Buddhism and Daoism on the Holy Mountains of China [1 ed.] 9042944153, 9789042944152, 9789042944169

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INSTITUT BELGE DES HAUTES ÉTUDES CHINOISES

Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques VOLUME 34

Buddhism and Daoism on the Holy Mountains of China

edited by Thomas Jülch

PEETERS

Buddhism and Daoism on the Holy Mountains of China

MÉLANGES CHINOIS ET BOUDDHIQUES La collection des Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques a été créée en 1931 par Louis de La Vallée Poussin (1869-1938) pour devenir la publication périodique de l’Institut belge des hautes études chinoises, fondé en 1929 aux Musées royaux d’art et d’histoire à Bruxelles. Après la guerre les Mélanges se transformèrent en une série de monographies sous l’impulsion d’Etienne Lamotte (1903-1983). Hubert Durt (1936- ) en fut ensuite le maître d’œuvre pendant près de quarante ans. La collection est actuellement sous la direction d’un comité de rédaction composé de Bart Dessein (UGent), Robert Duquenne (EFEO), Vincent Durand-Dastès (Inalco), Vanessa Frangville (ULB), Françoise Lauwaert (ULB), Jean-Marie Simonet (Musées royaux d’art et d’histoire), Willy Vande Walle (KU Leuven). The journal Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques was created in 1931 by Louis de La Vallée Poussin (1869-1938) as the serial publication of the Belgisch instituut voor hogere Chinese studiën / Institut belge des hautes études chinoises, founded in 1929 at the Royal Museums of Art and History in Brussels. After the war, the Mélanges transformed into a monographic series under the impulse of Etienne Lamotte (1903-1983). Subsequently, Hubert Durt (1936- ) took charge of the publication for more than forty years. Today the series is under the collective editorial direction of Bart Dessein (UGent); Robert Duquenne (EFEO); Vincent Durand-Dastès (Inalco); Vanessa Frangville (ULB); Françoise Lauwaert (ULB); Jean-Marie Simonet (Royal Museums of Art and History) and Willy Vande Walle (KU Leuven). Adresse de la rédaction / Editorial correspondence address: Institut belge des hautes études chinoises / Belgisch instituut voor hogere Chinese studiën Musées royaux d’art et d’histoire / Royal Museums of Art and History Jubelpark 10 Parc du Cinquantenaire B-1000 Bruxelles [email protected] http://www.china-institute.be

ISSN 0775-4612

MÉLANGES CHINOIS ET BOUDDHIQUES VOLUME XXXIV

BUDDHISM AND DAOISM ON THE HOLY MOUNTAINS OF CHINA

edited by Thomas JÜLCH

LEUVEN

PEETERS – PARIS – BRISTOL, 2022

CT

D/2022/0602/4 ISBN 978-90-429-4415-2 eISBN 978-90-429-4416-9 ISSN 0775-4612 © 2022, Institut belge des hautes études chinoises, Bruxelles

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Notes on the Contributors .....................................................................

VII

Thomas Jülch. Introduction ...................................................................

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BUDDHISM ON CHINESE MOUNTAINS

Bart Dessein. Stairs of Stone and Clouds: Dragons, Immortals, and Monks on Mount Lu ....................................................................... Susan Andrews. Women in the Early Literature of Mount Wutai........ Chi-chiang Huang. Youxi Chuandeng and the Construction of the Gaoming Monastery in the Tiantai Mountains..............................

21 69 99

DAOISM ON CHINESE MOUNTAINS

Timothy Wai Keung Chan. The Transcendent of Poetry’s Quest for Transcendence: Li Bai on Mount Tiantai ..................................... Thomas Jülch. In Praise of the Wangwu Mountains and Sima Chengzhen: The Tiantan Wangwu shan shengji ji by Du Guangting ..... Stephen Eskildsen. Chen Tuan’s Lengthy Sleep on Mount Hua and the Watery Hibernation of Tan Qiao ................................................... Jan De Meyer. Tianshi and Zhengyi dao on Mount Dadi (Zhejiang), Fourth to Seventeenth Centuries .................................................... Louis Komjathy. Mountains in Early Quanzhen Daoism ...................

203 245 285 315 363

NOTES ON THE CONTRIBUTORS Thomas JÜLCH, Ph.D. Ludwigs-Maximilians-Universität Munich (2011), was Research Fellow in Chinese studies at Ghent University from 2013 to 2019, and now works as an independent scholar. He has mainly published studies and translations of medieval Chinese Buddhist and Daoist texts: Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Shangqing-Daoismus in den Tiantai-Bergen (Munich: Utz, 2011); Bodhisattva der Apologetik: die Mission des buddhistischen Tang-Mönchs Falin (Munich: Utz, 2014), 3 vols.; The Zhenzheng lun by Xuanyi: A Buddhist Apologetic Scripture of Tang China (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019); Zhipan’s Account of the History of Buddhism in China, vol. 1 (Leiden: Brill, 2019). He is editor of The Middle Kingdom and the Dharma Wheel: Aspects of the Relationship Between the Buddhist Saṃgha and the State in Chinese History (Leiden: Brill, 2016). Bart DESSEIN, Ph.D. Ghent University (1994), is Professor of Chinese Studies at Ghent University. His main work is Saṃyuktābhidharmahṛdaya: Heart of Scholasticism with Miscellaneous Additions (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1999), 3 vols. He is the main editor of Text, History, and Philosophy: Abhidharma across Buddhist Scholastic Traditions (Leiden: Brill, 2016), and he has written many articles in the fields of early Chinese Buddhism and Abidharma studies. Susan ANDREWS, Ph.D. Columbia University (2013), is Associate Professor of Eastern Religions at Mount Allison University. She specializes in Mount Wutai studies, and she is the main editor of the volume The Transnational Cult of Mount Wutai: Historical and Comparative Perspectives (Leiden: Brill, 2020). Huang CHI-CHIANG, Ph.D. The University of Arizona (1986), is Professor of Chinese Studies at Hobart and William Smith Colleges. He focuses on the history of Chinese Buddhism. He has published a wide range of articles in English and monographs in Chinese.

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Timothy WAI KEUNG CHAN, Ph.D. University of Colorado (1999), is Professor of Chinese Studies at Hongkong Baptist University. His main work is Considering the End: Mortality in Early Medieval Chinese Literary Representation (Leiden: Brill, 2012). He is also author of a wide range of articles in the field of medieval Chinese literature. Stephen ESKILDSEN, Ph.D. University of British Columbia (1994), is Professor of Religious Studies at The University of Tennessee at Chattanooga. His monographs include Asceticism in Early Taoist Religion (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998), The Teachings and Practices of the Early Quanzhen Taoist Masters (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004), Daoism, Meditation, and the Wonders of Serenity: From the Latter Han Dynasty (25-220) to the Tang Dynasty (618-907) (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2015). Jan DE MEYER, Ph.D. Ghent University (1992), was lecturer at Ghent University and Leiden University. Since 2007 he works as an independent scholar. His main work is Wu Yun’s Way: Life and Works of an Eighth-Century Daoist Master (Leiden: Brill, 2006), and he has translated the Liezi and Wunengzi into Dutch. Louis KOMJATHY, Ph.D. Boston University (2005), is Associate Professor of Chinese Religions and Comparative Religious Studies at the University of San Diego. He specializes in Quanzhen Daoism and other fields of Daoist studies. His publications include Cultivating Perfection Mysticism and Self-transformation in Early Quanzhen Daoism (Leiden: Brill, 2007), The Way of Complete Perfection: A Quanzhen Daoist Anthology (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2013), Taming the Wild Horse: An Annotated Translation and Study of the Daoist Horse Taming Pictures (New York: Columbia University Press, 2017).

INTRODUCTION Thomas JÜLCH

Throughout Chinese history mountains were in many ways contextualized with myth and religion. The mythical and religious relevance, which frequently established mountains as ‘holy mountains,’ is documented in a truly vast and almost inexhaustible fundus of sources extending through both literary and art history. Hence myth and religion connected with mountains constitute a field that has received a remarkable amount of attention among scholars of premodern Chinese studies. In the West, the study of Chinese mountain culture began in earnest with the ground-breaking study by Edouard Chavannes.1 Since then the study of the holy mountains of China was subject to a great variety of monographs and articles. Just to name four of the foremost publications that appeared in recent times, one might refer to the monographs of James Hargett,2 James Robson,3 Lin Wei-cheng,4 and Marcus Bingenheimer.5 Susan Naquin and Yü Chün-fang also edited a much-noticed volume referring to pilgrimage sites in China.6 The fact that most of the articles in that volume refer to mountains, again testifies to the importance of mountains to the practice of religion in China. Despite the massive amount of research that has been done in the field, we are still far from a complete coverage. The sheer quantity of holy mountains in China is such that many scholars will still have the opportunity to spend their careers studying the received source material. The present volume is designed to offer one further contribution to this research process. Obviously within one volume we cannot even come close to covering all of the source material that remains to be studied. Rather than 1 Edouard Chavannes, Le T’ai Chan: Essai de monographie d’un culte chinois (Paris: Leroux, 1910). 2 James Hargett, Stairway to Heaven: A Journey to the Summit of Mount Emei (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006). 3 James Robson, Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue 南嶽) in Medieval China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009). 4 Lin Wei-cheng, Building a Sacred Mountain: The Buddhist Architecture of China’s Mount Wutai (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2014). 5 Marcus Bingenheimer, Island of Guanyin: Mount Putuo and Its Gazetteers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016). 6 Susan Naquin, Yü Chün-fang, Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).

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that the present volume undertakes to offer in-depth studies of a small selection of religious traditions connected with particular mountains. As the selection has been made exclusively within the scope of Buddhist and Daoist mountain culture, it should be pointed out that this scope constitutes but one part of the history of holy mountains in China. Chinese mountains played their role in mythical and proto-religious contexts long before Buddhism and Daoism came to make their contribution. For the purposes of this introduction, I have chosen to develop a comprehensive perspective succinctly displaying how mountain culture developed since the earliest times. In a first part I briefly outline the roots of mountain culture in the Chinese antiquity, as in certain ways the ancient tradition prepared the ground for the formation of Buddhist and Daoist mountain culture. In a second part I introduce the key patterns through which Buddhism and Daoism became part of mountain culture in medieval China, and I include comments on how especially mountains being subject to articles seen in the present volume fit into the bigger picture. In a third part I will succinctly refer to the major prose genres, which most of our knowledge about Buddhist and Daoist traditions on Chinese mountains goes back to. And in a fourth part I will offer some brief remarks explaining the choice and arrangement of the articles seen in the present volume. I. THE ROOTS OF MOUNTAIN CULTURE IN THE CHINESE ANTIQUITY In the Chinese tradition, the earliest document that would prominently portray mountains in connection with mythical qualities is the Shanhai jing 山海經 (Classic of Mountains and Seas), a comprehensive description of the world traditionally ascribed to Yu the Great 大禹. In reality the Shanhai jing was compiled from sources of different age and origin. It was first edited by the famous Han dynasty bibliographer Liu Xin 劉歆 (46 BC – 23 AD), while the extant version was edited and annotated in the Jin dynasty by the scholar and poet Guo Pu 郭璞 (276-324).7 The descriptions of mountains seen in the Shanhai jing often involve mysterious animals. To name but one example, in the chapter of “Nanshan jing” 南山經 (Book of the Southern Mountains) we read: There is an animal [on Mount Teawillow] which looks like a suckling pig and it has cock spurs. It makes a noise like a dog barking. Its name is ‘Lili’ (wildcatstrength). Whenever it appears there will be major earthworks in that district. 7 Vera Dorofeeva-Lichtmann, “Conception of Terrestrial Organization in the Shan Hai Jing,” in: Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 82 (1995), 58 f.

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There is a bird [on Mount Teawillow] which looks like an owl, but it has human hands. It makes a noise like a hen quail. Its name is ‘Zhu’ (crimsonowl). Its name comes from [the sound of] its call. Whenever it appears, numerous officers will be banished from that district. 有獸焉，其狀如豚，有距，其音如狗吠，其名曰貍力，見則其縣多土功。 有鳥焉，其狀如鴟而人手，其音如痺，其名曰鴸，其名自號也，見則其縣多 放士。8

The Shanhai jing also refers to Mount Kunlun 崑崙山, which is the mountain enjoying the greatest prominence within early Chinese myths. The geographic location of Mount Kunlun is however unclear, as apparently different mountains were known by that name. Also the Shanhai jing contains different references to Mount Kunlun, locating it in different areas. Evaluating the wide array of the classical sources, one finds that in most of the cases Mount Kunlun is located in the region of the present-day provinces of Gansu, Qinghai, and Xinjiang.9 So in the Chinese mind, the myth of Mount Kunlun was traditionally associated with the West. Mount Kunlun was imagined as the place of residence of the ancient Chinese deity Xiwangmu 西王母 (Queen Mother of the West). The Mutianzi zhuan 穆天子傳 (Biography of Mu, the Son of Heaven), reports that in antiquity King Mu of Zhou 周穆王 (traditional dating: r. 1001-946 BC) went on a mystical journey to meet the Xiwangmu on Mount Kunlun. In medieval China, both Buddhism and Daoism incorporated the ancient mythical complex of Mount Kunlun and the Xiwangmu into their system of thought. Buddhism captured the myth of Mount Kunlun, as in Chinese Buddhist religiosity Mount Kunlun was identified with the Pure Land of Buddha Amitābha. Known in Sanskrit as sukhāvatī, or in Chinese as jingtu 净土, Amitābha’s Pure Land was conceived as a cosmic realm situated in the West. Due to the western location also the Pure Land could be identified with the Xiwangmu’s paradise on Mount Kunlun, while the Xiwangmu was replaced by Buddha Amitābha. Amitābha’s paradise on Mount Kunlun then became known as the ‘Western Paradise’ 西天.10 The Xiwangmu was made a Daoist deity, which is documented through a variety of texts. The Shangqing patriarch Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456-536) in his Zhenling weiye tu 真靈位業圖 (Chart of the Ranks and Functions of 8 For both passages, see: Zheng Huisheng 鄭慧生, Shanhai jing 山海經 (Zhengzhou 鄭州: Henan daxue chubanshe 河南大學出版社, 2008), 52; Anne Birrell, The Classic of Mountains and Seas (London: Penguin, 1999), 5. 9 Manfred Frühauf, “Der Kunlun im alten China: Versuch einer Positionsbestimmung zwischen Geographie und Mythologie – Erster Teil,” in: minima sinica (2000, part 1), 42-45. 10 Marc S. Abramson, Ethnic Identity in Tang China (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 111, 121.

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the Perfected Numinous Beings) presents a hierarchical system of Daoist deities, in which the Xiwangmu holds the highest rank among the female deities.11 For succinct remarks on the worship of the Xiwangmu as a Daoist deity, see my article on the Wangwu Mountains and Sima Chengzhen in the present volume. Mount Kunlun and the myths related to it it form a central aspect of Chinese mountain culture. There is however yet another concept of holy mountains, which since earliest times left its mark on Chinese culture. This concept is connected with the term of ‘yue’ 嶽, which in the Warring States period could be employed in different ways. Terry F. Kleeman offers an analysis of the early history of the term, which can be summarized as follows: In the Guoyu 國語, the Guanzi 管子, and the Yizhou shu 逸周書, the term refers to one particular mountain, whereas the Shangshu 尚書, in the chapters of “Yaodian” 堯典 and “Shundian” 舜典, speaks of a group of four yue (siyue, 四嶽) here being ministers Yao 堯 consulted with. Those four ministers bore the names of mountains they must have had some sort of relationship with. When Shun 舜 became established as Yao’s successor, he met the four ministers and went on procession offering sacrifices at the corresponding mountains.12 Kleeman concludes that by the fourth century BC there was a system of ‘yue’ mountains that were thought of as being related to the well-being of the state.13 While in the early tradition mountains regarded as ‘yue’ were still exchangeable,14 by Han times a definite system of five ‘yue’ mountains had developed. As stated in the “Fengshan” 封禪 chapter of the Shiji 史記, these five mountains were Mount Tai 泰山 in the East, Mount Heng 衡山 in the South, Mount Hua 華山 in the West, Mount Heng 恆山 in the North, and Mount Song 嵩山 in the center.15 (The Marchmount of the South is frequently referred to as Nanyue 南嶽, which can help to avoid confusions with the Marchmount of the North.) The statement in the Shiji however claims that this list of marchmounts is quoted from the afore-mentioned passage in Shangshu, “Shundian,” whereas, in the received Shangshu version, the relevant passage simply speaks of mountains associated with East, South, West, and North, 11 Suzanne E. Cahill, Transcendence and Divine Passion: The Queen Mother of the West in Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 33. 12 For the relevant passages in the Shangshu, see: Kong Anguo 孔安國, Shangshu zhengyi 尚書正義 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2007), 52-63, 82; Clae Waltham, Shu Ching: Book of History (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1972), 6 f., 13 f. 13 Terry F. Kleeman, “Mountain Deities in China,” in: Journal of the American Oriental Society 114, no. 2 (1994), 227 f. 14 James Robson, Power of Place, 39-42. 15 Sima Qian 司馬遷, Shiji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), vol. 4, 1356. For a map showing the geographic locations, see: James Robson, Power of Place, 26.

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whereas the names of the mountains (except for that of Mount Tai) are not mentioned. The Shangshu also speaks of four, not of five, mountains, since when the Shangshu was compiled there was no mountain in the center yet.16 For the system of five mountains as defined in the Shiji, Edward Schafer coined the term of the ‘five marchmounts,’ where ‘march’ needs to be understood in the sense of ‘landmark.’ So the term reflects that the function of those mountains was to mark the four directions and the center.17 It was believed that the five marchmounts possessed divine power (shenqi, 神氣), and were able to send rain, which could offer relief in periods of drought.18 Each of the five marchmounts was seen as corresponding to a particular star constellation, and the marchmounts were believed to be so tall to reach up to the relevant stars, so that through these connections contact between the powers of heaven and earth was enabled.19 Chinese rulers visited the marchmounts to seek support from above in governing the state.20 Mount Tai was generally regarded as the holiest of the five marchmounts,21 and so at Mount Tai the feng 封 and the shan 禪 sacrifices, famously carried out by Han Wudi in 110 BC, were performed.22 II. BUDDHIST AND DAOIST MOUNTAIN CULTURE IN MEDIEVAL CHINA While in the above mountains were described as places of mythological and ideological importance, it needs to be pointed out that, when in medieval times Buddhist and Daoist spirituality more and more transformed the Chinese society, mountains additionally became important also as places of spiritual practice. As the ascendancy of Buddhist and Daoist religiosity incited an ever growing interest in spirituality among the population, also the concept of life in seclusion or hermitism became more and more popular. From antiquity various traditions of often legendary hermits or recluses 16

James Robson, Power of Place, 30. Edward H. Schafer, Pacing the Void: T’ang Approaches to the Stars (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 6. 18 Frank A. Landt, Die fünf heiligen Berge Chinas: Ihre Bedeutung und Bewertung in der Ch’ing-Dynastie (Berlin: Köster, 1994), 9. 19 Frank A. Landt, Die fünf heiligen Berge Chinas, 9 f. 20 Frank A. Landt, Die fünf heiligen Berge Chinas, 10. 21 For a study of Mount Tai, see: Brian Russell Dott, Identity Reflections: Pilgrimages to Mount Tai in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004). 22 Mark Edward Lewis, “The feng and the shan sacrifices of Emperor Wu of the Han,” in: State and Court Ritual in China, ed. Joseph P. McDermott (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 50-80. 17

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are handed down,23 but in medieval China, through the ascendancy of Buddhist and Daoist religiosity, hermitism became a fashion spread much more widely in society. Hermitism, in this sense, meant to leave all social ties behind, and to pursue a lifestyle in which one could dedicate oneself to fully authentic spirituality. Robert Ford Campany puts it as follows: “Practitioners of transcendence arts were enjoined in scriptures to avoid excessive contact with ordinary persons, to retire from village life and from agricultural communities, and to dwell in solitude in the mountains. They are repeatedly portrayed in stories as leaving home permanently or periodically to live in mountains (or in other places sharing the properties of elevation and isolation) or as wandering from place to place without fixed abode.”24 Also in Tibetan Buddhism, we observe that Buddhist practitioners frequently went into retreat in mountainous environments. In Tibet, the most famous example is Milarepa (1028/40-1111/23). As Andrew Quintman puts it, he chose to “live out his life meditating in solitary caves and mountain retreats.”25 The importance of the solitude and isolation in the mountainous wilderness to the development of pristine spirituality comes out in the following quotation from Lama Zhang’s (1122-1193) Life of Lama Milarepa (Bla ma mi la ras pa’i mam thar). We read: “He meditated in mountain retreat for nine years but experienced no samādhi, and he then became severely depressed. He resolved: ‘I shall remain in a single isolated place and, though this body of mine may wither and die right here, I shall not stir from this seat until samādhi is born.’”26 Religious hermitism in mountainous environments was in different manifestations common throughout much of medieval Buddhist Asia. In China the fashion of hermitism reached great popularity, too, but even though Buddhism and Daoism promoted its popularity, it was by no means confined to Buddhist and Daoist circles in a narrow sense. As an idealized lifestyle, it was a counterdraft to the Confucian ideal of pursuing an official career. Within an official career one had to follow orders and would therefore not always be able to maintain highest moral standards, while recluses could dedicate themselves to their spiritual and moral ideals without being hindered or impeded by superiors. Against this background, in medieval China the fashion of hermitism found prominent expression in poetry. In one 23 On the traditions of recluses in Chinese antiquity, see: Aat Vervoorn, Men of the Cliffs and Caves: The Development of the Chinese Eremitic Tradition to the End of the Han Dynasty (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1990). 24 Robert Ford Campany, Making Transcendents: Ascetics and Social Memory in Early Medieval China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2009), 51. 25 Andrew Quintman, The yogin and the madman: reading the biographical corpus of Tibet’s great saint Milarepa (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014), 4. 26 Ibid. 65.

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particular type of poetry known by the term of “zhao yin” 招隱 (summoning the recluse), we can even observe how a poetic theme since ancient times being employed against hermitism was turned around and now employed as a basis for poems in favor of hermitism. First, Huainan Xiaoshan 淮南小山, an epigone of Liu An 劉安 (179-122 BC), the Master of Huainan 淮南子, wrote a rhapsody arguing against hermitism. Entitled Zhao Yinshi 招隱士,27 it is part of the Chuci 楚辭,28 and later on it was included in Wenxuan 文選, juan 33.29 The rhapsody attempts to persuade the recluse to return to civilisation, in order to protect him against the jeopardy of being attacked by wild animals.30 The final sentence reads: “Come back! In the mountains nobody can stay for long!” 歸來, 山中兮不可以久留.31 Intending to turn the concept of “zhao yin” positively, in medieval China poems entitled Zhao yin shi 招隱詩 were written, in each of which the longing for a life as recluse is expressed. So in that sense Zhao yin shi would rather be translated as “Poems on Targeting [a Life as] Recluse.” Most prominently the Western Jin poet Zuo Si 左思 (ca. 250 – ca. 305) wrote a cycle of two Zhao yin shi, preserved in Wenxuan, juan 22.32 Both poems focus on describing the beauty of the uncultivated mountainous environment. We find no explicit reference to Buddhism or Daoism, but life within this natural beauty is still portrayed as having its spiritual qualities, since it is pointed out that the tranquil environs are conducive to mental peace: “In front [of my cottage] there is a well fed by a cold spring, which can slightly brighten up my state of mind” 前有寒泉井，聊可 瑩心神.33 This lifestyle in favour of nature and seclusion is opposed to the life as an official, which is articulated towards the end of both poems. The first poem closes with the poetic persona articulating the wish “to toss the hairpin 27 As yinshi 隱士 and yin 隱 both mean “recluse,” the title of Zhao Yinshi, like the term of “zhao yin,” just means “Summoning the Recluse.” 28 Hong Xingzu 洪興祖, Chuci buzhu 楚辭補注 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008), 232-234; David Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u: The Songs of the South: An Ancient Chinese Anthology (Oxford: Clarendon, 1959), 119-120. On the compilation history of the Chuci and the inclusion of the rhapsody, see: Christopher Leigh Connery, “Sao Fu, Parallel Prose, and Related Genres,” in: The Columbia History of Chinese Literature, ed. Victor H. Mair (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 228 f. For an analysis of the rhapsody, see: Wolfgang Kubin, Der durchsichtige Berg: Die Entwicklung der Naturanschauung in der chinesischen Literatur (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1985), 165-168. 29 Li Shan 李善, Wenxuan 文選 (Changsha 長沙: Yuelu shushe 岳麓書社, 2002), vol. 2, 1068-1070. 30 Martin Kern, “Early Chinese Literature, beginnings through Western Han,” in: The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, ed. Kang-I Sun Chang (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), vol. 1, 85. 31 Li Shan, Wenxuan, vol. 2, 1068. 32 For a translation and an analysis of the first poem, see: Wolfgang Kubin, Der durchsichtige Berg, 170 f. 33 Li Shan, Wenxuan, vol. 1, 690.

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away” 投吾簪,34 which is a metaphor for giving up one’s official career (as the hairpin was a characteristic part of an official’s appearance). The second poem nearly devotes its second half to expressions of antipathy for the official’s life. Authors of further Zhao yin poems are Lu Ji 陸機 (261-303)35 and Zhang Zai 張載 († ca. 304).36 Also interest in the mountainous nature that was more directly connected with Daoism or Buddhism, found its expression in poetry. A popular type of poetry closely related to Daoism was known as Youxian shi 游仙詩 (Poems on Wandering as an Immortal). Despite the title, individuals being subject to this kind of poem were typically not immortals but rather Daoist adepts wandering through the mountains in their quest for immortality. They were attracted by the mountains as on the one hand the Dao was embodied in nature, while on the other hand they also collected particular herbs needed for their immortality drugs.37 Like the Zhao yin poems, many Youxian poems are rich in descriptions of nature. Much noted are the Youxian poems by Ji Kang (稽康, 224-263)38 and He Shao (何劭, 236-301),39 both of which begin by describing nature as the poetic persona wanders through a mountainous environment. Then in both poems there is a point at which the poetic persona begins to speak of the immortal Wang Ziqiao. While in Ji Kang the poetic persona speaks of being taken along on a tour through heavenly realms by him, in He Shao the poetic persona rather seems to articulate the wish for something like that to happen. Most productive in writing Youxian poems was however the afore-mentioned Guo Pu (276-324), who authored a Youxian cycle including nineteen poems, seven of which have been included in Wenxuan, juan 21.40 While in the earlier Youxian poetry heavenly abodes usually had their role to play, many poems of the cycle written by Guo Pu portray the wandering individuals exclusively as recluses wandering through earthly mountainous environments.41 Also the aversion against the life as an official, 34

Li Shan, Wenxuan, vol. 1, 689. Zhong Laiyin 鈡來因, Zhonggu xian dao shi jinghua 中古仙道詩精華 (Nanjing: Suzhou Wenyi Chubanshe 蘇州文藝出版社, 1994), 153-157; for a translation, see: Donald Holzman, Landscape Appreciation in Ancient and Early Medieval China: The Birth of Landscape Poetry (Xinzhu: National Tsing Hua University, 1996), 114 ff. 36 Zhong Laiyin, Zhonggu xian dao shi jinghua, 169-172. 37 Tian Xiaofei, “From the Eastern Jin through the early Tang (317-649),” in: The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, ed. Kang-I Sun Chang (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), vol. 1, 202. 38 Zhong Laiyin, Zhonggu xian dao shi jinghua, 56 ff. 39 Li Shan, Wenxuan, vol. 1, 682 f. 40 Li Shan, Wenxuan, vol. 1. 683-688. 41 Helwig Schmidt-Glintzer, Geschichte der chinesischen Literatur (Bern: Scherz, 1990), 183. 35

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which we previously saw in Zuo Si, is represented. In one of Guo Pu’s Youxian poems, we read: The capital is the haunt of knights-errant.42 The mountain forests are the lodgings of the recluses. How could the vermilion portals [of the officials] offer them sufficient glory? They do not compare with dwelling [in a habitation thatched with] Peng and Li.43 京華游俠窟。山林隱遁棲。朱門何足榮。未若托蓬藜。44

An elaborate study of Chinese youxian culture has been presented by Wang Yonghao 汪湧豪 and Yu Haomin 俞灝敏.45 Generally speaking, poems connected with the retreat into mountainous environments focusing on describing the nature and scenery of mountains are referred to as shanshui poems 山水詩 (Poems of Mountains and Streams). Beyond shanshui poetry, there is a wider shanshui tradition also including prose texts and paintings. An elaborate introduction to Chinese shanshui culture has been presented by Li Wenchu 李文初.46 Shanshui poetry in a narrower sense includes some of the poems of the Zhaoyin and the Youxian genres, while apart from that it was mainly developed through various members of the Xie 謝 family, a noble family of the South,47 and finally found its most influential poet with Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385-433), who in his shanshui poems mostly describes his journeys through particular mountains. As Xie Lingyun was a man of Buddhist faith, in his shanshui poetry we find 42 The knight-errants (youxia, 游俠) were people trained in the martial arts, who travelled around and considered it their duty to fight the evil and to assert justice. For an introduction to the matter, see: Roland Altenburger, The Sword or the Needle: The Female Knight-errant in Traditional Chinese Narrative (Bern: Peter Lang, 2009), 26-32. 43 Instead of ‘pengli’ 蓬藜 in the Wenxuan-edition of the poem we read ‘penglai’ 蓬萊. Thus, beginning with the Wenxuan, this text passage was for a long time misunderstood, since the Wenxuan-commentator Li Shan ‘corrected’ the original text in this place. He believed that – especially in the context of Youxian-poetry – immortals would more appropriately be described as living on Penglai, since earlier Youxian-poetry always brought those seeking for immortality in context with mystical or heavenly spheres. However the expression of ‘pengli’ refers to earthly, entirely unmystical places. ‘Peng’ and ‘li’ being two plants with whose leaves the recluse would thatch his cottage, the term refers to a recluse’s modest habitation in mountainous wilderness. Thus this line of the poem intends to say that such a habitation is to be preferred even to the greatest mansion a high ranking official could afford (see: Zhong Laiyin, Zhonggu xian dao shi jinghua, 182). 44 Li Shan, Wenxuan, vol. 1, 683; for a partial translation and an analysis of this poem, see: Zornica Kirkova, Roaming into the Beyond: Representations of Xian Immortality in Early Medieval Chinese Verse (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 189 f. 45 Wang Yonghao 汪湧豪, Yu Haomin 俞灝敏, Zhongguo youxian wenhua 中國游仙 文化 (Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe 复旦大学出版社, 2005). 46 Li Wenchu 李文初, Zhongguo shanshui wenhua 中國山水文化 (Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 1996). 47 Wolfgang Kubin, Der durchsichtige Berg, 184 f.

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many references to Buddhist monasteries he passed by and Buddhist monks he had exchange with. Xie Lingyun eventually joined the famous Bailian she 白蓮社 (White Lotus Society), an early community of Jingtu 净土 (Pure Land) Buddhism, which Huiyuan 慧遠 (334-416) had founded on Mount Lu 盧山.48 For a discussion of the involvement of Huiyuan and Xie Lingyun with Mount Lu, see Bart Dessein’s contribution to the present volume. In Pure Land Buddhism the adept through his spiritual practice seeks to attain rebirth in the Pure Land of Buddha Amitābha. References to this particular kind of Buddhist religiosity are seen in Xie Lingyun’s poems. For example in the Deng Shishi fanseng shi 登石室梵僧詩 (Poem on [Meeting] a Buddhist Monk upon Ascending Mount Shishi) we read: One looks at these hills and longs for [Mount] Gṛdhrakūṭa,49 One’s mind is led to thoughts of the Pure Land. If you employ the four virtuous feelings, You will forever escape the woes of the Three Realms.50 望嶺眷靈鷲。延心念净土。若乘四等觀。永拔三界苦。51

The Pure Land also appears in Xie Lingyun’s Jingtu yong 净土詠 (Pure Land Chant),52 which was even incorporated into the Guang Hongming ji 廣弘 明集, where in juan 15, it is seen under the title Wuliangshou song 無量 壽頌 (Hymn to Amitābha).53 To Xie Lingyun the serenity of the mountainous nature was an important prerequisite to Buddhist spirituality. In his Shanju fu 山居賦 (Rhapsody on Living in the Mountains) he expresses the view that the serenity of a hermit’s life in the mountains, compared to life in an urban environment, offers by far better conditions for Buddhist spiritual practice.54 The literary importance attached to the Shanju fu is evident from the fact that the full text of the rhapsody is given in the end of Xie Linyun’s biography in Songshu 宋書, juan 67.55 48 J.D. Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream: The Life and Works of the Chinese Nature Poet Hsieh Ling-yün (385-433), Duke of K’ang-Lo (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaysia Press, 1967), vol. 1, 14 f. 49 Mount Gṛdhrakūṭa (chin.: lingjiu shan, 靈鷲山) is a mountain in India on which the Buddha preached several of his sūtras. It is considered one of the holiest places of Buddhism. 50 The three realms, which together constitute saṃsāra, are kāma-dhātu 欲界 (the desire realm), rūpa-dhātu 色界 (the form realm), ārūpya-dhātu 無色界 (the formless realm). 51 J.D. Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream, vol. 1, 124. 52 J.D. Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream, vol. 1, 169. 53 T 2103, p. 200, a24; J.D. Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream, vol. 2, 206. 54 Richard Mather, “The Landscape Buddhism of the Fifth-Century Poet Hsieh Ling-yun,” in: The Journal of Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (1958), 74 f. 55 Shen Yue 梁沈約, Songshu 宋書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008), vol. 6, 1754-1759.

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As the display in the poetic tradition discussed above has shown, mountains offered locations that were widely regarded as attractive and fitting for going into retreat and practicing spirituality in places detached from civil society. For this reason monasteries were frequently constructed in mountainous environments. As the interest in practicing spirituality in seclusion was shared by both Buddhism and Daoism, both Buddhist and Daoist monasteries (the former being referred to as ‘si’ 寺 and the latter as ‘guan’ 觀) were built in the mountains. Traces of this tradition can until today be seen in the fact that – no matter whether a monastery is located on a mountain or not – in both Buddhism and Daoism the proper term referring to the front gate is shanmen 山門 (mountain gate).56 The term has its explanation in the fact that, if a monastery was located on a mountain, one would find oneself in a mountainous environment when leaving through the front gate. The fact that the term later on also came to be applied to monasteries not situated in the mountains shows the formative importance of mountain monasteries to the general Chinese medieval monastic culture. Since Buddhist and Daoist establishments usually coexisted in the mountains, we would rarely find a mountain whose religious culture would be exclusively Buddhist or exclusively Daoist. Rather than that in most of the cases we would find local religious histories in which Buddhist and Daoist influences are intertwined. In this fashion Buddhist and Daoist traditions also took shape on most of the marchmounts, where the Nanyue and Mount Song are the best examples. In order to understand the religious culture of a particular mountain, it is important to understand that apart from the monastic establishments there are further crucial factors. Some mountains were seen as seats of particular Buddhist or Daoist deities, or were connected with historical individuals that came to be worshiped as saints in their religion. Such traditions attracted pilgrims, frequently established the relevant mountain as a pilgrimage destination, and strongly shaped the religious culture and identity of the place. We also observe that patriarchs of Buddhist or Daoist orders often chose a mountain as their place of residence, which could establish a tradition that characterized the place in lasting style, and was held in honor even if later patriarchs of the relevant school chose other locations for their seat. While the religious culture of any mountain is a complex matter that cannot be 56 For Buddhist monasteries, see: Foguang da cidian 佛光大辭典, ed. Xingyun Dashi 星雲大師 (Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 1989), vol. 1, 947. For Daoist monasteries, see: Daojiao da cidian 道教大辭典, ed. Zhongguo daojiao xiehui 中國道教協會 (Beijing: Huaxia chuban she, 1994), 142. See also: Susan Naquin, Yü Chün-fang, “Introduction: Pilgrimage in China,” in: Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Yü Chün-fang (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 11.

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captured in a few words, I will here still make an attempt to demonstrate in proverbs how the religious culture of many mountains was characterized by both Buddhist and Daoist elements. To begin with the marchmounts, the Nanyue was the place of residence of the renowned Buddhist master Huisi 慧思 (515-577), who was the master of Zhiyi 智顗 (538-597), the founder of the Buddhist Tiantai order. On the other hand, the Nanyue is also associated with Wei Huacun 魏華存 (252-334), a female Daoist adept who according to the legendary tradition married the Daoist Shangqing 上清 deity Wang Bao 王褒, and became a Shangqing deity of great importance herself.57 The religious culture of Mount Song is characterized by the Shaolin Monastery 少林寺, which according to the legendary tradition was founded by Bodhidharma (late-fourth to early-fifth centuries), who is worshiped as the founder of the Buddhist Chan order.58 On the other hand, hagiographic sources name Mount Song as the place where Wang Ziqiao, as a Daoist adept, received his spiritual training before he was apotheosized.59 And Mount Song was the place the Shangqing patriarch Pan Shizheng 潘師正 (585-682) chose to be his seat.60 Another mountain serving as a perfect example for the combination of Buddhist and Daoist elements in the religious culture of a particular mountain is Mount Tiantai 天台山. It is the place where Zhiyi founded the Buddhist Tiantai order, and where the Guoqing Monastery 國清寺 – the central monastery of the Tiantai order – is situated.61 On the other hand, in Daoism Mount Tongbo 桐柏山, i.e. one peak being part of the Tiantai ridge, was envisioned 57 The general religious history of the Nanyue has been studied profoundly by James Robson (James Robson, Power of Place; James Robson, “Buddhism and the Chinese Marchmount System: A Case Study of the Southern Marchmount,” in: Religion and Chinese Society, ed. John Lagerwey [Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2004], 341-383). For Huisi, see: Paul Magnin, La vie et l’œuvre de Huisi (Paris: École Francaise d’Extreme-Orient, 1979). For Wei Huacun, see: Edward H. Schafer, “Three Divine Women of South China,” in: Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Revies 1 (1979), 31-42; Edward H. Schafer, “The Restoration of the Shrine of Wei Hua-ts’un at Lin-ch’uan in the Eighth Century,” in: Journal of Oriental Studies 15, no. 2 (1977), 124-137. 58 Even though modern research has demonstrated that the tradition of Bodhidharma having founded the Shaolin Monastery is unhistorical, the place maintained its importance as a major devotional site throughout the history of Chan Buddhism. For a study of the monastery, see: Meir Shahar, The Shaolin Monastery: History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2008). 59 Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Shangqing-Daoismus in den Tiantai-Bergen (Munich: Utz, 2011), 9-12, 24 ff. 60 Russell Kirkland, “Pan Shizheng,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008), vol. 2, 782 f. 61 On Zhiyi, see: Leon Hurvitz, Chih-i (538-597): An Introduction to the Life and Ideas of a Chinese Buddhist Monk (Brussels: Institut Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises, 1962).

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as the location of the Jinting 金庭 grotto, a paradise world presided over by Wang Ziqiao after he had become apotheosized. On this basis the Shangqing patriarch Sima Chengzhen 司馬承禎 (647-735) chose Mount Tongbo to be his seat.62 There are however also mountains on which either the Buddhist or the Daoist tradition would be prevalent. An example mainly characterized by its Daoist tradition would be Mount Hua, the western marchmount, where Chen Tuan 陳摶 (ca. 920-989) lived before he became apotheosized.63 An example for a mountain characterized by a dominant Buddhist tradition, while still also established as a sacred site of Daoism, is Mount Wutai 五台山.64 Primarily the mountain is known as the seat of Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, as a result of which the place became a major pilgrimage site of Buddhism. On the other hand, the Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳 by Huixiang 慧祥 (fl. mid-late 7th century) also points to the relevance of the mountain to Daoism. We read: “In the third year of the Yongjia era of the Jin dynasty (309) … the mountain was referred to as the capital of hermits. The Classics of the Immortals say: ‘Mount Wutai is referred to as the Purple Residence. Perpetually it is covered in a purple mist, and immortals reside there.’” 晉永嘉三年 … 以是山。為仙者之都矣。仙經云。五臺山。名為紫府。常有 紫氣。仙人居之。65

III. HOLY MOUNTAINS IN LOCAL GAZETTEERS AND TRAVEL ACCOUNTS While the culture of mountains as holy places of Buddhism and Daoism took shape since early medieval times, many of the prose sources providing detailed information on the local traditions were composed much later. Scattered prose texts, such as e.g. the Gu Qingliang zhuan, were already composed in Tang times or earlier, but the vast majority of the relevant sources was composed from Song times on. The sources of interest are mostly local gazetteers (difangzhi, 地方志) and travel accounts, while among the latter mainly 62 On Wang Ziqiao and Sima Chengzhen, see: Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao. 63 On Chen Tuan, see: Livia Knaul, Leben und Legende des Ch’en T’uan (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1981); Livia Kohn, “The Life of Chen Tuan after the History of the Song,” in: Taoist Resources 2, no. 1 (1990), 1-7; Livia Kohn, “Chen Tuan in History and Legend,” in: Taoist Resources 2, no. 1 (1990), 8-31. 64 The quantity of publications on the Buddhist tradition of Mount Wutai does not allow me to offer a complete statement of the relevant literature here. An instructive study that can be read as an introduction is: Lin Wei-cheng, Building a Sacred Mountain: The Buddhist Architecture of China’s Mount Wutai (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2014). 65 T 2098, p. 1093, a9-14.

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the ‘youji’ 遊記 genre would be relevant.66 Both genres shall be briefly introduced below. The composition of local gazetteers began in the Song dynasty but reached its peak in Ming and Qing times. Local gazetteers typically seek to present all available information on a defined territory (it could be a metropolitan area [fu, 府], a commandery [zhou, 州], or a district [xian, 縣]). Hence, detailing on themes such as geographical features, local history, local myths and so forth, local gazetteers would treat their subject matter in encyclopedic style.67 Naturally if a holy mountain was part of the territory being subject to description the religious tradition of the place would play its role. There are however also specialized local gazetteers which would focus on the religious tradition of a holy mountain in particular. One example would be the Maoshan zhi 茅山志 (Chronicle of Mount Mao, DZ 304), authored in the Yuan dynasty by Liu Dabin 劉大彬 (fl. 1317-1328). Another example would be the Tiantai shan fangwai zhi 天台山方外志 (Chronicle of [Buddhist and Daoist] World Renunciation in the Tiantai Mountains), authored in late Ming times by Youxi Chuandeng 幽溪傳燈 (1554-1628). Like local gazetteers, also youji accounts reached prominence relatively late in Chinese literary history. Youji literature became established as a genre in the Song dynasty,68 but the composition of youji accounts reached its peak in Ming and Qing times. Travelers describing their travels in youji texts could travel out of secular or religious motivations. So the genre is not generally religious in nature. However also secular youji accounts frequently refer to mountains that are considered holy in Buddhism or Daoism. E.g. the famous Xu Xiake youji 徐霞客遊記 by the Ming dynasty geographer Xu Xiake includes descriptions of Mount Tiantai,69 Mount Hua,70 and Mount Wutai.71 66 As Marion Eggert explains, youji accounts need to be distinguished from ‘xingji’ 行記 accounts, since ‘you’ 遊, in the tradition of the Zhuangzi chapter of ‘Xiaoyao you’ 逍遙遊, refers to leisurely wandering, while ‘xing’ 行 refers to going somewhere for a particular purpose (usually pointing to duty travel). See: Marion Eggert, “Der Reisebericht (youji),” in: Die klassische chinesische Prosa: Essay, Reisebericht, Skizze, Brief vom Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit (= Geschichte der chinesischen Literatur, ed. Wolfgang Kubin, vol. 4) (München: K.G. Saur, 2004), 119-122. 67 For introductions to local gazetteers, see: James M. Hargett, “Song Dynasty Local Gazetteers and Their Place in the History of Difangzhi Writing,” in: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 56, no. 2 (1996), 405-442; Joseph R. Dennis, Writing, Publishing, and Reading Local Gazetteers in Imperial China, 1100-1700 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2015). 68 For an investigation of how the genre against the background of its preforms was finally established, see: Marion Eggert, “Der Reisebericht (youji),” 133-142. 69 Li Chi, The Travel Diaries of Hsü Hsia-k’o (Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 1974), 29-42. 70 Li Chi, The Travel Diaries of Hsü Hsia-k’o, 143-152. 71 Li Chi, The Travel Diaries of Hsü Hsia-k’o, 163-173.

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Youji accounts that have religious character were frequently written by either Buddhist or Daoist pilgrims describing their pilgrimage to a place considered holy in the relevant religion. Since concepts of sacredness were, as we have seen, frequently connected with mountains, mountains are frequently the subject of such pilgrimage accounts.72 One very famous pilgrimage account, which falls out of the scope of Chinese literary history, but happens to be an important source on the Buddhist traditions of Mount Tiantai and Mount Wutai, is the San Tendai Godai san ki 参天台五台山記 (Record of a Pilgrimage to the Tiantai and Wutai Mountains) by the Japanese Tendai monk Jōjin 成尋 (1011-1081).73 IV. ON THE ARTICLES ASSEMBLED IN THE PRESENT VOLUME In the present volume articles focusing on Buddhist mountain culture and articles focusing on Daoist mountain culture are brought together. Even though, as we have seen, on many mountains Buddhist and Daoist culture is interwoven, the articles presented here rather focus on either the Buddhist or the Daoist side of things. I have therefore arranged articles in terms of the two categories of Buddhism and Daoism. The articles however take different approaches in looking at their subject matter. Some of the articles offer a rather wide panorama aiming at offering a general impression of the Buddhist respectively Daoist culture of the place. Other articles confine themselves to discussing a narrow scope in greater detail and seek out one very particular aspect of the religious culture of a given mountain. The differences in approach and methodology are intended, as they also give the reader a sense of different paths that can be followed in mountain studies. BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Hong Xingzu 洪興祖, Chuci buzhu 楚辭補注 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008). Kong Anguo 孔安國, Shangshu zhengyi 尚書正義 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2007). Li Shan 李善, Wenxuan 文選 (Changsha 長沙: Yuelu shushe 岳麓書社, 2002). 72 Marion Eggert, Vom Sinn des Reisens: Chinesische Reiseschriften vom 16. bis zum frühen 19. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004), 66 ff. 73 On this work, see: Robert Borgen, “Jōjin’s Travels from Center to Center (with Some Periphery in between),” in: Heian Japan: Centers and Peripheries, ed. Mikael Adolphson (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2007), 384-413.

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Shen Yue 梁沈約, Songshu 宋書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008). Sima Qian 司馬遷, Shiji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959). Zheng Huisheng 鄭慧生, Shanhai jing 山海經 (Zhengzhou 鄭州: Henan daxue chubanshe 河南大學出版社, 2008). Secondary Sources Abramson, Marc S. Ethnic Identity in Tang China (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008). Altenburger, Roland. The Sword or the Needle: The Female Knight-errant in Traditional Chinese Narrative (Bern: Peter Lang, 2009). Bingenheimer, Marcus. Island of Guanyin: Mount Putuo and Its Gazetteers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016). Birrell, Anne. The Classic of Mountains and Seas (London: Penguin, 1999). Borgen, Robert. “Jōjin’s Travels from Center to Center (with Some Periphery in between),” in: Heian Japan: Centers and Peripheries, ed. Mikael Adolphson (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2007): 384-413. Cahill, Suzanne E. Transcendence and Divine Passion: The Queen Mother of the West in Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993). Campany, Robert Ford. Making Transcendents: Ascetics and Social Memory in Early Medieval China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2009). Chavannes, Edouard. Le T’ai Chan: Essai de monographie d’un culte chinois (Paris: Leroux, 1910). Connery, Christopher Leigh. “Sao Fu, Parallel Prose, and Related Genres,” in: The Columbia History of Chinese Literature, ed. Victor H. Mair (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001): 223-247. Dennis, Joseph R. Writing, Publishing, and Reading Local Gazetteers in Imperial China, 1100-1700 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2015). Dorofeeva-Lichtmann, Vera. “Conception of Terrestrial Organization in the Shan Hai Jing,” in: Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 82 (1995): 57110. Dott, Brian Russell. Identity Reflections: Pilgrimages to Mount Tai in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004). Eggert, Marion. “Der Reisebericht (youji),” in: Die klassische chinesische Prosa: Essay, Reisebericht, Skizze, Brief vom Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit (= Geschichte der chinesischen Literatur, vol. 4, ed. Wolfgang Kubin) (München: K.G. Saur, 2004): 117-202. Frodsham, J.D. The Murmuring Stream: The Life and Works of the Chinese Nature Poet Hsieh Ling-yün (385-433), Duke of K’ang-Lo (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaysia Press, 1967). Frühauf, Manfred. “Der Kunlun im alten China: Versuch einer Positionsbestimmung zwischen Geographie und Mythologie – Erster Teil,” in: minima sinica (2000, part 1): 41-67. Hargett, James. “Song Dynasty Local Gazetteers and Their Place in the History of Difangzhi Writing,” in: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 56, no. 2 (1996): 405-442; Hargett, James. Stairway to Heaven: A Journey to the Summit of Mount Emei (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006).

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Hawkes, David. Ch’u Tz’u: The Songs of the South: An Ancient Chinese Anthology (Oxford: Clarendon, 1959). Holzman, Donald. Landscape Appreciation in Ancient and Early Medieval China: The Birth of Landscape Poetry (Xinzhu: National Tsing Hua University, 1996). Hurvitz, Leon. Chih-i (538-597): An Introduction to the Life and Ideas of a Chinese Buddhist Monk (Brussels: Institut Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises, 1962). Jülch, Thomas. Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Shangqing-Daoismus in den Tiantai-Bergen (Munich: Utz, 2011). Kern, Martin. “Early Chinese Literature, beginnings through Western Han,” in: The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, ed. Kang-I Sun Chang (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010): vol. 1, 1-115. Kirkland, Russell. “Pan Shizheng,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008): vol. 2, 782-783. Kirkova, Zornica. Roaming into the Beyond: Representations of Xian Immortality in Early Medieval Chinese Verse (Leiden: Brill, 2016). Kleeman, Terry F. “Mountain Deities in China,” in: Journal of the American Oriental Society 114, no. 2 (1994): 226-238. Knaul, Livia. Leben und Legende des Ch’en T’uan (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1981). Kohn, Livia. “Chen Tuan in History and Legend,” in: Taoist Resources 2, no. 1 (1990): 8-31. Kohn, Livia. “The Life of Chen Tuan after the History of the Song,” in: Taoist Resources 2, no. 1 (1990): 1-7. Kubin, Wolfgang. Der durchsichtige Berg: Die Entwicklung der Naturanschauung in der chinesischen Literatur (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1985). Landt, Frank A. Die fünf heiligen Berge Chinas: Ihre Bedeutung und Bewertung in der Ch’ing-Dynastie (Berlin: Köster, 1994). Lau, D.C. Mencius (London: Penguin, 2004). Lewis, Mark Edward. “The feng and the shan sacrifices of Emperor Wu of the Han,” in: State and Court Ritual in China, ed. Joseph P. McDermott (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999): 50-80. Li, Chi. The Travel Diaries of Hsü Hsia-k’o (Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 1974). Li, Wenchu 李文初. Zhongguo shanshui wenhua 中國山水文化 (Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 1996). Lin, Wei-cheng. Building a Sacred Mountain: The Buddhist Architecture of China’s Mount Wutai (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2014). Magnin, Paul. La vie et l’œuvre de Huisi (Paris: École Francaise d’Extreme-Orient, 1979). Mather, Richard. “The Landscape Buddhism of the Fifth-Century Poet Hsieh Lingyun,” in: The Journal of Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (1958): 67-79. Naquin, Susan; Yü, Chün-fang. “Introduction: Pilgrimage in China,” in: Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Yü Chün-fang (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992): 1-38. Naquin, Susan; Yü, Chün-fang (eds.), Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992). Quintman, Andrew. The yogin and the madman: reading the biographical corpus of Tibet’s great saint Milarepa (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014).

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Robson, James. “Buddhism and the Chinese Marchmount System: A Case Study of the Southern Marchmount,” in: Religion and Chinese Society, ed. John Lagerwey (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2004): 341-383. Robson, James. Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue) in Medieval China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009). Schafer, Edward H. Pacing the Void: T’ang Approaches to the Stars (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977). Schafer, Edward H. “The Restoration of the Shrine of Wei Hua-ts’un at Lin-ch’uan in the Eighth Century,” in: Journal of Oriental Studies 15, no. 2 (1977): 124-137. Schafer, Edward H. “Three Divine Women of South China,” in: Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Revies 1 (1979): 31-42. Schmidt-Glintzer, Helwig. Geschichte der chinesischen Literatur (Bern: Scherz, 1990). Shahar, Meir. The Shaolin Monastery: History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2008). Tian, Xiaofei. “From the Eastern Jin through the early Tang (317-649),” in: The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, ed. Kang-I Sun Chang (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010): vol. 1, 199-285. Vervoorn, Aat. Men of the Cliffs and Caves: The Development of the Chinese Eremitic Tradition to the End of the Han Dynasty (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1990). Waltham, Clae. Shu Ching: Book of History (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1972). Wang, Yonghao 汪湧豪; Yu, Haomin 俞灝敏, Zhongguo youxian wenhua 中國游 仙文化 (Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe 复旦大学出版社, 2005). Xingyun Dashi 星雲大師 (ed.). Foguang da cidian 佛光大辭典 (Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 1989). Zhong, Laiyin 鈡來因. Zhonggu xian dao shi jinghua 中古仙道詩精華 (Nanjing: Suzhou Wenyi Chubanshe 蘇州文藝出版社, 1994). Zhongguo daojiao xiehui 中國道教協會 (ed.). Daojiao da cidian 道教大辭典 (Beijing: Huaxia chuban she, 1994).

BUDDHISM ON CHINESE MOUNTAINS

STAIRS OF STONE AND CLOUDS1: DRAGONS, IMMORTALS, AND MONKS ON MOUNT LU Bart DESSEIN “[The mountain] separates the wind into two, And bifurcates the river”. 2 分風為二。 擘流成兩。

1. INTRODUCTION This mountain has seven layers. At the bottom, the mountain is 500 li in circumference. [The mountain] is where wind and clouds unroll and where rivers and lakes are brought forth from. Its high cliffs conquer with heaven; its steep mountain walls are 10,000 xun high. Its dark caverns and empty grottoes are devoid of human beings and wild animals. When it is about to rain, white vapor first assembles around the mountain range like a string of pearls. When [this vapor] touches the stones, it is spat out [in the form of] clouds. As [these clouds] assemble quickly, a fierce wind makes the cliffs tremble and a tremendous noise shakes the valley. These strange sounds [that resemble] a collection of quarreling musical pipes, startle human beings. […] The third of [the seven] mountain ranges is the most lofty one. Human footsteps have hardly passed by there. In the past, The Grand Historian [Sima Qian] had, on his wanderings, climbed this peak and had gazed into the distance. To the south, he gazed over three lakes, and to the north, he gazed at nine rivers. When gazing towards the east and the west, it is as if one walks through the sky. About half a li below this mountain range, there is a double peak with a suspending cliff. To the side of it, there is a stone dwelling where, in antiquity, immortals have dwelled. Behind it, there is a precipice under which the [Daoist] Dong Feng of the Han has resided. He often healed diseases of human beings. His [healing] methods were very strange and very 1 2

After Johan Daisne, De Trap van Steen en Wolken (Brussel: Manteau, 1941). Lushan ji 盧山記, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1037, a14-15. Poem by Cao Pi 草丕 (187–226).

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different from common medicine. When the disease was healed, he ordered [the patients] to plant five apricot trees. In the course of many years, they became a luxurious wood. It is calculated that [Dong] Feng was 200 years among humans, but that his appearance remained as if he was twenty. He then suddenly ascended to be an immortal, whereby his traces stopped in the apricot wood. At the western cliff of the northern mountain range, rivers are constantly flowing and merge with the turbulent power of excessive rains. Over a distance of 800 ren, clouds and vapor reflect in the sky. Looking at them, it is as if the mountain stands amid haze and dew. Its southern mountain range borders Gongting lake. Below it, there is a temple that is named after Gongting. […] The seven mountain ranges come together in the east, where they form a group of peaks. Its cliffs are deep and lonely. No-one has climbed up there. Once, there was a country man who saw a man wearing monks’ clothes, rising up in the sky and coming straight up to him. When he had arrived [there], he turned his body around and squated down. After a long time, he disappeared together with the clouds and vapor. This appeared to be someone who had reached the dao. The literati of that time regarded this as a strange event. Moreover, the place where he halted was very strange and its appearance was uncommon. At the northern flank, there are two mounds from the front side of which two rivers flow. The left of the mountain at the backside has the shape of a dragon, and to the right of it, there are the foundations of a stone pagoda. Below it, a sweet well gushes up. Cold and warmth mutually interchange with [the coming of] winter and summer. The amount of streaming water does not change, even [in a period of] draught. When searching for its source, it appears to be coming from a dragon’s head. To the south, one faces a mountain peak on which there is a strange tree that hovers lonely over the forest for ten zhang. Further down, [the mountain] resembles a one-storey Buddhist pagoda. It is here that white cranes fly and black clouds enter. To the southeast, there is a mountain [in the shape of] an incense burner. Its lonely peak rises elegantly. As vapor enshrouds its top, this vapor resembles an incense burner. White clouds reflect on its outside what sets this mountain so apart from the other. When it is about to rain, water and vapor gush up below it as a cover on a carriage. They are spat from the dragon well. To its left, there is a bluegreen wood where green sparrows and white apes rest, and where black birds hibernate.

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In the west, there is a stone gate. Its front resembles double look-out towers of which the walls rise straight up over more than 1,000 ren with a water fall gushing down. Between them, are the beauty of birds and wild beasts, grasses and woods, the wonders of magical medicine. How could an excellent name be found for it? This is a brief enumeration of its strangeness. 其山大嶺凡有七重。圓基周回垂五百里。風雲之所攄。江湖之所帶。高崖 反宇。峭壁萬尋。幽岫窮巖。人獸兩絕天將雨則有白氣先摶。而瓔珞於 嶺下。及至觸石吐雲。則倏忽而集。或大風振崖。逸響動谷。群籟競奏。奇 聲駭人。[…] 眾嶺中第三嶺極高峻。人跡之所罕經也。昔太史公東游。登其 峯而遐觀。南眺三湖。北望九江。東西肆目。若涉天庭焉。其嶺下半 里許。有重巘。上有懸崖。傍有石室。即古仙之所居也。其後有巖。漢董 奉館於巖下。常為人治病。法多奇神。絕於俗醫。病愈者令栽杏五株。數年 之中。蔚然成林。計奉在民間二百年。容狀常如二十時。俄而昇舉。遂絕 迹於杏林。其北嶺西崖常有懸流。淫霪激勢相趣百餘仞中雲氣映天。望之 若山在霄露焉。其南嶺臨宮亭湖下有神廟。即以宮亭為號。[…] 七嶺 同會。於東共成峯崿。其崖窮絕。莫有昇之者。有野夫見人著沙門服。凌虛 直上。既至則回身踞鞍。良久乃與雲氣俱滅。此似得道者。當時能文 之士。咸為之異。又所止多奇觸象有異。北背重阜。前帶雙流。所背之 山左有龍形。而石塔基焉。下有甘泉涌出。冷暖與寒暑相變。盈減經水 旱而不異。尋其源。似出於龍首也。南對高岑上有奇木。獨絕於林表 數十丈。其下似一層佛浮圖。白鶴之所翔。玄雲之所入也。東南有香 爐山。孤峯秀起。遊氣籠其上。則氣若香煙。白雲映其外。則昺然與眾 山殊別。天將雨。其下水氣涌起。如車馬蓋。此即龍井之所吐。其左有 翠林。青雀白猿之所憩。玄鳥之所蟄。西有石門。其前似雙闕。壁立千 餘仞。而瀑布流焉。其中鳥獸草木之美。靈藥方物之奇。焉可得勝 名哉。 略舉其異。3

This passage that the Lushan ji 盧山記 (Record of Mount Lu) quotes from the Shan hai jing 山海經 (Classic of Mountains and Sees), not only eulogizes the overwhelming natural beauty of the Lu 盧 Mountain range, situated to the south of the present-day city of Jiujiang 九江 in Jiangxi 江西 Province, and with its peaks of up to 1,474 meter high overlooking Lake Poyang 鄱陽湖 to the south and the Changjiang 長江 to the north, but, more importantly, contains some elements that are part and parcel of the identity of this mountain as one of China’s famous ‘holy mountains’. With its “seven layers,” Mount Lu may even evoke reminiscences of Mount Sumeru, the central axis of the Buddhist cosmos. In what follows, these different elements 3

Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1025, a25-b29.

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will be discussed against the background of the development of Buddhism in South China, and in connection with the related political history of the region. According to the biography of Li Chang 李常, included in the Songshi 宋史, the Lushan ji is the result of Chen Shunyu’s 陳舜兪 (?–1074) wanderings around the mountain for sixty days when he and Li Chang had been exiled to this remote place in 1072 as repercussion for the disagreement they had voiced with the policies of Wang Anshi 王安石 (1021–1086).4 The Confucian Chen Shunyu did not compile the Lushan ji as a Buddhist work, but rather as a historical work that had to provide the reader with a general cultural description of Mount Lu.5 The version of the text that is included 4 The biography of Chen Shunyu is included in the Songshi, Liezhuan 列傳 90, juan 331 (Tuotuo, Songshi, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985, pp. 10663-10664). Li Chang’s biography is included in the Songshi, Liezhuan 列傳 103, juan 344 (Tuotuo, Songshi, pp. 10929-10931). Also see the biography of Liu Huan 劉琦 in the Songshi, Liezhuan 列傳 82, juan 321 (Tuotuo, Songshi, pp. 10433-10434). Also see Florian C. Reiter, “‘Der Bericht ueber den Berg Lu’ (Lu-shan chi) von Ch’en Shun-yü: Ein historiographischer Beitrag aus der Sung Zeit zum Kulturraum des Lu Shan” (Ph.D. dissertation, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, 1977), 19. 5 While Jan Yün-hua, “Buddhist Historiography in Sung China”, Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft 114 (1964), 378 discerns elements of sectarian development in the Song dynasty writings on religious and historical geography, Koichi Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places: The Record of Mt. Lu by Chen Shunyu”, Asiatische Studien 53/4 (1999), 940, note 2, claims that the biographies of Chen Shunyu, Li Chang and Liu Huan do not indicate that any of them had particular sympathy with Buddhism or Daoism. James Robson, “Buddhist Sacred Geography,” in: Early Chinese Religion. Part Two: The Period of Division (220–589 AD), ed. John Lagerwey and Lü Pengzhi (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 1380 in this regard remarks that the inclusion of monographs on five Buddhist mountains in the Taishō edition of the Buddhist canon (published 1924–34) “tells us more about the compilers of the Taishō canon than it does about the formation of Buddhist sacred geography in China”. James Robson, Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue) in Medieval China (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2009), 54 therefore suggests that an organized structure of Buddhist mountains did not appear until after the Song dynasty (960–1279). The five mountains on which monographs are included in the Taishō canon are Mount Lu in Jiangxi Province (Chen Shunyu 陳舜兪, Lushan ji 盧山記: T 2095), the Tiantai Mountains 天臺山 in Zhejiang Province (Xu Lingfu 徐靈府, Tiantai shan ji 天臺 山記: T 2096), the Nanyue Mountains 南嶽山 / Mount Heng 衡山 in Hunan Province (Chen Tianfu 陳田夫, Nanyue zong sheng ji 南嶽總勝集: T 2097), the Wutai Mountains 五臺山 in Shanxi Province (Huixiang 慧祥, Gu qing liang zhuan 古清涼傳: T 2098; Yan Yi 延一, Guang qing liang zhuan 光清涼傳: T 2099; Zhang Shangying 張商英, Xu qing liang zhuan 續清涼傳: T 2100), and Mount Putuo 補陀山 in Zhejiang Province (Sheng Ximing 盛熙明, Putuoluojia shan zhuan 補陀洛迦山傳: T 2101). Note that there is no separate monograph on Mount Emei 峨眉 in Sichuan Province. Reiter, ‘Der Bericht ueber den Berg Lu’, 68 remarks that Mount Lu was not one of the five holy mountains of the classical age and was recognized as part of Daoist geography in the Tang dynasty (618–907). That Mount Lu does not figure in the traditional list of Buddhist holy mountains (Mount Emei, Mount Putuo, Mount Jiuhua, and the Wutai Mountains) may have to do with it that, as noted by Reiter, ‘Der Bericht ueber den Berg Lu’, 93, it is situated in the territory of the, according to Confucian history writing, illegitimate Southern Tang 南唐 dynasty (937–975).

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in the Taishō edition has eight sections. Especially the first three sections in which the mountain is described in full detail, are important as historical reference and thus for the above outlined purpose of this chapter.6 Throughout what follows, especially these parts of the Lushan ji will therefore be referred to. 2. DRAGONS, SPIRITS, AND IMMORTALS

ON

MOUNT LU

In his study of folk religion in the Indian cultural sphere, Lowell W. Bloss describes nāgas (dragons) and deities similar to this figure as creatures that have power over fertility and, directly related to this, are the guardians of particular pieces of territory.7 A secular ruler’s power over a given territory is hereby dependent upon its being authorized by this local nāga. When the nāga no longer sanctions the ruling secular power, it has the right and the power to bring the ruler’s reign to an end. Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–664) testifies of this belief in his Da Tang xiyuji 大唐西域記, where he gives the account of the ruler of Khotān who is faced with the problem that a river in his region has stopped flowing. Because the local ruler believes that this must be the result of his negligence in performing the rituals for the local nāga, he immediately goes to the stream to reestablish contact with this deity. While the ruler was offering sacrifices, 6 That the Lushan ji should primarily be seen as a historical work is also evident from the Si ku quanshu zongmu tiyao 四庫全書總目提要 (Catologue [with Critical Abstracts] of the [Imperially Authorized] Complete Library of the Four Branches), where the work is categorized among the geographical works under the general heading of ‘history’ (see: Si ku quanshu zongmu tiyao, chapter 70, Shibu 史部 26, Dililei 地理類 3 [edition Shanghai, 1933, p. 1507]). Also see Reiter, ‘Der Bericht ueber den Berg Lu’, p.19, note 18. Reiter, ‘Der Bericht ueber den Berg Lu’, p. 19 remarks that in the Si ku quanshu zongmu tiyao, the work is stated to have three chapters, with Huiyuan’s Lushan ji lüe 盧山記略 as annex. This is also the form in which the text was included in the Yongle dadian 永樂大典. The first section describes the natural setting of the mountain, the second describes the northern part of the mountain range, and the third section the southern part. In the fourth section, a pilgrim route is described; in the fifth section, we find the biographies of eighteen members of the Bailian she 白蓮舍 (White Lotus Society); the sixth section is a collection of poems on the mountain; and the eighth section is a reproduction of inscriptions. Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places”, 938, note 1, remarks that sections 4 to 8 of the present version of the text appear to have originally “been intended as appendixes”. 7 Lowell W. Bloss, “The Buddha and the Nāga: A Study in Buddhist Folk Religiosity,” History of Religions 13, no. 1 (1973), 38-42. For the different meanings of the word nāga, see: Andrew Rawlinson, “Nāgas and the Magical Cosmology of Buddhism,” Religion 16 (1986), 136, 138-140. For nāgas and their association with sacred places and their power over certain locations, see: Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Yakṣas, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 80, no. 6 (Washington D.C.: Smithonian Institution, 1928), 14.

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[s]uddenly a woman ermerged from the stream, and advancing towards him said: […] If your majesty will choose from your kingdom a minister of state of noble family and give him to me as a husband, then he may order the stream to flow as before. 忽有一女凌波而至，曰：[…] 如昔。8

王於國內選一貴臣，配我為夫，水流

That the Lushan ji describes one of the mountain features as having the shape of a dragon (nāga) and with water streaming from the dragon’s head, suggests a possibly similar interpretation of Mount Lu.9 That is to say, overlooking Jiujiang to its north and Lake Poyang to its south, Mount Lu is not only an awe-inspiring natural feature, but the vital importance rivers and lakes had in early China’s economic landscape, and political power that was concomitant with this economic power, suggest that also the dragon-shaped mountain could be bestowed with a political meaning.10 This possibility is corroborated by a story in Gan Bao’s 干寶 (286–336) Soushen ji 搜神記 that is quoted in the Lushan ji. The story more precisely illustrates the magical power the deity of Mount Lu has over the transport on Lake Poyang that connects northern with southern China. It goes as follows: In the past, the Governor of Wu, Lord Zhang, was on palace duty. On his way back, his path went to Mount Lu. His son and daughter visited and sacrificed [at the temple]. A maidservant pointed to the daughter and laughingly told about the statue of a goddess. At night, the wife [of Lord Zhang] dreamt that a marriage proposal [had come from that goddess]. She was scared and [wanted to] break up the voyage. In midstream, their boat came to a halt. Those who were gathered on the boat were terrified and said: “Should, because of the love of one girl, all men receive misfortune?” Lord [Zhang] could not but order his wife to let their daughter down in the river. His wife, however, put a mat on the water and 8 Da Tang xiyuji 大唐西域記, juan 12: T 2087, p. 945, a7-10; Samuel Beal, Si-yu-ki: Buddhist Records of the Western World (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co, 1906), vol. 2, 320-321. In another story in the Da Tang xiyuji (Da Tang xiyuji 大唐西域記, juan 3: T 2087, p. 886, a14-15), Xuanzang mentions that Kaśmīra is a wealthy place and superior among neighbouring people because it is protected by a fierce nāga king (see: Beal, Si-yu-ki: Buddhist Records of the Western World, vol.1, 148; Bloss, “The Buddha and the Nāga,” 38). 9 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1025, b17-20. 10 The political power of dragon-like creatures is not alien to the Chinese tradition. The Sheshan ji 攝山記, e.g., contains the story of how Jin Shang 靳商, minister of Chu 楚, was punished by Heaven and turned into a mang 蟒 (python) when he had falsely accused Qu Yuan 屈原 and had thus caused the latter’s death. This mang came to dwell in the She Mountains 攝山 (see: Yuding Yuanjian leihan 御定淵鑑類函, http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&res=920979&searchu=攝山&remap=gb; Hisayuki Miyakawa, “Local cults around Mount Lu at the time of Sun En’s rebellion”, in: Facets of Taoism, eds. Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979], 96, note 29). It is, in this regard, also interesting to note that Erya 爾雅, juan 下 II (Erya jielin 爾雅詰林 [Wuhan: Hubei jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996], vol.1, p. 4052) calls the mang the king-serpent wangshe 王蛇 .

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let the daughter of [Zhang’s] elder brother replace her [own daughter]. When Lord [Zhang] knew that it was the daughter of [his] elder brother who had been let down, he was mad at his wife and said: “How can I still show my face in the world?” Thereupon, he let his own daughter down in the water. When they had about crossed the water, they saw two girls on the bank. Next to them was a servant who said: “My Lord of [Mount] Lu is respectful for your righteousness and has returned the two girls”. 昔吳郡太守張公直。自守徵還道由廬山。子女觀祠。婢指女戲妃像。其妻夜 夢致聘。怖而遽發。中流舡不行。合舡驚懼曰。愛一女而合門受禍耶。公直 不忍。遂令妻下女於江。其妻布席水上以其亡兄女代之。公直知下兄女。怒 妻曰。吾何面於當世也。復下己女於水中。將度遙見二女於岸側。傍有一 吏曰。吾廬君主簿敬君之義。悉還二女。11

Also the Shuijing 水經 (Classic of Waterways), a work that is conventionally attributed to Sang Qin 桑欽 of the third century BCE, but is now thought to have been written in the third century CE,12 refers to such magical power when claiming that Mount Lu’s deities: can separate winds and bifurcate the course of the water, so as to enable boats to pass by. That is why officials who go on a journey and travelers in general all pay homage to the shrine. 分風擘流。住舟遣使。行旅之人。過必敬祀而後得去。13

Similar to the Indian case, Mount Lu and its deity are thus discribed as having magical power over secular life within the territory that lies within eyesight from atop the mountain. The acceptance of a connection between divine power and secular life is, indeed, not alien to traditional Chinese culture. The concept of ‘divine rulership’ can be traced back to the ode ‘Sheng Min’ 生民 (The birth of [our] people) of the Shijing 詩經,14 and developed to be part of a holistic interpretation of the universe, in which a hierarchical feudal order was transposed to the realm of the divine with a pantheon arranged under a ‘supreme god’ shangdi 上帝.15 With the establishment of the Zhou 周 dynasty (ca. 1122– 256 (221) BCE), this shangdi had become referred to as ‘heaven’ (tian 天) 11

Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1037, a15-23. See Endymion Wilkinson, Chinese History: A New Manual (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Asia Center, 2015), 200. 13 Shuijing zhushu 水經注疏, juan 39 (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1989), 3265; Miyakawa, “Local cults around Mount Lu at the time of Sun En’s rebellion,” 87. 14 Shijing, juan 6 (in: Siku quanshu 四庫全書, ed. Yu Zhiming 余志明. Wenyuange siku quanshu dianziban 文淵閣四庫全書電子版 [Hong Kong: Dizhi wenhua chuban youxian gongsi. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2005]). 15 See Bart Dessein, “Faith and Politics: (New) Confucianism as Civil Religion,” Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (2014). 12

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and the secular ruler was referred to as the ‘son of heaven’ (tianzi 天子).16 When, after the short-lived Legalist Qin 秦 dynasty (221–206 BCE), Confucianism became the state orthodoxy under the Han 漢 (206 BCE–220 CE) in 136 BCE, the concept of ‘divine rulership’ was integrated in official state doctrine and became an integral part of Confucian political thinking.17 This can be inferred from Dong Zhongshu’s 董仲舒 (ca. 179–ca. 104 BCE) New Text School Confucian Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露, the most important work of Han political thinking. In this work, the relations between heaven, earth, and man are presented as a holistic organism whereby changes in any one of the three constituents have an impact on the other consituents.18 Through this connectivity, ruling the world becomes intricately connected to the sphere of the divine. This interpretation is also evident from Xu Shen’s 許慎 (ca. 58– ca. 147 CE) explanation of the graph for wang 王 (ruler) in his Shuo wen jie zi 說文解字, an etymological dictionary that is heavily influenced by the New Text School Confucian ideology. Referring to Dong Zhongshu, Xu Shen explains the graph for wang (ruler) in the following way: When depictions were created in olden [times], three strokes that were connected through the middle were called wang. The three are heaven, earth, and men, and the one who connects them is the ‘ruler’ (wang).19 [董仲舒曰。]古之造文者。三畫而連其中謂之王。

Clifford Geertz’s characterization of religion as “a system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic,”20 gains an extra meaning when religion and politics form an interconnected whole – as was the case in Confucian China. In China, this interconnectivity was further enhanced through the fact that political practice was executed through an elaborate system of ritual 16 See John K. Shryock, The Origin and Development of the State Cult of Confucius: An Introductory Study (New York: Paragon Book, 1966), 4-5. 17 Anthony C. Yu, State and Religion in China: Historical and Textual Perspectives (Chicago: Open Court, 2005), 34, remarks that the politico-religious narrative of Confucianism, in fact, builds on the system that was developed already in the Shang dynasty (traditionally 1766–1122 BCE), when ancestors were transformed from kin to symbols of divine power. 18 Benjamin I. Schwartz, The World of Thought in Ancient China (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1985), 364 has characterized this ‘cosmological Confucianism’ as a kind of ‘phenomenalist philosophy.’ ‘Phenomenalism’ is hereby understood as a belief that governmental and social irregularities can lead to vast dislocations in nature. 19 Xu, Shen, Shuo wen jie zi (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988), p. 9b. 20 Clifford Geertz, “Religion as a Cultural System”, in: Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, ed. Michael Banton (New York: Praeger, 1966), 4.

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prescripts and behaviour, both with regard to the world of the divine and with regard to the commoners.21 That Mount Lu was associated with dynastic power can be illustrated by the historical event recorded in the Lushan ji, that Qin shi huangdi 秦始皇帝, the ‘First August Emperor of the Qin’ (r. 221–209), in his seventeenth year, climbed Mount Lu in the east, [i]n order to gaze over Jiujiang. When he reached the peak ‘up to heaven,’ he considered that it was touching heaven, and so he named it [after that feature]. Behind the peak, there is a carved stone that says that it was carved by Yu of the Xia when measuring this peak. The characters can no longer be read. 秦始皇十七年。東登廬山。以望九江。至上霄峯。以與霄漢相接。因命 之。峯後有刻石云。是夏禹所刻。丈赤里數。文字不可辦。22

The mention of Yu of the Xia, further, links the ‘First August Emperor of the Qin’ to the legendary rulers of ‘China’ and thus portrays him as the legitimate successor within a divine tradition. In fact, when climbing Mount Lu, Qin shi huangdi acted in the same way also King Kang 康 of the Zhou 周 (r. 1078-1052 BCE) had done. As the Zhu shu jinian 竹書紀年 (Bamboo Annals) records: [In the sixteenth year of King Kang of Zhou,] the king went to the south as far as Mount Lu near Jiujiang. 王南巡狩至九江盧山。23 21 Yu, State and Religion in China, 51, states that: “Just as the state’s recognition of Confucius and its continual process of canonizing his descendants were indicative of its own moral discernment and enlightenment, so the designated descendants’s fulfilment of their ritual duties on behalf of the state betokened their acknowledgement of the regime’s legitimacy”. Also see Michael Nylan, “The Rhetoric of ‘Empire’ in the Classical Era in China,” in: Conceiving the Empire: China and Rome Compared, eds. Fritz-Heiner Mutschler and Achim Mittag (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 47. 22 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1025, c13-16. According to Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 Shiji 史記, juan 6, Qin shi huang benji 秦始皇本記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1972), 242-261, the first emperor went to Mount Yi 嶧山, Mount Tai 泰山 and Mount Langye 琅邪山 in 219 BCE; to Mount Zhifu 之罘山 in 218 BCE; to Jieshi men 碣石門 in 215 BCE; and to Mount Kuaiji 會稽山 in 210 BCE. Also see Martin Kern, “Announcements from the Mountains: The Stele Inscriptions of the Qin First Emperor,” in: Conceiving the Empire: China and Rome Compared, eds. Fritz-Heiner Mutschler and Achim Mittag (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 217. For remarks on the importance of geographical order in early Chinese political life and the connection of mountains with shamanist practices, see: Reiter, ‘Der Bericht ueber den Berg Lu’, 65-66. On the primordial role of Mount Tai, the mountain in the east that is the source of light and to which the souls (hun 魂) of the deceased go, see: Werner Eichhorn, Die Religionen Chinas (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1973), 47. The opening line of the Lushan ji (Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1025, a14) states that also Sima Qian 司馬遷 climbed Mount Lu in order to see the nine rivers of Yu (see: Shiji, juan 1, p. 1415). 23 Zhu shu jinian, juan 下, p. 8 (in: Siku quanshu, ed. Yu Zhiming). This implies that the name Mount Lu can be traced back to Yin-Zhou times (see also Miyakawa, “Local cults around Mount Lu at the time of Sun En’s rebellion,” 91).

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Mount Lu was, however, not only a place where nature gods dwelled. According to the Shan hai jing, also Daoist immortals (xianren 仙人) resided on the mountain.24 It even is the thatched hut (lu 盧 ) that served as dwelling for the Daoist immortal Kuangsu 匡俗 that would have given its name to Mount Lu 盧山 .25 According to the Lushan ji: [t]here once was a man [called] Kuangsu. He appeared in the period between the Yin (trad. 1766–1122 BCE) and the Zhou dynasties.26 When he retreated from the world to live in solitude, he lived at the foot of [the mountain]. Some say that [Kuang]su reached the dao through a Daoist immortal.27 Together, they wandered through these mountains and [Kuangsu] made a grotto into his residence. That is why the people of his times called this lodge the thatched hut (lu) of the immortal, and named the mountain after this. 有匡俗先生者。出自殷周之際。遯世隱時潛居其下。或云俗受道仙人。共遊 此山。遂託空崖。即巖成館。故時人謂其所止為神仙之廬。因以名 山焉。28

Kuangsu’s connection with the divine world and the related importance this has for sanctioning dynastic rule can be seen in the account that when emperor Wu 武 of the Han 漢 (r. 140–86 BCE) was on an inspection tour in the South, he brought ritual offerings to this famous mountain, and when he asked what kind of a spirit (shen 神 ) the lord of Mount Lu was, the learned ones (boshi 博士 ) answered him, saying that it was the old Kuangsu who had attained the path there.29 24

Shuijing zhushu 水經注疏, juan 39, 1989, pp. 3258-3263. Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1025, a21-25. It is especially since the time of Huiyuan 慧遠 (see further) that the name of the mountain, Mount Lu, has been associated with this Kuangsu (see: Florian C. Reiter, “Bergmonographien als geographische und historische Quellen, dargestellt an Ch’en Shun-yüs ‘Bericht über den Berg Lu’ (Lu-shan chi) aus dem 11. Jahrhundert,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 130, no. 2 (1980), 401, note 20; Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China [Leiden: Brill, 2007], 207-208; Richard B. Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü: A New Account of Tales of the World. By Liu I-ch’ing, with commentary by Liu Chün [Minneapolis MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1976], 288; Susan Bush, “Tsung Ping’s Essay on Painting Landscape and the “Landscape Buddhism” of Mount Lu,” in: Theories of the Arts in China, eds. Susan Bush and Christian Murck [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983], 147). 26 According to the Yuzhang jiu zhi 豫章舊志 (quoted in Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1025, c1-5), Kuangsu even descended from Yu of the Xia dynasty, and he and his seven brothers were all well acquainted with Daoist arts. 27 For the connection between Daoist geography and the entry into other spheres of existence, see: Michel Soymié, “Le Lo-Fou Chan. Étude de géographie religieuse,” Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient 48 (1956). For the particular case of Kuangsu, see: Reiter, “Bergmonographien als geographische und historische Quellen,” 401-402. 28 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1025, a22-25. 29 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1030, a17-18. 25

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Apart from Kuangsu, also the Daoist immortals Dong Feng 董奉 and Wu Meng 吳猛 stand out for their importance for Mount Lu. Dong Feng, who is also known as Dong Junyi 董君異 and who was allegedly born in 200 CE, was, more specifically, a Daoist healer. In a particular connection between the world of magic and wonder on the one hand, and mundane life on the other, he, according to Ge Hong’s 葛洪 (283–343) Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳, was a native of Houguan 候官 in Minzhong 閩中 who, having been skilled in Daoist arts (daoshu 道術) from a young age, later became a medical doctor whose methods were both strange and divine, and very different from common medical practices.30 He is reported to have ordered the patients of whom he had cured their disease to each plant five apricot trees, and to have exchanged the fruits of the trees for rice which he then distributed among the poor.31 In the course of many years, an apricot wood grew on the mountain. Symbolic for his magical power, he is reported to have lived for two hundred years, while his outward appearance at that age still was that of a twenty-year old. When he became an immortal (shengju 昇舉), his traces were lost in the apricot wood.32 A story contained in the Song dynasty Taiping yulan 太平御覽 tells that a certain Cao Zhu 曹著, a petty clerk of Jiankang 建康, was invited by the Lord Prefect (fujun 府君) of Mount Lu to come to his palace. When Cao Zhu arrived at the palace, he saw that, at its gate, a huge jar was placed from which winds and clouds were coming.33 In a story that is contained in the Shuijing and that is remarkably similar to the above quoted story on Lord Zhang, Governor of Wu, Cao Zhu is said to have been visited by a messenger of the Lord of Mount Lu who wished to marry his daughter Yuan 婉. In the story, the deity of Mount Lu is said to have used the name Su 俗.34 30 One such example of magical healing, given in Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1026, c20-28 is the case of Shibian 士變, the Prefect (taishou 太守) of Jiaoshi 交趾 who had already died for three days. Dong Feng gave Shibian one pill which he held in his mouth with some water. Dong Feng supported Shibian’s head and shook him, and a while after having eaten the pill, Shibian opened his eyes and moved his hands. His color gradually returned, and after half a day, he could sit up. After four days, he could speak again and completely returned to normal. Note that also the historical Buddha is often presented as a doctor and that the bodhisattva Bhaiṣajyaguru is specialized in medicine. 31 See Reiter, “Bergmonographien als geographische und historische Quellen,” 401. 32 Quoted in Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1026, c20-28. Also see Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1025, b6-11. The existence of an apricot wood may relate to the peach garden of Xiwangmu on Mount Kunlun 崑崙 (see: Reiter, ‘Der Bericht ueber den Berg Lu’, 67; Eichhorn, Die Religionen Chinas, 74). 33 Taiping yulan (in: Siku quanshu, ed. Yu Zhiming), juan 573, p. 6b. For an interpretation of the title of this work, see: Wilkinson, Chinese History, 54. 34 Shuijing zhushu, juan 39, 1989, pp. 3265-3266; Miyakawa, “Local cults around Mount Lu at the time of Sun En’s rebellion,” 90, note 14.

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Also the Daoist immortal Wu Meng, a Western Jin 晉 (265–317) dynasty figure, is credited with having the power to calm the wind.35 Gan Bao’s Sou shen ji contains the story of how Wu Meng, walking around in the region of Yuzhang 豫章 near Mount Lu, observed that the Changjiang was running so fast that no one could cross the river. Wu Meng touched the water with the fan he held in his hand, and started crossing the stream. A shoal appeared, and the people could cross the river. When everyone had crossed the river, the water returned. In an equally magical way, when the commandery of Xunyang 尋陽 was suffering a sudden storm, Wu Meng abated the storm through the use of a talisman.36 Wu Meng is further connected to spirits and deities in the following story of Lei Cizong’s 雷次宗 (386–448) Yuzhang ji 豫章記 that is cited in the Taiping yulan: during the reign of the Yongjia 永嘉 Emperor (r. 307–312) of the Western Jin dynasty, a huge serpent was cutting off a road in the region of Yuzhang. The serpent sucked in anyone who came within reach of its breath. When Wu Meng and several of his disciples had succeeded in slaying the serpent, Wu Meng discovered that, actually, this was the spirit of the country of Shu 蜀. By magical power, the death of the serpent also caused the death of Du Tao 杜弢, the rebel of Shu.37 The content of this story is similar to the following account in the Hou Hanshu 後漢書 about a certain Luan Ba 欒巴, who lived during the reign of Emperor Shun 順帝 (r. 126–144) of the Han. Luan Ba is said to have served in the imperial harem as a eunuch. As he could, however, not find peace with the corruption that prevailed at the court, he is reported to have recovered his virility and to have asked for leave. He thus became prefect of Yuzhang, a region where a number of demons and spirits of hills and rivers were worshipped. With the use of the power of the dao, he succeeded in destroying the shrines that were devoted to these spirits, whereupon peace came to the region.38 35 A biography of Wu Meng is included in the Jinshu 晉書, juan 95 (Fang Xuanling, Jinshu [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974], pp. 2482-2483). 36 Soushen ji 搜神記 I, juan 1: http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=290130 in http:// ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&res=839038. Also see: Miyakawa, “Local cults around Mount Lu at the time of Sun En’s rebellion,” 93-94, Bai Bin, “Religious Beliefs as reflected in the Funerary Record,” in: Early Chinese Religion. Part Two: The Period of Division (220–589 AD), ed. John Lagerwey and Lü Pengzhi [Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010], 1050-1052, remarks that name slips are among the most distinctive Daoist funerary articles of the southern region, and that name slips made of silver wood and inscribed with the phrase “Lushan Daoist Zhang Ling” that date back to the period of the Southern Dynasties have been found in present-day Jiangsu province. 37 Taiping yulan (in: Siku quanshu, ed. Yu Zhiming), juan 886, p. 6b; see also: Miyakawa, “Local cults around Mount Lu at the time of Sun En’s rebellion,” 96; Biography of Lei Cizong in Lushan ji, juan 3: T 2095, p. 1039, c19-27 and in Nanshi 南史, juan 75, liezhuan 列傳 65 (Li Yanshou 李延壽, Nanshi [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974], 1867-1868). 38 Hou Hanshu, juan 57 (Fan, Ye 范曄, Hou Hanshu [Beijing, Zhonghua shuju, 1985], 18411842); see also: Miyakawa, “Local cults around Mount Lu at the time of Sun En’s rebellion,” 91-92.

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The importance Daoist adherents give to the natural environment may help to explain the existence of stories that relate how Daoist immortals were victorious over natural deities, but the fourth-century development of Daoist eremitism from the originally unstructured form it had had during the Han dynasty into a well-organized and self-conscious social group undoubtedly also had to do with the chaotical political and social situation that characterized China after the fall of the Han dynasty in 220 CE.39 The earliest Daoist monastery on record, the Chongxu si 崇虛寺 (Chongxu Temple), residence of the Daoist reformer Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之 (365–448), may have been located in the capital of the Northern Wei 魏 dynasty (386–534),40 but the Chongxu Tempel was only Kou Qianzhi’s second residence. His main residence was Mount Song 嵩.41 It is in this period that Mount Lu developed to be a center of intellectual activity for Confucians as well. The figure of Luan Ba who left the capital and took retreat in the unspoiled region of Mount Lu may hereby have served as an example for many disillusioned literati who, in the period of political instability, were confronted with the impossibility to further pursue an official career. The contacts between Confucians, Daoists, and Buddhists initiated the intellectual debate that has become known as the so-called Xuanxue 玄學 movement, a self-identification that was especially present during the Jin dynasty.42 This explains why the Daoist themes mentioned in the Lushan ji, a ‘Buddhist’ text written by a Confucian who had been banned for his critique on government policies, are mostly based on sources from the Jin dynasty, such as the Xunyang ji 尋陽記 (Record of Xunyang), referring to present-day Jiujiang.43 39 Livia Kohn remarks: “The overall move within the Daoist monastic community, however, was the opposite from that of medieval English monks – that is, from the isolation of the mountains to the cities, from individual immortality practice to communal and even political service to the world at large” (Livia Kohn, Monastic Life in Medieval Daoism: A Cross-Cultural Perspective [Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003], 99). 40 See Livia Kohn, “Monasticism,” in: Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008), vol. 1, 102. During the Northern Wei dynasty, Daoism was established as official state religion. 41 It is on Mount Lu that Kou Qianzhi had his well-known revelations in 415 and 423. Also Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (406–477) divided his time between a monastery in the Southern capital and Mount Lu, whereby Mount Lu was his main spiritual residence (see: Kohn, Monastic Life in Medieval Daoism, 99). 42 See Tsukamoto Zenryū, A History of early Chinese Buddhism: From Its Introduction to the Death of Hui-yüan (Tōkyō: Kodansha, 1985), 288; Alan J. Berkowitz, Patterns of disengagement: the practice and portrayal of reclusion in early medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 14; Bart Dessein, “Abhidharma in China: Reflections on ‘Matching Meanings’ and Xuanxue,” in: Text, History, and Philosophy: Abhidharma across Buddhist Scholastic Traditions, ed. Bart Dessein and Weijen Teng (Leiden: Brill, 2016). 43 See Reiter, “Bergmonographien als geographische und historische Quellen,” 401.

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3. CHARMING THE SNAKE To explain the process in which Mount Lu developed to be a Buddhist mountain as well, it is useful to return to India. Lowell W. Bloss remarks that, in India, Buddhism had to come to grips with the popular belief that there is a connection between earthly rule and the power of a nāga that sanctions this rule, whereby “the primary responsibility for harmony rests with the human and fallible ruler”.44 The many Indian legends about the Buddha converting a nāga (or a similar deity) have to be interpreted in this respect. An excellent example in case is the famous story of the the Buddha who converts the nāga Mucalinda. This story is the beginning of the Mahāvagga part of the Pāli Vinaya. It describes how the Buddha, sitting at the foot of the bodhi tree in Uruvelā on the bank of the river Nairañjanā, fixed his mind on the law of conditioned production (Sanskrit: pratītyasamutpāda) and, arising from this state of meditation after seven days, went to the Ajapāla banyan tree where he, again, stayed in meditation for seven consecutive days. At the end of those seven days, he arose from his meditiation and went to the mucalinda tree. Also at the foot of this tree, he sat crossed-legged during seven days. It is at that time that a great cloud appeared and brought rainy weather, cold, storm, and darkness for seven days on end. This made the nāga Mucalinda come out of his abode. Mucalinda encircled the body of the Buddha seven times in order to keep the Blessed One warm. After seven days, when Mucalinda saw the cloudless sky, [H]e loosened his windings from the body of the Blessed One, made his own appearance disappear, created the appearance of a youth, and stationed himself in front of the Blessed One, raising his clasped hands, and paying reverence to the Blessed One.45

Conversions of one deity by another as illustrated in the Mucalinda story are not unique to Buddhism. In the history of religions, such conversions are, actually, a rather common feature. What is, perhaps, peculiar for the Buddhist case, is that the converted deity continues to use his former powers, i.e. protecting the locality, but now under supervision of the new deity, i.c. the 44

Bloss, “The Buddha and the Nāga,” 43. Mahāvagga (Hermann Oldenberg, ed., The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ: one of the principal Buddhist holy scriptures in the Pāli language [London: Luzac, 1964], vol. 1, 1-3). Translation: T.W. Rhys Davids, Hermann Oldenberg, Vinaya Texts. Part I: the Pātimokkha. The Mahāvagga, I-IV (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1968), pp. 73-81. Also see Rawlinson, “Nāgas and the Magical Cosmology of Buddhism.” The Mucalinda story is also included in the Udāna (see: Paul Steinthal, ed. Udāna [London: Oxford University Press, 1948], 10-20; Dawsonne M. Strong, The Udana or the Solemn Utterances of the Buddha [London: Luzac, 1902], 13-26). 45

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Buddha. That is to say, the Buddha becomes the protector of cosmic order in his turn, and the converted nāga henceforth guards the Buddha and the Buddhist doctrine.46 Moreover, through the act of conversion, the Buddha takes over some of the miraculous power of the converted deity himself.47 In this ‘dialogue’ between the Buddha and a nāga (or another local deity), Bernard Faure discerns a confrontation between the universal aspects of Buddhism and the local belief system.48 Or, as phrased by Andrew Rawlinson: “The Buddha, as the one whose range of influence extends over the whole of saṃsāra, is by definition, therefore, […] a nāga – though an infinitely superior one, of course”.49 It deserves to be noted that in Jātaka stories the nāgarāja (dragon king) is suggested to be of a higher rebirth than ordinary men are, and that one of the attributes of the nāgarāja is magical power (ṛddhi).50 In the same line, in Buddhist iconography, the Blessed One is seen to be depicted as a snake.51 Turning our attention to China, it is not the Buddha himself, but Buddhist monks who are recorded to convert local nāgas, whereafter these converted 46 Lowell W. Bloss in this regard remarks: “Having established the chaotic character of the folk deities, the myths can reveal the Buddha as a compassionate figure who saves the country from disaster by teaching his law to a deity who accepts his supremacy” (Bloss, “The Buddha and the Nāga,” 46). Étienne Lamotte says: “Revered and honoured by man, the divinities in turn revere and honour him” (Étienne Lamotte, Histoire du bouddhisme indien des origines à l’ère Śaka [Louvain: Institut Orientaliste, 1958], 75). See also Mahāvagga (Oldenberg, ed., The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ, vol. I, 229; Isalin B. Horner, The Book of the Discipline (Vinaya-Piṭaka), Volume IV (Mahāvagga) [London: Luzac, 1951], 313), Dīgha Nikāya (T.W. Rhys Davids, J. Estlin Carpenter, eds., The Dīgha Nikāya. Vol. II [London: Oxford University Press, 1947], 88; T.W. Rhys Davids, C.A.F. Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha: Translated from the Pali of the Dīgha Nikāya [London: Luzac, 1951], 93-94), and Udāna (Steinthal, Udāna, 89; Strong, The Udana, 123-124). 47 It can be recalled here that, in China, also the Shang god shangdi was included in the Zhou concept tian (heaven) when the latter took over political power from the former. 48 Bernard Faure, “Space and Place in Chinese Religious Traditions,” History of Religions 26, no. 4 (1987), 337. On ibid., p. 338, he refers to Jonathan Z. Smith’s terminology of ‘utopian’ versus ‘locative’ visions of the world, used in his Map is not Territory: Studies in the History of Religions (Leiden: Brill, 1978). 49 Rawlinson, “Nāgas and the Magical Cosmology of Buddhism,” 140-141. 50 Jātaka: Fausbøll Viggo, The Jātaka Together with its Commentary: Being Tales of the Anterior Births of Gotama Buddha, 7 vols. (London: Luzac, 1964), vol. 6, 316-317 reads: “In the world of men (manussaloka), he (and his wife) had been full of faith (saddhā) and bountiful (dānapatī); this was his vow (vata) and good conduct (brahmacariya). As a result of his meritorious deeds, he had attained rebirth (upapatti) as a nāgarāja and was endowed with magical power (iddhi), splendor (juti), strength (bala), vigour (viriya) and a vimāna.” Also see Rawlinson, “Nāgas and the Magical Cosmology of Buddhism,” 137, 148 note 45, 149 note 46. 51 See Philippe Stern, Mireille Benisti, Évolution du style indien d’Amaravati (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1961), plates viiia, xvb, xlb, liv. Also see Rawlinson, “Nāgas and the Magical Cosmology of Buddhism,” 136. It can also be mentioned here that some of the birth stories of the Buddha connect this event with the presence of nāgas.

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nāgas become the protectors of their former localities, sanctioned by the Buddhist faith.52 In the particular case of Mount Lu, Buddhist historiography has connected the conversion of the mountain spirit with the famous An Shigao 安世高 (fl. 148–168), a Parthian monk who renounced the throne he was supposed to inherit from his father and gave the country to his uncle. The Lushan ji, referring to Huijiao’s 慧皎 (497–554) Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳,53 recounts the conversion of the deity of Mount Lu by An Shigao in the following story that, moreover, connects An Shigao to Wu Meng: An Shigao was the crown prince of the king of Anxi (= Parthia). He gave away the throne to his father’s youngest brother, and left home. Between the Han and the Wei, he roamed and reached Gaoting Lake.54 Then, the spirit of the lake [could make] the wind blow up and down [the lake]. [A group of] people [who were traveling] in a boat were scared. Because they were with more than thirty traveling together, the [people on the] boat offered a sacrificial animal to please the spirit. Suddenly, [An Shigao sent] an invocation down: “In the past, I was from a foreign country myself. As a child I left home to study the way (dao) as my nature was full of hatred (Sanskrit: dveṣa). Therefore, if you want to get rid of your retribution (Sanskrit: vipāka) of [being born as a] spirit, and to study together [with me], [neither] sorrow [nor] pleasure will be victorious”. [An] Shigao asked the spirit to come out and show his appearance. The spirit then came out with its big python (mang) head. The length of its tail was not to be known. Knowing that [An] Shigao was addressing a charm to him in Sanskrit for several times, the python was mournful and cried like rain. In a temple not far away, thousands of rolls of silk and various precious objects were hidden. [An] Shigao went to take them and constructed the Dong[lin] si (Eastern [Forest] 52 Robson, “Buddhist Sacred Geography,” 1386 remarks that a few local records attest to it that some local deities resisted the conversion by Buddhist monks. An example in case concerns the famous Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416) who, so is recounted in the Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1028, a4-7, saw a mountain deity appearing in his dream and requesting him to build his monastery on another location on the mountain than the location Huiyuan had previously thought to do so. After, during the night, a thunderstorm had cleared the ground and building lumber was found near the building ground, Huiyuan built his temple and named it Shenyun 神運 (Moved by Gods). Huiyuan thus built his temple on a site which was approved by a local deity. Also see Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places,” 945. It can be recalled here that the establishment of Buddhist monasteries on localities that were already inhabited by other deities infringes on the Vinaya stipulation that “the construction of a residence is not to entail the destruction of plant life or of ancient sanctuaries belonging to other religions” (see: Mohan Wijayaratna, Buddhist monastic life according to the texts of the Theravada tradition [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990], 24). Also see Chen Jinhua, Making and Remaking History: A Study of Tiantai Sectarian Historiography (Tōkyō: The International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 1999), 95. 53 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, juan 1, T 2059, p. 323, b26-c22. For this part of An Shigao’s biography, see: Robert Shih, Biographies des moines éminents (kao seng tchouan) de Houeikiao (Louvain: Institut Orientaliste, 1968), 6-7. 54 In the version in the Gaoseng zhuan, juan 1, T 2059, p. 323, b27, the lake is called Gongting 䢼亭 Lake.

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Temple) in Yuzhang.55 Later, people saw a dead python on the western swamp of the mountain. Its head and tail were several li [long]. This is where the present-day Xunyang junshe village is. 安世高安息國王之太子。讓國于季父而出家。漢魏間行達郜亭湖時湖神能 分風上下。舟人敬憚。因與同旅三十餘。舡奉牲請福神。忽降祝日。吾昔 外國。與子俱出家學道。而性多真恚。故墮神報。今見同學。悲欣不可 勝言。世高請神出形。神乃出大蟒頭。不知尾之長。知世高向之胡語贊唄 數番。蟒悲淚如雨。須臾還隱。廟有絹千匹并雜寶物。世高為持去。豫章 造東寺焉。後人於山西澤中。見一死蟒。頭尾數里。今尋陽郡蛇村 是也。56

In the same way as Mucalinda transformed into a young man after having been converted by the Buddha, An Shigao’s biography in the Gaoseng zhuan mentions that in the very night that An Shigao had left after having converted the nāga – as in the quotation above – a young man appeared on his boat. The young man prostrated himself before An Shigao, received his incantations and wishes, and then disappeared again. Hereupon, An Shigao is reported to have said the following words to his fellow travelers: “This young man precisely is the spirit of the Gongting Temple 䢼亭寺 who has attained to cast off his ugly appearance!”57 It may not be without importance that An Shigao is the first known Central Asian Buddhist to have come to China, i.e. he was a ‘foreigner’ coming from a Buddhist land who converted a ‘Chinese’ nāga. That this nāga was, in its turn, reborn as a young man, might therefore have to be interpreted as a rebirth of Buddhism, brought from foreign lands, on Chinese soil. 55 According to the Lushan ji, juan 1, T. 2095, p. 1027, c18-21, this Donglin si 東林寺 (Eastern Forest Temple) was, actually, built in Taiyuan 太元 9 of Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 of the Jin dynasty, i.e. 384 CE. This makes a historical connection of this temple with An Shigao impossible. To all likelihood, the temple has to be associated with Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416) (see further). It was abolished in 843 during the persecution of Buddhism in the third year of Huichang 會昌 of Emperor Wu 武 of the Tang 唐 dynasty (r. 841–846), and was reinstated in 849, the third year of Taizhong 太中 of Emperor Xuan 宣 of the Tang dynasty (r. 847–859). In 977, it was renamed as Xingguo si 興國寺. At the time of compilation of the Lushan ji, the temple was called Taiping xingguo si 太平興國寺 (Taiping xingguo Temple). Also see J.D. Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream: The Life and Work of the Chinese Nature Poet Hsieh Ling-yün (385-433), Duke of K’ang-Lo (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1967), vol. 2, 16, note 137; Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places,” 944. 56 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1027, a11-21. On dragons causing rain, see also: Soymié, “Le Lo-Fou Chan,” 37, where a similar story from the Luofu tu jing zhu 羅浮圖經注, a work compiled in 1716 by Song Guangye 宋廣葉 is mentioned. 57 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 1, T 2059, p. 323, c17-20. According to Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 208, this legend already existed in the fourth century AD, “and the popular cult of the mountain spirit who under Buddhist influence had been re-baptized as “An Shigao” was apparently still practiced when Huiyuan was living on the mountain”.

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As a corollary to the Buddha who takes over some of the miraculous power of the converted deity himself, also An Shigao is bestowed with the same power to secure safe traveling the deity of Mount Lu earlier had possessed. The Lushan ji here quotes the Xunyang ji, stating that: [This water] was crossed by An Shigao. The [mountain] spirit changed form. […] Up to this day, boat people who come by continue to pray there. 為安世高所度。其神乃化形 […]。至今舟人往來猶禱焉。58

Another peculiarity, apart from the fact that the Buddha – and Buddhist monks – take over the power of the converted deity, is that this conversion is accompanied with the Buddhist aspect of withdrawal from earthly life.59 In China, Buddhist monks herefor aligned with an already existing Daoist tradition of practitioners who retreated on mountains – as described above. For Buddhists, the remoteness from everyday life made mountains excellent places to practice austerity and search for enlightenment.60 In their association with mountains, Buddhists could refer to the importance of mountains in Indian Buddhism as well. Although no fixed set of Buddhist mountains existed in India, the Buddha is said to have preached from the summit of Gṛdhrakūṭa (Vulture Peak near Rajagṛha, present-day Rajgir) and there is, of course, Mount Sumeru as the central axis of seven concentric mountain ranges that are an essential part of Buddhist cosmology. In China, particular Buddhist deities became associated with particular mountains: Mount Lu was often compared with Gṛdhrakūṭa; 61 Mañjuśrī was associated with the Wutai 58 Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1037, a23-25. Also see Robson, “Buddhist Sacred Geography,” 1385. For an appraisal of Chan monks who converse local spirits, see: Bernard Faure, Chan Insights and Oversights: An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993). 59 Bloss, “The Buddha and the Nāga,” 47. 60 See Robson, “Buddhist Sacred Geography,” 1372. Robson, ibid., 1376, notes that Buddhist monks are increasingly mentioned in the ‘recluses’ section of the Nanshi 南史, and Robson, ibid., 1383, that “close readings of texts such as monastic foundation legends in gazetteers or inscriptions reveals that Buddhists in China settled primarily on mountains with rich preBuddhist histories,” whereby “There is other tantalizing data that suggests that Buddhists established their monasteries or erected stupas precisely on top of, or adjacent to, sites already deemed sacred by local cults, the imperial cult, or Daoists”. That the geography of the Chinese Buddhist landscape was built on the existing religious landscape, was already noted in Paul Mus, La Lumière sur les Six Voies: Tableau de la transmigration bouddhique d’après des sources sanskrites, pāli, tibétaines et chinoises en majeure partie inédites (Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, 1939). 61 Xie Lingyun 謝靈雲 (385–433), in one of his poems, e.g. compares Mount Lu with Vulture Peak. Zürcher also remarks: “In fact, several mountains all over China have been called Lingjiu Shan 靈鷲山, the traditional translation of Gṛdhrakūṭa” (Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 208). He, ibid., 394, note 137, mentions that Mount Hushi 虎市山, North of Qujiang 曲江 in Guangdong Province, was renamed as Lingjiu shan when the monk Shi

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Mountains 五臺山 in Shanxi, Avalokiteśvara with Mount Putuo 普陀山 in Zhejiang, Kṣitigarbha with Mount Jiuhua 九華山 in Anhui, and Samantabhadra with Mount Emei 峨嵋山 in Sichuan. The transportation of relics from the homeland of Buddhism to China must have added to the development of a spiritual link between Chinese mountain ranges and India. A third element that was important for the development of China’s Buddhist mountain landscape was the already mentioned practical need for retreat and shelter in times of political chaos.62 For the development of Mount Lu as a Buddhist mountain, especially the events concerning Huan Xuan 桓玄 (369–404), a warlord who wanted to usurp the throne of the Eastern Jin 晉 dynasty (317–420), have been decisive. With this aim in mind, Huan Xuan had joined forces with Wang Gong 王恭 (?–398) and Yin Zhongkan 殷仲堪 (?–399). The latter was an adherent of Tianshi 天師 (Heavenly Masters) Daoism. When they were defeated by the imperial army, however, Huan Xuan and Yin Zhongkan fled to Xunyang where they reassembled to prepare a new attack on the capital city Jiankang 建康 that had already been pillaged by a Daoist insurgency inspired by Sun En 孫恩 (d. 402). Their conspiracy did not last for long, as Huan Xuan turned himself against Yin Zhongkan and killed him in 399, whereupon he forced Emperor An 安 (382–419) of the Jin to dethrone. Emperor An was relocated to Xunyang, and in 403 Huan Xuan mounted on the throne in Jiankang himself. Early in the following year, however, he was, in his turn, killed by Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422). At first loyal to Emperor An, Liu Yu helped to re-instate the former Emperor An on the throne, but, in 418, Liu Yu killed Emperor An and put Emperor Gong 恭 on the throne. In 420, Liu Yu also forced Emperor Gong to dethrone, and, in the same year, established himself as Emperor Wen 文 of the Liusong 劉宋 dynasty (420–479).63 These were times, as phrased by Zenryū Tsukamoto, when people of all layers of society “were seeking something or someone to which or to whom to address their prayers”.64 One such person was Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416), the famous Buddhist monk who is most intricately connected to Mount Lu.65 Huiyuan was a disciple of Senglü 釋僧律 was living there during the Yixi 義熙 era (405–418) (see for this: Shuijing zhushu, juan 38 [Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1989], 3178). 62 See Paul Demiéville, “La montagne dans l’art littéraire chinois,” in: Choix d’études sinologiques (1921-1970) (Leiden: Brill, 1973). 63 See Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑒, juan 109-118 (Sima Guang 司馬光, Zizhi tongjian [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1976], 3437-3737). 64 Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 401. 65 On Huiyuan and Mount Lu, see: Kenneth Ch’en, Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 103-112; Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 204-253, 258-263; Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 759-898;

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Dao’an 道安 (312–385), the first ethnically Chinese monk who lived in Xiangyang 襄陽, on the Han 漢 River in northern Hubei in the lower reaches of the Yangzi. The Lidai fabao ji 歷代法寶記 informs us that during the last part of his life, Dao’an served as advisor to Fu Jian 符堅 (r. 351–385), the ruler of the Former Qin 秦 dynasty (351–394), one of the sixteen kingdoms that ruled in Northern China after the fall of the Han dynasty. Fu Jian had come to the strategically located Xiangyang with the purpose to subdue the Eastern Jin.66 When Xiangyang had come under siege in 378, Huiyuan left his master Dao’an. In 379, Fu Jian’s troops took Dao’an to Chang’an 長安, the capital of the Former Qin.67 Here, Dao’an initiated translation activities that would become central to the later work of Kumārajīva (344–413).68 In the meantime, around 380, Huiyuan had reached Mount Lu to the south of Xunyang, where his old friend Huiyong 慧永 lived in the Xilin si 西林寺 (Western Forest Temple).69 Although Huiyong, Huiyuan and Huichi 慧持, Huiyuan’s younger brother,70 had formerly agreed to move to the Luofu Mountains 羅浮山 in Guangdong Province, the mountain on which the famous Daoist master Ge Hong dwelled, Huiyuan, “fully aware of the ‘magical atmosphere’” of Mount Lu, decided not to move on.71 Just as An Shigao is credited with having converted the spirit of Mount Lu, also Huiyuan is reported to have converted both nāgas and Daoist immortals when he reached Mount Lu.72 The following passage of the Lushan ji, which is a quotation from Ge Hong’s Shenxian zhuan, concerns Huiyuan’s victory over a nature god: In the beginning, when the Master of the Doctrine [Hui]yuan came to Mount Lu, he loved the wild of this region, and he wished to build a monk’s shelter there. Richard E. Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes: Travel Writing from Imperial China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 67-71. 66 Lidai fabao ji, juan 1, T 2075, p. 183, a11 ff. 67 The account in the Jinshu, juan 114 (Fang, Jinshu, 1974, pp. 2909-2939) attests to Fu Jian’s esteem of Dao’an. Also see Michael C. Rogers, The Chronicle of Fu Chien: A Case of Exemplar History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 160-161. 68 See Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 205; Wendi L. Adamek, The Mystique of Transmission: On an early Chan History and its contexts (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 31. 69 Huiyong is the first monk known to have lived at Mount Lu, and the Western Forest Monastery where he lived is said to have been built in 367 CE (see: Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang-Jin Nanbeichao Fojiao shi [Taipei: Luotuo chubanshe, 1987], 346; Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 200, note 94). 70 A biography of Huiyong is included in Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 362, a11-b11, and a biography of Huichi is included in Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 361, b14-362a10 and Lushan ji, juan 3: T 2095, p. 1041, a7-22. 71 See Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 208. 72 See note 57.

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The area had no floods or wells. The master pierced into the ground with his mendicant’s staff (Sanskrit: khakkhara), and immediately a well gushed up and formed a river. It happened to be the case that Xunyang then had a year of drought. When master [Hui]yuan recited the Scripture of the dragon king (Longwang jing) over the pond, a dragon suddenly rose in the air. Thereupon, rain [fell down] plentifully.73 [This well] was therefore called the dragon well. 初遠法師至于廬山。愛此間曠。欲結庵焉。地無流泉。師以杖刺地。應時 泉涌浸為溪流。既而尋陽歲旱。遠師誦龍王經。于池上。俄有龍起而 上天。雨乃大足。故號龍泉。74

The following passage from the Lushan ji portrays Buddhism as successor to Daoism, and is quoted from the Zhang Ling guan ji 張靈官記: Before, Kuangsu had dwelled on the mountain. There was a young man who often visited him. He introduced himself, saying: “My surname is Liu, and my personal name is Yue. My home is left of the mountains in front. You, [Kuang] su, are welcome night and day. When you have reached the foot of the mountain, there is a stone. It is about two feet high. This precisely is my home. You can knock on it”. As agreed, [Kuang]su lateron went to the foot of the mountain. Looking in the four directions, [he could] not [discern] any housing. As foretold, there only was one stone. He thereopen knocked on it, and the stone opened for him. As a result, he met the immortal spirit. Huiyuan recorded the issue of the house in the grotto, saying “That [Kuang]su received the way from an immortal is namely this [event]”. 昔匡俗廬于山。有少年屢詣之。自通曰。姓劉名越。家在前山之左。邀俗 過之旦日。至山下有石。高二尺許。即予居。可叩之。俗後如約而往至 山下。四顧無居室。果惟一石。乃叩之。石為之開。因遇神仙。洞府 之事。慧遠記云。俗受道於仙人者。蓋謂此也。75

The biography of Huiyuan in the Gaoseng zhuan informs us that, having settled on Mount Lu, Huiyong informed Huan Yi 桓伊, Governor of Jingzhou 73 For the association of nāgas with pools, see: Coomaraswamy, Yakṣas, 18, 32; Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Yakṣas (Washington D.C.: Smithonian Institution, 1931), 13, 70. 74 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1027, a6-10. Also see Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 358, a22-28; Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places,” p. 943. Notice that the discovery of water is an element that is commonly found in foundational legends for sacred sites. See for this Robson, “Buddhist Sacred Geography,” p. 1386. That also Huiyuan was, as result of this act of converting a nature god, endowed with the same magic power the deity had, is evidenced in Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1029, a15-17. Notice that in the same way An Shigao was connected to the Daoist immortal Wu Meng, this story also brings Huiyuan in relation with Wu Meng. 75 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1027, c8-13. Miyakawa notes that events like this “can serve as illustrations of (a) the way these local cults operated; (b) how Taoist masters exerted their power over these deities; and (c) how Buddhist monks used these popular cults to implant their own religion” (Miyakawa, “Local cults around Mount Lu at the time of Sun En’s rebellion,” 85). Note that, according to Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1029, a5-6, Yin Zhongkan discussed the Yijing 易經 with Huiyuan in a place between pine trees on the mountain.

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荊州 from 384 to 392, of the lack of space at the Longquan jingshe 龍泉 精舍 (Dragon Spring Temple), the place where disciples gathered around Huiyuan.76 Huan Yi is reported to have decided to build a new monastery – the Eastern Forest Monastery – for Huiyuan on the eastern side of the mountain.77 Having settled in this new monastery, Huiyuan not only continued to gather a number of monks around him, but he also founded a lay Buddhist community that attracted numerous lay people.78 Although, generally speaking, the number of Huiyuan’s personal disciples at any single moment never exceeded about one hundred,79 it is important that many people stayed for a few years after which they went on to other locations. According to the Gaoseng zhuan, some three thousand monks must have been involved in this practice of youxue 游學 (traveling for study), which undoubtedly added to the reknown of Huiyuan and his Buddhist community.80 In the Gaoseng zhuan, Huijiao in this regard informs us that Huiyuan introduced a new method of preaching the doctrine, as follows: Whenever there was a fasting ceremony, he himself would ascend the high seat and personally take the lead in preaching, first elucidating the [working of] causation in the three times, and then discussing the general meaning of the ceremonial meeting [in question]. Later generations have transmitted [this way of preaching], which subsequently became a standard for all times. 每至齋集輒自昇高座躬為導首。先明三世因果。却辯一齋大意。後代傳受 遂成永則。81

Among the lay people who frequented Mount Lu, we find poets such as Xie Lingyun 謝靈雲 (385–433) who took up his last official post in Jiangxi in 431,82 and painters such as Zong Bing 宗炳 (375–443) who was also a 76

Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 358, a29-b3. Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1027, c23-24. Also see Guanding 灌頂, Guoqing bailu 國清百錄, juan 4, T 1934, p. 821, b29-c1. Note that no exchanges with local deities are mentioned here. Also see note 52. 78 Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream, vol. 1, 14; Mark Edward Lewis, China between Empires: The Northern and Southern Dynasties (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009), 23. 79 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 363, a26. 80 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 361, b21. 81 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 13, T 2059, p. 417, c7-13. Zürcher notes: “Other documents are silent about this fact; the source of Huijiao’s statement is unknown, and it remains obscure how far and in what respect Huiyuan’s sermons deviated from the common practice” (Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 210). Bush suggests that Huiyuan might have been emulating the Buddhist theologian Zhi Dun 支遁 (314–366) “whose conversation was so admired by the gentry of the southern capital” (Bush, “Tsung Ping’s Essay on Painting Landscape,” 148). On Zhi Dun’s particular method of exegesis, see: Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest of China, 123-130. 82 See Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream, 1967, vol. 1, 152; Paul Demiéville, “Présentation d’un poète,” T’oung Pao 56 (1970), 249-250. 77

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Buddhist lay practitioner and a renowned qingtan 清談 figure.83 The presence of painters might have played an important role in the use of Buddhist icons as aids for visualization, an element that was conducive for the later development of Buddhism on Mount Lu.84 Apart from frequenting with artists, Huiyuan and his brother Huichi were also in contact with eminent members of the Wang 王 clan from Langye 琅邪, and even a former commander of the army of Fu Jian, a man called Tanyong 曇邕, is reported to have become a disciple of Huiyuan in 386.85 It may, further, have been Huiyuan’s reported knowledge of the Classics that, in a time of political turbulences, made him attractive for the Confucian literati as well.86 We thus know that such Confucian scholars as Zhou Xuzhi 周續之 (377–423) frequented Mount Lu.87 The combined presence of artists and members of the political elite in Huiyuan’s Buddhist community made Mount Lu a thriving intellectual scene where also Confucian learning continued to be fostered.88 The ‘fusion’ of the local and the universal mentioned above, and the peculiar socio-political situation, help to explain why Buddhist and Daoist temples could co-exist on Mount Lu, as this was also the case on other holy mountains in China.89 Despite the presence of laypeople on the mountain, Huiyuan strictly adhered to his promise not to interfere with the secular world.90 Also when Huan Xuan and Yin Zhongkan visited him on Mount Lu with the hope to secure 83

Biography of Zong Bing in Lushan ji, juan 3: T 2095, p. 1040, a12-25 and in Songshu 宋書, juan 93, liezhuan 列傳 53 (Shen Yue 沈約, Songshu [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974], 2278-2279). Also see Alexander Soper, Textual evidence for the secular arts of China in the period from Liu Song through Sui (Ascona: Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1967), 16. A poem by Xie Lingyun is mentioned in the Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1030, c6-8. Also see Bush, “Tsung Ping’s Essay on Painting Landscape,” 132; Lewis, China between Empires, 99100. 84 See Bush, “Tsung Ping’s Essay on Painting Landscape,” 146; Kiyohiko Munakata, Sacred mountains in Chinese art: an exhibition organized by the Krannert Art Museum at the University of Illinois (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991), 40. 85 See Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 210. 86 See Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 892. 87 Biography in Songshu, juan 93, liezhuan 列傳 53 (Shen, Songshu, 2280-2281); Nanshi, juan 75, liezhuan 列傳 65 (Li, Nanshi, 1865-1866); Lushan ji, juan 3: T 2095, p. 1039, c281040a10. 88 Bush, “Tsung Ping’s Essay on Painting Landscape,” 134; Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 218, 252-253. 89 The co-existence of Buddhist and Daoist temples is described in Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1026, b14-15 and Lushan ji, juan 3: T 2095, p. 1033, c8-11. According to Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1037, b15-17, there were 55 temples for the Buddha on Mount Lu; according to Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1037, b18, there were 93 temples for the Buddha and 9 for Laozi. According to Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1026, b3, even Laozi would have stayed on the mountain. Also see Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1036, a15-16. 90 We for the first time hear about contacts between Huiyuan and the Jin court in 405 (see: Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 215).

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themselves of his support, Huiyuan did not give in.91 This only added to the fame of Huiyuan: when Huan Xuan wanted to purify the Saṃgha, he instructed his magistrates to spare the community on Mount Lu as it was the only place where “the virtue of the Way dwells”. Huiyuan supported Huan Xuan in his endeavor to purify the Saṃgha, as this would help to restore Buddhism in its earstwhile glory.92 The Donglin si (Eastern Forest Temple) and the older Xilin si (Western Forest Temple) were not the only centers of Buddhist activity on Mount Lu. There also was the Lingyun si 陵雲寺 (Lingyun Temple) where Hui’an 慧安 resided around the beginning of the fifth century,93 and in the vicinity of Mount Lu, there is mention of a dhyāna master Fa’an 法安 in Xinyang 訢陽. This Fa’an is reported to have first successfully exorcised the tigers that tormented the region, after which the local tempel was changed into a Buddhist one. 94 When Huiyong and shortly after him also Huiyuan died, the community of Mount Lu gradually deteriorated. How ever firmly Huiyuan and his fellow monks might have rejected the world and have held to their seclusion, the community’s contacts with the mundane world were on the increase.95 During Emperor Wen’s 文 (r. 424–454) rule, Lei Cizong, a lay member of Huiyuan’s Buddhist community became the principal teacher at the state-established Confucian academy.96 Developments such as this enhanced Buddhist and Confucian contacts in Jiankang. Having become the center of cultural activity, an increasing number of former members of the Buddhist community of Mount Lu were attracted to that city that became the place-to-be for all who aspired fame in society.97

4. ABHIDHARMA, VINAYA

AND

DHYĀNA MOUNTAIN

The Buddhist community on Mount Lu during Huiyuan’s time was formed by adepts of the Śrāvakayāna and of the Mahāyāna, practitioners of intellectual 91

See Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 205. Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 360, b18-28. Also see Ch’en, Buddhism in China, 105; Adamek, The Mystique of Transmission, 43, 48; Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 214-215. 93 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 7, T 2059, p. 370, a19. 94 See Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 210. 95 See Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 822, 892; Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 214-215. 96 See note 37. 97 See Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 894. 92

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Abhidharma discussions as well as of dhyāna exercises. The community on Mount Lu also developed to be a major center of translation activity in which, at first, especially Central Asians were active. Gradually, also Chinese converts became important translators and commentators of a variety of Buddhist texts.98 Above, I have dealt with An Shigao’s conversion of the deity of Mount Lu. Apart from this fantastic event, An Shigao is also known as Mount Lu’s first translator of the highly technical Abhidharma treatises of Sarvāstivāda Buddhist philosophy.99 Traversing the so-called Silk Roads, Buddhist pelgrims from Central Asia brought the Indic texts of this school to China during the reign period of the famous King Kaniṣka (ca. 127–150) of the Kuṣāṇa empire that ruled over Central Asia and Northern India. Having reached Chang’an at the easternmost end of these roads, these Central Asians engaged in translation activities. In this way, it was An Shigao who, according to Sengyou’s 僧祐 (435–518) Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集, introduced the knowledge of the Abhidharma in China through his translation of the Apitan wufa xing jing 阿毘曇五法行經.100 It is reasonable to accept that the translations of these highly technical and intellectual Abhidharma treatises especially catered to the Confucian intellectuals who, after the fall of the Han dynasty, had become interested in this erstwhile ‘foreign’ creed.101 It would take until the fourth century, however, before Abhidharma studies would become popular in China. The person who is foremost connected to this flourishing of Abhidharma is Saṃghadeva. At first, Saṃghadeva had been 98 See The Murmuring Stream, vol. 1, 15; Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 760-761. 99 See Erik Zürcher, “A New Look at the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Texts,” in: From Benares to Beijing: Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religion, eds. Koichi Shinohara and Gregory Schopen (Oakville: Mosaic Press, 1991), 282, 289. On the translations of An Shigao, see: Kōgen Mizuno, Buddhist Sutras: Origin, Development, Transmission (Tōkyō: Kōsei Publishing, 1995), 45; Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 78-112; Jan Nattier, A Guide to the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Translations: Texts from the Eastern Han 東漢 and Three Kingdoms 三國 Periods (Tōkyō: The International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology, Soka University, 2008), 38-72; Stefano Zacchetti, “Defining An Shigao’s 安世高 Translation Corpus: The State of the Art in Relevant Research,” in: Historical and Philological Studies of China’s Western Regions 3, ed. Shen Weirong (Institute for Historical and Philological Studies of China’s Western Regions, Renmin University of China, 2010); Eric Greene, “Pratītyasamutpāda in the Translations of An Shigao and the Writings of His Chinese Followers,” in: Text, History, and Philosophy: Abhidharma across Buddhist Scholastic Traditions, eds. Bart Dessein and Weijen Teng (Leiden: Brill, 2016). 100 Sengyou 僧祐, Chu sanzang ji ji, juan 2, T 2145, p. 6, b4-5. Zürcher, “A New Look at the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Texts,” does not list this text among what he considers to be genuine translations by An Shigao. 101 For reflections on the different styles of translated Buddhist texts and their possible relation to readership, see: Nattier, A Guide to the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Translations, 18.

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active in Chang’an. During the years of Emperor Fu Jian of the Former Qin dynasty, he had started the translation of the *Aṣṭagrantha (Apitan ba jiandu lun 阿毗曇八犍度論, T.26.1543) together with Zhu Fonian 竺佛念 (317– 420) in 388. This major Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma work would later be considered as the main work of a group of seven canonical texts that, together, are referred to as the ‘ṣaṭpādābhidharma’, ‘Abhidharma with six feet’.102 When the political turmoil that raged in fourth-century North China urged the Chinese intelligentsia to look for a safer haven, Saṃghadeva moved to Mount Lu after having been requested to do so by Huiyuan. On Mount Lu, he completed the translation of the *Abhidharmahṛdaya, Apitan xin lun 阿毘曇心論 (Heart of Scholasticism; T.28.1550) which he had already begun while in Chang’an. Huiyuan personally assisted Saṃghadeva with the translation of this text. In 391 the translation was finished, and in 397 Huiyuan wrote a preface to the work.103 Saṃghadeva was also requested to translate Vasubhadra’s San fa du lun 三法度論 (Three Dharmaskandhas; T.25.1506).104 Numerous monks studied the *Abhidharmahṛdaya and lectured on it,105 and the so-called ‘group of Mount Lu’ were all specialists in the *Abhidharmahṛdaya.106 Mount Lu gradually developed to be an important center of Abhidharma studies,107 and especially Saṃghadeva’s lectures on Abhidharma are said to have attracted huge audiences to Mount Lu. Among these was his sponsor Wang Xun 王珣 (350–401), one of the most important dānapatis of the period.108 Wang Xun 102 Zhisheng 智昇, Kaiyuan shi jiao lu 開元釋教錄, juan 13, T 2154, p. 620, a23-24. On the *Aṣṭagrantha / Jn͂ānaprasthāna, see: Charles Willemen, Bart Dessein, Collett Cox, Sarvāstivāda Buddhist Scholasticism (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 63-68, 221-229. 103 According to the colophon to the work, Apitan xin lun 阿毘曇心論, juan 1, T 1550, p. 809, a5-7, the *Abhidharmahṛdaya was translated into Chinese by Saṃghadeva in year 1 of Taiyuan 太元 of Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 of the Jin (i.e. 376 CE) together with Huiyuan on Mount Lu. See also Walter Liebenthal, “The Immortality of the Soul in Chinese Thought,” Monumenta Nipponica 8 (1952), 354. As Charles Willemen, The Essence of Metaphysics: Abhidharmahṛdaya (Dharmaśrī’s A-p’i-t’an Hsin lun) (Bruxelles: Institut Belge des Hautes Études, 1975), xxxii, pointed out, the exact date should be the year 16 of Taiyuan, i.e. 391 CE, as this is also mentioned in the Chu sanjing ji ji, juan 11, T 2145, p. 72, c29 and juan 13, p. 99, c17-18. For a discussion on the date of this translation, see: Willemen, Sarvāstivāda Buddhist Scholasticism, 256. 104 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 359, b21; Chu sanjing ji ji, juan 13, T 2145, p. 99, c18. 105 See Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 359, b23-24, Xu Gaoseng zhuan, juan 13, T 2060, p. 529, c10; juan 20, p. 599, b23; juan 26, p. 668, a24-25; p. 675, a23-24. Also see Bart Dessein, “The Abhidharma School in China and the Chinese Version of Upaśānta’s *Abhidharmahṛdayasūtra,” The Eastern Buddhist, New Series, 41, no. 2 (2010), 52-54. 106 See Zhipan 志磐, Fozu tongji 佛祖統記, juan 36, T 2035, p. 343, a16-28. 107 See Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 401, 414-415, 444, 760 ff.; Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 210; Dessein, “The Abhidharma School in China,” 49-50. 108 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 1, T 2059, p. 329, a15, 361b24; Chu sanjing ji ji, juan 9, T 2145, p. 64, a17. Gaoseng zhuan, juan 1, T 2059, p. 329, a10-19, 361b23-27 also mentions Wang

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belonged to the inner circles of the Jin emperor Xiaowu 孝武 (r. 379–397) and of Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373).109 The latter was a descendent from a lowlevel military family that had risen to power after the Western Jin dynasty had moved to the South in 316 CE, and had re-established itself as Eastern Jin. Also after, in 397, Saṃghadeva had left Mount Lu for the capital Jiankang, Mount Lu remained an important center for Abhidharma studies.110 In this way, the translation of the *Abhidharmahṛdaya was followed by the translation of Dharmatrāta’s *Saṃyuktābhidharmahṛdaya, Za apitan xin lun 雜阿毗曇心論 (Heart of Scholasticism with Miscellaneous Additions; T.28.1552) by Saṃghavarman together with Huiguan 慧觀 and Baoyun 寶雲 in 434.111 Actually, Saṃghavarman’s translation was the third of three translations done in the time span of roughly two decades. A first translation had been done around 418 CE by Faxian 法顯 (337–422) and Buddhabhadra, and a second translation had been done around 426 by Īśvara and Guṇavarman.112 On this third translation, numerous commentaries were written.113 The Apitan xin lun and the Za apitan xin lun became the two most important texts of the Chinese Abhidharma Min 王珉 (361–388), Wang Xun’s brother, among the audience on Mount Lu. However, this Wang Min cannot be the brother of Wang Xun (see: Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 124-125). 109 In the South, the Eastern Jin subdued the Daoist theocracy that had been established there in the aftermath of the Wudoumi 五斗米 movement (see: Lewis, China between Empires, 64, 199-200). 110 Chu sanjing ji ji, juan 13, T 2145, p. 99, c21. 111 See Chu sanjing ji ji, juan 10, T 2145, p. 74, c3-7. Also see Bart Dessein, Saṃyuktābhidharmahṛdaya: Heart of Scholasticism with Miscellaneous Additions (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1999), vol. 1, lxxvii-lxxxii. 112 Chu sanjing ji ji, juan 2, T 2145, p. 12, a1; Daoxuan 道宣, Da Tang neidian lu 大唐 內典錄, juan 3, T 2149, p. 247, a29; Kaiyuan shi jiao lu, juan 15, T 2154, p. 649, b25-26; Fajing 法經, Zhong jing mulu 眾經目錄, juan 5, T 2146, p. 142, b3; Yancong 彥琮, Zhong jing mulu 眾經目錄, juan 5, T 2147, p. 178, a6; Yuanzhao 圓照, Zhenyuan xin ding shi jiao mulu 真元新定釋教目錄, juan 23, T 2157, p. 985, c22 for the first translation; Gaoseng zhuan, juan 3, T 2059, p. 342, b12; Lidai sanbao ji, juan 10, T 2034, p. 90, a21; Chu sanjing ji ji, juan 2, T 2145, p. 12, b9-13; Daoxuan 道宣, Da Tang neidian lu 大唐內典錄, juan 7, T 2149, p. 301, a17; Kaiyuan shi jiao lu, juan 15, T 2154, p. 649, b27-28; Zhenyuan xin ding shi jiao mulu, juan 25, T 2157, p. 985, c24; Zhong jing mulu, juan 5, T 2146, p. 142, b14; Zhong jing mulu, juan 1, T 2147, p. 156, a13; Jingmai 靖邁, Gu jin yijing tu ji 古今譯經 圖紀, juan 3, T 2151, p. 362, a3-4 for the second translation; Chu sanjing ji ji, juan 10, T 2145, p. 74b22 ff., c3-7 for the third translation. 113 See Gaoseng zhuan, juan 7, T 2059, p. 368, b28-29; p. 369, a23; p. 373, a13; p. 373, a22-23; p. 373, b18-20; p. 373, c1; p. 375, a4; juan 8, p. 376, a22; p. 376, b28-29; p. 378, b19-22; p. 381, a25-26; p. 382, b23-c2; juan 11, p. 401, c3; Daoxuan 道宣, Xu Gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳, juan 3, T 2060, p. 442, a7-8; p. 442, b7; juan 5, p. 460, a26; p. 461, a24-25; juan 7, p. 482, c25-28; p. 483, a11-12; juan 9, p. 495, c13-16, p. 501, b8; juan 10, p. 502, a2; p. 504, c25; p. 507, c21; p. 508, a12; juan 11, p. 508, c7-14; p. 509a6; p. 510, b3-4; juan 13, p. 524, b27; p. 527, b7; p. 529, a6-7; p. 530, a21; juan 14, p. 532, b27; juan 15, p. 544, b21-22; p. 549, c24; juan 18, p. 572, a19; juan 20, p. 594, c21. Also see Dessein, “The Abhidharma School in China,” 57-62.

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school into the Tang 唐 dynasty (618–907).114 The Abhidharma School was superseded by the so-called Kośa School when Xuanzang translated Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakośa, Apidamo jushe lun 阿毘達磨俱舍論 (Storehouse of the Abhidharma; T.29.1558) in 653.115 Mount Lu is also connected with the translation of the Sarvāstivāda Vinaya, the Shi song lü 十誦律 (Vinaya in Ten Recitations; T.23.1435). The translation of this text was started in Chang’an by Kumārajīva in 404. He had become acquainted with the text in Kučā and, in Chang’an, translated the text that was orally recited by a monk from Kaśmīra whose name might have been *Puṇyatara.116 The translation was not yet finished when that Kāśmīri monk died. In 405, the translation work was continued when Dharmaruci, a monk of unknown origin, arrived in Chang’an. As Saṃghadeva, also Dharmaruci was invited to Mount Lu by Huiyuan. It is on Mount Lu that the translation work was completed. This Vinaya was the first complete Vinaya to be translated into Chinese.117 Through frequent correspondence with the Buddhist center in Chang’an where Kumārajīva was active, the Buddhist community on Mount Lu also came to know about Mahāyāna Buddhism, more specifically about Prajñāpāramitā (Perfection of Wisdom) and the doctrine of Nāgārjuna.118 In this way, the *Mahāprajñāpāramitāsūtra, Moheboruoboluomi jing (Great Sutra on the Perfection of Wisdom; T.5-7.220) in 27 volumes and its commentary, *Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa, Da zhidu lun 大智度論 (Instruction on the Great Perfection of Wisdom; T.25.1509) that is ascribed to Nāgārjuna and was translated into Chinese in 404–405 CE by Kumārajīva, were sent to Huiyuan on Mount Lu toward the end of the Jin dynasty.119 Huichi, Huiyuan’s younger brother, was asked by the magistrate of Yuzhang to lecture on the Mahāyāna Saddharmapuṇḍarīka (Lotus of the Good Doctrine).120 Earlier, Huichi had already been requested by Wang Xun to bring out the Madhyamāgama, Zhong ahan jing 中阿含經 (Middle Length Sayings; T.1.26).121 114

See Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 359, b23-24. See Da Tang neidian lu, juan 8, T 2149, p. 311, c12; Kaiyuan shi jiao lu, juan 8, T 2154, p. 557, a22-23; juan 13, p. 620, c22-23; juan 20, p. 695, c10, 720b6. Also see Watanabe Baiyū, Mizuno Kōgen, Ōishi Hidenori, Zōabidonshinron, in: Kokuyaku issaikyō, Bidon-bu vols. 20-21 (Tōkyō: Daitō Shuppansha, 1932), 123. 116 Liu Mai-tsai, Kutscha und seine Beziehungen zu China vom 2. Jh.v. bis zum 6. Jh.n.Chr. (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1969), 27. 117 Willemen, Sarvāstivāda Buddhist Scholasticism, 81. 118 Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 761. 119 Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 372. 120 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 361, b27, where the title is rendered as Fahua pitan 法華毘曇. 121 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 361, b25. 115

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By the fifth century, also dhyāna studies had started to develop on Mount Lu. This was undoubtedly related to the coming to Mount Lu of Buddhabhadra.122 According to the Lushan ji, the Indian Buddhabhadra was: [a] descendent of King Amṛtodāna of Kapilavastu. When he was seventeen, he was converted by Kumārajīva. [After conversion,] he and his fellow students started their studies. Buddhabhadra could do in one day what the multitude needed one month for. His teacher sighed and said: “Buddhabhadra as one man can do what thirty people do”. 迦維羅衛國甘露飯王之苗裔也。年十七。鳩摩羅利度之與同學集業。眾皆 一月。賢一日覽焉。其師嘆曰。賢一夫敵三十人。123

Before working on Mount Lu, also Buddhabhadra had been active in Chang’an. He, however, grew critical of his famous master Kumārajīva. This, and his very strict observance of the precepts reportedly caused frictions with his fellow monks in Chang’an.124 With some forty disciples, he therefore decided to leave Chang’an and move to Mount Lu, where they arrived in 410.125 Buddhabhadra stayed on Mount Lu until 412.126 One of his disciples who joined him in his move to Mount Lu was Huiguan who, as mentioned, assisted Saṃghavarman in the translation of Dharmatrāta’s *Saṃyuktābhidharmahṛdaya. Buddhabhadra who had made an earlier translation of this text himself, also made a translation of the Damoduoluo chan jing 達磨多羅禪經 (Meditation Scripture of Dharmatrāta; T.15.618) in 420.127 Later, Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 of the Liusong dynasty, ordered him to go to the Daochang si 道場寺 (Daochang Temple) to translate the Mahāyāna Huayan jing 華嚴經.128 It is important for later developments on Mount Lu that Buddhabhadra was also the translator of the Guanfo sanmei (hai) jing 觀佛三昧(海)經 (Scripture [of the Ocean] of Buddha Contemplation Samādhi; T.15.643), a text which is devoted to the contemplation of the Buddha 122

Ch’en, Buddhism in China, 103. Biography of Buddhabhadra in Gaoseng zhuan, juan 2, T 2059, p. 334b-335c and in Lushan ji, juan 3: T 2095, p. 1041, b21-c16. 123 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1029, a3-8. 124 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 2, T 2059, p. 335, a21, b1 and b14. Also see Adamek, The Mystique of Transmission, 38-39. 125 Lushan ji, juan 3: T 2095, p. 1041, c5-6. Also see Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 223. 126 Chu sanjing ji ji, juan 14, T 2145, p. 104, a4. 127 Chen Jinhua, “Meditation Traditions in Fifth-Century Northern China: With a Special Note on a Forgotten “Kaśmīri” Meditation Tradition Brought to China by Buddhabhadra (359429),” in: Buddhism Across Asia: Networks of Material, Intellectual and Cultural Exchange, ed. Tansen Sen (Singapore: Institue of Southeast Asian Studies, 2014), 104. Also see Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 223. 128 Lushan ji, juan 1, T 2095, p. 1029, a8-9.

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(Sanskrit: buddhānusmṛtisamādhi). It was reportedly Huiyuan who requested him to do this translation.129 Another important scholar-monk with regard to Mount Lu, is the already mentioned Huijiao (497–554), author of the Gaoseng zhuan. Not much is known about Huijiao, but he is thought to have spent the last years of his life in the region of Mount Lu, after having compiled his major work Gaoseng zhuan in Jiankang between 519 and 530.130 The stylistic influence Confucian history writing has had on the textual format of Huijiao’s biographical work illustrates that contacts between North and South China in the period in between the Han and Sui 隋 (581/598–618) dynasties not only resulted in a fusion of original Northern Buddhism with focus on devotional practices and the more intellectual systems of the South,131 but that a completely new intellectual climate that would alter the face of traditional China and of Chinese Buddhism alike, developed.

5. THE REFLECTION OF THE BUDDHA Above, different stories on the building of the Eastern Forest Temple on Mount Lu were given. In these stories, either Huan Yi, Governor of Jingzhou is said to have decided to build a new monastery for Huiyuan upon request by Huiyong, or, alternatively, it was Huiyuan himself who is said to have taken this decision after a mountain god had appeared in his dream and had requested him to do so. In Huiyuan’s biography in the Gaoseng zhuan, we read that this Eastern Forest Temple was the location of the Terrace of the Buddha’s Reflection (Fo ying 佛影) and of a miraculous Aśoka image (Ayu wang xiang 阿育王像).132 According to the Lushan ji, this reflection of the Buddha originates from “South of the country Nagarahāra,” 佛影在西方那 129 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 2, T 2059, p. 335, b16. As Huiyuan died in 416, Zürcher remarks: “According to a rather late and very unreliable source this scripture was translated during the Song, hence after 420 AD, but even if this is true, Buddhabhadra may have orally transmitted some of its contents to Huiyuan during his stay on Mt. Lu” (Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 224). 130 Martin, François, “Buddhism and Literature,” in: Early Chinese Religion. Part Two: The Period of Division (220–589 AD), eds. John Lagerwey and Lü Pengzhi (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010), 915; Sylvie Hureau, “Buddhist Rituals,” in: Early Chinese Religion. Part Two: The Period of Division (220–589 AD), eds. John Lagerwey and Lü Pengzhi (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 1221. 131 Ch’en, Buddhism in China, 105; Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 114. 132 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 358, b8-c3 and 358c3-16 resp. Also see Étienne Lamotte, Le Traité de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse de Nāgārjuna (Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra) (Louvain: Institut Orientaliste, 1966), vol. 1, 533, note 1.

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伽阿羅國南, i.e. the country of the Yuezhi (= Kuṣāṇas) in Northern India, where it remained “in the stone shelter of immortals of old” 古仙人石室 中.133 Having its origin to the West of China, this reflection is then said to have moved to the East, where it was successful in activities of conversion. At the place where the Buddha’s reflection remains, either a pagoda is found, or the reflection’s radiance fills the sky.134 It is Huiyuan who is credited with bringing both the reflection of the Buddha and the image of Aśoka to China after he was moved when he heard that: [i]n India there is the reflection of the Buddha and that this reflection is located where, previously, the Buddha had converted a poisonous snake. 天竺有佛影。是佛昔化毒龍所留之影。135

The Gao seng zhuan further informs us that: a monk from the Western regions [was able to] describe the shape of [the reflection’s] radiance, and [Hui]yuan thereupon had a cave built at the northern flank of the mountain, and had a skilled artist paint the image in faint colours. 在北天竺月氏國那竭呵城南古仙人石室中。經道取流沙。西一萬五千八百 五十里。每欣感交懷志欲瞻覩。會有西域道士敘其光相。遠乃背山臨流營 築龕室。妙算畫工淡彩圖寫。136

The importance of this story is that the Donglin si is not associated with the conversion of a local deity, as is the case in the accounts that credit Huan Yi with the establishment of the temple, but that the temple is – through the Buddha’s reflection and Aśoka’s image, described as brought in from abroad. It is therefore most interesting that the Guanfo sanmei (hai) jing, a text that, as mentioned, was translated into Chinese on Mount Lu and that revolves around the contemplation of the Buddha, contains a passage on the origin of the Cave of the Reflection of the Buddha in Nagarahāra.137 According to this story, 133 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1029, c10-11. Also see Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 358, b9-10; Chen, “Meditation Traditions in Fifth-Century Northern China,” 112. 134 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1029, c21-22. 135 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 358, b8-9. 136 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 358, b11-13. Also see Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places,” 945-946. 137 Guanfo sanmei (hai) jing, juan 7, T 643, pp. 679, c24-681, c7. Rupert Gethin remarks that “[i]t is likely that the roots of Ch’an lie further back in Chinese Buddhist history with the interest shown in meditation practice by such figures as Tao-an (312-85), Hui-yüan (334-416), and Tao-sheng (360-434)” (Rupert Gethin, The Foundations of Buddhism [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998], 261). Chen Jinhua remarks: “Some scholars believe that the passage concerning the ‘Buddha-image-cave’ in Guanfo sanmeihai jing might have provided a possible prototype for the layouts of the colossal caves with seated Buddhas at Yungang” (Chen, “Meditation Traditions in Fifth-Century Northern China,” 112). See in this respect Alexander

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Śākyamuni responded to the request of the king to convert the dragons that lived in the region. Having been converted, the dragon king: [r]equested the World-honored One to stay on forever. […] At that moment, the World-honored One comforted the dragon king, [saying]: “I will accept your request and abide in your cave. I will stay for 1,500 years”. All small dragons thereupon [also] brought the palms of their hands together and urgently requested the World-honored One to continue to stay on in the cave. All dragons saw how the Buddha, when he was in the cave, made eighteen transformations, [and how] water appeared above his head and fire below his feet.138 When the small dragons had seen this, they were even more stimulated in arduous concentration on the way. Śākyamuni knelt in the cave and he could be seen in the same way people see the image of their faces in a clear mirror. All dragons saw how the radiance of the Buddha spread from the cave. At that moment, all dragons brought the palms of their hands together and were rejoiced. They could constantly see the light of the Buddha, even when they did not leave their ponds. […] All sentient beings (sarvasattva) saw [the Buddha] from a distance, but when they came closer, he was no longer visible. Hundreds and thousands of gods venerated the reflection, and the reflection preached the doctrine. 白言：『世尊！請佛常住，云何捨我？我不見佛，當作惡事，墜墮 惡道。』爾時世尊安慰龍王：『我受汝請坐汝窟中，經千五百歲。』時諸 小龍合掌叉手，勸請世尊還入窟中。諸龍見佛坐已窟中，身上出水身下 出火作十八變，小龍見已，復更增進堅固道心。釋迦文佛踊身入石，猶如 明鏡人見面像，諸龍皆見佛在石內映現於外。爾時諸龍合掌歡喜，不出 其池常見佛日。「爾時世尊！結加趺坐在石壁內，眾生見時，遠望則見 近則不現，諸天百千供養佛影，影亦說法。139

We do know that Buddhabhadra came to China from Gandhāra, a place his grandfather had moved to from Kapilavastu. Being born in Nagarahāra, he must have been familiar with the story of the Buddha’s reflection, and it is therefore not unlikely that, when ‘translating’ the Guanfo sanmei (hai) jing, he inserted this passage.140 It is recorded that the ‘Terrace of the Buddha’s Reflection’ was completed shortly after Buddhabhadra had left Mount Lu in 412.141 The coming of Aśoka’s statue to Mount Lu is recorded as follows in the Gaoseng zhuan: In the past, Tao Kan of Xunyang was assigned in Guangzhou. There were fishermen who saw how every night the radiance of a spirit was appearing on the sea. […] In wonder, they asked [about it] to [Tao] Kan. [Tao] Kan went to Soper, Literary Evidence for Early Buddhist Art in China (Ascona: Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1959), 191. 138 See note 127. 139 Guanfo sanmei (hai) jing, juan 7, T 643, p. 681, a22-b4. Also see Kuwayama Shōsin, Kāpishi Gandāra shi kenkyū (Kyoto: Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenkyū-jo, 1990). 140 Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places,” 946. 141 Daoxuan 道宣, Guang hongming ji 廣弘明集, juan 15, T 2103, p. 198, b5.

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observe it minituously, and he saw that it was the statue of Aśoka. He thereupon had it donated to the Hanxi si (Hanxi Temple) in Wuchang. […] Later, [Tao] Kan was reassigned and he sent people to move the image because of its majestic spirit. Several tens of people tilled it on a boat. The boat was shaky and capsized and [the statue] could not be saved. […] [By that time, Hui]yuan had completed the building of his temple. He prayed to receive [the statue], whereupon it became floatingly light and came to [Hui]yuan. 又昔潯陽陶侃經鎮廣州。有漁人於海中見神光每夕艶發。[…] 怪以白 侃。侃往詳視乃是阿育王像。即接歸以送武昌寒溪寺。[…] 侃後移鎮。以像 有威靈遣使迎接。數十人舉之至水及上船。船又覆沒。使者懼而反之。竟不 能獲。侃幼出雄武素薄信情。故荊楚之間為之謠曰。陶惟劍雄。像以 神標。142

Koichi Shinohara has claimed that “the visit of foreign monks and distinctively Buddhist sacred objects brought from outside must have been inspired by the account of Buddhist India given by foreign monks”.143 Judging from the development of Mount Lu, it appears that these Buddhist elements were then injected in an existing religious practice that centers around the value of retreat in nature and the concomitant veneration of holy mountains.144 This implies that Mount Lu came to be sanctified not by local tradition (alone), but by India, where the Buddha was born and Aśoka had ruled. Reflections and statues coming from the West can, in this respect, be seen as ‘successors’ to the first Buddhist monks, such as An Shigao and Kumārajīva, who came from the West as well. Where Daoists saw Buddhism as a less valuable derivation of Daoism – to which is connected the Huahu 化胡 legend,145 Chinese Buddhists were thus able to draw China within the reign of the holy king Aśoka.146 That is to say, India was, by Chinese Buddhists, regarded as the true Madhyadeśa (Middle Kingdom) and the presence of the Buddha’s 142 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 358, c3-15. Referring to the Mahāvaṃsa, Lowell W. Bloss remarks that, through the conversion of former deities, the Buddha has become a miracle worker, and that “this is proved by the text when the relics are transported from India to Ceylon. At this time the relics rise in the air ‘and taking the form of the Buddha….they performed, even as the Buddha [himself] at the foot of the andamba tree, that miracle of the double appearances [appearances of fire and water]’” (Bloss, “The Buddha and the Nāga,” 47). 143 Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places,” 949. 144 Koichi Shinohara remarks: “Chinese Buddhist pilgrims, such as Faxian 法顯 (337– ca. 422) and Xuanzang, also described the numerous Buddhist sites that they visited in India and Central Asia by reporting on relics and images that were worshipped there” (Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places,” 949). 145 On the huahu theory and the ‘conversion of the barbarians,’ see: Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 288-320; Reiter, ‘Der Bericht ueber den Berg Lu’, 85. 146 Reiter, ‘Der Bericht ueber den Berg Lu’, 87-88 remarks that Aśoka is reported to have distributed thousands of Buddha relics in his empire. Also see Eichhorn, Die Religionen Chinas, 192.

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shadow and the importance of Aśoka served as elements in rooting Buddhism in China.147 This may also help to explain why other features of the landscape of Mount Lu were connected to the Buddha, such as the mountain peaks that have the shape of the Buddha’s hand.148 Such a connection is also clear in the following passage of the Lushan ji that describes the coming to China of the Sogdian monk and translator Kang Senghui 康僧會 (?–280). We read: In the second year Chiwu, there was an Indian śramaṇa who had buried a relic of Śākyamuni. According to the Gaoseng zhuan, in the state of Wu, in the tenth year Chiwu, a dingmao year, the śramaṇa Kang Senghui first reached Jianye (= Nanjing). This was the first time the state of Wu saw a śramaṇa. His appearance and clothing where not normal. There was a functionary who ordered that investigations should be started. [Sun] Quan then summoned [Kang Seng]hui to court and said: “Which magic powers does the Buddha have?” [Kang Seng] hui answered: “The traces of the Tathāgata are already more than 1,000 years. The spirit of his bones that remain as śarīra (relic), is without limit”. [Sun] Quan thought this was nonsense and said: “When you can obtain a śarīra, I will construct a pagoda for it”. 赤烏二年。有天竺沙門。以釋迦佛舍利葬焉。案高僧傳。吳赤烏十年丁 卯歲。沙門康僧會初至建鄴。時吳國初見沙門容服非常。有司奏。應撿 察。權即召會詰曰。佛有何靈。會曰。如來遷迹已越千年。遺骨舍利神應 無方。權以為誕謂曰。若得舍利。當為造塔。149

This passage from the Lushan ji on Kang Senghui’s coming to China continues with connecting Kang Senghui and the Buddha’s relics with the shadow of the Buddha: Thereupon [Kang Senghui] cleaned his meditation cel, and he did the usual requests to a bronze vessel. Having done this three times during seven days, he suddenly heard that there was a sound as of metal in the vessel. As predicted, he obtained a śarīra. The court assembled and gathered to watch [it]. A radiant light in five colors appeared. [Sun] Quan then tested [the śarīra] with fire, but it did not burn; he hit it with iron, but it did not break. [Sun] Quan sighed deeply, prostrated himself, and he had a pagoda built. 乃潔淨室。以銅瓶加凡禮請。至三七日。忽聞瓶中鎗然有聲。果得舍 利。舉朝集觀。五色照耀。權復以烈火試之不焚。擊之入鐵不碎。權大嗟 伏。即為造塔。150

From the first presence of a statue of Aśoka on Mount Lu, it might only be a minor step to connecting this statue with Mañjuśrī, of whom a statue would 147 On India as Madhyadeśa, see: Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 266. Also see *Kāśyapa Mātaṅga, Sishi’er zhang jing 四十二章經 (Scripture in Forty-two Chapters), juan 1, T 784, p. 723, c26. 148 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1028, b10-14. 149 Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1033, a13-19. 150 Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1033, a19-22.

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have been erected by Huiyuan.151 The Lushan ji more precisely mentions the figure of Mañjuśrī with regard to the destruction of the Eastern Forest Temple in the Huichang period. This event is recounted as follows: Having come to the Huichang period, the temple was destroyed. Two monks took the statue [of Aśoka] and hid it in the peaks of the Jinsu valley. Later, the temple was restored. Thereupon, they sought in the hiding place, but it was empty and [the statue] could not be retrieved. The two monks thought of each other to have hidden it. Suddenly, they saw a circle of colored light visible in the sky. That is why, up to the present, wanderers come to this peak. Also at the ‘Buddhahand Grotto’ and the ‘Heavenly Pond’, there were some who had seen the image of the light. 至會昌毀寺。二僧負像。藏之錦繡谷之峯頂。其後寺復。訪之藏處不 獲。二僧相疑或匿之。俄見圓光瑞色現於空裏。故至今遊人至峯頂。佛手 巖天池有見光相者。152

In a later passage, when describing the peaks which are situated about one mile away from the Buddhahand Cliff, Chen Shunyu notes that one of those is called Mañjuśrī Terrace, where an ancient Mañjuśrī image is said to have been hidden.153 Three miles away from this cliff is the Heavenly Pond with, in its vicinity, Mañjuśrī Hut.154 When the image of Mañjuśrī has disappeared, the people notice Mañjuśrī in the form of five-colored light beams on different places on the mountain. The connection between Aśoka and Mañjuśrī is even more explcit in the following passage of the Lushan ji: There is a temple and wondrous image of Mañjuśrī. In the Jin, when Tao Kan was first provincial governor of Guangzhou, fisherman saw that on the beach there was a light at night. They thereupon threw their nets at it, and they obtained a golden statue of bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. At the side of it, there is an inscription that says: “In the past, it was cast by Aśoka”. 有文殊殿瑞像者。晉陶侃初為廣州刺史。海濱漁人□見夜有光艶。遂網 之。得金文殊菩薩之像。旁有誌云。昔阿育王所鑄。155

Chen Shunyu thus consciously shows Mount Lu as a parallel to the Wutai Mountains, the traditional seat of Mañjuśrī.156 This further contributed to the creation of a Chinese Buddhist landscape in the shadow of the Indian Madhyadeśa. 151

See Reiter, “Bergmonographien als geographische und historische Quellen,” 403. Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1028, b10-14. Also see note 55. 153 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1031, a7-8. 154 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1031, a16. Koichi Shinohara remarks that, when the Donglin si was rebuilt, the Aśoka image was explicitly identified as a Mañjuśrī image (Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places,” 947). 155 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1028, a26-29. 156 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1031, a16-20: “It has been transmitted for generations that Wutai mountain in Daizhou is the place where Mañjuśrī lives. People who go there often, see circling clouds like white cotton and a lighting circle in five colors.” 152

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6. YEARNING FOR A PURE LAND Above, we have mentioned that Huiyuan’s community on Mount Lu was renown for its purity in the doctrine, and that his refusal to support Huan Xuan and Yin Zhongkan who wanted to usurp the throne of the Eastern Jin dynasty only added to the appreciation for Huiyuan’s community. Acknowledging Huiyuan’s famous text Shamen bu jing wangzhe lun 沙門不敬王 者論, Huan Xuan thus confirmed the independence of the Buddhist clergy in his 404 CE edict that the Buddhist clergy did not have to pay homage to the ruler. With this, he also acknowledged that the Buddhist community formed a world on itself.157 The event for which Huiyuan and his community have become most known in Buddhist history, however, is the assembly of 123 monks he is said to have convened in September 402 before an image of the Buddha Amitābha, where they made a vow to be reborn in Amitābha’s Western Paradise Sukhāvatī.158 As we have noted above that the total number of Huiyuan’s personal disciples at any single moment most likely never exceeded about one hundred, this ‘exact’ number of 123 may indeed be the whole number of Huiyuan’s followers then present at Mount Lu. Among these 123, we count such lay followers as the famous painter Zong Bing, and further also Liu Chengzhi 劉程之 (354–410), Lei Cizong and Zhou Xuzhi.159 Dai Kui 戴逵 (d. 396) is reported to have crafted the image of Amitābha.160 As the Chu sanzang ji ji and the Gaoseng zhuan describe how, in 370 CE, Dao’an assembled a number of his disciples before an image of Maitreya, and how they made a vow to be reborn in the Tuṣita heaven,161 the event on 157 Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 237. For Huiyuan’s famous treatise, see: Leon Hurvitz, “‘Render unto Caesar’ in Early Chinese Buddhism: Huiyuan’s Treatise on the Exemption of the Buddhist Clergy from the Requirements of Civil Etiquette,” in: Liebenthal Festschrift, ed. Kshitis Roy (Santiniketan: Visvabharati, 1975). 158 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 358, c18-359a20. Lushan ji, juan 3: T 2095, p. 1039, b8-10. Tsukamoto Zenryū writes: “So important is this event, in fact, that the mere mention of Mount Lu makes one think of the ‘Buddha-recollection of the White Lotus Fellowship,’ while that of Hui-yüan causes one to think of the Patriarch of the Lotus school” (Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 844). 159 Fozu tongji 佛祖統記, juan 26, T 2035, p. 265, a23-b1. Susan Bush points to the strong feeling of community among the lay disciples of the community on Mount Lu in this respect (Bush, “Tsung Ping’s Essay on Painting Landscape,” 149). Also see Hou Xudong, “The Buddhist Pantheon,” in: Early Chinese Religion. Part Two: The Period of Division (220–589 AD), eds. John Lagerwey and Lü Pengzhi (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 1118; Berkowitz, Patterns of disengagement, 12. 160 Daoshi 道世, Fayuan zhulin 法苑珠林, juan 16, T 2122, p. 406, a25 ff. 161 Chu sanjing ji ji, juan 15, T 2145, p. 109, c16 and Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 358b12.

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Mount Lu may be seen as a South Chinese continuation of a practice that started in Dao’an’s community in Xiangyang.162 Also Buddhabhadra’s translation of the Guanfo sanmei (hai) jing (T.15.643) can easily be interpreted as inspired by the contemplation of the manifested body of the Buddha, his nirmāṇakāya, that was practiced on Mount Lu, and of the 402 event.163 Apart from meditation on the manifested body of the Buddha, also the practice to recite the names of the Buddha (xuanchang Fo ming 宣唱佛名) developed within Mahāyāna circles. During this practice, the magic power of these Buddha names is exalted, whereby the invocation of the names of the Buddha is accepted to have the same power as the chanting of a dhāraṇī.164 Where, at first, these assemblies were only chanting the names of the Buddha “until the middle of the night and until exhausted” 至中宵疲極,165 they developed to be ceremonial events on which a ‘guide’ (ācārya) preached to the assembly.166 The use of icons – with statues such as the one cast by Dai Kui – must hereby undoubtedly have added to the visionary aspect of these ceremonies,167 to which Wendy L. Adamek adds that, in their practice, the community on Mount Lu was much influenced by the Pratyutpannabuddhasaṃmukhāvasthitasamādhisūtra, a visualization sūtra “that advocates ceaseless walking or circumambulation for seven days, or thirty days, in order to achieve a Samadhi in which one comes face to face with one or all of the Buddhas”.168 It should, moreover, also be noted that the Buddhist tradition of buddhānusmṛti is an old one. The Sutta Nipāta, e.g., a text that is generally considered to be one of the oldest extant Buddhist text in Pāli, records that the Brahmin Piṅgiya says: 162

See Adamek, The Mystique of Transmission, 75. As Buddhabhadra only reached Mount Lu in 410, he cannot have participated in the gathering of 402. 164 See Kuo, Li-ying, “La recitation des noms de Buddha en Chine et à Japon”, T’oung Pao 81 (1995). 165 Gaoseng zhuan, juan 13, T 2059, p. 417, c8-9. Also see Hureau, “Buddhist Rituals,” p. 1222. 166 See Kuo, “La recitation des noms de Buddha en Chine et à Japon,” 231-232. 167 See Bush, “Tsung Ping’s Essay on Painting Landscape,” 148, and Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 223. 168 Adamek, The Mystique of Transmission, 75. The Chinese version of the Pratyutpannabuddhasaṃmukhāvasthitasamādhisūtra T 13 (416), (417), (418) & (419) is considered to be a late second-century translation by Lokakṣema (see: Paul Harrison, The Samadhi of Direct Encounter with the Buddhas of the Present: An Annotated English Translation of the Tibetan Version of the Pratyutpanna-Buddha-sammukhavasthita-Samadhi-Sutra with Several Appendices Relating to the History of The Text [Tōkyō: International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 1990], 209-272, for a detailed discussion of the different versions of the text, and Robert H. Sharf, Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism: A Reading of the Treasure Store Treatise [Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2002], 313-314, note 111 for a summary). 163

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There is no moment for me, however small, that is spent away from Gotama [Buddha] […] with constant and careful vigilance it is possible for me to see him with my mind as clearly as with my eyes, in night as well as day.169

7. THE HALO OF THE HOLY MOUNTAIN Starting from the Tang dynasty onwards, the event of 402 has been assigned as the foundation of the ‘White Lotus Fellowship’ (Bailian she nian Fo 白蓮 舍念佛) and of the Pure Land doctrine in China.170 The Aśoka image turned into an Mañjuśrī image mentioned above would later have been moved to a pavilion that had been especially built for it near the ‘White Lotus Pond,’ an artificial pond that the famous poet Xie Lingyun is said to have created.171 This narrative of the foundation of the ‘White Lotus Fellowship’ rests on the fame of Huiyuan and his community, more than on historical fact. Not only do not all eighteen worthies who would have formed the first ‘White Lotus Fellowship’ belong to the same time fragment of Buddhist activities on Mount Lu,172 but neither is there, as noted by J. D. Frodsham, a direct filiation between Huiyuan and later Pure Land patriarchs.173 Moreover, it appears that the community of Mount Lu remained a rather closed society, and did not have a missionary zeal to spread the doctrine of the ‘pure land’. To this has to be added that, as stated above, the death of Huiyuan set in a period of decline of the community on Mount Lu.174 This does not rule out the possibility that the 169 Translation: Paul Williams, Mahāyāna Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundations (London: Routledge, 1994), 217. Also see Stephan Peter Bumbacher, “Early Buddhism in China: Daoist Reactions,” in: The Spread of Buddhism, eds. Ann Heirman and Stephan Peter Bumbacher (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 225. 170 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1028, a21-24. Also see Tsukamoto, A History of early Chinese Buddhism, 761. 171 See Shinohara, “Literary Construction of Buddhist Sacred Places,” 947. Note that in Gaoseng zhuan, juan 6, T 2059, p. 358, c18-359a20, the story of the White Lotus Society, with an explicit reference to image of Amitābha at the Donglin si is given as a separate topic from the legend of the Aśoka image. 172 The biographies of the so-called founders of the White Lotus society are included in Lushan ji, juan 3: T 2095, p. 1039, a2-1012b9. A later, anonymous work, with the title Shiba xian zhuan 十八賢傳 (Biographies of the Eighteen Notables) was later compiled and included in Chen Shunyu’s Lushan ji. James Robson states: “Although Erik Zürcher dismissed the value of this work for reconstructing the early history of Huiyuan’s community, since it contains biographies of people who clearly were not members of the group, it does highlight the importance of establishing associations with that site” (Robson, Power of Place, 237). Also see Ch’en, Buddhism in China, 106-108; Tang, Han Wei liang-Jin Nanbeichao Fojiao shi, 262-265; Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 219. 173 Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream, vol. 1, 15. Also see Beata Grant, Mount Lu Revisited: Buddhism in the Life and Writings of Su Shih (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994), 31-32. 174 See Ch’en, Buddhism in China, 106-108.

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fame of Huiyuan reached other societies of monks whose mindset likewise was to retreat in nature so as to attain purity of mind. This general attitude may be part of the reason why Huiyuan has, in retrospect, been regarded as the founder of the Pure Land school of Buddhism.175 Much in the same way as Mount Lu developed to be a place of an eclectic intellectual movement in the fourth century, it remained a meeting place for people of all walks of life lateron.176 It is, of course, impossible to mention all historical figures who are in some way associated with the mountain, but the following persons were of particular importance and may give the gist of intellectual life on the mountain. Regarding the Buddhist faith, we first and foremost should mention Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597), the man who has become known as the founder of Tiantai 天臺 Buddhism. Against the background of an attack on the state Chen 陳 by Emperor Wen 文 of the Sui dynasty in 588, Zhiyi left Chen and started his voyage to the Nanyue Mountains and Mount Lu.177 Similar to Huan Xuan’s request for collaboration to Huiyuan, also Emperor Wen sent a letter to Zhiyi in 589 CE and again in 590 CE with the request to establish relations with him.178 As remarked by Stanley Weinstein, Emperor Wen might have been well aware of the political advantages a close association with the leading cleric of South China might have.179 Buddhism could, more precisely, have been seen as a element that could truly unify the just-established Sui dynasty.180 Also Yang Kuang 楊廣, Emperor Wen’s second son and governor of Yangzhou 楊州, wrote a letter to Zhiyi to invite 175 Referring to an inscription by the Tang literatus Cui An 崔黯 for the Donglin si, James Robson remarks: “This mountain (= Mount Lu), because of Master Yuan, became even purer. Master Yuan, because of this mountain, became even more famous” (Robson, Power of Place, 24). Also see Mark Halperin, Out of the Cloister: Literati Perspectives on Buddhism in Sung China, 960-1279 (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center Publications, 2006), 49. 176 Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1035, c8 mentions that in the Dali 大歷 period of the Tang dynasty (766–779), the Daoists Liu Xuanhe 劉玄和 and He Ziyu 何子玉 lived in an (erstwhile) Buddhist monastery; Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1036, b20-24 mentions that in the Qianning 乾寧 period (894–898), the Daoist Xu Yanshi 許巌士 studied the meaning of the Classics and became (an unsuccessful) political advisor and Minister of State Affairs”. According to Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1036, c2-3: “When Xuanzong 玄宗, in the Taihe 太和 period (827–835) fled for difficulties, he lived here together with the monk Zhixian 志閑”. 177 Xu Gaoseng zhuan, juan 19, T 2060, p. 584, b7-9. Also see Chen, Making and Remaking History, 42, 45. 178 See Leon Hurvitz, Chi-i (538-597): An Introduction to the Life and Ideas of a Chinese Buddhist Monk (Brussels: Institut belge des hautes études chinoises, 1962), 139-140. 179 Stanley Weinstein, “Imperial Patronage in the Formation of T’ang Buddhism,” in: Perspectives on the T’ang, eds. Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1973), 280. 180 See Chen, Making and Remaking History, 58. The connection between the unity of the state and the power of Buddhism is also revealed in the following two passages of the Lushan ji: Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1030, a25-26: “Going down three miles from there, one reaches the ‘Hermitage for the Protection of the Country’ (Hu guo yan 護國厣);” and Lushan

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him to Yangzhou in 590. Zhiyi refused three times, but, in 591, he gave in to the request and, in 591, administered the bodhisattva precepts to Yang Kuang.181 Also after his return to Mount Lu in 592, Zhiyi kept close contacts with the ruling elite.182 Chan monks of the Fayan 法眼 (885–985) lineage were instrumental in restoring religious centers on Mount Lu, and also the Zhaozhou yulu 趙州語錄, an eleventh-century text, is closely connected to this restoration of Buddhism on Mount Lu.183 Apart from the poet Xie Lingyun, also his contemporary Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427), and the famous Tang poets Li Bo 李白 (701–762) and Bai Juyi 白居易 (772–846) are associated with the mountain: Li Bo is reported to have written a poem on the mountain,184 and Bai Juyi is known to have written stone inscriptions for deceased monks who had lived on Mount Lu. The setting of Tao Yuanming’s Xing shi 醒石 (Rock of Drunkenness) is said to be Mount Lu, the rock on which he gave himself over to wine.185 In the Song 宋 dynasty (960–1279), the famous Confucian poet Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037– 1101), having been called back from exile by Emperor Shenzong 神宗 (r. 1068–1085) in 1084, passed by Mount Lu where he stayed for several weeks.186 The descriptions he made of the mountain developed in the phenomenon of youji 游記 ‘travel records’.187 The fame of Mount Lu, finally, also lived on in the name ‘donglin’ 東林 (Eastern Forest) used since the Ming 明 dynasty (1368–1644) for the famous Confucian academy that was established in the Song dynasty.188 Before that, the hermitage where the Tang chancellor Li Fengji 李逢吉 had studied together with Li Bo 李渤 had been ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1031, c12-13: “From here, one reaches the ‘Hermitage for Retribution of the State’ (Bao guo yan 報國厣) after seven miles”. 181 Guanding, Guoqing bailu 國清百錄, juan 2, T 1934, p. 803, a22 ff. 182 Weinstein, “Imperial Patronage in the Formation of T’ang Buddhism,” 280. 183 See Seizan Yanagida, “The ‘Recorded Sayings’ Texts of Chinese Ch’an Buddhism,” in: Early Ch’an in China and Tibet, eds. Whalen Lai and Lewis R. Lancaster (Berkeley: Asian Humanities, 1983); Albert Welter, The Linji Lu and the Creation of Chan Orthodoxy: The Development of Chan’s Records of Sayings Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 52-53. According to Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1035, a11-16, during the Jingfu 景福 years (892–893) of Emperor Zhaozong 昭宗 of the Tang dynasty, a temple that had previously been destroyed was restored as “Chan Temple of the Rest of Nobles who are Retributed for the Country (Hu guo xi xian si 護國棲賢寺)”. 184 Lushan ji, juan 1: T 2095, p. 1026, a25. 185 Lushan ji, juan 2: T 2095, p. 1032, a27-b3. 186 See Grant, Mount Lu Revisited, 122. 187 See James Hargett, “Su Shi and Mount Lu,” in: Traditions of East Asian Travel, ed. Joshua A. Fogel (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008), 2-6. 188 See Linda Walton, “Southern Sung Academies as Sacred Places,” in: Religion and Society in T’ang and Sung China, eds. Patricia Buckley Ebrey and Peter N. Gregory (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993), 350-351.

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named “Hermitage of the Succesful Candidates” (Zhegui 折桂 ).189 This Li Bo is recorded to have ordered the building of a temple on Mount Lu in the beginning years Baoli 寶歷 (i.e. 762) of the Tang;190 the Longxing 龍興寺 (Longxing Temple) is recorded to have been built on imperial order on the third day of the sixth month of the second year Shenlong 神龍 (i.e. 706);191 Yangche 楊澈, provincial governor of Jiangzhou 江州 in the Qianning 乾寧 period of the Tang (i.e. 894–898) is reported to have brought offers of money in great amounts;192 the court is said to have donated land to the community on Mount Lu in the third year Xianping 咸平 of the Song (i.e. 1000);193 in the fifth year Xianping (i.e. 1002), the ‘Grotto of the White Deer’ (Bai lu dong 白鹿洞 ) was renovated on imperial order;194 and Mount Lu is also connected to the Renzong 仁宗 Emperor (r. 1142–1154).195 8. CONCLUSION The development of Mount Lu from a phenomenal natural feature to a Buddhist mountain shows to be the product of a fusion of Indian and Chinese concepts. The Buddhist negotiation with local deities and Daoist immortals that were involved in this process were not only brought into narratives of the extraordinary and of Chinese history writing, but were also interpreted within the Indian tradition of the historical Buddha converting nāgas. This foreign element was strengthened through the presence of Central Asian monks and the bringing of relics of the Buddha to China. The Chinese Buddhist landscape thus became portrayed as part of an Indian holy realm. The latter culminated in the miraculous moving of Aśoka to the mountain and the even more miraculous transformation of Aśoka into Mañjuśrī. This overall line of development was concomitant with the urge of Buddhist monks to retreat in nature and attain a pure mental state, and with the development of meditative and recitative practices within Buddhism itself. The following observation may serve as an appreciative conclusion: in Indian Buddhist texts, mountains are associated with the world of defilement. In the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa sūtra, e.g. Śāriputra says to the Brahma Sikhin: 189 190 191 192 193 194 195

Lushan Lushan Lushan Lushan Lushan Lushan Lushan

ji, ji, ji, ji, ji, ji, ji,

juan juan juan juan juan juan juan

2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2:

T T T T T T T

2095, 2095, 2095, 2095, 2095, 2095, 2095,

p. p. p. p. p. p. p.

1036, 1035, 1035, 1036, 1035, 1035, 1034,

a26-27. a11-16. c4-8. b12-14. b8-11. c3-4. b10-13.

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As for me, O Brahma, I see this great earth, with its highs and lows, its thorns, its precipices, its peaks and its abysses, as if it were entirely filled with ordure. 舍利弗言：「我見此中亦有雜糅，其大陸地則有黑山石沙穢惡充滿。196

This explains why Pure Lands are usually characterized as being totally flat. The Pure Land of Amitābha is described as follows in the Longer Sukhāvatīvyūhasūtra: [i]n this land there is no Mount Sumeru, or any of the other mountains or land features of a world system down to the ring of Diamond mountains. There are no great oceans, no small seas, no torrents, no canals, wells or valleys.197

Huiyuan and his community at Mount Lu may, indeed, have served as a model for how to wipe down the mountain of desire that permeates ordinary human life. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbreviation T:

Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新脩大藏經, eds. Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎, Watanabe Kaigyoku 渡邊海旭, Ono Gemmyō 小野玄妙 (Tōkyō: Taishō issaikyō kankōkai, 1924-1934).

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Soymié, Michel. “Le Lo-Fou Chan. Étude de géographie religieuse,” Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient 48 (1956): 1-139. Steinthal, Paul ed. Udāna (London: Oxford University Press, 1948). Stern, Philippe; Mireille Benisti. Évolution du style indien d’Amaravati (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1961). Strassberg, Richard E. Inscribed Landscapes: Travel Writing from Imperial China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994). Strong, Dawsonne. M. The Udana or the Solemn Utterances of the Buddha (London: Luzac, 1902). Tang, Yongtong. Han Wei liang-Jin Nanbeichao Fojiao shi, 2 vols. (Taipei: Luotuo chubanshe, 1987). Tsukamoto, Zenryū. A History of early Chinese Buddhism: From Its Introduction to the Death of Hui-yüan, 2 vols. (Tōkyō: Kodansha, 1985). Walton, Linda. “Southern Sung Academies as Sacred Places,” in: Religion and Society in T’ang and Sung China, eds. Patricia Buckley Ebrey and Peter N. Gregory (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993). Watanabe, Baiyū; Mizuno, Kōgen; Ōishi, Hidenori. Zōabidonshinron, in: Kokuyaku issaikyō, Bidon-bu, vols. 20-21 (Tōkyō: Daitō Shuppansha, 1932). Weinstein, Stanley. “Imperial Patronage in the Formation of T’ang Buddhism,” in: Perspectives on the T’ang, eds. Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973). Welter, Albert. The Linji Lu and the Creation of Chan Orthodoxy: The Development of Chan’s Records of Sayings Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). Wijayaratna, Mohan. Buddhist monastic life according to the texts of the Theravada tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). Wilkinson, Endymion. Chinese History: A New Manual (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2015). Willemen, Charles. The Essence of Metaphysics: Abhidharmahṛdaya (Dharmaśrī’s A-p’i-t’an Hsin lun) (Bruxelles: Institut Belge des Hautes Études, 1975). Willemen, Charles; Bart Dessein; Collett Cox, Sarvāstivāda Buddhist Scholasticism (Leiden: Brill, 1998). Williams, Paul. Mahāyāna Buddhism. The Doctrinal Foundations (London: Routledge, 1994). Xu, Shen. Shuo wen jie zi (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988). Yu, Anthony C. State and Religion in China: Historical and Textual Perspectives (Chicago: Open Court, 2005). Zacchetti, Stefano. “Defining An Shigao’s 安世高 Translation Corpus: The State of the Art in Relevant Research,” in: Historical and Philological Studies of China’s Western Regions 3, ed. Shen Weirong (Institute for Historical and Philological Studies of China’s Western Regions, Renmin University of China, 2010). Zürcher, Erik. “A New Look at the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Texts,” in: From Benares to Beijing: Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religion, eds. Koichi Shinohara and Gregory Schopen (Oakville: Mosaic Press, 1991). Zürcher, Erik. The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China (Leiden: Brill, 2007).

WOMEN IN THE EARLY LITERATURE OF MOUNT WUTAI Susan ANDREWS The earliest record devoted to Mount Wutai 五臺山 (The Mountain of Five Plateaus) includes a number of fascinating but lesser known stories about women. Compiled before the eighth century, Huixiang’s 慧祥 (seventh-century) Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳 (Ancient Chronicle of Mount Clear and Cool) describes female practitioners – both nuns and householders – active at the emerging Buddhist site. It also includes stories of the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī’s (Wenshu 文殊) appearance there in female form. Focusing on these less-often studied miracle tales as a group, this paper endeavors to reconstruct some of the ways the religious lives of women were imagined during the period of the mountain’s transformation from a place of local significance to an international religious center. Examining the handful of Gu Qingliang zhuan narratives that include women establishes their conspicuous involvement in the sixth and seventh century mountain cult. Women appear in the text as religious recluses, donors of flowers and food, and pilgrims who journeyed to the territory alone and in groups. Further, their activities, as the case of Northern Qi (550-577 CE) nun Fami 法祕 (sixth century) indicates, could and did provide inspiration for subsequent female and male practitioners there. At the same time, accounts of monks and laymen dominate these materials, which frame male clerics as authorities in the inchoate Bodhisattva cult and, in places, express misogynist sentiments familiar to scholars of Buddhist asceticism and religious renunciation more generally. Alongside stories celebrating women’s achievements at the locale, the narrative of Mañjuśrī’s manifestation as a woman and the related story of cleric Puming’s 普明 (n.d.) desire, in particular, reveal what Alan Sponberg termed “a fear of the feminine, a fear specifically of its power to undermine male celibacy.”1 Like the early Buddhist scriptures Sponberg studied a quarter century ago, these Gu Qingliang zhuan tales suggest that women threaten men’s progress on the religious path. 1 Alan Sponberg, “Attitudes toward Women and the Feminine in Early Buddhism,” in: Buddhism, Sexuality, and Gender, ed. José Ignacio Cabezón (Albany: Statue University of New York Press, 1992), 20.

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The stories preserved in the earliest extant text devoted to Mount Wutai, then, do not speak in one voice about women’s activities there. Quite the opposite, the text celebrates women hermits, pilgrims, and donors while also expressing ambivalence about the (presumably increasing numbers of) women present at the longstanding place of eremitic activity. It may well be that Mount Wutai tales of female temptresses give voice to anxieties born of the encounter between solitary religious practitioners and the growing number of lay visitors arriving at Mount Wutai during the period of Wu Zetian’s 武則天 (r. 684-705) rise to power and patronage of this place. OUR SEVENTH-CENTURY TEXT AND ITS SEVENTH-CENTURY CONTEXT: THE MAKING OF MOUNT WUTAI INTO A BUDDHIST HOLY MOUNTAIN Mount Wutai has long been a center of religious activity. And thus while there remains much to learn about women’s involvement at the territory, there is a substantial body of scholarship about its early history. As the work of Birnbaum, Lin, and Stevenson among others has shown, this shifting collection of five plateaus in today’s Shanxi province has been the object of devotion for perhaps 1600 years. A tradition from Li Daoyuan’s 酈道元 (fifth, sixth century) commentary on the River Scripture (Shuijing 水經), for instance, holds that one hundred families fled to Mount Wutai in the fourth century to escape chaos in their home region and, when they did not return, were presumed to have become transcendents (xian 仙).2 “A scripture of transcendents (Xianjing 仙經),” according to another passage, “says Mount Wutai is called Purple Palace (Zifu 紫府) [because] it often has purple vapors. Transcendents dwell there.”3 Assertions like these – compiled in Huixiang’s Gu Qingliang zhuan – indicate that before practitioners constructed the mountain as a Buddhist holy site in the seventh century, it was reputed to be an extraordinary place at which humans could overcome death and where they sought refuge in times of tumult. As a place of ancient significance, then, Mount Wutai offers a fascinating case study for the process through which Buddhists in China created their own religious landscape. Originally, Buddhist pilgrimage focused on locales associated with the historical Buddha and, later, his disciples.4 Inspired by his 2

Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1093, a8-13. Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1093, a13-14. 4 Textual traditions such as the Mahāparinirvāṇa sutra materials – rendered into Chinese beginning in the second century – depict the Buddha directing followers to practice pilgrimage to the sites associated with his remains. Epigraphy of the type famously studied by Gregory 3

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purported mandate to spread his teachings far and wide, however, Śākyamuni’s followers from the beginning sought to create a global network of practitioners, an endeavor that has seen thriving Buddhist communities established from Sāo Paul to rural Shanxi. As with other so-called “world religions,” Buddhism’s movement far from its homeland has involved great innovation. The creation of new sacred landscape at Mount Wutai and elsewhere constitutes a creative response to the challenges that Buddhism’s translation to new geographic (and temporal) contexts entailed.5 Rather than producing religious sites ex nihilo, Buddhists in China fashioned holy territory from preexisting places of practice. “Buddhists in China did not break new ground in establishing many of their new sacred sites,” James Robson writes, “but took over sites that in many cases had preBuddhist or Daoist histories that marked them as sacred sites…”.6 Robson illustrates this process with well-known narratives about Mount Wutai’s Vajra Grotto (Jingang ku 金剛窟). The Gu Qingliang zhuan both identifies the cavern as a mountain god’s (shanshen 山神) home and associates it with Mañjuśrī.7 References such as these, Robson explains, indicate that seventhcentury Buddhists – including laywomen and nuns – grafted the cult of Mañjuśrī onto this already important locale in the decades leading up to and coinciding with the Gu Qingliang zhuan’s compilation. Though sometimes labeled an early mountain gazetteer, the Gu Qingliang zhuan does not fit comfortably into this category. For one thing, it does not contain the much later term shanzhi 山志 in its title.8 The first of three Schopen establishes the significance of these locations as early as the third century BCE (see: Gregory Schopen, Bones, stones, and Buddhist monks: collected papers on the archaeology, epigraphy, and texts of monastic Buddhism in India [Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1997], 115). 5 The creation of new sacred territory can be compared in this respect to, for instance, the amalgamation of deities in the honji suijaku 本地垂迹 system of Japan and the development of new teaching taxonomies (panjiao 判教) for classifying the doctrines of diverse Buddhist schools in China. 6 James Robson, “Changing Places: The Conversions of Religious Sites in China,” in: Images, Relics and Legends: The Formation and Transformation of Buddhist Sacred Sites. Essays in Honour of Professor Koichi Shinohara, eds. James Benn, Chen Jinhua, and James Robson (Oakville, Ont.: Mosaic Press, 2012), 91. 7 Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1095, a5-27. 8 The observation that the term shanzhi is absent from the work’s title led Marcus Bingenheimer to classify the Gu Qingliang zhuan as a proto-gazetteer. Bingenheimer categorizes the Gu Qingliang zhuan and its Song period counterpart as two of ten yuanshi fangzhi 原始方志, “proto-gazetteers,” a term he coins to describe pre-Ming accounts of individual sites that do not include zhi in their titles, but that “clearly belong to the genre” (Marcus Bingenheimer, “Preliminary Research on Chinese Monastic Gazetteers and Studies of their Bibliography” [Zhongguo fosizhi chutan ji shumu yanjiu 中國佛寺志初探及書目研究], Hanyu foxue pinglun 汉语佛学评论 2 [2010], 391). Comparison with the larger shanzhi genre – introduced in

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well-known works written about the site before the twelfth-century, the late seventh-century Gu Qingliang zhuan, like its later counterparts, includes the term zhuan 傳 in its title and perhaps might be thought of as a biography of a place fashioned from established local narratives, scriptures, and contemporary records.9 Compiled sometime between 679 and 695,10 the narratives presented here appear largely in the third and fourth chapters – “Gujin shengji 古今勝跡” (Ancient and Present Superior Traces) and “Youli Gantong 遊禮感通” (Pilgrims who experienced efficacious responses) – alongside the bulk of miracle tales collected by Huixiang in the short two folio work.11 beautiful detail in Bingenheimer’s recent monograph – suggests that in the Gu Qingliang zhuan we are dealing with something radically different from later, Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (16441912) mountain gazetteers including those about Mount Wutai such as the Qingliang shanzhi 清涼山志 (Gazetteer of Mount Clear and Cool) (Marcus Bingenheimer, Island of Guanyin: Mount Putuo and Its Gazetteers [New York: Oxford University Press, 2016], 5-7). 9 Together with the Gu Qingliang zhuan, these are Yanyi’s 延一 (998?-1072) eleventhcentury Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳 (Extended Chronicle of Mount Clear and Cool) and Zhang Shangying’s 張商英 (1043-1122) Xu Qingliang zhuan 續淸涼傳 (Continued Chronicle of Mount Clear and Cool). For a translation of Zhang Shangying’s Xu Qingliang zhuan, see: Robert Gimello, “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ai Shan,” in: Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, eds. Susan Naquin and Chünfang Yü (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 89-149. In the article, Gimello explains that as early as 1164 the Gu Qingliang zhuan and the Guang Qingliang zhuan together with the Xu Qingliang zhuan circulated together in a Jin edition (11151234) with a preface by Yao Xiaoxi 姚孝錫. From an early date Zhubian’s 朱弁 (d. 1144) Taishan ruiying ji 臺山瑞應記 (Record of Auspicious Response at Mount [Wu]tai), a personal record of the place, was appended to Zhang’s text. For a full translation of Zhubian’s Taishan ruiying ji, see: Robert Gimello, “Wu-t’ai Shan during the Early Chin Dynasty: The Testimony of Chu Pien,” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 7 (1994), 501-612. 10 In attempting to establish the date of the Gu Qingliang zhuan’s initial compilation it is necessary to rely on evidence internal to the text. A reference to a summer retreat convened at Suopo (Sahā) Temple 娑婆寺 in the fourth month of the first year of the Diaolu 調露 period (679-680) is the latest date mentioned in the Gu Qingliang zhuan (juan 2: T 2098, p. 1100, a6-26). Based on this we can hypothesize that the monograph postdates 679. The name with which Huixiang refers to an important site, the Dafu Temple 大孚寺, suggests to me that the text predates the eighth-century. In the late seventh-century this temple’s name was changed to Huayan Temple 華嚴寺 (Avataṃsaka Temple) to commemorate the completion of Śikṣānanda’s translation of the eponymous Avataṃsaka sūtra (Jinhua Chen, Philosopher, Practitioner, Politician: The Many Lives of Fazang [643-712] [Leiden: Brill, 2007], 394). As Birnbaum explains, both the sūtra’s translation and the Huayan Temple’s establishment were carried out under the auspices of Wu Zetian’s patronage. Huixiang makes no mention of these events. I suspect that he uses the temple’s earlier name because he composed the Gu Qingliang zhuan in or after 679 and before the Avataṃsaka sūtra’s re-translation sometime after 699 (Raoul Birnbaum, “The Manifestations of a Monastery: Shen-ying’s Experiences on Mount Wutai in T’ang Context,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 106, no. 1 [1986], 125). 11 Huixiang divides the Gu Qingliang zhuan into five sections. The first, “Liming Biaohua 立名標化” (Establishing the Name and Extolling [Miraculous] Transformations), explains the site’s name by linking it to the transforming activities of Mañjuśrī there. Quoting liberally from sūtras and non-Buddhist works, Huixiang endeavors to show that Mount Wutai is a uniquely

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A highly eclectic text, the Gu Qingliang zhuan offers a portrait of life at the mountain in the period when it changed from a regional religious center to a territory of international significance. Gu Qingliang zhuan references to the late seventh-century arrival of women and men from across the dynasty and around the Buddhist world alert us to this change. The following short entry regarding the monk Kujii 窺基 (632-682) well represents this body of material: “It is here [on the Centre Plateau] that the Cien si (Temple of Compassion) śramaṇa of the Great Vehicle Kuiji arrived. Kuiji was the superior discipline of Tripiṭaka master Xuanzang 玄奘 (602-664). In the fourth year of the Xianheng 咸亨 era (670-674), together with more than five hundred clergy and laypeople he came here and carried out repairs.12 They perceived the scent of incense and the sound of a bell.” 即慈恩寺沙門大乘基所致也。基。即三藏法師玄奘之上足。以咸亨四 年。與白黒五百餘人。往而修焉。或聞殊香之氣。鐘磬之音。13

The phrase baihei wubai yu ren (白黒五百餘人) seems to suggest that women and men accompanied the monk Kuiji to Mount Wutai. In the Gu Qingliang zhuan, we do not find stories set prior to the Tang that feature large groups led by eminent monks who have travelled a great distance to Mount Wutai. More than a turning point Mount Wutai’s history, Gu Qingliang zhuan references to large parties of laypeople and monastics like this one may indicate a broader shift in Chinese religious practice more generally. In their foundational introduction to Chinese pilgrimage, Naquin and Yü hypothesize that the origins of communal pilgrimage in China lie in the eighth to twelfth centuries. They write: …pilgrimage-like behavior has a long history in China…individual pilgrims, real and imaginary, appeared no later than fourth century B.C., while large-scale important place because of its inhabitants and the extraordinary occurrences that transpire there. Chapter two, “Fengyu Lishu 封域里數” (Borders and Miles), describes the mountain’s geographical location in relation to other sites and introduces each of the five terraces in turn giving their height, proximity to one another, and unusual physical features. “Gujin shengji 古今勝跡” (Ancient and Present Superior Traces) describes the special landscape features and the extraordinary events that mark Mount Wutai’s peaks as worthy of devotion. The fourth “Youli Gantong” chapter concerns “Pilgrims who experienced efficacious responses.” In contrast to the “Ancient and Present Superior Traces” chapter which is organized into five subsections each of which concerns one of the mountain’s five peaks, the “Pilgrims who experienced efficacious responses” materials are arranged according to their named and unnamed monastic and lay protagonists. Together these third and fourth chapters form the Gu Qingliang zhuan’s core. Finally, “Zhiliu zashu 支流雜述” (Miscelleneous Accounts of Branches and Tributaries), the fifth chapter, is a miscellanea of four stories related more tangentially to Mount Wutai. 12 The term for repairs here (xiu 修) might also signal construction of an edifice. 13 Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1094, a15-18.

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pilgrimages developed during the medieval period (eighth to twelfth centuries) out of the interaction of deeply rooted indigenous ideas with beliefs imported to China through Buddhism.14

Gu Qingliang zhuan records of multiple individuals journeying to and returning from Mount Wutai in the late seventh-century such as the record of Kuiji above suggest that already in the seventh century the locale had become an object of large-scale pilgrimage, a possibility that merits further investigation. The translation and creative interpretation of scriptures played an important role in Mount Wutai’s construction as a dynasty-wide and international pilgrimage destination. Following Lamotte (1960), scholars have highlighted the importance of three sūtras in the mountain’s establishment as Mañjuśrī’s home. These are Buddhabhadra’s 佛 馱 跋 陀 羅 (fifth century) ca. 420 translation of the Avataṃsaka sūtra (Huayan jing 華嚴經), the Mañjuśrī dharmaratnagarbha dhāranī sūtra (Wenshu shili fabaozang tuoluoni jing 文殊 師利法寶藏陀羅尼 經) translated into Chinese by Bodhiruci 菩 提 流 志 (672?-727), and the Mañjuśrī parinirvāna sūtra (Wenshu shili ban niepan jing 文殊師利般涅槃經), attributed to Nie Daozhen 聶道真 (c. 280-312). Particularly important was the following well-known Avataṃsaka sūtra interpolation that appears in both Buddhabhadra and Śikṣānanda’s versions of the text. To the northeast direction there is [a] bodhisattva’s dwelling place. [It is] named Mount Qingliang. In the past the various bodhisattvas permanently abided there. Now there is the bodhisattva named Mañjuśrī. [He] has ten thousand bodhisattvas [and] followers. He permanently teaches the dharma [there]. 東北方有菩薩住處。名清涼山。過去諸菩薩常於中住。彼現有菩薩。名文 殊師利。有一萬菩薩眷屬。常爲説法。15

Mount Qingliang 清涼山 (the Clear and Cool Mountain), mentioned in the second line, remains an alternate name for Mount Wutai today. Allusions to this Avataṃsaka sūtra passage in the Gu Qingliang zhuan indicate that this proposition about the site’s significance accelerated its transformation into the center of Mañjuśrī devotion. The first lines of Huixiang’s text claim, for instance, that the territory is the Qingliang shengjing (Clear and Cool Holy Realm 清涼聖境) and the location of the traces of ten thousand bodhisattvas (wan pusa huiji zhi fang 萬菩薩晦跡之方).16 Elsewhere, Huixiang purports that the laymen Fang Deyuan 房徳元 (seventh century) 14 Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü, “Introduction: Pilgrimage in China,” in: Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, eds. Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 12. 15 Dafang guangfo huayan jing 大方廣佛華嚴經古清涼傳, juan 29: T 278, p. 590, a3-5. 16 Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1092, c5-6.

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and Wang Xuanshuang 王玄爽 (seventh century) journeyed to the site after seeing the “Dwelling Places of the Bodhisattvas” chapter of the sūtra.17 A third example, the story of Bodhisattva’s manifestation in the guise of an Indian monk, dramatically reinforces scriptural assertions that the territory is Mañjuśrī’s Clear and Cool realm. Huixiang writes: …in the time of Yuwen [ruler(s)] of the [Northern] Zhou 宇文周 (557-581),18 Mañjuśrī transformed into an Indian monk and came to this place saying he was visiting the holy traces and that he desired to reach Mount Qingliang, Mañjuśrī’s dwelling place. At this time master Zhimeng 智猛 (sixth century) asked about this matter but as soon as he opened [his mouth] to begin to ask suddenly he lost the Indian monk. This seems to be a way to encourage the multitude and cause them to give rise to longing. If one sincerely believes in supernatural powers (abhijñā) how can it be far? 又按別傳云。文殊師利。周宇文 時。化作梵僧。而來此土云。訪聖迹。欲詣 清涼山。文殊師利住處。於時。智猛法師。乃問其事纔伸啓請。俄失 梵僧。此似曉勵群蒙。令生渇仰。若篤信神通者。豈遠乎哉。19

This narrative illustrates how scripture and story worked in concert to enhance Mount Wutai’s status as Mañjuśrī’s dwelling place and gestures towards its growing reputation as a locale to which individuals from around the Buddhist world journeyed. Other tales of the deity’s appearance in disguise, we will see, teach us about seventh-century perceptions of women’s involvement in this burgeoning Bodhisattva cult. Though it often (and out of necessity) concerns later periods, a considerable body of scholarship addresses the ways that proponents of the mountain cult used poetry, music, and art to promote Mount Wutai’s status as Mañjuśrī’s residence.20 Mary Anne Cartelli, for instance, explores how imaginings of 17

Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1099c26-28. A second redaction of the Zhimeng tale helps clarify the period to which the Gu Qingliang zhuan refers here. It appears in the Daoxuan gantong lu 道宣感通錄 (Vinaya Master Daoxuan’s Record of Miraculous Response). Daoxuan writes: “In the time of the Yuwen [clan] of the [Northern] Zhou 宇文周 (557-581), Mañjuśrī changed into an Indian monk. [He] came wandering this earth saying, ‘I desire to venerate the place Kāśyapa Buddha spoke the dharma. This is the same as Mañjuśrī’s dwelling place called Mount Qingliang.’” 至宇文周時。文殊師 利化爲梵僧。來遊此土云。欲禮拜迦葉佛説法處。并文殊所住處名清涼山。 (T 2107, p. 436, c25-27). Like this Daoxuan gantong lu passage, the Gu Qingliang associates Kāśyapa Buddha and Mount Wutai, stating, for instance, that the “after Kāśyapa Buddha’s extinction, Mañjuśrī will come to dwell in the Vajra Grotto of Mount Clear and Cool” 迦葉佛滅後。文殊師利。將往 清涼山金剛窟中。 (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1095, a5-6). 19 Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1096, c10-14. 20 Little evidence of the pre-eighth century Mount Wutai traditions remains beyond scriptures and textual sources (including the Gu Qingliang zhuan). While Huixiang references a visual representation of the site (shantu 山圖) from the seventh-century, for example, it is only later that we find illustrations of Mount Wutai preserved at Mogao 莫高, Subei 肅北, 18

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the site shaped and were informed by poetic traditions preserved at Dunhuang 敦煌 a millennium ago.21 Working in a much later period, Beth Szczepanski has shown that the early Mount Wutai tradition receives new life in shengguanyue 笙管樂, a form of wind and percussion temple music particular to the region that continues to be practiced at Mount Wutai.22 Lin Wei-cheng emphasizes the significance of monastic architecture in the territory’s construction as a holy site,23 and Chou Wen-shing examines the visual culture of Mount Wutai together with hagiographies, pilgrimage guides and other Tibetan, Mongolian, Manchu, and Chinese sources.24 Chou’s work forms part of a growing body of scholarship that considers how practitioners both within and far beyond Mount Wutai’s borders have written and rewritten its significance. For more than one thousand years, this work establishes, the mountain has been a hub of interreligious and international meeting. Its landscapes – real and imagined – have, at the same time, provided inspiration for practitioners who have recreated them throughout the Buddhist world.25 Finally, an extensive body of research examines the roles that individual monks and rulers played in this process. Three decades ago, for instance, Raoul Birnbaum highlighted the contributions that textual traditions claim fourth and fifth century emperors, especially Emperor Xiaowen 孝文 of the Northern Wei (r. 471-499), made to the mountain’s development.26 Tantric master Amoghavajra’s (Bukong 不空 705-774) influence at the site and the related activities of Emperor Daizong 代宗 (r. 762-779) continue to receive considerable scholarly attention. Cleric Fazang’s 法藏 (643-712) involvement and Yulin 榆林 in the Dunhuang region (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1096, c16). 21 Mary Anne Cartelli, The Five-Colored Clouds of Mount Wutai: Poems from Dunhuang (Leiden: Brill, 2013). 22 Beth Szczepanski, The Instrumental Music of Wutaishan’s Buddhist Monasteries: Social and Ritual Contexts (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012). 23 Lin Wei-cheng, Building a Sacred Mountain: The Buddhist Architecture of China’s Mount Wutai (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2012). 24 Chou Wen-shing, Mount Wutai: Visions of a Sacred Mountain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018). 25 As I show in my PhD dissertation, Japanese practitioners created local counterparts to the Chinese mountain at sites including Tōnomine 多武峯 and Godaisan 五臺山 in Japan (Susan Andrews, “Representing Mount Wutai’s 五臺山 Past: A Study of Chinese and Japanese Miracle Tales about the Five Terrace Mountain,” [PhD diss, Columbia University, 2013], 207238). 26 Birnbaum proposed that the territory’s proximity to the rulers’ ancestral home might help to explain their interest in this place. Increasing Mount Wutai’s fame, his argument goes, enhanced the standing of nearby Datong 大同 and Taiyuan 太原, as well as the standing of the ruling Wei and then Tang families who hailed from these places (Raoul Birnbaum, “The Manifestations of a Monastery,” 121).

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there has been studied by Chen Jinhua.27 It is, however, the large body of material concerning Wu Zetian’s involvement at Mount Wutai that is most relevant to this study of women’s pre-eighth century participation – real and imagined – in the mountain cult. ONE WOMAN’S WELL-KNOWN LEGACY AT MOUNT WUTAI: WU ZETIAN AND THE MAKING OF MOUNT WUTAI INTO A BUDDHIST HOLY MOUNTAIN The only woman to rule China in her own right, evidence of Empress Wu’s involvement at Mount Wutai takes a number of forms.28 These include, for instance, Japanese cleric Ennin’s 圓仁 (794-864) Nittō guhō junrei gyōki 入唐求法巡禮行記 (Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law). The record of his mid-ninth century journey to the mountain mentions pagodas the ruler established there.29 The Guang Qingliang zhuan, Yanyi’s eleventhcentury work on the mountain, also references the ruler, stating, for instance, that in the second year of the Chang’an 長安 period (702) she commissioned the cleric Degan 徳感 to travel to the mountain where, with a group of more than one thousand lay and ordained individuals, he witnessed a series of marvels.30 In addition to patronizing building projects and practice at the mountain itself, Wu Zetian also sponsored the retranslation of the scripture most closely tied to it, the Avataṃsaka sūtra, and the renaming of the Dafu Temple 大孚寺 to commemorate the completion of the translation was also carried out under the auspices of her patronage.31 27 Chen Jinhua, Philosopher, Practitioner, Politician: The Many Lives of Fazang (643-712) (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 149 f., 381 ff. 28 Empress Wu is subject of a comparatively enormous body of scholarship and, indeed, popular writing. The most significant scholarly work on the ruler is likely N. Harry Rothschild’s Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon of Devis, Divinities, and Dynastic Mothers (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015). 29 For a translation of this Nittō guhō junrei gyōki entry, see: Edwin O. Reischauer, Ennin’s Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law (New York: Ronald Press, 1955), 245. 30 That same year, the text reports, Wu Youyi 武攸宜 (seventh century) – a distant relative of the empress who was then Prince of Jian’an 建安王 and vice prefect 長史 of Bingzhou 并州 – petitioned the court to carry out repairs on Mount Wutai’s Qingliang si 清涼寺 (Clear and Cool Temple). Chen Jinhua summarizes this material identifying Wu Youyi as the Prince Jian’an and vice prefect of Bingzhou, who is referenced in the Guang Qingliang zhuan (Chen Jinhua, Philosopher, Practitioner, Politician, 150; Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳, juan 1: T 2099, p. 1107, a21-28). 31 The Dafu Temple frequently appears as a hub of activity and is the setting of multiple miraculous encounters in the Gu Qingliang zhuan. Before being renamed the Huayan Temple

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The Guang Qingliang zhuan record of Degan’s imperially-commissioned visit to Mount Wutai helps us to partially understand what was at stake in patronizing this place. Following his return to the capital, the text reports, Degan submitted a diagram (tuhua 圖畫) of the manifestations he witnessed at Mount Wutai to the throne. 32 The ruler, the Guang Qingliang zhuan tells us, was greatly pleased and rewarded him with a title and income from one thousand families. “Like others before her,” as Eugene Wang writes of Wu Zetian, “the new emperor was sensitive to omens, which were construed as manifesting heavenly mandate or disapproving of her realm. She eagerly encouraged reports of auspicious omens.”33 The white deer and fox Degan and his party observed – like the wafting incense and tolling bell cleric Ji and his 500 attendants had perceived three decades earlier – might well have been interpreted as signalling, first, the righteousness of Emperor Gaozong’s 高宗 (r. 649-683) rule and, then, that of his successor (and former consort) Wu Zetian. Political concerns of this type dominate Sen Tansen’s seminal analysis of Wu Zetian’s connection with Mount Wutai. In Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade, Sen argues convincingly that the mountain’s emergence as a religious center facilitated the ruler’s efforts to cast herself as the cakravartin ruler of a foremost Buddhist realm. Prior to the creation of a local sacred landscape, seventh century Chinese practitioners, he asserts, understood themselves to be living a great remove from the Buddha’s birthplace, a situation that produced what Antonino Forte termed a “borderland complex.”34 “The emergence of Mount Wutai as a famed Buddhist center,” Sen’s argument continues, “inspired Indian clergy to travel to China, it seems, not as transmitters of Buddhist doctrines, as had been the case previously, but as pilgrims to a country formerly dismissed as peripheral and an inappropriate dwelling place for the Buddha.”35 (Avataṃsaka Temple) to mark the completion of the eponymous sūtra, it was known by a number of names including Dafu Lingjiu Temple 大孚靈鷲寺. For a discussion of the significance of these variations, see: Susan Andrews, “Representing Mount Wutai’s 五臺山 Past: A Study of Chinese and Japanese miracle tales about the Five Terrace Mountain” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 2013), 93-98; Raoul Birnbaum, “The Manifestations of a Monastery,” 125. 32 These included the manifestation of the Buddha’s hand in a five-colored cloud with a white fox and white deer, as well as the wafting of fragrant incense, and the Bodhisattva’s appearance wearing a necklace of precious stones (Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳, juan 1: T 2099, p. 1107, a28-b1). 33 Eugene Wang, Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005), 128. 34 Sen Tansen, Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600-1400 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003), 80. 35 Sen Tansen, Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600-1400 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003), 86.

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Mount Wutai’s creation as a pilgrimage center of regional, national, and international importance allowed seventh-century practitioners to transform a borderland into a center of Buddhist devotion and, in turn, bolstered Wu Zetian’s claim to be a legitimate cakravartin ruler of the territory.36 The necessity of fashioning Buddhist justifications for her rule appears all the more pressing when we remember that, as Jinhua Chen pointed out, Empress Wu had usurped the throne from a family member and consequently could not rely on the mandate of heaven (tianming 天命) to justify her claim to the throne. Additional, personal concern may also explain Emperor Gaozong’s and Wu Zetian’s initial interest in the site. As I suggest elsewhere, the mountain’s longstanding reputation as a site of immortality and healing led the ailing ruler to dispatch envoys there in the 660s.37 According to the Gu Qingliang zhuan, imperially-commissioned delegations arrived at Mount Wutai in the Longshuo 龍朔 (661-663) and then the Linde 麟徳 (664-665) eras. “In the ninth month of the first year of the Linde era,” Huixiang states, the latter of these envoys “rode their horses toward the mountain in search of chrysanthemums.”38 There is good reason to believe that by this time in 664 Gaozong and Wu Zetian were familiar with the mountain’s reputation as a site for obtaining healing and long life, as well as the story of an individual who achieved transcendence by consuming chrysanthemum’s there; this information likely would have been included in the report and image imperially commissioned envoy and cleric Huize 會賾 (seventh-century) submitted to the throne one or two years earlier.39 Since 657, Gaozong’s poor health had prevented his full participation at court and the ruler had thus sought out cures of all kinds with the help of doctors specializing in longevity.40 Given these facts, it may well be that Mount Wutai’s reputation as a site of wellbeing and transcendence, together with political machinations, explain the rulers’ involvement at the site. 36 Chen Jinhua, “Śarīra and Scepter: Empress Wu’s Political Use of Buddhist Relics,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 25, no. 1-2 (2002), 113. 37 Susan Andrews, “Gathering Medicines Among the Cypress: The Relationship between Healing and Place in the Earliest Records of Mount Wutai,” Studies in Chinese Religions 5, no. 1 (2019), 1-13. 38 今上麟徳元年九月。遣画像使殷甄萬福。乘驛向此山探菊 (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1094, c10-11). 39 References to the cleric Huize’s imperially-commissioned journey to Mount Wutai indicate that he visited locales where miraculous healings were believed to have transpired and that upon his return from the territory he submitted a report of the favourable omens (jiaxiang 佳祥) he had witnessed with a map of the mountain to the court (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1098, c10-17). 40 Sen Tansen, Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600-1400 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003), 27, 93.

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Though undoubtedly the best known, Wu Zetian was far from the only woman involved in the religious life of pre-eighth century Mount Wutai. In the decades leading up to and coinciding with her rule, nuns and laywomen practiced alone and in groups at the territory, in at least one instance serving as inspiration to householders and ordained men who ascended Mount Wutai’s lofty peaks. Yet while a number of Gu Qingliang zhuan records describe the involvement of women at this place, there is no reason to suspect that the association between female practitioners and the emerging Mañjuśrī cult I sketch out here explains the monarch’s interest in the site. Accounts of monks and laymen fill its pages, a strong indication that male actors dominated popular imagining of the site’s significance during this period. It is, nevertheless, hard not to wonder how these stories might have been received in the years leading up to and following her rule. SOLITARY WOMEN PRACTITIONERS AT EARLY MOUNT WUTAI: AN UNNAMED LAYWOMAN AND THE NUN FAMI Within the small body of Gu Qingliang zhuan material that mentions women are several stories with female protagonists, two of which reference women practicing in isolation. The first concerns an unnamed layperson who regularly dwelled at the site. The second concerns the nun Fami who spent half a century in meditation at the Western Plateau. Together these entries suggest that women were among the many hermits that tradition held practiced on the mountain’s periphery. The terse story of a woman whose sight was restored by Mañjuśrī appears in the subsection of the third, “Ancient and Present Superior Traces” chapter devoted to the South Plateau. Like many of the miracles Huixiang recounts in the Gu Qingliang zhuan, this one transpires in the distant past and involves an individual whose name already belonged to history in the late seventh century. The short episode reads: Formerly to the west of Mount Heng and in [Mount] Qingliang’s southeast corner, there was a woman of pure faith who suffered blindness. She often dwelled alone on the mountain.41 Her heart prayed to the saint Mañjuśrī. Day and night she vigorously strove. Her prayers were extremely sincere. She felt the holy (sage’s) blessing and regained her sight. Afterwards I do not know where she ended her days. 故恒岳之西。清涼東南之隅。有清信女。患目盲。常觸山居。心祈文殊師 利聖者。晝夜精懃。至誠懇祷。感聖加被。遂得重明。後不知其所終。42 41 42

I suspect that the character is du 獨 and not chu 觸. Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1096, b4-7.

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For the Gu Qingliang zhuan compiler and other proponents of the early Buddhist cult, this dramatic story of healing served, first and foremost, as evidence of Mañjuśrī’s affiliation with these peaks and an illustration of the ways that deities responded to devotees’ sincerity according to the logic of sympathetic response (ganying 感應).43 Significantly, the narrative suggests that women practiced alone at the mountain and that local tradition celebrated them as the pious recipients of Mañjuśrī’s aid. The reference to the border between Mount Wutai and Mount Heng indicates, further, that women were among the accomplished hermits for which the site was well known. The territory with which Huixiang associates this laywoman stands at the frontier between Mount Wutai and Mount Heng. A peak of ancient importance, Mount Heng appears in the Zhouli 周禮 (Rites of Zhou) as one of the nine garrison (zhen 鎮) mountains and the Erya 爾雅 (Examples of Refined Usage) identifies it as one of the five sacred marchmounts (yue 嶽).44 In the second chapter of the Gu Qingliang zhuan, which introduces Mount Wutai’s geographic situation, Huixiang notes the proximity of these peaks, reporting that Mount Heng towers next to Mount Wutai as its left (eastern) neighbor.45 A few lines later, Huixiang continues, “Climbing to the top of the Center Plateau, as far as the eyes can see surrounding only Mount Heng stands there second to [Mount Wutai].”46 In a later chapter, Huixiang identifies this territory as the dwelling place of hermits. In the section of the third chapter concerning the Center Plateau, he writes: The east of the [Center] Terrace connects with Mount Heng. The space in between is dark and vast. Human traces are rarely met there. An ancient transmission says: “there are many hermits there.” I often went to the Terrace’s 43 In this regard, these stories form part of the larger miracle tale genre in which a practitioner’s earnestness evokes a response by a Buddhist deity. This body of literature is called by four closely connected terms gesturing to the responses of buddhas and bodhisattvas to the conditions of sentient beings: ganying, gantong 感通 (sympathetic power), lingyan 靈驗 (spiritual efficacy) and lingying 靈應 (spiritual response). On this topic see: Robert H. Sharf, Coming to terms with Chinese Buddhism: a reading of the Treasure Store treatise (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2002); Chün-fang Yü, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001). 44 In his celebrated monograph The Power of Place, James Robson explores these designations as part of his larger argument that the system of imperium-wide sacred peaks is of a later provenance and was less fixed than scholars once imagined, even after their initial Han (206 BCE - 220 CE) formulation (see: James Robson, Power of Place: the religious landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue) in medieval China [Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009], 26-42). 45 其山。左隣恒嶽。右接天池。南屬五臺縣。北至繁峙縣。 (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清 涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1093, b14-15). 46 登中臺之上。極目四周。唯恒岳居其次。自餘之山谷。 (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清 涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1093, b19-20).

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northeast [where the mountain’s meet], [and once] I met a person who I asked about ancient traces. He then pointed toward the space between the mountain and marchmount and said: “In the past, when hunting [I] went to the east of Mount Wutai. Suddenly I came upon a lush grove of flowers and fruits extending more than 150 acres. When later I searched for it again, I could no longer find the place.” 臺之東連恒岳。中間幽曠。人跡罕至。古老相傳云。多有隱者。余常行至 臺之東北。遇會一人。問其古跡。彼乃以手指臺岳兩間曰。昔時。因獵經 至臺東。忽見茂林花果十餘頃。及後重尋。莫知其處。47

The trope of the territory that appears only to vanish moments later is a familiar one in the literature of Mount Wutai. Here, as elsewhere, it suggests that the mountain – and this frontier territory in particular – is an extraordinary realm, in part because of the presence of hermits there. The Gu Qingliang zhuan makes a number of references to solitary practitioners at the site. These include, for instance, the account of three novices who obtained immortality after setting off from the Center Terrace’s Dafu Temple in the hopes of an encounter with “divine hermits” (lingyin 靈隱) that lived in the valleys and cliffs.48 Another curious story describes the hermit Wangju 王劇 (sixth century) – who practiced the techniques of nourishing life (yangsheng 養生) at Mount Wutai – appearing at a ceremonial vegetarian feast sponsored by Eastern Wei Regent Gao Cheng 高澄 (521-549) for the benefit of his mother Lou Zhaojun 婁昭君 (501-562) in nearby Bingzhou 并 州.49 Significantly, the tale of Mañjuśrī curing blindness not only indicates that both women and men undertook solitary practice at the mountain but also indicates that eremitic traditions flourished in the marginal realm to the mountain’s southeast. A number of other women described in Huixiang’s text also practice on the mountain’s geographic (and social) periphery. The second female anchorite described in the Gu Qingliang zhuan, the nun Fami, purportedly spent half century in meditation at the eponymous Mimo Escarpment (Mysterious Woman Cliff 秘 巖). Like the region where tradition holds the blind woman often dwelled, this escarpment stood away from the Center Plateau – the hub of religious activity during this period – and to the west of the decidedly-less developed Western Plateau. Both the record’s content – particularly the reference to Fami’s death “at this place” 47

Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1095, b16-20. 昔此寺有三沙彌。毎聞宿徳話有靈隱。遂相將巖谷訪覓。 (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清 涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1094, b6-7). 49 Gao Cheng was posthumously honored as Emperor Wenxiang 文襄. 齊隱士王。劇居此山。而好養生之術。武定年。文襄在并州。爲母匹僂大妃。起四部 衆大齋。王躬率百僚。詣齋所。 (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1100, b11-13). 48

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(yuci erzu 於此而卒) – and Huixiang’s statement that he visited the site suggest the material is based on an inscription.50 According to the Gu Qingliang zhuan: On the west of the Western Terrace, there is the Mimo Escarpment. Formerly in the Northern Qi period (550-557 CE) there was a bhikṣuṇī Fami. She had a benevolent mind and heavenly understanding. Truly resolved, she practiced single-mindedly. [Fami] cast off the clamour of secular life, coming from afar to dwell at this place. For fifty years she did not wander [from this spot]. The effect of her meditative insight was such that she did not hear the world. At the age of more than eighty, she died at this place. Later generations honoured her and thus used her name for the crag here. Previously, with two or three lay and ordained people, I came to investigate it. We saw the place she dwelled. Then [we went to] the strange wonderful site (spectacle) of the netherworld…51 臺之西。有祕 巖者。昔高齊之代。有比丘尼法祕。惠心天悟。眞志 獨拔。脱落囂俗。自遠居之。積五十年。初無轉足。其禪惠之感。世靡 得聞。年餘八十。於此而卒。後人重之。因以名巖焉。余。曾與二三 道俗。故往尋之。觀其所居。乃地府之奇觀也。52

Like the record of the blind woman’s healing, this entry indicates that women undertook solitary practice at Mount Wutai. It establishes, moreover, that a nun became the focus of a devotional cult. While the Gu Qingliang zhuan indicates that later generations honored the Northern Qi nun, the second work devoted to the mountain, Yanyi’s Guang Qingliang zhuan, establishes the site’s post-seventh century importance. A reference to the locale appears in the hagiography of the monk Jin Guangzhao 金光照 (eighth century) in the chapter devoted to “the Deeds of Monks of Great Virtue” (高徳僧事跡).53 The text purports that Jin Guangzhao arrived at Mount Wutai in the second year of the Dali 大歴 era (767), stopped at the Hall of the Ten Thousand Bodhisattvas (Wan Pusa Yuan 萬菩薩院) at 50 Koichi Shinohara pointed out that this form of writing constituted an important source for Chinese Buddhist biographies (Koichi Shinohara, “Two Sources of Chinese Buddhist Biographies: Stupa Inscriptions and Miracle Stories,” in Monks and Magicians: Religious Biographies in Asia, eds. Phyllis Granoff and Koichi Shinohara [Oakville: Mosaic Press, 1988], 119-228). 51 I suspect that the hell or netherworld (difu 地府) Huixiang mentions here refers to the Hell site mentioned in Dunhuang poetry studied by Mary Anne Cartelli. Yet while the above Gu Qingliang zhuan passage locates the site to the west of the West Plateau, the Guang Qingliang zhuan states that “it is not far to the east of the Northern Plateau.” 生地獄。去北臺東 不遠。 (Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳, juan 1: T 2099, p. 1107, c17; Mary Anne Cartelli, The Five-Colored Clouds of Mount Wutai: Poems from Dunhuang [Leiden: Brill, 2013], 107). 52 Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1095, b29-c5. 53 Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳, juan 3: T 2099, p. 1119, b25-1120a12.

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the famous Huayan Temple and soon thereafter had the first of several miraculous encounters. Yanyi continues: … The next day, he reverently took leave of the temple assembly. He went to Mysterious Woman Cliff, where he dwelled in seclusion and advanced in virtue, and his days were renewed. Afterwards, the Western Terrace suddenly shook violently with thunder and wind, hurling lightning and shooting hail. A great number of clouds opened up and, mounting a yellow mist in the valley, a thousand changes and ten thousand transformations suddenly (appeared) in its midst. The monk stared at this with an undivided heart, and vowed to seek Buddhahood. Then the weather was seasonably pleasant and clear. The clouds and mist welled up, and suddenly he saw the devotee Vimalakīrti, the bodhisattva Samantabhadra, and Mañjuśrī. The monk wept bitterly and worshipped them. Suddenly they disappeared… 翌日禮辭寺衆。遂詣祕巖。幽居進徳。日有所新。後又自西臺。忽雷風 暴震。曳電注雹。良久雲開。谷騰黄霧。倏忽之間。千變萬化。師一 心瞪視。誓求佛果。應時和風清暢。雲霧競湧。忽見維摩居士。普 賢 菩薩。文殊師利。師悲泣禮拜。忽然不見。54

After practicing elsewhere on the mountain, the Guang Qingliang zhuan continues, Jin Guangzhao returned to the Mysterious Woman Cliff “where he remained for six years.”55 In this example, a male monastic eclipses the sixth century nun Fami in this telling of the escarpment’s importance. This is also the case in the seventh, “Explaining the Directions and Places of [Mount] Wutai Various Temples” chapter of the Guang Qingliang zhuan. While the entry concerning the ancient temple at the Mysterious Woman Cliff mentions that Huixiang discussed the place, the text focuses on the efforts of a layman from nearby Yanmen 雁門 named Bilü Chongyi 辟閭 崇義 (seventh century) to build and maintain the monastery in the Chuigong 垂拱 (685-688) period. It notes that in the Chang’an 長安 era (701-705), he became a monk and lived out the remainder of his days at the temple.56 Read together, these examples from the seventh-century Gu Qingliang zhuan and eleventh-century Guang Qingliang zhuan indicate that women could and did practice alone at early Mount Wutai. They suggest that in Huixiang’s time at least one nun was the focus of postmortem attention. The materials suggest, at the same time, that at least insofar as the nun Fami’s case is concerned, women’s significance at the site was eclipsed by the activities of men foregrounded in the accounts of male monastics and laypeople that dominate records of Mount Wutai. 54 Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳, juan 3: T 2099, p. 1119, c26-a2; translation adopted from: Mary Anne Cartelli, The Five-Colored Clouds of Mount Wutai, 109. 55 Mary Anne Cartelli, The Five-Colored Clouds of Mount Wutai, 109. 56 Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳, juan 3: T 2099, p. 1107, b16-24.

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EXTRAORDINARY VISIONS: TWO NUNS WHO SEPARATED FROM THE PARTIES AT MOUNT WUTAI Alongside this pair of stories about isolated female practitioners on the mountain’s periphery, the Gu Qingliang zhuan preserves two additional entries with female protagonists. The first story concerns a woman who travelled from nearby Bingzhou with three fellow nuns in the second year of the Shangyuan 上元 period (674-676). According to Huixiang: There were four nuns from Bingzhou who went to climb the mountain top and then return. One nun held five flowers in her hand and wanted to descend with them. She lost the road and became hungry and cold. In a dream, a monk gave her food and drink, ending her hunger. Then he addressed her saying, “Because you stole five flowers, you will be punished such that you cannot return for five days. You will not suffer and do not worry.” After five days had passed, she found the road and returned (home). 又有并州尼四人。往登臺首回還。一尼折花五莖。欲將向下。遂失 道路。飢寒並至。夢一僧賜之飮食。因爾不飢。仍告曰。以汝盜花 五莖。罰汝不歸五日餘。更無苦勿復多憂。五日既滿。得遵歸路。57

Like the story of the restoration of an unnamed laywoman’s sight, this Gu Qingliang zhuan story illustrating the consequences of stealing from the mountain depicts Mount Wutai as a place of extraordinary encounters. In both cases, women are celebrated as recipients of powerful visions. The larger context in which this story appears suggests how the compiler and his contemporaries interpreted the material’s significance. It follows, on the one hand, an entry about Cien Temple monk Lingcha’s 靈察 (seventh century) encounter with a mysterious stranger in nearby Daizhou.58 It precedes, on the other hand, the account of laymen Fang Deyuan 房徳元 (seventh century) and Wang Xuanshuang 王玄爽 (seventh century) who travelled from Chang’an to Mount Wutai where a thundering, disembodied voice twice addressed them.59 The record of the Bingzhou nun’s oneiric visions, this placement indicates, constitutes one of a number of records depicting 57

Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1099, c22-26. According to the Gu Qingling zhuan, the stranger led Lingcha to the mountain where several extraordinary happenings transpired. When he spent two nights on the North Plateau, for instance, a mysterious temple bell tolled every six hours (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1099, c16-22). 59 According to the Gu Qingliang zhuan, when the pair arrived at Mount Wutai just before mealtime they heard a loud voice saying “mealtime has arrived.” After ascending the Centre Plateau, the episode continues, they perceived incense and a bell before being addressed by the loud voice again the next when en route home. This time the voice instructed them to climb the plateau and delay their departure. Upon returning to the capital, the episode concludes, they held a vegetarian feast (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1099, c26-a05). 58

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Mount Wutai as a place of mysterious meetings, perhaps with Mañjuśrī. The assertion that laymen Fang Deyuan and Wang Xuanshuang journeyed to the mountain after seeing the Abodes of the Bodhisattvas chapter of the Avataṃsaka sutra – which identifies Mount Qingliang (Mount Wutai) as Mañjuśrī’s home – seems to support the possibility that the strangers met by the nun, the monk, and the laymen were understood by the compiler and his audience to have been the Bodhisattva of Wisdom. The final Gu Qingliang zhuan entry focused on an individual woman appears amidst Huixiang’s larger description of the installation of relics he orchestrated in 669. Inspired by the Central Asian cleric Shijiamiduoluo, Huixiang led a large party to enshrine relics on the Centre Plateau.60 He continues: At that time there was a nun who went alone to the Great Flower Pond to make an offering. At the back of the pond she saw there was a big creeper with a big dragon encircling it. The creeper and dragon surrounding it were like the images of dragon-flower-creepers [one sees in temples]. Suddenly the clouds and rain cleared. 侶彼方龍花蘽. 時有一尼。獨往太華池供養。乃見池裏有大蘽。大龍 遶之。侶彼方龍花蘽之像也。俄而雲雨晴霽。61

Huixiang seems to attribute the change in weather to the nun’s vision or, at least, the dragon she saw at the Center Peak. The group, the compiler continues, spent the night on the Center Plateau before proceeding to the Northern one to install relics the next day. Though only a few references to dragons appear in the Gu Qingliang zhuan, poetry, art, and later text frequently affiliate them with Mount Wutai. Ninth-century Japanese pilgrim Ennin recounts a tradition according to which one hundred dwell on each of the five plateaus, for instance, and the famous Dunhuang wall painting of the mountain shows Dragon King Sāgara of the Lotus Sūtra on the Northern Terrace.62 Particularly relevant, the eleventhcentury Guang Qingliang zhuan states that the Coiled Dragon Temple (Longpan si 龍盤寺) stood on the East Plateau and reports that a stone image of a coiled dragon stood there.63 Might it have been a figure of this type to which the story of the nun’s vision referred? 60 Huixiang reports having joined the cleric Shijiamiduoluo at the mountain in 667. He writes that the eminent monk addressed him, saying: “This is [Mount] Qingliang. It is right to place relics here. Supposing [after] going, you come [back] for a ceremony, wouldn’t that be good?” 余與梵僧登臺之日。默而念曰。此處清涼。宜安舍利。使往來觀禮。豈不 善耶。 (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1099, b7-8). 61 Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1099, b22-24. 62 The following summary of the relationship relies on Cartelli’s work (Mary Anne Cartelli, The Five-Colored Clouds of Mount Wutai, 60-61). 63 下有龍盤寺。有龍形石上盤屈存焉。 (Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳, juan 3: T 2099, p. 1106, a13; 1108, c28-29; Mary Anne Cartelli, The Five-Colored Clouds of Mount Wutai, 60-61).

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This final entry focused on an individual female practitioner provides further evidence that women were among those first practitioners at Mount Wutai. Though men far outnumber women in his text, their presence is apparent in a handful of stories with female protagonists, as well as descriptions of groups active at the territory. Writing about the relic enshrinement he led, Huixiang states “On this [fourth] month on the twenty third day with monks, nuns, and laypeople of the mountain numbering towards sixty people, [we] together climbed it [the North Plateau]…”64 This passage is but one of many in the Gu Qingliang zhuan that reference large groups that presumably included women. LARGE GROUPS AT EARLY MOUNT WUTAI While Gu Qingliang zhuan entries with female protagonists are few, the text frequently mentions groups that very likely included women. In addition to the case of the “later generations” venerating the nun Fami and the “monks, and nuns, and laypeople” with whom Huixiang travelled to the site, the compiler mentions, for instance, individuals from nearby Hengzhou who regularly made offerings there. The Gu Qingliang zhuan references people from Xinzhou – approximately 100 kilometers to the mountain’s southwest – who installed images and stele at Mount Wutai, as well as the large party that accompanied Central Asian monk Shijiamiduoluo there. While Huixiang’s primary motivation for including accounts of this type is to depict the mountain as a vibrant hub of religious life, the materials nevertheless illuminate other ways that women were present at Mount Wutai before the eighth century. One comparatively detailed description of collective practice follows the Gu Qingliang zhuan record of the blind woman’s healing. In this passage, Huixiang, as is often the case, relies on personal experience and the content of inscriptions when he writes: There is also a local custom of Hengzhou. On (each of the month’s) six poṣadha fast days,65 more than fifty people always bring incense, flowers, and precious foods (to the mountain) as offerings to Mañjuśrī and the ten thousand bodhisattvas year after year without end. [Previously] they also gave away their wealth and possessions and selected ground onto which to build a temple. The text of the stone inscription remains there to this day. [It reads:] “Yuan Wei Dynasty (386-534) śramaṇa monk Tanluan 曇鸞 (476-542) was originally from a great 64 即以其月二十三日。與臺山僧尼道俗。向六十人倶登之。至臺南面。 (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1099, b16-17). 65 On which laypeople observed the eight pure precepts.

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clan in Yanmen. In his days as a layperson, he stopped at this temple and tied together grass to make a thatched hut. In his heart he prayed to the realm of truth and consequently was able to see the sage. Thus he renounced secular life to become a monk. This is the place where the eminent monk [Tan]luan stopped. Later generations expanded these traces [of the hermitage], establishing a temple at this place.” Now the monastic quarters total ten jian in width and an image set up there is in good order. 又恒州土俗。五十餘人。六齋之日。常齎香花珍味。來就奉獻文殊 師利。及萬菩薩。年年無替。又捨珍財。選地建寺。文石刻銘。至今 猶在。元魏沙門釋曇鸞。本雁門高族在俗之日。曾止其寺。結草爲庵。心祈 眞境。既而備覩聖賢。因即出家。其地。即鸞公所止之處也。後人廣其 遺址。重立寺焉。今房屋十間。像設嚴整。66

Male monastics like Tanluan figure prominently in the Gu Qingliang zhuan, which frames the site’s importance partially in terms of its connection with eminent clerics. Yet as the reference to Hengzhou residents regularly making offerings at the territory indicates, groups of householders that presumably included women were also active there. In addition to female hermits, then, laywomen came to early Mount Wutai as visitors to the site of Tanluan’s hermitage. They made offerings of incense, flowers, and food, and observed the poṣadha fast days by undertaking the eight pure precepts. The record of cleric Kuiji’s time at Mount Wutai precedes a second entry that can help us to reconstruct the ways that women were active at this place. Once again relying on observation and a stele inscription, Huixiang writes: That year [the fourth year of the Xiangheng era], the monastics and laity from Xinzhou returned and made an iron Buddha more than ten feet tall and brought it to Mount Wutai and placed it in one of the stone rooms [on the Centre Plateau]. To the south there are two old stone carvings. Looking now they are already distorted. How can it be that the words are obliterated? All that remained was a slight reflection (of what had previously been inscribed).67 I washed the inscription and looked at it. I could not make out one character.68 As for one [stone tablet], formerly Daizhou governor Cui Zhen made it. As for the other one, Xinzhou official Zhang Bei established it. A transmission says, “[Zhang] Bei wandered the mountain and perceived the saint. He then established this stone tablet. On account of the description, Wei Xu 微緒 led more than seven hundred people to convey it up the mountain and erect it at this place.” 其年。忻州道俗。復造鐵浮圖一。高丈餘。送至五臺。首置於石室 之間。南有故碑二。見今已倒。抑文字磨滅。維餘微映。余洗而視之。竟不 66 Presumably, the description of Tanluan’s 曇鸞 (476-542) hermitage that follows is Huixiang’s record of that stone inscription (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1096, b7-14). 67 The characters here are weiying 微映. I remain unsure of this translation. 68 Literally, I did not know one character.

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識一字。一前刺史崔震所造。一忻州長史張備所立。相傳云。備曾游山 感聖。遂立此碑。以述微緒。將七百餘人引之。登臺竪焉。69

Though elite men like Zhang Bei and Cui Zhen are given priority of place in the Gu Qingliang zhuan, references like this one establish that whether in isolation at the mountain’s periphery or atop its Center Plateau in a group women participated in the early Mount Wutai cult. As in the record of the temple established at the site of Tanluan’s hermitage, here a large group, likely including women, facilitates the fashioning of Mount Wutai’s built environment. Mount Wutai’s seventh century transformation from a site of local significance to the object of international devotion entailed the arrival individuals from across the dynasty and around the Buddhist world. Thus, alongside narratives about women and men from nearby areas, the Gu Qingliang zhuan also describes individuals, oftentimes eminent monks, from the capital and beyond who visited Mount Wutai together with parties of 50, 100, or even 500. These individuals included cleric Huize 會賾 (seventh-century), the South Asian monk Shijiamiduoluo 釋迦蜜多羅 (Śākyamitra?, d. 569-?) and a handful of monks who participated in a rainy retreat held at the Sahā Temple in the Diaolu 調露 (679-680) era. Like Xuanzang’s disciple Kuiji, these male monastics arrived at the site in the latter half of the seventh century. The description of the rainy retreat held at the Sahā Temple names six monks who, together with large groups of followers, witnessed unusual sights and sounds in 679 or 680. According to the Gu Qingliang zhuan, the following men passed the retreat at Mount Wutai: Huizang 惠藏 from Luoyang’s 洛陽 White Horse Temple 白馬寺, Meditation Master Hongyan 弘演 of Fenzhou 汾州, Kindness and Respect Temple 愛敬寺 novice Huixun 惠恂 from Tongzhou 同州, Bianzhou 汴州 novice Lingzhi 靈智, Bingzhou novice Mingyuan 名遠, and novice Lingyu 靈裕. These details indicate that some clerics had travelled considerable distances to Mount Wutai with, for instance, Lingzhi hailing from Bianzhou, today’s Kaifeng. According to Huixiang: At the conclusion of the summer retreat, with more than fifty laypeople and monastics, [the group] ascended the plateaus one after the next. [When] meditation master [Hui]zang and thirty people were about to reach the Middle Terrace they saw together a flock of white cranes. They followed them several li. [When they] reached the terrace summit suddenly [the birds] disappeared. The monks Mingyuan, Lingyu and others with eighteen people initially went toward the East Peak [where they] saw five-colored auspicious cloud. The monk Huixun went after and also saw what the previous (group) had seen. The monk Mingyuan walked with more than sixty people to the southeast of the stūpa on the Centre Plateau. They saw a multi-colored auspicious light shaped like a Buddha image. 69

Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 1: T 2098, p. 1094, a18-24.

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Its radiance was perhaps three hundred feet. When some of the people left, the radiance followed them. More than twenty people worshipped for quite a while in the direction it had vanished… 解夏安居。與道俗五十餘人。相次登臺。藏禪師。與三十人。將至 中臺。同見白鶴一群。隨行數里。適至臺首。奄忽而滅。僧名遠靈 裕等。一十八人。先向東臺。見五色慶雲。僧惠恂後往。亦同前見。名遠 於中臺佛塔東南六十餘歩。又見雜色瑞光。形如佛像。光高可三丈。人或 去就。光亦隨之。禮二十餘拜。良久方滅。70

As with the passage concerning the 500 ordained and lay individuals who accompanied the cleric Kuiji at the mountain, this Gu Qingliang zhuan entry indicates that seventh-century practitioners imagined Mount Wutai to be a place where both women and men witnessed miraculous occurrences in groups. Following the pravāraṇā ceremony of confession on the fifteenth day of the seventh month, the above material seems to imply, women progressed from plateau to plateau with important monks, presumably having travelled to the locale to participate in the annual ceremony. The arrival of South Asian monk Shijiamiduoluo, in particular, signals the mountain’s emergence as a place of international significance. Tradition also holds that Shijiamiduoluo travelled to Mount Wutai with a group of practitioners (including the compiler Huixiang). According to the Gu Qingliang zhuan, he arrived in the sixth month of 667 “together with an official from Wutai County with the manual force of forty people, as well as more monastics and laypeople totalling more than fifty people.”71 During his time at the mountain, the text states, women and men participated in religious rituals conducted by the cleric and witnessed extraordinary happenings with him. On one occasion, for instance, the group was going toward the Qingliang Temple when they: … suddenly saw a holy monk standing atop a crag. [They] made full prostrations with the five parts of the body touching the ground several times. When they were not far away from reaching [the top of Mount Wutai], then several people heard the sound of a bell and smelled fragrant air. When they arrived five li south of [the top of Mount Wutai] and stopped, then [Shijiamiduoluo] had people make a two-layer earthen altar. Its height was a bit more than a foot. The circumference was about ten feet. They selected and gathered famous flowers and gloriously adorned around the altar. [Shijiami]duoluo for six periods of day and night circumambulated the altar. Further, in another day, he entered the water to bathe his body several times. Each dawn he had four clean jugs full of clear water. Above he placed several deciliters of polished rice and a half-liter of oxen milk. 70

Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1100, a12-19. 以乾封二年六月。登於臺者。并將五臺縣官一員。手力四十人。及餘道俗總五十 餘人。 (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1098, c25-27). 71

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[Shijiamiduoluo] had the people kneel holding them, on which [Shijiami]duoluo [carried out] invocations for more than one hundred days. To the people he said: “pour it in all the directions. This is the West (Indian) way of making offerings.” 忽遇神僧立於巖上。即五體投地。頂禮數拜。及登未遠。乃有數人聞鐘 聲香氣。至臺南五里。遂即停泊。乃令人作土壇二層。高尺餘。周方 丈許。採拾名花。四周嚴飾。多羅。日夜六時。遶壇行道。又日別。數度 入水澡身。毎旦以淨瓶四枚。滿盛淨水。上著粳米數合。牛乳半升。使人 跪捧。多羅呪願百餘日。向人云。面各瀉之。西方供養之法也。72

Records of this type frame Mount Wutai as a place to which eminent monks from around the Buddhist world journeyed and at which they, together with other women and men, perceived mysterious sights and sounds that marked the mountain as extraordinary. TWO TALES OF ALLURING FEMALE ANTAGONISTS In contrast to stories celebrating women’s practice, the final references to women at early Mount Wutai found in two Gu Qingliang zhuan narratives about male practitioners are highly ambivalent. Both portray Mount Wutai as a place where Mañjuśrī appears to his devotees in multiple forms. In addition to revealing how seventh century Buddhists understood the significance of this place, the narratives also suggest that some of Huixiang’s contemporaries viewed women as potential obstacles to men’s progress at Mount Wutai during this period. The story of Gao Shoujie is set in the Sui period (581-618) and the protagonist is a layperson. The narrative appears in the fourth, “Pilgrims who experienced efficacious responses” (Youli Gantong 遊禮感通) chapter alongside several others recounting the Bodhisattva’s appearances in human form. According to the text: Sui period Bingzhou man Gao Shoujie’s family had for generations believed (in the Dharma). [Among them], Shoujie’s [belief] was especially profound, [he was] the most dedicated and sincere. When Gao was fifteen or sixteen years old, he traveled to Dao County and met a monk who was about fifty or sixty. He said his name was Haiyun. They talked and Haiyun asked Gao, “My son, can you chant sūtras?” and Gao answered that his original mind was sincere. Haiyun then told him to go to Wutai. They arrived at a place that had three thatched huts, enough to accommodate them. Haiyun told Gao to chant the Lotus sūtra. He [the monk] went out begging for food and clothing to provide for them. There was a foreign monk who often came and chatted with the master [Haiyun] and 72

Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1099, a06-13.

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left at the end of the day. Later Yun asked if Gao recognized who the foreign monk was and Gao said no. Yun then, as if teasing him, said that the foreign monk was Mañjuśrī. Although Gao was told this several times, he did not understand its purport. Then one day, Gao was suddenly told to go down the mountain to get things from the village. Yun warned him saying, “Women are the root of all evil. They destroy the way of bodhi and break down the city of nirvana. When you go down to the world of men, you ought to be cautious.” Gao promised respectfully that he would remember this. With this instruction in mind, Gao descended the mountain. He saw a maiden about fourteen or fifteen of great beauty and dressed in gorgeous clothing. Riding on a white horse, she rushed forward to Gao and, dismounting, she prostrated and begged Gao saying that she was ill and could not control the unruly horse. She asked Gao to save her life. Remembering what his teacher told him, Gao ignored her without looking back. The girl followed him for several li and continued begging him with great pity. But Gao was firm in his resolve as before. The girl suddenly disappeared. When Gao returned home and told Haiyun what happened, the master said, “You are truly a heroic man. Nevertheless, she is actually Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva. You did not realize this and thought she was teasing you.” 隋并州人高守節。家代信奉。而守節尤深。最爲精懇。到年十六七時。曾遊 代郡。道遇沙門。年可五六十。自稱海雲。與之談叙。因謂曰。兒能誦 經否。答曰。誠其本心。雲即將向臺山。至一住處。見三草屋。纔可 容身。乃於中止。教誦法華經。在外乞求。給其衣食。節。屡見胡僧 來至。與師言笑。終日歸去。後雲輒問。識向胡僧否。曰不識。雲貎似戲 言曰。是文殊師利菩薩。節。雖頻承此告。未晤其旨。後忽使節下山。就 村取物。仍誡之曰。夫女人者。衆惡之本。壞菩提道。破涅槃城。汝向 人間。宜其深愼。節敬諾。受教下山。中路見一女人。年十四五。衣服 鮮華。姿容雅麗。乘一白馬。直趣其前 叩首。向節曰。身有急患。要須 下乘。馬好跳躍。制不自由。希君扶接。濟此微命。節。遂念師言。竟不 回顧。女亦追尋數里。苦切其辭。節執志如初。俄而致失。既還本處。具陳 其事。師曰。汝眞丈夫矣。雖然。此是文殊菩薩。汝尚不悟。猶謂 戲言。73

Having failed to appreciate not one but two encounters with Mañjuśrī, the narrative continues, Gao Shoujie travelled to the capital to learn from Meditation Master Wolun 臥倫禪師. Arriving at his place of practice, the master addressed him: Where are you coming from? [Gao] replied: I have come from Mount Wutai. The master sent me away to become your disciple. Lun said: What was your teacher’s name. [Gao] replied: Haiyun. Lun, gasping with surprise, said: Mount Wutai is Mañjuśrī’s dwelling. The bhikṣu Sāgaramegha (Haiyun) is the third great “good friend” to whom the youth Sudhāna prays and worships in the 73

Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1097, a27-b16.

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Avataṃsaka sūtra. How could you abandon this saint? In one thousand kalpas and ten thousand eons there is no way to meet [him] once. Why [did you make] this error? 倫曰。汝從何來。答曰。從五臺山來。和尚遣與師爲弟子。倫曰。和尚 名誰。答曰。海雲。倫大驚歎曰。倫大驚歎曰。五臺山者。文殊所居。海雲 比丘。即是華嚴經中善財童子祈禮。第三大善知識。74

Following this revelation, Gao returns but cannot find Sāgaramegha. The layman, then, thrice fails to appreciate that he is in the presence of important beings. The narrative of Gao Shoujie puts forward two contradictory views of women. It introduces, first, the notion that as objects of male desire women pose a threat to progress on the religious path. Haiyun’s claim that “women are the root of evil. They destroy the way of bodhi and break down the city of nirvana” exemplifies this misogynistic sentiment. The perspective is familiar from the early literature of Buddhist asceticism in which, Alan Sponberg writes, “we find the feminine and women categorically condemned as a threat to male celibacy.”75 At the same time, the narrative implies that Gao Shoujie failed when instead of assisting a person in need he retreated from her. Rather than viewing women as threats, the Gu Qingliang zhuan seems to suggest, practitioners at Mount Wutai ought to approach all beings as though they might be Mañjuśrī. Like Śāriputra of the Lotus Sūtra, in this narrative Gao Shoujie learns a powerful lesson about women and the religious path in a story that seems to question though not outright reject misogyny. The record of the cleric Puming as presented in the Gu Qingliang zhuan, in contrast, is a didactic tale about the deleterious effects of desire that represents women as alluring antagonists on the ascetic path. Like the story of Gao Shoujie that it follows, the account introduces a varied cast of mysterious figures that the monk met at Mount Wutai. According to the text, Puming dwelled alone in a niche he excavated to the north of the South Terrace. One day a monk who looked strikingly impressive approached him there. The pair discussed the difficulty of being delivered from samsara and overcoming vexations. When thieves harassed him and tigers draw near to him in the hollow Puming remained indifferent. On both occasions this mysterious monk appeared and praised his resolve saying, “Work hard, work hard!” (nuli nuli 努力努力). Puming’s practice seems to have been exemplary until a woman approached him in need. 74

Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1097, b22-26. Alan Sponberg, “Attitudes toward Women and the Feminine in Early Buddhism,” in: Buddhism, Sexuality, and Gender, ed. José Ignacio Cabezón (Albany: Statue University of New York Press, 1992), 20. 75

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According to the Gu Qingliang zhuan, one fiercly cold night a woman arrived at Puming’s abode. According to Huixiang: … At dusk there was a woman. Her demeanour was graceful and dignified. She addressed Puming saying: “I am extremely cold. Please allow me in your niche.” Puming felt pity and allowed her to come in. Her clothing was thin. Also she had no mat. Moreover, the snow was profoundly deep. She called many times to Puming seeking to get on the bed. At first Puming did not allow it. When they reached the third watch of the night her voice had ceased. Puming stroked her with his hand. She was all cold but somewhat had breath. Fearing she would die, he drew her onto the bed. Ming unfastened his clothing to cover her. And with his foot and hand he warmed her so that she came back to life. He fell asleep but after a few moments he woke up. The woman’s entire body was warm. It was fine and smooth to the touch. Puming’s craving fire arose inside. He gave rise to evil thoughts. He had a desire to touch the woman.76 She had already descended to the floor and when he touched her, she suddenly disappeared. At this, Puming’s whole body became a flood of decay. One hundred holes of pus flowed out [from his body]. His eyebrows and facial hair at once fell off and severe aches and pains penetrated his bones and his heart. An extremely foul smell filled the room and worms and insects infested his room. Since Puming suffered in this way he was grieved and upbraided himself limitlessly. 日暮有一婦人。儀容婉嚴。告明曰。寒苦之甚。請寄龕中。明遂憫而許 之。彼衣疎薄。又無茵蓐。更深雪厚。申吟轉多。告明求寄床上。明初不 許。比至三更。其聲遂絶。明以手撫之。上下通冷。纔有氣息。恐其致 殞。引使登床。明解衣蓋。及手足襯以煖之。庶其全濟。夜既深久。明忽 爲睡纒。少爾而覺。女乃通身温適。細滑非常。明遂 慾火内起。便生惡 念。方欲摩牧。彼已下床。以手搭之。倏焉而失。明。於是遍身洪爛。百 穴膿流。眉毛鬚髮。一時倶墮。而疼痛辛苦。徹骨貫心。臭穢狼籍。蛆蟲 滿室。明既獲斯苦。慨責 無限。77

The Gu Qingliang zhuan introduces a final figure, a disembodied voice, which heals the cleric. After suffering for more than two months, according to the text, a voice called to the cleric and directed him to consume the medicinal plant changsong 長松 which not only cured him but transform him into a worldly immortal (suxian 俗仙).78 76 I remain unsure of how to translate momu, literally to touch the pasture or cow, in the phrase 方欲摩牧. I wonder if nu 女 (woman) was somehow miswritten as mu 牧 here? In this case we would have “desired to touch the woman.” 77 Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1097, c13-25. 78 The final entry in the gazetteer includes a description of this substance. The speaker is the elderly Wang Xianger 王相兒, a purveyor of medicines who Huixiang apparently met in nearby Fanzhi county 繁峙縣 According to Wang: “The mountain has a medicine named changsong. One may obtain its root and eat it. The exterior color is like that of qini 薺苨 [another medicinal herb]. It is 3 to 5 inches long. Its flavor is slightly bitter. It is not poison. If one eats it for a long

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While Huixiang uses Puming’s hagiography to illustrate Mount Wutai’s status as a place of rare flora, healing, and transcendence, the narrative also reveals that at least some of the compiler’s seventh century contemporaries viewed women as obstacles on the religious path. This perspective may reflect anxieties born of the ascetic celibate tradition that Puming exemplifies and which already had a long history at Mount Wutai by the seventh century as the record of the monk Tanluan (476-542) and references to the territory between Mount Wutai and Mount Heng as the haunt of divine hermits indicate. One wonders how the arrival of progressively greater numbers of women and men at Mount Wutai in the latter half of the seventh-century affected recluses and in what ways the view of women articulated in the dramatic story of Puming reflects the encounter between eremitic and pilgrimage traditions. CONCLUDING REMARKS The question at the heart of Huixiang’s text is very different from the one around which this paper is built. Rather than exploring women’s roles at seventh-century Mount Wutai, the Gu Qingliang zhuan aims to convey what renders this collection of peaks extraordinary and thus worthy of devotion. In addition to the Mañjuśrī’s presence there, the compiler purports, the existence of rare medicines at the site, its status as the home of local gods and transcendents, and its association with eminent monks and rulers all mark Mount Wutai as a place of great significance. In this text dominated by monks and laymen, women appear infrequently. In addition to a single miracle tale about an unnamed laywoman, the Gu Qingliang zhuan preserves two stories about unnamed nuns who had visions at the site, as well as the record of the accomplished sixth century nun Fami. Together, these materials establish that laywomen and nuns practiced alone and with groups at the site. They indicate that Huixiang’s seventh century contemporaries celebrated women as the recipients of visions and, in the case of Fami, as the focus of post-mortem devotion. Endeavouring to understand the religious lives of women at this place we can also consult entries concerning groups active at early Mount Wutai. While it is only in the record of the relic enshrinement he led that Huixiang time it will protect and benefit [you]. As for dissolving various insects’ poison, [consuming] this is most efficacious. Local people value it and often gather it for emergent use…” 山有藥名 長松。其藥。取根食之。皮色如薺苨。長三五尺。味微苦。無毒。久服保益。至於解諸 蟲毒。最爲良驗。土俗貴之。常採以備急。 (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳, juan 2: T 2098, p. 1100 c17-20).

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explicitly mentions female participants in one of these groups, it seems very likely that women were involved in similar projects led by the cleric Kuiji, Huize, Shijiamiduoluo, and other eminent monks who arrived at Mount Wutai in the latter half of the seventh century. Women were among the 700 individuals who installed a stele on the Center Plateau. They regularly offered flowers and food at the former site of the monk Tanluan’s hermitage each month. Together with the monastics who participated in the Sahā Temple rainy retreat, they witnessed flocks of white cranes and five-colored clouds above the mountain peaks. Thus while a misogynistic thread is woven into two of the most dramatic Gu Qingliang zhuan narratives, the first record of Mount Wutai contains abundant evidence of women’s varied and robust involvement in the mountain cult. Whether as recluses practicing on the mountain’s margins or pilgrims ascending its Center Peak in parties of 500 monks, nuns, and laypeople, women were important actors in the emerging Mañjuśrī cult at Mount Wutai. BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Dafang guangfo huayan jing 大方廣佛華嚴經古清涼傳 (T 278). Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳 (T 2098). Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳 (T 2099). Secondary Sources Andrews, Susan. “Gathering Medicines Among the Cypress: The Relationship between Healing and Place in the Earliest Records of Mount Wutai,” Studies in Chinese Religions 5, no. 1 (2019): 1-13. Andrews, Susan. “Representing Mount Wutai’s 五臺山 Past: A Study of Chinese and Japanese miracle tales about the Five Terrace Mountain” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 2013). Bingenheimer, Marcus. Island of Guanyin: Mount Putuo and Its Gazetteers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016). Birnbaum, Raoul. “The Manifestations of a Monastery: Shen-ying’s Experiences on Mount Wutai in T’ang Context,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 106, no. 1 (1986): 119-137. Cartelli, Mary Anne. The Five-Colored Clouds of Mount Wutai: Poems from Dunhuang (Leiden: Brill, 2013). Chen, Jinhua. Philosopher, Practitioner, Politician: The Many Lives of Fazang (643712) (Leiden: Brill, 2007). Chen, Jinhua. “Śarīra and Scepter: Empress Wu’s Political Use of Buddhist Relics,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 25, no. 1-2 (2002): 33-150.

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Chou, Wen-shing. Mount Wutai: Visions of a Sacred Mountain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018). Gimello, Robert. “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ai Shan,” in: Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, eds. Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992): 89-149. Gimello, Robert. “Wu-t’ai Shan during the Early Chin Dynasty: The Testimony of Chu Pien,” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 7 (1994): 501-612. Lin, Wei-cheng. Building a Sacred Mountain: The Buddhist Architecture of China’s Mount Wutai (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2012). Naquin, Susan; Yü, Chün-fang. “Introduction: Pilgrimage in China,” in: Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, eds. Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992). Reischauer, Edwin O. Ennin’s Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law (New York: Ronald Press, 1955). Robson, James. “Changing Places: The Conversions of Religious Sites in China,” in: Images, Relics and Legends: The Formation and Transformation of Buddhist Sacred Sites. Essays in Honour of Professor Koichi Shinohara, eds. James Benn, Chen Jinhua, and James Robson (Oakville, Ont.: Mosaic Press, 2012): 90-111. Robson, James. Power of Place: the religious landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue) in medieval China (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009). Rothschild, N. Harry. Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon of Devis, Divinities, and Dynastic Mothers (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015). Schopen, Gregory. Bones, stones, and Buddhist monks: collected papers on the archaeology, epigraphy, and texts of monastic Buddhism in India (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1997). Sen, Tansen. Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600-1400 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003). Sharf, Robert H. Coming to terms with Chinese Buddhism: a reading of the Treasure Store treatise (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2002). Shinohara, Koichi. “Two Sources of Chinese Buddhist Biographies: Stupa Inscriptions and Miracle Stories,” in: Monks and Magicians: Religious Biographies in Asia, eds. Phyllis Granoff and Koichi Shinohara (Oakville: Mosaic Press, 1988): 119-228. Sponberg, Alan. “Attitudes toward Women and the Feminine in Early Buddhism,” in: Buddhism, Sexuality, and Gender, ed. José Ignacio Cabezón (Albany: Statue University of New York Press, 1992): 3-36. Szczepanski, Beth. The Instrumental Music of Wutaishan’s Buddhist Monasteries: Social and Ritual Contexts (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012). Tansen, Sen. Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600-1400 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003). Wang, Eugene. Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005). Yü, Chün-fang. Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001).

YOUXI CHUANDENG AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE GAOMING MONASTERY IN THE TIANTAI MOUNTAINS Chi-chiang HUANG I. INTRODUCTION Youxi Chuandeng 幽溪傳燈 (1554-1628) has long been regarded as the foremost Tiantai Buddhist master, as he revivified Tiantai doctrine and contemplation practice (jiaoguan 教觀),1 in Ming times. His importance lies in the fact that he revitalized the long atrophied Tiantai Buddhism whose influence has been viewed as coming to a halt after the time of Fazhi Zhili 法智 知禮 (960-1028) in the Northern Song, despite some progression made under the leadership of prominent Tiantai masters such as Zhiyong Liaoran 智涌 了然 (1077-1141), Yuangbian Daochen 圓辯道琛 (1086-1153), and Zhuan Keguan 竹菴可觀 (1092-1182) in the Southern Song.2 Current scholarship suggests that post-Song Tiantai Buddhism was largely eclipsed by the Chan and Pure Land schools, as their influence continued to grow amidst the absence of outstanding leaders of other Buddhist schools including the Tiantai school. The domination of Chan and Pure Land traditions lasted several centuries well into the Ming, during which doctrinal Buddhism seemed to have lost its appeal. While the influence of Tiantai Buddhism remained somewhat visible in the first half of the Ming dynasty, the resurgence of Tiantai 1 The phrase “jiaoguan” 教觀 appears repeatedly in Zhiyi’s most famous works: the Fahua xuanyi 法華玄義 and the Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀. Although the term refers generally to Tiantai doctrine (jiao 教) and Tiantai meditation practice (guan 觀), it represents Tiantai teachings in general. 2 See Huiyue 慧岳, Tiantai jiaoxue shi 天台教學史 (Taipei: Mile chuban she, 1983). Note that the author of this book relies heavily on Japanese works on Tiantai Buddhism and offers scanty insights of his own. Much of the discussion in the book is general and introductory. In fact, aside from Liaoran, Daochen, and Keguan, a few other Tiantai monks in the Southern Song were also able to keep Tiantai Buddhism from declining. The most eminent of them were Beifeng Zongyin 北峰宗印 (1148-1213), Boting Shanyue 柏庭善月 (1149-1241), and Foguang Fazhao 佛光法照 (1185-1273). Scholars have yet to explore the uncharted waters of Tiantai’s development in the Southern Song. For a cursory discussion of the three monks, see: Huang Chi-chiang 黃啟江, Yiwei chan yu jianghu shi 一味禪與江湖詩 (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshu guan, 2010), 138-39, 337, 361, 364, 631-32, and Huang Chi-chiang, Nan-Song liu wenxueseng jinnian lu 南宋六文學僧紀年錄 (Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 2014).

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Buddhism as a principal Buddhist school before and after the rise of Youxi Chuandeng seemed predestined. Despite his flagrant obscurity in modern Buddhist scholarship, Youxi Chuandeng was of no less renown than the Four Great Eminent Monks of the Ming dynasty, i.e. Yunqi Zhuhong 雲棲株宏 (1532-1612), Hanshan Deqing 憨山德清 (1546-1623), Zibo Zhenke 紫柏真 可 (1543-1603), and Ouyi Zhixu 蕅益智旭 (1599-1655), in the times they flourished.3 Even honored as the “Master’s Senior Brother” (shibo, 師伯) by the youngest of the four eminent monks, Ouyi Zhixu,4 Chuandeng was celebrated as the Tiantai master of paramount importance. As Reverend Huiyue indicated in his book on the history of the Tiantai teachings, Chuandeng was the great Tiantai scholar and master who took on the restoration of the declined Tiantai Buddhism as his responsibility.5 This view has been heartily supported by recent studies of Youxi Chuandeng and of other schools of Buddhism.6 3 For their prominence, they also received attention from scholars in the West. Each was given a short biography in Carrington Goodrich, ed., Dictionary of Ming Biography, 1366-1644 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976) and a book-length study of his life and thoughts. For Yunqi Zhuhong, see: Yu Chun-fang, Renewal of Buddhism in China: Chu-Hung & the Late Ming Synthesis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981). For Hanshan Deqing, see: Hsu Sung-pen, A Buddhist Leader in Ming China: The Life and Thought of Han-shan Te-ch’ing, 1546–1623 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1979). For Zibo Zheke, see: J.C. Cleary, “Zibo Zhenke: a Buddhist leader of late Ming China” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1985); Sebastian Gault, Der Verschleierte Geist: Zen-Betrachtungen des Chinesischen Mönchs-Philosophen Zibo Zhenke (Bern: Peter Lang, 2003); Taro Yamada, Guido Keller, Zibo Zhenke: Kuhmist vom Landhaus zur Hohen Kiefer (Frankfurt: Angkor Verlag, 2005); Zhang Dewei, “A Fragile Revival: Chinese Buddhism under the Political Shadow, 1522-1620” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia, 2010). For a summary of the thoughts of the four eminent monks, see: William Chu, “Syncretism reconsidered: The Four Eminent Monks and their syncretistic styles,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 29, no. 1, 2006 (2008). For Ouyi Zhixu, see: Beverley Foulks McGuire, Living Karma: the Religious Practices of Ouyi Zhixu (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014). The most comprehensive study of Ouyi Zhixu is none other than: Shengyan fashi 聖嚴法師, Mingmo Zhongguo fojiao zhi yanjiu 明末中國佛教之研究 (Taipei: Fagu wenhua shiye gufen youxian gongsi, 2009). 4 Zhixu 智旭. “Ranxiang gong Wujin shibo wen” 燃香供無盡師伯文, Lingfeng Ouyi dashi zonglun 靈峰蕅益大師宗論, juan 8: Jiaxingzang 嘉興藏 348, p. 396, c21 – p. 397, a05. Note that Zhixu referred to Chuandeng as shibo 師伯 on at least two occasions, even though his master Hanshan Deqing 憨山德清 and Chuandeng did not belong to the same Tiantai lineage. It is clear that the Zhixu addressed him by this title out of respect. 5 Huiyue, Tiantai jiaoxue shi, 296-297. 6 See Ma Yungfen, “The Revival of Tiantai Buddhism in the Late Ming: On the Thought of Youxi Chuandeng 幽溪傳燈 (1554-1628)” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, New York, 2011) and Lin Yiluan 林一鑾, “Ming Youxi Chuandeng (1554-1628) dashi zhi yanjiu” 明幽溪傳燈 (1554-1628) 大師之研究 (unpublished MA dissertation, Huafan University, Taipei, 2004). The former is a study of On the Innate Good and Evil in Dharma Nature, Xing shan’e lun 性善惡論, a treatise that Chuandeng composed in 1621 when he was sixty-eight years old. It also offers a general account of Chuandeng’s life and Chuandeng’s construction of the Gaoming Monastery largely based on the Youxi biezhi published by Jiangsu

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While the history of Ming Buddhism still remains incomplete, the fact of the rise of Chuandeng as discussed in this article can very much upend the notion or impression that Tiantai Buddhism was persistently enervated by the insurmountable popularity of the Chan and Pure Land schools. Not meant to specifically reinforce the image of Chuandeng as a great Tiantai master, this article aims to argue that the construction of the Gaoming Monastery 高明寺, a difficult job that Chuandeng managed to complete, fulfilled Chuandeng’s goals of revivifing the Tiantai teachings and ushering in a new phase of Tiantai culture that was non-sectarian and more eclectic in its religious outlook. Unlike other leaders of Buddhist communities before his time, Chuandeng consciously made the construction of the Gaoming Monastery a self-imposed mission, intending to rebuild what he believed to have been the site of the temple known as Folong 佛隴, where the Great Master Zhiyi 智顗大師 (538-597), a.k.a., Zhizhe 智者, the de facto founder of Tiantai school of Buddhism, turned the Tiantai Mountains into a sacrosanct place. The attempt to connect himself with the space and landscape that in a remote past had inspired the sanctity of the founding patriarch of Tiantai Buddhism is, as will be demonstrated below, indicative of Chuandeng’s determination to reaffirm the prestige of Tiantai tradition in the way he deemed most effective. In other words, Mount Folong, or more specifically Mount Gaoming, can be seen as a “spatial turn” that anticipated Chuandeng’s lifetime endeavor, resulting in the construction of the Gaoming Monastery being an extraordinary undertaking.7 The task was carried out with a deep sense of quasi-historical consciousness that had rarely been noticeable in pre-Ming temple or monastery construction and the completion of it was of great cultural and historical significance. In what follows, I will present my argument by conflating Chuandeng’s urges to construct the Gaoming Monastery and to reinvigorate Tiantai Buddhism via epistolary persuasion for institutional innovation. guji chuban she 江蘇古籍出版社, which is a corrupt edition (see: Ma Yungfen, “The Revival of Tiantai Buddhism,” 20-37). The latter is a much more ambitious study of Chuandeng’s life and thoughts. It, however, leaves much to be desired. For a study of the Huayan school, see: Chien Kaiting 簡凱廷, “Wan Ming Wutai seng Kongyin Zhengcheng ji qi sixiang yanjiu” 晚明五臺僧空印鎮澄及其思想研究 (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, National Qinghua University, Xinzhu, Taiwan, 2017). 7 Regarding the term “spatial turn” used in history, see: Jo Guldi, “The Spatial Turn in History,” http://spatial.scholarslab.org/spatial-turn/the-spatial-turn-in-history/index.html (accessed 7/9/2016) and Jo Guldi, “What is the Spatial Turn?” http://spatial.scholarslab.org/ spatial-turn/what-is-the-spatial-turn/ (accessed 7/9/2016). For its use in recent historiographic scholarship, see: Beat Kümin; Cornelie Usborne, “At Home and in the Workplace: Domestic and Occupational Space in Western Europe from the Middle Ages,” History and Theory 52, no. 3 (2013), 305-318.

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II. CHUANDENG AND HIS LOCATING OF THE GAOMING MONASTERY In the summer of 1586 and at the age of thirty-three, Chuandeng went up to the Tiantai Mountains and settled in a place named Youxi 幽溪 situated close to and east of the famous Guoqing Monastery 國清寺, which had been built by Prince Jin 晉王 before he ascended the throne as Sui Yangdi 隋煬帝.8 He then made the place the permanent abode for the rest of his life, during which he, already a Tiantai master of high renown, was invited to lecture on treatises of the Tiantai school, as well as on other scriptures and commentaries, in various places in Zhejiang and Jiangsu, as will be discussed below. Even though Chuandeng occasionally gave lectures in different places, he never considered relocating to other monasteries whether they were in the Tiantai Mountains or in cities known for rich resources. He wanted to give luster to Youxi, which he believed to have been the most important sanctuary in Zhiyi’s life, given that the master’s cinerary urn was buried there. Despite Zhiyi’s extended period of residence on the Tiantai Mountains being perceived by modern scholars as ten-year “sojourn” and “transitional period” in terms of the master’s perfection of Tiantai doctrines, Chuandeng regarded the place, especially Youxi, as the birthplace of Tiantai Buddhism.9 The ideal and goal of constructing a monastery at Youxi, which took many years to fulfill, started from the time he delved into Tiantai Buddhist texts, probably in his early thirties, a few years after he left home to study under the Chan Master Ying’an 映庵 (1546-1579) and received tonsure from him.10 The 8 Guoqing bailu 國清百錄, juan 4: T 1934, p. 816, a01, p. 817, a07 – p. 818, c18. Fozu tongji jiaozhu 佛祖統紀校注 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 2012), juan 6, p. 185. Note that the Guoqing Monastery was built and named after Zhiyi’s death in accord with Zhiyi’s wish. 9 Daniel Stevenson says that the earlier phase of Zhiyi’s career included his first period of residence in Jinling 金陵 and his “ten year sojourn on Mt. T’ien-t’ai.” He also says that in certain respects, “the decade on Mt. T’ien-t’ai (575-585) can be seen as a transitional period” and that Zhiyi’s thought “underwent an important transformation while he was on Mt. T’ien-t’ai, the results of which are to be seen in new forms of doctrinal expression that became characteristic of his later works” (Daniel Stevenson, “The Four Kinds of Samādhi in Early T’ien-t’ai Buddhism,” in: Traditions of Meditation in Chinese Buddhism, ed. Peter N. Gregory [Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1986], 51, 88n21). 10 About Chuandeng’s life, Jiang Mingyu’s 蔣鳴玉 “Youmen dashi taming” 有門大師 塔銘 in the added segment of the 12th fascicle of the Youxi biezhi 幽溪別志 offers a very thorough account on which much of the above discussion is based (Youxi biezhi, juan 12, pp. 9a-13a). The Youxi biezhi, printed in 1644, is not widely known and available, but at least five copies are readily accessible. These include: (1) a reprinted copy in the Siku quanshu cunmu congshu 四庫全書存目叢書 volumes; (2) a copy preserved at Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin (Foundation Prussian Cultural Possessions, State Library at Berlin); (3) a copy included in the Zhongguo fosi zhi congkang 中國佛寺志叢刊 (Yangzhou: Guangling shushe, 2006); (4) a copy included in the Zhongguo fosi zhi congkang

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master, not well known but having been a disciple of two Chan masters, Baina 白衲 (d.u.) and Yueting Mingde 月亭明得 (1531-1588), bestowed on Chuandeng the Yongjia ji 永嘉集, a Chan text allegedly authored by the Tang dynasty monk Yongjia Xuanjie 永嘉玄覺 (665-712). From this text, Chuandeng learned that “as long as one can penetrate deeply in one gate, all gates will be fully perfected” (gou neng yimen shenru, ze memmen juzu 苟能一門深入，則門門具足).11 This occurred a few years after he had read the Longshu jingtu wen 龍舒淨土文 by the Southern Song author Wang Rixiu 王日休 (?-1173), and was moved by the text about Pure Land faith.12 The encounter with Ying’an was probably not part of his plan because the first thing he did after he vowed to renounce the worldly life soon after his father’s death was visiting Mount Potalaka, a.k.a., Mount Putuo 普陀山 in Zhoushan 舟山 of Zhejiang, which at this time housed both Pure Land and Chan temples, although Guanyin remained the tutelary Bodhisattva of the Mountain.13 Although it is unclear as to how long Chuandeng stayed on Mount Putuo and what he actually did there, he returned home to repay his mother’s grace and became severely ill. Worrying that his health might further deteriorate and seeing no chance for recovery, his mother let him leave home to follow Master Ying’an. Upon his death, Ying’an prophesized that – if Chuandeng should thoroughly study and comprehend the aforementioned Yongjia ji – he would be the one to take on the transmission of the xubian 中國佛寺志叢刊續編 (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chuban she, in 2001); (5) a copy included in the Zhongguo fosi zhi huikang, third serries 中國佛寺志彙刊第三輯 (Taipei: Danqing tushu gongsi, 1985), which has been digitized by the Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Arts 法鼓文理學院 and is available online, and (6) a four-volume Ming edition preserved in the Fu Si’nian Library, Academia Sinica 中央研究院傅斯年圖書館 and its facsimile reproduction in the library of Institute of Literature and Philoshphy, Academia Sinica 中央研究院文 哲研究所. All of them are invariably damaged and corrupt to large or small degree. I use all these editions, along with Chuandeng’s Youxi wenji 幽溪文集, which is included in the Quzhou wenxian jicheng 衢州文獻集成 (Beijing: Guojia tushu guan chuban she, 2015), to recover the text to its most possible integrity to ensure readability of the text and will make a redacted, amended, and punctuated copy available in the near future. Page numbers used in this article are that of the original page numbers clearly seen in the Siku quanshu cunmu congshu edition. For Ying’an, in particular, there is a short biography titled “Ying’an Chuandan chanshi” (see: Chuandeng, Tiantai shan fangwai zhi 天台山方外志 [Taipei: Danqing chuban she, reprint, 1985, based on 1894 edition], juan 8, pp. 345-346). 11 The quotation appears in Jiang Mingyu’s “Youmen dashi taming” (see: Youxi biezhi, p.9b). 12 For Wang Rixiu and his Longshu jingtu wen, see: Huang Chi-chiang, “The Lay Buddhist and the Appropriation of Pure Land Scriptures – the Case of Wang Rixiu,” unpublished paper presented at the 54th Annual Meeting of the Association of Asian Studies, Washington D.C., April 4-7, 2002. 13 For Chan and Pure Land temples on Mount Putuo at this time, see: Wang Liansheng 王連勝, Putuo luojia shan zhi 普陀洛迦山志 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 1999).

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Buddha dharma. Chuandeng did indeed study and comprehend the Yongjia ji, and he also reviewed it when later on he was observing the cremation of the master’s body in extreme grief. Reminiscing his master’s words which were inscribed in the Yongjia ji, Chuandeng said that he had never forgotten his master’s hand-written instructions.14 According to Jiang Mingyu 蔣鳴玉, author of Chuandeng’s epitaph,15 Chuandeng believed that Xuanjue had penetrated the Tiantai doctrines before he was able to corroborate his understanding of Chan teachings with what was being taught by Caoxi 曹溪, or Huineng 慧能, the Six Patriarch of Chan School, and that he viewed the Tiantai doctrines and Chan as two teachings that could be melded into one. With this in mind, Chuandeng began studying and practicing the Tiantai school’s “Calming and Contemplation” (Tiantai zhiguan 天台止觀), and went to the Tiantai Mountains where he studied under a number of Buddhist masters, of whom only Yueting 月亭 (1531-1588), a.k.a., Qiansong Yueting 14 Chuandeng, “Ying’an Chuandan chanshi” 暎菴傳玬禪師, in: Tiantai shan fangwai zhi, juan 8, pp. 345-46. Note that the name of the master here was printed in the Youxi biezhi as 映庵. 15 The epitaph appears in Youxi biezhi, juan 12: pp. 9a-13a. Note that Jiang Mingyu is usually referred to as a Qing scholar known for his works Zhengyu bilu 政餘筆錄, Sishu jiangyi shecun 四書講義舌存, Shangshu jiangyi shecun 尚書講義舌存, and Wujing guiyue 五經圭約. Although his dates are not clear, he was a jinshi degree holder in 1637. A native of Jintan 金壇, a.k.a., Jinsha 金沙, of Jiangsu 江蘇, he served as Judicial Administrator of Taizhou prefecture in late Ming, which was also referred to as Prefectural Judge 推官 in local gazetteers and works such as the Siku tiyao 四庫提要. His official title Taizhoufu sili 台州府司李 recorded in the Youxi biezhi should read 台州府司理 instead. The Taizhou fu zhi cites that the memorial hall built to honor Jiang Mingyu was in the north of Taizhou prefectural government site. The hall is referred to as Jiang sili ci 蔣司理祠 (see: Xue Yingqi 薛應旂, Jiajing Zhejiang tongzhi 嘉靖浙江通志 [Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1990], juan 154, pp. 27b-28a; Guo Yuxiu 郭毓秀, Kangxi Jintan xianzhi 康熙金壇縣志 [Bejining: Guojia tushu guan chuban she, 2013], juan 8, pp. 15ab; Yu Changlin 喻長霖, Minguo Taizhou fuzhi 民國台州府志 [Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1993], juan 97, pp. 31ab). In his book abstract outlining Jiang’s Wujing guiyue, Ji Yun 紀昀 holds an opinion that Jiang had put together lecture notes on the Four Books 四書 and the Five Classics 五經. He also thinks that Jiang’s commentaries on the Classics are simple and easy to read but they do not really add up, nor can they reach the high level of profundity and sophistication. All of the above sources do not provide any information about Jiang Mingyu’s connection with Chuandeng, so the question one may ask is why Jiang wrote an epitaph for Chuandeng. The information available to us shows that Jiang was too young to have direct contact with Chuandeng because by the time he obtained the jinshi and was appointed Prefectual Judge of Taizhou, Chuandeng had already been dead for nine years. Jiang would most likely hear of Chuandeng and find him estimable during his seven-year tenure as Prefectual Judge of Taizhou. He actually was asked to write an epitaph for Chuandeng either during or after his tenure in Taizhou, but he declined doing it for reason he never specified. It was not until five years after the first request was made did he write the epitaph, drawing on the biographical sketch 行狀 that Wenxin Shoujiao 文心受教 had drafted. As will be discussed below, Wenxin Shoujiao was Chuandeng’s disciple, who also contributed to the construction of the Gaoming Monastery in many ways.

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千松月亭,16 was better known. He then learned the essential Tiantai teachings from the Dharma Master Baisong 百松法師 (1537-1589), a.k.a., Baisong Zhenjue 百松真覺, who was actually Yueting’s disciple and Feng Mengzhen’s 馮夢禎 (1548-1595) inspirator.17 After hearing the Lotus Sūtra that Baisong expounded, he was asked to substitute for Baisong at the master’s behest and lecture on the Sūtra. For this, he received from the master a copy of Zhiyi’s Great Calming and Contemplation (Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀). And upon hearing the Śūraṅgama Sūtra that Baisong taught,18 Chuandeng questioned the meaning of “Great Samādhi of the Śūraṅgama” (Lengyan dading 楞嚴 大定).19 As indicated by the epitaph, he immediately comprehended the “perfection of sot-indriya,” literally “perfection of the ear-faculty” (ergen yuantong 耳根圓通), which was repeatedly emphasized by later commentators of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra,20 and which was achieved best by Bodhisattva 16 See: Jiang Mingyu, “Youmen dashi taming,” Youxi biezhi, juan 12: p. 9b. Qiansong’s dharma name is Mingde 明得. A disciple of Wansong Huilin 萬松慧林 (1482-1557), he became a specialist of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra and the Huayan Sūtra. His disciple Baisong Zhenjue was Chuandeng’s master (see: Ruxing 如惺, Daming gaoseng zhuan 大明高僧傳, juan 4: T 2062, p. 912, b27 – p. 913, c14 [Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban she, 1987]). 17 Feng Mengzhen wrote an epitaph for Baisong’s stūpa titled “Miaofeng Jue fashi ta ming” 妙峰覺法師塔銘, in which he indicated that it was due to Miaofeng’s inspiration he practiced and upheld Tiantai Buddhism (see: Chuandeng, Tiantai shan fangwai zhi, juan 24: p. 847). See below for more about Feng Mengzhen. 18 The epitaph does not say specifically that Chuandeng heard Baisong’s lecture on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, but Zhou Kefu 周克復 specified that in his Fahua jing chiyan ji 法華經持 驗記, Xuzangjing (hereafter XZJ), 1541 (Taipei: Xingwenfeng chuban gongsi, XZJ, vol. 78, 1987). In his Jingtu shengxian lu 淨土聖賢錄, XZJ 1549 (Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, XZJ, vol. 78, 1987), Peng Jiqing 彭際清 also failed to point out this, probably because the epitaph never made it clear. 19 The phrase “Lengyan dading” 楞嚴大定 or “Shuolengyan dading” 首楞嚴大定 was first used by Tiantai monk Zhanran 湛然 (711-782) in his Zhiguan fuxing souyao ji 止觀輔 行搜要記 (see: juan 6: XZJ 0919, p. 822, a19). It was a commonly used phrase from the Song Dynasty on, first appearing in Gushan Zhiyuan’s 孤山智圓 (976-1022) Weimo jing lueshu chuiyu ji 維摩經略疏垂裕記, juan 5: T 1779, p. 769, b6, then in Zhipan’s Fozu tongji 佛祖 統紀, juan 4:T 2035, p. 166, a16, and in many others. It has since become a standard term used to refer to the “Śūraṅgama (Indestructible) Samādhi,” mentioned in the beginning chapter of the the Śūraṅgama Sūtra that reads, “There is a samādhi called ‘The Great and Royal Śūraṅgama that Is Spoken from above the Crown of the Buddha’s Head and that Is the Perfection of the Myriad Practices’” 有三摩提名大佛頂首楞嚴王，具足萬行. According to Yuanying Hongwu 圓瑛宏悟 (1878-1953), this samādhi is the conflated name of the Buddha’s Samādhi (see: Yuanying Hongwu, Da Foding Shoulengyan jiangyi 大佛頂首楞嚴經講義 [Taipei: Dasheng jingshe, 1996], 84). 20 Note that this phrase does not appear in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra but rather has its first appearance in the Zongjing lu 宗鏡錄 by Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽 (904-975) (see: juan 44: T 2016, p. 674, a3). It then appears in virtually all commentaries on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra until modern times. The Sūtra’s first commentary is Changshui Zixuan’s 長水子璿 (9651038) Shoulengyan yishu zhujing 首楞嚴義疏注經. The phrase appears in juan 6-1: T 1799, p. 907, b17-b27. The most comprehensive commentary on the Sūtra in modern times is the Da

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Guanyin.21 Thereafter, Chuandeng authored The Four Books on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra (Lengyan sishu 楞嚴四書) that comprise the Lengyan xuanyi 楞嚴 玄義 in four fascicles, the Lengyan yuantong shu qianmao 楞嚴圓通疏前茅 in two fascicles, the Yuantong shu 圓通疏 in ten fascicles, and the Lengyan haiyin sanmei yi 楞嚴海印三昧儀.22 These Four Books constitute a major portion of Chuandeng’s corpus and teachings, with each purporting to accomplish a specific goal. In the words of Jiang Mingyu, the Xuanyi explains the meaning of the title Śūraṅgama; the Yuantong explicates the content of the text; the Haiyin teaches the way to practice contemplation; the Qianmao denounces false interpretations of the text.23 Jiang Mingyu asserts that when discussing the nature of Tathāgatagarbha (zangxing 藏性), which is a key element of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, Chuandeng made his words tally with that of the Tiantai school, which was known as the “School Teaching Natureinclusion” (xingju zhi zong 性具之宗).24 Jiang goes on to say that when discussing the “calming and contemplation” (zhiguan 止觀), Chuandeng chose Foding shoulengyan jing jiangyi by Yuanying Hongwu, which was mentioned above. Therein, the phrase appears several times. In chapter eleven of the book, it is preceded by Guanshiyin 觀世音 and phrsaed as “Guanshiyin ergen yuantong” 觀世音耳根圓通 to explain the Buddha’s question about how a worldly person knows how to untie a knot if he cannot see the knot. Yuanying’s view is that it relies on Guanyin’s perfection of the ear-faculty to untie the knot (see: Yuanying Hongwu, Da Foding shoulengyan jing jiangyi, juan 11: p. 124). As for the authencity of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, although current scholarship regards the Śūraṅgama Sūtra as apocryphal, yet “the origin of the great bulk of material in the Sūtra is Indic,” as said in: Ronal Epstein, “The Śūraṅgama Sūtra (T. 945): A Reappraisal of Its Authenticity,” a paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Oriental Society, March 16-18, 1976, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, http://online.sfsu.edu/rone/Buddhism/authenticity.htm (accessed 7/9/2016). See also: Heng Sure 恆實, The Śūraṅgama Sūtra: A New Translation – with Excerpts from the Commentary by the Venerable Master Hsüan Hua (San Francisco: Buddhist Text Translation Society, 2009), xxxviii-xli. 21 In Śūraṅgama Sūtra, juan 5, the Buddha asked who had first set forth his mind to the eighteen realms and achieved perfection, and what skillful means he adopted to enter Samādhi. According to the monk Sitan 思坦 (or Huaitan 懷坦) of the Song, essentially, “only the perfection of the ear-faculty that Guanyin had acquired through contemplation was the first skillful means in this sutra” 唯觀音所觀耳根圓通方是此經最初方便 (see: Sitan 思坦, Lengyan jing jizhu 楞嚴經集注 [Taipei: Xingwenfeng chuban gongsi, XZJ, vol. 11, 1987], juan 1: XZJ 268, p. 193, a16). 22 They are the Lengyan xuanyi 楞嚴玄義 in four fascicles, the Lengyan yuantong shu qianmao 楞嚴圓通疏前茅 in two fascicles, the [Lengyan] Yuantong shu 圓通疏 in ten fascicles, and the Lengyan haiyin sanmei yi 楞嚴海印三昧儀. 23 These four goals are named “shiti” 釋題, “shiwen” 釋文, and “xiuguan” 修觀, and “piwang” 闢妄. 24 I am using the common translation of “xingju” in the West, although it is as ambiguous as its Chinese original. The particular phrase is one of the hallmarks of Tiantai Buddhism, whose meaning was first discussed thoroughly in Andō Toshio’s 安藤俊雄 Tendai shōgu shisō ron 天台性具思想論 (Kyōto: Hōzōkan, 1973). The book had much influence on Western understanding and use of the “nature-inclusion” as the translation of “xingju.”

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his words in keeping with the purports of great concentration (dading zhi zhi 大定之旨) found in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra. The knowledge and insight that the Buddha possessed (skr.: tathāgata-jňāna-darśana, chin.: Fo suo zhijian 佛所知見) and the Buddha’s everlasting true mind constitute the substance or essence (ti 體) of his teachings, whereas the knowledge and insight that the Buddha was able to reveal (Fo neng zhijian 佛能知見), which is found in the Buddha nature, is the source or ancestry (zong 宗) of his teaching. Allowing no dust to rise can be named “refuting false knowledge and insight to ultimately reach the universal enlightenment” (po wangzhijian, ji zhidengjue 破妄知見, 極至等覺).25 Seeing [human] nature illuminating can be named “demonstrating true knowledge and insight to become rightly equal to the marvelous enlightenment” (xian zhenzhijian zhiqi miaojue 顯真知見, 直齊 妙覺).26 Among all the famous sayings of the Buddha, there was none for which Chuandeng did not offer a lucid exposition in complete agreement with the Buddha’s teachings. That is to say that nobody else could have fulfilled Zhiyi’s prophecies about sustaining the future of Tiantai Buddhism as much as Chuandeng did. As will be noted below, while Jiang Mingyu may sound overly laudatory in his portrayal of Chuandeng, he most likely expresses the views of the contemporary lay Buddhists and patrons who became affiliated with Chuandeng after having heard or attended his lectures. Seemingly having an in-depth knowledge of Chuandeng’s career, Jiang Mingyu goes on to say that while Chuandeng was reading the Buddhist Canon at the Wan’nian Monastery 萬年寺 on the Tiantai Mountains, he became informed of the Tiantai school’s four forms of Samādhi (Tiantai sizhong sanmei 天台四種三昧),27 and left the monastery with the intention of building a Śūraṅgama Altar (Lengyan tan 楞嚴壇) at the site of the Gaoming Monastery to improve the cultivation he and his assembly were engaging in.28 Furthermore, after hearing the Notes on 25

Jiang Mingyu, “Youmen dashi taming,” Youxi biezhi, juan 12: 10a. Ibid. 27 For a discussion of the four forms of Samādhi, see: Daniel Stevenson, “The Four Kinds of Samādhi in Early T’ien-t’ai Buddhism,” 45-49, 52-53. 28 It may sound odd that the learning of the four kinds of Samādhi led Chuandeng to consider building a Śūraṅgama Altar, which, as he said, was inspired by the “apocryphal” Śūraṅgama Sūtra known as used by “off-mountain” (shanwai 山外) camp of Tiantai school to read Zhiyi from a “srongly tathāgatagarbha-oriented perspective,” whereas Chuandeng himself belonged to the “home-mountain” (shanjia 山家) tradition. Nontheless, it attests to Chuandeng’s eclecticism in his religious orientation. For the “off-mountain” camp’s use of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, see: Neal Donner, Daniel Stevenson, The Great Calming and Contemplation: A Study and Annotated Translation of the First Chapter of Chih-i’s Mo-ho chih-kuan (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993), 84-86. For the authenticity issue of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, see the translation of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra cited above. 26

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the Profound School (Miaozong chao 妙宗鈔)29 in Pingyao 瓶窑 (in presentday Hangzhou) at a temple affiliated with Tiantai Buddhism, he was able to receive the benefits of wisdom from his fellow study mate, the monk Shou’an 守庵,30 and from him he also received the “reinforced full ordination” (zengyi jujie 增益具戒).31 Before long, Chuandeng read the Lotus Sūtra during each of the six periods (liushi 六時) of day and night,32 upholding the rule of fasting from moon to dawn (guowu zhai 過午齋), and sitting in prolonged meditative posture without lying down. While making persistent effort to expand knowledge and learning in Tiantai Buddhism, Chuandeng was always eager to construct a monastery at the putative historic site he believed to have been where Zhiyi had preached his teachings. However, unlike his study of Tiantai Buddhism, which he could do on his own, rebuilding his imaginary monastery required a large amount of funds which would not be available to him unless he received donations. Fortunately, the donations poured in soon at the beginning of the summer in 1586. Donors, including such eminent scholar-officials as Feng 29 This is Siming Zhili’s work whose full title is Guan Wuliangshou fojing shu miaozong chao 觀無量壽佛經疏妙宗鈔. It conveys Zhili’s explication of Zhiyi’s commentary on the Contemplation Sūtra, one of the Pure Land scriptures and is a book that was attempted to clarify and distinguish Tiantai and Pure Land thoughts to give them their due. 30 Elsewhere in the Youxi biezhi, 守庵 is printed as 守菴. There was little information about Shou’an in Ming times. Zhou Kefu 周克復 of early Qing included a short biography of the monk Xingzhuan 性專, saying that he was born into a family named Zhang 張 in Kunshan 崑山 and his epithet was Shou’an. Studying under Miaofeng, Chuandeng’s teacher, and receiving precepts administered by Miaofeng, he became a steadfast practitioner of Tiantai Buddhism and Pure Land faith. One of his contributions was to renew the so-called “The Statue of the Buddha of Three Births,” sansheng foxiang 三生佛像, a one hundred chi height statue of Maitreya that had taken three monks in three separate life times to finish sculpturing but was scraped of the gilded gold because of the warfare that took place during the Jiajing 嘉靖 period. In the autumn of 1602, Shou’an invited Chuandeng to expound the Small Amitābha Sūtra 小本彌陀經. The event was celebrated with much fanfare because it was alleged that the stone lecture room was filled with “heavely music,” tianyue 天樂, that was unheard of and was not music of human world. The Youxi biezhi consists of many written accounts of the alleged occurrence of “heavenly music” written by Chuandeng’s partons and supporters, some of whom also wrote poems celebrating the unprecedented occurrence. In any case, Shou’an was most likely Miaofeng’s senior disciple whom Miaofeng commanded to administer Chuandeng’s full ordination (see: Zhou Kefu, Fahua jing chiyan ji 法華經持驗記 [Taipei: Xingwenfeng chuban gongsi, XZJ, vol. 78, 1987], juan 2: XZJ 1541, p. 87, b11-18). 31 It is unclear what “zengyi jujie” really means, so my translation is tentative. Also, that Chuandeng should receive this kind of full oridination from his studymate is puzzling. 32 Note that in Buddhism the day is divided into six periods known as liushi 六時, with three periods during day time and three periods during night time. Each of the six periods, namely morning (6-10 a.m.), midday (10 a.m.-2 p.m.), afternoon (2-6 p.m.), evening (6-10 p.m.), midnight (10 p.m.-2 a.m.), and post-midnight (2-6 a.m.), has four hours. This means that, if Chuandeng averagely read the Lotus Sūtra for two hours per period, he would have been reading for twelve hours each day, which would have been a very taxing job.

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Mengzhen 馮夢禎 (1548-1595) and Lu Guangzu 陸光祖 (1527-1597),33 along with his disciple Zhao Nanhai 趙海南 whose identity is unclear, built a chapel at the above site by Youxi River, which they considered the ideal place for Chuandeng to ensconce himself. From here, Chuandeng spread his teachings rapidly and attracted a large following every year. The chapel was later expanded to a full-fledged and splendid monastery known as the Gaoming Monastery. Chuandeng firmly believed that the construction and naming of the Gaoming Monastery would be a matter of great significance. This was a result of his idiosyncratic reading and interpretation of the Zhiyi hagiography. In the Guoqing bailu 國清百錄 we read that Mount Folong 佛隴山 was the place 33 Feng Mengzhen was also known by his sobriquets Kaizhi 開之 and Juqu 具區, and his epithet Zhenshi jushi 真實居士. A native of Xiushui 秀水 of Zhejiang, he was the Zhuangyuan 狀元 (optimus among the jinshi in any given triennium) of the Palace Examination in 1577. During the Wanli 萬曆 (1573-1620) reign, he served in the court as Junior Compilier, bianxiu 編修 and held the position of Chancellor of the Directorate of Education Guozijian jijiu 國子 監祭酒. A man celebrated for his literary achievements and his strong personal liking for promoting talents, Mengzhen was forthright when speaking against the powerful higher-ups. For this reason, he was maligned and impeached by those who found him “conceited.” While the charge against him was dropped because no any wrongdoings were found, Mengzhen decided to retire to the Gushan of Xihu 西湖孤山 where he built a house called “Kuanxue tang” 快雪堂, after which his collected works were named. Wan Sitong’s 萬斯同 History of the Ming Dynasty 明史 notes that he “devoted his mind to meditation and quietude in his advanced years, so much so he treated the monk Daguan 達觀 as his master” (Wan Sitong, Mingshi [Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, Qing dynasty edition], juan: 237, pp. 17a-b). In his recent Ph.D. dissertation, Zhang Dewei offers an account of Feng Mengzhen’s life and thoughts based on Feng’s collected works, Kuaixue tang ji (see: Zhang Dewei, “A Fragile Revival: Chinese Buddhism under the Political Shadow, 1522-1620” [unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia, 2010], 122-130). His discussion of Feng Mengzhen’s devotion to Buddhism is rather sketchy. Daguan, better known as Zibo Zhenke 紫柏真可, was one of the four eminent monks mentioned above. As evidenced by the discussion in this article, he was not the only eminent monk associated with Feng Mengzhen. Chuandeng, too, was very close to Feng. Lu Guangzu was also known by his sobriquets Yusheng 與繩 and Pinghu 平湖. The latter was the name of his birthplace in Zhejiang. He was also known by his epithet Wutai jushi 五臺居士. Lu Guangzu received jinshi degree in 1547 and was assigned to Jun County 濬縣 to serve as magistrate. After a period of ups and downs, he was appointed Minister of the Ministery of Justice, and then Minister of the Ministery of Personnel, the preeminent in the heads of the six ministeries and the highest official position he held before his retirement. Both Zhang Tingyu’s 張廷玉 Mingshi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974) and Wan Sitong’s Mingshi do not provide any information about Lu’s connection with Buddhism, but Buddhist sources hail him as a devout patron of several Buddhist monks, including Yuqi Zhuhong 雲棲袾宏 (1535-1615), Yungu Fahui 雲谷法會 (1501-1575), Zibo Zhenke, Su’an Zhenjie 素菴真節 (1519-1594), Hanshan Deqing, Qiansong Yueting, and others. For Lu’s biography in historical accounts, see: Zhang Tingyu’s Mingshi, juan 224, pp. 5891-93; Wan Shitong’s Mingshi, juan 330, pp. 3b8b. The Dictionary of Ming Biography gives no biographical entry on Lu Guangzu, but it mentions his patronage of Zhenke in passing (see: Carrington Goodrich, Dictionary of Ming Biography, 140).

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where Zhiyi built the Xiuchan Monastery 修禪寺 as his place of residence.34 Chuandeng was convinced that the Xiuchan Monastery, which no longer existed in his times, had been situated adjacent to the Youxi River, whereas in reality the Youxi River and the historical site of the Xiuchan Monastery were seperate locations.35 Chuandeng embellishes his idea of Zhiyi’s connection with Youxi River employing the following story: One day when Zhiyi was giving a lecture on the Vimalakīrti Sūtra (known in Chinese as Jingming jing 淨名經) at the Preaching Platform of the Xiuchan Temple 修禪 講壇, some loose pages of the Sūtra were blown away by the wind, flew in the air for some time, and finally came to rest at a place by the brook named Youxi 幽溪. When the blown pages whirled around in the air and did not fall, Zhiyi took his staff and followed them. The pages flew more than five li before they settled on the ground. Seeing that the place where they had landed was surrounded by gorgeous mountain peaks as well as clear brooks, and realizing that the area was characterized by the paranormal nature of the incident and the serenity of the environment, Zhiyi decided to build an araṇya 阿蘭若 over the site to practice asceticism, i.e., dhūta 頭陀行. Thereupon, he began cutting rushes to build a thatched cottage and wove brambles to make its door. This way, during the Dajian era 大建 (569-582) of Emperor Chen Xuandi 陳宣帝, he created a makeshift chapel known as Youxi daochang 幽溪道場. Chuandeng – having invented this entire story – envisaged the Youxi daochang as the earliest monastic establishment at the site where he planned to construct the Gaoming Monastery. This way Chuandeng was able to pretend that the place where he would establish the Gaoming Monastery was connected with traces of the life of Zhiyi. This narrative about the earliest structure at the site of the Gaoming Monastery must be considered unhistorical, because no preceding Buddhist sources can be employed to back it up. The earliest biography of Zhiyi, i.e. the Zhizhe dashi biezhuan 智者大師別傳, written by Zhiyi’s disciple Guanding 灌頂 (561-632), does not say anything about the flying pages of the Jingming Sūtra and the building of the chapel. Nor do any other works of Tiantai sectarian historiography, such as the Shimen zhengtong 釋門正統, the Tiantai jiuzu zhuan 天台九祖傳, or the Fozu tongji 佛祖統紀, include an account of the incident.36 It is safe to say that Chuandeng was the first historical figure to 34 See Guoqing bailu, juan 1: T 1934, p. 793a. See also: Fozutongji 佛祖統紀, juan 6: T 2035, p. 182, a13-b8. 35 Chuandeng suggested this a number of times in the Youxi biezhi, and he even said that “Folong includes Youxi” 佛隴有幽溪 (see: Youxi biezhi, juan 1: p. 2a-b, juan 2: p. 2a, juan 3: p. 1b, juan 5: p. 31a). 36 Natually, also Leon Hurvitz in his seminal study of Zhiyi’s life does not mention the matter (see: Leon Hurvitz, Chi-i (538-597): An Introduction to the Life and Ideas of a Chinese Buddhist Monk [Brussels: Institut belge des hautes études chinoises, 1962], chapter 2).

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contrive this concept of how the earliest Youxi chapel came into existence, and this was done nearly a millennium after the passing of Zhiyi. Not only did Chuandeng practically fabricate the above tradition, he was also engrossed in manufacturing the chapel’s later history based on his imagination, describing the expansion and vicissitude of the chapel between the post-Sui and the late Ming dynasties. An elaborate record of the chapel’s evolution emerged as if there had been earlier documentations on which Chuandeng could have based himself. This imaginary “history” further displays the following course of events: During the Tang Dynasty the chapel was widely expanded and renamed Jingming Temple 淨名寺, while in the Jingming Temple a hall named Fanjing tang 翻經堂 was constructed in memory of Master Zhiyi for building the first chapel with much effort. When during the Later Tang 後唐 of the Wudai era the temple was newly expanded, it was – again in honor of Zhiyi having laid the foundation of the temple – renamed Zhizhe Youxi daochang 智者幽溪道場. In 910 it was renamed Gaoming Monastery 高明寺 for the first time, which was followed by further renamings: Zhizhe Youxi daochang 幽溪道場 in 936, Youxi chanyuan 幽溪 禪院 between 936 and 943. In 1008 under Emperor Zhenzong of the Song 宋真宗 (r. 998-1022) it was renamed Jingming si 淨名寺. Whether this name was used during the remainder of the Song dynasty and during the subsequent Yuan dynasty is not said in Chuandeng’s account. Rather, Chuandeng’s account passes over a few centuries up to the beginning of the Ming, noting that the name Gaoming Monastery was reintroduced and that the monastery remained prominent until the beginning of the Jiajing era 嘉靖 (15221566) of Emperor Ming Shizong 明世宗. In the middle of the Jiajing era, the monastery was devastated and lay in shambles, as after the loss of temple field the abbot and the monks of the temple were incapable of protecting the temple’s integrity. Soon afterwards it was virtually dilapidated and deserted, and for sixty years no incense offering was made at that place.37 As we can see, it seems that Chuandeng built his career on acting as a writer of quasi-history weaving a narrative of the history of Tiantai Buddhism, including the narrative outlined above and the repeated appearance of similar narratives in the Youxi biezhi 幽溪別志. This allowed him to evoke empathy for the vanished chapel and to accentuate the need to retrieve it. He clearly had no qualms to invent the previous existence of the chapel to enhance and embellish the early history of the Gaoming Monastery, because he felt it in his bones. To be sure, his quasi-historical narrative went hand in glove with his religious tracts and mountain records, such as the Tiantaishan 37 See the “Shishi” 事實 portion of “Kaishan kao” 開山考 in the Youxi biezhi, juan 2: pp. 1b2a, and the “Shishi” portion of “Yange kao” 沿革考 in the Youxi biezhi, juan 3: pp. 1b-2a.

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fangwai zhi 天台山方外志, which he had authored long before the completion of the Youxi biezhi. They were all aimed at reclaiming the prestige of Tiantai Buddhism, even though saying this may well be perceived as pigeonholing him as a Tiantai monk exclusively, which is not really my intent. While Chuandeng’s account is not completely credible, especially regarding the emergence of the Youxi chapel, it does hold true in its reference to the historical Gaoming Monastery, because a local gazetteer, the Jiading Chicheng zhi 嘉定赤城志, compiled in late Southern Song, proves that it was built in 910,38 when the Tang had already been replaced by the Later Liang 後梁, even though the construction was being supported by the Shatuo 沙陀 Turks led by the clan of Li Keyong 李克用 and Li Cunxu 李存勗. The Jiading Chicheng zhi also indicates that, as Chuandeng recounted, the temple was renamed Zhizhe Youxi daochang 智者幽溪道場 in 936 under the Later Tang 後唐, and was given the name of Youxi chanyuan 幽溪禪院 in 937 under the Later Jin 後晉. This portion of Chuandeng’s account seems to be based on an inscription on a stone column, or shijing chuang 石經幢, which remained viewable in Chunadeng’s time. The inscription does however not say anything about Zhiyi’s chapel but rather unambiguously relates that the Gaoming Monastery was built in 910. Chuandeng was also right in referring to the name change that occurred in 1008 under Emperor Zhenzong of the Song. The awarded name was however Jingming yuan 浄明院, not Jingming si 浄名寺 as Chuandeng noted. The name of Jingming has been chosen, because right after having built the Xiuchan si 修禪寺 on Mt. Folong 佛隴 of the Tiantai Mountains, Zhiyi gave a lecture on the Jingming Sūtra 浄名經, i.e. the Vimalakīrti Sūtra.39 Although the characters are homophone, with regard to one character the temple name differs from the name of the sūtra. So if Chuandeng did consult the Jiading Chicheng zhi to write his account, it is likely that he changed the name Jingming yuan to Jingming si using the homophone of ming 名 for ming 明. Apparently he assumed that the author of the gazetteer had mixed up the two characters and took the liberty of correcting it, as did the compiler of the Taizhou fuzhi 台州府志, another gazetteer also documenting the matter.40 38 See Chen Qiqing 陳耆卿, Jiading chicheng zhi 嘉定赤城志 (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshu guan, Siku quanshu edition, 1983-1986), juan 28: pp. 20b-21a. 39 See Fozu tongji jiaozhu, juan 6: p. 174. 40 See a quote from the Taizhou fuzhi 台州府志 in Ji Cengyun’s 嵇曾筠 Yongzheng Zhejiang tongzhi 雍正浙江通志 (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshu guan, Siku quanshu edition, 19831986), juan 232: pp. 7a-8a. Note that the earliest Taizhou fuzhi was compiled by Feng Su 馮甦 under the auspices of Bao Futai 鮑復泰 during his tenure as prefect of Taizhou starting from the seventeenth year of Kangxi’s reign in 1678. Before this gazetteer was published, Chuandeng could only rely on the Jiading Chicheng zhi compiled by Chen Qiqing 陳耆卿 of the

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In any case, by the time Chuandeng traveled to the putative historic site of the Gaoming Temple recorded in the Jiading Chicheng zhi, the temple no longer existed, but the landscape remained stunningly spectacular. Chuandeng was intent on buying this place but the dearth of personal savings thwarted his plan. Six years later, in 1586, after having visited what he thought were the tracks where Zhiyi had traversed and had seen the picturesque environs of Youxi River, he resolved to settle there for good.41 He solicited help from Feng Mengzhen 馮夢禎 (1548-1605), who served as principal supervisor of donors (Tanyue zhu 檀越主), as well as from Lin Chengyuan 林國材 (jinshi, 1577)42 and Wang Shixing 王士性 (1547-1598),43 both of whom served as principal supervisors of merirorious deeds (Gongde zhu 功德主).44 All of them donated their salaries to Chuandeng, facilitating his reclamation of the temple property to start the construction of the new monastery. III. CHUANDENG’S CONSTRUCTION OF THE GAOMING MONASTERY The construction of the Gaoming Monastery took nearly thirty years to complete, starting from 1586 and ending in 1613. Given the Gaoming Temple that allegedly existed earlier one might rather want to speak of a “reconstruction,” Southern Song and the two augumented editions of the gazetteer compiled separately by Xie Duo 謝鐸 and Jian Jifang 簡繼芳 of the Ming Dynasty. Since the compiler of the Taizhou fuzhi referred to a certain jiujing 舊經 (old cartographic classic) for his account of the Gaoming Temple, Chuandeng might also have access to the jiujing for a portion of his account of Youxi. Unfortunately, the Taizhou fuzhi is no longer extant, although much of its information is preserved in the Yongzheng Zhejiang tongzhi, which quotes it extensively. 41 See Chuandeng, “Chongjian fodian shu” 重建佛殿疏, Youxi biezhi, juan 4: pp. 6b-7b. 42 Lin Guocai 林國材 is also known as Lin Chengyuan 林澄淵 and his epithet Chengzhou jushi 澄洲居士 in the Youxi biezhi. A native of Huangyan 黃巖 of Zhejiang, he received Jinshi degree in 1577. After successive appointments as county magistrate, he was appointed Investigating Censor of Shanxi Circuit 山西道監察御史, which was followed by Surveillance Commissioner of Shandong 山東觀察. In the Youxi biezhi, he is always referred to as Shiyu 侍御, which was an unofficial reference to his official title as a censor (see: Jiang Jizhu 蔣繼洙, Tongzhi Guanxin fuzhi 同治廣信府志 [Jiangsu: Jiangsu guji chuban she, 江蘇古籍 出版社, 1996], juan 6-2: p. 59a; Wang Yongni 王詠霓, Guangxu Huangyan xianzhi 光緒黃 巖縣志 [Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1993], juan 18: pp. 51a-52a). 43 Wang Shixing has a biography in Carrington Goodrich, Dictionary of Ming Biography, 1405-1406, authored by Andrew March. March merely devotes a passing reference to Wang Shixing’s connection with Buddhism, which says that, according to an anecdote, Wang was a reincarnation of a monk of Mount Emei in Sichuan. Wang received his jinshi degree in 1577, not in 1557 as March says, and soon became a close friend of Chuandeng. He is best known as a geographer and landscape connoisseur, since, as we read in March, “for the greater part of his official life he exercised various functions of supervision and inspection which took him on journeys to many places in China…”. 44 Ibid. These three individuals are given their sobriquets as Feng Juqu 馮具區, Lin Chengzhou 林澄洲, and Wang Taichu 王太初.

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but on the alleged old temple site virtually nothing but a few recently planted trees was found when Chuandeng took possession of the place. On such a derelict site, Chuandeng simply had to build everything from scratch. Initially, the recovered lands consisted of a plot less than half of the original size, but still the purchase of this land quickly depleted all the funds Chuandeng and his dharma brother Wutuo Chuanyi 無脫傳衣 (1546-1605) had collected from donors.45 With slow accumulation of additional funds that started in 1586, Chuandeng and his cohort did not break ground for the new monastery until 1596, when all the lost lands had been retrieved. In other words, land recovery and financial preparation for the construction of the Gaoming Monastery took a decade, from the time Chuandeng was thirty-three years old to the time he was forty-three. During this period, Chuandeng and his patrons made continuous efforts to raise funds by soliciting support from highranking regional officials in different neighboring prefectures. Chuandeng, in particular, engaged in fundraising through epistolary proposition in shu 疏 style amid peripatetic lectures, writing of treatises and books, supervising construction work, along with all daily routines that a monk was expected to perform. One wonders how much time he could spare for much other onerous work he took on himself, but he seems to have done everything tenaciously and tirelessly. Chuandeng wrote a number of epistolary propositions in shu style to raise funds, beginning with the one that sought donations to build the Buddha Hall (Fodian 佛殿), the main hall of the Gaoming Monastery in years to come. Titled “Epistorary Proposition for Recountructing the Buddha Hall” (“Chongjian Fodian shu” 重建佛殿疏), the writing was done in a mood of “reconstructing” the Buddha Hall presumably as it had been built in Tang times as a full-sized main hall to fulfill Zhiyi’s will. This fundraising shu first retells the story of Zhiyi’s identification of a sacred site on the ground on which the magic flying pages of the Vimalakīrti Sūtra fell. It then tells Chuandeng’s decision to make the site his permanent abode after he had visited the tracks and traces left behind by Zhiyi many centuries ago and had seen the beauty of Mount Gaoming. It also shows that Chuandeng thanked Feng Mengzhen, 45 There is little information about Wutuo Chuanyi, but a short biography of him is included in the Youxi biezhi (see: “Wutuo Chuanyi zhuchi” 無託傳衣住持, Youxi biezhi, juan 8: pp. 7b-8a). According to the biography, Wutuo hailed from Linhai 臨海 of Zhejiang and was initially trained on military skills. When he heard that the ministers in power invited Miaofeng Zhenjue to lecture sūtras on Mount Yunfeng 雲峯, he went right to the mountain to hear the lectures and immediately requested that he be tonsured. In 1586, when the contruction of the Gaoming Monastery started, he joined forces with Chuandeng to inaugurate meditation sessions. With all his efforts, he made the greatest contribution to the management of the monks’ permenant abode.

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Lin Guocai, and Wang Shixing for donating their salaries in honor of the Buddha’s directive (Fozhu 佛囑), and for acting as Bodhisattva-like ministers who hoped to see him restore the old structure and expand the great Tiantai teachings. Chuandeng humbly apologized for having been stymied by being unfit for the job. Despite this, Chuandeng found that it was incumbent upon him to build the Buddha Hall, in which the statue of the Buddha would be placed against the wall in the center and statues of patriarchs of all thirty generations beginning from Mahākāśyapa and ending with Fazhi Zhili would be placed on the left and right wings of the Buddha Hall.46 The construction mission that Chuandeng imposed on himself was prompted by a sudden revelation that his quiet dedication to the Buddha should not be compromised in the face of social reality. He realized that even though he had wanted to shun worldly dealings to keep a low profile, his pursuit of high-minded principle and his imperviousness to the flagging strength of Tiantai Buddhism would turn out mortifying him. He had to take on the construction job lest he might live a life with guilt or regret. He launched the construction project to rebuild “The Tiantai Patriarch Hall” (Tiantai zuting 天台祖庭), because the Tiantai school of Buddhism was named after the Tiantai Mountains and the nascent Gaoming Monastery was inspired by Zhiyi. The project was to assert that identifying and tracking the monastery’s site back to Zhiyi as the builder of the original Gaoming Temple was to remind himself of his root or ancestry. However, constructing a large monastery at the site could prove challenging because supplies of building materials, such as cedar timbers for making wooden beams, would require substantial capital. He called for donations, in hopes that the accumulation of funds donated by the pious and faithful of ten directions (shifang shanxin 十方善信) would help to accomplish the task. To ensure the benefits of donation, Chuandeng concluded his fund-raising composition with a long gāthā, the last four lines of which read: May I ask who in this world would be a benefactor like Anāthapiṇḍika,47 Willing to give his golden treasuries as alms to this lowly person? 46 Note that the original text that reads “…ji yi sengfang zhong feng Shizun” 及以僧房 中奉世尊 is very likely a misprint of “…yi ji sengfang. Zhong feng Shizun” 以及僧房,中奉 世尊, because the former does not make much sense given that a monk room, which is generally small, cannot hold a statue of the Buddha plus statues of patriarchs of all thirty generations, if the statues are of common human size. The phrase “zhongfeng Shizun” makes a better sense if it means that the statue of the Buddha was placed against the wall in the center of the Buddha Hall. 47 Anāthapiṇḍika (chin.: jigu, 給孤) was a rich merchant from Śrāvastī, who because of his generous offerings to the saṃgha was declared to be the chief of the laymen by the Buddha (Robert E. Buswell, ed., The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014], 42).

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Now before my eyes, this charity money shall be identical with the dharma. Once one passes through the three emptinesses, one can stop using the windlass.48 試問人誰是給孤，肯將金藏施潛夫。眼前阿堵財通法，了達三空靖轆轤。

This was the first propositional shu written to solicit general support for the construction of the large Buddha Hall within the Gaoming Monastery. The construction was a slow process because it entailed building and installing statues of the Buddha and the thirty Tiantai patriarchs. Besides, donations were scarce because potential donors shied away from the monastery whose out-of-the-way location was unbeknownst to the general public, as it was hidden in far-flung mountain and ravine. Despite all this, Chuandeng managed to proceed with his construction plan, which included building monk rooms, meditation halls, the Śūraṅgama Altar, monastery gates, two corridors, bell tower, canon library etc., amid erecting all statues. Although the construction expenses owed much to the charity funds that Chuandeng received after his lectures on various sūtras in different localities outside of the Tiantai Mountains, they also owed much to assistances from his dharma brothers Wutuo Chuanyi and Wuting Zhengshi 午亭正時 (1564-1610),49 as well as his dharma grandson Wenxin Shoujiao 文心受教 (d.u.), who worked in tandem with Chuandeng. According to Chuandeng, thirty-two years had passed before he completed the Gaoming Monastery. The task was performed in 48 The translation of the last line is tentative. The term “lulu” 轆轤 means “windlass,” and when preceded by the word jing 靖, it makes better sense to translate the latter as “stop,” which gives “stop using the windlass.” The three emptinesses, sankong 三空, probably refer to the emptinesses of giver, receiver, and gift, all of which are connected with charity but are empty when seen from the perspective of śūnyatā. The line seems to suggest that using the windlass to raise the water from the well is hard labor and can be stopped when the charity is performed. 49 There is little information about Wuting Zhengshi. His short biography included in the Youxi biezhi says that he was a native of Yin County 鄞縣 of Siming 四明 and that already in young years he was very shrewd. At the age of 20 at the Shengshui Temple 聖水寺 of Huangyan County he heard Chuandeng’s lecture on the Fahua xuanyi (or miaoxuan 妙玄 as it is abbreviated in the biography). Soon after that, he left home and received the tonsure. Each day after hearing lectures, he dedicated his time to the Great Compassion Dhāraṇī (Dabei zhou 大悲咒), and underwent the discipline of Great Compassion Penitence (Dabei chan 大悲懺), including all the rules required for the practice. He also devoted himself to the practices that Aśvajit 馬勝 and Upāli 優婆離 had upheld. Note that Aśvajit was among the first five of the Buddha’s followers, while Upāli was among the ten chief disciples of the Buddha. The former was known for his asceticism, whereas the latter was known for being a “Keeper of the Laws,” specializing on the vinaya. The short biography also says that Wuting, at the age of 30, started ascending the lion’s dais and gave lectures in Yongjia 永嘉, Siming, and Chicheng 赤城. In these places he uninterruptedly lectured on penitence to benefit and guide both clergy and common folks. He donated all the charity funds he received during his lecture tours to assist Chuandeng in the construction of the patriarch hall (see: Youxi biezhi, juan 8: p. 8b).

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an “inch-by-inch and foot-by-foot” fashion following the slow increase of charity funds bestowed on him, while his energy gradually drained away.50 There is no question that the increment of charity funds would have come to naught had Chuandeng’s peripatetic lecture plan not been followed through. It is important to note that his ability to spread Tiantai teachings in dozens of cities stretched over prefectures including Tai 台, Wen 溫, Ning[bo] 寧[波], Shao[xing] 紹[興], Jin[ling] 金[陵], Chu 處, Su 蘇, Hang 杭, Jia[xing] 嘉[興], and Hu 湖,51 relies heavily on continuous support of his patrons and regional officials. These people constituted a core supportive group volunteering to seek for Chuandeng wider support and patronage, such as the support of the top echelon government officials. Their efforts were neither due merely to “the effect of contagion” nor because of their wealth that made them the “clan of pro-Buddhists united by shared tastes and interests.”52 The efforts of these patrons and officials, some of whom were also Chuandeng’s lay disciples, had helped remove manifold anticipated obstacles that would have stopped Chuandeng from lecturing at places where his hosts had invited him to preach. They pleaded with officials of their kind or senior government officials to extend privileges to Chuandeng so that he could travel and lecture at liberty. Profuse letters of support (hufa shu 護法書) helped Chuandeng build a vast network of contacts, allowing him to make his hard-fought dream come true. The detailed analysis of the supportive letters as a special literary and religious genre and their formation into interesting 50 See the “shishi” 事實 portion of the “Chongxing kao” 重新考 in the Youxi biezhi, juan 4: pp. 1b-3b. 51 See the “shishi” 事實 portion of “Zengyi kao” 贈遺考 in the Youxi biezhi juan 15: pp. 1b-2a. Here, the abbreviated names of the cities in the text are given the second characters in brackets. 52 The symbiotic relationship of clergy and laypersons started very early after the formation of the saṃgha (see: Richard Gombrich, Thervada Buddhism: A Social History from Ancient Banares to Modern Colombo [London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1988], 115-116). In China, this symbiotic relationship is particularly evident in the Song. The fact that saṃgha “has a particular need of political patronage if it is to flourish” in the Buddha’s time remains unchanged in Chinese society. The scholar-officials’ patronage of Buddhist institutions and monks, which repsentated a significant portion of “political patronage,” became all the more intense and conspicuous in the Song Dynasty and later (see: Huang Chi-chiang, “Elite and Clergy in Northern Sung Hang-chou: A Convergence of Interest,” in Buddhism in the Sung [Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999], 295-339). Viewing laypersons’ support and patronage entirely from the angle of laity’s personal wealth, power, interests, and social standing can be very biased. Different social classes tended to support Buddhism for different reasons and their “shared intersts” is not so easily to pin down. For “the effect of contagion” and “shared interests” mentioned here, see: Jacques Gernet, Buddhism in Chinese Society: An Economic History from the Fifth to the Tenth Centuries (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 279-280.

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epistolary culture conducive to Chuandeng’s cause will be discussed in a later section. The supportive writing for fundraising in the shu 疏 genre, including Chuandeng’s own works, can also give us a glimpse of how both Chuandeng’s supporters and Chuandeng himself endeavored to fulfill their respective aspirations. Soon after the inception of Chuandeng’s construction work, Tu Long 屠隆 (1543-1605),53 an all-round scholar and lay disciple of Chuandeng, in the winter of 1598, when Chuandeng was forty-five years old, wrote a fundraising shu (muyuan shu 募緣疏) on behalf of the construction of the Hall of the Founding Patriarch of Tiantai Buddhism, which was being constructed in the Gaoming Monastery. In this fundraising proposition, Tu Long says: Recently, Master Wujin 無盡 wanted to build a patriarchal hall in the [Gaoming] Monastery, adorn it with sculptures of all patriarchs’ images, piously offer incense day and night,54 and pass down the legacy that previous masters had established in ten thousand generations.55 This will enable the Tiantai teachings to spread without end, and the great dharma to perpetuate without errors. He is really a man of great mind! However, he will not be able to achieve his goals if he is left void of donated funds. I humbly ask all benevolent gentlemen to avow their willingness to offer donations and assist him in pursuing a good cause. [After performing this charity], he who is of higher capacity can bear fruits by practicing the Buddha’s way in this life under the supernatural blessings of his ancestral virtues, whereas he who is of middle or low capacity can collect “fields of blessing” (futian 福田) today and also plant seed of a good Buddhist cause for his rebirth. 盡師近欲於本寺建造祖師堂，裝塑諸祖聖像。虔六時之香火，垂萬刼之 師模，俾敎觀流通而不窮，大法永久而無敝。甚盛心也，匪假檀波，曷繇 奏績？伏惟諸仁者，各隨願力，樂助善緣。上機者仗祖德冥加，結現生 之道果；下中者積福田今日，亦植來世之佛因。56 53 A biography of Tu Long can be found in Carrington Goodrich, Dictionary of Ming Biography, 1324-1327. The account makes no mention of Tu Long’s fascination with Buddhism, not to speak of Tu’s connection with Chuandeng. My account of Tu Long is based on the History of the Ming Dynasty 明史, and Tu Long’s writings included in the Youxi biezhi and the Tu Long ji 屠隆集, the last of which consists of a composition called “Zeng Wujindeng shangren xu” 贈無盡燈上人序, which demonstrates Tu Long’s conversance with Buddhist texts and Chan history and his connection with Chuandeng (see: Tu Long ji [Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chuban she, 2012], juan 30: pp. 873-874). 54 This is a translation of “liushi” 六時, which means the combination of one day and one night (see: Xuanzang 玄奘, Da Tang Xiyu ji 大唐西域記, juan 2: T 2087, p. 875, c15-19). Literally “liushi” refers to the six periods that, as mentioned above, each day and night cycle is divided into. 55 The original phrase used in the text is “wanjie” 萬劫, which means ten thousand kalpas literally and is a highly hyperbolic expression. 56 See: Tu Long, “Jian Gaoming si Tiantai zuting muyuan shu” 建高明寺天台祖庭募 緣疏, Youxi biezhi, juan 4: pp. 3b-5a.

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This is no ordinary piece of writing, because Tu Long was a devout lay Buddhist who prided himself on being a follower of Baisong Zhenjue 百松 真覺, Chuandeng’s teacher, and became a close friend of Chuandeng and some other Buddhist masters. Signing with his extended dharma name “Disciple revering Tiantai jiao and guan teachings and upholding Bodhisattva precepts” (Zong Tiantai jiaoguan pusajie dizi 宗天台敎觀菩薩戒弟子), in the end of his fund-raising composition, Tu Long authored, among other things, an apologetic treatise in defense of Buddhism, known as the Fofa jintang 佛法金湯.57 He was an exceptional and all-around scholar who was highly conversant with both Confucian and Buddhist classics. A vocal advocate of the interconnectedness of doctrinal Buddhism (jiao 教) and Chan Buddhism (zong 宗),58 he came to Chuandeng like a proxy in many ways. Before he spoke on behalf of Chuandeng, he had already been familiar with Chuandeng’s aspiration, given that he viewed himself as a disciple of Chuandeng’s teacher. Thus he volunteered to propagate Chuandeng’s teachings and help him raise funds for the construction of the Gaoming Monastery. In this fundraising shu, he says: The Dharma Master Wujin at the Gaoming Monastery of the Tiantai Mountains has a profound understanding of jiao 教 and guan 觀, and a perfect comprehension of human’s single mind. Carrying cases of scriptures with him, he is capable of discoursing at great length on them and is very good at inspiring his audiences. He ascends lecture dais frequently and deftly conveys the purports of Buddhist texts. A real “golden mouth and wooden tongue” (jinkou mushe 金口 木蛇) – an expert transmitter of the Buddha’s way – he can be the one who recuperates the hearing of the deaf and who serves as “eyes of man and heaven” (yanmu rentian 眼目人天), or the guide for the world known as the sands of the Ganges. 天台高明寺無盡法師，深明教觀，圓悟一心，函經廣說，善逗羣機。講席 累登，妙發宗旨，真可謂金口木舌，振聵啓聾，眼目人天，指南沙界 者也。59

After affirming Chuandeng’s credentials, Tu Long explains why he considers it important to support Chuandeng and help him build the Hall of the Founding Patriarch of Tiantai Buddhism. He notes that all patriarchs of the Tiantai 57 See: Tu Long, Fofa jintang 佛法金湯 (Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1973), not to be confused with Xintai’s 心泰 Fofa jintang bian 佛法金湯編. Tu Long’s book, sometimes named Fofa jintang lu 佛法金湯錄, is now included in the twelve-volume Tu Long ji mentioned above, and also in Fang Guangchang 方廣錩, Zangwai Fojing 藏外佛經 (Anhui: Huangshan shushe, 2005), vol. 15. The book devotes much space to refuting Song Neo-Confucian views of Buddhism, in particular some of Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 and Cheng Yi’s 程頤 anti-Buddhist diatribes. 58 See his discussion of jiao and zong in “Jian Gaoming si Tiantai zuting muyuan shu” cited above. 59 Ibid.

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school, from Mahākāśyapa to Fazhi of the Siming 四明法智, either had collected scriptures or expounded jiao and guan. They also represented the true seals (zhengyin 正印) of the Tiantai school and were of great merits in transmitting the Buddha’s teachings.60 The building of the Founding Patriarch’s Hall was to proclaim the non-interrupted patriarchal lineage of the Tiantai school. It was a reaffirmation of the Tiantai school’s longstanding history and tradition, which Chuandeng himself would take to new heights. This assertion is found in a separate writing belonging to the ji 記 genre, the “Jian Tiantai zuting ji” 建天台祖庭記.61 Therein, Tu Long reiterates the history and legacy of Tiantai patriarchs and their teachings, noting that, despite two setbacks that Tiantai Buddhism had experienced after the passing of Jingxi Zhanran 荊溪湛然 (711-782) and of Fazhi Zhili 法智知禮, Chuandeng and his master, Baisong Zhenjue 百松真覺, were able to reinvigorate the Tiantai school and heighten its influence. He compares Chuandeng to Zhang’an Guanding 章安灌頂 (561-632), Zhiyi’s disciple who was honored as the Fifth Patriarch of Tiantai Buddhism, and his master Baisong Zhejue to Zhiyi, noting that both were of superior wisdom, and that Chuandeng, in particular, possessed inborn intelligence and the Buddha’s wisdom.62 After describing the completed Founding Patriarch’s Hall and pointing out the scriptural reference to the proper placement of all statues, including that of the Buddha, Mañjuśrī, and Maitreya, along with Brahmā 梵王 and Vajrapāṇi 金剛力士, Tu Long notes: “On the two sides of the Founding Patriarch’s Hall, the statues of twenty-nine patriarchs, beginning with that of Mahākāśyapa and ending with that of Fazhi, were put in place. A statue of the deceased master of Chuandeng, i.e. Baisong, was seated next to Fazhi as an added partriarch. Thus, is there any reason for not adding a seat for the statue of Master Chuandeng in the future? We only need to wait and see its occurence when time is ripe.” 兩旁設二十九祖，始于迦葉，終于法智，而末設百松先師像陪位焉。則將 來者燈師之位又何可不增？蓋有待耳。63

Tu Long also echoes the touted notion that the Gaoming Monastery was located at the old site of Mount Folong and situated in the gorgeous area near Youxi, where Zhiyi had built a thatched hut as a sanctuary to preach the dharma under the protection of men and heaven surrounding the place. He reminds his readers that Chuandeng constructed a Patriarch’s Hall amid the construction of a new monastery on the old site of the Gaoming Temple so 60 61 62 63

Ibid. Tu Long, “Jian Tiantai zuting ji” 建天台祖庭記, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 17b-19b. Ibid. Ibid.

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that he could amplify the dharma teachings of former patriarchs and enlighten all future generations to come.64 After extolling Chuandeng’s appeal to the faithful in such florid parallel prose (pianwen 駢文) as “Whenever he ascends the treasured lotus dais [to lecture], mountains and rivers will be drawn to him and dragons and heaven will surround him, as if he is able to remove the cataract from one’s eyes and to thunderstrike the deaf to bring their hearing back; whenever he presents the wonderful sounds of palm leaves (i.e., scriptures), fragrant clouds fill the room and flower-rains fall everywhere – both moistening the withered woods and reviving the dried-up trees.” 登蓮華之 寶座，則嶽瀆趍蹡，龍天圍遶,若抉翳而震聾；宣貝葉之妙音，則香雲 馥郁，花雨繽紛，咸潤枯而蘇槁,65 he says: “As an elder capable of meeting the needs of the time, while living at a prominent monastery already known in very old days, Chuandeng is a highly moral and principled man of virtue. The mountains and rivers where he lives are also very gorgeous. How can we know that a man like Master Wujin [Chuandeng] is not a manifestation of Tiantai [Zhiyi] and a reincarnation of Siming [Fazhi]?” 以應時之宿德,住振古之名藍,道德既極其崇高，山川復當其秀朗。若無盡 師者，安知非天台應化，四明再來也?66

Tu Long’s portrayal of Chuandeng, despite its hyperbole, stresses Chuandeng’s exceptional quality requisite for the Tiantai patriarchate seat next to that of the Baisong Zhenjue. It reflects what Tu Long closely observed and his affinity with Chuandeng, and can very well represent the view of his contemporaries. Taking Han Jing 韓敬 (1580-?) as an example,67 a commemorative writing he wrote for the Gaoming Monastery stele, offers an account of Chuandeng’s 64

Ibid. The text reads: “shang hong zufa, xia shuo qunmeng” 上弘祖法,下爍羣蒙. Ibid. The last character is misprinted as 稿. 66 Ibid. 67 Han Jing 韓敬 was a native of Guian 歸安, which was in Wuxing 吳興, as he signed his name in the letters addressed to Chuandeng. He received jinshi degree and was named zhuanyuan 狀元 in the 1610 palace examination (see: Zhejiang tongzhi 浙江通志, juan 184: p. 20a). Referred to as “huizhuang” 會狀 (which is an abbreviation of “huiyuan & zhuangyuan” 會元&狀元) in the Youxi biezhi, Han Jing was a student of Tang Binyin 湯賓尹 (1567-?) of Xuancheng 宣城, who administered the 1610 palace examination and allegedly forced the examiners to replace Han Jing as Jinshi of the first place after Han’s examination papers were disposed of (see: Mingshi, juan 236: p. 16b). According to the Wucheng xianzhi 烏程縣志, quoted in the Zhejiang tongzhi, Han Jing, known by his sobriquet Qiuzhong 求仲, was placed first in both palace examination and the emperor’s court interview. He was appointed Senior Compiler of the Hanlin Academy 翰林院修撰 (see: Zhejiang tongzhi, juan 179: p. 37a). The Mingshi jishi benmo 明史紀事本末 says that Han Jing was of renown in his time. He was fond of “zongheng zhi xue” 縱橫之學, the study of diplomacy or political strategy, and indulged himself in womanizing and material gains (see: Gu Yingtai 谷應泰, Mingshi jishi benmo 明史紀事本末 [Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press, 1956], vol. 4, juan 66: p. 9). 65

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construction from a different perspective, which compares the religious lives of Chuandeng and Zhiyi in general, and the erection of their religious institutions in particular. Han Jing, who – like Tu Long – also signed his account with his dharma name as Chuandeng’s lay disciple who upholds Bodhisattva precepts of Tiantai jiao and guan teachings, says that the two masters had five things in common as career Buddhist monks in different periods of time. Speaking of five similarities (wusi 五似) between the two masters’ extraordinary adventures in their search of spirituality, Han Jing niftily summarized them as: 1) vowing to dedicate their lives to Buddhism in teens, 2) encountering their respective masters, 3) location of the site of their abodes, 4) the spectacle of miraculous anomalies occurring when they each lectured on the Vimalakīrti Sūtra and the Pure Land Sūtras respectively, and 5) mastering Tiantai teachings and achieving the awakening to the truth. To detail them at great length is beside the point because they have no bearing on the issue of monastic construction. What should be focused here is Han Jing’s reference to what he called the five difficulties (wu’nan 五難) that might force Chuandeng to cease or scuttle his construction plan at any time. These five difficulties are juxtaposed with what can be viewed as “five easinesses” that mark the effortless completion of the temples Zhiyi had built. The first difficulty is referred to as the difficulty in constructing (digou zhi nan 締構之難), which points to the strenuousness of the construction work. Han Jing describes the matter metaphorically saying that assembling all the construction material was as toilsome as it is to a sea swallow to carry along all in its beak that is needed to build a nest.68 By constrast, the construction of Zhiyi’s temples was supported repeatedly by Emperor Yangdi of the Sui 隋煬帝, thus sparing Zhiyi much personal effort which would have been needed in building his temples. Han Jing points out that during the reigns of Kaihuang 開皇 (581-600) and Daye 大業 (605-618), donations from the faithful piled up in an endless stream when the Yuquan si 玉泉寺 and the Shizhu si 十住寺 were under construction or reconstruction.69 Once these two temples were completed, Zhiyi’s multistoried and larger monastery building projects quickly 68

Han Jing’s words are: “Today each rafter and each tile transported [to construct the temple] remind of the sea swallow building its nest out of mud [all] carried along in the beak” 今日一椽一瓦, 皆如海燕啣泥. 69 For the construction and refurbishing of these two temples, see: Fozu tongji jiaozhu, juan 6: pp. 178-180. Note that during the Kaihuang reign of Wendi 文帝 of the Sui 隋, crown prince Yang Guang 楊廣, who later succeeded Wendi as the emperor, was named as Prince Jin 晉王 with concurrent title of Chancellor of Yangzhou 揚州總管 in charge of Jiangnan 江南, including temples in Jinling 金陵. Among these temples, the Guanzhai si 光宅寺 had been one of the places where Zhiyi lectured on Buddhist sūtras. Both Yuquan si and Shizhu si were on Mount Yuquan 玉泉山 in Jingzhou 荊州.

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increased the donor acquisition. As suggested by Han Jing, the rich financial support Zhiyi received from men ranging from those on the very top level of the social stratum to the faithful at the bottom, stood in stark contrast to the much lesser financial support Chuandeng could draw on in his temple construction project. Although Chuandeng was not always short of donated funds, they were, much unlike the countless gifts Zhiyi had received, not furnished until Chuandeng and his close friends engaged in a large-scale fundraising plea for support. The second difficulty is referred to as the difficulty in proselytizing (qixin zhi nan 起信之難), which suggests that Chuandeng lived in a period of degeneration similar to a time described as follows: “Jackals are all over the place and the lion’s strings stop being played. Those practicing the way of the Buddha and common folks are largely confused, so who will pay any attention to Chuandeng and his teachings?” 今日野干遍地，獅絃不鳴，道俗紛紛，誰為 傾意?70 On the contrary, Zhiyi had little difficulty attracting attention, as stated in Han Jing’s references to Jizang 吉藏 (549-623) and Baoqiong 寶瓊 (504584) regarding their encounter with Zhiyi. Jizang was dreaming of Zhiyi, was awakened from his sleep, and requested Zhiyi to allow him to preach the Lotus Sūtra and spread Zhiyi’s teachings.71 Baoqiong, who in the reign of Chen Wendi 陳文帝 had served as the Director Overseeing the Monks in the Capital (Da sentong 大僧統),72 showed respect to Zhiyi for the rest of his life after having once met Zhiyi on the road.73 To Han Jing, this shows that in Zhiyi’s time even those eminent monks held Zhiyi in high esteem, not to mention that common folks such as those fishermen living in the foothills of the Tiantai Mountains, who were, under the influence of his teachings, willing to give up their netting business for making available the pond for releasing the living creatures (fangsheng chi 放生池). Even people who were imprisoned and sent to labor 70

Han Jing, “Chongxing Gaoming si beiji” 重興高明寺碑記, Youxi biezhi, juan 4: pp. 5a-

6b. 71 Regarding Jizang’s dream, see Jizang’s three letters addressed to Zhiyi in the Guoqing bailu, juan 4: T 1934, p. 821, c22 – p. 822, a06. Although Jizang did not specify what he dreamed about, the letters, along with the shu composition that followed, suggest the existence of his requet. In his request, he entreated Zhiyi to accept him as his disciple and to permit him to lecture Zhiyi’s followers on the Lotus Sūtra. 72 Fozu tongji jiaozhu, juan 38: p. 867. Note that the numbers of juan in the Fozu tongji jiaozhu differ from that of Taishō. There, the reference to Baoqiong’s appointment as Da sengtong is in juan 37 rather than juan 38 in the Fuzu tongji. The reason that Baoqiong yielded his way to Zhiyi being a big deal to Han Jing is because Baoqiong was a highly respected monk in the Chen Dynasty. His fame reached Koguryŏ, over there twelve kingdoms sent emissaries to the Chen to purchse his portraits using gold and silk, after hearing of his moral rectitude. 73 This is recorded in Guanding’s Sui Tiantai Zhizhe dashi biezhuan 隋天台智者大師 別傳 (T 2050, p. 191, a22 – p. 196, c07).

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camps known as tuliu 徒流 played their role, as being able to uphold teachings of scriptures taught by Zhiyi they found their situation less unendurable.74 The third difficulty for Chuandeng’s construction is referred to as the difficulty in securing external protection (waihu zhi nan 外護之難). This does not mean that Chuandeng did not get support from outside of his Buddhist institution. It was the cessation of outside support after the untimely death of his benefactors Feng Mengzhen and Yu Chunxi 虞淳熙 (1553-1621),75 both of whom seem to have been regarded by Han Jing as the most ardent supporters of Chuandeng’s cause. Although Chuandeng was able to gain support from other patrons, it was not comparable with what Zhiyi had received. Han Jing says that there was Xu Ling 徐陵 (507-583), who reciprocated Zhiyi with his comment on the exegesis of the Vimalakīrti Sūtra as soon as the latter completed the first fascicle of the exegesis and showed it to him. There was also Liu Bian 柳䛒 (542-610), who, after receiving the Fahua Xunyi 法華玄義, said to Zhiyi that he brought it back to Renshou Palace 仁壽宮 and read it eight times with great admiration.76 Besides these two supporters, many talented and well-learned scholars gravitated to him, all possessing quality of amazing brilliance. The remaining two problems on Han Jing’s list add to the difficulty of the construction. They are named differently in phraseology and can be referred to as the “difficulties in accommodating visitors and in managing material supplies” (yingjie zhi nan 應接之難 and wuli zhi nan 物力之難).77 In Han Jing’s view, the accommodation issue had to do with the bad behaviors of unruly visitors, including those who cruised around the area by boat, those who rode horses to lodge at nearby inns, those who were heavy drinkers, and those who were meat addicts. The first two groups of visitors snapped 74 Both the references to fangsheng chi and tuliu are depicted in a very laconic but uninformative way in Han Jing’s account and beg for further explanation. My explanation is based on the Zhizhe dashi biezhuan 智者大師別傳 (T 2053, p. 193, c01-05), the “Zhizhe yishu yu Linhai Zhenjiang jieba guoshu fangsheng chi” 智者遺書與臨海鎮將解拔國述放生池 in Guoqing bailu, juan 4 (T 1934, p. 808, c07-c18; p. 822, b02-11), and the Zhizhe dashi biezhuan zhu 智者大師別傳註 (XZJ 1535, p. 666, b23-c09). 75 Both were only referred to by their official titles respectively as Sicheng 司成 and Sixun 司勳. 76 Han Jing did not detail this event. My elaboration on his words is based on the Fozu tongji, juan 9: T 2035, p. 200, c07-11. The Fozu tongji, however, only says “hou Zhizhe xu cheng Xuanyi shijuan” 後智者續成玄義十卷, as if Zhiyi later augmented his commentary on the Vimalakīrti Sūtra to ten fascicles. This is clearly not the case, because among all of Zhiyi’s publications only the Fahua xuanyi 法華玄義 comprises ten fascicles. 77 Unlike the three difficulties mentioned earlier, these two difficulties were dicpicted as “ci qi nan zai yingjie,” 此其難在應接 and “ci qi nan zai wuli,” 此其難在物力.

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mountain flowers wantonly, whereas the latter two groups trod the woodcutters’ paths carelessly. Although Han Jing does not explain why these people contributed to the accommodation difficulty, they were evidently not people interested in Buddhism and would tend to commit vandalism. Apart from that, the landed property of the monastery was harshly plundered and pillaged by government officials, which diminished the magic “aura of gold and silver” (jinyin zhi qi 金銀之氣) of the place, while the ongoing recurrent expropriation depleted the supply of rice that was produced specifically for monks (qingjing zhi fan 青精之飯).78 If Han Jing does not elaborate on these difficulties clearly enough, Chuandeng’s depiction of other buildings in the construction of the monastery can offer even more vivid pictures of what he had gone through. Still in Han Jing’s opinion the difficulties could hardly unnerve Chuandeng, since, as Han Jing puts it, all the major buildings were completed sooner than expected and in no time.79 Han Jing offers a description, which can be summarized as follows: All green ponds and columns were orderly put in place. Galleries and verandas, fasting rooms and bathrooms were properly structured. The whole construction was really imposing and majestic. Its depth equaled Mount Gaoming 高明山; the nearby great cave, named “Ten Thousand Catties” (wanjin 萬斤), was its furnace; the statues were gilded with gold and the standard height of each was 1.6 zhang, roughly 17.5 feet in modern calculation. The tall altar (guitan 圭壇) stored up Buddhist scriptures in 5,000 scrolls and the ritual altar smelled the aroma of ten stages (shidi zhi xiang 十地 之香).80 Other objects included the patriarchs’ niches, and statues of spiritual guards were separately placed by the sides of the main hall and outside the gates as mighty fortifications. There were also offices of treasury and controllers supervising the general monastic affairs, and there were additional halls and cloisters built for pilgrims.81 78 The Chinese text describing these two difficulties reads: 况乎游輪驛客，妄折山花；酒傖 肉傭，誤逢樵路，此其難在應接。椎剝未復，金銀之氣黯然；括索頻搜，青精之飯不出, 此其難在物力。 79 For Chuandeng’s depiction of other buildings, see the discussion below. Here Han Jing’s statement about the speedy completion is clearly an exaggeration, given that in fact the monastery took thirty years to complete. 80 The phrase guitan 圭壇 probably refers to the Lengyan tan 楞嚴壇, which will be discussed below. It was a ritual altar and was in the shape of elongate tablet used for ritual and ceremonial purposes. The phrase “shidi” 十地 probably refers to daśabhūmi, ten stages of Mahāyāna bodhisattva development. 81 This portion is a rough summary of this paragraph: 而總不足難我大師，紺殿琳宮，彈指 畢具；碧池寶楯，次第俱周。欲具廊廡則廊廡奠，欲安齋廟則齋廟安。凡厥壯麗，稱山

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Although Han Jing’s pithy depiction of the difficult process and speedy completion of the construction seems self-contradictory, it was so done precisely because the purpose of the account was to amplify Chuandeng’s resolve and commitment to the regeneration of the founding father’s temple. Han Jing believes that this temple, to Chuandeng, was a potent symbol of not only the Tiantai tradition but also the entire Buddhist tradition. According to Han Jing, it should not be just a common temple for common worship, but rather a holy place, a sanctuary for all four assemblies. Thus, in Han Jing’s view, the monastery should be constructed in an innovative architectural design of the highest standard so that it could look grandiose and aweinspiring in both structure and appearance (xiuzao rufa, xianghao zhuangyan 修造如法，相好莊嚴). Given Chuandeng’s sedulous commitment to the revival of the Tiantai tradition and the outcome of the planned innovative construction, it is no wonder that Chuandeng would receive such accolades from patrons like Han Jing, as will be demonstrated further below. This should lead us to look more closely into what Chuandeng actually planned to do to fulfill his commitment. In a series of propositional shu written to raise funds for different projects, including making an iron statue of the Buddha, casting a bell, making a sandalwood statue of the Buddha, founding a meditation hall, creating a Buddhist canon, building bricks and tiles for the Great Hall, building a lecture hall for a Lotus or Pure Land society (jiangtang lianshe 講堂蓮社), to name only a few, Chuandeng expresses the need to make the Gaoming Monastery extraordinarily unique. For example, before making the statue of the iron Buddha, Chuandeng in a parallel prose shu explains the reason why he needed to make an iron Buddha. His reasons are as follows: The Gaoming Temple is located at a very special place where the land is near the vast sea and the mountain is opposite to the star constellation known as santai 三台.82 It has storied buildings and terraces that soar to the sky and the sceneries there are created naturally by heaven. The monks there live quietly in the pure and cool Buddha realm, where the summer does not bring sizzling heat as that on sultry dog days, and they frequently enjoy the auspiciousness of the six flowers raining down from the heavens. For these reasons, it was necessary to adorn the statue of the Buddha in ways different from what had been done at other mountains.83 Simply put, Chuandeng 宏深。大巖為罏，立號萬斤；塗金為像，凖軀丈六。高閣庋五千之軸，圭壇聞十地 之香。其他祖龕傍翼，神衛外森。庶務總於庫司，清衆牧於堂院。 82 The stars santai comprise six stars with a pair of upper, middle, and lower stars. 83 Chuandeng, “Muzao tiefo shu” 募造鐵佛疏, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 21b-22a. The text reads: 夫天台山高明寺者，地臨瀛海，山應三台。樓臺薄霄漢，依然霧棟雲窗；景物自 天成，宛爾霞城雪瀑。僧居寂寞，佛界清涼。了無三伏之炎，頻雨六花之瑞。是以莊嚴 佛像，須異他山。

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believes that the monastery is made unique by its numinous environment, so that it became imperative to install a different and distinct iron Buddha to measure up to the mysterious numinosness. Again, in another shu, also in parallel prose, for raising funds to cast a temple bell, Chuandeng makes a seemingly philosophical claim saying that the bell is a great dharma gate that will provide immense and profound benefits. Struck one hundred and eight times every morning and evening, it can break up the dancing skeleton.84 Sounded two or three times in a trice, it can wake up a person from a long and delusory spring dream. In the Jetavana assembly (Qiyuan hui 祇園會), the bell was used to test Ānanda’s persistent mind (changxin 常心), whereas in the realm of hells, it was the tool relied upon to cease the suffering of prisoners in the dark world.85 Chuandeng contends that although all sentient beings can attain Buddhahood, they need to know that cultivation of good causative devotion is required. He offers the similitude that copper scraps can be used to make a bell, for which they would however need to be smelted, alloyed, and cast. He pleads with donors for resolving to practice charity, rather than asking them to donate vases, pots, hairpins, or armlets specifically.86 Against this background he says that whatever material object one can donate is welcome, although all he wants to see is whether the object is utilizable. He explains that it does not matter if the object is yellow copper (toushi 鍮石), as even the superior red or pure copper (chitong 赤銅) are to be smelted, recast, and refined.87 Once the bell is made to become a vessel for promoting the dharma (faqi 法器), he argues, the impact will be immeasurable to the extent that, when hearing the unsentient beings [to wit the bell’s] preaching (wuqing shuofa 無情說法),88 all 84 It is unclear what “jiewu kulou” 解舞骷髏 refers to. However, the theme of breaking up a skeleton probably derives from a gāthā allegedly written by Wei Kai 衛開, who in the Fozu tongji is referred to as a prominent Confucian scholar based in Siming 四明 during the Northern Song, although there is little information about him in Song historical sources. The gāthā song reads: “The great earth, mountains, and rivers, what are they?/Virtually, no single dharma is there for me to think and survey./Evening is the time when bells and drums resound everywhere,/breaking up skeletons of which no one is aware.” 大地山河是阿誰，了無一法 可思惟，夜來處處鳴鐘鼓，敲破髑髏人不知. (Fozu tongji, juan 45: T 2035, p. 408, c1618). 85 Chuandeng, “Zhuzhong muyuan shu” 鑄鐘募緣疏, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: p. 22ab. Paraphrased from Chinese text that reads: 惟斯鐘也，法門廣大，利益弘深。晨昏百八下，敲破 解舞骷髏；驀地兩三聲，喚醒長迷春夢。祗園會上，曾將驗慶喜之常心；地獄界中，還仗 息幽囚之苦具。 86 Ibid. Paraphrased from Chinese text that reads: 衆生雖即佛，須知佛藉緣修。銅屑可 為鐘，要顯鐘因冶鑄。只求施主肯發心，不問瓶盆釵釧。 87 Ibid. Paraphrased from Chinese text that reads: 一任將來，惟圖是類堪成器；何妨 鍮石，赤銅都歸鎔鍛。 88 Note that the phrase “wuqing shuofa” refers to “groves, woods, ponds, swamps can all preach the sound of the dharma” 林木池沼皆演法音, according to Chuandeng’s exegesis of

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beings in the Buddha realm will turn to the dharma, while even the obstinate stones will nod their heads, and grass, woods, scrublands, and groves will join their palms. Chuandeng stresses that by comparison other bell ringing such as in the case of “the Vipaśyin Buddha 維衛佛 ringing the bell in the bottom of the ocean” becomes redundant, while “Kāśyapa placing the big bell on top of Mount Sumeru” is also idle talk.89 In any case, Chuandeng believes that the bell is a very precious thing and that one will reap boundless merit by making it. It should be very clear that this fundraising shu was directed to middle and upper class citizens, especially to ranking scholar-officials, because they could better appreciate the imports of Chuandeng’s message that was conveyed in a very ornate style of parallel prose. Its elevation of the Gaoming Monastery’s bell sound to the level of wuqing shuofa (which was mentioned above) and its trivialization of accounts regarding other reverenced bell ringing as redundancy and idle talk sound rhetorical and abstruse. Perhaps this overly stressed importance of the bell is due to Chuandeng’s view that the Gaoming Temple previously never had a bell so that the bell’s installation was much-needed and long overdue. In yet another shu written to raise funds for making a statue of the Buddha using candana fragrance (zhantanxiang 栴檀香), Chuandeng cites two scriptures to inform the potential donors about the unsurpassable benefits of making an image of the Buddha. Both the Zaoxiang gongde jing 造像功德經 and the Youtianwang jing 優填王經 state that one can attain Buddhahood through making statues of the Buddha.90 The latter, whose full title is Youtianwang the Lengyan jing yuantong shu 楞嚴經圓通疏 (see: Lengyan jing yuantong shu, juan 6: XZJ 281, p. 839, b11-c12). The phrase was first used by Nanyang Guozhong 南陽國忠 (675775), but the idea on which it is based derives from the Amituo jing 阿彌陀經, as indicated in a dialogue between Yunyan Tancheng 雲巖曇晟 (742-841) and his disciple Dongshan Liangjie 洞山良价 (807-869). In the dialogue, Tancheng, in response to Liangjie’s question about the provenance of the phrase, referred to the Mituo jing 彌陀經 as saying: “[Don’t you see that the Mituo jing states that] waters, birds, trees and groves all recite the Buddha and the dharma” 水鳥樹林悉皆念佛念法 (see: Jingde chuandeng lu 景德傳燈錄, juan 28: T 2076, p. 436, a13; Yunzhou Dongshan Wuben chanshi yulu 筠州洞山悟本禪師語錄, juan 1: T 1974, p. 507, b08-c13). Actually, the idea comes from the Foshuo guan Wuliangshou fojing 佛說觀無量 壽佛經, which says: “Waters, birds, trees, groves, and all Buddhas – the sounds that come out from them can all preach the wonderful dharma” 水鳥樹林及與諸佛，所出音聲，皆演 妙法。 (T 365, p. 344, b18-19). 89 Ibid. Paraphrased from Chinese text that reads: 須臾時齊放寶光，頃刻間便成法器。試 聽東廊下無情說法，大千沙界普皈依；直敎虎丘山頑石點頭，草木叢林皆合 掌。至此時維衛佛海底搖鈴，都成剰語；迦葉波須彌擺鐸，亦是閒辭。此事希有，功德 無邊。 90 Youtian wang jing 優填王經 is clearly the abbreviated title of the Youtian wang zuo Fo xingxiang jing 優填王作佛形像經,which is probably no longer extant, but it is cited in the Fayuan zhulin 法苑珠林 and the Zhujing jiyao 諸經集要 compiled by the monk Daoshi 道世 (d.u.) in the early Tang Dynasty.

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zuo Fo xingxiang jing 優填王作佛形像經, even claims that the merits one can accumulate by making images of the Buddha are inestimable and uncountable, and that throughout all future incarnations they will protect against falling into the evil paths. Moreover, the scripture claims that, if reborn either in the heavens or the human realm, one will enjoy blessing and happiness, one’s body will always be in pure purple gold color, one’s eyes will be clear and spotless, one’s appearance will be well-featured, one’s torso and limbs will be superior and wonderful, and one will always be loved and respected. The scripture goes on to explain that, if reborn in the human realm, one will be born into an imperial house, a minister’s house, a revered elder’s house, a worthy’s or a good family’s house. And it is said that, wherever the place of his birth is, one will enjoy invaluable power, respect, wealth, nobility, property, and precious jewels; one will be most loved and exceedingly regarded by one’s parents, siblings, and relatives. It is also pointed out that, if one becomes a ruler, one will be especially revered.91 The merits cited from the two scriptures may not have been unfamiliar to people in Chuandeng’s time, because monks had been propagating the benefits of image making for many generations. Yet, rather than citing historical examples in his fundraising effort, Chuandeng resorts to the potency of the Buddhas’ words seen in the scriptures to shore up his passionate proclamation and boost donations to their full potential. This fundraising effort began with a Bodhisattva Vow (Pusa yuan 菩薩願) that Chuandeng took at the age of 45 in August 1598 facing the three jewels in the Three Samādhi Chapel of Great Compassion (Dabei sanmei daochang 大悲三昧道場) in the Gaoming Monastery. There he pledged to solicit donations from 84,000 people to make an image of the Amitābha Buddha using candana fragrance, along with the images of Guanyin and Mahāsthāmaprāpta Bodhisattva (Da Shizhi 大勢至菩薩). These images would be eight chi 尺 and four cun 寸 (i.e. roughly eight feet and ten inches each92) tall, to represent the 84,000 good marks and the brilliant light (xianghao guangming 相好 光明) that the Buddha possessed. Despite this vow, the fund raising ledger was not ready until 1606. The sculpting of the images was begun in April 1607, not for the Gaoming Monastery but for the Tian’ning Temple 天寧寺 in the 91 Chuandeng, “Muzao zhantanxiang fo shu” 募造旃檀香佛疏, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 22b23a. The Chinese text reads: 若當有人作佛形像，功德無量，不可稱計。世世所生，不墮 惡道。天上人中，受福快樂。身體常作紫磨金色，眼目清潔，面貌端正。身體手足，奇絕 妙好，常為眾人之所愛敬。若生人中，常生帝王、大臣、長者、賢善家子。所生 之處，豪尊富貴，財產珍寶，不可稱數。常為父母兄弟宗親之所愛重。若作帝王，王 中特尊。 92 This conversion is based on the different rates between Ming-Qing construction measurement and modern English measurement (see: http://thdl.ntu.edu.tw/weight_measure/ [accessed 12/12/2016]).

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Yongjia County 永嘉縣 of the Wenzhou Prefecture 溫州府. Chuandeng apparently sojourned at the temple to oversee the sculpting, which was completed in early September of the same year. While appreciating “spirit men” (shenren 神人) for helping him complete this project, Chuandeng expressed his gratitude to the Buddha, pronouncing in front of the Buddha image that he was fortunate to be able to join the ranks of the Buddhist clergy, to set his mind on the dharma, and to pursue his goals after being awakened to the true vehicle (zhensheng 真乘). Also, he was able to move to purity by going through impurity, and to seek truth by putting faith in the images of the Buddha. In order to raise funds, he approached 84,000 people to propose the erection of the fragrant statues of Buddhas whose height was eight chi and four cun. Calling this effort as “binding to a small cause” (xi xiaoyuan 繫小緣), he said the result of it was that everybody graciously donated funds and, once the big task was quickly completed, everybody felt thrilled when looking at the images.93 Seeing this outcome, he wished that 84,000 kinds of afflictions could be removed and an assembly of 84,000 people could attain Bodhi, or perfect wisdom, so that 84,000 hair pores emit 84,000 rays of illuminating lights. He also wished that when the latter days of the dharma (mofa 末法) arrived, the Maitreya Buddha would achieve reincarnation, appear before him, and perform Buddhist work. And when the Maitreya Buddha talked about the fundamental reason for making images, he would show up to testify to the words of the Buddha. Chuandeng wished that all members of the assembly could receive the prophecy from the Buddha and eventually attain Buddhahood. Each of all 84,000 pious donors could resolve to attain Buddhahood one by one. They would reach this goal just like Amitābha, Śākyamuni, Maitreya, Mañjuśrī, Guanyin, Samantabhadra, and Mahāsthāmaprāpta had reached their respective goals. In their wisdom and deeds as well as in their purities and glories they would then all be on a common level.94 The above image making was immediately followed by the construction of meditation halls known as chan tang 禪堂. Again, Chuandeng issued a writ in shu style to raise funds before it was built. In this shu, he said that the Gaoming Monastery was recently restored and that its construction took some years. Now, as the statue of the Supreme Master Thunderbolt (Jin’gang 93 Chuandeng, “Muzao zhantanxiang Fo cheng fayuanwen shu” 募造栴檀香佛成發願 文疏, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 23a-24b. 94 Ibid. Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 23b-24b. The Chinese text reads: 復願所造尊像，至末 法時，乞大龍王，請入海藏，待彌勒佛，當來下生，湧現其前。施作佛事，佛為宣說造 像本因，我於是時現身作證。大衆合掌，讃歎希有。蒙佛授記，當來成佛。八萬四千施 財善信，各各發心次第成佛。如阿彌陀、如釋迦文、如慈氏尊、如文殊師利、如觀 世音、如普賢王、如大勢至，所有誓願，所有智行，所有身量，所有國土，所有清淨 莊嚴，等無有異。

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shangshi 金剛上師), designed in cross-legged posture, had already been placed on the lotus seat of thousand petals, the pure and clean bhikṣus (qingjing bichu 清淨苾蒭) also wanted to stretch their legs in Chan rooms supported by extended rafters. For this reason, Chuandeng stated: “I specially prepare this short shu to raise funds, hoping to elicit donations from those wealthy and noble families. There will be thirty-two halls, in which lotus flowers can be used as offerings. Also twelve-thousand monks who have received the Buddha’s guidance will be installed in rows. Since the Chan rooms are not for practicing meditation in an intermingled form that mixed five kinds of meditation, wuwei chan 五味禪, I wish to offer my single-minded blessings. I also wish that all you benefactors (geigu zhangzhe 給孤長者) will attain rebirth in the palace of the trāyastriṃśas 忉悧天.” 由是恭特短疏，募化高門。堂有三十二，法華亦許經營；衆列萬 二千，善逝曾垂汲引。既非五味禪，持此一心福祝；願給孤長者，竟生 忉悧天宮。95

As smooth as the construction of other buildings, Chuandeng’s fundraising plea for building the Chan hall won generous and unstinted support and the building was completed in 1610, resulting in the materialization of a large Chan hall, in which Chuandeng and his disciples spent countless hours practicing seated meditation. This daily routine led to their construction of the so-called Śūraṅgama Altar (Lengyan tan 楞嚴壇), which was a novum to monastery design never seen in any Buddhist monastery prior to Chuandeng. As will be demonstrated below, Chuandeng had every intention to build this historically unprecedented structure because the essential teachings of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra (Lengyan jing 楞嚴經) were deeply embedded in his psyche. IV. THE BUILDING OF THE ŚŪRAṄGAMA ALTAR The Śūraṅgama Altar at the Gaoming Monastery is without doubt a unique and unprecedented building, the likes of which had never been seen in monasteries prior to Chuandeng’s time. The construction of this altar, whose detailed structure shall be discussed in this section, is grounded on Chuandeng’s long-term study of and dedication to the Śūraṅgama Sūtra and his idiosyncratic understanding of the scripture. So in what follows I will first offer a few words on Chuandeng’s views on and immersion in the scripture. 95 Chuandeng, “Muzao chanting shu” 募造禪堂疏, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: p. 23a. The Chinese text reads: 高明寺者，中興在近，創造有年。金剛上師已跏趺乎千葉蓮臺，清淨 苾蒭欲箕踞於數椽禪室。

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As mentioned in Jiang Mingyu’s stele inscription outlined above, Chuandeng, after he had left home and became a monk, first studied the Chan text Yongjia ji. Then he studied under Baisong Zhenjue and soon mastered the Lotus Sūtra and received Baisong’s instruction on the Mohe zhiguan 摩訶 止觀. Once when he asked Baisong about the meaning of the “great samādhi” (dading 大定) promulgated in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, Baisong did not offer an answer but instead stared at him with wide-open eyes. According to Jiang Mingyu, Chuandeng immediately reached the perfect understanding of the truth of eye-faculty (yangen 眼根, s. cakṣurindriya), one of the six faculties that form the matrix of the Buddha.96 With this understanding, Chuandeng forged ahead with lecturing and writing on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra and finished what became known as the The Four Books on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, i.e. the Lengyan sishu 楞嚴四書 mentioned above. Although it took Chuandeng some time to put the Four Books together, in addition the Lengyan xuanyi 楞嚴玄義, in which he advocates that the Śūraṅgama Sūtra provides an outline of the essential teachings (yaogang, 要綱) of the Lotus Sūtra,97 was released in 1593, when Chuandeng was forty years of age. The publication of the Lengyan xuanyi won Chuandeng high acclaim among patrons and lay Buddhists who helped clearing the way for him to widen his influence through peripatetic lectures. Some even said that after Chuandeng had authored the Lengyan xuanyi in four fascicles, a score of young monks, apparently after reading Chuandeng’s work, were able to attract bountiful donations once they started teaching the Śūraṅgama Sūtra by unfurling the umbrella that signified their endeavors. This prompted the multitude of Buddhist aspirants to focus on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, involving themselves in the discourse on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra rather than on the Lotus Sūtra.98 It was no coincidence that Chuandeng’s Lengyan xuanyi stood out amidst the increased popularity of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra and the existent commentaries on the scripture. One of Chuandeng’s lay disciples, Wen Long 聞龍 (1551-1631), a very enthusiastic reader of the scripture, explains why Chuandeng exceled in the explication of the scripture. He points out that Chuandeng’s commentary conforms to the śāstras or sūtras, reflecting on the Tathāgata’s 96 The eye-faculty is one of these six faculties – the eye-faculty, the ear-faculty, the nose-faculty, the tongue faculty, the body-faculty, and the cognitive-faculty – discussed in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra (see: Heng Sure, The Śūraṅgama Sūtra, 95-102). 97 See: Chuandeng, “Lengyan xuanyi xu” 楞嚴玄義序, Youxi biezhi, juan 14: p. 7a. Note that apart from Chuandeng himself, his patrons such as Yu Chunxi, Wen Long, and Tu Long also dedicated prefaces to the Lengyan xuanyi. All of those prefaces are entitled “Lengyan xuanyi xu.” The prefaces by Yu Chunxi and Wen Long are quoted in the footnotes below. 98 See: Yu Chunxi, “Lengyan xuanyi xu” 楞嚴玄義序, Youxi biezhi, juan 14: pp. 3a-4a.

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heart and mind, whereas other commentaries, many of which had been produced by various Tiantai masters since the Song and Yuan dynasties, either contradict the śāstras and sūtras or fail to be in keeping with the Tathāgata’s heart and mind.99 He argues that before Chuandeng wrote the book he gave a general overview of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra. Once written down, all his words were based on the principles of the scripture and his statements resonated with the Tiantai teachings. He was capable of discerning the true heart/mind of ancient Buddhas and revealing the wonderful function of the sages.100 This could rightfully be described as “adopting the Buddha’s heart/mind to corroborate the Buddha’s heart/mind [that he revealed], and calling on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra to interpret the Śūraṅgama Sūtra [that he understood].”101 Tu Long echoes Wen Long’s comments, saying that although all previous exegetes explicated the scripture in their own right, they tended to annotate the text line by line and word by word literally and to explain the meaning according to the textual structure of the prose. Unlike these exegetes, Chuandeng outlined the scripture first and highlighted its general purports. Then he went through name and mark (mingxiang 名相), getting into their underlying subtleties. He offered the exposition of the text’s deep meaning in complex phraseology but in succinct reasoning, showing extensive factual accounts and precise purports. Not only did it expand Master Zhiyi’s Tiantai teachings, but also it was never in discord with the Buddha’s mind seal.102 The above characterization of Chuandeng’s commentary on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra is in keeping with Chuandeng’s own views, as he considers that the language in the text of the Sūtra is lively, while the articulation of the Buddha’s intent is abstruse. Employing a metaphor, Chuandeng says that the exegetes of the sūtra would only work in terms of producing a fishing net by binding the net ropes while hiding the headrope within the net, whereas a true scholar would produce the fishing net by picking up the forsaken headrope before binding the net ropes. In other words, Chuandeng thinks that an exegete would only work on his commentary (net ropes) without reading the whole text (headrope), whereas a true scholar would read the whole text before working on the commentary. The fishing net metaphor shows two approaches to reading and understanding scriptures in general, and the 99

See: Wen Long, “Lengyan xuanyi xu” 楞嚴玄義序, Youxi biezhi, juan 14: pp. 4a-5a. The parallel sentences in the Chinese text read: 洞古佛之眞心，發當人之妙用。 The “dangren” in the second line is not a meaningful phrase, and I suspect it is a misprint of “shengren” 聖人. 101 Ibid. The Chinese text reads: 誠所謂以佛心印佛心，即《楞嚴》釋《楞嚴》者矣。 102 Tu Long, “Lengyan jing xuanyi xu” 楞嚴經玄義序, Youxi biezhi, juan 14: pp. 5b-6a. The Chinese text reads: 辭繁而理約，事博而旨精。既盡發智師之台宗，又不背覺皇之 心印。 100

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Śūraṅgama Sūtra in particular. The first approach is to do the commentary before or without reading and understanding the whole text, which is what an exgete would do. The other approach is to read and understand the whole text before working on the commentary, which is what a scholar would do. The metaphor of “picking up the ignored headrope and dumping all the net ropes” 舉棄綱而投諸網 suggests that, while in exegetical commentaries the text as a whole is normally ignored, the serious reader or scholar pays attention to the text in its entirety, as reading and annotating the text piece by piece will result in a false understanding of the text. Chuandeng believes that it was precisely because of their failure in reading the text in a proper way that many former students of Buddhism could not thoroughly penetrate the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, even though they had spent years studying in their institutions. But Chuandeng considered mediation-only enquiry even more inefficient. He expressed this by asking the following rhetorical question: “Would a person locking himself up inside a meditation closet for his entire life in search of the hidden meaning of Buddhist teachings be able to free himself from ignorance?” 矧彼畢世禪關索隱而能之解脫者乎.103 Chuandeng says that he himself had a similarly ineffective learning experience, since, although he did have the opportunity of reading the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, hearing and studying its commentaries for years was like “entering the sea to measure the amount of sand” (ruhai suansha 入海算沙), a phrase often used by Chan monks to denote vain efforts or one’s being trapped by one’s own futile actions. Chuandeng closes his commentary on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra by contemplating on the sūtra’s meaning, setting aside commentaries and probing into the scripture per se. Concurrently, he was able to have spare time studying Tiantai texts, which led not only to his realization of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra being a compendium of the Lotus Sūtra, but also to his ability to see Zhiyi’s compliance with the Tathāgata’s original heart/mind.104 Essentially, Chuandeng viewed the Śūraṅgama Sūtra as encompassing all major sūtras and treated it as a scripture of the highest value. He said that he based the sea of meanings in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra to provide a commentary on this “king of scriptures” (jingwang 經王), adopting the Buddha’s heart/ mind to vouch for the Buddha’s heart/mind he taught, and called upon the Śūraṅgama to offer his exposition on the Śūraṅgama. He cited its prose to 103 Chuandeng, “Lengyan xuanyi xu” 楞嚴玄義序, Youxi biezhi, juan 14: pp. 6b-7b. The Chinese text reads: 經文語活，佛旨意玄。解者,唯緝網而秘於綱。學者,舉棄綱而投諸 網矣。故有窮年敎苑，研幾而莫得融通，矧彼畢世禪關索隱而能之解脫者乎? 104 Ibid. p. 7a. This is paraphrased from the Chinese text that reads: 燈獲瞻秘誥，聽學 有年。譬入海而算沙，徒顛眩而自困。既而掩卷思義，置解尋經。兼讀台宗，乃有 餘地。非唯悟《楞嚴》為《法華》之要綱，抑以見智者愜如來之本心。

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develop meanings and proposed a general discussion of their profundity. He felt pleased with his commentary, because he had done his best to provide meaningful and proper explanation of the text.105 Clearly, notwithstanding Chuandeng’s somewhat rhetorical self-deprecation saying that he was ashamed of his shallow scholarship, unsophisticated prose, and fragmented discussion,106 he took great pride in the Lengyan xuanyi. Although the above cursory sketch of Chuandeng’s attitude towards the Śūraṅgama Sūtra represents only a small proportion of Chuandeng view on the scripture expressed in his writings, suffice it to show that Chuandeng held the Sūtra in high esteem. Thus it is no small wonder that he was so dedicated to the writing of the above-mentioned Four Books. Accordingly, the building of the Śūraṅgama Altar, on the other hand, is clearly the embodiment of his unabated devotion to the scripture, and it can be surmised that Chuandeng was aware of the documentation of the altar that could be found in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra or other scriptures. Therefore, in his depiction of the Śūraṅgama Altar, Chuandeng notes that it was recorded in scriptures, but had never been built in Western and Eastern lands. He also says that even if a similar altar had indeed been built, such as the one at Jiufeng of Yanjing 燕京鷲峰 where palpable traces of such a structure were detectable, the rationale for the building was not supported by scriptures and it was based on nothing but the builder’s own flights of fancy. In other words, Chuandeng asserts that the references to the Śūraṅgama Altar do exist in scriptures, but whoever had built the altar failed to follow the instruction stated therein. This assertion shows a perceivable attempt to legitimize and bolster his conceptulization of creating an unprecedented Śūraṅgama Altar. It is, however, based on an assumption that has nearly no tenuous documentary support, given that neither the Śūraṅgama Sūtra nor other scriptures make mention of a Śūraṅgama Altar.107 This said, the term of Śūraṅgama Altar does appear in the Shoulengyan tanchang xiuzheng yi 首楞嚴壇場修證儀 authored by Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水淨源 (1011-1088) of the Northern Song. Seemingly 105 Ibid. p. 7b. This is paraphrased from the Chinese text that reads: 今輒秉斯義海，仰疏 經王，以佛心印佛心，不亦培膏助明；即《楞嚴》釋《楞嚴》，孰謂以水醨乳。徴文 立義，略擬玄談。 106 Ibid. This is paraphrased from the Chinese text that reads: 學慚疎野,而詞愧不文。言肆 支離,而義求或當。 107 Note that the monk Guanheng 觀衡 (1579-1646) of the late Ming explains that the sentence “building a lecture site for people of the Latter Days of the Dharma to cultivate” 末法 修行建立道場 in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra is a reference to Ananda’s recommendation for building a Śūraṅgama Altar for the people of the Latter Days of the Dharma, or mofa 末法, to engage in cultivation (see: Guanheng, Lengyan jing siyi jie 楞嚴經四依解, Guojia tushuguan shanben shu 國家圖書館善本 [National Library Rare Books], no. 8862, juan 7: p. 709b).

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the first discussion of the matter prior to Chuandeng, the Altar mentioned therein had never been built by Jingyuan, a master of the Huanyan School.108 The text that Jingyuan authored is more indicative of Jingyuan’s interest in the ritual associated with the altar and its confessionary purpose, although he provided a detailed account about the method and procedure for building a Śūraṅgama Altar according to the instruction delineated in the Śūraṅgama Sūtra or other scriptures.109 It is, however, not clear if Chuandeng drew on the information given in Jinyuan’s book to create his unprecedented Śūraṅgama Altar. In any case, building a Śūraṅgama Altar became an obligatory project that Chuandeng aimed to carry out after having completed the construction of the great Chan hall in which he contemplated the fundraising for the construction of the entire monastery. In 1612, he and his dharma grandson Shoujiao, who was the abbot or acting abbot of the Gaoming Monastery most of the time, headed towards Suzhou for fundraising. Clearly he knew what materials he needed to build the altar, which he started with the palace hall in the altar and had it adorned with incense burners, mirrors, banners, sanctified images etc. The whole structure was not completed until the mid-spring of 1615, after he had spent the summer of 1614 preaching the Lotus Sūtra and used the charity funds to expidite the construction.110 The completion of this nearly four-year project was to make the Gaoming Monastery a full-fledged and awe-inspiring monastery which would rival with other great monasteries and reify the intellectual endeavors that Chuandeng made to revive the Tiantai order and tradition. V. THE FULLY COMPLETED GAOMING MONASTERY The relentless fundraising efforts that Chuandeng and his disciples made and the charity funds collected via Chuandeng’s lectures constitute the Gaoming Monastery’s rich endowment that was at Chuandeng’s disposal. The continuing increase of the endowment gave Chuandeng a great deal of latitude to upgrade the major buildings of the monastery and refine the entire monastery 108 For Jingyuan’s major activities, see: Huang Chi-chiang, “Ŭich’ŏn’s Pilgrimage and the Rising Prominence of the Korean Monastery in Hang-chou during the Sung and Yüan Periods,” in: Currents and Countercurrents: Korea’s Influences on the East Asian Buddhist Traditions, ed. Robert E. Buswell (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2005), 242-276. 109 Jingyuan 淨源, Shoulengyan tanchang xiuzhengyi 首楞嚴壇場修證儀, XZJ 1477, p. 517, b04-c18. 110 See the “Shishi 事實” portion of the “Guizhi kao” 規制考, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 1b-4a.

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into a huge monastery to be touted by its admirers as the finest and most imposing Tiantai monastery. Its gigantic size would become peerless after the whole structure was transformed into a public space. Although the Śūraṅgama Altar was the landmark structure of the monastery, Chuandeng still needed to bring into synergy all buildings and structures such as the mountain gate (shanmen 山門), the two corridors (lianglang 兩廊), the bell tower (zhonglou 鐘樓), and the canon library (zangge 藏閣) that were still under construction. The fully-completed Gaoming Monastery thus comprises the following major units: the mountain gate, the main hall, the Śūraṅgama Altar, the small ancestral hall, and the upper and lower Chan halls, all of which were installed with different statues and images.111 Chuandeng provides a very elaborate depiction of all of them, including their structures, layouts, and functions. Below is a description of the entire monastery, including its major infrastructure, images, and the dazzling panoply of all religious objects. 1) The Main Hall Called the great hall (dadian 大殿), the main hall of the Gaoming Monastery differed from those in other monasteries of Chuandeng’s time in the arrangement of the statues of the Buddhist triad on the central altar. The Buddha at the center was flanked by the images of the two attendants: Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī on the left and Bodhisattva Maitreya on the right. This triad format, according to Chuandeng, was to show that Mañjuśrī provided an answer to Maitreya’s question and doubt about a ray of light that was emitted from the tuft of white hair between the eyebrows of the Buddha, who had entered the Samādhi. The question and answer are found in chapter one of the Lotus Sūtra.112 So in constrast to the triad of the Buddhas 111

Ibid. pp. 2b-3b. In Chapter One, “Introduction,” of the Lotus Sūtra, Maitreya posed this question and brought it to Mañjuśrī to seek an answer. The Sūtra says: “Then Bodhisattva Maitreya, wanting to clear up his own doubt, and observing the minds of the fourfold assembly of monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen and of the nāgas, yakṣas, and other beings, asked Manjuśrī: ‘What causes the appearance of this auspicious omen, the marvelous sign of this great ray of light that illuminates the eighteen thousand worlds in the east and renders visible the adornments of all the buddha worlds?’” 爾時彌勒菩薩,欲自決疑。又觀四衆比丘、比丘尼、優婆塞、優婆 夷及諸天龍鬼神等衆會之心,而問文殊師利言以何因緣而有此瑞神通之相。放大光明照 于東方萬八千土。悉見彼佛國界莊嚴。 (see: Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮華經, juan 1: T 262, p.2, c3-7). Thereupon Bodhisattva Maitreya, “wanting to elaborate on the meaning of this further, spoke to Manjuśrī in verse” 於是彌勒菩薩欲重宣此義，以偈問曰。(see: ibid. p. 2, c78), which reads: “O Manjuśrī!/Why has the Leader/Emitted this great ray of light far and wide/ From the tuft of white hair/Between his eyebrows,/Raining down māndārava and manjūṣaka flowers,/And gladdening the people…” 文殊師利。導師何故。眉間白毫。大光普照。雨曼 陀羅。曼殊沙華。 (see: ibid. p. 2, c9-12). To this question, Mañjuśrī gave a very elaborate 112

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of the Three Periods 三世佛,113 the triad seen in the great hall of the Gaoming Monastery was based on the Lotus Sūtra. This may have its reason in the fact that the Lotus Sūtra is the scripture on which Zhiyi based himself in founding the Tiantai school as a zong 宗. The statue of the Buddha measured one zhang 丈 and six chi 尺, roughly seventeen inches or 1.4 feet, which was the height of the Buddha when he sat at the Vulture Peak giving sermons. The two Bodhisattvas, Maitreya and Mañjuśrī, were two chi shorter. All three statues were made of iron and weighted 17,000 catties in total, roughly 22,367 lbs. The installation of these three statues in the hall was one of the difficulties in the construction of the answer, in both verse and prose (see: Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮華經, T 262, juan 1: p. 3, c11 – p. 5, b23). My translation of the quoted passages is, with minor modifications, based on Tsugunari Kubo and Akira Yuyama’s translation of the Lotus Sūtra (see: Tsugunari Kubo; Akira Yuyama, The Lotus Sutra, second revised edition [Berkeley, CA: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2007], 5-6). 113 The term “Buddhas of the Three Periods” 三世佛, which usually refers to Amitābha Buddha, Śākyamuni Buddha, and Maitreya Buddha, that represent past, present, and future buddhas, according to the Zengaku daijiten 禪學大辭典 (Tōkyō: Taishūkan Shoten, Shōwa 60, 1985), was interpreted differently in China in imperial times. It can refer to Trikaya Buddhas, i.e., Dharmakaya, Sambhogakaya, and Nirmanakaya. A quick survey of the three statues or images in the center of main halls in imperial times proves that there are variant representations of the triad. For example, in the Dengci Chan Monastery 等慈禪寺 in Xiangshan county 象山縣 in Siming 四明 during the Yuan Dynasty, the statue of the Buddha was placed in the center, which was flanked by Bodhisattvas Mañjuśrī 文殊 and Samantabhadra 普賢 (see: Yuanyou Siming zhi 元祐四明志 [Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshu guan, 1983-1986], juan 18: pp. 19ab). The main hall of the Longxiang Jiqing si 龍翔集慶寺 in Nanjing in Yuan times was called Supreme Bodhi Hall 大覺之殿, apparently dedicated to Śākyamuni Buddha. A separate hall behind it, named as the Hall of Buddha Amitāyus 無量夀佛之殿, was dedicated to the Buddha Amitābha (see: Yu Ji 虞集, “Longxiang Jiqing si bei,” 龍翔集慶寺碑 in: Daoyuan xuegu lu 道園學古録 [Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshu guan, 1983-1986], juan 25: p. 1ab). The same stele is found in the Yuan wen lei 元文類 (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshu guan, 1983-1986), juan 22: p. 23a. The Buddhas of the Three Periods in the Gushan si 鼓山寺 in Fuzhou were Śākyamuni Buddha in the center, Maitreya Buddha on the left, and Kāśyapa Buddha on the right (see: Chen Yaowen 陳耀文, Tianzhong ji 天中記 [Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshu guan, 1983-1986], juan 35: p. 17a). Kāśyapa Buddha is one of the seven Buddhas and was the immediate predecessor of Śākyamuni Buddha, not to be confused with Mahākāśyapa. This triad format is in accord with the definition of “Buddhas of the Three Periods” in Soothill’s Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms but is different from the definition in Zengaku daijiten. It should be noted that the triad installed in the main hall of Buddhist monasteries in the last century also differs. For instance, the central altar in the main hall of the Huacheng si 化成寺 on Mount Jiuhua 九華山 is occupied by “the most common Buddhist triad,” namely Śākyamuni in the center, Amitābha on his right, and Bhaiṣajyaguru 藥師佛 on his left (Johannes PripMoller, Chinese Buddhist Monasteries: Their Plan and Its Function as a Setting for Buddist Monastic Life [Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1982], 36). To Prip-Moller’s knowledge, “the most common Buddhist triad” may not be so common, at least in China’s imperial time or in the Ming dynasty. The different representations of the triad in the monasteries in China’s historical times and how it was viewed and interpreted merit further consideration and study.

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Gaoming Monastery mentioned above. The casting and transportation of these iron statues to Mount Gaoming alone was a daunting job. According to Chuandeng, the three iron images were made in Hangzhou, and from there they were shipped to Taizhou along the Qiantang River. Then a smaller brook boat (xichuan 溪船) was used in place of the river ship to transport the statues upstream to the Tiantai Mountains. More than a hundred of menial laborers were required to unload each of the statues and to carry it to land. First, the statues were transported from Longtan’e 龍潭額 (which was a cliff of approximately 8,000 chi)114 to Jindi ling 金地嶺, then they were moved downhill to Baisong ling 百松嶺. Only after they had gone through various obstacles and dangers for some twenty li (roughly seven miles) on the mountains, they finally reached Youxi. And the success of their transportation, in Chuandeng’s narrative, was attributed not solely to human efforts, but also to the supramundane spiritual assistance. Chuandeng’s narrative says that the iron statues made in Zhejiang were among the best, and their acquisition by the monastery on the Tiantai Mountains was an unsurpassable merit. Once the statue of the Buddha, along with that of the two bodhisattvas, was installed, two sculptured statues were placed to the left and right sides of the trias. Placed on the right side, which is toward its east, was the image of Brahmā 梵王, and on the left side, which is toward its west, was the image of Vajrapāṇi 金剛力士. Chuandeng explains the reason for the placement, citing the story of the two sons of a certain Cakravartī’s 轉輪聖王 second wife vowing to become Brahmā and Vajrapāṇi respectively.115 The former intended to ask the Buddha to turn the wheel of the dharma, whereas the latter intended to defend the dharma and subdue the demons.116 Behind the 114 The Chinese text reads: “Longtan’e bili qianren” 龍潭額壁立千仞 (see: Youxi biezhi, juan 5: p. 30a). Note that according to the Kangxi zidian 康熙字典 one ren 仞 equals eight chi (Kangxi zidian [Shanghai: Tongwen shuju 同文書局, 1912], 93). 115 See Youxi biezhi, juan 5, pp. 6b-7a. Chuandeng does not mention the specific source, but simply says that the matter is known from the “Buddhist canon” (zangjing 藏經). It is however clear that the source he employs is the Saddharma-smṛty-upasthāna sūtra, which is known as Zhengfa nianchu jing 正法念處經 (T 721) in Chinese. According to this sūtra, which is quoted in the Fanyi mingyi ji 翻譯名義集 and other texts such as the Jinguangming jing wenju ji 金光明經文句記, the first wife of a certain king in the past gave birth to a thousand children and tried to install them as buddhas in an order of succession. After the king’s second wife gave birth to two sons, the first of them wished to become a Brahmā king so that he could ask the thousand brothers to turn the wheel of the Dharma. The second son wished to become Guhyapāda vajra so that he could protect the teachings of the thousand brothers. 昔有國王夫人,生千子, 欲試當來成佛之次第。… 第二夫人生二子,一願為梵王,請千兄轉法輪,次願為密跡金剛神, 護千兄教法。(See Fanyi mingyi ji, juan 2: T 2131, p. 1078, a8-13). Also see Jinguangming jing wenju ji, juan 6: T 1786, p. 140, c7-11. Both quotes, however, do not refer to the king as Cakravartī 轉輪聖王. 116 See “Dadian” 大殿, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 6a-7a.

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main hall, images of Bodhisattva Guanyin and eighteen arhats were carved on the protruding wall. These images were accompanied by the illustrated story telling the causes that led Lord Guan 關公 to dedicating his soul to Zhiyi.117 In the in the Hall of the Great Patriarchs, or Dazong tang 大宗堂, Chuandeng also installed statues of the Tiantai patriarchs of thirty generations. The lineup of the images started from Mahākāśyapa as the first patriarch. In the middle, Nāgārjuna was presented as the thirteenth patriarch, since by Huiwen 慧文 (d.u.) of the Northern Qi 北齊 he had been honored as a remote ancestor of Tiantai Buddhism. The lineage ended with the image of Baisong Zhenjue 百松真覺, who honored Siming Zhili 四明知禮 (960-1028), who viewed himself as Zhili’s remote dharma descendant. The images of these thirty patriarchs were placed in the Dazong tang temporarily. Sometime in the future – when the monastic estate grew large enough to have more space – they were to be moved and enshrined in a separate patriarchal hall, Zutang 祖堂. Chuandeng explains the reasons for the patriarchs’ images headed by Mahākāśyapa being temporarily placed in the Dazong tang, noting that it was because his Tiantai school followers read the Lotus Sūtra to set forth the goal of seeking enlightenment upon knowing that Mahākāśyapa had received the Buddha’s prophecy, and that he did properly explicate the meaning of “xinjie” 信解 in the “Willing Acceptance” chapter (“Xinjie pin” 信解品) of the Sūtra.118 He also argues that the Tathāgata’s discussion of attaining buddhahood (cheng 成) and the prophecy (ji 記) in the “Herbs” chapter (“Yaocao yu” 藥草喻品) of the Sūtra prove that the transmission from Tiantai masters to disciples was absolutely in accord with scriptures.119 The chapter also indicates that the Tiantai transmission that resulted in apostolic succession through generations of patriarchs had originated from the Buddha’s golden mouth (jinkou 金口). These were Chuandeng’s reasons for enshrining patriarchs in the Dazong tang. The placement of the enshrined statues was temporary because they were to be relocated to a separate patriarchal hall 117

Ibid. See “Dazong tang” 大宗堂, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 7a-b. This refers to the Mahākāśyapa’s gāthā in the end of the “Xinjie pin” 信解品 (i.e. chapter 4) of the Lotus Sūtra. The “Xinjie pin” records the words that Subhuti, Mahākātyāyana, Mahākāśyapa, and Mahāmaudgalyāyana said to the Buddha when hearing that the Buddha’s prophecy concerning Śāriputra’s attaining of anuttara-samyak-saṃbodhi (see: Kumārajīva 鳩摩羅什, Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮華經, juan 2: T 262, p. 17, c10 – p. 19, a12; translation: Tsugunari Kubo; Akira Yuyama, The Lotus Sutra, 79-94). 119 Ibid. This clearly is a mixup because the Buddha’s discussion of attaining Buddhahood and prophecy is recorded in the “Prophecy” chapter (“shouji pin” 授記品, i.e. chapter 6) of the Lotus Sūtra (see: Tsugunari Kubo; Akira Yuyama, The Lotus Sutra, 103-111). 118

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as soon as it was built with space big enough to permit permenant pedestals for all of them. The patriarchal transmission was repeatedly emphasized as a historical fact to back up Chuandeng’s attempt to bring the Tiantai tradition back to its doctrinal and institutional supremency. 2) The Śūraṅgama Altar One characteristic of the Gaoming Monastery is its assemblage of a wide array of images and statues. The Śūraṅgama Altar in particular was replete with images. The statues of the Buddha and the two bodhisattvas had been made earlier in Yongjia 永嘉 in the fashion similar to the candana statues in upright position that Udayana had erected. Each of them was eight chi and four cun tall. Additionally there were thirteen images painted in Jinling 金陵, that portrayed the Buddha and the two bodhisattvas. There were also five statues of different Buddhas that were made in Guangling 廣陵 (i.e. the presentday Huaian 淮安 of Jiangsu) and were placed on the Altar later. These five statues were the Vairocana Buddha in the center, the Śākyamuni Buddha to its east and Akṣobhya to its further east; Maitreya to the west of Vairocana and Amitābha to its further west. All of them were made of a certain stone sand called tuosha 脫沙 and were therefore named tuosha foxiang 脫沙佛像. To the east of Akṣobhya was the statue of Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, and to the west of Amitābha was the statue of Bodhisattva Gunayin. The sequence may be seen in the following illustration:120 Gunayin Amitābha Maitreya Vairocana Śākyamuni Akṣobhya Mañjuśrī

The Altar was resplendent with a panoply of statues on its two sides, including probably all greater and lesser mahāsattvas, disciples of the Buddha, deva-kings, bhikṣus, spirits, and some unidentifiable figures mentioned in the Śūraṃgama Sūtra. Subsequently I will list some of the statues named in Chuandeng’s account, without being able to present the full array here. Included are: Mahāsthāmaprāpta 大勢至, Maitreya, the bodhisattva of the empyrean 虛空藏, Moonlight lad 月光童子 or Candraprabha-kumāra (Prince Moonlight),121 Guanyin in Transformation 觀音變相, Vajrasattva 金剛藏王, 120

See “Lengyan tang xiang” 楞嚴壇像, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: p. 8b. Prince Moonlight is Erik Zürcher’s translation of Candraprabha-kumāra (see: Erik Zürcher, “Prince Moonlight: Messianism and Eschatology in Early Medieval Chinese Buddhism,” in: Buddhism in China: Collected Papers of Erik Zürcher, ed. Jonathan Silk [Leiden: Brill, 2013], 187-241). Zürcher’s article discusses the sinicization of Candraprabha-kumāra known as Yueguang tongzi 月光童子, or even the Bodhisattva Yueguang, Yueguang pusa 月光 121

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Bhaiṣajyarāja 藥王, Bhadrapāla 跋陀婆羅, Samantabhadra 普賢, Dharaṇimdhara 持地, Kauṇḍinya 憍陳那,122 Mahākāśyapa 摩訶迦葉, Aniruddha 阿那 律陀, Kṣudrapanthaka 周利槃特迦, Gavāṃpati 憍梵鉢提, Pilindavatsa 畢陵 伽婆蹉, Subhūti 須菩提, Śāriputra 舍利弗, Sundarananda 孫陀羅難陀, Pūrṇamaitrāyaṇīputra 富樓那彌多羅尼子, Upāli 優波離, Maudgalyāyana 大目 犍連, Ucchuṣma 烏芻瑟摩, Bhrūkuti 毘俱胝, Vināyaka 頻那夜迦, Brahmā 梵王, Indra 帝釋, Dhṛtarsaṣtra 持國, Virūḍhaka 增長, Virūpākṣa 廣目, Vaiśravaṇa 多聞, Ānanda 阿難, Vajrapāṇi 金剛密跡 or 密跡金剛,123 and many others.124 Chuandeng said that, although he could not represent all Buddhist figures seen in the Śūraṃgama Sūtra on the Altar, those that he named should suffice.125 He emphasizes that the Buddha’s uṣṇīṣa emitted light of a hundred jewels (baibao guangming 百寶光明), and from the light treasured lotus blossoms with a thousand leaves emerged (qianye baolian 千葉 寶蓮). He continues to say that there also was the nirmāṇakāya (huashen 化身) of the Buddha sitting in cross-legged posture, and he adds that over the heads of those statues there were ten rays of the light of fearlessness formed by hundred jewels (baibao wuwei guangming 百寶無畏光明), which were lighting up everywhere.126 In any case, the assemblage of these dazzling divinities tells us much about Chuandeng’s passion for and dedication to the Śūraṅgama Altar. 3) Mountain Gate and Front Yard The gate of the Gaoming Monastery was also distinctive. Chuandeng decked it out with more statues associated with both Buddhism and folk religions, which were demonstrative of his religious eclecticism. Erected at the center of the gate was a statue of Maitreya rather than that of Zhiyi, whose statue would be installed in a separate room where the highest honor would be accorded to him when the estate of the monastery was expanded to become more spacious. In front of the Maitreya statue there was a statue of Budai 菩薩 in Chinese Buddhist literature. In a supposedly Chinese apocryphal scripture known as the Qingjing faxing jing 清淨法行經, he was viewed as Confucius’ disciple Yan Hui 顏回 (see: Fozu tongji, juan 4: T 2035, p. 166, a26-27; p. 333, b27). Zürcher has noticed this in The Buddhist Conquest of China: the Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 315. 122 Youxi biezhi, juan 5: p. 8b-9a. Kauņḍinya is also translated as 憍陳如. 123 Ibid. Vajrapāṇi, guardian of Buddhas, is oftern translated as 金剛密跡 or 密跡金剛. 124 Ibid. The list includes names whose identities are not clear: 火頭金剛, 藥上香嚴童子, 琉璃光, 優波尼沙陀, 藍地迦軍茶利, 本性尊者. 125 Youxi biezhi, juan 5: p. 9ab. 126 Ibid.

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heshang 布袋和尚.127 It was erected modelled on a statue that had been made shortly ago to abide by the “common practice” (shixi 時習) that Chuandeng noted in his account. Although it is unclear whether “common practice” refers to erection of the statue of Budai heshang in the monastery or in front of the mountain gate of a monastery, Chuandeng must have followed the common belief in Ming times that Budai heshang was the manifestation of Maitreya’s ture body, yinhua zhenshen 應化真身.128 His placement of the statue of Budai heshang in front of that of Maitreya is probably to reinforce the non-dual recognition of Maitreya and Budai heshang in his time. On the two sides behind the two statues, statues of the four deva-kings were put in place. In the two precincts behind these four statues, statues of Lord Guan 關公 and Yue Fei 岳飛 in the same height were erected in parallel with each other. Both statues were tutelary gods of the Śūraṅgama Altar, and each was installed for a special reason other than their perceived apotropaic powers: Lord Guan turned his soul to Zhiyi on Mount Yuquan 玉泉 山 and Yue Fei joined Lord Guan as a hero of equal rank. In addition, a sculptured statue of the standing Skanda (Weituo zuntian 韋陀尊天)129 was erected on the upper terrain passing the mountain gate. Behind the western sacrificial hall, two additional halls were built. Spirit tablets of supporters and donors, who promoted and safeguarded the Tiantai teachings, were enshrined in the hall to the left, whereas spirit tablets of the nine patriarchs of the Pure Land Buddhism were enshrined in the hall to the right.130 127 Budai heshang was an eccentric monk who lived during the ninth century towards the end of the Tang dynasty, and was known for always carrying his bag (chin.: budai 布袋) with him. An account of his life is seen in Fozu tongji, juan 42 (T 2035, p. 390, c4 – p. 391, a2). 128 Qu Ruji 瞿汝稷 (1548-1610) of the Ming dynasty included Budai heshang in a list entitled “Manifestations of Sages and Worthies” (yinghua shengxian 應化聖賢) in his Zhiyue lu 指月錄 (see: Zhiyue lu, XZJ 1578, p. 422, b14). 129 Skanda is also translated as Saijiantuo tian 塞建陀天, Sijiantuo tian 私建陀天, Jiantuo tian 建陀天, Weituo tian 違馱天. Originally a god of war, he was adopted by Mahāyāna Buddhism as a tutelary god, the guardian of monasteries. 130 See “shanmen” 山門, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 9b-10a. It is unclear who were included in the “nine patriarchs of Pure Land Buddhism” at this time. Most likely, “nine patriarchs” was a result of later addition because there were no “nine patriarchs” of Pure Land Buddhism at this time, given that the term did not appear until the Qing Dynasty. Even Chuandeng’s dharma grandson Shoujiao, who lived unitl the Qing Dynasty, only listed seven patriarchs in his Jingtu sheng wusheng lun qinwen ji 淨土生無生論親聞記 (Juan 1: XZJ 1168, p. 851, c02 – p. 852, a17) and they were Huiyuan 慧遠, Shandao 善導, Chengyuan 承遠, Fazhao 法照, Shaokang 少康, Yanshou 延壽, Xingchang 省常.His dharma brother Zhengji 正寂 added Zongze 宗赜 to the list in his Jingtu sheng wusheng lun zhu 淨土生無生論註 (XZJ 1167, p. 834, a05-b20), making “eight patriarchs” an alternative reference to existing Pure Land patriarchy. The “nine patriarchs” mentioned in the “shanmen” section of the Youxi biezhi were probably adopted later by Chuandeng’s decendent active in the Qing Dynasty.

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Other guardians of the mountain also had their share of statues. For instance, on the east side of the corridor, a statue of the mountain’s earth god, the True Lord of Mysterious Resonance (Xuanying zhenjun 玄應真君),131 was installed in the middle of Saṃghārāma Hall (qielan dian 伽藍殿). On the right side of the hall there was the statue of the Venerated Huize Longjun of the Stone Bridge (Shiqiao huize longjun 石橋惠澤龍君).132 Opposite to which was another statue of Lord Guan with a variant name called the Venerated Lord Guan or the True Lord Guan (Guan Zhenjun 關真君). There was also a Small Lineage Ancestral Hall (Xiaozon ci 小宗祠) in which sacrifices to all the past transmitters of the Tiantai teachings were performed. These transmitters included Master Baisong and the many meritorious monks of previous dynasties. A large tablet was placed in the center of the hall, on which a chart portraying the Tiantai transmission from India to the east was carved. The spirit tablet of Baisong was placed at the center of the large tablet, along with those of his dharma descendants who transmitted his teachings subsequently. On the two sides of the large tablet were the tablets of the earlier and later deceased monks arranged to illustrate their respective phylogenetic lineages.133 Within the monastery several Chan halls were built. Among them, one was named Upper Chan Hall (Shang Chan tang 上禪堂), which was to house the monks visiting the Śūraṅgama Altar. It was rather small and could only hold ten visitors. As it was built according to Zhiyi’s theory of Threefold Contemplation (san guan 三觀), Zhiyi – represented through an image – was honored as the “holy monk” (shengseng 聖僧) of the Upper Chan Hall.134 Another 131

This seems to be an abbreviation of Zhidao xuanying shengong miaoji zhenjun 至道 玄應神功妙濟真君, which refers to Xu Zhenjun 許真君, the deified title of the eminent Daoist trancendant Xu Xun 許遜 (239-347). The title can be found in many Daoist texts, such as Xu zhenjun xianzhuan 許真君仙傳 (dates and author unclear). 132 This was a dragon king as recorded in Chuandeng’s Tiantai shan fangwai zhi. The dragon was said to have been in the deep pool under the famous Stone Bridge 石橋 and very efficacious when prayed for rain in drought season. A pavilion called Zhuzhen ting 佇真亭 was built by the pool in 1201 in its honor, which was soon conferred on a new title called Hize ci 惠澤祠 (see: Tiantai shan fangwai zhi, juan 10: p. 414). It is unclear what the original source on which this account was based. 133 “Xiaozong ci” 小宗祠, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 10b-11a. The chart made it clear that Zhiyi’s Tiantai transmission continued after Fazhi Zhili but it branched out into various lineages. 134 It should be noted that the Threefold Contemplation and the Threefold Truth are two sides of one coin as far as Zhiyi’s teachings are concerned. The Threefold Comtemplation is tied to “threefold cessation” (sanzhi 三止) and “threefold insight/contemplation” (sanguan 三觀), the practice of which is succinctly discussed in the Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀. It is clear that Chuandeng, while preaching the Threefold Truth, which is the doctrinal aspect of his teachings represented by the Fahua xuanyi 法華玄義, tended to teach his followers more about the practice of insight meditation based on the Mohe zhiguan. For the nature of the Threefold Truth and the Threefold Contemplation, see: Paul Swanson, Foundation of T’ien-t’ai

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Chan hall was named Lower Chan Hall (Xia Chan tang 下禪堂). It was designed to accommodate lay Buddhists, who were much more numerous than the monks. So it was a large-scale structure. Represented through an image, the Honorable Piṇḍola-bhāradvāja 賓頭盧尊者 was honored as the “holy monk” of the Lower Chan Hall, which was in keeping with the Buddha’s order recorded in the Qing Bintoulu jing 請賓頭盧經,135 so that he could receive the offerings along with the monks of the monastery. This, according to Chuandeng, was known as making the Chan hall a place for the “bowl seats” (bowei 鉢位) assignment. Chuandeng notes that if the Chan hall was, however, used by Chan practitioners as a meditation room, the offerings should be presented to the image of the Honorable Kauṇḍinya 陳如尊者.136 On the east wing of the Śūraṅgama Altar, there was a hall called Bushun tang 不瞬堂 in which the statues of the Pure Land Triad (Xifang san sheng 西方三聖), Amitābha, Guanyin, and Mahāsthāmaprāpta, were positioned for Chuandeng’s dedication to the Pure Land faith. The images were made of the tuosha stone entirely in Tang sculpture style.137 A quiet place where Chuandeng was steeped in thought of reenergizing Tiantai teachings, the hall allowed Chuandeng to pen virtually all his written works, including fundraising writs, treaties, commentaries, letters, poems, mountain or temple records such as the Tiantai shan fangwai zhi and the Youxi biezhi etc.138 In a mid-autumn Philosophy: The Flowering of The Two Truths Theory in Chinese Buddhism (Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1989), 16-17, 116-117. 135 The text only says that the image was installed according to the Buddha’s wish withouot specifying where the “wish” is recorded. A quick search for the information proves that the practice of serving Piṇḍola-bhāradvāja is recorded in the Qing Bintoulu jing (see: Daoshi, Fayuan zhulin, juan 42: T 2122, p. 610, a16-b25; Daoshi, Zhujing jiyao 諸經集要, juan 5: T 2123, p. 42, c08 – p. 43, c03). 136 The text says Chenru zunzhe 陳如尊者, which must be the abbreviation of 憍陳如 尊者. 137 “Bu shun tang” 不瞬堂, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: p. 11a. 138 Chuandeng compiled at least four mountain or temple records/gazetteers. The other two are the Siming Yanqingsi zhi 四明延慶寺志 in eight fascicles and the Ayuwangshan zhi 阿育 王山志 in six fascicles. The former is no longer extant but the book’s general preface and the chapter prefaces are included in the Youxi wenji 幽溪文集. The latter is now known as Mingzhou Ayuwangshan zhi 明州阿育王山志, whose authorship is commonly credited to Guo Zizhang 郭子章 because he undersigned the preface with his name and official titles. That Guo Zizhang was however not author or compiler of the Mingzhou Ayuwangshan zhi is evident from the fact that the original general preface to book and its chapter prefaces included in the Youxi wenji (i.e. Chuandeng’s collected works), tell us that Guo Zizhang was but the supervisor of the temple record, while Chuandeng was its actual author or compiler. Unlike Guo Zizhang’s preface in the current Mingzhou Ayuwangshan zhi (see: Mingzhou Ayuwangshan zhi [Taipei: Mingwen shuju, reprint of 1757 edition], pp. 3-19), the book’s general preface included in the Youxi wenji clearly indicates that Chuandeng was the actual author (see: Youxi wenji, juan 4: pp. 1a-3a). As for the Siming Yanqingsi zhi, the book’s general preface and the chapter prefaces included in the Youxi wenji also point to Chuandeng being the author or the compiler (see: Youxi wenji, juan 4: pp. 14a-15b).

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night in 1625, Chuandeng did “walking meditation” (Jingxing 經行) outside the hall before one o’clock midnight, when he saw the bright moon shinning in the foreground of the front corridor, enlightening the area like a luminous picture. Thereupon, he wrote a note about the Bushun tang called “Bushun tang ji” 不瞬堂記, explaining why he named the hall Bushun (no eye-blinking) in three reasons, one of which was the erection of three statues associated with Pure Land Buddhism. Chuandeng maintains that Guanyin’s root incarnation was Prince Bushun 不瞬太子139 and that, as a follower of the Buddha, the prince had never blinked and would not blink as he had become a Buddha, who was forever in the state of samādhi. He also believes that, as a man’s six faculties (eye, ear, nose, tongue, body, and heart/mind) are ruled by heart/ mind, if the heart/mind moves the man’s eyes blink, while otherwise the eyes will not blink. To support his view, Chuandeng cites the Mahāvaipulyamahāsaṃnipāta-sūtra (Daji jing 大集經), saying that the eyes of the Voiceless Lad (Wuyan tongzi 無言童子) mentioned in the scripture never blinked when he was an infant and that all the devas were capable of not blinking either.140 In Chuandeng’s view, this was because they constantly remained in the state of samādhi.141 139 Chuandeng adopted the Beihua jing’s 悲華經 view about the Tathāgata Ratnagarha’s 寶藏如來 prophecy that Prince Bushun would be named Guanyin (see: Chuandeng’s Lengyan jing yuantong shu, juan 6: XZJ 268, p. 839, a20-b01). The reference to Tathāgata Ratnagarha’s prophecy first appeared in the commentaries on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra written by Jingjue Renyue 淨覺仁岳 (992-1064), a shanwai 山外 school Tiantai master of the Northern Song. Jingjue’s commentaries are no longer extant, but some of his remarks were quoted in the Collected Commentaries on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra put together by Sitan 思坦 of Tongzhou 桐洲 of the Southern Song, known as the Lengyan jing jizhu 楞嚴經集註 (see: Lengyan jing jizhu, juan 6: XZJ 268, p. 472, a09). It should be noted that Sitan was referred to as Huaitan 懷坦 of Tongzhou by Zhipan 志磐 (fl. 1260) in the Fozu tongji 佛祖統紀 (see: Fozu tongji jiaozhu, juan 17: p. 235, a01; p. 256, a01). This is probably the reason why Qian Qianyi 錢謙益 (1582-1664) said in his Lengyan jing shujie mengchao 楞嚴經疏解蒙鈔 that Sitan was a misnomer of Huaitan (see: Lengyan jing shujie mengchao, juan 1: XZJ 287, p. 504, a19-b01). It appears to me that – although Qian Qianyi was right to point out the mentioning of Huaitan in the Fozu tongji – Zhipan was indeed the first Buddhist historian mentioning Huaitan as Tongzhou Huaitan, while some of later Buddhist scholars, one of whom was Chuangdeng, continued to refer to him as Sitan (see: Chuandeng, Lengyan jing yuantong shu 楞嚴經圓通疏, XZJ 281, p. 690: c1). 140 Chuandeng’s reference to the Voiceless Lad can be corroborated by the beginning paragraphs of “Wuyan pusa pin” 無言菩薩品 of the Da fangdeng daji jing 大方等大集經 (see: Tan Wuchen 曇無讖, Da fangdeng daji jing, juan 12: T 397, p. 74, c16 – p. 75, a17). In fact, the Foshuo Wuyan tongzi jing 佛說無言童子經 translated by Zhu Fahu 竺法護 of the Western Jin 西晉 also provides the same account. The beginning paragraph of the scripture says exactly the same thing as the “Wuyan pusa pin.” One should note that the lad was born voiceless but not deaf or blind. Both scriptures, however, say nothing about his eyes not blinking (see: Foshuo Wuyan tongzi jing, juan 1: T 401, p. 522, c20 – p. 523, a08). The “unblinking eyes” is supposed to be one of the Buddha’s attributes when he was a prince (see: Jñānagupta 闍那崛多, Fo benxing jijing 佛本行集經, juan 15: T 190, p. 725, a01-15). 141 “Bushun tang ji” 不瞬堂記, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: pp. 16a-17b.

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A statue of Guanyin was also installed in a storied-building known as Donglou 東樓 near the Bushun tang. This statue belonged to an abandoned temple near the Gaoming Monastery. It lay there unheeded by common folks. Chuandeng had it hauled into the Donglou and washed clean to restore its luster. It was so very well sculptured that Chuandeng lamented the artisans in his time could not possibly make such a fine statue, even if they exhausted their ingenuity.142 The above discussion shows that the Gaoming Monastery was graced with a wide spectrum of images and statues including, among other things, that of all Tiantai patriarchs. The installation of their images and statues and the repeated emphasis on the sustained lineage of the Tiantai school from Mahākāśyapa to Baisong Zhenjue underscores Chuandeng’s conscious attempt to reaffirm and restore the Tiantai order leading to the regeneration of the Tiantai tradition. This attempt was made known to the literati patrons who gravitated to Chuandeng when they were impressed by his gracious amenity, intellectual breadth and depth, as well as perseverance in the face of obstacles. Their unwavering espousal of Chuandeng’s cause was so contagious that they were literally helping Chuandeng hold sway among their peers. VI. THE LITERATI

AND THE

GAOMING MONASTERY

Like the majority of eminent monks in imperial China, Chuandeng would not have achieved his goals of religious revival with the completion of the Gaoming Monastery, had he not elicited the support of the faithful, in particular of the literati patrons. As pointed out above, the litarati’s patronage and support were of great significance and virtually indispensable in Chuandeng’s construction of the Gaoming Monastery because they were either donors or orchestrators of his lectures, and were recognized by Chuandeng as his jintang 金湯, an alternative appellation of waihu 外護, to wit, protectors or benefactors from outside of the monastery. Some of the most ardent members of them, including Feng Mengzhen, Wang Shixing, Tu Long, Lin Guocai, and Han Jing, were already mentioned. They contributed to Chuandeng’s cause much more than what I have briefly summarized above. In other words, they offered various types of support besides donation of funds and the most noteworthy of them was the letter-writing rallied to enhance the “protection of the dharma” (hufa 護法) on behalf of Chuandeng and his monastery. This 142

“Dong lou” 東樓, Youxi biezhi, juan 5: p. 11b.

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kind of letter-writing, labeled “dharma-espousal letters” (hufa shu 護法書), constituted a special literary genre in Ming Buddhism. Along with scores of personal letters offering apologies to Chuandeng for being unable to attend his lectures, the “dharma-espousal letters” led to the formation of an epistolary culture that was to help maximize the rising popularity of Chuandeng and Tiantai Buddhism. The persuasive power of those letters cannot be overestimated. As representatives of the literati, Chuandeng’s protectors and benefactors often lobbied in chorus for Chuandeng, appealing to local authorities to give him lecture privileges while wheedling him to lecture at the temples they were affiliated with. Tu Long, for instance, wrote a letter requesting Chuandeng to lecture on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra at the Haihui Temple 海會寺 in Siming 四明 on behalf of the abbot of the temple known as Sire Yu 育公.143 After hearing the lectures Chuandeng delivered at this temple from the fifth of the second month to the eighth of the fourth month in 1595, Tu Long wrote two further letters to Chuandeng, with one inviting him to “ascend the Jewel Dais of the Lotus Flower to expound on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra” at the Haihui Temple again on the Mid-autumn Festival,144 and another one, which was a follow-up letter to the one written on behalf of Sire Yu, expressing his gratitude for having been extremely fortunate to have enjoyed the wonderful exposition that Chuandeng conveyed in those previous lectures conducted in the early months of 1595, while regretting that he was unable to attend the Midautumn lecture, as he dared not to sneak into the hall in which Chuandeng offered his lecture on the dharma platform (fatan 法壇). This, as explained in the letter, was due to his fear of being scolded by Skanda 韋馱 because his physical body became impure and polluted after he had entered the bedroom of his daughter, who had just given birth to a child and had been undergoing postnatal care.145 As one of the stupendously devout lay Buddhists among the Ming literati, Tu Long was keen on publicizing Chuandeng’s evangelistic efforts. In a letter addressed to Lu Guangzu 陸光祖 (1527-1597), who was mentioned above, Tu Long says that he had fixed his mind on the study of Buddhism, aspiring to reach a better understanding of the Tiantai teachings by delving into the 143 Tu Long, “Siming Haihui si jiang Lengyan jing ji” 四明海會寺講楞嚴經記, Youxi biezhi, juan 15: p. 2b. 144 Tu Long, “Wei Siming Haihui si qing jiang Lengyan jing hufa shu” 為四明海會寺 請講楞嚴經護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 2b. The Chinese text reads: 海會寺敬涓中秋 佳節，敦請大法師演說《首楞嚴經》. The date of this letter is not mentioned, but it should be sometime after the one written on behalf of Sire Yu 育公 mentioned earlier. 145 Tu Long, “You zhi ji shu” 又致偈書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 2b-3b. The Chinese text reads: 頃乃以小女分娩，往一看之，臥內體受穢惡，恐為韋馱所訶，不敢溷入法壇.

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Buddhist canon and seeking out a brilliant master. As a result, he was able to grasp the general imports of Mahāyāna Budhism, which, as he suggests, gave credence to his portrayal of Chuandeng, who, in his words, received Zhiyi’s dharma robe as a remote descendant and transmitted the teaching and meditation practice in four modes (siyi jiaoguan 四儀教觀). There was no principle in the Tiantai teachings that Chuandeng did not explain, nor was there any truth he did not reveal. Asking him questions was like striking a gigantic bell, and exploring his depth was like entering a vast sea. This was because he had brilliant innate wisdom and was highly conversant with the Tiantai canon and doctrines. Thus Tu Long praises Chuandeng for being a truly treasured torch that could light up darkness, and for being a golden lancet that could treat cataract.146 Tu Long continues saying that it was to his regret that Chuandeng had never been to Wuzhong 吳中 (present-day Jiangsu) despite his peripatetic lectures in places near and far from eastern Zhejiang, where both clever and lowbrow commoners benefited greatly from his lectures, and prominent monks gravitated to him and became his disciples. Tu Long advises Lu Guangzu, saying that as an exemplary teacher in human relations and an expert master (zongjiang 宗匠) of the Tiantai teachings, he could ill afford to know nothing about a monk of brilliant virtue like Chuandeng in the contemporary world. Fortunately, Chuandeng had been on a lecture tour recently, and Tu Long was obliged to recommend him to Lu Guangzu. He suggested that Lu should immediately engage in a conversation with Chuandeng to see if he was truly well-versed in the Buddhist teachings. The idea was that, if what Tu Long had said should turn out to be true, Lu would make Chuandeng a chief lecturer of the metropolis (dujiang 都講) to lecture on the scriptures in Buddhist assemblies, to enlighten sentient beings, to benefit human and heaven widely, and to wipe out defilements and negative factors altogether. Tu Long suggested that, if all of this should happen, Lu would accumulate enormous merit.147 Usually calling himself “The Lay Buddhist Who Has Received Bodhisattva Precepts” (Pusajie jushi 菩薩戒居士), Lu Guangzu seems to have accepted Tu Long’s recommendation, as evidenced by the letter he sent to Chuandeng inviting him to lecture at the Yuwang Monastery 育王寺 in Siming. In the letter, Lu Guangzu says that he, Shen Yiguan 沈一貫 (1531-1615), and Tu 146 Tu Long, “Zhi Pinghu Lu Taizai wei Youxi hufa shu” 致平湖陸太宰為幽溪護法薦書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 3b-4b. The similes in the Chinese text read: 叩之如弘鐘，探之如 巨海 and 燭昏之寶炬，抉翳之金錍. 147 Ibid. Chuandeng’s abilities were phrased in Tu Long’s letter as follows: 開示有情，廣利 人天，同除垢陰。

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Long had raised funds to build a temple called Sheli dian 舍利殿, which was nearly completed. The abbot of the temple, Wulou shangren 無漏上人, hoping to express his gratitude to donors and repay their kindness, planned to invite someone to lecture on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra. Knowing that Chuandeng was a highly esteemed Buddhist master of impeccable conduct and career, and that he was also an expert master deeply versed in Buddhist texts, Lu Guangzu says that he ventured to invite him to the Yuwang Monastery on behalf of the abbot, hoping him ascend the lecture dais to preach the dharma. The fellow monks and the faithful would be gratified to see him because they had been looking up to him and expecting his coming with great enthusiasm.148 To help remove hurdles that could have hindered Chuandeng from visiting some of the preaching locales on his trips, Tu Long even wrote letters to senior regional officials who had held higher ranks in the central government, requesting them to pressure magistrate-level officials to protect Chuandeng from being disturbed or harassed by unruly local rogues. For example, in a letter addressed to a certain Grand Minister of the Imperial Household Department surnamed Huang, or Huang Shaofu 黃少府, who was the Taizhou prefect at the time the letter was written, Tu Long expressed his worry about the troubles that might haunt Chuandeng on his trip to Huangyan 黃 巖 County of Taizhou.149 The safety assurance that Tu Long expected to derive from the prefect’s official order was that the Huangyan county magistrate would bring those under control who cut off their good roots, or indeed were Icchantika 闡提, as well as the scoundrels on Mount Fang 方山 who could cause some sort of “Māra-affairs” 魔事 or troubles to happen. The safety guaranteed through the prefect’s order would allow Chuandeng to complete his preaching of the dharma at the Jingming Temple 淨名寺, which was situated on Mount Fang.150 In the letter, Tu Long’s appeal was 148 See Lu Guangzu, “Qing Jiang Lengyan jing shu” 請講楞嚴經書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 3b-4a. The text says that he and “Jiaomen Shen gong 蛟門沈公, Chishui Tu gong 赤水 屠公 …” The former was Shen Yiguan 沈一貫 (1531-1615), whose sobriquet was Jiaomen and epithet 肩吾. The latter was Tu Long, who had many epithets, of which Chishui was most often used. Shen Yiguan was a native of Yin County 鄞 who became a very active politician in Ming court. He was one of the court officials who spoke against the eunuch involvement in the mining tax. However, despite his position as the chief grand secretary under the Wanli emperor, he was unable to pursudae the emperor to abolish the mining tax even though he tried to put pressure on the emperor and nearly succeeded in change the emperor’s mind (see: Carrington Goodrich, Dictionary of Ming Biography, 1181). 149 Grand Minister of Imperial Household Department is a translation of neiwu fu dachen 內務府大臣, whose unofficial title Shaofu 少府 is used in the text. The identity of the Shaofu surnamed Huang is unclear. 150 The text says Fangshan jingming 方山淨名, which should refer to the Jingming Temple on Mount Fang.

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preceded by a statement portraying his close relationship with Chuandeng, which says the following: “[Tu] Long enjoys fellowship with the Dharma Master Wujin [Chuan]deng of Folong in Youxi, knowing that this monk specializes in the three baskets and cultivates doctrines and insights with great efforts. As Zhiyi’s dharma descendant having received Zhiyi’s dharma robe, he expands the Tiantai teachings that have nearly come to extinction. By frequently ascending the lecture dais, he opens up the treasury of truth for the faithful and brings benefits to men and devas. That I, [Tu] Long, a man of no talent, have devoted myself to Buddhism is reliant very much on this monk’s guidance and instruction.” 隆從佛隴幽溪法師無盡燈游，此沙門精通三藏，力修教觀，嗣智師之 法衣，弘台宗之絶響，屢登講席，開示善信，利益人天。不佞隆之從事 佛門，賴此僧提誨多矣。151

This letter of Tu Long suggests that in Huangyan County Chuandeng might unknowingly be exposed to harmful situations, and that the potential harms could be warded off only with the help of prefecture- and magistrate-level officials. For this reason, at Chuandeng’s request, Tu Long wrote another letter to a low-level official named Liu, who was then an Administrator for Public Order of Taizhou, Taizhou Sili canjun 台州司理參軍, asking him to support and protect Chuandeng. In the letter, he says that he had studied under Chuandeng for years, recognizing him as an eminent monk not only well versed in Buddhist texts but also steadfast to Buddhist precepts. Mr. Liu was a man who not only possessed intrepid valor that matched the strength of ten thousand men, but also held the three stratagems of Sire Yellowstone (Huangshi gong 黃石公) in his bosom. He liked to recruit valiant heroes of all kinds, and to apply his mind to issues concerning national affairs setting things right for the state. Tu Long, following Yu Chunxi’s recommendation, trusted that Mr. Liu was a man of high caliber and hoped that he could act as a protector of the dharma. It was also hoped that in the meantime he would urge the lower level county subordinates in Huangyan County to work hand in glove with him to support Chuandeng in the merit-making endeavor.152 The afore-mentioned trouble feared to befall Chuandeng was referred to as “Māra-affairs” in Tu Long’s letter to Prefect Huang Shaofu, which was mentioned above, and it was referred to as “māra-obstructions” (mozu 魔阻) in another letter by Tu Long, which was addressed to a certain deputy prefect named Zhou Panfu 周判府. In this letter, Tu Long first states his desire to 151 “Zhi Huang shaofu wei Youxi daochang hufa shu” 致黄少府為幽溪道場護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 4b-5a. 152 Tu Long, “Zhi Liu sili wei Youxi daochang hufa shu” 致劉司理為幽溪道場護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 5ab.

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visit the Tiantai Mountains from his native Ningbo at the invitation of his friends Wang Shixing and Wang Loufeng 王樓峯.153 But then he says that unfortunately he had allowed the time to pass by failing to make the trip. Finally he reports that he had scheduled an appointment with the current Tiantai prefect, Mr. Jian 簡, for a tour to the Tiantai Mountains, as the latter had been his colleague and took the jinshi exam in the same year with him. As we read, once the prefect had responded to his invitation letter, he would be heading south for his journey to the Tiantai Mountains to visit the places he had yearned for, such as the Tongbai Palace 桐栢宮, that had been constructed by Wang Zijin 王子晉;154 the deepest area of the stone bridge of Taoyuan 桃源, to which Liu Chen 劉晨 and Ruan Zhao 阮肇 had journeyed;155 the Lingyan 靈巖, where spiritual bodies of Feng’gan 豐干, Hanshan 寒山, and Shide 拾得 had manifested;156 and Mount Folong 佛隴 where Zhiyi had preached Tiantai teachings. After vaunting his connection with the prefect in the letter, and after showing his desire to tour the Tiantai Mountains, Tu Long begins to introduce Chuandeng to Mr. Zhou, stating that the eminent master Wujin (i.e. Chuandeng) had recently taken up his 153 Tu Long, “Zhi Zhou panfu wei Youxi daochang hufa shu” 致周判府為幽溪道場護 法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 6a. The text says “Wang Taipu Loufeng” 王太僕樓峯, whose identity remains unidentifiable yet. 154 The Tongbai gong is also known as Tongbo gong 桐柏宮. Legends say that Wang Zijin was a prince under King Ling of the Zhou 周靈王. After he became a transcendent, xian 仙, the Supreme Lord 上帝 ordered him to administer the Tongbo gong. In his foreword to Chuandeng’s Tiantai shan fangwai zhi, Tu Long cited this legend to describe the wonder of the Tiantai Mountains (see the first foreword in the Tiantai shan fangwai zhi, p. 34). Chuandeng, needless to say, gave a very detailed account of the history of Tongbo gong in the Tiantai shan fangwai zhi. For a broader background on the lore of Wang Zijin as associated with the Tiantai Mountains, see: Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Shangqing-Daoismus in den Tiantai-Bergen (Munich: Utz, 2011). 155 The popular folklore about the stone bridge had long been fascinating to travelers of the Tiantai Mountains including litarati, mountaineers, officials of Tiantai County since the Eastern Jin (317-420). Tu Long, himself a frequent traveler of the Tiantai Mountains, was certainly familiar with the folklore as he also cited it in his foreword to the Tiantai shan fangwai zhi noted above. Phrases and terms used to depict the stone bridge and its condition in Sun Chuo’s 孫綽 “You Tiantaishan fu” 遊天台山賦, considered the earliest surviving accout of the Tiantai Mountains, include “xuandeng” 懸磴, Hanging Ledge, which is the stone bridge itself; “meitai” 莓苔, green moss, and “huashi” 滑石, which refers to the moss grown on the stone bridge, making it slippery. “Bili zhi cuiping” 壁立之翠屏, wall-like feathered screen, which refers to the the stone screen stretching across the bridge like cliff walls (see: Sun Chuo, “You Tiantaishan fu,” in: Liu chen zhu Wenxuan 六臣注文選 [Shanghai: Shangwu yinshu guan, Sibu congkan chubian 四部叢刊初編, 1926], juan 11: pp. 7a-b). For a translation of Sun Chuo’s “You Tiantaishan fu,” see: Richard Mather, “The Mythical Ascent of the T’ient’ai Mountains: Sun Ch’o’s Yu T’ien-t’ai-shan Fu 遊天台山賦,” Monumenta Serica 20 (1961), 226-245. 156 See: Tu Long, “Zhi Zhou panfu wei Youxi daochang hufa shu” 致周判府為幽溪道 場護法書, cited above.

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abode on Mount Folong, where he, being well-versed in the Tiantai doctrines and insights, exerted great efforts to revivify the Tiantai school. He sees Chuandeng as “a man of enlightened spiritual nature, known for his immaculate virtue and conduct, and as the leader guiding fellow monks to the door of the Buddha dharma.”157 The faithful, including Tu Long himself, turned to Chuandeng, serving him as his disciples. He informs Mr. Zhou that Chuandeng had recently given a lecture tour to the Jingming Temple on Mount Fang 方山 in Huangyan, where māra-obstructions in the county might undermine his safety at the lecture site. For this reason, he asks Mr. Zhou to act as the great leader of merit-makers for the benefits of the three jewels, and decreed a ban on any activities that might disrupt the lecture, so that Mount Fang could be brought to a state of tranquility and the master’s superior lecture could be concluded smoothly.158 As Chuandeng embarked on peripatetic preaching of Tiantai Buddhism, other literati patrons, no less enthusiastic than Tu Long, were also busy championing Chuandeng’s cause, laying the way open for Chuandeng to pursue his goals. For instance, Lin Guocai 林國材, a.k.a. Lin Chenyuan 林澄淵 (fl.Wanli period), a native of Huangyan County of Zhejiang,159 wrote a letter to Chuandeng thanking him for his generous gifts of Buddhist scriptures and expressing his excitement about the completion of a certain Dalong Monastery 大龍 道場, the merit of which he ascribed to Chuandeng’s unsurpassable efforts.160 Calling himself “disciple of the Buddha” (Fo dizi 佛弟子), Mr. Lin, in the letter, manages to cajole Chuandeng into lecturing at a Chan temple called Ruixiang 瑞相 located on the side of the two temples known as Ziyun tasi 紫雲塔寺 and Fuyun tasi 阜雲塔寺, referred to as Zifu shuangyun 紫阜雙雲 by Mr. Lin.161 The monks of the Ruixiang temple, Fazu 法足, Xingchao 性超, and others, seeing that the ancient monastery had now been reconstructed while the clergy was still delusional and remained so far away and aloof from all the devas in their practices of Buddhism, proposed that the monks of 157 “Spiritual nature” is a translation of the term “xingdi” 性地, which is known as “the embryo-stage of the nature of Buddha-truth,” and the second of the ten stages 十地 defined by the Tongjiao 通教, or Intermediate School (see: William Soothill, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms [Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1982], 47, 259). 158 Tu Long, “Zhi Zhou panfu wei Youxi daochang hufa shu” 致周判府為幽溪道場護 法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 5d-6a. 159 For Lin Guocai’s birthplace, see: Yongzheng Zhejiang tonzhi 雍正浙江通志, juan 133: p. 7a. 160 Lin Guocai, “Qing Jiangjing shu” 請講經書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 4b. It is not clear where the Dalong daochang was located, but supposedly it was also in Huangyan where Lin Guocai lived. 161 The name “Zifu shuangyun” 紫阜雙雲 is clearly a shorten form of the names of the two temples combined.

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the temple should jointly turn to the Great Master Chuandeng as his disciples. They hoped that Chuandeng, who in 1604 lectured on the Lengyan Sūtra at the Ruixiang Monastery,162 which they regarded as “the leading Dharmadhatu in our [Huang]yan [county]” 吾巖第一法界, would be so kind as to accept their invitation, which was made on their behalf by Mr. Lin whose virtue was great enough to offset their insufficient piety. Certainly if Chuandeng agreed to come, the prestige of the involved temples, including the Zifu shuangyun temples and the Ruixiang Monastery, would rise above that of many other temples including the most celebrated monasteries on Mount Butuo 補陀山.163 Mr. Lin promised that he would support the monastery to such a degree that it would become comparable to Prince Jeta’s Grove, the Jetavana, which in Chinese is known as “Qiyuan” 祇園.164 His assertion that Chuandeng’s lecture at the Ruixiang Monastery and his personal patronage would elevate the status of the monastery to a level higher than that of Mount Butuo may sound hyperbolic, but hyperbole was close to the norm in letters that were intended to request favors. What appears to be lacking in his letter is that he failed to point out the conversion of the Ruixiang Monastery from a chan to a jiao monastery.165 Although the time of the conversion is unclear, 162 See: Chuandeng, “Wuzhi si Yunying yuan Tiantai zutang xiaozong ji” 五峙寺雲影院 天台祖堂小宗記, in: Guangxu Huangyan xianzhi 光緒黃巖縣志, juan 36: pp. 9b-12a. In this account, Chuandeng notes that his first visit to the temple was in 1604, when he lectured on the Lengyan Sūtra. After the lecture, he offered his calligraphy reading “Tianguan yunying” 天光雲影, which was carved on a plaque later. It is unclear whether his lecture was a result of Lin Guocai’s invitation on behalf of the abbot of the temple, although it was very likely given that Lin was the temple’s big donor (da tanyue 大檀越). 163 Lin Guocai, “Qing Jiangjing shu” 請講經書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 4b. 164 Prince Jeta, who in Chinese he is known as Prince Qituo 祇陀太子, was the son of King Prasenajit (the ruler of Kośala in the days of the Buddha). In the prince’s possession was a grove south of Śrāvasti (the capital of Kośala), which was regarded as the lovliest scenic spot around. The banker Anāthapiṇḍika purchased it covering the entire site with golden coins, as he wished to establish a monastery where the Buddha and his followers could reside. Named after the original owner of the site, the monastery became known as Jetavana. Later on, the Chinese Buddhist historiographer Daoxuan 道宣 (596-667) described it as the ideal Buddhist monastery (Robert E. Buswell, ed., The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, 383; Ho Puay-peng, “The Ideal Monastery: Daoxuan’s Description of the Central Indian Jetavana Vihara,” East Asian History 10 [1995], 1-18). 165 The distinction between chansi 禪寺 and jiaosi 教寺 started to occur during the Song Dynasty. Although there was no clear definition as to what made a monastery a chansi or a jiaosi, in the former type of monastery the focus was on meditational practice whereas in the latter type of monastery the focus was on preaching the sūtras. This distinction became especially noticeable when a jiaosi was converted into a chansi or vice versa. Such conversions were referred to as “yi jiao wei chan” 易教為禪 or “yi chan wei jiao” 易禪為教. For instance, the chan monastery Huiyin si 慧因寺 in Hangzhou was converted into a jiao monastery when Pu Zongmeng 蒲宗孟 (1022-1088) was Prefect of Hangzhou. The reason for this conversion was to honor the famous Koguryo pilgrim Ūi’chon, who visited the Huiyin si to study Huayan Buddhism with the Huayan monk Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水淨源 (1011-1088) (see: Fozu tongji,

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it very likely occurred some time before the winter of 1616 when Chuandeng wrote an account concerning the renovation of the Ruixiang Monastery, which was renamed Yunying yuan 雲影院 by non other than Lin Guocai.166 The conversion may have taken place in 1604 right after Chuandeng had lectured on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra at the monastery, as Mr. Lin anticipated in his letter.167 In any case, it may not be utterly whimsical to surmise that Mr. Lin and the monks of the Ruixiang Monastery agreed on the conversion of the chan monastery into a Tiantai jiao monastery,168 and on honoring Chuandeng as master of the monastery’s saṃgha so as to better induce Chuandeng to give a lecture at the monastery. The conversion also helped boost the monastery’s ability to invite Chuandeng to lecture again another time, particularly after the monastery was recognized as a monastery of the small Tiantai lineage (xiaozong 小宗), which was one of the more than ten branches of the Tiantai Patriarchal Hall at Youxi, and which was under the administration of the abbot Shouneng 受能 of the monastery.169 As will be discussed below, a later juan 29: T 2035, p. 294, a5-13). Even the Guoqing si 國清寺, a prominent jiao monastery, was in 1130 under the rule of Song Gaozong 宋高宗 (r. 1127-1162) converted into a chan monastery, and was later on converted back into a jiao monastery again (see: Chuandeng, Tiantai shan fangwai zhi, juan 4: p. 167; Xu Fozu tongji 續佛祖統紀, juan 1: XZJ 1515, p. 743b, b1-4). The sources say that the Dharma Master Xingcheng 法師性澄 (1265-1342), seeing that the Guoqing si, where Zhiyi had spread his teachings, was converted into a chan monastery, traveled as far as several thousand li to the capital and submitted a memorial, which detailed the construction history of the monastery, to the effect that the original status of the monastery was restored. 166 See Chuandeng, “Wuzhi si Yunying yuan Tiantai zutang xiaozong ji” 五峙寺雲影院 天台祖堂小宗記, in: Guangxu Huangyan xianzhi 光緒黃巖縣志, juan 36: pp. 9b-12a. In the end of the account, Chuandeng dated his writing in the winter of Wanli bingchen 萬曆丙辰, which was 1616. 167 Chuandeng wrote: “I, a man of no wisdom, expounded the Śūraṅgama Sūtra at this monastery” 不慧於萬曆甲辰講楞嚴經於茲院 (Chuandeng, “Wuzhi si Yunying yuan Tiantai zutang xiaozong ji,” in: Guangxu Huangyan xianzhi, juan 36: pp. 9b-12a). 168 Note that a jiao monastery did not necessarily have to be a Tiantai monastery. It could also be a Huayan monastery. While some monks stressed the differences between jiao and chan monasteries, Chuandeng saw the terms as “forced designations” (qiangming 強名), since in his view jiao (preaching) and chan (meditation) were two sides of the same coin, which is why he did not wish to see them employed competitively. Still, monks in a jiao monastery are likely to spend more time reading scriptures than practicing meditation. The monks of the Ruixiang Monastery probably needed to install statues of Tiantai patriarchs and study Tiantai texts after they agreed to have their monastery converted into a jiao monastery. These measures would qualify the monastery as a monastery of the small Tiantai lineage (xiaozong 小宗). 169 Ibid. Chuandeng’s words are: “My abode Youxi is really known as the Patriarchal Hall. This is the Great Lineage. There are more than ten branches known as the Small Lineages that aspire to share the incenses prepapred for lecturing. Yunying of Mount Wuzhi is one of them” 余家幽溪實稱祖堂,是為大宗.有勵志分講香為小宗者不下十餘處,今五峙雲影亦其一焉. Note that Ruixiang had been renamed Yunying as already mentioned. As Chuandeng does not name the other of the more than ten small lineages, it is unclear which other monasteries he is referring to in using that term.

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abbot called Lingda 靈達 also asked Mr. Lin to write a letter requesting Chuandeng to give lectures, this time on the Sukhāvatī-vyūhaḥ-sūtra 無量 壽經.170 In the end of the letter that Mr. Lin agreed to write, a promise was made to support Chuandeng and encourage the masses to follow Chuandeng with great effort. And at the scheduled time of Chuandeng’s visit, Mr. Lin would lead Lingda and his cohort to “sweep away the clouds on Zifu in advance and respectfully wait for the arrival of the master’s staff.”171 This fealty to Chuandeng and his cause was typical of the epistolary culture that formed around Chuandeng. Not too long ago, Lin Guocai had written several other letters, in one of which he thanked Chuandeng for his gifts, presented him with a fan on which his calligraphy was inscribed, and expressed his regret for being unable to meet because of Chuandeng’s busy itinerary.172 In another letter, he expressed his regret again for not being able to meet with Chuandeng at his abbot’s residence in Youxi, where Chuandeng had just returned, because he had to give up the scheduled meeting on grounds of being ailing. While thanking Chuandeng for inquiring after his health in an earlier letter, he also expressed his wish to read the printed volume of the Tiantaishan fangwai zhi that Chuandeng had just finished drafting.173 Furthermore, Mr. Lin continued his patronage of Chuandeng unabatedly, proving his commitment to champion Chuandeng’s cause. He wrote a letter to the magistrate of a neighboring county, the magistrate of Tiantai County 天台縣 named Zhang Hongdai 張弘代,174 saying first that the Gaoming Monastery had been an abandoned old temple for a long time and that, with the help of Feng Mengzhen, who took the jinshi exam in the same year with him, the land of the temple had been recovered recently with the construction of a new temple being on the way. Feng Mengzhen sought and invited Chuandeng to administer the temple and provided him with funds to redeem the mortgaged arable fields from the Guoqing Monastery 國清寺. Mr. Lin asked the magistrate Zhang to honor the fact that Chuandeng had already furnished the army with food supplies in 1591, 1592 170 Ibid. Lin Guocai also mentioned this in his “Qing Wuzhi jiangjing shu” 請五峙講 經書 (Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 26ab). Note that although Wuzhi is the mountain where Yunying was located, it was also used to stand for Yunying. 171 Lin Guocai, “Qing Wuzhi jiangjing shu.” The Chinese text reads: 願竭筋力以從事，振策 大衆以皈依，至期率靈達等預掃紫阜之雲，恭侯杖錫儼臨. 172 Lin Guocai, “Lin Shiyu shu” 林侍御書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 7b-8b. 173 Lin Guocai, “Lin Shiyu fu shu” 林侍御復書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 8b. Note that the text says “zhicao” 志草, had been completed. The phrase clearly refers to the draft of the Tiantai fangwai zhi, which was completed in 1601 when Chuandeng was forty-eight years old. 174 Lin Guocai, “Yu Tiantai Zhang Yihou shu” 與天台張邑侯書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 20b. Although I have identified Zhang Yihou as Zhang Hongdai, I have not been able to find any further information from historical sources yet.

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and other years as evidenced in the ledger kept by his dharma brother Chuanyi 傳衣, who was then abbot of the Gaoming Monastery. Mr. Lin concluded that arrears of debt were therefore not the responsibility of the Gaoming Monastery but that of the Guoqing Monastery. In his letter Mr. Lin even enclosed the documents necessary to prove his case and expressed his trust in Zhang Hongdai’s ability to look into the matter judiciously. He expected Mr. Zhang to make a good judgement and to allow the monks to share the benefits of imperial favor and be blessed by the lucky star, so that he as the magistrate would reap inconceivable merits.175 This letter elicited a prompt response from Zhang Hongdai, who, in the letter with an air of old-fashioned formality, praised Mr. Lin for his extensive learning and regretted for his inability to meet Lin because of the great distance. Then he quickly brought up the “issue of military supplies” (chongxiang shi 充餉事), noting that Chuandeng was definitely a monk of great stature whom he did not want to miss the opportunity to meet. His letter was to assure Mr. Lin that the issue of military supplies had been resolved at his behest.176 Lin Guocai’s catholic interest in Chuandeng and his monastery was so well known that the prefectural students of the Yongjia County 永嘉 wrote a letter inviting him to Yutan 魚潭, to hear Chuandeng’s lecture on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra. Yutan was the place where the temple and stūpa of Mahāsattva Fu (Fu Dashi 傅大士) was located,177 which made Chuandeng’s visit very special. In a highly ornate and rhetorical genre of parallel prose, the letter expressed the students’ admiration for Mr. Lin’s exemplary role as a patron of Tiantai Buddhism, which also captivated students. They noted that it so happened that the day Chuandeng would lecture at Yutan was also the time at which 175

Ibid. Zhang Hongdai, “Fu Lin Shiyu shu” 復林侍御書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 20b-21a. Note that the Ming government used many methods to impose the bingxiang (military supplies) on the land tax. Although hilly land in Zhenjiang was normally very lightly taxed, its rates were increased during the military campaigns, in particular the campaigns against Japanese pirates. The monastic properties also became taxation targets, although they had been exempt previously. Monarteries were forced to pay additional taxes including bingxiang, which was imposed on them like other forms of surtaxes. Several kinds of tax agents were involved in collecting these tax payments and oftentimes local officials had the right to decide tax rates and tax levy procedure because the central government never established any comprehensive, consistent, and systematic tax system, especially under the Wanli 萬曆 Emperor’s rule (see: Ray Huang, Taxation and Governmental Finance in Sixteenth-Century Ming China [London: Cambridge University Press, 1974], especially pp. 96-100, 134-135). The letters written by Lin Guoacai, Zhang Hongdai, and others to be discussed below can attest to the complex tax issue that vexed monasteries in Chuandeng’s time. 177 On Mahāsattva Fu, see: Helwig Schmidt-Glintzer, “Eine Ehrenrettung für den Süden: Pao-chih (418/25-514) und Fu Hsi (497-569) – Zwei Heilige aus dem Unteren Yangtse-Tal,” in: Religion und Philosophie in Ostasien: Festschrift für Hans Steininger zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Gert Naundorf (Würzburg: Königshausen und Neumann, 1985), 255-261. 176

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Mahāsattva Fu had given his lectures. Besides, when the four assemblies were gathering like clouds and people from ten directions were congregating at the place, no one would not hope that the stūpa of the ancient sage, i.e. that of Mahāsattva Fu, would witness this event. Likewise, all parties involved would want to see the presence of a senior luminary like Mr. Lin to further glorify the landmark of the place where Chuandeng would preach.178 The lecture at Yutan was apparently so extraordinary an event that other patrons of Tiantai Buddhism were also proactive in seeking Lin Guocai’s presence at Yutan for Chuandeng’s lectures. For instance, a group of three younger Tiantai devotees wrote a letter to Lin Guocai, also in an ornate parallel prose, requesting that he go to Yutan to hear Chuandeng’s lecture on the Śūraṅgama Sūtra. They wanted to be with him on that occasion because they viewed him as an incarnation of a bodhisattva manifesting as a ranking minister, and as a new generation hero deeply immersed in Buddhism. Besides, as he had been a censor in the imperial court that assumed the role of the spiritual animal that would ward off evil and bring justice, they believed he was the best “deva and nāga” (hufa tianlong 護法天龍) that could possibly protect the dharma.179 To the students’ request, Lin Guocai responded with a letter expressing his views on what could qualify a person for the task the students were asking him to perform. He declined to be regarded as such a worthy person, rejecting to be accorded honor which, in his opinion, only a person as pure as candana could possess, but an untalented and valueless individual like him would not deserve.180 Furthermore, he felt he was too weak to shoulder the important responsibility thrown at him, and could not sit in a lecture hall where everyone else was either a Buddhist monk or at least a Buddhist layman, himself being a typical outsider. As put in a popular saying, he felt that “even one layman would be too much [when joining] a hall full of monks of whom none is disliked” 滿堂不厭，添俗為多.181 178 “Yongjia liangxiang qing Huangyan Lin Shiyu wang Yutan tong ting Lengyan jing hufa shu” 永嘉兩庠請黃巖林侍郎往魚潭同聽楞嚴經護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 24a-25a. 179 “He Huahai, Ma Sengmo, Jiang Shufu qing Lin Shiyu wang Yutan tong ting Lengyan jing hufa shu” 何華海,馬僧摩,姜實甫請林侍御往魚潭同聽楞嚴經護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 23b-24a. The letter was signed by He Zhengfa 何正法, Ma Yiteng 馬一騰, and Jiang Guozhen 姜國禛, all of which are clearly the official names of Mr. Lin’s three inviters. They were also lay Buddhists and students of Yongjia’s prefectural school, as indicated in another letter that invited Chuandeng to give a lecture. The letter, referred to as “Yongjia liangxiang qing jiang Lengyan jing shu” 永嘉兩庠請講楞嚴經書, was also signed by Ma Yiteng and another person named Teng Guoying 滕國英. 180 Lin Guocai, “Da Yongjia liangxiang zhuyou hufa shu” 答永嘉兩庠諸友護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 25ab. 181 This saying originates from a verse in the Songgu 頌古 genre by Song monk Nanyan Sheng 南巖勝. The last two lines of the four-line verse read, “Mantang seng buyan, yige suren

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Unsure whether they could get Chuandeng’s assent to their invitation, Ma Yiteng 馬一騰, one of the three writers of the above letter, wrote a separate letter to Chuandeng directly, requesting Chuandeng’s presence at Yutan. Signing the letter as Chuandeng’s disciple, Ma Yiteng assured that as long as Chuandeng agreed to lecture at Yutan, he would schedule the time most suitable for Chuandeng’s visitation. It is interesting to note that Mr. Ma was in the middle of the county-level examination and, when asked to write this letter, he was really apprehensive for being uninvolved in Chuandeng’s travel plan. He was entrusted with writing the letter to further express the students’ earnest hope for Chuandeng’s arrival.182 As indicated in other students’ letters, despite his rejection to be treated as an honorable guest of Chuandeng’s Yutan lecture, Lin Guocai continued to be sought after by other examination candidates and lay Buddhists, who even implored Chuandeng to urge Lin to join them. Liu Kangshe 劉康社 (d.u.), apparently a lay Buddhist student in Yongjia, said in his invitation letter that after having missed seeing Chuandeng for ten years, he was really eager to meet him – as much as a person suffering hunger would need to be fed. He thought to himself that if Chuandeng could come down from the sky-high Tiantai Mountains along with purple pneuma (ziqi 紫氣) from the east, he would, among other things, be revealing the great truth of human existence in terms of causal relations. Mr. Liu strongly hoped that this event would manifest in reality as a result of his fortunate friendship with Chuandeng. He pointed out that it would add to the spectacle if Lin Guocai, a censor of the current glorious court, served as the deva and nāga for the dharma gate. Even though all local officials were ready to support the event and even though all xiaolian 孝廉 scholars were proceeding to the scheduled lecture,183 none could act on aiding the dharma gate like Mr. Lin. Therefore Mr. Liu pleaded with Chuandeng to reinform Mr. Lin to come to join the attendees. He noted that because the esteemed prefect also was intent on inviting Mr. Lin to be his guest, it would be much nicer to ask him to help bringing Mr. Lin to duo” 滿堂僧不厭，一箇俗人多 (see: Faying 法應, Chanzong songgu lianzhu tongji 禪宗頌 古聯珠通集, juan 17: XZJ 1295, p. 575, b18). Later on, the two lines appeared in the second act of the Yuan drama Lü Mengzheng fengxue poyao ji 呂蒙正風雪破窯記 (see: Xu Zheng et al., eds., Quan yuan qu 全元曲 [Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chuban she, 1998], vol. 3, p. 2139). In the drama, the abbot of the Baima Monastery 白馬寺 says to the poor scholar Lü Mengzheng that he should not complain about being ill and being treated with such remarks as “mantang seng buyan, yige suren duo” 滿堂僧不厭，一個俗人多, because the abbot has been offering him vegetarian food everyday for one year. 182 “Ma Sengmo jushi qing Yutan jiangjing shu” 馬僧摩居士請魚潭講經書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 25b. 183 In Ming times, xiaolian was also a term referring to students in local government schools.

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the lecture before he took any action. Assuming that the prefect would definitely be willing to help out in this matter, Mr. Liu said that the officials of subordinate administrative units, including county magistrates, would respectfully follow suit and help facilitate Mr. Lin’s arrival.184 Liu Kangshe’s letter was followed by a letter written by another lay Buddhist named He Bai 何白 (d.u.), a scholar dressed in cloth-garments who had never served as a civil official.185 The letter clearly bears out the fact that the vibrant younger patrons of Chuandeng were caught up in a whirl of letterwriting to bring Lin Guocai to Chuandeng’s Yutan lecture. He Bai expressed in his letter that he had reminisced about Chuandeng for years, so much that he often lifted up his head to gaze at the Tiantai Mountains in the West and longed to see him. Now that he heard Chuandeng was ready to lecture at Yutan, amidst which there were all kinds of auspicious signs including earth-shaking, and that Lin Guocai was poised to keep his company from day till dusk, the situation was no different from Vimalakīrti and the Sugata being present in the same assembly, or from wisdom milk and sweet dew being sprinkled over the worlds of heaven and man.186 He Bai concluded the letter by saying that being a gullible, ordinary man he was like a spring silk worm spinning silk to cocoon itself, and wondered if he could have the honor to circumambulate Chuandeng’s lion dais three times to show his reverence.187 That Lin Guocai was so much in demand is probably in part because he was widely known as an upright censor who resigned from his job uncompromised with his superior and lived in parsimonious retirement for thirty years.188 It is also because he had been Chuandeng’s close friend for twentyfour years by the time Chuandeng was fifty-one years old.189 Whether he 184 “Liu Zhongyi jushi qing Yutan jiangjing shu” 劉仲宜居士請魚潭講經書. Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 25b-26a. The text says that the prefect was surnamed He 何, whose identity I have been unable to decipher yet. 185 Information about He Bai is scarce. He was known by his sobriquet Wujiu 無咎 and epithet 雪鴻居士. In the Youxi biezhi, he was referred to as Shanren 山人. 186 Vimalakīrti and Sugata are translations of Jingming 淨名 and Shanshi 善逝 recorded in the text. Vimalakīrti is commonly known as Jingming, whereas Shanshi is one of the Buddha’s ten titles. Here the Chinese text reads: 淨名善逝，同在法會；慧湩甘露，徧灑人天. (see: “He Shanren qing Yutan jiangjing shu” 何山人請魚潭講經書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 26a). 187 Ibid. The ceremonial sanrao nizuo 三繞猊座 originated from raofo sanza 繞佛三匝, recorded in Buddhist scriptures translated in the Western Jin, Eastern Jin, and the Southern Dynasties, such as the Madhyamāgama Sūtra 中阿含經, the different versions of Nirvāṇa Sūtra, including the Fo bannihuan jing 佛般泥洹經, Daban niepan jing 大般涅槃經, and Ban nihuan jing 般泥洹經, all associated with the Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra. 188 See Wang Yongni, Guangxu Huangyan xianzhi 光緒黃巖縣志, juan 18: pp. 51a-52a. 189 In the preface to “Tianyue ji” 天樂偈 he wrote to celebrate the “heavenly music” that emerged from the cave when Chuandeng was giving a lecture on “Jingtu sheng wusheng lun”

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eventually attended to the Yutan lecture is unclear, but his deep admiration for Chuandeng was clearly unequivocal, given that he wrote a preface to celebrate Chuandeng’s sixtieth birthday.190 As noted above, in a letter that Mr. Lin wrote to Chuandeng inviting him to lecture at the Wuzhi Temple 五峙寺 on behalf of Lingda 靈達, the abbot of the Wuzhi Temple,191 he expressed his resolve to engage in removing all potential obstructions that might come in Chuandeng’s way and to lead the villagers to follow Chuandeng. He begins the letter by saying that Chuandeng’s earlier letter in response to that of Lingda made him aware of the great stride that Chuandeng had made in his construction of the Śūraṅgama Altar. He also says that the construction of the altar increased the appeal of the Gaoming Monastery, drawing a large following from places near and far. The power of this imposing structure, once made known to the world, would elevate not only the status but also the prestige of the Tiantai Mountains. This would allow the Tiantai Mountains to be on a par with the world’s three great holy mountains, Emei 峨眉, Wutai 五臺, and Butuo 補陀, in eminence. Mr. Lin attributes Lingda’s expansion of the Wuzhi Temple to Chuandeng’s letter agreeing to lecture at the temple, but he also sensed Chuandeng’s worry about being obstructed or harassed by the profane crowd and deplored potential disruption provoked by powerful local men, who stirred up people to boycott the lecture. Mr. Lin says that these people should be condemned to the Avīci hell and would never be allowed to make appearance in the lecture site. He was happy to know that Master Chuandeng was not intimidated by the potential threat and went on to schedule his upcoming lecture in mid-winter. He promised he would exercise his influence to facilitate the materialization of the lecture and, when the scheduled time came, would lead the abbot Lingda and the fellow monks of the temple to “sweep the clouds over Zifu in advance,”192 and to wait respectfully for the arrival of the esteemed guest with a ringed staff in his hand.193 Lin Guocai’s enthusiasm prompted Yang Dezheng 楊德政 (jinshi, 1577), who was a jinshi degree holder and Lin’s junior, to write him a letter calling attention to Chuandeng’s whereabouts. In the letter, he first urged Mr. Lin 淨土生無生論 before the one hundred chi statue of Maitreya on Mount Nanming 南明山, he said that he had been Chuandeng’s friend for twenty-four years. At this time, Chuandeng was fifty-one years old. 190 Lin Guocai, “Zeng sengdeng liushi shou xu” 贈僧燈六十壽序, Youxi biezhi, juan 15: pp. 7a-8b. 191 See “Qing Wuzhi jiangjing shu” 請五峙講經書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 26ab. Note that Wuzhi si refers to the Yunying Monastery, whose prior name was Ruixiang Monastery. 192 Ibid. For Zifu, see note above. The text reads: “yu sao Zifu zhi yun” 預掃紫阜之雲. This is a metaphor intended to express that Chuandeng would be greeted with utmost courtesy. 193 Ibid. The text reads: “gonghou zhanxi yanlin” 恭侯杖錫儼臨.

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to spend some time with him, because one year after his mother’s passing he still felt agony and longed to meet Mr. Lin. He feared being deprived of the opportunity if he should die a sudden death. He then noted that Chuandeng had just finished preaching in Mr. Yang’s home region, the Yin County 鄞縣, and praised Chuandeng as a master who not only followed the monastic rules strictly and diligently, but also penetrated deeply the meanings of the scriptures. As Chuandeng had finished his lectures on some sūtras and would stop to lecture in the Taiping district at a certain Buddhist sanctuary known as Liuzuanan 太平柳纂庵 en route to the Tiantai Mountains,194 Mr. Yang was afraid that the profane crowd over there would not follow him but would ruthlessly harass him. He asked Mr. Lin to graciously extend an unprecedented privilege to Chuandeng to carry out his lecture under Mr. Lin’s auspices. This, in his view, was a great merit and he believed that Mr. Lin would not be reluctant to grant his request.195 Yang Dezheng was one of those literati patrons drawn to Chuandeng whom they honored as an enlightening master. He wrote a letter to Chuandeng expressing his expectation of meeting the master and listening to his instruction. Having served in the Hanlin Academy as an assistant editor at the time when the letter was written, Mr. Yang in his letter thanked Chuandeng first for seating him closely so that he could hear Chuandeng’s lecture clearly and then for administering a funeral service for his family, so that the yang soul (hun 魂) of his deceased mother could return to her ancestral home, while her yin soul (po 魄) could ascend to paradise. Mr. Yang felt that he would never be able to repay Chuandeng for this great kindness, despite the fact that Chuandeng would had no concern about any forms of reciprocity. Mr. Yang knew that Chuandeng cared much more about showing compassion to people with the aim of facilitating universal salvation, yet how could he, as an ordinary man, ever stop feeling bad in his heart if he could do nothing in return? Over three months after Chuandeng departed along with his followers and returned to Mount Gaoming, Mr. Yang, as the letter indicates, reminisced about Chuandeng deeply, feeling that his own sins accrued day by day. The feeling of guilt and the gratitude he felt for the epistolary instruction given by Chuandeng prompted him to write in response to Chuandeng’s warm-hearted letter. Therein he expressed his desire to see Chuandeng and expected that Chuandeng would censure and instruct him.196 Yang’s letter, 194 I have not been able to find any information about Liuzhuanan. Taiping seems to have been a county that was established in 1452 by combining part of Huangyan 黃巖 and Leqing 樂清 (see: Jiajing Zhejiang tongzhi 嘉靖浙江通志, juan 1, p. 21a). 195 Yang Dezheng, “Yu Huangyi Lin Shiyu wei Youxi hufa shu” 與黄邑林侍御為幽溪 護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 4ab. 196 “Yang Taishi shu” 楊太史書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 6ab.

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like that of many others, cannot be taken lightly, as Mr. Yang never failed to express his heartfelt gratitude for Chuandeng’s mentorship. The above examples of epistolary writings can in no way do justice to the fecund literati patrons of Chuandeng, whom they heartily befriended and supported.197 Given that Chuandeng’s lectures were conducted primarily in the Jiang-Zhe 江浙 area and that the area bristled with menacing soldiers, military officers, tax collection agents, government functionaries, local thugs, and probably even fake or sectarian monks, to name only a few, Chuandeng’s personal safety became a serious issue. To make sure that all hazards, latent or noticeable, could be diminished or removed, Chuandeng had to avail himself of every connection he could possibly muster amid his pursuit of his cause. Likewise, his patrons certainly felt that they had an obligation to protect him from any potential harassment, intimidation, or harm. That the epistolary writings often call attention to Chuandeng’s worry or some forms of obstructions and deterences against Chuandeng is not surprising, but the preponderance of the letters further attest to the appeal of Chuandeng and his teachings. The massive support he received from the literati patrons made the revival of Tiantai Buddhism an undisputable reality. A number of literati patrons made tireless efforts to help Chuandeng spread his teachings. They wrote letters to officials at the different levels of prefectural governments asking them to protect and support Chuandeng, as he was truly an exceptional paragon of virtue, an unsurpassable Buddhist master, and the genuine remote successor of Tiantai Zhiyi. Among these literati patrons, Yuan Shizhen 袁世振 (jinshi, 1598) was particularly prominent. Serving as the Circuit Legal Supervisor in charge of salts in the Two Huai area, Lianghuai shuli dao 兩淮疏理道, Mr. Yuan became a stalwart supporter of Chuandeng and his cause, and contributed to the construction of the Śūraṅgama Altar with generous donations. He wrote letters to five of his colleagues governing different prefectures in Zhejiang, galvanizing all of them into supporting Chuandeng. In the first letter, which was addressed to the prefect of Taizhou surnamed Lu 陸, Yuan Shizhen said that he had been in his capacity as Shuli 疏理 for too long, and was not sure when he would be released from his duty. Then he congratulated Mr. Lu on his new appointment as Prefect 197 Chinese letters and epistolary culture have received much schoalary attention in recent years as evidenced by Antje Richter, Letters and Epistolary Culture in Early Medieval China (University of Washington Press, 2013) and Antje Richter, ed. A History of Chinese Letters and Epistolary Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2015). However, letters written by Chinese Buddhists and Chinese Buddhist epistolary culture are largely unheeded in Western Buddist scholarship. Huang Chi-chiang, Bei Song Huanglong huinan chanshi sanyao 北宋黃龍慧南禪師 三鑰：宗傳、書尺與年譜 (Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 2015) by and large discusses the history of Chan Buddhism based on the study of a Chan master’s letters and epistolary culture.

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of Taizhou, as he considered Taizhou a good prefecture in the Tiantai area, since it was a place imbued with beauties and numina. Sages and worthies emerged from this place, such as the Great Master Zhizhe 智者大師, commonly known as Zhiyi, who had founded the Tiantai school, and was styled as the Buddha of the Eastern Land. Master Zhiyi transmitted the wonderful dharma of calming and contemplation (zhiguan miaofa 止觀妙法), and became the eyes of men and devas. His successors in later generations were highly admired and respected by the populace. There also was the Chan Master Wujin 無盡禪師, who was widely known as the dragon and the elephant of the Tiantai school. He authored a wide array of books, including the Lengyan yuantong shu 楞嚴圓通疏, the Fahua zhuying 法華珠影, the Jingang dayi 金剛 大意, the Xinjing gengkai 心經梗槩, the Xiuxing jiejing 修行捷徑, the Famen huiyao 法門會要,198 the Youxi wenji 幽溪文集, as well as the Lengyan xuanyi 楞嚴玄義, and the Lengyan yuantong shu qianmao 楞嚴圓通疏前茅, which Mr. Yuan abbreviated as Qianmao 前茅. According to Mr. Yuan, these books comprised several hundred fascicles in total, and widely circulated in his time. They are books for opening up and unlocking the gate to the Tiantai teachings. Yuan singled out the Lengyan yishu 楞嚴義疏, saying that what was said in this treatise was identical with what the Buddha said in his sermons and was entirely in accord with the dharmaparyāya 法門 mind ground or mental ground which the master preached. For this reason, Chuandeng was not only a meritorious student of the Tiantai lineage, but also a trustable messenger of the Tathāgata. The book titles listed in Mr. Yuan’s letter indicate that Mr. Yuan was very familiar with Chuandeng’s written works and that he could vouch for Chuandeng’s very high moral and intellectual caliber, because he had visited Chuandeng and inquired about the Tiantai teachings in his room. He regretted that he had been unable to enter the Gaoming Monastery with Chuandeng to study the Buddhist dharma that underpinned the construction of the Śūraṅgama Altar. Thinking that his karma was closely connected to the master and could not be severed abruptly, he felt that there was not much he could do except requesting the Prefect Lu to act as protector or guardian for Chuandeng. Mr. Yuan stressed that the Śūraṅgama Altar was interconnected with Master Wujin in terms of the construction method and was built strictly in complete agreement with the instructions promulgated in scriptures, which allowed practitioners to obtain realization within a certain period of time. Mr. Yuan said that since the altar was completed not without his personal contribution, he also hoped that Mr. Lu would 198

The full title of this book should be Famen huiyao zhi 法門會要志.

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protect Chuandeng with compassion and in private, so that everybody coming to the lecture would gain a perfect understanding of the meaning of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, as a result of which the merit would belong exclusively with Mr. Lu. Mr. Yuan also claimed that the Folong Mountain had been the starting point from where Master Zhiyi made his mark in the world, and that the land inside the mountain gates had unfortunately been mortgaged to tenants by profligate monks recently. Mr. Yuan was preparing funds that matched the original value of the land to reclaim the place, so that he could help to renovate the gate and keep the scenic site of the holy mountains from being submerged in the future. He said that this was his wish and it could only be fulfilled with Mr. Lu’s support.199 Yuan Shizhen’s other letters were written saliently in the same vein. Of these letters, one closely resembles the above letter that was addressed to his in-law Mr. Zhang, head of the Zhejiang Postal Service Circuit, Zhejiang yichuan dao 浙江驛傳道,200 who possessed deep and broad knowledge of Buddhism. In this letter, two or three book titles listed in the above letter were given variant names, and four titles were added to the list. These four titles are the Wusheng lun 無生論, the Boruo rongxin lun 般若融心論, the Pusajie yi 菩薩戒儀, and the Jingtu tushuo 淨土圖說. Although it is not clear whether Mr. Yuan ever read these additional works, his praise of the Lengyan yuantong shu was unmistakably persistent, which indicates that he did peruse the book. In addition to viewing Chuandeng as his master and assisting Chuandeng in building the Śūraṅgama Altar, which he had said in previous letter, he also assisted Chuandeng in making dozens of lacquer paint images of Arhats to fulfill his goals. Now, as Chuandeng was going to pass by the place under Mr. Zhang’s jurisdiction en route to Shan County 剡縣 on a boat to be procured, Mr. Yuan knew that Mr. Zhang,201 being a conversant lay Buddhist, could lend support to Chuandeng by extending the invitation to him to form a causal connection with the master, and by offering donations so that the master could ascend the preaching site without being stranded. This support, in Mr. Yuan’s view, was really no small merit and Mr. Yuan sincerely hoped that it would materialize.202 199 “Yuan shuli yu Taizhou Lu junbo wei Youxi hufa shu” 袁疏理與台州陸郡伯為幽溪 護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 13b-14b. 200 Yi chuandao was a title created in the Ming Dynasty. The head of the circuit monitored all postal relay station head on the county level, known as Yicheng 驛丞. 201 In this letter, Mr. Yuan calls himself “yonger brother” 弟 and twice addresses Mr. Zhang as “dear old man” 親翁, probably because Mr. Zhang was a much older relative by marriage. 202 “Yuan Shuli yu Zhejiang yichuandao Zhang gong wei Youxi hufa shu” 袁疏理與浙 江驛傳道張公為幽溪護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 14b-15a.

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The above letters constitute a set of Mr. Yuan’s formulaic writings that detail Chuandeng’s exceptional achievements as a Tiantai master and as an exegete of various Buddhist scriptures. They were submitted to the heads of the offices whose ranks were equal to that of Yuan Shizhen. The remaining three letters, also formulaic but in a simpler manner, were sent to officials on either prefecture, county, or district level. They do not list Chuandeng’s written works, but indicate that all the books he authored, amounting to more than several hundred fascicles, point directly to the Buddha’s mind-seal. They also reiterate the reason why the tradition that Zhiyi had established was nearly cut off, stressing the diminution and extinction in the number of senior Buddhist masters in later times. Not until the emergence of Master Wujin did the tradition resurge, because Wujin was a man of great stature, being so very punctilious and scrupulous that he became the great master, the true dragon-elephant 龍象, of the Tiantai school. Furthermore, they stress that Chuandeng built the Śūraṅgama Altar according to the instruction given in the Śūraṃgama Sūtra and urged monks and lay people to join the activity on the altar to attain the realization of truth.203 The letter addressed to a certain Mr. Hua 華, the head of a small administrative district called shoudao 守道 under the jurisdiction of Wenzhou 溫州 and Chuzhou 處州 prefectures, represents Mr. Yuan’s attempt to propound these themes. Therein, Mr. Yuan was quick to point out that the congenial relationship between Chuandeng and himself was like that between an embryonic rice seedling and water, which led to his donation of funds for a sacrificial ritual designed to celebrate the completion of the Śūraṅgama Altar. Well aware of the need of the ruler’s and the minister’s support for the restoration of Buddhist institutions since historical times, Mr. Yuan wished that Mr. Hua, having long been a staunch guardian of the Buddhist dharma in an important military position, could more or less protect Chuandeng to keep him out of harm’s way. Mr. Yuan even advised Mr. Hua to put his knowledge of the enlightened way or wisdom of anāsrava (wulou zhi 無漏智) into action, employing his heart/mind of good deed to act. In his view, no small merit would be accrued through this generosity.204 His letter to the prefect of Wenzhou named Li 李 is nearly identical with the above letter in referring to the discontinuity of the Tiantai tradition that Zhiyi had established, Chuandeng’s moral immaculacy, the intellectual meticulousness, the copious publications, as well as the construction of the 203

See the letter cited below as an example. “Yuan Shuli ji Zhejiang Wen-Chu shoudao Huagong wei Youxi hufa shu” 袁疏理寄 浙江溫處守道華公為幽溪護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 15ab. 204

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Śūraṅgama Altar, to which Mr. Yuan also made contributions. In the letter, which apparently was written before the completion of the Śūraṅgama Altar, Mr. Yuan requested that Mr. Li, who had been a steadfast protector of the Buddhist dharma, be a little more lenient in supporting Chuandeng, because the construction of the Altar required the collection of timbers shipped from Wenzhou, which might be violating the strict regulations under Mr. Li’s administration. Mr. Yuan ends his letter in exactly the same way he did in the letter addressed to Mr. Hua above.205 Again, Mr. Yuan’s letter addressed to the official of the Taizhou 台州 and Shaoxing 紹興 circuits, surnamed Zhang 張, conveys the same theme. Except for the ceremonial greeting in the first few lines, the body of the letter is a verbatim duplication of the letter sent to Mr. Hua. It should be noted that a circuit (dao 道) was the jurisdiction of a branch office of a provincial administration commission, while the man in charge of a circuit was referred to as a circuit intendant (daotai 道台).206 Among three to eight circuits under each provincial administration commission in the Ming dynasty, a temporary military post or office known as Bingbei dao 兵備道 was established for any unanticipated military campain sometime after the beginning of Zhengtong 正統 reign (1436-1449) of Yingzong 英宗 or before the Hongzhi 弘治 reign (1487-1505) of Xiaozong 孝宗.207 A parallel circuit of civil nature known as Tixue dao 提學道 was established early on in the first year of the Zhengtong 正統 reign (1436-1449) of Emperor Yingzong 英宗. The head of this circuit administered prefectural schools and examinations 205 “Yuan Shuli yu Wenzhou Li Taishou wei Youxi hufa shu” 袁疏理與溫州李太守為 幽溪護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 15a-16a. 206 Charles O. Hucker, “Ming Government,” in: The Cambridge History of China, vol. 8: The Ming Dynasty, 1368-1644 (part 2), ed. Denis Twitchett and Frederick W. Mote (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 88. 207 This far the date that Bingbei dao was established has remained a moot point. Two views on the appearance of titles of its officials are often cited. One view is based on the Wanli yehuo bian 萬曆野獲編, which dates the appearances of titles of its officials, such as Binbei fushi 兵備副使, to the 12th year (1499) of the Hongzhi reign (1487-1505) of Emperor Xiaozong 孝宗. The other view is based on the Mingshi 明史, which dates the appearance of titles of its officials to the Hongxi reign 洪熙 (1424-1425) of Emperor Renzong 仁宗. The Ming shilu 明實錄 (Veritable Records of the Ming), however, points to the appearance of titles of its officials on later dates. On the other hand, according to the Mingshi, the first reference to the term Bingbei dao did not appear until the Zhengde 正德 reign (1506-1521) of Emperor Wuzong 武宗, while according to the Ming shilu it did not appear until the Jiajing 嘉靖 reign (1522-1566) of Emperor Shizong 世宗. A recent study argues that the starting date of the Bingbei dao system was the first year of the Zhengtong reign, i.e. 1436 (see: Cao Congyan 曹崇岩, Mingdai Bingbei dao yanjiu 明代兵備道研究 [Xi’an: Xibei shifan daxue, unpublished MA thesis, 2010], chapter 1). As the argumentation in this study is however rather confusing, I tentatively date the establishment of the system between Zhengtong and Hongzhi reigns.

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that the students eligible for examination, known as shengyuan 生員, were to take on different levels of regional schools. So he clearly held a civil service position. Among the officials in the Bingbei dao there was a Bingbei fushi 兵備 副使, whose complementary title was Bingxian 兵憲. He was in charge of military affairs and was required to join military campaigns. As his surname was Zhang 張, he is referred to as Zhang Bingxian 張兵憲. Mr. Zhang, recipient of the letter discussed above, is most likely Zhang Shiyi 張師繹, who was responsible for putting the Youxi biezhi in print. In 1624 he also wrote a foreword for it. As jinshi degree holder possessing a military post, Zhang Shiyi – whose sobriquet was Mengze 夢澤 – was among the elite military personnel asked to support Chuandeng, and eventually became one of Chuandeng’s closest friends and patrons. A letter that Zhang Shiyi wrote to Chuandeng seems to have been due to Yuan Shizhen’s gentle nudge in the letter mentioned above. Mr. Zhang notes in his letter that after he had received his appointment as the Bingxian of Taizhou, he no longer had the opportunity to benefit from Chuandeng’s teachings and to receive Chuandeng’s instructions as usual. All he could do was nurturing his nature and soul, and lauding Tiantai Buddhism whenever he received a letter from Chuandeng. However time constraints due to his heavy workload depleted his energy and decapiciated him of his ability to pay Chuandeng a visit. Besides, how could the master, who sat on the peak of Mount Huading 華頂 that soared into the sky of 18,000 li above the ground, liberate the souls of all kinds of animals and people in cangue and chain? How could he save the lives of those submerged in waves of bitter sea struggling repeatedly and restlessly to come up to the surface.208 Borrowing the metaphors commonly used in Buddhist texts to describe human suffering, Zhang Shiyi suggests that he was among these beings whom Chuandeng could not help if he simply stayed put on the mountain. Hoping and praying for the arrival of Chuandeng’s letters, and for an opportunity to kneel before the master and receive his instructions, Zhang modestly says that he humbly donates funds to supply Chuandeng with vegetarian feasts.209 Zhang Shiyi apparently held a position that could be pivotal to the steady growth of the Gaoming Monastery, so much so that Chuandeng’s literati patrons wrote in unison to seek his favor. The controversy on the notorious mining tax, known as kuangshui 礦稅, that was imposed on the clergy of the 208 “Bendao Zhang Bingxian yu Youxi shu,” 本道張兵憲與幽溪書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 16b-17a. This is paraphrased from the Chinese text: 大師坐萬八千華頂，普視衆生，種種 帶角披毛，披枷帶鎖，作何解脫? 亦有頭出頭没苦海浪中，無休無歇者，作何拯援？ 209 Ibid.

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Tiantai Mountains, also speaks volumes of the patrons’ worries.210 The endless imposition raised the specter of abuse that monasteries had to suffer. Feng Mengzhen 馮夢禎 said in his letter to Wang Shichang 王士昌 (1561-?): “It was me who redeemed the eighty mu of field, the thirty mu of land, and the one hundred mu of mountain at the abandoned site of the old Gaoming Temple. They were donated to the new monastery for building the stūpa in commemoration of Master Zhiyi, and for the newly constructed cloisters to offer incense and to perform cultivation. The Dharma Master Wujin was entrusted with administering the monastery. Now, since the mining policy was implemented, the officials in charge, who have inspected the landed property of the once abandoned monastery and its board expenses, want the Gaoming Monastery to cede two thirds of its land and estate [in compliance with the mining demand]. This will make the monks of the monastery feel apprehensive, and the towering pagoda [that is Zhiyi’s stūpa] will eventually be reduced to nothing but tall grass. The abbot of the monastery has hurriedly come to report the urgency to me, but I cannot do anything for being a man living afar. I sincerely hope that you don’t change your earlier vow, lend the abbot a hand, and save the monastery. As you usually did, kindly issue a certificate to support Chuandeng so that he can rely on your backing in practicing Chan and in giving lectures. This would be a generous gift from you….”211 高明廢址并田八十畝、地三十畝、山百畝，則禎贖得之，施為塔院焚修之 供者，屬友無盡法師主之。今開鑛事起，當事者查廢寺田産膳費，欲割高 明田産三之二，則僧不能安，而巋然一塔終當鞫為茂草。住持僧來 告急，禎遠人，何能為？仰惟門下不替舊願，出一手扶而存之; 仍批帖 護持，使無盡禪講有依，是門下之賜也。 210 Mining tax, kuangshui 礦稅, or Kuangshui yinliang 礦稅銀兩 was among a deluge of taxes in the Ming tax system. Ming Government revenue consisted of income derived from mining known as kuangyin 礦銀. For a brief discussion of the issue, see: Ray Huang, Taxation and Governmental Finance, 240-243. Minining tax became one of the most important incomes during the reign of the Wanli Emperor (1573-1620). This period was, as pointed out by some scholars, the “golden age” of the mining enterprise in Ming times as far as the industry is concerned. It was, on the contrary, the “dark age” of the mining enterprise in terms of its detriment to people’s lives (see: Gong Hualong 龔化龍, “Mingdai caikuang shiye de fada he liuchuan” 明代採礦事業的發達和流傳, in the Mingdai jingji 明代經濟 [Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1968], 121-163). The mining tax shall be further discussed below. Here I want to point out that other eminent monks also spoke against the mining tax. For instance, Zibo Zhenke even said that “if the mining tax is not canceled, I will have greatly failed to save people in this world [from being tormented]” 礦稅不止,則我救世一大負 (see: Deqing, “Daguan dashi taming” 達觀大師塔銘, in: Zhenke, Zibo zunzhe quanji 紫柏尊者全集, XZJ 1452, juan 1: p. 631, a10). 211 Feng Mengzhen, “Yu Wang Dujian shu” 與王都諫書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 21a. As another letter in the same fascicle of the book indicates, Wang Dujian was an honorific title of Wang Shichang, the third son of Wang Zongmu 王宗沐 (1523-91) and a jinshi degree holder after the 1586 palace examination. Referred to as Douming 斗溟, Shichang’s sobriquet, he wrote a celebratory letter called “birthday preface,” shouxu 壽序, for Chuandeng’s seventieth birthday in 1623. In the preface, he said that he had been a friend of Chuandeng for forty-one years and that no other persons in the south of Taizhou knew Chuandeng better than he did (see: “Shou sengdeng qizhi xu” 壽僧燈七秩序, Youxi biezhi, juan 15: pp. 10b-13b).

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Feng Mengzhen’s letter is a testimony to the plight that Chuandeng and the Gaoming Monastery were facing. The mining tax rendered Chuandeng and his supporters powerless, so that Chuandeng had to ask influential officials for help. Wang Shichang, his older brother Wang Shiqi 王士琦 (1551-1618),212 and his half-brother Wang Shixing had been patrons of Chuandeng, which explains why in the beginning of the letter Mr. Feng pointed out that his master, the Dharma Master Miaofeng 妙峰法師, owed the Wang brothers support for the propagation of the dharma on the Tiantai Mountains, where Chuandeng reinvigorized Zhiyi’s teachings. The letter also indicates that Mr. Feng found Wang Shichang’s sequester from his post in court to tour the landmark site of Mount Chicheng 赤城山 was indeed a joyful experience, while it would be a loss in the minds of those folks who were in need of his help. Despite this, Mr. Feng apparently thought that he could use his lingering influence and connection in politics to save Chuandeng and his monastery from potential devastation.213 The potential devastation worried Mr. Feng so much that he also sent a letter in similar vein to Wang Shiqi, Wang Shichang’s older brother.214 The letter also indicates that Wang Shiqi, Wang Shichang, and Wang Shixing were patrons of Chuandeng’s master, the Dharma Master Miaofeng, and that the Gaoming Monastery was in jeopardy because its estate was subjected to heavy taxation and that Zhiyi’s pagoda would soon become deserted. It is clear that Mr. Feng believed that Wang Shiqi, who had been Provincial Administration Commissioner 布政使 at least two times in Henan 河南 and two times in Shandong 山東 and Shanxi 陝西 respectively,215 possessed the power to be Chuandeng’s advocate and protector. Mr. Feng’s letter apparently prompted Wang Shiqi and Wang Shichang to co-write a letter to the Tiantai magistrate Zhang Hongdai, who was mentioned above. In the letter, they brought to Mr. Zhang’s attention that the Gaoming Monastery was one of the Tiantai monasteries being subjected to the mining tax. They stressed that the abbot of the monastery, the Great 212 Wang Shiqi was the second son of Wang Zongmu and Wang Shichang’s older brother. He received jinshi degree in 1583 and served, among other things, in his capacity as a Prefect, a Provincial Administration Commissioner (Buzheng shi 布政使), and Survellance Commissioner (Ancha shi 按察使) in many areas including Chongqing 重慶, Henan 河南, Huguang 湖廣, Shandong 山東, Shanxi 山西 (see: Dong Lun 董倫, Shenzong shilu 神宗實錄 in: Ming shilu 明實錄 [Taipei: Academia Sinica, 1984], juan 334 & 339: pp. 6178, 6300; juan 547: p. 10360). 213 See “Feng Taishi yu Wang Dujian shu” cited above. 214 Note that Wang Zongmu had three sons. Wang Shiqi was the second son and Wang Shichang the third. Wang Zongmu adopted Wang Shixing for being the latter’s distant uncle. 215 See note on Wang Shiqi above. The Commissioner of this kind was also known as fangbo 方伯, which was what Feng referred to him.

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Master Chuandeng 傳燈大師, had been able to wipe out thatches and build a monastery over the historic temple site because of his karmic encounter with Feng Mengzhen, who bought the land for him. However, the estate of the monastery only consisted of a field at a size of less than one qing 頃, which is roughly 0.023 square miles. The agricultural yields could barely feed the resident monks, when they went on alms round.216 Now Mr. Feng, who had been a close friend of the Wang family, wrote letters to the Wangs, who were several thousand li away, asking them to contact the official in charge of taxation. The Wang brothers hoped that after Mr. Zhang had read this letter, he could look into the matter and allow tax exemptions for Chuandeng’s monastery. In their words, the Buddhist dharma would be fortunate to receive such favor from Mr. Zhang, which would be tantamount to charitable donations made by the landlord.217 As the leading benefactor of the Gaoming Monastery, Feng Mengzhen did not stop his effort to wheedle his former colleagues, friends, or younger contacts, even if some of them were not high-ups, to repeal the tax imposed on the monastery. For instance, he wrote a letter to Wang Ligu 王立轂, a.k.a. Wang Bowu 王伯無, who received the less esteemed juren 舉人 degree in 1606 and aborted his official career later to become a monk.218 In the letter he thanked the two Wangs (Wang Shiqi and Wang Shichang) for supporting the Dharma Master Miaofeng 妙峰法師, whom he saw as his master. He then explained that he felt desparate because Zhiyi’s pagoda was in peril, and that Chuandeng had dispatched a monk to ask him for help, which he had been unable to provide because living far away in Siming 四明 he could not do much. Counting on the fact that Wang Ligu’s recently deceased father, Wang Shiqi, had been a protector of Tiantai Buddhism, Mr. Feng implored Wang Ligu not to efface his deceased father’s intent to champion Chuandeng’s cause and to guide the two Wangs (i.e. his uncle and his half-uncle) to shore up Chuandeng’s work.219 To this plea from a senior friend, Wang 216 Wang Shiqi described the limited amount of food supply as “jin zu gong lübo” 僅足 供旅鉢, which literarally means “barely enough to supply monks with food when they go on alms round” (see: “Wang fangbo, Wang dujian kunzhong yu Tiantai Zhang yihou shu” 王方伯、王都諌昆仲與天台張邑侯書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 22a). 217 Ibid. Note that Zhang Yihou was an honorific title of Zhang Hongdai discussed above. 218 Wang Ligu was Wang Shiqi’s son. After receiving the juren degree, Wang Ligu served briefly as the state-sponsored Confucian school as instructor in the Leqing 樂清 county of Wenzhou 溫州. The short biography of Dharma Master Biru Zhenggao Fashi 壁如正鎬法師 in the Youxi biezhi mistakes him for Wang Shixing’s oldest son. The short paragraph about him included in the biography of Wang Shixing in the Dictionary of Ming Biography also makes the same mistake (see: Carrington Goodrich, Dictionary of Ming Biography, 1406). 219 “Feng Taishi yu Wang Bowu chunyuan shu” 馮太史與王伯無春元書. Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 21b-22a. Note that chunyuan 春元 is a short form of dachunyuan 大春元, a

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Ligu was perfectly amenable, doing whatever he could do to help. In fact, even if Mr. Feng had not written to him, he would have done the same thing, because prior to receipt of Mr. Feng’s letter, he had voluntarily written a letter to his friends Shao Shuxian 邵叔獻 (d.u.) and He Shujian 何叔堅 (d.u.), who both were residents of Wenzhou,220 encouraging them to act as pillars for Buddhism and to help Chuandeng in spreading the xingju 性具 school of teaching, i.e. Tiantai Buddhism.221 Reasons for writing this letter were more than just his desire to fulfill his deceased father’s wish as a filial son. It is conceivable that he actually had some understanding of Tiantai Buddhism after having spent nearly two months at the Gaoming Monastery studying Tiantai teachings with Chuandeng before he became a monk.222 After his sojourn at the Gaoming Monastery, he felt that his immersion in cultivation had salvaged him from a large burning house (dahuozhai 大火宅)223 and placed him at the land of purity and coolness (qingliang di 清凉地),224 common reference to someone holding a juren degree in Ming times. Wang Shixing died in 1598, sometime before this letter was written. 220 Information about these two persons is nowhere else to find. 221 “Wang Bowu jushi yu Shao Shuxian jinshi, He Shujian chunyuan wei Youxi hufa shu” 王伯無居士與邵叔獻進士、何叔堅春元為幽溪護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 22b-23a. Note that the term “xingju” is used to represent Tiantai Buddhism because Tiantai Buddhism proclaims that all dharmas in the dharma realm possess the true suchness or bhūtatathatā 真如 in which the nature of all things, both good and evil, is complete. As this is the fundamental theory and characteristic of the Tiantai teachings, the Tiantai school is here referred to as the “xingju” school. 222 Wang Ligu, “Yu Youxi shu (1)” 與幽溪書 (1), Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 36ab. The letter indicates that he lived at Youxi for nearly two months and learned much from Chuandeng. I suspect this experience prompted him to enter the monkhood. 223 The term of the “large burning house” alludes to the famous “similitude of the burning house and the three carts” 火宅三車喻 seen in Lotus Sūtra, chapter “The parable” (piyu pin, 譬喻品). Here we read of an aged and affluent elder trying to call his three children to escape from his big mansion that is engulfed in flames. As the children were absorbed in playing in the burning house, the elder first failed in motivating them to escape, and therefore decided to promise them a goat cart, a deer cart, and an ox cart as rewards if they should be prepared to come out. Having been promised the rewards, the children came out of the house, and thus their lives were saved (for a translation, see: Tsugunari Kubo; Akira Yuyama, The Lotus Sutra, pp. 47-78). Wang Ligu alludes to the similitude to appreciate Chuandeng for saving him from the “five types of turbidity” 五濁 (i.e. the turbidity of time 劫濁, views 見濁, afflictions 煩惱濁, living beings 眾生濁, and lifespan 命濁) as well as from the “eight types of sufferings” 八苦 (i.e. the suffering of birth 生苦, old age 老苦, illness 病苦, death 死苦, separation from what is pleasant 愛別離苦, encountering what is unpleasant 怨憎會苦, not getting what one wants 求不得苦, and the five appropriated aggregates 五陰熾盛苦). 224 Here Wang Ligu contrasts “qingliang di” 清涼地 with “da huozhai” 大火宅 to highlight the rewarding nature of his sojourn in Youxi, where he imbibed Chuandeng’s enlightening views. The term of “da huozhai” here functions as a metaphor for the world of ignorance and affliction in which Wang Ligu lived before his sojourn in Youxi, whereas the term of “qinliang di” functions as a metaphor for the world of liberation and enlightenment, which refers to Youxi where Wang Ligu spent time with Chuandeng studying Tiantai teachings. In

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thanks to Chuandeng’s kindness in giving him instructions and accommodating him while he was at the monastery. For all he had learned and benefited from his brief sojourn on the Tiantai Mountains, he wrote a very personal letter to Chuandeng expressing his gratitude. In the letter, he lamented about Chuandeng’s preaching tour in Wenzhou being shorter than that in Siming 四明. It was a gesture of hoping to learn more from his master.225 The issue of taxation must have haunted Chuandeng and the Gaoming monastery for some time, as Chuandeng’s solicitation of help and support led to a barrage of supportive letters circulating among literati patrons. A letter written by Chen Renxi 陳仁錫 (1581-1636)226 to Zhang Shiyi is a case in point. Chen Renxi, who in 1622 had earned his jinshi degree, praised Zhang Shiyi, who had earned his jinshi degree in the same year and thus was a tongnian 同年 (a same year jinshi degree holder) to him, for kindly listening to Chuandeng’s plea to exempt the Gaoming Monastery from paying alleged mining tax arrears of twenty years. As suggested above and as Mr. Chen points out, the mining tax had since its inception become a high burden to the Ming society in general and to Buddhist institutions in particular. It was levied on top of the existing taxes and collected to supplement soldier’s salary. After having seen Chuandeng’s plea earlier, Zhang Shiyi granted the Gaoming Monastery an exemption of the tax. However, the newly implemented taxation rules remained in effect, even though Mr. Zhang had promised to reform the system.227 Chen Renxi noted that there had been kindhearted county-level officials who had cut the tax in half. However, he also noted that there had been officials on the same level who had failed to report formulating the metaphoric employment of the two terms, Wang Ligu’s intention was to praise the transformative power of Chuandeng and of the environment of his monastery. It should also be noted that Wang Ligu’s use of the contrasting tropes is reminiscent of the phrase “evading the suffering of physical torment and placed in a cool land” 免熱惱苦,置清涼地 seen in the Huayan jinglun 華嚴經論 authored by Lingbian 靈辨 of the Northern Wei 北魏 (see: Huayan jinglun, juan 10: XZJ 208, p. 2, a6). 225 Wang Ligu, “Yu Youxi shu (2)” 與幽溪書(2), Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 39b-40a. 226 Chen Renxi was a native of Changzhou 長州 (present-day Suzhou 蘇州). He received the juren degree in 1597 and the jinshi degree in 1622 in the third place known as tanhua 探花. His first appointment was Junior Compiler of the Hanlin Academy 翰林編修, and was therefore referred to as the Grand Scribe, Taishi 太史, in the Youxi biezhi. In 1626, he was dismissesd from office because of his refusal to draft a decree in favor of the powerful eunuch Wei Zhongxian 魏忠賢 (1568-1627) being regarded as an offence. His last official title was Chacellor of the Directorate of Education 國子監祭酒, an appointement conferred on him right before his death so he was unable to assume the post (see: Zhang Tingyu, Mingshi, juan 288: pp. 73947395). 227 As Ray Huang pointed out, regional officials had considerable degree of latitude to reform or adjust taxes because Ming government failed to implement the tax reforms deemed necessary (see: Ray Huang, Taxation and Governmental Finance, 96).

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any wrong-doing with regard to the measurement of farmers’ fields that their staff had taken. The latter often forced up taxes two or three times higher than the standard tax amount in the name of the newly-implemented military supply system. While all these taxes were reformed soon, many monks had already fallen prey to wicked tax collectors, and some monks who had staged protests against exploitation were flogged to death by the authorities as a way to silence complaints. The Tiantai Mountains, in Mr. Chen’s view, were a place that begot and nurtured worthy people, and brought forth sagacity and lumination. Even the tigers over there would not feed upon people, and how could there be anything crueler than the tiger? As for the imposed tax, the authorities only needed to ask the District Buddhist Registry (Senghui si 僧會司)228 to inspect the several mu of fields abandoned by the three temples, Tongbai 桐栢, Jinghui 淨慧, and Baohua 寶華, and to use the land to make up the shortfall so that the taxes apportioned to them could be gradually annulled. This would allow the local government to use the three temples’ uninspected fields in any exigency. Mr. Chen’s letter does not explain or specify exactly how the government used the so-called abandoned fields. However, an account about some Tiantai shrines Mr. Chen wrote elsewhere details on the issues that bothered Mr. Chen. Therein, Mr. Chen notes that the fields on the Tiantai Mountains were usually barren and sterile, while arable fields were at a premium, although old monks often tilled the fields amid the clouds. However, after the order of mining the mountain land had been issued, the government agents deceptively altered the name of the existing registered temples, putting them on the list of abandoned temples and requisitioning several thousand mu of their fields. Whoever rented eight mu 八畝 of land, roughly 943.6 square yards,229 had to hand in two dan 二石 or two piculs of produce, approximately 55.5 gallons. The accumulation of all supplies yielded by the several thousand mu of the fields amounted to a thousand units of gold, and was labeled mining tax. However, the payment was appropriated as an extra unnamed tax in addition to regular taxes.230 Several aggrieved people were flogged to death by the inspectors who arrogated to 228 District Buddhist Registry was established in the Hongwu reign of Taizu of the Ming and was an agency responsible for “monitoring the numbers, qualifications, and conduct of all Buddhist monks” on the county level (see: Charles O. Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985], 404). Only one member was on the staff of the office and he was called Senghui 僧會 (see: Huanlun 幻輪, Shijian jigu lue xuji 釋鑑稽古略續集, juan 2: T 2038, p. 931, b12-13). 229 One mu is approximately 666 square meters. One dan is approximately 20 liters. 230 Some irregular taxes raised by many local magistrates as “customary fees” are widely known as extra incomes that unscrupulous magistrates collected “to compensate themselves and to pay administrative expenses” (see: Ray Huang, 1587 – A Year of No Significance: The Ming Dynasty in Decline [New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1981], 62-63).

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themselves the power of regional leaders, rendering former district officials so powerless that they could only stretch the rules and relax the land measurement somewhat to allow the temples to pay the seventy percent of the unremitted tax apportioned to the official temple fields. Moreover, after the mining was stopped, an order to organize shield soldiers (lubing 櫓兵) was issued, which again forced another burden of extortionate taxation on temples.231 Chen Renxi seems to have opined that the “abandoned fields,” after being rented out, could collect more silver than needed to pay the imposed tax. He said that after paying the lubing tax in sixty taels and the mining tax in eighty taels, there were still some six hundred taels of silver that was sufficiently enough to pay some one hundred and twenty taels of silver apportioned to the monks living in penury. He hoped that the sixty taels apportioned to the official fields administered by common citizens would be nullified, and two hundred and forty taels of the unpaid tax in earlier times would be made up by the abandoned fields’ rental payments that the authorities had already received. Chen Renxi stressed that although Chuandeng had already appealed to the authorities, he, as Chuandeng’s close friend, wanted to revisit the issue when meeting Mr. Zhang.232 Mr. Chen’s letter apparently elicited a quick response from Zhang Shiyi, because Mr. Chen sent a letter to Chuandeng to the following effect: “The official in charge believes that the taxes caused you pain and he hopes that you would come to visit him to resolve the issue. This is a fortuitous opportunity you should grab. Do not let it slip ) away.”233 (當事信充餉之苦而取決於法座之一訪。此機急乘，不可失。 Speaking of the “official in charge” Mr. Chen clearly refers to Zhang Shiyi, who did have the chance to meet Chuandeng and benefit from Chuandeng’s words, as evidenced by a number of his letters mentioned above and other letters to be discussed below. Mr. Chen also said that he sent a note regarding the tax issue to the Tianning Temple 天寧寺 of his county, where the Buddhist district official Qingsuo 清所 also ratcheted up the effort to help eliminate the seventy percent tax rate. He did this not only for local monasteries but also for his friends like Chuandeng.234 231 See Chen Renxi 陳仁錫, “Tiantai ci ji” 天台祠記, in: Wumengyuan chuji 無夢園 初集 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, Xuxiu siku quanshu 續修四庫全書, 2002), “jiangji” 江集, juan 1, pp. 15ab. There is hardly any information about lubing. It appears twice in Chen Renxi’s collected works and once in Tang Rizhao 湯日昭, Wanli Wenzhou fuzhi 萬曆溫州 府志 (1605). 232 “Chen Chunyuan wei mian chongxiang yu bendao Zhang bingxian shu” 陳春元為免 充餉與本道張兵憲書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 17a-18b. 233 “Chen Taishi yu Youxi shu” 陳太史與幽溪書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 40ab. 234 Ibid.

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Although Zhang Shiyi might have replied to Chen Renxi and might even have discussed the tax issue with Chuandeng, it is unclear if the details of his communications with Mr. Chen and Chuandeng were ever put in writing. If they were, they were not included in the Youxi biezi. However, a letter by Chuandeng written in reply to Mr. Zhang’s query indicates that Mr. Zhang did write a letter to Chuandeng. Although Mr. Zhang’s letter is most likely nonextant, Chuandeng’s reply letter can help reveal what Zhang Shiyi would have done. In his letter, Chuandeng said that he had met Mr. Zhang’s tongnian Yuan Shizhen, and heard his lavish praise on him comparing him to Guanyin manifesting in this world as an official and hiding her sanctimonious identity. He thought about visiting Mr. Zhang by knocking on the door of his residence, but the lack of mutual karmic connection, because of his being a monk, precluded him from paying his respect to Mr. Zhang. As a result, he could only yearn for meeting Mr. Zhang. Who would have thought that Mr. Zhang turned out writing Chuandeng a letter, which came with precious gifts? Feeling grateful, Chuandeng also extolled Zhang Shiyi, thanking him for using Guanyin’s power to relieve suffering that many people under his jurisdiction had to endure. All these words clearly show that Chuandeng did receive a letter from Mr. Zhang and that his ceremonious and somewhat rhetorical response was to explain away his failure to visit the person from whom he wished to get help. After enunciating his epistolary formality, Chuandeng was ready to tell Mr. Zhang the story of the Gaoming Monastery’s plight in the following words: The reason why this humble monk has a request today is because the Tiantai Mountains have been under heavy affliction for some twenty years, and monks have been the only folks suffering from ten thousand tribulations without anything to cling to. It all began with the government’s engagement in the mining business. The problem is that mines allegedly existing in the precipitous Tiantai cities have actually never been existent. The local authorities, unable to trump up excuses to answer the inspection eunuch’s charge,235 recommended using 235 Eunuchs were the major tax collectors during the Wanli period. Starting from 1596, Emperor Shenzong dispatched eunuchs to many provinces as tax collectors and mining intendants. The eunuch’s initial duty of supervision and collaboration with provincial civil officials in tax collection soon turned into the eunuch’s individual, even personal, control of the mining tax collection along with additional irregular and imposed taxes. The rampant eunuch’s extortion of the mining and other taxes was so damaging to the state that Zhang Tingyu 張廷玉, the editior of the Mingshi 明史, went so far as to conclude in the “Treatise on Food and Money” 食貨志 that “those knowledgeable [about the Ming taxes] believed this was the time that envisaged the fall of the Ming” 識者以為明之亡蓋兆於此 (see: Mingshi, juan 81: p. 1973). According to the Ming shilu 明實錄 (Veritable Records of the Ming), in 1612, which was the time Chuandeng began to resist the mining and other taxes, censors in the Guangdong and other circuits submitted memorials to Shengzong. Therein, they pointed out that since the mining tax had been widely levied, eunuchs rached up enormous profits and caused horrendous damages

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abandoned temple fields to swap [the designated mining sites]. However, those in charge had their preferences. They used the information in the old household register to re-designate “existing” temple fields as “abandoned” ones. By this measure, they stripped several mu of the existing temple fields [and rented them out]. They sold the yields of the fields and incorporated the two dan (picul) per sale in their rental income and amassed a total of some two thousand taels of silver. The monks lost what they could rely on, and took the matter to the Censorate.236 This further triggered the anger of responsible officials as soon as they heard of it. Had it not been for Vice Prefect Huang’s impassioned remonstration,237 they would not have escaped the death penalty. Moreover, for the sake of balancing taxes, they added twenty percent of field tax per mu on top of grain tax and collected two hundred and sixty taels of silver. This was imposed on the monks, whereas common folks [who farmed for the monks] were not included in this extra levy. They felt content with having their households split and shifting this tax responsibility to the monks. Before long, the mining business came to a halt, while the tax levy was never repealed according what was supposed to be done. The officials who held the power had the tax incorporated in the lubing (shield soldiers) tax. [That is to say], the mining could stop but the tax levy for the soldiers could not. This is what is called “once the seeds of rhizoma coptidis (huanglian 黃連) are sowed, for a thousand years people will be inflicted by its bitterness.” Not until 1613 when Mr. Yu Tianjian 于天鑒 of Jintan 金壇 was stationed here, could this humble monk hurriedly request him to listen to my words about relieving the tax burden and rebalance the tax amounts. Despite the measure of reapportioning payment of one hundred and forty taels of silver, which resulted in saving of one hundred and twenty taels of silver, the tax remained hurting, notwithstanding lighter. I implore your highness to allow for the use of the county’s unlevied taxes to make up for the shortfall. And [I believe] the amount was not small. I also hope that you, sir, reexamine the matter and eliminate our field tax to relieve the monks from their to the society and people from all walks of life. They suggested that the emperor take up his duty and stop eunuchs from meddling with state affairs lest the perils of political eunuchism became uncontrollable (see: Ming shilu, p. 9256; Ray Huang, “The Lung-ch’ing and Wan-li reigns,” in: The Cambridge History of China, vol. 7: The Ming Dynasty, 1368-1644, Part 1, ed. Frederick W. Mote [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998], 530-532). 236 The phrase used in the text is “san yuan” 三院, which refers to the Three Bureaus of the Censorate created in the Tang Dynasty and was used until the Yuan Dynasty. The original Censorate comprises three bureaus, including “headquarters bureaus” (taiyuan 台院), “palace bureau” (dianyuan 殿院), and “investigation bureau” (chayuan 察院). This traditional form of Censorate was stripped of all its executive posts in 1380 under Emperor Taizu of the Ming 明太祖, resulting in its being downsized to a single bureau, the “investigation bureau.” In 1832, the downsized Censorate was renamed as Ducha yuan 都察院, which was responsible for “maintaining disciplinary surveillance over the entire officialdom, auditing fiscal accounts, checking judicial records, making regular and irregular inspections, impeaching officials for misconduct, recommending new policies and changes in old policies, etc.” (Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, 404, 534). Despite the change, using the term sanyuan to represent the Censorate remained common in Ming times. 237 The Chinese term used to refer to Vice Prefect Huang is “er shou” 二守, which was an unofficial reference to “tongzhi” 同知 in Ming times.

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grinding toil and distress. In doing this, your merit will know no bounds, and will be equal to the kindness of granting a rebirth [to our monastery]. If this humble monk prattles ahead of time, it is not done selfishly for his own sake or for the sake of his monastery. He should truly have made this request personally [rather than having asked Mr. Chen to do it on his behalf], but, coincidentally, he was setting the rules for the Śūraṅgama Altar, [so that people could] follow the scriptures and paractice the way. And because it was not completed on schedule in ninety days, he was unable to go on hands and knees and knock on the door of your residence to hear your order under your flywhisk. Please allow him to respectfully visit you after the summer retreat, [so that he could be] seated at the end of the table to enjoy the benefit of your superb instruction. Now his attendant Shoujiao is bringing this reply letter of him to you at my behest. Upon writing it, he is really trembling with fear.238 今貧道有所請者，為天台一山二十餘歲行偏累之荼，惟僧有之，萬苦 無聊。先是朝廷有事於開採，天台巖邑似有實無。有司無以塞宦官 之責，權議以廢寺田抵之。而當事者愛有偏黨，用積書言以存作廢，盡括 存寺田若干畝，入租二石，共得銀二千餘兩。僧旣無聊，奔告三院。當事 聞之，愈激其怒，因而鞭笞。非黄二守極諌，幾不免死。又為節其 重輕，乃於糧外每畝加餉二分，共銀二百六十兩。此既僧分，民不與，甘收 頭解戸，悉推之僧。既而開採停息，稅應不征，而司柄者又將編入 櫓兵餉。鑛可已，而兵不可已，所謂「一時栽下黄連種，千載令人 苦不休」也。待至癸丑 (1613)，金壇于公天鑒在兹，貧道始以柝重均賦 之言急請。承以均派百四十兩，猶存一百二十兩，雖輕亦痛。仰叩 天慈，其邑中未編之稅抵之，其數非少；再祈門下查之、汰之，以甦 僧困，則功德無涯，同再生之恩也。貧道先此饒舌，實非私於一己一 寺。應即躬請，適建楞嚴壇法，依經行道。九旬之期未解，不及匍匐詣 叩門墻，以聽揮麈。容解制日，敬趨末席，請益大敎。先遣侍者受敎齎此 奉復，臨啓無任悚慄。

Although, for reasons such as not wishing to ingratiate himself with an official like Mr. Zhang, Chuandeng in the end of his long letter repeats his excuse for being unable, or more likely reluctant, to visit Zhang Shiyi, it is clear that Chuandeng was in need of his help. In fact his need for help was urgent in nature, as he saw that the unwelcome and ruinous land exploitation jeopardized the Gaoming Manastery, on whose establishment as an undisputable holy space he had been working for thirty years. As indicated in a number of letters Zhang Shiyi wrote later, Chuandeng successfully accomplished his objectives. Not only did Mr. Zhang help him undo the taxes in question, but he also became one of Chuandeng’s pious patrons and closest friends. It is no surprise that, asides from writing hufa letters to facilitate his peripatetic lectures, Zhang Shiyi also authored a foreword for Chuandeng’s Youxi biezhi. 238

“Da bendao Zhang bingxian shu” 答本道張兵憲書, Youxi biezhi, juan 16: pp. 43b-44b.

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It must also be noted that Zhang Shiyi fervently joined the small coterie of letter writers rallying on Chuandeng’s lecture at Yutan (see above). He sent a letter to Li Ruoyu 李若愚, a Prefectural Judge of Wenzhou, who was referred to as Li Yugong jietui 李愚公節推.239 Zhang Shiyi asked him to act as a dharma protector (hufa 護法) for Chuandeng when Chuandeng would present his lectures on the Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀 at Yutan in Dong’ou 東甌 (i.e. an ancient name of Wenzhou). In the letter, Zhang Shiyi emphasized that the Great Master Wujin was held in high regard by the people in the Tiantai area. He was not only highly regarded by the residents in the district, but also by the people in the Two-Zhe 兩浙 area. Nobody from the top stratum of society (i.e. from levels such as the inner imperial palace) to the low ground of dark grottos would not want to hear his refined and elegant words – now that the good friends (shanzhishi 善知識, skr.: Kalyāṇa-mittatā) in Mr. Li’s county had just established a public lecture platform and invited him to propagate the Buddha dharma. As one who would attain salvation for himself and others, serving as eyes of men and devas (rentian yanmu 人天 眼目), he would, in Mr. Zhang’s words, “[make] the area of the southeastern coast morph into a heliotrope lotus flower, or a pure land” 東南海邦定生 青蓮花.240 Mr. Zhang noted that Mr. Li had put his mind to Buddhism and was going to see the clerk in charge of public order to get the lecture license for Chuandeng. But he expected Mr. Li to do more. He also promised to call on Mr. Li to act as a protector of Buddhism in support of Chuandeng, so that the jewel of the dharma (fabao 法寶) would not be shattered, while men and devas would always have a higher being to look up to.241 Even though the main goal of Zhang Shiyi’s letter was to smooth out the unanticipated obstructions that might spoil Chuandeng’s lecture tour, Zhang Shiyi certainly did not forget the common etiquette in sending regards to a 239 Note that jietui is an abbreviation of Jiedu tuiguan 節度推官, an official title created in Song times. The official bearing this title was referred to as Li Yugong 李愚公 by Zhang Shiyi. As far as I can tell, this Li Yugong is most likely Li Ruoyu 李若愚 (jinshi, 1619), whose sobriquet was Zhibai 知白 and whose epithet was Yugong 愚公. He served as Prefectural Judge of Wenzhou 溫州推官 in his early official career (see: Chen Guoru 陳國儒, Kangci Hanyang fuzhi 康熙漢陽府志 [Beijing: Guojia tushu guan chuban she, 2010], juan 9: p. 22a-b; Zhang Xingjian 張行簡, Guanxu Hanyang xianzhi 光緒漢陽縣志 [Taipei: Chengwen chuban she, reprint, 1883], juan 3: p. 14a; Zheng Kanghou 鄭康侯, Mingguo Hanyang xianzhi 民國 淮陽縣志 [publisher unknown, 1933], juan 20: p. 18a). 240 “Zhang Mengze bingxian yu Li yugong jietui wei jiang Mohe zhiguan yu Dong’ou Yutan si hufa shu” 張夢澤兵憲與李愚公節推為講摩訶止觀於東甌魚潭寺護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 18b-19a. 241 Ibid. The Chinese text reads: 不特法寶不致凌夷，而人天永存瞻仰. Note that the object of “looking up to” (zhanyang 瞻仰) would most likely be an enlightened being in a higher realm above that of men and devas (such as a Buddha or a bodhisattva).

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recipient of epistolary writing. As he signed his letter as “student-in-waiting” (shisheng 侍生), he probably was Mr. Li’s junior or same-generation colleague. He praised Mr. Li for being the one holding the judging power of literature in his time, responsible for appraising and identifying outstanding works. Zhang Shiyi asked Mr. Li to have his clerk duplicate his appraising remarks on outstanding essays and give them to him. These essays were the answers to the seven questions given in the first examination, which were known as “scroll in red” (zhujuan 硃卷), because they were copied in red ink by examination clerks.242 He said that his children wanted to learn from Mr. Li so that they could become his adoring disciples despite being without privilege to receive his direct instruction.243 This request was expected to elicit a response from Mr. Li. It is however unclear whether Mr. Li did write back to Zhang Shiyi. Apart from the above letter written to remove unanticipated troubles and to allay the anxiety Chuandeng might have during his lecture tour, Zhang Shiyi was also keen about connecting potential patrons to Chuandeng for extra support. For instance, he wrote a letter to the regional commanding officer of the Jin Qu Circuit 金衢道, surnamed Mi 米, to inform him that Chuandeng, who at that time was in Quzhou 衢州 visiting his home, would take the opportunity to pay him a visit. In his letter, Zhang Shiyi encouraged Mr. Mi to use the occasion to volunteer to become Chuandeng’s protector.244 In the letter, Zhang Shiyi praised Mr. Mi’s literary achievements and asked whether Mr. Mi’s written works, which would immortalize him, had been completed and whether the news of its completion had been posted on the gate of the capital city. Then he cited the fact that the collected works of Wu Boyu 吳伯與 (jinshi, 1613) and Huang Ruheng 黃汝亨 (1558-1626) were both completed,245 and that news about the secret texts in Yu Chunxi’s 242 The first examination in the Ming examination system is known as village examination, which tested candidates asking seven questions in two categories. The term chuchang qiyi 初場七義 used in Zhang Shiyi’s letter refers, I believe, to the essays that answer these seven questions. 243 See “Zhang Mengze bingxian yu Li yugong jietui wei jiang mohe zhiguan yu Dong’ou Yutan si hufa shu” cited above. 244 Zhang Shiyi, “Yu Jinqu dao wei Youxi daochang hufa shu” 與金衢道米公幽溪道場 護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 19ab. The name of the commander is not given in the text, but it is possible that he was Mi Wanzhong 米萬鍾 (1570-1628, jinshi, 1595) who was the Administration Vice Commissioner of Zhejiang, Zhejiang canzheng 浙江參政 sometime after 1610. Note that canzheng is an abbreviation of canzheng buzheng shi 參政布政使. 245 The text does not give their official names but their sobriquets, Fusheng 福生 and Zhenfu 貞父.Wu Boyu was a native of Xuancheng 宣城. He once served as Assistant Administration Commissioner of Zhejiang 浙江布政司參議 and was known for his collected works, the Suwen zhai ji 素雯齋集. Huang Ruheng was a native of Qiantang 錢塘 and a Jinshi degree holder (1598). His highest official position was Assistant Administration Commissioner of Jiangxi 江西布政司參議. He is known for his collected works titled the Yulin ji 寓林集.

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bookcase had already spread like wild fire to Suzhou.246 Under these circumstances, Zhang Shiyi wondered why a great writer like Mr. Mi, who had already figured so prominently, had kept his poems to himself rather than publishing them.247 He was thinking of asking Mr. Mi to consider having his works printed, but, as it happened, Chuandeng coming from Taizhou 台 州 had just arrived in Quzhou 衢州, where he had given a lecture for the first time. Mr. Zhang had attended the lecture, which prompted his admiration for Mr. Mi as he learned of Mr. Mi’s ability of supporting Chuandeng’s lecturing activity and of protecting Chuandeng in a manner similar to the entire sky protecting the world. Meanwhile, Mr. Zhang also found Mr. Mi estimable because of his willingness to go with his gate-keepers (menzhe 門 者) to hear Chuandeng’s “tidal sound” (chaoyin 潮音).248 He noted that Chuandeng had been sitting in his “cloud seat” (yunxi 雲席),249 showing the feeling and intellect that could be viewed as high-minded and self-respecting. Chuandeng had also authored a wide array of books, and had not left his mountain for a long time. Mr. Zhang informed Mr. Mi about Chuandeng’s upcoming visit in the following words: “Now he is going to pay you, sir, a visit en route to his home village, and I may as well avail myself of the appreciation letter with which he entrusted me to call on you before he does it. I know that once you meet with this master, you will feel an affinity with him similar to the congeniality of milk and water; and you will join in communion with him similar to the harmony between needle and stalk. Both of you will engage in poetry exchange for some time, and I will wait while robbing my eyes to see and cocking my ears to listen” 兹謁台翁便 省梓里，弟因其便羽，一候興起，知台翁一晤此師，乳水相投，針芥 自合，另有一番唱酬，弟拭目洗耳以俟矣。250 246 “Zhang bingxian yu Jinqu Mi gong wei Youxi daochang hufa shu” 張兵憲與金衢道 米公為幽溪道場護法書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 19ab. Note that “Jinchang” in the phrase “bujing er zou Jin Chang” 不脛而走金閶 refers to the two gates known as “Jin men” 金門 and “Chang men” 閶門 in Suzhou, hence the combination of Jin and Chang was used to represent Suzhou. 247 Note that the way this was phrased in Chinese is “Jiuzhu xi’nang” 久貯奚囊. The phrase “xi’nang” alludes to an alleged practice of poetic writing for which Tang poet Li He 李賀 (790-816) was well known. Li He was said to ride a donkey, along with his young slave, while shouldering a ragged embroidered bag on his back whenever he went out. Upon getting a poetic line or two impromptu, he would write them on a piece of paper and throw the paper into the bag, which was referred to as “xi’nang.” 248 Note that “chaoyin” usually refers to the sound of the monk’s sūtra-chanting. Here Zhang used it to refer to Chuandeng’s lectures. 249 This is a metaphor for his being on the Tiantai Mountains for a long time. 250 The quote contains translations of the Chinese idioms “rushui xiangtou” 乳水相投 and “zhenjia zihe” 針芥自合, both of which symbolize the mutual feeling of compatibility and bond. It also contains “shimu xi’er yi si” 拭目洗耳以俟, which is a polite way to express his strong desire to wait and listen.

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Zhang Shiyi’s letter might not have elicited a reponse from Mr. Mi, since no letter written by Mr. Mi is included in the Youxi biezhi. Suffice it to say that Mr. Zhang became a steadfast supporter of Chuandeng, often vigorously managing to diffuse the influence of Chuandeng’s teachings. The two letters, discussed above, which he wrote to Chuandeng regarding his lectures in Wenzhou, exemplify his deep admiration for Chuandeng. He wrote more letters to Chuandeng after the latter left Wenzhou and returned to Tiantai. In one of the letters, Mr. Zhang asked Chuandeng when he would leave Wenzhou for Tiantai, and he expressed his regret for being unable to attend Chuandeng’s lectures during the time Chuandeng toured Wenzhou, where his salvific power saved an inordinate number of lives in distress.251 In the letter, Mr. Zhang also informs Chuandeng that he had long finished the foreword to the Youxi biezhi, which Chuandeng had asked him to write, but could not send Chuandeng a clean copy prior to writing the present letter. Mr. Zhang modestly claimed that, much to his regret, the foreword fell short of explicating and campaigning the profound meaning of Tiantai teachings and could barely fill the empty space of the page. This failure, he noted, was also due to his forever hectic official business schedule in this dusty world, in which, as he puts it, “nothing goes right” (wu yi shi chu 無一是處). He asks Chuandeng to “say a turning word” (yi zhuanyu 一轉語),252 i.e. a witty repartee, as pliers and hammer (qianchui 鉗錘) to enlighten him.253 In another letter, which apparently was written before his letter to Mr. Mi, Zhang Shiyi said that, at Chuandeng’s request, he had sent a permit request to the authorities in Siming 四明 to seek approval of Chuandeng’s passage to the place. In the letter, he told Chuandeng not to worry about his trip, because the chief officer of the Siming Circuit, Cai Youdao 裁有道,254 would welcome him unreservedly and enthusiastically. He also informed Chuandeng to leaflet his fund rasing fact sheets so that he could collect salt funds to till the desolate land near his monastery. Both of these two matters were under the jurisdiction of Mr. Cai, who would soon provide Chuandeng with the 251 “Zhang bingxian yu Youxi shu (2)” 張兵憲與幽溪書 (2), Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 29b. The Chinese text reads: 大師何日自甌返天台乎？杖屨所經，不知救度多少苦厄. Note that the place name Ou 甌 is a variant name of Wenzhou 溫州 as already shown above. The phrase “jiudu” 救度 has the meaning of “freeing people in distress from suffering” or of “bringing people to salvation.” A highly revered Buddhist master is usually believed by his followers to possess such salvific power. Zhang Shiyi’s letter was meant to be apologetic, so he had every reason to extol Chuandeng and his extraordinary virtue. 252 Note that yi zhuanyu was used in Chan monasteries as a way to turn a learner from being delutional to sensible. 253 “Zhang bingxian yu Youxi shu (2)” 張兵憲與幽溪書 (2), Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 29b. 254 I have been unable to find any other information about this man.

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permit. Therefore, Chuandeng did not need not to make his trip immediately, especially if the authorities were going to issue a permit for his visit to the Yanqing Monastery 延慶寺 concurrently.255 Zhang Shiyi pointed out that it was laughable that the common government clerks vied for hearing the master’s words to no avail, despite the most opportune moment of time and condition. Noting that both Zhang Jiucheng 張九成 (1092-1159) and Zhang Shangying 張商英 (1043-1122) of the Song Dynasty attained awakening to the truth only because they reveled in the joys of Buddhism after having studied Confucianism, Mr. Zhang recommended that the master sort out their writings to make them “the torch [of learning] in dark rooms” (anshi ju 暗室炬).256 Finally, Mr. Zhang asked Chuandeng to instruct his writing clerk to copy Yu Chunxi’s writings, which were in Chuandeng’s possession, on palm leaves for his perusal. He noted that these writings of Yu Chunxi could be incorporated into the book manuscript, which was still being compiled, before it went into press.257 The complete manuscript, titled Yu Deyuan xiansheng wenji 虞德園先生文集 (Collected Works of Sir Yu Deyuan) after its publication, evidently owed much to Chuandeng’s proffering of Yu Chunxi’s individual writings to Zhang Shiyi. Mr. Zhang’s letter informs us not only of Chuandeng’s interest in non-Buddhist contemporary writings but also of his contribution to the compiliation of individual scholars’ collected works. Although the titles of the said writings were not mentioned in the letter, the close tie between Yu Chunxi and Chuandeng suggests that Chuandeng must have possessed the bulk of Mr. Yu’s entire writings and Mr. Zhang was well aware of it. It was, however, regrettable that Mr. Zhang did not mention this in the preface he wrote for Mr. Yu’s book.258 255 “Zhang bingxian yu Youxi shu (1)” 張兵憲與幽溪書 (1), Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 28b29a. This and the letters cited earlier and later share the same title and I number them according to the order of appearance in the text. The Yanqing Monastery was one of the major Tiantai monasteries in Chuandeng’s time and the letter suggests that Chuandeng also requested permission to visit the monastery and was still waiting for approval. As indicated below, Chuandeng did make it to the Yanqing Monastery and lectured there for some time. 256 The two Song partons of Buddhism are given their sobriquets as Zhang Zishao 張子韶 and Zhang Wujin 張無盡, both of which were commonly used in Chan texts. 257 “Zhang bingxian yu Youxi shu (1)” 張兵憲與幽溪書 (1), Youxii biezhi, juan 9: p. 29a. 258 Zhang Shiyi’s preface is included in the Yu Deyuan xiansheng wenji 虞德園先生文集 published in 1623, the third year of the Tianqi 天啟 reign of Emperor Xizong of the Ming 明熹宗. This edition of Yu Chunxi’s collected works comprises essays in twenty-five fascicles and poems in five fascicles. Also included in the book are two other prefaces written separately by Li Rihua 李日華 (1565-1635) and Huang Ruheng 黃汝亨 (1558-1626). In his preface, Mr. Zhang praised Yu Chunxi lavishly and stressed Mr. Yu’s extensive learning that encompassed hundred schools of thought, including both Buddhism and Daoism. However, he failed to mention Chuandeng’s role in helping the compilation of the collected works (see: Yu Deyuan xiansheng wenji, pp. 7-13b). Note that Zhang Shiyi’s preface is not included in other editions

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This letter, apparently written sometime before 1625, when Chuandeng lectured on the Miaozong chao 妙宗鈔 at the Yanqing Monastery,259 clearly indicates that the extensive regional support given to Chuandeng via epistolary writing, whether directly at Chuandeng’s request or indirectly through a friend’s reference, contributed to the actualization of Chuandeng’s peripatetic lectures, which in turn facilitated the completion of Chuandeng’s construction of the Gaoming Monastery. It should be noted that by this time Chuandeng had already lectured in dozens of prefectures including Taizhou, Wenzhou, Ningbo, Shaoxing, Jinling, Chuzhou, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Jiaxing, and Huzhou, all with the support of literati patrons and regional officials. These were most affluent places, known as Jiang’nan 江南, where fundraising for a religious cause, particularly if associated with an eminent Buddhist master like Chuandeng, was arguablely much more effective than elsewhere. The patronage of a significant number of lay Buddhist literati and supportive officials beyond doubt empowered Chuandeng and his small cohort to successfully increase the Gaoming Monastery’s annual revenue. Zhang Shiyi’s letters can be viewed as epitomizing officials’ support and friendship. Always signing his letter to Chuandeng with “your brotherly friend” (youdi 友弟), he stayed in touch with Chuandeng until the very late stage of Chuandeng’s life. Before he left Taizhou, probably to take a higher official position as Surveillance Commisioner of Jiangxi 江西按察使, he wrote another letter to Chuandeng.260 In this letter, he first expressed his gratitude to Chuandeng for his eye-opening instruction when he was in the coastal area of Taizhou. Owning to his edification, “waves were stable in the sea and banditry was non-existent in the wilderness” (“Hai you anlan, rong wu fumang” 海有安瀾，戎無伏莽).261 Thus people there were able to enjoy easy and peaceful lives as happy as ordinary living folks, and Mr. Zhang himself also benefitted from the convivial ambience derived from Chuandeng’s of Mr. Yu’s collected works. The edition found in the Siku jinhuishu congkang 四庫禁毀書 叢刊, which is easily accessible, does not include this preface. 259 The full title of this book is Guan Wuliangshou fojing shu miaozong chao 觀無量壽 佛經疏妙宗鈔, which is also abbreviated as Guanjing shu maiozong chao 觀經疏妙宗鈔. It was authored by the Tiantai master Siming Zhili 四明知禮 of the Northern Song. Zhili finished this work in 1026 at the age of 67 at the Yanqing Monastery, where he started his abbacy in 996 when it was called Baoen yuan 保恩院. The Baoen yuan was renamed as Yanqing yuan in 1010 after nearly a fifteen-year reconstruction under Zhili’s auspices. 260 This letter is “Zhang bingxian yu Youxi shu (3)” 張兵憲與幽溪書 (3), Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 30b-31a. Based on the scarcely available information, Zhang Shiyi’s official career seems to have started from a county magistrate in Dongming 東明 of Shandong, magistrate in Xinyu 新喻 of Jiangxi, Prefect in Changde 常德 of Hunan 湖南, Deputy Provincial Survellance Commisioner of Fujian and Chejiang separately, 提刑按察司副使(福建、浙江), and Provincial Survellance Commisioner of Jiangxi 江西按察使. 261 See “Zhang bingxian yu Youxi shu (3),” cited above.

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influence, and effectively fulfilled his assignment before he left his post for another (presumably Surveillance Commisioner of Jiangxi). Mr. Zhang said becomingly that, as an unskilled player in politics, he still did not know where his next journey would end up, but that it felt much better than the time when he knitted his brows for being encumbered by deploying forces and managing military supplies. In those days, he had little time to sleep and eat, and his skin was dark and his face emaciated. While waiting for the unknown future, he was able to pace about the side room to attend to his frail mother and to more or less fulfill his filial duty. In the interim, which he deemed a setback in his official career, he was able to beguile his days with ease and insouciance.262 This was all due to the kindnesss of the Buddha and the master’s repeated praise and appeal. The mighty power of the master’s vows contributed to his undeserved success.263 The letter tends to sacralize Chuandeng’s teachings, emphasizing a multitude of impacts that Chuandeng exerted on the places he traveled to and on the people, including Mr. Zhang himself, who had put his faith in him. Actually, the more we read Mr. Zhang’s letters, the more we find him captivated by Chuandeng’s intellectual depth. The acclamatory statements in his letters were made to express his genuine feelings for Chuandeng. It can be corroborated by the statement in his letter: “You, my master, can use your brush to lift a tripod and can produce works with beauty comparable to rosy clouds. Now you are the leader of devas and men. Standing tall like Mount Tai and Mount Hua in the southeast,264 you are without match. Since I caught a glimpse of you at the bank of River Ou, I have missed seeing your aweinspiring manner. Now as I will be leaving, how can I ever stop my lingering feelings of affection deep in my sincere heart?” 老師筆能扛鼎，采可 蒸霞，今日天人領袖，岱華東南，不得有二。甌江瞥袂，遂不得一望威 儀。不佞行矣，丹誠依戀，曷維其已。265 262 As indicated above, Zhang Shiyi was to become Provincial Survellance Commisioner of Jiangxi. His worry about career setback is probably due to the uncertainty of his next assignment. 263 “Zhang bingxian yu Youxi shu (3)” 張兵憲與幽溪書 (3), Youxii biezhi, juan 9: pp. 30b31a. 264 These are two of the “Five Marchmounts” that forned a sacred mountain system since the Han Dynasty and have since been reinforced in the Period of Disunion (see: Louis Komjathy, Daoism: A Guide for the Perplexed [London, New Delhi, New York, Sydney: Bloosbury, 2014], pp. 185-189). In the Youxi biezhi, Mount Tai, the Eastern Marchmount, and Mount Hua, the Western Marchmount, are referred to as Dai 岱 and Hua 華. Mount Dai 岱山 is the original name of Mount Tai 泰山, which is located in Shandong 山東 and ranks the third in height. Mount Hua, the tallest of the five marchmounts, is located in Shanxi 陝西. Clearly, the two mountains are not in southeast, but they are used to signify Chuandeng’s religious and intellectual stature. 265 “Zhang bingxian yu Youxi shu (3)” 張兵憲與幽溪書 (3), Youxii biezhi, juan 9: pp. 30b31a.

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Furthermore, the fact that Zhang Shiyi wrote Chuangdeng yet another letter – this time to request to be ganted the privilege of redacting the anthology of Chuandeng’s writings – shows that Mr. Zhang held Chuandeng in great esteem. The letter in question, apparently written after he assumed the office of the Surveillance Commissioner of Jiangxi 江西按察使,266 was to offer his service on account of Chuandeng’s lasting impact on Taizhou during his tenure there. It repeated the above theme that he was so lucky to be able to consolidate the insecure border, making it a blissful land by dint of the Buddhist power that Chuandeng possessed. Amidst quelling all troubles, he immersed himself in the works produced by Chuandeng’s literary mind that expounded and propagated tenets of Tiantai teachings. This allowed him to learn and acquire “the method of dead heart/mind” (si xin zhi fa 死心之法), knowing that “when one’s heart/mind [can be as quiet as] the wall, one can learn the [Buddha’s] way.” 心如墻壁，可以學道。267 This letter shows that Mr. Zhang’s reverence for the master did not stop with extolling him as the eyes of men and devas of the southeast (dongnan rentian yanmu 東南人天眼目). He believed that the master was so highly respected not only because he was an eloquent and skilled preacher but also because he was a true Buddhist exegete and scholar. Mr. Zhang noticed the laborious research effort that the master had made in recent time, and was curious about whether he had put out a new exegetical commentary that would be circulated inside and outside the state. After thanking the master for the munificent gifts in honor of his aging mother in the past autumn, he expressed his feelings of uneasiness and shame for, seemingly, being unable to keep his promise to study Buddhism further. Then he broached the subject of compiling the master’s writings, asking Chuandeng to have some of his disciples, such as Wenxin Shoujiao 文心受教, help him put together his lifetime works, in consideration of their ability to understand his writings better. He also asserted that it behooved him to take on the responsibility of proofreading the would-be anthology, despite the time constraint caused by his bookkeeping duty as an official. At this point, he claimed that the whole area south of the Yangzi River was filled with “vegetable-stuffed buns” (lixue suanxian 理學酸餡) like Neo-Confucians,268 and that he had them annihilated 266 In the letter, Zhang said that “last year, I arrived at Yuzhang 豫章…” Yuzhang was the capital city of Jiangxi where the office of the Survellance Commisioner of Jiangxi was located. 267 “Zhang fangbo qing jiaochou Youxi wenji shu” 張方伯請校讐幽溪文集書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 32ab. 268 Note that the text mistakes “suan tao” 酸饀 for “suan xian” 酸餡, because “tao” 饀 means “unduly sweet,” whereas “xian” 餡 refers to meat- or vegitable-stuffed bun. This said, however, “suan xian” should really be “suan xian” 酸䭑 according to Ouyang xiu 歐陽修 (1007-1072) of the Song. In his Guitian lu 歸田錄, he told a story about the mixup of the two

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like devouring them “in the earthware jar” (wenzhong yansha jian 甕中 淹殺).269 He went on to say: “At times, one or two plagiarists pilfered our ideas to whitewash their ill-informed understanding of the Way. How lamentable they really were, given that they were a thousand li far from fathoming the true meaning of the Buddha dharma!” 間有一二標竊漢，拾我牙慧，文其 固陋耳。於真正法門，千里可歎也。270 A number of letters written by other close friends of Chuandeng are also worth mentioning. These letters were most likely written in 1612, when Chuandeng and his disciple Shoujiao toured to Jinling, i.e. Nanjing, to administer the reprinting of the Buddhist canon, which had been carved in the south, known as the Southern Canon (Nanzang 南藏). The purpose of the letters was to seek regional officials’ support for the reprinting of the canon, so that it could be transported to the canon hall of the Gaoming Monastery, which would add the finishing touch to the entire construction project.271 Of these letters, one was written by the painter Li Lin 李麟 (1558-?), who viewed Chuandeng as his best friend. 272 Knowing that Chuandeng was in Jinling raising funds for reprinting the canon, Li Lin wrote a letter to his friend, reffered to as Wu Wenxue 吳文學 in the Youxi biezhi,273 requesting him to act as a “great supporter” (dajintang 大金湯) for Chuandeng’s reprinting of the canon.274 This clearly was a fund-raising request, with which Mr. Wu “suan xian,” which led to the miswritten “jun tao” 餕饀 for the already incorrect “suan xian” 酸餡 over the bun store signs in the capital city Kaifeng (see: Ouyang Xiu, Guitian lu [Zhengzhou: Daxiang chuban she, 2003], series one, volume five, juan 2: p. 259). 269 This, along with the reference to “suanxian,” is clearly symbolic language used to mock Neo-Confucians. 270 “Zhang fangbo qing jiaochou Youxi wenji shu” 張方伯請校讐幽溪文集書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 32a. 271 For a brief discussion of the “Southern Canon,” see: Wu Jiang, “The Chinese Buddhist Canon Through the Ages: Essential Categories and Critical Issues in the Study of a Textual Tradition,” in: Spreading Buddha’s Word in East Asia: The Formation and Transformation of the Buddhist Canon, ed. Wu Jiang (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015), 23. 272 Li Lin, “Wei Youxi qing zang yu Wu wenxue shu,” 為幽溪請藏與吳文學書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 36b-37a. The text does not provide any information about Li Lin, but Shoujiao referrered to him as Li Shanren 李山人, which is most likely a reference to the painter Li Lin, a native of Yin County 鄞縣 with a sobriquet Cigong 次公 and a lay Buddhist who honored the eminent monk Daguan Zhenke 達觀真可 as his dharma master. There were a number of Li Lin in Ming times, including another painter Li Lin (1458-1534), but none but this Li Lin comes close to the description in the letter. Besides, his name was mentioned in Chuandeng’s “Jintu tu jing xu” 淨土圖經序 and elsewhere in the Youxi biezhi. For a brief biography of Li Lin, see: Cao Bingren 曹秉仁, Yongzheng Ningpo fuzhi 雍正寧波府志 (1733), juan 31: p. 7b. 273 Wu Wenxue is likely to have been Wu Yongxian 吳用先 (jinshi, 1592) in another letter written by Pan Zhiheng 潘之恆 mentioned below. The question is why he was referred to as “wenxue,” given that he never held an office related to the Hanlin Academy. 274 Li Lin, “Wei Youxi qing zang yu Wu wenxue shu,” Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 378-379.

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graciously complied. As many letters were peppered with references to the writers’ affinity with Chuandeng (see above), also Li Lin’s letter praisefully referred to some of Chuandeng’s achievements, such as the following ones: writing the treatise On Birthless Birth (Sheng wusheng lun 生無生論); triggering heavenly music to sound for half a month while conducting lectures before a big Buddha statue in Xinchang 新昌; “reconstructing” the Gaoming Monastery; molding a big iron statue of the Buddha; building monk halls; teaching meditation and expounding the dhama; making the Gaoming Monastery a great monastery. Two other letters, addressed to Gu Qiyuan 顧起元 (1562-1628) and Jiao Hong 焦竑 (1254-1260) respectively, were written by Pan Zhiheng 潘之恒 (ca. 1536-1621),275 who was a friend of the eminent dramatist Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 (1550-1616) and of Wu Yongxian 吳用先 (jinshi, 1592).276 In the first letter, Mr. Pan said that he ran across Chuandeng after he had spent two days in the Jingshan Monastery 徑山寺 with Tang Xianzu and had, at Mr. Wu’s request, finished carving Li Tongxuan’s 李通玄 (635-730) three commentaries on the Huayan Sūtra.277 Upon hearing that Chuandeng’s trip was for the printing of the Southern Canon, Pan expressed his desire to pay 275 Pan Zhiheng, sorbriquet Jingsheng 景升, was a native of Xi County 歙縣 but migrated to Jinling 金陵. During the Jiajing 嘉靖 reign (1522-1566), he was appointed Secratariat Drafter 中書舍人, which was the highest rank he held as an official. An aficionado of natural landscape, Pan gave himself a free rein to travel to many mountains and waters, which resulted in the writing of the Xin’an shanshui zhi 新安山水志 in ten fascicles and another book on geography called Fanghan qiyun shanzhi 方漢齊雲山志 in seven fascicles. He also finished a draft on Mount Huang, which was titled in a strage fashion as Huang Hai 黃海, in twentynine fascicles in his latter years. He died in Jinling before he was able to complete a conflated mountain record known as the Geng shi 亘史. A popular figure in his time, he was befriended by many eminent scholars, including the famous dramatists Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 (1550-1616) and Shen Jing 沈璟 (1553-1610) (see: Kangxi Huizhou fuzhi, juan 15: p. 15b-16a). 276 Wu’s close relationship with Tang Xianzu is evidenced by a number of poems Tang wrote for or in memory of him. See in particular Tang Xianzu, “Wei Wu Benru mingfu qusi ge” 為吳本如明府去思歌, in Tang Xianzu, Yuming tang quanji 玉茗堂全集 (Shanghai: Guji chuban she, Xuxiu siku quanshu, 2002), juan 5: p. 18b. 277 Pan Zhiheng, “Wei Youxi qing zang yu Gu Sicheng shu,” 為幽溪請藏與顧司成書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 37ab. Gu Qiyuan was the director of studies, siye 司業, of the National Unversity in Nanjing in 1612 and was promoted as its chancellor, jijiu 祭酒 in 1615. In 1612, while Chuandeng toured Jinling to administer the reprinting of the Southern Canon, he visited Gu Qiyuan and requested that Gu write a foreword for his Tiantai shan fangwai zhi, which Gu did it graciously. The author of the three commentaries on the Huayan Sūtra was not mentioned in this letter, but it mentioned in the letter addressed to Jiao Hong as Li Zhang 李長 with the word “zhe” 者 missing. Li Zhangzhe 李長者 was a common appellation of Li Tongxuan in Buddhsit texts. The three commentaries are: the Huayanjing lun 華嚴 經論, the Huayan jing huishi lun 華嚴經會釋論, the Lueshi xin Huayanjing xiuxing cidi juyi lun 略釋新華嚴經修行次第決疑論.

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a visit to Mr. Gu, so that he could introduce the master to Gu and use his influence to expedite the completion of the printing. Noting that Chuandeng was an eminent master with the quality of a monk viewed as “dragon and elephant,” Pan hoped that Mr. Gu could make an arrangement to help out. Mr. Pan stressed that, as someone who had turned to Chuandeng and served him as his disciple, he not only learned the perfect truth from him but also could espouse his Buddhist teaching style. Mr. Pan wished that Mr. Gu would summon him from the Tiantai Mountains, where he resided, to give him an opportunity to display the wonderful understanding of the dharma that he had acquired from Chuandeng. Mr. Pan expected that he could meet Mr. Gu sometime after the seventh day of the seventh month.278 In the second letter, Mr. Pan first mentions that he assumed that his earlier letter sent in spring had already reached Jiao Hong.279 Next he mentions that he and Tang Xianzu went on an excursion to Mount Huang 黃山 while he was sick. After that excursion, Mr. Pan accompanied Mr. Tang further on a trip to Hangzhou. They carried Li Tongxuan’s three treatises that Mr. Pan had finished carving at Wu Yongxian’s request, and stopped midway in Nanjing, where Mr. Wu lived. The purpose of the voyage to Nanjing was to inform Mr. Wu that the carving of the three treatises was completed. While journeying on the lake, he chanced upon Master Chuandeng who was heading to Nanjing to print the Southern Canon. Mr. Pan asks Mr. Jiao to sponsor the printing project to expedite its completion so that he could manage the book binding on his own.280 The letter then eulogizes Chuandeng, saying that he was a great teacher (Kalyāṇa-mittatā) 大善知識 and a dragonelephant like figure, whose Record of the Tiantai Mountains 天台山志281 in documenting the religious culture on the great mountains in China was the first book of its kind. Mr. Pan assures Mr. Jiao that he will agree once when seeing the book. Subsequent to this assurance Mr. Pan expresses his hope that Mr. Jiao could review Chuandeng’s book together with the Chan Master Wunian 無念禪師, whom Mr. Pan had never met and of whom Mr. Pan did not know if he was still over there in the scripture room. Despite this, he hoped that Mr. Jiao would pass the message on to Master Wunian because 278

Pan Zhiheng, “Wei Youxi qing zang yu Gu Sicheng shu,” 為幽溪請藏與顧司成書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: p. 37a. 279 Jiao Hong, sorbriquet Ruohou 弱侯 and epithet Danyuan 澹園, was a native of Nanjing. He was the Zhuangyuan 狀元 of the Jinshi degree examination in 1619. 280 This and previous letters seem to suggest that Pan was either a publisher himself or an expert of book-binding. 281 This is clearly an abbreviated referrence to Chuandeng’s Tiantai shan fangwai zhi.

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the latter had requested to be informed once Mr. Wu had finished carving the scriptures.282 Apparently similar in purpose, this and previous letters give an eloquent testimony to the wide-ranging support for Chuandeng and for all monastic construction efforts amidst the growing influence of epistolary culture. The above samples of letters are but a small fraction of epistolary writings revolved around Chuandeng. However they exemplify how patrons, i.e. both literati and officials, granted Chuandeng steadfast patronage, thus constituting a significant portion of epistolary culture that helped disseminate Chuandeng’s thoughts and helped fulfill Chuandeng’s religious goals, including the revivification of Tiantai teachings in both doctrine and meditation practice and the construction of the Gaoming Monastery. This epistolary culture confirms that Chuandeng’s lectures encompassed both the ritual aspects of Tiantai teachings and the doctrinal and contemplative aspects of Tiantai teachings. The former include rituals associated with the Lotus Samādhi Repentance (Fahua sanmei 法華三昧), with the Śūraṅgama Altar (Lengyan tanfa 楞嚴壇法), and with the matter of Great Compassion (Dabei chanfa 大悲懺法). The latter include lectures on not only the Lotus Sūtra and the Śūraṅgama Sūtra, but also on the Pure Land Sūtras along with Zhili’s treatise on the Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra or the Contemplation Sūtra (Foshuo Guan Wuliangshou jing miaozong chao 佛說觀無量壽佛經妙宗鈔), and the Great Calming and Contemplation (Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀), both of which focus on contemplation practice.283 The epistolary culture clearly reveals the nitty-gritty of what Chuandeng said about the challenging and onerous mission he undertook to complete. It points to Tiantai religious theory and practice that Chuandeng attempted to renew. It also underscores the inseparability of the Tiantai institutional infrastructure and religious revitalization, showing that the path toward the final completion of the Gaoming Monastery was all the more instrumental than we might have thought when we consider the fulfillment of “Tiantai Revival.” 282 Pan Zhiheng, “Wei Youxi qingzang yu Jiao taishi shu,” 為幽溪請藏與焦太史書, Youxi biezhi, juan 9: pp. 37ab. 283 Note that the Miaozong chao represents Zhili’s attempt to synthesize Tiantai’s “perfect and sudden jiaoguan” (yuandun jiaoguan 圓頓教觀) and Pure Land’s practice of reciting Buddha Amitābha’s name (nianfo xing 念佛行) to reach the goal of “expounding Tiantai doctrines and practicing Pure Land faith” (jiao yan Tiantai, xing gui jingtu 教演天台，行歸淨土). Chuandeng’s lecture on the Miaozong chao is indicative of the master’s equal emphasis on doctrine and practice. Similarly, Chuandeng’s lecture on the Great Calming and Contemplation (Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀) is also indicative of the master’s stress on practice, given that the Mohe zhiguan has little bearning on the Lotus Sūtra but is rather a work on meditative theory and practice (see: Neal Donner; Daniel Stevenson, The Great Calming and Contemplation: A Study and Annotated Translation of the First Chapter of Chih-i’s Mo-he chih-kuan [Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993], 5-7).

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VII. CONCLUDING REMARKS This article focuses on the material aspect of Chuandeng’s contribution to the renewal of Tiantai Buddhism. The focus is rooted in the author’s recognition of the importance of the spatial turn as a pertinent interpretative framework for delineating Chuandeng’s attempt to construct the Gaoming Monastery and to rebuild the Tiantai tradition. There is an undeniable reason to consider that the genesis of the construction lies in the landscape that existed in Chuandeng’s memory and imagination. The Tiantai master’s idiosyncratic reading of Buddhist historical texts spurred him to present a new interpretation of the crucial period in the biography of Zhiyi, the founder of the Tiantai Buddhism, allowing the obscure Youxi landscape to appear as a true sanctuary associated with Zhiyi. Based on the vague description of Mount Folong and its surrounding area in Buddhist historiography, Chuandeng boldly identified a spot near Mount Gaoming of the Tiantai Mountains as the place where Zhiyi started his preaching career on the mountain ridge. Once he toured Mount Folong and witnessed the beautiful site where the imaginary sanctuary laid waste, he immediately vowed to restore it from many centuries of torpor by creating a sacralized community of Tiantai Buddhism there. Based on this resolution, Chuandeng initiated the construction of the Gaoming Monastery, which required a massive amount of material, so that Chuandeng had to heavily rely on the purchase power of monetary funds. As the construction of the monastery was underway, a wide variety of material objects including timber, iron, bronze, pottery, earthware, tiller, and everything else needed for building a large monastery became indispensable. The various halls and cloisters, the mountain gates, the large Buddha statue, the statues and images of arhats, bodhisattvas, patriarchs, tutelary gods, the Śūraṅgama Altar, and other ecclesiastical structures, such as meditation halls, guest rooms, the Buddhist Canon library, and the kitchen, took many years of work to complete. Not at all beguiled by the numinosity of Mount Gaoming with its potential hierophanies and epiphanies,284 Chuandeng zealously completed the construction of the entire monastery while fulfilling his religious mission alongside his disciples and his patrons. To show the connection and inseparability of monastic construction and rebuilding of a religious tradition, I call attention to a very important activity that revolved around Chuandeng: the letter writing. This activity was nothing new in Chuandeng’s time, but it was stepped up at an exponential rate 284 The sacredness of mountains, which are also numinous entities, is discussed extensively in Mircea Eliade’s The Sacred and the Profane (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1959). Therein, he suggests that mountains reveal their nuninosity through hierophanies and epiphanies (see: The Sacred and the Profane, 12, 121, 128, 131).

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after more and more social and political elites gravitated to Chuandeng. Irrespective of their statuses and ranks as civilians, civil officials, or military officers, they generally participated in this activity with gusto or had no qualm about it. As they anointed Chuandeng as a member of their community or made themselves members of Chuandeng’s community, the large quantity of their accumulated letters led to the formation of an epistolary culture whose aim, among other things, was to remove all potential hurdles or threats that might undermine Chuandeng’s work, including his peripatetic lectures and fundraising. In other words, this particular epistolary culture not only substantiates the pressure that was put on Chuandeng, but also reflects Chuandeng’s managerial and interpersonal skills druing the time when he and his monastery were faced with vicissitudes of fortune. While it took nearly thirty years to finish the construction of the Gaoming Monastery, Chuandeng did make it one of the greatest and most celebrated monasteries in Ming times. When considering the history that dates back to the imaginary existence of the Gaoming Temple that, in Chuandeng’s belief, had been contructed by Zhiyi at the location of the later Gaoming Temple, we do see the impact of spatial turn connected to the landscape of Mount Gaoming. The allure of the landscape and its perceived historical significance inspired Chuandeng to launch a construction project on which even he had some misgivings. The arduous work and journey involved in the construction, nonetheless, led to not only institutional but also doctrinal renovation. Given that Chuandeng wrote many of his major treaties, commentaries, prefaces, and other works to expound his eclectic, synthesized Tiantai religion in the Bushun tang east of the Śūraṅgama Altar,285 it is safe to say that the construction of the Gaoming Monastery ipso facto gave impetus to the fulfillment of Chuandeng’s self-impossed mission. It not only established the spatial continuity of Tiantai monastic tradition but also reinforced the temporal continuity of the Tiantai patriarchal tradition, stretching both traditions all the way back to Zhiyi. The significant number of monastic poems, gāthas, rhyme-prose, and records (ji 記) that Chuandeng composed to celebrate the scenery of the monastery before and after its completion, attest in no small measure to the extent to which Chuandeng was enamored by the beauty of the landscape surrounding the Gaoming 285

At least five works were completed in the Bushun tang. They include the Da Foding Shoulengyan jing yuantong shu 大佛頂首楞嚴經圓通疏 (1619), the Xing shan’e lun 性善 惡論 (1621), the Yongjia chanzongji zhu 永嘉禪宗集註 (1622), the Weimo suoshuo jing wuwo shu 維摩所說經無我疏 (1625), the Tiantai chuanfo xinyin jizhu 天台傳佛心印記註 (1627). He also wrote a foreword (1628) for the Huafa jing kezhu 法華經科註, which is an exegesis of the Lotus Sūtra written by Yi’an Yi’ru 一庵一如 of the Shang Tianzhu Sūtra-Preaching Monastery 上天竺講寺 in the early Ming.

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Monastery. The dyed-in-the-wool fancier and architect of Zhiyi’s residence at the Gaoming’s old temple site, Chuandeng spared no effort to give credence to the fictitious old Gaoming temple as Zhiyi’s patriarchate, even though it could not be borne out by any historical accounts. His deep attraction to and appreciation of the picturesque mountain and brook near Youxi set in motion the construction of the Gaoming Monastery, which in turn ushered in a long period of peripatetic lectures aimed at fundraising and championing Tiantai jiaoguan. Although a detailed analysis of the above-mentioned monastic poems and prose need to await a further article, suffice it to say that Chuandeng’s resourcefulness and unwavering fealty to the Tiantai tradition made the contruction of the Gaoming Monastery a pivotal undertaking. Had Chuandeng not followed through on his pledge to construct the Gaoming Monastery, the revival of Tiantai Buddhism would most likely have been inconceivable. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbreviations T XZJ

Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經 Xuzangjing 續藏經

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16-18, 1976, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, http://online.sfsu.edu/rone/Buddhism/ authenticity.htm (accessed 7/9/2016). Gault, Sebastian. Der Verschleierte Geist: Zen-Betrachtungen des Chinesischen Mönchs-Philosophen Zibo Zhenke (Bern: Peter Lang, 2003). Gernet, Jacques. Buddhism in Chinese Society: An Economic History from the Fifth to the Tenth Centuries (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995). Gregory, Peter, ed. Traditions of Meditation in Chinese Buddhism (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1986). Gombrich, Richard. Thervada Buddhism: A Social History from Ancient Banares to Modern Colombo (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1988). Goodrich, Carrington, ed. Dictionary of Ming Biography, 1366-1644 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976). Gong, Hualong 龔化龍. “Mingdai caikuang shiye de fada he liuchuan” 明代採礦 事業的發達和流傳, in: Mingdai jingji 明代經濟 (Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1968). Guldi, Jo. “The Spatial Turn in History,” http://spatial.scholarslab.org/spatial-turn/ the-spatial-turn-in-history/index.html (accessed 7/9/2016). Guldi, Jo. “What is the Spatial Turn?” http://spatial.scholarslab.org/spatial-turn/ what-is-the-spatial-turn/ (accessed 7/9/2016). Heng, Sure 恆實 (i.e. Christopher R. Clowery). The Śūraṅgama Sūtra: A New Translation – with Excerpts from the Commentary by the Venerable Master Hsüan Hua (San Francisco: Buddhist Text Translation Society, 2009). Ho, Puay-peng. “The Ideal Monastery: Daoxuan’s Description of the Central Indian Jetavana Vihara,” East Asian History 10 (1995): 1-18. Hsu, Sung-pen. A Buddhist Leader in Ming China: The Life and Thought of Hanshan Te-ch’ing, 1546–1623 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1979). Huang, Chi-chiang 黃啟江. “Elite and Clergy in Northern Sung Hang-chou: A Convergence of Interest,” in: Buddhism in the Sung, ed. Peter N. Gregory (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999): 295-339. Huang, Chi-chiang. Yiwei chan yu jianghu shi 一味禪與江湖詩 (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshu guan, 2010). Huang, Chi-chiang. Nan-Song liu wenxueseng jinnian lu 南宋六文學僧紀年錄 (Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 2014). Huang, Chi-chiang. “The Lay Buddhist and the Appropriation of Pure Land Scriptures – the Case of Wang Rixiu,” unpublished paper presented at the 54th Annual Meeting of the Association of Asian Studies, Washington D.C., April 4-7, 2002. Huang, Chi-chiang. “Ŭich’ŏn’s Pilgrimage and the Rising Prominence of the Korean Monastery in Hang-chou during the Sung and Yüan Periods,” in: Currents and Countercurrents: Korea’s Influences on the East Asian Buddhist Traditions, ed. Robert E. Buswell (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2005): 242-276. Huang, Chi-chiang. Bei Song Huanglong huinan chanshi sanyao 北宋黃龍慧南禪 師三鑰：宗傳、書尺與年譜 (Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 2015). Huang, Ray. 1587 – A Year of No Significance: The Ming Dynasty in Decline (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1981). Huang, Ray. Taxation and Governmental Finance in Sixteenth-Century Ming China (London: Cambridge University Press, 1974).

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Huang, Ray. “The Lung-ch’ing and Wan-li reigns,” in: The Cambridge History of China, vol. 7: The Ming Dynasty, 1368-1644, Part 1, ed. Frederick W. Mote (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998): 511-584. Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985). Hucker, Charles O. “Ming Government,” in: The Cambridge History of China, vol. 8: The Ming Dynasty, 1368-1644 (part 2), ed. Denis Twitchett and Frederick W. Mote (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998): 9-105. Huiyue 慧岳. Tiantai jiaoxue shi 天台教學史 (Taipei: Mile chuban she, 1983). Hurvitz, Leon. Chi-i (538-597): An Introduction to the Life and Ideas of a Chinese Buddhist Monk (Brussels: Institut belge des hautes études chinoises, 1962). Jülch, Thomas. Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Shangqing-Daoismus in den Tiantai-Bergen (Munich: Utz, 2011). Komazawa Daigaku nai Zengaku Daijiten Hensanjo hen 駒澤大學內禪學大辭典編 纂所編, ed. Zengaku daijiten 禪學大辭典 (Tōkyō: Taishūkan Shoten, Shōwa 60, 1985). Komjathy, Louis. Daoism: A Guide for the Perplexed (London, New Delhi, New York, Sydney: Bloosbury, 2014). Kubo, Tsugunari; Yuyama, Akira. The Lotus Sutra, second revised edition (Berkeley, CA: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2007). Kümin, Beat; Usborne, Cornelie. “At Home and in the Workplace: Domestic and Occupational Space in Western Europe from the Middle Ages,” History and Theory 52, no. 3 (2013): 305-318. Lin, Yiluan 林一鑾. Ming Youxi Chuandeng (1554-1628) dashi zhi yanjiu 明幽溪 傳燈 (1554-1628) 大師之研究 (unpublished MA dissertation, Huafan University, Taipei, 2004). Ma, Yungfen. “The Revival of Tiantai Buddhism in the Late Ming: On the Thought of Youxi Chuandeng 幽溪傳燈 (1554-1628)” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, New York, 2011). Mather, Richard. “The Mythical Ascent of the T’ient’ai Mountains: Sun Ch’o’s Yu T’ien-t’ai-shan Fu 遊天台山賦,” Monumenta Serica 20 (1961): 226-245. McGuire, Beverley Foulks. Living Karma: the Religious Practices of Ouyi Zhixu (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014). Prip-Moller, Johannes. Chinese Buddhist Monasteries: Their Plan and Its Function as a Setting for Buddist Monastic Life (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1982). Richter, Antje. Letters and Epistolary Culture in Early Medieval China (University of Washington Press, 2013). Richter, Antje, ed. A History of Chinese Letters and Epistolary Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2015). Schmidt-Glintzer, Helwig. “Eine Ehrenrettung für den Süden: Pao-chih (418/25514) und Fu Hsi (497-569) – Zwei Heilige aus dem Unteren Yangtse-Tal,” in: Religion und Philosophie in Ostasien: Festschrift für Hans Steininger zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Gert Naundorf (Würzburg: Königshausen und Neumann, 1985): 247-265. Shengyan fashi 聖嚴法師. Mingmo Zhongguo fojiao zhi yanjiu 明末中國佛教之 研究 (Taipei: Fagu wenhua shiye gufen youxian gongsi, 2009).

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DAOISM ON CHINESE MOUNTAINS

THE TRANSCENDENT OF POETRY’S QUEST FOR TRANSCENDENCE: LI BAI ON MOUNT TIANTAI* Timothy WAI KEUNG CHAN Perhaps no other Tang poets are more closely associated with Mount Tiantai 天台山 than Li Bai 李白 (701–62).1 This sacred mountain, however, was not the only source for his philosophy on transcendence, rather, his personal literary attainment was the main inspiration for his poetic discourse on wonderland fantasy.2 Penglai 蓬萊 is one such wonderland seen in his works on Mount Tiantai. It is not only filled with rich mythical literature, but also strings together the poet’s official career experience, thoughts and feelings, and constitutes a unique landscape in his poetry. Throughout Li Bai’s life, the wonderland of Penglai and image of the great peng 鵬 bird were his main metaphors for his quest for transcendence.3 The subject of the present essay is two poems on Mount Tiantai attributed to Li Bai, in which these two images play an important role, as they not only represent Li’s idiosyncrasy but also yield crucial hints to the chronology and authenticity of relevant works. The investigation shall help us to more clearly understand the relevant backgrounds and poetic feelings of Li Bai when he was summoned by an imperial edict to enter the Tang capital Chang’an 長安 in Tianbao 天寶 1 (742). The pursuit of transcendence became a metaphorical means by which he expressed two apparently opposite ideas, namely taking * The research work resulting in this essay has been funded by General Research Fund, Research Grants Council, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (project numbers: 241113 and 12603318) and Hong Kong Baptist University’s Faculty Research Grant (Category II) (project number: FRG2/11-12/079). 1 Mount Tiantai is located in modern Tiantai district, Taizhou 台州, Zhejiang province. 2 Ōno Jitsunosuke 大野實之助 provides a detailed analysis of the sources of Daoist allusions in Li Bai’s poetry (see: Ōno Jitsunosuke, Ri Taihaku kenkyū 李太白研究 [Tōkyō: Waseda daigaku shuppanbu, 1959], 457–59). Paul W. Kroll has an insightful analysis on the myths and Daoist language in Li Bai’s poetry, and focuses on Daoist scriptures reflected in Li Bai’s poems (see: Paul W. Kroll, “Li Po’s Transcendent Diction,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 106, no. 1 [1986], 99–107). 3 Although King Wei of Qi 齊威王 (ca. 378–320 BC) is an early one to seek transcendence in Penglai, there is no written record to relate this adventure than Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 (ca. 145–ca. 86 BC) in his Shiji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), 6.247. Other relevant texts of this record are quoted and discussed below. The peng bird first appears in the Zhuangzi as a mythological creature that transforms from a gigantic fish named kun 鯤 (see: Zhuangzi yinde 莊子引得 [Harvard-Yenching Sinological Index supplement, number 20; rpt., Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988], 1.1–3, 14–15).

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office in response to an imperial summons and leaving office for his transcendence-seeking fantasy. This ambivalence becomes an important clue to our exploration of Li’s compromise between his religious belief and political career. ONE POEM OR TWO? The main object of the present study is Li Bai’s two poems on Mount Tiantai. There are, however, a few cruxes surrounding the text; it is necessary to first get through them before any further discussion. Only the first of these two poems is found in the received collected works of Li Bai. Probably because it was viewed as a forgery, the second poem was rarely paid any attention and has been excluded from all versions of Li’s collected works compiled in pre-modern and modern times. These two poems appear as one entity in a fourteenth-century document, the Tiantaishan zhi 天台山志 (Gazetteer of Mount Tiantai),4 under the title of “Li Bai ti Tongboguan shi” 李白題桐柏 觀詩 (“An Inscription at Tongbo Abbey by Li Bai”).5 A reproduction of the relevant folio taken from the Zhengtong Daozang 正統道藏 is as follows:

Plate 1: A folio from Tiantaishan zhi containing “Li Bai ti Tongboguan shi” 4 Anonymous, Tiantaishan zhi (HY 603; hereafter TTSZ), 19.15b–16a. The compilation of this book is generally dated around the late Yuan dynasty, precisely in 1367–68. Respectively see: Ren Jiyu 任繼愈 et al., eds. Daozang tiyao 道藏提要 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2005), 262; Kristofer Marinus Schipper and Franciscus Verellen, eds. The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2004), 913. 5 Tongboguan was first built during the reign of Emperor Ruizong 睿宗 of the Tang (r. 684–90; 710–12). Sima Chengzhen 司馬承禎 (647–735) was there in 711 (see: Xu Lingfu 徐靈府 [Tang], Tiantaishan ji 天台山記, Congshu jicheng chubian 叢書集成初編 [Beijing: zhonghua shuju, 1985], vol. 2998, 11, in which, however, the reign-period Jingyun 景雲 is mistakenly written as Jinglong 景龍).

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We have strong justification, in addition to the hints revealed in received editions of Li Bai’s collected works, to identify two poems by looking into the prosodic rules and meters, as well as the two poems’ different perspectives and themes (details below). The first poem is “A Morning Gaze at Mount Tiantai” (“Tiantai xiaowang” 天台曉望): 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

天台鄰四明 華頂高百越 門標赤城霞 樓棲滄島月 憑高遠登覽 直下見溟渤 雲垂大鵬翻 波動巨鰲沒 風濤常洶湧 神怪何翕忽 觀奇跡無倪 好道心不歇 攀條摘朱實 服藥鍊金骨 安得生羽毛 千春臥蓬闕

The Celestial Terrace neighbors the Four Brightnesses.6 The Efflorescent Summit stands high in the Hundred Yue.7 Its gate is marked by the aurora of Mount Crimson City-walls;8 Behind the building rests the moon on Greenish Islands. I take this high position to ascend and sightsee from afar; Then I look straight down to see the Ming and Bo Seas. As the clouds sag the great peng bird hovers; As waves welter the gigantic tortoises submerge. Wind and billows relentlessly bluster and clamor, The divine and uncanny, how rapidly changing. Observing the marvels from unfathomable tracks, I am so fond of the Dao that my zeal will never cease. I grab the branches to pick the vermilion fruit, And consume elixir to refine my gold-like bones. Would that feathered pinions grew on my body, For a thousand spring seasons lying on the pylons of Penglai.

The second poem is entitled “The Carnelian Terrace” 瓊臺: 1. 龍棲鳳閣留不住 The Dragon resides at the Phoenix Loft, but cannot keep me. 2. 飛騰直欲天台去 I wish to fly and leap straight to Mount Tiantai. 3. 碧玉連環八面山 There, mountains are linked cyan jade discs in eight directions. 6

Four Brightnesses is also the name of a mountain. The Efflorescent Summit is the eighth highest point in the Tiantai area, measuring 10,000 zhang, and the sea can be seen to the east (see: Zhu Mu’s 祝穆 [Song], ed., Songben Fangyu shenglan 宋本方輿勝覽 [Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991], 8.5b; Zhang Lianyuan 張聯元 [jinshi 進士 1691], ed., Tiantaishan quanzhi 天台山全志, Xuxiu Siku quanshu 續修四庫全書 [Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995], vol. 723: 3.1a). 8 This refers to the Scarlet Wall at the peak of Mount Tiantai. Sun Chuo 孫綽 (320–77), “You Tiantaishan fu” 遊天台山賦 (“Fu on Roaming to Mount Tiantai”): “Scarlet Wall, rising like rosy clouds, stands as a guidepost; / The Cascade, spraying and flowing, delimits the way” 赤城霞起而建標，瀑布飛流以界道 (see: Xiao Tong 蕭統 [501–31], comp., Hu Kejia 胡克家 [1756–1816], ed., Li Shan 李善 [d. 689], comm., Wenxuan 文選 [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979, hereafter, WX], 11.5b–6a; David R. Knechtges, Wen xuan or Selections of Refined Literature, Volume Two: Rhapsodies on Sacrifices, Hunting, Travel, Sightseeing, Palaces and Halls, Rivers and Seas [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987], 247). 7

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4. 山中亦有人行處 In these mountains there are indeed places for people’s wayfaring. 5. 青衣約我遊瓊臺 Fairies in blue attire would date me to roam the Carnelian Terrace. 6. 琪木花芳九葉開 Nandin trees bear fragrant blossoms on open nine-fold leaves. 7. 天風飄香不點地 Celestial breezes disperse fragrance, not touching the ground – 8. 千片萬片絕塵埃 Thousands of their petals, transcending dust and grime. 9. 我來正當重九後 I shall be there right after the Double Ninth festival. 10. 笑把烟霞俱抖擻 In laughter, I will shake off both the mist and aurora. 11. 明朝拂袖出紫微 Tomorrow morning let me flick my sleeves and leave Purple Tenuity. 12. 壁上龍蛇空自走 Then the dragons and snakes on the wall will vainly rove on their own. The dubious attribution of the second poem forms an obstacle in Li Bai scholarship. We start our probe from a survey of the textual history of the two poems as the first step of our task for determining their authenticity. The table below contains data of the two poems listed in a chronological sequence. Table 1: Textual Overview of the Two Poems Time

Source

“Tiantai xiaowang”

“Qiongtai”

1. Tang (746)

Ren Hua’s 任華 poem

No title. The 7th and 8th lines Not found are cited (with variants): 雲垂 大鵬飛，山厭巨鰲背9

2. Song (1028)

Tiantai ji 天台集

“Ti Tongboguan” 題桐柏觀, Not found with a note: “entitled ‘Tiantai xiaowang’ 天台曉望 in [Li Bai’s] collected works10

3. Song (1080)

Li Taibai wenji 李 “Tiantai xiaowang”11 太白文集

Not found

9 Wang Zhongyong 王仲鏞, Tangshi jishi jiaojian 唐詩紀事校箋 (Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1989), 22.559. 10 Li Geng 李庚 (jinshi 1145), Lin Shidian 林師蒧 (Song), Lin Biaomin 林表民 (Southern Song), Tiantai qianji 天台前集 (hereafter TTQJ), Wenyuange Siku quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書 (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu, 1983–85; hereafter, SKQS), vol. 1356: 1.15a. 11 Li Bai, Li Taibai wenji (Song edn.; rpt., Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1967), 19.1b– 2a.

THE TRANSCENDENT OF POETRY’S QUEST FOR TRANSCENDENCE

Time

Source

“Tiantai xiaowang”

207

“Qiongtai”

4. Song (ca. 1230)

Yudi jisheng 輿地 紀勝

“Ti Tongboguan”12

5. Yuan (ca. 1367)

Tiantaishan zhi

“Li Bai ti Tongboguan shi,” “Li Bai ti (1st half) Tongboguan shi,” (2nd half)

6. Ming (early 15th cent.)

Tiantai shengji lu 天台勝蹟錄

“Tongboguan” 桐柏觀13

7. Ming (1603)

Tiantaishan fangwai “Tongboguan”15 zhi 天台山方外志

8. Ming (1635)

Tangyin tongqian 唐音統籤

9. Ming (late 17th cent.)

Tiantaishan quanzhi “Tiantai xiaowang”17 天台山全志

“Qiongtai”

10. Qing and Quan Tangshi 全唐 “Tiantai xiaowang”18 modern times 詩 and supplements (after 1706)

Not found19

“Tiantai xiaowang”16

Not found

Quoting content of “Qiongtai” (with variants), no title.14 Not found Not found

The second poem’s separation into a second work is seen in numbers 6 and 9 of the Ming-dynasty gazetteers in the above table. The motivation for the division was probably because the first poem was printed alone in the Song edition of Li’s collected works as “Tiantai xiaowang.” Evidently, the poem “Qiongtai” was inserted after “Tiantai xiaowang” by a later hand. As the authorship of “Qiongtai” remains in doubt, successive anthologies and even 12 Wang Xiangzhi 王象之 (1163–1230), ed., Yudi jisheng (N.p.: 1849; rpt., Yangzhou: Jiangsu Guangling guji keyinshe, 1991), 12.29a. 13 Pan Jian 潘瑊 (Ming), ed., Tiantai shengji lu (issued in one volume with Tiantaishan ji; Hangzhou: Zhejiang daxue chubanshe, 2010), 3.146. 14 Pan Jian, Tiantai shengji lu, 3.171. 15 Shi Chuandeng 釋傳燈 (ca. 1603), ed., Tiantaishan fangwai zhi, Zhongguo fosizhi congkan 中國佛寺志叢刊 (Yangzhou: Guangling shushe, 1996), vol. 81: 28.11a. 16 Hu Zhenheng 胡震亨 (1569–ca. 1645), ed., Tangyin tongqian (rpt., Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2003), 159.1a/b. The publication year of this book is as per the words of Hu Zhenheng’s son Hu Xiake 夏客 (“chuban shuoming” 出版說明, 1). 17 Zhang Lianyuan, Tiantaishan quanzhi, 15.3a–4a; 16.22a. 18 Peng Dingqiu 彭定求 (1645–1719) et al., comps., Quan Tangshi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960; hereafter, QTS), 186.1834. 19 Yu Xianhao 郁賢皓 includes information on this poem in an addendum to his new edition of Li Bai’s collected works, Li Taibai quanji jiaozhu 李太白全集校注 (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2015; hereafter LTBQJ), 30.4205.

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the Quan Tangshi and its supplements not only refused to place it immediately after “Tiantai xiaowang” but excluded it altogether.20 An examination of the textual history of relevant documents will help us grasp the circumstances surrounding the publication of the poem in Tiantaishan zhi. Li Jian 李兼 (Song) said in his preface to the Tiantai ji:21 Tiantai Prefecture was named after the mountains. It has been a thousand years since Sun Chuo’s “Fu [on Roaming Mount Tiantai]” 遊天台山賦 was in circulation [in the Eastern Jin] on the southern bank of the River. I have not heard anyone who would anthologize the long, sounding and short, subtle compositions. It has been a year since I first arrived here. I have been thinking about compiling such a collection but have been too busy for it. On an occasion when I invited scholars to discuss the compilation of maps and documents, I told them that this matter [of compiling literary works] was of particular urgency. One day a local scholar, Li Qi of my kin, presented to me as a gift four cases of writings compiled by his late father, who was a former Censor. Soon after this, Lin Shidian, Instructor of the Prefecture, showed me some three hundred Tang-Song poems. Thereupon, I collected the works of previous ages by deleting duplications, supplementing the lost, and including what was previously not collected. It came into three rhapsodies and about two hundred shi and gexing poems. [I had them] engraved and published [as an anthology]. 天台以山名州。自孫興公賦行江左，迨今千禩，大篇舂容，短章寂寥，未聞 省錄之者。予來經年，思㑹稡為一編書，顧無其暇。方延諸儒議修 圖諜，謂兹尤所先急。一日，州士李棨昆仲出其先公御史所裒文集 四帙，以為貺己；而州學諭林師蒧又示唐宋詩三百餘篇。於是摭取前代 之作，刪重補佚，而増其未備，為賦三，詩、歌行合二百，梓而刻之。22

According to this, the works preserved and those in circulation Li Jian collected were related to Mount Tiantai.23 But in this collection we only find 20 The Quan Tangshi editor is evidently referring to Tiantai shengji lu (Table 2, #5). This can be seen from a note at the end of Li Shen’s 李紳 (772–846) poem “Hua ding” 華頂: “See Tiantai shengji lu.” See Aixinjueluo Xuanye 愛新覺羅玄燁 (posth., Emperor Shengzu 聖祖 of the Qing, r. 1661–1722), ed., Yuding Quan Tangshi 御定全唐詩 (SKQS, vol. 1427), 423.3a. 21 Xin Deyong 辛德勇 clarifies the ambiguous attribution to the editor of the Tiantaiji made by the editors of the Siku quanshu zongmu 四庫全書總目, ed. Yong Rong 永瑢 (1744–90), et al. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 187.1699c, by arguing that Li Jian was the main editor of Tiantai ji and that Lin Shidian and his son Lin Biaomin respectively supplemented and completed the collation and updates (see: Xin Deyong, “Ti Tianyige jiucang Mingkeben Tiantai ji” 題天一閣舊藏明刻本《天台集》, Yanjing xuebao 燕京學報 n.s. 29 [2010], 226–36). 22 TTQJ, “xu” 序, 1a/b. 23 On the compilation of the Tiantai ji and its collected works, see: Fang Shan 方山, “Tiantai ji: Tiantaishan xiancun diyibu shige zongji”《天台集》 ——天台山現存第一部詩 歌總集, Dongnan wenhua 東南文化 (1990.6), 137–38; Xin Deyong, “Ti Tianyige jiucang Mingkeben Tiantai ji,” 221–25; Zhu Shangshu 祝尚書, Songren zongji xulu 宋人總集敘錄 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2004), 4.158.

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the first half of “An Inscription on Tongboguan by Li Bai” recorded in Tiantaishan ji (Table 1, #2), and the second half is missing.24 In Tiantai ji there is a small note under Li Bai’s poem titles: “The title has a variant of ‘Tiantai xiaowang’ in [Li Bai’s] collected works” 集作《天台曉望》. This note tells us that when this poem was inscribed at Mount Tiantai, its title was “Ti Tongboguan.” This title appeared before Li Jian finished compiling the Tiantai ji. As the title “Qiongtai” is not seen in the Tiantai ji or any Songdynasty document, Li Bai’s authorship of “Qiongtai” finds no supporting evidence. In addition, the Yuan-dynasty version of Li’s poem title also provides important clues as to the authenticity of the works. The title “Ti Tongboguan” in Tiantai ji and Tiantaishan zhi could not have been this poem’s original title, but should be understood as “Poem(s) by Li Bai inscribed at Tongbo.”25 This understanding is strongly bolstered by the rubric of titling poems in the Tiantaishan zhi: Table 2: Variant titles of poems inscribed in Tongboguan Poem title in Tiantaishan zhi

Titles of the same poem(s) in other sources

1. “Tang Liu Mi shi” 唐柳泌詩 (a poem “Ti Qiongtai shi” (Inscribed on the by Liu Mi of the Tang) Carnelian Terrace); “Qiongtai” (The Carnelian Terrace)26 2. “Li Bai ti Tongboguan shi” 李白題 桐柏觀詩 (poems inscribed at Tongbo Abbey by Li Bai)

1st half of the poem is “Tiantai xiaowang” (A morning gaze at Mount Tiantai); 2nd half is “Qiongtai” (The Carnelian Terrace)

3. “Luo Yin shi” 羅隱詩 (a poem by Luo Yin)

“Song Cheng zunshi dongyou you ji” 送程尊師東遊有寄 (Sending off Venerable Master Cheng on his eastward journey)27

24 Other Li Bai poems anthologized in the Tiantai ji include “Zeng Seng Yagong” 贈僧 崖公, “Jinling song Zhang Shiyi zaiyou dong Wu” 金陵送張十一再遊東吳, and “Jiangshang da Cui Xuancheng” 江上答崔宣城. See TTQJ, “biebian” 別編, 5b–6b. 25 Mount Tongbo and Mount Tiantai are two different mountains adjacent to each other (see: Xu Lingfu, Tiantaishan ji, 2; Yu Changlin 喻長霖, et al., eds. Taizhoufu zhi 台州府志, Zhongguo fangzhi congshu: Huazhong difang 中國方志叢書：華中地方, vol. 74 [Taipei: Chengwen chuban gongsi, 1970], map; Tan Qixiang 譚其驤, ed., Zhongguo lishi ditu ji 中國 歷史地圖集, vol. 5: The Sui Dynasty Period, The Tang Dynasty Period, The Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period [Shanghai: Ditu chubanshe, 1982], 21–22, 4:5). 26 See respectively TTQJ, 2.6b–7a; QTS, 505.5745. 27 TTQJ, 3.7b–8a; QTS, 663.7599.

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Poem title in Tiantaishan zhi

Titles of the same poem(s) in other sources

4. “Lü Dongbin shi” 呂洞賓詩 (a poem “Ti Fushengguan” 題福勝觀 (A poem by Lü Dongbin) inscribed at Fusheng Abbey);28 “Jixuguan liu ti” 集虛觀留題 (A poem inscribed at Jixu Abbey)29 5. “Bai Yuchan ti” 白玉蟾題 (two poems “Ti Tongboguan” (Inscribed at Tongbo inscribed by Bai Yuchan) Abbey)30 6. “You liubie Tongbo shi” 又留別桐 “Tongboguan liubie” 桐柏觀留別 柏詩 (a poem written at Tongbo (Poem written at Tongbo Abbey before Abbey before departing, by the same departing)31 poet)

The first item, the poem by Liu Mi (d. 820), is particularly revealing. According to what Chen Si 陳思 (ca. 1225–64) says in his Baoke congbian 寶刻叢編, when he found and transcribed Liu’s poem, no other Tang works were extant at this site: A poem inscribed at Qiongtai by Liu Mi of the Tang: Liu Mi, Governor of senior transcendents. No year and month. Standard calligraphic style inscribed on the cliff. [Source:] Tiantai Fuzhai bei lu (Fu Studio’s Catalogue of Stele Inscriptions at Mount Tiantai). 唐柳泌題瓊臺詩：總仙刺史柳泌，無年月，正書，磨崖。天台復齋 碑錄。32

When Liu’s poem was carved on the cliff, it apparently bore no title. “Ti Qiongtai shi” and “Qiongtai” must have been so titled retrospectively after the poems were inscribed at Qiongtai. Furthermore, the place name “Qiongtai” appears in the poem itself: 28 Li Geng, Lin Shidian, Lin Biaomin, Tiantai xuji 天台續集 (SKQS, vol. 1356), “biebian,” 2.30b–31a. 29 Chen Shangjun 陳尚君, ed., Quan Tangshi bubian 全唐詩補編 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992), vol. 3, 551. 30 Li E 厲鶚 (1692–1752), ed., Song shi jishi 宋詩紀事 (SKQS, vol. 1485), 90.36b (“Tiantai”); Fu Xuancong 傅璇琮, et al., eds., Quan Songshi 全宋詩 (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1998), vol. 60: 3141.37678 (“Tiantai”); 3141.37679 (#2). 31 Fu Xuancong, et al., Quan Songshi, vol. 60: 3141.37679. 32 Chen Si, Baoke congbian (SKQS, vol. 682), 13.27a. The editor of Fuzhai beilu should be Wang Houzhi 王厚之 (1131–1204). This Tang Dynasty stone inscription on the cliff still existed in the Republic of China. See Yu Changlin, Taizhoufu zhi, 85.10a. Liu Mi was appointed Governor of Taizhou, where Mount Tiantai was located, in 818. See Liu Xu 劉昫 (887–946), Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987; hereafter, JTS), 15.465. There was no place named zongxian 總仙; the phrase is a title of “Chief Transcendent-official.” Liu was a famous Daoist scholar of the time, who refined elixirs for Emperor Xianzong 憲宗 (r. 805–20) in Taizhou and was said to be responsible for the emperor’s death from poisoning. JTS, 15.471, 16.476.

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崖壁盤空天路回 白雲行盡見瓊臺 洞門黯黯陰雲閉 金闕曈曈日殿開

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The precipitous flatiron is hung in the void; the celestial roads revolve. As I walk through the white clouds, the Carnelian Terrace appears. The grotto gate is dark and dismal, shrouded by murky clouds. The gold basilica glistens and glows: it is the Solar Hall opening.33

“Qiongtai” emerged as a place name five centuries earlier, in Sun Chuo’s “You Tiantaishan fu,” and thereafter became one of the attractions at Mount Tiantai. Although Liu Mi’s work at the inscription site was untitled, later generations named it “Qiongtai” because of its location. The method of titling in the case of Liu’s poem applies to other works inscribed at Tongboguan. The sources of poems on Mount Tiantai collected by Li Jian and Li Geng were mainly manuscripts.34 When these works were first anthologized, they underwent some literary “interference”;35 and further “interference” occurred when they were collected in the Tiantaishan zhi. Similar “interference” must likewise have happened to Li Bai’s works: the editor of Tiantaishan zhi might have given them a new title when they were inscribed at Tongboguan. It is conceivable that this treatment gave rise to the rubric titles of other poems inscribed at the site, and therefore a paradigm may be established, as listed in Table 2. THE MYTHICAL MOUNTAINS IN LI BAI’S TRANSCENDENT FANTASIES The implied metaphor of Mount Tiantai in the two poems “Tiantai xiaowang” and “Qiongtai” is the poet’s entering service and retreat. Despite the different views on its composition time, I follow Zhan Ying 詹鍈 and date “Tiantai xiaowang” to Tianbao 1 before the poet was summoned to imperial service in the capital.36 It shares similarities with Li’s six poems on Mount Tai written earlier in the same year. These works are full of the poet’s fantasy for 33

QTS, 505.5745. The Siku quanshu officials therefore praised Tiantai ji editors for preserving some poems on the verge of being lost. See TTQJ, “tiyao” 提要, 1a–3a. 35 This process involves the “final intentions” of historical linguistics, that is, how the editors intend to proceed from the state of the manuscript to the state of publication. This process is usually subject to a variety of factors, and the edited text differs from the author’s intent (see: Jerome J. McGann, A Critique of Modern Textual Criticism [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983], 55–80). 36 Zhan Ying, Li Bai Quanji jiaozhu huishi jiping 李白全集校注彙釋集評 (Tianjin: Baihua wenyi chubanshe, 1996; hereafter LBQJJ), 19.2953. An Qi 安旗 dates it to Tianbao 6 (747); Yu Xianhao, Kaiyuan 開元 14 (726). See respectively An Qi, Li Bai quanji biannian zhushi 34

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transcendence. Paul W. Kroll observes the fantastic elements such as the Milky Way and the purple haze as mythical figures of the waterfall of Mount Lu, and argues: “once the poet hit on these images, they became symbols for him.”37 Kroll’s discussion of Mount Lu well attests the case of Mount Tiantai. He continues: It is plain enough that Lu Shan, at this time, is a memory for Li Po, and that the words he had earlier used in celebrating it remained with him, to be summoned forth again – some phrases verbatim – in this prose evocation. The very consistency with which he reverts to the same images is testimony to their symbolic status. … Hence the worst offense in question here is probably verbal narcissism, a crime eminently chargeable against every poet…. Li Po’s experience and consciousness of Mount Lu was permanently fixed for him by certain of the lexical decisions he made in his first attempts to frame the place in words.38

However, most of the images commonly used by Li Bai are not taken straight from Daoist scriptures, but predominantly from the tradition of “roaming in transcendence” 遊仙 literature. When the poet came to Mount Tiantai, although his eye could see the scenery, his mind’s eye already long held “a lexical mountain.” The lexical sources came not only from the literary tradition but more importantly a figure of his high esteem, Sima Chengzhen. We shall come back to this issue later. Although the poem “Qiongtai” contains descriptions of scenery particular to Mount Tiantai, in his works written on the east coast, imagery is based on three mythological mountains in the sea: Penglai, Fanzhang 方丈 and Yingzhou 瀛洲. The most famous of these poems is “My dream journey to Mount Tianmu, a valedictory song” (“Mengyou Tianmu yin liubie” 夢遊 天姥吟留別), which was the poet’s parting gift when leaving his friends in eastern Lu 魯.39 This poem begins with a transcendent journey as the poet is “flying over the moon on Mirror Lake,” which “sends me to Shan Brooks 剡溪 (his destination in Zhejiang),” but the middle of the poem reads: 李白全集編年注釋 (Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1990; hereafter, LBQJB), 832–34; LTBQJ, 18.2568. 37 Paul W. Kroll, “Lexical Landscape and Textual Mountains in the High T’ang,” T’oung Pao 84, no. 1–3 (1998), 79–80. 38 Ibid., 82. 39 The poem is titled “Mengyou Tianmushan, bie dong Lu zhugong” 夢遊天姥山別東 魯諸公 in Yin Fan 殷璠 (mid-8th century), comp., Heyue yingling ji 河岳英靈集. See Mao Jin 毛晉 (1599–1659), ed., Tangren xuan Tangshi 唐人選唐詩 (N.P.: preface 1628; rpt. Taipei: Datong shuju, 1973), vol. 3, 9a. The variant title “Bie dong Lu zhugong” is found in two Song editions of Li’s collected works (see: Zhu Jincheng 朱金城, Qu Tuiyuan 瞿蛻園, eds., Li Bai ji jiaozhu 李白集校注 [Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1982; hereafter, LBJJZ], 15.899, note).

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列缺霹靂 丘巒崩摧 洞天石扇 訇然中開 青冥浩蕩不見底

Thunder and lightning – Hills and mountains are shattered. The stone doors of the grotto-heaven Open with a crash. The dark blue sky, so vast and mighty that one cannot see its end. 日月照耀金銀台 The sun and moon shine brilliantly on gold and silver terraces.40

The poet ascends the mountain, where he witnesses the emergence of a “wonderland” of the gold and silver terrace in this grotto-heaven. According to Daoist gazetteers, Mount Tianmu, located in the same region as Mount Tiantai, is the fifteenth grotto-heaven and blessed land 洞天福地.41 The place name of “gold and silver terrace” is not in records of the poet’s travel, but comes from literary knowledge and poetic tradition.42 It was seen relatively early in the sixth of Guo Pu’s 郭璞 (276–324) “Roaming in Transcendence” (“Youxian shi” 遊仙詩): 雜縣寓魯門 風暖將為災 吞舟涌海底 高浪駕蓬萊 神仙排雲出 但見金銀臺43

When the Zaxian bird lodges at the gate of Lu State, Winds turn warm and are about to cause catastrophe. When the boat-swallowing fish emerges from sea bottom, I will ride on high waves in the Mount Penglai. As the transcendents come out amidst arrayed clouds, The only thing in sight is the gold-silver terrace.

This is stated in the early source Shiji 史記, which recounts the magical mountains as follows: Since Kings Wei and Xuan [of Qi] and King Zhao of Yan’s time, envoys were sent to the ocean in a quest for Penglai, Fangzhang, and Yingzhou. These three divine mountains were said to be in Bohai Ocean, not far from mortals. There was a concern that ships might reach these places; winds would rise and send them back. Perhaps someone actually arrived. There were transcendents and 40 LBJJZ, 15.899; cf. trans., Elling O. Eide, “On Li Po,” in: Perspectives on the T’ang, ed. Denis Twitchett and Arthur E. Wright (New Haven and London: Princeton University Press, 1973), 373. 41 See Lin Lingzhen 林靈真 (1239–1302), comp. (transmitted by Ning Quanzhen 寧全真 [1101–1181]), Lingbao lingjiao jidu jinshu 靈寶領教濟度金書 (HY 466), 319.36a; Li Sicong 李思聰 (ca. 1050), Dongyuan ji 洞淵集 (HY 1055), 4.2a. See also Tsuchiya Masaaki 土屋 昌明, “Ri Haku to Shiba Shōtei no Dōten shisō” 李白と司馬承禎の洞天思想, Dōten fukuchi kenkyū 洞天福地研究 6 (2016), 85. A Chinese version of this article is in my edited book, Daojiao xiulian yu keyi de wenxue tiyan 道教修煉與科儀的文學體驗 (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2018), 344–57. 42 Elling O. Eide thinks Li Bai is “playing with real and unreal worlds.” His discussion is based on the study of literary traditions, such as Sun Chuo’s fu, Xie Lingyun’s ascending mountains, a few local legends and references to material in Liezi (see: Elling O. Eide, “On Li Po,” 374–77). 43 WX, 21.26a.

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elixirs for immortality. All objects, beasts, and birds were white in color. The palace and pylons there were made of gold and silver. Before one arrived there they would look like clouds. 自威、宣、燕昭使人入海求蓬萊、方丈、瀛洲。此三神山者，其傅在勃 海中，去人不遠；患且至，則船風引而去。蓋嘗有至者，諸僊人及不死 之藥皆在焉。其物禽獸盡白，而黃金銀為宮闕。未至，望之如雲。44

Penglai became an actual place on the mortal soil in Han times as its fantastical nature became rich and influential; this continued through the Tang and up until today (located in modern Shandong province).45 It must be noted, however, that this Penglai was only a concretization of people’s imagination about the existence of the three magical mountains, which were said to be located in the ocean, not on land.46 When poets traveled physically or imaginarily to this area, the mythical elements naturally played a role, especially in the works on transcendence. Guo Pu and Li Bai were not the “pioneers” introducing transcendent realms into poetry. Penglai as an icon for a transcendent world is found in earlier works. It appears in this capacity in a ritual song “Xiang zai yu” 象載 瑜 dated from 94 BC, in celebration of Emperor Wu of Han’s 漢武帝 (r. 141– 87 BC) catching a wild red goose. In addition, a few Han yuefu 樂府 poems also use Penglai as a symbol for transcendence.47 In Cao Cao’s 曹操 (155– 220) works, Penglai often stands for the poet’s intended destination after climbing Mount Tai, Mount Hua, and Mount Kunlun, where the poet hopes to wander with transcendent beings.48 The Penglai image continued to occur in later ages with the same connotation. Li Bai added freshness to this rich poetic tradition by enhancing creativity and vitality. On his journey to the east coast, he alluded to Penglai in his works on the local scenery. Before the beginning of Tianbao 1 (742), Li Bai lived in the Lu region for two years. In the fourth month of 742 he wrote a six-poem series entitled “Roaming Mount Tai” (“You Taishan” 遊太山),49 the first of which contains the following lines: 44

Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.247. JTS, 38.1456; Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi ditu ji, 5: 44–45, 3:11. 46 Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.247; 28.1369. 47 See Lu Qinli 逯欽立, ed., Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi 先秦漢魏晉南北朝 詩 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 154, 261, 295, 320. 48 Cao Cao, “Qi chu chang” 氣出倡, “Qiu hu xing” 秋胡行. See ibid., 345–46, 349– 50. 49 This chronology is based on a variant title in a Song edition of Li’s collected works: “In the fourth month of the first year of the Tianbao reign-period I ascended Mount Tai along the former imperial road” 天寶元年四月從故御道上泰山 (see: Li Bai, Li Taibai wenji, 17.8a). 45

THE TRANSCENDENT OF POETRY’S QUEST FOR TRANSCENDENCE

登高望蓬瀛 想象金銀臺 天門一長嘯 萬里清風來 玉女四五人 飄颻下九垓 含笑引素手 遺我流霞杯50

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I ascend high to gaze at Penglai and Yingzhou, And imagine the Gold-silver Terrace. At Celestial Gate I blow a long whistle. Clear breezes come from ten thousand li away. There are jade maidens, four or five of them, Descending from their flight to the Nine Wastes. They smile as they protract their white hands, Giving me a goblet of fluid aurora.

In the fourth poem, the persona imagines that he has wings and is guarded by deities, a result of his ablution, transcribing scriptures, and chanting.51 As he ascends high: 銀臺出倒景 白浪翻長鯨 安得不死藥 高飛向蓬瀛52

The Silver Terrace appears in the height of inverted rays, In the white waves long whales are prancing. How can I attain the immortal elixir And fly high towards Penglai and Yingzhou?

The geographical and cultural references in the cited examples form the cornerstone of Li Bai’s poetry on transcendence.53 Although he had conventions to follow, these traditional elements and his quest for transcendence are closely related, just as in Cao Cao’s case mentioned above. From a geographical perspective, when Li Bai wrote these works he was physically close to the legendary Penglai so he could “view” (through imagination) the mythical mountain. Penglai from poetic tradition became an important metaphor in his main theme of the quest for transcendence in poems on his travel to the east. He personally evokes the idea of an imaginary flight to Penglai, just as what we see in the end of his “Tiantai xiaowang.” 50

LBJJZ, 20.1154–55. The poem describes a process of cunsi 存思, a meditative method peculiar to the Shangqing 上清 school of Daoism. For a discussion of this practice, see my article, “Yixiang feixiang: Shangqing Dadong zhenjing suoshu zhi cunsi xiulian” 意象飛翔:《上清大洞真經》 所述之存思修煉, Journal of Chinese Studies 中國文化研究所學報 53 (2011), 217–48. Paul W. Kroll has pointed out the Daoist meditation nature of this poem (see: Paul W. Kroll, “Verses from on High: the Ascent of T’ai Shan,” in: The Vitality of the Lyric Voice: Shih Poetry from the Late Han to the T’ang, ed. Shuen-fu Lin and Stephen Owen [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986], 208–9). 52 LBJJZ, 20.1157–58. For a discussion in English on this suite and their Daoist backgrounds, see: Paul W. Kroll, “Verses from on High: The Ascent of T’ai Shan,” 200, 208– 10. 53 In his discussion of this suite, Sun Changwu 孫昌武 concludes: “His fantasies and pursuit of the immortals are not to leave worldly affairs, but a strong pursuit of the realization of personal values in his life” (see: Sun Changwu, Daojiao yu Tangdai wenxue 道教與唐代文學 [Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2001], 215–16). 51

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THE CHANG’AN SAGA: TRANSCENDENCE IN HIS OFFICIAL CAREER Emperor Xuanzong’s 玄宗 (r. 712–56) summons to Li Bai from his fantastic mountain of Penglai to Chang’an was of religious significance. Paul Kroll disagrees with the interpretation that the Daoist elements in Li Bai’s poetry were politicized, and points out the significant circumstances surrounding Li Bai’s call to the capital: “It was not merely for his literary prowess, but at least as much for his supposed spiritual attainment, that Li Po was welcome to court.”54 However, Xuanzong’s keenness to seek the Dao was probably unilateral, wishful thinking; Li Bai had more than one motivation for entering the capital as can be seen in his works.55 For example, the second half of his poem, Bidding Farewell to Children in Nanling before Heading for the Capital” (“Nanling bie ertong ru jing” 南陵別兒童入京), written before he entered the capital, is quite revealing: 遊說萬乘苦不早 著鞭跨馬涉遠道 會稽愚婦輕買臣 余亦辭家西入秦 仰天大笑出門去 我輩豈是蓬蒿人56

How bitter it is to plead with the [owner of] Ten Thousand Chariots late? With a whip in hand I mount my horse and take a long journey. The foolish wife from Guiji belittled [her husband] Zhu Maichen. I for my part leave my home and head westward to the Qin State. While exiting my door I raise my head towards the sky in loud laughter. How could it be that people like me are those hidden under wild weeds?

54 Paul W. Kroll, “Li Po’s Transcendent Diction,” 103n19; Sun Changwu, Daojiao yu Tangdai wenxue, 206. Arthur Waley points out: “In 741 new Civil Service examinations were instituted which enabled candidates who had had a Taoist upbringing to be tested in Taoist instead of Confucian texts; in 742 it was decreed that Taoist books such as Chuang Tzu and Lieh Tzu should henceforward be referred to as Classics and be regarded as on the same footing as the Confucian Classics” (see: Arthur Waley, The Poetry and Life of Li Po 701–762 A.D. [London: Allen and Unwin, 1950], 18). At the end of the Kaiyuan year, Xuanzong saw a lot of “propitious omens” and changed the reign name to Tianbao (see: Du Guangting 杜光庭, comp. Lidai chongdao ji 歷代崇道記 [HY 593], 8b–10b). Fang Benwen 房本文 thinks that Li Bai was called to service in the capital as a Daoist rather than a Hanlin 翰林 scholar (see: Fang Benwen, “Lun Li Bai daizhao Hanlin de Daojiaotu shenfen” 論李白待詔翰林的道教徒身份, in: Zhongguo Li Bai yanjiu 中國李白研究, ed. Xue Tianwei [Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 2009]: 84–103). 55 Victor H. Mair observes: “The bifurcated theme of making a contribution to the governance of the Empire and attaining Taoist immortality persisted throughout Li Po’s life.” He thus uses the term “political transcendence” to describe Li’s “elusive double goal” (see: Victor H. Mair, “Li Po’s Letters in Pursuit of Political Patronage,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 44, no. 1 [1984], 148, 153). 56 LBJJZ, 15.947; QTS, 174.1787.

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In contrast with Zhu Maichen 朱買臣 (d. 115),57 the poet expresses his ability and ambition to enter the capital, not viewing himself as a Daoist scholar but as a lobbyist and politician. However, Li Bai was naturally aware of what was in Xuanzong’s mind; therefore, many of his works composed during his stay in the capital are related to the Daoist tradition. This dissonance perhaps constitutes a factor in the majority of Chinese scholars’ discussion on “political motivation.”58 Li Bai’s fondness and desire for the mythical mountain reflect his dilemmatic thoughts between serving at the court and retreating to the forest.59 This ambivalence is revealed in his works on entering and leaving the mountains dated before Tianbao 2 (743). The chronology of “Tiantai xiaowang” plays a key role in understanding Li Bai’s political intentions. Yu Xianhao first places it in the late Kaiyuan reign-period (739–41), when Li Bai was travelling to the Yue 越 (modern Zhejiang province) region.60 This is consistent with the 57 There have been quite different views on this poem in recent scholarship on Li Bai. Yu Xianhao argues that the poet went to Anhui 安徽 from Lu and wrote the poem on his way when he received the imperial summons to the capital. Based on their study of multiple versions of Li’s collected works, Ge Jingchun 葛景春 and Liu Chongde 劉崇德 argue that the original title of the poem should be “Guyi” 古意, which should not be read as a personalized discourse. Zhan Ying argues that Nanling is not in Anhui but in Lu (see: Idem, “Li Bai liang ru Chang’an ji youguan jiaoyou kao bian” 李白兩入長安及有關交遊考辨, in: Li Bai congkao 李白叢考 [Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1983], 40; Ge Jingchun 葛景春, Liu Chongde 劉崇德, “Li Bai you dong Lu rujing kao” 李白由東魯入京考, in: 20 shiji Li Bai yanjiu lunwen jingxuan ji: ji’nian Li Bai danchen 1300 zhounian (gongyuan 701–2001) 20世 紀李白研究論文精選集：紀念李白誕辰1300周年 (公元701 – 2001年), eds. Zhongguo Li Bai yanjiuhui 中國李白研究會 and Ma’anshan Li Bai yanjiusuo 馬鞍山李白研究所 [Xi’an: Taibai wenyi chubanshe, 2000], 254–66, 269–71). 58 See Chen Yixin 陳貽焮, “Tangdai mouxie zhishi fenzi yinyi qiuxian de zhengzhi mudi: jianlun Li Bai de zhengzhi lixiang he congzheng tujing” 唐代某些知識分子隱逸求仙的政 治目的 —— 兼論李白的政治理想和從政途徑, in: Idem, Tangshi luncong 唐詩論叢 (Changsha: Hu’nan renmin chubanshe, 1982): 166–67. Paul W. Kroll points out that recent scholars on Li Bai’s Daoist poems “quite miss the point” and “are not actually concerned with, and do not confront, Taoism as it was known to Li Po himself” (see: Paul W. Kroll, “Li Po’s Transcendent Diction,” 99–100). 59 Hsiao Li-hua 蕭麗華, “Chushan yu rushan: Li Bai Lushan shi de jingshen diyun” 出山與入山：李白廬山詩的精神底蘊, Taida Zhongwen xuebao 臺大中文學報 33 (2010), 193. Hsiao also takes Li Bai’s description of Mount Lu as an example to explain that Li saw Mount Lu as “hierophany,” borrowing Mircea Eliade’s theory and terminology, and he hoped to enter the “center of the world” (see: ibid., 197n36; Mircea Eliade, Shensheng yu shisu 神聖與世俗, trans. Wang Jianguang 王建光 [Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe, 2002], “xuyan” 序言, 2). An English translation of Eliade’s relevant discussion is in Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion, trans. Willard R. Trask (Orlando: Harcourt, Inc., 1987), 21–22. 60 Yu Xianhao, “Wu Yun jian Li Bai shuo bianyi” 吳筠薦李白說辨疑, Idem, Li Bai congkao, 77. In his newest work, however, Yu dates the poem to 727 (see: LTBQJ, 18.2568). Zhan Ying first dated the poem to Tianbao 1 (742) but afterwards believed Li Bai lived in

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timing that Zhan Ying gave earlier, while Ren Hua’s quotation of the two lines from “Tiantai xiaowang” also provides strong evidence (see Table 1, #1). Ren Hua visited Chang’an in the Tianbao reign-period, but at that time Li Bai had already left. This poem’s timing is directly related to how we should understand Li Bai’s Daoist thought. If the poem is placed in Tianbao 1 (742), the philosophy expressed in the poem is similar to that in the abovementioned “Roaming Mount Tai” poems; but if it is placed in Tianbao 4 (746), the theme of roaming in transcendence can be seen as consolation for the poet’s political frustration. Similarly, “Mengyou Tianmu yin liubie” was interpreted by Chen Hang 陳沆 (1785–1826) as a portrayal of the poet’s visit to Chang’an.61 However, in “Tiantai xiaowang” there is none of the “evidence” revealed in the “Tianmu” poem to make a similar interpretation. Li Bai’s writing on Daoist transcendence certainly contains many metaphors pertaining to pride in the political arena. For example, when he had just entered Chang’an (742) he wrote in “Jia qu Wenquangong hou zeng Yang Shanren” 駕去溫泉宮後贈楊山人 (When the imperial chariot left Wenquan Palace I wrote this poem for Yang the Mountain Dweller): 一朝君王垂拂拭 剖心輸丹雪胸臆 忽蒙白日回景光 直上青雲生羽翼

In one morning, the monarch condescended to promote me. I opened my heart, showing my cinnabar [blood] and snowwhite bosom. Suddenly I enjoyed the favor of the white sun which averted its rays. I went straight up to the blue clouds, with wings growing [on my back].

Shandong before he was called to the capital and that Li Bai could not have entered the Yue region before Taibao 6 (747) (see: Zhan Ying, Li Bai shiwen xinian 李白詩文繫年 [Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1958], 26; Zhan Ying, “Tan Li Bai ‘Nanling bie ertong rujing’” 談李白 《南陵別兒童入京》, in: 20 shiji Li Bai yanjiu lunwen jingxuan ji: ji’nian Li Bai danchen 1300 zhounian (gongyuan 701–2001), 267–69). Yan Qi 閻琦 dates Li Bai’s three trips to the south to Kaiyuan 15 (727), Tianbao 6 (747), and Zhide 至德 1 (756) (see: Yan Qi, “Li Bai ersan liangci ru Yue kao” 李白二三兩次入越考, in: 20 shiji Li Bai yanjiu lunwen jingxuan ji: ji’nian Li Bai danchen 1300 zhounian (gongyuan 701–2001), 297–313). An Qi 安旗 and Huang Xigui 黃錫珪 (1862–1941) believe Li Bai entered Yue in Tianbao 1; Huang places “Tiantai xiaowang” in Tianbao 3 (744) (see: An Qi, Xue Tianwei 薛天緯, Li Bai nianpu 李白年譜 [Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1982], 55; LBQJB, 833–34; Huang Xigui, Li Taibai nianpu 李太白年譜 [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958], 12, 50). Zhou Qi 周琦 and Xian Zhou 顯周 place it in Kaiyuan 15 (727) when Li Bai first entered the south (see: Zhou Qi, Xian Zhou, “Li Bai you Tiantaishan kao” 李白遊天台山考, Dongnan wenhua 東南文化 [1990.6], 300; Zhou Qi, “Li Bai you Tiantaishan kao,” in: Zhongguo Li Bai yanjiu 中國李白研究 1, eds. Zhongguo Li Bai yanjiuhui and Ma’anshan Li Bai yanjiusuo [Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1990], 209–16). 61 Chen Hang interprets “Mengyou Tianmu yin liubie”: “After Taibai 太白 (i.e., Li Bai) was released, he looked back at the Penglai palaces, as if in a dream, and thus entrusted his thoughts to Tianmu.” This view became very influential (see: Chen Hang, Shi bi xing jian 詩比興箋 [Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1981], 3.158–59).

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幸陪鸞輦出鴻都 身騎飛龍天馬駒62

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It was my fortune to attend the simurgh chariot exiting from the Hongdu Gate. I rode on the Flying Dragon and Heavenly Colt.

Such a description of “transcendence” of course cannot be taken literally. The celestial flight is comparable with his couplet in “Tiantai xiaowang”: “How can I grow feathered wings and recline in the pylons of Penglai for a thousand spring seasons?” But the two poems are not the same. The poet said to Mr. Yang: “Wait till I exert all my loyalty in serving the enlightened Lord; / After that I will go hand in hand with you to lie amidst white clouds” 待吾盡節報明主，然後相攜卧白雲. Therefore the poem’s theme of soaring / ascension is a metaphor for the poet’s success. Below are two examples of pride expressed respectively in Tianbao 1 and 2: 逢君奏明主 Now I run into you and will report to the enlightened monarch. 他日共翻飛。63 One day we will flutter in flight together. 恩光照拙薄 The favor radiance shines on my ineptness and incompetence. 雲漢希騰遷。64 In the Milky Way I wish to leap up and transform.

The poet expresses his joy of success with the metaphor of ascension. In the first instance, the poet compares himself to Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 BC–AD 18), who enjoyed imperial favor by means of his fu 賦 poetry. The poet encountered a friend he hoped would recommend him so the two could “fly together.” Li paid particular attention to Yang Xiong because he himself was famous for fu (details below).65 In the second example, he is temporarily “soaring” and in admiration of Cultivated Talent Su’s 蘇秀才 reclusive lifestyle. This echoes Li’s words to Yang the mountain dweller mentioned above. In these examples, although the constructed paradise metaphors can be interpreted as applying to “Tiantai xiaowang,” the thoughts of achieving deeds before retreating is not seen in the poem. One easily recalls Li’s statement in his early writing: “One morning when I take off and soar high, I will be a man of Fangzhang and Penglai” 一朝飛騰，為方丈、蓬萊之人耳.66 He realized his aspiration by becoming a “transcendent” at court service: his poetry features this prominent theme as, on the one hand, flattery of the imperial 62

LBJJZ, 9.625. Li Bai, “Wenquan shicong gui feng guren” 溫泉侍從歸逢故人, LBJJZ, 9.627. 64 Li Bai, “Jinmen da Su Xiucai” 金門答蘇秀才, LBJJZ, 19.1107. 65 Hsü Tung-hai 許東海 identifies some Han fu writers, especially Yang Xiong, as Li’s model (see: Hsü Tung-hai, “Xianyou, guiyou, mengyou: Li Bai gongfeng Hanlin de zhexian shenying jiqi yuhe kunjing” 仙遊•貴遊•夢遊——李白供奉翰林的謫仙身影及其遇合困境, in my edited book, Daojiao xiulian yu keyi de wenxue tiyan, 312–43). 66 Li Bai, “Dai Shoushan da Meng Shaofu yiwen shu” 代壽山答孟少府移文書, LBJJZ, 26.1526. This piece is Li’s early work, dated from 727. LBQJB, 1851. 63

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house and, on the other hand, felicitation of his own success in “transcendence.”67 This thought construes very well the sobriquet of “banished transcendent from heaven” 天上謫仙人 dubbed by He Zhizhang 賀知章 (659–744), as well as Du Fu’s 杜甫 (712–70) testimony that Li “called myself, your subject, ‘transcendent of drinking’” 自稱臣是酒中仙 when summoned by the emperor.68 These dubbings developed into a sobriquet of Li, as testified by Wei Hao 魏顥 (Tang) who, in Tianbao 13 (754), wrote a poem to Li titled “Written in Jinling in Response to Master Banished Transcendent of the Hanlin Academy” 金陵酬翰林謫仙子.69 The poetic discourse on accompanying transcendents in one’s roaming used as a metaphor for achievement in one’s official career is not unprecedented in the Tang. Chen Zi’ang 陳子昂 (661–702) in his “Yu Dongfang zuoshi Qiu ‘xiuzhu pian’” 與東方左史虬修竹篇 (“The Long Bamboo” for Dongfang Qiu, Left Historian) expresses an expectation that he would obtain Dongfang’s appreciation and recommendation. In the poem, Dongfang is analogized as paulownia and Chen uses bamboo as a self-metaphor. When the bamboo stick has been made into a flute, it wishes to join the zither made of paulownia wood in an orchestra performing at the imperial court. The end of the poem describes a lively scene in heaven: 攜手登白日 遠遊戲赤城 低昂玄鶴舞 斷續綵雲生 永隨衆仙逝 三山遊玉京70

Hand in hand, we would ascend to the white sun. Roaming afar, we will play at Mount Crimson Walls. Now low, now high, [our notes cause] black cranes to dance. Now halting, now continuing, [we] bring out colorful clouds. Forever we follow the transcendents, going to The Three Mountains and to rove the Jade Capital.

Chen uses the poetic tradition of “roaming in transcendence” to mean high ranking officials who would promote him in his political career. This kind of motive is most typically revealed in an anecdote about Chen’s friend Lu Cangyong 盧藏用 (664–713), who was ridiculed by Sima Chengzhen for pursuing promotion in the veneer of a recluse basked in glory.71 67 The repertoire themes pertaining to transcendence in Li’s works in this period include Western Queen Mother 西王母, the Yellow Emperor 黃帝, Penglai, Nüwa 女媧, etc. LBQJB, 456, 462, 466, 467, 469. 68 Du Fu, “Yinzhong baxian ge” 飲中八仙歌, QTS, 216.2260. 69 LBJJZ, 16.966–69; LBQJB, 1149–50. 70 QTS, 83.896. 71 For a discussion of this poem, see my article, “A Revaluation of Chen Ziang’s ‘Manifesto of a Poetic Reform,’” Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia 36 (2004–05), 56–85; Chinese translation (with amendments): “Chen Zi’ang’s ‘Shige gaige xuanyan’ xinyi” 陳子昂「詩歌改 革宣言」新議, in: Idem, Han Tang wenxue de lishi wenhua kaocha 漢唐文學的歷史文化考察 (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2014), 150–73. Lu Cangyong was called “Recluse in attendance

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The allegory in Chen Zi’ang’s poetry may not necessarily work in Li Bai’s, but they share similarities in some aspects. The goal for both “Daoist poets” in writing poetry is very clear.72 As Chen, Lu, and Sima were part of the “Ten Friends from the Ultramundane” (fangwai shiyou 方外十友), the “practicality” of the Daoist elements in their poetry was strong.73 Li Bai was known as a “banished transcendent”; some think these dubbings were a direct cause of his being sent away by the emperor;74 perhaps it, likewise, reflects the practicality of his actions. His relationship with Sima Chengzhen, who himself expressed regrets for having become a pursuer for fame,75 is an important clue in understanding the significance of his Tiantai poetry. MEETING OF THE MYTHS:

THE

GREAT PENG BIRD FLIES TO PENGLAI

The two most commonly seen images in Li Bai’s experience of Mount Tiantai are Penglai and the great peng bird. In early mythological sources the two were not directly related to each other, but underwent Li Bai’s artistic processing and saw new ideas which reflected Li Bai’s personal treatment of traditional literary materials. Sun Chuo had long made Penglai an on the Emperor” 隨駕隱士 and was ridiculed by Sima Chengzhen (see: Wang Zhongyong, Tangshi jishi jiaojian, 10.253–54). The most recent study of the subject concerning Mount Yujing mentioned in the end of Chen’s poem as a metaphor for pursuing political career is my article “Yujingshan chaohui: cong Liuchao buxuyi dao chu Tang youxianshi” 玉京山朝會 -- --從六朝 步虛儀到初唐遊仙詩, Journal of Chinese Studies 中國文化研究所學報 72 (2021), 1–24. 72 For a discussion of Chen Zi’ang’s “metaphysical poetry,” see my work, “In Search of Jade: Studies of Early Tang Poetry” (PhD diss., University of Colorado, 1999), 195–204. 73 See Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音, “Cong ‘Fangwai shiyou’ kan Daojiao dui chu Tang shanshuishi de yingxiang” 從「方外十友」看道教對初唐山水詩的影響, in: Idem, Shi guo gaochao yu sheng Tang wenhua 詩國高潮與盛唐文化 (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1998), 62–75; Michigami Katsuya 道上克哉, “Chin Sugō no kōyū kankei: hōgai no juyu o megutte” 陳子昂の交友関係——方外の十友をめぐって, Ritsumeikan bungaku 立命館 文學 430–32 (1981), 483–502. 74 Hu Xu 胡旭, “Li Bai ju Hanlin ji cijin fang huan kao ban” 李白居翰林及賜金放還考 辨, Nankai xuebao 南開學報 (2009.3), 67–69. Chen Jianping 陳建平, however, argues that He Zhizhang dubbing Li a “banished transcendent” took place as early as 730 (see: Chen Jianping, “Li Bai chujian He Zhizhang de shijian he ‘Chang’an Zijigong’” 李白初見賀知章 的時間和“長安紫極宮”, in: Li Bai yanjiu luncong 李白研究論叢, ed. Li Bai yanjiu xuehui 李白研究學會 [Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1987], 132–36). 75 Chen Yixin points out: Lu Cangyong was not the only one to seek fame and wealth in the disguise of a recluse. Sima Chengzhen himself, who ridiculed others, was also one such case. The only difference was that Sima sought fame but not wealth. See Chen Yixin, “Tangdai mouxie zhishi fenzi,” 164. Rather ironically, by late Song times there were already two place names: “Sima Regrets Hill” 司馬悔山 and “Sima Regrets Bridge” 司馬悔橋 in the Mount Tiantai area, which commemorate Sima Chengzhen’s regret after being called to service in the capital. See Chen Qiqing 陳耆卿 (jinshi 1241), Jiading Chicheng zhi 嘉定赤城志, in Song Yuan fangzhi congkan 宋元方志叢刊 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990), 21.7441a, 40.7594b, 40.7595a.

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important starting point for the deification of Mount Tiantai. He makes the following statement in the introduction to his “Fu on Roaming to Mount Tiantai”: The Celestial Terrace Mountains indeed are the divine eminence of all mounts and peaks. Cross the sea and there will be Fangzhang and Penglai. Climb the plateaus and there will be the Four Luminaries and Celestial Terrace. 天台山者，蓋山嶽之神秀者也。涉海則有方丈蓬萊，登陸則有四明 天台。76

In spite of his creativity and imagination, the image Sun describes is realistic: Mount Tiantai of the human world and the mythical mountains are clearly separated. Although Li Bai’s wording for Mount Tiantai is somewhat indebted to Sun’s fu, he makes the great peng bird fly between the two domains of the transcendents and the ordinary, and expresses longing, thereby writing his own experiences into his fantasy. Li Bai’s early acquaintance with Sima Chengzhen provides clues to understand “Tiantai xiaowang.” His preface to “Fu on the Great peng Bird” (“Dapeng fu” 大鵬賦) records an early acquaintance with this Daoist master: Long ago I was in Chiang-ling and there had audience with Szu-ma Tzu-wei of T’ien-t’ai. He remarked I possessed the air of a transcendent and the osseous embodiment of the Tao, and would allow me to spiritually roam with him outside the sight culmina. Consequently I composed a Rhapsody on the Meeting of the Great P’eng with the Rarely Held Bird, in order to extend myself. 余昔于江陵，見天台司馬子微，謂余有仙風道骨，可與神遊八極之 表。因著《大鵬遇希有鳥賦》以自廣。77

The metaphorical meaning of this fu is telling and further reveals: the Rarely Held Bird “gave him assent, / delighted to follow along in tandem.” Li in this preface informs us that the current version of this fu is a revision of his early composition: “I regretted that that youthful production did not thoroughly achieve its extensive and arrant purpose; and in my mid-years I threw it away. … So I once more set down what I recalled [of my early rhapsody]; in many places it differs from the old version.” His intent was to “pass it on to other authors” and show it “to my children and cousins.” These self-statements can constitute an important reference for discussion of Li Bai’s trip to Chang’an. The “Dapeng fu” and its preface lead us to consider two issues: First, what factors drove him to rewrite this fu? Second, which period does “mid-years” in the preface refer to? 76

WX, 11.4a; trans., David R. Knechtges, Wen xuan, 2: 243. LBJJZ, 1.1; trans., Paul W. Kroll, “Li Po’s Rhapsody on the Great P’eng‐bird,” Journal of Chinese Religions 12 (1984), 4. 77

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Relevant sources lend support to dating the “Dapeng fu” and “Tiantai xiaowang” to Tianbao 1 (742), soon before Li Bai entered Chang’an. “Tiantai xiaowang” was written on his visit to Mount Tiantai, where Sima Chengzhen lived his early reclusive life.78 Although some place this poem in Kaiyuan 15 (727) when Li Bai first visited the eastern Wu 吳 region,79 the poem has no mention of Sima staying at this mountain. Therefore, it should be understood that Sima had already left Mount Tiantai.80 If it is placed in a later period, when Sima had died, then the image of the peng in the poem is nostalgic about the poet’s association with Sima. This hypothesis is supported by Cui Shang’s “A Stele Inscription of the Tongbo Abbey” dated to Tianbao 1.81 The content of this inscription demonstrates the degree of attention paid to Mount Tiantai and Sima Chengzhen. This stele inscription might have become the driving force behind Li Bai’s compositions. If Li’s poems were written before the inscription, we see the vogue of the time. Li Bai specially selected images in his poetry which commemorated his relationship with Sima Chengzhen in the early years – the great peng bird became Li Bai’s personal totem throughout his life.82 In this remembrance of the past when he revisited the old land, the poet again “saw” the great peng bird and gave himself wings as he desired to live forever in the transcendent realm. This desire was in those 78

An early historical record is Cui Shang’s 崔尚 “Tang Tiantaishan xin Tongboguan song bing xu” 唐天台山新桐柏觀頌并序, Dong Gao 董誥 (1740–1818), et al., eds., Quan Tangwen 全唐文 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987), 304.7b–10a. A variant title of this text is “Tongboguan bei” 桐柏觀碑. See TTSZ, 10b–13b. See also Wei Sheng 魏升 (Tang), “Tang Wangwushan zhongyantai Zhengyi xiansheng miao jie” 唐王屋山中巖臺正一先生 廟碣 (HY 968), 1a–5b; Dong Gao, Quan Tangwen, 206.6a–10a; JTS, 192.5127–28. Sima Chengzhen’s residences at Mount Tiantai were Lingxu 靈墟 and Tongboguan, where he wrote “Suqin zhuan” 素琴傳 and “Shangqing shidichen Tongbo zhenren zhentu zan” 上清 侍帝晨桐柏真人真圖讚 (see: Kamitsuka Yoshiko 神塚淑子, “Shiba Shōtei to Tendaisan” 司馬承禎と天台山, Nagoya Daigaku Bungakubu kenkyū ronshū (Tetsugaku) 名古屋大学 文学部研究論集（哲学）54 [2008], 79–98). Paul W. Kroll discusses Emperor Ruizong and his ministers’ valedictory poetry for Sima Chengzhen on his return to Mount Tiantai (see: Paul W. Kroll, “Three Taoist figures of the T’ang Dynasty,” Society for the Study of Chinese Religions Bulletin 9 [1981], 19–22). For English translations and discussion of the two Tang inscriptions mentioned above, see: Russell Kirkland, “Ssu-ma Ch’eng-chen and the Role of Taoism in Medieval Chinese Polity,” Journal of Asian History 31 (1997), 105– 38. Thanks to Thomas Jülch for providing this information. Jülch’s recent, relevant work is Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Shangqing-Daoismus in den Tiantai-Bergen (München: Herbert Utz Verlag, 2011), in which he translates and analyzes Xu Lingfu’s Tiantaishan ji (pp. 45–87) and Cui Shang’s inscription (p. 90). 79 Zhou Qi and Xian Zhou, “Li Bai you Tiantaishan kao,” 300. 80 JTS, 192.5128. 81 TTSZ, 10b–13b; Cui Shang, “Tang Tiantaishan xin Tongboguan song bing xu,” 7b–10a. See also Chen Si, Baoke congbian, 13.26a. 82 Paul W. Kroll, “Li Po’s Rhapsody on the Great P’eng‐bird,” 2n7.

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years to be reincarnated and reappear as the great peng bird to take the same journey. In Daoist understanding, Sima Chengzhen did not die, he only transcended and became “enlightened.”83 The chronology of “Dapeng fu” is helpful in understanding “Tiantai xiaowang.” Wei Hao says in his biographical account of Li Bai: Li Bai, also by means of [Prelate Chiying’s 持盈法師 patronage], entered the Hanlin Academy. His name then shook the capital. Every household preserved a copy of his “Fu on the Great Peng Bird.” 白亦因之入翰林，名動京師，《大鵬賦》時家藏一本。84

In Tianbao 1, when Li Bai went to the capital, the “Dapeng fu” had already been widely circulated and loved. At this time Li Bai was “middle-aged” at 42 years old; that the image of the great peng bird also appeared in “Tiantai xiaowang” was not a coincidence. When the poet visited Mount Tiantai in the period before he entered the capital, the great peng bird was always flying back into his train of thought in writing.85 The Daoist background in the early years and works from before he entered the capital became an important 83 TTSZ, 6a. Du Guangting relates the departure of Sima Chengzhen in his Tiantanshan Wangwushan shengji ji 天壇山王屋山聖跡記 (HY 967): “On the 15th of the 8th month of Kaiyuan 15, a pair of cranes flew in a circle around the altar and left for the northwest. At that time a white cloud came out from the hall and there was the sound of panpipes. This was the epiphany of our master” (4b–5a). Thomas Jülch assumes that Sima Chengzhen is the reincarnation of Wangzi Qiao 王子喬, and is also Baiyun xiansheng 白雲先生. See his Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao, 53–54. 84 Wei Hao, “Li Hanlin ji xu” 李翰林集序, LBJJZ, “fulu” 附錄 3, 1790. Princess Yuzhen 玉真 (Daoist title: Chiying fashi 持盈法師), according to Wei, was the principal recommender of Li Bai and Wu Yun for their entry to the capital. Li Bai met Princess Yuzhen as early as around Kaiyuan 18 in the capital and wrote “Yuzhen gongzhu bieguan kuyu zeng Wei qing Zhang qing ershou” 玉真公主別館苦雨贈衛卿張卿二首 in an attempt to seek patronage from her (see: Yu Xianhao, “Li Bai liang ru Chang’an ji youguan jiaoyou kaobian” and “Li Bai yu Zhang Ji jiaoyou xinzheng” 李白與張垍交遊新證, in: Idem, Li Bai congkao, 53–54, 28–29; Yu Xianhao, “Li Bai yu Yuzhen gongzhu guocong xintan” 李白與玉真公 主過從新探, Wenxue yichan 文學遺產 [1994.1], 37; Ding Fang 丁放, Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈, “Yuzhen gongzhu kao: yi qi yu sheng Tang shitan de guanxi wei guijie” 玉真公主考——以 其與盛唐詩壇的關係為歸結, Beijing daxue xuebao (zhexue shenhui kexue ban) 北京大學學 報（哲學社會科學版), 41, no. 2 [2004], 50). It should also be noted that Princess Yuzhen once became a student of Sima Chengzhen (see: Du Guangting, “Tiantanshan Wangwushan shengji ji,” 4a). 85 Wang Qi 王琦 (mid-18th century) points out that Zhuangzi was given the title of the “Perfected One of Nanhua” 南華真人 in an imperial order in Tianbao 1 (see: Wang Qi, Li Taibai quanji 李太白全集 [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985], 1.3n1). Yu Xianhao thus places this fu in Kaiyuan 28 or 29, or Tianbao 1 (741 or 742). In this fu Li Bai calls Zhuangzi the “venerable transcendent of Nanhua” 南華老仙 (see: Yu Xianhao, Li Bai xuanji 李白選集 [Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1990], 578–79). Zhan Ying places it at the beginning of Tianbao 2 (743) (see: Zhan Ying, Li Bai shiwen xinian, 28–29).

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trigger for Li’s sobriquet of “Banished Transcendent from Heaven,” acclaimed by He Zhizhang.86 When and why did the great peng bird from the Zhuangzi text travel south by sea to Mount Tiantai? The “lexical landscape” theory developed by Kroll helps to answer these questions. He observes that Li Bai’s poetry often “moved” images to different works to serve his writing’s purpose. In the Zhuangzi, the bird is said to be reliant upon winds and clouds to take its 90,000 li flight to the south. Li Bai’s purpose in borrowing it is to refer to himself. When he met Sima Chengzhen in the early years in Jiangling 江陵, the peng bird then flew from Zhuangzi to Jiangling; when he visited the old residence of Sima Chengzhen, he again “brought” the peng bird to the marvels of Mount Tiantai. The construction of this spectacle is closely related to literary tradition and Daoist culture. If we look more closely at the two birds, we find that it might have been the Rarely Held Bird who “took” the peng bird to Penglai. It relates its important role in the fu: “With my right wing I cover as far as the western culmen, / Left wing mantling as far as the eastern wastes.”87 The lack of proper gloss of the couplet leads to a superficial understanding. It refers to a mythological setting in which the bird plays a crucial role for the yearly meeting of the Queen Mother of the West and the King Duke of the East 東王公. The Shenyi jing 神異經 (Classic of the Divine and Strange), attributed to Dongfang Shuo 東方 朔 (mid to late 2nd century BC), relates: On Mount Kunlun there is a bronze pillar so high that it penetrates the sky. It is called Celestial Pillar and its circumference measures three thousand li. The surface of it looks as though it were trimmed. Below it there are spiral houses where the nine headquarters of transcendence are located. On top of it there is a giant bird named Rarely Held. It faces southwards. When its left wing spreads out it covers King Duke of the East; its right wing, Queen Mother of the West. On its back there is an area without feathers measuring 19,000 li. Each year, Queen Mother of the West ascends to the wing and goes to [meet up with] King Duke of the East. 86 On Li Bai’s “attaining immortality,” see: Kathlyn Liscomb, “Iconic Events Illuminating the Immortality of Li Bai,” Monumenta Serica 54 (2006), 80–84. The concept of the banished immortal largely comes from the Han dynasty. After the adoption and growth of Daoism in the Six dynasties period, topics such as offending, punishment, and longevity became richer. Transcendents could be exiled to the human realm and also to hell (see: Miyagawa Hisayuki 宮川尚志, “Takusen kō” 謫仙考, Tōhō shūkyō 東方宗教 34 & 35 [1969], 2–11). Matsuura Tomohisa 松浦友久 argues that the sobriquet of “Banished Transcendent” stemmed from Li Bai’s “sense of sojourning” 客寓意識. See Matsuura, Ri Haku denki ron: kakugū no shisō 李白伝記論：客寓の詩想 (Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 1994), 18– 30. 87 LBJJZ, 1.12; Paul W. Kroll, “Li Po’s Rhapsody on the Great P’eng-bird,” 16.

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崑崙有銅柱焉，其高入天，所謂天柱也。圍三千里，圓周如削，下有 迴屋，仙人九府治。上有大鳥，名曰希有，南向，張左翼覆東王公，右翼 覆西王母，背上小處無羽，萬九千里，西王母歲登翼上，之東王公也。88

The Rarely Held Bird was so huge that its wing formed a “bridge” for the two highest deities to meet so as to achieve the harmony of yin 陰 and yang 陽.89 According to the Daoist tradition, King Duke of the East is in charge of the east, including Penglai.90 Instead of following the Zhuangzi, in which the peng bird flies to the south, Li Bai incarnates himself as the peng bird and follows the Rarely Held Bird, whose destination is Penglai. This mythological place stands for transcendence in Li’s fu, in which he is so proud of being endorsed by Sima Chengzhen, an incarnation of harmony maker. Both Li Bai and Sun Chuo’s treatment of the mythical realm of Penglai involve mysterious flights from their physical location on Tiantai to Penglai.91 This artistic treatment is effective in the “Tang’s Questions” 湯問 chapter 88 See Wang Qi, Li Taibai quanji, 1.2n2; the text is quoted in Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛, ed. & comm., Shuijing zhu jiaozheng 水經注校證 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007), 1.12, in which it says “The Shenyi jing prefaced by Zhang Hua (232–300) says” 張華敘神異經曰. The Rarely Held Bird is also recorded in the Shizhou ji 十洲記, in which its meat became a delicacy of transcendents. See Li Fang 李昉 (925–96), et al., comps., Taiping yulan 太平御覽 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 863.6b. 89 Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎, “Seiōbo to Tanabata denshō” 西王母と七夕傳承, Tōhō gakuhō 東方學報 46 (1974), 58–59. 90 Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), comp. & annot., Zhen’gao 真誥 (HY 1010), 14.12a. 91 Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子 believes that Sun Chuo’s preface to his “You Tiantaishan fu” is a product of the author’s thoughts based on the drawings of wonderlands around that time (see: Satake Yasuko, “‘Tendaisan ni asobu fu’ jobun no kentō: ‘soshihō’ tono kakawari” 「天 台山に遊ぶ賦」序文の検討——「存思法」との関わり, Tōhoku daigaku chūgokugo gaku ronshū 東北大学中国語学論集 10 [2005], 6–12). This issue is probably in line with Hsiao Li-hua’s interpretation of what Mircea Eliade refers to as “hierophany.” Hsiao says: “This deified space is the ‘center of the world for religious believers’ ... ‘religious people try to live as close to the center of the world as possible’” (Hsiao Li-hua, “Chushan yu rushan,” 8, 13n36). In his “You Taishan” and “Tong youren zhouxing” 同友人舟行, Li Bai’s view on Penglai is wang 望 (gaze); while in “Tiantai xiaowang” and “Mengyou Tianmu yin liubie,” Penglai’s scenery is described in the poetry. For “Tong youren zhouxing,” see LBJJZ, 20.1164, in which the collation note points out that in the Song edition the poem title has four characters of you Tai Yue zuo (遊台越作 or 游台越作) underneath. For the former see Li Bai, Li Taibai wenji, 18.1a. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛 points out that the scenes in works like the “Carefree Roaming” chapter in Zhuangzi written with “broad and boundless imagination” for the kun 鯤 fish and peng bird, “it certainly came from those who live by the immense ocean who entrust their wishes to the mysterious fantasy” (see: Gu Jiegang, “Zhuangzi he Chuci zhong Kunlun he Penglai liangge shenhua xitong de ronghe” 《莊子》和《楚辭》中崑崙和蓬萊兩個神 話系統的融合, Zhonghua wenshi luncong 中華文史論叢 2 [1979], 33). Li Bai’s travel to Shandong, Wu, Yue and the coast, not to mention the rich tradition of the Penglai legend, naturally produced a boundless visualization of wonderland. The Kunlun myth that Gu Jiegang discusses, from the west to the east, merges with the legend of the island of the transcendents

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of the Liezi 列子, which includes a description of the peng bird and the legend of Penglai below: There was a strath to the east of Bohai Ocean, trillions of li away…. Five mountains were located there: the first was Daiyu, second Yuanqiao, third Fanghu, fourth Yingzhou, and fifth Penglai…. The terraces and abbeys atop were all made of gold and jade…. But, the roots of these five mountains had no base and were adrift with waves – up and down, to and fro – and would not stand still. The transcendent and saintly beings considered it evil and resorted to the Thearch. The Thearch worried that the mountains would flow away to the far west, and the transcendent and saintly beings would lose their abodes. Thereupon, the Thearch ordered Yuqiang to use fifteen gigantic turtles to hold them with their raised heads. They were divided into three groups and took a shift every 60,000 years. Thereafter the five mountains stood still and stopped drifting. 渤海之東不知幾億萬里，有大壑焉，……其中有五山焉：一曰岱輿，二曰 員嶠，三曰方壺，四曰瀛洲，五曰蓬萊。……其上臺觀皆金玉，……而五 山之根無所連著，常隨潮波上下往還，不得暫峙焉。仙聖毒之，訴之 於帝。帝恐流於西極，失群仙聖之居，乃命禺彊使巨鰲十五舉首而 戴之。迭為三番，六萬歲一交焉。五山始峙而不動。92

Li Bai uses this allusion linking the great peng bird with Penglai to “move” the tradition of longing for Penglai to Mount Tiantai. At the end of “Tiantai xiaowang,” the poet highlights this traditional perspective: from his physical location on Mount Tiantai he imagines that his own body has wings and he is flying to a mythical mountain “to stay at the Penglai pylons (Peng que 蓬闕) for a thousand springs.”93 Although Sun Chuo already expressed: “I (p. 35). It also explains the development of the trajectory for the myth of the great peng bird flying to Penglai. 92 Yang Bojun 楊伯峻, Liezi jishi 列子集釋 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 5.152–53; A.C. Graham, The Book of Lieh-tzu: A Classic of Tao (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 97. Zhang Zhan’s 張湛 (Eastern Jin) commentary on the Liezi lines quotes the “Lisao” 離騷: “The giant turtles carried the mountains. / How could they make them stable” 巨鼇 戴山，其何以安也? Yang’s annotation quoting a Chuci poem, the “Heavenly Questions” reads: “The turtles carried the mountains and pranced. / How can they stabilize them” 鼇戴 山抃，何以安之? Wang Yi’s 王逸 (fl. 120) commentary quoting the Liexian zhuan 列仙傳 reads: “There were gigantic numinous turtles carrying the Mount Penglai while prancing and dancing” 有巨靈之鼇背負蓬萊之山而抃舞. This tale continued to thrive (see e.g., Zhang Heng 張衡, “Si xuan fu” 思玄賦, WX, 15.6a and Li Shan’s commentary quoting Guo Pu’s Xuanzhong ji 玄中記). 93 Katō Kuniyasu 加藤國安 argues that Li Bai’s thoughts on attaining transcendence were learned from two sources: Sima Chengzhen and Wu Yun (see: Katō Kuniyasu, “Ri Haku no Tendaisan, Tenubasan no shi: jiyū na tamashī e no hishō (ichi)” 李白の天台山·天姥山の詩 ——自由な魂への飛翔 (一), Ehime daigaku kyōiku gakubu kiyō (jinbun, shakai kagaku) 愛 媛大学教育学部紀要 (人文·社会科学) 36, no. 1 [2003], 10–11). For Sima Chengzhen’s philosophy of cultivation, see: Livia Kohn, Sitting in Oblivion: The Heart of Daoist Meditation (Dunedin, FL: Three Pines Press, 2010). Wu Yun’s philosophy on transcendence is mainly

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meet plumed men on Cinnabar Hill, / Search for the blessed chambers of immortality” 仍羽人於丹丘，尋不死之福庭,94 adopting the perspective of the great peng bird in writing can be viewed as Li Bai’s poetic license. Although the great peng bird appears in the same Liezi chapter just quoted,95 it does not have anything to do with Penglai until the Jin dynasty (see below). The perspective of the great peng bird that leads the persona to look upward and have an imaginary flight toward Penglai was somewhat inspired by the Liezi and others; it was Li Bai’s innovation in weaving these texts together in his new poetic representation. In the following lines from the “Dapeng fu” the poet adopts a bird’s eye view of the three mountains. 然後 六月一息 至于海湄 欻翳景以橫翥 逆高天而下垂 憩乎泱漭之野 入乎汪湟之池 猛勢所射 餘風所吹 溟漲沸渭 巖巒紛披 天吳爲之怵栗 海若爲之躨跜 巨鼇冠山而卻走 長鯨騰海而下馳 縮殼挫鬣 莫之敢窺 吾亦不測 其神怪之若此 蓋乃造化之所爲96

After this In a single aspiring over six months It arrives at the verge of the sea. For a flicker masking The Luminescent by soaring athwart it; Now, turning away from high heaven, downward it descends, To alight upon a wilderness of unplumbed profundity. And pass into the pool of unplumbed profundity. With what is thrown off from its bold vigor, What is expelled of its remaining wind, The deep swells seethe and spume, The steep tors reel and rupture. Wu of the Sky, because of it, trembles intimidated; Ruo of the Sea, because of it, is agitated and stirred. The gigantic turtles, bearing up the mountains, flee in retreat; The long leviathan rears above the sea, then hurries downward; Drawing into its shell or pulling back its fin, Neither will dare to peer at it. I too cannot Fathom how it is that its divine incongruity could be like this; Doubtless, indeed, something wrought by the Fashioner of Mutations!

The giant mythological sea turtle also plays a role in “Tiantai xiaowang.” Looking at it together with the fu, we know the turtle is submerged and drifts with the waves because it is afraid the great peng bird will create great winds and waves with its spreading and fluttering wings. However, Li Bai found in his Xuangang lun 玄綱論 and Shenxian kexue lun 神仙可學論 (see: Jan de Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way: Life and Works of an Eighth-century Daoist Master [Leiden: Brill, 2008], 231–382). 94 WX, 11.6a; trans., David R. Knechtges, Wen xuan, 2: 247. 95 Yang Bojun, Liezi jishi, 5.157; A.C. Graham, The Book of Lieh-tzu, 98. 96 LBJJZ, 1.9; Paul W. Kroll, “Li Po’s Rhapsody on the Great P’eng-bird,” 11–12.

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was not the first to create these scenes. Interactions between the great peng bird and giant turtle are also found in two Jin-dynasty texts. The first one is an extant four-line poem by Jiang You 江逌 (ca. 301–365): 巨鼇戴蓬萊 大鯤運天池 倐忽雲雨興 俯仰三州移

When the giant turtles held Mount Penglai on their head, The great kun took its flight from the Celestial Pond. All of a sudden clouds and rains were brought about. In a moment of looking up and down, the three mountains shifted.97

Before Jiang You, Zuo Si 左思 (ca. 250–305) wrote an elaborated version of this myth in his “Fu on the Wu Capital”: 魚鳥聱耴 萬物蠢生 芒芒黖黖 慌罔奄欻 神化翕忽 函幽育明 窮性極形 盈虛自然 蚌蛤珠胎 與月虧全 巨鼇贔屓 首冠靈山 大鵬繽翻 翼若垂天 振盪汪流 雷抃重淵 殷動宇宙 胡可勝原

The fish and birds fill the waters with a deafening din, And the myriad creatures begin to squirm with life. The air around it is murky and black, Vague and indistinct, suddenly changing. Its divine transformations are instantaneous, As it envelops the hidden and nurtures the bright. Having realized their basic nature and perfected their forms, These creatures are full and empty in accord with nature’s cycles. The mussel’s pearl embryo Waxes and wanes with the phases of the moon. Giant turtles with mighty force Bear magic mountains on their heads. There is the roc in furious flight, His wings seeming to span the sky. They whip up the watery vastness, Strike down to the layered depths, Greatly shaking the whole cosmos. How can such things be fully described? 98

These two Jin-dynasty examples might have been key provenances for Li Bai’s creations, although Li Bai might not be aware of the giant turtles’ role as “sustainers” of the destructed world, a prototypical theme developed from some early myths.99 The commonly agreed composition date of the 97

Li Fang, et al., comps., Taiping yulan, 904.8a/b. Zuo Si, “Wu Du fu” 吳都賦, WX, 5.5b; trans., David R. Knechtges, Wen xuan, 1: 381, 383. 99 In addition to the Chuci quotation above, the myth about the giant turtles’ sustaining feature is also related in the Huainanzi in which Nüwa is said to have cut the limbs of the turtles and used them as sustaining pillars for the four directions of the destructed world. See Liu An 劉安 (179–122 BC) et al., comps., Gao You 高誘 (E. Han), comm., Huainanzi 淮南子, in Zhuzi jicheng 諸子集成 (rpt., Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 6.95. Quoting other studies and sources, which suggest that the myth of the giant turtles in China might have been influenced by ancient Indian tradition and serves as a subject for comparison with some Western 98

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Liezi100 allows us to observe a new trend in the Jin dynasty that the two images of the great peng bird and Penglai were then put together. In continuing the literary traditions, Li personalized them and thus yielded new ideas. As Zuo Si’s fu devotes to the descriptions of the state of Wu, the great peng bird’s “southward flight” from the Zhuangzi text to Wu was initiated by Zuo Si or an unknown earlier poet. Details in Li Bai’s poetry, such as the great peng bird frightening the giant turtle into submerging and disappearing to Penglai, come from Zuo Si’s fu. In his “Tiantai xiaowang” (line 10), Li borrowed Zuo Si’s term shenhua xihu 神化翕忽 and turned it into shenguai he xihu 神怪何翕忽. The poet adopted the perspective of an observer seeing the great peng bird with his own eyes and exclaiming at the wonder, thereby expressing the curious question of living in this Penglai wonderland and pursuing longevity. If matched with history – that is, when Li Bai visits Tiantai again, Sima Chengzhen has already died – this adds to the interpretation of this poem. Then the glimpse of the image of Penglai perhaps reveals the mood of the poet at Tiantai, thinking of Sima Chengzhen who has already transcended and become an immortal deity. Li Bai’s thoughts of seeking transcendence seem to contradict his joy at being summoned to the capital. His ideal thoughts of success-and-retreat were perhaps affected by Sima Chengzhen’s influence. Sima enjoyed high esteem and courtesy from three monarchs, namely Empress Wu (r. 690–705), and Emperors Ruizong and Xuanzong. In Li Bai’s mind, he had certainly become an idol. The historical fact is that before Kaiyuan 15, Sima had always lived at Mount Tiantai (until Xuanzong bestowed upon him a home at Mount Wangwu 王屋山).101 Upon Li’s visit to this very symbol for imperial favor, Sima’s glory must have incurred Li’s admiration and emulation, especially when he had just received a similar imperial summons to the court. Therefore, we observe two ambivalent thoughts in “Tiantai xiaowang”: the vivid image of the great peng bird is a metaphor for both pursuing Daoist counterparts, Izushi Yoshihiko 出石誠彦, traces early sources of this theme and constructs a paradigm of this culture since early China (see: Izushi Yoshihiko, “Jōdai Shina no kyogou fusan setsuwa no yurai nitsuite” 上代支那の「巨鼇負山」説話の由来について, in: Shina shinwa densetsu no kenkyū 支那神話傳說の研究, ed. Izushi Yoshihiko [Tōkyō: Chūō Kōronsha, 1943], 325–43). 100 It is commonly accepted that the Liezi is a forged book by a Jin writer, most likely Zhang Zhan. A.C. Graham argues: “I incline to the opinion (which is however far from universally accepted) that most of it comes from one period (c. A.D. 300) and may even, except for the hedonist chapter, be the work of a single hand.” (see: A.C. Graham, The Book of Lieh-tzu, 12). A more detailed examination of the book is seen in A.C. Graham, “The Date and Composition of Liehtzyy,” Asia Major, n.s. 8 (1961), 139–98. 101 JTS, 192.5127–28.

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longevity and reflecting satisfaction with the poet’s official career.102 If we understand the image of the gold and silver terraces from “Mengyou Tianmu yin liubie” as a portrayal of the poet’s life in the capital, then the similar images (such as Penglai, Peng que, and gold and silver terraces) in “Tiantai xiaowang” and “You Taishan” can also be interpreted the same way.103 These two levels of significance in Li Bai’s thoughts of roaming in transcendence and their apparent contradictions can make complete sense. On the one hand “Tiantai xiaowang” expresses the desire for a secluded life on Mount Tiantai; on the other hand he implies pride in Xuanzong’s court. Li Changzhi 李長之 uses Li Bai’s admiration for Lu Zhonglian’s 魯仲連 (ca. 305 BC– 245 BC) behavior to explain this paradox. He thinks Lu’s successful retreat became exemplary for Li Bai.104 When we look at Li Bai’s early career, his contemporary model with such an admirable accomplishment is no other than Sima Chengzhen. THE BANISHED TRANSCENDENT’S RETURN TO TRANSCENDENCE Although the second half of Li Bai’s “Ti Tongboguan” (later entitled “Qiongtai”) is likely a forgery, it can be understood as a “sequel” to the first half, “Tiantai xiaowang.” This “sequel” expresses that after the poet entered court he was unhappy and desired to return to Mount Tiantai. This sentiment 102

For example, Li Bai, “Shang Li Yong” 上李邕, LBJJZ, 9.660–61. These “wonderlands” in Li Bai’s poetry, which contain two layers of meaning, are more typically seen in “Jinmen da Su Xiucai.” Through admiration for Su’s secluded living in the poem, he expresses his own conflicting feelings toward retirement and politics. Serving as an Expectant Official is just a temporary “transcendent realm”; the “three mountains” are the real and eternal one. The poet’s position is not to abandon the world of fame and fortune: “You achieve Nirvana by secluding yourself on cliffs. / I live in the mundane world [in a flexible way], now like a dragon and now like a worm” 栖巖君寂滅；處世余龍蠖. This poem and other related works, such as the abovementioned “Jia qu Wenquangong hou zeng Yang Shanren,” all reveal the poet’s ideal goal of achieving success then retreating. There are also two coexisting contradictions: one is worldly and fleeting; the other is eternal. Li says in “Yuhu yin” 玉壺吟: “People of the world do not know Dongfang Shuo / Practising this ‘great reclusion’ at the Gold Gate is the ‘Banished Transcendent’” 世人不識東方朔，大隱 金門是謫仙. He regards his status at the palace as “great reclusion.” This is another example of a “transcendent realm” in the mundane world. See LBJJZ, 19.1107–8, 9.625, 7.484. “Great reclusion” is the opposite of “small reclusion.” The former takes place in court and the marketplace; the latter, regarded as a low-level reclusion, takes place in mountains and marshes. See Wang Kangqu 王康璩 (Jin), “Fan Zhaoyin shi” 反招隱詩 (“counter-summons for the recluse”), WX, 22.4b. 104 Another model for Li Bai was Xie An 謝安 (320–385) (see: Li Changzhi, Daojiaotu de shiren Li Bai ji qi tongku 道教徒的詩人李白及其痛苦 [Macau: Wenji shudian, 1967], 47–51). The most typical case of this idea of achieving success and then retreating is seen in Li Bai’s “Dai Shoushan da Meng Shaofu yiwen shu,” LBJJZ, 26.1525–26. 103

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finds support in his short glory being ruined by slander and Xuanzong’s inability to keep him.105 When the poet lost favor, the imperial palace suddenly became a “paradise lost”; Mount Tiantai on the contrary once again flashed its splendid lights in the eyes of our frustrated poet. What is relevant in the poem and the poet’s desire to abandon the court form a contrast. This determination resulted in another imaginary flight. This sentiment determines the tone of “Qiongtai.” The scenery described in the poem is simple and pristine, far from mundane, as seen in the second stanza: Fairies in blue attire would date me to roam the Carnelian Terrace. Nandin trees bear fragrant blossoms on open nine-fold leaves. Celestial breezes disperse their fragrance so they do not touch the ground – Thousands of their petals, transcending dust and grime.

When court life soured, on the one hand Li’s poetry became bitter; on the other hand, his desire became sweet. There is much research on this period of pain in Li Bai’s poetry, likely in conjunction with frustrations at the court.106 Keeping in mind that nandin trees are native to Mount Tiantai,107 we observe the poet’s familiarity with the geography and local history of this area, and above all, the poetic tradition. Obviously from imagination, the poet adds a specific feature to the plant, the nine-fold leaves. This is the first description of the plant since Sun Chuo’s mention of it as a pearl-yielding tree in his “You Tiantaishan fu” as a plant of the transcendent realm.108 The expression of Li’s wish to return to “Qiongtai” can be regarded as a Peach Blossom Spring complex: when there is no way out in the human world, a feeling of longing for another world naturally arises.109 Therefore he writes in 105 See Li Yangbing 李陽冰 (mid 8th cent.), “Caotang ji xu” 草堂集序, LBJJZ, “fulu,” 3.17891789; Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–72) and Song Qi 宋祁 (998–1061), Xin Tangshu 新 唐書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987), 202.5763. 106 Yu Xianhao observes the sudden rise of Li Bai’s Daoist thought after being slandered at court in the Tianbao period (see: Yu Xianhao, “Zaitan Li Bai liang ru Chang’an ji qi zuopin xinian” 再談李白兩入長安及其作品繫年, in: Idem, Tianshang zhexianren de mimi: Li Bai kaolun ji 天上謫仙人的秘密：李白考論集 [Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1997], 211–12). 107 Edward H. Schafer translated qi 琪 tree as “nandin.” This type of tree is native to Mount Tiantai, and is often related to the theme of immortality (see: Edward H. Schafer, “The Capeline Cantos: Verses on the Divine Loves of Taoist Priestesses,” Asiatische Studien 32 [1978], 37– 38). Schafer later pointed out that the qi tree is Nandina domestica 南天竺 (see: Edward H. Schafer, “Annex to ‘Combined Supplements to Mathews,’” Schafer Sinological Papers, no. 13 [7 July 1984, private printing], 7). 108 WX, 11.8a; trans., Knechtges, Wen xuan, 2: 250. Li Shan glosses it as yuqi 玗琪, a kind of tree that yields pearl, as recorded in the Shanhai jing. 109 See Tao Qian 陶潛 (365–427), “Taohuayuan ji bing shi” 桃花源記并詩, in Lu Qinli, ed. & comm., Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979), 6.165–68; James Robert Hightower, The Poetry of T’ao Ch’ien (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), 254–970.

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the poem: “In these mountains there are indeed places for people’s wayfaring.” He says in “Response to Queries in the Mountains” (“Shanzhong wenda” 山中問答): 問余何意栖碧山 笑而不答心自閑 桃花流水窅然去 別有天地非人間110

You ask me why I stay amidst the emerald mountains. I smile and do not answer, in a mood of natural leisure. As I follow the peach petals and currents and quietly leave, Heaven and earth are distinct, not in the human realm.

Although there is really no direct “answer” to this ‘Response to Queries,” as the poem is titled, the otherworldly fantasy is what he found most attractive. Despite the lack of context, the fantasy may be seen as Li Bai’s ideal realm of seclusion in “Qiongtai.” In “Qiongtai” the poet shows no more interest in the “Purple Tenuity,” a kenning for the palace, and sets a date to return to Mount Tiantai after the Double Ninth Festival. This sour grape complex is so typical in Li’s poetic discourse on his Chang’an saga.111 As such, his “Mengyou Tianmu yin liubie” has long been given a topical reading. The following poem not only bolsters this reading but also reflects Li’s eagerness to renounce the political “transcendence” and return to Daoist transcendence, which he left temporarily. 懷仙歌 一鶴東飛過滄海 放心散漫知何在 仙人浩歌望我來 應攀玉樹長相待 堯舜之事不足驚 自餘囂囂直可輕 巨鰲莫載三山去 我欲蓬萊頂上行 110

“A Song of Thinking of the Transcendents” A crane flies to the east, passing the Broad Sea [Island] – Freeing its mind, unrestrained, without knowing where it goes. The transcendents sing loudly, hoping I will join them. They perhaps climb up jade trees, waiting for me. The story about Yao and Shun is not surprising, The rest are just clamors and should simply be ignored. Oh, giant turtles, do not carry away the Three Mountains. I want to stroll on the summit of Mount Penglai.112

LBJJZ, 19.1095. This might have become an important motivation for later compilers to put together Li’s works in an effort to reconstruct a complete picture of Li’s transcendence-seeking odyssey. The poem in question is “Gufeng” 古風 #20, which tells a complete story of how the poet visited and accompanied Master Redpine in roaming; how he bade farewell to his family and friends, supposedly to seek a career in the capital; how he became tired of secular values; and his eagerness to return to Penglai. The three “episodes” in three different rhymes were not united as one poem before Xiao Shiyun’s 蕭士贇 (Yuan) compilation of Li’s collected works. See LBJJZ, 2.131–34, quoting Wang Qi, Zhan Ying, etc. The second “episode” is anthologized in Wei Hu’s 韋縠 (Five dynasties) Caidiao ji 才調集 as a separate poem. See Mao Jin, ed., Tangren xuan Tangshi, 6.2a. The editor’s note reads: “This one is missing from the 59 ‘Gufeng’ poems in Li’s collected works.” In his new edition of Li’s collected works, Yu Xianhao restores the earlier status of this poem by separating it into three poems. See LTBQJ, 1.69–75. 112 LBJJZ, 8.576. 111

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As the poem’s title suggests, the poet “misses the transcendents,” as inspired by the carefree crane.113 It is the result of his setback in political life – he has lost faith in the fine tradition of Yao 堯 yielding his throne to Shun 舜 and therefore wishes to retreat to his original world of transcendence. This sentiment invites speculation to date the poem to a later point in Li’s life,114 although An Qi dates it to Tianbao 3 (744) soon before Li departed the capital. 115 At the end of the poem, our frustrated poet beckons the giant turtles and asks them not to drift away with the divine mountains, because he now wants to enjoy his life in Penglai. Despite the disputes on dates, political setbacks formed a major theme in his poems written in the last months of his Chang’an stay.116 Even if the late date of composition is valid, we see that Penglai as a retreat for the poet from political life infallibly remains a repertoire throughout his career. Without the topical reading of Yao and Shun, “Qiongtai” fits well into Li’s frustrating time in Tianbao 3. In this poem, the poet expresses his wish to return to Mount Tiantai where he incarnates himself as the great peng bird and finds his own Penglai. With the theme of “Qiongtai” settled, our next question is: what does the poet mean at the end of the poem: “the dragons and snakes on the wall will vainly rove on their own”? In Tang poetry, the figures of the dancing dragon and snake were often used as metaphors for calligraphy. Li Bai himself used this kenning to describe Huaisu’s 懷素 (ca. 725–ca. 785) calligraphic works: 起來向壁不停手 一行數字大如斗 怳怳如聞神鬼驚 時時只見龍蛇走117

As he starts [inscribing] on the wall, his hands never stop – Each column of several graphs the size of a bushel. Obscure and occult, as if hearing startled spirits and ghosts; Time and again we only see the dragon and snake moving.

From this we may confirm that the end of “Qiongtai” refers to calligraphy inscribed on a wall. Li’s description of his own calligraphy as “dragon and snake” leads us to imagine his artwork. This imagination may be strengthened by looking at Li’s only extant calligraphic work, “Shang Yangtai” 上陽臺 (Ascending the Solar Terrace), which might have been dedicated to Sima Chengzhen:118 113 Zhan Ying and Yu Xiaohao gloss the first line as an allusion to the story of Ding Lingwei 丁令威 (Western Han), who succeeded in transcendence, turned into a crane, and flew back to his hometown Liaodong 遼東. LBQJJ, 1217n1; LTBQJ, 991n1. 114 LBQJJ, 7.1216, 1219, quoting Ge Jingchun; LTBQJ, 6.994. 115 LBQJB, 703. 116 For a list of poems written in this setting, see: An Qi and Xue Tianwei, Li Bai nianpu, 60. 117 Li Bai, “Caoshu ge xing” 草書歌行, LBJJZ, 8.588. In addition, Wei Zhuang 韋莊 (836–910) also uses the term “dragon and snake” to describe calligraphy. See his “Qi cai jian ge” 乞彩牋歌, QTS, 700.8044. 118 The original manuscript of this piece of artwork is preserved in the Beijing Palace Museum. Reproductions of the image are found passim (see for example: Sun Baowen 孫寶文, ed., Jin

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Plate 2: Li Bai, “Shang Yangtai”119

The poet again despondently desires to retire from his unpleasant life in the capital, echoing the beginning of the poem: “The Dragon resides at the Phoenix Loft but cannot keep me.” Evidently, this “dragon” and the “dragon” at the end of the poem are not the same; it refers to the Tang emperor. The Phoenix Loft is the place where the dragon lives; now he realizes that it does not suit him and he wants to return to Mount Tiantai.120 The poet adopts a unique perspective as if to say: “I am writing my poem here. The calligraphy of the dragon and snake from my writing brush will be left here as I am leaving forever.” These anticipated perspectives, imaginary flights and methods of inscription find similarities in his “Mengyou Tianmu yin liubie.” In this poem he writes of the imagined images of the Mount Tianmu in his absence. This poem has a variant title in a Song edition of Li Bai’s collected works: “Bidding Farewell to Colleagues in East Lu” 別東魯諸公. Although the poem Tang Wudai shufa xuan 晉唐五代書法選 [Changchun: Jilin sheying chubanshe, 2006], 10–11). Tsuchiya Masaaki points out the dubious attribution of this calligraphic work. It might have been an imitation of Li’s original by a mysterious hand. See Tsuchiya Masaaki, “Ri Haku to Shiba Shōtei no Dōten shisō,” 80; Idem, “Li Bai yu Sima Chengzhen zhi dongtian sixiang,” 349–50. 119 The original of this piece of artwork is preserved in the Palace Museum, Beijing. The image of it is nowadays widely accessible and downloadable from the internet. The inscription reads: “The mountains are high, the rivers are long / There are thousands of creatures and scenes. / Without a brush of sophisticated skills, / How could one clearly show their transcendent magnificence? On the eighteenth day, Taibai inscribed this on ascension to the Solar Terrace” 山高 水長，物象千萬。非有老筆，清壯可窮？十八日上陽臺書，太白. 120 This is testified by the Xin Tangshu (202.5763) record: “(Li Bai) implored to return to the mountains” 懇求還山.

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has a similar title, “Roaming Mount Tianmu in my dream: bidding farewell to colleagues in East Lu” 夢遊天姥山別東魯諸公 in the Tang compilation Heyue yingling ji,121 we notice the instability in its early circulation.122 Yin Fan might wish to point out this poem’s intention of “travelling in a dream.” The poem “Qiongtai” might have undergone a similar process: as it mentions Qiongtai, a vista point at Mount Tiantai, it became the poem title in the Ming edition (Table 1, item 7). This poem title established its name when it was engraved at Tongbo Abbey; therefore the poem was evidently not written here. CONCLUSION: POETIC TRADITION AND TEXTUAL TRANSCENDENCE The two works discussed in this essay, regardless the authorship, take two different angles to express diverse sentiments. Although they are similar in writing on feelings relating to Mount Tiantai, the theme and content of the two poems reveal quite different interests. Both poems emphasize the theme of wang 望 – both in the sense of looking into the distance and a feeling of desire.123 The first poem expresses the persona’s hope to stay at Mount Tiantai forever, while in the second poem wang refers to a wish to renounce secular life and return to Tiantai. Two different perspectives show the poet’s longing and love for Tiantai. The two works demonstrate distinct treatment of local characteristics and traditional poetic elements, thereby achieving unique poetic styles by reactivating the repertoire of poetic themes and techniques. The image of the great peng bird came from Zhuangzi and became Li Bai’s “personal totem.” In the “Dapeng fu,” although arrogant and proud, the bird shows absolute esteem and compliance to the Rarely Held Bird, a reincarnation of Sima Chengzhen. In “Tiantai xiaowang,” the great peng bird spreads its wings and soars at great heights looking for Mount Penglai as it desires to live in this transcendent realm. Although Li Bai drew inspiration from traditional literature and legends, his personal treatment of them is of pioneering significance. Seeking transcendence in the poem might be interpreted as a metaphor for craving imperial favor, but once we look into the poet’s aspirational pursuits, relevant historical backgrounds and specific cultural and geographical features 121

Yin Fan, Heyue yingling ji, 9a. Another example is Li Bai’s “Gufeng” #9, which has a variant title “Yonghuai” 詠懷 in Heyue yingling ji, 1.11b. 123 The word wang also carries these two meanings in Du Fu’s “Wang yue” 望嶽. See Paul W. Kroll, “Verses from on High,” 181–82. 122

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the poem are better interpreted as the poet’s admiration and yearning for the two successes obtained by Sima Chengzhen, who was once living in seclusion on this very site: obtaining imperial favor and achieving transcendence. Victor Mair’s terminology of “political transcendence” is made for Li Bai, but we find that Li had Sima as his model because of his earlier success in attaining this kind of “transcendence.” For this reason, as Katō Kuniyasu observes, the images of Mounts Tianmu and Tiantai lost their robustness after the poet’s failure in his political career.124 This theory holds true in reading his “Qiongtai” poem, although Tiantai is depicted as his destination of return. Although the content of the two poems is mainly characterized by personalized sentiments, the myths and Daoist references contain hidden religious elements from Shangqing Daoism, as well as from previous literature circulated in the Tang.125 Li Bai painted the scenery of Mount Tiantai effectively by emulating Sun Chuo’s “You Tiantaishan fu.” However, there is no trace of another story highly relevant to Mount Tiantai, that is, Liu Chen 劉晨 and Ruan Zhao’s 阮肇 straying into the Mount Tiantai. Does this mean that Li Bai did not hear this story? Or was not interested? According to Ōno Jitsunosuke’s statistics, in the sources of Li Bai’s quotes from classical literature, the story of Liu and Ruan recorded in Youming lu 幽明錄 is one such important work.126 In Li Bai’s Tiantai poetry, there is no mention of other “landmarks” such as Baiyun xiansheng, Wangzi Qiao, Wang Xizhi 王羲之, Liu Chen and Ruan Zhao, etc. Li’s preferences for themes and imagery enable us to infer that the main presupposed object of Li Bai’s visit to Tiantai was Sima Chengzhen. Judging from the title of “Ti Tongboguan,” Li Bai’s intended destination was the former residence of Sima; this makes our interpretation of “Tiantai xiaowang” more reliable. One unresolved mystery is the authenticity of “Qiongtai.” The Yuandynasty compilation Tiantaishan zhi continued this poem underneath “Tiantai xiaowang” to make one poem. Fortunately, the work that has this poem’s “first half” as one poem was seen in the collection of Li’s works before the Yuan. Therefore, re-splitting the poem in the Yuan edition conforms to reason. Although there is no concrete evidence as to whether this poem’s “second 124 Katō Kuniyasu, “Ri Haku no Tendaisan, Tenubasan no shi: jiyū na tamashī e no hishō (ni)” 李白の天台山·天姥山の詩——自由な魂への飛翔 (二), Ehime daigaku kyōiku gakubu kiyō (jinbun, shakai kagaku) 36, no. 2 (2004), 11–13. 125 Paul W. Kroll, “The Transcendent Diction of Li Po,” 100–17. 126 Ōno Jitsunosuke, Ri Taihaku kenkyū, 457–59. The main sources that collected the tale and were available in Li’s time include: Youming lu, Soushen ji 搜神記, Fayuan zhulin 法苑 珠林, and Yiwen leiju 藝文類聚. See Li Jianguo 李劍國, Xinji Soushen ji 新輯搜神記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007), “fulu,” 718.

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half” “Qiongtai” is a forgery,127 the compilers of Li’s collected works did not include it as it emerged relatively late. As no real anachronistic elements are found in the poem, it would be premature to nullify its authenticity. Nonetheless, its relatively late emergence and its becoming superfluous to “Tiantai xiaowang” cannot help but arouse suspicion. We envision that it is possible someone “found” this poem and inscribed it at Tongbo Abbey. Consequently, the editors of Tiantaishan zhi when collecting works attributed to Li Bai included these two poems inscribed at Tongbo Abbey but neglected to separate them. One may also speculate that when “Tiantai xiaowang” was inscribed on the monastery wall, some admirer wrote a poem in emulation and added it underneath, and the two poems thereupon were combined into one. BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Aixinjueluo Xuanye 愛新覺羅玄燁, ed. Yuding Quan Tangshi 御定全唐詩. Wenyuange Siku quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書, hereafter SKQS (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1983–85), vol. 1427. An Qi 安旗, comp. & comm. Li Bai quanji biannian zhushi 李白全集編年注釋 (Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1990). Chen Hang 陳沆. Shi bi xing jian 詩比興箋 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1981). Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛, ed. & comm. Shuijing zhu jiaozheng 水經注校證 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007). Chen Qiqing 陳耆卿, comp. Jiading Chicheng zhi 嘉定赤城志. Song Yuan fangzhi congkan 宋元方志叢刊 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990). Chen Shangjun 陳尚君, comp. Quan Tangshi bubian 全唐詩補編 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992). Chen Si 陳思, comp. Baoke congbian 寶刻叢編, SKQS, vol. 682. Dong Gao 董誥, et al., comps. Quan Tangwen 全唐文 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987). Fu Xuancong 傅璇琮, et al. Quan Songshi 全宋詩 (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1998). Hu Zhenheng 胡震亨, comp. Tangyin tongqian 唐音統籤 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2003). Huang Xigui 黃錫珪. Li Taibai nianpu 李太白年譜 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958). Li Bai 李白. Li Taibai wenji 李太白文集. Song edn., rpt. (Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1967).

127 Hu Zhengwu 胡正武 points out the poem included in Tiantai shengji lu entitled “Mengyou Tiantaishan” 夢遊天台山 was a forgery, as the content of this poem relates to the wrong time period in its mention of Manichaeism, which was not yet popular in China in Li Bai’s time. See Tiantai shengji lu, 8.

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IN PRAISE OF THE WANGWU MOUNTAINS AND SIMA CHENGZHEN: THE TIANTAN WANGWU SHAN SHENGJI JI BY DU GUANGTING* Thomas JÜLCH INTRODUCTION The Wangwu Mountains 王屋山 are a mountain ridge situated on the border between Henan and Shanxi, roughly 50 km north of Luoyang. They are the subject of a Daoist local gazetteer entitled Tiantan Wangwu shan shengji ji 天壇王屋山聖跡記 (Account of the Sacred Vestiges of the Celestial Altar and the Wangwu Mountains, hereafter TWSSJ). It is a work in one juan preserved in the Daozang (DZ 969), and partially also in Quan Tangwen, juan 934.1 The TWSSJ was composed by the great Daoist scholar Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850-933). As the biography of Du Guangting has been studied in detail by Franciscus Verellen2 and Sun Yiping,3 I will here just briefly go through the cornerstones of his life: Du Guangting received his spiritual education within the Shangqing 上清 school on Mount Tongbo 桐柏山 in the Tiantai Mountains 天台山. Subsequently he made a remarkable career as advisor to the emperor. In 875 Tang Xizong 唐僖宗 (r. 873-888) honored him with a purple robe, which was one of the highest honorary distinctions for clerics. Du Guangting was appointed to an office at court, and he performed Daoist rituals on behalf of the throne and the state. In 887 he departed for Sichuan where he remained for the rest of his life. After the fall of the Tang dynasty in 907, the state of Shu 蜀 was established in Sichuan, and the Shu emperor again endowed Du Guangting with prestigious positions.4 * For insightful corrections regarding the translations presented in the current article I am most grateful to John Lagerwey, Paul W. Kroll, Timothy Wai Keung Chan, Richard John Lynn, Tsuchiya Masaaki, Bart Dessein, Li Zhengyang, and Li Helian. 1 Dong Gao 董誥, Quan Tangwen 全唐文 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001), 9723-9726. 2 Franciscus Verellen, Du Guangting (850-933): Taoїste de cour à la fin de la Chine médiévale (Paris: Collège de France, 1989). 3 Sun Yiping 孫亦平, Du Guangting pingzhuan 杜光庭評傳 (Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2005). 4 Du Guangting and Daoist ideology played an important role in the foundation of the Shu state. On this matter, see: Franciscus Verellen, “Liturgy and Sovereignity: The Role of Taoist Ritual in the Foundation of the Shu Kingdom (907-925),” Asia Major, Third Series, 2, no. 1

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Du Guangting was enormously productive as an author and compiler of Daoist texts. As part of his multi-facetted work, he wrote liturgies for Daoist retreats (zhai, 齋),5 and he was influential as a commentator of the Laozi 老子.6 In the present study, however, we approach Du Guangting as a scholar of Daoist history, hagiography, and geography. His main works in this respect include an account of Daoist sacred history entitled Lidai chongdao ji 歷代 崇道記 (Records of the Veneration of the Dao over Successive Generations, DZ 593),7 a collection of biographies of female immortals entitled Yongcheng jixian lu 墉城集仙錄 (Records of the Immortals Gathered in the Walled City),8 and an account of Daoist sacred geography entitled Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji 洞天福地嶽瀆名山記 (Records of Grotto-Heavens, Blissful Lands, Peaks, Rivers, and Famous Mountains, DZ 599).9 In all of these works the Wangwu Mountains are also mentioned. In the Lidai chongdao ji we find them included in two lists of mountain ridges associated with sacred events: Firstly they are named as one of thirteen ridges on which King Mu of Zhou 周穆王 (r. 956-918 BC) allegedly converted 5,000 people to become Daoist priests.10 Secondly they are named as one of five ridges on which Han Wudi 漢武帝 (r. 140-187 BC) allegedly founded Daoist monasteries. As we are told, the establishment founded in the Wangwu Mountains was named Tongtian Abbey 通天觀.11 References to the Wangwu Mountains seen in the Yongcheng jixian lu and in the Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji shall be referred to later on in the present article.

(1989), 59-78; Franciscus Verellen, “Shu as a hallowed land: Du Guangting’s Record of Marvels,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 10 (1998), 213-254. 5 Charles Benn, “Daoist Ordination and Zhai Rituals,” in: Daoism Handbook, ed. Livia Kohn (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 315, 323, 325-326. 6 Alan Chan, Two Visions of the Way: A Study of the Wang Pi and the Ho-shang Kung Commentaries on the Lao-tzu (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), 8-11. 7 This text is also preserved in Dong Gao, Quan Tangwen, juan 933. For an introduction, see: Judith M. Boltz, A Survey of Taoist Literature: Tenth to Seventeenth Centuries (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 129-131. 8 Different versions of this work are preserved in the Daozang (DZ 783) and in Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤, juan 114-116 (Zhang Junfang 張君房, Yunji qiqian [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007], vol. 5, 2524-2571). For a translation based on the Yunji qiqian, see: Suzanne Cahill, Divine Traces of Sisterhood: “Records of the Assembled Transcendents of the Fortified Walled City” by Du Guangting (850-933) (Magdalena: Three Pines, 2006). 9 For several references to Du Guangting’s conception of Daoist sacred geography, see: James Robson, Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue 南嶽) in Medieval China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009). 10 Dong Gao, Quan Tangwen, juan 933, 1a. 11 Dong Gao, Quan Tangwen, juan 933, 1b.

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While the afore-mentioned works are not confined to the discussion of any specific location, the TWSSJ refers to the Daoist lore of the Wangwu Mountains exclusively. In its treatment of the matter, the TWSSJ has one particular focus: the involvement of the famous Shangqing patriarch Sima Chengzhen 司馬承禎 (647-735) with the mountain ridge. As we will see in the present article, Du Guangting in many ways relied on Sima Chengzhen and sought to take his legacy further. From reading the TWSSJ it is obvious that the praise of Sima Chengzhen was one of Du Guangting’s main intentions in writing the text. The TWSSJ consists of a prose section and an appended series of poems. In the present article I provide a full translation of the prose section, while the poems are not translated here. The prose section consists of two parts. For the purposes of a structured translation and in order to enable precise references, I have subdivided part 1 into 20 paragraphs.12 Part 1 provides a geographic description of the Wangwu Mountains, and praisefully elaborates on the local Daoist culture. It focuses on the Celestial Altar (tiantan, 天壇) as the main peak of the Wangwu Mountains, but also refers to the other mountains of the ridge. Part 2 renders excerpts from four imperial edicts addressed to Sima Chengzhen. Edicts 1-3 were issued by Tang Ruizong 唐睿 宗 (r. 710-712), and edict 4 by Tang Xuanzong 唐玄宗 (r. 712-756).13 The full text of the first edict is preserved in the Daojia jinshi lüe 道家金石略 (A Collection of Daoist Epigraphy), an anthology compiled by Chen Yuan 陳垣 (1880-1971). In the first place, Sima Chengzhen is connected with Mount Tongbo in the Tiantai Mountains, where as we have seen Du Guangting 200 years later received his spiritual education. The establishment of the Shangqing school on Mount Tongbo was Sima Chengzhen’s achievement. While previous Shangqing patriarchs had based themselves on Mount Mao 茅山 and on Mount Song 嵩山, Sima Chengzhen based himself on Mount Tongbo, where he founded the Tongbo Monastery 桐柏觀. Through the foundation of the Tongbo Monastery, Sima Chengzhen established Mount Tongbo as the new main seat of the Shangqing Order, and thereby laid the foundations for the TiantaiShangqing lineage, which came to be alternative to the patriarchal lineage that after Sima Chengzhen was based on Mount Mao again. After an eventful history of transmission, in the 9th century Ying Yijie 應夷節 (810-894) 12 Paragraphs 10-15 of part 1 have been translated in Russell Kirkland, Taoists of the High T’ang: An Inquiry into the Perceived Significance of Eminent Taoists in Medieval Chinese Society, Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1986, 272 f. Regarding these paragraphs my translation largely (but not in all respects) follows Kirkland. 13 The partial rendition of the work in Quan Tangwen, juan 934, is confined to TWSSJ, part 1. Both the edicts and the poems are not included here.

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was shadow patriarch of the Tiantai-Shangqing lineage. Du Guangting was his student, and as successor of Ying Yijie he became shadow patriarch of the Tiantai-Shangqing lineage himself.14 The lore of Sima Chengzhen on Mount Tongbo is commemorated in the Tiantai shan ji 天台山記 by Xu Lingfu 徐靈府,15 another 9th century disciple of the Tiantai-Shangqing lineage. Even though Sima Chengzhen had founded the Tiantai-Shangqing lineage on Mount Tongbo, his presence on Mount Tongbo was not unchallenged. Sima Chengzhen’s connections with the rulers of his times also required his presence in the capital. In total, Sima Chengzhen had four audiences at court: in 686 he met Wu Zhao 武瞾, the later empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (r. 690705); in 711 he met Tang Ruizong; and in 724 and 727 he met Tang Xuanzong.16 Mount Tongbo was located far from the court. So as a basis for his court audiences Sima Chengchen needed a new place of residence. As a spiritual master, he did not wish to spend too much time at court directly, and thus a monastery detached but not too far from the court had to be established for him. As a location for such a monastery Sima Chengzhen chose the Wangwu Mountains, which were in the proximity of both the Tang capitals of Chang’an and Luoyang. As we read in TWSSJ, part 1, paragraph 11, for Sima Chengzhen’s audience at the court of Tang Ruizong in 711, the Shangfang Cloister 上方院 was built in the Wangwu Mountains, which was however a rather small-sized place of provisional character. It seems that Sima Chengzhen did not stay there for long, but returned to Mount Tongbo again. When Sima Chengzhen was called to the court in 724, Tang Xuanzong had the more prestigious Yangtai Monastery 陽臺觀 (Monastery of the Sunlit Terrace) erected for him.17 The matter is reported in TWSSJ, part 1, paragraph 13, and also in the Tiantai shan ji we read: “In the Wangwu Mountains [Tang Xuanzong] chose a prominent location, and established the Yangtai Monastery to accommodate [Sima Chengzhen]” 於王屋山選形勝特置陽臺觀居之.18 Despite the noble design of the place, it seems that after the audience Sima Chengzhen again returned to Mount Tongbo. The matter is not entirely clear, 14 For a pedigree of the shadow patriarchs of the Tiantai-Shangqing lineage up to Du Guangting, see: Franciscus Verellen, Du Guangting (850-933), 20; James Robson, Power of Place, 170. For a broader background on Du Guangting’s stay in the Tiantai Mountains, see: Sun Yiping, Du Guangting pingzhuan, 62-73. 15 For a study and translation of this text, see: Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Shangqing-Daoismus in den Tiantai-Bergen (München: Utz, 2011), 45-88. 16 Ute Engelhardt, Die klassische Tradition der Qi-Übungen (Qigong): Eine Darstellung anhand des Tang-zeitlichen Textes Fuqi jingyi lun von Sima Chengzhen (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1987), 56. 17 See also: Paul W. Kroll, “Ssu-ma Ch’eng-chen in T’ang verse,” in: Bulletin of the Society for the Study of Chinese Religions 6 (1978), 16. 18 Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao, 84, 131.

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but in TWSSJ, part 2, edict 4, Tang Xuanzong bemoans that Sima Chengzhen wanted to return to the Tiantai Mountains. When Sima Chenzhen had his second audience with Tang Xuanzong in 727, Tang Xuanzong had transferred the court to Luoyang. But since the Wangwu Mountains are even closer to Luoyang than to Chang’an, Sima Chengzhen again took the Yangtai Monastery as his basis for his visit to the court.19 After his second audience with Tang Xuanzong, Sima Chengzhen stayed at the Yangtai Monastery to his death in 735. Sima Chengzhen’s renown as a political counsellor is commemorated in two stele texts. The earlier stele is the “Tongbo Monastery Stele” 桐柏觀碑,20 whose text was composed by Cui Shang 崔尚, an official in the Ministry of Sacrifices.21 Cui Shang’s stele is mentioned in the Tiantai shan ji, where we are told that “Emperor Xuanzong personally inscribed the heading for the stele” 玄宗皇帝親書其碑額.22 The slightly later stele is the “Tang Wangwu shan Zhongyan tai Zhengyi xiansheng miao jie” 唐王屋山中嚴臺正一先生 廟碣 (Temple Stele regarding the Tang dynasty Elder of the Orthodox Unity from the Zhongyan Terrace of the Wangwu Mountains),23 whose text was composed by Wei Sheng 衛升, an otherwise unknown, low-ranking official serving as Zuo weiwei lushi canjun 左威衛錄事參軍 (Administrative clerk in the Majestic Guard of the Left). Cui Shang’s stele praises Sima Chengzhen for having “revived the virtue of Guangcheng” 蘊廣成之德.24 According to Zhuangzi 11, Guangcheng was the teacher of the Yellow Emperor.25 Cui 19

Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao, 3. The stele text is preserved in the Tiantai shan zhi 天台山志 (DZ 603), a Ming dynasty compilation of texts connected to the Daoist tradition of the Tiantai Mountains (Daozang, vol. 11, p. 93b – p. 94b) and in the Quan Tangwen (Dong Gao, Quan Tangwen, juan 304, 7b-10a). For a study and translation of the stele text, see: Russell Kirkland, “Ssu-ma Ch’eng-chen and the Role of Taoism in the Medieval Chinese Polity,” in: Journal of Asian History 31, no. 2 (1997): for the study, see: pp. 112-117; for the translation, see: pp. 123-126. 21 For details regarding the official position of Cui Shang see: Russell Kirkland, Taoists of the High T’ang, 63, note 3. 22 Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao, 72, 125. 23 The stele text is preserved in the Daozang (DZ 970, Daozang, vol. 19, p. 706c – p. 708a) and in Quan Tangwen (Dong Gao, Quan Tangwen, juan 306, 6a-10a). Kwang Hin Foon believes that “the Zhengyi in the title should read Zhenyi 貞一, the master’s posthumous name, conferred by Emperor Xuanzong” (Kwang Hing Foon, “Tang Wangwu shan Zhongyan tai Zhengyi xiansheng miao jie,” in: The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang, ed. Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen [Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004], vol. 1, 434). For a study and translation of the stele text, see: Russell Kirkland, “Ssu-ma Ch’eng-chen and the Role of Taoism in the Medieval Chinese Polity,” for the study, see: pp. 118123; for the translation, see: pp. 127-136. 24 DZ 603, Daozang, vol. 11, p. 94a. 25 Chen Guying 陳鼓應, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi 莊子今注今譯 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001), vol. 2, 278 f.; Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way: Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994), 94-97. 20

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Shang praises Sima Chengzhen by comparing the counsel he gave to Tang Ruizong with the counsel Guangcheng had given to the Yellow Emperor.26 In Wei Sheng’s stele text we find the equation of Sima Chengzhen with Guangcheng and of Tang Ruizong with the Yellow Emperor repeated.27 It is also seen as a rhetorical figure in TWSSJ, part 2, edicts 2 and 3. Furthermore, Tang Ruizong’s affection for Sima Chengzhen strongly speaks out of the first edict presented in TWSSJ, part 2, in which he gracefully invites him to an audience at court. A partial quotation of this edict is also seen in the Tiantai shan ji.28 Sima Chengzhen’s close ties with the court are also shown by his involvement with the Princess Yuzhen 玉真 (691-762). The ordination of imperial princesses as Daoist priestesses was a specific characteristic of the Tang dynasty. As Jia Jinhua explains, throughout Tang times 28 princesses and in addition many further female members of the royal family as well as palace women have been ordained, which is a phenomenon not seen in any other Chinese imperial dynasty.29 Yuzhen was the ninth daughter of Tang Ruizong.30 Jointly with her older sister, Princess Jinxian 金仙 (689-732), who was Ruizong’s eighth daughter, she had two investitures – one in 706 and one in 711.31 The ritual of the second investiture has been elaborately described in a text composed by the Daoist priest Zhang Wanfu 張萬福 in 713. The text has been studied and translated by Charles Benn.32 In 727 Tang Xuanzong sent Yuzhen and Wei Tao 韋縚, “Grand Master for Splendid Happiness” or “Chief Minister of the Court of Imperial Entertainments” 光祿卿, to hold the “Golden Register Retreat” (jinlu zhai, 金籙齋) in Sima Chengzhen’s Yangtai Monastery in the Wangwu Mountains.33 And in 743 Yuzhen visited Sima Chengzhen’s disciple, the priestess Jiao Zhenjing 焦真靜, on Mount Song.34 In TWSSJ, part 1, paragraph 11, we find a reference to Yuzhen’s devotion for Sima Chengzhen.

26 Russell Kirkland, “Ssu-ma Ch’eng-chen and the Role of Taoism in the Medieval Chinese Polity,” 114 f. 27 Russell Kirkland, “Ssu-ma Ch’eng-chen and the Role of Taoism in the Medieval Chinese Polity,” 120. 28 Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao, 80 f., 129. 29 Jia Jinhua, Gender, Power, and Talent: The Journey of Daoist Priestesses in Tang China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2018), 18. 30 Jia Jinhua, Gender, Power, and Talent, 32. 31 Jia Jinhua, Gender, Power, and Talent, 34 f. 32 Charles Benn, The Cavern Mystery Transmission: A Taoist Ordination Rite of AD 711 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1991). 33 Jia Jinhua, Gender, Power, and Talent, 43. 34 Ibid.

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Sima Chengzhen’s four visits to the court, the counsel he gave to the relevant emperors, his taking residence in the Wangwu Mountains, and the Golden Register Retreat, which the Yuzhen Princess and Wei Tao carried out in the Yangtai Monastery, are subject to description in Sima Chengzhen’s biography in Jiu Tangshu, juan 192. The text importantly points out Sima Chengzhen’s merits in the field of calligraphy, which are also referred to in TWSSJ, part 1, paragraph 14. Below I offer a translation of this biography, in which I only omit two passages that seem less relevant to the present study. The Daoist priest Sima Chengzhen, whose zi was Ziwei, was a native of Wen in Henei. He was a descendant of a [Northern] Zhou Dynasty Regional Inspector of Jinzhou, [who held the noble title] Duke of Langye. In young years he loved to study, but disapproved of becoming an official, and went for becoming a Daoist priest. He studied with Pan Shizheng, and transmitted his arts of talismans and registers as well as abstaining from cereals, guiding and pulling, and consuming medicine. Shizheng praised him tremendously, and said: “From Tao the Recluse (i.e. Tao Hongjing) I have received the methods of the Orthodox Unity, and you shall take them on in the fourth generation.”35 Chengzhen once travelled to famous mountains, and settled on Mount Tiantai. [Wu] Zetian heard of his fame, summoned him to the capital, and issued an autograph edict in praise of him. When he wanted to return, she ordered Li Qiao, the Director of the Unicorn Pavilion,36 to see him off to the East of the Luo Bridge. In Jingyun 2, [Tang] Ruizong ordered his (i.e. Chengzhen’s) brother Chengwei to travel to Mount Tiantai to bring [Chengzhen] to the capital. When he was guided into the palace, [the emperor] questioned him about Yin and Yang as well as the numerical arts. Chengzhen replied: “The position of the Book of the Way [and Virtue] is: ‘The pursuit of the Dao means having less each day. Having less upon less, eventually one reaches the point where one engages in no conscious action.’37 But what the heart and the eyes know and see will continuously influence us and can never [completely] subside. So why do you still ‘attack tasks from the wrong end’38 and even increase the contemplations of it?” The emperor said: “Managing oneself in terms of no conscious action, one will become pure and noble. But how would it be to manage the state in terms of 35 This is a reference to the four generations of Shangqing abbots from Tao Hongjing to Sima Chengzhen: Tao Hongjing, Wang Yuanzhi, Pan Shizheng, and Sima Chengzhen (see also TWSSJ, paragraph 9). 36 From 685 to 712 the term “unicorn pavilion” 麟臺 was the official designation of the Palace Library (Hucker, 3730). 37 This is a quotation from Laozi 48 (Richard John Lynn, The Classic of the Way and Virtue: A New Translation of the Tao-te ching of Laozi as Interpreted by Wang Bi [New York: Columbia, 1999], 143). 38 This is a reference to Lunyu 2.16, where we read: “To attack a task from the wrong end can do nothing but harm!” 攻乎異端，斯害也已 (D.C. Lau, Confucius: The Analects [Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2002], 14 f.). Sima Chengzhen here employs this expression criticizing the emperor for adhering to matters, such as Yin and Yang as well as the numerical arts, which would rather distract the emperor from accomplishing the ideal of “no conscious action” 無為.

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no conscious action?” The reply was: “The state is like oneself. The Laozi says: ‘Let your mind wander in vapidity, blend your vital breath with immensity. Follow along with the nature of things and admit no personal preference. Then all under heaven will be well governed.’39 The [Book of] Changes says: ‘The sage harmonizes his virtue with heaven and earth.’40 Being aware of this, one will be trusted without speaking,41 and one will bring about the completion of things without taking action.42 [Taking] the position of no conscious action is the way of managing the state.” Ruizong said with a sigh: “The words of Guangcheng were just like this!” As Chengzhen was determined to depart and return to Mount [Tiantai], [Ruizong] still presented him with a precious lute and a robe striped [in the colors of] rosy clouds, which he sent on [to him]. At court poets who composed poems [in praise of Sima Chengzhen] amounted to more than 100. In Kaiyuan 9, Xuanzong again sent a messenger to invite [Chengzhen] to the capital. [The emperor] personally received the liturgical registers. Both before and afterwards the rewards [for Sima Chengzhen] were truly immense. In [Kaiyuan] 10 [the emperor] returned to the Western capital (i.e. Chang’an) in his chariot. Chengzhen again asked [for permission] to return to Mount Tiantai. And Xuanzong composed a poem to see him off. In [Kaiyuan] 15 [Chengzhen] was again summoned to the capital. Xuanzong asked Chengzhen to choose a place for himself in the Wangwu Mountains, where he would build an altar and houses to accommodate him. (…) Chengzhen excelled in [writing] seal script and clerical script. Xuanzong ordered him to write the Laozi scripture in three different styles. Thereupon [Chengzhen] collated [ancient versions of] the phrases of the main text, and in 5,380 words he composed his definite manuscript [of the Laozi], which he submitted to the emperor. The emperor established the Yangtai Monastery at Chengzhen’s place of residence in the Wangwu Mountains. Personally he composed the heading [for the stele], sent a messenger to deliver it, and offered 300 sheets of silk as payment for medical food. Soon he also ordered the Yuzhen Princess and Wei Tao, the Grand Master for Splendid Happiness, to travel to [Chengzhen’s] place of residence, to perform the Golden Register Retreat, and to provide [Chengzhen] with further presents. In this year, [Chengzhen] died in the Wangwu Mountains at the age of 89. (…) 39 In fact this is not a quotation from the Laozi, but from Zhuangzi, chapter 7 (Chen Guying 陳鼓應, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi 莊子今注今譯 [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001], vol. 2, 215; Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way: Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu [Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994], 68). 40 This is a quotation from Yijing, hexagram 1, QIAN 乾 (Jin Jingfang 金景芳, Zhouyi quanjie 周易全解 [Jilin: Jilin daxue chubanshe 吉林大學出版社, 1989], 31). 41 This is a quotation from Xici zhuan, part 1 (Richard John Lynn, The Classic of Changes: A New Translation of the I Ching as Interpreted by Wang Bi [New York: Columbia University, 1994], 68; Jin Jingfang 金景芳, Zhouyi quanjie 周易全解 [Jilin: Jilin daxue chubanshe 吉林 大學出版社, 1989], 507). 42 This is a quotation from Laozi 47 (Richard John Lynn, The Classic of the Way and Virtue: A New Translation of the Tao-te ching of Laozi as Interpreted by Wang Bi [New York: Columbia, 1999], 142).

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道士司馬承禎，字子微，河內溫人。周晉州刺史、琅邪公裔玄孫。少好 學，薄於為吏，遂為道士。事潘師正，傳其符籙及辟穀導引服餌之術。師 正特賞異之，謂曰：「我自陶隱居傳正一之法，至汝四葉矣。」承禎 嘗遍遊名山，乃止於天台山。則天聞其名，召至都，降手敕以讚美 之。及將還，敕麟臺監李嶠餞之於洛橋之東。 景雲二年，睿宗令其兄承禕就天台山追之至京，引入宮中，問以陰陽 術數之事。承禎對曰：「道經之旨：『為道日損，損之又損，以至於無 為。』且心目所知見者，每損之尚未能已，豈復攻乎異端，而增其智慮 哉！」帝曰：「理身無為，則清高矣。理國無為，如何？」對曰：「國 猶身也。老子曰：『遊心於澹，合氣於漠，順物自然而無私焉，而天下 理。』易曰：『聖人者，與天地合其德。』是知天不言而信，不為 而成。無為之旨，理國之道也。」睿宗歎息曰：「廣成之言，即斯 是也。」承禎固辭還山，仍賜寶琴一張及霞紋帔而遣之，朝中詞人贈詩 者百餘人。 開元九年，玄宗又遣使迎入京，親受法籙，前後賞賜甚厚。十年，駕還 西都，承禎又請還天台山，玄宗賦詩以遣之。十五年，又召至都。玄宗 令承禎於王屋山自選形勝，置壇室以居焉。(…) 承禎頗善篆隸書，玄宗令以三體寫老子經，因刊正文句，定著五千三 百八十言為真本以奏上之。以承禎王屋所居為陽臺觀，上自題額，遣使 送之。賜絹三百匹，以充藥餌之用。俄又令玉真公主及光祿卿韋縚至其 所居修金籙齋，復加以錫賚。 是歲，卒於王屋山，時年八十九。(…)43

So, as we see, the Sima Chengzhen biography in the Jiu Tangshu largely agrees with the picture drawn in the TWSSJ. It is remarkable that the Jiu Tangshu biography even adopts the laudatory tradition of comparing Tang Ruizong with the Yellow Emperor, and Sima Chengzhen with Guangzheng, as biographies in official historiography are usually presented in rather sober style. Apart from reviewing aspects of the life of Sima Chengzhen, the TWSSJ also introduces the Wangwu Mountains as a sacred realm. In the Wangwu Mountains there is an important Daoist grotto-heaven, known as Xiaoyou qingxu 小有清虛, which is presided over by Wang Bao 王褒. Sima Chengzhen, in his Tiandi gongfu tu 天地宮府圖 (Chart of the Palaces and Bureaus of the [Grotto-]Heavens and the [Blissful] Lands), which is preserved in Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤, juan 27,44 established a system of Daoist sacred geography, listing ten great and thirty-six lesser grotto-heavens. The Xiaoyou qingxu is 43 Liu Xu 劉昫, Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), vol. 16, 5127-5128. The text of Sima Chengzhen’s biography in Jiu Tangshu, juan 192, is largely identical with another biography of Sima Chengzhen, which is seen in Yunji qiqian, juan 5, and carries the title “Wangwu shan Zhenyi Sima xiansheng” 王屋山貞一司馬先生 (The Elder Zhenyi Sima of the Wangwu Mountains) (Zhang Junfang, Yunji qiqian, vol. 1, 82-83). 44 Zhang Junfang, Yunji qiqian, vol. 2, 608-631.

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listed as the first and foremost of the ten great grotto-heavens. By means of this classification, Sima Chengzhen established the Wangwu Mountains as a place of tremendous importance to the Daoist geographic conception. Since, towards the end of his life, the Wangwu Mountains were Sima Chengzhen’s main place of residence, he also sought to enhance his own fame through this ascription.45 And Du Guangting took the tradition further. As a disciple of Sima Chengzhen’s Tiantai-Shangqing lineage, Du Guangting had a strong connection with Sima Chengzhen, and sought to support his legacy. As a renowned scholar of Daoist sacred geography, Du Guangting, in his Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji, names the Xiaoyou qingxu as the first of the Ten Great Grotto-Heavens, too.46 In TWSSJ, part 1, paragraph 17, Du Guangting offers a description of the Xiaoyou qingxu (here referred to as Qingxu xiaoyou), while paragraph 18 refers to Wang Bao, who presides over it. TWSSJ, part 1, also concludes with a short eulogy (song, 頌) written in praise of the Xiaoyou qingxu. Looking at ways in which Sima Chengzhen is contextualized with the Daoist lore of the Wangwu Mountains, the matter of White Cloud symbolism is particularly important. It derives from the fact that Sima Chengzhen was styled as “Master White Cloud” (baiyun xiansheng, 白雲先生).47 Against this background the symbol of the white cloud appears in various places of the TWSSJ. E.g. in TWSSJ, part 1, paragraph 14, we read of a “Daoist Cloister of the White Cloud” 白雲道院, whose name was inspired by Sima Chengzhen. In TWSSJ, part 1, paragraph 14, we are told that from Sima Chengzhen’s hall of residence a white cloud emerged. The scene needs to be understood in such a way that Sima Chengzhen transformed himself into a white cloud to circle above the Wutai Mountains. Panpipes were heard and a pair of cranes was seen, which testifies to the miraculous character of the event. This white cloud symbolism has its roots in the lore of Sima Chengzhen on Mount Tongbo. Wang Ziqiao 王子喬, styled as “Tongbo Zhenren” 桐柏真人 (the Perfected of Tongbo), the foremost saint of the Shangqing pantheon, has his sacred realm there. As is known from Kuaiji zhi 會稽志 (Chronicle of Kuaiji), juan 11, Wang Ziqiao was also referred to as “Master White Cloud,”48 and it appears that Sima Chengzhen adopted the epithet 45 Zhang Jingmei 張敬梅, “Sima Chengzhen yu daojiao ming shan” 司馬承禎與道教名 山, in: Zhongguo daojiao 中國道教, 2004(6), 57. 46 Since earlier conceptions of Daoist sacred geography did not differentiate between ten great and thirty-six lesser grotto heavens, Du Guangting did indeed show his affinity for Sima Chengzhen’s concept by following him in this respect (James Robson, Power of Place, 49). 47 Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao, 69 f., 123. 48 Song Yuan fangzhi congkan 宋元方志叢刊 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990), 6908b.

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from him. In terms of his presence on Mount Tongbo, Sima Chenzhen sought to present himself as connected with Wang Ziqiao. As I point out in my article on mountains in Tianshi-, Shangqing-, and Lingbao-Daoism in the present volume, various Tang poems seem to depict Sima Chengzhen as an avatar of Wang Ziqiao (which, as I show in that article, is one of a variety of means that were employed in contextualizing Sima Chengzhen with Wang Ziqiao). In the TWSSJ we find a passage referring to Wang Ziqiao as well. In part 1, paragraph 19, we read with regard to Mount Yuyang 玉陽 (a minor mountain belonging to the Wangwu ridge) that Wang Ziqiao (here referred to as Wang Zijin) and his master Fuqiu Gong 浮丘公 “allowed their cranes to rest here when they returned from their journey to the Celestial Altar.” Even though Wang Ziqiao is not introduced as an avatar of Sima Chengzhen here, the earlier contextualizations of Wang Ziqiao with Sima Chengzhen resonate in the background, and make the passage relevant to the establishment of the lore of Sima Chengzhen in the Wangwu Mountains. The tradition of Wang Ziqiao and Fuqiu Gong travelling through the mountain ridge goes back to a textual passage which is ascribed to the Shenxian zhuan, and survives by being quoted in the Sandong qunxian lu 三洞群仙錄 (DZ 1248) (for the reference see the annotation in the translation part). It is also interesting to note that the Wangwu Mountains are situated in the proximity of Mount Song, where Wang Ziqiao, according to his biography in the Liexian zhuan 列仙傳, was trained by Fuqiu Gong.49 Wang Bao and Wang Ziqiao are however not the only transcendents associated with the Wangwu Mountains. Rather unrelated to the lore of Sima Chengzhen, the mountain ridge was also regarded as a holy place in connection with the worship of the Xiwangmu 西王母 (Queen Mother of the West). In the Wangwu Mountains, ceremonies in the name of the Xiwangmu were carried out, and in various Tang poems the Wangwu Mountains are praised for their connection with the deity.50 TWSSJ, part 1, paragraph 8, reflects on the Xiwangmu’s place of worship in the Wangwu Mountains. As we are told, there was a Wangmu Sandong Altar 王母三洞壇 (Altar of the Three Caves of the Queen Mother), at which people prayed to the Xiwangmu. TWSSJ, part 1, paragraph 2, informs us that on the Celestial Altar the Yellow Emperor received transmissions from the Jiutian xiannü 九天玄女 (Mysterious Woman of the Nine Heavens)51 and the Xiwangmu, which enabled him to defeat 49

Max Kaltenmark, Le Lie-sien tchouan, 109 f. Suzanne E. Cahill, Transcendence and Divine Passion: The Queen Mother of the West in Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 60, 78, 121. 51 Gil Raz succinctly explained the relevance of the Jiutian xiannü in connection with the Yellow Emperor saying that she “instructed the Yellow Emperor in military, sexual, 50

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Chiyou 蚩尤.52 It is said that this was the beginning of the history of the Wangwu Mountains as a sacred place. Looking into the literary history of the Yellow Emperor’s association with the Wangwu Mountains, the contextualization reaches back to the Baopuzi 抱樸子 by Ge Hong 葛洪 (283-343). In Baopuzi, chapter 13, we read: “Of old, the Yellow Emperor was born with the ability to speak and had all divinities at his command. We might say that heaven had conferred divine spontaneity upon him. Yet he was unable to acquire the divine process by merely sitting upright and doing nothing. Therefore, on ascending [Mount] Wangwu, he was given the Cinnabar Classic.”53 昔黃帝生而能言，役使百靈，可謂天授自然之體者也，猶復不能端坐而 得道。故陟王屋而受丹經。

As far as the Xiwangmu and the Jiutian xiannü are concerned, Du Guangting highlights their importance also in the Yongcheng jixian lu, where their biographies – in the Yunji qiqian version of the text – jointly appear in the beginning of the work.54 The Yongcheng jixian lu also contextualizes the Xiwangmu with the Wangwu Mountains, but in another way. The relevant reference appears in the biography of Wei Huacun 魏華存, which is not part of the Daozang or Yunji qiqian versions of the Yongcheng jixian lu. The lengthy Wei Huacun biography survives in Taiping guangji 太平廣記, juan 58, where it appears with the Yongcheng jixian lu indicated as the source.55 Wang Bao, who presides over the Xiaoyou qingxu grotto-heaven, is known to be the master of Wei Huacun.56 And hence we read in the Wei Huacun biography that the Xiwangmu “sent the lady (i.e. Wei Huacun) into the Xiaoyou [qingxu] [grotto] heaven in alchemical, and divination techniques. Some scholars have traced her back … to Nü Ba 女魃, a drought deity who helped the Yellow Emperor defeat Chiyou 蚩尤” (Gil Raz, “Xuannü – Mysterious Woman,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio [London: Routledge, 2008], 1136). 52 The story of the Yellow Emperor’s campaign against Chiyou is found in Shiji 史記, juan 1 (Sima Qian, Shiji [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959], vol. 1, p. 3). 53 James R. Ware, Alchemy, Medicine, Religion in the China of A.D. 320 (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1966), 215, 3a; Wang Ming 王明, Baopuzi Neipian xiaoshi 抱樸子内篇校釋 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 241. 54 Suzanne Cahill, Divine Traces of Sisterhood, 43-80. As Jia Jinhua explains, the “Walled City” (yongcheng, 墉城) the title of the work refers to “was the legendary kingdom of the Queen Mother of the West, the most powerful goddess in the Daoist tradition, who was in charge of all goddesses and female immortals” (Jia Jinhua, Gender, Power, and Talent, 195). This should elucidate why the biography of the Xiwangmu stands at the beginning of the work. 55 On the transmission of material from the Yongcheng jixian lu in the Taiping guangji, see: Suzanne Cahill, Divine Traces of Sisterhood, 14. 56 On Wang Bao and Wei Huacun, see: James Robson, Power of Place, 192.

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the Wangwu [Mountains] to perform a further retreat for two full months” 使夫人於王屋小有天中，更齋戒二月畢。57 Finally, another possible connection between the cult of the Xiwangmu and the Wangwu Mountains can be discerned in connection with the Guishan baiyu shang jing 龜山白玉上經 (The Highest Scripture of White Jade on Tortoise Mountain), which is considered “the first official, codified text on Daoist sacred geography.”58 One has to be careful here, since it is a now lost text, so that we do not see fully clear about its contents. However Du Guangting transmits information provided in this text by quoting it both in the Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji and in TWSSJ, part 1, paragraph 1. The terms of ‘guishan’ (Tortoise Mountain) and ‘baiyu’ (white jade) stand for Mount Kunlun and the West, which suggests that the text may have been attributed to the Xiwangmu.59 In the TWSSJ the Guishan baiyu shang jing is quoted with a short but explicit description of the Xiaoyou qingxu (which is just referred to as “the grotto heaven” here). It is therefore certain that Du Guangting seeks to employ the Guishan baiyu shang jing to testify to the glory of the grotto heaven. If we may assume that the Wangwu Mountains and the Xiaoyou qingxu did indeed play a prominent role in the Guishan baiyu shang jing, we would here have another strong option for a connection between the cult of the Xiwangmu and the Wangwu Mountains. I would like to conclude this analytical part of the present article by giving an outlook on the Daoist culture of the Wangwu Mountains in post-Tang times. While all of the afore-mentioned matters constitute the basis of the Daoist culture of the Wangwu Mountains, the place maintained its renown as a place of importance to Daoism for times to come, and regained particular popularity especially in the Ming dynasty.60 As Richard Wang explains, in 1515 a Bulwark-general from the collateral commandery “Princely Establishment of Zuocheng” 胙城王府 prayed at the Daoist temples of the Celestial Altar to be relieved from his illness. He ordered the Daoist priest Zhang Taisu 張太素 (fl. 1493-1525) to rebuild the Daoist temples in the Wangwu Mountains, adding over seventy new halls and erecting 134 statues of deities. The 57

Li Fang 李昉, Taiping guangji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961), 358. Lennert Gesterkamp, “The Synthesis of Daoist Sacred Geography: A Textual Study of Du Guangting’s Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji [901],” in: Daojiao yanjiu xuebao: zongjiao, lishi yu shehui 道教研究學報：宗教、歷史與社會 9 (2017), 24. 59 Lennert Gesterkamp, “The Synthesis of Daoist Sacred Geography,” 15 (see also: Fransiscus Verellen, “The Beyond Within: Grotto-Heavens in Taoist Ritual and Cosmology,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 8 [1995], 273, note 36). 60 Thomas H. Hahn, “Daoist Sacred Sites,” in: Daoism Handbook, ed. Livia Kohn (Brill: Leiden, 2000), 692. 58

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construction process lasted from 1515 to 1516.61 Also the biography of the great Ming dynasty syncretist Wu Shouyang 伍守陽 (1552-1641) is connected with the Wangwu Mountains. As Judith M. Boltz explains, his fellow adept Zhao Zhensong 趙真嵩 convinced him to seek instruction from the Quanzhen master Wang Changyue 王常月 at the Xiaoyou qingxu grotto of the Wangwu Mountains, and Wu Shouyang reportedly achieved divine transformation during this retreat.62 In the Ming dynasty the Wangwu mountains were also honored with an extensive local gazetteer entitled Wangwu shan zhi 王屋山志,63 for which we do not have a date of publication, and the author of which is also unknown. The Wangwu shan zhi again recalls all the matters of Sima Chengzhen, the Xiaoyou qingxu, the Xiwangmu, and the Yellow Emperor, but beyond that it is a complex work offering a comprehensive display of local history. Also travel accounts concerning the Wangwu Mountains were composed. Among them are the Wangwu shan ji 王屋山記 by Tang Shu 唐樞 (life dates unknown),64 and the You Wangwu shan ji 游王 屋山記 by Li Lian 李濂 (1488-1566).65 TRANSLATION Part 1: Description of Geography and Daoist Tradition of the Wangwu Mountains and the Celestial Altar [Paragraph 1: General Description of the Geographic Situation of the Wangwu Mountains and the Celestial Altar] 蓋聞 天玄設象 運日月以璇衡

I have heard that the establishment of images through the sloe-blackness of heaven moves sun and moon in terms of the pearl-adorned turning sphere;66 that the rule of the

61 Richard Wang, The Ming Prince and Daoism: Institutional Patronage of an Elite (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 58, 92. 62 Judith M. Boltz, A Survey of Taoist Literature, 200. 63 On this work, see: Thomas H. Hahn, “Daoist Sacred Sites,” in: Daoism Handbook, ed. Livia Kohn (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 696 f. For a modern edition, see: Liu Ronghua 劉榮華, Wangwu shan zhi 王屋山志 (Zhongzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe 中州古籍出版社, 1996). 64 Tang Shu was an official of the Ming dynasty. He has a biography in Mingshi 明史, juan 206. The Wangwu shan ji is preserved in Gujin tushu jicheng 古今圖書集成, Zhonghua shuju facsimile print, vol. 95, p. 59a-59b. 65 Li Lian was an official of the Ming dynasty. He has a biography in Mingshi, juan 286. The You Wangwu shan ji is preserved in Gujin tushu jicheng, vol. 95, p. 59c-60c. 66 The term “pearl-adorned turning sphere” 璇衡 stands for the “pearl-adorned turning sphere with its transverse jade tube” 璿璣玉衡. It is an ancient astronomical device, allegedly

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地道綱維 布山河而列政

way of earth is displayed in mountains and rivers being arranged in the directions.67

有王屋山者.在洛陽 京北百餘里.黃河之 北.勢雄氣壯.岡阜相 連.高聳太虛.

As for the Wangwu Mountains, they are situated more than 100 li north of the capital Luoyang. Situated north of the Yellow River, their position is valiant and their energy massive. Mountains and hills border on each other towering high into the Great Emptiness.68

倚懸列宿 西接於崑丘 東連於滄海

Hanging amidst the arrayed star constellations, they reach Mount Kun[lun] in the West, and meet the Dark green Ocean in the East.

謹按:《龜山白玉上 Respectfully I would like to remark that in the Guishan 經》曰.洞天週迴萬 baiyu shang jing it is said: “The grotto-heaven has got a 里.山水之源. circumference of ten thousand li, and it is the source of mountain brooks”.69 《圖經》曰 上則接於崑丘 下即侵於蓬島 最高者首名天壇山也

The Illustrated classic says: “Above (i.e. to the West) [the Wangwu Mountains] are connected with Mount Kun[lun]. Below (i.e. to the East) [the Wangwu Mountains] encroach upon the island of Peng[lai].70 The highest summit [of the Wangwu Mountains] is named Mount Celestial Altar.”71

created at behest of Shun. In Shangshu, chapter “Shundian” 舜典, we read: “He examined the pearl-adorned turning sphere, with its transverse tube of jade, in order to harmonize the Seven Directors” 在璿璣玉衡以齊七政 (Kong Anguo 孔安國, Shangshu zhengyi 尚書正義 [Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2007], 76). The term of the ‘Seven Directors’ refers to seven specific celestial bodies indicating astronomical directions. 67 This parallelism says that proceedings in the heavens need to be understood through studying the movement of celestial bodies, while proceedings on earth need to be understood by studying geographical features. Du Guanting is here referring to the concept of sacred geography, in which mountains and rivers possess supernatural significance. Using this opening statement as an introduction, Du Guangting subsequently explains the sacred significance of Mount Wangu. 68 The term of the “Great Emptiness” 太虛 originates from Daoist cosmogony, and refers to the original void “beyond and before the manifestation of the Dao and the emergence of the world” (Isabelle Robinet, “wu and you – Non-being and Being”, in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio [London: Routledge, 2008], 1043). It is imagined that beyond the world the Great Emptiness still remains. Here in the text the statement is that the mountains, in their inconceivable height, reach beyond the world and penetrate into the Great Emptiness. 69 Since the Guishan baiyu shang jing is a now lost text, this quotation cannot be verified. 70 According to Daoist conceptions, grotto heavens could be mysteriously connected with other sacred sites. As Mount Kunlun and Mount Penglai enjoy particular prominence among the sacred sites of Daoism, the present passage praises the Wangwu Mountains by pointing out that its grotto heaven possesses connections to those places (Lucas Weiss, “Rectifying the Deep Structures of the Earth: Sima Chengzhen and the Standardization of Daoist Sacred Geography in the Tang,” Journal of Daoist Studies 5 [2012], 55). 71 I have been unable to verify this quotation.

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《黃帝內傳》云.為 之瓊林臺.

The Huangdi neizhuan says: “It is known as Qionglin tai (Terrace of the Jade Forest)”.72

《真誥》云.瓊林者 即清虛小有之別天 也.其下即生泡、濟 之水.中有水芝.人得 服者長生耳.

The Zhen’gao says: “Within the Qionglin [Terrace], there is the secondary heaven of Qingxu xiaoyou. On the foothills there are the rises of the Rivers Pao and Ji, within which one would find water mushrooms. Those who get to eat them will have a long life”.73 [Paragraph 2: The Involvement of the Yellow Emperor]

昔黃帝上壇.見一 級.高可及二丈許. 下石二級.可高七十 尺許.四方壁立.迺造 化融成.

Long ago, the Yellow Emperor ascended the [Celestial] Altar, the uppermost step of which was about two zhang high, while the two lower stone steps were about 70 chi high. Made by creative fusion, the rock faces rose on all four sides.

黃帝于此告天.遂感 九天玄女、西王 母.降授《九鼎神 丹經》、《陰符 策》.遂迺克伏蚩 尤之黨.自此天壇之 始也.

The Yellow Emperor prayed to heaven at this place, and thereupon felt [the presence of] the Mysterious Woman of the Nine Heavens and the Queen Mother of the West, who descended to bestow on him the Jiuding shendan jing (Scripture of the Divine Alchemy of the Nine Cauldrons)74 and the Yinfu ce (Stratagems of the Hidden Contracts).75 Thereupon he subdued the horde of Chiyou. This was the beginning of [the tradition of] the Celestial Altar. [Paragraph 3: The Assemblies of the Immortals on the Celestial Altar]

其上多石.可生 草木.實為五嶽、 四瀆、十大洞天、 三十六小洞天、 神仙朝會之所.

On top of it there are many stones on which grass and trees grow. It is in fact the place where the gods and immortals of the five marchmounts, four rivers, ten great grotto-heavens, and thirty-six lesser grotto-heavens assemble for levee audiences.

每至三月十八日及 諸元會日.五更之初 天氣晴明.輒聞仙鐘 從遠洞中發寥寥之

Every eighteenth day of the third month and on all days on which the prime divinities assemble, the weather at the beginning of the fifth double hour is perfectly clear. Then out of a remote cave one would hear the profound

72 The Huangdi neizhuan is not preserved. The former existence of the text is however bibliographically documented in Wenxian tongkao 文獻通考, juan 198 (Ma Duanlin 馬端臨, Wenxian tongkao [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2011], vol. 9, 5697). Here we also find a brief description of the history of the text. 73 This is a slightly modified quotation from Zhen’gao, juan 5 (Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川 忠夫, Mugitani Kunio 麥谷邦夫, Zhen’gao xiaozhu 真誥校註, Chinese edition by Zhu Yueli 朱越利 [Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe 中國社會科學出版社, 2006], 186). 74 This text is preserved in the Daozang as DZ 885, Huangdi jiuding shendan jingjue 黃帝九鼎神丹經訣 (Canon and Instructions for the Divine Alchemy of the Nine Cauldrons of the Yellow Emperor). 75 This text is preserved in the Daozang as DZ 31, Huangdi yinfu jing 黃帝陰符經 (The Yellow Emperor’s Scripture of the Hidden Contracts).

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聲.清宛可入耳.將日 出則赤氣炯炯. 可以 見生死之情狀. 觀天地之變化.

sound of the bell of immortals. Its purity winds its way to the ear.76 At sunrise red aurora is shining brightly. One can then see the circumstances of life and death, and observe the transformations of heaven and earth.

當曉時分別之際.則 聞仙鷄報曉.往往飛 嘶下地.象小於家 鷄.其毛如雪.

[On these occasions] at the break of dawn, one can hear the immortal roosters heralding the break of day. They fly around, and with chirps they descend to the ground. In their shape they are smaller than domestic roosters, and their feathers look like snow.

又壇心有石燈臺.四 Furthermore in the center of the [Celestial] Altar there is 門.中高可丈餘.製造 the Shideng Terrace (Terrace of the Stone Latern), which has four gates, and in the middle reaches a height of 甚奇.鎮於洞天. more than one zhang. The structure is most unusual, and it is anchored in the grotto-heaven. 諸元會日.靈山真聖 皆朝會壇所.考校學 仙之人.及世間善惡 籍錄之案.是日往往 則陰雲蔽固.竟日方 散.是日有道之士.學 修仙之人.投簡奏詞 醮謝其下.

On all days on which the prime divinities assemble, the perfected sages of the numinous mountains gather for the levee audiences on the [Celestial] Altar. They examine those who study immortality as well as the cases of good and evil in the world. On these days [the Celestial Altar] is shrouded densely by dark clouds, which only dissipate at the end of the day. And on these days, those who possess the Dao and those who wish to study how to become immortals will underneath cast tablets and memorialize words of confession.77 [Paragraph 4: A Stone Tablet]

壇隅有《造石燈臺 小碣記》云.天寶八 年新安尉公使內使 宮圍令符筵喜.因為 國為民醮壇置碣.陰 刻盧仝、高常、 嚴固.至大和五年凡 字缺損.

At a corner of the [Celestial] Altar there is the Zao Shideng tai xiao jieji (Small stone tablet inscription on the establishment of the Shideng Terrace), which says: “In the eighth year of the Tianbao era, Duke Wei of Xin’an sent the internal messenger, [equipped with] the authority sign of the palace, to organize a banquet. Therefore for the state and for the people on the ceremonial altar the stone tablet has been erected.” The names of [the contributors], Lu Tong, Gao Chang, and Yan Gu, were carved on the back. By the fifth year of the Dahe era (i.e. 831) those common characters were damaged.

76 This matter is also recorded in the You Wangwu shan ji 游王屋山記 by Li Lian 李濂, which is preserved in Gujin tushu jicheng, juan 424. We read: “The Daoists say that each year, on the day on which the prime divinities assemble, at the beginning of the fifth double hour, one would each time, out of a remote cave, hear the sound of the bell of immortals, and that one can perceive it in solemn and harmonious style” 道士曰：每歲元會日五更初，輙聞仙 鐘自遠洞中發聲，悠揚清婉可聽。 (Gujin tushu jicheng, vol. 95, p. 60b). 77 This is a reference to the Daoist ritual of “casting dragon tablets” 投龍簡, which was employed for purposes of confession. On this matter, see the following classical study: Edouard Chavannes, “Le Jet des dragons,” in: Mémoires concernant l’Asie Orientale 3 (1919), 53220.

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[Paragraph 5: The View from the Top of the Celestial Altar, which Only Immortals Can Enjoy] 壇心高突.秀出群 峰.每日初出.影西 度.掩西方山脊.亦可 及千里餘.上無飛 鳥.風若松聲.太虛 中.孤危而四面無 礙.人立于上.沖和血 氣.狀如勇心.直脛而 立.目視歷歷.亦可自 辯其形影.似憑高眺 遠.飛越崖谷.長天未 曉.身若浮萍.又如精 氣所乘.颼不得落.

The center of the [Celestial] Altar towers up high. In its beauty it surpasses all of the summits. When the sun comes up, the shadow [of the Celestial Altar] moves westwards, covers the Western spine of the mountain, and can stretch out over more than a thousand li. On its top no birds can fly, and the wind sounds like the voice of [soughing] pine trees.78 Within the Great Emptiness, it solitarily towers in splendid isolation.79 When one stands on top, one’s blood and energy will be harmonious, and one’s physique will be like that of a brave heart. When one stands straight on it, one’s vision turns clear, and one can even discern one’s own shape and shadow. It seems that standing on high and gazing afar, one could fly across the cliffs and valleys. When the immense sky has not yet turned dawn, one’s body seems like duckweed. It is as if one was riding on essential energy, and the whirlwind could not sweep one down.

此果乃真仙遊行之 處也.心若不志.銷爍 其精魄耳.似有怖 懼.凡有道之士.身若 輕舉.天明日朗.

This really is the place for the roaming and roving of the travels of perfected immortals. If one’s heart is not determined, one will only diminish one’s essence and vigor as though being terrified. But if people possess the Dao, their bodies will effortlessly ascend. The sky will be bright, and the sun will be shining.

Then in the night the laughing voice of people is heard.80 則夜聞人語笑之 聲.或簫鼓奏于其上. Sometimes bamboo flute and drum are played on top of it. [Paragraph 6: Marvels to the West of the Celestial Altar] 又壇西有懸泉.名曰 太一泉. 其水味甘如醴. 其泉水流如線. 落在石斗中.深可數 尺.千人飲之不耗.經 年不汲如故.

Furthermore, to the west of the [Celestial] Altar there is a waterfall called Taiyi Spring (Spring of the Absolute Unity).81 The taste of its water is as sweet as wine. The water of its spring flows like a thread. It rushes down into a stone goblet, which may have a depth of several chi. It will not be depleted even if thousand people drink its water. It remains the same even if no one fetches water from it for years.

78 This means that as the wind goes through the leaves of the pine trees it sounds as if it were their voice. 79 On the concept of the “Great Emptiness” 太虛 and regarding the matter of mountains penetrating into the Great Emptiness, see note 32. 80 It is the voice of immortals dwelling on the mountain. They are only heard at night, as they prefer to remain dissociated from the secular world. 81 The term of Taiyi 太一 (translated alternatively as the Great One, the Great Monad, the Great Unity, or the Great Oneness) has been defined as follows: “It stands for the cosmic Oneness, or Unity, at the base of the universe, as well as for the experience of this ‘oneness.’

IN PRAISE OF THE WANGWU MOUNTAINS AND SIMA CHENGZHEN

次西一石巖名曰黑 龍洞.洞上半崖高數 十丈.有一洞.深二丈 許.正射西北天門.名 曰按雲庵.舊有葛 梯.人登躡可到.昔太 一元君修道于此.其 太一泉水洑流其 下.東為濟水.

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Still further in the West, there is a stone cave called Heilong Cave (Black Dragon Cave). Above the cave half way up the cliff several tens of zhang higher there is another cave somewhat more than two zhang deep, exactly oriented with the Gate of Heaven in the northwest called Anyun An (Hermitage of Stroking the Clouds).82 Since olden times there has been a woven fiber ladder that people used to climb up to it. In former times the Taiyi yuanjun (Goddess of the Great Unity) cultivated the Dao here,83 so water from the Taiyi Spring gushed out below it to become the Ji River to the east.84

It also refers to the personification of this abstract principle or experience in the form of a supreme stellar deity, namely the god Taiyi, who resides in the large reddish star Kochab (Ursae Minoris), and who has been viewed as a supreme god of heaven since the late Warring States period” (Poul Andersen, “Taiyi – The Great One,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio [London: Routledge, 2008], vol. 2, 956). 82 The term “Gate of Heaven” 天門 goes back to Helü, the King of Wu 闔閭吳王 (r. 514496 BC), who when building the city walls of Suzhou placed a gate representing the “Gate of Heaven” in the northwest, and a gate representing the “Door of Earth” 地戶 in the southeast. The concept was taken over by Daoism, and it became the basis for the naming of the four gates surrounding a Daoist altar. As Du Guangting explains in his Jinlu zhai qitan yi 金籙齋啟壇儀 (Liturgies for Inaugurating the Altar of the Golden Register Retreat, DZ 483), a Daoist altar would have a “Gate of Heaven” to the northwest, a “Door of Earth” to the southeast, a “Gate of the Sun” 日門 to the northeast, and a “Gate of the Moon” 月門 to the southwest (Miura Kunio, “tianmen and dihu,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio [London: Routledge, 2008], 978). It appears that here in the TWSSJ the entire realm of the Wutai Mountains, in its function as a religious sanctuary, is seen as an altar, with a Gate of Heaven in the northwest. Also independent from this Daoist tradition, mountains in general were conceived of as having gates in Chinese culture. Frequently natural formations were interpreted as gates (see: James Robson, Power of Place, 82 f.). Here in the TWSSJ we see that a hermitage could be depicted as a gate, too. 83 Taiyi yuanjun is a name referring to the mother of Laozi. In the Daode zhenjing guang sheng yi 道德真經廣聖義 (“Explications Expanding upon the Sage’s [Commentary on the] True Scripture of the Way and Its Power,” DZ 725, fasc. 440-448) by Du Guangting we read in juan 2: “[Laozi’s] holy mother being in the heavens is referred to as Xuanmiao yunü. When she manifested herself as a great sage, she became the Taiyi yuanjun” 聖母在天，即號玄妙玉女。既降 育大聖，即為太一元君。 (Daozang, vol. 14, 323b). As Livia Kohn explains, the Taiyi yuanjun is the teaching aspect of Laozi’s mother. The vita of the Xuanmiao yunü in the Yongcheng jixian lu in part three elaborates on how the Xuanmiao yunü in her manifestation as Taiyi yuanjun taught her divine child (i.e. Laozi). Livia Kohn summarizes this third section as follows: “Third, she is asked by the divine child to explain the basic structure, concepts, and methods of the Taoist teaching. In altogether nine sections, the goddess thereupon discourses on the situation of humanity in this world and on the way to transcendence. Beginning with morality and restraint in physical indulgence, the path leads on to the cultivation of talismans, drugs, and breathing, as well as to the concoction of a cinnabar elixir which will eventually ferry people across to the heavens. As the teacher of the transformed god she is known as the Goddess of the Great One (Taiyi yuanjun)” (Livia Kohn, “The Mother of the Tao,” in: Taoist Resources 1 [1989], 39). 84 It appears that, as an earthly manifestation of the Xuanmiao yunü, the Taiyi yuanjun cultivated the Dao at the site of the hermitage, where the spring was named Taiyi Spring in her honor.

264 其泉次南有一巖曰 紫金堂.昔軒轅黃帝 駕憩于此.沿堂側其 道徑甚嶮.

THOMAS JÜLCH

Further South of the [Taiyi] Spring, there is a cave called Zijin Hall (Hall of Crimson and Gold). In former times Xuanyuan, the Yellow Emperor, took rests on his travels here. The paths all around the hall are greatly rugged. [Paragraph 7: The Ascent to the Top of the Celestial Altar, and the Buildings there]

至一石門.側身可 上.乃至壇頂.其名門 曰東天門.門東有換 衣亭. 壇頂上有三清 殿.東西有廊廡.

Once arriving at a stone gate, by turning sideways one can ascend. Then one arrives at the head of the [Celestial] Altar. It is called Eastern Heavenly Gate. To the East of the gate there is a pavilion where people can change their clothes. On top of the [Celestial] Altar is the Sanqing Hall (Hall of the Three Clarities), having porticos both to its Eastern and its Western sides. [Paragraph 8: A Geographic Description of the Surroundings of the Celestial Altar]

壇畔有四角亭.臨崖 百尺. 憑欄四望.

There is a four-corner pavilion flanking the [Celestial] Altar. It is hundred chi away from the cliffs. Leaning against the balustrades one can view the four directions.

南視嵩峰、少室.大 河如帶.

In the south one would see the summit of Mount Song and that of Mount Shaoshi, as well as the great river [winding] like a sash.

西有王附山.

In the West there is Mount Wangfu.

東北有王母三洞壇. 東北隅有一石長丈 餘闊尺許.突出崖 頭.下深百丈.登壇人 供侍香火.朝拜王母 三洞.心有恐怖者不 敢上石.名曰定心石.

In the northeast there is the Altar of the Three Caves of the Queen Mother. On its northeastern corner there is a rock being more than one zhang long, and at least one chi wide. It sticks out from the head of the cliff, which runs to a depth of hundred zhang. People taking the ascent up to the altar burn incense to pay homage to the Three Caves of the Queen Mother. Those who have fear in their hearts do not dare to climb on the rock. It is called Dingxin Rock (Rock of Settling the Heart).

To the North, there is Mount Xicheng. In the northeast 北望析城山. 東北望 one can see [Mount] Taihang. If one views the sun 太行.東觀日出.如生 coming out in the East, it is as if it was born from the 滄海. Dark-green Ocean. 四面瞻視.群山卑如 Gazing into the four directions one feels that all other 丘阜.方顯洞天之獨 mountains appear inferior like hillocks. Only at this point 尊.高表神仙之聖跡. it becomes clear that this grotto-heaven alone deserves to be honored. In the height the sacred traces of the divine immortals manifest themselves. 壇東一峰甚秀.名曰 日精峰.壇西峰名曰 月華峰. 峰南一平

East of the [Celestial] Altar there is one greatly refined peak. It is called Rijing Peak (Peak of the Essence of the Sun). West of the [Celestial] Altar there is a summit

IN PRAISE OF THE WANGWU MOUNTAINS AND SIMA CHENGZHEN

嶺.號曰躡雲嶠.下有 一澗.名曰避秦溝. 西南下十八盤.次南 曰仙人橋.東有伏龍 嶺.南一小峰.名曰雞 子峰.次下仰天池.次 南路有歇息亭.

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called Yuehua Peak (Moonlight Peak). South of the [Yuehua] Peak there is a harmonious mountain ridge called Nieyun Qiao (Mountain of Stepping on the Clouds). Below there is a brook called Biqin Gou (Ditch of Avoiding Qin).85 Eighteen serpentines down in Southwestern direction and then turning South there is a bridge of immortals. To the East there is the Fulong Mountain Ridge (Mountain Ridge of the Kneeling Dragon). In the South there is a small peak called Jizi Peak (Chicken Peak). Further down there is the Yangtian Pond (Pond of Looking up into Heaven).86 Further South the path comes across a rest pavilion. [Paragraph 9: Sima Chengzhen’s Places of Residence in the Wangwu Mountains]

自壇頂至上方院八 里.又曰中巖臺.乃司 馬子微修行遊息之 所.前下紫微溪.

From the top of the [Celestial] Altar one reaches the Shangfang Cloister after eight li. It is also called Zhongyan Terrace (Terrace of the Middle Cliff).87 It is the place where Sima Ziwei wandered and dwelt when cultivating himself. Below the front side there is the Ziwei Brook (Purple Tenuity Brook).

至陽臺觀八里.中有 仙貓洞、不老泉.觀 東有燕真人洗丹 井.仍存. 在陽臺觀 東北百餘步.俗呼燕

When arriving at the Yangtai Monastery after eight li, it comprises the Xianmao Cave (Cave of the Immortal Cat) and the Bulao Spring (Spring of Not Growing Old). Looking to the East, there is the well where the Perfected Yan used to wash cinnabar.88 It is still in existence,

85 The place name suggests that in former times people came here to hide from the terror of the Qin state. This reference is also seen in the You Wangwu shan ji 游王屋山記 by Li Lian 李濂, which is preserved in Gujin tushu jicheng, juan 424. Here the place name is however written ‘Bitai Gou’ 避泰溝. We read: “Below there is a brook called Bitai Gou” 下有澗曰避 泰溝 (Gujin tushu jicheng, vol. 95, p. 60a). It would appear that in Li Lian the place name is misspelled due to the graphic similarity of 秦 and 泰. 86 This is probably the name of an immortals’ paradise. 87 It seems that Wei Sheng’s “Tang Wangwu shan Zhongyan tai Zhengyi xiansheng miao jie” 唐王屋山中嚴臺正一先生廟碣 (Temple Stele regarding the Tang dynasty Elder of the Orthodox Unity from the Zhongyan Terrace of the Wangwu Mountains) received its name, since through the Shangfang Cloister Sima Chengzhen had a connection to the Zhongyan Terrace. 88 This can only be the tenth century Daoist priest Yanluo zi 煙蘿子, who lived in the Wangwu Mountains. His surname was Yan 燕, and he was also known as the Perfected Yan 燕真人 on this basis. His exact life dates are not known, but a common dating is “fl. 937942.” It seems that he mainly lived subsequent to Du Guangting, and could only be seen as Du Guangting’s younger contemporary. So the reference to the Perfected Yan in Du Guangting’s TWSSJ seems slightly enigmatic. There is however no other Perfected Yan, whose tradition would be associated with the Wangwu Mountains (see: Daojiao da cidian 道教大辭典, ed. Zhongguo daojiao xiehui 中國道教協會 [Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe 華夏出版社, 1994], 833; The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang, ed. Kristofer Schipper [Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004], 1285).

266 家泉.其觀前分八 岡.名曰八仙岡.

THOMAS JÜLCH

located more than 100 bu Northeast of the Yangtai Monastery, and commonly called Yanjia Spring (Spring of the Yan Family). In front of the Monastery there are eight ridges of mountains which are referred to as the ridges of the eight immortals.89 [Paragraph 10: Sima Chengzhen’s Background]

昔司馬承禎天師.河 內溫城人也.乃西晉 司馬宣王之後.今溫 縣西二十里招賢城 是也.尚有晉三帝墳 在焉.

The Heavenly Master Sima Chengzhen was a native of the town of Wen in Henei.90 He was a descendant of King Xuan of the Sima [clan] of the Western Jin.91 [The town of Wen] was at the [location of the present-day] town of Zhaoxian, twenty li west of the present Wen district. The tombs of three emperors of the Jin dynasty are still there. [Paragraph 11: Sima Chengzhen and the Yuzhen Princess]

唐睿宗皇帝女玉真 公主好道.師司馬

A daughter of the Tang Emperor Ruizong, the Yuzhen Princess, was fond of the Dao, and made the Heavenly

89 In the Daoist tradition the group of the “eight immortals” 八仙 has been filled with different people (Perceval Yetts, “The Eight Immortals,” in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society [1916], 773-807; Yoshikawa Tadao, “baxian – Eight Immortals,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio [London: Routledge, 2008], 220-222). 90 During the Tang dynasty also eminent Daoist masters of the Shangqing school were frequently referred to as “Heavenly Masters” 天師. Commonly the reason was seen in the fact that, as the Zhengyi ordination was the basic ordination rank, all Daoist masters were expected to be familiar with the teachings of the Tianshi dao. However in a forthcoming article by Jan De Meyer it is suggested that in Tang texts “Heavenly Master” was an abbreviation for “tianzi zhi shi” 天子之師, i.e. “Master of the Son of Heaven,” as Tang dynasty masters such as Sima Chengzhen or also Du Guangting, who are frequently named in connection with this title, were well-known for their function as advisor of the emperor. In Fozu tongji 佛祖統紀, juan 40, we also find a passage where even the Buddhist monk Yixing 一行 (683-727) is referred to as “tianshi” 天師, while he could hardly be a Heavenly Master. Here an annotation makes explicitly clear that the term is to be understood as an abbreviation of “tianzi zhi shi” 天子之師, as in the given passage the Fozu tongji points out that Yixing was summoned for an audience in which Tang Xuanzong consulted him concerning the way of pacifying the state and comforting the people (T 2035, p. 373, b19-20). 91 This is a reference to Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179-251), a leading official of the Cao-Wei dynasty (220-266) endowed with the noble title “King Xuan” 宣王. Opposing the interests of his emperor, he worked towards the fall of the Cao-Wei and prepared the establishment of the Jin dynasty. In 266 Sima Yi’s grandson, Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236-290), was finally able to overthrow the Cao-Wei and to found the Jin dynasty. Since Sima Yi had importantly prepared the ground, he was posthumously styled as “Emperor Xuan” 宣皇帝 (Anthony Fairbank, Ssu-ma I (179-251): Wei statesman and Chin founder, Ph.D. dissertation [University of Washington, 1994], 1-3; Fang Xuanling 房玄齡, Jinshu 晉書 [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974], vol. 1, 52). The statement here in the TWSSJ is that Sima Chengzhen is a descendant of the ruling house of the Jin dynasty. He is described as a descendant of Sima Yi, since Sima Yi is seen as the progenitor of the family. Regarding the treatment of Sima Chengzhen’s ancestry in Cui Shang’s Tongbo Monastery Stele, see: Russell Kirkland, “Ssu-ma Ch’eng-chen and the Role of Taoism in the Medieval Chinese Polity,” 112 f.

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天師. 天師住天台山 Master Sima her teacher.92 The Heavenly Master resided 紫霄峰.後睿宗宣詔 on the Zixiao Peak of the Tiantai Mountains. [But] later 住上方院. Ruizong instructed him to take residence in the Shangfang Cloister.93 [Paragraph 12: The Patriarchs of the Shangqing Order from Tao Hongjing to Sima Chengzhen] 其司馬初師嵩嶽潘 師正.師正師茅山王 昇真.昇真師華陽隱 居陶仙翁.其四世不 失正道.

Sima [Chengzhen] took Pan Shizheng from Mount Song as his master.94 Shizheng had taken Wang Shengzhen (i.e. Wang Yuanzhi) from Mount Mao as his master.95 Shengzhen had taken Tao the immortal elder (i.e. Tao Hongjing), who dwelt in seclusion at Huayang, as his master.96 Within these four generations the correct Dao was never lost. [Paragraph 13: The Construction of the Yangtai Monastery]

唐明皇即位.於開元 十二年勑修陽臺 觀.明皇御書寥陽殿 榜.內塑五老仙像.陽 臺有鐘一口.上篆六 十四卦.曰萬象鐘.有 壇曰法象壇.有鐘樓 名曰氣象樓.

After the Brilliant Emperor of the Tang (i.e. Tang Xuanzong) had come to the throne, in the 12th year of the Kaiyuan era, he ordered for the Yangtai Monastery to be built. The Brilliant Emperor personally inscribed the wooden board for the Liaoyang Hall.97 For the inside five venerable immortals were molded in clay. The Yangtai [Monastery] has one bell, on which the 64 hexagrams [are engraved] in seal script. It is called Wanxiang Bell (i.e. Bell of the Ten Thousand Images). There is also an altar called Faxiang Altar (i.e. Altar Following the Model of the Image [of the Universe]). And there is a belfry which is called Qixiang Chamber (i.e. Chamber of the Images of the Vital Force).

92 Russell Kirkland reads “A daughter of the Tang Emperor Ruizong, the Yuzhen Princess, was fond of the Daoist teacher, Heavenly Master Sima” 唐睿宗皇帝女玉真公主好道師司馬 天師 (Russell Kirkland, Taoists of the High T’ang, 272). However according to Charles Benn this passage of the TWSSJ constitutes the claim that the princess studied with Sima Chengzhen, which justifies the different reading given in my translation (Charles Benn, The Cavern Mystery Transmission, 160, note 19). 93 The Shangfang Cloister was mentioned earlier in paragraph 9. It had been built by Sima Chengzhen already when he was invited to the court by Tang Ruizong (i.e. before the Yangtai Monastery existed). 94 Pan Shizheng 潘師正 (585-682) was the eleventh patriarch of the Shangqing Order, and hence Sima Chengzhen’s predecessor. 95 Wang Yuanzhi 王遠知 (528-635) was the tenth patriarch of the Shangqing Order, and hence Pan Shizheng’s predecessor. 96 Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456-536) was the ninth patriarch of the Shangqing Order, and hence Wang Yuanzhi’s predecessor. 97 In Daomen jingfa xiangcheng cixu 道門經法相承次序 (DZ 1128), juan 2, we read that Liaoyang Hall 寥陽殿, as well as Taihe Hall 太和殿 (which refers to main halls also in palace architecture), were among the names commonly given to Daoist temple halls in which the Yuchen daodao jun 玉晨大道君 resided (Daozang, vol. 24, 788b).

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[Paragraph 14: The Legacy of Sima Chengzhen] 殿西北有道院.名曰 白雲道院.司馬號白 雲先生.有亭曰松 亭.有先生廟堂.

To the northwest of the [Liaoyang] Hall there is a Daoist cloister called Daoist Cloister of the White Cloud. Sima [Chengzhen] is styled as Master White Cloud. There is a pavilion called Pinetree Pavilion and the master’s ancestral temple.

先生撰文一部.曰 《白雲記》.篆書 別為一體.號曰金剪 刀.流行于世.先生 未神化時.注《太上 昇玄經》及《坐忘 論》亦行于世.

The master once wrote a piece entitled Baiyun ji (Record of the White Cloud), [using] seal script in a way, which created a new writing style, called the Golden Shears. It is in circulation throughout the world.98 When the master had not yet become apotheosised, he wrote a commentary on the Taishang shengxuan jing,99 which, with his Zuowang lun, is also in circulation throughout the world.100

至開元十五年八月 十五日.有雙鶴繞 壇.西北而去.彼時白 雲自堂中出.聞簫韶 之音.此先生顯化之

When it came to the 15th day of the 8th month of the 15th year of the Kaiyuan era (i.e. 727), a pair of cranes circled around the [Celestial] Altar and departed to the northwest. At that time a white cloud emerged from within the hall, and the sound of Xiaoshao (i.e. panpipes)

98 Calligraphy was of great importance to Shangqing-Daoism. In the Zhen’gao, Tao Hongjing praises the calligraphy of Yang Xi 楊羲 (330-386) as being equal to that of China’s greatest calligrapher, Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321-371) (Ute Engelhardt, Die klassische Tradition der Qi-Übungen, 44). Also Sima Chengzhen was credited with particularly refined calligraphic abilities. In the Tiantai shan ji we even find the claim that Wang Xizhi (321-371) had learned the calligraphic art from him (Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao, 53 f.). Even though this claim is certainly unhistorical, it says much about the esteem in which Sima Chengzhen was held as a calligrapher. This helps us to understand that his invention of the Golden Shears script 金剪刀 must have been perceived as truly meaningful. Apart from the present mention in the TWSSJ, it is also mentioned in Xu xianzhuan 續仙傳 (DZ 295), juan 3, where the Golden Shears script is referred to right at the beginning of Sima Chengzhen’s biography (Daozang, vol. 5, p. 91c). 99 This is a short title of the Taishang lingbao shengxuan neijiao jing 太上靈寶昇玄内 教經 (DZ 1122). Concerning Sima Chengzhen’s commentary on this scripture, see: Livia Kohn, Sitting in Oblivion: The Heart of Daoist Meditation (Dunedin: Three Pines, 2010), 55, note 6. 100 The Zuowang lun (Treatise on Sitting in Oblivion) is an important text on meditation. There are two extant versions. One is the long version in seven chapters (for a translation, see: Livia Kohn, Sitting in Oblivion, 137-158). The other is a shorter stele inscription, which was engraved at the Yangtai Monastery on Mount Wangwu in 829, commissioned by the Daoist priestess Liu Ningran 柳凝然 (for a translation, see: Livia Kohn, Sitting in Oblivion, 159-162). Both versions have traditionally been attributed to Sima Chengzhen. Today both attributions are however seen critically. The long version is now attributed to a Daoist priest named Zhao Jian 趙堅. As far as the stele inscription is concerned, the otherwise unknown name Liu Ningran, which appears in the stele text, should stand for Liu Moran 柳默然 (773-840), a better known Daoist priestess, who resided in the Yangtai Monastery, and may not only be the commissioner but also the author of the inscription (Jia Jinhua, Gender, Power, and Talent, 80-83).

IN PRAISE OF THE WANGWU MOUNTAINS AND SIMA CHENGZHEN

驗也. 王屋縣宰崔日 用聞奏.明皇異之.先 生神化時.年八十有 九.謚贈銀青光祿大 夫.謚白雲先生. 堂 西壁上畫先生遊 行.乘駕黃犢車.白雲 步步相隨.

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was heard.101 These were the signs of the master’s sacred metamorphosis.102 Cui Riyong, the district governor of [Mount] Wangwu, made a report to the throne.103 The Brilliant Emperor marveled at it. [Thus,] when the master became apotheosised at the age of 89, he was granted the posthumous title of Grand Master of the Palace with Silver Seal and Cerulean Ribbon,104 and was posthumously canonized as Master White Cloud. On the hall’s Western wall is a painting of the Master travelling, mounting the carriage of the Yellow Calf and escorted step by step by the white clouds. [Paragraph 15: The Mountain Spirit]

觀西有山神廟.即王 屋山神也. 天寶年其 神用陰兵助郭子儀 破安祿山.後明皇封 為總靈明神天王.仍 勑修其廟.

West of the [Yangtai] Monastery there is a temple to the spirit of the mountains, which is the spirit of the Wangwu Mountains. In the years of the Tianbao era, this spirit utilized hell troops to assist Guo Ziyi in defeating An Lushan.105 Afterwards the Brilliant Emperor enfoeffed him as Zongling mingshen tianwang (Comprehensively Effective Illustrious Spirit Lord of Heaven), and ordered his ancestral temple to be restored. [Paragraph 16: Further Sacred and Geographic Features of the Wangwu Mountains] South of the [Yangtai] Monastery there is a Taishan Temple.106 From the South of Wangwu District eight li to

101 The term of Xiaoshao 簫韶 first appears in Shangshu 尚書, chapter “Yiji” 益稷. There we read: “When the nine parts of the Xiaoshao have all been performed, the male and female phoenix come with their measured gambolings” 簫韶九成．鳳皇來儀 (Kong Anguo, Shangshu zhengyi, 179). 102 This means that this was a miracles giving testimony to Sima Chengzhen’s sacred spirituality during his stay in the Yangtai Monastery. 103 This means that Cui Riyong informed the emperor about Sima Chengzhen’s sacred transformation. 104 Hucker 1159 gives the title “jinzi guanglu dafu” 金紫光祿大夫 (Grand Master of the Palace with Golden Seal and Purple Ribbon). 105 Guo Ziyi 郭子儀 (697-781) was one of the leading generals involved in crushing the rebellion of An Lushan (Mark Edward Lewis, China’s Cosmopolitan Empire: The Tang Dynasty [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009], 59). 106 The character 太 must here be read as a homophone substitute for 泰. Taishan 泰山, or Mount Tai, is a mountain of particular religious significance. It was subject to a widespread cult of worship, in connection with which Taishan Temples, such as the one referred to here, were erected. Situated in present-day Shandong, Mount Tai is the Eastern Sacred Peak of the Five Marchmounts. Due to its location in the East, Mount Tai became associated with the sunrise. For this reason and also because of conclusions drawn from the correlation between the Five Marchmounts and the system of the Five Elements 五行, Mount Tai was seen as the “source of all life” (wanwu zhi shi, 萬物之始). It was concluded that Mount Tai surpassed the other marchmounts in its sacredness, and therefore it became known as the “leader of the

270

花洞.其水春綠夏赤 秋白冬紫.水味甘美. 壇東南附山.名青羅 峰.下有青羅仙人 觀.碑存焉. 壇北有 五斗峰.通麻籠、藥 櫃二山. 王屋山中有 洞.深不可入.洞中如 王者之宮.故名日王 屋也. 藥櫃山次東有 趙老纏.昔趙真人修 道于此.及四真人煉 丹于此.有石室二十 餘間.霍仙人修煉于 此.名霍師堂. 壇東 南有山名齊嶺.下有 山名垂簪峰.

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the west is the Zanghua Cave (Cave of Hidden Flowers). Its water is green in the spring, red in the summer, white in the autumn, and crimson in the winter. The taste of the water is sweet and nice. To the Southeast of the [Celestial] Altar there is a nearby mountain called Qingluo Peak (Blue Gauze Peak). On its foothills there is the Qingluo Xianren Monastery (Monastery of the Immortals of Qingluo). A stele is preserved there. To the North of the [Celestial] Altar there is the Wudou Peak (Five Dou Peak), which connects the two mountains of Malong and Yaogui. Within the Wangwu Mountains there are caves going to depths which one cannot enter. From the inside these caves look like royal palaces. Therefore they are called “Wangwu” (Royal Abode).107 Further East from Mount Yaogui, there is [the place] Zhao [Shuqi] in old days had ties to. In former times the Perfected Zhao cultivated the Dao at this place.108 When it came to the time when the four perfected mixed cinnabar at this place, there were more than twenty stone chambers. The immortal Huo prepared mixtures [in one of] these places, which is called the Hall of Master Huo. To the Southeast of the [Celestial] Altar there are mountains called Qi Ridge. Next to them there is a mountain called Chuizan Peak (Peak of the Vertical Hairpin). [Paragraph 17: The Qingxu Xiaoyou Grotto-Heaven]

又側有清虛小有 洞.洞內周游萬里.昔 唐建三清殿及清 虛觀.其洞內因兵 火居民避亂.穢氣 所觸.民出後.有石落 塞合洞門.

On its side, there is the Qingxu Xiaoyou Cave. The inside of the cave has got a circumference of tenthousand li. In former times the Tang dynasty built the Sanqing Hall (Hall of the Three Clarities) and the Qingxu Monastery (Monastery of the Clear Void) here. Within these caves the local population, due to [the danger of] military pillaging, used to hide itself from warfare. [However the caves] were contaminated by foul air. After the people had left, a stone was lowered to block the cave entrance.

Five Marchmounts” (wuyue zhi zhang, 五嶽之長) (Brian R. Dott, Identity Reflections: Pilgrimages to Mount Tai in Late Imperial China [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2004], 30-32). 107 This explains where the name of the Wangwu Mountains comes from. 108 In Zhen’gao, juan 5, we read: “In former times Zhao Shuqi studied the Dao in the Wangwu Mountains” 昔趙叔期學道在王屋山中 (Yoshikawa Tadao, Zhen’gao xiaozhu, 176). And in Yunji qiqian, juan 110, we read: “Zhao Shuqi, a man of unknown origin, studied the Dao in the Wangwu Mountains” 趙叔期.不知何許人.學道於王屋山中 (Zhang Junfang, Yunji qiqian, vol. 5, 2397).

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《真誥》云.其洞中 日月晝夜光明輝 映.朗接太虛.與外日 月無異.此乃為日月 伏根也.

In the Zhen’gao it is said: “In this cave sun and moon brightly shine day and night, [as the cave] is transparently connected with the Great Emptiness. It is just like sun and moon outside [the cave]. Sun and moon have their hidden roots here.”109

日曰神精.月曰陰 精.明照在洞天之 中.天亦高大.星宿雲 氣.無草木萬類.其洞 宮之中有金玉樓殿 及多寶貝、黃金、 瑠璃、瓊璧.不可名 狀. 有五闕. 五山加 於五嶽.上生紫林、 方華、星髓、金 津、碧毫、朱靈、 夜粲細實.並壺中洞 天之所生也.人得食 之.乃長生神仙矣.

The sun is known as the divine essence. The moon is known as the yin essence. The splendour enlightens the interior of the cave. The heaven [inside the cave] is also high and big. All is stars and clouds. There are no plants or trees or myriads of creatures.110 Within this grotto palace, there is a Jinyu Main Hall (Main Hall of Gold and Jade) and many precious shells, yellow gold, lapis lazuli, and jade discs beyond description. [Within the cave] there are five passes, and these five mountains surpass the five marchmounts. On top of them there are purple forests, flowers for [medical] receipts, stellar essences, golden fords, azure bloom, vermilion numinosity, and tiny seeds that sparkle during the night. All of that grows in a grotto-heaven that is within a gourd.111 If people get to eat them, they will enjoy longevity and become divine immortals.

109 This is a modified quotation from Zhen’gao, juan 11. There we read: 其內有陰暉夜 光日精之根，照此空內，明並日月矣。陰暉主夜，日精主晝，形如日月之圓，飛在玄 空之中。 (Yoshikawa Tadao, Zhen’gao xiaozhu, 356). However in the Zhen’gao this refers to “the cave of Mount Gouqu” 句曲山之洞 (i.e. of Mount Mao 茅山). So Du Guangting here seems to imply that the Qingxu Xiaoyou Cave resembles the cave of Mount Mao, so that a description of that cave could also be used to describe the Qingxu Xiaoyou Cave. 110 In religious Daoism, holy caves are visualized as heavenly realms. In such a visualization the cave would include stars and clouds, and would be devoid of plants, trees, and animals. Based on this understanding, holy caves are also referred to as “grotto-heavens” 洞天. 111 The intention in saying that this whole grotto-heaven with all its mountains exists within a gourd is to emphasize the mystical nature of the location. The message is that it is a place inconceivable within the boundaries of human understanding. Expressing concepts of transcendence in terms of gourd symbolism has a long tradition in Daoist literature. In the Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳 biography of Fei Changfang we read of a Sire Gourd 壺公, whose transcendence is demonstrated saying that he “always kept a gourd hanging above his stall, and each evening after the sun had set he would jump up into the gourd” (Robert Ford Campany, To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth: A Translation and Study of Ge Hong’s Traditions of Divine Transcendents [Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002], 161). Providing a background to the usage we see here in the TWSSJ, Campany also points out that gourd symbolism is frequently employed referring to grotto-heavens: “With its narrow neck yielding yet restricting access to an unexpectedly capacious and well-stocked inner space, the bottle gourd has long been a Chinese symbol of self-contained, self-sufficient cave retreats, or ‘grottoheavens,’ and other hidden paradisal realms” (ibid. 164). In his subsequent footnote 110, Campany provides references to works of research further illuminating the Daoist tradition of gourd symbolism.

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[Paragraph 18: Wang Bao who presides over the Qingxu Xiaoyou Grotto-Heaven] 洞主王君掌校仙 籍、善惡之錄.處事 其中矣.

Lord Wang, the head of the cave, administers and examines the records of the immortals’ names and of good and bad actions. He works inside [the cave].

太素三元上道君遣 青真左夫人郭靈 蓋、右夫人楊玉 華.賫神策、玉璽.見 授王君. 為太素清虛 真人.領清虛小有洞 天王.分主四司.左保 上公治王屋山洞天 之中.給金童玉女各 三百人.

The Highest Lord of the Dao from the Three Primes of Taisu sent Guo Linggai, the Consort to the Left of the Blue Perfected, and Yang Yuhua, the Consort to the Right, whom he had endowed with divine staffs and jade seals. In an audience they passed [those objects] on to Lord Wang, who was thereby installed as the Perfected of Taisu Qingxu.112 He was endowed with [the additional title] Heavenly King of the Qingxu Xiaoyou Grotto-Heaven, separately presiding over four administrations. As the Highest Lord Protecting to the Left he governs the interior of the grotto-heavens of the Wangwu Mountains.113 300 Gold Boys and 300 Jade Girls were given to him.

掌《上清玉章太素 寶玄祕籍》.上品九 仙靈文、山海妙經 盡掌之焉.又總洞中 明景三天寶錄.得乘 龍跨虎.金輦瓊輪.八 景飛輿.出入上清.受 事太素.寢宴太極也.

[Lord Wang] possesses the Shangqing yuzhang taisu baoxuan miji.114 [Also] the numinous texts of the nine immortals of the highest rank and the wondrous scriptures of mountains and seas are all in his possession. Furthermore he is in charge of the “Precious Records of the Brilliant Luminance of the Three Heavens” [being present] in the cave. He is able to fly on a dragon and ride on a tiger, and [sitting in] the golden cart with the jade wheels or the flying wagon of the eight rays he exits and enters the Highest Clarity. [There] he receives the charges of the Taisu, or sleeps and banquets in the Taiji.

112 Since, as this paragraph relates, Wang Bao was installed as the head of the Qingxu Xiaoyou Grotto-Heaven by the Highest Lord of the Dao from the Three Primes of Taisu (Taisu sanyuan shangdaojun, 太素三元上道君), Wang Bao’s main title in this capacity includes the term of “taisu.” The term here testifies to Wang Bao’s affiliation to the Highest Lord. Wang Bao’s relationship to the Highest Lord and his installment as head of the Qingxu Xiaoyou Grotto-Heaven are also subject to description in the Qingxu zhenren Wangjun neizhuan 清虛 真人王君内傳 (Inner Biography of Lord Wang, Perfected of Qingxu), which is Wang Bao’s biography, seen in Yunji qiqian, juan 106 (Zhang Junfang, Yunji qiqian, vol. 5, 2288-2294). 113 These are references to additional titles of Wang Bao, which are both seen in the Qingxu zhenren Wangjun neizhuan and in Du Guangting’s Yongcheng jixian lu (DZ 783). In Yongcheng jixian lu, juan 2, we read: “He is endowed [with the titles of] Heavenly King of Xiaoyou [qingxu], Fourfold Administrator of the Three Primes, Highest Lord Protecting the Left” 領小有天 王、三元四司、左保上公 (Daozang, vol. 18, 177c). The corresponding textual passage in the Qingxu zhenren Wangjun neizhuan is identical, apart from the fact that 左 is replaced by 右. So here we find a “Highest Lord Protecting the Right” 右保上公. 114 This appears to be an obscure scripture, which as far as I am aware is not documented otherwise.

IN PRAISE OF THE WANGWU MOUNTAINS AND SIMA CHENGZHEN

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小有洞天者乃十大 洞天、三十六小洞 天、七十二福地之 宗首也.仙都所宗.太 上所保.故重其任.以 委群真矣.

The [Qingxu] Xiaoyou Grotto-Heaven is the chief of the ten great grotto-heavens, the 36 small grotto-heavens, and the 72 places of bliss.115 The capital of immortals venerates it, and the lord on high protects it. So [Lord Wang] accepts the heavy responsibility of being in charge of all the Perfected ones.

元始天王曰.夫小有 洞天者.是十大洞天 之首.三十六小洞天 之總首也.

The Celestial King of Original Commencement says: “The Xiaoyou Grotto-Heaven is the head of the ten great grotto-heavens, and the overall head also representing the 36 small grotto-heavens.”116 [Paragraph 19: Mount Yuyang]

齊嶺東一山.名曰玉 陽山.山東次南有瀑 水如練.長百尺落半 崖.澗下有深潭.名曰 攛鐘泓.其山名西玉 陽山.

The mountain East of Qiling is called Mount Yuyang (Mount Jade-Yang). East of [the Western part of] the mountain117 and further south there is a waterfall whose water is like silk. Over a distance of hundred chi it comes down half the cliff. At the ground of the ravine there is a deep lake called Cuanzhong Pool (i.e. Pool of the Hurled Bell).118 This [part of the] mountain is called Western Mount Yuyang.

靈靈都宮東北有 山.名東玉陽山.

To the Northeast of the Palace of the Lingling Capital119 there is [another part of the] mountain called Eastern [part of] Mount Yuyang.

山有洞.深百尺.國家 時投金龍于此.洞傍 有一憩鶴臺.高數 丈.上有鶴跡存焉.昔 因周靈王太子王子

The mountain has a cave being hundred chi deep. Sometimes within the state [ritual] golden dragons were tossed here.120 Next to the cave there is a terrace where cranes can rest. It is several zhang high. On top of it traces of cranes still remain. They date back to Wang

115 This is a reference to the Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji, which apart from the “Ten Great Grotto-Heavens” 十大洞天 and the “Thirty-Six [Lesser] Grotto-Heavens” 三十六洞天 also lists “Seventy-Two Blissful Lands” 七十二福地 (Ute Engelhardt, Die klassische Tradition der Qi-Übungen, 64 ff.). 116 This means that the Xiaoyou Grotto-Heaven, being the foremost of the ten great grottoheavens, is also the foremost of all grotto-heavens including the 36 small ones. 117 Mount Yuyang has a Western and an Eastern part. That here reference is made to the Western part is indicated below, where it says that the description refers to “Western Mount Yuyang” 西玉陽山. 118 As it has been pointed out that it is a deep lake, the place name probably suggests that it has the shape of a bell turned upside down. The name “Pool of the Hurled Bell” may be understood in such a way that in ancient times a deity had hurled a bell to this place, which landed upside down, and was filled with water as time passed by so that the lake came into being. 119 The repetition of the character 靈 might result from an erroneous textual transmission. The term 靈都宮 would just mean “Palace of the Numinous Capital”. 120 This is a reference to the Daoist ritual of “casting dragon tablets” 投龍簡 (see footnote 59).

274 晉.與師浮丘公游天 壇回.憩鶴于此.

THOMAS JÜLCH

Zijin, the crown prince of King Ling of Zhou, who with his teacher Fuqiu Gong allowed their cranes to rest here when they returned from their journey to the Celestial Altar.121 [Paragraph 20: Final descriptions of the surroundings of the Celestial Altar]

天壇四面附山、峰、 The Celestial Altar is on all four sides surrounded 巒、澗、嶺、泉、 by mountains, summits, ridges, ravines, peaks, springs, and 谷.勝跡總目于后. valleys. Beautiful sights all stand in front of the eyes. 頌曰

A eulogy says:

王屋天壇福地玄， 清虛小有洞天仙. 無窮勝境於人物， 有感神通今古傳.

The mysteriousness of the blissful place of the Celestial Altar of the Wangwu Mountains, and the immortals of the Qingxu xiaoyou grotto-heaven, constitute an inexhaustible scenic spot for the people, where one can experience magical powers transmitted to the present age from antiquity. Part 2: Tang Ruizong’s and Tang Xuanzong’s Letters to Sima Chengzhen

唐睿宗賜司馬天師白 Poems and Letters Ruizong of the Tang Bestowed 雲先生書詩.並禁山 on the Heavenly Master Sima included with an imperial 勑碑. edict on a stele forbidding entrace to the mountain. 睿宗大聖皇帝書

The great sage-emperor Ruizong wrote:

敬問天台山司馬 鍊師

With a respectful inquiry I approach you, Master Sima of the Tiantai Mountains:

惟彼天台 凌于地軸

As for the Tiantai Mountains, they surmount the axis of the world.

與四明而蔽日 均八洞而藏雲

Like the Siming Mountains they cover the sun.122 Equal to the eight caves they hide the clouds.123

Edict 1:

121 This goes back to Sandong qunxian lu, juan 18, where we read: “The Shenxian zhuan [says]: ‘Fuqiu Gong in former times picked up Wang [Zi]qiao, and travelling through the Wangwu Mountains they allowed their cranes to rest on the way. In the Wangwu Mountains there is a terrace where cranes could rest, and on the terrace the traces of the cranes are still preserved’” 神仙傳。浮丘公昔接王喬遊王屋山，歇鶴於路。王屋山有憩鶴臺，臺上鶴 跡猶存。 (Daozang, vol. 32, 352a). 122 The Siming Mountains 四明山 in present-day Zhejiang are the location of the Danshan chishui tian 丹山赤水天, being the ninth of the thirty-six lesser grotto-heavens. Testifying to the importance of the place, towards the end of the Yuan dynasty Zeng Jian 曾堅, a disciple of the Daoxue master Wu Cheng 吳澄 (1249-1333), compiled a collection of poems written in praise of the Siming Mountains and their grotto-heaven. It is entitled Siming dongtian danshan tu yong ji 四明洞天丹山圖詠集 (DZ 605). 123 The eight caves are a set of grotto-heavens referred to in various places of medieval Daoist literature (see: Daojiao da cidian 道教大辭典, ed. Zhongguo daojiao xiehui 中國道 教協會 [Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe 華夏出版社, 1994], 37).

IN PRAISE OF THE WANGWU MOUNTAINS AND SIMA CHENGZHEN

珠闕玲瓏 琪樹璀璨

The pearl towers [emit] pure sounds. The jade trees [emit] shining brightness.

九芝含秀 八桂舒芳

The nine sorts of mushrooms contain excellence. The eight sorts of cinnamons spread their fragrance.

赤城之域斯存 青溪之人攸處

The area of Chicheng is situated there.124 The people of Qingxi live there.125

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The subsequent part of edict 1 is also seen in the Tiantai shan ji 司馬鍊師 德超河上 道邁浮丘

You, Master Sima, [are characterized] by your virtue which exceeds that of the Heshang [gong],126 and by your way which surpasses that of Fuqiu [gong].

高游碧落之廷 獨步青元之境

Above you travel through the court of the cyan depths. Alone you stride through the region of the blue source.

朕 初臨寶位 久藉徽猷

I (the emperor) just only reached the most precious position, but have delved into the wonderful path (i.e. Daoism) for long.

雖非 Even though I do not127 parallel the great plan of Emperor 堯帝披圖.翹心齧缺. Yao, I raise my heart to the Gnaw Gap;128 [and even 軒轅御曆.締想崆峒. though I do not parallel] Xuanyuan’s ascension to the throne, I feel connected to Mount Kongtong.129 124 This is a reference to Mount Chicheng 赤城山, a mountain in the Tiantai ridge, where the Shangqing yuping 上清玉平 grotto-heaven is situated. It is the sixth of the Ten Great GrottoHeavens (Fransiscus Verellen, “The Beyond Within: Grotto-Heavens in Taoist Ritual and Cosmology,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 8 [1995], 289). 125 This might be a reference to the Qingxi District 青溪縣, which was situated close to the city of Hangzhou, and hence not so far from the Tiantai Mountains. During the Tang dynasty, the Daoist priest Xu 徐道士 lived there (Daojiao da cidian, ed. Zhongguo daojiao xiehui, 819). 126 The Heshang gong 河上公 is a legendary figure credited with having written one of the early Laozi commentaries. According to the legendary tradition he lived on the banks of the Huanghe 黃河. On this basis his name can be translated as ‘river dwelling sire.’ 127 In the Daozang edition the 非 is missing. So we read 雖堯帝披圖 only. However in the quotation of this textual passage in the Tiantai shan ji we read 雖非堯帝披圖. Since the 非 is indispensable to the understanding of this sentence, I add the character based on the textual evidence preserved in the Tiantai shan ji. 128 Gnaw Gap is a figure appearing as the enquirer in a parable seen in Zhuangzi, chapter 2. Yao appears as the enquirer in the directly preceding parable (Chen Guying, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi, vol. 1, 78, 80; Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way, 20 f.). As both Yao and Gnaw Gap are introduced as enquirers seeking advice from a person of greater wisdom, they here resemble Ruizong, who is seeking advice from Sima Chengzhen. 129 The connection between Xuanyuan (i.e. the Yellow Emperor) and Mount Kongtong is known from the passage in Zhuangzi, chapter 11, which also states the afore-mentioned relationship between the Yellow Emperor and Guangcheng. We read: “The Yellow Emperor had been established as the Son of Heaven for nineteen years, and his orders were carried out by all under heaven. He heard that Master Guangcheng was staying on Mount Kongtong, and so he went to see him” 黃帝立為天子十九年, 令行天下.聞廣成子在於空同之山, 故往見之 (Chen Guying, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi. vol. 2, 278; Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way, 94). As pointed out in the introduction to the present article, the analogy of the Yellow Emperor standing for Ruizong,

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緬惟彼懷.寧方此固. [But instead of] thinking of their bosoms, I would rather rely on your solidity.130 As the summer season gradually becomes hotter, I have 夏景漸熱.妙履 清和.思聽真言.用袪 wonderful walks in the warm weather. And I think of listening to your true words, in order to remove the veil 蒙蔽. of ignorance. 朝欽夕佇 跡滯心飛

In the mornings I admire you, in the evenings I hope for you. In following in your tracks I am impeded, but my mind flies to you.

欲遣使者專迎.或遇 鍊師驚懼.故令 兄往.願與同來.披敘 不遙.先此無恙.

I thought of sending out a messenger to invite [you], but somebody thought you, the master, might be afraid of this. Therefore I asked your brother to go [and see you], hoping that you would come with him. [May] the exposition of your teachings not be remote any more, and [may] you not fall ill beforehand.131

故敕 　二日

Therefore I write to you – day 2.132 Edict 2:

鍊師 道實徵明 德惟虛寂

You, the master, [employ] the Way strengthening the brightness of its signs, and [employ] the Virtue reflecting on the tranquility of its emptiness.133

凌姑射之遐軌 激具茨之絕風

You surpass the traces of the ancients on Mount Guye.134 You arouse the sharp winds on Mount Juci.135

and Guangcheng standing for Sima Chengzhen had long been established. So the second line of the parallelism says that, as the Yellow Emperor went to see Guangzheng, Ruizong hopes to meet Sima Chengzhen. 130 The expression “thinking of their bossoms” means thinking of the Gnaw Gap and Guangcheng (the latter being represented by Mount Kongtong in the previous parallelism). Ruizong is saying that even though the Gnaw Gap and Guangcheng were great, he prefers to rely on Sima Chengzhen. 131 For the appearance of this textual passage in the Tiantai shan ji see: Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao, 80 f., 129. 132 For the full text of this edict, see: Chen Yuan, Daojia jinshi lüe (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe 文物出版社, 1988), 182-183. 133 Through the parallel employment of the characters ‘dao’ 道 (way) and ‘de’ 德 (virtue), the text here refers to two prime concepts of Daoism, which are associated with each other since the Daode jing 道德經. 134 Mount Guye was a legendary immortal’s place of residence. The tradition goes back to Zhuangzi, chapter 1, where we read: “Far away on Mount Guye there dwells a spirit man whose skin is like congealed snow and who is gentle as a virgin. He does not eat any of the five grains, but inhales the wind and drinks the dew. He rides on the clouds, drives a flying dragon, and wanders beyond the four seas. His spirit is concentrated, saving things from corruption and bringing a bountiful harvest every year” 藐姑射之山，有神人居焉，肌膚若冰雪，淖約若處子。不食 五穀，吸風飲露。乘雲氣，御飛龍，而遊乎四海之外。其神凝，使物不疵癘而年穀熟。 (Chen Guying, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi, vol. 1, 21; Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way, 6 f.). 135 Mount Juci is a legendary mountain known from Zhuangzi, chapter 24 (Chen Guying, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi, vol. 1, 633; Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way, 240 f. – Mair translates “Mount Juci” as “Mount Shady”).

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自任 煉藥名山 祈真洞壑

Employing your own [ways], you prepare medicines on famous mountains, and entreat the truth in caves and ravines.

攀地肺之紅壁 坐天台之白雲

You climb on the red cliffs of Mount Difei,136 and sit on the white clouds of the Tiantai Mountains.

廣成以來.一人而已. Since Guangcheng, only one [other] person [was able to achieve this].137 足可 發揮仙圃 黼藻玄關

You are certainly able to elucidate the gardens of the immortals, and to portray the mysterious pass.

海嶽為之增輝 風霞由其動色

For you ocean and marchmounts increase their brightness. Through you wind and clouds change their color.

弟子 緬懷河上 側佇巖幽

Your student, [the emperor,]138 cherishes the memory of the river dwelling [sire], and longs for the darkness of the caves.139

鶴馭方來 鳳京爰降

On a future day you will be riding a crane; and in the capital the phoenix will land.140

對安期之舄 聞稷丘之琴

[I, the emperor,] will be facing the shoes of Anqi, and will be hearing the lute of Jiqiu.141

順風訪道.諒在玆日. That I follow the wind seeking the Dao will presumably be on that day.142 所進明鏡.規制幽奇. The brilliant mirror you gave me is a product of dark 隱至道之精 mystery: It retreats into the essence of the Highest Dao. 含太易之象 It contains the shape of the Great Simplicity.143 136 This is a reference to Mount Mao 茅山. Mount Difei is the first of the 72 Blissful Lands, which is associated with Mount Mao in the preface of the Maoshan zhi 茅山志 (DZ 304). According to the explanation given here, Mount Mao is the location of both the Eighth Major Grotto-Heaven and the First Blissful Land (Daozang, vol. 5, 548c). 137 This means that, since Guangcheng, Sima Chengzhen was the only person able to achieve this. As noted in the introduction to the present article, the stele texts by Cui Shang and Wei Sheng compare the counsel Sima Chengzhen gave to Tang Ruizong with the counsel Guangcheng had given to the Yellow Emperor. 138 The emperor modestly refers to himself as Sima Chengzhen’s “student” 弟子 here. 139 Both the river dwelling sire and the darkness of the caves stand for Daoism here. So both lines of the parallelism say that the emperor hopes to receive the Daoist teachings. 140 With these words, the emperor expresses that he expects Sima Chengzhen’s visit in the capital. 141 Anqi and Jiqiu are both immortals having biographies in the Liexian zhuan (Max Kaltenmark, Le Lie-sien tchouan, Anqi: 115-118; Jiqiu: 132 f.). The emperor says that being with Sima Chengzhen would be like facing the shoes of Anqi or like hearing the lute of Jiqiu. 142 The emperor is saying that on that precious day of his meeting with Sima Chengzhen he expects to realize the Dao. 143 Tang Ruizong here expresses his gratitude for a mirror he had received from Sima Chengzhen. Mirrors have, since early times, been tools of Daoist spirituality. According to explanations in Ge Hong’s 葛洪 (283-343) Baopuzi 抱朴子, mirrors could be used to visualize

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藏諸寶匣.銘佩良深. I stored it in a precious box, and very deeply [my gratitude] is inscribed. 故敕 二十八日

Therefore I write to you – day 28. Edict 3:

先生 道風獨峻 真氣孤標

You, the master, are towering in your moral standards in an unparalleled way, and your perfected energy remains an unreachable standard.

餐霞赤城之表 馭風紫霄之上

You eat the aurora144 on the summit of the Crimson Walls.145 You ride upon the wind146 above the Purple Ether.147

遁俗無悶 逢時有待

Without grief you leave the profane world behind,148 and occasions of meeting you are what I must depend on.149

蹔謁蓬萊之府 將還桐柏之巖

Temporarily you visit the [immortals’] residence of Penglai, and plan on returning to the cliffs of [Mount] Tongbo.

鴻寶少留 鳳裝難駐

The swan treasury rarely stays. The phoenix [in his] ornate will hardly reside.150

deities or to protect the adept against evil spirits (Suzanne Cahill, “The Moon Stopping in the Void: Daoism and the Literati Ideal in Mirrors of the Tang Dynasty,” in: Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, vol. 9: Clarity and Luster: New Light on Bronze Mirrors in Tang and Post-Tang Dynasty China, 600-1300: Papers from a Symposium on the Carter Collection of Chinese Bronze Mirrors at the Cleveland Museum of Art [Cleveland Museum of Art, 2005], 28). 144 The term of ‘eating the aurora’ 餐霞 refers to the matutinal breathing practice of “eating the morning dawn” 餐朝霞, which was first mentioned in a rhapsody by Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179-118 BC) preserved in his biography in Hanshu, juan 57. There we read: “One breathes in and out in the evening mist; one eats the morning dawn” 呼吸沆瀣兮餐朝霞 (Ban Gu 班固, Hanshu 漢書 [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009], vol. 8, 2598). 145 The term ‘Crimson Walls’ translates the name of the afore-mentioned Mount Chicheng, which is part of the Tiantai Ridge. 146 The term of ‘riding upon the wind’ (written either 馭風 or 御風) refers to a capability originally ascribed to Master Lie 列子. The tradition goes back to Zhuangzi, chapter. 1, where we read: “Master Lie could ride upon the wind wherever he pleased, drifting marvelously, and returning only after fifteen days” 夫列子御風而行，泠然善也，旬有五日而後反 (Chen Guying, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi, vol. 1, 14; Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way, 5). 147 The Purple Ether 紫霄 is a heavenly sphere. 148 This is a reference to a passage in Yijing, hexagram 1, QIAN 乾 (Jin Jingfang 金景芳, Zhouyi quanjie 周易全解 [Jilin: Jilin daxue chubanshe 吉林大學出版社, 1989], 20). 149 This is a reference to a passage in Zhuangzi, chapter 2. There we read: “Shadow said: ‘Must I depend on something else to be what I am?’” 景曰：「吾有待而然者邪」 (Chen Guying, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi, 91; Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way, 24). 150 The terms of the “swan treasury” 鴻寶 and the “phoenix [in his] ornate” 鳳裝 both refer to Sima Chengzhen. The emperor is expressing his understanding for Sima Chengzhen’s reluctance to stay at court on a permanent basis.

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閑居三月 方味廣成之言 別途萬里 空懷子陵之意

You rested for three months,151 and I widely tasted the words of Guangcheng.152 You embarked on your return journey of tenthousand li,153 and I vainly embraced the intentions of Ziling.154

然 行藏異跡 聚散恆理

Thus moving forward and staying out of sight155 are different traces;156 gathering and dispersal157 are constant principles.158

今之別也亦何恨 哉.白雲悠悠.杳若` 天際.去德方遠.有勞 夙心.敬遣代懷.指不 多及.

Today’s farewell was extraordinarily sorrowful. The White Cloud (i.e. Sima Chengzhen) has moved far away, and became obscure like the horizon. I am in distance from the virtuous [man], and my heart will constantly be in labor. Respectfully I send [this letter] representing my feelings, even though I cannot fully express them.

故敕　十九日

Therefore I write to you – day 19.

開元神武皇帝敕

The Kaiyuan shenwu huangdi159 declares:160 Edict 4:

司馬鍊師以 吐納餘暇 151

[You,] Master Sima [Chengzhen], employ [the breathing technique of] exhaling and inhaling for your leisure,161

The emperor is saying that Sima Chengzhen stayed at court for three months. Tang Ruizong here again equates Sima Chengzhen with Guangcheng. In the style of the afore-mentioned rhetoric figure in the stele texts by Cui Shang and Wei Sheng, Tang Ruizong compares the counsel Sima Chengzhen gave him with the counsel Guangcheng gave Huangdi. 153 The emperor here refers to Sima Chengzhen’s voyage back to the Tiantai Mountains. 154 This is a reference to Yan Guang 嚴光, a hermit of Eastern Han dynasty, whose zi was Ziling 子陵. Tang Ruizong here equates Ziling with Sima Chengzhen (as he equated Guangcheng with Sima Chengzhen in the first part of the parallelism). The emperor is saying that after the departure of Sima Chengzhen he was no longer able to enjoy the presence of a Daoist master equal to Ziling. 155 This is an allusion to Lunyu 7.11: “[Only you and I have the ability] to go forward when employed and to stay out of sight when set aside” 用之則行，舍之則藏。 (D.C. Lau, Confucius: The Analects, 58 f.). 156 This refers to Sima Chengzhen first moving forward to the audience with the emperor, but then going back to the Tiantai Mountains and staying out of sight. 157 This is an allusion to a passage in Zhuangzi, chapter 25: “Security and danger alternated with each other. Misfortune and fortune gave birth to each other. Indolence and urgency rubbed against each other. So that gathering and dispersal were thereby completed” 安危 相易，禍福相生，緩急相摩，聚散以成。 (Chen Guying, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi, 696; Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way, 264 f.). 158 This refers to Sima Chengzhen’s gathering with the emperor, and to the dispersal of this gathering, which occurred when Sima Chengzhen returned to the Tiantai Mountains. 159 This is an honorary epithet of Tang Xuanzong. 160 The following is a text separately preserved in Quan Tangwen, juan 36, under the heading “Edict bestowed on Sima Chengzhen” 賜司馬承禎敕 (Quan Tangwen, vol. 1, 401). 161 The character 納 here replaces 吶: “exhaling and inhaling” 吐吶 was a breathing technique widely practiced in Daoism (Catherine Despeux, “tuna – exhaling and inhaling,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio [London: Routledge, 2008], vol. 2, 1000). 152

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琴書自娛

and [the arts of] playing the lute and writing for your amusement.162

瀟灑白雲 趁馳玄圃

Lightheartedly [you ride on] the white clouds,163 and pursue hurrying into the mysterious garden.164

高德可重 蹔違蘿薜之情 雅志難留 敬順松喬之意

As your high virtue is enormous, you suddenly turned away from the spirit of the vines. As [a person of such] noble intentions will hardly stay, I respect your intention of following Chisongzi and Wang Ziqiao.165

音塵一間 俄歸葛氏之天台 道術斯成 項縮長房之地脈

Sound and dust will separate us, as you will soon return to the Tiantai Mountains of Mr. Ge.166 You have accomplished the art of the Dao, so you will shortly contract the earth’s veins like [Fei] Changfang.167

善自攻愛.以保童 顏.志之所之.略陳 鄙什.

Please take good care of yourself, so that you can keep your childlike face.168 This is what your intent aims at, and I shall express this [on your behalf] in my humble verses.169

162 The writing is probably a reference to Sima Chengzhen’s notable ambitions in the area of calligraphy. On this matter, see: Ute Engelhardt, Die klassische Tradition der Qi-Übungen, 44, 210; Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao, 53 f. 163 The “white cloud” in connection with Sima Chengzhen is always an allusion to the fact that his epithet was “Master White Cloud” 白雲先生. 164 The “mysterious garden” 玄圃, also known as “the garden on Mount Kun[lun]” 昆圃, is an immortals’ paradise. 165 In this parallelism, the emperor articulates his respect for Sima Chengzhen’s decision of not staying at court on a permanent basis. In the first part of the parallelism we find a metaphoric picture expressing that a person as great as Sima Chengzhen cannot stay with the emperor as the vines stay with their tree. The second part of the parallelism equates Sima Chengzhen with the Daoist immortals Chisongzi 赤松子 and Wang Ziqiao, and acknowledges that on this basis Sima Chengzhen must have higher aims than staying with the emperor. 166 The emperor refers to the Tiantai Mountains as “the Tiantai Mountains of Mr. Ge”, since allegedly the legendary Daoist Master Ge Xuan 葛玄 (164-244) had founded the first Daoist monastery in the Tiantai Mountains (Thomas Jülch, Der Orden des Sima Chengzhen und des Wang Ziqiao, 49). 167 The formulation “contracting the veins of earth” 縮地脈 refers to the magic art of in no time travelling across vast distances, which the Daoist immortal Fei Changfang was proficient in. This is known from Yiwen leiju 藝文類聚, juan 72 (Ouyang Xun 歐陽詢, Yiwen leiju [Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1965], vol. 2, 1243). In the present context the emperor is saying that using this art Sima Chengzhen before long will be back home in the Tiantai Mountains. The character 項 here needs to be understood as a miswriting of 頃 (shortly), which stands parallel to 俄 (soon). 168 The childlike face 童顏 is a result of spiritual self-cultivation mentioned in both Buddhist and Daoist texts. In Jingde chuandeng lun 景德傳燈錄, juan 20, we read: “He became a monk in his youth, and [still] had his childlike face in his old age” 幼而出家老 有童顏 (T 2076, S. 368, b27). 169 Tang Xuanzong hereby announces to compose poems in commemoration of Sima Chengzhen. It is unclear whether or in how far they are included in the series of poems attached to the prose section of the TWSSJ.

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既敘前離之意 仍懷後別之資

[These poems], apart from describing the emotions of the moment before departure, will also become a means by which I can remember [you] after the farewell.

故遣此書.指不多及 敕. 　十五日

Therefore I send this letter, even though it cannot fully express [what I wanted] to write – day 15.

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Yetts, Perceval. “The Eight Immortals”, in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1916): 773-807. Yoshikawa, Tadao. “baxian – Eight Immortals,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008): 220-222. Zhang, Jingmei 張敬梅. “Sima Chengzhen yu daojiao ming shan” 司馬承禎與道 教名山, in: Zhongguo daojiao 中國道教, 2004 (6): 56-57.

CHEN TUAN’S LENGTHY SLEEP ON MOUNT HUA AND THE WATERY HIBERNATION OF TAN QIAO Stephen ESKILDSEN INTRODUCTION The life and feats of Chen Tuan 陳摶 (d. 989)1 are recorded abundantly not only in Daoist hagiography, but also in various secular sources such as the official history of the Song dynasty (Song shi 宋史) and “collections of miscellaneous notes” (biji 筆記) of literati. While it is difficult to discern fact from fiction in all of this material, Chen Tuan is perhaps best known for three things (as enumerated by Livia Kohn): 1) his prognosticative (esp., physiognomic) skills by which he discerned character and predicted destiny both for individuals and for the Song dynasty; 2) his cosmological studies based on the Yijing 易經 – especially his transmission of the Wuji tu 無極圖 (Diagram of the Limitless) that is said to have influenced the Neo-Confucian tradition; and 3) his sleeping meditation, by which he is said to have remained asleep (or seemingly so) for weeks and months at a time.2 It is the last of these three things – a prowess that he allegedly displayed during the stage of his life spent on Mount Hua (Huashan 華山; Shaanxi) – that concerns us. As for where and from whom Chen Tuan learned his famous sleeping meditation method, testimony is found in a fairly early (eleventh century) source. In Danyuan ji 丹淵集, the collected writings of the renowned painter, scholar and official Wen Tong 文同 (1018-1079), is found Wen Tong’s postface (dated 1051) to a poem that Chen Tuan had written in 937.3 There Wen Tong states: 1

Chen Tuan’s style name (zi 字) was Tunan 圖南. He went by several sobriquets including Fuyao zi 扶搖子, Baiyun xiansheng 白雲先生 and Xiyi xiansheng 希夷先生. 2 See Livia Kohn, “Chen Tuan in History and Legend,” Taoist Resources 2, no. 1 (1990), 8-31. 3 Chen Tuan’s poem and Wen Tong’s postface were inscribed in stone and kept at the Tianqing guan 天慶觀 Daoist Temple (formerly the Tianshi guan 天師觀) in Qiongzhou 卭州 (Sichuan). Lu You 陸游 (1125-1210), in his Laoxue’an biji 老學庵筆記 (6.9a-b; In Jingyin wenyuan ge siku quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 [Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1986; from hereon, Siku quanshu], vol. 865), attests to having seen the inscription, quotes Chen Tuan’s poem in full, and summarizes some of the information in Wen Tong’s postface.

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Master Xiyi, Chen Tuan, had the style name, Tu’nan. During the Tianfu era (936-944) of the Latter Jin dynasty he traveled to the Shu region (Sichuan). He Changyi, the Coordinator of Solemn Rites at the Tianshi guan Temple of this prefecture (Qiongzhou 卭州) possessed a particular Daoist technique. He was good at locking the breath of the nose and making the essence fly. He would nonchalantly take to his pillow, and would not wake up until a month later. [He Changyi] ultimately left behind this [method]. [Chen Tuan] learned it and immediately was able to practice it. Later he returned to the Guanzhong region4 where he became even more accomplished in what he practiced. He escaped old age and returned to infancy, and could move about like a divine person. 希夷先生陳摶字圖南。後晉天福中來逰蜀。聞是州天師觀都威儀何昌一 有道術，善鎖鼻息飛精，漠然一就枕，輒越月始寤。遂留此學。卒能行 之。後歸闗中，所修益高。蜕老而嬰，動如神人。5

According to this testimony, it appears that the sleeping meditation method involved holding or suspending one’s breathing (“locking the breath of the nose”). What is meant by “making the essence fly” is much less clear, unless one can somehow surmise that by “essence”6 here is meant one’s spirit, and that the method is meant to send the spirit outside the body (a feat frequently ascribed to famous Daoists [including Chen Tuan himself] in hagiography, and regarded as a hallmark of supreme attainment in much inner alchemical theory). In any case, the master who taught the method to Chen Tuan is here said to have been a Daoist cleric in Sichuan named He Changyi 何昌一. This He Changyi, it appears (and as has been already pointed out by Chinese modern scholars),7 had yet another well-known disciple – namely, Tan Qiao 譚峭 (style name [zi 字], Jingsheng 景昇; fl. 880-950). Tan Qiao is famous for being the author of Huashu 化書 (Book of Transformations),8 a collection of essays rich with intriguing observations on nature, society and metaphysics that would be 4

This designates a region of Shaanxi that includes Xi’an and Mount Hua. Danyuan ji, “Shiyi xia” 拾遺下2a. In Siku quanshu, vol. 1096. 6 The character jing (translated as “essence”) can in some contexts denote a spirit being or entity, or figure in some compounds (such as jingshen 精神 or jinghun 精魂) denoting mind, consciousness or soul. Usually, in Common Era Daoist literature, jing denotes that which nourishes the body or procreates new life. Very often it denotes seminal fluid. However, such is very unlikely what He Changyi had in mind, since letting this sort of jing fly outside the body would typically be considered harmful for health. 7 See Ren Jiyu 任継愈 ed., Zhongguo daojiao shi 中國道教史 (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe, 1990), 492 (in a section of the volume authored by Chen Bing 陳兵); and Qing Xitai 卿希泰 ed., Zhongguo daojiao shi 中國道教史 (Chengdu: Sichuan Renmin Chubanshe, 1996), vol. 2, p. 477, note 2 (in a section authored by Zhao Zongcheng 趙宗誠). 8 The best and most comprehensive Western-language study on the Huashu – equipped with a full translation and copious notes – is the massive 1998 doctoral dissertation of John Didier (see: John Didier, “Way Transformation: Universal Unity in Warring States through Sung China – the Book of Transformation (Huashu) and the Renewal of Classical Metaphysics in the Tenth Century” [Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1998]). 5

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frequently quoted by inner alchemical authors of the Song onward. Indication that Tan Qiao was also a student of He Changyi is found in the “Hunyuan xianpai zhi tu” 混元仙派之圖 (Chart of the Immortal Lineages from the Chaotic Origin), an inner alchemical lineage chart found in the thirteenth century inner alchemical anthology Yuxizi danjing zhiyao 玉谿子丹經指要 (Master Yuxi’s Instructions on the Essentials of the Elixir Scriptures).9 There the name He Changyi 何昌乙 appears, and beneath this name is a vertical line that leads to the name Tan Jingsheng 譚景升 (i.e., Tan Qiao).10 Chen Tuan (referred to by his sobriquet as “Chen Xiyi”) appears in the chart also, but not as a disciple of He Changyi; rather it is indicated that his teacher was Mayi daozhe 麻衣 道者 (The Hemp-robed Man of the Way).11 Thus, Chen Tuan and Tan Qiao perhaps shared a common mentor, and this mentor was renowned for his ability to “lock” his nose and go to sleep for periods surpassing a whole month. As we shall see, hagiography – in particular Zhao Daoyi’s 趙道一 Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 歷世真仙體道 通鑑 (1294; here on this source will be referred to as Tongjian)12 – records Chen Tuan’s somnolent feats on Mount Hua in vivid terms, and provides an extended discussion on the method and the experience of sleeping meditation (purportedly at least) from the mouth of Chen Tuan himself. While the “Hunyuan xianmai zhi tu” chart cannot be regarded as decisive proof that Chen Tuan and Tan Qiao shared a common mentor (and indeed stops short of indicating this), and Daoist hagiographical compilations containing entries on Tan Qiao do not mention sleep meditation among his talents,13 we can 9 DZ245/TT115. By Li Jianyi 李簡易 (fl. 1264). “DZ” denotes the number under which the text is catalogued in Kristofer Schipper, Franciscus Verellen, eds. The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004). “TT” denotes the fascicle number in the 1926 Shanghai reprint edition of the Daozang. 10 It is plausible to regard 乙 as interchangeable with 一, and 升 interchangeable with 昇. Jingsheng was Tan Qiao’s style name. 11 Mayi daozhe was apparently a Buddhist monk who was well versed in the divinatory technique of physiognomy. Shao Bowen’s 邵伯溫 (1055-1134), Wenjian lu 聞見錄 (7.12a-b; in Siku quanshu, vol. 1038) records an incident where Qian Ruoshui 錢若水 visited Chen Tuan and found him by the fireplace sitting with an elderly monk – viz., Mayi daozhe – who took one look at Qian and declared that he could not attain immortal-hood. This indeed proved to be the case, as Qian ended up passing the civil service exams and becoming a high official. 12 DZ296/TT139-148. 13 Tan Qiao’s life story is recorded in two different Taoist hagiographical compilations – Shen Fen’s 沈汾 (ca. 937-975) Xu xianzhuan 續仙傳 (DZ295/TT138; 3/17b-18b) and Zhao Daoyi’s 趙道一 Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 歷世真仙體道通鑑 (ca. 1294; DZ296/TT139148; 39/17b-18b). In them we are told that he – despite being born as the son of a prominent official in the Directorate of Education – shunned the pursuit of a civil service career in favor of a life of immortality-seeking in various famous Taoist mountains such as Mount Zhongnan 終南山 (Shaanxi), Mount Taibai 太白山 (Shaanxi), Mount Taihang 太行山 (overlaps Henan, Shanxi and Hebei), Mount Wangwu 王屋山 (Henan), Mount Song 嵩山 (Henan), Mount Hua

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find in Huashu and in a preface to it (dated 1060) composed by eminent Northern Song Daoist Chen Jingyuan 陳景元, indications that Tan Qiao perhaps also knew how to “lock” his breath and sleep for extended periods, and that he knew Chen Tuan personally. In section 1 of this essay we shall examine Chen Jingyuan’s preface to Huashu, and one particular brief essay in Huashu that is entitled “Hibernation.” Section 2 will focus on the hagiographical entry on Chen Tuan in Tongjian, and will also examine for possible illumination on Chen Tuan’s alleged utterances some pertinent passages from an eleventh century text called Chen xiansheng neidan jue 陳先生內丹訣. We shall examine what these materials indicate or suggest regarding the theories and methods of sleeping that Tan Qiao and Chen Tuan advocated and practiced. In doing so we hope to shed some light on how Daoist theories on sleep and sleep meditation – which posterity has come to intimately associate with Mount Hua and Chen Tuan – developed over the course of roughly the tenth through thirteenth centuries. 1. CHEN JINGYUAN’S HUASHU PREFACE

AND

TAN QIAO’S “HIBERNATION”

While the colophons of almost all extant editions of Huashu14 identify Tan Qiao as author, bibliographies and other external sources indicate that the book had at one time early on widely circulated as the work of Song Qiqiu 宋齊丘 (887-959), and in some cases bore the title “Qiqiuzi” 齊丘子 (Master Qiqiu).15 Song Qiqiu was a prominent official who served under the Five 華山 (Shaanxi) and Mount Tai 泰山 (Shandong). From a Taoist on Mount Song he “obtained the way of avoiding grains and nurturing the qi” 得辟穀養氣之術. He was also known for his fondness for drinking and his eccentric behavior. He wore a fur mantle in the summer and just a green single-layered cloth short robe in the winter, and would at times lie down to sleep in the frost and snow without coming to any harm. His father constantly sent him money and clothing for his sustenance, all of which he would immediately give away to poor people or spend at the taverns. Later he went to dwell at the Southern Peak (Nanyue 南嶽; i.e., Hengshan 衡山 [Hunan]) where he successfully “refined the elixir” (via laboratory alchemy?) and ingested it, which enabled him to “enter water without getting wet and enter fire without getting burned”, and also to “conceal and transform” 隱化 himself. After this he went into Mount Qingcheng 青城山 (Sichuan) and did not come out, and was never to be seen again. 14 Over the years various editions of the Huashu were produced and circulated, and a large number (46 by Didier’s count) are extant. (See Didier, “Way Transformation,” 1027-1112). In the Daozang there are two different versions (DZ1044/TT724 and DZ1478/TT1170), and a synopsis of the text – entitled Wuhua pian 五化篇 (Chapter on the Five Transformations) – is also found in the first juan of Daoshu 道樞 (DZ1017/TT641-648; compiled by Zeng Zao 曾慥, ca. 1151). 15 Song works that attribute authorship of the Huashu to Song Qiqiu include Ma Ling’s 馬令 Nan Tang shu (1105), Chao Gongwu’s 晁公武, Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志 (1151), Zheng Qiao’s 鄭樵 Tongzhi lüe 通志略 (1161), You Mao’s 尤袤 (1124-1193) Suichutang shumu

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Dynasties Wu 吳 (902-937) and Southern Tang 南唐 (937-975) kingdoms, but – facing accusations of treason – eventually went into retirement at Mount Jiuhua 九華山 and finally committed suicide by hanging.16 An author’s preface to Huashu by Song Qiqiu dated 930 is preserved in Tao Zongyi’s 陶宗儀 Shuofu 說郛 (ca. 1370; 42nd juan). Placed alongside Song Qiqiu’s preface in Shuofu is the preface of 1060 by the eminent and erudite Daoist Chen Jingyuan 陳景元,17 wherein is related an anecdote concerning how Song Qiqiu had in fact deviously and viciously usurped credit for the book’s authorship from its real author, Tan Qiao.18 In this preface, Chen Jingyuan reminisces about a certain occasion when he was reading Huashu. When he came to the essay “The Old Maple Tree” (Laofeng 老楓), which ruminates over alleged instances in nature where insentient objects transform into sentient beings and vice versa,19 it occurred to him that the author of Huashu certainly must have been somebody who was deeply familiar with the ancient Daoist classics Zhuangzi 莊子 and Liezi 遂初堂書目, Chen Zhensun’s 陳振孫 Zhizhai shulu jieti 直齋書錄解題 (ca. 1240) and Huang Zhen’s 黃震 Huangshi richao 黃氏日抄 (1270). (See Didier, “Way Transformation,” 10311034). According to Didier’s reckoning, there still exists one edition that attributes authorship to Song Qiqiu, as well as three editions that bear the title “Qiqiuzi”, but give “Tan Qiao” as the name of the author. 16 See Didier, “Way Transformation,” 900, note 1; Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修, [Xin] Wudai shi [新]五代史 (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1974 and 1990), 769-777; Long Gun 龍袞, Jiangnan yeshi 江南野史 (in Siku quanshu, vol. 464), 4.1a-8a; Ma Ling 馬令, Nan Tang shu 南唐書 (in Siku quanshu, vol. 464), 20.1a-8a; and Lu You 陸游, Nan Tang shu 南唐書 (in Siku quanshu, vol. 464), Ch. 4.1a-7b. 17 According to the entry on him in Tongjian (49.4a-5a), Chen Jingyuan was summoned to perform rituals by Northern Song Emperor Shenzong 神宗 (1067-1085), and was appointed to important religious administrative posts. He had friendly interactions with the famous Prime Minister Wang Anshi 王安石 (1021-1086). He wrote various works including a commentary to the “Dao jing” 道經 (Daode jing 道德經 [?]), a commentary to Zhuangzi 莊子 (Nanhua zhenjing zhangju yinyi 南華真經章句音義 [DZ736/TT495-496]; Nanhua zhenjing zhangju yushi 餘事 [DZ737/TT497]; Nanhua zhenjing yushi zalu 雜錄 [DZ738/TT497]), a phonetic index and commentary to the Dadong jing 大洞經 (Shangqing dadong zhenjing yujue yinyi 上清大洞真經玉 訣音義 [DZ104/TT54]), a commentary to the Lingbao duren jing 靈寶度人經 (Yuanshi wuliang duren shangpin miaojing sizhu 元始無量度人上品妙經四註 [DZ87/TT38-39]), Laoshi zangshi zuan 老氏藏室纂 (Daode zhenjing zangshi zuanwei pian 道德真經藏室纂微篇 [DZ714/ TT418-420]; a commentary to Laozi), a hagiographical collection entitled Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳, and a literary anthology (wenji 文集). See Tongjian 49.4a-5a. While Gaoshi zhuan is unfortunately lost, his various commentaries have survived and are found in the Daozang. The Daozang also includes his commentary (comprised of quotes that he selected and edited from earlier commentaries) to Xisheng jing 西昇經 (Xisheng jing jizhu 西昇經集註 [DZ726/TT449450]) 18 See Shuofu 42.27a-28a (Taipei: Xinxing Shuju 新興書局, 1963), 700-701. 19 The text observes that an old maple tree will transform into a “winged person” (a flying, immortal human being), old wheat will turn into butterflies, a morally upright woman will turn into a “chaste rock” (zhenshi 貞石; a very hard rock), and earthworms in a mountain will transform into lilies.

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列子, and who understood the meaning and ramifications of the passage, “the leopard produces the horse, and the horse produces the human being.” 作之者 明乎莊列之旨 達乎程生馬而馬生人20 Thus, on another day, when he had some time available, he went to query his teacher “Sir Hongmeng 鴻蒙” about this. (The implication here perhaps is that Chen Jingyuan either did not know who the author of Huashu was, or that he knew Song Qiqiu to be the ascribed author but harbored doubts as to whether profound insights could come from such a man.) “Hongmeng” was the sobriquet of Zhang Wumeng 張無夢, a famous Daoist master of the Tiantai Mountains 天台山, who in his earlier days had studied under Chen Tuan on Mount Hua.21 (Note that his personal name Wumeng means “no dreams”; significant perhaps in light of the teachings ascribed to Chen Tuan that we shall discuss in section 2.) Zhang Wumeng responded to Chen Jingyuan’s query by telling him a story that he had heard from Chen Tuan. Chen Tuan had related to Zhang Wumeng that his “teacher and friend” 師友 Tan Qiao wrote Huashu when he was living at Nanshan 南山 (meaning the Zhongnan Mountains 終南山 [Shaanxi]). Later, when traveling toward the mountains of the Three Mao Brothers 三茅 (Maoshan 茅山 in Jiangsu, not far from Nanjing) he met Song Qiqiu in Jinling 金陵 (Nanjing). He immediately recognized Song Qiqiu as somebody with uncommon potential for spiritual attainment (he had “the wind of the Transcendents and the bones of the Tao” 仙風道骨), but who also had the tendency to “drown himself in scheming cleverness” 溺于機智. Tan Qiao tried to remedy this defect in Song Qiqiu by reciting for him a passage from his book that describes, among other things, how “children who play with their shadows do not 20 Chen Jingyuan astutely recognized the essay’s affinity to – and most likely influence from – a famous passage that occurs in Zhuangqi 莊子 (Chapter 18, “Utmost Joy” [Zhile 至樂]) and Liezi 列子 (Chapter 1, “Auspicious Omens of Heaven” [Tianrui 天瑞]). There we find a most curious and bewildering description of a “mechanism” (ji 機) of evolutional generation in which seeds produce plants, which in turn produce insects, which in turn produce birds, and so on, culminating in the panther, horse and human. Humans are then said to return back into the mechanism, which is where the myriad things emerge from and enter back into. The point in describing the evolutional mechanism and curious transformations would seem to be that we should see that we are not fundamentally different from anybody or anything around us, and that we all participate in the eternal life process and endless transformations of the universe (see: Nanhua zhenjing 南華真經 [Zhuangzi; DZ670/TT349-351] 3.41a; Chongxu zhide zhenjing 沖虛至德真經 [Liezi; DZ668/TT348] 1.4a; Burton Watson, Zhuangzi: Basic Writings [New York: Columbia University Press, 2003], 119; A.C. Graham, The Book of Lieh-tzŭ [London: John Murray, 1906], 21). 21 Zhang Wumeng authored an inner alchemical treatise and series of poems entitled Huanyuan pian 還元篇(Chapter on Returning to the Origin). This work came to the attention of Northern Song Emperor Zhenzong 真宗 (r. 997-1022), who summoned him to the palace (see Tongjian 48.5a-7a). What appears to be a synopsis of Huanyuan pian is preserved in Daoshu 13.6b-9b under the title Hongmeng pian 鴻蒙篇.

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understand that they get played by their shadows” 稚子弄影 不知為影 所弄.22 Song Qiqiu did not understand the message being conveyed to him. Nonetheless, Tan Qiao then handed over his book to Song Qiqiu and requested him to compose a preface to it and see to it that it would be passed on to later generations. Song Qiqiu consented, but then proceeded to get Tan Qiao drunk, sew him up inside a leather bag, and throw him into a deep pond. After this Song Qiqiu wrote a preface in which he claimed authorship for himself, and Huashu subsequently circulated under his name.23 The story, however, does not end here. One day much later on, a hermit who was fishing at the pond discovered the leather bag and opened it. He found Tan Qiao in there still alive and snoring; his fingernails had grown to the point to where they enwrapped his body (指甲已纏體). The hermit shouted at Tan Qiao and woke him up, whereupon Tan Qiao told the hermit that Song Qiqiu had usurped his Huashu and had submerged him in the pond. He also asked the hermit whether Huashu was circulating in the world. The hermit replied that Huashu had in fact been in circulation for quite some time. Tan Qiao then remarked that if such was indeed the case, there was no need for him to return to human society; furthermore the years that he had spent inside the leather bag had been most relaxing. He thus asked the hermit to sew him up in the leather bag and throw him into the pond again; the hermit complied. After narrating (third-hand) this episode, Chen Jingyuan concludes his preface by pointing out that Song Qiqiu’s life eventually came to a justly inauspicious end (presumably meaning his suicide by hanging). While the authenticity of this strange story (and the integrity of the preface itself)24 has – justifiably – been called to question, we can note here that 22

The passage was from the essay “Children” 稚子 in juan 1 (7b-8a). This preface is also found in Shuofu, on p. 700 (42.27a). 24 Chen Jingyuan’s preface is also quoted (in full?) in Tongjian, at the end of the hagiographical entry on Tan Qiao (39.16b-18b). Curiously, there the part of the story where Tan Qiao gets submerged underwater is missing. Song Qiqiu steals credit for authoring Huashu, but Tan Qiao goes away unharmed. One wonders whether the portion of the preface regarding Tan Qiao’s underwater sojourn was omitted in Tongjian, or whether in fact it was absent from the preface to begin with, and embellished upon the preface by somebody prior to its inclusion in Shuofu. Didier argues that it likely was a later embellishment. While such could be the case, I myself am inclined to think that Chen Jingyuan’s preface did originally include the underwater sojourn episode. If Chen Jingyuan, through his teacher Zhang Wumeng did in fact inherit a tradition of teaching and practice traceable back to Chen Tuan (and perhaps Tan Qiao and He Changyi), he would not have been averse to claiming that a seasoned adept could survive for extended periods in a somnolent condition without breathing and eating. Interestingly, according to Yu Yan’s 俞琰 (1253-1314) Xishang futan 席上腐談, Song Qiqiu “killed Jingsheng (Tan Qiao), and thereupon stole his book and put his own name on it” 殺景升 遂竊其書自名之 (Xishang futan, 2.19 [Congshu jicheng, ed. Wang Yunwu 王雲五, 23

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Chen Tuan (allegedly) referred to Tan Qiao as his “teacher and friend.” While no mention is made of He Changyi as a common mentor, indication is made that Chen Tuan and Tan Qiao knew each other well, and shared some sort of teaching or practice. Also, the story of the underwater sojourn attributes to Tan Qiao the ability to survive in a somnolent condition without eating or breathing for extended periods. (Also, by displaying no desire to reclaim credit for authorship of Huashu, he displays impeccable humility and detachment.) One wonders whether it was specifically this ability and the method for attaining it that constituted the teaching and practice that Tan Qiao and Chen Tuan cherished in common. In fact, one particular essay in Huashu, entitled “Hibernation” (Zhecang 蟄藏; 1/3b), seems to describe the sort of state that Tan Qiao would have been in while submerged under water, and gives a basic description of how it is brought about. The essay reads as follows: Among creatures there are those that are good at hibernating. Some of them can thereby resist great coldness. Some of them can thereby do away with great hunger. Some of them can live 10,000 years without dying. This is because their minds are dark, and do not know anything. Their spirits are at leisure, and do not go anywhere. Their qi is relaxed, and does not do anything. The myriad worries do not confuse them. Even if they were to seek death, they could not obtain it. 物有善於蟄藏者。或可以禦大寒，或可以去大飢，或可以萬歲不死。以其 心，冥冥兮，無所知。神， 怡怡兮，無所之。氣，熙熙兮，無所為。萬慮 不能惑。求死不可得。25

Thus, we are told, hibernating animals exhibit remarkable tolerance to cold and hunger, and remarkable longevity, owing to their total absence of thoughts and utter stillness of mind and body. By saying that the qi of a hibernating animal “does nothing,” the author is perhaps under the impression that they suspend their breathing. Anyway, one might reason by extension that a human being also might accomplish similar or greater feats through serenity and non-action. But can a human being actually bring mind and body to the condition of slowed metabolism and retarded breathing by which hibernating animals such as bears sleep through the harsh winter? If one were to believe the story about how Tan Qiao survived many years sewn up in a leather bag submerged in a pond, one might regard this as one such instance. Of course, one would have to maintain, considering the lack of air down there, that he had suspended his breathing (though he must have been breathing again when the hermit opened the bag and found him snoring). vol. 128, Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1966]). If Yu Yan’s account is accurate and Tan Qiao was in fact murdered, the story of Tan Qiao’s underwater slumber can be understood as a ploy to rationalize or obscure the apparent death of an “immortal”. 25 Huashu 1/3b.

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2. CHEN TUAN’S BIOGRAPHICAL ENTRY

IN

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According to Tongjian, it was not until after he had reached the age of seventy that Chen Tuan began to live on Mount Hua and engage in sleep meditation. Born in Zhenyuan 真源 County, Bozhou 亳州 (in northwestern Anhui Province; the text notes here that this is also where Laozi 老子 was from), Chen Tuan never spoke until the age of four or five. However, he encountered an elderly woman in a blue robe who embraced and suckled him, and henceforth he began to speak. By the age of fifteen he was thoroughly versed in the Confucian classics and in works on “recipes and medicines” 方藥. However, when his parents passed away, he decided to abandon the pursuit of an official career, and embarked upon the quest for immortality.26 In making this resolution he allegedly said: What I have been studying until now will only enable me to make a name for myself. I shall now abandon this to wander beneath the long pines upon the peaks of Mount Tai (Shandong). With the likes of Anqi27 and Huangshi,28 I shall discuss the methods for leaving the world and concoct the medicine of immortality. How could I allow myself to wallow obsequiously among worldly people and exit and enter births and deaths amidst saṃsāra? 吾向所學，足以記姓名而已。吾將棄此，遊泰山之嶺，長松之下。與安期 黃石之輩，論出世法，合不死藥。安能與世俗輩，脂韋汩沒，出入生死輪 迴間哉。29

Thus the wish expressed here by Chen Tuan is to abandon the pursuit of worldly prominence, seek long life and immortality, and escape saṃsāra. Although the notion of escaping saṃsāra is one of Indian, Buddhist origin, it had been well incorporated into Daoist doctrine already by the fifth century. The ability to control one’s destiny without being subjected to the laws of karma had come to be deemed an integral quality of Daoist immortals. 26 According to juan 457 of the standard history Song shi 宋史 (by Tuotuo 脫脫 et al.; 1343) it was his failure in the prestigious “presented scholar” (jinshi 進士) exams during the Changxing 長興 era (930-933) of the Later Tang 後唐 dynasty that caused him to abandon the pursuit of classical learning and an official career (see: Song shi [Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1977], vol. 38, p. 13420). 27 Anqi sheng 安期生 was a master of the arts of immortality who was honored by the First Emperor of Qin (Qin Shihuangdi 秦始皇帝; r. 247-220 B.C.E.), and inspired him to dispatch envoys to search for the fabled immortal islands of Penglai 蓬萊. See Liexian zhuan 列仙傳 (Biographies of the Arrayed Immortals; DZ294/TT138; attributed to Liu Xiang 劉向 [77-6 B.C.E.]) 1.14b-15a 28 Huangshi gong 黃石公 was a hermit of the third century who is said to have helped Zhang Liang 張良 (a famous general instrumental in establishing the Han Dynasty) by bestowing a book of military strategy upon him (see: Sima Qian 司馬遷, Shiji 史記 [Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1959], vol. 6, pp. 2034-2035). 29 Tongjian 47.1a-b.

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As we shall see, the manner in which one sleeps and dreams was viewed as closely related to one’s ability or lack thereof to transcend the laws of karma. Despite shunning worldly company and attention while roaming about various places, Chen Tuan (ironically) became acclaimed for his detached comportment and radiant complexion, to the point where he was summoned by Emperor Mingzong 明宗 (r. 926-933) of the Latter Tang 後唐 dynasty. The Emperor offered him three lovely palace maidens, but he politely refused.30 After this, Chen Tuan went to live in reclusion at the Nine Chamber Cliff 九室岩 at Mount Wudang 武當山 (Hubei Province), where he “imbibed qi and avoided grains” 服氣辟穀 for over twenty years (according to the Song shi 宋史,31 he subsisted on only a few cups of wine per day).32 However, one night he saw a “golden man” 金人 who was holding a sword and who called out at him saying, “Your Way is accomplished. There ought to be a place for you to return to upon your accomplishment!” 子道成矣。當有歸成 之地。Chen Tuan understood this encounter with the golden man as a sign that he should go and live in reclusion somewhere in the west, since in the cosmological scheme of the Five Agents (wuxing 五行), the agent metal corresponds to west among the cardinal directions (the character jin 金 can denote gold, or metal more generally).33 Thus Chen Tuan, now over 70 years old, chose to relocate to Mount Hua in Shaanxi, which is hallowed as the Western Marchmount (Xiyue 西嶽) among the Five Marchmounts (Wuyue 五嶽) of China. It is perhaps worth noting here that according to another legend mentioned in Taihua xiyi zhi 太華希夷志 (Chronicle of Master Xiyi [Chen Tuan] of Great [Mount] Hua; by Zhang Lu 張輅 [1314]), Chen Tuan was transported to Mount Hua in a single night by five flying dragons. This source also mentions that some have claimed that it was the dragons who taught him the 30

See Tongjian 47.1a-2a. See Song shi, vol. 38, p. 13420 (juan 457). 32 To “avoid grains” usually means not only to abstain from rice, wheat, millet, and the like, but to radically cut down on one’s intake of solid food in general. Tongjian also tells us that while living on Mount Wudang Chen Tuan authored three works – Zhixuan pian 指玄篇 Chapters of Instructions on the Mysteries), Rushi huandan shi 入室還丹詩 (Poems on Entering the Room and Recycling the Elixir) and a Diaotan ji 釣潭集 (Fishing in the Deep Waters Anthology). Sadly, none of these have survived. The Daozang contains one text bearing a colophon that names Chen Tuan as author. The text is Yin zhenjun huandan ge zhu 陰真君 還丹歌注 (Commentary to Genuine Lord Yin’s Song of the Recycled Elixir 陰真君; DZ134/ TT59), an inner alchemical commentary that describes what appear to be sexual methods of cultivation. 33 See Tongjian 47.2a-b. 31

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sleeping meditation method, since “dragons are good at sleeping” 龍善睡.34 It is perhaps relevant to mention here that Dongyuanzi neidan jue 洞元子內 丹訣, an inner alchemical manual of uncertain date (but perhaps dating to the eleventh century or earlier, judging from content)35 in its introduction contains an interesting discussion where it maintains that a snake, after a thousand years, can cast off its husk and become a black dragon. Once it has become a black dragon, it can “relax in great stillness” 安大靜 (hibernate?) for a thousand years, after which it transforms into a green dragon, “releasing itself from its corpse” (shijie 屍解) and leaving behind black fossils. The dragon continues to “refine its qi” (lian qi qi 鍊其氣) through successive 1000-year spans of great stillness whereby it transforms into a red dragon, a white dragon, a yellow dragon and a divine dragon 神龍 – each time leaving behind fossils matching the color of its previous body.36 If the sleeping meditation of Chen Tuan was indeed modeled upon this “great stillness” of dragons, one could say that he was following the suggestion of the “Hibernation” essay in Huashu that one ought to emulate hibernating animals. Returning our attention back to Tongjian’s account, Chen Tuan, when he arrived at Mount Hua, cleared away thorns and thickets to inhabit the ruins of an old Daoist temple called the Yuntai guan 雲臺觀 (Cloud Terrace Belvedere), and undertook his sleeping meditation.37 Tongjian describes the following incident that allegedly occurred when Chen Tuan in effect hibernated on Mount Hua: The master (Chen Tuan) would always be lying down with his door closed, and for months would not get up. During the Xiande era (955-959) of Zhou Emperor Shizong there was a visitor who peered in through his door and saw no person. There were only traces of animals and sounds of birds. A woodcutter at the foot of the mountain found an abandoned body covered in dust. He rushed over 34 See Taihua xiyi zhi 太華希夷志 (DZ306/TT160; by Zhang Lu 張輅) 1.1a-b. The five dragons, we are told, initially appeared before Chen Tuan in the form of five elderly men with bushy eyebrows and white hair as he burned incense and read the Yijing during the night. 35 While the text lacks any sort of mention of dates or events, its absence of allusions or citations of any of the standard figures (e.g., Zhang Boduan 張伯端, Lü Dongbin 呂洞賓) or sources (e.g., Wuzhen pian 悟真篇) of the sort usually mentioned in the texts of the 12th century gives the impression that this is a fairly early inner alchemical work (see: Farzeen BaldrianHussein, “Dongyuan zi neidan jue,” in: The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang, ed. Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004], vol. 2, 850). 36 See Dongyuanzi neidan jue (DZ1097/TT743), introduction, 5a-b. 37 See Tongjian 47/2b. The text also states here that there was a man-eating tiger that roamed the area, which Chen Tuan scolded and commanded to leave; no more lives were imperiled after this. It also states that Chen Tuan befriended a hermit named Li Qi, who had lived on the mountain since the eighth century, and yet bore a youthful complexion.

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to look at it; it was the master. When he touched his heart he felt that it alone was warm. After a long while his qi circulated and he got up. He then said, “I was in the middle of a very pleasant sleep. Why do you disturb me?” 先生常閉門臥。累月不起。周世宗顯德中有尋訪者，窺其戶閱其無人。惟獸 跡鳥聲而已。有樵於山麓者，見有遺骸塵壂。迫而視之，乃先生也。捫其 心獨暖。良久，氣運而起。曰：“睡酣。奚為擾我？”38

Thus, while Chen Tuan apparently usually engaged in his sleeping meditation indoors, in this instance he had wandered outdoors to the foot of the mountain, and was found lying in a state difficult to distinguish from that of a corpse. The only difference was that he retained some body heat in the region of his heart. His “qi” was not “circulating,” meaning perhaps that no breathing or pulse could be detected. Much as with the case of Tan Qiao in the leather bag, the hibernating state was a pleasant and relaxing one for Chen Tuan, who expressed dismay at being brought out of it. Although Tongjian compiler Zhao Daoyi unfortunately rarely mentions the sources for the various anecdotes that he weaves together in his hagiographical narrative, we are able to know that this particular anecdote about Chen Tuan was in circulation by at least the mid-eleventh century and was being promoted by clerics of the Yuntai guan temple of Mount Hua. It is found in the literary collection Lequan ji 樂全集 (1078) by the scholar-official Zhang Fangping 張方平 (1007-1091), who in narrating the story quotes a Xiyi xiansheng zhuan 希夷 先生傳 (Biography of Master Xiyi [Chen Tuan]) authored by a Daoist cleric of the Yuntai guan named Wu Yuanheng 武元亨 in 1051.39 For the next five or so folios, Tongjian describes Chen Tuan’s interactions with emperors (of the Later Zhou and Northern Song dynasties),40 prominent officials and other individuals wherein he displays his virtues of purity and detachment from the world and his prognosticative abilities, and gives medicine to a man named Guo Hang 郭沆 that enables him to resurrect his mother who had just died.41 His prolific sleeping abilities he displays when he is summoned by Northern Song Emperor Taizong 宋太宗 (r. 976-997). The Emperor, we are told, bestowed upon him a temple called the Jianlong Guan 建隆觀 and told him to rest there for a while before the royal audience. Chen Tuan then “shut the door and slept deeply for over a month, and only then woke up” 扃戶熟寐月餘，方起.42 38

Tongjian 47.3a. See “Huashan Yuntai guan ji” 華山雲臺觀記, in Lequan ji (in Siku quanshu, vol. 1104) 33.13b-14a. 40 He responded to summons by Later Zhou Emperor Shizong 周世宗 (954-959) and Northern Song Emperor Taizong 宋太宗 (r. 976-997). He was also summoned by Northern Song Emperor Taizu 宋太祖 (r. 960-976), but did not respond. 41 See Tongjian 47.8a. 42 Tongjian 47.3b. 39

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The most extended narrative pertaining to Chen Tuan’s sleeping meditation occurs on the ninth and tenth folios. Chen Tuan, we are told, had a friend at the foot of Mount Hua named Cui Gu 崔古, whom he visited from time to time. One day this Cui Gu was visited by a gentleman43 named Jin Li 金礪, who asked him to introduce him to Chen Tuan. Cui Gu told him that Chen Tuan was asleep, and that he could only see him after he woke up. When Jin Li asked him about when Chen Tuan was likely to wake up, Cui Gu replied that it could take as much as three or four months to half a year, or that it could be within less than a month; thus he advised that Jin Li should try coming back some other time. More than a year later Jin Li visited Cui Gu again. This time, to his most fortunate pleasure, Chen Tuan (wide awake) showed up. Jin Li greeted him with great respect and told him about how he had previously attempted to meet him but could not, due to the fact that he was asleep. He then asked Chen Tuan, “Is there a Way even for sleeping? I beg you to teach it to me, sir, so as to enlighten me about what I do not understand.” 睡亦有道乎？願先生誨之，開其所未悟。44 Dumbfounded and gasping, Chen Tuan said, “I did not think that you could be this lowly and inept. If you are not even able to understand how to carry out your daily routine and go to sleep, it will be difficult to escape from birth and death, and to leap out of saṃsāra.” 不意子孱瑣若是也。於起居 寢處尚不能識，欲脫離生死，躍出輪迴，難矣。45 Though this reaction from Chen Tuan seems harsh, one might surmise here that he was put off by Jin Li’s implied assumption that sleeping is something mundane and trivial for which one ought not expect there to be any Way worth practicing. Chen Tuan’s contention was that the manner in which one conducts oneself within the most mundane aspects of life – including (or especially) sleep – is in fact what is most important for one’s prospects of transcending the laws of karma and escaping saṃsāra. Chen Tuan then described as follows the daily comportment and manner of sleep that is typical of worldly people who do not know any better: Now they eat their fill and dwell in leisure. Frantically they only worry that their clothing and food might not be lavish. They eat when they are hungry, and lie down when tired. The sound of their snoring can be heard in the four distances, but in the course of the night they wake up [and have to go back to sleep] multiple times. [This is because thoughts of] fame, profit, and amorous delights confuse their spirit’s awareness; wine and fatty mutton confuse their minds and wills. This is the sleep of worldly folk. 43 The text describes him as an yiguanzi 衣冠子 (son of a [family that wears] ceremonial robes and caps), which seems to mean that he belonged to a prominent family of the sort that was qualified to participate in court ceremonies. 44 See Tongjian 47.9a-b. 45 See Tongjian 47.9b.

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今飽食逸居。汲汲惟患衣食之不豐。飢而食，倦而臥。鼾聲聞於四遠，一夕 輒數覺者，名利聲色汩其神識，酒醴膏羶，昏其心志。此世俗之睡也。46

Thus, worldly people have trouble staying asleep through even a single night. (Much less could they ever stay asleep for months like Chen Tuan!) This, Chen Tuan blamed on their habitual self-indulgence and the anxiety wrought by their desires and attachments. Chen Tuan then went on to describe at length how the Supreme Person (zhiren 至人) sleeps: I keep and store the golden breath,47 and drink in the jade liquid (saliva). The golden gate is locked and cannot be opened.48 The earth door is shut and cannot be opened.49 The blue dragon guards the blue palace.50 The white tiger crouches in the western chamber.51 The genuine qi circulates in the cinnabar pond.52 The divine water (saliva) circulates the five inner [viscera].53 I call the jia and ding spirits to be on duty.54 I summon the hundred spirits to keep guard over my room. After this my spirit exits from the nine palaces.55 I roam as I please through the blue-azure [sky]. I tread the void as though treading on solid [ground]. I rise up [swiftly and easily] as though I was going down. Gradually I roam about with the auspicious wind. Fluttering about, I appear and disappear with the lazy clouds. Immediately I reach the purple mansions of Kunlun.56 I widely tread about the auspicious lands and grotto heavens. I suck on the efflorescence of the sun and moon. I play about in the exquisite scenery of the smoky mists. I visit the Genuine Ones and we discuss the principles of things beyond the world. I make plans with immortal masters to travel in strange realms. I watch the deep blue sea become a speck of dust. Pointing at the yin and yang I casually whistle. 46

Tongjian 47.9b. The breath is golden (or metal), likely because the lungs, which are the organ corresponding to the agent metal, are used to breathe it. 48 The meaning of “golden gate” is not clear here, but it is some opening in the body that is sealed to prevent the leakage of qi in some form. It could be referring to the penis, since semen, which in most inner alchemical theory one certainly needs to keep sealed in, is sometimes referred to as “golden essence” (jinjing 金精). Another possibility – perhaps more likely in the case of this passage – is that it refers to the nose, through which one normally inhales and exhales the “golden breath.” 49 Again, this must be some opening in the body that is sealed so as to prevent leakage of qi in some form. Perhaps it is the mouth that is sealed shut so as not to allow saliva (“jade liquid”) to flow out. 50 The “blue dragon” is probably the resident deity of the liver (the “blue palace”). 51 The “white tiger” is probably the resident deity of the lungs (the “western chamber”). 52 This perhaps refers to the mouth where the saliva wells up and is swallowed to be re-circulated. 53 This refers to the liver, heart, spleen, lungs, and kidneys. 54 Jia and ding spirits are tutelary spirit of the eastern and southern directions respectively. 55 This refers to the nine palaces thought to exist in the head. 56 Kunlun is the name of the legendary mountain in the far distant west, where the immortal goddess Xiwangmu 西王母 (Queen Mother of the West) – or according to some texts, Taishang Laojun 太上老君 (Laozi) – has been thought to dwell. 47

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If I feel like returning, my feet will tread the pure wind and my body will float upon the setting sun. Therefore in this sleep, one knows not the passing of the years and months. Why should one despair over the changes in the hills and valleys? 留藏金息，飲納玉液。金門牢而不可開。土戶閉而不可啓。蒼龍守乎 青宮。素虎伏乎西室。真氣運轉於丹池。神水循環乎五内。呼甲丁以直 其時。召百靈以衛其室。然後吾神出於九宮。恣遊青碧。履虛如履實。昇上 若就下。冉冉與祥風遨遊。飄飄共閑雲出沒。坐至崑崙紫府。徧履福地 洞天。咀日月之精華。翫煙霞之絕景。訪真人，論方外之理。期仙子為 異域之遊。看滄海以成塵。指陰陽而舒嘯。興欲返則足躡清風身浮 落景。故其睡也，不知歲月之遷移。安愁陵谷之改變。57

Thus, a Supreme Person such as Chen Tuan sleeps on and on as months and years go by because he has no anxiety over the vicissitudes of the world. He presumably does not snore, since he stores the “golden (metal; which corresponds to the lungs) breath” (jinxi 金息), likely meaning that he does not exhale. In fact, qi in all its modes (formless, gaseous, liquid or solid) is contained within the body, the “gates” (orifices) of which are hermetically sealed. Far from stagnant, the qi circulates and nourishes the body and all of its vital organs. Thus, while at first sight the Supreme Person may appear to merely be asleep, inner alchemical phenomena of a most sublime sort are occurring within his being. His motionless body is far from defenseless, since it is guarded by holy spirits that he has summoned from without. With all of this established, his spirit (the immortal core of his conscious being) is able to exit the body through the top of the head, and embark at will on journeys to the most distant and sublime realms, and to interact with other immortal beings. The months and years he spends in this way are certainly not wasted, as he dwells in a transcendent realm of far greater meaning and significance than our ordinary world with all of its petty struggles. To further explicate the contrast between the sleep of the secular person and the Supreme Person, Chen Tuan composed two poems for Jin Li. The first one reads: Ordinary people have nothing that they regard as important. However, only sleep is important. Throughout the world, because they breathe, (or, “Throughout the world they regard it as rest”?) The cloud-soul(s) (hun 魂)58 leave and the body does not move. When they wake up they understand nothing, 57

Tongjian 47.9b-10a. Cloud-souls are typically said to be three in number and to dwell in the liver, and to be yang in quality, with the propensity to leave the body at death and rise up to the sky (see: 58

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And their hearts are moved toward cravings even more. How laughable it is that throughout the dusty land, They do not know that the body is a dream. 常人無所重，惟睡乃為重。舉世以為息，魂離形不動。覺來無所知，貪求 心愈動。堪笑塵地中，不知身是夢。59

According to this poem, worldly people also experience the separation of the spirit(s) (or at any rate what is referred to here as the cloud-soul) from the body; what is being referred to apparently is the phenomenon of dreaming, which in pre-modern China was attributed to the spirit(s) wandering out of the body (as is evidenced an eleventh century source that we shall discuss later). But if so, the dreams are typically forgotten, and at any rate do not illuminate or edify. The sleepers awaken and return to their habitual cravings, and this is because they are unaware that the body that craves is itself a dream – meaning perhaps that it is a fleeting phenomenon lacking any inherent existence independent of the causes that condition it and the mind that perceives it.60 The second poem went as follows: The Supreme Person fundamentally has no dreams. As he dreams, he is actually a wandering immortal. The Genuine Person also does not sleep. As he sleeps he floats upon the cloudy mist. In the furnace61 he forever preserves the medicine, And within the gourd there is yet a different heaven.62 You need to know that within sleeping and dreaming, Lies the foremost mystery among humans. 至人本無夢，其夢乃遊仙。真人亦無睡，睡則浮雲煙。爐裏長存藥，壺中 別有天。欲知睡夢裏，人間第一玄。63

Farzeen Baldrian-Hussein, “hun and po,” in: The Routledge Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio [New York: Routledge, 2008], vol. 1, 521-523). 59 Tongjian 47.10a. 60 This is to say that the body is “empty” in terms of Mahayana Buddhist ontology. This sort of Buddhist metaphysics had become well incorporated into Daoist religious discourse by the seventh century. 61 This perhaps refers to the body as a whole, or to a key part of the inside of the body, such as the lower Elixir Field (dantian 丹田) in the belly. 62 This refers to a motif within immortality lore, wherein an adept possesses a magical gourd that he – or whomever he allows to – can enter in, and inside of which exists a vast immortal’s paradise. This motif occurs within the biographical entry on Hugong 壺公 (Sire Gourd) in Ge Hong’s 葛洪 (283-343) Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳 (see: Robert Ford Campany, To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth: A Translation and Study of Ge Hong’s Traditions of the Divine Transcendents [Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002], 161-168). 63 Tongjian 47.10b.

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The locus classicus for the notion that the sagely person does not dream is probably the passage in the 6th chapter of the ancient Daoist classic Zhuangzi 莊子 (ca. 4th c. B.C.E.) that reads, “As for the Genuine Persons of old, they had no dreams when they slept, and had no worries when awake” 古之 真人，其寢不夢，其覺無憂.64 As we just saw, Chen Tuan in his (alleged) discourse to Jin Li linked the Supreme Person’s ability to stay asleep for extended periods to his ability to be free of worries. Presumably he also affirmed the link between the lack of worries and the lack of dreams. Yet, how can he say that his Supreme Person does not dream, when his spirit travels outside his body and he sees all sorts of things not seen in ordinary waking experience? How can he say that the Genuine Person (assuming that this is another term referring to the Supreme Person) does not sleep, even though he sleeps for months at a time? Somehow, apparently, what this sagely person does and experiences is categorically different from dreaming and sleeping as ordinarily understood. The wondrous, salubrious physiological operations of inner alchemy occur in his body that serves as a “furnace,” and the mind enters into an alternative world where mysteries of profound significance are discovered. What he experiences are not mere illusions that are best forgotten. Thus, Chen Tuan followed up his two poems by remarking: In sum, a great dream is a great awakening, and a small dream is a small awakening. My sleep is a true sleep, and my dreams are true dreams; they are not the dreams of [people] of the world. 夫大夢大覺也，小夢小覺也，吾睡真睡也，吾夢真夢也，非世夢也。65

Thus, Chen Tuan’s dreams are categorically different from those of worldly people because they are true; they lead to various levels of awakening as to the nature of things that leads to deeper and deeper wisdom. Yet, since the spirit(s) wander out of the bodies of both worldly folk and Supreme Persons, one is still left wondering why the nature and quality of their respective experiences should be deemed so different. For help with this problem, we shall now turn our attention to a discussion on this very matter that is found in Chen xiansheng neidan jue 陳先生内丹訣 (Mr. Chen’s Inner Alchemy Lesson),66 a rather fascinating inner alchemy manual composed around 1078 that contains teachings attributed to a certain Daoist master named Chen Pu 陳朴, who is claimed to have been active from the end of 64

See Nanhua zhenjing 2.1b; Watson, trans., Zhuangzi, p. 74. Tongjian 47.10b. 66 DZ1096/TT743. For a full discussion and summary of this text, see: Stephen Eskildsen, “Neidan Master Chen Pu’s Nine Stages of Transformation,” Monumenta Serica 49 (2001), 1-31. 65

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the Tang down to the Northern Song (which would make him a contemporary of Chen Tuan and Tan Qiao). While the overall inner alchemical theory and regimen described in this manual is perhaps different from that subscribed to by Chen Tuan (unfortunately no systematic inner alchemical exposition by Chen Tuan survives), it does contain a discussion on sleeping, dreaming and spirit egress that contrasts the condition of “ordinary people” to that of “people who have attained the Way.” Chen Tuan likely shared some of Chen Pu’s notions and assumptions on these matters. Regarding the condition of “ordinary people,” Chen xiansheng neidan jue states: Ordinary people have nothing that they nurture. Their essences and spirits (jingshen 精神; mental capacities) scatter in the four directions, and have no place to settle. In the daytime the spirit is in the heart, but at night the spirit exits the body. When they are sleeping, the spirit has nothing that it is guarding. They do not know that they have a body, and they do not know where they are. Following the cloud-souls (hun 魂) and following the white-souls (po 魄), [the spirit] enters into dark realms and congregates with ghosts. Always within their dreams there is nothing that they do not see. When the four elements [comprising the body] (earth, water, fire and water) are suddenly destroyed, the spirit goes off with the ghosts. In accord with its merits it receives rebirth. [Whether one goes to] the Halls of Heaven or the Underground Prisons all depends on oneself. Thus, because the spirit does not understand itself, the body follows the waves (cannot resist the forces that perpetuate saṃsāra). 常人内無所養。精神四散，無所歸著。晝則神在於心。夜則神出於體。及其 睡著，神無所守。更不知有身，亦不知所在。隨魂逐魄，入幽趣中，與鬼 同聚。常於夢中無所不見。至四大忽壞，神隨鬼往。隨福受生。天堂 地獄。皆不由己。乃因神不自識。其身隨波逐浪故也。67

A frequent problem we face when trying to understand passages like this in Daoist literature is determining whether a singular entity or plural entities are meant by terms such as “spirit” (shen 神), “cloud-soul” (hun 魂), and “white-soul” (po 魄), and what the relationship or distinction is supposed to be between these things. Although sources are not uniform as to the understanding they convey, cloud-souls are typically said to be three in number and to dwell in the liver, and to be yang in quality, with the propensity to leave the body at death and rise up to the sky; white-souls are seven in number, dwell in the lungs, are yin in quality, and at death get buried with the body and seep into the ground as it decomposes.68 Collectively they can perhaps be said to stand for the forces that make a person conscious and animate, with cloud-souls 67

Chen xiansheng neidan jue 14a-b. See Farzeen Baldrian-Hussein, “hun and po,” in: The Routledge Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (New York: Routledge, 2008), vol. 1, 521-523. 68

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being associated with conscious thought and volition, and white-souls with emotions and subconscious impulses and physical functions. But does “spirit” constitute a category or collective entity encompassing these two types of souls, along with whatever other sorts of spirits or deities that inhabit the body? (These are numerous indeed in Daoist literature.) Or, does “spirit” refer to a singular entity constituting the core of one’s awareness and will that is distinct from the cloud-souls and white-souls, and which is supposed to control them? I have chosen the latter interpretation, as it seems to lead to a more coherent interpretation here. The problem bemoaned in the above passage is that ordinary people, because they do not engage in any sort of cultivation, have a spirit that wanders out of the body during the night when they are asleep (when it ought to be keeping guard over the body), and has relinquished any awareness or control of where it is going and what it is doing. Far from harnessing and controlling the cloud-souls and white-souls, the spirit – if we are to understand it as a singular distinct entity constituting the core of one’s awareness and will – is lured out of the body by them. It is easily lured and tempted by ghostly, demonic beings to wander to places where it ought not go and to see all sorts of deluding things. A spirit so lacking in self-control during the temporary separation from the body (dream sleep), will at the permanent separation from the body (death) have no freedom to control its destiny, and will suffer rebirth into the condition it deserves as dictated by karma. In other words, as long as one has dreams, one is stuck in saṃsāra. If Chen Tuan also subscribed to this theory, it is no wonder that he saw the manner in which one sleeps to be of the greatest importance. Chen xiansheng neidan jue describes the condition of “people who have obtained the Way” as follows: As for people who have obtained the Way, their inner elixir is completed. The spirit dwells in the elixir, and the holy body has free will. In the daytime the spirit roams, and at night the spirit is stable. When [people who have obtained the Way] sleep, the spirit watches over the body. Therefore, the cloud-souls and white-souls are subdued, and the hundred evils cannot violate them. There is no more dream sleep. They exit [the cycle of] births and deaths, and come and go by their own will. They can send out the spirit in any direction without limit. This is what is meant by the elixir scripture (Zhuangzi?) when it says, the “Genuine Person has no dreams.” 得道之人，内丹成就。神舍於丹，靈軀自在。晝則神游，夜則神定。及乎 睡著，神見其身，物不能誘。是故，魂魄潜伏，百邪不干。更無夢寐。出離 生死，去來由我。出神縱横莫測。故丹經曰：“眞人無夢”謂此也。69 69

Chen xiansheng neidan jue 14b.

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To have “obtained the Way” means that one has created within one’s ordinary body an “inner elixir.” This inner elixir is a “holy body” in which one’s spirit dwells. As is explained a few folios earlier in the same text, it is a “holy fetus” (shengtai 聖胎) in which “the cloud-souls and white-souls have been completed, and its “five marchmounts” (wuyue 五嶽; likely meaning the five viscera [wuzang 五臟/藏]; viz., liver, heart, spleen, lungs, kidneys) and essences and spirits (mental capacities) are no different than my own inner form; it is the Genuine Body for the egress of the spirit.” 魂魄皆成就。其五 嶽精神與我内形貌一同。乃出神真身.70 The spirit housed in this holy body is always fully awake and in control, and can exit or reenter the ordinary body at will. As for how it is sent out, the text states: Sit in a proper posture and hold your breath. The divine radiance of the inner elixir emerges from the crown of the head, and in the form of a bright round moon enwraps the body. The spirit exits and enters in and out with no impediment. As you sit within your room, you can know of all misfortunes and blessings occurring within distances surpassing a thousand li. 正座閉息。内丹神光從頂門而出。如一輪明月罩定身體。神游内外出入無 礙。坐於室中，可知千里之外禍福。71 The holy fetus with its divine feet exits and enters with no impediment. In the morning it wanders to the Shu region in the west, and in the evening it enters the eastern capital. Without exiting my door and courtyard, I can see all within the seas while sitting down. I can reach the heart-spirits of other people and make my spirit mingle with them. I can thus know what is on their minds. Thus this is referred to as “penetrating the hearts of others.” It is the supernormal power (abhijna) [of reading] the minds of others. 聖胎神足出入無礙。超游西蜀，暮入東都。不出戶庭，坐觀海內。至於人 之心神，使我之神交之。可以知其人之意。故曰貫他心。乃他心通也。72

The exiting of the spirit described here resembles that of the Supreme Person as (allegedly) described by Chen Tuan in that the adept holds his breath (although in the case of what Chen Tuan is depicted as describing, the idea is perhaps that breathing is suspended not by abruptly and consciously holding it, but rather that the breathing naturally slows to the point of suspension). Also, the spirit is at its full wits and is in full control. Far from being deluded in fantasies, it sees and knows things in the real world at a range far surpassing what ordinary people in waking consciousness can know. It perceives things far beyond the ordinary range of sight and hearing, and can read minds. 70 71 72

Chen xiansheng neidan jue 11a. Chen xiansheng neidan jue 11b. Chen xiansheng neidan jue 12b.

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Having said this, there seem to be some differences between the two methods ascribed respectively to Chen Pu and Chen Tuan. In the Chen Pu method the adept sends the spirit out while in a seated position and only during the daytime. At night he sleeps dreamlessly because he retains the spirit within to guard over the body and rein in the cloud-souls and white-souls. In the Chen Tuan method the adept is reclining in a sleeping posture day and night for months, while the spirit goes on its excursions. However, in both methods, the spirit – whether wandering outside or staying inside the body – is always alert and in full control of itself; thus it never falls into deluding dream sleep, and it is not subject to the laws of karma and saṃsāra. Returning our attention to Tongjian, there we are told that after bestowing his discourse and poems on sleeping to Jin Li, Chen Tuan declared that he would soon go to sleep again, and invited Jin Li to come and visit him again at that time, so that he could “see true sleeping.” 見真睡.73 Jin Li did so, and “saw the master lying face-up, without any breath going out or coming in. His facial complexion was ruddy and glowing” 先生仰臥，出入無息。面色 紅瑩.74 Having seen this, Jin Li bowed to pay respects before the bed of Chen Tuan, and left. Thus, Jin Li is said to have been able to observe that Chen Tuan, in his lengthy condition of “true sleep,” indeed was not breathing. Yet, he was clearly not dead, since his facial complexion exuded radiant health. Thus concludes the story of Jin Li’s encounter and interactions with Chen Tuan. Tongjian immediately follows with one more strange and miraculous anecdote pertaining to Chen Tuan’s sleeping meditation. It tells us that one day a certain “guest” (ke 客) visited Chen Tuan at a time when he happened to be sleeping. The guest witnessed the following strange (and puzzling) scene: By [Chen Tuan’s] side was an Immortal who listened carefully to the sound of his breathing, and used an ink brush to make black marks on paper. After doing this several times, the paper was full of black marks that were indistinguishable from each other. The guest considered this strange and asked [the Immortal] about it. The Immortal said, “That master in the land of Huaxu75 is composing this musical score of Primordial Chaos.” 73

Tongjian 47.10b. Tongjian 47.10b. 75 “Huaxu” 華胥 here refers either to the state of dreaming, or to a special realm that he is experiencing as he sleeps. The term alludes to an anecdote at the beginning of the second chapter of the ancient Daoist classic Liezi 列子 where Huangdi 黃帝 (the Yellow Emperor) has a dream where he travels to the “land of the Huaxu clan” 華胥氏之國 which proves to be a veritable Daoist utopian paradise where people live freely and naturally, without desires, attachments or animosities, and never come to harm or premature death. See Chongxu zhide zhenjing 1.10a-11a; Graham, trans., Lieh-tzŭ, p. 34. 74

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傍有一仙人諦聼其息聲, 則以墨筆烏塗於紙。如是數次，滿紙烏塗 莫辨。 客怪而請問之。仙人曰：“彼先生華胥調此混沌譜也”。76

Here, unlike what Jin Li allegedly observed, Chen Tuan does appear to be breathing while asleep, or at least doing so in a manner observable to an Immortal. While Chen Tuan’s manner of sleeping in this way seems to contradict descriptions of it seen right prior to it in the very same source (almost certainly owing the fact that the hagiographer Zhao Daoyi gleaned various sources in putting together his account), the claim of the anecdote seems to be that Chen Tuan while asleep partook of a transcendent realm of experience; thus his breath exuded the tunes thereof. This concludes all that the main narrative of Tongjian has to say about Chen Tuan’s sleeping meditation (although it is mentioned again in Zhao Daoyi’s additional comments added to the narrative). It moves on describe his interactions with various legendary immortals (incl., Maonü 毛女,77 Lü Dongbin 呂洞賓,78 Chisongzi 赤松子,79 Hugong 壺公,80 Li Babai 李八百81 and a certain Li Ruan 李阮) and eventually his death (or at least that of his ordinary body). This, we are told, occurred in 989, not on Mount Hua, but on Mount Emei 峨眉山 (Sichuan), where Chen Tuan in the previous year had told his disciples to chisel out and prepare a grotto for him. In that grotto, lit by candlelight throughout the night, at the precisely ordained moment on the 22nd day of the 10th lunar month, Chen Tuan rested his cheek on his left arm (presumably while lying down) and passed away. For seven days his complexion did not change, and his body remained warm. For over a month 76

Tongjian 47.11a. Maonü, or “Hairy Woman” is said to have once been a palace lady under the First Emperor of the Qin dynasty. At the fall of that dynasty she fled into Mount Hua where she encountered an immortal name Gu Chun 谷春 who taught her how to survive on pine needles. By doing so she became immune to hunger and coldness, and her body came to be covered with hair. See Liexian zhuan 2.7b-8a. 78 Lü Dongbin, a semi-legendary figure said to have been born at the end of the eighth century, came to be arguably the most popular immortal in modern Daoism. He is revered as a Patriarch by the influential Quanzhen 全真 School. For an excellent study on his early lore, see: Farzeen Baldrian-Hussein, “Lü Tung-pin in Northern Sung Literature,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 2, no. 1 (1986), 133-169. 79 Chisongzi is said to have served as “Master of Rain” (yushi 雨師) under the legendary emperor of antiquity Shennong 神農. He would frequently travel to the remote Mount Kunlun, abode of Xiwangmu, where he dwelt in a stone chamber. See Liexian zhuan 1.1a. 80 See note 62. 81 His name literally means “Li Eight-hundred.” The Shenxian zhuan tells us that Li Babai was a man of Shu 蜀 (Sichuan) who was reputed to be over 800 years old. The text provides a lively narrative of how he subjected his disciple Tang Gongfang 唐公房 to arduous tests of humility and perseverance before conferring immortality on both him and his wife (see: Campany, To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth, 215-218). 77

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thereafter, five-colored clouds covered the entrance to the valley. He was 118 years (sui 嵗) old (as reckoned by the traditional Chinese manner).82 While the narrative is unclear, it could be taken as implying that as he lied down to pass away, he undertook the sort of inner alchemical sleeping meditation technique that he had described to Jin Li. The implication could be that the inner alchemical phenomena kept the body warm for seven days as Chen Tuan’s spirit flew off to better places, never to return. The narrative goes on to describe one alleged incident where Chen Tuan appeared posthumously on Mount Emei in front of a royal envoy, and then concludes by describing various posthumous honors and privileges bestowed upon Chen Tuan and his disciples by the Song court. CONCLUSION So what, if anything, factual do we learn from the material examined above? The deeds and feats ascribed to Chen Tuan and Tan Qiao are certainly too strange to be accepted without reservation. Chen Tuan’s conversation with Jin Li is not recorded in any of the earlier sources nearer to Chen Tuan’s actual lifetime, and one wonders who could have remembered and recorded it word for word. However, while we have perhaps learned little of anything reliable as to what Chen Tuan and Tan Qiao actually did and said in their lives, it is hoped that we have gained a window on understanding how during the course of roughly the tenth through thirteenth centuries, Daoist theories and methods were developing pertaining to the mental and physical states occurring in sleep, and their impact on health, longevity and one’s prospects for liberation from saṃsāra. Regardless of what actually happened, posterity has associated these theories with Chen Tuan and Mount Hua. It is possible that Chen Tuan and Tan Qiao knew each other personally, shared a common mentor in He Changyi, and subscribed to a method by which one is supposed to be able to in effect hibernate (putting aside the matter of whether they actually became able to). According to Chen Jingyuan’s 1060 preface to Huashu, Chen Tuan told his disciple Zhang Wumeng (who had studied under him at Mount Hua) that Tan Qiao had survived for years submerged in a leather bag underwater. According to Tongjian, Chen Tuan was found by a woodcutter sleeping at the foot of Mount Hua covered in 82 In this manner of reckoning, one is one year old at the moment of birth, and gains a year on the first day of each new lunar year.

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dust in a condition almost indistinguishable from that of a corpse. This anecdote goes back to at least the mid-eleventh century, and was recorded in a biography by the cleric Wu Yuanheng of Yuntai guan on Mount Hua – the same temple where Chen Tuan is said to have practiced his sleeping meditation. It would appear that by the eleventh century there was a contingent linked to Chen Tuan and Mount Hua that perceived a hibernating state as conducive to or indicative of high attainment, and that attributed both Chen Tuan and Tan Qiao with the capacity to enter such a state. But was the hibernation method subscribed to by Tan Qiao and Chen Tuan indeed He Changyi’s method of “locking the breath of the nose and making the essence fly”? The essay in Tan Qiao’s Huashu entitled “Hibernation” does not describe a method per se. In it Tan Qiao simply observes that hibernating animals can survive extreme cold, go without food and (supposedly) live for ten thousand years, and attributes this to the fact that their minds, bodies and qi are completely calm, relaxed and inactive. His point here for his readers would seem to be that a calm mind and body is conducive to health and longevity. However, he may also be implying that humans can enter the hibernating condition to attain extreme longevity. If the phrase “their qi is relaxed, and does not do anything” means to say that hibernating animals suspend their breathing, bringing themselves to such a condition could be said to correspond to “locking the breath of the nose” as taught by He Changyi. However, if by “making the essence fly” He Changyi meant that one is to send out one’s spirit (if this is what is meant by “essence” [jing 精]) on a journey while sleeping, Tan Qiao in “Hibernation” says no such thing; in fact, in saying that the spirits of hibernating animals “do not go anywhere,” he seems to be saying just the opposite. Chen Tuan’s sleeping meditation as depicted and described allegedly from his own mouth in Tongjian resembles the claims of Tan Qiao’s “Hibernation” essay insofar that emphasis is put upon mental calm and the suspension of breathing. It is his lack of worries over the petty concerns of the world that is said to enable the Supreme Person to stay asleep for days and months at a time. The Supreme Person is said to “keep and store the golden breath” while sleeping, and when Jin Li returns to observe Chen Tuan’s manner of sleeping, he indeed sees that he is not breathing. Of course, the ability to sleep in this manner is claimed to lead to great longevity. However, in Chen Tuan’s method in Tongjian, more than just breath is sealed in as the body acts as an inner alchemical apparatus, and the spirit indeed embarks on far and boundless wanderings. Also highly of note is that the Tongjian narrative on Chen Tuan depicts him as having been concerned from the outset with becoming liberated from saṃsāra, and as having perceived

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an intimate link between how one sleeps and one’s prospects for escaping saṃsāra. This soteriological concern does not figure in Tan Qiao’s “Hibernation” essay, although liberation from the cycle of reincarnation does figure as an important theme elsewhere in Huashu. Of course, it is very possible that Chen Tuan’s discourse on sleeping in Tongjian does not actually represent the ideas of Chen Tuan, but rather those of somebody else who lived somewhere within the 11th through 13th centuries (viz., after Chen Tuan’s [d. 989] lifetime and before the compilation of Tongjian [1294]). Whoever this was, this person shared some of the basic notions regarding sleep, dreams, spirit egress and reincarnation that are conveyed in Chen xiansheng neidan jue, an eleventh century text (containing teachings ascribed to a man who allegedly flourished in both the tenth and eleventh centuries). There the saṃsāric condition of worldly people is blamed on the fact that they dream in their sleep, and it is claimed that in doing so their spirits lose all control and will power as they are lured out of the body and are subjected to the delusions and temptations of ghosts and demons. Daoist practitioners of high attainment, on the other hand, escape bondage from saṃsāra because they never dream. When the spirit does leave the body it is in a state of complete awareness and self-control, wherein it knows of truths far beyond what the worldly person can grasp. Methods of sleeping meditation or “hibernation” continued to be developed during the late imperial and modern periods, and to be attributed to Chen Tuan and/or linked to Mount Hua (perhaps because the proponents of these methods were active on or somehow connected to Mount Hua – though this is uncertain). For example, Chifengsui 赤鳳髓 (Marrow of the Red Phoenix),83 a collection of Daoist longevity/immortality methods compiled around 1579 by Zhou Lüjing 周履靖, includes a Chen Xiyi shushui huashan tu 陳希夷熟睡華山圖 (Diagram of Chen Xiyi [Chen Tuan] in Deep Sleep on Mount Hua),84 and a Huashan shi’er shuigong zongjue tu 華山十二睡功總訣圖 (Comprehensive Lesson and Diagrams of the Twelve Sleep Exercises of Mount Hua).85 Chen Xiyi shushui huashan tu is a picture of Chen Tuan lying on his right side with his head resting on his right hand atop a pillow, with his legs crossed and with his left hand upon his belly. Along with the picture is a short description of a method in which one is to rub the belly with the left hand and engage in contemplation/visualization (cunxiang 存想) and breath control (tiaoxi 調息) while “practicing sleep” (xishui 習睡). One is to gather in (shou 收; inhale or swallow) 32 mouthfuls of qi and circulate it. This, it says, helps to 83 84 85

Included in Zangwai daoshu 9.731a-771a. Zangwai daoshu 9.763a. Zangwai daoshu 9.765a-769b.

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cure tuberculosis. Thus here Chen Tuan and Mount Hua are associated with a method quite different from anything that we had discussed earlier, and which is designed for the cure of a specific illness, rather than for immortality and liberation from saṃsāra. Huashan shi’er shuigong zongjue tu (which has been fully translated into English by Teri Takehiro)86 consists of an anonymous and very substantial “Comprehensive Lesson” on sleeping meditation covering close to three and a half folios, followed by 12 diagrams of various different adepts (whose names are given, but none of whom are Chen Tuan) reclining on their sides in meditation, accompanied by brief verses describing or pertaining to their practice. Who these adepts were, and whether they were all connected to Mount Hua, is unclear. The “Comprehensive Lesson” in its gist resembles Chen Tuan’s alleged discourse in Tongjian insofar as it describes the sleeping meditation as an exercise that sets in motion wondrous inner alchemical phenomena of the sort that lead ultimately to immortality. It follows up this description with a discussion of how a Supreme Person, by virtue of being without delusions, does not dream in the same manner as worldly folk, and for this reason is not stuck in saṃsāra. However, the “Comprehensive Lesson” also describes in detail – in a manner not found in our tenth through thirteenth century sources – the posture in which one reclines, as well as actions that directly precede and follow the sleeping meditation.87 As is the case with all the sleeping meditation diagrams found in Chifengsui, the prescribed sleeping posture is one where one reclines on one’s side, with the head lying on one’s elbow. This actually contradicts what is described in Tongjian, where we are told that Jin Li observed Chen Tuan sleeping face up on his back (although he is described as lying on his side when dying, and one might construe this as constituting his “final sleeping meditation”). In sum, while specific techniques for sleeping meditation thus (unsurprisingly) underwent significant modification and embellishment after the thirteenth century, some basic notions regarding why and how an accomplished adept can and should sleep for days and months at a time were established over the course of the tenth through thirteenth centuries. Through observation and speculation on the condition of hibernating animals in nature (and in myth, 86 See Teri Takehiro, “The Twelve Sleep-Exercises of Mount Hua,” Taoist Resources 2, no. 1 (1990), 73-94. 87 One first sits down, knocks the teeth together thirty-six times, calls out to and assembles all the deities dwelling in the body, loosens one’s robe and belt, and then lies down on one’s side. With the eyes closed halfway and the tongue pressed against the upper palate, one forms the “drawn sword mudra” (fore and middle fingers extended) with both hands, with one hand resting under the head and the other on the navel. At the conclusion of the exercise, one gets up and rubs the chest and the eyes.

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such as dragons), it was inferred that humans could also attain great longevity by entering protracted somnolent states where functions such as breathing and pulse are suspended or nearly undetectable. It also came to be maintained that seasoned adepts while sleeping (or so appearing) could seal in and circulate their vital forces, and send the spirit out of the body at will on distant journeys, thereby gaining transcendent wisdom and supernormal psychic power. Since the spirit does not dream in the ordinary sense – viz., it never loses self-control, and is never deluded – it becomes free of bondage to the laws of karma and saṃsāra. Accomplished adepts can sleep uninterrupted for months and are immune from the deluded, samsaric dreaming condition because of their habitual state of mind in ordinary everyday waking experience – they do not worry. BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Chao, Gongwu 晁公武. Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志, with supplements by Zhao Xibian 趙希弁. Edition Junzhai dushu zhi jiaozhang 郡齋讀書志校正, by Sun Meng 孫猛 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chuban she, 1990). Chen, Jingyuan 陳景元. Daode zhenjing zangshi zuanwei pian 道德真經藏室纂 微篇. DZ714/TT418-420. Chen, Jingyuan. Nanhua zhenjing zhangju yinyi 南華真經章句音義. DZ736/TT495496. Chen, Jingyuan. Nanhua zhenjing zhangju yushi 南華真經章句餘事. DZ737/TT497. Chen, Jingyuan. Nanhua zhenjing yushi zalu 南華真經餘事雜錄. DZ738/TT497. Chen, Jingyuan. Shangqing dadong zhenjing yujue yinyi 上清大洞真經玉訣音義. DZ104/TT54. Chen, Jingyuan. Xisheng jing jizhu 西昇經集註. DZ726/TT449-450. Chen, Jingyuan. Yuanshi wuliang duren shangpin miaojing sizhu 元始無量度人上 品妙經四註. DZ87/TT38-39. Chen, Tuan 陳摶. Yin zhenjun huandan ge zhu 陰真君還丹歌注. DZ134/TT59. Chen, Zhensun 陳振孫. Zhizhai shulu jieti 直齋書錄解題 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 1987). Dongyuan zi 洞元子. Dongyuanzi neidan jue 洞元子內丹訣. DZ1097/TT743. Hu, Daojing, et al., eds. Zangwai daoshu 藏外道書 (Chengdu: Bashu chubanshe, 1992-1994). Huang, Zhen 黃震. Huangshi richao 黃氏日抄 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987). Li, Jianyi 李簡易. Yuxizi danjing zhiyao 玉谿子丹經指要. DZ245/TT115. Lie, Yukou 列禦寇. Chongxu zhide zhenjing 沖虛至德真經. DZ668/TT348. Liu, Xiang 劉向. Liexian zhuan 列仙傳. DZ294/TT138. Long Gun 龍袞. Jiangnan yeshi 江南野史, in: Jingyin wenyuan ge siku quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 (hereafter, Siku quanshu), vol. 464 (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1986).

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Lu, You 陸游. Laoxue’an biji 老學庵筆記, in: Siku quanshu, vol. 865. Lu, You. Nan Tang shu 南唐書, in: Siku quanshu, vol. 464. Ma, Ling 馬令. Nan Tang shu 南唐書, in: Siku quanshu, vol. 464. Ouyang, Xiu 歐陽修. [Xin] Wudai shi [新]五代史 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974 and 1990). Shao, Bowen 邵伯溫. Wenjian lu 聞前錄, in: Siku quanshu, vol. 1038. Shen, Fen 沈汾. Xu xianzhuan 續仙傳. DZ295/TT138. Sima, Guang 司馬光. Zizhi tongjian 資治通鋻 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983). Sima, Qian 司馬遷. Shiji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959). Tan, Qiao 譚峭. Huashu 化書. DZ1044/TT724. Tan, Qiao. Huashu 化書. DZ1478/TT1170. Tan, Qiao. Wuhua pian 五化篇, in: Daoshu 道樞 (DZ1017/TT641-648) 1. Tao, Zongyi 陶宗儀. Shuofu 說郛 (Taipei: Xinxing shuju 新興書局, 1963). Tuotuo 脫脫, et al. Song shi 宋史 (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1977). Wen, Tong 文同. Danyuan ji 丹淵集, in: Siku quanshu, vol. 1096. You, Mao 尤袤. Suichutang shumu 遂初堂書目, in: Siku quanshu, vol. 674. Yu, Yan 俞琰. Xishang futan 席上腐談, in: Congshu jicheng, ed. Wang Yunwu 王雲五, vol. 128 (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1966). Zeng, Zao 曾慥. Daoshu 道樞. DZ1017/TT641-648. Zhang, Fangping 張方平. Lequan ji 樂全集, in: Siku quanshu, vol. 1104. Zhang, Lu 張輅. Taihua xiyi zhi 太華希夷志. DZ306/TT160. Zhang, Wumeng 張無夢. Hongmeng pian 鴻蒙篇, in: Daoshu 道樞 (DZ1017/ TT641-648) 13.6b-9b. Zhang, Yuchu 張宇初, et al., eds. Daming daozang jing 大明道藏經 (a.k.a. Zhengtong daozang 正統道藏; 1445) with Xu daozang 續道藏 (1607). Shanghai: Hanfenlou, 1926. Zhao, Daoyi 趙道一. Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 歷世真仙體道通鑑. DZ296/ TT139-148. Zheng, Qiao 鄭樵. Tongzhi lüe 通志略, in: Sibu beiyao 四部備要, vol. 140 (Taipei: Taiwan Zhonghua Shuju, 1970). Zhou, Lüjing 周履靖. Chifengsui 赤鳳髓, in: Zangwai daoshu 藏外道書 9.731a-771a. Zhuang, Zhou 莊周. Nanhua zhenjing 南華真經 (Zhuangzi 莊子). DZ670/TT349-351. Secondary Sources Baldrian-Hussein, Farzeen. “Dongyuan zi neidan jue,” in: The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang, ed. Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), vol. 2: 850. Baldrian-Hussein, Farzeen. “hun and po,” in: The Routledge Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (New York: Routledge, 2008), vol. 1: 521-523. Baldrian-Hussein, Farzeen. “Lü Tung-pin in Northern Sung Literature,” in: Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 2, no. 1 (1986): 133-169. Campany, Robert Ford. To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth: A Translation and Study of Ge Hong’s Traditions of the Divine Transcendents (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002). Didier, John. “Way Transformation: Universal Unity in Warring States through Sung China – the Book of Transformation (Huashu) and the Renewal of Classical Metaphysics in the Tenth Century” (Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1998).

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Eskildsen, Stephen. “Neidan Master Chen Pu’s Nine Stages of Transformation,” Monumenta Serica 49 (2001): 1-31. Graham, A.C. The Book of Lieh-tzŭ (London: John Murray, 1960). Kohn, Livia. “Chen Tuan in History and Legend,” Taoist Resources 2, no. 1 (1990): 8-31. Qing Xitai 卿希泰, ed. Zhongguo daojiao shi 中國道教史 (Chengdu: Sichuan Renmin Chubanshe, 1996). Ren Jiyu 任継愈, ed. Zhongguo daojiao shi 中國道教史 (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe, 1990). Schipper, Kristofer; Franciscus Verellen eds. The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004). Takehiro, Teri. “The Twelve Sleep-Exercises of Mount Hua,” Taoist Resources 2, no. 1 (1990): 73-94. Watson, Burton. Zhuangzi: Basic Writings (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003).

TIANSHI AND ZHENGYI DAO ON MOUNT DADI (ZHEJIANG), FOURTH TO SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES1 Jan DE MEYER Quel qu’en soit le degré d’impureté, le Monde est continuellement purifié par la sainteté des sanctuaires.2

1. PREAMBLE In 1299, the Song loyalist and recluse philosopher Deng Mu 鄧牧 (zi Muxin 牧心, 1247-1306) took up residence in Yuhang’s 餘杭 major Daoist temple,3 the Dongxiao gong 洞霄宮 or “Palace of the Cavernous Empyrean,” situated on Dadi shan 大滌山, not far west of present-day Hangzhou. For the remaining six years of his life, he would write prose and poetry, which he gathered in his Bo Ya qin 伯牙琴,4 and he would edit a wealth of material concerning the Dongxiao gong, which at the time was still one of the leading Daoist establishments of the empire. We tend to credit the compilation of the Dongxiao tuzhi 洞霄圖志 (“Illustrated Monograph of the Cavernous Empyrean”) to Deng Mu alone, but we should always keep in mind that at the beginning of this well-informed religious monograph, it is clearly stated: “Edited by Deng Mu, recluse of the present mountain, and collected by Meng Zongbao 孟宗寶, daoshi of the present mountain” 本山隱士鄧牧編，本山 道士孟宗寶集.5 The cooperation between the two men had been organized 1 The present chapter is a much expanded and improved version of a paper I presented at the international colloquium in honor of Kristofer Schipper’s 80th birthday, held in Aussois (France) in September 2015. 2 Mircea Eliade, Le sacré et le profane (Paris: Gallimard, 1965 – reprint: Folio Essais, 2014), 57. 3 I use the words ‘temple’ and ‘chief priest’ instead of ‘abbey’ and ‘abbot,’ as the latter terms are too suggestive of a monastic and celibate lifestyle, which, at least until well into the Song dynasty, was not the norm in the region under consideration. 4 See Fu Lo-shu, “Teng Mu. A Forgotten Chinese Philosopher,” T’oung Pao 52, no. 1-3 (1965), 35-96. 5 All references are to the Congshu jicheng edition of the Dongxiao tuzhi, which reproduces the Zhibuzu zhai congshu 知不足齋叢書 edition of the text. The author is currently working on a full translation of the Dongxiao tuzhi.

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by the chief priest, Shen Duofu 沈多福, who, in his 1305 preface to the Dongxiao tuzhi, stated that he made the priest and the hermit collaborate in the investigation of ancient documents and the questioning of local elders.6 Meng Zongbao, zi Jixu 集虛, was a learned daoshi who had earlier, in 1296, created a library, the Jixu shuyuan 集虛書院, some five li east of the town of Yuhang. There seems little doubt that the creation of this library, which also functioned as an academy, where literati as well as daoshi both resident and passing through could study, lecture and discuss, has to be seen in the light of the catastrophic Yuan dynasty proscription of 1281, which extended an earlier, partial ban on Daoist books to all Daoist works except the Daode jing 道德經.7 In his preface, Shen Duofu of course does not overtly mention the Mongols, merely stating that the compilation of the Dongxiao tuzhi was a necessity because of the unreliable and lacunary nature of earlier, Song dynasty, monographs.8 Yet, the fear, expressed by the chief priest, that the “miraculous feats and remarkable facts” 靈跡奇聞 connected with Mount Dadi would be erased from memory with the passing of time, was most certainly caused by the new dynasty’s drastic measures of fifteen years earlier. Besides collecting material for the Dongxiao tuzhi, Meng Zongbao was also responsible for the compilation of the Dongxiao shiji 洞霄詩集, an important 14 juan collection of poems related to the Palace of the Cavernous Empyrean. While it contains some poetry from the second half of the Tang dynasty by, among others, Wu Yun 吳筠 (died 778), Fang Gan 方干 (second half ninth century) and Luo Yin 羅隱 (833-910), the bulk of the Dongxiao shiji consists of Song and early Yuan dynasty poems. Testifying to the prestige of the Dongxiao gong is the presence of poems by Song dynasty statesmen such as Wang Qinruo 王欽若 (c. 962-1025)9 and Chen Yaozuo 陳堯佐 (963-1044), famous writers such as Lin Bu 林逋 (967-1028), Su Shi 蘇軾 6

Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi, Xu, 1. See Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 1.11 and 6.100-101 for the entries on the Jixu shuyuan, and Kristofer Schipper & Franciscus Verellen, eds., The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 29-30 on the 1281 ban on Daoist books. The damage to Zhengyi texts caused by the ban was serious (see: Wang Chengwen, “The Revelation and Classification of Daoist Scriptures,” in: Early Chinese Religion. Part Two: The Period of Division (220-589 AD), ed. John Lagerwey & Lü Pengzhi [Leiden: Brill, 2010], 860-861). 8 Shen Duofu refers to Tang Zixia’s 唐子霞 Zhenjing lu 真境錄 (“Account of A Realm of Perfection”), compiled between 1111 and 1117, and another similar work dated between 1234 and 1236. See also Judith M. Boltz, A Survey of Taoist Literature: Tenth to Seventeenth Centuries (Berkeley: University of California, 1987), 117-118. 9 On Wang Qinruo’s role in the compilation of the Song dynasty Daoist canon, see: Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 26-27. 7

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(1036-1101) and Zhou Mi 周密 (1232-1298), as well as leading Daoist figures, among them Du Daojian 杜道堅 (1237-1318), Wu Quanjie 吳全節 (12691346) and a number of Heavenly Masters from Longhu shan 龍虎山. We shall return to some of these dignitaries in the paragraph on Song and Yuan developments. In the following pages, we present an overview of the Daoist presence at Mount Dadi. For the period up until the first years of the fourteenth century, our major source of information will be the Dongxiao tuzhi. Written at a time when the Dongxiao gong’s period of greatest influence and prestige was drawing to a close, the work has been relatively well-preserved. The illustrations mentioned in the book’s title disappeared centuries ago, but one can still get an inkling of what the Palace once looked like in a small number of later works, such as Wenren Ru’s 聞人儒 mid-eighteenth century Dongxiao gong zhi 洞霄宮志. The only substantial loss in the original text is an important one. It concerns the opening section of j. 6, which contains the stela inscriptions. After the chapter title (碑記門), the Zhibuzu zhai congshu edition leaves blank thirty-three lines of twenty characters each. We can only surmise as to the nature of the lost material. Was it related to the establishment of the Tianzhu guan 天柱觀 (Temple of the Heavenly Pillar, the original name of the Dongxiao gong) in 683, or did it predate the Tang? We will probably never know. As a result of the loss, an inscription dated 770 by the Daoist priest and poet Wu Yun is now the oldest surviving written document. For the period of the Yuan, Ming and early Qing dynasties, our most useful source is the Jiaqing 嘉慶 era Yuhang xian zhi 餘杭縣志, completed in 1805.10 J. 7 of this work has a lengthy section on Mount Dadi and the most noteworthy mountains and hills in the vicinity, j. 9 is devoted to the region’s caves, and j. 16 contains plenty of material concerning the Palace of the Cavernous Empyrean. Of particular importance to us is j. 30, which consists of biographical information on Daoists from the Han through the Ming and early Qing dynasties. Biographical accounts tend to be quite concise here, but fortunately there are a few exceptions. And though the Yuhang xian zhi is a secular source, its compilers have had the good sense to gather their information in well-informed older sources, such as Wenren Ru’s Dongxiao gong zhi and its sequel 續志. On occasion, we shall also refer to an older, Ming dynasty, Yuhang gazetteer, the Wanli 萬曆 Yuhang xian zhi in 10 juan. Superseded by 10 Compiled by Zhang Ji’an 張吉安 (juren 1777) and Zhu Wenzao 朱文藻 (1736-1807). Zhongguo fangzhi congshu 中國方志叢書 ed. 1970 reprint of the 1919 edition. Hereafter referred to as “Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi.”

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the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi, the Wanli gazetteer fell into disuse, and parts of the work were lost, but the chapter on the Palace of the Cavernous Empyrean survived relatively unharmed.11 Our focus in the following pages will be on Tianshi dao 天師道 and Zhengyi 正一 Daoists at Mount Dadi. This presents us with a potential methodological problem, for how do we recognize a follower of the Way of the Heavenly Master or a Zhengyi (Orthodox Unity) priest? The biographical material on Daoists in the Yuhang gazetteers, and even in the Dongxiao tuzhi, is limited to a minute section of the clergy active in and around the temple. Often only the lives of the most illustrious chief priests have been rescued from total oblivion. Moreover, the material invariably consists of relatively short digests of originally much longer, more detailed and now lost accounts, such as memorial inscriptions. In many cases, information on ordinations is very scanty or even wholly absent. When Deng Mu edited the biographical material collected by Meng Zongbao, he worked like a traditional historiographer, highlighting certain salient character traits, focusing on honors bestowed, on consecutive appointments, or on the construction of new temple buildings, in other words, maintaining only those parts that would be most likely to illustrate the prestige of the Palace and its inhabitants while leaving out the less spectacular elements, such as daily religious practice. Although Deng Mu as a teenager had studied Zhuangzi 莊子 and Liezi 列子, and although he received the honorific title Wenxing xiansheng 文行先生 (Master of Civil Deportment) while living on Mount Dadi, he was not a regular member of the Daoist clergy, and he gave himself the sobriquet Sanjiao wairen 三教外人 (Outsider to the Three Teachings), indicating that he did not want to be exclusively associated with either Confucianism, Daoism or Buddhism. One might of course argue that the paucity of information about individual religious profiles is a matter of only limited importance: because of its position in the Jiangnan 江南 area, where Zhengyi presence was predominant until the Longmen 龍門 branch of Quanzhen 全真 Daoism started to play the leading role in late imperial times, one may assume the majority of local Daoist clerics to have belonged to the Way of the Heavenly Master or to its later development, Zhengyi Daoism. As far as the Tang dynasty is concerned, one might even go one step further and claim, with Kobayashi Masayoshi 小 林正美, that all Daoist clerics of that period were Heavenly Master priests.12 11 Compiled in 1616 by Dai Riqiang 戴日強. Reprinted in Siku quanshu cunmu congshu 四庫全書存目叢書. Hereafter referred to as “Wanli Yuhang xian zhi.” Juan 1, 7 and 8 have vanished completely, as have parts of other juan. Of j. 10, devoted entirely to the Dongxiao gong, almost 90% is extant. 12 See e.g. the unambiguous statement on p. 26 of the Chinese translation (by Wang Haoyue 王皓月 and Li Zhimei 李之美) of Kobayashi’s Tōdai no dōkyō to tenshidō 唐代の

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For this paper, I propose we leave all assumptions aside and rely exclusively on evidence found in the surviving written sources. I shall therefore refer only to those members of the Daoist clergy who were explicitly linked to Tianshi/Zhengyi dao, in the biographical material that has come down to us, or, as in a limited number of cases, in the preserved written works by said clergy members. First, however, we shall have a look at the sacred landscape of Mount Dadi, and at its religious buildings.

2. THE SACRED LANDSCAPE In the opening lines of j. 2, devoted to the physical landscape, the Dongxiao tuzhi states : “Of the most superb scenery of western Zhejiang, none surpasses that of Hangzhou; of the most superb scenery of Hangzhou, none surpasses that of [the] Tianmu [mountain range]; of all that is superb in Tianmu, nothing equals the Great Purifying Cavern-Heaven (Dadi dongtian)” 浙右 山水之勝莫如杭，杭山水之勝莫如天目，天目之勝未如大滌洞天.13 In all, j. 2 of the Dongxiao tuzhi contains 53 entries on natural as well as manmade scenery (including mountains, cliffs, ponds and bridges), and many of them testify to the sacred nature of the region surrounding the Great Purifying Cavern-Heaven. Thus, the Tianmu mountain range is hailed as the place where the Heavenly Master of the Han 漢天師, Zhang Daoling 張道陵, ascended to the heavens accompanied by his entire family.14 The mountain described as the highest, Huang shan 黃山, “the ancestor of all mountains, visible even at a distance of one hundred li” 為眾山之祖，雖百里外亦望見之, was home to Crouching Tiger Cliff (Fuhu yan 伏虎巖), a spot so wild and remote that “if you were not a man possessing the Way, it was impossible to dwell there” 非有道之士不可處也. It was the place where the famous hermit Guo Wen 郭文 (see paragraph 4) once made friends with a tiger, and which the Tang poet and Daoist master Wu Yun repeatedly visited, “each time forgetting to return” 每游忘返.15 The entry on Dadi shan reads: It lies north of the Palace and has four peaks in all. Within the Nine Chain Mountains it is the most immense range. West Cavern leans against its neck, Stone Chamber emerges halfway, and Heaven’s Altar is the cap on its crown. Each of them is an incomparable spot on this mountain. This mountain was 道教と天師道 (originally published 2003), Tangdai de daojiao yu tianshidao 唐代的道教與 天師道 (Jinan: Qilu shushe, 2013): “唐代的道士只有天師道的道士.” 13 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 2.13. 14 Ibid. 15 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 2.14 and 4.28.

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named after the cavern (Dadi dong). The old monograph mentioned it “being so great that it was able to cleanse the impure mind, hence its name: the Great Purifier.” […] The sword and the sandals of the Master of Mysterious Identity are interred at the foot of the mountain.16 在宮北，凡四峰。於九鎖内最為巨山。西洞據其領，石室出其半，天壇冠 其顛。皆山中勝處也。是山以洞名之。舊志謂大可以洗滌塵心，故名 大滌。元（玄）同先生劍履瘞山下。

The Master of Mysterious Identity (Xuantong xiansheng 玄同先生) is the late Tang Daoist priest and scholar Lüqiu Fangyuan 閭丘方遠 (died 902), whom we will meet again in the following pages. Another sacred spot was Tianzhu shan 天柱山. Situated southeast of the Palace, it consisted of three peaks. When viewed from a distance, it had the look of a pillar, and moreover, on its top stood a stone pillar more than ten foot high, which sufficiently explained the mountain’s name of “Heaven’s Pillar.” Deng Mu also mentions that it was the fifty-seventh of the seventy-two Blissful Lands (fudi 福地), and that it was presided over by the earthly transcendent (dixian 地仙) Wang Boyuan 王伯元.17 Yet another sanctified spot was Bailu shan 白鹿山 (White Deer Mountain), where the Perfected Lord Xu 許真君 (Xu Mai 許邁, 300-348) was said to have ascended to the heavens.18 In the fourth month of 1305, Deng Mu’s closest friend, the hermit Ye Lin 葉林 (1248-1306), wrote an account of the mountain dwelling where both men lived. “From of old,” says Ye, “people who possessed the Way have come here to roam, or have come here to stay, and a significant number of them left as transcendents” 自古 有道，來游來居，仙去可數. Ye identifies White Deer Mountain as the central peak of the Dadi shan area, and continues: The Altar of the Ascent to Heaven is at the top, and at the base of it is Stone Chamber. According to the old monograph, the Perfected Lord Xu Yuanyou (as Xu Mai was also known) of the Jin erected an altar and refined the elixir. When the elixir had been refined, heaven sent down a white deer in order to welcome him and leave. This is how the mountain acquired its name. Heavenly Master Wu Zhenjie (Wu Yun) of the Tang, who wrote beautiful prose as well as poetry, and whose fame equaled that of Taibai (Li Bai 李白), had a construction built inside Stone Chamber, which he used as storehouse for his books. About to obtain deliverance by means of a corpse in Xuancheng (southeastern Anhui), he told his disciples to take [his remains] back to Stone Chamber on Heaven’s Pillar. This is how Stone Chamber gained exposure.19

16 17 18 19

Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 2.14. Ibid. Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 2.15. Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 6.93.

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升天壇在上，其下石室。按舊志，晉許遠遊真君，作壇鍊丹。丹成，天下 白鹿迎去。所以名山也。唐吳貞節天師，美文詞，與太白齊名，嘗搆石 室，為藏書地。逮尸解宣城，語弟子，當還天柱石室。此石室所以著也。

Ye Lin’s description is interesting because, in just a few lines, he manages to convey something essential in the perception of the sacrality of elements of the natural world, namely, that in order to be truly sacred, a place needed to be simultaneously connected with the heavens above and the paradisiacal regions below the earth’s surface, in this particular case Stone Chamber Cavern. As evinced by the Dongxiao tuzhi, which devotes its entire third chapter to descriptions of seven major “grotto-archives” (dongfu 洞府), the Dadi shan region derived not a small amount of its sacred character from its caverns.

Entrance to the Dadi dong (Photographs by the author, January 1999)

The first is the one after which the mountain was named: the Dadi dong or “Great Purifying Cavern.” Situated a few hundred yards northwest of the Palace, the Dadi dong was said to be in “secret communication” 暗通 with Huayang 華陽 and Linwu 林屋, i.e. with the eighth and the ninth of the ten major Cavern-Heavens 十大洞天, situated respectively on Mount Mao 茅山 and on Dongting Xishan 洞庭西山 in Lake Taihu 太湖. The Dongxiao tuzhi quotes the now only partially preserved “Biography of Lord Mao”

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茅君傳, which states that “it is the thirty-fourth Cavern-Heaven, and its name is Great Purifying Heaven of the Mysterious Baldachin. It has a circumference of four hundred li […], it is presided over by the Perfected Jiang” 第三十四洞天，名大滌玄蓋之天。周回四百里。姜真人主之. According to tradition, Lüqiu Fangyuan once made the entire underground walk from Dadi Cavern to Huayang and back. Inside this subterranean conduit, he is said to have come upon an extraordinary world full of flowers and trees, inhabited by dragons and other miraculous animals.20 Deng Mu also mentions the presence of a bottomless circular well, “the place where dragon effigies have been cast by envoys from successive dynasties” 歷代朝庭遣使投龍 璧之處.21

The characters 大滌洞 above the cave’s entrance

At a distance of some three li from the Palace, in the Western Tianzhu mountain range, was Qizhen dong 棲真洞, or “Cavern of Roosting in Perfection,” so named after a Daoist master advised one of his disciples to go and live there in seclusion in order to realize Perfection 成真.22 We already mentioned Stone Chamber Cavern, which was also known as Cangshu dong 20 21 22

Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 3.23-24. Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 3.24. Ibid.

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藏書洞 because Wu Yun stored his books and writings there. Tradition has it that near the cavern was a spring where hermit Guo Wen rinced the medicinal plants he had collected in the hills.23 Throughout the centuries, Stone Chamber Cavern would continue to attract Daoist adepts and recluses, such as Lu Weizhi 陸維之 (twelfth century), author of a three juan Shishi xiaoyin ji 石室 小隱集 (“Minor Reclusion at Stone Chamber”).24 The other caverns described in the Dongxiao tuzhi are Baimao dong 白茅洞 (it received its name after someone in the Jin dynasty was said to have met a daoshi there who referred to himself as “Master White Floss-grass” 白茅先生), Mingfeng dong 鳴鳳洞 (so named because, according to tradition, a phoenix once landed there and called out, at the time when the region was ruled by Qian Liu 錢鏐, 852-932), Tuilong dong 蛻龍洞 (which acquired its name after a Daoist had found the exuviae of a dragon there around the year 1050) and Guiyun dong 歸雲洞 (described as Qizhen dong’s back door, it was the place where transcendents returned after their excursions through the clouds). 3. FROM

TEMPLE TO PALACE, FROM PALACE TO RUINS

The region’s sacred landscape was dotted with religious edifices, which are the main topic of the first chapter of the Dongxiao tuzhi, titled “Section on Palaces and Temples” 宮觀門. A long entry on the Dongxiao gong is followed by 47 shorter entries on the gates, altars, halls, shrines, pavilions and other buildings that together form the Palace of the Cavernous Empyrean, as well as on other palaces, temples, residences (daoyuan 道院)25 and hermitages (an 庵) in the region. The final entry is devoted to Meng Zongbao’s library/academy, the Jixu shuyuan. One question of considerable importance concerns the date of the earliest religious edifice in the region. Deng Mu returns to the matter on different occasions, but it is clear that, by the early fourteenth century, old claims to a Western Han dynasty imperial altar could no longer be substantiated. Let us have a look at j. 4 of the Dongxiao tuzhi, on vestiges and relics (guji 古跡). Deng Mu’s first entry, on the remnants of the Han dynasty palace altar 漢宮壇, is very short: 23

Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 3.25. Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 5.46-47. 25 Some would prefer to render daoyuan as “cloister,” but I find this term too suggestive of celibacy and monasticism. Temples more or less permanently inhabited by married Zhengyi priests have always been and still are a feature of Daoism, as I recently observed in Kunming’s Wanshou gong 萬壽宮. 24

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Situated in front of the Great Purifying Cavern, it was created in the third year of the Yuanfeng reign period of Han Wudi. Today, its site allows no further examination. For more details, see the Section on Palaces and Temples.26 在大滌洞前，漢武帝元封三年所創。今其址不可攷矣。詳見宮觀門。

The section in question refers to a (probably Song dynasty) prefectural gazetteer, which mentions the date of Yuanfeng 3 (108 BC) for the erection of a palace altar, and further states that the spot was used for the casting of dragon effigies.27 The Han shu 漢書 annals of Emperor Wu do indeed mention that he visited a mountain named Tianzhu, in Yuanfeng 5 (106 BC) more precisely, but the Mount Tianzhu in question would rather seem to be the one in Qian 灊 district (present-day Anhui province) and not the one in Yuhang.28 Unfortunately, the oldest inscription on Dadi shan, written by Wu Yun, only enhances the confusion. Wu Yun describes how he first came upon the temple, which in his day was still called the Temple of the Heavenly Pillar (the Tianzhu guan was renamed Dongxiao gong in the early eleventh century):29 At a distance of some ten li from Guosu Creek nearby Yuhang, I journeyed overland in southward direction. Admiring a rippling brook, I entered lofty heights. A dark path led me through a secluded region. After a thousand paces, a precipitous height suddenly slanted down. Concealed on all sides by a collar-shaped mountain range, the pure palace was there, its gate unlocked. 自餘杭郭泝溪十里，登陸而南。弄潺湲，入崢嶸。幽徑窈窕。纔越 千步，忽巖勢卻倚。襟領環揜，而清宮闢焉。

It is tempting to think that Wu Yun is mentioning the Han dynasty edifice here, as “pure palaces” (qinggong 清宮) were built for emperors touring the realm, so as to safeguard their peace and quiet. This would tally quite nicely with the claim pertaining to Han Wudi’s visit. However, Wu Yun immediately shifts his attention to the fourth-century hermit Guo Wen, the first person, in Wu’s own words, to go in seclusion there. After some remarks on Guo Wen’s life and on the hermit’s Jin shu 晉書 biography, Wu Yun continues: Ever since the Master secretly ascended from his secluded spot, the “vestigial temple” has been standing here. In the first year of the Hongdao 宏道 era of our Tang dynasty (683), as the transcendent’s actions gained wider recognition, it became the Temple of the Heavenly Pillar. 26

Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 4.27. Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 1.2. 28 Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way. Life and Works of an Eighth-Century Daoist Master (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 404-405. 29 For the different titles and editions of Wu Yun’s inscription, see: Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 411. A full translation with commentary is on pp. 412-420. 27

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自先生閟景潛昇，而遺廟斯立。暨我唐宏道元祀，因廣仙跡，為天柱 之觀。

Thus, ever since the fourth decade of the fourth century, an old temple (Wu Yun uses the expression yimiao 遺廟, litterally: “ancestral temple that was left behind”) had been present at the spot where Guo Wen was said to have ascended to heaven. This temple would not have been Daoist, strictly speaking, as it was originally a sanctuary dedicated to the memory of a deceased local prominent figure. But there can be little doubt that this edifice was the ancestor of the Daoist temple of 683. That the new Daoist edifice was consecrated in the first year of the Hongdao reign period was no coincidence, as that year saw a lot of Daoist activity throughout the Chinese empire. Hongdao 1 (the name means “Magnifying the Way”) was the last year of Tang Gaozong’s 高宗 reign, a year during which a general amnesty was proclaimed, ordering, among other things, the construction of one Daoist temple in every small Chinese prefecture, two Daoist temples in every middle-sized prefecture and three Daoist temples in every large prefecture.30 Wu Yun doesn’t mention that the establishment of the Tianzhu guan in 683 was the initiative of one Daoist priest in particular, but Meng Zongbao and Deng Mu do. Dongxiao tuzhi 5 relates how a Master Pan 潘先生 (possibly the same person as the Reverend Master Pan 潘尊師 in Du Guangting’s Shenxian ganyu zhuan 神仙感遇傳)31 visited the region and found that the sacred place was not cared for, and that no trace of a Han dynasty altar or shrine could be found. Indignant, he reported this to the court and requested that action be taken. As a result, the Tianzhu guan was established on imperial orders.32 One year later, in 684, the Tianzhu guan was granted the revenue of a “temple estate” (guanzhuang 觀莊). In 895, Qian Liu, who would become the first ruler of the autonomous state of Wu-Yue 吳越 (907-978), decided to enhance the temple’s scope and repair the damage resulting from decades of warfare. In the process, he changed the temple’s orientation back to the original, facing south,33 and had the 30 The text of the imperial edict is in Quan Tang wen 全唐文 (comp. 1814 by Dong Gao 董誥 et al., rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 13.162. 31 See Franciscus Verellen, “Encounter as revelation. A Taoist hagiographic theme in medieval China,” BEFEO 85 (1998), 382. In the Shenxian ganyu zhuan (DZ 592, 3.4a-6a), Master Pan is said to have lived in the Fuye guan 福業觀 at Caoqiao 曹橋 in Hangzhou. Dongxiao tuzhi 5.39 mentions that the Master Pan responsible for the establishment of the Tianzhu guan achieved the Way 成道 in the Fuye guan at Caoqiao, and refers the reader to the Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤 (where Du Guangting’s story appears in j. 112). 32 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 5.39. 33 Apparently, it had been altered by Ritual Master Zhu (Zhu Junxu, see Paragraph 5). See Qian Liu’s own remarks, Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 6.72.

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entire temple built anew. In this undertaking he was assisted by Lüqiu Fangyuan. In the third year of the Guanghua 光化 reign period (900), Qian Liu himself wrote (or at least signed) an account of the new Tianzhu guan. This well-informed document mentions, among other things, that right from the temple’s inception, the wooded area around the Tianzhu guan was considered a “forest of long life” (changsheng zhi lin 長生之林), where wood gathering and hunting were strictly prohibited.34 As hinted at above, the Tianzhu guan was renamed Dongxiao gong in the fifth year of the Dazhong xiangfu 大中祥符 reign period of Song Zhenzong 真宗 (1012), and as of then it received the revenue of fifteen hectares of land in Renhe 仁和 District.35 Fourteen years later, the Great Purifying Cavern was placed fifth on a nationwide list of twenty “renowned mountains and grotto-archives” 名山洞府. An imperial decree ordered the annual casting of dragon effigies and the burning of incense on behalf of the emperor to be performed at Dadi Dong.36 The prestige of the Dongxiao gong would rise dramatically after the founding of the Southern Song in 1127 and the establishing of a new capital in nearby Hangzhou. When the poet Lu You 陸游 (1125-1210) visited the temple in 1205, he considered the Palace to be among the foremost of all Daoist establishments throughout the empire, equaled only by the Chongfu gong 崇福宮 on the Central Marchmount, Song shan 嵩山.37 Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries it was customary to award eminent court officials who retired from active service with a so-called temple salary (cilu 祠祿). As honorary intendants of the temple, the retired statesmen would receive a stipend and act as substitutes for the emperor in conducting worship. In the late seventeenth century, a list of 115 names of retired ministers was compiled. It includes well-known literati officials such as Ye Mengde 葉夢 得 (1077-1148), Fan Chengda 范成大 (1126-1193) and Zhu Xi 朱熹 (11301200).38 At the time of compilation of the Dongxiao tuzhi, the principal temple buildings included the Xuhuang tan 虛皇壇 (Altar of the Thearch of the Void),39 34

Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 6.71-72. Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 1.2. Renhe is north of Hangzhou. 36 Ibid. 37 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 6.76. 38 The definitive list, which appears not to mention Zhu Xi’s name, is that by Zhu Yizun 朱彞尊 (1629-1709). It can be found in j. 65 of his Pushu ting ji 曝書亭集. An older list of some 75 names, including that of Zhu Xi, is in the section ciguan 祠官 of j. 10 of the Wanli Yuhang xian zhi. 39 Situated in front of the main temple hall, it was the altar where Lüqiu Fangyuan, as requested by Qian Liu in 893, conferred registers on the Three Days of Primes. In the year 1300 it was renovated and expanded. 35

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the Sanqing dian 三清殿 (Hall of the Three Pure Ones),40 the Haotian ge 昊天閣 (Pavilion of the Resplendent Heaven, where the Jade Thearch, Yuhuang 玉皇, was revered), the Xuanji dian 璇璣殿 (Hall of the Jade Pearl), the Yousheng dian 佑聖殿 (Hall of the Aiding Sage, dedicated to the worship of Zhenwu 真武, the Perfected Warrior), the Cishan Zhangdi ci 祠山張帝祠 (shrine dedicated to the cult of a deified local hero, Zhang Bo 張渤 of the late Western Han), the Longwang xianguan ci 龍王仙官祠 (shrine for the Dragon King’s transcendent officials),41 the Riguo liao 日過寮 (Hut of the Passing Sun), the Bailu shanfang 白鹿山房 (White Deer Mountain Abode, on Dadi shan’s central peak), a residence for itinerant priests (yuntang 雲堂), a dozen pavilions (ting 亭), two administrative buildings (xieyuan 廨院), a lecture hall (fatang 法堂), a refectory (zhaitang 齋堂) and three residences (daoyuan), respectively called Shangqing 上清, Jingsi 精思 and Nanling 南陵, reserved for the leading priests.42 In Deng Mu’s day, these three daoyuan had been subdivided into eighteen “retreats” (zhai 齋).43 One of these retreats was named Shanyin zhai 山隱齋 or “Retreat of Mountain reclusion.” A Song dynasty Yuhang native called Wen Jiucheng 聞九成 (exact dates unknown) described a stay in this particular retreat in the following poem:44 CAVERNOUS EMPYREAN’S RETREAT OF MOUNTAIN RECLUSION To the West of Yuhang: the Peak of Heaven’s Pillar, At its base, a stone cavern, a blue-green coiled dragon. In the retreat, out of this world, mountains joining all around, Immortal men sit calm and composed, amid the emerald void. At night they stroke the Northern Dipper, bold energies are welcomed, 40 It was located on the spot where Perfected Lord Guo 郭真君 (Guo Wen) was said to have built his cottage. Before it became the Sanqing dian, it had been Song Emperor Huizong’s 徽宗 (r. 1101-1126) “original destiny hall” (benmingdian 本命殿). Apparently, it had been the only building to survive the Fang La upheaval intact. 41 Built during the Jianyan 建炎 era (1127-1130). In 1139, court officials cast an iron plaque in its fountain and obtained rain. See Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 1.5. 42 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 1.7. 43 In Deng Mu’s day, the Dongxiao gong was the largest, but by far not the only Daoist centre in the region. In the vicinity of Yuhang there were also, among others, the Zhidao gong 至道宮 (originally named Fuye guan 福業觀, see note 30), the Longde tongxian gong 龍德通 仙宮, the Yuanqing gong 元清宮, the Chongtian guan 沖天觀, the Dongchen guan 洞晨觀, the Yuanyang guan 元陽觀, the Ruoxu daoyuan 若虛道院, and the Tongming daoyuan 通明 道院. The full list is in Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 1.7-11. 44 Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao shiji (Zhibuzu zai congshu ed.) 3.9b-10a; Wanli Yuhang xian zhi 10.83a; Wenren Ru, Dongxiao gong zhi, 320.

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As day breaks, they imbibe the sun in the east, till its radiance permeates them. Drunk on cold, in the strong wind, they mount white cranes, Smiling, they gaze upon the Yellow Court,45 and spur on the Jade Lads. In the world of men, Masters Red Pine most naturally exist, Beyond the confines of this world, one may befriend Sir Vast Cliff.46 A cinnabar spring exhales yin, at daybreak the fog is bluish, Wild fruits change colors, in autumn the hills are red. Toasting in turns, we’ve nearly emptied the colored-glass wine-vessel, Talking and laughing, we are now in the Palace of Penglai. Would I want to resemble Gold Millet, a weak and sick old man, Discussing impermanence in a small room where flowers are strewn?47 遊洞霄山隱齋 餘杭之西天柱峰，下有石洞蟠蒼龍。 齋居無塵山四合，仙人晏坐空翠中。 夜捫北斗罡氣接，晨吸東日精光通。 醉凌高峰駕白鶴，笑視黃庭驅玉童。 人間自有赤松子，方外或友洪崖公。 丹泉吹隂曉霧碧，野果變色秋山紅。 獻酬且盡琉璃鍾，談笑便是蓬萊公。 肯如金粟衰病翁，散花丈室談虛空？

Replete with standard images suggesting the cultivation of longevity and transcendence (cranes, a cinnabar spring, the blessed isle of Penglai, Jade Lads 45 The Huangting jing 黃庭經 or “Scripture of the Yellow Court,” the early and highly influential Daoist scripture on, among other things, the visualization of the bodily gods, and the absorption of the essence of sun and moon. On the popularity and influence of the Huangting jing among Song dynasty literati, see Zhang Zhenqian 張振謙, Daojiao wenhua yu Songdai shige 道教文化與宋代詩歌 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2015), 106-122. 46 Chisongzi 赤松子 and Hongya gong 洪崖公 (or Hongya xiansheng 先生) have been known as immortals at least since the Han dynasty. Chisongzi is the first immortal in the Liexian zhuan 列仙傳; Master Hongya was considered the originator of reclusion. Since early Medieval times they were often mentioned together (see: Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 186). 47 The name Gold Millet (Jinsu 金粟), the small (ten foot by ten) room (zhangshi 丈室) and the strewn flowers (sanhua 散花) are all references to Vimalakīrti, who posed as a sick old man when discussing the Buddhist dharma.

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for assistants), the inhabitants of the Retreat of Mountain Reclusion are flatteringly portrayed as immortal men who absorb the essences of astral deities (the Northern Dipper, the sun), having received their education from the Huangting jing. The atmosphere is convivial, hosts and guests consume respectable quantities of alcohol, people talk and laugh, all of this in marked contrast with the scene from the Vimalakīrti Sūtra referred to in the closing lines. The Palace of the Cavernous Empyrean suffered major damage during the rebellion of Fang La 方臘 (1120-1121), during the transitional period from Song to Yuan, and at the time of the warfare that accompanied the fall of the Yuan. Twenty years of reconstruction works in the early Ming could not prevent the Dongxiao gong from gradually deteriorating. When Huang Ruheng 黃汝亨 (1558-1626) visited the temple on his way to Tianmu shan, he found it half in ruins. The original Sanqing dian and the Wuchen dian 無塵殿 (Hall of No Entanglement, not mentioned in the Dongxiao tuzhi) had long since disappeared and were post-Song dynasty reconstructions, the only Song remnant being the Yuhuang dian 玉皇殿.48 Lu Shunhao 陸順豪 (exact dates unknown), probably writing in 1800,49 presents a less depressing portrait. Besides confirming the existence of a Temple Hall for the Dragon King (Longwang dian 龍王殿) and a Shrine for the God of the Soil (Tudi ci 土地祠), built respectively to the left and the right of the front temple hall, Lu provides us with a detailed list of the divine beings and the statues that were venerated. Included are Dongyue 東嶽 (the Eastern Marchmount) and Emperor Wen 文帝 ;50 two Heavenly Lords, Wang and Zhu 王朱二天君; the Jade Thearch; Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮 ; the two Perfected Lords Guo Wen and Xu Mai 郭許二真君 ; the Three Primes 三元; the two Perfected Sun and Bei 孫貝二真人;51 Doumu 斗姥 (Mother of the Dipper) and Lüzu 呂祖 (Ancestor Lü, Lü Dongbin 呂洞賓).52 Obviously, by mid-Qing times, the Dongxiao gong had become a typical example of the late imperial popular Daoist temple of southern China, with its cult of traditional elements of the Daoist pantheon (the Jade Thearch and the Three Primes), local worthies such as Guo Wen, deified historical figures such as Zhuge Liang, the gods of both soil and water (Tudi and Longwang), and deities popular in both the Zhengyi (Doumu) and the Quanzhen (Lü Dongbin) traditions. 48

See the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 16.8b and Wanli Yuhang xian zhi 10.65a. The last prose piece in a work completed 1805, it contains the indication gengshen 庚申, in a chronologically ordered section, where it postdates an inscription dated 1769. 50 It is unclear which Emperor Wen is meant here. 51 Meant are possibly Sun Chudao 孫處道 and either Bei Daqin 貝大欽 or Bei Shouyi 貝守一, important clerics of the thirteenth century. Biographical sketches in Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 5.61-62. 52 Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 16.12a. 49

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The illustration below, taken from the Dongxiao gong zhi, shows, among other buildings, the Yuhuang ge, the Shrine to Guo Wen 郭祠, the Shrine to the Star of Longevity (Shouxing ci 壽星祠), the Sanqing dian, the Xuanji dian, the Longwang ci, the chief priest’s chamber, and the eighteen retreats into which the original three daoyuan had been divided.

From the 1753 Dongxiao gong zhi

The Taiping rebels, who passed through the region or camped near Yuhang in 1860, 1861 and 1864, probably inflicted a serious amount of damage to the temple. It is worthwhile to compare the illustration from the 1753 Dongxiao gong zhi with that found in the 1910 Lin’an xian zhi 臨安縣志 (it is reprinted on the cover of my Wu Yun’s Way). The general layout has remained the same, but a number of buildings, such as the eighteen retreats, have disappeared. Until the early 1950s, Daoists remained active at Dadi shan. Around the time of the founding of the People’s Republic, some four or five Daoists resided permanently in the Dongxiao gong, while a slightly higher number lived a reclusive life in the surrounding hills and spent only winters within the temple compound. After the consolidation of the new regime, some of these monks were executed, and the others forced to return to secular life. The final blow would come in 1967, when the Dongxiao gong was razed.

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When I visited the region in the first days of 1999, accompanied by Knut Walf, Mark Meulenbeld and Lennert Gesterkamp, I found almost no traces of what had once been one of China’s major Daoist centres. Two Song dynasty bridges, the Bridge of Primordial Identity (Yuantong qiao 元同橋)53 and the Bridge of the Immortals’ Gathering (Huixian qiao 會仙橋), both dated to the jiachen year of the Chunxi reign period of the Song dynasty 宋淳熙甲辰 (1184),54 had probably been spared because they were considered useful.

The twelfth-century Yuantong qiao

Of the dismantled temple, only a few fragments of walls remained, as most of the stones had been used in the construction of houses and sheds in the village that has taken the temple’s place. The name of that village, home to some 400 souls in 1999, is Gongli cun 宮里村, the “Hamlet within the palace precinct,” although many inhabitants still preferred to use the old name, Dongxiao gong.55 A recent article by Sakai Norifumi 酒井規史 reveals that 53 In the Dadi dongtian ji 大滌洞天記 (DZ 782, 2.9a), the name is given as Xuantong qiao 玄同橋 (Bridge of Mysterious Identity), which is the correct form, as it refers to Lüqiu Fangyuan, who was also known as Xuantong xiansheng 玄同先生. 54 See also Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 2.22. 55 For a somewhat fuller account of the history of the Dongxiao gong, see: Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 403-410.

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some attempts have been undertaken to rebuild parts of the temple,56 but whether the Dongxiao gong will regain its function as an active place of cult is uncertain. 4. EARLY TRACES OF HEAVENLY MASTER PRESENCE Combining the data from the Dongxiao tuzhi (5.37-39) and the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi (30.1a-4b), we learn that six Daoists of the pre-Tang period were associated with Dadi shan. They are, in chronological order: Zhang Daoling, Cai Jing 蔡經, Ge Hong 葛洪, Guo Wen, Xu Mai and Du Jiong 杜炅. As far as Zhang Daoling is concerned, the theory of his birth in the Tianmu shan region had become sufficiently entrenched in order to include him at the head of the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 30. For Cai Jing, the commoner destined to achieve transcendence,57 the authority quoted is an older Yuhang gazetteer (thirteenth century), which in its turn quotes the late Tang dynasty Wudi ji 吳地記 stating that the remains of Cai Jing’s house were still present at Yuhang.58 As for Ge Hong, there must have been little reason not to connect him with Dadi shan, as Ge’s Jin shu biography mentions his meeting with hermit Guo Wen in the hills of Yuhang. The (often fragmentary) biographical and hagiographical material about Xu Mai, Guo Wen and Du Jiong that has come down to us yields interesting clues concerning the spread of Heavenly Master teachings in the Jiangnan area. This is not the place to examine the different accounts of Xu Mai’s life and quest for transcendence, but the link with Tianshi dao is clearly present. Among his masters, Xu Mai counted Li Dong 李東, a Tianshi dao priest, and one of his friends was the famous calligrapher Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (307?-365?), who belonged to a family that traditionally adhered to the Way of the Heavenly Master.59 In the pages of the Dongxiao tuzhi, we frequently encounter Xu Mai, who spent the last two years of his life in the Dadi shan 56 See Sakai Norifumi 酒井規史, “Dai san jū yon shōdōten «tenmoku sandō (Dadi xuangai dongtian)» to dōshō kyū no genkyō” 第三十四小洞天「天目山洞(大滌玄蓋洞天)」と洞霄 宮の現況 in Dōten fukuchi kenkyū 洞天福地研究 4 (2013), 90-109. 57 Robert Ford Campany, To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 260. 58 Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 30.1b. 59 See Grégoire Espesset, “Yang Xi,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008), 1147 and Jin shu, comp. by Fang Xuanling 房玄齡 (578-648) et al. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 80.2103. It is quite probable that Wang Xizhi at least visited Dadi shan. The Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi (36.1b-2a) quotes an older district gazetteer on the existence of the remains of a stela bearing Wang Xizhi’s calligraphy. It was kept in front of the Yuhuang dian within the Dongxiao gong.

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region.60 In Deng Mu’s day, the altar where Xu Mai had supposedly made his ascent to heaven was no longer there. The altar was described as round on top and square at the base (so as to match with heaven and earth), and its middle section had been octangular (in order to correspond with the eight trigrams of the Book of Change), but apart from a spot on Mount Bailu, surrounded by pine trees, where no grass or shrubs grew, nothing was left of all that. As late as the Zhenghe 政和 era (1111-1117), however, auspicious clouds had been observed there, and the sound of a flute being played had been heard. The memory of Xu Mai also lived on in stories transmitted by Deng Mu, such as the one about Mount Dadi’s “boneless bamboo” 無骨箬.61 When reading Guo Wen’s biography in the 1974 Zhonghua shuju edition of the Jin shu, one would hardly realize that this celebrated hermit had any ties with Daoist religion at all. It recounts how Guo Wen, zi Wenju 文舉, who hailed from Henei 河內 (north of the Huanghe), was a nature lover since his childhood days. Already at the age of twelve he would often abscond to the mountains for ten days at a time, forgetting to return. After his parents died, he chose not to marry but left his home in order to travel to renowned mountains. After the fall of Luoyang, he left Huayin 華陰 (north of Mount Hua) and walked all the way to Yuhang’s Dadi shan, which was then known as Dabi shan 大辟山. Refusing wine and meat, he lived as a vegetarian and befriended wild animals.62 Around 318, Guo Wen was invited to the residence of imperial advisor Wang Dao 王導 (276-339) in Nanjing. Guo walked all the way, carrying his own luggage. After seven years as a sort of ornamental hermit in Wang Dao’s park, Guo returned to Lin’an, where he built himself a mountain cottage. Invited by the local prefect to take up residence in town, he complied. When Yuhang was destroyed during Su Jun’s 蘇峻 rebellion of 327/328 and Lin’an was spared, people believed Guo to possess prophetic talents. Thereafter, Guo Wen no longer spoke, communicating only via gestures. When he became seriously ill, he requested permission to go die in the mountains, where he wanted to “quietly lay down his corpse, using a rock for pillow” 枕石安尸. He would not allow others to bury him. When permission was denied, he stopped eating. After twenty days, he still had not grown any thinner. When the prefect asked him how much longer he would last, Guo lifted up his hand thrice. Fifteen days later he was dead. 60 Both his Jin shu biography (80.2107) and Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 5.38 give the date Yonghe 永和 2 or 346. 61 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 4.27, 4.33-34, 5.38-39, 6.93 and Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 419. 62 The anecdote recounted most often in some form or another concerns Guo Wen and the tiger that became his companion after Guo Wen removed a bone that had got stuck crosswise in the animal’s mouth.

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Only twice, Guo Wen’s biography as given in the 1974 Zhonghua shuju edition of the Jin shu hints at possible links with Daoism. The first indication is Guo’s answer, in his days as an ornamental hermit in Wang Dao’s park, to a high official’s question whether there was any pleasure to be found after having taken leave of one’s family. In the words of the Jin shu: “Wen Jiao once asked him: ‘All men have their six relatives to provide them with amusement. Since you, Master, have discarded them; what pleasure is there to be had’? 溫嶠嘗問文曰：人皆有六親相娛。先生棄之何樂？”63 The late Alan Berkowitz has translated Guo Wen’s reply as follows: “From the outset I have proceeded in the study of the Way; do not think that I came here because I encountered a disordered time and though I wished to return home was without recourse.” 本行學道。不謂遭世亂，欲歸無路，是以來也。64 Another possible translation (understanding 不謂 as 不意 or 不料) would be: “I originally engaged in65 the study of the Way. Unexpectedly I encountered disordered times, and though I have wished to return, I found there was no way. That is why I came here.” The second piece of evidence, besides Guo Wen describing himself as someone who studied the Way 學道, is more circumstantial, consisting of the mere mention that Ge Hong wrote a biographical account of Guo Wen’s life. Other works related to the Jin shu, such as the Yiwen yinshuguan 藝文 印書館 reprint of the Jinshu jiaozhu 晉書斠注,66 contain large quantities of small print material (a lot of it is from the Taiping yulan 太平御覽 and the Taiping guangji 太平廣記) that has been omitted in the 1974 Zhonghua shuju edition. Reference is made, among other things, to a now lost fragment of the Baopuzi neipian 抱朴子內篇, which states that Guo Wen went to Luhun shan 陸渾山 (in the vicinity of Luoyang) in order to study the Way, and to Yu Panzuo’s 虞盤佐 equally lost Jin dynasty Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳, where it is stated that before moving to Huayin, Guo Wen first resided at Luhun shan and Mount Song’s Shaoshi shan 少室山. One of the sources most frequently cited is Du Guangting’s 杜光庭 (850-933) Xianzhuan shiyi 仙傳拾遺 (the title of which is here given as Shenxian shiyi 神仙拾遺). There we read how “The Perfected of Grand Harmony once descended into his abode and conferred upon him ‘the Way of rising up to Perfection.’ He obscured his tracks 63

Jin shu 94.2440-41. Alan J. Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement. The Practice and Portrayal of Reclusion in Early Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 240. 65 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi reads: “I traveled far” 遠行. 66 Wu Shijian 吳士鑑 & Liu Chenggan 劉承幹, Jin shu jiaozhu 晉書斠注 (Taibei: Yiwen yinshuguan, n.d.). 64

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and cultivated in secrecy, unknown to the rest of his generation” 太和真人 曾降其室，授以沖真之道。晦跡潛修，世所不知.67 A very interesting source is Guo Wen’s biographical account in the late Six Dynasties period Dongxian zhuan 洞仙傳, which has been copied into Yunji qiqian 110 and Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 歷世真仙體道通鑑 28. After mentioning that Guo Wen kept a copy of “the Laozi jing 老子經 in two juan” in his house, which apparently no one ever saw him read 未嘗見 讀之, the Dongxian zhuan account continues with an anecdote about a certain Xu Kai 徐凱, who hailed from the region east of the Taihang mountains 山外, and who treated Wenju as his teacher and received registers (lu 籙) from him. On these registers were generals, officers and soldiers, which seems to me to be a clear reference to Heavenly Master practice. Xu Kai, however, quickly lost control over his supernatural assistants, because he went against some of his teacher’s instructions, among them the injunction not to enter government service.68 The Dongxiao tuzhi surprisingly claims that Guo Wen, aged thirteen, traveled to a stone chamber 石室 on Mount Huayin, where he found a stone case which contained the “Divine Tiger’s Cinnabar Scripture of Inner Perfected Purple Prime” (Shenhu neizhen ziyuan danzhang 神虎內真紫元丹章). This is a text mentioned in the Declarations of the Perfected, in the context of one of the nocturnal visits by the zhenren to medium Yang Xi 楊羲.69 It then reproduces the gist of the Jin shu account and concludes with the following words: In the seventh month of the third year of the Qianhua reign period of the Liang dynasty (913), [the Master] was canonized “Perfected Lord of Supernatural Glory” (Lingyue zhenjun). Nowadays, in Lin’an’s Palace of the Rise to Emptiness, in the Forest of Guo in Wukang and in Yuhang’s Immortal Cavern of the Heavenly Perfected, traces [of the Master’s presence] may be found.70 梁乾化三年七月，封靈曜真君。今臨安沖虛宮，武康郭林，餘杭天真 仙洞，亦各有遺迹。

If the Dongxian zhuan is not inventing things, and its statement about Guo Wen conferring registers bearing the names of generals, officials and soldiers is true, it would mean that Guo Wen was one of the earliest Heavenly Master priests in the Lower Yangzi area that we know of by name. This would not 67

Wu Shijian & Liu Chenggan, Jin shu jiaozhu 晉書斠注, 94.22b. See Dongxian zhuan, p. 27, in Yan Yiping 嚴一萍, Daojiao yanjiu ziliao 道教研究 資料 (Taibei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1974), vol. 1. 69 See Zhen’gao 真誥 (DZ 1016) 1.12a. 70 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 5.38. 68

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have been that strange, because there is evidence that Tianshi dao teachings had been propagated in the area before the collapse of the Western Jin (265316) in the second decade of the fourth century, in other words, half a century before Guo Wen’s death. Writing in the final years of the seventh century, Du Yi 杜義, who had been the chief priest of Luoyang’s Hongdao guan 弘 道觀 but later became a Buddhist and assumed the religious name of Xuanyi 玄嶷, stated that after Emperor Wu of the Jin pacified Wu 吳 (i.e., in 280), the scriptures and methods of Zhang Daoling spread throughout the lower reaches of the Changjiang.71 One of the best-known early Heavenly Master propagators from Wu was Du Jiong, zi Zigong 子恭 (or Shugong 叔恭). He is absent from the Dongxiao tuzhi and the Wanli Yuhang xian zhi, but he has a biographical account in the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi (30.4a-b), which is an abridged version of the Dongxian zhuan account as preserved in Yunji qiqian 111. It recounts how Du Jiong from Qiantang 錢塘 (Hangzhou) as a youth was extreme in his filial devotion to his stepmother, and how because of this he was recommended for office thrice, but each time turned down the invitation. He instead became a Zhengyi dizi 正一弟子, studying with Chen Wenzi 陳文子 from Yuhang. In a dream, Zhang Zhennan 張鎮南 (another name for Zhang Lu 張魯, the third Heavenly Master) appeared to him, commanding him to spread his teachings and methods: healing the sick using talisman water and petitioning the gods. The Yuhang xian zhi account also states that whenever Du Jiong entered the quiet chamber (rujing 入靜) and burned incense, he was “able to see the misfortune or fortune of three to five generations of his people” 能見百姓 三五世禍福. The importance of Du Jiong in the propagation of the Tianshi dao teachings in Jiangnan is evinced by the fact that numerous members of the region’s most illustrious clans became his disciples, among them the Wang clan of Langye 琅琊王氏, the Xie clan of Chen Prefecture 陳郡 謝氏, the Kong clan of Kuaiji 會稽孔氏 and the Shen clan of Wuxing 吳興 沈氏.72 There seems little doubt that by the early fourth century, the region of Yuhang and Hangzhou was a centre of Heavenly Master Daoism. In the centuries that followed, Daoism would evolve considerably, enriched by new revelations and forced to compete with Buddhism. Yet more than a millennium later, the essence of what the Zhengyi priests in the Hangzhou area were 71

See: Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 441. See Chen Guofu 陳國符, Daozang yuanliu kao 道藏源流考 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 461 and Miyakawa Hisayuki, “Local Cults around Mount Lu at the Time of Sun En’s Rebellion,” in Facets of Taoism. Essays in Chinese Religion, ed. Holmes Welch & Anna Seidel (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979), 83-101. 72

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doing was still perceived as being directly inspired by the original Heavenly Master teachings, prompting Tian Rucheng 田汝成 (1503-1557), author of the Xihu youlan zhiyu 西湖遊覽志餘, to conclude his entry on Zhang Daoling with the following words: “Nowadays, the Daoist priests of Hangzhou, who are known under the name of Zhengyi, all practise his teachings” 今杭州 羽流，凡稱正一者，皆其教也.73 5. THE TANG DYNASTY After Guo Wen, Chen Wenzi and Du Jiong, the activities of Daoist priests in Yuhang or on Dadi shan are shrouded in silence. Three centuries separate their time and the establishment of the Tianzhu guan in 683. And it would take almost another century before the first account of the Tianzhu guan was written, in 770, by Wu Yun.74 There are some marked differences between the Daoism of the Tang dynasty and that of the early Medieval period. Whereas the period from the fourth through the sixth centuries had seen a certain amount of rivalry between adherents of the Way of the Heavenly Master and the followers of the new revelations of Shangqing 上清 and Lingbao 靈寶, as well as between older Daoist traditions in the Jiangnan region and the new Daoist ecclesia that came from the west and the north,75 the Tang witnessed the culmination of a process that had been set in motion in the fifth century: the establishment of a unified hierarchical structure integrating the different Daoist traditions. Initiation and ordination were now linked with the transmission of successive parts of the Daoist canon. The foundation of this structure was that of the Way of the Heavenly Master, while at its apex stood the initiation into the Shangqing tradition. This implies that all Tang dynasty Daoist clergy members, whatever their final ordination, remained Heavenly Master priests, as their fundamental ordination was certainly not erased by subsequent ones. Because the Tang imperial clan claimed descent from Laozi, official support for Daoism was generous throughout most of the dynasty. Although the original Heavenly Master organization, with its parishes and its libationers, no longer existed, the essence of what Heavenly Master priests did, and had been doing for centuries (petitioning divinities, conducting rites, 73

Tian Rucheng, Xihu youlan zhiyu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958), 15.288. Translation: Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 412-416. 75 See Wang Chengwen, “The revelation and classification of Daoist scriptures,” in: Early Chinese Religion. Part Two: The Period of Division (220-589 AD), vol. 2, ed. John Lagerwey and Lü Pengzhi (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 775-888. 74

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transmitting registers of initiation, healing through the use of talismans, etc.), remained relatively unchanged. And as had always been the case since the third century, lay members of influential families were being initiated into the Heavenly Master heritage. Of all the Daoists who ever resided on Mount Dadi, few have left a literary legacy as varied and rich as that of Wu Yun. I have devoted many pages to Wu Yun’s religious profile, so a summary will suffice here. Because of the brilliance of Wu Yun’s visionary poetry, and because of erroneous information about his person in dynastic historical writings, Wu Yun has long been considered a typical representative of Shangqing Daoism. Yet, for anyone willing to see, the presence of elements of the Way of the Orthodox Unity is overwhelming both in Wu Yun’s writings and in what we know about his religious practice. First of all, there is the matter of Wu Yun’s ordination. In the only trustworthy account of Wu Yun’s life, Quan Deyu’s 權德輿 (759818) preface to Wu Yun’s collected works, it is stated that during the Tianbao 天寶 era (742-756), the recluse Wu Yun was summoned to court, where he requested to be ordained a Daoist priest. Having taken up residence on the southern slopes of Mount Song, he received the “rites of the Orthodox Unity” 正一之法 from a Venerable Master Feng Qizheng 馮尊師齊整, a relatively obscure disciple of Pan Shizheng 潘師正 (584-682). We have no reliable information concerning later ordinations. What we do know about Wu Yun’s activities as a healer confirms that he upheld traditional Tianshi dao methods, such as the use of talisman water (fushui 符水) when healing the sick.76 Wu Yun’s prose writings contain some surprising references to the Heavenly Master tradition. In the last section of his Xuangang 玄綱 (“Mystic Mainstay”), Wu Yun is asked to provide examples of contemporaries who have become immortal or transcendent. Wu Yun names three men (Liu Zhen 劉珍, Wei Shanjun 韋善俊 and Liu Daohe 劉道合) and one woman (Bian Dongxuan 邊洞玄). All three men were known for their ties with Heavenly Master Daoism. Liu Zhen was a Daoist priest active on Mount Anle 安樂山 (southeastern Sichuan), one of the thirty-six so-called “chapels” (jinglu 靖廬) of the Medieval Heavenly Master ecclesia. Wei Shanjun came from a family with a hereditary adherence to the Way of the Heavenly Master and is named as one of the teachers of Heavenly Master priest Ye Fashan 葉法善 (631720). Liu Daohe was a Zhengyi priest who, like Wei Shanjun and Wu Yun, resided on Mount Song.77

76 77

See Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 33, 86. More details in Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 251-257.

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In the Shenxian kexue lun 神仙可學論 (“Immortality Can Be Studied”), Wu Yun points out a number of factors guiding people away from the path to immortality. He targets, among others, those who, after a life of passion, turn towards the search for longevity once they start to notice that their vital energies are declining. The language Wu Yun uses echoes Heavenly Master rites.78 Wu Yun’s chapter on sexual hygiene in the Xingshen kegu lun 形神 可固論 (“Body and Spirit Can Be Consolidated”), with its reference to a technique known as “three, five, seven, nine,” can only be fully understood in the light of Heavenly Master practice.79 Furthermore, the Yunji qiqian contains precious information about Wu Yun’s liturgical practice, in the context of the “Ceremonial for the Audience with the Perfected” (chaozhen yi 朝真儀), a basic Zhengyi ritual which Wu Yun often performed.80 Equally impressive is the evidence found in a number of Song dynasty sources that evaluate Wu Yun’s personal contribution to Daoism’s cause. In these works, the Daomen tongjiao biyong ji 道門通教必用集 (DZ 1226), the Sandong qunxian lu 三洞 群仙錄 (DZ 1248) and the Sandong xiudao yi 三洞修道儀 (DZ 1237), Wu Yun is clearly perceived as an essential link in the chain of transmission of the Zhengyi teachings.81 Lastly, also in Wu Yun’s fiercely anti-Buddhist stance we may detect Tianshi dao influence. It is telling, for example, that when the time has come for China to be cleansed of the Buddhist plague (as Wu Yun perceived it), none other than Taishang Laojun 太上老君, the highest divinity in Heavenly Master Daoism, would “issue a decree, summoning the myriad spiritual beings” and would command the heavenly generals and soldiers in the extermination of the Buddhist “soldiers of evil.”82 All of this has led me to describe Wu Yun’s religious profile as “bipolar,” incorporating elements of what we now associate with Tianshi and Shangqing Daoism, and leaving out Lingbao, perhaps because it so heavily bore the stamp of Buddhism. As I have suggested, this particular bipolar profile seems not to have been uncommon in the late Tang Jiangnan region.83 Wu Yun’s 770 inscription is an invaluable document for a number of reasons, one of them being that Wu Yun lists the names of a number of Daoist priests who had resided in the Tianzhu guan before him: 78

Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 301. Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 345-374. 80 Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 445-451. 81 Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 425-428. 82 See my translation of Wu Yun’s “Rhapsody on Pondering the Return to Purity,” in: Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 129-142. 83 Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 451-456 and Li Gang 李剛, “Tangdai Jiangxi daojiao kaolüe” 唐代江西道教考略, Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 (1992.1), 52-59. 79

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Daoist priests such as Zhang Zheng, Ye Fashan, Zhu Junxu, Sima Ziwei, Ji Qiwu and Xiahou Ziyun have formed a series of exceptional men here. Some have passed through; others have stayed, forgetting to return for many years.84

Of Zhang Zheng 張整, nothing is known. When the Dongxiao tuzhi was compiled, Meng Zongbao and Deng Mu were evidently unable to gather any information about him. Of the remaining five, at least two can be easily identified as Zhengyi priests. Ye Fashan, belonging to a family that counted numerous successive generations of Heavenly Master Daoists, is sufficiently well-known as a specialist in Zhengyi ritual and exorcism. The Dongxiao tuzhi mentions a building known as Heavenly Master Ye’s Lecture Hall 葉天 師講堂, where Ye Fashan was said to have lectured on the Daode jing and the Duren jing 度人經 during the Kaiyuan 開元 era (713-741).85 Also Ji Qiwu 暨齊物 was a Zhengyi priest. Ji, member of a Yuhang clan that had supported the Way of the Heavenly Master for a number of generations, had been a disciple of Ritual Master Zhu Junxu 朱君緒 (d. 720)86 at the Yuqing guan 玉清觀 and later followed his master to Dadi shan. According to Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 39.5a, Ji Qiwu also was one of Ye Fashan’s most trusted disciples. “After having received registers, talismans and secret formulas,” writes Deng Mu, Ji “was never remiss in bringing relief to other beings” 受法 籙神符祕方救物不怠.87 The remaining two names are those of Sima Chengzhen 司馬承禎 (zi Ziwei 子微, 647-735) and one of his most beloved disciples, Xiahou Ziyun 夏侯子雲 from Emei shan 峨眉山, who moved to Dadi shan after Sima Chengzhen’s death and cultivated medicinal plants there. The case of Sima Chengzhen nicely illustrates how misleading the use of certain labels is in the study of Medieval Daoism. When we think of Sima Chengzhen as the twelfth patriarch of the Shangqing lineage (the formation of this lineage postdates Sima Chengzhen’s lifetime), we should never forget that the foundation of Medieval Daoism, especially during the Tang, was the Way of the Heavenly Master. That explains why Wei Ping 衛憑 (first half eighth century), in his memorial inscription for Sima Chengzhen, did not hesitate to trace back Sima’s spiritual filiation to Southern Celestial Master Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (406-477) and to the first Heavenly Master, Zhang Daoling.88 84

Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 6:75. Op. cit. 4.30. 86 The author of an important liturgical work, the Yaoxiu keyi jielü chao 要修科儀戒律鈔 (DZ 463), Zhu Junxu (zi Faman 法滿) was a Sandong daoshi 三洞道士 who moved to the Tianzhu guan when the Yuqing guan became too crowded and noisy. 87 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 5.43. 88 Chen Yuan 陳垣, Daojia jinshi lüe 道家金石略 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1988), 120 and Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 423. 85

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Another master whom we tend to exclusively link with the Shangqing lineage, Pan Shizheng, the eleventh Shangqing patriarch, did not disdain referring to his basic, Zhengyi, ordination. Sima Chengzhen was once addressed by his master, Pan Shizheng, with the following words: “I was transmitted the rites of the Orthodox Unity 正一之法 by Tao-the-Recluse 陶隱居 (Tao Hongjing 陶弘景). You are now the fourth generation [in that line of transmission].”89 In some Song dynasty Daoist works, both Pan Shizheng and Sima Chengzhen would be remembered as crucially important figures in the transmission of the Heavenly Master teachings.90 Equally interesting is the case of Lüqiu Fangyuan, zi Dafang 大方, from Shuzhou 舒州 (Anhui), who came to Daoism at a relatively mature age. According to his biographical account in the tenth-century Xu xian zhuan 續仙傳 (DZ 295, 3.4a-6a), he received an education in the Confucian classics, which he mastered at the age of sixteen, and studied the Book of Changes with Master Chen Yuanwu 陳元晤 at Lu shan 廬山. At twenty-nine sui of age, he inquired about alchemy with Zuo Yuanze 左元澤,91 who did not encourage him. He later became a disciple of Liu Chujing 劉處靜 at Xiandu shan 仙都山 (Zhejiang), where he was “taught the arts of cultivating Perfection and leaving this world” 學修真出世之術. In his thirty-fourth year, he was ordained a daoshi by the Zhengyi master Ye Cangzhi 葉藏質, a descendant of Ye Fashan, at Tiantai shan’s Yuxiao gong 天台山玉霄宮. Lüqiu Fangyuan is now chiefly remembered for his work in thirty sections 篇 on the Taiping jing 太平經 (the Xu xian zhuan uses the verb quan 銓, which implies both the making of a selection and an appraisal of its qualities), which was transmitted by the Way of the Heavenly Master in early Medieval times.92 Lüqiu Fangyuan’s work seems to have been inspired by his wish to engage in a scholarly effort, like Ge Hong and Tao Hongjing, whom Lüqiu regarded as his masters and friends, had done before him. As a result, his fame spread throughout the Jiang and Huai 江淮 regions. In the Dongxiao tuzhi (5:44), Lüqiu’s work on the Taiping jing is described in the following terms: The Taiping qingling shu had been transmitted since Han times by the Perfected Yu. The book had a perplexing number of juan, and because of the variant forms of characters, it was hard to comprehend. The Master selected excerpts and produced a book in twenty juan. The wording is concise but it is rich in meaning, and students find it practical. 89

Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 424. In the Daomen tongjiao biyong ji and the Sandong xiudao yi; see: Jan De Meyer, Wu Yun’s Way, 425, 427. 91 Biographical account in Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 40.8b-10a. 92 Cf. Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 278. On the attribution of the Taiping jing chao 太平經鈔 (DZ 1101.b) to Lüqiu Fangyuan, see Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 494. 90

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太平青領書自漢于真人傳授。卷帙浩繁，複文隱祕。先生鈔為二十卷。文約 旨博，學者便之。

In the second year of the Jingfu 景福 reign period (893), Qian Liu, who had been appointed Military Commissioner the same year, and who had just strengthened Hangzhou’s defenses by building a seventy li long wall around the city, visited Lüqiu Fangyuan, who by that time had taken up residence on Mount Dadi, and had a house built for him. Emperor Zhaozong 昭宗 (r. 889-904) repeatedly summoned the priest to court, but Lüqiu, who had calculated that the dynasty was about to fall, decided not to leave Yuhang’s hills and forests. He was awarded the titles Miaoyou dashi 妙有大師 (Grand Master of Inscrutable Being) and Xuantong xiansheng 玄同先生.93 By now, his prestige was such that he attracted large numbers of disciples, more than two hundred, according to the Xu xian zhuan. Our source provides a list of an inner core of six disciples (they all had yin 隱 as the first character of their ming 名) who were “transmitted the essentials of the Way” 傳道要. Lüqiu’s disciple Nie Shidao 聶師道 (841-911) spread the Master’s teachings in all of Southeast China and reputedly trained over five hundred disciples himself. After Lüqiu’s death in 902, he was buried on Mount Bailu 白鹿山, Dadi shan’s central peak, the place where Xu Mai was said to have ascended to heaven. Lüqiu Fangyuan’s biographical account in the Dongxiao tuzhi concurs with the Xu xian zhuan on all essential points, but though it is considerably shorter, it adds some significant detail. Concerning Lüqiu’s contacts with Qian Liu, the Dongxiao tuzhi states that the semi-autonomous ruler of the Hangzhou region served him as his teacher and addressed him with the title Yuantong (read: Xuantong) xiansheng. It then continues: In the second year of the Jingfu era of the Tang dynasty, [Qian Liu] had an Altar of Upper Purity built for him, and he provided the horizontal tablet for [the Master’s] lodgings. On all Three Days of Primes, the Master would confer ritual registers. In the second year of the Qianning reign period (895), [Qian Liu] together with the Master analyzed the geographical location [of the Dongxiao gong] and changed its orientation back to the original, whereupon the entire abbey was built anew.94

93 Some sources read Xuandong xiansheng 玄洞先生. The scholar-official, poet and philosopher Luo Yin, who also received Lüqiu Fangyuan’s teachings, addressed him as Xuantong xiansheng. See, for instance, a series of three poems in Yong Wenhua 雍文華 (ed.), Luo Yin ji 羅隱集 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 100. 94 The original orientation of the temple had been altered by Zhu Junxu. Qian Liu found this unacceptable, because according to him it did not match the geographical conditions and would irritate the surrounding supernatural forces.

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唐景福二年，為築上清壇，榜草堂。每三元，開授法籙。乾寧二年，與先 生相度地理，改觀基為甲向，營建一新。

The Dongxiao tuzhi then states that it was Qian Liu’s reports to the throne about Lüqiu Fangyuan’s Daoist endeavors which caused Emperor Zhaozong to repeatedly summon him to the capital, and that Lüqiu was conferred the honorary title of Miaoyou dashi by the court after having declined the invitations. The Dongxiao tuzhi also draws attention to the fact that Qian Liu himself wrote an account of the Tianzhu guan in the third year of the Guanghua 光化 era (900). This text, the “Tianzhu guan ji” 天柱觀記, now stands at the head of j. 6 of the Dongxiao tuzhi (though it is more than a century younger than Wu Yun’s 770 inscription and another text from the same year). Qian Liu addresses Lüqiu Fangyuan as a shangqing daoshi 上清道士, and he refers to the reconstruction of the Shangqing and the Jingsi yuan 上清精思院, which he describes as centres for conducting the “Audience with the Perfected” (chaozhen 朝真, a Heavenly Master ritual) and for “commemorating the Way” (niandao 念道). A contemporary of Lüqiu Fangyuan was a Daoist priest whose name is given as Zheng Yuanzhang 鄭元章 in the Dongxiao tuzhi (5:44-45). His actual name may have been Zheng Maozhang 鄭茂章, as he is called in the inscription signed by Qian Liu.95 Zheng has a short biographical account in the Dongxiao tuzhi: Zheng Yuanzhang, zi Bowen, as a youth was nicknamed “Divine Lad.” At the age of fifteen sui, he took leave of his relatives in order to study the Way under the guidance of Li Gui, Grand Master of the True Lineage. Li erected an altar especially for him, and transmitted the Ultimate Method of Upper Purity (Shangqing bifa) to him. This he intensively cultivated, without ever tiring. In the second year of the Jingfu era (893), he took up residence, together with Yuantong xiansheng (Lüqiu Fangyuan), in the Jingsi yuan at Mount Tianzhu. Prince Wusu (Qian Liu) then ordered him to enter (Hangzhou’s) Kaiyuan Palace, in order to conduct a ceremony and confer registers, and [the Master] accepted more than one hundred and thirty disciples for ordination. The Prince reported to the throne that on the day of the ceremony, an iridescent cloud approached the altar, and more than five hundred red-crowned cranes circled through the skies. Emperor Zhaozong awarded [Zheng Yuan(Mao)zhang] “purple clothes” and conferred the titles “Grand Master of the Orthodox Unity” 正一大師 and “Master Modest and Unornamented” upon him. The Master repeatedly requested permission to return to his mountain, and the Prince saw him off to the suburbs in his own carriage. Ten days after his return to the Jingsi yuan, the Master unexpectedly bathed and, sitting still in a 95 This is confirmed by the Dongxiao gong zhi. See p. 132 of the Daoguan zhi congkan xubian reprint.

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formal manner, told his disciples: “Today, a messenger from Dongting was here to greet me. It is time for me to leave. Be sure to diligently act in accordance with the precepts and don’t do any bad things.” Without a fuss he passed away. His body stayed supple as if he were still alive. He was sixty-eight years of age. The Prince ordered the prefectural officials to wear white mourning dress. He was buried on this mountain. 鄭元章，字博文，幼號神童。十五歲辭親學道，依真系大師李歸。李特為 建星壇，授上清畢法。精修不倦。景福二年，與元同先生同居天柱山精 思院。武肅王因命入開元宮啟建壇籙，門下受度弟子一百三十餘人。王表奏 朝廷云：啟建日有彩雲臨壇，仙鶴五百餘隻旋繞空中。昭宗賜紫衣，號正 一大師沖素先生。累乞歸山，王親駕送於郊外，至精思院，旬日間，忽沐 浴端坐語門人曰：今洞庭使者在此迎吾。吾當去矣。汝等精勤戒行，勿為 諸惡。翛然而逝。體柔如生。亨年六十有八。王命府官縞素。葬於 本山。

In the “Tianzhu guan ji” Qian Liu states that Zheng Maozhang acted as Lüqiu Fangyuan’s assistant at the celebration of the Retreat (zhai 齋) and Offering (jiao 醮) services which were held on the Three Days of Primes and the Eight Articulations (sanyuan bajie 三元八節). The elevated number of disciples accepted for ordination in 893 suggests that this was a basic Zhengyi initiation. 6. SONG AND YUAN DYNASTY DEVELOPMENTS Major changes accompanied China’s transition from a late medieval to an early modern society, in particular in the Jiangnan area, the new cultural and economic centre of the empire. The emergence of associations in honor of local saints (whose cults often gained imperial recognition and eventually blossomed into nationwide phenomena), the establishment of Longhu shan as the power base of the new Zhengyi lineage, and the birth of largely exorcistic ritual traditions, are some of the salient features of the transformation of Daoism during the Tang-Song transition. The new exorcistic rites frequently had links with the Way of the Heavenly Master. The Tianxin zhengfa 天心 正法 lineage, for instance, claimed Zhang Daoling himself as its first source, and under the Southern Song dynasty, these “Orthodox Methods of Heaven’s Heart” were deemed an elementary component of the Heavenly Master rites.96 One of the most important later developments in Thunder rites (leifa 雷法) 96 See Edward L. Davis, Society and the Supernatural in Song China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2001), 21-24; Schipper, Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 633-637, 1056; Poul Andersen, “Tianxin zhengfa,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008), 989-993.

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for exorcism, salvation of the souls of the dead and protection against a wide array of calamities, the Qingwei 清微 school, which originated in thirteenthcentury Fujian, gained official Zhengyi recognition and was adopted into its order.97 In the context of the emergence of new Daoist movements and their assimilation by the Zhengyi tradition, Edward L. Davis has made the following highly pertinent remark: “In a very real sense, the concerns of the new Daoist movements represented a return to the concerns of the Celestial Masters of the Han – namely, therapeutic ritual – and therefore a return to the origin of religious Daoism itself.”98 We are quite well-informed about the Dadi shan Daoists of the Song and Yuan dynasties. As can be expected, data are particularly plentiful for the thirteenth century. Apart from the biographical accounts, the Dongxiao tuzhi also contains a detailed list of the priests who were in charge of the Dongxiao gong between the mid-twelfth and the late thirteenth century. And of the twentyfive stela inscriptions in the final, sixth juan of the Dongxiao tuzhi (beiji 碑記), the absolute majority dates to the thirteenth century. Highly indicative of the relation between the Palace of the Cavernous Empyrean and the leaders of the Heavenly Master organization at Longhu shan is the list of signatures at the end of the Dongxiao tuzhi (j. 6.101). Nineteen members of the Daoist clergy signed the book, beginning relatively modestly with a series of ten Dongxiao gong Daoists with administrative functions (zhishi daoshi 知事道士). The remaining nine names, including that of chief priest Shen Duofu, are to be placed higher in the Daoist hierarchy and culminate in the following trio: the already mentioned Wu Quanjie, Zhang Liusun 張留孫 and Zhang Yucai 張與材. Zhang Liusun (1248-1322) and Wu Quanjie were the first two patriarchs of the Yuan dynasty institution known as Xuanjiao 玄教 (Teaching of the Mystery). From its inception in 1278 until the demise of the Yuan, Xuanjiao would exercise formal control over Daoism in southern China, and its leaders were very influential figures responsible for all communication between the Heavenly Master headquarters at Longhu shan and the Mongol imperial court.99 Zhang Yucai (?-1316) was the thirty-eighth Heavenly Master, who, since 1304, was the head of all schools of Daoist religion with the exception of Quanzhen. Like all the other signing Daoist clergy members, Zhang Yucai signed with his full title, which in his case was “Head of the Teaching of the Orthodox Unity, Perfected of Great Immaculacy and Concentrated Mind who Broadens the 97 See Judith M. Boltz, A Survey of Taoist Literature, 38-41 and Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 1095-96. 98 Davis, Society and the Supernatural in Song China, 39. 99 See Vincent Goossaert, “Wu Quanjie,” “Xuanjiao,” “Zhang Liusun,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008), 1045-46, 1132-33, 1231-32.

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Way, in Charge of Managing the Teaching of the Way in All of Jiangnan’s Districts, Heavenly Master in the Thirty-Eighth Generation Inherited from the Han, Concurrent Guardian of the Talismans and Registers of the Three Mountains” (Zhengyi jiaozhu Taisu ningshen guangdao zhenren guanling Jiangnan zhulu daojiao si Han sanshiba dai Tianshi jian zhuling sanshan fulu 正一教 主太素凝神廣道真人管領江南諸路道教嗣漢三十八代天師兼主領三 山符籙). The Three Mountains are Mount Longhu (Zhengyi), Mount Mao (Shangqing) and Mount Gezao 閣皂山 (Lingbao). In 1239, Zhang Keda 張可大 (1218-1263), the thirty-fifth Heavenly Master, had been the first to be put officially in charge of all Daoist affairs in the Jiangnan area, assuming responsibility over the “talismans and registers” of the Zhengyi, Shangqing and Lingbao orders.100 In the summer of 1310, four and a half years after Deng Mu passed away, Wu Quanjie, who, if Fu Lo-shu’s analysis is correct, was indirectly responsible for the death of both Deng Mu and his friend Ye Lin,101 wrote a new preface to the Dongxiao tuzhi, which now stands at the head of the standard edition. Wu opened by stating that in the summer of 1305, he was commissioned by the emperor to go and search for men of character and competence 搜賢. Having learnt that Ye Lin and Deng Mu lived as recluses on Yuhang’s Tianzhu shan, he soon afterwards summoned both men to court, but met with a stern refusal. The rest of the preface praises the Dongxiao tuji 洞霄圖記 (sic) and its compiler Meng Zongbao (not a word about Deng Mu as its final editor!) as well as Meng’s master, Shen Jieshi 沈介石 (chief priest Shen Duofu). The preface is signed “Wu Quanjie, Inheriting Master of the Teaching of the Mystery” 元(玄)教嗣師. In the Dadi dongtian ji, the Dongxiao tuzhi digest produced for inclusion in the Ming Daozang, Wu Quanjie’s preface, which had pushed Shen Duofu’s original 1305 preface into second place, is itself preceded by a newer preface, dated 1398, written by Zhang Yuchu 張宇初 (1361-1410), the forty-third Heavenly Master. The same Zhang Yuchu also wrote the preface to the Sanshi dai Tianshi Xujing zhenjun yulu 三十代天師虛靖真君語錄 (“Recorded Sayings of the Thirtieth Generation Heavenly Master, Perfected Lord of Emptiness and Quiscence,” DZ 1249), which takes us back to the Palace of the Cavernous Empyrean again. This compilation of poems and prose writings contains numerous pieces linking Zhang Jixian 張繼先 (1092-1126), the thirtieth 100 Qing Xitai 卿希泰, Zhongguo daojiao shi 中國道教史, vol. 3 (Chengdu: Sichuan Renmin chubanshe, 1993), 106-107. 101 Fu Lo-shu, “Teng Mu. A Forgotten Chinese Philosopher.” The assumption (p. 44) is that Ye Lin and Deng Mu, adamant in their refusal to serve the Mongol rulers, starved themselves to death.

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Heavenly Master of Longhu shan, to a leading member of the Dadi shan clergy, named Shi Zifang 石自方 (?-1121). Shi Zifang seems to have been a very close friend of Zhang Jixian, and to my knowledge he is also the only Dongxiao gong administrator to have been killed by “bandits,” in this case the rebel troops of Fang La. Shi Zifang has a relatively lengthy biographical account in the Dongxiao tuzhi (5.55-56), of which I translate the better part here: Shi Zifang, zi Yuanju,102 hailed from Fanyang103 in Raozhou. He became a daoshi under the guidance of Grand Master of Modesty and Quietude Kong Shourong. He was more than seven foot tall, he had bushy eyebrows and finelooking whiskers, big ears and high cheek-bones. His voice rang like a bell. He was serious and calm, and not interested in fame and wealth. He was capable of profound thought, and of all the canonical and historical writings there was none which he did not penetrate. He was especially fond of the books of Zhuangzi and Liezi. Lu Weizhong104 of Meishan transmitted secret alchemical formulae to him. He traveled to the Western Mountains and Mount Lu, where he amused himself with zither and wine, in the company of Daoists and recluses. He once nicknamed himself Hunlun Daoren – Daoist of Primeval Chaos.105 Around that time, the Heavenly Master of Emptiness and Quiescence (Zhang Yuchu) had a hermitage built on Longhu’s Xizhu Peak. Whenever the Master (Shi Zifang) came to Dragon and Tiger Mountain, he would lodge there, and a horizontal tablet carried the name “Hunlun’s Hermitage.” When the Heavenly Master was summoned to court, he insisted that the Master accompany him. After a short stay [in the capital, the Master] returned to his old cottage. In those days, the court would seek out extraordinary gentlemen from the cliffs and caves, and when the ministerial envoy heard of the Master, he urged him to get up and make his way to the capital. When Emperor Huizong visited the lecture hall of the Baolu gong, the Master was present. Observing the Master’s imposing posture and deportment, the Emperor ordered him to step forward and asked him where he hailed from. The Master replied: “I am a man from the wilderness, and I possess no special capacities. It was your Jiangdong envoy who encouraged me to respond to the imperial summons.” On the same day, the Master was given the title of Gentleman of the Golden Altar and he was put in charge of Hangzhou’s Dongxiao [Palace]. This was during the Winter of the first year of the Xuanhe reign period (1119). In the seventh month of the following year, the Master arrived at the [Dongxiao] Palace, and from everywhere students of the Way followed him thither in throngs. That Winter, in the tenth month, bandits rose up in Yan[zhou] and Hui[zhou], and in the first month of the subsequent year, they destroyed the district town of Lin’an. Government officials high and low ran away in all directions, and also the Master’s followers 102

Or: Yuangui 元規. This should probably be read as Poyang 鄱陽. 104 Su Shi met with this Sichuan daoshi and alchemist and wrote a memorial inscription for him after he died in 1097, aged 49. See Chen Yuan, Daojia jinshi lüe, 303. 105 The term hunlun originates in the first Liezi chapter. 103

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had commandeered a boat and pleaded with him to go. But the Master said: “I have been ordered by the Son of Heaven to be in charge of this Palace, and I would rather die than relinquish my post.” 石自方，字元矩，饒州番陽人。師沖寂大師孔守容為道士。長七尺餘。龐眉 秀髯，大耳高顴。音聲如鐘。莊靜淡泊。有深沈之思，經史百氏無 不通。尤嗜莊列書。眉山陸惟忠授丹訣。往來西山廬阜，與方外隱逸，以琴 酒自適。嘗自號渾淪道人。時虛靖天師作菴於龍虎戲珠峰。先生至即 下榻，榜曰渾淪菴。虛靜被召，拉先生偕行。居無何，返故廬。朝廷方 求巖穴奇士，部使者以先生聞，強起至京師。徽宗幸寶籙宮講所，先生 在焉。上望見儀狀魁偉，召前問從何來。對曰：草野臣，無他技能。江東 使者以臣應詔。即日授金壇郎。主杭州洞霄。蓋宣和元年冬也。明年七 月至宮，四方學道者，翕然從之。冬十月，盜起嚴徽間，明年正月，破臨 安縣。官吏散走，其徒亦治舟請行。先生曰：吾被天子命主此宮，守死 吾職也。

When the bandits arrived, so the biographical account continues, Shi Zifang sternly rebuked them, whereupon he was slain. The emperor, who expressed his sympathy for Shi’s loyalty in an edict, donated 300.000 cash and posthumously awarded Shi the title “Grand Master of Orthodox Immaculacy” (Zhengsu dafu 正素大夫). Shi’s poems and prose writings – there were several hundred of them – were collected. Possibly these were the archives that served as one of the sources in the compilation of the Sanshi dai Tianshi Xujing zhenjun yulu.106 Because Shi Zifang had laid down his life for the Dongxiao Palace, he became known as Shi Dongxiao 石洞霄. A now lost biographical account – probably Meng Zongbao’s and Deng Mu’s major source of information here – was written by Xiong Yanshi 熊彥詩. Roughly contemporary to Shi Zifang was Ye Yanqiu 葉彥球, an indefatigable traveler and a Heavenly Master priest who, besides acting as administrator of the Dongxiao gong twice, also founded another Daoist temple in the Jiangnan region. This is his biographical sketch from the Dongxiao tuzhi (5.56). Ye Yanqiu hailed from Qiantang. He was ordained during the Chongning reign period (between 1102 and 1106). In his search for masters among his fellow Daoists, he traveled upstream on the Changjiang, reaching Jing and Han. He floated on the Yuan and Xiang [Rivers] and visited the “remaining traces of the Heavenly Master.” He traveled south to Wu and Yue, passed through Min and Guang, and stayed a while at Luofu before commencing the return voyage. Consequently, he walked to the capital, and resided in the Baolu gong, after which he returned to the Dongxiao [gong]. 106

Cf. Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 933.

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From then on he valiantly taught his methods, issuing writings and sending reports at high speed. His verifications concerning misfortune and fortune107 created a sensation among his contemporaries. He came to the town of Wuzhen in Anji.108 South of town there was an area that was elevated and dry, and so he chose that place for residence. He exorcized using talisman water so that the populace be released from illness and calamities. Of the sick people he treated, none did not get well. The villagers devoutly believed in him; high and low assembled in crowds. As the preparations for the building109 began, the wealthy offered their money, and the poor offered their physical strength. As a result, the temple halls and corridors were resplendent like gold and jade. The temple was granted a horizontal tablet with the inscription “Palace of Reverent Prosperity” (Chongfu gong). Twice, the Master was in charge of [the Palace of] the Cavernous Empyrean.110 As he got on in years, he became even more sedulous and was awarded the title “Grand Master of Empty Calm and Numinous Oneness” (Xujing lingyi dashi). He built a house by the side of the Cavern of the Exuviating Dragon111 and there he grew old. Sir Yu Siliang of Tiantai112 wrote a placard for it which read “Returning Clouds”. At the age of eighty-four, the Master passed away without illness. 葉彥球，錢塘人。崇寧間受度。尋師方外，遡長江，上荊漢。浮沅湘，訪天 師遺迹。南游吳越，過閩廣，徘徊羅浮以歸。遂走京師，寓寶籙宮，復還 洞霄。由是銳意教法，飛章走檄。禍福之驗，聳動當世。至安吉之 烏鎮。鎮南有地爽愷，乃卜居焉。以符水為民禳襘，疾無不愈。鄉人 敬信，冠屨雲集。經營之初，富者出財，貧者出力。故宮殿廊廡，金碧 煥爛。賜額曰崇福宮。先生兩領洞霄。晚益精勵，賜號虛靖靈一大師。於蛻 龍洞之傍，築室老焉。天台虞公似良榜曰歸雲。壽八十四，無疾而終。

In the opening remarks, I drew attention to Deng Mu’s editorial policy in the compilation of the Dongxiao tuzhi. We must be very grateful that the Dongxiao tuzhi came to us relatively well-preserved, because for a number of Daoist clerics it is the only surviving source of information. At the same time, we must remain aware that in the compilation process, appreciable amounts of information were lost. A good case in point is the biography of the thirteenth-century chief priest Lang Rushan 郎如山 (1225-1298), whose activities span the final phase of the Song and the first years of the Yuan. Deng Mu’s biographical sketch, some 300 characters long, mentions Lang’s 107

Cf. the paragraph on Du Jiong. Northwest of Hangzhou. 109 Of a temple. 110 See also Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 5.65. 111 See also Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 3.26. 112 A poet and official of the second half of the twelfth century. He hailed not from Tiantai but from Yuhang. 108

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filial behavior towards both his relatives and his teachers, and then proceeds to outline his clerical career, concluding with the priest’s parting words at the age of 73. Few details about Lang’s religious profile are given. It is therefore highly worthwhile to be able to compare this sketch with the original memorial inscription for Lang Rushan (measuring four times the length of Deng Mu’s digest), which was composed by Zhang Bochun 張伯淳 (1242-1302) and preserved in the latter’s collected works, the Yangmeng ji 養蒙集. Zhang Bochun’s references to “the Perfected Zhang, Ancestral Master of the Teaching of the Mystery 玄教宗師張真人” (meant is Zhang Liusun), to the “Teaching of the Orthodox Unity 正一教,” and to the authority of the Heavenly Master (Zhang Yucai) and of Zhang Liusun in the bestowal of ritual vestments (fafu 法服), help to fill in the blanks left by Deng Mu.113 Interesting to note, moreover, but not at all surprising for texts written or edited under Mongol rule, is that in many of these documents, the troubles accompanying the transition from Song to Yuan are only mentioned in euphemistic terms, if they are mentioned at all. One of the texts that hint at the chaos during the final years of the Song is the biographical account of Zhou Yunhe 周允和 from Renhe.114 Having received his religious education at Dadi shan, Zhou Yunhe starts traveling extensively in search of masters. In the first years of the Chunyou 淳祐 era (1241-1252), or more probably the Xianchun 咸淳 era (1265-1274),115 we find Zhou in the capital, Hangzhou, conducting jiao services for the inner court and being awarded the title Miaoyou dashi 妙有 大師. In the seventh year (1271), he is a resident of the Chongtian guan 沖天觀,116 and a little later of the Taiyi gong 太一宮. Then we are in the Spring of the year bingzi 丙子 (1276, during the final collapse of the Southern Song), and we are told that Zhou Yunhe “absconds to the hills and valleys” 避地山 谷間. The situation must have been perilous, for the Dongxiao tuzhi describes 113 See Chen Yuan, Daojia jinshi lüe, 871. Of great interest is another text by Zhang Bochun, the “Account of the Palace of Primal Purity” (“Yuanqing gong ji” 元清宮記), dated 1300. This temple was erected not far from the Dongxiao gong, in a village belonging to Lin’an, by Shu Yuanyi 舒元一 (died 1307), who was Intendant of the Dongxiao gong and responsible for all Daoist establishments in the Tianzhu mountain range. The account refers to a “Pavilion where Heavenly Masters and Perfected pay their respects to their ancestors” (Tianshi zhenren baizu ting 天師真人拜祖庭). See Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 6.95. 114 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 5.50. 115 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi erroneously has Chunxi 淳熙 (1174-1189) here. The Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 30.22a suspects that Chunyou is the correct reign period, but given that Zhou Yunhe was born in 1220, this would seem too early. 116 Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 6.85-86 has a “Chongtian guan ji” 沖天 觀記 dated 1273. Zhou Yunhe was one of the Daoist priests who erected the stela.

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how Zhou’s neighboring villagers cooperate in order to protect him, and Zhou, obviously convinced that nothing bad will happen to them, reacts: “Be not alarmed, we are good people” 勿怛，吾善人. The next date mentioned is the fifteenth year of the Zhiyuan 至元 era (1278); Zhou Yunhe is awarded the title of “Pure and Perfected Grand Master of the Exalted Way and Sublime Response” (Chongdao chongying qingzhen dashi 崇道沖應清真大師), and he is appointed head of the Dongxiao gong. In 1282, he will also start leading the Taiyi gong. In the Fall of 1285, Zhou dies, aged 66 sui. The “Account of the Rebuilding of the Palace of the Cavernous Empyrean” 重建洞霄宮記,117 dated 1295, mentions the fires that destroyed the temple in 1274 and again in 1284. The causes are expressed in the most general of fashions: “society’s changes and alterations” 世運更革. Interestingly, the prohibition, at least six centuries old, on taking wood from Dadi shan’s forests is still respected: the wood used in the reconstruction is taken from other hills 取木 他山. The inscription for the Haotian ge 昊天閣, dated 1302, describes how, in the eleven years from 1274 to 1284, the Dongxiao gong’s temples and pavilions were “transformed into flying dust” 化為飛埃. Here, the cause is described as “repeated exposure to nature’s vicissitudes” 再厄天變.118 In the previous pages, we already mentioned contacts between some of the leading Dongxiao gong priests and three Heavenly Masters from Longhu shan: the thirtieth, the thirty-eighth and the forty-third generations. Additional information about the ties between the Palace of the Cavernous Empyrean and the Tianshi hierarchy is offered by Meng Zongbao’s Dongxiao shiji, which includes poems written by Zhang Zongyan 張宗演 (1244-1291), the thirtysixth Heavenly Master, who visited the Palace in the late Spring of 1282, and by Zhang Yudi 張與棣 (?-1294), the thirty-seventh Heavenly Master, as well as a number of other high-ranking Longhu shan clergy members who accompanied them.119 And in the final pages of the Dongxiao gong zhi, reference is made to Zhang Sicheng 張嗣成 (?-1344?), the thirty-ninth Heavenly Master, who provided the calligraphy for the abbot’s chamber’s placard out of admiration for abbot Shi Jingren 史景仁.120 Zhang Sicheng, moreover, is told to have resided at the Dongxiao gong for quite some time.

117

Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 6.89-91. Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 6.91. 119 The poems in question are at the head of j. 9. Poems by the thirtieth and the thirtyeighth Heavenly Master are at the head of j. 3 and 11 respectively. 120 Wenren Ru, Dongxiao gong zhi, 422-423. 118

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7. MING

AND EARLY

QING

That the warfare during the transition from Yuan to Ming had disastrous consequences for the Dongxiao gong is evident from the (very concise) biographical accounts in the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi. Upon seeing the dilapidated condition of the Palace, Jia Shouyuan 賈守元, Intendant (tidian 提點) of the Dongxiao gong during the Hongwu 洪武 era (1368-1398), made it his personal task to start rebuilding. After less than three years, Jia passed away, and the work was completed by his disciples Wu Fengyuan 吳逢源 and Gong Ziran 龔自然.121 Of Gong Ziran, moreover, it is told that he was transmitted certain “talismanic methods of the Purple Department” 紫府符法, which he used to succesfully heal the sick and pray for rain. Short though the Ming biographical accounts may be, they do reflect the changes that had taken place within Daoism since the end of the Medieval period. References to Five Thunder rites (wulei fa 五雷法) and the Qingwei lineage – important components of the Zhengyi order – become increasingly numerous. The Yuhang District Daoist Registrar (daohui 道會) Cao Yuanyin 曹元隱, for instance, who was in charge of the Dongxiao gong together with Gong Ziran, was said to have “obtained the techniques of the Five Thunder rites” 得五雷法術, besides being able to abstain from eating all day long without feeling hungry. Later, he passed away without illness.122 Another disciple of Jia Shouyuan was Zhou Yingchang 周應常, of peasant origin, but who was fond of literature, became interested in Daoism around the age of twenty, developed good ties with the local gentry and eventually became a Daoist Registrar too. Of him, it is told that he completely mastered the “rites and registers of the Heavenly Master, the Perfected Zhang” 充天師張 真人法籙.123 Due to the microscopic size of most of the Ming and early Qing dynasty biographical accounts in the Yuhang xian zhi, it is as good as impossible to catch a glimpse of the actual lives of that period’s daoshi and fashi 法師 (ritual masters). One exception is that of Ritual Master Sun Daoyuan 孫道元 (1604-1677), whose life spans the final four decades of the Ming and the first three decades of the Qing. Juan 30.31a of the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi contains a biographical account of Sun Daoyuan, which is copied from the mideighteenth century Dongxiao gong zhi.124 The biographical account is not 121

Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 16.7a and 30.29b. Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 30.30a. 123 Ibid. 124 Compare p. 155 of the Daoguan zhi congkan xubian edition of Wenren Ru, Dongxiao gong zhi. 122

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without interest. It mentions quite a few details about Sun Daoyuan’s religious education and his extensive travels before moving to Dadi shan. Then it suddenly jumps to Sun’s death and concludes with a eulogy that takes up more than a third of the account. It also mentions the names of the author of the eulogy (Huang Ji 黃機) and of the person who provided the calligraphy. Interesting though the account may be, it is obvious that it is a heavily truncated version of something rather more substantial. Fortunately for us, that text has been preserved in the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi. Appended to the biographical account, in smaller print, is the text of Huang Ji’s stela inscription for Sun Daoyuan, the “Dongxiao gong daoshi Sun Shanzhang bei” 洞霄宮道 士孫善長碑.125 With its detailed information concerning Sun’s religious education – including an audience with Longhu shan’s Heavenly Master, who is no longer addressed as Zhang Tianshi but as Zhang zhenren –, its mention of how Sun kept a full set of the Daozang available for his disciples, its description of Sun’s rainmaking ritual and of his efforts in rebuilding or renovating the Dongxiao gong, this is a fascinating document. I therefore translate it here in full. The Teaching of the Way involves the accumulation of merit through aid and relief, and the completion of one’s inner nature through refinement. These two should be cultivated in unison if true salvation is to be realized. Of old, the supremely perfected beings Jingyang (Xu Xun 許遜) and Haiqiong (Bai Yuchan 白玉蟾)126 brought alleviation in times of calamity and eradicated suffering, and the transformations they achieved through their virtue have been apparent throughout the world. In more recent times, there have been the likes of Xie Zhongchu127 and Zhou Side,128 who efficaciously petitioned, and once the calamities had ceased, opted for a life of quietude among the cliffs. In transcendence, 125 Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 30.31b-32a. Note how Sun is addressed both as fashi and as daoshi in the same source. 126 On Xu Xun (trad. 239-374), see: Judith M. Boltz, “Xu Xun,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008), 1124-26; Kristofer Schipper, “Taoist Ritual and Local Cults of the T’ang Dynasty,” in: Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honour of R.A. Stein, ed. Michel Strickmann (Brussels: Institut Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises, 1985), vol. 3, 812-834. Bai Yuchan (1194?-1229?), expert in Thunder Rites, played an important role in the formation of Xu Xun’s hagiography (see: Judith A. Berling, “Channels of Connection in Sung Religion: The Case of Pai Yü-ch’an,” in: Religion and Society in T’ang and Sung China, eds. Patricia Buckley Ebrey and Peter N. Gregory [Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993], 307-333; Lowell Skar, “Bai Yuchan,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio [London: Routledge, 2008], 203-206). Bai Yuchan’s extensive travels also brought him to Dadi shan, where he wrote a piece on the Yanjiao tang 演教堂, dated 1217 (see: Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao tuzhi 6.88). 127 Could the author really be referring to Xie Zhongchu, the Jin 晉 dynasty daoshi from Jiangxi, who studied on Gezao shan? He doesn’t fit the description “In more recent times”… 128 Zhou Side (1359-1451) from Qiantang, a disciple of the forty-third Heavenly Master, Zhang Yuchu, is the author of the Shangqing lingbao jidu dacheng jinshu 上清靈寶濟度大成 金書 (comp. 1432), an important Ming dynasty ritual manual.

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they obtained liberation of their fetters, which was something rarely seen among their respective generations! In Ritual Master Sun Shanzhang, they now have a companion! The Master’s [taboo] name was Yuandao (read: Daoyuan), and he was also known under the name “Master Who Returns To Yang” (Fuyangzi). He was a native of the village of Muhua in Tongchuan. His father, Jishan, once encountered a Daoist priest with magnificent whiskers and an imposing appearance, who came to visit him in person and announced: “Sir, in your family a boy will be raised who is a star within the region of the night sky containing the constellations Purple Tenuity, Grand Tenuity and Heaven’s Marketplace.” As his mother was about to give birth, a star was seen, glowing bright red like a peach. As a newborn, he did not cry or suckle for a whole month.129 Only after suddenly hearing a voice from the skies did he accept his mother’s nipple. When he was just seven years of age, he pleaded for permission to leave home. His parents, who understood that things had been pre-ordained, sent him to the Temple of the Virtue of Fire at Wu shan,130 where he was ordained a daoshi by Master Wang Jinjiang. At the age of twenty-four, he set out on a long journey in order to inquire into the Way, repeatedly experiencing dangers and difficulties. Entering water, he did not get wet; encountering bandits, he did not get killed. Time after time he seemed to have divine assistance. When he arrived at Xinzhou, he had an audience with the Perfected Zhang. Pleased with the Master’s profound quietude, [Zhang zhenren] gave him a place among his disciples, and ordered Sir Zhan Taiyu, Ritual Master of Noble Deportment, to be his tutor. He was transmitted the arts of nourishing the qi and extending the life span, he jointly received the Great Rites of Zhengyi, Qingwei and Five Thunders, as well as the methods for summoning the soldiers and generals of wind and thunder. He was given the following advice: “The Great Way depends on the accumulation of meritorious deeds. By means of those one brings blessings to the state and benefits to the people. If one merely cultivates oneself in isolation, one’s virtue will not extend to other beings, and though one may obtain longevity, one will not be able to obtain the Way.” The Master received his instructions and cultivated them in retirement, until he had fully grasped their essentials. Afterwards, he resumed his wanderings and traveled to a great number of cavern-heavens and blissful lands, where he conducted further examinations in his search for Perfection. Once he entered the house of Zhang Xiaoyao,131 and he repeatedly encountered extraordinary men, whose names will not be divulged. When he returned to his mountain, his methods had all been brought to completion. The first time he accepted the invitation by the Director of the Salt Monopoly Office to conduct rites in order to pray for rain, moving and inspiring the blood-red sky, was in the fall of the year renshen (1632). The Lord descended 129

Because the vital energies were absolutely intact within him. Created in the Southern Song, the Huode miao was located near Hangzhou’s Chenghuang miao 城隍廟. 131 This late Ming daoshi is said to have belonged to the Jingming zhongxiao 淨明忠孝 school, of which Xu Xun was the patriarch. 130

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into the altar and verified the secret names, and during seven consecutive days timely rains fell. Hence, whenever it was exceptionally hot or rainy, the heads of the Provincial Administration or Surveillance Commissions, and the local prefects and district magistrates would request him with sincerity to ascend the altar, and every single time he immediately consented. With his talismans and seals he expelled noxious influences, and the traces of his efficacy were bright and glorious. Those gentleman of the government and those wearing red girdles who were fond of the Way regarded him with esteem and visited his temple, filling it constantly with their carriages and horses. The Master, however, would remain inside, concentrating on the study of life. He had a “cinnabar mansion” built on a mountain slope, where he practised the Gold Elixir essentials which had been transmitted to him. He also placed there (or: purchased) a full set of the Daoist canon, as a companion for his disciples, to examine into and look for elucidation. Later he traveled to Yuhang, and took pleasure in the hills and streams of Dadi [shan]. As it was the place where his ancestral master132 had obtained the Way, he built a reed hut shaped like a round gourd and settled by the side of the [Dongxiao] Palace. At once, a sweet spring gushed forth to the left of the chief priest’s chamber, and increasingly numerous were those who took refuge [in the Way] upon hearing of the [Master’s] manner. [The Master] had the old temple halls rebuilt, he had the bronze statue of Zhenwu remodeled, and he had two new portraits of Li Zhongding and Zhu Wengong made.133 From time to time he would return to his mountain (Wu shan), when he was requested to perform rites. Upon returning to [Da]di shan, he would shut his door and cultivate in quietude, bringing benefit to the other beings whenever circumstances demanded it. In the second month of the year dingsi of the Kangxi reign period (1677), he had a premonition that his time for transforming had come. He bathed, put on a new set of clothes and wrote the following hymn: “Seventy-four years, the dream is decrepit / I turn my body over and leap into the great void / You want to know the place where I revert to my origins? / Water fills the brook in front, clouds fill the hills.” He enjoined his disciples to scrupulously observe the teachings that had been bequeathed to them, and not be frightened by the thunderstorm that would occur after his passing. When that moment came, what he had predicted did indeed happen. After seven days, his expression was still like that of a living man; from his nose hung a jade pillar.134 Originally, there was a piece of wasteland on [Da]di shan where a tiger crouched. It was impossible to bury people there. But when the disciples erected a gravestone for the Master on that spot, the tiger absconded to the hills in the back and was never seen again. That the divinities of the mountain offered their protection was truly not accidental! The Master’s mental as well as physical refinement was very profound. While maintaining a seemingly obtuse appearance, he would often say: “The Way of Heaven takes no-mind as its substance, 132

Zhang Daoling. In the twelfth century, Li Gang 李綱 and Zhu Xi had both been honorary intendants of the Dongxiao gong. 134 Thought to be a sign that someone had become immortal or obtained the Way. 133

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the forgetting of words as its function, softness as its root and purity as its foundation. Therein lies the Way!” He also used to say: “Human nature and the Way share the same substance. Never mind the physical appearance. Once one has understood life, even heaven and earth are not old. A longer or shorter life span has nothing to do with it!” Such were his insight and understanding! Alas! Huayang135 once said: “There are nine obstacles on the way to transcendence, and fame occupies the first place among them.” The Master performed the orthodox rites, patterning himself after heaven and bringing relief to his generation. As his prestige accumulated, it brought glory to his cliffs and ravines. Able to sit cross-legged on famous mountains, he thoroughly penetrated what had been bequeathed to him. That puts him in the same league with those who have obtained liberation through the corpse and winged transformation. I have carefully pondered [the Master’s] Way and standards, and I have throroughly examined what I have obtained from him: nothing but the correct principles of mental purity and quietude, something which no dazzling display of the novel and strange could ever hope to compare with. Therefore I have written the following inscription for him: “When active, your spirit grasped the transformative powers of creation; in quietude, you silently united with the Way. Your appearance was solemn and dignified, like the murmuring of the stream and the colours of the mountain; Your grave is planted with pine trees, eternally limitless.” 道教以救濟累功，以參鍊彌性。二者交修，然後完真度世。古旌陽、海瓊 諸上真，澹災殄患，德化顯被寰宇。近世如謝仲初、周思得之倫，著靈 祈襘，嗣乃習靜巖居，超然懸解，蓋代不數覯也。若善長孫法師，殆有 同揆者乎！師諱（元）道〔元〕，別號復陽子，桐川慕化鄉人。父繼 山，遇有羽客，修髯偉貌，踵門告曰：君家當舉子，是垣中一星。及母 沈臨蓐，見有星光爛如赤桃。初生，不啼不乳者彌月。忽聞空中有語，迺受 乳。甫七齡，求出家。父母知有夙緣，送吳山火德廟，襟江王師度為 道士。年二十四訪道遠游，洊嘗險阻，入水不濡，遇寇不刃，類若有神 助者。及抵信州，謁見張真人。喜師沈靜，列為弟子，命高行法師太宇 詹君為導師。傳養氣延年之術，併受正一清微五雷大法，呼召風雷兵將 之方。囑曰：大道必積功行，藉此福國利民。若獨善其身，德不被物，雖得 長生，不能證果也。師奉教潛修，盡得其要。嗣更雲水，徧歷洞天 福地，尋真參考。嘗入張逍遙之室，又屢逢異人，祕其姓氏。還山時，道法 俱成就矣。壬申秋，始就鹽官令之聘，行法祈雨，感召殷天。君降壇 驗定祕諱，甘霖七日。繇此遇歲熯澇，每制撫藩臬，郡邑守令敦請 登壇，無不立應。符篆驅邪，靈蹟昭赫。臺府暨縉紳先生好道者，咸重 之，新本廟，車騎恆滿。而師則內專性命之學。築丹室於山阿，習所傳金 丹要旨，并置道藏全函，偕門弟子研求闡發。後游（禹航）〔餘杭〕，樂大 滌山川。為祖師得到之地，結茅為團瓢，棲於宮側。輒有甘泉湧出 方丈之左，聞風皈依者益眾。復構古殿，笵真武銅儀，（信）〔新〕李忠 定、朱文公 二 像 。 間 還 山 ， 應 請 施 法 。 歸 滌 山 ， 即 閉 圜 養 靜 ， 隨 機 利物。康熙丁巳二月，預示化期。沐浴更衣，書偈云：七十四年夢 已殘，翻身跳出太虛間。要知復命皈根處？水滿前溪雲滿山。諭弟子恪 135

Tao Hongjing.

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遵遺教，去後即有風雷，毋驚詡。至期，果然。七日後，神氣如生，鼻垂 玉柱。初，滌山有隙壤虎踞，人莫能葬。至是門弟子為師營厝，虎跳躍後 山去不復見。山靈留護，洵非偶然也！師道器深邃，容貌若愚，常曰：天道 以無心為體，忘言為用，柔弱為本，清淨為基，道在是矣！又曰：此性 與道同體，不關形相，了徹性命後，天地而不老。豈在年歷修短哉！其見 地了徹蓋如此。嗚呼！華陽有云：仙障有九，名居其一。師行正法，格天 濟世。聲望所集，巖壑生輝。獨能趺坐名山，究極厥（詣）〔詒〕，與尸 解羽化同歸焉。余諗知道範，叩其所得，皆清淨之正理，非眩世矜 奇比。故為之銘曰：動而神握化鈞，靜而寂與道一。寶相莊嚴，溪聲 山色，表松阡兮永無極。

There is no doubt that the Zhengyi Daoism of late imperial times, having incorporated the new exorcistic rites, differed to a certain degree from ancient Heavenly Master practice. Yet, as Sun Daoyuan’s biography eloquently illustrates, fundamental ideas related to the basic tasks of daoshi and fashi (healing, rainmaking, dispelling of noxious influences) had remained unchanged. Huang Ji’s stela inscription, moreover, derives part of its value from the fact that it repeatedly points out how important self-cultivation is in the life of a priest who may be called upon at any time to perform often gruelling and lengthy rituals for the benefit of the community. “Upon returning to [Da]di shan,” writes Huang Ji, Sun Daoyuan “would shut his door and cultivate in quietude, bringing benefit to the other beings whenever circumstances demanded it.” One involuntarily thinks of Zheng Maozhang, aged sixty-eight, who passed away barely ten days after having performed rituals for Qian Liu. Aside from this, personal cultivation was deemed a fundamental prerequisite in the efficacious performance of rituals. As Bai Yuchan stated in his Daofa jiuyao xu 道法九要序: “By means of one’s own corrected and perfected vital energies, one sweeps away the incorrect evil of others. 以我正真之炁滌彼不 正之邪”136 Sun Daoyuan is the only Dadi shan daoshi of imperial times to have left behind physical traces on that mountain. In January 1999 I found a fragment of the stela which once graced his tomb. It had been demoted to threshold of a Gongli cun shed, waiting for the locals to wipe their feet on it.

136 Although slightly predating the development of the Qingwei ritual system, this theoretical text has been incorporated in the first juan of the Daofa huiyuan 道法會元 (DZ 1220, 1.17a), a major compendium of which the first 55 juan are devoted to Qingwei. A recent book in which many Qingwei-related materials have been translated is Florian C. Reiter, The Taoism of Clarified Tenuity: Content and Intention (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2017). Bai Yuchan’s essay is on pp. 28-47.

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Sun Daoyuan’s gravestone

Testifying to the stature of Sun Daoyuan is the fact that the next five priests to get a biographical account in the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi were all his disciples or admirers. Wu Xiangyan 吳象巖 was a disciple of Ritual Master Sun. He obtained the techniques of Mao shan 茅山術.137 He was able to ingest the qi and refine the spirit, and he excelled in the writing of talismans and registers (fulu 符籙).138 137 Which were very different from those of the early Medieval period. Since the Song dynasty, the emphasis was on exorcism. 138 Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 30.33a.

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Chen Daimo 陳戴墨 from Renhe had been at Wu shan’s Chongyang Ermitage 重陽庵 since his youth. With Sun Shanzhang (Daoyuan) as his teacher, he studied the secret arts of the Five Thunders 學五雷祕術. It is said that whenever he prayed for rain, the results were immediately visible as soon as he mounted the altar. Between 1697 and 1703 he repeatedly put an end to dry spells in Haining 海寧.139 Zhai Zhugou 翟翥緱, zi Taiyin 太音, from Shimen 石門, became Chen Daimo’s disciple at the age of nine, and when he was a little older, he also became Ritual Master Sun’s disciple. He was taught how to “tend nature and ingest qi” 養性服氣, and he obtained the Great Rites of the Five Thunders 五雷大法.140 Wei Dacheng 魏大成, zi Yunsheng 允昇, from Tongchuan, was not interested in wealth and fame, and fond of wuwei. He acted as if he were ordinary and capable of nothing at all 無一能者, cultivating his vital energies in the privacy of his cubicle. He obtained the “True Transmission of the Orthodox Unity” 正一真傳, and although in the beginning he did not display his arts to others, he later became an untiring propagator of his teachings. He lived to a very high age, and his vitality knew no decline.141 Lu Erren 陸爾仁, zi Puzhan 溥沾, from Tongchuan, was a great admirer of the Qingwei and Five Thunder teachings of Grand Master Sun, whereupon he left his family and went to Dadi shan. He eventually became chief priest of the Dongxiao gong and undertook what must have been one of the last large-scale renovation projects. In the course of the eighteenth century, the Longmen branch of Quanzhen Daoism would become the dominant presence at Dadi shan. The first Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi biographical account of a Dadi shan Daoist said to have belonged to Quanzhen’s Longmen branch is that of Bei Benheng 貝本恆 (1688-1758).142 That Bei is considered as having belonged to the Longmen branch is probably because our major source of information about his life, a stela inscription copied into the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi (30.34a-36b), mentions a Longmen daoshi Lu Qingwei 陸清微. However, as the source of 139

Ibid. Ibid. 141 Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 30.33b. 142 For the identification of Bei Benheng as a Longmen Daoist, see, e.g., Qing Xitai 卿希 泰, Zhongguo daojiao 中國道教 (Shanghai: Dongfang chuban zhongxin, 1996), vol. 4, 181. The biographical account was copied from a stela inscription still extant on Dadi shan at the time of the compilation of the Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi. The stela inscription was composed in the Winter of 1784/85, by Liang Tongshu 梁同書 (1723-1815) of Qiantang, who also provided the calligraphy. 140

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Bei’s teachings is described as going back to Hao zhenren 郝真人 (Hao Datong 郝大通, 1140-1213), Bei may be considered as having belonged to Quanzhen’s Huashan 華山 branch. Bei’s own remark, recorded in the Dadi shan inscription, that everything there is to be known about life can be found in the Book of Changes 欲明性命之理不外周易,143 tallies well with Hao Datong’s teachings.144 Bei Benheng’s religious profile deserves further investigation. His biographical account reveals that he received his basic religious education, aged 17, from Yuan Zhengyu 袁正遇 at Wudang shan 武當山, who ordained him a daoshi. After Yuan passed away, Bei visited Mao shan’s Qianyuan guan 乾元觀, and then traveled south to Zhejiang, building a “reed cottage” on Wukang’s Gaochi shan 高池山 in 1719. His religious practice was remarkably similar to that of most of his older (Zhengyi) colleagues at Dadi shan: healing through the use of talismans. In 1745, Bei was invited by Yuhang officials to become abbot of the Dongxiao gong. In the following years, Bei would continue to rid the region of all kinds of noxious influences (tigers, diseases and epidemics, such as that of 1747 in Lin’an), using talismans and prayers. It was Bei Benheng, finally, who asked Wenren Ru from Qiantang to compile the Dongxiao gong zhi and who financed its printing in 1753. BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Dai Riqiang 戴日強, Yuhang xian zhi 餘杭縣志 (compiled 1616, reprinted in Siku quanshu cunmu congshu 四庫全書存目叢書). Deng Mu 鄧牧 & Meng Zongbao 孟宗寶, Dongxiao tuzhi 洞霄圖志 (Congshu jicheng edition). Deng Mu & Meng Zongbao, Dadi dongtian ji 大滌洞天記 (DZ 782). Dong Gao 董誥 et al., Quan Tang wen 全唐文 (compiled 1814, ed. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983). Fang Xuanling 房玄齡 et al., Jin shu 晉書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974). Meng Zongbao, Dongxiao shiji 洞霄詩集 (Zhibuzu zhai congshu 知不足齋叢書 ed.). Tian Rucheng 田汝成, Xihu youlan zhiyu 西湖遊覽志餘 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958). Wenren Ru 聞人儒, Dongxiao gong zhi 洞霄宮志 (compiled 1753, Daoguan zhi congkan xubian 道觀志叢刊續編 ed.). 143

Jiaqing Yuhang xian zhi 30.35a. On the importance of the Yijing in Hao Datong’s system of thought, see: Boltz, A Survey of Taoist Literature, 165-67; Vincent Goossaert, “Hao Datong,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008), 474-475. 144

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Wu Shijian 吳士鑑 & Liu Chenggan 劉承幹, Jin shu jiaozhu 晉書斠注 (Taibei: Yiwen yinshuguan, n.d.). Yong Wenhua 雍文華 (ed.), Luo Yin ji 羅隱集 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983). Zhang Ji’an 張吉安 and Zhu Wenzao 朱文藻, Yuhang xian zhi 餘杭縣志 (compiled 1805; Zhongguo fangzhi congshu 中國方志叢書 ed., 1970 reprint of the 1919 edition). Zhao Daoyi 趙道一, Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 歷世真仙體道通鑑 (DZ 296). Secondary Sources Andersen, Poul. “Tianxin zhengfa,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008): 989-93. Berkowitz, Alan J. Patterns of Disengagement. The Practice and Portrayal of Reclusion in Early Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000). Berling, Judith A. “Channels of Connection in Sung Religion: The Case of Pai Yü-ch’an,” in Patricia Buckley Ebrey and Peter N. Gregory, eds., Religion and Society in T’ang and Sung China (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993): 307-33. Boltz, Judith M. A Survey of Taoist Literature: Tenth to Seventeenth Centuries (Berkeley: University of California, 1987). Boltz, Judith M. “Xu Xun,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008): 1124-26. Campany, Robert Ford. To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002). Chen, Guofu 陳國符. Daozang yuanliu kao 道藏源流考 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985). Chen, Yuan 陳垣. Daojia jinshi lüe 道家金石略 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1988). Davis, Edward L. Society and the Supernatural in Song China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2001). Eliade, Mircea. Le sacré et le profane (Paris: Gallimard, 1965 – reprint: Folio Essais, 2014). De Meyer, Jan. Wu Yun’s Way. Life and Works of an Eighth-Century Daoist Master (Leiden: Brill, 2006). Espesset, Grégoire. “Yang Xi,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008): 1147-48. Fu, Lo-shu. “Teng Mu: A Forgotten Chinese Philosopher,” T’oung Pao 52, 1-3 (1965): 35-96. Goossaert, Vincent. “Hao Datong,” “Wu Quanjie,” “Xuanjiao,” and “Zhang Liusun,” in The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008): 474-75, 1045-46, 1132-33, 1231-32. Kobayashi, Masayoshi 小林正美. Tangdai de daojiao yu tianshidao 唐代的道教 與天師道 (Chinese translation of Tōdai no dōkyō to tenshidō 唐代の道教と 天師道 [originally published 2003] by Wang Haoyue 王皓月 and Li Zhimei 李之美, Jinan: Qilu shushe, 2013). Li, Gang 李剛. “Tangdai Jiangxi daojiao kaolüe” 唐代江西道教考略, Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 (1992.1): 52-59.

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Miyakawa, Hisayuki. “Local Cults around Mount Lu at the Time of Sun En’s Rebellion,” in: Facets of Taoism. Essays in Chinese Religion, ed. Holmes Welch & Anna Seidel (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979): 83-101. Qing, Xitai 卿希泰. Zhongguo daojiao 中國道教, vol. 4 (Shanghai: Dongfang chuban zhongxin, 1996). Qing, Xitai 卿希泰. Zhongguo daojiao shi 中國道教史, vol. 3 (Chengdu: Sichuan Renmin chubanshe, 1993). Reiter, Florian C. The Taoism of Clarified Tenuity: Content and Intention (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2017). Sakai, Norifumi 酒井規史. “Dai san jū yon shōdōten «tenmoku sandō (Dadi xuangai dongtian)» to dōshō kyū no genkyō” 第三十四小洞天「天目山洞(大滌玄蓋 洞天)」と洞霄宮の現況　in Dōten fukuchi kenkyū 洞天福地研究 4 (2013): 90-109. Schipper, Kristofer. “Taoist Ritual and Local Cults of the T’ang Dynasty,” in: Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honour of R.A. Stein, ed. Michel Strickmann (Brussels: Institut Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises, 1985), vol. 3: 812-34. Schipper, Kristofer; Verellen, Franciscus, eds. The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004). Skar, Lowell. “Bai Yuchan,” in: The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008): 203-206. Verellen, Franciscus. “Encounter as revelation: A Taoist hagiographic theme in medieval China,” in: BEFEO 85 (1998): 363-84. Wang, Chengwen. “The Revelation and Classification of Daoist Scriptures,” in: Early Chinese Religion. Part Two: The Period of Division (220-589 AD), ed. John Lagerwey and Lü Pengzhi (Leiden: Brill, 2010): 775-888. Yan, Yiping 嚴一萍. Daojiao yanjiu ziliao 道教研究資料, vol. 1 (Taibei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1974). Zhang, Zhenqian 張振謙. Daojiao wenhua yu Songdai shige 道教文化與宋代詩歌 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2015).

MOUNTAINS IN EARLY QUANZHEN DAOISM Louis KOMJATHY

Quanzhen 全真 (Ch’üan-chen; Complete Perfection) began as a small Daoist ascetic and eremitic community in the late twelfth century. This community consisted of the founder Wang Zhe 王嚞 (Chongyang 重陽 [Redoubled Yang]; 1113-1170),1 two of his renunciant companions, and at least ten formal, first-generation adherents. Wang’s early disciples included three Shaanxi and seven Shandong residents, with the latter often referred to as the so-called Seven Perfected (qizhen 七真). The Seven Perfected are as follows: (1) Hao Datong 郝大通 (Guangning 廣寧 [Expansive Serenity]; 1140-1213), (2) Liu Chuxuan 劉處玄 (Changsheng 長生 [Perpetual Vitality]; 1147-1203), (3) Ma Yu 馬鈺 (Danyang 丹陽 [Elixir Yang]; 1123-1184), (4) Qiu Chuji 丘處機 (Changchun 長春 [Perpetual Spring]; 1148-1227), (5) Sun Buer 孫不二 (Qingjing 清靜 [Clear Stillness]; 1119-1183), (6) Tan Chuduan 譚處端 (Changzhen 長真 [Perpetual Perfection]; 1123-1185), and (7) Wang Chuyi 王處一 (Yuyang 玉陽 [Jade Yang]; 1142-1217). Of these, Ma and Qiu subsequently became most influential, and Sun Buer was the only known senior female disciple. Placing emphasis on intensive meditation and mystical experience, the early adherents lived in both private hermitages and intentional communities, primarily in Shandong and Shaanxi. As Quanzhen shifted from a local community and then regional movement to a nationwide monastic order in the early to mid-thirteenth century, its members established new temples and monasteries and also gained control of earlier Daoist sacred sites. Like other Daoists before and after them, Quanzhen adherents inhabited a variety of residences, including established and newly-discovered mountain locales. The present chapter in turn examines the place of mountains in early Quanzhen Daoism. Giving particular attention to what I have previously referred to as the formative, incipient organized and organized phases of Quanzhen history (twelfth-thirteenth centuries), I discuss mountains as sacred sites, as practice locales, and as symbolic and corporeal geography. This is early Quanzhen Daoism as a place-specific medieval Daoist community, 1 At the first appearance of a Daoist’s name, I provide his or her standard name with the associated religious name, if known, in parentheses.

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a community that would eventually become one of the most influential forms of institutional Daoism in Chinese history.2 MOUNTAINS

AS

SACRED SITES

Actual mountains, that is, mountains as physical locations, terrestrial landscapes, and specific places, were centrally important in early Quanzhen Daoism. Following earlier Daoist precedents,3 the early Quanzhen adherents resided in hermitages, eremitic communities, and eventually temples and monasteries throughout northern China’s various mountain ranges. In the formative moments of its history, the Kunyu 崑嵛 mountains, near present-day Weihai 威海 and Yantai 煙臺 in eastern Shandong, and the Zhongnan 終南 mountains, near present-day Zhouzhi 周至 in south-central Shaanxi, were key sites. Each of the early Quanzhen adherents lived in both hermitages and eremitic communities. From 1161 to 1167, Wang Zhe lived first in the so-called “Tomb for Reviving the Dead” (huo siren mu 活死人墓), also known as “Tomb of the Living Dead,” and then in the Liujiang 劉蔣 eremitic community (present-day Huxian 鄠縣, Shaanxi). Both of these early hermitages were in close proximity to the Zhongnan 終南 mountains. In 1167, Wang moved to Shandong, where he established the Quanzhen an 全真蓭 (Hermitage of Complete Perfection)4 on the estate of his new patron and recently-converted disciple Ma Yu. The following year Wang Zhe took four of his disciples, Ma, Qiu Chuji, Tan Chuduan, and Wang Chuyi, to the Kunyu 崑嵛 mountains (near Yantai 煙臺 and Weihai 威海 in eastern Shandong), where they established Yanxia dong 煙霞洞 (Grotto of Misty Vapors).5 2 For comprehensive discussions of Quanzhen, including the textual corpus and relevant specialist research, see: Louis Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection: Mysticism and Self-transformation in Early Quanzhen Daoism (Leiden: Brill, 2007); Louis Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection: A Quanzhen Daoist Anthology (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2013). 3 For some general discussions of mountains in Daoism, see: Thomas Hahn, “The Standard Taoist Mountain,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 4 (1988), 145-56; Thomas Hahn, “Daoist Sacred Sites,” in: Daoism Handbook, ed. Livia Kohn (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 683-708; Kristofer Schipper, The Taoist Body (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); Louis Komjathy, The Daoist Tradition: An Introduction (London and New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013). As I have suggested in The Daoist Tradition, there was already evidence for the centrality of mountains and place-specific community in classical Daoism, in the Zhuangzi (Book of Master Zhuang) in particular. Like the emphasis on clarity and stillness (qingjing 清靜), this appears to be one connective strand throughout the Daoist tradition. 4 The character for “hut” or “hermitage” (an 庵/蓭) appears without and with the cao 艹/艸 (“grass”) radical. Both versions contain guan 广 (“cliff”). For simplicity’s sake, I use the second variant. 5 Dong 洞, literally meaning “cave” and variously translated as “cavern,” “gorge,” and “grotto,” is a centrally important Daoist concept and concern. As discussed below, such

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Following the death of Wang Zhe (1170) and the interment of his body at Liujiang, his first-generation disciples lived in a variety of locations. Hao Datong lived as a mendicant in Wozhou 沃州 and practiced under the Zhaozhou 趙州 Bridge (Zhaoxian 趙縣, Hebei) for six years (1175-1181). Liu Chuxuan lived as a wandering ascetic in the Luoyang environs (1171-1175). Ma Yu practiced meditative enclosure (huandu 環堵) throughout his life, and in his final two years he spent time in seclusion in the Jinyu an 金玉菴 (Hermitage of Gold and Jade; in Huangxian 黃縣, Shandong). Qiu Chuji did solitary practice first at Panxi 磻溪 (1173-1181) and then in the mountainous gorges of Longmen dong 龍門洞 (Dragon Gate Gorge; near present-day Xinjichuan 新集川 and Longxian 隴縣, Shaanxi), training at various times for possibly the next ten years. Sun Buer moved to Luoyang in 1179, where she possibly trained with a female Daoist recluse from Henan named Feng Xiangu 風仙姑 (Immortal Maiden Feng; fl. 1145-1179). According to the Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian houji 歷世真仙體道通鑑後集 (Comprehensive Mirror of Successive Generations of Perfected Immortals and Those Who Embody the Dao, Later Anthology; abbrev. Lishi tongjian houji; DZ 298; ZH 1494),6 Feng lived in an “upper cave” (shangdong 上洞) and had Sun live in the lower one. Sun practiced and taught there until her death in 1182. After the three-year mourning period for Wang Zhe (1170-1173), Tan Chuduan lived as an urban recluse in Luoyang, Henan, spending time in both Chaoyuan gong 朝元宮 (Palace for Attending to the Origin) and the more remote Yunxi an 雲溪菴 (Hermitage of Cloudy Ravines). Finally, Wang Chuyi engaged in intensive ascetic practice for nine years (1168-1177) in Yunguang dong 雲光洞 (Grotto of Cloud-like Radiance) of Tiecha shan 鐵槎山 (Mount Tiecha; Wendeng 文登, Shandong). Extant Quanzhen hagiographies contain various stories and miraculous deeds related to the early adepts during these times and in these places. Here it should mentioned that these bio-geographical (geo-biographical) moments included spiritual direction of disciples as well as the composition of voluminous amounts of poetry.7 geographical and geological features often were associated with Daoist eremitic culture, and some became identified as “grotto-heavens” (dongtian 洞天). Considered portals into the Dao, the latter became systematized as the ten major and thirty-six minor grotto-heavens. See Franciscus Verellen, “The Beyond Within: Grotto-heavens (dongtian) in Taoist Ritual and Cosmology,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 8 (1995), 265-90; Komjathy, The Daoist Tradition. 6 Daoist textual collections are cited according to Louis Komjathy, Title Index to Daoist Collections (Cambridge, Mass.: Three Pines Press, 2002). Numbers for the received Mingdynasty Daozang 道藏 (Daoist Canon; DZ) follow those of Kristofer Schipper and his colleagues. Numbers for the Zhonghua daozang 中華道藏 (Chinese Daoist Canon; ZH) follow Louis Komjathy, “Title Index to the Zhonghua daozang,” Monumenta Serica 62 (2014), 213-60. 7 For relevant details see Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection; Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection. For a study and translation of relevant place-specific poetry, see: Louis Komjathy, “Living in Seclusion: Early Quanzhen Eremitic Poetry,” Frontiers of Daoist Studies 1, no. 1

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With respect to our current topic, as mentioned, the two most important early Quanzhen mountain ranges were the Zhongnan 終南 mountains in southcentral Shaanxi and the Kunyu 崑嵛 mountains in eastern Shandong. The Zhongnan foothills are in relatively close proximity to Liujiang (Huxian), the first of Wang Zhe’s primary hermitages and eremitic community. Associated with a long tradition of Daoist eremitic withdrawal, the Zhongnan mountains are visible in the distance. In terms of geological and topographical features, these mountains are characterized by lush vegetation, forests, and rolling hills (author’s field observations). At the present time, it is unclear if Wang Zhe and his fellow Liujiang recluses spent any time in the Zhongnan mountains, but the mountains were centrally important in earlier Daoist history and eventually became incorporated into the Quanzhen monastic system (see below). In any case, Liujiang became referred to as Zuting 祖庭 (Ancestral Hall), as it contained the grave of Wang Zhe, and then was renamed Chongyang gong 重陽宮 (Palace of Chongyang [Redoubled Yang]). In addition to various, related stele inscriptions,8 the central importance of this place in medieval Quanzhen Daoism is confirmed by the existence of the Zhongnan shan Zuting xianzhen neizhuan 終南山祖庭仙真內傳 (Esoteric Biographies of Immortals and Perfected of the Ancestral Hall of the Zhongnan Mountains; abbrev. Zhongnan neizhuan; DZ 955; ZH 1489). Similarly, the Kunyu mountains, the second major early Quanzhen mountainous locale, are located just south of Weihai and Yantai on Shandong’s eastern peninsula. The pre-Quanzhen history of the mountains is currently unclear, but Wang Zhe and his disciples used Yanxia dong as a place for seclusion and intensive training. Interestingly, in terms geological and topographical features, the Kunyu mountains contain a landscape composed of various, large granite boulder formations (author’s field observations). They resemble a miniature Huashan 華山 (Mount Hua; near Huayin, Shaanxi), and one wonders if this characteristic influenced Wang Zhe’s selection. At some point in early Quanzhen history, the area near Yanxia dong became the site of a Quanzhen monastery. Today, it is home to a small Quanzhen temple and monastic community, with the buildings recently renovated through the donation of a lay Taiwanese patron and possibly the Bureau of Tourism.

(2014), 71-100. For a detailed study of Sun Buer, with reference to her Luoyang seclusion, see: Louis Komjathy, “Sun Buer: Early Quanzhen Matriarch and the Beginnings of Female Alchemy,” Nan Nü: Men, Women and Gender in China 16, no. 2 (2014), 171-238. 8 The key source for early Quanzhen stele inscriptions is the Ganshui xianyuan lu 甘水仙 源錄 (Record of the Immortal Stream of Ganshui; abbrev. Ganshui lu; DZ 973; ZH 1491). For guidance, see: Chen Yuan 陳垣, Daojia jinshi lue 道家金石略 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1988); Vincent Goossaert, “La création du taoïsme moderne: l’ordre Quanzhen” (Ph.D. diss., École Pratique des Hautes Études, Section des Sciences Religieuses, 1997).

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While the Zhongnan and Kunyu mountains became the location of the primary early Quanzhen sacred sites and pilgrimage destinations, associated as they were with veneration of Wang Zhe, other Daoist temples and mountains were established and occupied during the organized phase of Quanzhen history. Specifically, under the leadership of Qiu Chuji, the youngest and last surviving first-generation disciple of the founder and third Quanzhen Patriarch, and his own disciples, Quanzhen gained control of major earlier Daoist sacred sites. These included Baiyun guan 白雲觀 (White Cloud Temple; Beijing),9 Huashan 華山 (Mount Hua; Huayin 華陰, Shaanxi), Laoshan 嶗山 (near Qingdao 青島, Shandong), and Louguan 樓觀 (Lookout Tower Monastery; Zhouzhi 周至, Shaanxi). They also established new monastic communities such as Longmen dong 龍門洞 (Dragon Gate Gorge; near presentday Xinjichuan 新集川 and Longxian 隴縣, Shaanxi), Qizhen guan 棲真觀 (Perched-in-Perfection Monastery; Anping 安平, Shandong), Shenxian dong 神仙洞 (Cavern of Spirit Immortals; Laizhou 萊州, Shandong), and Yongle gong 永樂宮 (Palace of Eternal Joy; Ruicheng 芮城, Shanxi).10 At present, the contemporaneous situation of these various sites is unclear, but for present purposes some details are significant. First, Louguan, established in the late fifth century and located in the foothills of the Zhongnan mountains, was the first known formal Daoist monastery.11 It was associated with the pseudo-historical Laozi 老子 (“Master Lao”) and his mythological transmission of the Daode jing 道德經 (Scripture on the Dao and Inner Power) to Yin Xi 尹喜, the “Guardian of the Pass.” The Quanzhen monastic order gained control of the site in 1230, and this may have served a legitimizing function. Laozi was identified as the first of the so-called Five Patriarchs (wuzu 五祖), with the latter eventually incorporated into Quanzhen monastic layout, specifically in the form of independent altars.12 Second, Qiu Chuji visited Laoshan, a beautiful oceanside temple, in 1209. His impressions are documented in two poem-cycles contained in the Panxi ji 磻溪集 (Anthology from Panxi; DZ 1159; ZH 1024). The fact that these poems describe Shangqing gong 上清宮 (10 poems; 2.13a-14a) and Taiqing gong 太清宮 (10 poems; 2.14a-15a) reveals a well-established temple complex. In addition, they help 9 On Baiyun guan, see: Pierre Marsone, “Le Baiyun guan de Pékin: Épigraphie et histoire,” in: Matériaux pour l’étude de la religion chinoise – Sanjiao wenxian 3 (1999), 73-136; Qiao Yun, Taoist Buildings (Wien: Springer, 2001). 10 On Yongle gong, see: Paul Katz, Images of the Immortal: The Cult of Lü Dongbin at the Palace of Eternal Joy (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999). 11 See, e.g., Livia Kohn, God of the Dao: Lord Lao in History and Myth (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1998); Livia Kohn, Monastic Life in Medieval Daoism (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2003); Livia Kohn, The Daoist Monastic Manual: A Translation of the Fengdao kejie (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2004). 12 See Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection.

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to reveal a vast network of Quanzhen mountain monasteries as well as patterns of travel and visitation. Interestingly, the poems are inscribed on a large boulder in the contemporary temple compound (author’s field observations). Finally, the existence of such remote and less renowned monasteries as Qizhen guan and Shenxian dong,13 not only substantiates the nationwide distribution of Quanzhen, but also provides insights into the types of places and terrains that members of the movement found attractive and supportive for Daoist practice. Shenxian dong is a small mountain consisting of rolling hills and sparse trees. It contains a series of cave complexes, which probably were originally used as hermitages, but today house Daoist altars. In addition to confirming the central importance of caves in the early Quanzhen imagination, religious landscape, and cultivational context, Shenxian dong contains an interesting system for water distribution. Although of unclear provenance, there are a series of channels carved into the rock faces, presumably to prevent flooding of the caves and also to gather rain water. Also historically significant is the fact that a Yuan-dynasty stele (dat. 1290) at the foot of the entrance possibly contains a reference to the “Six Perfected (liuzhen 六真), that is, Wang Zhe’s six major male disciples with the absence of Sun Buer (author’s field observations). This may confirm that the institutional construction, the identity formation, of Quanzhen through such systems as the so-called Seven Perfected was in flux at least through the early Yuan dynasty.14 As here we are considering the place of actual mountains in Quanzhen Daoism, we should reflect on their physical features and geo-religious significance, especially as “sacred sites.” The latter relates to mountains as practice locales, which will be explored momentarily. To begin, early Quanzhen mountains were characterized by a variety of terrains and topographies. In the case of the mountains like Laoshan and Zhongnan, Quanzhen monastics inhabited undulating hills with sparse or dense forests. In these mountains, one feels a stronger forest presence; that is, trees and woods are more primary features. Laoshan is a rarer type of “Quanzhen mountain,” with a stronger oceanic influence. Early Quanzhen Daoists also resided in mountain ranges 13 I explored these medieval Daoist sites during 2005-2006, when I engaged in archaeological and ethnographic fieldwork in collaboration with Professor Jiang Sheng 姜生, then of Shandong University and now of Sichuan University. For some publications related to this research, see: Jiang Sheng 姜生, “Qianzhen dong de bianqian 千真洞的变迁: Chashan Quanzhn dao qianfo shiji kao 槎山全真道迁佛史迹考,” Lishi yanjiu 历史研究 (2013.6), 59-70; Jiang Sheng, “‘Jin hu ji yi 进乎技矣’: Laizhou Hantong shan daojiao shiku zhi jianzao ji shengtai ganyu baohu jishu 莱州寒同山道教石窟之建造及生态干预保护技术,” Sichuan daxue xuebao 四川大学学报 (2016.5), 41-51. 14 On the history of the “Seven Perfected,” see: Pierre Marsone, “Accounts of the Foundation of the Quanzhen Movement: A Hagiographic Treatment of History,” Journal of Chinese Religions 29 (2001), 95-110; Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection; Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection.

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like Huashan and Kunyu. The former consists of elevated peaks as well as sheer cliffs with severe drop-offs and vistas, and both contain granite rock formations. In these mountains, one feels a stronger rock presence; that is, boulders, crags, and cliffs are more primary features. Such granite landscapes also include individual caves and cave networks. Given their central importance in earlier Daoist history and their association with hermit culture, here one finds a connection between Quanzhen ascetic commitments and earlier Daoist eremitic ideals. Caves, moreover, may be understood as entry-points into the earth, landscape, and the Dao by extension. One finds oneself in a terrestrial womb. Such caverns are also associated with darkness, emptiness, and receptivity, valued qualities among Daoists and key dimensions of Quanzhen religious practice. With respect to mountains as sacred sites, Quanzhen Daoists established and maintained a vast network of individual hermitages, eremitic communities, as well as temples and monasteries. Mountains themselves were seen as sacred, and the inherent sacrality became intensified and amplified by the presence of Daoist communities. These Quanzhen mountain sacred sites included the physical landscape, the associated architectural structures, as well as the presence of Quanzhen adherents and communities. While one might read the mountain itself as the primary Daoist altar (see below), the early Quanzhen adherents and monastic communities also created formal Daoist altars. These varied depending on the landscape, terrestrial contours, particular locale, and associated geographical community. Nonetheless, some representative medieval Quanzhen mountain altars were dedicated to the Three Purities (sanqing 三清), Five Patriarchs (wuzu 五祖), and Seven Perfected (qizhen 七真). Associated with three primordial cosmic ethers, the Three Purities include Yuanshi tianzun 元始天尊 (Celestial Worthy of Original Beginning; highest), Lingbao tianzun 靈寶天尊 (Celestial Worthy of Numinous Treasure; middle), and Daode tianzun 道德天尊 (Celestial Worthy of the Dao and Inner Power; a.k.a. Laojun 老君 [Lord Lao]; lowest). In addition to being associated with the Three Heavens (santian 三天) of Yuqing 玉清 (Jade Clarity), Taiqing 太清 (Great Clarity), and Shangqing 上清 (Highest Clarity), from a Daoist perspective they also correspond to the external and internal Three Treasures: Dao/spirit, scriptures/qi, and teachers/vital essence. The Five Patriarchs include the five key (mythical) “founders” or source-points of Quanzhen. The standard list includes Laozi 老子, Donghua dijun 東華帝君 (Sovereign Lord of Eastern Florescence; a.k.a. Wang Xuanfu 王玄甫), Zhongli Quan 鐘離權 (Zhengyang 正陽 [Aligned Yang]; 2nd c. C.E.?), Lü Dongbin 呂洞賓 (Chunyang 純陽 [Purified Yang]; b. 798?), and Liu Cao 劉操 (Haichan 海蟾 [Oceanic Toad]; fl. 1031). The Seven Perfected consist of Wang Zhe’s primary and major early Shandong disciples, namely, Hao, Liu, Ma, Qiu, Sun, Tan, and Wang (see

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above). Thus, early Quanzhen mountain monasteries, shrines, and temples that contained such altars literally and symbolically inscribed Quanzhen history and mythology on the physical landscape, and the physical landscape became a portal into Quanzhen culture and tradition. MOUNTAINS

AS

PRACTICE LOCALES

In addition to being physical terrains, sacred sites, and ascetic and monastic residences, “Quanzhen places” and “Quanzhen mountains” were also practice locales. They were one of the locations where Quanzhen Daoist training occurred. As documented in my various other publications, early Quanzhen was a Daoist community and movement that emphasized asceticism, eremiticism, meditation, and mysticism. In terms of practice, formal affiliation in early Quanzhen required one to become a renunciant (chujia 出家; lit., “leave the family”); one had to embrace the life of an independent ascetic. Emphasis was placed on avoiding the so-called Four Hindrances (sihai 四害), namely, alcohol, sex, wealth, and anger. Stated more positively, early Quanzhen adherents maintained sobriety, celibacy, voluntary simplicity, and psychological serenity. Through intensive training, one could attain psychosomatic stability and ontological transformation, including in the form of cosmological attunement and mystical union with the Dao. This process centered on intensive and prolonged meditation, including quietistic and alchemical types.15 Such commitments were expressed in the practice “meditative enclosure” (huandu 環堵)16 and wugeng 五更 training.17 The former involved intensive solitary practice in a small hut, usually for one hundred days with an attendant to provide basic necessities.18 The latter involved engaging in meditation practice during the five night-watches. These are the five periods of darkness, and each is associated with a specific branch-time correspondence: (1) xu 戌 (7pm-9pm), (2) hai 亥 (9pm-11pm), (3) zi 子 (11pm-1am), (4) chou 丑 (1am-3am), and (5) yin 寅 (3am-5am). 15

See Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection; Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection; Komjathy, Taming the Wild Horse: An Annotated Translation and Study of the Daoist Horse Taming Pictures (New York: Columbia University Press, 2017). 16 See Goossaert, “La création du taoïsme moderne,” 171-219; Goossaert, “Entre quatre murs. Un ascète taoïste du XIIe siècle et la question de la modernité,” T’oung-Pao 85 (1999), 391-418; Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection, 157-66. I translate huandu as “meditation enclosure” when it refers to a hut and “meditative enclosure” when it refers to the associated practice. 17 See Vincent Goossaert, “Poèmes taoïstes des cinq vielles,” Études Chinoises 19.1-2 (2000), 249-70; Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection, 175-79. 18 See, e.g., Jinlian xiangzhuan, DZ 174, 24b-25a; Danyang yulu, DZ 1057, 4ab.

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As mentioned, one key dimension of such Daoist practice involved living in hermitages, both urban and rural, both forested and mountainous. In the Chongyang lijiao shiwu lun 重陽立教十五論 (Chongyang’s Fifteen Discourses to Establish the Teachings; abbrev. Lijiao shiwu lun and Shiwu lun; DZ 1233; ZH 1010),19 a text attributed to the founder Wang Zhe, we read: All renunciants must first retreat to a hermitage (an 庵). A hermitage is an enclosure, a place where the body may be attuned and entrusted. When the body is attuned and entrusted, the heart-mind gradually realizes serenity. Qi and spirit become harmonious and expansive. Then you may enter the Way of Perfection (zhendao 真道).20 (Shiwu lun, DZ 1233, 1a; also 2b-3a) 凡出家者，先須投庵。庵者，舍也，一身依倚。身有依倚，心漸得安，氣神 和暢，入真道矣。

Seclusion and solitary practice are required for spiritual progress. While residing in such hermitages, one also is directed to practice intensive meditation. “Sitting in meditation” (dazuo 打坐) does not simply mean to sit with the body erect and the eyes closed. This is superficial sitting. To sit authentically, you must maintain a heart-mind like Taishan 泰山 (Mount Tai),21 remaining unmovable and unshakable throughout the entire day. [Maintain this practice] whether standing, walking, sitting, or lying down, whether in movement or stillness. Restrain and seal the Four Gates (simen 四門), namely, the eyes, ears, mouth and nose. Do not allow the external world to enter in. If there is even the slightest trace of a thought about movement and stillness, this cannot be called quiet sitting (jingzuo 靜坐). If you can practice like this, although your body resides in the world of dust, your name will already be listed in the ranks of the immortals. (DZ 1233, 3b; see also Jinguan yusuo jue, DZ 1156, 17b)22 凡打坐者，非言形體端然，瞑目合眼，此是假坐也。真坐者，須十二 時辰，住行坐臥，一切動靜中間，心如泰山，不動不搖，把斷四門，眼耳 口鼻，不令外景入內，但有絲毫動靜思念，即不名靜坐。能如此者，雖身 處於塵世，名已列於仙位，不須遠參他人，便是身內聖賢。

As discussed below, one should model one’s meditation on mountains, associated with stillness and unmovability. While Quanzhen placed primary emphasis on seated meditation, here the adept is admonished to make meditation into an all-pervading existential approach. Specifically, one must disengage from material entanglement and sensory perception. Then one must decrease emotional and intellectual activity to the point that one attains emptiness. According to the text, this process involves controlling the heart-mind 19 20 21 22

For a translation, see: Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection. Or, “perfect Dao.” The eastern marchmount, located in Tai’an 泰安, Shandong. For a translation, see: Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection.

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(jiangxin 降心; 3b-4a), refining innate nature (lianxing 鍊性; 4a), joining the Five Qi (pipei wuqi 匹配五氣; 4b), and merging innate nature and lifedestiny (hun xingming 混性命; 4b).23 It culminates in the state of clarity and stillness (qingjing 清靜). Interestingly, the Shiwu lun also discusses “cloud wandering” (yunyou 雲遊; 1ab), “studying texts” (xueshu 學書; 1b-2a), and “Companions of the Way” (daoban 道伴; 3a). Cloud wandering primarily refers to traveling to different mountains to visit and study with Daoist teachers. In early Quanzhen, scripture study primarily centered on the fourth-secondcentury BCE Daode jing 道德經 (Scripture on the Dao and Inner Power), sixth-century Yinfu jing 陰符經 (Scripture on the Hidden Talisman; DZ 31; ZH 642), eighth-century Qingjing jing 清靜經 (Scripture on Clarity and Stillness; DZ 620; ZH 350), and, to a lesser extent, fourth-second-century BCE Zhuangzi 莊子 (Book of Master Zhuang), with the latter also referred to as the Nanhua zhenjing 南華真經 (Perfect Scripture of Master Nanhua [Southern Florescence]).24 Later it included studying the writings of the founder and his disciples. Companions of the Way refer to fellow Daoist adepts, especially ones with similar orientations, parallel affinities, and shared values. They are other Daoists with whom one can discuss the Dao (lundao 論道) and on whom one can rely for support. To these activities, we should also add providing oral guidance (koujue 口訣) and transmitting the Dao (chuandao 傳道) to disciples and composing poetry. Poetry and discourse records (yulu 語錄) were the primary forms of literary composition and expression among the early Quanzhen adherents, although discourse records were largely compiled by the given teacher’s disciples. Like other attempts to reconstruct early Quanzhen practice,25 our current line of inquiry faces a number of challenges. As discussed momentarily, while there are some place-specific writings and anthologies, especially ones composed about and possibly while in the mountains, most of the practice-specific writings lack such geo-historical details. What we have are historical details about specific hermitages and places and other writings that address early Quanzhen training. Thus, one is left with the somewhat problematic methodological approach of discussing the former in terms of the latter, without knowing with certainty what a given adept practiced in a particular place.

23 Interestingly, discourses 7, 8, 9 and 13 (3b-5b) appear in the fourteenth-century Qunxian yaoyu zuanji 群仙要語纂集 (Collection of Essential Sayings from Various Immortals; DZ 1257, 2.2b-4a) as a guide to Daoist meditation. 24 For translations with Quanzhen commentaries, see: Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection. 25 See Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection; Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection; Komjathy, Taming the Wild Horse.

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With these caveats, we may begin by recognizing the central importance of meditative enclosure in early Quanzhen. As mentioned, huandu involved intensive solitary practice in a small hut, usually for one hundred days with an attendant to provide basic necessities. This cultivational precedent was established by Wang Zhe, who practiced meditative enclosure in both the Tomb for Reviving the Dead (Shaanxi) and the Quanzhen an (Shandong), and many of the first-generation disciples followed his model. It appears that Ma Yu was particularly committed to this intensive form of meditation retreat and advocated it to his own followers. In the Danyang zhenren yulu 丹陽真人 語錄 (Discourse Record of Perfected Danyang; DZ 1057; ZH 1016) we read: The master [Ma] resided in a meditation enclosure furnished only with a desk, long couch, brush, ink tablet, and sheepskin. It was empty of any extraneous objects. In the early morning he ate one bowl of rice porridge and at noon he ate one bowl of noodles.26 Beyond this, meat and strong-smelling vegetables never entered his mouth. (4a)27 師居環堵中，但設几榻、筆硯、羊皮而已，曠然無餘物。早晨則一 碗，粥，午問一缽緬，過此已往，眾茹不經口。

This passage provides interesting information about the particular architectural details and dietary dimensions of huandu. In addition, given the fact that du 堵 refers to a specific spatial measurement, a huandu refers to a small square hut measuring four du on each side, with one du equaling approximately one zhang 丈. During the Song-Jin period this approximately equaled three meters. A huandu, or meditation enclosure, was thus about twelve-feet square.

Figure 1: Approximation of an Early Quanzhen Hermitage Source: Louis Komjathy 26 27

This follows the Buddhist monastic proscription against eating after noon. For a translation, see: Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection.

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Such hermitages, probably thatched huts, would have been ideally suited for mountain locales and also easily constructed. From the above passage, it also appears that only necessary furnishings, especially ones essential for practice, should be chosen. Here is a physical expression of the early Quanzhen emphasis on eremitic withdrawal and voluntary simplicity. Aspiring adepts should spend their days meditating, reading, writing, and eating occasionally. A simple couch/bed was sufficient for sleeping. This description not only documents early Quanzhen ascetic commitments, but also reveals the way in which internal and external meditative space intersect. The emptiness of Ma’s secluded meditation enclosure approximates and supports the meditative state of clarity and stillness so valued in early Quanzhen, and the latter informs the former. That is, huandu as a physical structure (“meditation enclosure”) corresponds to huandu as a contemplative practice (“meditative enclosure”); each manifests the other. Ma Yu also composed poetry about his huandu experiences. According to a poem titled “Living in Meditative Enclosure,” which is contained in the Jianwu ji 漸悟集 (Anthology on Gradual Awakening; DZ 1142; ZH 1020), Though without fire in winter, I embrace the original yang. Though separated from a clean well in summer, I drink the jade nectar. No need to burn wax candles – I illuminate the candle of innate nature. No need to light aloeswood incense – I offer the incense of my heart-mind. Three years barefoot, a three-year vow complete. My only aspiration the clear sky – This single aspiration grows. In mourning, this mountain rustic stays within his enclosure; I have no kindness through which I can repay Lunatic Wang. (2.21b; see also 2.22ab) 冬雖無火抱元陽，夏絕清泉飲玉漿。 蠟燭不燒明性燭，沉香無用爇心香。 三年赤腳三年願，一志青霄一志長。 守服山侗環堵內，無恩相報害風王。

Based on internal textual evidence, this poem appears to date to around 11701173, the three-year mourning period associated with the death of Wang Zhe. Ma would have been living in or near the Liujiang eremitic community associated with the Shaanxi lineage of early Quanzhen. In addition to expressing Ma’s commitment to intensive meditation, it is interesting that he refers to himself as a “mountain rustic” (shantong 山侗). While this may be poetic or symbolic (with “mountains” associated with seclusion), and possibly even a simple allusion to a nickname bestowed by Wang Zhe,28 Ma could just 28 As an endearing and playful nickname, Shantong may have been both a play on the name of Shandong province and something akin to “ruffian.”

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as well have been “cloud wandering” in the nearby Zhongnan mountains or other surrounding ranges. Or perhaps the advanced meditator becomes a cloudwanderer in his or her practice. Turning to early Quanzhen place-specific writings, with particular attention to mountains, it is noteworthy that some of the poetry anthologies are named after specific hermitages and physical locales. These include the following with the associated places: Wang Zhe’s Quanzhen ji 全真集 (Anthology of Complete Perfection; DZ 1153; ZH 1011) and Quanzhen an 全真蓭 (Hermitage of Complete Perfection; Muping 牟平, Shandong); Ma Yu’s Jinyu ji 金玉集 (Anthology of Gold and Jade; DZ 1149; ZH 1018) and Jinyu an 金玉菴 (Hermitage of Gold and Jade; Huangxian 黃縣, Shandong), Qiu Chuji’s Panxi ji 磻溪集 (Anthology of Panxi; DZ 1159; ZH 1024) and Panxi 磻溪 (Shaanxi); and Wang Chuyi’s Yunguang ji 雲光集 (Anthology from Yunguang; DZ 1152; ZH 1026) and Yunguang dong 雲光洞 (Grotto of Cloud-like Radiance) of Tiecha shan 鐵槎山 (Mount Tiecha; Wendeng 文登, Shandong). Of course, not all of the poems in these collections originate in or address life in the associated places. In fact, many of them are “occasional poems,” having been written to particular disciples, lay patrons, and even officials. Considering the vastness of the early Quanzhen textual corpus in general and the voluminous amount of early Quanzhen poetry in particular,29 it would be a monumental undertaking to document all of the specific references to mountains, including specific ranges and peaks. This is not to mention if one expanded the scope to address the geo-spiritual dimensions. Needless to say, such a project is beyond the confines of this chapter. Here I must be content to present some selections that provide a window into mountains as early Quanzhen Daoist practice locales. As mentioned, Ma Yu lived the final two years of his life (1182-1184) in retirement at Jinyu an, a hermitage located in Huangxian (present-day Longkou 龍口), Shandong. Huangxian rests on the northwestern edge of Shandong’s eastern peninsula, just to the west of Penglai 蓬萊 and Yantai 煙臺. It is noteworthy that Huangxian not only is a coastal town, but also is encompassed by undulating hills (author’s field observations). In a poem titled “At the Hermitage of Gold and Jade,” contained in the Jinyu ji, Ma explicitly addresses his ascetic seclusion and training: –1– In the sixth month, I planted six pine trees in front of my hut; Later they then fell over as though dead to Lunatic Ma. Three times I extended my qi – there was no effort involved; Six times I prayed for them to revive – great accomplishment occurred. 29

See Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection; Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection.

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–2– For several weeks during summer, I was vigilant in caring for the pines; In leisure and seclusion, some Daoist friends put Lunatic Ma to the test. I talked about how the six trees did not revive on their own; So people made known that three topknots have perfect accomplishment. –3– On the third day of the six month, I planted small pine trees; The color of the six trees changed when a strong wind arrived. Praying for their flourishing, I borrowed the qi of Redoubled Yang. In response and fulfillment, people made known the accomplishment of three topknots. (DZ 1149, 1.23ab) 一 六月菴前種六松，故然反倒馬風風。 三番布氣無多力，六願還生有大功。 二 時當數伏故栽松，道友閑閑試馬風。 我說六株無自活，人傳三髻有真功。 三 六月初三種小松，六株色變遇扶風。 祈榮我借重陽氣，應效人傳三髻功。

Here Ma refers to himself as “Lunatic Ma,” a nickname (lit., “harmful wind”) also employed by Wang Zhe, and as “three topknots,” one of the ways that he wore his hair in memory of the founder. The latter’s name (Zhe 嚞) consists of three ji 吉 (“auspicious”) characters. In these poems, we encounter Ma living in seclusion and engaging in intensive practice, specifically involving the cultivation of the numinous qi of the Dao (daoqi 道炁). The efficacy of this training becomes confirmed through the revival of some apparently dead pine trees on the property. This recalls Wang Zhe’s hermitage called “Tomb for Reviving the Dead” as well as various other miraculous events associated with the early adherents, including those reported by witnesses as in the present case.30 In addition, Ma mentions employing the “qi of Redoubled Yang,” which may allude to both Wang Zhe’s Daoist name (Chongyang 重陽) and the completion of alchemical training, as the means for revivification. As yang 陽 is associated with the numbers 3 and 9, 30 See Stephen Eskildsen, “Seeking Signs of Proof: Visions and Other Trance Phenomena in Early Quanzhen Taoism,” Journal of Chinese Religions 29 (2001), 139-60; Stephen Eskildsen, The Teachings and Practices of the Early Quanzhen Taoist Masters (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004); Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection; Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection.

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“redoubled yang” may refer to 9 (3×3), 81 (9×9), or other multiples of 3 and 9. It represents psychological and spiritual purity. Ma has attained “perfect accomplishment” (zhengong 真功), that is, complete psychosomatic transformation or “immortality” in Daoist terms. Symbolically, this is further expressed by reference to pine trees, which, as evergreens, represent immortality in the Daoist tradition. By completing his Daoist training in seclusion in a mountain hermitage at the end of his life, Ma has become an immortal, an immortal who also has the ability to facilitate and restore immortality in others. Similarly, Qiu Chuji writes about his time in seclusion at Panxi and Longmen dong. Located near present-day Xinjichuan and Longxian, Shaanxi, Longmen dong is a large granite rock formation, approximately 450 to 600 meters (1,500-2,000 feet) high, in a deep river gorge.

Figure 2: Longmen dong (Dragon Gate Gorge) Source: Louis Komjathy

Today, it consists of a series of vertical altars inside the rock formation and a small Quanzhen Daoist monastic community living at its based and in the surrounding environs (author’s field observations). Interestingly, this is the place from which the later Longmen 龍門 (Dragon Gate) lineage, honorifically associated with Qiu, derives its name. In any case, Qiu trained here

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periodically for about ten years, beginning around 1181. In a poem titled “Mountain Living,” which is contained in the Panxi ji, Qiu explicitly refers to Longmen dong: –1– Within Dragon Gate Gorge, waters overflow in clear purity; Among vermilion cliffs of the southern rivulet, snow is piled high. The springs of ten thousand ravines struggle to bubble up and gather; The stone walls of a thousand cliffs press forward to weep and moan. Spiraling streams create separation from the realm of red dust; Winding currents turn over to release the region of pure jade. The scenic beauty of this place is measureless and indescribable; Winds descend and seasons turn with a single flourish of my writing-brush. –2– Free from resentment in the deep mountains, I gather my own firewood; Within the mountains, there is a wonderfully clear beacon-fire. Living in seclusion in a stone chamber, an immortal district is close by; Without using a meditation enclosure, I am distant from worldly affairs. Among my eating and drinking, the elevated cry of a crane beyond the horizon; Brushing away the clouds, I look up to see a hawk within the gorge. Hour after hour, black and white float and sink across the landscape; Among manifest solidity and true emptiness, I am at ease in my silence and seclusion. –3– I am living alone in the deep mountains, keeping guard over silence and seclusion; I become a companion of solitary clouds, screening myself from the din and clamor. Loitering and careless without thoughts, my means of livelihood are unskilled; Enjoying stillness at ease with myself, my habitual states become eliminated. On leave and emptied of greed, I offer my respects to Li and Du.31 Considering luminous Perfected, what need is there to rank Song and Qiao?32 Thoroughly refining and perfecting longevity and literary accomplishment, How can I snatch empty Nonbeing and the beacon of the transformative process? (DZ 1159, 1.1b-2a) 一 龍門峽水淨滔滔，南激朱崖雪浪高。 萬壑泉源爭湧凑，千巖石壁競呼號。 周流截斷紅塵境，宛轉翻開白玉膏。 勝境無窮言不盡，臨風時顧一揮毫。 31 Most likely a reference to the famous Tang poets Li Bai 李白 (701-762) and Du Fu 杜甫 (712-770). Possibly includes the secondary connotations of Li Er 李耳 (Laozi 老子) and Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850-933), one of the foremost court Daoists and ritual masters of the Tang dynasty. 32 Most likely a reference to Chisongzi 赤松子 (Master Red Pine) and Wang Ziqiao 王子喬. These are two famous immortals. Their hagiographies are contained in the Liexian zhuan 列仙傳 (Biographies of Arrayed Immortals; DZ 294; ZH 1429).

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二 不怨深山自採樵，山中別有好清標。 幽居石室仙鄉近，不假環墻世事遙。 飲食高呼天外鶴，摩雲仰看峽中鵰。 時時皁白浮沉景，顯貫真空慰寂寥。 三 獨自深山搤寂寥，閑雲作伴屏喧囂。 躭慵不念生涯拙，好靜唯便熟境銷。 著假空貪齊李杜，明真何必等松喬。 研窮壽筭文章力，豈奪虛無造化標。

Like Ma and other early Quanzhen adherents, Qiu describes his ascetic training and physical seclusion in the mountains. In addition to being nourished by the natural beauty, which also supports his self-cultivation, Qiu discusses his commitment to voluntary simplicity. This includes gathering firewood, eating simple food, and keeping silence. In addition, Qiu mentions “guarding silence and seclusion,” which most likely refers to both actual meditation and contemplative being. As discussed below, “being in the mountains” not only designates physical seclusion, but also meditative absorption. The poem thus includes an additional symbolic layer, one in which Qiu’s description of the landscape corresponds to both external and internal geographies. Specifically, waters and currents (qi) flow through waterways (meridians) in the mountains (body). Qiu watches clouds (thoughts and emotions) pass across the sky (heart-mind). He has further purified himself of habituation, including greed. The latter is one of the Three Poisons (sandu 三毒; namely, greed, anger, and ignorance), the overcoming and elimination of which were a central concern in early Quanzhen. This also recalls the above-mentioned Four Hindrances. Finally, Qiu refers to famous poets and immortals, who represent such Daoist values as being carefree, freedom, independence, leisure, non-involvement, seclusion, and so forth. Moreover, like immortals before him, Qiu has disappeared into the Void and merged with the Dao as primordial nondifferentiation. Here I would add that geo-biographical details like Qiu’s residence at Longmen dong become incorporated into Quanzhen cultivational lore and inscribed, both literally and cognitively, on the landscape. Eventually mythological dimensions, including folklore, become associated with particular places and incorporated into the associated communities. For example, according to oral tradition partially informed by Quanzhen hagiography and Chinese popular literature,33 Qiu is said to have engaged in an idiosyncratic ascetic practice at Longmen dong. This involved rolling stones to the point that they 33

See Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection.

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became completely smooth and almost perfectly spherical.34 So, at least for some monastic residents at this site after the departure and then death of Qiu, Quanzhen adherents literally inhabited the place, both physical and meditative, of their Third Patriarch. As I have suggested elsewhere, there is a way to read practices and places associated with specific Daoists as inscribing and in some sense inhabiting the living bodies of later Daoists and practitioners.35 That is, in the case of Longmen dong, resident Quanzhen Daoists lived in a mountainscape infused with religious significance and the spirit of Qiu’s practice. A final example relates to Quanzhen itinerancy and mendicancy. Recalling the reference to the practice of “cloud wandering” in the Shiwu lun, Tan Chuduan describes traveling to different mountains. Specifically, the Shuiyun ji 水雲集 (Anthology of Water and Clouds; DZ 1160; ZH 1021) contains a poem titled “Traveling around Huashan.” Historically speaking, this is significant for a number of reasons. First, it demonstrates that at least some members of the early movement traveled to Huashan 華山 (Mount Hua), the western marchmount and important Daoist sacred site. Although it is currently unclear when Quanzhen gained control of this mountain, it was a spiritual destination and pilgrimage site in the early and incipient organized phases. Second, the mountain would eventually be identified as the source-name for the Huashan lineage, which is associated with Hao Datong, also known as Hao Taigu 郝太古.36 Tan’s poem reads as follows: With coarse food and thread-bare clothes, I pass the years and seasons; Retired and secluded among white clouds, I am hidden within mists and vapors. Through the blessed burning of the heart’s incense, a numinous spring bubbles up; In concentrated observation of the Lotus Peak, a ten-foot high flower emerges. (DZ 1160, 1.10b) 糲食龐衣度歲華，白雲高臥隱煙霞。 心香福炷靈源起，定觀蓮峰十丈華。

Tan’s cloud wandering is rooted in Quanzhen ascetic simplicity and related values, specifically seclusion and transcendent freedom. He has disappeared 34 There are some extant objects contained in the caves and structures at Longmen dong. Author’s field observations. 35 See Komjathy, The Daoist Tradition; Komjathy, “Cognitive Monuments: Lineage and Transmission in the Daoist Tradition,” in: Creating Public Memory: Objects, Architecture, and Ephemeral Space, ed. Lenore Metrick-Chen (Albany: State University of New York Press, in progress). 36 In contemporary Quanzhen monasticism, a distinction is thus made between “Huashan Daoists” (Huashan daoshi 華山道士) and “Huashan lineage Daoists” (Huashan pai daoshi 華山派道士). The former are Daoists who live at Huashan and are often associated with the Longmen lineage; the latter are Daoists affiliated with the Huashan lineage and may or may not live at Huashan. Author’s field observations.

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into the mountains and clouds. The second pair of lines seems to describe meditation, in which Tan burns away psychological impurities, perhaps in a manner paralleling the classical Daoist practice of “fasting of the heart-mind” (xinzhai 心齋). Then the numinous qi of the Dao circulates through his body. While the final line may be read as referring to the summit of Huashan, which is said to resemble a lotus flower, a symbolic and cultivational reading is also possible. Specifically, “concentrated observation” translates dingguan 定觀. Ding is a Chinese translation of the Indian and Buddhist Sanskrit technical term samādhi (“meditative absorption”), while guan corresponds to vipaśyanā (Pali: vipassanā; “insight meditation”). That is, Tan appears to direct his awareness into the heart and/or head region. Then, as he enters into a deeper state of stillness, a lotus flower emerges. This symbolizes enlightenment, or spiritual realization. Just as a lotus flower “blossoms” as the summit of Huashan, the yang-spirit (yangshen 陽神) emerges in Hao’s upper elixir field (head region). Also known as the “immortal embryo” (xiantai 仙胎) and “bodybeyond-the-body” (shenwai shen 身外身), the yang-spirit is the transcendent spirit formed through alchemical training. Through the culmination of the latter, complete psychosomatic transformation, the yang-spirit may transcend physical death and enter the Daoist sacred realms. MOUNTAINS

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As we saw in the previous section, members of the early Quanzhen Daoist community employed mountains as symbolic and imaginative resources for understanding Daoist self-cultivation and Quanzhen training. The writings cited above describe the body as a mountain and meditation as mountain dwelling. They speak of disruptive psychological states as “clouds,” of qi as “water” and “vapors,” and of meridians, the subtle corporeal channels and networks through which qi flows, as “waterways,” specifically as “rivers.” The latter details connect to various internal alchemy (neidan 內丹) practices employed by the early adherents. Of particular note is the so-called Celestial Cycle (zhoutian 周天), also referred to as the Waterwheel (heche 河車). In conventional terms, the former refers to the cosmological and seasonal cycles of the universe, while the latter appears to refer to a treadmill or watermill. However, in early Quanzhen and contemporaneous neidan, the Celestial Cycle and Waterwheel usually refer to a technique in which one moves qi from the base of the spine, through the Governing Vessel (centerline of the spinal column), to the head region. Interestingly, the spine is sometimes described as a series of mountain passes, the so-called Three Passes (sanguan 三關; coccyx,

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mid-spine, occiput), while the head is referred to as Mount Kunlun 崑崙, the mythic western mountain and celestial paradise of ancient Chinese and Daoist immortality lore. As we will see, the body itself contains mountains and is viewed as a mountain. The early Quanzhen practitioners also understood meditative praxis and contemplative experience in terms of mountains. Recalling our earlier discussion, early Quanzhen writings utilize “mountains” to designate physical seclusion, meditative praxis, and associated states. The latter particularly corresponds to stillness (jing 靜), which also relates to clarity and stillness (qingjing 清靜). Paralleling the views of earlier Daoists and contemporaneous internal alchemists, and discussed in more detail momentarily, members of the early Quanzhen community saw the body in general and the heart-mind and lower elixir field (dantian 丹田) as a mountain. As expressed in the Shiwu lun, “To sit authentically, you must maintain a heart-mind like Taishan 泰山 (Mount Tai), remaining unmovable and unshakable throughout the entire day” (DZ 1233, 3b; see also DZ 1156, 17b). That is, meditators may look towards elevated physical peaks as providing glimpses into deep meditation, specifically by contemplating and cultivating the associated qualities. The latter include distance, elevation, solidity, unperturbability, and so forth. One might then realize that these same qualities may be cultivated in one’s own being through intensive and prolonged meditation. Here is the intersection of mountains as actual mountains, as physical seclusion, and as meditative absorption. To inhabit and travel in one is to abide in the others. In more esoteric terms, mountains are associated with the Gen-mountain trigram, references to which appear in some of the early writings. For example, in the sixth poem of his “Poems on the Golden Elixir,” Hao Daotong writes, “In four transformations, the Palace of Gen-mountain completes a wondrous substance;/Invert form and take hold of life-destiny, completely realizing the perfect embryo” (Taigu ji, DZ 1161, 4.2b). The Gen-mountain trigram is one of the eight trigrams (bagua 八卦) and also appears as hexagram 52 in the Yijing 易經 (Classic of Changes). Both of these, the trigrams and hexagrams, were used as esoteric symbol systems to discuss internal alchemy. The Gen-mountain trigram consists of one yang (“unbroken”)-line above two yin (“broken”)-lines. It is obviously associated with mountains, but also with stillness. On the most basic symbolic level, the two yin-lines represent earth/stillness/stability, while the single yang-line represents heaven/ clarity/movement. That is, a mountain consists of layered and elevated earth that rises towards the heavens. Mountains are the place where the heavens and earth meet. Under a deeper Daoist neidan reading, Gen-mountain is variously associated with the lower elixir field (navel region), with the heart-mind,

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Figure 3 The Body as Mountain Source: Duren shangpin miaojing neiyi 度人上品妙經內義, DZ 90; also DZ 1068

and with the head. That is, depending on context, it may refer to any or all of the three elixir fields. Under one reading, as the heart-mind becomes emptied of excessive intellectual and emotional activity, as it attains a state of psychosomatic purity, qi sinks into the lower elixir field, while spirit becomes more present in the heart region. The navel stores this qi as stillness, while spiritual discernment and clarity arise in the heart-mind. This is meditation as a means of “dwelling in the mountains,” the mountains that are one’s own being and self. Stillness becomes clarity, and clarity becomes stillness. One attains the state of “clarity-and-stillness” or “clear stillness.” Moving deeper into the mountains, we discover that Quanzhen Daoists, drawing upon earlier precedents in the Daoist tradition, viewed and mapped the body, the “Daoist body,” as a landscape, and specifically as a mountainscape. These are mountains as symbolic and corporeal geography. This is the Daoist subtle body, what I have also referred to as the “alchemical body” and

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“mystical body.”37 Here readers familiar with scholarship in Daoist Studies will think of the work of Catherine Despeux, Livia Kohn, Joseph Needham, and Kristofer Schipper in particular.38 In his seminal and fascinating Le corps taoïste (1982), published in English as The Taoist Body (1993), Schipper documents the various ways in which Daoists have invoked and continue to view “mountains.” This includes “mountains” as actual mountains, as altars, as contemplative states (e.g., stillness), and as subtle corporeal locations (e.g., the lower elixir field [dantian 丹田]). Here we find an extension of Daoist macrocosmic/microcosmic views to “mountains.” In addition to drawing attention to various expressions in Daoist material culture, such as incense burners and “body-maps” in the form of mountains, Schipper discusses the technical, esoteric meaning of rushan 入山 in the Daoist tradition. Literally meaning “entering the mountains,” on the most basic level rushan means journeying into and dwelling in the mountains. This relates to Daoist eremitic withdrawal, mountain seclusion, and ascetic praxis. It also again reveals the foundational and perennial Daoist view of mountains as sacred sites and portals into the Dao. On a deeper level, rushan refers to practicing meditation and performing ritual. “To enter the mountains” involves “entering stillness” and “ascending the altar.” That is, “mountains” designate one’s own personhood and the altar, including the incense burner. They correspond to meditative absorption and reverential expressiveness, especially in relationship to altars as access-points to the Daoist celestial and sacred realms. To offer incense to the altar censer, which also corresponds to the lower elixir field, in turn involves using the intent to direct qi into the navel region. One offers incense to the altar and the mountain both outside and inside the body. This may be further connected to various other associations in the Daoist tradition, such as the above-mentioned Three Purities, Three Heavens, Three Fields (santian 三田), and Three Treasures (sanbao 三寶).39

37 See Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection; Komjathy, “The Daoist Mystical Body,” in: Perceiving the Divine through the Human Body: Mystical Sensuality, ed. Thomas Cottai and June McDaniel (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2011), 67-103. 38 See Kristofer Schipper, “The Taoist Body,” History of Religions 17, no. 3-4 (1978), 35586; Schipper, The Taoist Body; Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. V: Chemistry and Chemical Technology, part 5: Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Physiological Alchemy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Livia Kohn, “Taoist Visions of the Body,” Journal of Chinese Philosophy 18 (1991), 227-52; Catherine Despeux, Taoïsme et corps humain. Le Xiuzhen tu (Paris: Guy Trédaniel, 1994); Louis Komjathy, “Mapping the Daoist Body: Part I: The Neijing tu in History,” Journal of Daoist Studies 1 (2008), 67-92; Komjathy, “Mapping the Daoist Body: Part II: The Text of the Neijing tu,” Journal of Daoist Studies 2 (2009), 64-108; Komjathy, “The Daoist Mystical Body.” 39 See Komjathy, The Daoist Tradition.

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As we have seen, members of early Quanzhen Daoism held similar views. Here we are particularly interested in the Daoist body, especially mountains as symbolic and corporeal geography. While the lower elixir field is sometimes referred to as a mountain, the major “corporeal mountain” is the head, often designated as “Mount Kunlun.” Specifically, some early Quanzhen writings mention the “Three Passes” (sanguan 三關) and the “Three Carts” (sanche 三車). When spirit directs qi, qi will circulate naturally through the Three Passes, moving from the Tailbone Gate cavity to enter Narrow Ridge, directly ascending to the Celestial Pass of the Windlass Cavity. From behind the brain, it enters Kunlun, and then once again descends to the elixir field. (Dadan zhizhi, DZ 244, 1.9b-10a; also 12b, 13a) 神馭氣，其氣自然從尾閒穴入夾脊三關，直上挽鱸穴天關，在腦後入 崑崙，復下丹田。 [If you want qi] in the Palace of Kan-water, it is best to use the Three Carts of the ram, the deer, and the great ox. Move the treasures from Bramble Mountain (jingshan 荊山)…. Being adept at clarity and stillness means that the treasure in the lower prime (xiayuan 下元) is complete. They shine on each other like the sun and moon. Once you attain this, use the Three Carts to transport [the treasure] to the summit of Mount Kunlun. (Jinguan yusuo jue, DZ 1156, 7ab; also 8ab)40 又於坎宮。便用羊鹿大牛三車。搬從荊山運寶… 善清靜，名曰下元 寶成。如日月相似。便用三車搬運上崑崙頂。

The first passage comes from a text attributed to Qiu Chuji,41 while the second is associated with Wang Zhe. The Three Passes are three locations along the spine, through which it is difficult to circulate qi. They are Tailbone Gate (weilü 尾閭; GV-1; the coccyx), Narrow Ridge (jiaji 夾脊; GV-6; midspine), and Jade Pillow (yuzhen 玉枕; GV-17; occiput).42 The latter is sometimes referred to as Celestial Pass (tianguan 天關; tianmen 天門) or Jade Capital (yujing 玉京). In internal alchemy practice, the Three Carts most often refer to the passageways through the Three Passes. They have the following correspondences: (1) Yangche 羊車 (Ram Cart) and Tailbone Gate, (2) Luche 鹿車 (Deer Cart) and Narrow Ridge, and (3) Niuche 牛車 (Ox Cart) 40 For additional, though less straightforward appearances in the early Quanzhen textual corpus, see: Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection. 41 This text, which consists of a wide variety of illustrations, is translated in Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection. Some of the diagrams are relevant for the present line of inquiry. 42 “GV” designates the Governing Vessel (the meridian that basically moves from the base of the spine, along the spine, to the crown of the head), with the accompanying point utilized in Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM).

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and Jade Pillow. As mentioned above, the Celestial Cycle or Waterwheel is the associated practice. For present purposes, the aspiring and committed Quanzhen adept travels along a mountain path (spine) to ascend to the summit (head). “Travelling” or “wandering in the mountains” involves practicing meditation, specifically a neidan method that utilizes a specific qi-circulation pattern. It involves exploring the mountains of the body. Along similar lines, members of early Quanzhen also practiced a method known as the “Five Qi Meeting the Origin and Refining Spirit to Enter the Summit” (see, e.g., Dadan zhizhi, DZ 244, 2.1a-3a). On the most basic level, the “five qi” (wuqi 五氣) refer to the subtle breath associated with the five yin-organs (wuzang 五臟), namely, liver, heart, spleen, lungs, and kidneys. These have various correspondences in the Five Phases (wuxing 五行) system: Wood/east/green, Fire/south/red, Earth/center/yellow, Metal/west/white, and Water/north/black (purple). In this method, the practitioner envisions each yin-organ as an orb of the associated color-light (e.g., liver/green). Then these energies are merged in the lower elixir field (“the origin”). On a more esoteric level, the five qi/five yin-organs are associated with “spirits” (animating presences), with their own esoteric names, and with the Five Marchmounts (wuyue 五嶽). The latter refer to the five sacred mountains of China, associated with the Five Phases and five directions and often with the Five Emperors (wudi 五帝). When practiced with this orientation, Quanzhen adherents visit five sacred peaks and gather the associated qi. They discover the mountains in body. Specifically, one realizes that the five yin-organs are the Five Marchmounts. To practice meditation is to travel to the mountains, and to travel to the mountains is to practice meditation. We may further connect this Daoist inner landscape to the Quanzhen fondness for “caverns” and “grottos” (dong 洞), which are further related to “grottoheavens” (dongtian 洞天) in the larger Daoist tradition. In the fully developed Daoist geographical schema, there are ten major and thirty-six minor grottoheavens.43 From a Daoist perspective, these form a hidden, terrestrial and energetic network and are portals into the Dao. As far as my reading goes, references to the specific dongtian or the corresponding system do not appear in the early Quanzhen textual corpus, but the early adherents did live in various cave-hermitages and describe associated qualities and experiences. As mentioned above, some of these included Longmen dong, Yanxia dong, and Yunguang dong. Applying a Daoist microcosmic/macrocosmic perspective, it seems likely that members of the early Quanzhen community viewed such spaces as part of both the external and internal landscape. Such caves 43

See Verellen, “The Beyond Within;” Komjathy, The Daoist Tradition.

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sometimes correspond to elixir fields. As caves are a deeper locale within the more-encompassing mountains, they may be thought of as inner, even secret mountains. They are mountains within mountains and gateways into other geological and geographical layers. On some level, they are the heart-center (xin 心) of the mountain and surrounding environs/locale. Applied to the corporeal landscape, the practitioner may find access to and even residence in the “cavern of the heart-mind” and “grotto of the navel.” These are apparently empty spaces that may become infused with and store the corresponding presence, namely, spirit (shen 神) and qi. That is, the body again becomes a vessel for the sacred presence of the Dao, and the Daoist adept becomes an embodiment of such numinous pervasion. In this way, like the “meditative enclosures” discussed previously, the actual cave approximates and supports the corresponding inner stillness. Each is infused by the other. Through meditation, the Quanzhen adept realizes that such caverns are contained in his or her own body. One discovers that there are mountains within mountains; there is a deeper stillness within the meditative stillness. Meditation as “entering” or “dwelling in the mountains” is also expressed in more poetic terms with respect to the corporeal or somatic landscape. As Ma Yu instructs, “If you observe the mixed panorama before your eyes as though you are deep in the mountains, this is the disposition of a Daoist. If you don’t attain the ground of no-mind (wuxin 無心), you won’t be able to govern anything. This is what I know about the Dao: its value resides in no-mind” (Danyang zhenren yulu, DZ 1057, 5ab). Various types of contemplative or meditative experience are, in turn, described in terms of mountainscape occurrences. Although the early Quanzhen writings, like contemporaneous neidan literature, tend to emphasize that these are simply byproducts, such documentations remain instructive. One part of red vapor is produced in the mountain summit; Circulate radiance as a luminous lad who illumines the azure Luan-bird. (Quanzhen ji, DZ 1153, 1.15a) 一段紅霞生岳頂，迴光明郎照青鸞。 Adeptly face the deep mountains, residing in the most elevated place; Now harmonized, you alone let loose the lunar, revolving solitude. (ibid., 1.15b-16a) 好向深山最高處，怡然獨放月輪孤。 Their heart-minds become like mountains, unable to be moved; Their qi becomes like an ocean, constant amid the currents. (Panxi ji, DZ 1159, 4.13b) 心如山不動，氣似海常潮。

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When the mountain marshes are pervaded by qi, clouds emerge from the valleys; When the earth and heavens are joined extensively, trees become ladders. (Taigu ji, DZ 1161, 4.6b) 山澤氣通雲出谷，地天交泰木生梯。 Practicing inner observation in the midst of stillness, notice that there are mountains and rivers inside the pot. The appearance of such things completes form. (Dadan zhizhi, DZ 244, 2.2b) 靜中內觀，壺中別有山川。物象成形。

Rather than explicate the technical terms, here we may simply note that various phenomena appear within the mountains of the body. While in meditative absorption, one may notice “vapors” and “clouds” (qi and fluids) circulating through the landscape. One may find that the moon’s radiance illuminates the mountain locale. While the moon is often employed in early Quanzhen, in a manner paralleling Chan Buddhism, to designate “enlightenment,” these Daoists also associated it with actual “divine illumination” (shenguang 神光; shenming 神明). The moonlight of the surrounding mountainscape was present within the somatic landscape. One might also notice that, as the “ocean” (navel region) becomes full and stabilized, its “waters” (qi) begin to circulate through the body. This includes in the “mountain summit” (head). Interestingly, this also relates to the navel region as “earth” and to the head as “heaven.” Such contemplative experience was further discussed by the early Quanzhen adherents in terms of “experiential confirmation” (zhengyan 證驗), which may also be thought of as “signs of proof” and “boons along the way.”44 These often relate to “spirit pervasion” (shentong 神通), which corresponds to the Indian and Buddhist Sanskrit technical term siddhi. The latter is sometimes translated as “paranormal abilities” or “supernatural powers,” although I prefer “numinous abilities.” In the context of dedicated, intensive, and prolonged neidan praxis, especially with the goal of complete psychosomatic transformation or “immortality” in Daoist terms, Quanzhen practitioners identified specific types of experiences that confirmed the efficacy of the training. One of the most detailed descriptions appears in the Dadan zhizhi, which again is attributed to Qiu Chuji. At first there will be a gradual feeling in the elixir field of the Yellow Court that is harmonizing and warming. The perfect qi ascends and your ears hear the sound of wind and rain. Your head gradually becomes filled with whistling sounds of gold and jade. Inside the gate of the jaws, known as the Celestial Pool, 44 See Eskildsen, “Seeking Signs of Proof;” Eskildsen, Teachings and Practices; Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection; Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection.

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the gold ye-fluids well up and flow downward like a cool spring. Some of these fluids flow into the face, while others flow into the brain. Some form into pearllike dew, while others enter the mouth through the upper gums. Its flavor is sweet and refreshing. After a long time, your head fills with the sound of lutes, zithers, and bamboo chimes. There will also be the sounds of cranes calling, gibbons crying, and cicadas buzzing. These various sounds of suchness are really indescribable. However, when you begin your practice, you may hear the noise of loud thunder in your dreams. This is the perfect qi thrusting through the head’s yangbone and penetrating the Nine Palaces. When spirit enters the chamber, it will soon ascend upward, and you may, naturally, become frightened. Sometimes, when meditating with eyes closed, a single large being may jump up and frighten you. However, if you get up and open your eyes, you will see that nothing is there. This is because your yang-spirit is not yet mature. It is important not to become frightened or give rise to thoughts. After a long time, this spirit will mature and there will be no more [images or fear]. [Your yang-spirit] will be [simultaneously] hidden and manifest, and its transformations will be limitless. You will know what it is to act without effort. You will be free from attachments to anything seen or heard. Simply listen to suchness. If you become attached to appearances, these are only illusions. (DZ 244, 1.17b-18a) 初時漸覺丹田、黃庭有物和暖，真氣上行，耳聞風雨之聲，漸漸頂內有箏 箏金玉之音。腮門內謂之天池，有金液沸滾，如涼泉降下。或流 面上，或流上腦，或如珠露之狀，或從上顎入口，其味甘美。久則頂內如笙 簧、琴瑟、絲竹之音，又如鶴唳、猿啼、蟬磬之聲。諸般自然之韻，無所比 擬。但初行時，夢中聞霹靂之聲，是真氣衝開頂陽骨，以通九宮神。初入 室，中宮。乍超向上。須自驚懼閉目自坐之際，或時一大物驚跳起，開目 卻無，是陽神未壯，切勿驚懼著念。久而神壯，自無。隱顯莫測，變化 無窮，將來自如。凡見聞皆不著相，但聽其自然。若著相，即是幻也。

For present purposes, and recalling the associated practices discussed above, one gains various experiences associated with the mountains as a somatic landscape. In addition to feeling the “watercourses” and “rivers,” the Quanzhen adept may hear “cranes calling, gibbons crying, and cicadas buzzing.” That is, there are internal sounds that parallel the beautiful and nourishing sonorous expressions of Nature. Just as one may sit or walk in the mountains and listen to birds, monkeys, and insects, one may have similar experiences in meditation. One may discover that the inner mountainscape corresponds to the outer mountainscape. In addition, the passage mentions inner “thunder” and the “Nine Palaces” (jiugong 九宮), with the latter also sometimes used synonymously with the “Nine Peaks” (jiufeng 九峰). The Nine Palaces correspond to nine subtle or semi-spatial, mystical cranial locations.45 In the standard Daoist system, they are as follows: 45

See Komjathy, Cultivating Perfection; Komjathy, “The Daoist Mystical Body.”

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1. Hall of Light (mingtang 明堂), located above the area between the two eyebrows and one inch (cun 寸) in. 2. Grotto Chamber (dongfang 洞房), located two inches in. 3. Elixir Field (dantian 丹田), located three inches in. This palace is sometimes also called Niwan 泥丸, literally meaning “mud-ball,” but possibly a transliteration of nirvana. 4. Flowing Pearl (liuzhu 流珠), located four inches in. 5. Jade Thearch (yudi 玉帝), located five inches in. 6. Celestial Court (tianting 天庭), located one inch above the Hall of Light. 7. Secret Perfection (jizhen 機真), located one inch above the Grotto Chamber. 8. Mysterious Elixir (xuandan 玄丹), located one inch above the Elixir Field. This palace is sometimes also called Niwan. 9. Great Sovereign (taihuang 太皇), located one inch above the Flowing Pearl. (Suling jing 素靈經, DZ 1314, 12b-22a. See also Jiugong zifang tu, DZ 156)

As we saw previously, the head corresponds to Mount Kunlun. After one follows the ridgeline (spine) through the three passes (points along the spine), one arrives at the summit of Mount Kunlun. However, there one may discover additional “palaces” and “peaks” within the mountain of the head. The Dadan zhizhi speaks of “openings” and “penetration,” so the Quanzhen adept may feel subtle energetic shifts and expansions within the head. One finds that there are specific peaks in the mountainscape of the head. Here we should also note that the early Quanzhen adherents generally viewed such anomalous or “miraculous” occurrences as byproducts of practice. They might occur, but they should not be actively pursued. Moreover, they should just be understood as natural developments. One should not become attached to them, as they will disappear and may become a source of distraction. The primary point was to enter the state of “clarity-and-stillness,” with the attendant outcome of deeper connection and attunement with the Dao.

INTO THE MOUNTAINS In the context of early Quanzhen Daoism, a late medieval Daoist community focusing on ascetic, eremitic, meditative, and mystical praxis, mountains were centrally important. For members of the early movement, mountains were venerated as sacred sites, as practice locales, and as symbolic and corporeal geography. As actual landscape and physical terrain, mountains were associated with seclusion, silence, solitariness, stillness, and the like. Following the Daoist veneration of Nature in general and specific places in particular, Quanzhen adherents found nourishment and support in various sonorous mountainscapes. These included places such as the Kunyu and Zhongnan

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mountains. As practice locales, mountains became preferred environs for engaging in dedicated, intensive, and prolonged self-cultivation, particularly in the form of eremitic withdrawal and meditation. This included meditative enclosure (huandu 環堵), wugeng 五更 (“five night watches”) practice, quietistic meditation, and internal alchemy (neidan 內丹). Embracing voluntary simplicity, members of the early Quanzhen movement often lived in secluded hermitages and followed an ascetic way of life. Living in elevated and distant places, these Daoists realized a contemplative and mystical state of clarity and stillness, characteristics associated with the surrounding mountains and the practitioner’s own being. The stillness of the outside mountains supported the stillness of meditative praxis, and the latter was an expression of the former. Here the mountain stillness, both external and internal, became a portal into the Dao. Mountains in turn corresponded to a corporeal geography, a geo-spiritual somatics. The body was viewed as a mountain, a mountain consisting of vapors and water (qi) flowing through various watercourses (meridians). In the deeper recesses of meditative praxis, one might come to recognize the interpenetration of caves, hermitages, and gorges with corporeal spaces; one might begin to embody external constituents, and such embodiment might allow fuller participation in physical locales. Dedicated practitioners might also discover mountains within mountains, specifically the Five Marchmounts (five yin-organs) and Nine Palaces (mystical cranial locations). By “entering the mountains,” by residing in actual mountains, practicing meditation, and exploring the inner landscape of the body, early Quanzhen adepts found mountains beyond mountains. They realized mountains as mountains, as stillness, as meditation, as self. BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Chongyang lijiao shiwu lun 重陽立教十五論 (Chongyang’s Fifteen Discourses to Establish the Teachings; abbrev. Lijiao shiwu lun and Shiwu lun; DZ 1233; ZH 1010). Attributed to Wang Zhe 王嚞 (Chongyang 重陽 [Redoubled Yang]; 1113-1170). Chongyang zhenren jinguan yusuo jue 重陽真人金關玉鎖訣 (Perfected Chongyang’s Instructions on the Gold Pass and Jade Lock; abbrev. Jinguan yusuo jue; DZ 1156; ZH 1015). Attributed to Wang Zhe 王嚞 (Chongyang 重陽 [Redoubled Yang]; 1113-1170). Dadan zhizhi 大丹直指 (Direct Pointers to the Great Elixir; DZ 244; ZH 1025). Attributed to Qiu Chuji 丘處機 (Changchun 長春 [Perpetual Spring]; 1148-1227). Danyang zhenren yulu 丹陽真人語錄 (Discourse Record of Perfected Danyang; DZ 1057; ZH 1016). Associated with Ma Yu 馬鈺 (Danyang 丹陽 [Elixir Yang];

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1123-1184). Compiled by Wang Yizhong 王頤中 (Lingyin 靈隱 [Numinous Seclusion]; fl. 1180). Ganshui xianyuan lu 甘水仙源錄 (Record of the Immortal Stream of Ganshui; abbrev. Ganshui lu; DZ 973; ZH 1491). Compiled by Li Daoqian 李道謙 (Hefu 和甫 [Harmonious Beginning]; 1219-1296). Jianwu ji 漸悟集 (Anthology on Gradual Awakening; DZ 1142; ZH 1020). Ma Yu 馬鈺 (Danyang 丹陽 [Elixir Yang]; 1123-1184). Jinyu ji 金玉集 (Anthology of Gold and Jade; DZ 1149; ZH 1018). Ma Yu 馬鈺 (Danyang 丹陽 [Elixir Yang]; 1123-1184). Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian houji 歷世真仙體道通鑑後集 (Comprehensive Mirror of Successive Generations of Perfected Immortals and Those Who Embody the Dao, Later Anthology; abbrev. Lishi tongjian houji; DZ 298; ZH 1494). Zhao Daoyi 趙道一 (fl. 1294-1307). Panxi ji 磻溪集 (Anthology from Panxi; DZ 1159; ZH 1024). Qiu Chuji 丘處機 (Changchun 長春 [Perpetual Spring]; 1148-1227). Quanzhen ji 全真集 (Anthology of Complete Perfection; DZ 1153; ZH 1011). Wang Zhe 王嚞 (Chongyang 重陽 [Redoubled Yang]; 1113-1170). Qunxian yaoyu zuanji 群仙要語纂集 (Collection of Essential Sayings from Various Immortals; DZ 1257; ZH 1074). Compiled by Dong Jinchun 董瑾醇 (Huanchu 還初 [Returning-to-the-Beginning]; d.u.). Shuiyun ji 水雲集 (Anthology of Water and Clouds; DZ 1160; ZH 1021). Tan Chuduan 譚處端 (Changzhen 長真 [Perpetual Perfection]; 1123-1185). Taigu ji 太古集 (Anthology of Taigu; DZ 1161; ZH 1027). Hao Datong 郝大通 (Guangning 廣寧 [Expansive Serenity]; 1140-1213). Zhongnan shan Zuting xianzhen neizhuan 終南山祖庭仙真內傳 (Esoteric Biographies of Immortals and Perfected of the Ancestral Hall of the Zhongnan Mountains; abbrev. Zhongnan neizhuan; DZ 955; ZH 1489). Li Daoqian 李道謙 (Hefu 和甫 [Harmonious Beginning]; 1219-1296). Secondary Sources Chen, Yuan 陳垣. Daojia jinshi lue 道家金石略, eds. Chen Zhichao 陳智超 and Zeng Qingying 曾慶瑛 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1988). Despeux, Catherine. “Le corps, champ spatio-temporel, souche d’identité,” L’Homme 137 (1996): 87-118. Despeux, Catherine. Taoïsme et corps humain: Le Xiuzhen tu (Paris: Guy Trédaniel, 1994). Eskildsen, Stephen. “Seeking Signs of Proof: Visions and Other Trance Phenomena in Early Quanzhen Taoism,” Journal of Chinese Religions 29 (2001): 139-60. Eskildsen, Stephen. The Teachings and Practices of the Early Quanzhen Taoist Masters (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004). Goossaert, Vincent. “Counting Monks: The Quanzhen Clergy, 1700-1950,” in: Religion and Chinese Society, ed. John Lagerwey (Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004), vol. 2, 699-771. Goossaert, Vincent. “Entre quatre murs: Un ascète taoïste du XIIe siècle et la question de la modernité,” T’oung-Pao 85 (1999): 391-418. Goossaert, Vincent. “La création du taoïsme moderne: l’ordre Quanzhen” (Ph.D. diss., École Pratique des Hautes Études, Section des Sciences Religieuses, 1997).

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