with respect’, replied C h‘i Mao-pien. Lord Ching-kuo w ore the livery and sword o f KingWei and when King Hsüan welcomed him in the suburbs he looked upon him and wept.2 When Lord Ching-kuo reached the place he was asked to be chief minister but refused. Finally he could refuse no longer, so he served 1 Lit. shih-shih fc H ‘the pig-(i.e. low) grade physiognomy*. * Because his dress reminded the king o f his father.

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seven days and pleaded illness. Still he was n o t allowed to retire from the post, so three days later he agreed to serve. [A t this period Lord Ching-kuo could be called a man w ho knew men. Because he did, he would not put them from him simply because others thought them bad. This is w hy Ch‘i Mao-pien was willing to sacrifice his life for him , was happy to suffer for him, and welcomed undergoing hardships for him.] SPTK 4 . 19b KY 24. 5

140 C\Cen Chen persuades the king o f W ei to help the Three Chin C h'in had attacked W ei and Ch‘en Chen united the Three Chin in defence while he went eastward to speak to the king o f Ch‘i. ‘W hen the ancient kings did battle’, said Ch‘en, ‘it was to rectify the world and to leave a name for great deeds to posterity. Today our six states C h‘i, Ch‘u, Yen, Chao, H an and Liang are so inconstant that none could leave a name for great deeds; instead each weakens itself and strengthens C h‘in - hardly the best strategy for China East o f the Mountain. ‘The greatest threat to us is m ighty Ch‘in; yet we turn on ourselves, untroubled by thoughts o f Ch‘in. Each o f us attacks and weakens the other until both fall prey to Ch‘in. This I believe to be the curse of the empire. The world dismembers itself for Ch‘in and Ch‘in need not raise a hand. Our states boil one another alive and C h‘in need not even supply the faggots. T hink on it sire ! Can it be that C h‘in alone has wit and we are stupid? ‘W hen the Five Emperors, the Three Kings and the Five Hegemons did battle, they fought the unrighteous. B ut Ch‘in’s battle against the w orld is not thus. Indeed, it is to overturn what our ancients accom­ plished! O ur rulers will die in disgrace and their people in captivity. O f late the eyes o f Han and Liang are never dry; but the people o f Ch‘i have not yet wept. This is not because Ch‘i is kin to Ch‘in while Han and Liang are strangers, but because C h‘i is far from C hm while Han

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and Liang are close to her. Now, however, Ch‘i is to become a neigh­ bour o f Ch*in. ‘Ch‘in is about to attack Liang’s cities o f Chiang and An-yi. W hen these are taken, C h‘in will go east along both banks o f the Yellow River to attack C h‘i. W ith Ch‘i taken all the way to the coast, she will send a force south to isolate C h‘u, Han, and Liang and another force north to cut off Yen and Chao. Ch‘i will be helpless to plan against this, so think on it seriously your majesty. ‘The Three Chin have united. They have sworn themselves brothers and have made a covenant to send crack troops in defence o f the cities o f Chiang and An-yi. Here is the kind o f strategy which is seen only once in a thousand generations ! If C h‘i does not now send forth her best troops in alliance w ith the Three Chin she will live to regret it. For because o f the Chin alliance, Ch‘in will n o t attack Liang but will go south against C h‘u. W hen the C hin have become embroiled in the battles between Ch‘in and Ch‘u they will grow angry against Ch‘i for not having joined them and they will go east to attack her. This is why I warn you that you will live to regret it. It would be far better to dis­ patch your finest troops in all haste to join with the Three Chin.’ The king of Ch‘i assented respectfully and did send troops to join the Three Chin. SPTK 4. 21b KY 25. 15 I4 I

C K i prefers attacking an internally weakened Yen to aiding her ally Han Ch‘i and Han were allied states and when Chang Yi attacked Han with the combined forces o f Ch‘in and W ei [Han asked succour o f C h'i.1] ‘Han is our ally,’ said the king o f C h‘i, ‘and since Ch‘in has attacked her we will go to her rescue.’ ‘Your majesty’s planning is faulty’, said T ‘ien-ch‘en Ssu. ‘You should merely give their request a hearing.2 King Tzu-k‘uai has given his 1 W ith W u Shih-tao something like this is missing as can be inferred from the ‘king promised the Han envoy help* below. 2 i.e., promise help but do not aid her, following Yokota.

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minister Tzu-chih the throne o f Yen but the people o f that state have not accepted him and the Feudal Lords will n o t allow it. Now, if Ch‘in attacks Han, Ch‘u and Chao will surely com e to her aid and this will be as good as heaven bestowing the state o f Yen upon us/ ‘Good’, said the king, and he promised the Han envoy help and sent him back to Han. Han, believing that she had Ch‘i’s backing, joined battle with Ch'in and, as expected, C h ‘u and Chao one after another mustered troops and came to Han’s rescue. C h ‘i then raised her forces and attacked Yen. In thirty days Yen was hers.1 SPTK 4. 24a K Y 26. i

142 Chang Y i persuades the king o f ChU to make submission to Ch'in Chang Yi was speaking to the king o f C h‘i on behalf of Ch‘in and its Coalition. ‘There is no state in the world stronger than Ch‘i,’ said he, ‘and none so blessed with senior advisers both wealthy and happy. However, those who have been planning for your majesty have advised actions w ith temporary benefits and have not kept in mind advantages which would last a thousand generations ! ‘The advocate o f the Alliance w ho spoke to your majesty doubtless said: “W ith the m ighty country o f Chao to the west, Han and W ei to the south, and w ith its back against the sea, Ch‘i is a broad and popu­ lous state. Its troops are strong and its officers valiant. Though there were a hundred countries o f Ch‘in they could not harm us !” ‘Your majesty embraced the persuasions o f this proponent and did not scrutinize the facts. The spokesmen for the Alliance are all as thick as thieves and not one o f them doubts it can w o rk Your servant has heard, however, that C h‘i and Lu once fought three battles in each o f which Lu was victorious but that because o f these perilous victories Lu was destroyed. Though the battles were described as victorious, in 1 Chung Feng-nien says that dates and persons are badly confused in this and promises a discussion in his pien-tvu, but that section contains no notes on this item.

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reality they spelled destruction. The reason? Ch‘i was large and Lu was

small. ‘In recent times C h‘in and Chao have resembled Ch‘i and Lu. W hen they fought on the upper Chang, Chao was twice victorious over Ch‘in. When they fought below P u -w u , Chao twice again gained victories over Ch‘in. After these four battles were fought, however, Chao had lost over one hundred thousand troops and could barely preserve her capital o f Han-tan. Thus, though she was famous for having defeated C h‘in, the country o f Chao was actually crushed. The reason? Ch'in was powerful and Chao was weak. ‘At present C h‘in and Ch‘u have become kindred countries by exchanging royal sons and daughters in marriage. Han has ceded Yi-yang to Ch‘in, and W ei its lands across the River. Chao has paid homage at Mien-ch‘ih and yielded to C h‘in her lands bordering on the River there. If your majesty would not see fit to acknowledge us, Ch‘in could press Han and W ei to attack C h ‘i in the south and she could muster all Chao to ford the River pass and direct their troops to Po-kuan thus depriving your majesty of the cities of Lin-tzu and Chi-mo. ‘On the day your country is attacked you m ight wish to acknow­ ledge C h‘in, but then it could no longer be done. This is w hy I beg your majesty to give your plans the maturest consideration/ ‘Ch‘i is a provincial and isolated place’, replied the king, ‘which has relied on its position by the Eastern Sea. W e had never heard of the long-lasting profit possible for our country’s altars until m y worthy visitor honoured us by travelling here to teach us. Now I beg to offer my country in C h‘in’s service/ Three hundred li o f salt-producing and fishing areas were then presented to Ch‘in. SPTK 4. 25a KY 25. 17

143 Chang Y i under a new king Chang Yi had served King Hui o f C h‘in and when King Hoi died King W u took the throne. The latter’s attendants disliked Chang Yi and

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claimed that he had n o t served the former king in good faith. O n the heels o f their criticism came the country of C h ‘i’s denunciation. W hen Chang Yi heard o f this he said to the king, ‘I have a clumsy plan I hope your majesty will use/ ‘W hat is it?’ asked the king. ‘It would be most advantageous to the state if the East were to undergo a great upheaval, for then your majesty would be able to take much territory. N ow Ch‘i hates me so much that whatever country I m ay be in she will prom ptly attack. For this reason I shall take m y worthless person to Liang; then C h‘i will be certain to raise troops and assault the capital. W hen the soldiers o f Ch‘i and W ei are locked in batde beneath the city wall and cannot disengage, your majesty should seize that moment to attack Han and enter the Three Rivers area. You should move your troops through Han-ku Pass and close in on Chou w ithout attacking her. She will without doubt offer you her priceless sacrificial vessels. Then you will have the Son of Heaven under your arm and the maps and records o f the empire in your hands. This would be a king's business indeed!' ‘Good', cried the king and assembled thirty armoured chariots to escort Chang Yi to Liang. As was expected, C h‘i mobilized and attacked, and the king o f Wei was terrified. ‘D o not be afraid', said Chang Yi. ‘I beg your permission to make C h‘i withdraw her troops/ He sent his retainer, Feng Hsi, to C h‘u to request that Ch‘u send an envoy to C h‘i. Matters between C h‘i and C h‘u having been settled, the envoy said to the king of Ch‘i: ‘Y our majesty may have the greatest hatred for Chang Yi, but clearly you do m uch to make him trusted in Ch‘in / ‘I hate him so much that I will attack any place harbouring him', said the king. ‘W hy should I want him trusted?’ ‘B ut this is exactly how you cause him to be trusted', replied the o th er/ W hen Chang Yi was to leave C h‘in, he made an arrangement w ith the king o f C h‘in saying, “In planning for your majesty it appears to me, that should there be a great disturbance in the East you would be able to gain much territory. The king o f C h‘i hates me so much that he will attack any place I may be in. For this reason I shall take my worthless person to Liang in order to make certain that Ch‘i will raise

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troops and assault it. W hen the soldiers o f Ch‘i and Wei are locked in battle beneath the city wall and cannot disengage, your majesty should seize that moment to attack Han and enter the Three Rivers area. You should move your troops through Han-ku Pass and close in on Chou without attacking her. W ithout doubt she will offer her priceless sacrificial vessels. Then you will have the Son of Heaven under your arm and the maps and records o f the empire in your hands. This would be a Jung’s business indeed/’ The king thought him right, got thirty ar­ moured chariots to escort him to Liang and as he expected, you attack­ ed. In this fashion, you are weakening yourself internally and increasing your enemies by attacking an ally, whilst outside your state you are making Chang Yi believed and trusted by the king of Ch‘in. This is what I meant by saying that you do much to cause him to be trusted/ ‘True*1, said the king, and he ceased his attack. SPTK 4. 26b KY 26. 2

144 Chang Y t s diplomacy is undone hy the subtlety o f a defeated rival The hsi-shou, Kung-sun Yen, used Liang’s forces against C h‘i in the battle o f C h

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Thereafter Feng Hsüan would ride in his carriage with his sword over his shoulder and, passing his friends, w ould say: ‘Lord Mengch‘ang honours me as a guest/ Still later Feng Hsüan sang his sword song again: ‘Longsword, let us return. N o support, can my family wait?’ T he attendants all disliked him then, for they thought him covetous and malcontent. ‘Does he have a family?’ asked Lord Meng-ch‘ang. ‘His mother’, they replied. So Lord Meng-ch‘ang dispatched a man to supply her needs so that she m ight not suffer want. Feng Hsüan never sang his song again. Afterwards, Lord Meng-ch‘ang inscribed a notice asking his retainers, ‘W ho among you can keep accounts and will collect the monies owed me in my fief o f Hsüeh?’ Feng Hsüan sent in his reply, ‘I can.’ Lord Meng-ch‘ang was curious and asked who he was. His atten­ dants told him it was he who sang the song o f the longsword. ‘So he has his capabilities after all!’ laughed Lord Meng-ch‘ang. ‘But I have neglected him and never given him audience/ W hen Lord Meng-ch‘ang received Feng Hsüan, he apologized and said: ‘I have been much busied by affairs and vexed with troubles so that m y feelings are blunted. Deep in affairs o f state, I have wronged you; yet you, sir, take no offence and are willing to collect debts for me in Hsüeh?’ ‘I a m / W hen Feng Hsüan had made ready his attire and loaded the wagons w ith debt-tallies he took leave o f Lord Meng-ch‘ang. ‘W hen the debts have been collected, is there anything I may buy for you when I return?’ he asked. ‘If you have seen something that m y house lacks, buy it’, replied Lord Meng-ch‘ang. Feng Hsüan hastened to Hsüeh and sent out an officer summoning all those who owed debts to come forth and match their tallies. W hen all had been matched, Feng Hsüan feigned an order from Lord Mengch‘ang that all debts were to be forgiven the people. The tallies were burned and the people cheered. Feng Hsüan returned to Ch‘i without a halt and arrived in the early

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morning asking audience. Lord Meng-ch‘ang, surprised at his haste, donned his formal robes and admitted him. ‘W hy do you return so speedily? Have the debts been collected?' ‘They have already been collected', was the reply. ‘W hat did you purchase on your return?' ‘M y lord, you asked me to see if there was anything your house lacked', answered Feng Hsüan. ‘It was m y humble opinion that your castle was filled with precious objects, that your stables and kennels abounded in steeds and coursers, and the lower palaces with beauties. It seemed that one thing only was lacking, and that was fealty. This I bought, m y lord.' ‘How can one buy fealty?' exclaimed Lord Meng-ch‘ang. ‘At the moment you hold the little fief o f Hsüeh; you do not cherish the people there as your own children, but look on them as a source of profit’, replied Feng Hsuan. ‘Your servant took it upon himself to feign an order from you that all debts should be forgiven the people of Hsüeh. The tallies were burned and the citizens cheered you. This is how your servant purchased fealty.' Lord Meng-ch‘ang was displeased. ‘So be it ! You may now rest, sir.' A full year later, the new king o f C h‘i informed Lord Meng-ch‘ang that he dared no longer use a minister o f the former king. Lord Mengch‘ang had to return and govern his ow n fief o f Hsüeh. W hen he was still one hundred li from the city, its people, supporting the old ones and holding their children by the hand, welcomed their lord in mid-journey. Lord M eng-ch‘ang turned and looked at Feng Hsüan. ‘Your purchase o f fealty on m y behalf, sir, is apparent to me today.' ‘My lord.' replied Feng Hsüan, ‘the wiliest rabbit must have three burrows before he can even preserve his life. At the moment you can scarcely rest secure w ith only one. I beg m y lord allow me to dig him two more.' Fifty carts and five hundred catties o f gold were given Feng and he made his way westward to speak to King Hui o f Liang. ‘C h‘i has released its great minister Lord Meng-ch‘ang,' said Feng Hsüan, ‘and he is now free among the Feudal Lords. The first state to welcome him will enrich itself and make its soldiery powerful.' The king of Liang vacated his highest post by making his former minister a Marshal. He then sent emissaries, one hundred chariots, and

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a thousand catties o f gold to engage Lord M eng-ch‘ang. Feng Hsüan hurried ahead o f them to caution him . ‘A thousand in gold is great wealth and a hundred chariots a visible entourage. W e must let Ch‘i hear o f them !’ Thrice the emissaries o f Liang came to Hsüeh, but Lord Meng-ch‘ang firmly refused to accompany them. C h ‘i heard of it; ruler and ministers were sore afraid, and the Grand T utor was dispatched with gifts of a thousand catties o f gold, two ornamented chariots, and a ceremonial sword in its case [?]. T he king wrote a letter o f apology to Lord Mengch‘ang: ‘W e are truly unfortunate ! W e are given ill om en in the ancestral temples; we are surrounded by sycophants; and we have offended you, sir. Truly we are not w orthy to rule ! W e beg you, sir, for the sake o f the ancestral temples, come back now to unite the people!’ Feng Hsüan again cautioned Lord M eng-ch‘ang: ‘I must ask you to request him to send the ancestors’ sacrificial objects here so that the ancestral temple may remain in Hsüeh!’ W hen the temple was erected, Feng Hsüan returned to Lord Meng-ch‘ang and said, ‘The three burrows are complete, m y lord. You may now rest secure and happy.’ [That Lord Meng ch‘ang could be minister for several decades w ithout the slightest misfortune was due to the planning o f Feng Hsüan.] SPTK 4. 36b KY 28. i

155 Lord M eng-di ang forgets his hatreds Lord Meng-cli ang had been driven from Ch‘i but returned again. T ‘an Shih-tzu met him at the border and asked him : ‘M y lord, are there among the officials o f Ch‘i some w hom you hate?’ ‘There are!’ ‘W ould you be pleased to kill them?’ ‘I would !’

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‘Do you know the one event which must transpire and the one principle which always pertains?’ ‘No, I do not’, replied Lord Meng-ch ‘ang. ‘The event which must always come to pass is death/ said T ‘an Shih‘and the ever present principle is that wealth and honour will attract while poverty and lowliness will repel. This is the event and that is the principle. Let me use the market place as an example, my lord. In the morning it is crowded and in the evening it is empty. This is not because men favour it in the morning and dislike it in the evening. They seek it out for that which sustains them and when that is gone, they leave. I beg you not to harbour hatred, my lord/ Lord Meng-ch‘ang then had the five hundred names o f those he hated scraped from the bamboo tablets on which they were inscribed and dared not mention them again. SPTK 4. 39b KY 29. 4

156 The imperial title (i) Su C h m came from W ei to Ch‘i and was given audience at the Huachang Palace’s south gate. ‘You have come so late sir’, complained the king to him. ‘C h‘in has already sent Wei Jan w ith an offer to recognize me as emperor. W hat do you think o f the proposal?’ ‘Your majesty has asked me a very great question, but the portals of calamity are very small things’, replied Su C h‘in. ‘If you do not accept the proposal you will incur the wrath o f Ch‘in, but if you do accept, you risk the hatred o f the empire. The best thing would be to accept the tide so that Ch‘in*s plans succeed, but delay announcing it for the sake of the rest o f the empire. If Ch‘in announces imperial honours and the empire acquiesces, then your majesty can claim the title himself. The sequence in which such things are done can bring no harm to the ^hguity o f the tide. But if Ch‘in calls himself emperor and the empire

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does not accept such a title, your majesty will have done m uch to win the empire by not having announced similar intentions/ SPTK 4 .40b KY 30. 10

157 The imperial title (it) Su-tzu said to the king o f Ch‘i, 'If C h‘i and Ch‘in both claim imperial rank, do you think the empire will honour Ch‘in or Ch‘i?’ ‘C h‘in / ‘If you, however, disclaim imperial rank, will the empire love Ch‘in or will it love Ch‘i?’ ‘It will love Ch‘i and hate Ch‘in / ‘And if the two emperors made covenant to attack Chao, would that be more profitable than attacking Sung?’ ‘To attack Sung would be more profitable/ ‘But then if you become emperor along with C h‘in and the empire honours C h‘in and slights C h‘i, and if you disclaim imperial rank and C h‘i is loved while C h ‘in is hated, and, further, if attacking Chao is not as profitable as attacking Sung, then I would certainly advise you openly to reject imperial rank and side w ith the empire. Renounce your agreement to honour Ch‘in and refuse to struggle for supremacy w ith her. Instead, sieze this moment to take Sung. ‘W ith Sung taken, Lesser W ei will find its tow n of Yang-ch‘eng in danger. W hen Huai-pei is yours, C h V s eastern provinces will be in peril. W hen the west bank o f the Chi is yours, Chao’s Ho-tung will be in jeopardy. And with Yin and P‘ing-lu yours, the very gates o f Ta-liang cannot open. ‘So, rejecting the name o f emperor and taking second place to Ch‘in in order to attack the Sung area o f C h‘u will result in Ch‘i’s name being honoured and your state becoming important. W ith Yen and Ch‘u recognizing your supremacy, the whole empire will follow suit and you will have acted in a manner w orthy o f a T ‘ang or a KingW u. But if you respect C h'in’s wish, taking the name o f emperor and so incurring the hatred o f the empire, it can only mean exchanging

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honour for dishonour, I hope your majesty will give this his maturest thought/ SPTK 4. 40b KY 30. 10b

158 King M in o f C K i hears a long persuasion in which he learns, among other things, how a battering ram m ay be broken by a sleeping mat persuaded King Min o f C h’i. ‘I have heard that he who uses troops because he covets pre-eminence in the empire is courting pain and that he who makes treaties to attack others and enjoys becoming ruler over disaffected men will be isolated. But he who moves only when m oved against will have support, and he who avoids resentment will find the times propitious to him . So it is that sages act only w hen assured o f support and move when the time is right. Since gaining support is the crux o f all matters and profiting by die season is the nexus o f events, few w ho have ignored this have succeeded. "So if you possessed even the great blades Kan-chiang and Mo-hsieh but lacked the strength to ply them, nothing could be cut or wounded. The soundest barbs and the sharpest points, if they do not utilize the impetus o f bowstrings or the mechanism o f triggers, will not slay at any great distance. This is so not because the weapons themselves are dull, but because the means o f implementing them are not there. ‘How do we know this is the case? O f old, when Chao attacked Lesser W ei her men slept in their chariots and her troops poured into that state without pause. Lesser W ei was cut off from all her towns1 and eight gates o f the city were stopped up while two collapsed. In every aspect she was a defeated state, but the ruler o f Lesser Wei went barefoot before the king o f W ei and pleaded his case. The latter donned his armour, girt his sword, sought out Chao and fought her. Han-tan was thrown into panic and all the land between river and mountain was in confusion. Lesser W ei got her support, and with these added 1Following Yokota f t is superfluous. S u -tz u

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forces she atacked northward, crippling Kang-p‘ing and bringing down Chung-mou. It was n o t that Lesser W ei was stronger than Chao, but rather that she was the arrow while the country o f Wei became her bowstring and trigger. The former borrowed the power o f the latter to take territory in Ho-tung. ‘Then Chao became frightened and Ch‘u came to her rescue and attacked the country o f Wei. They battled at Chou-hsi and C h‘u went past the gates of Liang to camp her troops in Lin and water her horses in the Great River. W ith this support Chao in turn attacked the Ho-pei area o f the country o f W ei, putting Chi-p‘u to the torch and Huang-ch‘eng to the sword. ‘The destruction o f Kang-p‘ing, the fall o f Chung-mou, the deci­ mation o f Huang-ch‘eng, and the burning o f C hi-p‘u were not things which the states o f Chao or W ei wanted, yet each o f them undertook these acts with great vigour. W hy? Because Lesser Wei knew how to capitalize on events and find support in shifts of pow ers, ‘So it was in the past, but not now . Rulers whose troops are weak seem to love powerful enemies. If their states are weak they seem to beg for their citizens’ ill will ; and w hen a cause is lost they clutch it with both hands. They court the hatred o f subordinates when their troops are weak, seek powerful foes when their lands are inadequate, and they resort to lengthy deception rather than ever admit defeat. Those who indulge in any o f these six errors while seeking hegemony are moving from it in the opposite direction. ‘I have heard that men truly skilled in statecraft make policy accord w ith the desires o f their people, shrewdly estimate the capabilities of their armies and then seek to be in harm ony w ith the empire. In this fashion their treaties do not anger those w ith w hom they treat and their conquests do n o t rouse stubborn resistance. So their troops are not wasted, their powers not lessened, their lands are broadened, and their desires are realized. ‘O f old when Ch‘i attacked Ch‘u w ith the help of Han and Wei, it was not a particularly sharp contest and the land she gained was about equal to the shares o f Han and W ei, but men put all the blame on Ch‘L W hy? Because C h‘i stood out as the target o f their anger. All the states used their troops: Ch‘i and Yen fought, Chao annexed Chungshan, C h‘in and Ch‘u battled, Han and W ei never ceased, and Sung

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and Yüeh1 could concentrate on warfare. But though all ten states sought and made enemies, resentment arose only against Ch'i. Why?

Because she was content to be the focus o f hatred among allies and insisted on rousing the stubbomest resistance when she did batde.

It

The calamity o f greatness is that it constantly seeks pre-eminence. The curse o f weakness is the constant seeking to profit through others’ efforts. Because o f these two things, great states put themselves in danger and weaker states perish. The finest policy for a great state is to avoid initiating warfare and to attack even unw orthy opponents with great care. By refusing to initiate action one can be sure o f numerous allies and well-conditioned troops. This makes m y forces numerous and powerful and finds my enemy w orn and his troops depleted. My campaign is assured o f victory, m y actions will not alienate the empire, and all profit will revert to me. If a great state acts in this maimer, fame arrives unbidden and hegemony is gained without effort. //T h e proper attitude for a small state2 is one of respectful quiescence and Complete trustworthiness in dealings with the Feudal Lords. A respectful and peaceful behaviour will keep its nearest neighbours3 from turning on it, and trustworthiness will prevent its selling out by other stated « ‘Suffering neither betrayal from far off nor attack from near by, its food and treasure will rot before it is used uj^L et the small state act in this manner and good fortune will attend it whether it sacrifice to the gods or not, and it need never borrow to m eet its requirements. This is why it is said that the disciple o f benevolence becomes a true king and the founder of righteousness becomes hegemon, while the leader o f ex­ hausted troops becomes a dead man. ‘How do we know this is so? O f old the king o f W u, Fu-ch‘ai, hoped to become pre-eminent in the empire by reason o f his strength. He attacked Ying and detained Yüeh, and the rulers o f all states followed him. But finally he perished and his state was vanquished at the hands of the empire. Why? Fu-ch‘ai suffered this calamity because while living 1 This should probably be W ei ÄT as Seki says. 1Note the gratituous outlining o f plans for a small state which can have had no bearing on Ch‘i. This may just be for balance or it may be that this item is a fragment from elsewhere. 1Yokota thinks that ES Ä m ay mean ‘w ithin its borders*, but I am dubious.

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quietly he schemed for kingship and in the day o f his power he longed to be the first in the empire. ‘O f old Lai and Chii were fond o f scheming, while Ch‘en and Ts*ai loved deception. Chii depended upon Yiieh and she was destroyed; Ts‘ai depended upon Chin and perished. They suffered this calamity from practising deceit within their borders while depending on others beyond their marches. ‘Viewing it in this manner we see that calamity comes to large and small in the manner just related. The saying goes, “The stallion Chi when tired can be beaten by a fresh nag; an exhausted Meng Pen may be overcome by a slip o f a g irl/’ It is not that the nag and the girl are better than the stallion Chi or Meng Pen; simply that their strength is whole and their sinews taut. W hy? Because they began later than their opponents and had the security of being fresh. //States o f like power cannot possess each other's lands by extermina­ ting their rivals. But if they restrain their troops and go into action last, turn resentment toward others, punish wrongdoers, fight only the opportune battle - and make it seem righteous - then hegemony will be theirs though they hobble their feet and simply wait for it to come to them .1 //T hose who understand past relationships among the Lords, who have carefully investigated the condition o f the states need no marriage alliances or exchange o f hostages to remain strong. They will get things done swifdy without the need to hurry. They will work together and not betray one another. They will divide an enemy's land up among themselves and not show envy. They will be on the best terms with the great powers. W hy? Because states in similar conditions share the same woes, and troops all move toward profit/^?] ‘H ow do we know this is so? Once Ch‘i and Yen did batde in a valley o f the Huan Mountains. Yen was defeated, lost all o f her myriad troops, and the northern Hu attacked a num ber o f districts in Yen's province o f Lou-fan where they plundered her o f catde and horses. ‘N ow the Hu had never been relatives o f Ch‘i yet they used their troops against Yen. They had shared no hostage with Ch‘i yet they schemed against Yen. They were m ore willing to aid Ch‘i than allies

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would have been. W hy?1 Because states in the same condition suffer the same woes2 and troops all move toward profit. ‘Looking at it in this light, if states o f the same condition unite, profit lasting, and he w ho moves last will find the other Feudal Lords coming to aid him. So the enlightened ruler and the clear-sighted minister - if hegemony is truly their ambition - will never make war­ fare their policy, for warfare means destruction o f states, and waste of provinces. There have been very few who were able to gain the sup­ port of the Lords when they devoted themselves to destruction and waste.3 / / ‘War is destructive in this manner: when the sound4 o f w ar is heard personal wealth must be diminished to make soldiers wealthy; food and drink are rationed to pamper suicide warriors, carriages are smashed to make firewood; and oxen are slaughtered to feast the armies. This is the way to collapse and ruin.6 The citizens say prayers, the ruler makes offerings; from the most accessible city to the smallest district, altars appear everywhere and every town big enough to hold market stops its w ork in order to maintain the king. This is the way to make a state hollow // ‘And on the m orning after batde you gather corpses and help the wounded. Even though a victory has been got, the army’s cost to his state and the tears o f his people have already wounded the ruler to the heart. ‘Families of the dead impoverish themselves to bury their kin; households of the wounded exhaust their wealth to get them medi­ cines, while those left sound drink so heavily and spend so wildly that as much is wasted by them as is spent on the dead and wounded. In the end the people will have spent more than can be restored in ten years of harvests. 1 With Yokota et al. fêf JW is here excrescent. * i.e., Yen could only win a hollow victory for C h‘i was as strong as she. [?] This whole section is somewhat obscure. U h is is the classic example of which the Chinese moralists complain when they say -rne men in Chan-kuo Ts'e would happily advocate both sides of the same question and have no fixed standard (see also 190). Su Ch‘in (and this is who the Su-tzu of 158 certainly is supposed to be) argues for the inevitability and propriety o f war­ fare as a foreign policy in 47 (see p. 56). 4 With Seki db should be removed and # should be 6 Following Seki, = M *B. Other versions read ^ as V .

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‘The cost o f the arm y in broken spears and halberds, sword rings, bowstrings, strained crossbows, shattered chariots and spent steeds will amount to half the whole. The equipment for armoured troops, contributions1 by officers, hoarding by officials and petty thieving by wood-gatherers and stable boys - all this will amount to more than the fields can earn in a decade. In all the empire there are few w ho have suffered this more than once and remained able to command the Lords to follow them. ‘The cost o f besieging a city is like this : all citizens must manufacture arrow shelters and assault towers. T he m en’s families must supply their needs and the m en themselves tunnel and mine. M inor officers are stripped of metal coin, subalterns labour at the earthworks, and generals sleep in their armour. A siege that succeeds in a month or two is an exceedingly short one. But even in that time the ruler has exhaus­ ted his exhortations and the soldier his weapons. This is why armies which have had to reduce three cities and have then gone on to defeat the enemy are few indeed. i *1 say, therefore, in batde be not the first to attack^fiow do I know this is best? O f old Earl Yao o f Chih attacked the Fan and Chung-hang clans, killed their rulers [sic] and reduced their countries. Then he went west to surround Chin-yang, to take tw o states and trouble one ruler. This was certainly proficient use of troops ; but in the end Earl Chih died, his state perished and he became the laughing-stock of the empire. W hy? He suffered the consequences o f initiating the fight and killing tw o rulers. ‘O f old Chung-shan mustered her troops and m et both Yen and Chao. To the south she defeated Chao at C h ‘ang-tzu. In the north she fought at Chung-shan, overcame the Yen forces and killed their general. ‘N ow , Chung-shan was only a state o f a thousand chariots and she successfully defeated tw o mighty countries in two battles which was certainly a most skilful use o f troops. But the state perished and its ruler became a vassal o f Ch‘i. W hy? Because the state did not spare itself the griefs o f offensive warfare. Seen in this light the ruinous defects o f aggressive w ar appear in the examples just given. ‘In this age the successful use o f troops is thought to be the batde-to1 Following Yokota %Lshould be t&.

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Jcath for victory or the d e fe n c e ^ ^ ftd h ,jadaich remains firm. These iBFem pire acclaims as excellent. T he preservation o f a country and the keeping o f it whole is not accounted an a d v a n ta g e ^ u t I have heard that the greater the victory the more the loss of troops and destruction o f weaponry; the m ore unyielding the defence the more exhausted one’s citizenry and the greater the destruction o f walls and suburbs. N ow it can hardly bring joy to a ruler to lose his soldiers abroad or to decimate his citizenry at home or to have his walls breached on the borders. ‘The archery butt offends no one, but w ith bended bow and flexed arbalest, young and old, high and low, all strive to pierce it. Those who succeed rejoice and those who don’t are shamefaced. W hy? Because they pretend it is their enemy. But in a batde-to-death or a defenceto-death it is not an imaginary enemy you attack, it is someone who wants to kill you. Small wonder the enemy incurs the hatred o f all. ‘So an enlightened ruler will not insist on the exhaustion o f troops, the exposure o f cities and great enmity from all, nor will the clear­ sighted minister serve his lord by taking his strong troops and weaken­ ing them. That ruler and that minister will not need to move a single weapon and the Lords will follow them, they will use soft words yet great riches will appear j%o the enlightened ruler will do battle by not bringing out a single soldier1 yet the enemy will be overcomji No assault towers will be used but cities will surrender. The common citizen will never know it but the king’s business will be done. The enlightened will do things thus: his substance will be used sparingly, few of his days will be wasted and the benefits will be long-lasting. So I say all the Feudal Lords will wish to serve him who is last to move his troops. ‘This is what I have heard is the secret o f aggressive w irfirr^9 ‘A million troops can be defeated at a state banquet, generals like Ho-lii and W u C h‘i can be captured by sitting in a room, and cities with thousand-foot walls can be captured between the wine and the spiced meats. A hundred-foot wheeled battering ram may be broken by a sleeping mat. So the sound o f bells and drums, pipes and strings need never stop while one’s territory grows and one’s desires are met. 1 K* W is excrescent as Yokota suggests, is a mistaken addition.

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The sound o f singing and the laughter of clowns can still be echoing the day all the Lords come to your court. In such a case to find one’s name compared with heaven and earth w ould not be flattery and one’s wealth being compared to the sea would n o t be hyperbole. Here lies the secret ofkingship/;the empire is in turm oil but m y state is at leisure, the empire is in confusion but my state is at p e a c e ;!/f ease and control are mine while strifeand confusion are the lot o f the empire, that is the secret o f kingship, w h e n forces assail me I turn them back; when calamity threatens I go forth to attack. “W h p i schemes against you all fall short, grief will never dwell at court.” ' ' ‘H ow do we know this to be true? O f old the king o f W ei had a thousand ft o f land under him and commanded three hundred and sixty thousand troops. H e put his faith in his own might, took Han-tan and surrounded Ting-yang to the west. Then at the head o f twelve Lords he came to the court o f the Son o f Heaven. From there he went westward against Ch‘in and the king o f C h‘in feared him so m uch he found no peace on his mat nor taste to his food. Ch‘in gave orders throughout his state that all walls and battlements would be stocked w ith the engines o f w ar and all borders be stoutly defended. He mustered his fearless troops and appointed generals to wait for Wei. W ei Yang then gave counsel to the king o f C h‘in: ‘ “ W ei has accomplished much and his orders are obeyed throughout the land. He has taken twelve Lords to the court o f the Son o f Heaven and has, therefore, a host o f allies. The solitary state o f Ch‘in is not, I fear, likely to stand against Wei. Y our majesty, send me to see the king o f W ei and I promise you that I can turn back his forces.” ‘The king agreed and W ei Yang, in audience w ith the king o f Wei, said: ‘ “ Your majesty’s accomplishments are great. Your order is obeyed throughout the land. Among the twelve Feudal Lords you lead, how­ ever, if one does not include the small states o f Sung and Lesser W ei one must still count the little countries o f Tsou, Lu, Ch‘en, and Ts‘ai. These were states you could drive before your horse but they will not make you monarch o f the empire. Your majesty m ust take Yen in the north and Ch*i in the east. Then Chao will surely jo in you. If you take C h‘in 1 W ith Yokota and others the next eighteen characters are a scribal error and should be disregarded.

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in the west and C h‘u to the south Han will surely submit. If your majesty has it in mind to take Ch‘i and C h‘u and so follow the inclina­ tions of the Lords then your overlordship is almost in view. But you must first assume the dignities o f kingship and then make your plans against C h‘i and C h u.” ‘The king of W ei was delighted with W ei Yang’s suggestion and personally saw to the enlarging o f the palace and the manufacture o f crimson garments. H e erected the nine pennants o f power and had himself preceded by the flag o f the Red Bird constellation. All o f these were proper only to the Son o f Heaven, but the king of Wei took them. ‘Then C h‘i and C h‘u became angered. The Lords gave their allegi­ ance to C h‘i, and Ch‘i attacked W ei, killed her heir and defeated her armies o f hundreds o f thousands. The king o f W ei was afraid, went barefoot, garrisoned his troops, and spent much time in Ch‘i before the other Feudal Lords pardoned him. All during this time the king of Ch*in sat with his garments arranged and his hands folded - yet he got the areas beyond Hsi-ho from W ei and was under no obligation to the king of WeLfSo from the time W ei Yang began to make plans for Ch‘in, schemes had been made w ithout Ch'in’s leaving his mat. Words had been said between the wine and the spiced meats. Policy had been effected w ithout leaving the throne room and the W ei generals were captives in Ch‘i. Assault towers had never been used, yet the land beyond Hsi-ho had become C h‘in’s. This is what I m eant by defeat achieved at a banquet, generals captured while sitting in a room, cities razed between the wine and the spiced meat, and a battering ram broken by a sleeping m a t/ SPTK 4. 41b KY 30. ia

159 N ao C liih kills king M in Hu Hsüan1, (who dwelt beyond the city wall o f Ch‘i), was an honest critic. W hen King M in had him beheaded in the sandalwood market, 1 Hapax legomenon in GfCT, but mentioned in LSCC is one % IS H u Yuan a dissident beheaded in the M 0 .

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all the commoners became disaffected and C h‘en Chü, who was related to the royal family, declared outright that he would assassinate the king at the eastern gate. The royal clan was not w ith him in this and Ssu-ma Jang-chü, who held the reins o f government, had Ch‘en executed. After this the great ministers were estranged from the king. As a result, Yen mustered her troops and sent Yüeh Yi, the Lord Ch‘ang-kuo, to strike C h‘i. Against him C h'i sent Hsiang-tzu; but the latter’s army was smashed and Hsiang-tzu escaped in a single chariot. Ta-tzu reformed the scattered troops to fight against Yen and asked bounties for the men. King Min refused him, the army broke up and the king fled to Chü. Here Nao Ch‘ih recited the crimes o f the king : ‘For hundreds o f miles about your districts o f Ch‘ien-ch‘eng and Po-ch‘ang garments have been wet w ith blood which rained from the skies. D id the king know this?’ ‘I did n o t/ ‘In the Ying-Po areas, hard by M t. T ‘ai, the earth cracked asunder dow n to the very springs o f the underworld. Did the king know this?’ T did n o t/ ‘N ear the gate tower a weeping o f men was heard: when they were sought none could be found, but when the searchers left, the sound could be heard again. D id the king know this?’ T did n o t/ ‘Garments soaked by bloody rain were a sign from heaven, ground cracked open to the springs o f the underworld was a sign from earth, the sound o f weeping beside the gates was a sign from man. Heaven, Earth and Man have all spoken to you yet you take no warning from them. Can such a person remain unpunished?’ cried Nao C h‘ih and executed King Min in the drum-square at Chü. T he heir apparent cast off his robes o f royalty and fled to the house o f the king’s astrologer where he worked as gardener. Chün-wang, the astrologer’s daughter, knew that he was destined to be honoured and treated him well. W hen T ‘ien Tan had used his beaten troops and the solitary city of Chi-m o to smash Yen’s armies and snare her general, Ch‘i-chieh, he resurrected the state o f C h‘i and went to Chü to acknowledge the heir apparent, who was thereupon established as King Hsiang. W hen King

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Hsiang took the throne, Chün-wang became his queen and later gave birth to King Chien o f Ch‘i. SPTK 4. 50b KY 30. ib

l 60 Wang-sun Chia avenges king M in . Wang-sun Chia had served King Min from the time he was fifteen. When the king fled, Chia became separated from him. ‘When you leave o f a morning to return in the evening/ said his mother, ‘I wait near our gate and watch for you. W hen you leave of an evening and do n ot get back, I watch for you by the tow n gates. You are in service to the king; he has fled and you know not where he is. How then can you return home?’ Wang-sun Chia then went into the market place and cried: ‘Nao Ch‘ih has committed treason against Ch‘i and has murdered King Min. Let him who would punish Nao Ch‘ih w ith me bare his right shoulder/ Four hundred men followed him from the market place. And they stabbed Nao Ch‘ih and killed him. SPTK 4. 51b KY 30. 2 K IN G H S IA N G (283-265

b .c

.)

l6l The letter on the arrow Yen attacked Ch‘i and took seventy cities; only Chü and Chi-m o held out. From Chi-mo T ‘ien Tan o f C h‘i struck back at Yen and killed her general C h‘i-chieh. Earlier, the general w ho had taken Liao was ac­ cused by someone at the Yen court and, fearing execution, he settled down to hold Liao, for he dared not return to Yen. T ‘ien Tan assaulted Liao for over a year and suffered heavy losses, but the town still stood. Then Lu-lien wrote a letter, lashed it to an arrow shaft and had it shot into the city that it m ight be delivered to the Yen commander.

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I have heard it said (read the letter) that ‘a wise man does not go counter to the times and cast away profit, a valiant soldier does not retreat from death and destroy his good name, and a faithful minister does not put his ow n concerns first and his ruler second’. You, sir, now bear patiently the contumely o f an entire court but are heedless o f your king who suffers from the lack o f a minister. This is hardly the behaviour o f a faithful officer. You would seek your ow n death in the doomed tow n of Liao but that w ould not give you a brave name outside o f Ch‘i. This is hardly the behaviour o f a valiant soldier. T o cast aside merit and destroy a good name so that later generations m ay not speak it is hardly the act o f a wise man. However, to be wise you must not plan twice ; to be valiant you may not retreat twice. All your fame or obscurity, honour or degradation, greatness or mean­ ness, life or death will be fixed after this day. I pray, sir, think on this carefully and do n o t act as a common m an would. Furthermore, w hen C h‘u attacked Nan-yang and W ei attacked at P ‘mg-lu, Ch‘i was not o f a m ind to turn southward: the loss of Nan-yang was deemed less serious than the gain to be had from holding the Chi-pei area, including the tow n o f Liao. So C h‘i fixed her plans to hold it in strength. A t present Ch‘in has sent dow n its troops so that W ei dare not move eastward on C h i and Ch*i has aligned herself w ith C h‘in so that C h‘u itself is perilously situated. So in the past Ch‘i abandoned Nan-yang and Yu-jang [i.e., P ‘inglu] to save Chi-pei, for her plans demanded it. N ow that C h‘u and W ei have pulled back and your country o f Yen has attacked and failed, C h‘i is relieved o f attentions from the rest o f the empire. She has gone through a full year’s exhaustion over the town o f Liao. As I see it, you will never succeed, sir: C h i intends to have Liao and you will have no chance for second thoughts ! Yen is now in great confusion; the schemes o f prince and minister have gone awry; both the high and the low have been deceived. General Li Fu at the head o f thousands has been five times defeated outside his own borders; your whole great country is surrounded by Chao, its lands are diminished, its rider beset and disgraced by the empire.1 Had you heard these tidings? The king of Yen stands all alone w ith his blood running cold. The great ministers o f Yen are 1 SC has ‘a laughing stock*.

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not to be feared by you, however; the country has been plagued with such trouble, so many calamities, that the heart o f the people turns toward none. N ow you have exhausted the people of Liao, and staved off the entire army o f C h‘i for a whole year w ithout relief. This is a feat worthy of Mo Ti ! You have eaten your soldiers’ companions and boiled their bones, yet still they do not wish to retreat to the north. These are troops fit for Sun Pin o rW u Ch‘i! These acts alone are enough to make you known throughout the length and breadth of the land. Therefore, were I to make your plans, sir, I should find nothing quite so good as withdrawing m y troops, resting m y officers, and reporting to the king o f Yen with m y transport and arm our still intact. The king would be delighted, surely, and the citizens o f Yen would look upon you as they would upon their own parents : whereever friends met they would seize each other eagerly by the arms and discuss your exploits until what you had done was known through­ out the world! At the highest level you would have sustained a beleaguered sovereign and helped him control his powerful officers; at a lower level you would have nurtured the people, thereby aiding the persuaders’ to rectify and reform the conventions o f your coun­ try. Your merit will become established in the empire. But perhaps your intention is to let Yen suffer what it must; to abandon the pursuit o f fame and come east to live in C h‘i? They would cede land to you and settle such a fief on you that your wealth would be the equal o f W ei Jan or Lord Shang1, and your descendants would be princes for generation after generation as long as Ch‘i shall exist. This then is yet another plan I might suggest. By these two you stand to gain either fame or fortune, and I should like you to consider them thoroughly and j udge shrewdly in favour o f one of them. And yet - ‘he who is anxious over jots and tittles will never inspire awe; he w ho flinches at small shame will never achieve great fame’, I have heard. O f old, when Kuan Chung’s arrow struck Duke Huan’s buckle, that was treason; when he deserted Kung-tzu Chiu 1 The SC So Yin identifies PSf T ‘ao and f t W ei as f t âc T ‘ao Chu and ? ft Kung-tzu Ching. Other commentary gives the preferred identification o f the two as Lord Shang and W ei Jan.

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instead o f dying w ith him, that was cowardice; when he was manacled hand and foot, that was disgrace. These three circumstances were enough to bar him from any village in the land or from any post under a king. If Kuan Chung had then passed the rest o f his life in depression, had sequestered himself to go forth no more, or had refused to be seen for shame, then these circumstances would have remained till the end o f his years and the last o f his days, the shameful acts o f one from the common ruck ! Instead, Kuan Chung, complete w ith his three transgressions, took the reins o f ChVs government, put the empire in order and nine times summoned the Feudal Lords together for the greatest of Hegemons. His name stood highest in the empire and his fame shed lustre even on neighbouring states. W hen Ts‘ao Mei was general to the ruler o f Lu, he thrice engaged and thrice retired beaten, thereby losing a thousand li o f land. If Ts‘ao-tzu*s foot had never left the battle line, if his plans had taken no account o f the final outcome, he could only have been know n as the captured general o f a vanquished army. But Ts‘ao-tzu knew that valour did not consist o f being the captured general of a conquered arm y and that wisdom did not inhere in casting aside merit and destroying a name which later generations might honour; so he left behind the disgrace o f three retreats, withdrew to plan w ith the ruler o f Lu, and got his chance. W hen Duke Huan o f Ch‘i held the empire and summoned the Feudal Lords to him, Ts*ao-tzu, by the office of a single sword, plundered Duke Huan upon the very altar where he sat. N or did his countenance change, nor were his words o f departure uncivil, b ut all that had been lost in three battles was in one audience returned. The empire was shaken by the act and the Feudal Lords were startled. His prestige reached to W u and C h‘u and his name was handed down to later ages. It was not that these two worthies were unable to attend to niceties o f behaviour, nor were they incapable o f dying to redress small insults. They believed that sacrificing themselves and ending their days before they had achieved a name showed lack of wisdom. So they suppressed their sense of honour and attained lasting fame; they put aside their sense o f shame and gained enduring honour. Thus it is that they are the equals o f the Three Kings and their names will last as long as the earth and the heavens. Think upon this, sir.

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‘I shall respectfully attend your orders’, replied the Yen general. He disbanded his troops and they departed w ith their quivers slung upside down. [Thus did the persuasions o f Lu Chung-lien raise a siege in C h i and save its people from death.] SPTK 4. 52a K Y 30. 3

162 The bead-stringer’s advice Yen attacked C h i and C h i fell. King M in fled to Chü where he was killed by Nao C h‘ih. During the time T ie n Tan was holding Chi-mo, defeating the soldiery o f Yen and restoring the bastions o f C h i, Hsiang - even as heir apparent to C h i - had been o f an ungenerous nature, and when C h i had overcome Yen, Hsiang was suspicious that T ien Tan would take the throne himself.1 After Hsiang was raised to the throne, T ien Tan became his minister. O ne day he came upon an old man who had become so cold while fording the Tzu River that he could not walk after he left the stream and was simply sitting in the sand. T ien Tan saw how chilled the old man was and wished one o f his retinue to share a garment with him. Since none had any to spare. T ien Tan undid his own fur cloak and wrapped it around the old man. King Hsiang hated Tan for this and cried out: ‘W ould T ie n Tan do such things if he did not intend to take m y kingdom from me? I must have a plan to use against him now or I will be too late!’ He looked about for someone to advise him but there was none save a man stringing beads below the balcony upon which the king stood.2 ‘Did you hear w hat I just said?’ the king asked him. ‘I did.’ ‘W hat do you think I should do about this?’ asked the king again. ‘If I were your majesty I should use him to make myself appear good.’ ‘How?’ 1 Yokota believes the twelve characters after ‘was suspicious’ were originally a gloss which became incorporated into the text. 2 As Yokota points out, kuan chu should not be a proper name. Index still has it listed as a person named Kuan Chu.

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‘Y ou should praise the goodness o f T ‘ien Tan’, replied the other. ‘You should issue a statement: “W hen we are concerned over famine among our people, Tan receives and feeds them. W hen we grieved that our people were cold. T an took offhis ow n cloak to clothe them with. W hen we are troubled over our people Tan is troubled. In gauging his ruler’s intentions, none is the equal of Tan, and we honour him .” Thus will Tan’s virtues become the king’s.’ ‘Good’, replied the king. He presented Tan with beeves and wine and praised his actions. Several days later the bead-worker again saw the king: ‘W hen next you hold court, summon T ‘ien Tan and bow to him and praise him in the audience hall. Then command all your officers to seek out am ong the people any who may be cold or hungry and to take them in and give them grain. After this the king may dispatch men to fisten in every hamlet. They will hear each cottager say when he speaks to his neigh­ bour: “ T ‘ien Tan’s love for his people is nothing more than carrying out the king’s grace!” ’ SPTK 4. 56a K Y 3 1 .4

163 Sable P ‘o rids T ‘ien Tan o f his enemies A certain Sable P‘01 several times slandered T ‘ien Tan at court by saying he was a small m an of no principle. W hen T ‘ien Tan heard of this he set forth wine and summoned Sable P ‘o. ‘H ow have I offended you, m y master, that you should deliberately slander me at court?’ asked T ‘ien Tan. ‘W hen C h‘ih’s dog barked at Yao it did n o t favour footpads like Ch‘ih and hold sages such as Yao worthless. A dog merely barks at those who are not its master’, replied the Sable. ‘Suppose nowadays’, he continued, ‘there were a Duke Noble who was worthy, and a M r. Tardy who was not. The two o f them get into a fight. Mr. Tardy’s dog springs at Duke Noble and nips his heels as a matter o f course. But, further suppose the dog finally leaves the 1 Tiao P ‘o elsewhere given as Tao Ti.

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unworthy and serves the worthy master, perhaps then that dog would do more than just nip the heels o f the unw orthy!’ ‘I hear and respect your commands’, replied T ‘ien Tan and the fol­ lowing day he commended Sable P ‘o to the king. At this time the king had nine ministers whom he favoured. It was they who wished harm to T ‘ien Tan. And so they said to the king: ‘While Yen attacked Ch‘i the king of C h‘u sent to us his general and ten thousand troops to aid our country. N ow the state is restored and its altars safe. Should we not send an emissary to the king o f Ch‘u to thank him?’ ‘W ho among m y attendants would be fit for this?’ asked the king. And the nine men replied as one : ‘Sable P o is fit.’ Sable P o went to Ch‘u and there the king feasted him. And for many days he did n o t return. The nine ministers all said to the king: ‘Here is a common man who has influenced the king o f a mighty country. W hy should Sable P ‘o not manage our state’s affairs? For indeed, T ‘ien Tan’s attitude toward your majesty has lacked the cere­ mony proper between sovereign and minister; the lower has not been distinct from the higher. In truth his ambition is to do “that which is improper” . W ithin the country he has received commoners and com­ plied with their desires: he has made those who were poor flourish, supplied those who felt lack, and spread a name for virtue among the citizens. Outside the country he has w on over the barbarian and the worthies o f the empire. Secretly he has allied himself with the mightiest and bravest among the Feudal Lords. He means to do something and we would have your majesty examine him.* ‘Summon Tan the minister!’ cried the king when another day had gone by. T ‘ien Tan entered w ithout cap or sandals and approached the king with his back bared for punishment. He retired and requested the death penalty. On the fifth day thereafter the king announced: ‘Sir, you have not offended me to that extent, but you shall continue to observe only that conduct which befits a king’s minister and I only that conduct befitting a minister’s king !’ Sable P o returned from C h‘u a n d the king offered him wine from

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his own hand. And when they had both felt the pleasure o f drink the king cried: ‘Summon Tan the minister !’ Sable P o left his m at and bowed down. ‘Your majesty, whence comes this style o f speech proper to a doomed kingdom? Among kings, is your majesty the equal of Chou's King W en?'

Tamnot/ ‘That is so. Your minister knows you are not. Among lesser rulers, is you majesty the equal o f ChVs D uke Huan?’

Tamnot/ ‘T hat is so. Your minister knows you are n o t/ ‘H ow ever/ continued Sable P‘o, ‘King W en had by him Lü W ang, w hom he addressed as “ Grand Duke", while Duke Huan had by him Kuan Yi-wu, whom he called “ Second Father". Your majesty has by him the lord o f An-p‘ing, T ‘ien Tan, w hom he insults, addressing him by his given name ! Surely there has never been, since the creation of heaven and earth, since the beginnings o f mankind, a minister more faithful than T ‘ien Tan, lord o f An-p‘ing. A nd yet your majesty cries “Tan, T an": whence comes this form o f speech proper only to a state which is damned? ‘W hen your majesty could not guard the altars of his ancestors, when the Yen armies rose and assaulted the bastions of C h‘i, your majesty fled to Chü in the mountains o f Ch‘eng-yang while the lord o f An-p‘ing held tiny Chi-mo, which trembled in fear, w ith seven thousand wearied soldiers. But starting from those three li o f city wall and those five li o f suburb he captured the Yen commander and re­ covered a thousand li o f our country - such was the merit o f Lord An-p‘ing. At that tim e he could have sealed off your majesty in Ch‘eng-yang and ruled himself: there would have been no one in the world to stop him. But his plans were conceived in virtue and tested against righteousness, so he knew it could n o t be done. Therefore he made his way over the steeps and passes to welcome your majesty and his queen among the mountains o f C h ‘eng-yang and your majesty was enabled to return and rule over his people. And so it is that today your country is ordered and your people at peace! Your majesty now summons this man by calling “Tan", as though he were an infant; but they were not the plans of an infant which made all these things pos-

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siblc. If your majesty does not now execute those nine men to vindi­ cate the lord o f An-p‘ing, then this state will truly be in peril!* The Ving had the nine executed and drove their families from the statY». He added ten thousand families o f Yeh-yi to the fief o f Lord

An-p‘ing. SPTK 4. 57a KY 31. 5

164 The childrens song When T ‘ien Tan was about to go against the Ti he visited Lu Chungtzu. ‘If the general attacks the Ti they will not fall’, said Lu Chung-tzu. ‘It was I who started from a five li city wall and a seven li suburb which was broken and reduced to nothing’, retorted Tan, ‘and smashed the great state o f Yen and rebuilt C h‘i from rubble. H ow then will the T i not fall if I attack!’ He mounted his chariot and left Lu Chung-lien without ceremony. Straightway he attacked the T i for three months but could not reduce them, and soon a children’s song1 was heard in Ch‘i: Helmets as large as winnowing-bins. Swords so long they come to their chins. Struck at the Ti who would not fall And there they stayed at W u Hill wall. T ‘ien Tan was frightened at this and questioned Lu Chung-tzu: ‘The master said I would not reduce the T i and now I would like to hear this persuasion.’ ‘When the general was at Chi-m o’, replied Lu Chung-tzu, ‘you all had need to plait mats when you rested and hold shovels when you stood. You led your troops then; you exhorted them: “ O ur days are done, our temples gone! W e must go forward, we have no hom e!’’ In those days the general had a heart for dying and his troops had none for living. When they heard you speak thus, not one but brushed away 1 Children's songs (t‘ung-yao) are common prophetic devices in Han and post-Han times, but are very rare in CKT. See 172 for the only other related example.

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his tears, shook his fists and lusted for battle. And in this manner was Yen smashed. Today the general has income from Yeh-yi in the east, and takes his pleasure on the banks o f the Tzu to the west. Between the Sheng and the Tzu he hunts and rides, splendid in his gold-buckled belt. He is full o f the love o f life and has no heart for death. That is w hy he does not conquer.* T have the heart, let you be its conscience, my Master’, said T ‘ien Tan, and the following day he rampaged about the walls, and, standing where the slings and arrows fell thickest, he took the mallets in his hands and drummed his troops forward, and the Ti fell. SPTK 4. 59a K Y 31. 6

165 Kung-sun H ung turns the king o f Ch Uns contempt to admiration Lord Meng-ch‘ang was going to w ork for the Alliance. Kung-sun Hung said to him: ‘Y ou had better send someone to see the king o f Ch‘in first. If, in your envoy’s opinion, C h‘in is destined to become an emperor over kings, then I fear you will hardly have time to submit to him, m uch less time to work with the Alliance against him. If, in the opinion o f your man, Ch‘in is unworthy tobe the ruler o f kings, then there will still be time enough to join the Alliance.’ ‘Good,’ said Lord M eng-ch‘ang, ‘and I should like you to undertake the commission.’ Kung-sun Hung agreed and, taking ten carriages, went to C h‘in. W hen King Chao heard he had come, he hoped to be able to shame him with his own words, so he gave Kung-sun Hung an audience and said, ‘H ow large are the lands o f Lord M eng-ch‘ang?’ ‘O ne hundred ft.’ T he king laughed. ‘M y lands are several thousands of //, and yet I would hesitate to challenge any other state. B ut here is Lord M engch‘ang with his one hundred li square w ho hopes to embarrass me. Do you think it possible?’

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‘Lord Meng-ch‘ang is devoted to obtaining good men and your majesty is not’, replied Kung-sun Hung. ‘In what fashion is he devoted to good men?’ asked the king. ‘He has three men who urge him never to submit to any “ Son of Heaven” , not to befriend any of the Feudal Lords, not to be ashamed to be the ruler o f men if it fulfils his ambition, and not to be the servant o f anyone if his ambition is not fulfilled. He has five whose statecraft fits them to be teachers even o f the likes o f Kuan-tzu and Lord Shang. Any ruler who takes pleasure in their arguments and carries out their conclusions [?] is certain to become hegemon. Further he has ten men who, if they should be insulted by even the loftiest ruler o f the most powerful state, would retire and cut their own throats so that their blood would be on the tunic o f such a ruler. I am one o f these/ The king laughed and apologized. ‘You must not bridle so, sir/ said he, ‘I was merely discussing the matter w ith you. I hope to honour Lord Meng-ch‘ang and I wish you to transmit m y desires to h im / ‘I comply with respect’, said Kung-sun Hung. [One can say that Kung-sun Hung could not be imposed upon. King Chao’s was a m ighty state and Lord Meng-ch‘ang’s a small one. He who can present the requirements o f a small state and make certain they are not scorned is worthy o f his commission.]

166 Lord M en g-dtan g cherishes mounts and maidens but neglects men o f honour ‘M y lord does not truly long to find men o f honour’, said Lu Chunglien to Lord M eng-ch‘ang. ‘Think o f Yung-men Tzu, patron of Chiao-yi, and Yang-te Tzu, patron o f [P].1 Food and drink they gave them, summer garments and winter furs they shared with them - and each patron had a man who would gladly die for him. ‘Today my lord’s household owns more wealth than ever belonged to those two famed patrons, yet have you a single worthy man who would make the supreme sacrifice for you?’

1There is obviously a name missing here. SPTK notes that there are tw o ‘masters at the gate o f Yung’, Yung-men Tzu Ch‘iu and Yung-men Tzu Chou.

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‘It is only because I have yet to find two such m en as they to offer m y patronage’, replied Lord Meng-ch'ang. ‘W ere I ever to find such a pair then certainly they would die for me as w ell/ ‘The hundred mounts in your stable all wear ornamental saddle cloths and eat the most succulent millet, yet they are neither fabulous unicorns nor King M u’s charger, Lu-erh’, replied Lu Chung-lien. ‘The ten ladies o f your inner courts wear bright embroidered gowns and eat the choicest grain and meat, yet none is M ao Ch‘iang nor Hsi-shih. ‘It seems my lord is content to find his mounts and maidens in this age but must apply to more ancient times for men o f honour! This is w hy I say you do not gready desire such m en / SPTK 4. dib KY 29. 3 K IN G C H IE N (264-221

b .c

.)

167 The Ups and the teeth Ch‘in smashed Chao at Ch‘ang-p‘ing, but C h ‘i and Ch‘u came to her rescue. C h‘in decided that if the countries were really close to Chao he would fall baçk, but i f they lost no affection on one another he would attack them/yNow Chao was close to famine and asked for grain from C h‘i, but C h‘i refused her so Su-tzul said to the king of Ch‘i: (]*lt would be best if you acceded to her request for it would make Ch‘in withdraw her troops. If you don’t do as Chao asks, C h‘in’s soldiers will not retire and C h‘in will have things as she planned, while tly policies o f Ch‘i and Ch‘u2 will go astray. '! tfrurtherm ore, Chao is a protecting hedge for C h‘i and C h‘u, just as the lips protect the teeth. W hen the lips are gone the teeth become coldf If disaster overcomes Chao today it will reach Ch‘i and Ch‘u tomorrow^ The work o f rescuing Chao would be as swift as quenching a glowing axe-head with a water jar. Moreover, to succour Chao would give you a name for righteousness, and causing C h‘in to retreat could only 1 SC has 0 * SPTK has Yen in place o f Ch'u.

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bring you fame. Com e to Chao’s aid honourably and beat back the f o r c e s o f mighty C h‘in. ‘If instead o f choosing this you simply show yourself to be one stingy with his grain, then your country's planners are badly at fault.’ SPTK 4. 62b K Y 27. 7

I6 8 A lesson in foreign affairs said t o t h e k i n g o f C h‘i : ‘To the west o f C hou and Han lies m ighty Ch‘in and to the east of them are Chao and W ei. If Ch‘in attacks them in the west, Chao and Wei will also1 take territory from Chou and Han; Han will be defeated and Chou harmed. W hen they are defeated and harmed Chao and W ei cannot but be troubled by C h‘in. ‘Now if Ch‘i and C h‘in2 [?] attack Chao and W ei this would in no way differ from3 Chao and W ei making use o f C h‘in’s attack in order to assault Han and Chou. Ch‘i now enters [?] Clvin and attacks Chao and Wei. When they have perished, C h‘in will cortie east and attack Ch‘L Then will you find help anywhere in the empire?’4 SPTK 4. 63a K Y 27. 8 Som eone

169 K u o-tzu expounds the position o f C h'i in the empire Kuo-tzu said, ‘Ch‘in defeated the troops o f Lord M a Fu and surrounded Han-tan. Ch‘i and W ei aided Ch‘in in her attack on Han-tan and Ch‘i took Tzu-shu while W ei seized Yi-shih. ‘The the kung-tzu W u Chi5, doing w hat was best for the empire, 1 W ith Yokota ^ should be %. 3 As Yasui says, ‘this item is full of lacunae'. 3 W ith Yokota Ä “ Ä . 4 This item embodies perfectly all of the faults and none o f the charms o f CKT. 5 i.e., Lord Hsin-ling o f Wei.

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murdered Chin Pi and led the -troops o f W ei to Han-tan’s rescue, thus denying the empire to C h‘in. This was to C hTs credit, for she finally threw in w ith Wei to save Han-tan. [?] ‘An-yi is the capital o f W ei, Chin-yang the capital o f Chao, and Yen-ying the capital o f Ch‘u. The three states actually1 shared borders w ith Ch‘in and the latter attackedWei and took An-yi, attacked Chao and seized Chin-yang, attacked Ch‘u and razed Yen-ying. C h‘in over­ turned the armies o f three states, annexed the two Chous, took Han and incorporated her territory, and half the empire was hers. ‘Today she is cutting farther into Chao and W ei and isolating the Middle Kingdoms. She has gutted the eastern areas belonging to Lesser Wei, and if she annexes the Ho-nan area of W ei and cuts off the Tung-yang section o f Chao, Chao and W ei will also be in peril. T o have Chao and W ei imperilled is not a source o f benefit to Ch‘i. ‘It is the conviction o f Han, Wei, Chao, and C h‘u that Ch‘in will annex all the empire and bring all o f its rulers to submission, so they are unifying both their policies and armies to resist her. But three o f these states share borders w ith Ch‘in, so their trouble's are acute. C h‘i does not share borders with C h‘in, so she will not be in difficulty until later. For this reason the trend in the empire must be toward serving C h‘i. ‘So if C h‘in gains C h ‘i, she will be more powerful than the Middle Kingdoms; but if Chao, W ei and C h‘u have Ch‘i as their ally they will be a match for Ch‘in. Therefore whether C h‘in on the one hand or C h‘u, Chao and W ei on the other have Ch‘i or lose C h‘i will determine which side is powerful and which weak. That Ch‘i should hold such a crucial position and not be pre-eminent in the empire can only be the fault o f the men she employs to make policy/ SPTK 7. 63b KY 28. 12

I7 0 2

The queen o f Chao makes some inquiries The king o f Ch‘i sent an envoy bearing his respects to Queen W ei of 1 After Yokota Sfc should be understood as H . 2 Most ‘Confucian’ of the items in CKT.

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Chao. Before she broke the seal on the letter the queen asked the envoy, ‘Is Ch‘i’s harvest good, then? D o her people prosper and does his majesty flourish?* The envoy was stung. ‘I received a commission to bring m y king’s greetings to Queen W ei, but before you inquire o f my king you speak o f harvests and people. Are you not putting foremost that which is least to be honoured and putting last that which is to be most hon­ oured?’ ‘Not at all’, replied the queen. ‘I f there were no harvest could there be people? If there were no people could there be a ruler? Should I neglect the root and ask after the branch?’ Then she summoned him to her and questioned him. ‘There is a private citizen in Ch‘i, one Chung-li-tzu. Is he well? He conducts himself thus : if someone has food he will feed them and if they have no food he will feed them. If someone has clothing he will clothe them, but he will also clothe them if they have none. He is a man who aids his king in caring for his people yet to this very day he is not em­ ployed at court. W hy? ‘And Master She-yang,1 is he well? He is a man who conducts him­ self thus: he has pity for the w idow and widower and compassion for the orphaned and the childless. He relieves the poor, supplies the needy and aids his king by looking after his people, yet he is to this day without a post at court. W hy? ‘And what o f the girl o f Pei-kung, Ying-erh, who put aside her bracelets and ear ornaments and lived unmarried that she m ight better care for her parents. She is one w ho leads people to excel in the prac­ tice o f filial devotion. W hy has she never been honoured at court? ‘Can the king be a true king o f C h‘i and can his people be his child­ ren while these tw o men remain unemployed and this wom an un­ honoured? And w hat o f Yü-ling Tzu-chung w ho neither submitted himself to his prince nor kept his own hom e in order, nor sought ties with the Lords. He shows your citizens how to excel in uselessness. W hy has he not been executed?’ SPTK 4. 64b KY 29. 7 1 Index makes this Yeh-yang, but commentators' fan-ch'ieh give She.

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7I

The astrologer s daughter W hen King Min o f C h‘i had been assassinated, his son Fa-chang changed both name and surname and became a servant in the hom e o f the Grand Astrologer o f Chü. The astrologer, Chi, had a daughter who was struck by Fa-chang’s physiognomy and knew he was no ordinary man. She took pity on him, secretly fed and clothed him and eventu­ ally had relations w ith him. In Chü there gathered many o f C hT s officers w ho had fled the state, and they sought King M in’s son to place him on ChTs throne. Fa-chang declared himself while still in Chü and C hT s officers elevated him as King Hsiang of C hT W hen King Hsiang took the throne, he raised the astrologer’s daughter to be his queen and she gave birth to Chien. The astrologer, Chi, said, ‘A woman w ho married w ithout a gobetween is no seed o f mine for she has shamed m y house’ - and to the end o f his days he never looked upon her again. But Chün-wang was a very honourable queen and did not, because o f his unwillingness to acknowledge her, forget the behaviour proper between parent and child. W hen King Hsiang died, Chien took the throne. Queen Chünwang was diligent in her service to the state o f Ch*in and was trusted by the Lords, for which reason Chien was on the throne m ore than forty years without a single incident. King Chao o f C h‘in once sent an envoy to present the queen with linked rings o f carved jade and said to the man: ‘Ch*i is very clever; see if she is able to separate these jade rings/ The queen showed them to her ministers and none could separate them. She took a mallet and broke the links. Then she dismissed the C h‘in envoy saying, ‘Tell his majesty I have respectfully separated th em / W hen she was on her deathbed she advised King Chien about which of the ministers were the most dependable. Chien interrupted her, ‘Let me write them down’, said he.1 1 Chien is drawn as being a bit dull-witted while his mother is quite the opposite. This accounts for the weary resignation o f her last speech. See Watson III p. 84.

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‘Do so / But when he had fetched brush and tablet to take down her words she said, ‘Alas, I have forgotten w ho they w ere/ When Queen Chün-wang died, Hou Sheng became minister o f Ch‘i. He took much traitor’s wealth from C h‘in and sent many men there who, with crafty words, urged the king o f Ch‘i to serve C h‘in rather than prepare his armies for attack. SPTK 4. 66a K Y 31. 8

172 The sad end o f king Chien o f ChU King Chien o f Ch‘i was on his way to the Ch‘in court when Yungmen Ssu-ma1 came forward and asked: ‘The force which raises a king to the throne - is it his state or is it the king himself?’ ‘The state/ ‘If that is so how can your majesty abandon his state and go to C h‘in?’ The king o f C h‘i brought his carriage about and returned home. When the tai-fu o f Chi-mo heard o f Yung-men Ssu-ma’s admonition and the fact that it was heeded, he believed there was still a chance to plan strategy. Having obtained an audience w ith the king o f C h‘i he said: ‘Ch‘i is still a country several thousand li square which boasts tens of thousands o f armoured troops. All the officers o f the Three Chin are against Ch‘in and several hundred o f them are staying near your cities of Ah and Yen. Bring them together, give them your tens o f thousands of troops to command and send them to recover the former territories of the Three Chin. In this manner the passes o f Lin-chin may be used to penetrate Ch'in. ‘There are also officers from C h‘u ’s capital who do not want to serve Ch‘in and several hundred o f them have gone south o f our walls. Gather them together, your majesty, give them your tens o f thousands of troops and send them to recover die former lands o f C h‘u. In this 1Or the ssu-ma of Yung-men.

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fashion Ch‘in may be penetrated by using W u-kuan. This is the way Cli i’s stature can be restored and Ch‘in can be destroyed. ‘T o yield your prerogative to face the south and rule in order to face west and surrender to C h‘in, should, I feel, be repugnant to your majesty/ The king o f Ch‘i paid him no heed, but C h ‘in sent Ch‘en Shih to entice the king of C h‘i into Ch‘in by promising him a demesne o f five hundred li. The king heeded not the tai-fu o f Chi-mo but Ch‘en Shih. And when he had gone into C h‘in he was confined between the fort o f Kung and the Cypress and Pine Outposts and starved to death. A litde before this the people of C h‘i had made a song which w ent: ‘Oh cypress, oh pine, Traitors w ith King Chien confine/ SPTK 4. 67a K

Y

3

1

. 9

THE

BO O K

OF

C H ‘U

K I N G H S Ü A N (369-340

b .c

.)

17 3 Tzu-hsiang shows a neutral the danger o f yielding to pressure When C h‘i and C h 'u were at war, Sung begged to remain neutral. Ch‘i, however, put pressure upon her and Sung acceded. Tzu-hsiang spoke to the king o f Sung on C h V s behalf: 'If we of Ch‘u now lose Sung’s neutrality by our temperate action, then we will follow C h‘i’s example and use force. Having obtained Sung’s aid by pressure once, C h‘i will use coercion often in the future. Thus, submitting will certainly not result in profit. If C h‘i should be victorious against C h‘u, her very impetus will be a threat to Sung: if she should lose, then a weakened Sung will have offended a very powerful Ch‘u. In this case you will have encouraged tw o mighty states to use force to gain their demands against your country and jeopardy will truly be upon you !’ SPTK 5. ia KY 32. I

174 A id to Chao debated During W ei’s siege o f Han-tan, Chao Hsi-hsü spoke to the king of C h‘u: ‘It would be better if your majesty did not go to the aid o f Chao but strengthened W ei instead. W ei being stronger will demand an even greater portion o f Chao. Chao will not be able to comply and will therefore resist still m ore stubbornly until both countries are exhausted.* ‘This is not so !’ said Ching She. ‘Chao Hsi-hsü does not understand ! The thing Wei fears most in her attack on Chao is an attack by Ch‘u 223

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afterward. If we do not go to Chao’s aid then Chao will be lost and W ei will have no fear o f Ch‘u at her back. This would be the same as W ei and Ch‘u attacking Chao together, from which she would suffer greatly indeed. H ow then would both countries be exhausted by it?* ‘O n the other hand if Wei can consolidate her forces to cut deeply into Chao, Chao will see how great is her peril and knowing that we o f C h‘u will not save her will certainly ally herself with W ei and scheme against us. ‘Therefore, your majesty, we should send out insufficient troops to help Chao. Chao, being stiffened by our help will put up a fight. W ei will be angered further by Chao’s stiffening and will observe that the Ch‘u forces are not to be feared, so she will not let up on Chao. W ei and Chao will then both be exhausted. C h‘i and Ch‘in will follow our example and W ei will be destroyed.’ Ch u did dispatch Ching She w ho raised troops to aid Chao. Han-tan fell and Ch‘u took W ei’s lands between the Sui and the Huo Rivers. SPTK 5. ib K Y 32.5

175 The customs o f C K u Chiang Yi was sent to Ch‘u by W ei and he spoke to the king o f Ch‘u: ‘W hen I entered your country and heard about its customs I was told Ch*u obscures no one’s excellence and speaks o f no one’s faults. Are these things truly so?’ ‘They are’, replied the king. ‘But then the rebellion o f Po Kung1 should never have happened, and if they are truly so now, then your ministers are not to be blamed.’ ‘W hat do you mean?’ asked the king. ‘There is2 a certain Chou-hou, minister o f C h‘u, who is honoured above all others and who is seizing the king’s power. And while he does 1 Po’s father fled the country because o f slander and was later murdered. Po him­ self seized the throne to avenge his father’s death. 2 The tense here is confusing for a later king had a favourite called Chou-hou (see 219).

T H E B O O K O F C H ‘U - K I N G H S Ü A N

22$

this, the king’s ministers keep saying, as w ith a single m outh, “This is not happening!” ’ SPTK 5. 2a KY33. 10 176

The tiger and the fo x ‘I hear that the N orth fears Chao Hsi-hsu, said King Hsüan to his ministers.4W hat say you to this?’ None o f them replied, except Chiang Yi, who said, ‘The tiger hunts all the animals o f the forest and devours them, but once when he caught a fox, the fox said, “You dare not eat me. The Lord o f Heaven or­ dained me chief among beasts; if you now kill me you will be dis­ obeying the will o f Heaven. I f you doubt it, follow behind me through the forest and watch the animals flee when they see me.” The tiger did indeed doubt the fox and therefore followed him. Animals saw them and fled, but the tiger did not know that the animals ran because they feared him. H e thought they were afraid o f the fox. ‘Now your majesty's country is five thousand li square and in it are a million first-class troops, all o f w hom are under Chao Hsi-hsü. There­ fore when the N orth fears Hsi-hsü, in reality it fears your majesty's arms, just as the animals o f the forest feared the tiger.' SPTK 5 . 2b KY32. 3

177 Chiang Y i declines to judge Later, Chao Hsi-hsü and Lord P‘eng-ch‘eng were debating before the king, who summoned Chiang Yi to comment on w hat they said. ‘The words o f both were so excellent that your servant dare not speak after them ', said Chiang Yi. ‘T o speak on the subject when they have finished w ith it would be presuming myself a sage !' SPTK 5. 3a K Y 32.4

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I? 8

Chao Hsi-hsii and the king Chancellor Chiang 1 still wanted to discredit Chao Hsi-hsii w ith the king o f Ch‘u but found his own power insufficient. He thereupon requested the king o f C h‘u to enfeoff Lord Shan-yang o f Wei in C h ‘u. The king consented, though Chao Hsi-hsii objected that Lord Shanyang had done nothing o f merit for C h‘u for which he should be thus favoured. In this way Chancellor Chiang obtained the help o f Lord Shan-yang in discrediting Chao Hsi-hsii. W hen these two men o f W ei had spoken to the king against Chao Hsi-hsu, the king informed him. ‘I have obeyed your commands from dawn to dusk/ replied Chao, ‘but now men of W ei have come between me and m y sovereign, and I am gready afraid. I do n o t fear W ei; but what transpires between you, sire, and myself has been divulged, and other states believe it. This means that the informer is close to the king ! If he finds it simple to pass information beyond our borders, then surely he has not neglected to do the same inside our state. If so, my days are num bered/ ‘B ut we know o f this/ replied the king, ‘so be at ease, my lo rd / SPTK 5. 3a KY32.6

179 The dog who made water in the w ell Chancellor Chiang wanted to discredit Chao Hsi-hsii and said to the king o f Ch‘u: ‘There was once a man who took great care o f his dog and loved it well. One day the dog made water into his master’s well and a neigh­ bour saw him doing it. The neighbour wanted to go in and tell the dog’s owner but it hated him and had once bitten him for coming in the gate. The man still feared it and in the end did not go in to tell the ow ner/ ‘During the battle o f Han-tan, Ch‘u sent its troops north and took 1 i.e., Chiang Yi.

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Ta-liang. Chao Hsi-hsü seized the state treasures. It is because I lived there then and know this that Chao Hsi-hsü hates to see me hold audience with your majesty.' SPTK 5. 3b K Y 3 3 .7

18 0 Chiang Y i advises the king to encourage tale-bearers Chiang Yi wished to discredit Chao Hsi-hsü in C h‘u. ‘Does your majesty know’, asked Chiang Yi, ‘that when those under him are thick as thieves, he who is above is in danger, and that when they wrangle with one another he is secure? I would have you remem­ ber this well, your majesty. ‘Suppose there were a man who loved to make known to others the good he found in men. How would he seem to your majesty?’ ‘He would be the “ superior man” and I should advance him*, replied the king. ‘And then if there were another w ho loved to make know n the bad he saw in other men,’ continued Chiang Yi, ‘how would he seem to the king?’ ‘He would be the “inferior man” and I should keep him far from m e!’ ‘But then if there were a son w ho had murdered his father, or a minister his prince, your majesty would never know. And why? Simply because your majesty loves to hear what is admirable in men and hates to hear o f their wickedness.”1 ‘T ru e/ answered the king, ‘I will henceforth listen to both.' SPTK 5.4* KY33.8

181 H ow Lord A n-ling won a f i e f by vowing to share his prince's grave Chiang Y i persuaded Lord An-ling : 1 This is the same theme as 175. If a shih spoke ill of no one the king would remain helplessly ignorant.

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‘Your excellency has not one particle o f accomplishment and no close kin occupying honoured positions, yet you receive the greatest wealth and all the citizens of the state pull back their sleeves to bow to you and adjust their clothing to kneel to you. W hy? Because the king gives too m uch to those who give him pleasure. W ere this not so you would not have such a high estate. *But\ continued Chiang Yi, ‘those w ho have a relationship based on wealth find that when wealth is exhausted the relationship ceases. Those who have a relationship based on their attractiveness find that when their beauty fades love changes - which is w hy the favoured woman seldom wears out her sleeping mat and the favoured minister seldom remains long enough to wear out his carriages. ‘A t present you have complete control o f C h‘u*s destinies but have never formed a lasting relationship with your prince. I see danger in this for your excellency.* ‘W hat should I do?' ‘I believe you must request that when the king dies you may be buried w ith him*, said Chiang Yi. ‘In this manner you will be eternally honoured in Ch‘u.* ‘I respectfully receive your instructions.* Three years passed and no more was said o f the matter, so Chiang Yi had audience again and said, ‘W hat I suggested to your excellency has not been acted upon. If your excellency cannot find use for m y plan then I dare not have further audience w ith you.* ‘Could I forget the Master’s words?* asked Lord An-ling. I simply have not found the proper time for it.* Then one day the king hunted in Yün-meng. A thousand chariots w ith teams o f four, banners and pennons darkened the sky, swamp-fires shone as rainbows do through the clouds, the bellows of buffalo and the screams o f tigers echoed and shook like thunder .1 One maddened beast charged against the wheel o f his chariot, so the king drew the bow himself and slew the creature w ith a single shaft. Then the king pulled a yak-tailed banner staff from its socket, impaled the trophy's head upon it, and lifting his face to the sky laughed aloud. ‘Ah, w hat pleasure I have in today's chase. A thousand autumns hence, who will share such joys w ith me?* 1 N ote the formulaic treatment of the hunt in/w-like metre.

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‘Lord An-ling, w ith tears streaming dow n his face, came forward. ‘In the palace my mat lies beside the king's and abroad I share his chariot. A thousand autumns hence I intend to send my own body first to the Yellow Springs so that it may be a shield against the ants for m y prince. Compared to that pleasure, what I feel now is as nothing/ The king was delighted; and that was when he enfeoffed T ‘an as Lord An-ling. A certain Gentleman said when hearing of this, ‘Chiang Yi knew how to make a plan, but Lord An-ling knew when to use it!’ SPTK 5. 4a KY33.9

182

A prisoner is reassured, but Chao Hsi-hsü feels tricked In the capital city o f Ying there was a M r. Such-a-one who had been in prison for three years, but on w hom no judgement had yet been pronounced. He purposely got someone else to ask for his house, so that he might divine his own guilt. This man spoke to Chao Hsi-hsii for him: ‘Sir/ said he, ‘I should like the house o f M r. Such-a-one/ ‘Mr. Such-a-one is not going to be adjudged guilty and his house will not be forfeit, so you may not have i t / The other saluted him and left. B ut when he had gone Chao Hsi-hsü regretted his answer and summoned him back. ‘Sir, I served you with honesty, w hy did you requite me with trickery?' asked Chao Hsi-hsü. ‘I used no trickery!' ‘W hen a man greets rejection o f his request with a pleased coun­ tenance, what can it be but trickery?' SPTK 5. 6 a KY33. ii

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K I N G W E I ( 3 3 9 -3 2 9

B X .)

183

Su Cliin in Œ u finds the cost o f living high and the king hard to approach Su C h‘in went to C h ‘u and after three m onths 1 he finally gained audience w ith the king. He spoke hastily and took his leave. ‘I hearken to you, sir, as I would to ancient worthies’, exlaimed the king. ‘You have not considered a thousand li too far to travel to see me yet you are unwilling to tarry even though I wish to hear your per­ suasions/ ‘In Ch‘u food is as expensive as jade and kindling as cosdy as fragrant cassia’, replied Su Ch‘in. ‘The court usher is as hard to find as a ghost and the king is as difficult to meet as the Heavenly Emperor. I am at present constrained to eat jade cooked over cassia wood while depending on a ghost to introduce me to a g o d / ‘Return to your quarters, sir,’ said the king, ‘and I shall hear your every com m and/ SPTK 5. 6a KY35.2

184 Su Ch*in wins C h ‘u to the Alliance W orking for the Alliance Su Ch‘in persuaded King W ei o f Ch‘u thus: ‘C h‘u is one of the most powerful states in the empire and you are one o f its most virtuous kings. On its west C h ‘u has Ch‘ien-chung and W u-chün, to the east lie Hsia-chou and Hai-yang. Tung-t‘ing and Ts‘ang-wu are to the south, while the barrier of Fen-ching and Hsiinyang lie to the north. A land of five thousand l i square boasting a million armoured troops, a thousand w ar chariots, ten thousand mounted men, and a ten-year supply o f grain laid by: truly these are the resources of a hegemon. 1 Traditionally (and probably correcdy), 'three days' in the text should be 'three months’.

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‘The power o f C h‘u and the virtue o f its king are such that none in the empire could stand against you. If today you went westward to declare yourself in the service o f C h ‘in, all the Lords would go west and stand in audience in C h in ’s palace o f Chang-t‘ai. ‘In all the empire;/the state which can do Ch‘in the most harm is C h‘u. W hen C h‘u is strong, C h‘in is weak; when Ch‘in is strong C h‘u is not. The two states cannot exist side by side. For this reason the best plan I could make for your majesty would be to join the Alliance in order to isolate C h 'iiu f ‘If your majesty does not join, C h‘in will raise two forces1 one of which will come forth through the W u-kuan and the other o f which will descend through Chien-chung. W hen this happens Yen and Ying will shake. ‘I have heard that one “controls before things become uncontrolled, acts before the event transpires” . W hen calamity has struck it is already too late for concern. And this is w hy I w ould have your majesty plan ahead. If you are capable o f taking m y advice, I beg your permission to order all the states East o f the Mountains to place their sacrifices for the four seasons at your majesty’s intelligent disposal; to hand over their societies, temples, trained troops and sharpened weapons for your majesty’s use. If your majesty is truly able to apply my stupid plans, then marvellous musicians and beautiful wom en from Han, W ei, Ch‘i, Yen, Chao, and Lesser W ei will fill your rear palaces and wondrous steeds and camels from Chao and Tai will replenish your stables. ‘Thus, if the Alliance is formed, C h‘u will rule, but if C h in ’s Coalition succeeds, then C h in is emperor. O n your majesty’s behalf I would regret your letting slip the title o f hegemon in order to seek the title of “ servant to C h in ” . ‘For C h‘in is a wild beast which has its heart set on swallowing the empire whole. C h in is the enemy o f the empire and advocates o f the Coalition all seek to extract lands from the Lords to serve C h in - what we call “rearing your own enemy and offering yourself to him ” . ‘The minister w ho will offer his ruler’s lands to establish relation­ ships with Ch‘in, the wild beast, that she m ay be the better able to take over the empire, will meet his end at C h‘in’s hand, yet your ministers do not heed the inevitable disaster. Certainly there can be no sedition and 1 Hsü Fou-yüan suggests the two are an army and a navy.

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lack o f faith greater than that o f ministers w ho rely on the external power of C h ‘in to help them plunder their ow n rulers by demanding that they cede lands to C h‘in. ‘So if your majesty joins the Alliance, all the Lords will cede land to C h ‘u; but if the Coalition succeeds, then C h‘u must cede land to Ch‘in. One o f these actions is infinitely better than the other. W hich one will your majesty choose? ‘It is for the reasons given that my rustic prince the king o f Chao has sent me to offer this plan for your majesty’s enlightened decision. All is no w in your majesty’s hands.’ ‘M y state shares a border with Ch‘in in the west,’ replied the king o f C h ‘u, ‘and Ch‘in intends to take Pa, Shu, and Han-chung. C h‘in is a savage beast to which one cannot attach oneself, and^Han andW ei are so crushed by the weight of Ch‘in that they cannot be a part o f any deep plans o f mine. For if I made plans which included them, some disaffected person from there would go to C h ‘in; and before we could act, m y state would be lost. ‘In my opinion C h‘u could not stand up to C h‘in and expect a victory. I get no satisfaction when I make plans with my own ministers and now I find no ease on m y mat nor taste to m y food. M y heart wavers like a banner in the wind and I can decide nothing. But i f your ruler hopes to unify the empire, bring peace among the Feudal Lords, and sustain the imperilled states, then I do respectfully offer m y country as part o f the Alliance.’ SPTK 5 .6b

KY 34-16

185 Tzu-hua punctures the self-esteem o f the king o f C h ‘u ‘From the era of m y ancestor. W en, until m y unfortunate person, have there been other men who concerned themselves for their country without the goad o f rank or the spur o f wealth?’ asked King W ei of Tzu-hua, the tno-ao o f Ch*u. ‘I am inadequate to instruct you’, Tzu-hua replied. ‘If not from my minister, then from w hom may I hear o f it?’ asked the king.

T H E B O O K OF C H ‘U - K I N G WEI

m

‘But o f which ones does m y lord ask?* enquired the mo-ao. ‘There have been those w ho held their rank w ith purity and impoverished their bodies for the sake o f our country. There have also been those w ho elevated their rank and enriched themselves while concerned for our country. There have been some w ho have had their throats or bellies pierced to perish in the dreamless sleep, never knowing if what they did was o f service - they too were concerned for our country. Others there were also who taxed their strength and humbled their pride for the country. There have been, then, many men who have concerned themselves for the state w ithout the goad of rank or the spur o f w ealth/ ‘To whom are you referring when you say this?’ asked the king. ‘O f old there was Tzu-wen, a chief m inister/ replied the mo-aoy ‘a man who wore coarse cloth at court and a deerhide coat in his house. He stood in the throne-room before the earliest light to return home and eat only when dusk had come. Never at his morning meal did he concern himself w ith the evening’s fare, nor had he ever a day’s provender at hand. Tzu-wen must be reckoned as one w ho held his rank with purity and impoverished his person out of concern for our country. ‘Tzu-kao, the Duke o f She, though once poor in his province, was later thought wealthy even in the capital. He settled the rebellion of Po-kung, ordered the affairs o f C h‘u and restored the dignity o f our ancestral kings until it was felt north o f Fang-ch‘eng Mountain. No one molested’our borders nor bandied our name among the Feudal Lords. ‘Yet at this time when none dared move a soldier southward, Tzukao held title to six hundred estates. The Duke o f She was thus one who elevated his rank and increased his wealth while concerning himself for our country. ‘O f old, when C h‘u fought W u between Cedar Mountain and Lake Chü, the chariots were face to face, w ith foot troops battling between. Ta-hsin, the mo-ao, turned to his charioteer and pressed his hand : ‘“Alas, my son,” he sighed, “the moon o f Ch‘u’s passing has come. W e go now deep into W u’s armies. But if you can smite a man or dash one down for me, perhaps our country’s gods will not yet perish.” ‘So Ta-hsin, the mo-ao, must be counted among those who were

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slain for their country and perished in the dreamless sleep never know ­ ing if what they did was o f service. ‘Again, after three engagements b y Lake Chu, our troops were forced back into the capital city. The king fled, his ministers followed, and the people scattered everywhere. Fen-mei Po-su, however, said: ‘ “ If I go out against this strong foe clad in arm our and wielding a weapon, then I die w ith no more effect than a foot-soldier. Better to flee to another state than th is/' ‘Thereupon he made off in stealth with such supplies as he had across jagged peaks and deep ravines until his sandals were cut through to the soles o f his feet. Seven days, and he reached the court o f C h‘in where he stood like a crane, never once lying down. Seven days he cried aloud in the daylight and wept in the dark but was not heeded. Neither food nor drink entered his m outh. H e sickened and his breath w ent from him; he fainted and knew no man. The king o f C h‘in heard and came to him unattended. In his left hand he supported Po-su’s head and with his right moistened his m outh until Po-su revived. The king o f Ch‘in in person then asked who he was. ‘“ None other than Fen-mei Po-su, emissary o f C h‘u, w ho o f late has offended your majesty. W u has entered our capital after three battles by Lake Chii. O ur ruler has fled, die ministers have followed, and our people are scattered everywhere. This low functionary has been sent to report our loss and beg succour/* ‘T he king o f Ch‘in ordered Po-su no t1 to arise in respect, but said : ‘ “I now know what is meant when men say, ‘Let the king o f a powerful country w rong one noble knight and his altars are in danger/** ‘Thereafter he sent forth eastward a thousand armoured chariots and ten thousand foot soldiers from their garrisons under the com­ mand o f Tzu-man and Tzu-hu. They crushed the W u troops at Cho River and fought them again in Sui-p‘u. ‘Therefore I say that Fen-mei Po-su numbers among those who exhausted their persons and humbled their pride on behalf o f our country. ‘Also, after the batdes at Lake Chii when W u had entered our capital, our ruler had fled, the ministers followed and our people 1Following Yasui this should be negative.

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235

were scattered everywhere, Meng-ku engaged the enemy on Kung T ‘ang Mountain but left the fight to hurry to Ying. “ ‘If the heir lives", said he, “the altars o f Ch‘u may yet survive/' ‘He entered the palace, bore off the books of law and made his way by river to escape in the fens o f Yün-meng. W hen King Chao re-entered Ying his officials were disorderly and the populace was in confusion. Meng-ku presented the books o f law and all was put in order. His merit was as great as that o f a minister who preserves a kingdom. The king presented him with a badge o f office and an estate o f six hundred cheit. ‘“I am no minister to man," cried Meng-ku angrily, “but a servant o f the gods. So long as the altars drink their blood what care I for rulers!" ‘W ith that he fled to the Mo Mountains and to this day he is without descendants. Thus, Meng-ku must be counted among those who needed neither the spur o f rank nor the goad o f wealth to trouble him­ self for our land/ ‘Ah, but these were the men o f old', sighed the king. ‘H ow are such to be found among us today?' ‘Your ancestor, King Ling, was said to prefer slender figures/ replied Tzu-hua, ‘and the knights o f C h‘u m oderated their meals so m uch that they had need o f props to stand and braces to rise. Now if these men could bear hunger in the presence o f delicacies, they could face death with knowledge o f its loathsomeness. ‘ “If the ruler loves archery his ministers will wear thumb-rings and arm-guards" goes the old saying', continued Tzu-hua. ‘If m y lord truly loved men of honour - and he does not presently do so - he could bring others like those five great men o f the past to his court/ SPTK 5. 8b KY 34. 19

l86 The duty o f a loyal minister Su-tzu said to the king o f Ch‘u: ‘The Man o f Benevolence acts toward his people with love from his heart. He encourages them w ith good

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words and makes them filial toward their parents, causing his people to love their parents w ith all their hearts and to serve them w ith all their wealth. ‘The minister who is loyal must bring w orthy m en to his king to serve him. At the m om ent the king’s relatives and highest ministers enjoy harming worthy men for their own advantage and by heavily taxing officers and citizens they cause your majesty to be disliked among his people. These are not the acts of loyal ministers. ‘Y our great ministers spread word o f their king’s faults am ong his people, and bribe the Lords with offers o f the king’s lands so that those the king loves retreat from him. These also are not acts of loyal officers and they have endangered your state. ‘I hope your majesty will not heed the slanderous words of his officers; I hope you will use the great ministers and your ow n relatives only with caution, will employ those w hom the people find good, and will moderate your ow n desires in order to make sure that the people’s needs are met. ‘W hat a minister finds hardest to do is to advance w orthy men w ithout jealousy. To die for one’s prince is easy. Those who did so at C h‘ui-sha numbered thousands. To bear disgrace for one’s prince is easy. From the Chancellor downwards m any thousands serve your majesty in this fashion. But I have yet to see one who has advanced w orthy men without jealousy. So the ruler who would be enlight­ ened must first o f all see that his ministers do recommend the worthy and do so without jealousy. The w orthy minister must above all else prom ote worthy men. W hat makes this difficult is that when the w orthy one is employed the recommender is cast aside; when the w orthy man is held in high esteem the recommender becomes lower than he. This is why men find it difficult to do.’ SPTK 5 . 12a KY35. i K IN G H U A I (328-299

b .c

.)

187 Ching Li escapes punishment Ch‘i and C h‘u were on good terms. Ch'in was arranging an accord

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237

with W ei and it was hoped that Ch‘i could be induced to split off from C h‘u. The king had sent Ching Li to Ch‘in and there he took part in arranging the accord between Ch‘in and Wei. The king o f Ch‘u was angered by that, for he feared that C h‘i would suspect Ch‘u of secretly having agreements with C h‘in and Wei. The king was going to punish Ching Li when someone said to him on Ching Li’s behalf: ‘I pay my respects to Ching Li for taking part in the accord. The reason C h‘in and W ei are in accord is eventually to bring C h‘i and Cli in together so that C h‘i will divorce herself from Ch‘u. B y taking part in the accord between Ch‘in and W ei, Ching Li has caused Ch‘i to wonder if W ei is truly uniting herself with Ch*in and will indeed attack C h‘u. Ch‘i must now also fear that Ch‘u may have a secret agreement with C h in and Wei, and for this reason C h i must hold C h‘u in great respect. So I say Ching Li has furnished your majesty with m uch that is useful by taking part in the C h‘in-W ei accord. If he had n ot done so, W ei would clearly have separated C h‘i from C h‘u and, believing W ei, C h‘i would not hold you in any respect. ‘Therefore it would be much better if your majesty were to disclaim any intention o f punishing Ching Li, for you will thereby demonstrate that you may be connected with C h‘in and Wei. For this reason Ch‘i must hold you in respect and W ei and C h‘in will be viewed with sus­ picion in C h i.’1 SPTK 5 . 12b K Y 60.21

l88 The king o f Ch'u earns a rebuke The king o f Ch‘u drove Chang Yi from W ei. ‘W hy has your majesty driven out Chang-tzu?’ asked C h‘en Chen. ‘He is a faithless and untrustworthy minister.’ ‘If he is faithless, your majesty, then do not use him as a minister. If he is untrustworthy then never undertake an agreement w ith him. 1 A passage of ninety-seven characters followed here, mistakenly transferred from the end o f 223.

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But if a W ei minister does not act in good faith what harm does this do to your majesty? If a W ei minister act in the best of faith what profit is there in that for your majesty? ‘I f you drive him from W ei because you wish to use his advice then do so; but if you do not expect to heed him, your majesty has recklessly caused a man to be p u t in jeopardy and has made a m ighty state abandon its minister. This is as serious a provocation as ranging your forces below her walls/ SPTK 5 . 13b

KY35.3

189 Ch*u incites Han to betray her allies and then tricks her in order to g ive aid to ChU The five states had made a treaty to attack C h‘i. Chao Yang said to the k in g o fC h 'u : ‘W hen the five states have demolished C h‘i, C h'in is certain to turn its gaze southw ard// ‘B ut what can be done about this?’ asked the king. ‘Han is a vacillating country’, replied Chao Yang. ‘She is both covetous and timorous. Since she is covetous she can be deceived; since she is timorous she can be coerced. If w e tempt her w ith a wealth o f land she will surely be misled, and i f we muster our forces and move them near her borders she will be afraid o f us. W hen she has been deceived by our wealth and frightened by our troops, the plans o f the five states will collapse. W hen their treaty has been broken we need not give Han the land we prom ised/ ‘Good’, cried the king and sent off Ta Kung-shih to Han, where he had audience with Kung-chung and said: ‘You personally1 have seen the disasters at Niu-lan and Ma-ling. N o w if you do not lend your forces to the five states, my country would like your permission to cede five cities to you. Further, we are muster­ ing our troops and plan to attack Ch‘i / 2 1 Following W u Shih-tao. 8 This presumably is a veiled threat.

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239

After Han1 had betrayed Chao and W ei, C h'u did not give her any land and the alliance o f the five states was in difficulty.] SPTK 5. 14a KY 32. 2

190 Tu Ho speaks for and against W ei and Chao twice changes his mind The Five States attacked Ch‘in ; but o f the five W ei wanted peace, so she sent Hui Shih to C h‘u. Ch‘u was going to send him on to Ch‘in to seek peace when T u Ho said to Chao Yang, ‘The country most responsible for the attack on C h‘in was C h‘u; but today Shih comes on behalf o f Wei and you would send him to Ch‘in. This would make it quite dear that C h‘u is responsible for the attack and convince C h‘in that W ei initiated peace. You would be better advised to ignore Hui Shih and secredy send a man to Ch‘in to offer peace terms yourself/ ‘Good*, cried Chao-tzu and said to H ui Shih, ‘Wei was the first to attack C h‘in and if you now leave from C h‘u to seek peace, Ch‘u will receive all the credit and W ei all the resentment. Return hom e and I shall send an envoy to C h‘in to seek peace on W ei’s behalf/ Hui-tzu returned and the king o f W ei was unhappy. Because o f this T u Ho2 spoke to Chao Yang saying, ‘W ei was the first to do batde for you, sir, and lost half its army in the process. She told you o f her suffering and you would not heed her; she asked to make peace and could not. If W ei should split from you and join Ch‘iand C h‘in, how would you repair that situation? You have your involvement with Yueh in the east, and in the north you would lack Wei, while your relations with Ch‘i and Ch‘in are uncertain. This would leave C h‘u all alone. The best thing to do is to make peace quickly/ ‘True’, said Chao-tzu, and ordered his men to make peace in Wei. SPTK 5 .14b K Y 3 6 .7 1 N ot Ch‘i; after Seki. 2 Note the persuader’s virtuosity in speaking first against and then for Wei. See also 157.

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9I

Leng Hsiang and C iïen Chen discuss alliances C h‘in was soliciting Ch V s help and m ounting an attack on Ch'i. Leng Hsiang said to C h ‘en Chen: ‘M y king will certainly not listen to m e,1 but those in C h‘u who favour an approach to Ch‘i know that they dislike Ch‘in in the east and they will w ork to bring about an alliance between Ch‘i and Ch‘u. W ith these tw o united, Yen and Chao will have to heed their wishes. Ch‘i w ith three other states is quite a match for C h‘in and will not be in difficulty. [Hsiang said]2 ‘Does C h ‘in truly wish to attack Ch‘i? Then she should first become well received by those in C h‘u who favour an approach to C h‘i. If this faction were not working for an alliance between Ch‘i and C h‘u then Ch‘u would come over to Ch‘in. ‘If mighty C h m has Chin3 and C h‘u w ith her, then Yen and Chao must listen to her and C h‘i will be isolated. Please allow me to persuade the king o f this for y o u /4 SPTK 5. 15a KY editor o f the Ch‘ung-k‘o Shanch'uan Yao-shih Pen Chan-kuo Ts*e Cha-chi g $)] JIJ I ndex

Index du Tchan-kou Ts‘ö. l i l t - Université de Paris, C entre d’Etudes Sinologiques de Pékin. Peking, 1948.

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BIB LIO G R A PH Y

JAOS Journal ofthe American Oriental Society. Kambün (See CKT H.) KY Kuo-ts'e K'an-yen. g j j t |£S WF- By Chung Feng-nien §£ JgL i f . Yenchifig Hsiieh-pao, M onograph, n. 11. Peking, 1936. Divided into three parts: (1) N otes on the Yao edition—from w hich m y code num bers are derived; (2) Notes on the Pao edition; (3) ‘Discussion o f E rrors/ A fourth section on the chronology o f C K T - w hich he mentions in the text - was never published for reasons painfully obvious to anyone w ho has w orked w ith inferential dates in the C K T

Kierman

j

Ssu-ma Çh*fan's Historiographical Attitudes as Reflected in Four/Late Warring States Biographies. B y F. A. Kierman. W iesbaden, 1962. Biographies, w ith C K T variorum , o f Yüeh Yi, Lien P‘o, Lin Hsiang-ju, T ‘ien Tan, and Lu Chung-lien. Copious notation.

Kokuyaku Kokuyaku Kamhun TaiseL Tokyo, 1924. The Sino-Japanese version o f C K T IL K.M . Erh-skih-wu Shih. ^ 3 l jfc- Shanghai, 1935 (1962), K‘ai-m ing Shu-tien. 9 vols. Pages serially num bered 1-7949. L egge

The Chinese Classics. Trans. Jam es Legge (reprint) Shanghai, 19313Liao

The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzu: A Classic of Chinese Political Science. B y W . K. Liao. Trans., VoL I, London, 1939 (photo­ reprint, 1959) ; VoL H, 1959. V ery poorly indexed. LSCC Lii-shih Ch‘un-ch‘iu Chi-shih. Com piled by Hsü W ei-y û .f^ jfj| C h'ing-hua U niv., 1935.6 vols. So-Y in Shih-chi So-yin. (See under SC.) SC T he Shih-chi; specifically, Shikikaichü Köshö Jfc. |E # IS

B IB LIO G R A PH Y

587

[Shih-chi Hui-chu K ‘ao-cheng). E dited b y T akigaw a K am etarö.

3Ü

iM ÉI fk f$ -

K yoto, 1936 and 1 9 5 8 .1 0 v o ls. P h otolith . reprint

b y W en-hsüeb Ku-chi* 1955. A lso pirated ed ition in T aiw an, c. 1959. Pages are num bered serially in th e 1955 ed ition m aking reference to it very sim ple. SPTK T he Ssu-pu Ts‘ung-k‘an. IS $5 fH "FU editions. Shanghai: C om ­ m ercial Press, 1920-2.

SY

Shuo-yiian §J£ £ £ (m ore properly Shui-yUan). SP T K ed. T i- m ing

Ckung-kuo Ti-ming Ta Tz'u-tien (various reprints). W aley, S ongs ' The Book o f Songs. Translated b y Arthur W aley. B oston and N e w Y ork 1937 and 1954.

W atson I

Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Grand Historian o f China. B y B urton W atson. N e w Y ork, 1958.

W atson n

Records o f the Grand Historian o f China. B y B urton W atson. N e w Y ork, 1 9 6 1 .2 v o ls.

W atson HI

Early Chinese Literature. B y B urton W atson . N e w Y ork, 1962. W ei- shu T 'ung -

k ‘ao

Wei-shu T ‘m g-k‘ao.

E dited b y C hang H sin -clien g

Shanghai: C om m ercial Press, 1939, (1954), 2 v o ls., 1144 pages.

ALPHABETICAL FINDING LIST It is difficult to devise a method of comprehensive and discrete identification for all items in the Chan-kiio Romanizing the opening phrase of each voll genCTaHy“JdEttögiu^ one from another But it cim" breed confusion because variants exist in the two major editions. I have tried very hard to enter them ait in their proper places in the Alphabetical Finding List but because of complica­ tions, not worth enlarging onheré, I am not sure they are all there. Chung Feng-nien in his iC an -yen h as analysed and collated the two major recensions of Chan-kuo TsV - the so-called Yao and Pao texts. Chungs very u^fifl analysis of the Yao text (the form of C K T least often seen in modem republications) occupies the firsf seventy-four pages of K*an-yen. The Yao text is dm dedhitô tfaitty-thrêe pHën and 492 chang. The *KŸ*number given at the end o f each translated Chan-kuo T s e item is composed sim ply o f the page and item numbers

For example, 17.6 means merely that by turn­ ing to page seventeen in Chung’s analysis of the Yao text and finding the item numbered six on that page, the reader will have positively identified the item and will see before him on that page the opening phrase o f the item in Chinese characters, T te edition this translation follows is a Pao text and follows Pao Piao’s arrangement of the items. This being so, the reader will be able to locate any item in either a Yao or a Pao edition by using the code number furnished in this translation at the end ofeachitem. I cannot recommend Chung Feng-nien’s K*an-yen too strongly to serious -students-ofC^T because in addition to Ks collation of the texts he indicates where a particular item (or a substantially identical story) may be found in other Han and pre-Han texts. So well has he done this job that the translator includes mention of the other texts in which an item appears only when there is something particularly striking about i t

from C M in g F e n g ^ ie n s ^

Alphabetical Finding L ist based on the romanised opening words o f the Chinese te x t The figures given are the numbers o f the items as they appear in this book.

An Yi chih yü shih ssu, 379 Chai Chang ts‘ung Liang lai, s.v. *Ti Chang 9 Chang Ch'ou chih ho Chci, Ch‘u, 432 Chang Ch‘ou wei chih yü Yen, 470 Ch'ang-kuo Chün Yüeh Yi, 469

A LPH A BETICA L F IN D IN G LIST

Chang Meng-t‘an chi kuGhao, 331 Ch^ang-p'ing chih yi P'ing-ttt Chiin, 365 Ch'ang-shachih nan, 216 Chang T ‘ö Waiïg Hsi-Chou, 35 Chang Tehg weiPiHsiëh yüéh, 439 Chang-tzu yi Ch‘in hsiang, 317 Chaüg Yi chih Ch*u p*in, 192 Chang Yi diih ts‘an Ch‘u-liCbi, 62 Chang Yi chu Hui Shih yü Wei, 198 Chàhg Ÿi hsiang Ch'in, 196 Chang Yi shih Ch‘in Hm-wang,.i43 Chang Yi shui Ch‘in-wang yueh, 107 Chang Yi tsou çhih Wei* 330 Chang Yi wd Ch>wang yüeh, 318 Chang Ÿi wei ChmHêhheng, 237 Chang Yi wei Ch‘m .. . shui Gh^, 142 Chang Yiwei Ch‘m . . . shui Han, 393 Chang Yi wei C b m . . . shui Wei, 328 Chang Yi wei Chm p‘o tsung, 195 Chang Yi wei Ch'in p o tsung lien heng Wei Yen, 454 Chang Yiwu Chen Chen yü Wei, 314 Chang Yi yi Ch m hsiang, 317 Chang Y iyuw u C hen Chen, 54 Chang Yi yü chia C hin ping, 61 Chang Yi yü chiung Chen Chen, 315 Chang Yi yü ping hsiang C hin, 311 Chang Yi yu yi Han-chung yu, 63 Chang Y iyü yiW ei ho yü C hin, 316 Chao dueh fa Yen, 468 Chao Chien yü Tung-Chou wu, 36 Chao chü Chou chih chi ti, 32 Chao Hsi-hsü yü P‘eng-cheng, 177 Chao-hsien tsai Yang-ti, 25 Chao Hui-wen-wang san-shih nien, 261 Chao shih Chao Chuang ho tsung, 284 Chao shih Chi Ho chih Chm , 244 Chao shih C hou Ho chih Ch‘in, 244 Chao shih Yao Chia yüeh Han, 269 Chao shou t6ien-hsia chieh, 25Ö Chao t‘ai-hou hsin yung shih, 262

590

A LPH A BETICA L F IN D IN G LIST

Chao-wang chi hsi min shän, 104 Chao-wang feng Meng-ch‘ang Çhün, 251 Chao* Wei kung Hua-yang, 437 Chao Yang wei Ch‘ufa W ei, 134 Chao, Yen hou Hu fo, 241 Ch*en Chien ch‘u Ch*u chih Ch'in, 55 Ch'en Chen ch‘ü Ch‘u ehih W ei, 199 Ch*en Chen kao Ch‘u chih W ei, 199 Ch*en Chen wei Gh'in shihyü, 319 Ch'enTs^ui ho Ch'i, Yen, 449 Cheng Ch*iang chih tsou Chang Yi, 394 Cheng Cliiang tsai pa-pai chin, 407 Ch'eng-hou Tsou Chi wei C hi, 118 Cheng Hun