A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism [1 ed.] 9789811972058, 9789811972065

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Zhongjian Mou

A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism

A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism

Zhongjian Mou

A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism

Zhongjian Mou School of Philosophy and Religious Studies Minzu University of China Beijing, China Translated by Mei Yang Jilin University Changchun, China

Peng Tian Jilin University Changchun, China

This work was Sponsored by Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences (中华社 会科学基金资助) ISBN 978-981-19-7205-8 ISBN 978-981-19-7206-5 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7206-5 Jointly published with People’s Publishing House The print edition is not for sale in China Mainland. Customers from China Mainland please order the print book from: People’s Publishing House © People’s Publishing House 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Foreword

I have known and admired the person and the scholarship of Zhongjian Mou for many decades now, and it is with enormous pleasure I sit down to write this preface. Within his own world, Zhongjian Mou has the stature of being one of contemporary China’s most distinguished interpreters of the long and rich tradition of Chinese philosophy and culture. He has high visibility in the Chinese academy as a prolific scholar and as a much sought-after keynote speaker at national and international conferences. In my happy reflection on the translation and publication of one of Mou’s most important books, A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, I want to invite his readers to get to know this man better. I say this because only Zhongjian Mou with his synoptic reading of the Chinese cultural tradition could have written this book. As you turn through the pages of his monograph, you will be introduced to many of Zhongjian Mou’s “friends in history.” He tells China’s story in a highly nuanced and yet accessible way by recounting the movements, transitions, constant interactions, collaborations, conflicts, and the chorus of voices that can be called upon to rehearse the complex narrative of one of the world’s oldest and most persistent cultures. Mou begins his account by contextualizing the three traditions of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, tracing the roots of their teachings back to the earliest times in the distant mists of history. Marching across the centuries, he maps out the vicissitudes in the narratives of each tradition as at times they compete for recognition and thus provide mutual critique and at other times bleed into each other in producing the richness of an always syncretic and evolutionary civilization. In the confluence of these “three teachings,” Mou tells the story of how the neo-Confucianism of the Song-Ming period is heavily colored by the challenge coming from Buddhism and Daoism, and how the Buddhism that evolves at the same time has been thoroughly domesticated and indigenized. Mou provides a clear account of the textual corpus that emerges to define each of these traditions and how this canonical axis was augmented by a continuing commentarial tradition as each generation reauthorized the written core for their own time and place. What is most remarkable about Mou’s careful account of the Chinese cultural tradition is its breadth and scope, seeming to encompass the full complement of the v

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interweaving twists and turns that has given the culture its complex identity. Mou puts on display an intellectual capaciousness unprecedented in the existing scholarship in chronicling the emergence and transformation of dominant sects, the various schools of thought, and each of the major figures of all three traditions as they make their contribution to a living civilization as it grows across the centuries. Along the way, Mou cautions us against inadvertently using Abrahamic theological assumptions in our understanding of a distinctively Chinese religious tradition, a religious tradition that has both a popular religious aspect, and a profoundly philosophical dimension as well. In his careful exegesis, Mou lays out the differences between the more religious reading of these traditions with their defining practices that punctuate the human journey through life and the more intellectual and philosophical treatment of the texts that has and continues to produce a first-order culture of annotation that become integral to the traditions themselves. At the center of this alternative religious experience reflected throughout the teachings of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism is the project of personal cultivation as it comes to be expressed as robust growth in family and communal relations. For Mou, these three highly distinctive and yet complementary ways of thinking and living constitute a kind of moral ecology, wherein each of them complements the others as they stand in service to a different dimension of the human need for an educated spirituality. In contrast to the three Abrahamic religions, each of them, in a very different way, makes its contribution to a human-centered rather than Godcentered spiritual flourishing. At the same time, the intergenerational transmission of this culturally thick and vital civilization requires each generation that they take responsibility for constructing the connector to the generation that follows. It is cultivated human beings who must take responsibility for extending the vision of a distinctively moral journey through life captured in the ubiquitous expression dao. There is great detail in the story of the evolution of Chinese culture from the earliest times down to the modern era as it is told herein, and Mou provides a substantial summary of the main teachings and concepts for each of the different traditions. And the diversity found in the confluence of these teachings is such that the narrative does in important measure resist generalizations. At the same time, while there are certainly important exceptions to any broad assumptions made by way of explanation, there are some persistent themes that have given Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism as three aspects of a continuous and distinctive civilization and its singular identity. The first of these leitmotifs is an inclusive humanism that focuses on the everyday lives of the Chinese people and the spectrum of spiritual needs that attend them. It is a stern humanism committed to making the ordinary extraordinary, to elevating and inspiring the everyday, and to enchanting the commonplace. A second theme reflected in the interdependent relationship that obtains among the three traditions themselves is an ecological and fundamentally aesthetic worldview that gives primacy to vital relationality. Since any one thing is interdependent with everything else, any particular thing is what it is at the pleasure of its contextualizing relations. This logic means that in the family, a mother can only be a good mother

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with a good son, in the classroom, someone can only be a fine teacher if he or she has fine students, and in the community, if your neighbor does better you do better. At the doctrinal level, it means that from the beginning there has been interpenetration among the three traditions with each of them shaping and being shaped by the other two. And Mou’s inclusive method of recounting their respective histories through a triangulation among them is much more effective than mere comparison that has the danger of resolving their differences into a simplistic “either/or” binary. A third major theme in this hybridic orthodoxy or daotong of the three teachings with the Confucian tradition at its center is the centrality of family and “family reverence” or “filial piety” (xiao) as the prime moral imperative. There is an isomorphism in which the state and the world are simulacra of the family, with virtuous rulers being the parental role models and advocates for moral education among their people. Family serves as the governing metaphor of the tradition because the assumption is this is the human institution to which persons will give everything they have: time, money, a body part, and their very lives. The conception of “harmony in diversity” that comes along with the family metaphor from the kitchen to the public commons is captured in the high value given to an optimizing symbiosis—a striving to get the most out of the creative possibilities in the human experience in all of its aspects. A corollary to this value of an optimizing symbiosis is the notion of holism and inclusiveness. Rather than being “truth-seekers” looking for some apodictic, unconditional certainty, the leading figures who come to define Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism are “way-seekers” looking for the most comprehensive and panoramic view of the human experience. The criticisms these scholars make of each other, rather than being a binary right or wrong, are more often a matter of accusing others of having a limited purview that emphasizes one aspect at the expense of ignoring another. After all, the best view of anything is the one that includes the broadest spectrum of perspectives. And one final note. There has been a persistent asymmetry in the relationship between the Chinese and Western academies that a “translating China” movement both within China and abroad is slowly but steadily trying to address. Chinese bookstores and libraries are full of high-quality translations of the avatars of Western culture in all its disciplines and all of its parts. But this is not true in the presentation of the best minds of China to the English-speaking world. We have to be grateful to Mei Yang and Peng Tian who in their superb translation of this seminal work by Zhongjian Mou, one of the senior commentators on Chinese culture, have made a significant contribution in our best efforts to right this imbalance and to promote a better understanding of Chinese culture abroad. And again, we have to thank Zhongjian Mou himself who has in this monograph rehearsed the narratives of the great minds of China from the earliest times and across the centuries. In particular, in the last chapter of this book that provides a detailed account of the last two centuries, Mou has provided future translators and commentators with his selection

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of the major figures and a substantial account of their ideas. There is some urgency in following Zhongjian Mou’s recommendations in promoting a better understanding of China in the world. Roger T. Ames Peking University Beijing, China

Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 The Importance of Studying the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Multi-complementarity of the Internal Structure of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 The Main Import and Spirit of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.1 Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.2 Daoism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.3 Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 The Origin of Chinese Civilization and the History of the Relationship with Confucianism and Daoism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Early Formation of the Tradition of Harmony with Diversity in Chinese Civilization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 The Coexistence of Confucius and Laozi and the Complementarity of Confucianism and Daoism on the Axis of Chinese Spiritual Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 Confucius as the Master of Morality: Inheriting the Past and Enlightening the Future in the Chinese Culture of Virtue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 Laozi as the Master of Wisdom: Developing Fundamental Philosophical Thinking in Chinese Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 A Summary of the Pre-Qin Culture: The Mutual Evaluation of Confucianism and Daoism at the End of the Warring States Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.1 Summary from the Confucian Xunzi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.2 Summary from the Daoist Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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2.4 Inclusive Development of Chinese Thought and Culture During the Two Han Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 2.4.1 Development and Practice of Daoist Thought . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 2.4.2 Development and Practice of Confucian Thought . . . . . . . . . 116 2.4.3 Summary of the History of the Relationship between Confucianism and Daoism during the Two Han Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 3 Emergence of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism (By the End of the Han Dynasty) . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Buddha Regarded as a God by the Eastern Han Dynasty . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Gradual Expansion of Buddhism at the End of the Han Dynasty . . . 3.3 Mouzi’s On Resolution of Confusion and the Conflict Among the Three Teachings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism: Seeking Common Ground in Debate (The Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Differentiation and Innovation of Annotating Confucian Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.1 Metaphysicians’ Annotations of Confucian Classics During the Wei and Jin Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.2 Rationalization and Diversification of Annotations of Confucian Classics During the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 The Popularity of Neo-Daoism of the Wei-Jin Dynasties and the Growth of Daoism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.1 Metaphysics Dominating the Academic Trend . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.2 The Growth of Daoism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 The Rise of Buddhism and Its Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.1 Translation of Buddhist Scriptures and Expansion of Its Spread to the East . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.2 Expansion of Buddhist Faith to the Upper Class and Multiethnic Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.3 Successive Appearance of Chinese Eminent Monks . . . . . . . 4.4 Conflicts and Integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.1 Conflicts Between Confucianism and Buddhism During the Eastern Jin Dynasty and Buddhism Attached Itself to Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.2 Several Major Debates Among the Three Teachings During the Liu Song Dynasty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.3 Climax of Debates on the Three Teachings During the Qi Liang Period and In-Depth Academic Discussions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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4.4.4 The Destruction of Buddhism by Emperor Taiwu and Emperor Wu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 4.4.5 Theory and Practice of Integration of the Three Teachings and Its Historical Significance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 5 National Scale of the Tripartite Balance Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, and Its Normalization (The Sui and Tang Dynasties) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Unification, Institutionalization, and Social Application of the Confucian Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.1 Unification of the Confucian Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.2 Institutionalization of the Confucian Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.3 Social Application of the Confucian Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Rejection to and Integration of Buddhism and Daoism in the Confucian Revival Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.1 Rejection to Buddhism and Daoism by Fu Yi and Han Yu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.2 Integration of Buddhism by Liu Zongyuan and Li Ao . . . . . 5.3 Popularity of Daoism and Its Theoretical Innovations . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.1 Conversion of Royalty to Daoism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.2 Famous Daoists of the Qingxiu School (Pristine Practice) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.3 Major Innovations in the Daoist Theory—Establishment of the Chongxuan School (Double Mystery) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.4 Popularity and Crisis of the Waidan School of Daoism (Outer Alchemy) and Rise of the Zhong-Lv Neidan School of Daoism (Inner Alchemy) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 The Great Prosperity of Buddhism During the Sui and Tang Dynasties and Success of Sinicized Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.1 Strong Support for Buddhism During the Sui and Tang Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.2 Achievements in Translation of Buddhist Scriptures During the Sui and Tang Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.3 Main Schools of the Sui and Tang Buddhism and Degree of Their Sinicization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.4 Influence of the Sui and Tang Buddhism on Chinese Society and Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5 Comprehensive Review of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism During the Sui and Tang Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5.1 New Patterns of the Relationship Between the Three Teachings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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5.5.2 Zongmi, A Theorist on the Integration of the Three Teachings, and Daoxuan, A Literary Scholar on the Relationship Between the Three Teachings . . . . . . . . . 305 6 Profound Theoretical Integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, and the Climax of Theoretical Innovation (The Song, Liao, Jin, Western Xia, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties) . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Major Changes in the Study of Confucian Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.1 The Four Books Became the Core Canon of Confucianism and Their Promotion in the Imperial Examination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.2 The Development of Classics Studies Exceeds Han Exegesis and Advocates Song Rational Studies . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.3 Three Major Features of the Study of Confucian Classics During the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties . . . . . . 6.2 Deep Assimilation of Buddhism and Daoism by Neo-Confucianism During the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.1 The Founders of Neo-Confucianism, Zhou Dunyi and Shao Yong, and Their Theoretical Characteristics . . . . . 6.2.2 The Guan School of Neo-Confucianism by Zhang Zai—Integrating Confucianism and Daoism, Assimilating Buddhism and Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.3 The Luo School of Neo-Confucianism by Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao, and Its Absorption of Buddhism and Daoism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.4 The Min School of Neo-Confucianism by Zhu Xi and Its Deep Integration of Buddhism and Daoism . . . . . . . . 6.2.5 Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind and Its Relationship with Buddhism and Daoism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.6 The Confucian Rationalist School of the Yuan Dynasty and Confluence of Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan . . . . . . . 6.2.7 The Rise of Wang Yangming’s School of Mind, and Its Characteristics and Achievements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.8 Wang’s Later School and the Taizhou School . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Growth of the Quanzhen School in the Deep Integration of the Three Teachings and Unity of Confucianism and Daoism in the Jiangnan Jingming School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.1 Developmental Overview of Daoism in the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties, and Conversion of the Three Dynasties to Daoism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.2 Rise and Popularity of the Quanzhen School . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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6.3.3 The Jiangnan School of Peace, Illumination, Loyalty, and Filial Piety—A New Daoist School Unifying Confucianism and Daoism and Integrating Buddhism and Daoism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4 Confluence of Buddhism with Confucianism and Daoism and Its Representative Doctrines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.1 Overview of the Development of Buddhism in the Song, Liao, Jin, Western Xia, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.2 Representative Figures Advocating the Integration of the Three Teachings in Buddhist Circles During the Song and Ming Dynasties and Their Main Doctrines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5 Characteristics and Height of the Integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism During the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Popularization and Expansion of the Integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism (The Ming and Qing Dynasties) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Development of Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.1 Three Masters During the Transition of Ming and Qing Dynasties: Huang Zongxi, Gu Yanwu and Wang Fuzhi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.2 Yan-Li School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.3 Qian-Jia School: Hui Dong and Dai Zhen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.4 The Theory of “the Six Classics Are All History” Proposed by Zhang Xuecheng . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.5 The Awakening and New Vision of Gong Zizhen and Wei Yuan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.6 The New Text Confucianism of Kang Youwei and the Renxue (the Learning of Humaneness) of Tan Sitong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Development of Daoist Philosophy, Daoism, and Buddhism . . . . . . 7.2.1 Daoism Established by Laozi and Zhuangzi in Confucianists’ Academic Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.2 Overview on the Development of the Daoist Religion . . . . . 7.2.3 The Development of Chinese Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Popularization of the Confluence of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.1 The Impact of Syncretism in Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism on Folk Religions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.2 The Syncretism in Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism Promoted the Prevalence of Both Popular Reading Materials and Didactic Literature . . . . . . . .

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Contents

7.3.3 Concurrent Permeation of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism into Folk Cultural Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4 Expansion of the Confluence of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.1 Expansion of the Three Teachings Toward Other Major Religions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.2 Expansion of the Three Teachings to Literary Stories . . . . . . 8 Marginalization of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism and Their Struggle for Revival (The Republic of China and Its Extension) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Overview of Social and Historical Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.1 Trauma of Modern China and Challenges in Social Transformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.2 Serious Challenge from Western Scholarship and the Decline of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.3 Revival of the Three Teachings and the New Features of Their Relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 Representative Figures in the Revival of the Three Teachings and Their Doctrines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.1 Representative Scholars Combining the Three Teachings and Western Scholarship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.2 Representative Scholars of Contemporary New Confucianism and Their Doctrines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.3 Representatives in the Revival of Modern Daoism and Rationalistic Innovation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.4 The Revival of Modern Buddhism in Hardship and Advances of the Eminent Monks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 Spread of Folk Religions During the Republic of China and Preservation of the Confluence of the Three Teachings . . . . . . . 8.3.1 The Religion of Zaili (the Way of the Abiding Principle) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.2 Guiyi Dao (the Way of the Return to the One) . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.3 Pudu Dao (the Way of Universal Judgment) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.4 Jiugong Dao (the Way of the Nine Palaces) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.5 Tongshan Society (the Fellowship of Goodness) . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.6 Yiguan Dao (the Way of Pervading Unity) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.7 The Fellowship of Yixin Tiandao Holy Church . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.8 Red Spear Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 579 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 595

Chapter 1

Introduction

The three teachings1 of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism are not ‘religions’ in the traditional Western sense, a concept which was introduced and popularized in China during the modern era, but that of ‘moral teachings.’ Aside from an inclusion of god-based worship and ethical humanism, the ultimate concern among them has never been about either living in this world, or that of transcending it, but about guiding people away from evil and toward goodness, as well as improving the social and moral climate. In that sense, Chinese thought and culture differ fundamentally from its Western counterparts. Whereas the latter tends to emphasize the intellect and to distinguish between rationality and spirituality, the former often focuses on morality, integrating humanism and religion into the larger cultural milieu and incorporating them into its social institutions for moral teachings. For that reason, Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism are frequently referred to as three paths of moral teachings. Their individual differences are consequently considered secondary and are treated so accordingly. In fact, the notion of ‘three teachings’ was already popular during the Wei, Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties when the relationship among these three traditions emerged. Dao’an of the Northern Zhou Dynasty wrote in the treatise Erjiaolun [On the Two Teachings], “Although the three teachings are different, they are united in their exhortations to do good.”2 ,3 In addition, the Master Tao Hongjing4 of the Southern Dynasty observed, “A hundred methods exist, but We are grateful to Dr. Professor Shan Chun for his support. We thank him for reading the manuscript and providing insightful feedback and giving valuable suggestions. Sanjiao 三教, the traditional moral teachings in Chinese context. The translations of classical Chinese texts are from three sources: (1) The published English books or papers (see references); (2) The open sources and database; or (3) Translated by translators themselves according to the Chinese version. 3 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 142. 4 In this work, the system generally used to romanize Chinese names and notes is pinyin. 1 2

© People’s Publishing House 2023 Z. Mou, A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7206-5_1

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none can surpass the landscape covered by the three teachings.”5 Here, the “three teachings” refer to the Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist traditions.

1.1 The Importance of Studying the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism In the course of their development, Daoism and Confucianism distinguished themselves from the pre-Qin Hundred Schools of Thought to become the leading schools of early Chinese society. By the time of the Eastern and Western Han Dynasties, Daoism had evolved into the Huang (Yellow Emperor) and Lao School, while Confucianism had established itself as the official ideology of the country. The end of the Han Dynasty saw the rise of Daoism and the emergence of Buddhism. Later, during the Wei, Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, tensions emerged among the three traditions. Frictions, debates, and conflicts inevitably arose, and the country fell into a state of deep division that made the standardization of public policies an intractable problem. However, the period also gave rise to a form of Chinese thought and culture that saw Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism as its axis. From the Sui and Tang Dynasties to the end of the Qing Dynasty, a continuous succession of diverse cultures emerged from the hybridity of ethnicities and regions, combined with the constant influx of foreign religions and cultures. Amidst this convergence of diverse cultural traditions, the integration of the three teachings persisted, with Confucianism serving as the leading school of thought, while Daoism and Buddhism auxiliaries to it, and eventually solidifying into a stable, triadic relationship. This enabled Chinese society to garner cohesiveness, preventing disintegration due to temporary political divisions and national disputes, and ensuring its capacity for long-term development. The complementarity of the three teachings served as a solid pillar for the Chinese nation. Without studying the history of their relationship, it would be impossible to truly grasp the essence of Chinese philosophical and religious thoughts, and comprehensively understand its general orientation and characteristics of Chinese ideology and culture. It is in light of this that the Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist traditions are to be understood as having developed through their dynamic interactions with one another. While their interactions occasionally manifested in hostile reactions of rejection and suspicion, the more frequent response has been that of coherence and complementarity, culminating in a fellowship with one another that can be captured in the insight: “I am part of you, and you are part of me.” It can even be said that a pure form of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism ceased to exist after the Han Dynasty, as each came to be enriched by the others, absorbing aspects from one another to further their own development. Without understanding the peculiar features and relational dynamics of these three rich religious traditions, it would be impossible to thoroughly understand 5

(Yuan Dynasty) Liu Dabin (Ed.). (Ming Dynasty) Supplemented by Jiang Yongnian. Treatise on Maoshan, Volume 1. Revised by Wang Gang. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2016, p. 298.

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and appreciate their colorful history. While it would be unrealistic to expect scholars to possess a specific knowledge of all three traditions, it is fair to expect that they at least have a general understanding of their individual characteristics and unique relationship as the basis for their research. It is also worth noting that the earliest facet of this dynamic relationship originated in the reciprocal resonance in debates between Confucianism and Daoism. Over time, the complementarity between them became the basic thread weaving through more than two millennia of Chinese intellectual history, forming the conceptual polarity of Chinese culture. According to Lin Yutang, “Daoism and Confucianism are two poles of the Chinese spirit.”6 While Confucius was the moral exemplar for the Chinese nation, Laozi its paradigmatic spiritual leader. Indeed, the complementarity of Confucianism and Daoism embodies the complementarity of yin 陰 (阴) and yang 陽 (阳), the real and the imaginary, the group and the self, cultivating humans and returning to their intuitive intelligence. Since the Han Dynasty, Confucianism has assumed the dominant ideological position in Chinese culture, guiding the moral, social, political, economic, and educational development of the nation. Meanwhile, Daoism gained prominence for its embrace of nature and wuwei 無為 (无为) (Non-Action, Inaction), and its pursuit of spiritual freedom. By comparison to Confucianism, Daoism tends to maintain distance from the public sphere, forming an undercurrent that permeates all aspects of social and cultural life, and continually providing society with the vision and profound wisdom of the Great Way (dao 道). Thus, it is only by studying the complementarity of Confucianism and Daoism that contemporary audience can truly understand the moral and spiritual import of the Chinese cultural tradition. With the introduction of Buddhism to China, it gradually became intertwined with Confucianism and Daoism and underwent an extensive process of sinicization. This was a formative engagement between two very different cultural traditions, and one that served as a successful instance that marked the peaceful integration of a heterogeneous culture on a large scale. For that reason, it is important to study the historical processes and experiences guiding their shared ideals, while maintaining the unique differences as expressed in the complex engagements that characterized the dynamism of their relationship. At the same time, it is also important to study the instances of friction in their relationships and the tragic events that they precipitated. Such instances can serve as a valuable resource for successfully navigating relations between China’s traditional and modern socialist culture, as well as in its current relationship with the Western culture, safeguarding against the inevitable challenges facing Chinese and foreign cultures on a global scale. For any foreign culture to truly take root in China, it must not only be politically patriotic and law-abiding, but also be morally and spiritually compatible with the indigenous traditions of Confucianism and Daoism. Developmentally, this will facilitate its sinicization and ensure its vibrant integration into Chinese culture. Otherwise, it will fail to acclimatize, and this will lead to persistent conflicts. Needless to say, socialism must have Chinese 6

Lin Yutang. From Pagan to Christian: The Personal Account of a Distinguished Philosopher’s Spiritual Pilgrimage back to Christianity. Translated by Xie Qixia, Gong Yi, Zhang Zhenyu. Shaanxi Normal University General Publishing House, 2007, p. 77.

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characteristics, and these characteristics must be compatible with China’s unique cultural tradition. Similarly, the traditions of Western civilization must be congruous with Chinese culture to be deeply integrated into Chinese society. Finally, the confluence of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism has a long history and its effects are far-reaching. Foremost among these effects has been an extensive and profound influence on the character of the Chinese elite, popular folk culture, and multi-ethnic culture. For that reason, studying the relationship among the three teachings, and the diffusion of the ideological trends from their confluence, will vastly improve understanding the unique traits of the Chinese literati as well as Chinese popular beliefs, psychology, and customs. For instance, the concomitant belief in two or three teachings and the harmonious integration of the human, natural, and divine imply that their beliefs have “mixed blood.” Such inclusivity affords a viable alternative to the dichotomous Western mode of thought by offering a holistic and integrated one more suited to a Chinese worldview and more representative of the spiritual outlook of the Chinese cultural tradition. By studying the history of their relationship, contemporary peoples can more accurately understand and appreciate Chinese culture. This will enable them to grasp the essence of China’s wisdom traditions, to inherit and embrace its traditional values, to cultivate a spirit of courage, humaneness, profundity, and civilization, and to contribute to the cultural flourishing of the Chinese nation.

1.2 Multi-complementarity of the Internal Structure of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism The rich dynamism of the relationship may first be observed in the structural relations among Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. The mutually constituting tension, interaction, and enrichment among them offers a fruitful starting point for multicultural interactions, thereby avoiding the uniformity and cultural reductionism brought about by the monopoly of monoculturalism. Here, it is worth noting that there are no historical Chinese parallels to the monolithic culture of medieval Christian theology in Europe, where philosophy and science were regarded as the “maid” of theology. By contrast, Chinese culture was rich and varied. While the three teachings undoubtedly formed its core, they coexisted with the various folk beliefs within its borders. Among them, Confucianism emphasized the cultivation of humanity and a developed sense of moral rationality, but with little or no mention of the afterlife or otherworld. Daoism stressed the nurturing of life and the pursuit of immortality, and provided people with spiritual practices with which to turn misfortune into fortune, while deemphasizing its role in public governance. Meanwhile, Buddhism focused on cultivating compassionate motivations and altruistic deeds, transforming ignorance with wisdom, and providing people with the hope of a ‘pure land’ and solace in the next life, as well as a belief in karma. However, it had little overt engagement in social issues.

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The complementarity of Confucianism with Daoism and Buddhism is thus the complementarity between ethical humanism and spiritual naturalism. On the one hand, the humanistic ethics of Confucianism elevated the spiritual naturalism of Daoism and Buddhism, effectively preventing Chinese spirituality from devolving into a religious dogmatism. Moreover, it provided a socially engaged orientation, forming a tradition of improving the world through personal and communal transformation. On the other hand, the spiritual beliefs and practices of Daoism and Buddhism compensated for the limitations of Confucian humanism, thus ensuring that Confucianism retained its reverence for the heaven and spirits, adherence to the traditions of ancestor worship, and devotion to the divine. A popular saying summarizes this: “Confucianism is concerned with this world, Daoism with extending life in this world, and Buddhism with the world beyond it.” Together, the three traditions contribute to the flourishing of Chinese civilization. As a result of such fruitful interactions, Confucianism, as the mainstream current of society, held a respectful and deferential attitude toward the spiritual realm. Alternatively, Buddhism and Daoism regarded the performance of altruistic deeds and an appreciation for life as central ideals, and considered love for others to be a necessary precondition for loving the gods, thus achieving a high degree of unity between the way of the divine and the way of humans. Buddhism teaches: “To do no evil deeds, practice all good deeds, and purify one’s own mind. These are the teachings of all Buddhas.”7 Meanwhile, Daoism involves “accumulating good deeds to extend one’s life” and “achieving merits to join the company of the gods.”8 Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism can be divided into two schools within each religious current, thus producing three teachings and six schools. Among them, Confucianism exemplifies a tradition of ritual. Structurally, it can be divided along religious and philosophical lines, on one hand possessing a religious sensibility of divine reverence and ancestor worship, while on the other a philosophical way of life. The former is the religious sensibility passed down since the Zhou Dynasty, which has become the primary religion and source of values for the Chinese people. The latter is the humanistic ethics as developed in the writings of Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi, with its focus on moral and social development. Culturally, its humanistic focus is at the heart of Chinese moral values and intellectual history. At the same time, the tradition of divine reverence and ancestor worship has a deep spiritual orientation that is fundamental to the Chinese cultural tradition. Historically, the two currents have developed in connection with one another, jointly maintaining the unique values, traditions, and ideals of Chinese culture. Because of Confucianism, Chinese culture has pursued a path of “peace and tranquility.” Meanwhile, the spiritual orientation of cosmic reverence and ancestor worship has served as a source of “sacred teachings” to guide moral development.

7

Venerable Master Hsing Yun, The Biography of Sakyamuni Buddha. Eastern Publishing Co., 2016, p. 371. 8 Mou Zhongjian. Daoist Philosophy and Daoism as a Religion. Religious Culture Press, 2014, p. 117.

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Daoism embodies the spiritual naturalism of dao, or the natural way of things. It can be divided into the philosophical Daoism of Laozi and Zhuangzi and the Daoist religion. To be precise, the Daoist philosophies of Laozi and Zhuangzi are spiritual rather than theological. According to their teachings, the way of the heaven is natural and spontaneous. Thus, the way of humans should embody this spontaneously natural disposition. Strictly speaking, their philosophies do not seek immortality, worship deities, or concern themselves with the occult arts. Rather, they pursue spiritual liberation and a return to the true nature of things. The religious Daoist tradition regards Laozi as Taishang Laojun (The Grand Supreme Elderly Lord) and spiritual leader. It worships a pantheon of deities (including the Three Pure Ones and Four Sovereigns), pursues immortality, establishes religious institutions, and implements rituals, alchemy, and devotional activities. Despite their differences, both revere the Great Way, venerate Laozi, and nurture life. While Laozi is the philosophical undercurrent of the Daoist religion, guiding it toward adhering to the Great Way and illustrious virtue, the Daoist religion is the institutional embodiment of Laozi, enabling Laozi’s philosophy to take hold among the people. Meanwhile, Buddhism epitomizes the culture of Chan (meditation).9 Like its counterparts, it too can be divided into a religious and a philosophical wing. According to religious Buddhist thought, Shakyamuni Buddha and the bodhisattvas are supernal beings who can alleviate suffering and ward off danger in the world. Devotees entreat them to grant blessings and to dispel disasters. Moreover, religious Buddhism subscribes to a belief in reincarnation, karma, an ethic of compassion, and the pursuit of blessedness in the next life. As for the philosophical Buddhist tradition, it considers Shakyamuni Buddha to be the great enlightened one who has bestowed humanity with the wisdom of prajñ¯a (liberating insight) to overcome the suffering caused by ignorance, greed, jealousy, and delusion, thus purifying the soul to experience the nirvanic ideals of “permanence, bliss, self, and purity.” While philosophical Buddhism provided an important explanatory framework that could be used to justify the pursuit of spiritual enlightenment and a peaceful life, religious Buddhism extended its philosophical justifications into the daily concerns of people’s lives. From this perspective, it becomes evident that in the history of Chinese thought, humanistic philosophy is not at odds with naturalistic religion, but has a close and harmonious relationship with it. By identifying the three spiritual traditions and six subdivisions, it becomes possible to further classify the three traditions. In practice, this allows for the utilization of their unique conceptual and methodological resources when encountering issues of shared concern. It is also worth noting that the three traditions are not parallel pillars. Historically, Confucianism was the dominant orthodoxy, while Daoism and Buddhism were seen as ancillary to it. Centripetally, the “five ethics” and “eight morals” of Confucianism serve as the conceptual pivot around which Daoism, Buddhism, and other religions coalesce, forming a mutually reinforcing cultural community. Such an arrangement has prevented fragmentation and conflicts. According to Ge Hong, 9

“禅宗” is translated into Zen Buddhism throughout the text.

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a Daoist thinker in the Wei and Jin Dynasties, “Those who seek to become immortal must steep themselves in loyalty, filial piety, humaneness, and integrity.”10 Along similar lines, Lu Xiujing of the Southern Way of the Celestial Masters proposed that the purpose of Daoism is to “encourage the people to cultivate inner filial piety and to show outward respect and modesty.”11 Further reinforcing this outlook, Qi Song, a monk of the Northern Song Dynasty, observed, “All religious traditions teach one to respect filial piety. This is especially so in Buddhism.”12 Continuing this line of thinking, the Buddhist Master Hanshan Deqing of the Ming Dynasty said, “Dharma cannot be established without the way of Man,” while “the way of Man refers to the daily constants in the social relations between ruler and subject, father and son, and husband and wife.”13 Thus, we see that Daoism and Buddhism do not establish their own ethical norms, but use “sacred teachings” to “assist the prohibitions of kingly governance and to aid the virtues of humaneness and wisdom.”14 Despite the dominance of Confucianism, there is still complementarity between Confucianism and Daoism. One is yin and the other yang. One is explicit and the other implicit. Together, however, they form the main artery of Chinese culture, jointly driving the sinicization of Buddhism and shaping the development of one another. The hybridity of the relationship underscores the unifying spirit of Chinese culture, which was infused into its engagements with Islam, Christianity, and other religions in China. The dynamic structure formed by Chinese ideology and culture over the past 2000 years can be summarized as “one, two, three, many.” “One” refers to the dominance of Confucianism. “Two” is the complementarity of Confucianism and Daoism. “Three” is the convergence of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. “Many” is the inclusion of other religions and foreign cultures. This model embodies the organic unity between the rich diversity and broad inclusivity of Chinese culture.

1.3 The Main Import and Spirit of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism 1.3.1 Confucianism (1) Confucian Orthodoxy The Confucian tradition has come to be identified with its namesake, Confucius, who “transmitted the legacy of Yao and Shun and the institutions of Emperor Wen and 10

Annotated by Wang Ming. Annotations to Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 47. 11 Daoist Canon, Volume 24. Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 779. 12 (Song Dynasty) Qi Song. Canon of Zen Buddhism, Volume 3. Ming Wen Book Company, 1981, p. 31. 13 (Ming Dynasty) Naluoyanqu, Haiyin Shamen Shi Deqing. Annotated by Yichen. Interpretation of Laozi’s Daodejing Annotated by Hanshan. Tongji University Press, 2013, p. 34. 14 (Northern Qi) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 3035.

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Emperor Wu.”15 Following in the line of the sage-rulers Yao and Shun, Duke Zhou and Confucius both came to be regarded as sages in their own right by succeeding dynasties. After the Song Dynasty, Confucius came to be regarded as the supreme sage and Mencius as the second sage. While different schools within the Confucian tradition held different views on how Confucian orthodoxy should be transmitted, all revered Confucius as “the supreme sage and ancestral teacher of great accomplishment” and an “exemplary teacher for all ages.” In deference to his distinguished predecessor, Mencius remarked, “In Confucius we have what is called a complete concert,”16 a reference to the fact that Confucius abided by the sagely ways of Yao and Shun, followed the rites and music established by Duke Zhou, compiled the Five Classics, and initiated the study of humaneness (ren 仁) and harmony (he 和). Through them, he forged a path for the humanistic ethos of the Chinese cultural tradition and established the guiding vision of Chinese civilization. According to Sima Qian, “Confucius was a common man who for more than ten generations has been revered by scholars. From the Son of Heaven and enfeoffed kings and lords, all those in the Central States who speak of the Liu Yi (Six Training Skills)17 take Confucius as their guide. He can be called the sage.”18 Following the Song Dynasty, Mencius was elevated to the status of second sage in Confucian genealogy and Confucianism became known as the Dao of Confucius and Mencius. During the Tang Dynasty, Han Yu wrote Yuandao [Origin of the Way], in which he formally articulated the contours of a Confucian orthodoxy, stating: Yao passed [this teaching] on to Shun; Shun to Yu; Yu to Tang; Tang to Emperor Wen, Emperor Wu, and Duke Zhou; Wen, Wu and Duke Zhou to Confucius; Confucius to Mencius, whereupon the transmission ended owing to the death of Mencius.19

This marks the initial stages in the lineage of Confucian orthodoxy. Its lineage diverged after Mencius due to interpretative differences among the inheritors of it. (2) Confucian Classics Confucianism considers the Five Classics and Four Books as its seminal works. They have been continuously annotated to form the canon of Confucian classics and provided a textual basis for the development of Confucianism. The Five Classics refer to the Zhouyi [The Book of Changes], Shangshu [The Book of Documents], Shijing [The Book of Poetry], Sanli [Rites, the Three Books on the Rites of the Zhou Dynasty], and Chunqiu [The Spring and Autumn Annals], and the Yuejing [The Book of Music]. These classics were compiled during the Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties, and were 15

(Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han, Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 333. Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 173. 17 The Six Training Skills is more commonly translated as the “Six Classics” (Feng Youlan. A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 77.)—translator’s note. 18 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 238. 19 Complete Works of Han Yu. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 261–262. 16

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further developed during the Zhou Dynasty and Spring and Autumn Period, thus representing the cumulative achievement of thought in ancient Chinese civilization. Reportedly, Confucius compiled the Five Classics and wrote the Spring and Autumn Annals, highlighting the accomplishments of the era and determining the texts of the Five Classics and principles of interpretation. As for the Four Books, they refer to the Daxue [The Great Learning], Zhongyong [The Doctrine of the Mean], The Analects, and Mencius. These were emendations made during the Song Dynasty by Neo-Confucian scholars to parallel the compilation of the Five Classics. The Great Learning, like the Doctrine of the Mean, is a chapter in The Book of Rites that was selected out for its particular importance. While The Analects is a record of the mature thoughts of Confucius, it was not written by him, so it was initially not considered a classic. However, between the Han and Song dynasties, The Analects came to be regarded as the most authoritative expression of Confucius’ ideas and thus was later elevated to the status of a classic. Mencius was elevated from a book to a classic following the rise of Mencius to his position as the Second Sage. Zhu Xi (Master Zhu) later wrote the Sishu Zhangju Jizhu [The Commentary of the Four Books]. The significance of the work advanced the status of the Four Books beyond that of the Five Classics. Collectively, The Book of Changes, The Book of Documents, The Book of Poetry, The Analects, Mencius, Xiaojing [The Classic of Filial Piety], Erh Ya [Literary Expositor], Yili [Ceremonies and Rites], Zhouli [The Rites of Zhou], Liji [The Book of Rites], Zuozhuan [The Commentary of Zuo Qiuming], Gongyangzhuan [The Commentary of Gongyang Gao], Guliangzhuan [The Commentary of Guliang Chi] form the Thirteen Classics. (3) Confucian Schools Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi can be considered the representative figures of the pre-Qin Confucianism. Among them, Confucius emphasized the study of ren (humaneness) and li 禮 (ritual), and the application of humaneness through rituals. Mencius, by contrast, prioritized the study of ren and yi 義 (righteousness, 义), and their roles in the formation of a benevolent government, while also emphasizing spiritual cultivation. Meanwhile, Xunzi stressed the study of li and yi, and the institutions of ritual (including those of the community and polity). Textually, the classics of the Han Dynasty were well developed, featuring both the New Text School and the Old Text School. The New Text School utilized the Commentary of Gongyang as a basis to reveal the true essence of the text through the interpretation of subtle language to achieve a “grand unification.” Its representative figures included Dong Zhongshu and He Xiu. The Old Text School appealed to the Commentary of Zuo to verify historical facts, with a particular focus on philology. Key figures included Liu Xin and Jia Kui. By the time of the late Eastern Han Dynasty, Zheng Xuan integrated the two schools and made extensive annotations to the Confucian classics. Commentaries with a specifically metaphysical interpretation of the Confucian Classics emerged during the Wei and Jin Dynasties in works such as He Yan’s Lunyu Jijie [The Annotations of The Analects] and Wang Bi’s Zhouyi

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Zhu [The Commentary on the Book of Changes].20 Such works embodied the mutual complementarity of Confucianism and Daoism. Later, during the Tang Dynasty, Kong Yingda compiled the Wujing Zhengyi [Discussion of the Five Classics], which unified the various annotations and commentaries of the Five Classics into a standardized version. Neo-Confucian schools arose during the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties, including that of the Cheng Brothers (Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi), Li Xue (School of Principle) of Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi, Xin Xue School (School of Mind) of Cheng Hao, Lu Jiuyuan, and Wang Yangming21 ; and Qi Xue (School of Qi22 ) of Zhang Zai and Wang Fuzhi. While the School of Principle focused on “preserving the heavenly principles and eliminating [adverse] human desires,” the School of Mind stressed that “there is no principle independent of the mind,” while the School of Qi emphasized that “the ultimacy of qi” Nevertheless, all were influenced by Daoist and Buddhist thought and spread across East Asia under the Neo-Confucian School. As an expression of this hybridity, Zhang Zai’s “Four Sentences of Heng Qu,” embodied the spirit of Confucian ethics with its article of faith “to ordain conscience for the heaven and earth, to secure life and fortune for the people, to inherit the sacred teachings of the sages and to initiate peace and development for all ages.” Indeed, Zhang Zai’s influential doctrine has become emblematic of those with lofty ideals. The School of Scholarly Interpretation (Kaoju, Qian-jia School) rose to prominence during the reign of Emperor Qianlong and Emperor Jiaqing in the Qing Dynasty. It focused on the textual, phonological, and philological study of the classics, and brought out the empiricist orientation of Confucian thought. Representatives of its school included Hui Dong, Dai Zhen, Duan Yucai, Wang Niansun, Wang Yinzhi, Ruan Yuan, Yu Yue, Pi Xirui, Yu Jiaxi and Sun Yirang. During the late Qin Dynasty and the Republic of China, there was a revival of the New Text School of Confucianism that was marked by major changes. Among the most significant changes, Kang Youwei advocated institutional reform based on historical pretext and promoted a constitutional monarchy. Tan Sitong integrated Chinese and Western teachings, criticized the “Three Cardinal Guides,” interpreted “ren” (humaneness) using “tong” (mutuality), and advocated an inclusive Confucianism. And Zhang Taiyan, under Zhang Xuecheng’s rallying appeal—“the Six Classics are ALL History” and “reorganization of our national heritage”—carried on the tradition of the Old Text School of Confucianism and added Western models of scientific research. By treating the classics with an attitude of empirical historiography, it gradually eliminated the principles of righteousness. Contemporary New Confucian scholars, such as Xiong Shili, Liang Shuming, Zhang Junmai, Feng Youlan, He Lin, and Fang Dongmei strived to integrate Chinese and Western studies and to connect the wisdom and values of the 20

Quoted by Kong Yingda (574–648), in the Preface to his sub-commentary on Wang Bi’s (226– 249) The Commentary on the “Yi”. (Feng Youlan. A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 264.)—translator’s note. 21 Wang Shouren (1472–1529), whose zi (social name) is Bo’an, was a native of Yuyao, Zhejiang Province. He was later known as Master Yangming because he resided in the Yangming Cave in Kuaiji Mountain. 22 Qi, literally, vital force.

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past with that of the present. In their efforts to do so, they have taken ambitious steps to develop neo-cultural, neo-rationalist, neo-idealist, and neo-life studies, and promote the adaptation of traditional Confucian thought to contemporary Chinese society. (4) The Essence of Confucianism Broadly speaking, the moral principles of Confucianism can be summarized as the cultivation of humaneness and righteousness, virtue and ritual, the worth of the people, moderation and harmony, and great unity. The first principle of Confucianism is to seek humaneness and righteousness. A benevolent love for others is at the heart of Confucianism. It is one that is based in human nature, rooted in filial piety, nurtured through personal cultivation, and consummated in the love of all things. Compassion cannot be lost, but must be extended from what is near to what is far and from oneself to others. In support of this sentiment, The Analects proclaimed, “Filial piety and fraternal respect, are they not the root of all benevolent actions.” … “Virtuous, he is free from anxieties; wise, he is free from perplexities; bold, he is free from fear.”23 Again: “The exemplary person preserves humaneness in his heart.”24 According to Mencius, “[the exemplary person] is lovingly disposed to people generally and kind to creatures.”25 Accordingly, Neo-Confucianism of the Song Dynasty posited that “the benevolent person is at one with everything in heaven and earth.”26 For Confucius, humaneness is embodied in loyalty and reciprocity. As he eloquently put it, the benevolent person “wishing to be established himself, seeks also to establish others; wishing to enlarge himself, seeks also to enlarge others.”27 At the same time, the benevolent person “does not do to others as he would not wish done to himself.” While the way of loyalty is to care for and help others, the way of reciprocity is to respect and be considerate. Therefore, humaneness is not only to have a loving heart and act lovingly, but also to reciprocate a feeling of mutual respect. For this reason, Zhu Xi stated in the Commentary of the Four Books, “To give full realization to oneself is called loyalty, and to apply it to others is called reciprocity.”28 In other words, the way of loyalty is to treat others with sincerity and to do things with dedication, while the way of reciprocity is to be considerate toward others and to put oneself in their place. Moreover, “The exemplary person holds righteousness as of the highest

23

Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 1, 137. 24 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 147. 25 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 244. 26 Posthumous Works of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi, Volume 2. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2000, p. 65. 27 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 57. 28 (Song Dynasty) Zhu Xi. Collected Annotations of the Four Books. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 71.

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importance.”29 In general, righteousness is behavior that conforms to humaneness and justice. Therefore, it is necessary to “think of righteousness when in view of gain” and to take in the proper way. Consequently, Mencius said that it is necessary for “humaneness to be the dwelling place of the heart and righteousness to be the path of life.”30 In sum, it means to have a good heart, demonstrate proper behavior, and abide by the rules of public life. In speaking to this point, Han Yu wrote in Origin of the Way, “Universal love is called humaneness, behavior consistent with humaneness is deemed righteousness. Moving forward from humaneness and righteousness is called the Way. The moral potential that one has intrinsically is called virtue. While humaneness and righteousness have a definite meaning, the Way and virtue are indefinite.”31 Because Han Yu’s summary of the Confucian virtues of humaneness and righteousness was concise and compelling, it was widely used. In the Daodejing, Laozi wrote: “Respect the Way and value virtue,” within the context of a broader cosmological worldview. By contrast, classical Confucianism used the term “morality” in a more focused social and political context. The second Confucian principle is to cherish virtue and ritual. Historically, Confucianism has used the rites of Zhou as a model for emphasizing the rule of virtue. In the Shangshu: Caizhong zhi Ming [The Book of History: Charge to Cai Zhong], it is written: Great Heaven has no partial affections. It helps only the virtuous. The people’s hearts have no unchanging attachment. They cherish only the kind. Acts of goodness are different, but they contribute in common to good order. Acts of evil are different, but they contribute in common to disorder.32

The rule of virtue in the rites of the Zhou Dynasty mainly involve benefiting people and guiding them toward goodness. In principle, its method of governance is “to make virtue illustrious and to exercise caution in the use of punishments.” Inheriting this, Confucius proposed that the way to govern the state is to “lead the people by virtue, where unanimity is to be gained by the rules of propriety.”33 This emphasis on “ruling by means of virtue” and using criminal justice as a last resort is known as “exercising virtue as primary and punishment as secondary.” For that reason, he opposed “leading the people by laws, where uniformity is to be sought by punishment or the threat of it.”34 Rather, he endorsed the appointment of government officials to promote the people’s livelihood, to serve as a model of authoritative conduct, to be trustworthy and honest in one’s interpersonal relations, to reward meritorious conduct, and to heed the wise counsel of one’s trusted advisors. Regarding the public, 29

Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 173. 30 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 124. 31 Complete Works of Han Yu. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 253. 32 Zhang Xin (Ed.) The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press, 2003, p. 265. 33 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 8. 34 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 8.

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he required the institutionalization of moral teachings and the regulation of personal conduct through ritual practices and social norms. This full-scale effort fostered a culture of virtue in Confucianism, while also driving China toward established as a state of ritual and etiquette. The sacrificial rituals passed down over the three early dynasties of Chinese civilization were recognized by the tradition as the sacrifices to the heaven, the ancestors, the spirits of the land and grain, and the hundred gods of the sun, moon, mountains, rivers, wind, rain, thunder, and lightning. Of central importance to the sanctity of the rituals is a religious sensibility of cosmic reverence and ancestor worship, as well as a commitment that they are performed throughout the entire population, forming a stable system of ancestral temples and practices that have also become ritualistic customs. As such, they were the symbolic forces for maintaining social and political order and the integrity of family relations, and were a rich source of spiritual consolation to the souls of the Chinese people. On a humanistic level, the Confucian moral system of the “five constant virtues” (wuchang 五常) and “eight ethical principles” became the normative framework of the Chinese nation over the next 2,000 years. The “five virtues” include the virtues of humaneness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and integrity. The “eight ethical principles” consist of the related virtues of filial piety, fraternity, loyalty, faithfulness, propriety, righteousness, trustworthiness, and sense of shame. They are extensions of the “five constant virtues” and are centered on loyalty and filial piety. A particular emphasis is place on filial piety in the Confucian tradition. Only after it has been firmly established can we then move from filial piety to loyalty, from the home to the country. Thus, one must govern with filial piety. In this way, family ethics is expanded into political ethics. At the heart of the Great Learning are three ideals: (1) manifesting one’s bright virtue, (2) loving the people, and (3) culminating in perfect goodness. The Confucian classic also outlines eight steps: the investigation of things → extension of knowledge → sincerity in thought → rectification of the heart-mentality → cultivation of the person → management of the family → governing of the state → and tranquility throughout the entire world. In brief, it is a process of personal cultivation that begins with an ordering of one’s inner life that is then extended concentrically to one’s family, state and the entire world. “From the Son of Heaven down to the mass of the people, all must consider the cultivation of the person the root of everything besides.”35 For that reason, Confucianism attaches great importance to moral cultivation and education. Among its distinctive features, it holds enormous respect for teachers and places a premium on teaching students irrespective of class standing, teaching according to the aptitude of the student, heuristic teaching, as well as an equal emphasis on learning and thinking, the mutual development of teacher and student, honoring the virtuous nature, and maintaining constant inquiry and study.

35

Annotated by Wang Wenjin. The Great Learning and Doctrine of the Mean with Annotations. Zhonghua Book Company, 2008, p. 2.

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As for the rituals of Confucianism, they exhibit humaneness and virtue on three levels. The first is ritual directives, or the institutionalization of it. The second is ritual meaning, or the moral significance of it. The third is ritual etiquette, or the practical application of it. “To subdue one’s self and return to propriety is perfect virtue.”36 Moral teachings through a ritualized form of living is thus the path to humaneness and virtue. Structurally, the Confucian rituals conform to a hierarchical order. Despite an onerous appearance, “in practicing the rules of propriety,” Confucius noted, “a natural ease is to be prized.” Thus, non-coerciveness and custom are to be emphasized in the ritual system. The teaching of ritual thus combines virtue with law, imbuing it with the characteristics of soft management, rather than top-down obedience. The third principle is to value the people as the backbone upon which the state is built and governed. Speaking to this point, the Book of Documents proclaims: “[T]he people are the root of a state. When the root is firm, the state is tranquil.”… “[W]hat the people desire, heaven will be found to give effect.”37 Confucianism consequently established a tradition of valuing the people, continually emphasizing that the people should be the foundation upon which the state is built and governed. Confucius authoritatively declared: He cultivates himself so as to give rest to all the people”… “[the requisites of government are that] there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and confidence of the people in their ruler”… “but if the people have no confidence in their rulers, there is no standing for the state”… and “in nourishing the people, he was kind.38

More forcefully, Mencius stated, “People are the most important element of a state; the spirits of the land and grain are next; the sovereign is the least important.”39 He who gains the hearts of the people, gains the throne. Therefore, it is necessary to value the people’s livelihood, implement a “benevolent government,” “regulate the livelihood of the people,” ensure that the people are well-clothed and well-fed, be “sparing in the use of punishments and fines, making taxes and levies light,” and care for the widowed, orphaned, and childless. Xunzi, for his part, warned that “the river can carry a boat, yet it can turn the boat over as well.”40 This humanistic orientation in Confucianism first turns the mandate of the heaven towards the mandate of the people, and second turns the rule of the king towards the livelihood and hearts of the people. In practice, the ruler must first provide the people with the necessary land (to ensure constant production) and time for labor (to ensure the employment of the people), to guarantee their livelihoods. Next, the ruler must heed to the needs of the people, share their joys and sorrows, appoint officials who comply with the will of the nation, take advice, understand the interests of the public, and achieve political 36

Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 106. 37 Zhang Xin (Ed.) The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press, 2003, p. 70, 143. 38 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 142, 109, 41. 39 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 250. 40 Zhang Jue. Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 148.

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order, social stability, and the general wellness of the people. Finally, it is said, “[L]et careful attention be paid to education in schools, especially in the cultivation of filial and fraternal responsibilities,”41 thus ensuring a harmonious culture of rites and customs. With respect to the relationship between divinity and humanity, Confucianism places more of an emphasis on the cultivation of human affairs, while honoring the gods and spirits at a distance. The concern of the sages is to “extensively confer benefits on the people,”42 acknowledging but not discussing the afterlife, gods, and spirits, while extending the way of heaven. In terms of the relationship between the ruler and his ministers, Confucianism advocates an enlightened ruler, where the abuse of power is constrained by the mandate of heaven, virtuous ministers, and the will of the people. Hence, it is said that “a ruler should employ his ministers according to the rules of propriety, ministers should serve the ruler with faithfulness,” and “the ruler must bow to the mandate of heaven.”43 The “three cardinal guides” of the Han Dynasty consequently state that the ruler guide the minister, the father guide his son, and the husband guide his wife. These sayings, as well as the more egregious notions of unquestioning loyalty to one’s ruler and blind obedience to one’s parents and elders, are the result of grave misreading by the ideology of a patriarchal hierarchy, and do not conform to the Confucian way of Confucius and Mencius. Neo-Confucianism also had a tendency to reinforce the power of the ruler, the nation, the father, and the husband that gave rise to a self-abnegating ethic of “preserving the heavenly principles while eradicating human desires.” However, this also represented a deviation from the spirit of the Confucian way. The fourth principle of Confucianism is to lead a life of moderation and harmony. Sayings celebrating the ideals of ‘harmony and unity’ are to be found in sources as far back as the Spring and Autumn Periods and continued during the time of Confucius. In The Analects, Confucius extolled the importance of moderation and harmony: “The exemplary person is affable but not adulatory.”… “To go beyond is as wrong as to fall short.”… “Perfect is the virtue that is according to the constant mean! Rare for a long time has been its practice among the people.”… “Sincerely hold fast the due mean.”44 Meanwhile, the Doctrine of the Mean states: “Let the states of equilibrium and harmony exist in perfection, a happy order will prevail throughout the heaven and earth, and all things will be nourished and will flourish.”45 Further reinforcing this idea, it claims: “All things are nourished together without their injuring one another. The courses of the seasons, and of the sun and the moon, are pursued without any

41

Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 5. Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 56. 43 (Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 32. 44 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 125, 99, 56, 189. 45 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 186. 42

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collision among them.”46 More explicitly, The Commentary on the Book of Changes asserts, “[T]he whole world returns to the same place but along different paths, conveying a single principle amid a hundred different thoughts.”47 Among these various reflections on the ideals of equilibrium and harmony, a number of important points are being made. The first is to acknowledge the diversity of things. The second is to understand the necessity of harmony within diversity. The third is to identify the competing courses of actions and to pursue the moderate one while avoiding the extremes. The fourth is to cultivate a productive harmony of constancy and fluidity. The fifth is to change with one’s circumstances, or to “embody the course of the mean.” The sixth is to progress gradually, neither exceeding expectations nor falling short, while avoiding revolutions given their potential for harm. The seventh is to balance and reconcile matters, excelling at reaching compromises. The final point is to employ both reason and emotion in guiding one’s decisions and “not do extraordinary things.” Zhu Xi cites Chengzi in the Zhongyong Zhangju [The Commentary on the Doctrine of the Mean] when he writes: Being without inclination to either side is called zhong 中 (the middle), admitting of no change is called yong 庸 (the mean). While zhong denotes the correct course to be pursued by all under Heaven, yong refers to the constant principles regulating all under Heaven.48

The constant mean is thus the optimal use of exercising humaneness, not unprincipled ingratiation or glibness. Confucius was thus prompted to say: “It is only the truly virtuous person who can love or hate others.”49 With respect to immoral conduct, Confucius and Mencius alike refer to it, rather cryptically, as the “good, careful people of the villages…. Your good, careful people of the villages are the thieves of virtue.”50 As for the Doctrine of the Mean, it asserted that one should “raise it [virtue] to its greatest height and brilliancy, so as to pursue the course of the mean.” Meanwhile, Feng Youlan’s interpretation in Xinyuandao [A New Treatise on the Origin of the Way, or The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy] is that “to raise it to its greatest height and brilliancy” refers to the lofty, “transcendent” realm that is beyond this world, whereas “to pursue the course of the mean” refers to the “commonplace words and actions” of this world. Again: “The Dao of inner sageliness and outer kingliness is at the heart of Chinese philosophy.” If this logic proves to be sound, then what Chinese philosophy ultimately pursues is the way of sagehood, the “the dao of inner sageliness and outer kingliness.” The way of moderation and harmony is thus a modified form of rationality aimed to address all forms of biased thinking and to chart a measured path forward. 46

The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 192. Huang Shouqi and Zhang Shanwen. Annotations to the Book of Changes. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2004, p. 541. 48 (Song Dynasty) Zhu Xi. The Commentary on the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean. China Social Press, 2013, p. 22. 49 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 28. 50 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 169. 47

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The Confucian way of moderation and harmony also includes a harmony between humans and their natural environment. The ecological significance of moderation and harmony is particularly evident in the Song Confucian thought, with its specific emphasis on forming one body with all things: “The benevolent regards all things between heaven and earth as a whole.”51 Since the cosmos is regarded as one grand family, it is necessary to show concern for our social relationships as well as to protect the natural environment. The Doctrine of the Mean refers to this ethical injunction to “assist the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth.”52 It is also what Zhang Zai describes when he refers to the need “to ordain conscience for heaven and earth”.53 Simply put, humans should actively shoulder their responsibilities as stewards for the healthy development and circulation of all beings between heaven and earth. The fifth principle of the Confucian tradition is to pursue great unity (da tong). The social-political vision of Confucianism is to advance from small tranquility to great unity. Confucius “transmitted the doctrines of Yao and Shun, as if they had been his ancestors, and elegantly embodied the regulations of Wen and Wu, taking them as his model.”54 An ideal society, Confucius envisioned, should meet the following criteria: “With regard to the aged, give them rest; with regard to friends, show them sincerity; with regard to the young, treat them tenderly.”55 Similarly, Mencius asserted: “The principles of Yao and Shun, without a benevolent government, could not secure the tranquil order of the kingdom.”56 On this basis, the Liji: Liyun [The Book of Rites: Evolution of Rites] proposed a societal vision of “great unity,” where the Three Dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, which viewed “the kingdom as a family inheritance,” were expressive of small tranquility, while the society of great unity was emblematic of “a public and common spirit that rules all under Heaven.” Liyun described the ideal of great unity in the following way: When the great dao was in practice, the world was shared among all. Those possessed of talent, virtue, and ability were selected. Moreover, sincerity was emphasized and friendship was cultivated. Therefore, men did not love only their own parents, nor did they treat as children only their own children. A competent provision was secured for the aged up until the time of their death, employment was given to the able-bodied, and a means was provided for the upbringing of the young. Concern and consideration were consequently shown to widows, orphans, childless men, as well as to those who were disabled by disease, so that they all had the necessary resources for support. Men immersed themselves in public affairs and women tended to household management. They hated to see the abundance of natural resources undeveloped, [so they developed them, but this development] was not for their

51

Posthumous Works of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi, Volume 2. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2000, p. 65. 52 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 190. 53 (Song Dynasty) Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 320. 54 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 333. 55 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects, Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 45. 56 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 115.

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1 Introduction own use. They hated not to exert themselves, [so they worked, but their work] was not for their own profit…This was called the great unity.57

Such a society is rare and prosperous compared to the divided, lawless, and violent world of conflict. “The rituals of propriety and of what is right are regarded as the threads by which they seek to maintain in its correctness the relationship between the ruler and minister, in its generous regard the bond between father and son, in its harmony the connection between elder brother and younger brother, and in a community of sentiment, the vow between husband and wife,” and in “the exemplification of humaneness, and the discussion of courtesy, showing the people all the normal virtues.”… “This is the period that we call small tranquility.”58 Here, small tranquility refers to the initial realization of health and peace in society. By contrast, great unity concerns achievement of the highest societal ideals, where the world is shared by all; labor is its own glory and each person exerts themselves to their utmost; the talented and capable administer society; feelings of honesty, sincerity, and friendliness are held in high regard; war and crime are nonexistent; and diverse groups of people find their own place in which to settle down. Great unity has been the ideal pursued by people of humaneness and worth throughout the ages in China. During the modern era, Kang Youwei wrote Datongshu [The Book of Great Unity], a work which regarded great unity as a universal ideal of harmony. Sun Yat-sen similarly proposed a “global great unity,” an ambitious vision that aimed to achieve “a public spirit ruled all under Heaven” through the path of the “three principles of the people.” The Chinese socialists have in their own way employed the language of “evolution of ritual” to propose a complete renovation of a society of small tranquility. Echoing this sentiment, Xi Jinping stated, “When the Great Way prevailed, a public spirit ruled all under Heaven,” thus transforming “the pursuit of great harmony” into one of the defining values of Chinese culture and an expression of the Chinese dream. Needless to say, the vision of great harmony is at the heart of Chinese civilization.

1.3.2 Daoism (1) The Grand Masters of Daoism In the Daoist tradition, Laozi is generally seen as its forerunner and preeminent master, while Zhuangzi is celebrated as its eminent successor. Historically, the origin of Daoism can be traced back to Huangdi (the Yellow Emperor), whose reign gave rise to the celebrated Huang-Lao school of thought. According to Sima Qian’s Laozi Liezhuan [Biography of Laozi in the Records of the Grand Historian], Laozi lived during the late Spring and Autumn Period and served as a scribe for the royal archives in the Zhou court. Confucius reportedly consulted Laozi on matters concerning ritual, and Laozi reminded him that “an able merchant has the deepest storerooms, but they 57 58

The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 75. The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 75.

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look empty; a gentleman is exceptionally virtuous, but he appears foolish.”…. “[You must] cast off your arrogant airs and many desires, sir, your contrived posturing and your overweening ambition,”59 to present the air of a hidden gentleman who maintains a distance from reality and possesses a discerning spirit. The meeting had a profound influence on Confucius, leading him to praise Laozi as a dragon who “mounts the wind and clouds and ascends into the sky.”60 Laozi evidently foresaw the decline of the Zhou Dynasty and promptly departed to the west through the Hangu Pass, where he wrote in poetic verse two sections of the meaning of the Way and its virtue in five thousand characters. Later, he sequestered himself in the wilderness of Qin. If we say that when witnessing the “cultural decline of the Zhou” (the degeneration of rites and music), Confucius adopted an approach of social engagement “to subdue oneself and return to propriety,” in order to reshape the culture of ritual and music during the Zhou Dynasty, then Laozi adopted a minimalist approach of abandoning the culture of ritual and music entirely, instead reverting to a childlike simplicity. Hence, the two traditions can be seen to have pursued fundamentally different approaches in their attempts to address this shared cultural concern. With respect to Zhuangzi’s school of thought, “in its essence it traced its lineage back to the wisdom of Laozi.” He “abandoned morality and let loose his opinions, advocating a way of life that lies simply in natural spontaneity”61 (Sima Qian). Within the religious Daoist tradition, Laozi was revered as the Taishang Laojun (Grand Supreme Elderly Lord) and Daode Tianzun (Heavenly Lord of the Way and its Virtue), Zhuangzi as the Nanhua Zhenren (True Master of Nanhua), Wenzi as the Tongxuan Zhenren (True Master Who Understands the Mysteries), Liezi as the Chongxu Zhenren (True Master of Serene Tranquility); and Geng Sangzi as the Dongxu Zhenren (True Master of Empty Nothingness). (2) Daoist Classics The 5000-character Laozi, also known as the Tao Te Ching or Daodejing, is the most important work among both philosophical and religious branches of the tradition, occupying a central and unparalleled position in the Daoist canon. No less than a thousand authors have written commentaries on the Laozi over the years, and more than 300 of them are still extant. Second in importance to it is the Zhuangzi, also known as the Nanhua Zhenjing [The Pure Scripture of Nanhua], a monumental text which had a profound influence on the development of the tradition. In time, followers produced a series of commentarial works as the tradition took on a religious orientation that saw the compilation of the Daozang [Daoist Canon]. Among the most influential of these works are the Laozi Xiang’er zhu [Xiang’er’s Commentary on Laozi], Taipingjing [Scriptures of the Great Peace], 59

(Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 284. 60 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 284. 61 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 284, 286.

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Zhouyi Cantongqi [The Kinship of the Three in Accordance with the Book of Changes], Yinfujing [Scriptures of the Hidden Talisman], Huangtingjing [The Classic of the Yellow Court], Zuowanglun [The Discourse on Sitting-in-Forgetfulness], Durenjing [The Scripture of Salvation], Qingjingjing [The Classic of Purity and Stillness], Wuzhenpian [Folios on Awakening to Reality]. In addition, there are over five thousand texts in the Zhengtong Daozang [Daoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign] and Xudaozang [Supplement to the Daoist Canon] of the Ming Dynasty. In terms of contemporary collections, the Zhonghua Daozang [Daoist Canon of China] is particularly influential. (3) The Schools of Daoism Among the major schools of Daoists, the first was comprised of a large, loosely organized group of hermetic followers who subscribed to Laozi’s teaching that “dao is hidden and has no name.” Recluses of all dynasties counted themselves as practitioners of Daoism. They opted out of public service, or had left the court to live among the common people, free to discuss administrative affairs outside the political fray. Zhuangzi himself declined the offer of an official post in the court of Chu, trading the constraints of public life for the simple pleasures of a private life. Following in his footsteps, Zhang Liang retired after distinguishing himself and lived a serene life in the wilderness. Liu Ling and Ruan Ji of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove of the Wei and Jin Dynasties were also prominent hermits. The second major school was comprised of a socially conscious group that identified with Laozi’s iconoclastic spirit: “When the Great Way ceased to be observed, humaneness and righteousness came into vogue. When wisdom appeared, great hypocrisy and fraud ensued.”62 Their critical attitude echoes a similar sentiment in the following lines from Zhuangzi: “We must get rid of Confucianism and Mohism.”63 … “So long as the great sages are not dead, great thieves will never stop.”64 As the cultural critics of the tradition, they sought to expose the detrimental effects of social mores and the hypocritical moralizing of their contemporaries. According to Ji Kang of the Wei and Jin Dynasties, “We must deny the rulership of King Tang of the Shang Dynasty, belittle the etiquette of the Zhou Dynasty [and] transcend the Confucian ethical code, and lead a completely natural life.”65 Luo Rufang, Yan Jun, He Xinyin, and Li Zhi of the Ming Dynasty’s Taizhou School of thought also adhered to the Daoist iconoclastic spirit. They broke away from the idolatrous worship of the ancient sages and advocated the freedom of individuality and spiritual naturalism. The third school included proponents from the Huang-Lao School of Thought. They combined the Yellow Emperor’s teaching of consummate virtue with Laozi’s ideal of minimal governance. The four-chapter Huang-Lao Silk Manuscripts, which 62

Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. Commercial Press, 2003, p. 145. (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 284. 64 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi, Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 280. 65 Annotated by Yin Xiang and Guo Quanzhi. Ji Kang Variorum. Huangshan Publishing House, 1986, p. 122, 231. 63

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was excavated from the Mawangdui Han Tomb in Changsha, was written during the final years of the Warring States Period. Its defining features are laid out in Sima Tan’s Lun Liujia Yaozhi [On the Essential Ideas of the Six Schools]: “It followed the great rule of yin and yang, adopted the strengths of Confucianism and Mohism, and incorporated the essence of all the premiere schools of thought.”66 In terms of its scope, it bears the mark of a comprehensive school of thought and is in line with Lv Lan and Huainan Zi [The Book of the Prince of Huainan]. In the early period of the Han Dynasty, Cao Can, Chen Ping, Emperor Wen, Empress Dowager Dou, and Emperor Jing all endorsed Huang-Lao teachings. Ban Gu wrote in The Book of Han, “Sima Qian mentioned Huang-Lao before the Six Classics whenever he discussed the Great Way.”67 Both Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing applied Huang-Lao’s teachings during their reigns, stressing simplicity, minimal [government] interference, and noncoerciveness, which they saw as beneficial for restoring the economic and social stability of the empire. During the Eastern Han Dynasty, the study of Huang-Lao teaching focused primarily on preserving life and attaining spiritual liberation. The fourth school was made up of religious devotees. They shifted the philosophical orientation of the tradition in a religious direction that was characterized by the worship of terrestrial and celestial deities, belief in the existence of a spiritual realm, and the performance of codified practices. Philosophically, Laozi advocated the spontaneous ease of the heavenly way but also praised “the way of immortality.” Meanwhile, Zhuangzi discussed on the great transformation of life and death as well as the realm of immortals, who “do not eat grains, suck the wind and drink the dew, ride the air, and harness the flying dragon, traveling beyond the earthly world.”68 Within the Yan and Qi kingdoms, legends abounded about the three sacred mountains, immortals, and the elixir of immortality. Among peoples in the Chu Kingdom, there was a longing for “a life as long as heaven and earth, and as bright as the sun and the moon.”69 In the final years of the Han Dynasty, the Lao-Zhuang school of thought was combined with a folk belief in deities, generating the early Daoist sects, such as the Wudoumi School (a denomination of Five Bushels of Rice) and Taiping Daoism (the Way of the Great Peace), which regarded Xiang’er’s Commentary on Laozi and Taipingjing as religious classics. After the Wei and Jin Dynasties, the Wudoumi School was elevated to Tianshi Daoism (the Way of the Celestial Masters), and the Daoist tradition formed two major branches: the Danding (Elixir Cauldron) and Fulu (Talismans and Registers) schools. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, two additional sects emerged, the Qingxiu Wuwei (Quiet Meditation and Non-Action) and Chongxuan (Twofold Mystery). During the Jin and Yuan Dynasties, the Quanzhen (Complete

66

(Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. Records of the Grand Historian, Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 544. 67 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han, Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 622. 68 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 25. 69 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Yuan. Compilation and Explanation of Chu Ci. Edited by Dong Hongli, Beijing Ancient Books Publishing House, 1994, p. 164.

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Perfection) school emerged in the North, while in the South all sects were integrated into Zhengyi Daoism (the Way of Orthodox Unity). In summary, the Daoist religion is guided by the teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi, reveres the great heavenly way, advocates quietness and non-deliberate action, along with the preservation of life. In a number of important ways, it differs from philosophical Daoism in terms of its belief in a pantheon of spirits, pursuit of immortality, and idealization of personal cultivation as the gateway to liberation. Over time, institutionalization of these religious commitments led to the proliferation of additional sects and sacred ceremonies. Nevertheless, it is important to bear in mind that these various manifestations represent deviations from Laozi and Zhuangzi’s Daoist skeptical belief in gods and ghosts, transformation of life and death, and metaphorical interpretation of the spiritual realm. (4) The Essence of Philosophical and the Daoist Religion 1. At the heart of both philosophical and the Daoist religion is an emphasis on embodying the Way and its virtue, returning to one’s true nature, valuing and nurturing life, maintaining stillness and admiring softness, and apprizing contentment and spiritual liberation. The first pillar of the Daoist tradition is to embody the Way and its virtue. In the broadest sense, philosophical Daoism encompasses the Daoist religion and advocates exemplifying the Way. While Confucianism prioritizes the way of heaven and the way of humans, both of which are “subsequent to material form,” Daoism emphasizes “that which is antecedent to material form…as an ideal method.”70 For Daoists, the Way is the source and origin of the universe: “The Dao produces one, one produces two. The two produce the three and the three produce the myriad things.”71 Put another way, the Way is the ultimate and total vitality of the universe: “Dao has of all things the most honored place;”… “all creatures live through it”.72 Again: “[T]he Dao is the course by which all things proceed.”73 In terms of the Way, it is the set of basic principles underlying the dialectical transformation of the universe: “The movement of dao by contraries proceeds. Adaptiveness marks the course.”74 The Way is the path leading the universe toward harmony: “Knowing constancy is receptivity, and this is impartial. Impartiality is kingship. Kingship is heavenly. Heaven is dao and

70

Annotated by Song Zuoyin. The Book of Changes. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 343. Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 233. 72 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 295, 221. 73 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 875–876. 74 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 226. 71

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dao is eternal.”75 Further: “[T]he Way penetrates these and makes them one.”76 In reference to its Western metaphysical counterparts, the Way is another name for truth, goodness, and beauty: “The highest goodness is like water. Water easily benefits all things without struggle. Yet it abides in places that men hate. In that way, it is similar to dao.”77 As for virtue, it is the nature of all things that adhere to the Great Way: It is dao that produces [all things], nourishes them, brings them to their full growth, and sustains them.”… “Give birth to it and nourish it. Produce it but don’t possess it. Act without expectation. Excel, but don’t take charge. This is called Mysterious Virtue.78

While virtue entails realizing one’s potential, the virtuous adhere to the Way, assist others, are content, and value simplicity. In addition, they are non-contentiousness, true to themselves, and possess a sagely wisdom that appears naive: “The sage does not hoard. He gives people his surplus. Giving his surplus to others he is enriched.”79 The second pillar of Daoism is to return to one’s true nature. Having observed the loss of humanity’s natural simplicity in the development of human civilization, Laozi remarked: When the Way is lost, there is virtue. When virtue is lost, there is humaneness. When humaneness is lost, there is justice. When justice is lost, there is propriety. Now ‘propriety’ is the external appearance of loyalty and sincerity and the beginning of disorder.

It is also said that when “there appears wisdom and shrewdness, there ensues extreme hypocrisy,”80 while the pervasiveness of greed has become a breeding ground for the ills of the world. Thus it is said, “The greatest ill is no greater than greed for unlimited benefit. The greatest trouble is no worse than the desire to obtain unlimited success and wealth. Therefore, contentment with life itself is the real satisfaction.”81 Laozi thus proposed that people return to their true nature: “See the origin and maintain its impartiality. Reduce selfishness and minimize desire,” “return to innocence,” “revert to simplicity.” “One who remains rich in virtue is like a newborn baby.”82 For Laozi, humans must maintain the natural spontaneity of infants and children. In their social life, they must “avoid excess, grandiosity, and 75 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 134. 76 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 69. 77 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 102. 78 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 260. 79 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 349. 80 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 215, 145. 81 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 246. 82 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 147, 183, 274.

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1 Introduction

arrogance.”83 Thus the return to the original harmonious life of “a small country with few people.” In its celebration of a minimalistic way of life, it refrains from a life filled with “the music of the five colors, five sounds, and five flavors, the joys of horse racing and hunting, and the pursuit of treasures and exotica,” but instead embraces one of simplicity and moderation. Laozi held that people would ultimately pursue objects that are of priceless value, what he termed the “three treasures”: “The first is compassion, the second is moderation, and the third is not placing one’s own interests before those of others.”84 With compassion, one can be courageous in doing the right thing. With moderation, one can increase one’s profit and reduce one’s expenses. By not placing one’s own interests before those of others, one can give freely and be accepted by others. For Zhuangzi, he envisioned “an age of consummate virtue”85 where society would be free from the institutional practice of ritual and laws: “People filled their mouths with food and were glad; they patted their stomachs to express their satisfaction,”86 and they led peaceful and tranquil lives by abiding by simple customs. Besides returning to one’s true nature and to a life of simplicity, there is a need to return to spontaneity. According to Laozi, “Dao follows things as they are.” For Zhuangzi, the sages “take their direction from heaven, and prize their [proper] truth,” while “the patterns of heaven and earth proceed in the most admirable way.”87 In this context, spontaneity refers to the nature of heaven, earth, and all things, neither ordained by the gods, nor caused by humans; rather, it is the natural responsiveness of things. This includes what is nowadays referred to as “natural ecology,” as well as the spontaneous tendencies of human beings. Tragically, human civilization has pillaged and plundered the natural environment for hundreds of thousands of years, having given in to their rapacious desires for greed. Accordingly, Laozi and Zhuangzi advocated a return to natural desires and the reduction of conventional desires. As Laozi put it, “assist all things in manifesting their true nature without presuming to take deliberate action.”88 This implies that humans play a creative role in the transformation of the world. They are able to patch up the sky, follow the natural course, take the broad path, and act according to the situation, but should never act

83 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 188. 84 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 130. 85 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 270. 86 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 273. 87 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 875. 88 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 301.

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rashly and thoughtlessly. Hence, it is said, “Ignorance of [the natural way] leads to excess and ruin.”89 The third pillar is to value and nurture life. As Laozi observed, “All creatures exhibit the vitality of life.” The vitality of life is an essential attribute of the Great Way. The individual lives that have been endowed by the Great Way are precious beyond comparison. The things beyond the body should nourish human life, but not harm or injure life. Thus, it is said: Which is dearer, fame or your life? Which is greater, your life or possessions? Which is more painful, gain or loss? Therefore we always pay a great price for excessive love And suffer deep loss for great accumulation.90

For this reason, it is necessary to remain impartial to one’s desires, to avoid the greed of external things and excessive pleasure. Such things are detrimental to one’s health. Laozi instead proposed “moderation” as a principle for maintaining health—that is, preserving one’s essence and qi, while also applying methods such as “gathering the psychological and physical energies in one embrace” and “giving undivided attention to the vital breath.” He also proposed that one must be good at avoiding dangerous lands: “I have heard that those who are expert in cultivating life can travel the land without meeting tigers and rhinos, can enter battle without being wounded,” because they have no death-ground.”91 In opting for a solitary life, Zhuangzi sought to avoid established as caught up in the political fray. He also did so to escape the constraints of ritual on humanity. Moreover, he sought to avoid the ills of material wealth. Like the three sacrifices offered in the temple, despite their appearance of luxury, they are still merely sacrifices. Hence, it is said, “When one makes (a sacrifice) for the sake of humaneness and righteousness, the common people revere him as a ‘superior man,’ but when another does it for the sake of goods and riches, they condemn him as a ‘petty man.’ The action of sacrificing is the same, and yet we have the ‘superior man’ and the ‘petty man.’ In the course of ruining his life and deforming his nature, if the robber Zhi simply did the same as Boyi, why must we make the distinction of ‘superior man’ and ‘petty man?’”92 For this reason, Zhuangzi, advocated “being content with a peaceful life and following one’s nature,” also with an emphasis on spiritual freedom and being able to pass unconstrained through life. Building on the Lao-Zhuang ideal of valuing and nurturing life, the Daoist religion includes a belief in deities to form a religion that values and finds joy in life, but which 89 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 134. 90 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozii. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 241. 91 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 256. 92 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 262.

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does not pursue the salvation of the soul after death. Instead, it teaches devotees to cherish the life afforded them by their parents, and to cultivate health, vigor, and immortality in order to achieve immortality in life. Contemporary Daoist masters refer to this as “life-centered vitalism.” From the perspective of the Taishang Laojun Neiguan Jing [Scripture of Inner Observation of the Grand Supreme Elderly Lord]: The Way cannot be seen, and can only be manifested through life; life is inconstant, and can only be protected through the Way. If life ends, the Way is abandoned; if the Way is abandoned, life ends. When life and the Way are united as one, immortality is achieved.93

The Daoist religion also affirms the nurturing of life for the sake of immortality, developing a series of nurturing techniques such as neidan (inner alchemy), waidan (outer alchemy), cunsi (visualization of thoughts), shouyi (maintaining oneness), fuqi (swallowing breath), daoyin (exercises to cultivate qi) that aid in the process, as well as accelerate the development of Daoist medicine, an important aspect of traditional Chinese medicine. In history, Ge Hong, Tao Hongjing, Sun Simiao, along with others were esteemed Daoists and medical experts. The fourth pillar is to maintain stillness and admire softness. In terms of selfcultivation, Laozi advocated “refraining from selfishness and avoiding lust.” In addition, he thought that “the state of emptiness should be brought to the utmost degree, and that of stillness protected with unwearying vigor,” while “he who devotes himself to learning [seeks] to increase [his knowledge]. He who devotes himself to dao [seeks] to diminish [his aggrandizing].”94 With respect to public administration, Laozi advocated governance by wuwei (Non-Action): “I do not force my way and the people transform themselves. I enjoy my serenity and the people correct themselves. I do not interfere and the people enrich themselves. I have no desires and the people find their original heart-mentality.”95 Strictly speaking, stillness and Non-Action do not mean taking no action at all, but amassing the wisdom and strength of the masses, and acting according to the circumstances, such that all things put in their utmost effort and receive what they seek. Thus, it is said, “Dao is always ‘non-acting.’ Yet there is nothing it that does not do.” This is akin to the virtue of water, which “easily benefits all things without struggle.” Therefore, Laozi admired fluidity, since water is fluid “and yet for attacking things that are firm and strong, there is nothing that can take precedence over it.” He thus asserted that “the soft and weak overcomes the hard and strong,” pointing out that “firmness and strength are characteristic of death, while softness and weakness are indicative of life.”96 As Laozi puts it: 93

(Song Dynasty) Edited by Zhang Junfang. Annotated by Jiang Lisheng et al. Yunji Qiqian. Huaxia Publishing House, 1996, p. 94. 94 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 280. 95 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 280. 96 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 332.

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When people are born they are gentle and soft. At death they are hard and stiff. When plants are alive they are soft and delicate. When they die, they wither and dry up. Therefore the hard and stiff are followers of death. The gentle and soft are the followers of life. Thus, if you are aggressive and stiff, you will not win. When a tree is hard enough, it is cut. Therefore, The hard and big are lesser, The gentle and soft are greater.97

In this passage, softness and weakness refer to the fact that vitality is resilient and flexible, whereas firmness and strength refer to being strong externally but weak internally, relying solely on superficial strength rather than inner resolve. Moreover, softness is manifested as the “three treasures” (compassion, moderation, and avoiding taking precedence over others). In this sense, it has great endurance, continuity, and penetration: “The softest thing in the world dashes over and overcomes the hardest.”98 For that reason, softness can often lead to great achievements for a cause. Developmentally, the ethic of nurturing health in the Daoist religion inherited Laozi’s ideal of clarity, emptiness, and stillness. On this point, the Zhouyi Cantongqi [The Kinship of the Three in Accordance with the Book of Changes] proclaims: “Internally nourish yourself, serene and quiescent in empty indeterminacy.”99 Following up on it, the Huangtingjing [The Classic of the Yellow Court] states: “He who nurtures life and remains in empty indeterminacy will find serenity and contentment without worries.”100 On top of that, Zuowang Lun [Discourse on Sitting-in-Forgetfulness] explains, “If the vessel is empty and still to the utmost, then Dao will reside there and wisdom will emerge.”101 Finally, Wang Chongyang explained in the Sanzhou Wuhui Huayuanbang that this happens “only when there is ‘clarity and stillness’ in the mind. Otherwise, the rest is not cultivating.”102 In addition, the teachings of Daoism promote “valuing softness and maintaining humility,” not contending with others, directing good deeds in the service of others, and avoiding arrogance. 97 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 332. 98 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 239. 99 (Han Dynasty) Wei Boyang. (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Zhu Xi et al. Annotations of the Kinship of the Three in Accordance with the Book of Changes. Central Compilation & Translation Press, 2015, p. 20. 100 (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Wu Chengzi and Liang Qiuzi. Classic of the Yellow Court. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 6. 101 (Song Dynasty) Edited by Zhang Junfang.,Annotated by Jiang Lisheng et al. Yunji Qiqian. Huaxia Publishing House, 1996, p. 570. 102 Edited and revised by Bai Ruxiang. The Collected Works of Wang Chongyang. Qilu Press, 2005, p. 159.

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The fifth pillar is to value contentment and spiritual liberation. In Xiaoyao You [Free and Easy Wandering], Zhuangzi proposed the ideal of Xiaoyao (contentment in untroubled ease), or the pursuit of spiritual liberation. He believed that the common people are constrained by a number of things, such as right and wrong, good and evil, power, fame, institutions, poverty and wealth, immortality and death. As he saw it, such things are chains that prevent humans from achieving spiritual liberation. While Liezi took off riding the wind, the bird Peng “ascended ninety-thousand li.” Nonetheless, both “had things for which they had to wait.” It is only if “one rides on the natural processes of heaven and earth, and directs the distinction of the six vapors in order to course in the limitless”103 that one obtains true freedom. According to the sayings of the Qiwu Lun [Discussion of the Equality of Things], one must transcend the relative judgments of right and wrong, “look at them in the light of dao,” avoid making fixed distinctions, show “quiet acquiescence in what happens at its proper time,” listen to things according to their nature, and come to realize that “the heaven and earth and I are born together. The myriad things and I are one.”104 This is the realm of the genuine person. Yangshengzhu [Nourishing the Lord of Life] explores the story of a cook cutting up an ox, using the metaphor to illustrate that although humans cannot depart from the world, they can learn from the cook, using “that which is so thin to enter where the interstice is”105 in order to find a space that does not collide with others but which is suitable for themselves. In this way, “the blade has more than enough room” and moves along easily. Daoism also advocates an ethic of non-attachment, looking past the “liquor, lust, and riches” that the common people seek with passion, thus maintaining the spirit in a clear and tranquil state. The heart is connected with the Way, so that it finds no joy in coming and does not remain when going. Life, death, misfortune, and fortune are accordingly dealt with calmly, enabling one to achieve a joyful and sublime state of mind. This is the state of a living immortal. 2. The main ideological differences between philosophical and the Daoist religion can be summarized in the following way. Whereas philosophical Daoism holds that “the way of Heaven is natural and inactive,” the Daoist religion worships deities and immortals. Moreover, philosophical Daoism pursues spiritual freedom and a return to truth and an enhanced state of awareness, while the Daoist religion affirms longevity and immortality. Finally, philosophical Daoism is comprised of a number of schools but without an institutional religious structure to them. In contrast, the Daoist religion is made up of various sectarian institutions and codified practices.

103

Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 18. 104 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 80. 105 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 107.

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The first main difference is the approach to the divine. According to Laozi, dao produces all things, therefore, “all things are virtuous irrespective of dao.”106 “Dao” is not the Supreme Master of the world. For that reason, Laozi entreats his audience to “Give birth to dao and nourish it. Produce it but don’t possess it. Act without expectation. Excel, but do so non-coercively.” “The dao is hidden, and has no name.”107 That “Dao produces all things” is a process of natural spontaneity without a force of will. Therefore, dao is not a god and philosophical Daoism does not worship gods. Nevertheless, the Daoism of Laozi and Zhuangzi is not atheistic. Rather, it is directed towards reducing the influence of gods and ghosts. As Laozi said, “When you govern people with the Way, unhappy ghosts will have no power. Not that they don’t have power, but their power will not harm people;” moreover, “[t]he wellestablished cannot be uprooted. The well-grasped do not slip away. Generation after generation carry out ancestor worship without break.”108 The Daoist religion, by contrast, believes in a pantheon of deities. The highest among them are the Sanqing gods: Tianzun Yuanshi of Yuqing; Tianzun Lingbao of Shangqing; Tianzun Daode of Taiqing. Tianzun Daode is the divine Laozi, also known as Lord Laozi (the Grand Supreme Elderly Lord). He is the original supreme god of Daoism. The second highest are the four imperial gods: Emperor Jade, Emperor Heaven, Emperor Arctic and Emperor Earth. These four emperors were in charge of the celestial and terrestrial affairs of heaven and earth. The third highest are the three official gods: Heaven (Tianguan), Earth (Diguan) and Water (Shuiguan), which are also called the three yuan: Shangyuan, Zhongyuan and Xiayuan. Other important deities include Emperor Zhenwu (Emperor Xuanwu of the North), Emperor Wenchang (guardian of culture and education), Emperor Dongyue (god of Mount Tai), the god of subduing demons and protecting dao (Zhang Daoling’s deification), Taiyi Salvation Tianzun (Qingxuan god), Taiyi thunder Yinghua Tianzun (Dharma protector and guardian of wind, rain, thunder and lightning), and Siming Zhenjun (god of immortality and the eternal life of the south pole). There are also spiritual guardians (patrolling and protecting the Dharma), such as Gongcao (god of the moon and the sun), Taisui (god of the year), Chenghuang (god of local protection); a god of the land; a god of the kitchen; a god of gatekeeping, as well as a god of wealth. In addition, the Daoist religion holds to the correlation of gods and the various parts of the human body. According to the Huangting Neijing [The Classic of the Yellow Court: Inner View], Daoism considers “Taiyuan as the hair god, Mud Pill as the brain god, Xuanying as the eyes god, Lingjian as the nose god, Youtian as the ear god, Zhenglun as the tongue god, Luoqian as the teeth god, Shouling as the heart god, Xucheng as the lung god, Hanming as the liver god, Yuying as the kidney god,

106

Annotated by Chen Guying, Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 260. 107 Annotated by Chen Guying, Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 108, 229. 108 Annotated by Chen Guying, Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 291, 271.

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Hunting as the spleen god and Weiming as the gallbladder god.”109 Daoism also reveres immortality and the cultivation of dao in order to gain spiritual powers, as represented by such figures as Chi Songzi, Guang Chengzi, Rongcheng Gong, Anqi Sheng, Sanmao Zhenjun, Xuzhenjun, North Wuzu (Wang Xuanfu, Zhongli Quan, Lv Dongbin, Liu Haichan, Wang Chongyang), South Wuzu (Zhang Boduan, Shi Tai, Xue Daoguang, Chen Nan, Bai Yuchan), North Seven Zhenren (Ma Danyang, Tan Chuduan, Liu Chuxuan, Qiu Chuji, Wang Chuyi, Hao Datong and Sun Bu’er), and Eight Immortality (Tieguai Li, Han Zhongli, Zhang Guolao, He Xiangu, Lan Caihe, Lv Dongbin, Han Xiangzi, Cao Guojiu). In the Tang Dynasty, Zhuangzi was granted the title of Nanhua Zhenren, Liezi as Chongxu Zhenren, Wenzi as Tongxuan Zhenren and Gengsangzi as Dongxu Zhenren. Due to historical and geographical differences, Daoism has a rich set of deities. For example, there is Mazu in coastal areas, Emperor Nanyue and Emperor Baosheng in the south. Following the Ming Dynasty, Emperor Guan Yu replaced Jiang Taigong as the military sage, a venerable figure who was also known as Emperor Guan Sheng, guardian of life and wealth, the elimination of disasters and illness, and overseer of the underworld. The second set of fundamental differences concern opposing views on life and death. Although philosophical Daoism pursues health and immortality, it does not pursue immortality. According to Laozi, “If you die without loss, you are eternal.”110 This means that your spirit will not die. Therefore, he said, “The sage does not hoard. He gives people his surplus. Giving his surplus to others he is enriched.”111 Zhuangzi thought that life and death is an equilibrating process: a gathering of qi at birth and a dispersing of qi at death. Death is the way of nature, so we should live in peace. The Daoist religion, by contrast, maintains a belief in immortality. As the Daoist saying goes, “my life is in me, not in heaven.”112 It can be said that the philosophical Daoist view of life and death is naturalistic, but the Daoist religion’s view is supernatural. Its guiding principle is found in the “Taishang Laojun Neiguan Jing,” which states, “Dao is invisible, because life is to be clear; life is not to be constant, and dao is to be kept. With death, dao is abandoned; if dao is abandoned, then comes death. If life and dao are one, then comes eternal life.”113 Dao is immortal. Through spiritual cultivation, the body is connected with dao and humans can live forever. Both internal and external alchemy reflect how “reversion is the way of alchemy”, that is, not being born into an eternal body but returning to the eternal spirit. Immortality has the following characteristics: (1) to be immortal within heaven and earth, (2) to be able to fly in clouds, and (3) to possess magical powers. Baopuzi [The 109

(Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Wu Chengzi and Liang Qiuzi. The Classic of the Yellow Court. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, pp. 30–32. 110 Annotated by Chen Guying, Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 201. 111 Annotated by Chen Guying, Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 349. 112 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Tao Hongjing. The Record of Nourishing and Prolonging Life. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 7. 113 (Song Dynasty) Edited by Zhang Junfang. Annotated by Jiang Lisheng et al. Yunji Qiqian. Huaxia Publishing House, 1996, p. 94.

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Master Who Embraces Simplicity], written by Ge Hong, a Daoist in the Jin Dynasty, established the Daoist notion of immortality. According to this text, it is not easy to attain immortality, so we must embody in our thoughts, speech, and conduct the way of dao, treasure essence and cultivate qi, and consume an elixir for immortality. Quanzhen Daoism in the later Daoism argues against the immortality of the body. It transcends and returns to philosophical Daoism, but insists on inner alchemy and spiritual cultivation to achieve the pure yang body by consume an elixir for immortality. In this way the spirit can be separated from the body and attain immortality in heaven. The third important difference concerns practice. Philosophical Daoism is a loosely connected group of schools but without an institutional religious orientation. Moreover, it does not advocate fellowship. As Zhuangzi said, “rather than leave them to moisten each other with their damp and spittle it would be far better to let them forget themselves in their native rivers and lakes.”114 While there was the LaoZhuang School in the pre-Qin period, it was the continuation of the work of a group of scholars who based their thinking on dao, and consequently eschewed an explicit hierarchical structure. Huang-Lao Daoism in the early Dynasty advocated the combination of Confucianism and Daoism and governance of Non-Action. At the end of the Han Dynasty, there was worship of Huang-Lao Daoism but without a strict organization. Metaphysics in the Wei and Jin Dynasties was a new form of Daoism fused with Confucianism. There is guiwu theory (He Yan, Wang Bi), the theory of nature (Ji Kang, Ruan Ji) and duhua theory (Guo Xiang). Differences among the various schools mainly reflect intellectual disagreements. As a religion, Daoism has its own designated organizations, spaces and activities, as well as adherents. It is a kind of spiritual, cultural, and social power. For that reason, different schools of Daoism, such as Zhengyi and Quanzhen, have their own institutional structures, temples, rituals, and rules. It also prescribes certain religious activities such as praying, divination, meditation, obeying dao, guidance, among others. In addition, there is internal alchemy and external alchemy, as well as palace and temple preservation activities which maintain the survival and development of Daoism. Masters of methods also venerate the tradition’s 36 caves and 72 lands. The theory of “two blessed places” holds that it is the place where Xianzhen lives. Over time, it has become the place where Daoist temples are located. Among the more prominent of these temples are the Shaanxi Zhouzhi county platform (Laozi’s sermon altar); Shangqing Palace in the Longhu Mountain (the ancestral hall of Tianshi Daoism); Wanshou Palace in Chongyang (one of the ancestral halls of Quanzhen school); the Baiyun temple in Beijing (one of the ancestral halls of the Quanzhen school), Baxian Palace in Xi’an; Zixiao Palace in Wudang Qingchengshan Jianfu Palace, the Shanghai god’s temple; the Hangzhou Baopu Daoist court, among others. The most important skill of Daoist cultivation is external and internal alchemy. In the early stages, Daoists advocated external alchemy, burning and refining ore drugs such as cinnabar to make elixirs for immortality. Gradually, external Dan went into decline and internal Dan rose to 114 Annotated by Chen Guying, Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 195.

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prominence. Internal Dan takes as its starting point the internal alchemy of Su Yuanlang in the Sui Dynasty. It considers the vital force of a human body as medicine, and passes the “taking from filling, with water or fire down, the predicate Yang Kan, fill a Yin Li.” Refinement of such elixirs induces physical and spiritual training. Alchemy requires both xing (psychological) and ming (physiological) training and cultivating qi. One must cultivate qi through essence, refine the spirit and convert it to steam, cultivate the spirit and return it to emptiness, and cultivate the combination of emptiness and dao. Then one can achieve rebirth and incarnate into a pure yang body. There are two schools of Quanzhen Daoism. The northern school of Quanzhen prioritizes the cultivation of xing then ming, while the southern school privileges the cultivation of ming then xing. 3. The dynamic interaction between philosophical and the Daoist religion includes plurality and unity, as well as a harmony of differences. Interestingly, Lao-Zhuang Daoism in the pre-Qin period is a fusion of humanism, naturalism, and Shendao (i.e., sacred teachings). In the course of its development during the Han Dynasty, the tradition deviated from Laozi’s tiandao by taking the path of the divine in the Wei and Jin Dynasties and established as a religion of NonAction. It developed in parallel with Huang-Lao Daoism and metaphysics. After the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the independent schools of Daoism declined. With the assistance of Daoism’s inner Non-Action, Lao-Zhuang’s humanistic philosophy developed. Meanwhile, the rise of Quanzhen Daoism in the Jin and Yuan Dynasty saw the abandonment of early Daoist talismans, fasting, and elixirs. Instead, it advocated self-cultivation and a return to a spontaneously naturalistic way of living. In addition, it promoted the integration of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism and developed Daoist philosophy. Following the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the orthodox schools of Daoism attached great importance to science, ceremony and philosophical Daoism, while the Quanzhen school attached great importance to the cultivation of inner alchemy. The two schools gradually became intertwined. In modern Daoism, a new form of immortality (Chen Yingning) emerged that was promoted by contemporary humanist philosophers. It can be said that Laozi is the mentor of Daoism, and that Daoism is the institutionalization of Laozi’s thought. Every time Daoism leans towards folk religion, a corrective is provided by recourse to the Daodejing. Let Daoism return to Laozi and carry forward the dao of Shengsheng. At the same time, Daoism is close to the people, employing devotion to the divine in its teachings. In this reconfigured relationship, Lao-Zhuang’s mature philosophy of life and the universe is transformed into folk religious beliefs and popular appeal. According to “the memorial stele of the Daoist master Hao (Hao Datong)” by Xu Yan, “the source of Daoists comes from Laozi and Zhuangzi, and the later people lost their original purpose. It became a kind of magic, talisman, burning, refining, praying and worshipping. The more the sect is divided, the more it is lost. Chongyang and Zhenjun were teachers and friends. As soon as they understand, they are almost as if given by heaven. They start from the end of the South and reach the Kunlun Mountains. Moreover, they were enlightened and trained by their peers. Hence, the founding of their school is called Quanzhen.

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They practiced the principle of understanding the mind, seeing the nature, minimizing emotion and lust, tolerating shame and containing filth, and suffering from self-interest. Later, the way of Laozi and Zhuangzi began to merge.”115 All things considered, the development of Daoist distribution is reasonable. As long as it can promote what is beneficial and eliminate what is detrimental, Daoist rituals cannot be denied. Founded by Wang Chongyang and developed by the seven sons of Quanzhen Daoism, Daoism returned to the fundamental teaching of Laozi’s “respecting Daoism and virtue” and “Daoism and nature,” and opened the way to a deep sense of spirituality and self-understanding. This included the pursuit of the spiritual world beyond customs, direct exploration of the origin and value of life and putting into practice the spiritual life of the group’s folk belief. The aim was to improve people’s livelihood, and it held great promise to carry forward the way of Laozi.

1.3.3 Buddhism (1) The Lineage of Indian Buddhism Originated in ancient India, Buddhism was founded by S¯akyamuni Siddh¯artha Gautama in the fifth century BCE. S¯akyamuni was customarily referred to the Buddha, the great enlightened one, by his followers. Developmentally, Indian Buddhism went through four stages: (1) Original Buddhism, (2) Sectarian Buddhism, (3) Mahayana Buddhism and (4) Esoteric Buddhism. By the thirteenth century, the Buddhist tradition declined in India but spread outward to China and other parts of East and Southeast Asia, before making its way throughout the rest of the world. The original Buddhist teachings were preserved orally within a loosely organized institutional structure. Sectarian Buddhism can be divided into two main schools, the Sthavirav¯ada––“School of the Elders”—and Mah¯as¯am . ghika––“Great Samgha”— from which many subsequent schools arose. Within this divide, devotees of Sthavirav¯ada consider S¯akyamuni to be a deeply compassionate and wise man, while acknowledging the “Tri-temporal Existence of Dh¯arma.” By contrast, followers of Mahasaitghika regard S¯akyamuni as a supreme deity and advocate of the “Emptiness of Dh¯arma.” Meanwhile, Mahayana (“Great Vehicle”) Buddhists viewed the previous Buddhist schools as Hinayana (“Small Vehicle”), the goal of which is personal liberation. On the contrary, “Mahayana” is committed to liberation for all beings. Within this branch, there are two schools. The first is M¯adhyamaka (“the Middle Way”), which was founded by N¯ag¯arjuna and Aryadeva, and guided by the perennial wisdom of the Dapin bo’re jing [Great Prajna Sutra, Mah¯aprajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a S¯utra]. The classic text of this school teaches that “all phenomena (dharmas) are empty (´su¯ nya) because of their interdependently co-arising nature.” N¯ag¯arjuna’s works include the Zhong lun [The Fundamentals of the Middle Way, Madhyamakak¯arik¯a] Shi’er men lun ´astra], Dazhidu lun [The Great [Twelve Verses on Emptiness, Dv¯ada-´sanik¯aya S¯ 115

Daoist Canon, Volume 10. Bashu Publishing House, 1995, p. 149.

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Treatise on the Perfection of Wisdom, Mah¯aprajñ¯ap¯aramit¯as´a¯ stra], Bai lun [The One-Hundred-Verse Treatise, Aksara-sataka]. The second is the Yog¯ac¯ara School, which was founded by Asa˙nga and Vasubandhu, with the Jie’shen mijing [Sutra of the Explanation of the Profound Secrets, Sam . dhinirmocana S¯utra] and the Yu’jia shidi lun [Discourse on the Stages of Yogic Practice, Yog¯ac¯arabh¯umi-´sa¯ stra] as its major works. Asa˙nga authored the She dacheng lun [Poring the Great Vehicle, Mah¯ay¯anasamgraha-´sa¯ stra], while Vasubandhu wrote the Er’shi weishi lun [The Twenty Verses on Consciousness-Only, Vim´satik¯avijñaptim¯atrat¯asiddhi], San’shi weishi lun [The Thirty Verses on Consciousness-Only, Trim . s´ik¯a-vijñaptim¯atrat¯a], Dacheng bai famingmen lun [Hundred Famingmen on Mahayana, Mah¯ay¯ana-atadharmaprak¯aamukha-¯astra], and proposed the idea that “all beings change with respect to consciousness,” while “independent of consciousness, there are no beings.” As for esoteric Buddhism, it maintains a distinctively tripartite integration of [meditative] body postures, authentic speech and reflective mind, and focusing on mantras with strong mystical elements. Later, when all three schools made their way to China, the Great Vehicle (Mahayana School) became mainstream, while the Small Vehicle (Original and Sectarian Schools) became popular in the southwestern border regions. Meanwhile the Esoteric School, soon after reaching China, soon declined and was only partly integrated into Tibetan Buddhism, due to its incompatibility with the country’s political landscape. Scripturally, the Buddhist classics are referred to as the “Tripitaka” (Scriptures, Principles, and Discourses), or “Great Volumes.” Here, scriptures refer to the teachings of S¯akyamuni, principles to the rules and regulations for Buddhist disciples, and discourses to the interpretation of the Buddha’s teachings by Buddhist disciples. (2) Chinese Buddhist Schools and Classics Indian Buddhism was introduced to China in the Two Han Dynasties. It flourished during the time of the Three Kingdoms, the Wei and Jin Dynasties, and formed the Eight Schools during the Sui and Tang Dynasties. The eight schools, along with their respective founder and major work(s), include: 1. Tiantai Buddhism: Zhiyi, Fahuajing [Lotus Sutra, Saddharma Pun.d.ar¯ıka S¯utra] 2. Sanlun [The Three Treatise] Buddhism: Jizang, Madhyamakak¯arik¯a [The Funda´astra [The One-Hundred-Verse mentals of the Middle Way], Dv¯ada-´sanik¯aya S¯ Treatise and The Treatise on the Twelve Gates] 3. Consciousness Only Buddhism: Xuanzang and Kuiji, Jieshen mijing [Sutra of the Explanation of the Profound Secrets], Sandhinirmocana S¯utra, Cheng weishi lun [Discourse on the Perfection of Consciousness-only, Vijnaptimtratsiddhi], and Yujia shidi lun [Discourse on the Stages of Yogic Practice, Yog¯ac¯arabh¯umi-´sa¯ stra] 4. Vinaya Buddhism: Daoxuan, Sifen lv [Vinaya in Four Parts, Dharmagupta Vinaya] 5. Huayan Buddhism: Fazang, Huayanjing [Flower Garland Sutra, Mah¯avaipulya Buddh¯avatam . saka S¯utra] ´ 6. Esoteric Buddhism: Subhakarasim . ha and Vajrabodhi, Da’rijing [Vairochana Sultra] and Jin’gangdingjing [Adamantine Pinnacle Sultra]

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7. Pure Land Buddhism: Shandao, Wuliangshoujing [Infinite Life Sutra, Sukh¯avat¯ıvy¯uhah. sutra], Guan weliangshoujing [Amitayurdhyana Sutra], and A’mituofojing [Amit¯abha Sutra] 8. Zen Buddhism: Huineng, Tanjing [Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch] Popular classics include Bo’re boluomi xinjing [Prajnaparamita Heart Sutra], Jingangjing [Diamond Sutra], among others. The Chinese translation of Buddhist scriptures began in the late Eastern Han Dynasty, flourished in the Northern and Southern Sui and Tang Dynasties, and came to an end during the Song Dynasty. Such translations were completed by Chinese monks and are voluminous and creative in their expression. While preserving the main features of Indian Buddhist doctrines, they combined elements of Confucian and Daoist wisdom, creating a unique form of Buddhism which advanced the practice of Buddhist Studies. In addition, such translations furthered the Sinicization of Buddhism and facilitated its integration into Chinese culture. Among them, the Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch by Hui Neng is the only work that has been recognized as the “Sutra” and widely circulated. Other important works include: Lihuo Lun [On the Resolution of Confusion] by Mouzi, Sanbao Lun [Three Kinds of Karma] by Huiyuan, Zhao Lun [Essays of Seng Zhao] by Sengzhao, Mingfo Lun [Theory of Spiritual Imperishability] by Zong Bing, Miehuo Lun [On Elimination of Confusion] by Liu Xie, Erjiao Lun [On Two Teachings] by Dao’an, Sanlun Xuanyi [The Profound Meaning of the Three Treaties] by Jizang, Fahua Jing Xuanyi [Interpretation of Lotus Sutra] by Zhiyi, Huyan Jinshi Cheng Weishi Lun Shuji [Annotation of ‘Discourse on the Perfection of Consciousness-only’] by Kuiji, Huayan Jinshizi Zhang [Huayan Chapter of Golden Lion] by Fazang, Yuanren Lun [Inquiry into the Origin of Humanity] by Zongmi, Wudeng Huiyuan [Collection of Five Records of the Transmission of the Lamp] edited by Puji, Fujiao Bian [Pleading for Buddhism] by Qisong, Zhengfayan Zang [Treasury of the True Dharma Eye] by Zonghao, Chu Sanzang Ji [The Catalogue of Sutra Translation] and Hongming Ji [Collected Essays on Buddhism] by Sengyou, Guang Hhongming Ji [Extended Collected Essays on Buddhism] edited by Daoxuan and various versions of Gao’seng Zhuan [Biographies of Eminent Monks], among others. (3) Basic Teachings of Buddhism The basic teachings of Buddhism include: (1) The Four Noble Truths, (2) Twelve Causes (Nid¯anas), (3) Eightfold Path, (4) Three Marks of Existence, and (5) Three Practices and Six Perfections. The Four Noble Truths consist of the following teachings: (1) suffering, (2) karma, or the cause of the suffering, (3) the solution to suffering, and (4) nirvana. Suffering refers to the sorrowful nature of life. It includes the experience of birth, aging, illness, death, aversion, being apart from loved ones, failing, and the torments of the five aggregates (sensations, emotions, perception, conception, and volition). Karma refers to the fact that all suffering in life is caused by certain conditions. Next is the existence of a release from suffering. Suffering in life is caused by ignorance and greed. Nevertheless, suffering can be overcome if people can eliminate craving,

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obsession, and attachment. Nirvana refers to the attainment of a “permanent, joyful, free, and pure” state of awareness that marks enlightenment and Buddhahood. The Twelve Causes (Nid¯anas) refer to the twelve root causes of suffering in life. They include: (1)

Ignorance and its resultant psychological and physical manifestations as expressed through the heart, mouth, and mind (2) Fabrications (volitional Formations/volitional activities Mental fermentations/volitions) (3) Consciousness (4) Name-and-Form (mentality and corporeality) (5) Six senses: eyes, ears, nose, tongue, body and mind (6) Contact: bonds established with the world in early childhood (7) Feeling: sensations related to external stimuli, such as suffering, pleasure, and the absence of suffering and pleasure (8) Craving: the obsession with things and sex (9) Pulls: the pursuit of various goals as an adult (10) Clinging: karma conditioned by thoughts, feelings, and actions (11) Birth: the existence of birth is the condition for rebirth (12) Aging Death. Reincarnation passes ceaselessly through the cycle of aging, illness and death. Only Nirvana serves as a permanent release. Ignorance is the seed of the Twelve Causes, and release can be attained only by eliminating the desire to grasp and possess. The Eightfold Path consists of the following eight practices: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

Right view: views that are clear of malevolence and delusion Right thought: thoughts that avoid bigotry and falsehood Right speech: speech that abstains from lying and abuse Right action: conduct that follows the Buddhist precepts Right livelihood: a livelihood that aligns with Dharma Right effort: persistent endeavor to abandon the wrong and harmful deeds while cultivating the good and benevolent ones (7) Right mindfulness: clear and firm belief in Dharma (8) Right concentration: a heightened state of awareness and inner tranquility. The Three Marks of Existence are comprised of the following characteristics. First is impermanence, a constant, conditioned state of change, in the midst of which each moment is either emerging into existence or passing out of it. Second is non–self, or the absence of an unchanging, eternal essence. Third is the tranquility of nirvana, a culminating experience that entails a release from suffering and reincarnation. The three marks are the standards for judging the authenticity of Buddhism. The Three Practices and Six Perfections make up the final set of teachings. The three practices include inner restraint, meditative absorption, and wisdom. Inner restraint refers to a regimen of strict obedience to austerity and regulations. Meditative absorption entails a focused concentration on the systematic elimination of

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suffering. Wisdom concerns the attainment of enlightenment and the accompanying release from suffering. Among the six perfections, there is generosity, self-restraint, forbearance, diligence, meditation, and ultimate wisdom. (4) Essence of Chinese Buddhism The essence of Chinese Buddhism includes the following features: emptiness of all phenomena, consciousness-only among all dharmas, karmic conditions, an egalitarian spirit, and the ideal of the middle way. First is the emptiness of all phenomena. Everything is caused by the combination of yinyuan (nid¯ana, cause and effect). Alternatively put, nothing in the world has an individual, self-identical essence. Nevertheless, the emptiness of phenomena does not entail their non-existence. Rather, it is the delusive belief in the existence of essences. Therefore, to liberate oneself, one must dispense with the belief in “self” (wozhi) and “dharma” (fazhi). While wozhi entails a belief in the persistence of oneself, fazhi refers to an obsession with external things, such as fame, profit, power, and sex. Such beliefs cease when one realizes that everything is void of an underlying essence. Second is the consciousness-only orientation. According to consciousness-only, “there is no objective existence independent of consciousness.”116 The myriad beings in the universe are simply the result of consciousness: eyes, ears, nose, tongue, mind, deluded consciousness (manas), and its all-encompassing foundation (¯alaya). ¯ Alaya consciousness materializes all Dharmas. By practicing in a disciplined manner, there is a decrease of youlou (contaminated seeds) in a¯ laya consciousness and a simultaneous increase of wulou (untainted seeds), “impurity” is transformed into “purity” and “knowledge” is transformed into “wisdom,” the anxieties of life and death are transformed into tranquility, and practitioners attain Buddhahood. Third is the existence of karmic conditions. Due to ignorance, karma of all forms engender consequences that circulate in the “Six Realms (God, Human, Animal, Preta [the Hungry Ghost], Hell, Asura) of Reincarnation” endlessly. Chinese Buddhism highlights the existence of “Karma in Three Reincarnations,” advocating that good deeds bring beneficial consequences while bad deeds bring detrimental consequences, but that the consequences reveal themselves either immediately or gradually. While some consequences emerge in this life (immediate karma), others arise in the next life (intermediate karma), as well as in subsequent lives (future karma). All Karma is the result of people themselves, causes and consequences are naturally related, so it is irrelevant for others. Therefore, Chinese Buddhism acknowledges the undying of spirit, believing instead in reincarnation. Fourth is its egalitarian spirit. “The infinite kindness enjoys the happiness with the mass, the infinite compassion draws out the sufferings of the mass.”117 The central 116

Annotated by Han Tingjie. Annotations to Vijnaptimatratasiddhi-sastra. Zhonghua Book Company, 1998, p. 9. 117 [Indian] Long Shu (N¯ ag¯arjuna bodhisattva). The Great Treatise on the Perfection of Wisdom. (Later Qin) Translated by Kumarajiva. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 181.

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tenet of the Great Vehicle is universal liberation for all beings. At the heart of this egalitarian ethos is compassion. It extends to the people, dharma, and emptiness. It can be summarized as “the unconditioned love to spread compassion to the entire world.” Because phenomena are fundamentally empty, there is parity among all things. For that reason, the myriad things should be impartially treated with love and compassion. In the eyes of the Buddha, the masses are equal, and the Buddhas are equal with the masses; practitioners should “benefit others naturally,” “enlighten others naturally,” “avoid ill deeds,” “practice good deeds,” and respect the life of others. It therefore prohibits violence, encourages compassion for every sentient being, and enjoins adherents to serve others. One need only recall the tale about how the Buddha “cut off meat to feed pigeons” and committed “self-sacrifice to feed tigers.” Fifth is the ideal of the middle way and the ultimate harmony. The middle way refers to being impartial, embodying the ultimate truth, the nature of Dharma, and true representation. It is neither dropped into the common nor reduced into the rash judgment, not taking this world as being yet nor non-being, which is believed as “the nature of Buddhism, undying and un-perishing.”118 Among the major schools, Tiantai emphasizes the “three truths and ultimate harmony,” the emptiness of all things, and awareness of the middle way. Meanwhile, Huayan argues for the inclusivity of religion, promoting acceptance of all schools and sects, and taking the pursuit of harmony as the ultimate concern by asserting that “one is all, and all is one.” In addition, it advocates the “four realms”: the realm of dharma in beings, the realm of dharma in reason, the realm of dharma in integrating beings and reason, and the realm of dharma in unifying all beings with their corresponding reasons. In order to pursue the middle way, “biaoquan” (positive argument) was usually replaced by “zhequan” (negative argument)—for example, “not-having and no-not-having,” “not-consistent and no-not-consistent,” along with “reality in no-birth and no-death.” (5) The Difference and Similarity between Chinese Buddhism and Buddhist Studies Broadly speaking, Chinese Buddhism is a religion, whereas Chinese Buddhist Studies are a philosophy that is ultimately concerned with worldly transcendence. More specifically, Buddhism is a philosophical religion, while Buddhist Studies are anthropology with theological factors. While intent on exploring the philosophical underpinnings of the mind, Buddhist Studies nonetheless retain devotion to the Buddha and the Buddhist sutras. Among the differences between Chinese Buddhism and Buddhist Studies, Buddhism is a faith-based tradition that is practiced among monastic and lay community members. Devotees revere Shakyamuni as a supreme being who is endowed with an eternal “truth body” (dharmak¯aya), omnipotent power to fully perceive the past, the present, and the future, and the ability to ward off suffering and offer blessings to all beings. In addition, there are three temporal Buddhas worshiped by believers: 118

(Sui Dynasty) Ji Zang (Ed.). The Commentary on Madhyamika-sastra The One-Hundred-Verse ´astra. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1994, p. 119. Treatise Dv¯ada´sanik¯aya S¯

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Buddha Gaya in the past, Buddha Shakyamuni in the present, and Buddha Maitreya in the future. There are also three spatial Buddhas: Buddha Bhais.ajyaguru (king of medicine master) in the east, Buddha Sakyamuni in the Oya world, and Buddha Amitabha in the west. From as far back as the Song Dynasty, Maitreya appeared in China, a big-bellied smiling Buddha, who was loved and respected by the people. Meanwhile, Pure Land Buddhists worship Amitabha in the west. They believe that as long as believers are devout and continue to chant the name of the Buddha Amitabha, they can receive the grace of Amitabha and enjoy the pure land of paradise. Under Buddha, there are also many lower ranked bodhisattvas. In China, the four main bodhisattvas occupy the four renowned mountains as their ashram (Bodhiman.d.a), or palace where they practice austerity. Foremost among them is Guanyin Bodhisattva, who resides on Mount Putuo in Zhejiang Province. Believers consider him the most compassionate bodhisattva, saving people from suffering and misfortune. For this reason he is worshiped far and wide among households. Second is Manjushri, whose Bodhiman.d.a is Mount Wutai in Shanxi. Third is Samantabhadra, who resides in Mount Emei in Sichuan. The last of the four is Kshitigarbha, who dwells on Mount Jiuhua in Anhui. Under the bodhisattvas are the arhat, spiritual practitioners who have attained the highest level of insight in Theravada Buddhism. They can be grouped into three main classes: sixteen arhats, eighteen arhats, and five hundred arhats. Biyun Temple in Beijing, Guiyuan Temple in Wuhan, and Qiongzhu Temple in Kunming occupy the hall for the five hundred arhats. In keeping with the precepts of the tradition, Buddhists follow an elaborate set of ritual practices to express their belief in Buddha and the bodhisattvas. The worship of Buddhist deities and reincarnation of the souls of the third karma are necessary for those in misery, and it can become an enduring source of spiritual motivation to pursue a life of good and turn away from one of evil. As for Buddhist Studies, they are primarily popular among intellectuals, as well as lofty-minded monks, lay members, and scholars outside the religion. Generally speaking, Buddhologists tend to view Sakyamuni as a highly spiritual figure with great wisdom, rather than a supreme deity, and consequently strive to improve their life through wisdom, rather than by prostrating in worship and praying for blessings. Huineng, the representative of Chinese Zen Buddhism,119 advocated “not being mentally confined to Sutra texts,” “desirelessness, emptiness as the ultimate, and impermanence as the basis.”120 Because everyone is endowed with a Buddha nature, the pure land lies within the heart. One need only “acknowledge the mind and nature” and “obsess with nothing;”121 one can then “become a Buddha as soon as one repents.” In this way, the practice of worshipping Buddha becomes the system underpinning the learning of life. Yang Wenhui, a representative of Buddhist monks in modern times, believes that “Chan sweeps away the writing characters and only 119

Also Chan Buddhism. “禅宗” is translated into Zen Buddhism throughout the text. Annotated by Ding Fubao. Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, p. 80. 121 (Song Dynasty) Edited by Shi Yanshou. A Compreshensive Mirror for Buddhist Records. Sanqin Publishing House, 1994, pp. 1023, 838. 120

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mentions one line, ‘Who is the one who reads the Buddha?,’ as the foundation for established as Buddha.”122 Master Taixu encourages “Buddhism in the human realm” and the attainment of pure land in the here and now, an effort which does not require devotees to abandon the world to become deities and spirits or to be monks sequestered in the forest. Rather, he calls for social reform as a means of improving oneself and others.123 In taking Buddhism as an atheist religion, Zhang Taiyan notes that what it accentuates is the intelligence, not the spirit, “relying on one’s own but not another’s [power],” “not taking the supernatural as the profound reference.”124 Alternatively, Ouyang Jingwu’s monograph Buddhism: Neither a Religion nor a Philosophy claims that “All dharmas are gathered within my mind.”125 Tang Yongtong, author of A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, the Northern and Southern Dynasties, notes that “Buddhist Dharma, which is both a religion and a philosophy”126 should be treated in the manner of “sympathizing and correlating its responses” as well as “the perception of nature.”127 In short, Buddhist Studies have sharp critical philosophical insights and is exceptionally appealing to intellectuals. It offers guidance and improves its standing with sacred teachings, saving it from falling into a vulgar and occult state. Conversely, Buddhism as Shendao can teach through Shinto, so that its guiding moral principles such as “four all-embracing virtues,” “five precepts,” “ten positive actions” persuade people to act virtuously. This is the foundation of Buddhism as a religion and Buddhist Studies as a philosophy.

122

Yang Renshan. The Volume of Yang Renshan. Wuhan University Press, 2008, p, 240. Master Taixu. The Principles of Dharma and Human Conducts. In Master Taixu (Ed.). The Complete Works of Master Taixu, Volume 3. China Religious Culture Publisher, 2005, p, 157. 124 Revised and edited by Fu Jie. The Collected Essays on Academic History by Zhang Taiyan. Yunnan People’s Publishing House, 2008, p, 111. 125 Ouyang Jingwu. Buddhist Anthology of Ouyang Jingwu. Wuhan University Press, 2009, p. 16. 126 Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, p. 487. 127 Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, p. 487. 123

Chapter 2

The Origin of Chinese Civilization and the History of the Relationship with Confucianism and Daoism

The development of the relationship among Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, from their emergence to their gradual interplay and harmonious complementarity, is not accidental. It is actually a process rooted in the tradition of comprehensive innovation, flexibility, and harmonization of ancient civilizations, inheriting, and blossoming from the mutual appraisal and complementation between Confucianism and Daoism.

2.1 Early Formation of the Tradition of Harmony with Diversity in Chinese Civilization Chinese civilization has lasted for around 5000 years. The early formation of Chinese civilization can be attributed to the following key factors. First, its natural geographical environment is inherently self-contained. China has a semi-closed and semiopen terrain that is self-contained: from the west to the north, we find a barrier to the outside world formed by plateaus, steep mountains, and deserts, but also roads allowing communication with the western regions. The south has a gentle terrain, with long coastlines flanking the east and southeast, facilitating the communication with other countries, while also being protected by the sea. These two major environmental features are favorable to the independent development of the Chinese nation, but also provide an open space. Second, it has an advanced agricultural civilization. China encompasses a vast territory, with two major river systems, the Yellow River and the Yangtze River, as well as the Central Plain, which is a flat, fertile and temperate region that is conducive to the development of agriculture. The myth of the “Three Sovereigns” (Suiren-shi, Fuxi-shi and Shennong-shi) offers us a glimpse of the collective historical memory of the ancients, reflecting that they were able to make fire from very early on, and that they developed the two complementary industries of animal husbandry and farming, eventually forming a prosperous livelihood and economy. The alignment of agricultural civilization © People’s Publishing House 2023 Z. Mou, A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7206-5_2

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with familial society resulted in a national character of affinity, stability, mutual aid, neighborliness, and self-sufficiency. According to the legend, Huangdi’s tribe favored animal husbandry, whereas Yandi’s (later merged with the Shennong-shi) tribe favored farming.1 The two tribes amalgamated in the Central Plain after warring against each other, and subsequently gave rise to the Huaxia, their descendants. Third, the nation is characterized by a paradigm of ‘unity in diversity’.2 From clans and tribes to nations, the ancestors were not only diverse and varied, but also converged repeatedly in the Central Plain through waves of migration, conflict, and integration. At the same time, their cultures continued to radiate outward to the surrounding areas. This gradually formed a pattern of pluralistic unity, with the Huaxia confederation as the core population and the Siyi (Four Barbarians) as the auxiliary tribes, which were moving toward cohesiveness. The distinctive cultures of each clan, tribe, and nation do not engulf or replace one another in their encounters, instead absorbing each other to form a new comprehensive culture, while maintaining their own characteristics. These three major elements enabled the early Chinese civilization to develop independently right from the beginning, endowing it with the genetic material of pluralism and universality without a one-fits-for-all mentality. The nature worship, totem worship, and ancestor worship of the ancients all displayed pluralistic and comprehensive Chinese characteristics. This can be seen, for example, in the diverse types of nature worship: sun, moon, stars, wind, rain, thunder, lightning, mountains, rivers, lakes, seas, animals, plants, fire, and stone. In fact, all natural objects and phenomena related to life are included in this worship. In particular, special emphasis is placed on the worship of agriculture-related sheji [“soil and grain”] (e.g., God of the Soil and Ground, God of the Five Grains). Totem worship, on the other hand, differed among the ethnic groups, from which has stemmed the mainstream worship of dragons and phoenixes. The basic form of the dragon is a python, which has gradually been combined with various other totems, such as the crocodile, deer, horse, eagle, pig, and lightning. The prototype of the phoenix is the peacock, which later absorbed elements of other birds, such as the chicken, crow, swallow, crane, and heron, as well as birds of prey. The dragon later becomes an artistic symbol representing the Chinese nation, whereas the phoenix becomes an artistic symbol of female culture. Regarding ancestor worship, the creation myth of an ancestral goddess circulated among several ethnic groups. Among them, Nvwa’s creation of humanity by molding the earth became the mainstream mythology, later evolving into the marriage of Nvwa and Fuxi, which gave rise to humanity (Nvwa and Fuxi are pictured in a Han Dynasty tomb mural as having human bodies and interlocked snake-like tails). There is also the myth of Nvwa melting down five-colored stones to mend the Heaven. These myths originated from the era of matriarchal clans. Among the creation myths that originated and were passed down in the era of patriarchal clans, the most famous is Pangu’s separation of the earth from the sky. After Pangu’s death, “his head became 1

Qian Mu. An Introduction to the History of Chinese Culture. The Commercial Press, 1994. Fei Xiaotong (Ed.). The Pattern of Diversity in Unity of the Chinese Nation. China Minzu University Press, 1999. 2

2.1 Early Formation of the Tradition of Harmony with Diversity in Chinese …

43

the four mountains, his eyes became the sun and moon, his fat became the rivers and the seas, the hair on his body and head became the grasses and the trees.”3 Although Nvwa and Pangu were credited with the creation of humanity and the world, they are not the creators of the universe. Moreover, unlike the Absolute and only God in Genesis in the Bible, they are mortal. Sima Qian’s Shiji [The Records of the Grand Historian] contains the Wudiji [The Annals of the Five Emperors], which traces the five legendary emperors of the Chinese nation: Huangdi, Zhuanxu, Diku, Tangyao, and Yushun. This is the mainstream identification of the Chinese nation for its remote ancestors, as it underwent the process of integration to form the ancient state. It is not the continuation of blood lines, but a collection of legends from numerous tribal heroes and ancestors. It is itself a product of multiethnic fusion. For example, Yao’s abdication in favor of Shun exemplifies the “peaceful transition of power.” Shangshu: Yaodian [The Book of Documents: Canon of Yao] states that “Di Yao made the able and virtuous distinguished, and thence proceeded to the love of [all in] the nine classes of his kindred, who [thus] became harmonious. He [also] regulated and polished the people [of his domain], who all became brightly intelligent. [Finally], he united and harmonized the myriad states.”4 He had a broad, tolerant, and all-embracing spirit, which enabled him to unite all the tribes and ensure the peaceful coexistence of the different states, thus prompting Confucius’s praise, “It is only Heaven that is grand, and only Yao corresponded to it.”5 The common beliefs shared by the Five Sovereigns were sage wisdom, humaneness, and morality, serving the interests of the people, peace, and grand achievements. In addition to these sovereigns, there are also the heroic ancestors, Taihao-shi and Shaohao-shi. The “Twelve Almanacs” of the Lvshi Chunqiu [Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals] from the Qin Dynasty records the worship of the Five Emperors: the Sovereign Huang of the Central Region honored the color yellow, and his assisting spirit was Houtu; the Sovereign Taihao of the Eastern Region honored the color green, and his assisting spirit was Goumang; the Sovereign Yan of the Southern Region honored the color red, and his assisting spirit was Zhurong; the Sovereign Shaohao of the Western Region honored the color white, and his assisting spirit was Rushou; the Sovereign Zhuanxu of the Northern Region honored the color black, and his assisting spirit was Xuanming.6 The worship of the Five Sovereigns embodies the multiethnic coexistence in the early days of the Chinese nation, which was centered around the Huaxia nation and bordered by the Siyi. In the Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties, a multiethnic country was formed, and the worship of a supreme deity began to emerge. This entity was known as Tian (Heaven) in the Xia and Zhou Dynasties, and as Shangdi (Supreme Deity) in the Shang Dynasty, all of which referred to the chief of all gods, and was later known as 3 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Ren Fang. Records of Strange Tales. Hubei Chongwen Publishing House, 1875, p. 1. 4 Zhang Xin (Ed.). The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press. 2003, p. 3. 5 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 75. 6 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classics Publishing House. 2014, pp. 112, 1, 67, 132, 208.

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the Haotian Shangdi (Supreme Deity of the Vast Heaven). This was not the Absolute and only God of creation, but the supreme deity who governs the Heaven and earth, and is vast and ambiguous, without a fixed human representative. According to Liji: Biaoji [The Book of Rites: The Record on Example], The Master said, “In the Xia Dynasty, it was the way to give honor to the nature conferred on humankind; they served the spirits of the departed, and respected spiritual beings, keeping them at a distance, while they brought the people near, and made them loyal...showing their affection for the people, but not giving them honor....Thus the people became ‘uncultivated, without any accomplishments.’...Under the Yin Dynasty, they honored spiritual beings, and led the people to serve them; they put the service of their departed spirits first, and the use of ceremony last...giving honor to the people, but not showing affection for them....Thus the people ‘strived to surpass one another without any sense of shame.’...Under the Zhou Dynasty, they honored the use of ceremonies, and set a high value on bestowing favors; they served the spirits of the dead and respected spiritual beings, yet kept them at a distance; they brought the people near, and made them loyal...showing affection for the people, but not giving them honor. Thus, the people were ‘all for accomplishments, and shameless.’ Under the methods of the dynasties of the line of Yu and Xia, there were few dissatisfactions among the people. The methods of Yin and Zhou were not equal to the correction of their errors.”7

The Xia people believed in the mandate of Heaven and simpleness in nature; the Yin people believed in spirits and deities, and were only concerned with honor but not affection; the Zhou people honored the rites, and were concerned with affection. The Zhou Dynasty learned from the collapse of Xia Jie and Yin Zhou, disregarding the mandate of Heaven as absolute. Instead, they proposed that “the Great Heaven has no partial affections; it helps only the virtuous,”8 and “what the people desire, Heaven will be found to give effect to,”9 believing that only the virtuous will receive the mandate of Heaven and rule the world. In addition, they believed that “there is no constancy in the mandate of Heaven,”10 which will shift when it encounters a ruler without virtue. Thus, the mandate of Heaven related to the rule of virtue, enabling the worship of the gods to serve as a spiritual support for the rising rulers over all people. As the Chinese nation became a unified multiethnic country over the course of more than two millennia, the nobility of ethnic minorities held power in about half of the dynasties, all of which acknowledged the Chinese rites and culture, and carried out the worship of Heaven, the ancestors, and the gods of soil and grain. Therefore, we can see that the act of revering Heaven and honoring the ancestors was extremely inclusive, and was a common underlying belief of the Chinese nation.

7

The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 197. Zhang Xin (Ed.). The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press, 2003, p. 265. 9 Zhang Xin (Ed.). The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press, 2003, p. 143. 10 Translated and annotated by Wan Lihua and Lan Xu. Mencius. Zhonghua Book Company, 2006, p. 151. 8

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2.2 The Coexistence of Confucius and Laozi and the Complementarity of Confucianism and Daoism on the Axis of Chinese Spiritual Development 2.2.1 Confucius as the Master of Morality: Inheriting the Past and Enlightening the Future in the Chinese Culture of Virtue Confucianism, founded by Confucius, lies the closest to Chinese familial society and agricultural civilization, which vigorously raised Chinese civilization toward the heights of excellence, thereby creating a nation-state of Eastern rites and etiquette. Therefore, he is known as the Supreme Sage and Ancestral Teacher of Great Accomplishment. Confucius is not the master of an ordinary school of thought. He “handed down the doctrines of Yao and Shun, as if they had been his ancestors, and elegantly displayed the regulations of Duke Wen and Duke Wu, taking them as his model.” By compiling and revising the Five Classics, he comprehensively and systematically passed down the ethical and excellent culture of the Five Emperors, and founded the doctrine of ren and he (Humaneness and Harmony), which enabled the formation of a broad and profound theoretical system, thereby establishing the spiritual direction for the humanism of the Chinese nation. Confucius’s Confucianism encapsulated the study of the classics across three dynasties, while also distilling its essence for flexible learning and practical application. Therefore, it is not mere coincidence that his teachings later occupied the dominant position in Chinese civilization. The Five Classics (Shangshu [The Book of Documents], Zhouyi [The Book of Changes], Shijing [The Book of Poetry], Lijing [The Book of Rites], Chunqiujing [The Spring and Autumn Annals], and Yuejing [The Book of Music], now lost) were compiled during the Zhou Dynasty. The Book of Documents preserved the key documents on Yao and Shun, as well as the documents from the Three Dynasties of governance. The Book of Changes, written during the Yin and Zhou Dynasties, condenses the wisdom of life into a tool for divination. It is said that Confucius’s authorship of the Shiyi [The Ten Wings] (i.e., the Yizhuan [The Commentary on the Book of Changes], which may have mainly been written by Confucius’s disciples and their disciples) transformed the art of divination into a philosophy on the Way of yin and yang. The Book of Poetry was written during the Zhou Dynasty, and was later abridged and edited by Confucius. It is a collection of poems and songs from various regions and states, which are divided into three parts: Feng (Airs), Ya (Hymns) and Song (Eulogies). It has been regarded as a true reflection of the lives, ideals, desires, and emotions of all levels of society. The Book of Rites includes three texts on rites: Yili [The Ceremonies and Rites] is an earlier creation; Liji [The Book of Rites] was written during the Warring States Period; Zhouli [The Rites of Zhou] or Zhouguan [The Officers of Zhou] may have been a later creation. These three texts on rites represent the crystallization of the ritual and musical culture of the Zhou Dynasty, encompassing the three levels of ritual law (institutions), ritual morality (ethics),

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and ritual etiquette (ceremonies). The Spring and Autumn Annals were written by Confucius according to the history of Lu, in which he recorded the major events of the Spring and Autumn Period over more than two centuries, and captured his praises and criticisms of the characters in his descriptions. Confucius said, “It is the Spring and Autumn Annals which will make people know me, and it is the Spring and Autumn Annals which will make people condemn me.”11 The Zuozhuan [The Commentary of Zuo], Gongyangzhuan [The Commentary of Gongyang], and Guliangzhuan [The Commentary of Guliang], known collectively as the Three Commentaries, are the different interpretations of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Based on the discussion above, we can state that Confucius is indeed the culmination of Yao, Shun, and the culture of the three dynasties. He summarized the accumulated experiences and lessons of previous generations through his referencing and application of the Five Classics. The Five Classics is a systematic iconic and precocious masterpiece of the Chinese civilization. Its main ideological achievement is to highlight the concept of “de” (virtue) in ancient ritual culture, thus transforming rites and music into teachings of morality. Confucius, in turn, used the concept of “virtue” as a basis to highlight the idea of “ren” (humaneness), which imbued the culture of rites and virtue with a living soul. This self-awareness of the civilization started with Duke Zhou: According to the Book of Documents, Duke Zhou not only created rites and music, but also emphasized the rule of virtue based on summarizing the lessons learned from the collapse of Tyrant Yin Zhou, thereby resolving four problems. The first is the problem of the relationship between Heaven and the people. Heaven is not a supreme and absolute authority. It does not protect a tyrannical ruler, but only assists a virtuous ruler who listens to the will of the people. Therefore, the assistance of Heaven can only be obtained through virtue: “When the king is all-devoted to this virtue, he may pray to Heaven for a long-abiding decree in his favor.”12 “Heaven hears and sees as what people hear and see; Heaven brightly approves and displays its terrors, as our people brightly approve and stand in awe.”13 Thus, the will of the people became an expression of the will of Heaven, which represented the humanization of the Heaven and the gods. The second is the problem of the relationship between the ruler and the people: “The people are the root of a country; when the root is firm, the country is tranquil,”14 “But the ancients said, ‘Let people not look into water to see their reflection; let them look into the mirror of other people,”15 “The people’s hearts have no unchanging attachment; they cherish only the kind.”16 Thus, when governing the country, the

11

Translated and Annotated by Wan Lihua and Lan Xu. Mencius. Zhonghua Book Company, 2006, p. 138. 12 Zhang Xin (Ed.). The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press, 2003, p. 225. 13 Zhang Xin (Ed.). The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press, 2003, p. 34. 14 Zhang Xin (Ed.). The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press, 2003, p. 70. 15 Zhang Xin (Ed.). The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press, 2003, p. 212. 16 Zhang Xin (Ed.). The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press, 2003, p. 265.

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ruler must listen to the will of the people and pay attention to their livelihoods. This is the rule of virtue, otherwise the ruler will not last long in power. The third is the problem of the relationship between the rule of virtue and punishments, that is, the need to “illustrate virtue and be careful in the use of punishments.”17 The Duke of Shao advised King Li of Zhou that “To dam the people’s mouths is much worse than damming up a stream.… This reason is why those who govern streams dig channels to let the water flow, and those who govern people clear channels to let them talk.”18 A stable society can only be achieved through an efficient government and a peaceful population, where those above and below are of one heart and mind, not through the blind belief in punishment. The fourth is the problem of the relationship between the rule of virtue and ritual systems. “If parties act with intelligence and mutual consideration, their actions must be under the rule of propriety.”19 According to the Commentary of Zuo, when the Duke Zhao of Lu visited Jin, the Marquis of Jin said that he was good at propriety, but Nv Shuqi replied, “That was deportment and should not be called rites,”20 and that “The rites are that by which a ruler maintains his state, carries out his governmental orders, and does not lose his people”21 (537 BCE). The rites do not refer only to the formalistic ceremonies of etiquette, but should also include the rules of governing the state and the desires of the people’s hearts. In other words, it carries with it the connotations of the rule of virtue. Therefore, from Duke of Zhou to Confucius, the focus has been on ritual morality, and the use of virtue to guide the rites. The Book of Changes contains ideas concerning the opposition and transformation between yin and yang, and the connection between the Way of Heaven and human affairs. The emergence of the Commentary on the Book of Changes sublimated the ritual culture of the three dynasties to the heights of “fully exploring the interaction between Heaven and humankind, and showing the continuity of transformations from the past to the present.” Its macroscopic cosmic view elevated the Chinese spirit to a lofty realm, and it is still regarded as the crystallization of the integration between Confucius’s Confucianism and Laozi’s Daoism. The Commentary on the Book of Changes proposed a number of philosophical concepts, including taiji (the Great Ultimate); “the successive movement of the yin (inactive) and yang (active) operations constitutes what is called the Way of all things”; “production and reproduction is what is called the process of change”; “the strong and the weak lines in the Book of Changes’ hexagrams displace each other, and produce the changes and transformations in the figures”; “the great attribute of Heaven and Earth is the giving and maintaining of life”; “the great person is the one whose attributes are in harmony 17

Zhang Xin (Ed.). The Book of Documents. Chinese Literature and History Press, 2003, p. 267. (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classics Publishing House. 2014, p. 492. 19 (Spring and Autumn Period) Zuo Qiuming. Revised by Jiang Jicheng. The Commentary of Zuo. Yuelu Publishing House, 1988, p. 4. 20 (Spring and Autumn Period) Zuo Qiuming. Revised by Jiang Jicheng. The Commentary of Zuo. Yuelu Publishing House, 1988, p. 286. 21 (Spring and Autumn Period) Zuo Qiuming. Revised by Jiang Jicheng. The Commentary of Zuo. Yuelu Publishing House, 1988, p. 286. 18

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with Heaven and earth”; “the Way of Heaven, earth, and humankind”; “unremitting efforts to improve oneself”; “carrying out all actions with great virtue”; “preserving the great harmony in union,” etc. Among them, the concepts of making “unremitting efforts to improve oneself,” “carrying out all actions with great virtue,” and “firmness, strength, centrality, and righteousness” have become the essence of the Chinese spirit. Confucius attached great importance to the Book of Changes, saying, “If some years were added to my life, I would give fifty years to the study of the Book of Changes, and then I might come to be without great faults.”22 He was devoted to studying the Book of Changes in his later years, which gave him a profound wisdom and insight into the world. The Book of Poetry broadly and profoundly reflects the social life and public opinions prior to the mid-Spring and Autumn Period. It consists of ethical concepts such as humaneness, righteousness, rites, wisdom, faith, respect, filial piety, and friendship, as well as the candid expressions of happiness, anger, sorrow, joy, and resentment by the people. Maoshi Xu [Preface of Mao’s Poetry] states that, “When the feelings within the poet are moved, they assume definite shapes in words”23 ; Shi Daxu [The Great Preface] states that “the rulers use airs to placate the subjects, and the subjects use airs to criticize the rulers”24 ; Zhuangzi: Tianxia [The World] states that, “The Book of Poetry describes what should be the aim of the mind”25 ; The Book of Rites: Jingjie [Different Teaching of the Different Kings] states that, “If they show themselves men who are mild and gentle, sincere and good, they have been taught from the Book of Poetry.”26 In all, as one of the Six Classics, the Book of Poetry went far beyond its literary function, established as a classic work that guided the social life of the pre-Qin era and has been most frequently cited among the Six Classics. For instance, in Lunyu [The Analects], Confucius had very high expectations for the Book of Poetry, regarding it as a textbook for ming de (brilliant virtue). “In the Book of Poetry are three hundred pieces, but the design of them all may be embraced in one sentence— ‘Having no depraved thoughts.’” It is a work that allows readers to gain new insights by reviewing old materials. Thus, when Confucius and Zixia were discussing a lost poem: “The pretty dimples of her artful smile! The black and white of her eye! The plain ground for the colors?” Confucius remarked, “The business of laying on the color follows the preparation of the plain ground.” Zixia was enlightened by this and asked, “Ceremonies then are a subsequent thing?” Confucius then said, “It is Shang who can bring out my meaning. Now I can begin to talk about the Poetry with him.”27 The Book of Poetry is also a reference for linguistic training: “If you do not 22

Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 62. (Warring States period) Mao Heng and Mao Chang. (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Zheng Xuan. Mao’s Poetry. Shandong Friendship Publishing House, 1990, p. 19. 24 (Zhou Dynasty) Bu Shang. Preface of the Mao’s Poetry. The Commercial Press, 1937, pp. 1–2. 25 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 908. 26 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 171. 27 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 19. 23

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learn the Odes, you will not be fit to converse with….Though a man may be able to recite the three hundred odes—yet if, when entrusted with a governmental charge, he knows not how to act, or if, when sent to any quarter on a mission, he cannot give his replies unassisted, notwithstanding the extent of his learning, of what practical use is it?”28 It is a platform for learning about life: “It is by the odes that the mind is aroused. It is by the rites that the character is established. It is from music that the finish is received.”29 It also has many other functions: “The Book of Poetry serve to stimulate the mind. They may be used for the purposes of self-contemplation. They teach the art of sociability. They show how to regulate the feelings of resentment.”30 Therefore, Confucius meticulously arranged the Book of Poetry, “I returned from Wei to Lu, and then the music was reformed, and the pieces in the hymns and eulogies all found their proper places.”31 The Analects: Taibo records Zengzi quoting a line from the Book of Poetry: Xiao Min: “We should be apprehensive and cautious, as if on the brink of a deep gulf, as if treading on thin ice,”32 which became a famous saying about self-discipline in later generations. In other examples, the Daxue [The Great Learning] frequently quotes from the Book of Poetry, including the Shangsong [Sacrificial Odes of Shang]: Xuan Niao: “The royal domain of a thousand li is where the people rest.”33 King Wen: “Profound was King Wen! Oh! Continuous and bright as his feeling of reverence.”34 Zhounan [Odes of Zhou and The South]: Tao Yao: “This young lady is going to her future home, and will order well her chamber and house.”35 Xiaoya [Lesser Court Hymns]: Nan Shan You Tai: “The people should rejoice in you, noble men, parents of the people!”36 The Zhongyong [The Doctrine of the Mean] also quotes the Book of Poetry, including Daya [The Major Court Hymns]: Jia Le: “Of our admirable, amiable sovereign, most illustrious is his excellent virtue. He orders rightly the people, orders rightly the officers, and receives his dignity from Heaven, which protects and helps him, and confirms his appointment by repeated acts of renewal from Heaven.”37 Major

28

Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 72. Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 72. 30 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 168. 31 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 82. 32 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 70. 33 Cheng Junying. The Book of Poetry with Annotations. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2004, p. 564. 34 Cheng Junying. The Book of Poetry with Annotations. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2004, p. 407. 35 Cheng Junying. The Book of Poetry with Annotations. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2004, p. 11. 36 Cheng Junying. The Book of Poetry with Annotations. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2004, p. 270. 37 (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Zhu Xi. Collected Annotations of the Doctrine of the Mean in the Great Learning · The Doctrine of the Mean · The Analects. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1987, p. 7. 29

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Court Hymns: Zheng Min: “Intelligent is he and wise, protecting his own person.”38 Major Court Hymns: Huang Yi: “I am pleased with your intelligent virtue.”39 The quotes above from the Book of Poetry express the great importance attached by the authors to the ideas of “reverence,” “ordering the people,” “ordering the family,” “brilliant wisdom” and “brilliant virtue,” which were inherited and embraced by later generations. The Book of Poetry is esteemed together with the Five Classics. As described in the Book of Han: Rulinzhuan [The Biographies of Confucian Scholars], “The learning of the Six Classics that the emperor called on his subjects to learn— they are the reason the ancient sages were able to understand the natural law, regulate human ethics, and build the country into a peaceful and prosperous one with good social order.”40 Now, let us move on to the Book of Rites. Among the Three Classics of Rites, the Book of Rites had the most significant impact on the ideology and culture at the time and in later generations, while the most important chapters in the Book of Rites are the Great Learning, the Doctrine of the Mean, Liyun [The Evolution of Rites], Xueji [The Record on the Subject of Education], and Jingjie [Different Teachings of the Different Kings]. Among these chapters, the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean are the most philosophical, and hence were later selected by the Song Confucians as one of the Sishu [The Four Books]. The Great Learning is concerned with the way of governing people, and consists of “three guiding principles and eight steps,” thus it is said, “The Great Learning teaches us to promote illustrious virtue; to transform the people; and to rest in the highest excellence.” “Illustrious virtue” is the virtue of the highest excellence, employing the cultivation and transformation of the people to achieve a society of perfect order. To achieve this goal, all levels of society must be based on self-cultivation, first achieving the investigation of things, the completion of knowledge, the sincerity of thought, the rectification of the heart, the cultivation of the self, and the regulation of the family, and subsequently the governance of the state and the tranquility of the whole world. This paved the path of inward sageliness and outward kingliness for the Chinese people, leading them from perfecting the self to unifying the family, and then to helping the people. The Doctrine of the Mean is the study of growth in life, and can be regarded as the Confucian philosophy of life. Its teachings include “What Heaven has conferred is called Nature,” “equilibrium and harmony,” “maintaining balance,” “honoring virtuous nature, and maintaining constant inquiry and study,” and that “all things are nourished together without their harming one another. The courses of the seasons, and of the sun and moon, are pursued without any collision among them.”41 It was the first to propose the Way of equilibrium and harmony, believing that, “This equilibrium is the great root from which grow all the human actions in 38

Cheng Junying. The Book of Poetry with Annotations. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2004, p. 491. 39 Cheng Junying. The Book of Poetry with Annotations. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2004, p. 426. 40 Punctuated by Zhu Weigong. Revised by Wang Xinzhan. The Book of the Former Han, Volume 6. Guangyi Publishing House, 1937, p. 1. 41 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 192.

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the world, and this harmony is the universal path they all should pursue. Let the states of equilibrium and harmony exist in perfection, and a happy order will prevail throughout Heaven and Earth, and all things will be nourished and flourish,”42 thus elevating the Confucian thought of “valuing harmony” to the height of cosmic law. It starts from the depravity and hypocrisy of humanity, to emphasize the importance of “sincerity,” which refers to truthfulness without deceit, and loyalty to ideals. Not only is it a guarantee of growth in life, it is also said that “the individual who possesses the most complete sincerity is one who can transform,” and “is like a spirit.” Thus, it is through sincerity that one can accomplish self-completion, while also completing other men and things, even “assisting the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth.” The Doctrine of the Mean raises Confucianism to the realm of “greatest height and brilliancy” in Chinese philosophy, while also allowing it to “pursue the way of balance,” i.e., ensuring that it can play a role in the principle of human relations. Confucius challenged the state of affairs at that time, wherein “the rites have fallen into ruin and the standards of proper music have crumbled.” Based on gaining a comprehensive and profound understanding of the Five Classics and inheriting the rich cultural traditions of the rites of Duke Zhou, Confucius proposed the Doctrine of Humaneness and Harmony, thereby salvaging the “cultural maladies of the Zhou Dynasty.” In his efforts, he highlighted the importance of humaneness and love, harmony and taking the people as the bedrock of the country. He revitalized the culture of rites, advocated humaneness before rites, argued that the governance of the country must involve “leading the people by virtue, and by the cohesion that is given to them by the rites,” and strove to improve humanity through moral transformation, thereby uplifting the morality of officials and the customs of the people, which will enable the Chinese nation to become a state of ritual etiquette. The essence of the doctrine of humaneness is expressed this way: the foundation of humaneness is filial piety; the meaning of humaneness is loving others; the method of humaneness is to be true to the principles of our nature, and the benevolent exercise of them to others; the attitude of humaneness is to be benign, upright, courteous, temperate, and complacent; the action of humaneness is to cultivate the self so as to give rest to all the people; the practice of humaneness is extensive learning, having firm and sincere objectives, inquiring with earnestness, and reflecting with self-application; the system of humaneness is the rites and music; and the function of humaneness lies in equilibrium and harmony. In the process of founding the doctrine of humaneness and harmony, Confucius not only emphasized the importance of the rites of Zhou, but also actively absorbed the thoughts of different schools to enrich himself. For example, Confucius’s grand concept of the superior person being “affable but not adulatory” (i.e., “in harmony but not uniformity”) originated from the concept of “distinguishing harmony from uniformity” in the late Western Zhou Dynasty. As recorded in the Guoyu: Zhengyu [Discourses of the States: Discourses of Zheng], Shibo said, “Harmony begets new

42

The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 186.

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things, while uniformity does not lead to continuation.”43 The Commentary of Zuo records the discourse by Yan Ying of Qi on the relationship between the ruler and his ministers. He argued that the two should complement each other, as in food or music, which requires the combination of diverse elements (such as the five flavors or five notes) to create a delicious dish or elegant music. It is not possible to “give water a flavor with water.” When Confucius met Laozi to ask about the rites of Zhou, he was criticized but still believed Laozi to be “like a dragon” whose learning was profound and unfathomable. He praised Shun, saying “May not Shun be praised as having governed efficiently without exertion? What did he do? He did nothing but gravely and reverently occupy his royal seat.”44 Evidently, he agreed with Laozi’s thoughts on wuwei (Non-Action, Inaction), advocating the inaction of the ruler and leading by example: “When a ruler’s personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without the issuing of orders.”45 This is the wisdom of Daoism. In his discourse on his lifelong pursuit, Confucius said, “At fifteen, I had my mind bent on learning. At thirty, I stood firm. At forty, I had no doubts. At fifty, I knew the decrees of Heaven. At sixty, my ear was an obedient organ for the reception of truth. At seventy, I could follow what my heart desired, without transgressing what was right.”46 The highest realm that he pursued was the utmost freedom of the mind, which was clearly influenced by Laozi’s saying that “the law of the Way is its being what it is.” In The Analects: Xian Jin, Confucius discussed the topic of ambition with his disciples, and agreed with the carefree sentiments of Zengdian: “In this, the last of spring, with the dress of the season all complete, along with five or six young men who have assumed the cap, and six or seven boys, I would wash in the Yi, enjoy the breeze among the rain altars, and return home singing,”47 thus conveying an air of Daoism. Furthermore, Confucius moved with the times: “When called to office, to undertake its duties; when not so called, to lie retired,”48 “Living in retirement to study their aims, and practicing righteousness to carry out their principles.”49 His life wisdom was to alternate between the application of Confucianism and Daoism, and he was indeed “the timely one.” Confucius disapproved of “leading the people by laws, and creating uniformity through punishments,” but instead advocated a co-governance by rites and law, centered on virtue and supplemented by punishments. Thus, he said, “When the rites and music do not flourish, punishments will not be meted out appropriately. When punishments are not appropriately meted out, the people do not know how to move hand or foot.”50 Further, “The superior person thinks of the sanctions of law; 43

(Spring and Autumn Period) Zuo Qiuming. Discourses of the States. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2015, p. 347. 44 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 145. 45 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 118. 46 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 9. 47 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 104. 48 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 60. 49 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 161. 50 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 117.

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the small person thinks of favors he or she may receive.”51 Here, we find the ideas of the Legalists. In his comment on the Qi legalist Guan Zhong, Confucius praised him: “Guan Zhong acted as prime minister to Duke Huan, made him leader of all the princes, and united and rectified the entire kingdom….Duke Huan assembled all the princes together, and not with weapons of war and chariots—it was through the influence of Guan Zhong. Whose beneficence was like his? Whose beneficence was like his?”52 Thus, we can see that Confucius did not advocate moralism alone, but also believed that humaneness and virtue must be backed by strength for their promotion. The principles proposed in Guanzi [Master Guan]—“When the granaries are full, the people will know propriety and moderation; when their food and clothing is adequate, they will know the distinction between honor and shame”—augmented the Confucian ideas of enriching the people. Its position that “propriety, righteousness, modesty, and shame are the four dimensions of a country; with the collapse of these four dimensions comes the destruction of the country” was introduced into the Confucian and Daoist system of morality, established as an organic component of the Eight Virtues. Confucius also praised Zichan of Zheng, who stated that “Mildness serves to temper severity, and severity to regulate mildness—it is in this way that the administration of a government is brought into harmony.”53 However, Confucius was opposed to tyranny and indiscriminate punishment, saying, “An oppressive government is more terrible than tigers,” and that governance should be centered on virtue and only supplemented with punishments. Confucius even drew on the ideas of the famous masters, and advocated that in governance, it is first “necessary to rectify names….If names are not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things; if language is not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success; when affairs cannot be carried on to success, the rites and music will not flourish.”54 For example, “There is government, when the ruler is ruler, and the minister is minister; when the father is father, and the son is son.” The ruler must follow the way of the ruler, and the minister the way of the minister; the father must follow the way of the father, and the son the way of the son. All must act in accordance with reasonable rules, otherwise the social order will be destroyed. Mencius is a loyal successor and innovator of Confucius’s doctrine of humaneness. First, he provided arguments for the doctrine of the original goodness of human nature, saying that human nature has four ends, “humaneness, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge,” which are known as their innate ability and intuitive knowledge. Those who seek to enrich these qualities are high-minded people, and those who lose these qualities are low-minded people. Second, he linked together “humaneness” and “righteousness”: “Humaneness is the tranquil habitation of man, and righteousness his straight path,” hence people must “reside in humaneness and 51

Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 30. Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 134, 133. 53 (Spring and Autumn Period) Zuo Qiuming. The Commentary of Zuo. Revised by Jiang Jicheng. Yuelu Publishing House, 1988, p. 334. 54 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 117. 52

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follow righteousness.”55 Third, he developed the concept of a benevolent mind into a benevolent government, one that will “regulate the livelihood of the people,” ensuring that they have ample food and clothing; a government that is “sparing in the use of punishments and fines, and making the taxes and levies light,” while also caring for the widowed, orphaned and childless56 ; a government that “pays careful attention to education in schools, inculcating in it the filial and fraternal duties in particular.”57 Fourth, he upheld the principle of the “people as the foundation of the country”: “The people are the most important in a nation; the spirits of the land and grain are the next; the sovereign is the lightest.” Fifth, he established the independent traits that scholars should possess, i.e., “to be above the power of riches and honors to make one dissipated, above the power of poverty and miserable conditions to make one swerve from principle, and above the power of might and force to make one bend—these characteristics constitute the great person,” thus presenting the dignity of the benevolent and righteous individual. In Mencius’s conversations with his disciples, he quotes most frequently from the sayings of Confucius, followed by the Book of Poetry, and then by the Book of Documents and the Book of Rites, to support his doctrine of humaneness and righteousness. Mencius inherited the ways of Yao and Shun, as well as the virtues advocated in the three dynasties, giving particular praise to King Wen of Zhou Dukedom; hence, he had a historical perspective. Mencius also travelled all over the country, and was knowledgeable and well-informed; hence, he had experience with practical applications in the real world. He also drew from the lessons of the Hundred Schools of Thought, as well as the cultures of regions such as Zoulu (Dukedom of Zou and of Lu), Yanqi (Dukedom of Yan and of Qi), Sanjin (Dukedom of Han, of Zhao and of Wei), Jingchu (Dukedom of Jin and of Chu), and Wuyue (Dukedom of Wu and of Yue). Mencius contains the Daoist ideas of Laozi. For example, where Laozi mentions infants, Mencius also mentions infants; where Laozi talks about “reducing selfishness and eschewing desires,” Mencius says, “To nourish the mind there is nothing better than to make the desires few”; where Laozi says to “give undivided attention to the vital breath, and bring it to the utmost degree of pliancy,” Mencius says to “nourish a vast, flowing passion-nature”; where Laozi says that wise people protect themselves, Mencius says, “If poor, they attended to their own virtue in solitude.” Mencius also absorbed the teachings of the Legalists, and advocated the combined use of virtue and law, saying, “Virtue alone is not sufficient for the exercise of government; laws alone cannot carry themselves into practice.”58 Although Mencius said, “Yang’s principle is ‘each one for himself,’ which does not acknowledge the claims of the sovereign, 55

Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 124. Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 26. 57 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 5. 58 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 115. 56

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Mozi’s principle is to ‘love all equally,’ which does not acknowledge the peculiar affection due to a father. To acknowledge neither king nor father is to be in the state of a beast.”59 This was only due to his firm adherence to his “bottom line” of loyalty and filial piety. This prompted him to attack Yangzi’s self-absorption—his disregard for state power—and Mozi’s doctrine of universal love—his disregard for filial and fraternal duties as the root of humaneness—which should not be taken as his advocacy of absolute monarchism or patriarchalism. Mencius once claimed that “the people are the most important element in a nation, and the sovereign is the least,” and believed that both the ruler and his ministers must fulfill their duties to each other, otherwise they may become enemies. In addition, he accused tyrants such as King Jie of Xia and King Zhou of Shang as being “autocrats forsaken by all, and robbers of the people,”60 who should be criticized. Mencius does not reject Mozi’s doctrine of “universal love and mutual aid.” In fact, his concept of benevolent government is precisely to put Mozi’s ideas of “universal love and mutual aid” into practice. As for Mozi’s “condemnation of offensive war,” this is entirely consistent with Mencius’s concept of the “Kingly way.” Regarding the relationship between father and son, Mencius believes that there can be flexibility. For example, Shun was able to “marry without informing his parents.” The rites dictate that “males and females shall not allow their hands to touch in giving or receiving anything.” However, “when a man’s sister-in-law is drowning, to rescue her with the hand” is a peculiar exigency, and “he who would not so rescue her is a wolf.”61 Mencius is one of the earliest thinkers in history to discuss the necessity of commercial division of labor and market transactions. The Book of Poetry sketches “carrying cloth to exchange it for silk,” while The Analects also states, “Mechanics have their shops to dwell in, so they can accomplish their works. The superior person keeps learning, to reach to the utmost of his principles.”62 Mencius, however, further clarified the necessity of the division of labor in society, pointing out that, “in the case of any single individual, whatever articles he requires are ready at hand, being produced by the various handicraftsmen….Those who labor with their minds, govern others; those who labor with their strength are governed by others” (i.e., the division between mental and physical labor). He also explained that “it is the nature of things to be of unequal quality63 ….The market dealers exchanged the articles which they had for others which they had not,”64 hence one should not “monopolize” (Mencius was the first to use this term) nor create an artificial uniformity. Market transactions should be based on pricing by quality and be subjected to market fluctuations, thus forming a preliminary awareness of the law of value. In addition, he claimed that “if, in the marketplace of his capital, the ruler levies a ground rent on the shops but does not tax the goods, or enforces the proper regulations without levying a ground rent, 59

Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 111. Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 30. 61 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000. 62 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 183. 63 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 93. 64 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 74. 60

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then all the traders of the kingdom will be pleased and wise to store their goods in his marketplace.”65 His plan to encourage business transactions is thus much more astute than Xuxing’s agriculturalism. In terms of the “distinction between Hua and Yi” (i.e., the Chinese and the barbarians), Mencius advocated “using the doctrines of our great land to change the barbarians.”66 However, as with Confucius, he did not harbor a sense of racism, and this distinction refers only to whether they possessed an advanced culture of rites and music. Confucius was from Dukedom Song and was a descendent of the Yin People (a tribe of the Eastern Yi), who identified to a great extent with the rites of Zhou. Mencius greatly admired Shun the Great and King Wen of Zhou Dukedom, and said, “Shun was born in Zhu Feng, moved to Fu Xia, and died in Ming Tiao—near the wild tribes of the east. King Wen was born in Zhou by mount Qi, and died in Bi Ying— near the wild tribes on the west.”67 Thus, we can see that Mencius had a broad and receptive mind, such that after Confucius’s passing, he was able to further synthesize the essence of multiple doctrines from different tribes and regions in China, thereby promoting the advancement of Confucianism. Therefore, the way of Confucius and Mencius can be summarized in one statement expressed by Mencius: “one who is lovingly disposed to people generally, and kind to creatures.”68 This refers to the Confucian populism that is built on the foundation of family ethics (to be lovingly disposed toward the people), and the extension of humaneness, love, loyalty, and reciprocity to all of humanity and all things in the universe. The family and the state are one and the same, where the state is regarded as the family, and loyalty as filial piety, hence filial piety and loyalty are the core of all goodness. This is the best embodiment of one’s familial and social responsibilities, which subsequently became a major component in the cultural heritage of the Chinese nation that was passed down for countless generations.

2.2.2 Laozi as the Master of Wisdom: Developing Fundamental Philosophical Thinking in Chinese Culture The natural morality contained in the Daoist doctrines founded by Laozi complements the ethical morality in Confucius’s doctrine of humaneness and righteousness. Laozi’s Daoism and Confucius’s Confucianism can be said to have the same origin but different paths of development, while also converging and diverging at different points. One is Yin and the other Yang; one soft and the other hard; one reaches the greatest height and brilliance, while the other pursues the Middle Way; one advocates the return to one’s true and natural state, while the other promotes taking heed 65

Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 55. Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 92. 67 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 134. 68 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 244. 66

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of cultural forms to transform the people. The two have a strong complementarity, and have become the main thread that runs through the history of Chinese thought. The two teachings are both concerned with “laying a foundation,” hence providing most of the people with life beliefs that contain core values. As for other schools of thought, those are more concerned with specific fields of study and are characterized by a strong instrumental rationality, but their value rationality is inevitably derived from Daoism and Confucianism. Laozi’s Daoism, as with Confucius’s Confucianism, is also deeply rooted and all-encompassing, which has enabled it to achieve its magnitude. In the Daodejing, Laozi frequently cites the sayings and actions of “sages,” as well as “ancient sayings,” “the ancients,” “a master of the art of war,” “the ancients skilled in practicing the Way,” and other unspecified entities. This indicates that Laozi’s teachings originated from specific sources, but he does not specify the authors or the books. First, we can claim that Laozi’s teachings originated from the teachings of the Book of Changes. There are, in fact, three Books of Changes: Zhouyi [The Book of Changes], Lianshan [Linked Mountains], and Guicang [Return to the Hidden]. Professor Jin Jingfang believes Laozi’s teachings came from the Guicang Yi, which had a hexagram order that was different from the Book of Changes. In the latter, Qian comes before Kun, whereas in the former, Kun comes before Qian. Laozi was influenced by the Guicang, whereas Confucius was influenced by the Book of Changes.69 Although the Guicang is now lost, we know from the Book of Changes that both are concerned with the ways of yin and yang, as well as the mutual assistance between the soft and the hard. However, one favors yin and the other yang, while one favors softness and the other hardness, thus giving rise to the two different schools of Daoism and Confucianism. In Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals: Bu’er [No Duality], it is written that “Lao Dan esteemed softness, Confucius humaneness,”70 which highlights the different characteristics of the two teachings. Wei Yuan of the Qing Dynasty writes in Laozi Benyi [The Original Meaning of Laozi], “Do Laozi and Confucius concord? No. They are the Way of Heaven and Earth; one is yin and the other yang. The way of the sage, Confucius, is always to assist yang and suppress yin. It teaches us to achieve resolution by forsaking all desires. It follows the way of Qian and pure yang, and is characterized by firmness, strength, centeredness, and righteousness, which is sufficient for safeguarding Heaven, Earth, and humankind. It advocates imperial supremacy. Laozi advocates softness over hardness, favoring the female and the feminine, favoring the goodness of water that benefits all. Its main body is derived entirely from yin.”71 Second, we can also base our speculations on the Early-to-Mid-Period of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty, which was relatively close to the time when Laozi was living. During the Spring and Autumn Period, when people were still reeling from the shocks of dramatic changes, a number of educated and thoughtful individuals had 69

Jin Jingfang. On Laozi. Journal of Yanbian University (Social Science), 1980, (3). (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classics Publishing House. 2014, p. 404. 71 (Qing Dynasty) Wei Yuan. The Original Meaning of Laozi. East China Normal University Press, 2010, p. 7. 70

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already formulated a series of dialectical ideas—such as things turning the opposite direction at the extremes, or pride going before a fall, or the benefits of frugality and humility—which nourished the ideas of Laozi’s teachings. In the Commentary of Zuo, in the first year of Duke Yin (722 BCE), Duke Zhuang of Zheng said, “By his many deeds of unrighteousness he will bring destruction on himself,” which is similar to Laozi’s claims: “When wealth and honors lead to arrogance, which brings its evil on itself.” Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals: Shen Xing [Being Cautious in One’s Conduct] quotes a lost poem: “If you wish to destroy it,/ You must first pile it up./ If you wish to topple it,/ You must first raise it high.”72 The Zhanguo Ce [Strategies of the Warring State]: Wei Ce [Strategies of Wei] cites the Zhoushu [The Book of Zhou]: “When you want to defeat them, you must for a while assist them. If you want to take them, you must for a while give to them.”73 Both of these are similar to Chapter 36 of Laozi. Evidently, these insights were scattered and unsystematic, which were later collated and elevated by Laozi to the heights of a cosmic perspective. Using profound wisdom and great insight, he studied the changes of events from the past to the present, eventually building a lofty tower of theoretical ideas. Xu Fancheng writes in Laozi Yijie [An Interpretation of Laozi] that, “Laozi formed his transcendent philosophy through his clear and thorough understanding of history. He had a broad view of the changes across hundreds of generations, and looks down from above the Nine Heaven at human relationships and physical laws. If one does not heed the quarrelsome noises of the world, then one can return to the Way of the pure and simple.”74 The source of Laozi’s ideas can also be traced back to Huangdi. As the first ancestor of the Chinese civilization in the legends of ancient history, Huangdi is revered and recorded in both Confucianism and Daoism, as well as the Hundred Schools of Thought. The Commentary of Zuo, Discourses of the States, and Shiben [The Book of Origins] all contain descriptions of the affairs of Huangdi. Among the Confucian classics, it is written in the Book of Changes: Xi Ci II [The Great Treatise II], “After the death of Shennong, there arose Huangdi, Yao, and Shun….Huangdi, Yao, and Shun simply wore their upper and lower garments as patterns to the people, and good order was secured all under Heaven”75 ; the Book of Rites: Ji Fa [Law of Sacrifices] states that, “According to the law of sacrifices, Shun, the sovereign of the line of Yu, at the great associate sacrifice, gave the place of honor to Huangdi…who gave everything its right name, thereby showing the people how to avail themselves of its qualities.”76 As for the historical development of the Daoist system, the Huang– Lao School appeared during the late Warring States Period, which merged Huangdi with Laozi. It continued to the early Han Dynasty, during which the Emperors Wen 72 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2014, p. 499. 73 Annotated by Zhang Yanxiu. Strategies of the Warring State. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 469. 74 Xu Fancheng. An Interpretation of Laozi. Zhonghua Book Company, 1988, p. 26. 75 Annotated by Song Zuoyin. The Book of Changes. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, pp. 348, 349. 76 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, pp. 155, 156.

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and Jing implemented Huang-Lao governance, while Sima Qian “put Huang-Lao first but slights the Six Classics”77 when discussing the Great Way. By the late Han Dynasty, the Huang-Lao School of Thought had evolved into Daoism. The Hanshu [The Book of Han]: Yi Wen Zhi, which is the bibliographic section of the Hanshu, lists many books named after Huangdi. Among them are the Huangdi Sijing [Huangdi’s Four Classics], which scholars believe to be the four texts of the Huanglao Boshu [Huang-Lao Silk Texts] unearthed from the Mawangdui tombs. During the Wei and Jin Dynasties, the Liexian Zhuan [The Biographies of Immortals] includes the Huangdi Zhuan [The Biography of Huangdi], and Ge Hong’s Baopuzi Neipian [Baopuzi Inner Chapters] describes Huangdi making an elixir, which he ingested and became an immortal. In the Song Dynasty, the Yunji Qiqian compiled by Zhang Junfang contains the Xuanyuan Benji [Basic Annals of Xuanyuan], which became a representative work on the Daoist teachings of Huangdi. According to the account in The Records of the Grand Historian: Wudiji [The Annals of the Five Emperors], Huangdi “practiced virtue, marshalled his men, controlled the five Qi, cultivated the five kinds of grain, pacified the nations, and went over all parts of his country”; he directed “the planting of the crops, plants, and trees in their seasons”; “his observation was applied to ascertaining how fire, water, wood, and other elements could be used economically. There was an auspicious omen of the earth’s energy.”78 He was even able to invent clothes, writing, silkworm rearing, boats and carts, bows and arrows, houses, medicine, calendars, etc., together with other talented individuals, which enabled the Chinese nation to enter the age of civilization. Both Confucianism and Daoism regard Huangdi as the founding ancestor of civilization, thus indicating that they share the same roots and differ only with respect to the path of development. Comparatively speaking, Confucius and Mencius only focus on Yao and Shun as ancestors, whereas Daoists often mention Huangdi, who is inseparable from Laozi as the cultural root of Daoism. If we wish to trace even further back in history, we can pinpoint the earliest source of Laozi’s teachings in matriarchal clan culture. If Confucius’s Confucianism is said to have originated from patriarchal clan culture, then Laozi’s Daoism stemmed from the even earlier matriarchal clan culture. This is a reasonable claim from the perspective of cultural anthropology. The discourses of Confucius and Mencius are mostly centered on fathers and sons, or fathers and brothers; whereas those of Laozi are mainly focused on mothers and sons, and the female mystery. This is not coincidental. In Laozi, terms associated with the worship of female fertility are often used. For example: The valley spirit never dies; Thus we call it “the female mystery.” Its gate is called the root From which grew Heaven and Earth. 77

(Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 622. (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 1.

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This clearly shows that Laozi was inspired by the reproductive activities of women when thinking about the metamorphosis of the universe and the Great Way into all things. All human babies are biologically born from the mother, and the female uterus is hollow, but is able to continuously conceive and nurture the fetus. In the same way, the universe and all things are produced from the nameless Great Way of the utmost mystery: “The Way produced One, One produced Two; Two produced Three; and Three produced all things.” (One could mean the vital Cosmos, Two denotes the reproduction of both yin and yang or Male and Female in their intercourse, and Three embodies three entities of father, mother and their children in the cosmic family.) “The Way” is the state of the currently existing universe preceding its existence: it is “nothing,” akin to the womb that conceived the universe: hollow but containing infinite vitality. The Way then produced One, referring to the primordial, chaotic, and undivided world. This world is then divided into yin and yang, thus giving rise to the concept “Two,” followed by the interplay of yin and yang to 79

Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 98, 73, 108, 169, 183, 226, 265, 233.

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produce “Three,” which refers to the state when “all things leave behind them the obscurity out of which they have come, and go forward to embrace the brightness into which they have emerged; they are harmonized by the breath of vacancy.”80 “All creatures that live through One.”81 The “One” that was produced by the Way, which is the mother of the existing, chaotic universe. This is the earliest instance of Chinese cosmogony. It brings together the original creation myths of Heaven and Earth emerging from chaos, and Nvwa’s creation of humanity, then refines them with theory to gradually form the doctrine of “the Way that produces Heaven and Earth.” The “Way” is used to reveal the inner vitality of the universe; it is the endless life force and energy of the universe. Laozi’s cosmogony is not mythology, but philosophy, and is even capable of communicating with contemporary cosmology. The British scientist Stephen Hawking believed that “the universe originated from nothing.” This “nothing” is different from the existing material world, but is also not an empty nothingness—it contains the energy to produce the existing world.82 Not only did Laozi inherit the ancient culture of matriarchal clans, he also examined the unique ways of thinking, qualities, abilities, and roles held by women in social life, using the language of philosophy to achieve the theoretical sublimation of female wisdom and virtue. Taiwanese scholar Wu Yi said, “There are two classics in Chinese philosophy that apply the virtue of women. One is the Book of Changes, and the other is Laozi. The Book of Changes only uses half of it, whereas Laozi is about the philosophy of women from beginning to end.”83 Women occupy half the human race. They are generally characterized by femininity and gentleness, and possess maternal instinct. Using their unique qualities of kindness, affinity, and flexibility, they have nurtured generation after generation, maintained the daily routines of the family, and provided logistical support for men, thus enabling the normal continuation and development of human society. However, after the advent of patriarchal society, men became the center of society and women became their vassals. The wisdom and virtue of women were obscured by the brightness of men and thus were ignored, which brought about many sufferings in the history of society, such as wars and crimes, most of which are caused by men. Laozi was the first philosopher in the history of the world to consciously recognize the weaknesses of men and the greatness of women. He took the meekness and tenderness, kindness and meticulousness, modesty and serenity, but also the tenacity, perseverance, and dedication of women, and elevated them to a yin-oriented philosophy that valued gentleness, thereby injecting a new vitality into the whole of Chinese philosophy. 80 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 233. 81 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 211. 82 Zhao Shanghong. To Contemplate the Origin and Unity of “Dao” and the Universe. Gansu Social Science, 1989, (3). 83 Wu Yi. History and Approaches of Chinese Philosophy. Dongda Book Corporation Limited, 1984, p. 84.

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First, Laozi claimed that, “The soft overcomes the hard” (Chap. 36). Over the course of the lives of humans, animals, and plants, they possess the greatest vitality when they are soft and weak, and they approach decline and death when they become rigid and hard. Thus, it is said, Man at his birth is supple and weak; at his death, firm and strong. So it is with all things. Trees and plants, in their early growth, are soft and pliable; at their death, dry and brittle. Thus, it is that firmness and strength are the concomitants of death; softness and weakness are the concomitants of life. Hence, he who relies on the strength of his forces does not conquer, and a tree that is strong will fill the outstretched arms and thereby invite the woodcutter.84

This so-called “firmness and strength” is strong on the outside but withered on the inside, lacking vitality. Laozi praised the virtue of water: “The highest excellence is like that of water. The excellence of water appears in its benefitting all things, and in its occupying, without striving……There is nothing in the world softer and weaker than water, and yet nothing is better for overcoming the hard and strong.”85 Second, he said that the Way “produces all things and does not claim them as its own; it does all, and yet does not boast of it; it presides over all, and yet does not control them.”86 Laozi called this the “mysterious virtue,” which does not have the innate desire for possession and the dominance of others, but instead has the spirit of dedication and service. Women run the household and raise their children, without flaunting their efforts or controlling their loved ones who move about in society, only wishing for and taking pride in their safety and success—this is the character displayed by most mothers. Third, Laozi said, “I have three precious things that I prize and hold dear. The first is gentleness; the second is economy; and the third is shrinking from taking precedence over others.”87 As the saying goes, “The father is strict, and the mother is kind.” A mother’s heart is the most loving, able to bear humiliation and heavy burdens for their children, without the fear of hardship. Women shoulder the responsibility for providing the chief daily necessities, and hence have cultivated the habits of frugality involving meticulous budgeting and living within one’s means. Women possess the virtues of modesty, contentment with second place and silent service, and unwillingness to fight for glory. Laozi viewed the “gentleness, economy and shrinking from taking precedence of others” as precious things, thus elevating feminine qualities to universal values, and giving them high praise. Fourth, Laozi said, “The sage manages affairs without doing anything, and conveys his instructions without the use of speech.”88 Parents are the first teachers of 84 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 332. 85 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 102, 339. 86 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 260. 87 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 310. 88 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 80.

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children. However, fathers often teach by words and are frequently away from home, whereas mothers often teach by example and are constantly by their children’s side, using their own actions as a model to shape the next generation. Laozi extended maternal teachings to social governance, which emphasized the nature of things and inaction. Fifth, Laozi said, “Simple views, and courses plain and true.” Men are at the center of social life; they are well-informed and knowledgeable, but are susceptible to the contamination of different vices. Women and children are at the fringes of society, hence are simpler and more innocent. Laozi elevated the idea of “simplicity,” and used it to describe the Great Way: “Though in its primordial simplicity, it may be small, the whole world dares not deal with one embodying it as a minister.”89 Sixth, Laozi said, “The returning to the root is what we call the state of stillness; and that stillness may be called a reporting that they have fulfilled their appointed end”; “purity and stillness give the correct law to all under Heaven.”90 Quiescent virtue is a feminine style, whereas the masculine is more active. Laozi viewed “stillness” as the original state of the Great Way and the way of dealing with others and the world. He connected stillness with inaction, believing that stillness is able to diminish selfishness and desires, bring out calmness and tranquility, maintain composure in the face of external changes, and curb motion with stillness: “The female always overcomes the male by her stillness,”91 thus in self-cultivation, “the state of vacancy should be brought to the utmost degree, and stillness should be guarded with unwearying vigor.” As we can see from the above, Laozi’s philosophy of valuing softness was directly derived from female virtues, which is highly complementary to Confucius’s philosophy of valuing humaneness; together they jointly shaped the Chinese spirit. The Commentary on the Book of Changes: Xiang [Appearances]: Qian states, “Heaven, in its motion, connotes strength. The superior man, in accordance with this, nerves himself to ceaseless activity.”92 This passage is talking about the meaning of the Qian hexagram. Qian represents Heaven and male. The superior man, in accordance with this, with his large virtue supports men and things. In contrast, Appearance: Kun states, “The capacity and sustaining power of the Earth is what is denoted by Kun.”93 This passage is talking about the meaning of Kun. Kun represents Earth and female. The superior man must both the strong and firm, but also be all-embracing and tolerant. Only then can he conform to the Way of Heaven and Earth, and the righteousness of male and female, thus attaining the ideal of “The Great Man…who is

89 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 198. 90 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 134, 243. 91 Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 293. 92 Annotated by Song Zuoyin. Book of Changes. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 5. 93 Annotated by Song Zuoyin. Book of Changes. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 17.

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in harmony, in his attributes, with Heaven and Earth.”94 Thus, here lies the companionship of Confucius and Laozi, and the complementarity of Confucianism and Daoism. Laozi’s doctrines can be summarized as the theories of the universe, life, and governance, and the methods of dialectics. His cosmology includes cosmogony (as described above) and cosmological ontology. Laozi’s ontology emphasizes that the Way is the noumenon of all things. It is itself without form or appearance, is found inherently within all things, and determines their essence: The Way is like the emptiness of a vessel, and in our employment of it we must be on our guard against all fullness. How deep and unfathomable it is, as if it were the honored ancestor of all things!...Man takes his law from the Earth; the Earth takes its law from Heaven; Heaven takes its law from the Way. The law of the Way is its being what it is....The Way, considered to be unchanging, has no name. Though in its primordial simplicity it may be small, the whole world dares not deal with one embodying it as a minister. If a feudal prince or the king could guard and hold it, all would spontaneously submit themselves to him....All-pervading is the Great Way! It may be found on the left hand and on the right. All things depend on it for their production, which it gives to them, not one refusing obedience to it. When its work is accomplished, it does not claim the name of having done it. It clothes all things as with a garment, and makes no assumption of being their lord; it may be named in the smallest things. All things return to their root and disappear, and do not know that it is it which presides over their doing so; it may be named in the greatest things....The Way does nothing for the sake of doing it, and so there is nothing that does not get done....The Way has of all things the most honored place.95

As the origin of all things, the Great Way endows all things with life and function, but does not seek to dominate them; instead it naturally plays the role of clothing and feeding them. It is incorporeal, nameless, and formless, dwelling within all things. The Great Way is unlike the God of Christianity (dwelling on high and dominating the world), nor is it like Plato’s absolute forms (in which absolutes are separate from relative things), but is instead a dynamic and ceaseless life force that is inherent within all things. Laozi’s theory of life attaches great importance to cultivating the depth and profundity of human life. First, human nature must break away from greed and vanity, and return to simplicity and honesty: See the origin and keep the non-differentiated state. Lessen selfishness and decrease desire. I am in a state of chaos. I am like an infant that has not yet smiled. You are in a constant state of virtue When you return to being a simple child.... When your constancy in virtue is complete, You return to the state of the “uncarved block.” 94

Annotated by Song Zuoyin. Book of Changes. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 15. Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 90, 169, 198, 203, 212, 295. 95

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The great person dwells in the substantial And not in the superficial, Rests in the fruit And not in the flower. He who has in himself abundantly the attributes of the Way Is like a newborn baby.96

If Confucianism is regarded as emphasizing the transformation of human nature through cultural forms, then Laozi emphasizes the return of human nature to its true and natural state. Second, one must break away from ignorance and common sense, but instead must deeply comprehend the laws of changes in things, improve the perceptiveness and flexibility of one’s cognition, and possess great wisdom and clarity: To know that unchanging rule is to be intelligent...He is free from self-display, and therefore he shines....He who knows other men is discerning; he who knows himself is intelligent....The perception of what is small is the secret of clear-sightedness....In this way, the effect will be seen in person, by the observation of different cases; in the family; in the neighborhood; in the state; and in the kingdom.97

The common person shows off clever wit, whereas one who follows the Way has great wisdom that appears foolish: Ordinary men look bright and intelligent, while I alone seem be to dim and weak. They are clever and sharp, while I alone am dull and confused. I drift on the sea, drifting as if I had nowhere to rest. Everyone else is very busy, while I alone seem dull and incapable. I am different from everyone else. I am fed by the Great Mother.98

Third, one must cultivate a pattern of resilience, which imbues life with elasticity to withstand the blows of setbacks and to overcome the hard with the soft. Laozi teaches us to learn from the virtues of water, which not only benefits all without strife, but also contains strength within softness: “There is nothing in the world softer and weaker than water, and yet nothing is better for overcoming the hard and strong.”99 One must learn the concept of “the soft overcoming the hard”: “the softest thing in the world dashes against and overcomes the hardest.”100 A truly capable person is not one who overcomes others, but one who overcomes himself: “He who overcomes others is strong; he who overcomes himself is mighty.”101 The path of 96 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 147, 150, 183, 215, 274. 97 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 134, 161, 201, 265, 271. 98 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 150. 99 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 339. 100 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 239. 101 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 201.

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life is never smooth—always bumpy—but if one sees the light within all the twists and turns, then one will have confidence: “The shining Way seems dark; making progress seems like regressing; the smooth Way seems rough.”102 Laozi’s theory of life also concerns extending and expanding the length and breadth of life, as well as learning to preserve the body and the mind. First, one must protect oneself and avoid calamities. “Favor and disgrace are equally to be feared; honor and great calamity, to be regarded as conditions of the same kind”103 ; hence, one must not rely merely on power and wealth, as both favor and disgrace can bring misfortune. “He who is skillful in managing the life entrusted to him can travel the land without fearing rhinoceros or tiger, and can enter a battle without being wounded….Why? Because there is no place of death in him.”104 This teaches us how to be free of danger. One should also master the laws of transformation: “Misery! Happiness is to be found by its side. Happiness! Misery lurks beneath it.” Second, one must eliminate greed. “Which do you treasure more, fame or life? Which do you cling to, life or wealth? Hold on to life, and lose those other things; keep them, and lose your life.”105 Thus, life is more precious than fame and wealth; while greed not only harms the body, it is also the root cause of many other sins and calamities. Thus, it is said, “There is no greater sin than greed, no calamity greater than not knowing contentment, no offence greater than being covetous.”106 Third, one must live a frugal and simple life. The “excessive endeavors to perpetuate life”107 are in fact harmful to life, while excessive sensual pursuits not only cause damage to one’s health, but can also “madden the mind,” and “brings about harmful behavior.”108 Thus, one must “put away excessive effort, extravagance, and indulgence,”109 and return to simplicity. Fourth, one must nurture life with moderation. “In governing people and rendering service to Heaven, there is nothing like moderation.”110 Thus, the governance of the 102 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 229. 103 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 121. 104 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 256. 105 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 241. 106 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 246. 107 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 256. 108 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 118. 109 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 188. 110 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 288.

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state should involve increasing income and reducing expenditures; the preservation of life should involve accumulating virtue, cultivating essence, reaching the utmost vacancy, and maintaining stillness. Fifth, one must give undivided attention to the vital breath and bring it to utmost pliancy. “When the body and soul are held together in one embrace, they can be kept from separating. When you give undivided attention to the vital breath, and make it completely pliant, you can become like a child again.”111 One must unite the physical with the spiritual, and accumulate energy and breath, to attain the state wherein “The infant’s bones are weak and its sinews are soft, but its grasp is firm.”112 Sixth, one must retreat when one’s work is complete. “When gold and jade fill the hall, their owner cannot keep them safe. When wealth and honors make one arrogant, this brings its evil on itself. When the work is done, and one’s name is established as distinguished, to withdraw into obscurity is the way of Heaven.”113 Seventh, one must agree with the Great Way: “Those who agree with the Way have the happiness of attaining it,” and the direction of life must move toward returning to the Great Way. Eighth, one must realize the Greater Self. “The sage does not accumulate for him- or herself. The more that you expend for others, the more you possess of your own.”114 Altruism is the sublimation of one’s own life, so that “he who dies and yet does not perish, has immortality.”115 Ninth, one must save the world and love others: the sage is always skilled at saving others, “so one does not cast anyone away”; is skilled at saving things, “so one does not cast anything away.” “The sage has no invariable mind of his own; he makes the mind of the people his mind.”116 Laozi’s theory of governance is unique in its advocacy of governing by inaction. This does not imply doing nothing; instead, it means streamlining administration, decentralizing power, implementing autonomous rule, purifying folk customs, and establishing peace. First, he proposed maintaining purity and stillness, and loving the people: “In loving the people and ruling the state, can he not proceed without any purposeful action?”117 The rulers above should not place burdens on the people below: “In the highest antiquity, the people did not know that there were rulers. In 111 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 108. 112 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 274. 113 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 105. 114 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 349. 115 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 201. 116 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 253. 117 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 108.

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the next, they loved them and praised them. In the next, they feared them. In the next, they despised them.”118 The most ideal state is where “their work was done and their undertakings were successful, while the people all said, ‘We are as we are, of ourselves.’”119 The people do not resent, nor are they grateful to, those in power. Therefore, it is necessary to remove oppressive governments and heavy taxes, so that the people can recuperate and have rest. “In the kingdom, the multiplication of prohibitions increases the poverty of the people”; “The more laws you have, the more thieves and robbers there are”; “The people suffer from famine because of the multitude of taxes consumed by their superiors”; “The people are difficult to govern because of their governors do too much”; “Governing a great state is like cooking small fish.”120 Thus, rulers must exercise simplicity and caution, not imposing tedious administration or severe punishment, with unpredictable changes in policy. Second, he proposed governing by inaction and autonomy. “The sages do not act from (any wish to be) benevolent; they deal with the people as if they are straw dogs.”121 The sages follow the Way and laws of nature. They do not dwell on petty rewards and favors, but aim to ensure that the people are able to be true to their nature, obtain what they desire, and reach their fullest potential—this is the Great Humaneness. “The sage has no invariable mind of his own; he makes the mind of the people his mind,” “Therefore, the sage says, ‘I will do nothing on purpose, and the people will be transformed of themselves; I will be fond of keeping still, and the people will of themselves become correct. I will take no trouble, and the people will of themselves become rich; I will manifest no ambition, and the people will of themselves attain to the primitive simplicity.”122 This is the “ruling of a state by corrective measures.” Only in this way can one make significant achievements: “The Way in its regular course does nothing, so there is nothing that is left undone.”123 Third, he proposed that rulers must empty themselves and bear the burden of office. “The sage holds to humility, and manifests it to the whole world. He is free from selfdisplay, therefore he shines; from self-assertion, therefore he is distinguished; from self-boasting, therefore his merit is acknowledged; from self-complacency, therefore he acquires superiority. It is because he is thus free from striving that therefore no one in the world is able to strive with him.”124 Those in power are not only required to 118 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 141. 119 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 141. 120 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 280, 330, 291. 121 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 93. 122 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 253, 280. 123 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 250. 124 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 161.

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empty themselves, they must also bear the burdens of office: “The one who accepts the state’s humiliation becomes its master; the one who accepts its disasters becomes ruler of everything.”125 They must actively shoulder the responsibilities for national shame and disasters to be loved by the people. Fourth, he proposed the principles of simplicity and plain customs: “When the government is simple, the people are relaxed.”126 Politics must be clear and simple before the customs of the people can be made honest and simple. Those in power must first have “the mind of a simple person,” i.e., they must display the airs of one who practiced the Way, where great wisdom appears foolish and simple, and then must govern the country with so-called foolishness: “The ancients who showed their skill in practicing the Way did so not to enlighten the people, but to make them simple and ignorant.”127 This does not refer to what is usually known as “obscurantism.” Instead, it refers to those in power leading the way back to simplicity, thus changing the injurious habits of striving for fame in politics, competing for profits in the markets, and the prevalence of fraudulent behaviors. Therefore, Laozi advocated the cultivation of virtue: “Cultivate the Way in yourself, and virtue will be real; cultivate it in the family and virtue will accrue! Cultivate it in the neighborhood and virtue will abound; cultivate it throughout the state, and virtue will be plentiful. Cultivate it throughout the universe, and virtue will be all around.”128 Fifth, he proposed laying down of arms and living peacefully. Laozi put forth the ideal of “a little state with a small population,” where the people “should think their coarse food sweet; their plain clothes beautiful; their poor dwellings places of rest; and their common simple ways sources of enjoyment.”129 To achieve this, it is first necessary to lay down arms and end chaos. “He who rule in harmony with the Way will not assert his mastery in the kingdom by military force. This will only rebound upon you. Wherever the army is stationed, briars and thorns will spring up. In the wake of a great army, there will be years of famine.” “Now arms, however beautiful, are instruments of evil, hateful to all creatures. Therefore, they who have the Way do not like to employ them.”130 Even in a just war against an aggressor, Laozi views this as a strategy of gaining mastery by striking only after the enemy has struck. “Calm and repose are what he prizes,”131 because wars inevitably lead to deaths. The people 125 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 339. 126 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 284. 127 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 304. 128 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 271. 129 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 345. 130 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 192, 195. 131 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 195.

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should not be put under excessive oppression, otherwise, “People do not fear what they ought to fear, that which is their great dread will come on them……The people do not fear death—why try to frighten them with death?”132 Severe punishments and cruel laws are not remedies for ending chaos. Furthermore, equal aid must be given to all: “It is the Way of Heaven to diminish superabundance, and to supplement deficiency. This is not the way of people, who take away from those in need to add to their own abundance.”133 The division between the rich and the poor is a root of social unrest, hence the Way of Humanity should adhere to the Way of Heaven to ensure the reasonable distribution of wealth. In addition, “The whole world will flock to one who holds the Great Image of the invisible Way, for there they will find safety, rest, and peace.”134 Thus, the masses should be gathered through the Way, helping and not harming each other, to live a peaceful and tranquil life. Sixth, he proposed that one should have caution when things are still small, and anticipate things in advance. “Tackle things that are difficult while they are still easy, and do things that will become great while they are still small.” “That which is at rest is easily kept hold of; before a thing has given indications of its presence, it is easy to take measures against it; that which is brittle is easily broken; that which is very small is easily dispersed. Action should be taken before a thing has made its appearance; order should be secured before disorder has begun. The tree so large your arms cannot grasp it grew from the tiniest sprout; the tower nine stories tall started from a small heap of earth; the journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step.”135 Therefore, in governing a country, problems must be discovered in a timely manner, to identify potential crises and resolve them as soon as possible, thus preventing the exacerbation of conflicts and the instigation of unwanted incidents. Furthermore, it is necessary to avoid empty talk, accomplish practical achievements, and persist over the long term. “If they are as careful at the end as they are at the beginning,” only then will they achieve great things. Laozi’s Dialectics There are three major branches of Chinese dialectics. The first is Confucian dialectics, which values strength and upholds motion, as represented by the Book of Changes. The second is Daoist dialectics, which values softness and upholds stillness, as represented by Laozi. The third is Buddhist dialectics, which is free from obstacles and promotes harmony, as represented by the School of Huayan. Laozi’s dialectics originated from the Way of Yin and Yang, while its mode of thinking is different from that of Confucianism. The Confucian mode of thinking is concerned with the positive, progressing, and overt dialectical relationships of social life, whereas Laozi strived 132 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 323, 328. 133 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 336. 134 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 205. 135 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 298, 301.

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to discover the intangible world that laid within and behind the tangible world, and its underlying laws. The latter is more important and more fundamental, as it determines the development of the tangible world. This is the dialectics of “something” (existence) and “nothing” (non-existence), reflecting the characteristics of reverse thinking. In Laozi’s view, the intangible and invisible “nothing” governs the tangible and visible “something.” “The thirty spokes unite in the one hub, but the wheel’s usefulness depends on the empty space. Clay is fashioned into vessels, but their usefulness depends on their empty hollowness. Doors and windows are cut out of the walls to form a house, but its usefulness depends on the empty space within. Therefore, what is present is what makes it profitable, but what is absent is what makes it useful.”136 Wang Bi writes in Laozi Zhu [The Commentary on Laozi], “Generally speaking, for entities to be beneficial, they have to get their usefulness from negativity……It makes a loud sound, but never says a word; it has a big presence, but it is no more than a shadow. The Way is hidden, and has no name.”137 Wang Bi’s commentary notes, “The entities are completed by the Way, but they do not see its form; that is why the text says that the Way is hidden and nameless.”138 Laozi’s dialectics emphasizes that the laws of the contradictory movement of “existence” and “non-existence” are interdependent and mutually transformational. In other words, “Returning is movement of the Way, and yielding is its way.”139 The meaning of the Way is best embodied by the word “contraries.” More specifically, this encompasses the following cases. First, there is the contradiction and unity of opposites. “So it is that existence and non-existence give birth to one another; difficulty and ease produce each other; length and shortness balance one another; height and depth rest on each other; voice and sound harmonize with one another; front and back follow another.”140 Second, words of truth appear paradoxical. “The shining Way seems dark; making progress seems like regressing; the smooth Way seems rough. True virtue is like a valley. The immaculate seems humble, abundant virtue seems inadequate, and established virtue seems deceptive. Real virtue seems unreal; the perfect square has no corners; great talent takes a long time to perfect. The highest sounds are hard to hear. The Great Form has no shape; the Way is hidden, and nameless.” “Great straightness seems crooked, great skill seems clumsy, and great eloquence seems

136 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 115. 137 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 116, 229. 138 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Heshanggong. (Wei Dynasty) Annotated by Wang Bi. Laozi. Revised by Liu Sihe. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 92. 139 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 226. 140 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 80.

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to stutter.”141 These negative expressions reveal the inherent nature of truth more profoundly than their more common positive expressions. Third, things will turn the opposite direction at their extremes. “When gold and jade fill the hall, their owner cannot keep them safe. When wealth and honors make one arrogant, this brings its evil on itself. When the work is done, and one’s name is established as distinguished, to withdraw into obscurity is the way of Heaven.” “Excessive sensual pursuits madden the mind, and brings about harmful behavior.” Thus, one must “put away excessive effort, extravagance, and indulgence,” and return to simplicity. “He who stands on his tiptoes does not stand firm; he who stretches his legs does not walk easily. One who displays himself does not shine; one who asserts his own views is not distinguished; one who vaunts himself does not find his merit acknowledged; one who is conceited is not given superiority.” “Misery! Happiness is to be found by its side. Happiness! Misery lurks beneath it.” “The method of correction shall by a turn become distortion, and the good in it shall by a turn become evil.”142 Thus, when things develop to their extremes, they will turn towards their opposite direction. Fourth, things must be approached from the opposite direction. “The sage puts himself last, and yet it is found in the foremost place; he treats himself as if he were foreign to him, and yet that person is preserved.” “The partial becomes complete; the crooked, straight; the empty, full; the worn out, new. Those whose desires are few get them.” “Before breathing in, one must breathe out; before weakening someone, one must first have strengthened him; when going to overthrow another, the other must first have been raised up; when going to despoil another, you will first have made gifts to him.”143 Thus, to reach a goal, it is necessary to approach it from the opposite direction and take a roundabout path, thereby achieving strategic wisdom. Fifth, righteousness must be prevented from going astray and excess should be removed. “An abundance of words is a dead end; hold to the center.” “The sage puts away excessive effort, extravagance, and easy indulgence.” “A contented person is never humiliated; those who know when stop incurs no blame. They will live safe from danger.” “The sage is like a square without corners, unable to injure others with sharp edges. He is straightforward, but allows himself no license; he is bright, but does not dazzle.” “The sage is not sick, because he is sick of being sick. Therefore, he is not sick.”144 Thus, one must take the initiative to accept negative factors, so that partial negation is carried out internally, which then ensures the long life of the united entity. Sixth, things must return to their original state and beginning. “All things alike go through their processes of activity, then we see them return to their original state. 141 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 229, 243. 142 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 105, 118, 167, 284. 143 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 100, 161, 207. 144 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 93, 188, 241, 284, 320.

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When plants have displayed their luxuriant growth, we see each of them return to its root. This returning to their root is what we call the state of stillness; and that stillness shows they have fulfilled their appointed end. That fulfillment is the unchanging law of nature. To know that unchanging rule is to be intelligent…..The knowledge of that unchanging rule produces great capacity and forbearance, which lead to feeling one with all things. From this community of feeling comes a kingliness of character; and he who is kinglike goes on to be Heaven-like. In that likeness to Heaven, he possesses the Way. Possessed of the Way, he endures long; and to the end of his bodily life, he is exempt from all danger of decay.” “There was something undefined and complete, coming into existence before Heaven and Earth. How still it was and formless, standing alone, and undergoing no change, reaching everywhere and in no danger of being exhausted. It may be regarded as the Mother of all things. I do not know its name, so I call it “the Way.” If forced to give it a name, I call it the Great. Great, it passes on in constant flow. Passing on, it becomes distant. Having become distant, it returns.”145 The movement of things ultimately returns them to their initial starting point, thus forming cyclical movements. The journey from life to death in humans is their return to nature. The development of society often unfolds as spiral, returning to the same point. The four seasons come and go in a cyclical manner. The earth’s rotation around its axis and around the sun is also cyclical. The process from the birth to the collapse of the solar system and the Milky Way are all part of the cyclical pattern of the universe. Laozi’s reverse thinking and reverse dialectical expressions are often contrary to people’s common sense, and hence are frequently misinterpreted and criticized. Laozi understood that, “They who know me are few, and I am therefore more fortunate.”146 “Scholars of the highest class, when they hear about the Way, earnestly carry it into practice,” though such scholars are too few. “Scholars of the middle class, when they hear about it, seem now to keep it and now to lose it. Scholars of the lowest class, when they hear about it, laugh greatly at it. If it were not thus laughed at, it would not be fit to be the Way.”147 However, it is my hope that the number of scholars of the highest class, who hear about the Way and carry it into practice, will continue to increase. After Laozi, Daoism developed by being developed in different directions by Yangzhu, Songxing, Yinwen, Pengmeng, Tianpian, Shendao, Guanyin, and Liezi. Yangzhu delved into Laozi’s ideas of valuing the self and preventing calamities, thus forming the theory of “self-preservation.” Mencius said, “The principle of the philosopher Yang was ‘Each man for himself.’ Though he might have benefitted the whole kingdom by plucking out a single hair, he would not have done it.”148 Master 145

Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 134, 169. 146 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 318, 229. 147 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 229. 148 Annotated by Yang Junbo and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House. 2000, p. 235.

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Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals records that “Yangsheng (i.e., Yangzhu) esteemed the self.”149 Huainanzi [The Book of the Prince of Huainan] states, “Keeping your nature intact, protecting your authenticity, not allowing things to entangle your form. These were established by Yangzi.”150 While Songxing and Yinwen developed Laozi’s ideas of opposing war and diminishing one’s desires. “He considers the prohibition of aggression and causing disarmament to be an external achievement, and the making of his own desires to be few and slight to be an internal triumph.”151 Pengmeng, Tianpian, and Shendao furthered Laozi’s ideas of being public-spirited, as well as renouncing sagacity and discarding wisdom to benefit the people. “Public-spirited, and not at all partisan; easy and compliant, with no selfish partialities; capable of being led, without any positive tendencies; following in the wake of others, without any double-mindedness; not looking around because of anxious thoughts; not scheming in the exercise of their wisdom.” “The first thing for them to do was to adjust the controversies about different things.”152 Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals states that, “Chenpian (i.e., Tianpian) esteemed equanimity.”153 According to the lost chapter of Shenzi (Shoushange Congshu [Mountain Guardhouse Collection]), “the practitioners of law adjust the controversies about all things and fix their system according to the greater good.”154 Thus, Tianpian and Shendao advocated the use of the law to adjust the controversies among things, representing the shift from Daoism to Legalism, which was later carried on by Shen Buhai and Han Fei. Guanyin and Liezi expanded Laozi’s ideas of utmost emptiness and maintaining stillness. Hence, it is recorded in Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals: Bu Er [No Duality] that, “Master Guanyin esteemed purity, Master Lie Yukou emptiness.”155 Guanyin and Liezi advocated emptying the self for the acceptance of things, as well as clarity, stillness, and self-cultivation. Zhuangzi mentions Lie Yukou in many places, but only in his nineteen tales, which are insufficient to be taken as history. Furthermore, the current Liezi contains both the fragments of the old Liezi as well as the new interpretations written by Wei and Jin scholars, thus further analysis is needed. In the mid-Warring States Period, Zhuangzi and his school of thought emerged, which brought Laozi’s Daoism to a whole new level of development. The period of Zhuangzi’s life roughly coincided with that of Mencius, and his position in Daoism is also comparable to that of Mencius in Confucianism. The academia tends to regard the Neipian [Inner Chapters] of the Zhuangzi as works that were written by Zhuangzi 149

(Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classics Publishing House. 2014, p. 404. 150 Annotated by Yang Youli. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 457. 151 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, pp. 924–925. 152 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 930. 153 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classics Publishing House. 2014, p. 404. 154 Wang Sirui. The Annotations to Shenzi. The Commercial Press, 1935, p. 41. 155 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classics Publishing House. 2014, p. 404.

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himself, whereas the Waipian [Outer Chapters] and the Zapian [Miscellaneous Chapters] are regarded as the works of later scholars. First, Zhuangzi had inherited the core ideas of Laozi, as seen from his viewing the “Way” as the highest truth, revering nature and inaction, opposing transformation by rites and music, advocating the adherence to the nature of things, and pursuing a life of purity, detachment, emptiness and stillness. Regarding the “Way,” he gave the following systematic description: “This is the Way; there is emotion and sincerity, but it does nothing and has no bodily form. It may be handed down by the teacher, but it might not be received by his students. It may be apprehended by the mind, but it cannot be seen. It has its root and the ground of its existence. Before there were Heaven and Earth, from of old, it was there, already in existence. From it came the mysterious presence of spirits, and from it the mysterious existence of God. It produced Heaven; it produced Earth. It was before the Great Ultimate, and yet could not be considered high; it was below all space, and yet could not be considered deep. It was produced before Heaven and Earth, and yet could not be considered to have existed long; it is older than the greatest antiquity, and yet cannot be considered old.”156 At the same time, Zhuangzi was also an extremely creative and talented thinker, who steered the Laozi’s teachings to a new direction. First, he steered Laozi’s doctrines of Daoism from the object to the subject, such that they embodied the highest spiritual realm pursued by Daoism. Those who follow the Way within this realm (the True Man, the Spirit-like Man, the Perfect Man, the Sage) will have transcended the limitations of the real world, will pursue the liberation and freedom of the soul, and have shaken themselves off free from the various restraints of right and wrong, grace and disgrace. “Rongzi thought the whole world should have praised him had he not pushed himself to greater endeavor, and though the whole world should have condemned him, he would not have exercised any repression of his course.” “But suppose one who rides Heaven and Earth in its normal operation, and drives along the six elemental energies of the changing seasons, thus enjoying himself in the illimitable—what has he to wait for? Therefore, it is said, ‘The Perfect Man has no thought of self; the Spirit-like Man, none of merit; the Sage, none of fame.”157 Second, Zhuangzi proposed the relativism of cognition. “This view is the same as that, and that view is the same as this.” “They have not found their point of correspondence, which is called the fulcrum of the Way. As soon as one finds this fulcrum, he stands at the focal point, where he can respond effortlessly to changing views.”158 It is only from the height of the Great Way that one will not be entrapped in the narrowness of right and wrong that stem from the self. Only then will one know that “All things in Heaven and Earth may be dealt with as a finger; each of their

156

Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 199. 157 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 18. 158 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 62.

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myriads may be dealt with as a single horse.” “They may, in the light of the Way all be reduced to the same category.”159 Third, he proposed the pursuit of an artistic life of “great beauty” and “perfect music,” where one can find a space of one’s own to experience the joys of life, like the movements of a blade wielded by a cook cutting up an ox: “The sounds were all in regular cadence. Movements and sounds proceeded as in the dance of the ‘Mulberry Forest’ and the blended notes of the ‘King Shou.’” “When that, which is so thin, enters where the interstice is, how easily it moves along! The blade has more than enough room.”160 Fourth, he proposed methods of self-cultivation, such as the “fasting of the mind” and “sitting and forgetting,”161 advocating an attitude to life of forgetting emotions, setting aside the self, resting in one’s fate, and abiding by the world. “They know there is no alternative to their acting as they do, and they rest in it as what is appointed; this is the highest achievement of virtue.” “The true people of old knew nothing of the love of life or the hatred of death.” “There is the great multitude in nature. I support my body on it; my life is spent in toil on it; my old age seeks ease on it; at death I find rest in it.” “Moreover, when we understand what we are to do, that is the time to do it; when time runs out at death, submission is what is required. When we rest in what the time requires, and manifest that submission, neither joy nor sorry can find entrance to the mind.” “When the perfect person employs his mind, it is a mirror. It conducts nothing and anticipates nothing; it responds to what is before it, but does not retain it. Thus, one can deal successfully with all things, and injures none.”162 Zhuangzi contains nineteen tales, which are simple and outspoken, displaying a carefree and irreverent attitude, with a witty and poetic use of language. Philosophical theories are incorporated within these lively tales, thus forming a masterpiece of Daoist aesthetics. The book often borrows Confucius’s name to create Daoist stories, which shows that Zhuangzi is very familiar with Confucianism. The Outer Chapters and Miscellaneous Chapters also contain many brilliant and profound ideas. For example, Pianmu [Webbed Toes] states, “The perfectly correct path is not to lose the real character of the nature with which we are endowed. Hence the union of parts should not be considered redundant, nor their divergence superfluity; what is long should not be considered too long, nor what is short too short. A duck’s legs, for instance, are short, but if we try to lengthen them, it causes pain; a crane’s legs are long, but if we try to cut them shorter, it produces grief.”163 159

Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, pp. 66, 69. 160 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, pp. 106, 107. 161 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, pp. 129, 226. 162 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, pp. 136, 186, 196, 208, 248. 163 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, p. 257.

Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book

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This passage highlights the respect that should be given to the diversity of things. Mati [Horses’ Hoofs] states, “In the age of perfect virtue, people lived in common with birds and beasts, and were on terms of equality with all creatures, forming one family—how could they know among themselves the distinctions of high-minded people and inferior people?”164 In the time of the Emperor He-xu, “They filled their mouths with food and were glad; they slapped their stomachs to express their satisfaction.”165 This passage expresses the yearning for a pure and simple life, and the unity of Heaven and the Middle Way. The Quqie [Cutting Open Satchels] sharply criticizes the great robbers of the state, and of humaneness and righteousness: “Until the sages have died, great robbers will keep appearing.” “If we use humaneness and righteousness to make their doings correct, then by humaneness and righteousness we will be teaching them to steal.” “One who steals a garden tool is put to death for it; one who steals a state becomes its prince. But it is at the gates of the princes that we find humaneness and righteousness most strongly professed.”166 Here is profoundly revealed the truth of one aspect of history. Zaiyou [Letting Be and Exercising Forbearance] talks about nourishing life: “There is nothing to be seen; nothing to be heard. When it holds the spirit in its arms in stillness, then the bodily form of itself will become correct. You must be still; you must be pure; not subjecting your body to toil, not agitating your vital force—then you may live a long time.” “Maintain the original unity of these elements, and dwell in harmony with them.”167 These ideas were inherited by the Daoist practices of nourishing life in later generations. Tiandi [Heaven and Earth] cites The Record, saying “When the one Way pervades it, all business is completed”168 —this is the ultimate direction of Daoist teachings and practices. Tiandao [The Way of Heaven] discusses the way of emptiness and stillness: “Vacancy, stillness, placidity, tastelessness, quietude, silence, and inaction—this is the level of Heaven and Earth, and the perfection of the Way and its characteristics.” “The clear understanding of the virtue of Heaven and Earth is what is called ‘The Great Root’ and ‘The Great Origin’—they who have it are in harmony with Heaven, and so they produce all equable arrangements in the world—they are those who are in harmony with the people. Being in harmony with the people is called ‘the joy of men’; being in harmony with Heaven is called ‘the joy of Heaven.’”169 Thus, the Way of emptiness and stillness is elevated to the level of the great root and great origin of Heaven and Earth. 164

Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 270. 165 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 273. 166 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 280. 167 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, pp. 304, 305. 168 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 320. 169 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, pp. 364, 367.

The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book

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There is also the story of a wheelwright commenting on Duke Huan’s reading of a book: “What you, my Ruler, are reading are only the dregs and sediments of those old men.”170 This passage points out that just as the skills of carpentry cannot be inherited by teaching through words alone, so the way of governance cannot be inherited solely by reading. Qiushui [The Floods of Autumn] states, “A frog in a well cannot be talked with about the sea—it is confined to the limits of its hole. An insect of the summer cannot be talked with about ice—it knows nothing beyond its own season. A scholar of limited views cannot be talked with about the Way—he is bound by the teaching he has received.”171 Therefore, one must break away from the confines of one’s own limits, and must view the world from the height of the Great Way, and “looking at them in the light of the Way,” gain a holistic understanding. Another passage states, “Oxen and horses have four feet—that is what I call their Heavenly constitution. When the horses’ heads are haltered, and the noses of oxen are pierced, that is what I call the doings of Humankind. Hence it is said, ‘Do not let Human actions extinguish the Heavenly constitution.”172 This passage advocates following the nature of things, and not to alter them through the doings of humankind. This chapter also describes the story of Zhuangzi and Huishi looking at fish from the dam over the Hao, where they discuss the issue of whether humans can perceive the worries and enjoyment of others (including fishes). Zhile [Perfect Enjoyment] posits that, “Perfect enjoyment is to be without enjoyment; the highest praise is to be without praise,”173 thus touching on the issue of life and death. After the death of Zhuangzi’s wife, Zhuangzi was found drumming on the basin and singing, as he believed that human life and death is the gathering and dispersal of vital breath, like “the procession of the four seasons from spring to autumn, from winter to summer”; thus, he accepted the event with peace. Shanmu [The Tree on the Mountain] describes a large tree, which, “because its wood is good for nothing, will succeed in living out its natural term of years,”174 but a goose that lacks the power to cackle (i.e., is not useful) is the first to be killed. So then how should one deal with the world? Zhuangzi replied, “I would prefer to be in a position between being useful and wanting to be useful,”175 but this “would not put me beyond being involved in trouble.” “One who walks on the Way and its attributes, and there finds his ease and enjoyment, is not exposed to such a contingency. He is above the reach of both praise and of detraction; now he mounts aloft like a dragon, 170

Annotated by Chen Company, 2009, p. 386. 171 Annotated by Chen Company, 2009, p. 442. 172 Annotated by Chen Company, 2009, p. 461. 173 Annotated by Chen Company, 2009, p. 480. 174 Annotated by Chen Company, 2009, p. 534. 175 Annotated by Chen Company, 2009, p. 534.

Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book

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now he stays below like a snake; he is transformed with the changing character of the time, and is not willing to addict himself to any one thing; now in a high position and now in a low, he is in harmony with all his surroundings; he enjoys himself at ease with the Way, the Author of all things; he treats things as things, and is not a thing to them: where is the likelihood he will be involved in trouble?”176 In this passage, the line “He treats things as things, and is not a thing to them”177 is the core of Zhuangzi’s outlook on life, i.e., humans should be served by things and not be of service to things. Zhibeiyou [Knowledge Rambling in the North] states, “Life is due to the collecting of the breath. When that is collected, there is life; when it is dispersed, there is death.” “All under Heaven, there is one breath of life,”178 thus applying “qi” to cosmology. He also posited the dialectical view that “The fetid and putrid is transformed again into the spirit-like and wonderful, and the spirit-like and wonderful is transformed again into the fetid and putrid.”179 In addition, the passage states, “The operations of Heaven and Earth proceed in the most admirable way, but the sages saying nothing about them; the four seasons observe the clearest laws, but they do not discuss them; all things have their complete and distinctive constitutions, but they say nothing about them.”180 Therefore, the sages “trace out the admirable operations of Heaven and Earth, and reach to and understand the distinctive constitutions of all things,”181 without excessive action. The chapter also says the fact that the Way is “everywhere” can be seen “in this ant,” “in this barnyard grass,” “in this clay tile,” and even “in this excrement.”182 Daozhi [The Robber Zhi] believes that in ancient society, the people lived in nests to avoid the beasts, “and on this account they are called the people of the Nestbuilder,”183 while in the age of Shennong, “the people knew their mothers, but did not know their fathers. They dwelt among the elks and deer. They ploughed and ate; they wove and made clothes; they had no idea of injuring one another; this was the grand time of perfect virtue. Huangdi, however, was not able to perpetuate this virtuous state. He fought with Chiyou in the wilds of Zhuolu till the blood flowed over a hundred li. When Yao and shun arose, they instituted their crowd of ministers. Tang 176

Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, pp. 534–535. 177 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 535. 178 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 597. 179 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 597. 180 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 601. 181 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 601. 182 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, pp. 613, 614. 183 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 827.

The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book

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banished his lord. King Wu killed Zhou. Since that time, the strong have oppressed the weak, and the many tyrannized over the few. From Tang and Wu downwards, the rulers have all been promoters of disorder and confusion.”184 Robber Zhi accused Confucius, who “cultivated and inculcated the ways of Duke Wen and Duke Wu,” as “Robber Qiu.” These words may seem radical, but the tale contains a historical outlook that is opposite to that of Confucianism, which ingeniously traces back to matriarchal clan society, and extols the simple and harmonious society before Yao and Shun—that is, without class or struggles. Thus, it uncovers another aspect in the development of civilization: the alienation and regression of human nature. Lie Yukou uses the words of Confucius to say, “The minds of men are more difficult of approach than mountains and rivers, and more difficult to know that Heaven itself. Heaven has its periods of spring and autumn, of winter and summer, and of morning and evening; but a human’s exterior is thickly veiled, and his feelings lie deep.”185 This reveals the complex and unfathomable essence of human nature, which is a caution to the world that is worth thinking about. The large number of tales in the whole of Zhuangzi extensively encompasses the ancient myths and legends of various ethnic groups in various regions, as well as the classics of the Hundred Schools of Thought, while also presenting literary stories containing philosophical theories. This work fully demonstrates its author’s rich knowledge and admirable talent. Tianxia [all under Heaven] is the last chapter of Zhuangzi. It summarizes the academic history of the pre-Qin era from a Daoist standpoint and a mindset of “a grand capacity and forbearance that lead to a community.” It affirms the values of the scholars from Zoulu, handed down in the Book of Poetry, the Book of Documents, the Book of Rites and the Book of Music, saying, “The Book of Poetry describes what should be the purpose of the mind; the Book of Documents, the course of events; the Book of Rites is intended to direct the conduct; the Book of Music, to set forth harmony; the Book of Changes, to show the action of Yin and Yang; and the Spring and Autumn Annals, to display names and the duties belonging to them. Some of the regulations of these men of old—scattered all under Heaven, and established in our middle states—are also occasionally mentioned and described in the writings of the different schools.”186 Subsequently, there was chaos under Heaven, and the Hundred Schools of Thought rose up. “Each had its peculiar excellence, and there was the time for its use; nevertheless, no one school covered or extended over the whole range of truth.”187 This caused “the Way, which inwardly forms the sage and externally the king, to become 184

Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 827. 185 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 896. 186 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, pp. 908–909. 187 Annotated by Chen Guying. Company, 2009, p. 909.

The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book

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obscured and lose its clearness.” “The system of the Way was about to be torn in fragments all under the sky.”188 Clearly, the author believes that the culture represented by the Six Classics has been the mainstream culture since the three dynasties, and has mainly been passed down by the Zoulu scholars189 —a very objective attitude. All under Heaven first comments on Mozi, saying that his teachings are “To leave no example of extravagance to future generations; to show no wastefulness in the use of anything; to make no display in the degree of their ceremonial observances; to keep themselves in their expenditure under the restraint of strict and exact rule, so as to be prepared for occurring emergencies.”190 It advocates “Mozi’s Against Music,” while Economy in Expenditure “inculcated universal love, a common participation in all advantages, and condemned fighting.”191 It states that Mozi greatly admired the spirit of Yu the Great in controlling the flood despite heavy rains and strong winds, “considering such toiling on their part as the highest achievement,”192 but as “his way is difficult to be carried into practice, I fear it cannot be regarded as the way of a sage.”193 Nevertheless, Mozi is still regarded as “a talented officer.”194 Next, all under Heaven goes on to comment on Songxing, Pengmeng, Tianpian and Shendao, all of whom have been described above and will not be repeated here. Following these, all under Heaven praised Guanyin and Laodan, saying “To take the root from which things spring as the essential part, and the things themselves as the root’s embodiment; to see deficiency in accumulation; and in the solitude of one’s individuality, to dwell with the spirit-like and intelligent—such a course belonged to the Way of antiquity, and was appreciated by Guanyin and Laodan,”195 calling them “the greatest men of antiquity, true men indeed.”196 Thereafter, all under Heaven comments on the School of Zhuangzhou, thus indicating that this was written by a scholar after Zhuangzi, saying: The shadowy and still is without bodily form; that change and transformation are ever proceeding, but incapable of being determined. What is death? What is life? What is meant by the union of Heaven and Earth? Does the spiritual intelligence go away? Shadowy, where 188

Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, p. 909. 189 Scholars from the dukedoms of Zhou and Lu. 190 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, p. 916. 191 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, p. 916. 192 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, p. 917. 193 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, p. 916. 194 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, p. 917. 195 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, p. 935. 196 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Company, 2009, p. 936.

Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book

Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book

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2 The Origin of Chinese Civilization and the History … does it go? Subtle, whither does it proceed? All things being arranged as they are, there is no one place that can be fitly ascribed to it. Such were the questions belonging to the scheme of the Way in antiquity, and they were appreciated by Zhuangzhou. When he heard of such subjects, he was delighted with them. He discussed them, using strange and mystical expressions, wild and extravagant words, and phrases to which no definite meaning could be assigned. He constantly indulged his own wayward ideas, but did not make himself a partisan, nor look at them as peculiar to himself. Considering that men were sunk in stupidity and could not be talked to in a dignified style, he employed the words of the cup of endless application, with corroborative illustrations. He chiefly cared to occupy himself with the spirit-like operation of Heaven and Earth, and did not try to rise above the myriads of things. He did not condemn the agreements and differences of others, so that he might live in peace with the prevalent views.197

Thus, all under Heaven has a deep and thorough understanding of Zhuangzhou’s teachings, praising him in every possible way, which means that the author must be a later disciple of Zhuangzi. Finally, all under Heaven comments on the teachings of the sophists, Huishi, Huantuan, and Gong-sun Long, saying, “Huishi had many ingenious notions. His writings would fill five carriages; but his doctrines were erroneous and contradictory, and his words fell wide of their mark.”198 It then lists a series of propositions by Huishi, such as, “That which is so big that there is nothing outside it may be called the Great One; and that which is so small that there is nothing inside it may be called the Small One.” “The south is unlimited and yet has a limit. I travel to Yue today and came to it yesterday.” “There are feathers in an egg. A fowl has three feet.” “The shadow of a flying bird does not itself move.” “If break a stick in half every day, in a thousand years it will not be exhausted.”199 From the perspective of the present day, we can see that Huishi had many ingenious notions about space, time, motion, and infinity. All under Heaven believes that, “Huan Tuan and Gong-sun Long were true members of this class. By their specious representations, they threw a spell over men’s minds and altered their ideas. They vanquished people with their arguments, but could not subdue their minds, only keeping them in the enclosure of their sophistry.” “If we look at Huishi’s ability from the standpoint of Heaven and Earth, it was only like the restless activity of a mosquito or gadfly; of what service was it to anything?”200 Thus, its appraisal of these thinkers is a poor one. In summary, all under Heaven uses the Six Classics as the orthodox Chinese culture before the Hundred Schools of Thought, and the Daoism of Laozi and Zhuangzi as the True Way after the Hundred Schools of Thought, to reflect the complementary styles of Confucianism and Daoism.

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Annotated by Chen Guying. The Company, 2009, p. 939. 198 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Company, 2009, p. 942. 199 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Company, 2009, pp. 942, 943, 952. 200 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Company, 2009, p. 952.

Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book

2.3 A Summary of the Pre-Qin Culture: The Mutual Evaluation …

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2.3 A Summary of the Pre-Qin Culture: The Mutual Evaluation of Confucianism and Daoism at the End of the Warring States Period 2.3.1 Summary from the Confucian Xunzi Xun Kuang (Xunzi) is an important representative of the pre-Qin Confucianism after Meng Ke (Mencius), who gathered together the great achievements from among the Hundred Schools of Thought from a Confucian standpoint. However, his comprehensive inheritance is one of thematic, selective, and critical inheritance and innovation, departing from Mencius in many regards (e.g., his theory of human nature), even offering severe criticism. Thus, some have placed Xunzi in opposition to Mencius, and even to Confucius, or have praised Mencius and disparaged Xunzi (e.g., Han Yu and Tan Sitong), or have praised Xunzi and disparaged Mencius (e.g., a few contemporary historians of philosophy)—all of which are unreasonable. Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi are the three representative scholars of the pre-Qin Confucianism, each of whom made unique contributions. Xunzi’s orientation in Confucianism is clear. He admired Confucius: “Confucius was benevolent, wise, and not fixated, and so, through his study of various methods, he was worthy of being one of the former kings.”201 He agreed with Confucianism: “The Confucians model themselves on the former kings, they exalt rites and righteousness. They are diligent in being sons and ministers, and they value their superiors highly.” “The Way of the former kings consists in exalting humaneness. One must cleave to what is central in carrying it out. What do I mean by ‘what is central’? I say it is rites and righteousness.”202 He valued humaneness and righteousness: “For the gentlemen’s cultivation of his heart, nothing is better than sincerity. When you have achieved sincerity, there is nothing more to do than to cling to humaneness and to carry out righteousness.”203 He attached special importance to ritual morality, as seen in his Lilun [Discourse on Rites], which says, “Know well that the rites, righteousness, good form, and proper order are the way to nurture one’s dispositions.” “The rites have three roots. Heaven and Earth are the root of life. Forebears and ancestors are the root of one’s kind. Lords and teachers are the root of order.”204 From this was formed the basic beliefs of the Chinese people concerning “Heaven, Earth, rulers, ancestors, and teachers.” He believed that rites can maintain the patriarchal social order: “The role of the rites in setting the state aright is like that of scales in relation to light or heavy, or like writing with ink in relation to the curved and the straight. Therefore, if their lives are without rites, people cannot survive. If affairs are without rites, success does not thrive. If state and clan are without rites, peace does not arrive.” “As for the rites, those who are noble are treated with respect. Through them, 201

Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 453. Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 115. 203 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 38. 204 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, pp. 395, 397. 202

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those who are elderly are treated with respect, and elders are treated with deference. Through them, those who are young are treated with kindness, and those who are poor are treated with generosity.”205 Xunzi presented systematic discussions on the origin and essence of rites, the characteristics and functions of rites, the relationship between rites and the legal system, and the moral transformation of ceremonial rites, which provided a wealth of ideological resources for constructing the systems of ritual teachings and ritual morality in the Han Dynasty. If Confucius is said to have proposed the doctrine of Humaneness and Rites, which touches on both the inward way of sageliness and outward way of kingliness, then Mencius can be said to have focused more on Confucius’s inward way of sageliness using his doctrine of benevolent righteousness and innate goodness, whereas Xunzi can be said to have focused on Confucius’s outward way of kingliness using his doctrine of ritual righteousness and innate evil. Xunzi lived in an era of active contention among the Warring States and the Hundred Schools of Thought. He served as a “libation chancellor” three times in the Jixia Academy of Dukedom Qi. The Jixia Academy had an enormous wealth of talent, producing the overly comprehensive Guanzi and the school of Guanzhong, while the atmosphere of debate and contention was strong. Xunzi was a great Confucian with a strong sense of critique, and he actively participated in academic disputes. He wrote Fei Shi’erzi [Against the Twelve Masters], in which he severely criticized Tuo Xiao, Wei Mou, Chen Zhong, Shi Qiu, Mo Di, Song Xing, Shen Dao, Tian Pian, Hui Shi, Deng Xi, Zisi, and Meng Ke, with special emphasis on Zisi and Meng Ke: Some of these people only roughly model themselves on the former kings and do not understand their overall system. Nevertheless, their talents are many and their intentions grand. What they have seen and heard is broad and haphazard, and following the old past they create new doctrine, calling it the Five Conducts (or Five Virtues). This doctrine is extremely deviant and does not accord with the proper categories of things. It is murky and has no proper arguments. It is esoteric and has no proper explanation.206

He believed that they had deviated from Confucius’s teachings, and that one must “model oneself on the controlling order of Shun and Yu, and at the least, on the Righteousness of Confucius and Zigong; he thereby strives to extinguish the teachings of the twelve masters.”207 He also wrote the Jiebi [Undoing Fixation], which contained the following critique: Mozi was fixated on the useful and did not understand the value of good form. Songzi (Song Xing) was fixated on having few desires and did not understand the value of achieving their objects. Shenzi (Shen Dao) was fixated on laws and did not understand the value of having worthy people. Shenzi (Shen Buhai) was fixated on power and did not understand the value of having wise people. Huizi was fixated on wording and did not understand the value of what is substantial. Zhuangzi was fixated on the Heavenly and did not understand the value of the human.208 205

Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, pp. 599, 585. Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 87. 207 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 90. 208 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 453. 206

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Specifically, Xunzi said that “Zhuangzi was fixated on the Heavenly and did not understand the value of the human.” This is an astute commentary on the advantages and disadvantages of Daoism and the School of Zhuangzi, i.e., that Daoism values the Way of Heaven but makes light of the Way of Man. In Xing’e [Human Nature is Bad], he posited that, “People’s nature is bad. Their goodness is a matter of deliberate effort.”209 He believed that even at birth, humans seek to gain profit and fulfill their desires: “If people follow along with their inborn dispositions and obey their nature, they are sure to come to struggle and contention, turn to disrupting social divisions and order, and end up established as violent.”210 Hence, he believed that “it is necessary to await the transforming influence of teachers and models, and the guidance of the rites and righteousness, and only then will they come to yielding and deference, turn to proper form and order, and end up established as controlled.”211 Thus, he claimed that human nature is bad, and goodness is the result of subsequent human interventions (deliberate effort). He criticized Mencius’s theory on the goodness of human nature as not knowing the difference between nature and nurture. Further analysis reveals to us that Mencius and Xunzi had different understandings of human nature: Mencius regarded the moral rationality of humans as their nature, whereas Xunzi regarded the physiological desires of humans as their nature—the two are not truly diametrically opposed. Mencius only claimed that humaneness, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge are the “four buds,” which will be lost if they are not cultivated; whereas Xunzi stressed that without transformation through teaching, human virtue will not grow. The two returns to the same by different paths, both believing that education and self-cultivation are necessary for the healthy growth of humans. Xunzi’s theory of innate evil helped him to emphasize the importance of the system of ritual law, a point in which he surpasses Mencius. However, he also claimed that the system of ritual law came from the deliberate efforts of the sages, which means that the sages, at least, were innately good. Thus, his theories in this regard are not as complete as those of Mencius. Xunzi, on the one hand, had numerous criticisms of the Hundred Schools of Thought, but also extensively assimilated elements from their teachings, hence he was not a Confucian fundamentalist. His doctrines reflect the complementarity of Confucianism and Daoism, and the combined application of Confucianism and Legalism. He frequently referred to the ideas of Laozi’s Daoism in his cosmology and epistemology. When writing Tianlun [Discourse on Heaven], he started from Laozi’s Way of Heaven regarding nature and inaction to further dispel the mystical hues of religion endowed upon “Heaven” by the Confucius’s and Mencius’s Mandate of Heaven. He clearly advocated a Heaven that is without will or emotion, which is fundamentally different from social and human affairs. In other words, he understood “the respective allotments of Heaven and humankind”: “There is a constancy to the activities of Heaven. They do not persist because of Yao. They do not perish because of Jie.”

209

Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 497. Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 498. 211 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 498. 210

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Thus, the operations of the natural world are independent—“that which is accomplished without anyone’s doing it, and which is obtained without anyone’s seeking it”—unrelated to spirits and humans. However, humans can “oversee what Heaven has mandated and use it,” thus surpassing Zhuangzi on this point, as the latter was “fixated on the Heavenly and did not understand the value of the human.” Xunzi introduced the Daoist doctrine of qi: “Water and fire have qi but are without life. Grasses and trees have life but are without awareness. Birds and beasts have awareness but are without righteousness. Humans have qi and life and awareness, but also have righteousness, so they are the most precious things under Heaven.”212 He used “qi”, “life”, “awareness”, and “righteousness” to define the respective characteristics of the inanimate, plants, animals, and humans, which were precise and hierarchical. When writing Undoing Fixation, he drew on the viewpoints of Laozi and Zhuangzi, who viewed things from the Way and advocated a heart and mind of emptiness and stillness. Thus, he pointed out that: The sage knows the problems in the ways of the heart, and sees the disaster of being fixated and blocked up in one’s way of thinking. So, he advocates neither desire nor dislike, neither the origins nor the end results, is neither what is near nor for what is far away, neither what is broad nor what is shallow, neither for the ancient past nor for the present. He lays out all the myriad things, and sets up his scales in the middle of them....One who is expert regarding things merely measures one thing against another. One who is expert regarding the Way measures all things together. Thus, the superior man pursues the Way single-mindedly and uses it to guide and oversee things. If one pursues the Way single-mindedly, then one will be correct. If one uses it to guide one in examining things, then one will have keen discernment. If one uses correct intentions to carry out discerning judgments, then the myriad things will all obtain their proper station.213

He believed one must master the Way and have a heart of emptiness: “How do people know the Way? I say: with the heart. How does the heart know the Way? I say: it is through emptiness, single-mindedness, and stillness….Not letting what one is already holding harm what one is about to receive is called being ‘empty.’ Not letting one idea harm another idea is called being ‘single-minded.’ Not letting dreams and worries disorder one’s understanding is called being ‘still.’”214 This is what the later generations often referred to as having a “heart of emptiness” when conducting cognitive activities. Xunzi practiced both Confucianism and Legalism, vigorously absorbing the ideas of Legalists from the Dukedom Qi, and using the rule by law to supplement the rule of rites. He said: The rites are the great divisions in the model for things. Outlines of things’ proper classes are found in the rites. And so, learning comes to the rites and then stops....To contradict the rites is to be without a proper model....In learning, the rites are your proper model....In producing the rites and righteousness, he institutes proper models and measures....Therefore, for the people’s sake, the sagely kings set up the power of rulers and superiors to oversee the people. They made ritual and righteousness clear to transform the people. They set up laws 212

Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 162. Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, pp. 455, 461. 214 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 457. 213

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and standards to make the people well-ordered. They multiplied punishments and fines to restrain the people. As a result, they caused all under Heaven to come to order and conform to goodness....The officers above must be regulated by the rites and music. The masses and the commoners must be controlled by the laws.215 However, the ruler must also practice the rule of virtue and treat his people with love, instead of purely implementing criminal law, which is why he said, “There is a saying, ‘The ruler is the boat. The common people are the water. The water can support the boat. The water can also overturn the boat.’” This expresses my meaning. Thus, if the ruler of men wishes to be secure, then nothing works better than governing evenhandedly and showing concern for the people.216

We can see here that Xunzi was still a bone-deep Confucian, and the famous saying, “The ruler is the boat and the people the water,” has been passed down from generation to generation. The Records of the Grand Historian: Ranked Biographies of Laozi, Zhuangzi, Shenzi, and Hanfeizi states that Han Fei and Li Si were the students of Xunzi. Hence, some scholars in later generations blamed the Legalism of Han Fei and Li Si on Xunzi. This is unfair. Xunzi’s affirmation of the rule of law would have had some influence on Han Fei and Li Si. However, the ideas formed by the Hanfei and Lisi themselves were fundamentally different from Xunzi’s rule of virtue supplemented by law. Hanfei advocated absolute monarchy, relying on laws, techniques, and power, using the twin tools of reward and punishment for the strict enforcement of orders, and believing that morality was of no use: “From this I know very well that humaneness, righteousness, love, and favor are not worth adopting, while severe penalty and heavy punishment can keep the state in order.”217 This clearly opposes the Confucian ideas of humaneness, love, and regarding the people as the root of the country. “In the state of an enlightened sovereign, there is no literature written on bamboo slips, and the law is the only teaching; there are no quoted sayings of the early kings, and the magistrates are the only instructors.”218 Qin Shi Huang adopted the recommendations of Li Si to carry out the burning of books and the burying of scholars, thus implementing ideological and political dictatorship and extreme oppression, i.e., ruling by tyranny. Thus, the teachings of Li Si are even further from those of Xunzi. Xunzi clearly denies that Heaven has a will or that humans become ghosts after death. Compared to Confucius’s attitude of fearing the Mandate of Heaven and acknowledging but not discussing the existence of ghosts and spirits, Xunzi can be regarded as a definite atheist among the pre-Qin Confucians. He said, “One performs the rain sacrifices and it rains. Why? I say: there is no special reason why. It is the same as when one does not perform the rain sacrifice and it rains anyway.”219 He claimed that so-called strange phenomena are merely rarely occurring natural phenomena: “If stars fall or trees groan, the people of the state are filled with fear and say, ‘What 215

Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, pp. 8, 26, 503, 505, 183. 216 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 148. 217 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Hanfeizi. Yuelu Publishing House, 2006, p. 135. 218 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Hanfeizi. Yuelu Publishing House, 2006, p. 662. 219 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 356.

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is this?’ I say: it is nothing. These are simply rarely occurring things among the changes in Heaven and Earth and the transformation of yin and yang. To marvel at them is permissible, but to fear them is wrong.”220 He also claimed that so-called ghosts are merely caused by confused states of subjective consciousness: “Whenever people have an experience of ghosts, it is sure to be something they have determined during a moment when they are disturbed or hurried, or on occasions when they are confused and unclear. These are the occasions when people believe something that is not there, or believe something not there to be there.”221 However, Xunzi inherited and passed down Confucius’s ideas of “respecting spiritual beings and keeping aloof from them,” and letting there be “a careful attention to performing the funeral rites for parents, followed, when they are long gone, with the ceremonies of sacrifice,” as well as the ideas in the Commentary on the Book of Changes: “The sages, in accordance with this spirit-like way, laid down their instructions.” Thus, he regarded the Way of the Spirits as a constituent part of the Way of Man, and as part of the ritual system, he emphasized its social and cultural functions, thereby viewing the folk beliefs of ghosts and spirits from the height of social management. He regarded the “three roots of the rites”—respecting Heaven and worshipping ancestors, worshipping the spirit of soil and grain, and praying to the teachers—as activities for the people to express their gratitude and remember their roots. The significance of ancestor worship is that “One serves the dead as if one were serving the living, and one serves the departed as if one were serving a surviving person….The sacrificial rites are the refined expression of remembrance and longing. They are the utmost in loyalty, trustworthiness, love, and respect. They are the fullest manifestation of the rites, proper regulation, good form, and proper appearance”222 —this is the manifestation of a civilization of ritual morality. As to the behaviors of the common people, who believe in ghosts and spirits, ward off evil and seek luck, “The superior man regards this as proper form, but the common people regard it as connecting with spirits. If one regards it as proper form, one will have good fortune. If one regards it as connecting with spirits, one will have misfortune.”223 From the perspective of governance, “The sage clearly understands them. The well-bred man and the superior man are at ease in carrying them out. The officials take them as things to be preserved. The common people take them as their set customs. The superior man regards them as the way to be a proper human being. The common people regard them as serving the ghosts.”224 This is a very perceptive insight: although atheists understand that there are no ghosts or spirits, the people believe in them, and so their beliefs must be respected. Therefore, those in power must incorporate the way of ghosts and spirits, as part of the people’s way of living, into the system of social management, which is beneficial to the maintenance of 220

Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 354. Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 467. 222 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 427. 223 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 356. 224 Zhang Jue. The Annotations to Xunzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1995, p. 427. 221

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social order and enables the people to form religious and folk cultures. Thus, the administrators should “rule in accordance with customs,” which is the best of both worlds and mutually complementary. This is a type of moderate or rational atheism, a humanistic religious outlook that accepts the way of spirits into the way of man. The mainstream social policies of social administrators in past generations have all been influenced by Confucius’s doctrine of “harmony but not uniformity” and Xunzi’s moderate religious outlook. This enabled the transcendence over one’s own beliefs (regardless of whether one believes in religion, or believes in a certain religion), and the adoption of an inclusive attitude towards all types of religions, while also connecting them with the Chinese culture of humaneness and harmony, and viewing the people as the foundation of the country. This also provided a theoretical basis for the dialogue between Confucianism with Buddhism, Daoism, and other religions.

2.3.2 Summary from the Daoist Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals was written on the eve of the The Great Unification of the Warring States by Dukedom Qin, around 241 BCE, the sixth year of Qin Shi Huang, the First Emperor of the Unified China. Its writing was presided over by Lv Buwei, who was the chancellor of Qin running the affairs of the state and was bestowed with the title of Marquis Wenxin. He presided over an organization of many scholars under his command, with the division of the work made according to a set outline, compiling the writings into a large-scale, comprehensive work. This method of compilation was the first of its kind. In later times, due to the anti-Qin sentiments formed by the swift collapse of the Qin Dynasty, as well as Lv Buwei’s background as a merchant, which gave rise to the notion that his position as chancellor was obtained by fraud, no great significance was attached to his work after the Han Dynasty. The Book of Han: Yiwenzhi [Treaties on Literature] lists it as a Miscellaneous School of Thought, as though it barely qualifies as a school of thought. In reality, this book was chiefly influenced by Daoism, while also extensively incorporating the comprehensive works of the Hundred Schools of Thought. It promoted the inclusive Daoist spirit of “great capacity and forbearance that lead to a community,” absorbing a great deal from the ideas of Confucianism, Mohism, the School of Yin-Yang and Five Elements, the School of the Military, and other schools of thought, while also performing general adjustments to achieve a coordination among them. Gao You of the Han Dynasty writes in the Preface to Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals, “The ideas that this book supports are: making the Way and its Power your guidepost; making inaction your guiding principle; making loyalty and righteousness the qualities you strive for; and making your rule fair and just. This book is equal to the writings of Meng Ke, Sun Qing (or Xunzi), Huainan, and Yangxiong,

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and is therefore listed in Liu Xiang’s Records and in Liu Xin’s Seven Summaries”225 ; and this was a relatively justified commentary. As the authors were from different schools of thought, with insufficient mutual integration, this work gives the impression of being a “miscellaneous” work. However, this “miscellaneous” quality is the result of picking the strengths of each school; it is one of harmony but not uniformity; it is one of comprehensively selecting from the positive ideological achievements of its predecessors in the fields of social politics, economics, culture, the military, and philosophy; it is one that transcends the limitations of each specific individual schools, manifesting the broad-mindedness of Chinese civilization after the Contention of a Hundred Schools. Therefore, it can be regarded as a relatively complete compendium of governance that is rare and commendable. Sima Qian writes in The Records of the Grand Historian: Biography of Lv Buwei that “Lv Buwei ordered his retainers to each write down what they had learned, and to compile it to make eight examinations, six discourses, and twelve almanacs of more than 200,000 words. He considered the text to encompass the myriad kinds of things between Heaven and Earth, from antiquity to the present, and called it Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. He posted it on the city gate of Xianyang.”226 As Lv Buwei was the chief editor, this book is also known as Lvlan [Lv’s Examinations]. Lv Buwei was later banished and hounded to death by Qin Shi Huang, who also began to abandon the ideas found in Lv’s Examinations, which may very well have been part of the reason Qin Shi Huang embarked on the road to tyranny. We should restore the reputation of Lv Buwei, rightly recognizing him as an important thinker with a broad mind and an all-inclusive attitude and who was capable of comprehensive innovation. Lv Buwei proposed a guiding principle for the compilation of this book: “Each ascertains indications in Heaven above, confirming signs on Earth below, and what to look for among men, in the middle,”227 which is a combination of Daoism and Confucian concepts. Laozi had the idea that, “Man takes his law from the Earth; the Earth takes its law from Heaven; Heaven takes its law from the Way. The law of the Way is its being what it is,”228 whereas the Commentary on the Book of Changes states that, “The Book of Changes is a book of wide comprehension and great scope, embracing everything. There are in it the way of Heaven, the way of Man, and the way of Earth. It then takes the trigrams representing those three powers, and doubles them to make them hexagrams. What these six lines show is simply this—the way of the three powers.”229 In Lv’s Examinations, the highest concept of its cosmological outlook is the “Way,” also known as the “One” or “Great One,” and it states that, “Heaven covers all without partiality; Earth bears all up without partiality; the sun and 225

Annotated by Zhang Shuangdi et al. The Annotations to Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Jilin Literature and History Press, 1986, p. 944. 226 Annotated by Han Zhaoqi. The Records of the Grand Historian. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 256. 227 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 626. 228 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2009, p. 169. 229 Annotated by Song Zuoyin. The Book of Changes. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 371.

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moon shine on all without partiality; the four seasons alternate without partiality.”230 This originated from Laozi’s theory of the Way. Regarding the theory of governance, Lv Buwei advocated the governance by inaction in Lv’s Examination: “A ruler who possesses the Way, therefore, relies on others and does not act, assigns duties but does not inform. He discards conceptualization and imagination, and awaits results in quiescence and emptiness. He does not substitute his words for theirs, nor does he usurp their tasks; he inspects the names and examines the reality, and the officials thereby manage things themselves.”231 The book also shows many traces of Laozi’s outlook of life, which values life, diminishes profits, avoids calamities, and safeguards the body. Lv’s Examinations frequently cites Zhuangzi, emphasizing the ideas concerning the unchanging nature of all things: that man should enable all things to rest in the instincts of their nature; that the operations of the Way of Heaven do not remain in one place; that the Way of the ruler is inaction while that of the ministers is taking action; and that to govern the state, one must first govern the self. He also praised the perfect man and spirit-like man in Zhuangzi: “He takes Heaven as his model, virtuous power as the basis of his acts, the Way as his progenitor. He transforms and metamorphoses with these things, but never reaches an end.”232 The frequency with which Lv’s Examinations cites Mohism is only second to Laozi and Zhuangzi, focusing on combining righteousness with benefitting the people, and discussing the Way of loving and benefitting others: “caring for the people as their task, being concerned about what benefitted the people, and eliminating what harmed the people.” Unlike Mencius, it believes that “the Way of rulership has not been abandoned because it is of benefit to the world.”233 Two of its chapters, Jiesang [Moderation in Burials] and Ansi [Giving the Dead Peaceful Repose] demonstrate Mozi’s proposition of moderation in burials. Several chapters, including Zhengming [The Right Use of Names], Liwei [Departing from the Import], Yinci [Careless Phrases], and Buqu [Not Complying], expounded on Bianxue [the study of debate], including the concepts of gu (reason), li (pattern) and lei (kind) in Mohism, while also affirming Gongsunlongzi’s “mutual inclusion of the hardness and whiteness of stone.” The book contains stories of six or seven Mohists, who are regarded as righteous and wise. Naturally, Lv’s Examinations did not include Mozi’s ideas on Heaven’s will or elucidating the spirits, and criticized the condemnation of music and avoidance of wars, which demonstrates its selectiveness. Lv’s Examinations emphasized Confucianism, often referring to Confucius and Mozi collectively, with frequent mentions of Confucius and his disciples. It opposes the rule of authoritative power and encourages rulers “to perform acts of kindness 230

(Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, pp. 19–20. 231 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 396. 232 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 320. 233 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 474.

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and love others.” It also stresses that the rule of virtue must clarify the proper moral relations and social roles: “As a general principle, to govern, it is necessary from the outset to settle social roles. The ruler being a ruler, the minister a minister, the father a father, the son a son, the husband a husband, and the wife a wife”234 ; and that the fundamental task is to promote filial piety: “Filial piety is the root to which the Three August Ones and the Five Sovereigns devoted themselves; it is the guiding thread that runs through myriad undertakings.”235 Quanxue [An Exhortation to Learning], Zunshi [On Honoring Teachers], and Wutu [False Followers] advocate diligence in learning from and respecting teachers, which carried on the Confucian ideas of education. Lv’s Examinations creatively applied the ideas of the School of Yin-Yang and Five Elements, thus forming a new pattern: at the start of the Twelve Almanacs, the waxing and waning of Yin and Yang to explain the changes of the four seasons, which are combined with the five elements, the five directions, the five colors, and the five rituals. Social activities, such as the seasons, production, political affairs, sacrificial rites, and everyday life, are placed within this framework to form a schema of the world based on Yin-Yang and the Five Elements, believing that governmental orders and agricultural affairs must be conducted at the appropriate times. These Twelve Almanacs are based on the Book of Rites: Yue Ling [Proceedings of the Government in the Different Months]. Yingtong [Resonating with the Identical] uses the mutual overcoming of the Five Elements to explain the succession from Huangdi to Yu, Tang and King Wen, which is based on the cycle of the five virtues from the Zouyan School. Lv’s Examinations affirms the importance of the rule of law and the necessity of reform. Shenshi [Heeding the Circumstances] discusses the importance of power and position. Chajin [Examining the Present] is concerned with the necessity of law in governance and that laws should change with the times. Junshou [What the Ruler Grasps] states, “Wisdom is stored deep within; thus, its true nature cannot be espied.”236 Zhidu [Knowing the Measure] talks about seeking the truth through the name, and that all techniques for governance should include law, technique, and power. However, the book opposes authoritative governance by laws and techniques alone, and instead favors the combination of virtue and law. Several chapters in Lv’s Examinations (e.g., Dangbing [Rattling Weapons], Zhenluan [Ending Disorder], etc.) concern military affairs, which are not only consistent with the military treatises of Sun Wu and Sun Bin, they also contain the military experiences of Qin. Four chapters in Lv’s Examinations, Shangnong [The Supreme Importance of Agriculture], Rendi [The Requirements of the Land], Biantu [Discriminating Types of Soil], and Shenshi [Examining the Season], are systematic agricultural works that reflect Qin’s emphasis on farming.

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(Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 596. 235 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 268. 236 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 382.

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Each of the Hundred Schools of Thought had their own opinions and own biases. As stated in Yongzhong [Employing the Masses], “Assuredly, just as each thing has strengths and shortcomings, so too it is with men. Thus, the adept student borrows from the strength of others to overcome his shortcomings.”237 No Duality focuses on the characteristics and strengths of each school: “Laodan esteemed softness, Confucius humaneness, Mo Di wholeness, Master Guanyin purity, Master Lie Yukou emptiness, Tian Pian equanimity, Yang Zhu the self, Sun Bin strategic position, Wang Liao going first, and Ni Liang going last. These ten are all heroes of the world.”238 Lv’s Examinations gathered the strengths of the Hundred Schools of Thought, integrated them, and established a more united theoretical system on a new foundation. As the Commentary on the Book of Changes says, “In all under Heaven, there is one result, though there might be a hundred plans; all come to the same issue, though by different paths.”239 Lv’s Examinations hoped to provide a holistic plan of governance for an empire that was on the brink of unification. This was undoubtedly an immense cultural project of great significance. Several innovative propositions can be found among the theories of Lv’s Examinations. First, in terms of cosmology, it proposed, “The myriad things that emerged were created by the Grand One, and transformed by yin and yang….The Grand One brought forth the Dyadic Couple; the Dyadic Couple brought forth yin and yang. Yin and yang metamorphize and transform, the one rising, the other falling, joined together in a perfect pattern. Spinning and pulsing, if dispersed, they rejoin, and joined, disperse again. This is called the ‘Invariable Principle of Nature.’”240 This is an innovative application of the teachings of Laozi and the Commentary of the Book of Changes. Its exposition of the patterns describing the operations of the Way of Heaven had a substantial impact on later generations. In terms of the relationship between Heaven and Man, Lv’s Examinations proposed the new concepts of “following the model of Heaven and Earth” and stated, “When you rely on the natural state of things, you will be unopposed.” Xuyi [Postface] states that “the ancient age of purity was due to following the model of Heaven and Earth,”241 hence, in the actions of man, “‘proceeding according to the proper methods’ consists in complying with principles of the rational order and in normalizing individual biases.” Guiyin [Esteeming the Principle of Relying] states, “The Three Dynasties treasured nothing so much as relying on the natural state of things. When you rely on the natural state of things, 237

(Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, pp. 83–84. 238 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 404. 239 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 544. 240 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 91. 241 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 626.

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you will be unopposed”242 —Yu, “by relying on the natural tendency of water”; Shun, by “relying on the feelings of the people”; Tang and Wu, by “relying on the desires of the people.” “Relying” is not a passive compliance, but the understanding of patterns, guiding one’s advantages according to the situation, and striving for the success of affairs. For example, in terms of military affairs: “As a general principle, in military matters, prize ‘relying on,’ which means relying on the threat posed by the enemy to give oneself determination, and on the strategies of the enemy to define one’s own tasks. If one can become completely familiar with the techniques of ‘relying on’ and of extending them, one can never be defeated.”243 Second, regarding the theory of governance, Lv’s Examinations proposed, “The world does not belong to one person; it belongs to the whole world,”244 which was a saying with strong overtones of the democratic spirit. Hence, “although the minister honors his ruler, if he takes white to be black, it will be impossible for the minster to heed him. Although the son feels ties of kinship with his father, if he takes black to be white, his son cannot agree with him,”245 which indicates the truth is higher than the position of the ruler or the father. Discovering and using people of worth is the foundation of governance: “When a ruler is worthy and the age is orderly, worthy persons occupy high positions. When a ruler is unworthy and the age is disorderly, worthy people occupy inferior positions.”246 Rulers must also take advice: “The supremely loyal offend the ears and alienate the heart. Who but a worthy ruler can heed them?”247 As for the relationship between the ruler and the people, the ruler must follow the hearts of the people, take joy in their benefits, and act from strength: “When he performs acts of kindness and loves others, the people are close to their ruler.” “Only when your commitment to loving and benefitting the people is understood can you practice severity.” “When you are too hasty in practicing severity, you are certain to be cursed with disaster.” “In antiquity, those who were lords over the people governed them according to humane and moral principles, pacified them by loving and benefitting them, and led them with loyalty and trustworthiness.”248 It is also necessary to develop agriculture and implement privatization, hence, “Of the methods used by the sage-kings of antiquity to guide their people, first in importance was a devotion to farming. The people were made to farm not only so that the earth 242

(Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 336. 243 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 164. 244 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 16. 245 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 252. 246 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 260. 247 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 212. 248 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, pp. 166, 457, 459.

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would yield benefits, but also to ennoble their goals.” “Now, when the masses possess a parcel of ground and work in it common with others, progress will be slow, because each person finds a way to conceal his lack of individual effort. But if the land is divided, work will proceed rapidly because there is no way to conceal individual effort.”249 Third, in terms of epistemology, Lv’s Examinations emphasized diligent learning and respect for teachers. “It is said, ‘When you study with single-minded devotion, the ghosts will inform you.’ But it is not a matter of ghosts informing you; rather, it is a matter of learning it through being single-minded.”250 The student must respect the teacher, while the teacher must “regard his followers as akin to himself,” achieve a state of the “teacher and follower sharing the same body.” One must be skilled at “gaining knowledge,” speculating about the unknown from the known: “Scholarknights who possess the Way prize using the near to know that distant, using the present to know the past, and knowing what is not seen from what is seen.”251 In addition, “Foreknowledge invariably involves attentiveness to confirming characteristics and visible indicators. Without confirming characteristics or visible indicators, though people might want foreknowledge, even Yao and Shun would be the same as ordinary men.”252 The judgment between right and wrong must proceed from reality: “The principles that permit distinctions between right and wrong cannot but make sharp divisions, and the sage pays close attention to doing this. How does he do it? He tests it according to the true nature of things and the true nature of humans to obtain the truth in what he has been told.”253 The book also advocates eliminating the interferences of prejudice, emotion, and desires: “While the causes of prejudice are numerous, the essential fact is that they inevitably are grounded in what men like and dislike.” “When men are partial to a particular view, the necessary result is that they will deem dawn to be dusk, white to be black, and the sage Yao to be the tyrant Jie.”254 Rumors should be investigated: “When a statement is repeated many times, as it is transmitted from one person to the next, white becomes black and black becomes white.”255 If in doubt, investigate further: “What leads people

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(Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, pp. 611, 376. 250 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 579. 251 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 340. 252 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 507. 253 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 546. 254 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, pp. 254, 372. 255 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 544.

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to the greatest confusion and error are inevitably resemblances between objects.”256 Things should be examined carefully from the start: “The distinction between order and disorder, survival and destruction, when it is first manifest, is as subtle as autumn hair. If one examines large undertakings down to their autumn hairs, then they will not go off course.”257 One should investigate further even when not in doubt: “Even though you are not doubtful about someone, and even though you already know him, it is necessary that you examine him in the light of the model, measure him using definite standards, and test him using the accepted methods.”258 Fourth, regarding the theory of human nature and life, Lv’s Examinations shares similarities and dissimilarities with Mencius and Xunzi. It states: “When Heaven gave life to humans, it caused them to have appetites and desires,” such as “the desire for the five sounds,” “the desire for the five colors,” “the desire for the five flavors.” “In regard to these three, the desires of the noble and the base, the wise and stupid, the worthy and unworthy, are as one.” “It belongs to the essential nature of man that he desires immortality and hates the prospect of dying young, desires security and hates danger, desires glory and hates disgrace, desires ease and hates toil.”259 This is normal. However, first, there must be moderation: “In an ‘intact life,’ each of the six desires obtains what is proper to it.”260 Second, the desires should be reasonable. For example, to satisfy the demands of Duke Huan of Qi, his cook, Yi Ya, steamed his own firstborn son, Shu Diao castrated himself, and Weigongzi abandoned his parents; all three cases are unreasonable and so are immoral. Third, human nature also strives for spiritual satisfaction. For example, being humiliated is worse than death: “death is lower still; a tormented life is the worst.” “No disgrace is greater than that of being treated contrary to your code of conduct.”261 In all, the material needs and moral reason of human nature are unified. With regards to life and death, Lv’s Examinations believes, “As a general rule, everything born between Heaven and Earth must die. For all men, death is unavoidable.”262 However, it is possible to nourish life. First, practice abstinence: “If awareness is used sparingly, the vital essence is not exhausted….The sages selected those sounds, colors, and flavors that would benefit our natures, and they rejected what might harm them.

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(Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 536. 257 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 365. 258 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 259. 259 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, pp. 32, 98. 260 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 30. 261 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 30. 262 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 193.

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This is the Way that keeps our natures intact.”263 Second, remove excess, including not partaking of “excessive sweetness, sourness, bitterness, acridness, or saltiness,” spiritually avoiding the “extremes of joy, anger, anxiety, fear, or grief”; and preventing “excessive cold, heat, dryness, wetness, wind, continuous rains, or fog”264 in one’s living environment. Third, movement: “Flowing waters do not stagnate, and door hinges do not get mole crickets, because they move. The ethers and bodily frame are also like this. If the bodily frame does not move, the vital essence does not circulate, and if it does not circulate, the ethers will coagulate….As a general rule, humans have 360 joints, nine apertures, five repositories, and six storehouses. It is desirable that the skin be taut, the blood vessels open to free circulation, the sinews and bones hard, the mind and will harmonious, and the vital ethers active. If all this is achieved, illness will find no place to lodge, and evil no means to grow.”265 Lv’s Examinations sharply criticizes the extravagant and licentious way of life, believing that it is the way of harming life, and left us with a famous quote: “‘Going out, one uses a chariot; returning home, one uses a sedan chair’—people love these for the comfort they provide, but they should be called ‘mechanisms that make one lame.’ ‘Fat meat and rich wine’—people are devoted to them for the strength they give one, but they should be called ‘foods that rot the intestines.’ ‘Languid limbs and gleaming teeth’ and ‘the tunes of Zheng and Wey’—people are devoted to these for the pleasure they give, but they should be called ‘axes that hack at one’s inborn nature.’”.266 Fifth, with respect to the theories of military affairs and music, Lv’s Examinations have made creative contributions that are aligned with the spirit of humaneness and harmony in Chinese civilization. These will not be described here. Sixth, Lv’s Examinations adopts a non-present, non-Qin viewpoint, which stems from Lv Buwei’s political vision and courage to be concerned about the country. This was his attempt to offer advice and guidance to the Qin Emperor Ying Zheng, who was about to take power, which was a very difficult task indeed. Zhenluan [Ending Disorder] states, “The present age is mired in the extreme. The bitter lot of the black-headed people could not possibly be increased. The position of the Son of Heaven has been abolished, and the worthies have been cast down. Rulers of today are unrestrained and alienated from their people. The black-headed people have no one to whom to make their complaints.”267 Jinting [Carefully Listening] states, “When there is no Son of Heaven, there is no end to the strong conquering the weak, the many tyrannizing the few, and armies destroying people. This is precisely what the 263

(Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 34. 264 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 8. 265 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, pp. 52, 491. 266 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 9. 267 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 140.

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present age faces.”268 This was undoubtedly directed against the situation in Qin, with its successive victories against the six states, but one that led to much suffering among the people. Lv Buwei did not agree with the initiation of war by Qin, and his book leveled accusations at Duke Mu and Duke Hui of Qin, even repeatedly stressing that rulers should not monopolize power and practice totalitarianism. Thus, Jiaozi [On Arrogance and Self-Indulgence] seriously points out that, “The rulers of states that have fallen were invariably arrogant, considered themselves wise, and slighted external things. Being arrogant, they disregarded scholar-knights; considering themselves wise, they always acted on their own initiative; slighting external things, they were never prepared. To be unprepared invites catastrophe, to act on your own initiative endangers your position, and to slight the scholar-knights is to isolate yourself. If you desire not to be isolated, you must treat scholar-knights with proper courtesy; if you want your position not to be endangered, you must obtain the favor of the masses; and if you want not to invite catastrophe, you must make complete preparations. These three are the great canons of rulers.”269 Shijun [Relying on Rulers] even warns that “rulers who were not true rulers have been abandoned, but those who practiced the Way of rulership have been established.”270 This, inevitably, would have angered King Zheng of Qin, as he grew into adulthood and made more arbitrary decisions, causing a sharp contention between the political ideas of the two. Consequently, King Zheng of Qin used the Lao Ai incident to strip Lv Buwei of position as chancellor and eventually forced him into suicide. Guo Moruo writes in Shi Pipan Shu [Ten Treatises on Pre-Qin Society and Scholarship] that Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals “is not ‘miscellaneous’ in quality.” It has certain trade-offs and is strictly selective. In general, it is a compromise between the Daoist and Confucian outlook of the universe and of life, it respects rationality, and abandons the religious thought of Mohism. It adopts the Daoist doctrine of protecting life, abides by the Confucian theory of rectification and governance, uses the Xia time, emphasizes virtue, promotes the rites and music, and celebrates poetry and literature, but opposes the Mohist condemnation of music and war, the severe punishment and strict laws of the Legalists, and the sophistry of the School of Names. It advocates the inaction of the ruler, and encourages the Confucian theory of the peace transition of power, which is incompatible with the concept of a “rule that would be enjoyed by descendants for ten thousand generations.” If we read Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals after grasping these points, you will find that nearly each section of each chapter is diametrically opposed to the political tradition of Qin, clashing particularly with the later political views and style of Qin Shi Huang. Lv Buwei can be said to be the archenemy of Qin Shi Huang, and so it is natural that Qin Shi Huang

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(Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 260. 269 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 502. 270 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by Gao You. Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classic s Publishing House. 2014, p. 474.

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wanted to get rid of him.271 In the short-term, King Zheng of Qin was victorious and Lv Buwei was defeated. However, in the long-term, the dictatorship and tyranny of Qin Shi Huang and Qin Er Shi deviated from the normal Way of Chinese governance, intensified social conflicts, and finally led to the swift collapse of the country. As Jia Yi writes in Guoqin Lun [The Faults of Qin], The king of Qin had a greedy and vulgar mind, and acted according to inflated ideas of his knowledge. He did not trust the meritorious vassals and was not close to the clergy and the people. He discarded the ways of proper kingship and established self-interest. He burned literary writings and made punishment and the law cruel. While preferring deceit and brute force, he deferred humaneness and righteousness, and he used violence and mistreatment as the starting point for the realm.272

Thus, by the time of Qin Er Shi, “a single commoner opposed it and its ancestral temples toppled, its ruler died by the hands of men, and it became a laughing stock of the world. Why? Because it failed to rule with humaneness and righteousness, and to realize that the power to attack and the power to retain what one has thereby won are not the same.”273 Looking back at Lv’s Examinations, one cannot but admire the foresight of its authors. As can be seen from the summary of the pre-Qin ideology by the Confucian Xunzi and the Daoist Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals, Confucianism leaned towards absorbing the cosmology and epistemology of Daoism, whereas Daoism tended toward absorbing the theories of governance and morality from Confucianism. Therefore, there is a strong complementarity between the two.

2.4 Inclusive Development of Chinese Thought and Culture During the Two Han Dynasties During this period, the relationship between Confucianism and Daoism entered a new stage. The positive ideological elements of the pre-Qin Hundred Schools of Thought have mostly been absorbed by Confucianism and Daoism, and two have emerged more clearly and prominently as the axes of Chinese ideology and culture in the new era.

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Guo Moruo. Ten Treatises on Pre-Qin Society and Scholarship. People’s Publishing House, 1954, p. 401. 272 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 39. 273 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, pp. 38–39.

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2.4.1 Development and Practice of Daoist Thought (1) Huang-Lao School of Thought of the Western Han By the late Warring States Period, Daoist ideology had developed into the Huang-Lao School of Thought. Through its reliance on Huangdi, with Laozi and Zhuangzi as cornerstones, and accepting the teachings of Confucianism and Legalism, it gradually moved from its position as a social bystander or outsider to participating in social activities, thence having exercised a substantial influence on the early Han Dynasty. Not only did it become an important trend in social thought, but also it played a leading role in the management of the state. In the bibliographic section of the Book of Han (i.e., Yiwenzhi), many works are listed under the name of Huangdi. However, except for Huangdi Neijing [Inner Cannon of the Yellow Emperor], all the others have been lost. The Huanglao Boshu [Huang-Lao Silk Texts], unearthed from the Mausoleum of Mawangdui in Changsha, is a work of the late Warring States Period. It reveres the Great Way, advocates the rule of virtue, and promotes the school of Legalism. After the war in the early Han Dynasty, society needed recuperation and rest, which enabled the flourishing of the Huang-Lao School of Thought. Cao Can was the prime minister of qi, and he asked the opinion of the Huang-Lao scholar Gaigong, who “advised him that the way to govern was through purity and stillness, so the people of themselves would find peace.”274 Thus, “in governing Dukedom Qi, Cao Can on the whole followed Daoist teachings, and as a result the state enjoyed peace and stability during his nine years as prime minister, and Cao Can gained a reputation as a worthy minister.”275 Emperor Wen, Emperor Jing, and Empress Dowager Dou all revered the teachings of Huang-Lao as well. “Emperor Wen cultivated himself by studying the doctrines of Huangdi and Laozi, and was not overly skilled at the teachings of Confucianism. In his governance, he revered purity, stillness, and inaction.”276 “Empress Dowager Dou was very fond of the doctrines of Huangdi and Laozi, and as a result, Emperor Wen, the heir apparent, and all the members of the Dou family were obliged to read the works of Huangdi and Laozi, and to honor their teachings.”277 In the sixty to seventy years under the rule of Wen and Jing, the techniques of Huang-Lao were used, purity and stillness were revered in governance, while labor was light and taxes low. Thus, the people gained a time of rest, production recovered, and national strength grew once again, which laid the foundation for the peak of development in the Han Dynasty. After Emperor Wu of Han took power, he gradually favored Confucianism again, and later adopted the suggestion of Dong Zhongshu, which was to “abolish and dismiss the study of 274

(Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 258. 275 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 258. 276 (Han Dynasty) Ying Shao. Fengsu Tongyi (Comprehensive Meaning of Customs and Habits). Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 19. 277 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 244.

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the Hundred Schools of Thought, instead widely promoting and praising the Six Classics.” However, this only meant that the country intended to take Confucianism as its core political ideology, and not to silence Daoism and its disciples. The governor of Donghai, Ji’an “studied the doctrines of Huangdi and Laozi. In executing his duties and governing the people, he valued purity and stillness….After only a year or so as governor of Donghai, he had succeeded in setting the affairs of the province in perfect order and winning the acclaim of the people….Ji’an emphasized a policy of inaction, interpreting his duties very broadly and not bothering with the letter of the law.”278 Ji’an once criticized Emperor Wu to his face, saying “On the surface, Your Majesty is practicing humaneness and righteousness, but in your heart you have too many desires.”279 He also accused Zhang Tang for being “a petty clerk with his brushes and scrapers.” Emperor Wu was displeased with his conduct, but also said of him, “In ancient times there were ministers who were deemed worthy to be called the guardians of the altars of the nation. And men like Ji’an come near to deserving the same appellation.”280 Sima Tan and Sima Qian both respected Huangdi and Laozi. The Records of the Grand Historian: Autobiographical Afterword of the Grand Scribe states that Sima Tan “studied the Heavenly Officials [astrology] with Tangdu, received knowledge on the Book of Changes from Yanghe, and learned the discourse of the Way from master Huang.”281 In his Lun Liujia Yaozhi [On the Essentials of the Six Schools], he divides the pre-Qin schools into six scholarly traditions: Yin-Yang, Confucianism, Mohism, Sophism, Legalism, and Daoism, saying, Benightedly I have observed the techniques of the yin-yang. They emphasize omens and multiply taboos and prohibitions. They cause people to be constrained and increase their fears. But their ordering of the great sequence of the four seasons must not be lost. Confucians are wide ranging but with few of the essentials. They labor but with little result. Hence their programs are difficult to follow completely. But their ordering of the rites of sovereign and minister, father and son, and their arrangement of the distinctions between husband and wife, and old and young, must not be changed. The Mohists are too frugal to be easily followed. Hence their projects cannot be observed in every respect. But their strengthening of the root and sparing use of resources must not be discarded. The Legalists are strict and of slight kindness. But their rectification of the division between sovereign and minister, superior and inferior, must not be altered. The Sophists cause people to be constricted and are apt to lose the truth. But their rectification of word and substance must be examined. The Daoists cause the spiritual essence of human beings to be concentrated and unified. Their actions are joined with the formless, their provision sufficient to the myriad things. In the practice of their techniques, they accord with the great sequence of the yin-yang, select the good of the Confucians and the Mohists, and adopt the essentials of the Sophists and the Legalists. They move with the seasons, and respond to the transformation of things. There is nothing

278

(Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. Publishing House, 2006, p. 500. 279 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. Publishing House, 2006, p. 500. 280 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. Publishing House, 2006, p. 500. 281 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. Publishing House, 2006, p. 544.

The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books

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unsuitable in the practices they establish and projects they carry out. Their points are simple and easily applied. Their programs are few, but the results are plentiful.282

He also states, The Daoists have no doing. It is also said that they have nothing they do not do. Their substance is easy to practice, but their words are hard to understand. Their techniques take emptiness and nothingness as their root, accordance, and conformation as their activity. They have no configuration, they have no constant form, thus they can get to the actual nature of the myriad things.283

Sima Tan believed that the first five scholarly traditions all had their shortcomings, and only Daoism was the highest and the most perfect. This is because it views existence as springing from non-existence, encompassing all things, and it follows its own nature. Hence, there is nothing it cannot accomplish. However, the Daoism that he referred to is not the teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi, but the Huang-Lao School of Thought that had absorbed yin-yang, Confucianism, Mohism, School of Names and Legalism. In writing The Records of the Grand Historian, Sima Qian made a complete record of the reign of the Five Sovereigns and the Three Dynasties, the unification of the nations and hereditary houses, the biographies of eminent ministers and scholars, the teachings of the Hundred Schools of Thought, the work of diviners and usurers, the situation of the Xiongnu and other barbarians, and the systems of rites, music, laws, and history. Among them, he singled out the Hereditary House of Confucius and the Biographies of Confucian Scholars, which highlight the special emphasis he placed on Confucianism. In the Autobiographical Afterword of the Grand Scribe, he presents a brilliant exposition on the Six Classics of Confucius: “The Book of Changes discuss the patterns of the Heaven and Earth, yin and yang, the four seasons and the five elements, hence it excelled in transformations. The Book of Rites regulated interpersonal relationships, hence it excelled in practice. The Book of Documents recorded the political affairs of the former king, hence it excelled in government. The Book of Poetry recorded the mountains, rivers, streams and valleys, animals and plants, male and female, hence it excelled in satire; the Book of Music is the basis for composing music, hence it excelled in harmony. The Spring and Autumn Annals differentiated between right and wrong, hence it excelled in ruling men. Thus, it can be said that the Book of Rites is used to moderate the actions of the people; the Book of Music, to express the peace of the people’s minds; the Book of Documents, to conduct discourse on political affairs; the Book of Poetry, to express emotions; the Book of Changes, to recount the changes of the Way; and the Spring and Autumn Annals, to expound the standards of morality and righteousness.”284 Sima Qian paid special attention to the Spring and Autumn Annals, believing that “none can surpass the Spring and Autumn Annals in its discourse on correcting a discordant 282

(Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 544. 283 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 545. 284 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, pp. 545–546.

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age and turning it back to the right….Thus, the Spring and Autumn Annals are the origin of rites and righteousness. The rites can put an end to wrongdoings before they arise; the laws are only applied after wrongdoings have occurred. Thus, the sanctions of laws are easy to see, but the prohibitions of the rites are difficult to know.”285 However, Sima Qian was a historian who brought together Confucianism and Daoism. In writing The Records of the Grand Historian, his goal was to “probe into the junction between Heaven and humans, to comprehend change from the past to the present, and to complete a school of my own.” Therefore, he tended toward the Huang-Lao School of Thought, which not only adopted the Daoist outlook of viewing the affairs of humankind through the Way of Heaven, but also contained the Confucian sentiments of drawing lessons from the past for the present. Therefore, there is a basis for the claim made by the Book of Han: Biography of Sima Qian, which states that “in discussing the Great Way, he puts Huang-Lao first, and slights the Six Classics.”286 (2) The Compilation of Huainanzi Huainanzi is a major compendium written by scholars under the coordination of Liu’an, Prince of Huainan. It is a theoretical system innovatively constructed by synthesizing the various schools of thought before the early Han Dynasty under the influence of Huang-Lao ideology. It is also a plan designed for the long-term peace and stability of the country before the dominance of Confucian techniques. Liu’an completed the work and presented it to Emperor Wu of Han in the second year of Jianyuan, and the emperor “treasured it and kept it secret.” It was later set aside, and failed to fulfill its purpose. After Liu’an committed suicide, Emperor Wu began upholding Confucianism and depreciating the Hundred Schools of Thought, causing the Huainanzi to be buried and hidden from sight. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, Xu Shen and Gao You made annotations for it and passed it down to later generations. The Book of Han: Yiwenzhi lists it as a Miscellaneous School of Thought. In fact, the Huainanzi is similar to Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. Both revered the philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi, while also extensively incorporating the teachings of Confucianism, Legalism, Yin-Yang, and the Hundred Schools of Thought. Thus, it should be regarded as a syncretist philosophy with a Daoist heritage. Gaoyou points out in the Commentary to the Huainanzi: Postface that, “Its aim was to approach the teachings of Laozi: to be indifferent and inactive, to tread in emptiness and guard stillness, to have all outgoings and incomings through the Way….Its meaning is clear, its words are rich, and it records all things and events alike, but its main path is to return to the Way.”287 Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals and Huainanzi can be seen as sister works separated in time: both are large-scale works presided over by scholarly and promising aristocrats involving the compilation of the collective 285

(Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 546. 286 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 622. 287 (Han Dynasty) Gao You. The Annotations to Huainanzi. Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, 1986, pp. 1–2.

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writings by many scholars according to a set plan. Both are works of the Huang-Lao School of Thought that “accord with the great sequence of the Yin-Yang, select the good of the Confucians and the Mohists, and adopt the essentials of the Sophists and the Legalists.”288 Both have similar writing guidelines and chapter structure. Both even had almost the same tragic fate, with both editors committing suicide, and both works being set aside and neglected. Nevertheless, as things changed with the passage of time, these two books were eventually handed down, and had a major impact on later generations. First, the guiding principles of its writing is as follows: Huainanzi: Yaolve [An Overview of the Essentials] states, “We have created and composed these writings and discourses as a means to know the Way and its power, and weave the web of humankind and its affairs, investigating them in Heaven above, examining them on Earth below, and in the middle comprehending them through patterns….Therefore, we composed these writings in twenty chapters. In them the patterns of Heaven and Earth are thoroughly examined; the affairs of the human realm are comprehensively engaged; and the way of the Five Sovereigns and Three Kings is fully described.”289 The author’s goal is to discuss the Way of Heaven to illuminate the affairs of humankind, and to understand the patterns of both as preparation for the governance of the country. Second, its twenty chapters are as follows: Yuandao Xun [Originating in the Way] elucidates the connotations of the Great Way. Chuzhen Xun [Activating the Genuine] discusses the evolution of the Way. Tianwen Xun [Celestial Patterns] examines astronomical phenomena. Dixing Xun [Terrestrial Forms] examines geography. Shize Xun [Seasonal Rules] examines the four seasons. Lanming Xun [Surveying Obscurities] inspects inner, inherent patterns. Jingshen Xun [Quintessential Spirit] talks about life and nourishing life. Benjing Xun [The Basic Warp] discusses the virtues of the sage king. Zhushu Xun [The Ruler’s Techniques] examines the way of rulership. Moucheng Xun [Profound Precepts] discusses the rectification of names. Qisu Xun [Integrating Customs] examines folk customs. Daoying Xun [Responses of the Way] uses history as evidence to support morality. Fanlun Xun [Boundless Discourses] discusses the harmony and disorder, and the rise and fall of human history. Quanyan Xun [Sayings Explained] discusses the governance of the country and the protection of the self. Binglve Xun [An Overview of the Military] examines military affairs. Shuishan Xun [A Mountain of Persuasions] and Shuilin Xun [A Forest of Persuasions] are collections of proverbs. Renjian Xun [Among Others] discusses the fortunes and misfortunes of man. Xiuwu Xun [Cultivating Effort] discusses academics and learning. Taizu Xun [The Exalted Lineage] is the conclusion to the whole book. Yaolve [An Overview of the Essentials] is the postface and outline of the book.

288

(Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 544. 289 (Han Dynasty) Gao You. The Annotations to Huainanzi. Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, 1986, pp. 369, 373, 374.

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Third, its cosmology of revering the Way is as follows. The Huainanzi believes that the Great Way is the origin of the universe. It produced all things, and covers everything. It is found within all things, but does not dominate them. Thus, it states, As for the Way, it covers Heaven and upholds Earth....Mountains are high because of it. Abysses are deep because of it. Beasts can run because of it. Birds can fly because of it. The sun and moon are bright because of it. The stars and timekeepers move because of it. [...] The most exalted Way generates the myriad things but does not possess them, completes the transforming images but does not dominate them. [...] The existent arises from the nonexistent; the real emerges from the empty. [...] When the One is established, all myriad things are born. The myriad things in their totality all pass through this one portal. The roots of the hundred endeavors all emerge from this one gateway. [...] The Way at its highest has nothing above it; at its lowest has nothing below it. It embraces the cosmos and is without outside or inside.290

The first of Huainanzi’s innovations is to clarify Laozi’s theory of “the Way generating the myriad things” using the views of the Yin-Yang: “Thus it is said, ‘The Way begins with one.’ One alone, however, does not give birth. Therefore, it was divided into Yin and Yang. From the harmonious union of Yin and Yang, the myriad things were produced. Thus, it is said, ‘One produced two, two produced three, three produced the myriad things.”291 Its second innovation is to introduce the concept of the “original qi,” saying: “The grand inception of the Way produced the nebulous void. The nebulous void produced the universe; universe produced the original qi. That which was pure and bright spread out to form Heaven; that which was heavy and turbid congealed to form Earth….The conjoined essences of Heaven and Earth produced Yin and Yang. The dynamic essences of Yin and Yang caused the four seasons. The scattered essences of the four seasons created the myriad things.”292 Its third innovation is to use the theory of the quintessential qi to extend the creation of the universe to that of humans: “The two spirits differentiated in the yin and the yang, and separated into the eight cardinal directions. The firm and the yielding formed each other; the myriad things thereupon took shape. The turbid vital energy became creatures; the refined vital energy became humans. Therefore, the Quintessential Spirit is of heaven; the skeletal system is of earth. when the quintessential spirit enters its gateway, and the skeletal system returns to its root, how can I still survive?”.293 Fourth, its epistemology of inaction is as follows. The Huainanzi proposed a new theory of inaction. Some people say: “Those who are inactive are solitarily soundless and indifferently unmoving. Pull them and they do not come; push them, and they do not go. Only those who are like this give the appearance of having attained the Way.” I believe this is not so. [...] What I call non-doing means not allowing private ambitions to interfere with the public Way, not allowing lustful desires to distort upright techniques. It means complying with the inherent patterns of things when initiating undertakings, according to the natural endowments of things when establishing accomplishments, and advancing the natural propensities 290

(Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, pp. 124, 126, 140, 141, 365. (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 197. 292 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 174. 293 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 293. 291

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of things so that misguided precedents are not able to dominate. Thus, the undertakings of government will succeed, but you personally will not be glorified. Your accomplishments will be established, but your reputation will not hold. Inaction does not mean that a stimulus will not produce a response, or that a push will not move something.294

This eliminates the passive factors in the Daoist theory of inaction, and imbues it with rational and active implications. More specifically, it means to eliminate the interference of selfish desires, follow the patterns and trends by which things develop to actively exert subjective actions, and properly accomplish the undertakings of society. Therefore, one must understand things in greater depth: “When the eyes see the form, the ears hear the sound, the mouth expresses the sincerity, and the heart communicates the essence, the transformation of the ten thousand things will reach their limit.”295 In addition, one must be open-minded and love to learn: “A wise person who makes no effort does not compare with a foolish person who loves to learn….What people know is superficial, yet things change ceaselessly. If previously you did not know something and now you know it, it is not that your capacity to know has increased, but that there has been an augmentation of inquiry and learning.”296 Also, one must grasp the essentials of things: “Looking at the root and knowing the branches, observing the finger and seeing the return path, holding to the One and responding to the many, grasping the essentials and ordering the details: these are called ‘techniques.’”297 Fifth, its rational outlook of life and theory of nourishing life is as follows. The Huainanzi proposes three elements of life that had never been discussed previously. “The physical body is the abode of vitality; the vital energy is the source of vitality; and the spirit is what regulates vitality. If one of these loses its position, then the other two will be harmed.”298 The three are mutually dependent but also mutually independent. On the one hand, “When the eyes and ears are enticed by the joys of sound and color, then the Five Orbs oscillate and are not stable. When the Five Orbs oscillate and are not stable, then the blood and vital energy are agitated and are not at rest.”299 On the other hand, “The body is damaged by the privations of cold, heat, aridity, and dampness: the body weakens, yet the spirit remains strong. The spirit is damaged by the distress of joy, anger, rumination, and worry: the spirit becomes exhausted, yet the body has reserves.”300 Only sages “rely on their spirits, their (nature and spirit) sustain each other, and so the sages attain their ends and beginnings.”301 In the comparison between the physical form and the spirit, the spirit is deemed to be more important: “Thus, when the spirit regulates, the physical form complies, 294

(Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, pp. 626, 628. (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 383. 296 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, pp. 638, 627. 297 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 589. 298 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 149. 299 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 296. 300 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 155. 301 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 155. 295

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but when the physical form prevails, the spirit dissipates.”302 Huainanzi’s theory of human nature is characterized by its integration of Mencius and Xunzi, and its merging of Daoism with Confucianism. Originating in the Way says, “That which is tranquil from our birth is our Heavenly nature. Stirring only after being stimulated, our nature is harmed. When things arise and the spirit responds, this is the activity of perception. When perception comes into contact with things, preferences arise. When preferences take shape and perception is enticed by external things, our nature cannot return to the self, and the Heavenly patterns are destroyed.”303 Sayings Explained states, “The sage makes his mind victorious; the ordinary person makes his desires victorious.” The Exalted Lineage believes, “If the nature is not there, it is not possible to educate or train a person. If the nature is there but has not been nurtured, one cannot follow the Way.”304 Therefore, a person must be taught using the system of rites and music. As for how one should nourish life, the Huainanzi advocates the nourishment of the physical form, spirit, and qi, but mainly focusing on the spirit. It believes that the joys of life do not lie in the desires of the senses, but in the contentment and comfort of the inner spirit. There is an interesting passage in Originating in the Way: Now setting up bells and drums, lining up wind and string instruments, spreading out felt mats and cushions, hanging up banners and ivory carvings, the ears listening to the licentious court music from the last Shang capital region, presenting beauties of an elegant complexion, setting up wine and passing around goblets all night into the next morning, powerful crossbows shooting at high-flying birds, running dogs chasing crafty hares: all these may bring you contentment, consume you with blazing passion, and tempt you to lust after them. But when you unhitch the chariot, rest the horses, stop the wine, and halt the music, your heart suddenly feels as if it is in mourning, and you are as depressed as if you had a great loss. What is the reason for this? It is because you do not use what is intrinsic to bring contentment to what is extrinsic, but, rather, you use what is extrinsic to bring contentment to what is intrinsic. So, when the music is playing, you are happy, but when the songs end, you are sad. Sadness and happiness revolve and generate one another; your quintessential spirit becomes chaotic and defensive and cannot get a moment’s rest.305

Therefore, true happiness is the fulfillment of the inner spirit, which is a relatively healthy outlook on life. Sixth, its dialectical outlook of the past and the present is as follows. The Huainanzi believes that both degeneration and progress can be found in human history: With respect to the simplicity of human nature, we see degeneration. Thus, The Basic Warp says, “During the reign of grand purity,” people were “substantial and true, and thus plain simple,” hence “there is no need for humaneness and righteousness, and there is no need for rites and music,” whereas “when virtue declines, humaneness is born; when conduct fails, righteousness is established. When harmony is lost, there are sounds and ditties; when the rites are decayed, comportment is gaudy.”306 With respect to the extent of material civilization, we see progress. For 302

(Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 499. (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, pp. 128–129. 304 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 654. 305 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, pp. 144–145. 306 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 316. 303

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example, Profound Precepts says the sages created the making of houses, and “the common people were put at ease”; the “later generations of sages made looms,” and “the people were thus able to protect their bodies and drive off the cold”; the “later generations of sages made them plows, plowshares, and hoes,” and thus “the people were at ease, and their grains multiplied”; the later generations of sages created “rafts and boats, the hitching of horses, and the yoking of oxen,” thus “the people could go great distances without tiring”; the later generations of sages created weapons and arms, and thus “the animals could harm the people no more. Thus, pressed by difficulties, the sages searched for what was advantageous; bound by adversity, they created what was necessary. In each case, the people used what had come to know from the sages to eliminate what harmed them, and to seek what benefitted them.”307 As for historical experience, one should not be mired in the past and rigidly adhere to the old. Profound Precepts points out that “when the regulations of the former kings were not appropriate, they were discarded; in later ages, if the regulations were good, they were promoted.” “The sages’ laws alter with the times; their rites transform along with their customs. Their clothes and utensils were each determined according to their use; the laws, measures, regulations, and commands accorded with what was appropriate.”308 Cultivating Effort criticizes the ethos of revering the ancient and deriding the present: “People who follow the conventions of the present age mostly revere the ancient and scorn the present. Thus, those who formulate (the teachings) of the Way necessarily ascribe them to Shennong or Huangdi; only then will they proceed with their discussion. Muddled rulers of chaotic eras venerate what is remote and what proceeds therefrom, so they value such things. Those who study are blinded by their theories and respect only what they have heard. Facing one another, seated with a dignified air, they praise the ancients; stiff-necked and stubborn, they recite the ancient texts. This shows that the distinction between what is true and what is false is not clear.” “One who studies by reciting the Book of Poetry and the Book of Documents hopes to achieve a comprehensive understanding of the Way and a general knowledge of things; he does not hope for the perfection of a ‘Great Plan’ or an ‘Ode of Shang.’” “Thus, when your views tally with what is essential, you will value what is true and give equal consideration to the present and the ancient.”309 The key does not lie in whether a thing is from the past or the present, but whether it is right or wrong. Thus, what is right or wrong? What are the correct principles of governing the country? Sayings Explained states, “To establish the basis of order, you must exert yourself to secure the people. The root of securing the people lies in the sufficiency of use; the root of sufficiency of use lies in not taking them from their seasonal work; the root of not taking them from their seasonal work lies in reducing endeavors; the root of reducing endeavors lies in regulating desires.”310 On whom then should the task of reducing endeavors and regulating desires fall? The answer is, naturally, the ruler. Boundless Discourses states, “Ordering the state is 307

(Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 449. (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, pp. 450, 451. 309 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, pp. 641, 643, 642. 310 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 481. 308

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constant, and benefitting the people is its basis. Correcting education has its norms, and carrying out orders is the apogee. If one investigates benefitting the people, one does not necessarily imitate the ancients. If one investigates activities, one does not necessarily accord with the old.”311 This is a distinctively populist and progressive innovation and idea. Seventh, its military thinking of righteousness, courage, and wisdom is as follows. The Huainanzi opposes a purely militaristic view, believing instead that military affairs are subordinate to politics and justice for the people is the basis for victory. An Overview of the Military points out that, “The victory or defeat of the military has its basis in governance. If governance overcomes the people, subordinates will follow their superiors, and the military will be strong.” “If virtue and righteousness are sufficient to encompass the people of the world, if tasks and works are sufficient to meet the urgency of the world, if selection and promotion are sufficient to win the minds of the worthies and the scholars, if plans and designs suffice to comprehend the heft of strength and weakness, this is the root of certain victory.”312 Thus, An Overview of the Military goes on to propose superior, mediocre, and inferior strategies of the military. “When superiors and inferiors are of a single mind, ruler and minister are united in their efforts. The lords of the land submit to your might and the four directions cherish your virtue; you cultivate governance in the temple hall and extend control beyond one thousand li; you fold your hands, issue commands, and the world responds like an echo. This is the highest use of the military.”313 “When the ruler is worthy and the commanders loyal, the kingdom is rich and the military is strong….The enemy flees before the soldiers meet or blades clash….This is the middling use of the military. However, when there is proper command, with the meeting of soldiers and clashing of blades, “when the blood flows for a thousand li, and exposed corpses fill the field, victory is decided. This is the lowest use of the military.” These three strategies are consistent with Sunzi Bingfa [The Art of War by Sunzi]. An Overview of the Military employs Laozi’s theory of the “Way” to explain that the way of the military is to be skilled at grasping the subtle changes in the trends and patterns of war, making full use of the conditions of Heaven, Earth, time and man, such that “the movement of the skilled can be as apparent as that of a spirit and yet proceeds like that of a ghost.” “There is no spirit nobler than Heaven; there is no force more versatile than Earth; there is no motion swifter than time; there is no resource more advantageous than people. These four are the pillars and trunks of the military, yet they simply rely on the Way to operate because the Way can unite their functions.”314 Furthermore, a commander “does not seek fame in advancing; he does not avoid punishment in retreating; he seeks only to protect the people.” “Above reaches the Way of Heaven, below reaches the benefit of the terrain; between these, he reaches the minds of the people.” “The commander must share the troops’ sweetness and bitterness.” In battle, the troops must be deployed in unexpected ways: “The Way 311

(Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 451. (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 507. 313 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 505. 314 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 517. 312

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of using arms is to show them softness and meet them with hardness—show them weakness and ride them with strength.”315 The military should act with swiftness to take advantage of the situation: “he is like swift thunder that does not give the enemy time to cover his ears.” The military must also have supplies in reserve: “If armor is sturdy and weapons are sharp, chariots are solid and horses excellent, rations and equipment sufficient, officers and men numerous—these are the great foundations of the army.”316 Both Huainanzi and Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals advocate the establishment of a unified empire that preserves the system of enfeoffment. The ruler must govern with inaction, while the ministers and all levels and sectors of society must fulfill their duties. The state should be governed with gentleness and care, supplemented by laws and punishment; its basic tasks are farming and weaving. However, Huainanzi goes even further than Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals. It summarizes the lessons from the collapse of the Qin to emphasize bringing peace to the people and transforming them through the cultural forms: “Supreme government is magnanimous,” and the country cannot by ruled solely by law as in the case of Qin Shi Huang. Thus, The Exalted Lineage says, “Zheng of Zhou by day decided lawsuits and by night arranged documents….He fortified the five peaks to defend against the Yue (people) and built the Great Wall to protect against the Barbarian Hu (tribes). But wickedness and lewdness arose, and robbers and bandits dwelt together in hordes,”317 so peace did not last long in his reign. In addition, the folk customs and cultures of ethnic groups from different regions must be treated with tolerance and respect. Hence, Integrating Customs emphasizes, “When entering a state, one follows their customs; when entering a household, one respects their taboos. If one does not violate a prohibition in entering, if one does not go forward, contrary to custom, then even when travelling to the countries of the Yi or the Di, or to the Country of the Naked, or going beyond the farthest limits of the chariot tracks, one will have no trouble.”318 Also, compared to Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals, the Huainanzi highlights more prominently the main lines of complementarity between Daoism and Confucianism, and binds Confucianism more tightly with Legalism. For example, The Exalted Lineage proposed the procedures of “threes and fives”: “What are the procedures of threes and fives? Looking upward, they selected images from Heaven; looking downward, they selected standards from Earth. In the middle, they selected models from people…This is called ‘threes.’ To regulate the righteousness of the ruler and the ministers, the affection of fathers and sons, the distinction of husbands and wives, the precedence of elder and younger, the intimacy of friends—this is called ‘fives.’”.319 A famous Tang historian Liu Zhiji writes in his preface to Shitong [Generalities on History] that, “In the Han Dynasty, Liu’an wrote a book called Huainanzi. This 315

(Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 520. (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 506. 317 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 661. 318 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 394. 319 (Han Dynasty) Liu An. Huainanzi. Henan University Press, 2010, p. 654. 316

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book encloses and contains Heaven and Earth, its breadth of knowledge spans from the ancient to the present, reaching Taigong at the top to Shangyang at the bottom. It is intricate in its crisscrossing warp and weft, claiming itself to have originated from many schools, and had spared no effort.”320 Liang Qichao writes in The Academic History of China of the Recent Three Hundred Year that “Huainan Honglie is the depository for the teachings of Daoism in the Western Han.”321 Liu Wendian writes in the preface to The Collected Interpretations of Huainan Honglie that “the book of the Prince of Huainan has a breadth of knowledge that encompasses ancient times to the present, collects and unites humaneness and righteousness, encloses and contains Heaven and Earth, and weighs on and crushes the mountains and streams. It has examined with sincerity how the people are driven into the hands of the righteous, and is a gathering place of good words. It is, as the Grand Historian described, a work that ‘accords with the great sequence of the yin-yang, selects the good of the Confucians and the Mohists, and adopts the essentials of the Sophists and the Legalists.’”322 These opinions are more aligned with historical reality. I myself have also written the following in the Preface to the Revised Edition of “A Study on the Thoughts of Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals and Huainanzi”: “I am amazed by the elite group of thinkers who wrote the two books. At a time of great social upheaval, they were able to embrace a rational and inclusive attitude, while also employing the resources from the Hundred Schools of Thought, to systematically propose strategies for governing the country, encompassing a wide variety of aspects, including philosophy, ethics, politics, economics, society, the military, culture, education, and so on. Though in pursuit of ideals, they also had practical considerations, demonstrating its unique foresight and vision. It has achieved what Sima Qian described as ‘probing into the junction between Heaven and humans, comprehending change from the past to the present.’ Although hampered by insufficient integration and innovation, they are well worth our serious study and beneficial for reference. For example, in social management, they advocate the creative combination between the Way of Heaven and the Way of Man, centralization and decentralization, the rule of virtue and the rule of law, institutionalization and appointment by virtue. In terms of culture, they advocate incorporating the Hundred Schools of Thought, widely assembling talents, establishing culture and education, and having cause for reform. With regard to managing affairs, they advocate examining and distinguishing between true and false, using reason in all dealings, being skilled at using collective wisdom, executing the essentials, and unifying the many. In terms of dealing with people, they advocate the combined use of humaneness and wisdom, the joint application of emotion and reason, the interdependence of physical form and spirit, and the mutual nourishing of the internal and the external. In short, these two books have gathered together 320

Annotated by Liu Huru. Generalities on History. The Commercial Press, 1929, “Author’s Preface”, pp. 3–4. 321 Liang Qichao. The Academic History of China of the Recent Three Hundred Year. Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 2003, p. 267. 322 Liu Wendian. The Collected Interpretations of Huainan Honglie. Revised by Feng Yi and Qiao Hua. Zhonghua Book Company, 1989, “Author’s Preface”, p. 1.

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a multitude of wisdom from many schools of thought concerning the universe and social life, while this wisdom is supported by numerous historical events. They can enrich our spiritual world in the present day, and help us build a better society.” “If the Qin Dynasty had governed the country in accordance with Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals, and if the Han Dynasty had passed down Huainanzi, China would have more than two thousand years of enlightened monarchy, and its history would have been a completely different scene. At least it is easier for China to bridge itself with modern civilization, and its transformation in the current age will not be impossibly difficult or tortuous.”323 (3) The Continuation of Huang-Lao Daoism and the Formation of the Daoist Religion As a form of Daoism in the Han Dynasty, Huang-Lao ideology broke away from the political stage after Emperor Wu of Han began to revere Confucianism alone, and continued its development among the people. During the reign of Emperor Cheng of Western Han, Yanzun (Junping) wrote Laozi Zhigui, which argued that the “Way” in itself is “emptiness of emptiness,” and so it able to produce all existence. “The Way in itself is emptiness, and so the myriad things have physical form; it has neither shape nor appearance, and so the myriad things cover an area in space; it is silent and noiseless, and so the myriad things have sound. From this point of view, the Way does not offer or give, and so the myriad things exist; it does not act or control, and so the myriad things follow their nature. What is so comes from what is not so, what exists come from that which does not exist, and so it is clear.”324 This method of reasoning is quite similar to Wang Bi’s argument that “Heaven and Earth are rooted in nothingness,” hence it can be regarded as a transition to the Xuanxue [School of Daoist Metaphysics] of the Wei and Jin Dynasties. During the reigns of Emperor Ming and Emperor Zhang of the Eastern Han Dynasty, Wang Chong completed Lunheng [On Disquisitions]. In his politics, he believed in the teachings of Guanzi: “While the granaries are full, people know rites and ceremonies, and when food and clothing are sufficient, one is sensible of honor and disgrace.” He said that “in propounding the doctrine and discoursing on governing, lies the force of learned scholars,”325 but opposed the “resonance between Heaven and Man” and sacrificing to ghosts and spirits, saying, “Though opposed to the belief of the Confucians, it corresponds to the ideas of Huangdi and Laozi.”326 Laozi was an atheist, but who also affirmed the necessity of worshiping the ghosts and spirits: “Two motives are underlying all sacrifices and rituals: gratitude for received 323

Mou Zhongjian. A Philosophical Study of Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals and Huainanzi. People’s Publishing House, 2013, “Preface”. 324 Annotated by Wang Deyou. The Annotations to the Gist of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2004, p. 190. 325 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 2006, p. 172. 326 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 2006, p. 239.

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benefits and ancestor worship. We show our gratitude for the efforts other have taken on our behalf, and worship our ancestors out of regard for their kindness.”327 The Heshanggong Commentary on Laozi, which was completed in the Eastern Han Dynasty, begins by dividing Laozi into eighty-one chapters, and uses the essential breath to explain the Way: “All beings receive the essential breath of the Way, and live and thrive,”328 believing that “if one is able to nourish the spirit, one does not die” (Chap. 6), “loving the breath and nourishing the spirit will benefit immortality and extend the years.”329 He believed that immortality can be achieved by nourishing life, which served as the theoretical preparation for the Daoist religion. During this stage, Laozi’s teachings had flourished, whereas Zhuangzi’s teachings were neglected. More than a dozen commentaries on Laozi had been written, such as Laozi Lingshi Jingzhuan [The Commentary on Laozi by Ling-shi], Laozi Fushi Jingshuo [The Commentary on Laozi by Fu-shi], Laozi Xushi Jingshuo [The Commentary on Laozi by Xu-shi], etc. In the early Eastern Han Dynasty, Chu Wangying “recited the subtle words of Huang-Lao, and honored Buddha’s benevolent shrine.”330 In the late Eastern Han Dynasty, the Huang-Lao School of Thought further evolved into the worship of Huang-Lao, which contained religious theology, and its corresponding sacrificial and ritual activities. It merged with the magical arts of the immortals and folk belief in deities, gradually giving rise to folk Daoism, sometimes known as “Huang-Lao Daoism” (only involving worship, without a fixed religious group), which was revered by all levels of society. The Houhanshu [The Book of the Later Han]: Xiangkai Zhuan [The Biography of Xiangkai] states, “I have heard that sacrifices have been instituted in the palace to Huang-Lao and to the Buddha.”331 Wanghuan Zhuan [The Biography of Wanghuan] states that Emperor Huan “practices Huang-Lao Daoism; Huandi Ji [The Annals of Emperor Huan] states that Emperor Huan sent officials to Kuxian to pay his respects to Laozi; Huangfu Song Zhuan [The Biography of Huangfu Song] states, “Zhang Jue of Julu claimed himself to be master of great virtue, who followed the way of Huang-Lao.”332 Bian Shao wrote Laozi Ming [Inscription for Laozi] (Li Shi, Volume III), which says that the disciples of Daoism believed that “Laozi is sometimes united with the pneuma of Primordial Chaos, sometimes he separates himself from it; he is as eternal as the Three Asterisms (sun, moon, stars).” “After he obtained the Way, he changed into an immortal, and as a cicada sheds its chrysalis, he absconded from the world. Since (Fu) Xi and (Shen) 327

(Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 2006, p. 330. 328 Revised by Wang Ka. The Heshanggong Commentary on Laozi. Zhonghua Book Company, 1993, p. 87. 329 Revised by Wang Ka. The Heshanggong Commentary on Laozi. Zhonghua Book Company, 1993, p. 21, 207. 330 (Southern Song Dynasty) Fan Ye. The Book of the Later Han. Zhejiang Classics Publishing House, 2000, p. 399. 331 (Southern Song Dynasty) Fan Ye. The Book of the Later Han. Zhejiang Classics Publishing House, 2000, p. 300. 332 (Southern Song Dynasty) Fan Ye. The Book of the Later Han. Zhejiang Classics Publishing House, 2000, p. 649.

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Nong, he was the teacher of the sage kings.”333 Thus, by now, Laozi had become an immortal. In the late Han Dynasty, works such as the Taipingjing [Scripture on Great Peace], Zhouyi Cantongqi [The Kinship of the Three in Accordance with the Book of Changes] and Laozi Xiang’er Zhu [Xiang’er Commentary on Laozi] appeared, which combined Laozi’s teachings, the teachings of the Book of Changes, the belief in immortals, the Yin-Yang and Five Elements, self-cultivation, alchemy, and divination. They became early classics of the Daoist religion, and laid the foundation for its principles. The Scripture on Great Peace was written during the reign of Emperors An and Shun. The Biography of Xiangkai states, “The text dealt mainly with the Yin-Yang and the Five Elements School, and had a number of sayings from witches and shamans.” “Later, Zhang Jue had some of the texts of its teachings.”334 This book proposed the Daoist system of immortals, and confirmed that the principle of cultivating the Way is to place equal emphasis on cultivating one’s nature and accumulating virtue, “inwardly, to cultivate long life in one’s self; outwardly, to bring about order to the country”335 ; thus, it strives for a world of great peace. It also proposed the theory of Chengfu [bearing burdens], which is unique to the Daoist religion: “Those who strive to do good but who receive evil are bearing the burdens of their ancestors’ wrongdoings, which are accumulated before the disaster to harm this person. Those who do evil but who receive good, are enjoying the fruits from the great deeds accumulated by their ancestors.”336 The essentials of cultivating the Way are to serve one’s parents, be loyal to one’s ruler, and respect one’s teachers: “Parents are the roots of life. The ruler is the door to honor and respect. Teachers are the source of wisdom and the undertaking of diligence. These three are the gateways to the Way and its power.”337 In addition, one must also guard the One from dispersing, as well as practice the ingestion of qi and medicine. The Seal on the Unity of the Three is the earliest classic of the Danding (Elixir Cauldron) School of the Daoist religion. Using the Book of Changes as its theoretical basis, this book was written by bringing together Huang-Lao and Daoist alchemy. It is written in the book that “The great Book of Changes in nature and essence follows its measures. The teachings of Huangdi and Laozi with analytical study are simple to grasp. The work of fire and furnace is based on ultimate truth. These three ways are

333

(Song Dynasty) Hong Shi. Calligraphic Transition and Interpretation of Ancient · Inscriptions·Calligraphic Transition and Interpretation of Ancient Inscriptions, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 36. 334 (Southern Song Dynasty) Fan Ye. The Book of the Later Han. Zhejiang Classics Publishing House, 2000, p. 302. 335 Wang Ming (Ed.). Collected Annotations to the Scripture on Great Peace, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1960, p. 739. 336 Wang Ming (Ed.). The Collected Annotations to the Scripture on Great Peace, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1960, p. 22. 337 Wang Ming (Ed.). The Collected Annotations to the Scripture on Great Peace, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1960, p. 311.

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originally one; together, they yield one path.”338 It was completed by Wei Boyang during the reign of Emperors Shun and Huan, using the Way of yin-yang and the theories of Huang-Lao to discuss the art of Daoist alchemy. It contains artful and subtle explanations on the use of medicines, controlling the heat of fire, and ingesting medicinal pills, which can be applied in diverse ways. It was called the ancestor of the Danjing (mainly Waidan, or Outer Alchemy), and was later interpreted by scholars of the Daoist religion as a classic of Neidan (or Inner Alchemy). At the end of the Han Dynasty, the Wudoumi School (a denomination of Five Bushels of Rice) emerged in the Bashu and Hanzhong areas. It was founded by Zhang Ling (known as the Celestial Master) and later passed down to his son, Zhang Heng (known as Si-Master), who in turn passed it down to his son, Zhang Lu (known as Xi-Master). Zhang Lu established a local separatist regime, which united politics with religion, and merged the ruler with the teacher. This regime dominated the Bashu and Hanzhong areas for more than 30 years. After it was conquered by Cao Cao, the Wudoumi School entered the Central Plains and developed into the Way of the Celestial Master in the Wei and Jin Dynasties. The author of the Xiang’er Commentary on Laozi was most probably Zhang Lu, which summarized the many commentaries on Laozi produced by the Wudoumi School. His commentary is characterized by its interpretation of Laozi’s philosophy from a theological perspective in response to the religious need of the Wudoumi way and the Great Way. The current copy available is from the Dunhuang manuscripts, which was revised and annotated by Rao Zongyi to produce the Laozi Xiang’er Zhu Xiaojian [Revised and Annotated Xiang’er Commentary on Laozi]. Laozi’s original text says, “This reason is why the sage, though he places lowest priority on this body, finds his body given priority,” which the Xiang’er Commentary interprets this way: “Achieving the immortality of the immortals, thus obtaining good fortune greater than that achieved by all those vulgar persons.”339 The original text of Laozi states, “This life is able to make them celestial,” which the Xiang’er Commentary interprets this way: “Able to achieve long life, they then assist Heaven.”340 Laozi’s original text states, “Common people say of me that I am self-actualized,” which the Xiang’er Commentary explains this way: “‘Me’ refers to the transcendent noble.”341 Laozi’s original text states, “The essences contain tokens of faith,” which the Xiang’er Commentary explains this way: “The ancient transcendent nobles treasured the essences to gain life. Today’s people lose the essences and die. These are the Way’s eminent tokens of good faith.”342 Laozi’s original text states, “When the 338 (Later Shu Dynasty) Peng Xiao. The Seal on the Unity of the Three to the Real Zhongzhou Classics Publishing House, 1988, p. 157. 339 Liu Zhaorui. The Guide and Annotation to Xiang’er Commentary on Laozi. Jiangxi Publishing House, 2012, p. 77. 340 Liu Zhaorui. The Guide and Annotation to Xiang’er Commentary on Laozi. Jiangxi Publishing House, 2012, p. 102. 341 Liu Zhaorui. The Guide and Annotation to Xiang’er Commentary on Laozi. Jiangxi Publishing House, 2012, p. 105. 342 Liu Zhaorui. The Guide and Annotation to Xiang’er Commentary on Laozi. Jiangxi Publishing House, 2012, p. 118.

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intelligent and animal souls are held together in one embrace, they can be kept from separating,” which the Xiang’er Commentary explains this way: “The One disperses its form as pneuma and gathers in its form as the Grand Supreme Elderly Lord, whose permanent rule is on Mount Kunlun.”343 Laozi’s original text states, “When the great Way was discarded, righteousness and responsibility came into being. When the six sorts of relationship became inharmonious, filiality and humaneness came into being. When the kingdom was thrown into confusion, the loyal minister came into being,” which the Xiang’er Commentary explains this way: “In high antiquity, when the Way was employed, all people were righteous and responsible. When the Way was employed, every family was filial and benevolent. When the Way was employed, ministers were loyal and children filial so that the kingdom was easily ruled.”344 The commentaries were mostly similar to this, not only demonstrating the way of the spirit, but also directly agreeing with the humaneness, righteousness, loyalty, and filial piety of Confucianism. In the folk Daoist schools from the late Han Dynasty to the Three Kingdoms period, the Taiping Daoism led by Zhangjue ceased to spread due to the suppression of the armed struggle of the Yellow Turban Rebellion. The Wudoumi School led by the three Zhangs (Zhang Ling, Zhang Heng, and Zhang Lu) evolved into the Way of the Celestial Master during the Wei and Jin Dynasties, emphasizing talismans and rituals. Through the consolidation of Kou Qianzhi of the Northern Dynasty and Lu Xiujing of the Southern Dynasty, it became a major religion of the upper echelons, which further evolved into the Zhengyi Dao [Way of Orthodox Unity]. The Danding School, characterized by its practice of alchemy, was based on the theoretical construction of Baopuzi [Master Who Embraces Simplicity] by Ge Hong in the Wei and Jin Dynasties, thus forming a systematic doctrine of self-cultivation and immortality, and was also elevated to a mainstream religion. Following its development through the Tang and Song Dynasties, and then through the Jin and Yuan Dynasties, it evolved into the Quanzhen Dao [the Way of Completeness and Truth].

2.4.2 Development and Practice of Confucian Thought (1) Early Han Confucians The main concern among thinkers in the early Han Dynasty was how to sum up the historical experiences of peace and chaos in the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties, focusing especially on the lessons drawn from the rapid decline of the Qin Dynasty, to provide an established, centralized, and unified empire with a unified ideological system that would guide the state and social life, thereby ensuring long-term stability and security. 343

Liu Zhaorui. The Guide and Annotation to Xiang’er Commentary on Laozi. Jiangxi People’s Publishing House, 2012, p. 83. 344 Liu Zhaorui. The Guide and Annotation to Xiang’er Commentary on Laozi. Jiangxi People’s Publishing House, 2012, pp. 106, 107.

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The most representative among them were the Confucian political commentators and thinkers Lu Jia and Jia Yi. The Records of the Grand Historian: The Ranked Biographies of Master Li and Lu Jia describes the following: From time to time, Master Lu stepped forward and praised the Odes and the Documents. Emperor Gao cursed him, saying, “I got it [the empire] sitting on horseback. How could the Odes and Documents serve me?” Master Lu said, “You may have got it sitting on horseback, but how can you govern it from horseback? Moreover, Tang and Wu [the founders of the Shang and the Zhou] took it despite resistance, but safeguarded it by relying on compliance. Using civil and martial means is the technique to remain in power for a long time. In former times, Fu Chai, the King of Wu, and the Earl of Zhi perished because they pushed military means to their extreme; the Qin applied punishments and laws without altering them and [thereby] finally extinguished the house of Zhao. If Qin, after the unification of the empire, had put humanity and righteousness in action, and taken the former sages as a model, how could Your Majesty have gotten hold of and possessed it?345

Thus, at the beginning of the Han Dynasty, there was a strategic shift from “taking despite resistance” through military means to “safeguarding by compliance” through political means. Liu Bang could not adapt to this change, and was enlightened only by Lu Jia’s advice, whereupon he began attaching great importance to the Six Classics of Confucianism, which at their core “put humanity and righteousness into action, and took the former sages as a model.”346 Jia Yi was a Confucian scholar in the time of Emperor Wen. Although he only lived to be 33 years old, he left behind a rich intellectual heritage, which slowly blossomed over time to have an immense impact on later generations. None can rival Jia Yi’s Guoqin Lun [The Faults of Qin] in its comprehensive and profound summary of the lessons from the death of Qin. Jia Yi writes, “The first emperor believed in his heart that with the strength of his capital in the pass and his walls of metal extending a thousand miles, he had established a rule that would be enjoyed by his descendants for ten thousand generations.”347 However, the Qin Dynasty had perished by the time of Qin Er Shi. “Why? Because it failed to rule with humaneness and righteousness, and failed to realize that the power to attack and the power to retain what one has thereby won are not the same.”348 Jia Yi thus noted, “The Ruler of Qin burned literary writings, and made punishment and the law cruel. Preferring deceit and brute force, he deferred humaneness and righteousness, and he used violence and mistreatment as the starting point for the realm”349 ; hence, it was 345

(Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 413. 346 (Han Dynasty) Lu Jia. New Discourse. Revised By Zhuang Dajun. Liaoning Education Press, 1998, p. 2. 347 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 38. 348 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 39. 349 (Han Dynasty) Sima Qian. The Records of the Grand Historian. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2006, p. 39.

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inevitable that his decline would be rapid. The Faults of Qin enabled the politicians of the Han Dynasty to act more consciously against the violent ways of Qin, and return more actively to the rule of virtue in Confucian tradition. In addition, Jia Yi advocated the Confucian principle of the people as the root of the country. In New Writings: Great Command, he writes, I heard that in political affairs, the people are the root of everything. The state views them as a root; the ruler views them as a root; officials view them as a root. I heard that in political affairs, there is no case in which the people do not function as the determinant. The state views them as the determinant; the ruler views them as the determinant; the officials view them as the determinant. I heard that in political affairs, there is no case in which the people do not function as the achievement. The state views them as the achievement; the ruler views them as the achievement; the officials view them as the achievement. I heard that in political affairs, there is no case in which the people do not function as the strength. The state views them as the strength; the ruler views them as the strength; the officials view them as the strength.350

Therefore, the people are the foundation and lifeblood of the state, as well as the driving force behind its achievements. The Book of Han: Biography of Jia Yi states that Jia Yi’s policy of public security was as follows: What the ruler has accumulated depends on what he has chosen to keep and discard. Those who govern by rites and righteousness accumulate rites and righteousness; those who govern by penalties and punishments accumulate penalties and punishments. The accumulation of penalties and punishments gives rise to resentment and abandonment among the people; the accumulation of rites and righteousness leads to harmony and affinity among the people.351 Jia Yi places special emphasis on the propositions in Guanzi, which states, “Rites, righteousness, integrity, and humility are the four dimensions; without these four dimensions, the state will be ruined….Let the ruler be a ruler, the subject a subject; there is a difference between the ruler and the ruled. Let father and son, and the six relations, each find their own place.”352 Only then can there be “a peaceful order in the world that is maintained throughout the generations.”353 Jia Yi’s thoughts were later inherited by Dong Zhongshu. (2) Dong Zhongshu’s Gongyang School of the Spring and Autumn Annals, and Emperor Wu’s “Promotion of the Six Classics” During the reign of Emperor Wu, a group of Confucians devoted themselves to teaching and recruiting followers, which led to the flourishing of Confucianism. Among them, the Gongyang School interpretation of the Spring and Autumn Annals led by Dong Zhongshu had amassed many followers, and held considerable sway. 350

Annotated by Yan Zhenyi and Zhong Xia. The Annotations of the New Book. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 338. 351 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, pp. 492, 493. 352 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 491. 353 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 491.

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Thus, he became the most representative Confucian teacher of the Han Dynasty, and his works included the Chunqiu Fanlu [Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals] and the “Three Strategies of Heaven and Man” recorded in The Book of Han: Biography of Dong Zhongshu. Dong’s Confucianism combines the School of Yin-Yang and Five Elements, Huang-Lao Daoism, Legalism, Mohism, and many other schools of thought, and uses the Commentary of Gongyang on the Spring and Autumn Annals as its classical basis, to establish a theoretical system that is suited to a unified Han Empire. The essence and characteristics of his ideology are as follows. First, he proposed the doctrine of the interactions between Heaven and humankind. Confucius and Mencius talk about a heaven of fate and morality, and Xunzi talks about a heaven of nature, whereas Dong Zhongshu talks about a heaven of will and dominance, one with a distinct theological hue. The Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals states: “Heaven is the lord of the numerous spirits and is what the king reveres above all other spirits ….a ruler’s receiving of the mandate [shows that he] is the one in whom Heaven’s intention is placed.”354 Dong believed that Heaven rules over humankind and governs the numerous spirits, and that the authority of the ruler is bestowed by Heaven. Heaven is the giver and nourisher of humaneness and virtue. Heaven expresses its morality through the changes of yin and yang: The great Way of Heaven resides in the principle patterns of yin and yang. Yang employs virtue, and yin employs punishment; punishment emphasizes execution, and virtue emphasizes birth. Therefore, yang normally dwells in summer’s midst and takes birth, nurturing, raising, and aging as its occupation. Yin normally dwells in winter’s midst and accumulates in the empty areas of unusable places. From this it is apparent that Heaven employs virtue rather than punishment.355

As for the relationship between Heaven and humankind, he proposes that, on the one hand, Heaven and humankind are of the same category: “The humanness of human beings is rooted in Heaven. Heaven is also the supreme ancestor of human beings. This reason is why human beings are elevated to be categorized with Heaven.”356 Thus, we can observe the human correlates of Heaven’s regularities, wherein their head is tilted and circular, resembling the appearance of Heaven; they have form, frame, bone, and flesh that match the Earth’s substantiality; they have ears and eyes, keen and clear, resembling the sun and the moon; they have twelve major joints that match the number of months, and 360 lesser joints that correspond to the number of days in a year; they have four limbs corresponding to the number of the four seasons, and they have five viscera corresponding to the number of the Five Phases.357 On the other hand, he also proposed the interactions between Heaven and humankind: 354

(Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, pp. 402, 318, 286. 355 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 563. 356 (Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 318. 357 (Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, pp. 354–57.

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When the faults of the ruling family of the state have just begun to become apparent, Heaven sends disaster and destruction to warn and inform them. If after being warned and informed, [the ruling family of the state] still does not know to change, then Heaven manifests uncanny and bizarre events to startle and terrify them. If after being startled and terrified, [the ruling family of the state] still does not know to fear [Heaven], only then will death and extinction overtake them. From this we can see that Heaven’s will is humane and that Heaven does not desire to harm others.358

This is the doctrine of divine warning by calamity, and its main intention is to use the authority of Heaven and the people’s fear of disasters to advise the ruler to be constantly self-vigilant, to examine his own faults, and to act with virtue and humaneness. Second, he proposed the doctrine of governance by humaneness, righteousness, and virtue. Dong Zhongshu put forward the new concept of “pacifying others using humaneness, and correcting the self by using righteousness,” stating that “the standard of humaneness lies in loving others, not in loving the self,” and that “the standard of righteousness lies in correcting the self, not in correcting others.”359 In terms of governing the state, one should “infuse the people with a sense of humaneness, polish them with righteousness, and manage them with rites.”360 Thus, to rule by humaneness and virtue, it is necessary to regard the people as the root of the country: “When Heaven gives birth to the people, it is not for the sake of kings; when Heaven establishes rulers, it is done on behalf of the people. Therefore, if a ruler’s virtue is sufficient to bring security and happiness to the people, Heaven bestows [the mandate] on him; if his evil is sufficient to injure and harm the people, Heaven withdraws [the mandate] from him.”361 Third, he proposed the code of feudal ethics. Dong established a preliminary framework for the “Three Fundamental Relationships and Five Constant Virtues,” stating, The righteous [relationship] between ruler and minister, husband and wife, and father and son all derive from the Way of yin and yang. The ruler is yang; the minister is yin. The father is yang; the son is yin. The husband is yang; the wife is yin....The Son of Heaven receives orders from Heaven; the lords of the land receive orders from the son of Heaven; sons receive orders from fathers; ministers receive orders from the ruler; and wives receive orders from husbands.362

Dong also writes, Now, the five constant virtues of the Way are humaneness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and trustworthiness, and the ruler should cultivate and instruct them. If these five things are 358

(Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 259. 359 (Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 250. 360 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 563. 361 (Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 220. 362 (Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 350, 412.

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cultivated and instructed, then the protection of Heaven and the sacred help of various spirits will be received; virtue will be dispersed to the outer areas, and extend to the various living creatures.363

From then on, the “Three Fundamental Relationships and Five Constant Virtues” became a typical and famous proposition of Confucian teaching, and was widely known throughout society. Dong Zhongshu also proposed a theory of nurturing human nature for his ethical ideology. He believed that “the nature of sages” contains only good and no evil, while the “nature of people who are mere utensils” contain only evil and no good; but these are such rare exceptions that their natures are not worth discussing. Instead, it is the “nature of the average person,” who has good aspects but not goodness, that requires nurturing to develop a nature of goodness. Fourth, he proposed a theory of righteousness and profit, virtue and talent. Dong’s outlook of righteousness and profit can be captured in one famous line: “A benevolent person rectifies himself with righteousness, and does not plot for profit; he illuminates his Way, and does not plan for merit.”364 His true meaning is not that one should not pursue profit but that the principles and starting point of any matter should conform to virtue and righteousness. One should not be fearful of temporary setbacks to local interests, and should never pursue short-term profits for the needs of individuals or small groups. This is an expression of Confucius’s view that “the mind of the superior person is conversant with righteousness; the mind of the small person is conversant with gain.” It is also a criticism levelled against the indefinite pursuit of fame and fortune by the rich and powerful, with a high degree of attention on public and longterm interests (i.e., righteousness). Therefore, he advocates suppressing the rich and helping the poor, which will enable people to “have enough to provide for the elderly and to be filial; to have enough to make offerings and pay taxes; to have enough to provide for and love their spouses and children.”365 Regarding virtue, Confucius advocated inner and outer self-cultivation, which gave rise to the “Three Primary Virtues”: “The benevolent are free from anxieties; the wise are free from perplexities; the bold are free from fear.” Humaneness is goodness and virtue; wisdom is talent and sagacity; boldness is the power of the will. However, the later Confucians tended to value virtue over talent and transform wisdom into virtue. Dong Zhongshu, on the other hand, placed equal emphasis on humaneness and wisdom. Thus, the Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals contains a chapter titled The Necessity of Being Benevolent and Wise, which states, “Nothing is more pressing than [being] benevolent; nothing is more urgent than [being] wise,” because “to fail to be benevolent yet to possess courage, strength, talent, and ability is to be crazy yet brandish a sharp sword; to fail to be wise yet to possess discrimination, cleverness, reserve, and eloquence is to be blind yet mount a fine steed.”366 Therefore, 363

(Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 564. (Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 268. 365 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 162. 366 (Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 257. 364

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wisdom must be controlled by humaneness, and humaneness must be acted upon with wisdom. Fifth, he proposed a theory of Chinese unification. One of Dong Zhongshu’s crucial historical contributions is advocating the idea of “Great Unification” (unification as the most important) found in the Gongyang Commentary, which served to consolidate the unified and centralized empire established in the Han Dynasty. He believed that the central tenet of the Spring and Autumn Annals is the “great unification”. In politics, the authority of the ruler (representing the power of the state) must be established in the name of Heaven: “The standard of the Spring and Autumn Annals is this: the people follow the lead of the ruler, and the ruler follows the lead of Heaven…Therefore, to restrain the people while extending the ruler’s authority [and] to restrain the ruler while extending Heaven’s authority is an important principle of the Spring and Autumn Annals.”367 In this way, the ruler will be able to command the entire country using the will of Heaven, thus preventing rebellion and division. At the same time, people of virtue and ability will be able to restrict the abuse of power by the ruler using the will of Heaven, thus ensuring its rational operation. In terms of ideology, the state must use the Six Classics of Confucianism as its guiding ideology to unify the state’s systems, laws, and policies, thereby ensuring the normal operation and long-term stability of the unified empire. He writes, The great unified standard of the Spring and Autumn Annals is the constant strand of Heaven, and the constant principle of antiquity and the present…I, an ignorant minister, recommend that any methods not of the Six Training Skills of the Confucian School should be discontinued, and none of them allowed to be promoted. Heterodox and biased discourse should be banned. Thereafter, standards can be unified, laws and measures can be clarified, and the people will know what to follow.368

Although Emperor Wu of Han did not express this directly, he had in fact taken Dong Zhongshu’s advice, which is reflected in a major event that occurred in the history of state administration, known by later generations as the “dismissal of the Hundred Schools of Thought, and the sole reverence of Confucianism.” However, does this equate to despotism by Confucian culture, to the detriment of the Hundred Schools of Thought? I believe that this was not the case, and provide the following justifications. First, neither The Records of the Grand Historian nor The Book of Han used terms akin to “sole reverence of Confucianism.” The Book of Han: Annals of Emperor Wu praised the emperor, saying, The Han Dynasty inherited the evils of many kings; the eminent founder [Emperor Gao] established order out of confusion and turned things aright. The attention of Emperors Wen and Jing was directed to nurturing the common people, [but] in the matters of investigating ancient [practices] and of respecting literature, they still had many defects. When Emperor Xiao Wu first came to the throne, he abolished and dismissed [the study of] the Hundred Schools of Thought in a surpassing manner, [thus] making known and rending illustrious 367

(Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, pp. 31, 32. 368 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 570.

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the six [Confucian] classics. Thereupon he [had all the officials] within the four seas search for [intelligent persons who accorded with the times] and recommended those who were talented and excellent; [then] he gave them [the opportunity to] distinguish themselves. He founded the Imperial University, renewed the suburban [and other] sacrifices, corrected the commencement [of the year], fixed the calculation of the calendar, harmonized the [musical] notes and musical tubes, composed songs and music, established [the sacrifices] Feng and Shan, worshipped the various divinities, and gave [a noble appointment] by succession to the posterity of the Zhou Dynasty. His commands and his ordinances, and his writings and literary compositions, are splendid and may be transmitted [to posterity, so that] his descendants are able to follow his grand achievements and possess the fame of the three dynasties.369

Ban Gu lauded the pivotal role of Emperor Wu in inheriting the past and paving the way for the future of rites, music, culture, and education. He believed that Emperor Wu had upheld the ritual culture of the three dynasties, established the rightful place of the Six Classics, and comprehensively constructed a social system of rites and music that embodied the school of Duke Zhou and Confucius, which subsequently gave rise to a nation of rites. Ban Gu writes that Emperor Wu had “abolished and dismissed [the study of] the Hundred Schools of Thought in a surpassing manner, [thus] making known and rending illustrious the Six [Confucian] Classics,”370 but not that he practiced the “sole reverence of Confucianism.” Second, Dong Zhongshu states that “any methods not of the Six Training Skills of the Confucian School should be discontinued, and none of them allowed to be promoted.”371 This means that doctrines other than Confucianism should not be given the opportunity to be elevated to the status of guiding national politics, nor should they share the same dominant position as Confucianism. This move is both necessary and normal for a unified empire. In fact, any unified empire will have a cohesive political ideology. Dong’s emphasis is on the unity of the national legal institutions, rather than on the “uniformity” of social thought and academics. He did not propose that the Hundred Schools of Thought should not be allowed to exist among the people. Third, Dong Zhongshu assisted Emperor Wu in establishing a cultural pattern dominated by Confucianism with the Six Classics as the official school of thought. Thus, the Five constant virtues and Eight Virtues, with loyalty and filial piety at its core, formed the basic ethical code of the Chinese nation that has lasted for two thousand years. This is not only because of successful political operations but also because the social morality of Confucianism has a long and deep-rooted history that continues the mainstream thought of ancient Chinese civilization. It can best reflect the needs of familial society and the spirit of agricultural civilization; thus, politicians conformed to the trends of national cultural development and encouraged the rise of Confucianism. This was a movement of subjective awakening in national culture, a major “reformation” of great significance.

369

(Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 52. (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 52. 371 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 570. 370

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Fourth, the “dismissal of the Hundred Schools of Thought” mentioned in the Book of Han did not have a basis in laws and regulations at that time, but was only an acknowledgment that Emperor Wu did not abide by the teachings of “Shen, Han, Su, and Zhang” in the governance of the state. This also does not imply that he did not absorb the legalist ideas of the rule of law. The state elevated Dong Zhongshu’s study of the Confucian Classics to its status as the official school of thought, but did not sever its ties with the other schools and only demoted their social and political standing. Furthermore, Emperor Wu favored the practice of ascension by the deities, believed in the esoteric masters, and was passionate about alchemy, seeking the immortals and the way of immortality. This trend continued unabated, as not only did Emperors Xuan and Cheng practice the seeking of immortals and the gathering of herbal medicine but the way of the esoteric teachers and immortals also prevailed among the people. Even Dong’s Confucianism itself was not pure. It contained doctrines such as the interaction between Heaven and humankind, and divine warning by calamity, which were derived from the School of Yin-yang and Five Elements and not recognized by Confucius and Mencius. The “dismissal of the Hundred Schools of Thought” was Ban Gu’s own interpretation, which was somewhat excessive, whereas the “sole reverence of Confucianism” was an erroneous expression adopted by later generations. The juxtaposition of these two phrases created an eye-catching saying that had a farreaching impact and seems almost conclusive. However, it does not conform to the reality of the Han Dynasty and needs to be corrected. In actuality, during the reign of Emperor Wu, Confucianism was revered and formed the dominant ideology of society and the state; at the same time, the spiritual achievements of Daoism, legalism, the School of Yin-Yang, the School of the Immortals, and other schools were also incorporated, which considered the ethnic subjectivity and diversity of the Chinese culture. In summary, a proper and holistic evaluation must be conducted with respect to the intention, effectiveness, and historical effect of Emperor Wu’s adoption of Dong Zhongshu’s policies to “make known and render illustrious the Six Classics.” (3) The Development of the Study of the Confucian Classics in the Two Han Dynasties 1.

Compilation of the Confucian Classics and Zishu (Books of the Early Masters) by Liu Xiang and Liu Xin

“New Text Confucianism” rose to prominence in the early Western Han Dynasty. During the reign of Emperor Cheng of Western Han, Liu Xiang was ordered to edit the Confucian classics, the works of the Hundred Schools of Thought, as well as poetry and rhapsodies, from which he compiled the Bielu [Categorized Abstracts] (a classified catalog of the Imperial Library). His son, Liu Xin, took over his father’s work and compiled the Qilve [Seven Abstracts], during which “Old Text Confucianism” rose to prominence. Zhou Yutong wrote in the preface to Pi Xirui’s A History of Confucian Classics, “New Text Confucianism regraded Confucius as a politician, and the Six Classics as Confucius’s theory of governance. Thus, it emphasized the interpretation of ‘profound truths in subtle words’”, whereas “Old Text Confucianism regarded Confucius as a historian, and the Six Classics as books compiled

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by Confucius using ancient historical materials. Thus, its emphasis was on philology and exegesis.”372 This led to clashes between the two from time to time. The Book of Han: Yiwenzhi [The Bibliographic Treatise] states that the Qilue “contains the Jilue [Introduction], Liuyi Lue [An Abstract of the Six Training Skills], Zhuzi Lue [An Abstract of Masters and Philosophers], Shifu Lue [An Abstract of Poems and Rhapsodies], Bingshu Lue [An Abstract of Military Treatises], Shushu Lue [An Abstract of Astronomical Calculation and Divination Texts], and Fangji Lue [An Abstract of Medical Texts].”373 These were divided into nine genres and ten schools, with the “six arts” at their foremost, as the latter was believed to have originated from royal officials. The classics of the pre-Qin Hundred Schools of Thought were lost and scattered by the burning of the books during the Qin Dynasty. During the rise of the Han Dynasty, the texts of the Five Classics were diverse and confused, with missing books and incomplete writings. However, following the efforts by Liu Xiang and Liu Xin to collect, compile, and edit these texts, a complete catalog system for the books of Confucianism and the Hundred Schools of Thought began to take shape, and was passed down to later generations with a new look. The Book of Han: Bibliographic Treatise encapsulates the essence of these efforts. 2. From the Five Classics to the Thirteen Classics The Zhouli [The Rites of Zhou] (i.e., Zhouguan [Officers of Zhou]) emerged during the Han Dynasty, which contained records of the bureaucratic system of the Zhou Dynasty. It was included in the official education during the New Han Dynasty by Wang Mang, and had an immense impact on the construction of the Six Ministries system in later generations. Yili [The Ceremonies and Rites] is the book of the ancient rites of the Zhou Dynasty, and was edited by Han Dynasty Confucians. Liji [The Book of Rites] (i.e., Xiaodai Liji [The Book of Rites with Commentaries of Dai Sheng] and Dadai Liji [The Book of Rites with Commentaries of Dai De]) were both written by Confucius’s students during the Warring States Period, Qin, and early Han dynasties. If we regard the Book of Rites as the standard version, several chapters in the book, including Liyun, Daxue [The Great Learning], Zhongyong [The Doctrine of the Mean], Xueji [The Record of the Subject of Education], Yueji [The Record ofn the Subject of Music], and Jingjie [Different Teachings of the Different Rulers], played a major role in the later history of Confucianism. Xiaojing [The Classic of Filial Piety] gained popularity in the Han Dynasty. Sima Qian believed that this book was written by Zengzi (The Records of the Grand Historian: Biographies of the Disciples of Zhongni). In Kaizong Mingyi [The Scope and Meaning of the Treatise], it states: “Now, filial piety is the root of [all] virtue, and [the stem] out of which grows [all moral] teaching.”374 The rulers of the Han 372

(Qing Dynasty) Pi Xirui. Annotated by Zhou Yutong. A History of Confucian Classics. The Commercial Press, 1928, p. 94. 373 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 324. 374 Annotated by Yu Han and Xiang Zi. The Classic of Filial Piety · Twenty Four Stories of Filial Piety. Yuelu Publishing House, 2006, p. 3.

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Dynasty advocated the use of filial piety to govern the nation; thus, filial piety was elevated from a basic principle of familial ethics to that of political ethics. The Spring and Autumn Annals was written by Confucius, and three Commentaries have been passed down to later generations: Chunqiu Zuozhuan [The Commentary of Zuo on the Spring and Autumn Annals] was believed to have been written by Zuo Qiuming, and may be a work from the early Warring States Period. It annotates the Spring and Autumn Annals with historical events, and embeds its criticism and praise in historical facts. Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan [The Commentary of Gongyang on the Spring and Autumn Annals] was believed to have been written by Gongyang Gao of Dukedom Qi during the Warring States Period, and its reading of the Spring and Autumn Annals is based on finding profound meanings behind subtle words. Interpretations of this text include those by Dong Zhongshu and He Xiu of the Han Dynasty. Chunqiu Guliangzhuan [The Commentary of Guliang on the Spring and Autumn Annals] was believed to have been written by a disciple of Zixia named Guliang Chi, and its style is similar to that of the Gongyang Commentary. The Zhouyi [The Book of Changes] includes Yijing [The Book of Changes] and Yizhuan [The Commentary on the Book of Changes]. The Book of Changes was written during the transition from the Yin to the Zhou Dynasty, and is a book of divination. The Commentaries to the Book of Changes was believed to be written by a group of Confucians during the Warring States Period, which had absorbed Daoist ideas or involved Daoist scholars to explain the philosophy of Yin and Yang in the Book of Changes, thereby enabling the Book of Changes to become a source of Chinese ideology and culture. The foremost interpretation of the Book of Changes in the Han Dynasty is thought to be that by Tian He. The Shijing [The Book of Poetry] is a collection of poems and songs from the Zhou Dynasty, and is composed of three parts: Feng (Airs), Ya (Hymns), and Song (Eulogies). There were four traditions of the Book of Poetry (i.e., the Qi, Lu, Han, and Mao Traditions) during the Han Dynasty, with Mao’s Poetry (Mao Heng, Mao Chang) being the most widely accepted. Shangshu [The Book of Documents] is a compilation of historical documents from the Three Dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou. During the early Han Dynasty, the New Text Book of Documents was reconstructed by Fu Sheng, which was later followed by the Old Text Book of Documents passed down by Kong Anguo. Both texts were lost during the Western Jin Dynasty but were rediscovered by Mei Ze in the Eastern Jin Dynasty (later known as the forged Old Text Book of Documents), whose version was widely accepted. Many valuable historical materials are preserved in this text, and it is the source of Chinese political thought. Among the Six Classics of the pre-Qin era, the Yuejing [The Classic of Music] was lost early on, and the Five Classics were passed down to later generations. The many Commentaries of the Five Classics, including The Commentaries on the Book of Changes, the three commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals, and the “three classics of rites,” have all been revered by later generations as classics. Lunyu [The Analects] was initially not included as a classic as it was not written by Confucius, but later become a classic in the Han Dynasty because of its rapid rise in status. Thus, by the end of the Han Dynasty, the Confucian classics had evolved from

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“Five Classics” to “Eleven Classics”: The Analects, The Book of Changes (classic and commentary), the Book of Poetry, the Book of Documents, the Ceremonies and Rites, the Rites of Zhou, the Book of Rites, the Classic of Filial Piety, the Commentary of Zuo on the Spring and Autumn Annals, the Commentary of Gongyang on the Spring and Autumn Annals, and the Commentary of Guliang on the Spring and Autumn Annals. During the Song Dynasty, Mencius was promoted to a classic, together with Erya (a compendium of glosses for Confucian terms), thus eventually forming the “Thirteen Classics” by the Southern Song Dynasty. From this we can see that the Confucian Classics that emerged from the Han Dynasty consist of a sizable system containing many classics, each of which has different schools of thought, thus sparking numerous internal disputes and creating a sense of vibrancy. 3. Yang Xiong’s Innovative Ideas on the Confucian Classics Yang Xiong was a scholar of the late Western Han Dynasty. In The Book of Han: Biography of Yang Xiong we find, “Of the classics, he considered none greater than the Book of Changes, and thus he composed the Taixuan [Grand Mystery]. Of the commentaries, he considered none greater than The Analects, and thus he composed the Fayan [Exemplary Sayings].”375 The uniqueness of Yang Xiong does not lie in his interpretation but in his imitation of the classics, wherein he traces its form and captures its spirit, creating works that later became new classics in their own right. He believed that the Way of Confucius represented the highest truth. However, since the rise of the Han Dynasty, a disarray of opinions have emerged, which has resulted in confusion, thus requiring rectification by the Way of Confucius. He wrote that, “Among the ancients, Yang Zhu and Mo Di blocked the road, but Mencius spoke and burst it open, making the road broad. There were others after him who blocked the road. I humbly compare myself to Mencius.”376 His criticisms were levelled at the trivialization and mystification of the Confucian Classics. He firmly adhered to the way of the Five Constant Virtues of Confucius and Mencius: “Humaneness is your dwelling; righteousness is the road; propriety is your clothing; wisdom is a candle; trustworthiness is a tally.”377 As for the study of human nature, he proposed a new theory in which human nature is a mixture of good and evil: “One’s nature is a mixture of good and bad. If one cultivates its good aspects, one becomes a good person. If one cultivates its bad aspects, one becomes a bad person.”378 Yang Xiong was devoted to promoting the rational humanism of the Confucian Classics, and avoiding its biased development toward theology, which had an influence on Huan Tan, Wang Chong, and Zhang Heng. His Grand Mystery provided the Xuanxue (the School of Daoist Metaphysics) of the Wei and Jin dynasties with the concept of “Xuan” (dark or mysterious). Han Yu of the Tang Dynasty put forward 375

(Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, pp. 872, 873. (Han Dynasty) Yang Xiong. Yang Xiong’s Exemplary Sayings. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 6. 377 (Han Dynasty) Yang Xiong. Yang Xiong’s Exemplary Sayings. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 7. 378 (Han Dynasty) Yang Xiong. Yang Xiong’s Exemplary Sayings. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 6, 7. 376

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the doctrine of Confucian orthodoxy, claiming that Mencius is the true successor of Confucianism, while Xunzi and Yang Xiong are sages who are second to Mencius. 4. The Interregnum of Wang Mang’s New Dynasty During the interregnum between the Western and Eastern Han dynasties, Wang Mang succeeded in seizing the throne through his regent powers and conspiracies, and changed the dynastic name of the empire to New Dynasty. He followed the ways of the ancients in everything and made many changes to the laws of the Han Dynasty, but many of his policies were unrealistic, leading to the provocation of more social conflicts. On the surface, he was respectful and courteous, diligent in his office, and modeled himself after the teachings of Zhou Confucianism. However, in reality, he did not believe in humaneness and righteousness, and only used the Confucian teachings of rites as an instrument to achieve his personal ambitions of seizing the throne. Thus, not only did he fail to ensure the good governance and security of the state, but his actions resulted in resentment and insurgency among the people. He was eventually captured by attacking Han restorationist armies and beheaded, and his body was cut into pieces. His reign lasted only for 14 years. When the First Emperor of the Qin unified China, he did not practice humaneness or righteousness, but instead ruled with tyranny and cruel laws. Thus, the Qin Dynasty collapsed by the time of his immediate successor as second emperor. As for the New Dynasty, Wang Mang appeared to be a champion of humaneness and righteousness, but conspired to exalt his reputation and harbored malevolent intentions. His actions went against the will of the people, which quickly led to his own downfall. Thus, he assumed a different kind of antagonistic role in history. Confucianism is broad, profound, and oriented toward civilization, but the process of its development has not been smooth, and it has encountered many challenges. There are those who seek to destroy it, counterfeit it, trivialize it, mystify it, and dogmatize it. Nonetheless, it is precisely by undergoing these constant occurrences and overcoming the various biases that the Confucianism of the Han Dynasty has continued to advance. 5. The Confucian Apocrypha The Chenwei [Apocryphal Texts] of the Confucian Classics emerged during the reign of Emperors Ai and Ping of the Western Han Dynasty, and was popularized during the Eastern Han Dynasty. Chen refers to religious prophetic texts that “disguise themselves in a hidden language to foretell good or bad luck.” These texts have long existed, but conformed to the meaning of the classics during the transition between the two Han dynasties, and eventually became a type of social thought. Wei [magic texts] are ancillary texts to the classics that interpret the Five Classics using the theology of the interaction between Heaven and humankind. On the one hand, the apocrypha interacted and promoted the doctrines of signs and calamities proposed by mainstream scholars, such as alluded by Dong Zhongshu. On the other hand, it is also a self-contained system, creating extraordinary myths about the interaction between Heaven and humankind, including those intended to serve the people in power and

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those who predict social crises. Thus, the apocrypha once shaped the public opinion of Wang Mang’s proclamation as emperor, and provided the justification for Emperor Guangwu’s ascension to the throne. When Liu Xiu, the Emperor Guangwu came to power, he “declared the prophetic charts to the world,” and the apocrypha rose in prominence, spreading its influence to all mainstream scholars. The apocrypha’s political critique, connotations of dynastic changes, and free form style were often also exploited by social rebels and careerists. Hence, those in power remained wary of it, or used it selectively. Under New Text and Old Text Confucianism, the social influence of the apocrypha began to wane by the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, and was banned by the imperial court in the Wei and Jin dynasties. Among the magic texts, the Yiwei [Apocrypha to the Book of Changes] was most frequently preserved and had a profound influence on the study of the Book of Changes. Its Gua-Qi theory was widely accepted by scholars of the Book of Changes in later generations, which shows that the magic texts contain a certain level of academic content. 6. Baihu Tongyi [Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall] The study of the Confucian Classics in the Han Dynasty was a massive system containing numerous schools of thought, each with its own interpretations. Confucianism, as the guiding ideology for the unification of the country, often left those in power at a loss because of its differing views. Therefore, the politicians in power often had to step in to coordinate and unify the important points of view, to provide society with a basis to follow and prevent confusion. Emperor Xuan of the Western Han Dynasty convened a meeting at Shiqu Pavilion, where representative scholars of the Confucian Classics were summoned to discuss the similarities and differences of the Five Classics and hence arrive at some consensus, which were summarized by Emperor Xuan. However, the rise of the apocryphal texts during the transition between the two Han dynasties increased, rather than decreased, the differing opinions in the study of the Confucian Classics. Thus, Emperor Zhang of the Eastern Han Dynasty convened the meeting of the White Tiger Hall, and expended greater effort in unifying the meanings and principles of the Five Classics. The result was the Baihu Tong (Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall, also known as the Baihu Tongyi), which is akin to a codex of the national study of the Confucian Classics. This central tenet of this book, as described by Jia Kui, was to clarify “the duty between ruler and subject, and the relation between father and son.”379 It mainly adopts the views of New Text Confucianism, which is supplemented by Old Text Confucianism, and mixed with the apocrypha. The format of the text has a defined pattern, which is concise and clear. For example, the chapter Jue [Ranks] states, “‘Son of Heaven’ is the designation of a rank. Why is this rank called Son of Heaven? The

379

(Southern Song Dynasty) Fan Ye. The Book of the Later Han. Zhejiang Classics Publishing House, 2000, p. 348.

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ruler has Heaven as his father and Earth as his mother; he is the Son of Heaven.”380 Sangang Liuji [Three Major and Six Minor Relationships] stipulates, What are the Three Major Relationships? They are the [between] ruler and subject, father and son, husband and wife. The Six Minor Relationships are [the relationships with] father’s brothers, elder and younger brothers, one’s kinsmen, mother’s brothers, teachers and elders, and friends. Therefore, the Han Wen Jia says: “[The relation the] ruler has with the subject [belongs to] the Major Relationships, so do [the relation] the father has with his son, and [the relation] the husband has with his wife.” It also says: “Pay reverence to your father’s elder brothers, and when the way of the Six Minor Relationships has been put into practice, your mother’s brothers will observe [the rules attached to] their [different] status, kinsmen will observe [the rules of] precedence, elder and younger brothers will observe [the rules of] affection, teachers and elders will enjoy [their right to] reverence, and friends will enjoy [the benefit of] intimacy. What do Gang [Major Relationships] and Ji [Minor Relationships] mean? Gang’ means ‘to spread out’; ‘Ji’ means ‘to regulate.’ The greater [relationships] form the Gang, the lesser the Ji; thereby [the positions of] superior and inferior are spread out and regulated, and the way of humankind is adjusted and ordered. All people harbor the instinct for the Five Constant Virtues, and possess the disposition to love; they are developed by [the rules for] the Major and Minor Relationships, as a net which has small and large ropes spreads out its ten thousand meshes.”381

This chapter formally proposes the theory of the Three Fundamental Relationships based on Dong Zhongshu’s theory of the Three Relationships and Five constant virtues. As a codex entry, it had a far-reaching influence on future generations, and its source was not Confucius or Mencius but the magic texts. Liyue [The Rites and Music] states, There are the high and the lowly, the nearly related and the distantly related, the old and the young; [according to] the rites at the court audience, the high do not give precedence to the lowly, so as to distinguish between the honorable and the humble; [according to] the rites in the village society, the old do not give precedence to the young, so as to make clear that there is [distinction in] years; [according to] the rites in the ancestral temple, the nearly related do not give precedence to the distantly related, so as to make clear that there is [distinction in] affinity.382

This passage stresses the three principles of adhering to the precedence of the lofty, the old, and the closely related. While emphasizing the order between the lofty and lowly, the superior and inferior, and the closely and distantly related, Baihu Tongyi also incorporates the Confucian concepts of the Five Constant Virtues, emphasizing the people, accepting advice, and respecting the elders and the rule of virtue. Even one as lofty as the Son of Heaven must place righteousness above all else, adhere to the Five Constant Virtues, emphasize the people, accept advice, and respect the elders and teachers. Baihu Tongyi played a major role in history. Using the political power of royal authority, it pushed the construction of Emperor Wu’s political 380

(Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 6. 381 (Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, pp. 303–304. 382 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 21.

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ideology on “dismissing the Hundred Schools of Thought, and making known the Six Classics” to new heights. By aggregating the research results of numerous scholars, the “Three Fundamental Relationships and Five Constant Virtues” were legalized, universalized, and stabilized, thus forming a fixed formula for governing the country, together with the practical form of Confucius’s Six Classics, which persisted until the end of the Qing Dynasty and hence cannot be regarded as Emperor Zhang’s sole arbitrary action. It played a substantial role in consolidating the “great unification” of the country, strengthening the cohesion of the Chinese national community and promoting the stable development of traditional society. However, the deep intervention and manipulation of political power, especially teachings that linked the Three Fundamental Relationships with the Five Constant Virtues and the doctrine of the interactions between Heaven and Humankind, detracted from the spirit of humaneness, love, universality, and harmony found in the rational humanism of Confucius’s and Mencius’s Confucianism. Therefore, the wisdom of civilization as shown in the mutual love and respect found in the way of loyalty and reciprocity could not be effectively released, which is a bane eventually leading to a highly autocratic, Chinese monarchical society with a rigid and conservative ethical code. For example, in modern times, Zhang Zhidong, who advocated “Chinese learning as substance, and Western learning for application,” argued that the patriarchal clan system is the “substance,” and the Three Fundamental Relationships should be used to oppose civil rights revolutions, while preserving the declining rule of the late Qing monarchy. Wang Chong is a representative scholar who embodied the complementarity of Confucianism and Daoism in the early Eastern Han Dynasty, and strongly criticized the theological dogmatism of the Confucian Classics and secular superstitions. His book Lunheng [Disquisitions] has been passed down through the generations. He believed that “the government of a state requires the cultivation of two things: virtue and strength.”383 He also wrote that “universal peace manifests itself by the establishment of government, to which the people respond by being cheerful and at ease.”384 This is highly consistent with Confucius’s ideas regarding the rule of virtue, having sufficient military resources, and viewing the people as the root of the country. He attached great importance to the Commentaries to the Book of Changes and the Spring and Autumn Annals, and agreed that rites and righteousness are the guiding principles for governing the state. All this indicates that he was Confucian in the orientation of his social values. However, he also agreed with the Laozi’s Daoist cosmological outlook, which believes the Way of Heaven to be one of nature and inaction. Thus, Confucian humanism and Daoist naturalism became powerful ideological weapons for Wang Chong in criticizing the theological study of the Confucian Classics, in which he manifested the clear-headed and truth-seeking attitude of scholarship. He writes in Yiwen [Lost Texts], “Should one sentence express the purport of all the three 383

(Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 153. 384 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 299.

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hundred odes of the Book of Poetry, it would be: ‘Do not harbor wicked thoughts’, and for ten and more chapters of the Disquisitions one device might be chosen: ‘Hate fictions and falsehoods.’”385 The foremost target of the critique in Disquisitions was the theological teleology. He opposed the theories on the will of Heaven, and the interaction between Heaven and Humankind, believing instead that “Heaven and earth contain air, which develops spontaneously….By the fusion of the fluids of Heaven and Earth, all things of the world are produced spontaneously….Heaven does not act, therefore it does not speak. The disasters, which so frequently occur, are the work of the spontaneous fluid. Heaven and Earth cannot act, nor do they possess any knowledge.”386 As for the natural interactions of Heaven with people and animals, he states, “The fluid of wind and rain has such an effect upon those creatures.”387 He also believed that the occurrence of natural disasters is a natural process, akin to the diseases of the human body: “When the circulation of the blood is not in order, people contract diseases, and when the wind and the air do not agree, the year develops calamities,”388 and is unrelated to the interaction between Heaven and Humankind. However, Wang Chong’s arguments against the will of Heaven mostly remained at the empirical level; for example, he states, “Why must we assume that Heaven acts spontaneously? Because it has neither mouth nor eyes.”389 Second, Disquisitions levelled its criticisms against the theory of ghosts and spirits, wherein Wang Chong disagreed with the notion that humans become ghosts after death, and disapproved the practice of lavish funerals. In Lunsi [On Death], he states, “The yang and yin fluids crystallize and produce man. When his years are completed, and his span of life comes to its end, he dies, and reverts to those fluids390 …..Some say that ghost and spirit are the names of yin (passivity) and yang (activity).”391 If so, why do people have the concept of ghosts and spirits? Wang Chong believes they are “evoked by intense thinking and meditating. Where do they originate? With sick people. When people are sick, they are inclined to be melancholy and easily frightened. In this state of mind, they see ghosts appear.”392 Since 385

(Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 320. 386 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, pp. 168, 281, 286. 387 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 232. 388 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 226. 389 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, pp. 281, 283. 390 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, pp. 325, 323, 324. 391 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 2006, p. 266. 392 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 347.

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ghosts do not exist, it is necessary to promote simpler funerals. However, he does not oppose the rites of ancestor worship: Jiyi [Sacrifices] states, “Two motives are underlying all sacrifices: gratitude for received benefits, and ancestor worship. We show our gratitude for the efforts others have taken on our behalf, and worship our ancestors out of regard for their kindness.”393 This reflects his inheritance of the Confucian traditions of respecting and being filial to one’s ancestors, and using the way of the spirits to guide the people. Third, the Disquisitions criticized the methods of attaining immortality. Wang Chong pointed out that “Of all beings with blood in their veins, there are none but are born, and of those endowed with life there are none but die.”394 In more general terms, “That which has a beginning, must have an end, and that which has an end must necessarily have had a beginning….The human being is a creature…There is no creature but dies. How could someone become an immortal?”395 This already contains the dialectics of life and death. Finally, the Disquisitions targeted its critique at secular superstitions. Wang Chong criticized superstitious practices, such as taboos, divination, forbidden days, exorcism, and Tai Sui, as well as popular books such as Sihui [Four Taboos], Zangli [Calendar for Burials], Mushu [The Book on Baths], Caiyi Youshu [The Book on Tailoring], Yixifa [The Method of Moving Residences], Tuzhaishu [Theory of Drawing House Plans], and so on. He pointed out that the Way of Heaven is one of nature and inaction; hence it is unable to respond to any question posed to it. If when dealing with matters “people do not examine their hearts, but conform to some days, and, unconcerned with their intentions, they expect everything from time,”396 this will lead to a declining and vulgar world. Therefore, Wang Chong analyzed the prevalence of superstitions from the perspective of their psychological origins: In this world, people cannot but be active, and after they have been so, they become either lucky or unlucky. Seeing them lucky, people point at this happiness and regard it as the happy result of their previously having chosen a lucky day, and seeing them unlucky, they look at their misfortune as the fatal consequence of their former inattention to an ill-timed hour....The rulers are anxious for their throne, and the people love their own persons, wherefore they always cling to this belief, and do not utter any doubts....A vast literature of sophistic works and deceitful writings has appeared in consequence. The writers are very clever in passing their inventions off as knowledge for their own profit, winning the stupid by fear, enticing the rich, and robbing the poor.397

393

(Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 397. 394 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 117. 395 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, pp. 118, 109–110. 396 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 368. 397 (Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, pp. 376, 377.

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The unpredictability of life, psychological needs, the accumulation of common customs, and the profit-seeking of superstition practitioners have all led to the survival and continuation of secular superstitions. Wang Chong stressed that all things can be attributed to human behavior, and not to superstitions, saying, “For it is plain that all depends upon man, and not on ghosts, on his virtue, and not on sacrifices.”398 This is the basic attitude of rational Confucianism toward eliminating calamities and seeking prosperity. Wang Chong’s Disquisitions includes two chapters, Wenkong [Criticisms on Confucius] and Cimeng [Censures on Mencius], which shows that he respects the sages but does not worship them blindly, and seeks the Way with a spirit that regards truth as the highest standard. He neither approves of how the prophetic texts describe Confucius as a deity who “knows thousands of years of the past, and ten thousand future generations,” nor does he believe that the words of the sages are perfect. In Criticisms on Mencius, he criticized Mencius for using “righteousness” to refute “profit,” which he believes to be incompatible with the Five Classics, as “profit” can refer to the “profit of wealth” or the “profit of quiet happiness”; hence, it is not appropriate to place “righteousness” as an antithesis to “profit.” We can regard Wang Chong’s words as “deviating from the classics but not rebelling against the Way,” which is a rare school of thought in Confucianism. Wang Chong’s refutation of the theories on the will of Heaven, and on ghosts and spirits, as well as his truth-seeking attitude that is both admiring and critical of Confucius and Mencius, had a direct influence on Fan Zhen’s “Essay on the Extinction of the Soul” during the Southern Liang Dynasty, and Li Zhi’s doctrine of denying Confucius’s truth as the ultimate truth in the late Ming Dynasty. 7. Establishment of the Sacrificial Rites and the State Ritual System of Suburban Sacrifices The sacrificial rites at the suburban altars and at Mount Tai had long been in existence. They were the religious basis for the legitimacy of the ruler since the Zhou Dynasty, and were its spiritual foothold. As China is a family-oriented society built on agriculture, the worship of Heaven and Earth, the ancestors, and the spirits of soil and grain became a fundamental belief. In The Records of the Grand Historian: Treatise on Feng and Shan (i.e. blessings from Heaven and Earth), Sima Qian attempts to trace the origins of the Feng and Shan rituals in ancient times, which he claims is difficult to examine in detail. Mount Tai is the highest of the five peaks in the area. An altar was built at the summit of Mount Tai to worship Heaven and give thanks, symbolizing the royal’s gratitude for its blessings: this is known as Feng (to seal); the land at the foot of the mountain is cleared to worship the Earth and give (as symbol of giving) thanks for its blessings: this is known as Shan (to clear away). The Feng and Shan rituals were considered major state-level religious sacrificial ceremonies, in which the emperor receives the mandate of Heaven to govern the state, and hence was both sacred 398

(Han Dynasty) Wang Chong. Disquisitions. Revised By Chen Puqing. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, pp. 390–391.

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and solemn. The First Emperor of Qin carried out the rites of Feng Shan after his ascension to the throne. In the early Han Dynasty, the state religious ceremonies were not fixed. Liu Bang established the worship of the Five White, Green, Yellow, Red and Black Sovereigns, which corresponded to the Five Elements. To meet the needs of unifying the country in the Han Dynasty, Emperor Wu restructured the system according to the virtue of Earth, whereby the virtue of water in the Qin Dynasty was replaced by the virtue of earth, the color remained yellow, the number five was adopted, and the month of yin was taken as the start of the year. He also reestablished the main deities of Heaven, with Taiyi as the supreme deity assisted by the Five Sovereigns, and built altars for sacrifices and worship, thus forming the preliminary template for the suburban sacrifices. Emperor Wu also held major ceremonies of Feng Shan to show the peace of the country and the security of the people. After Emperor Wu, the study of the rites became more developed, and the system of suburban altars became the focus of formulating new rites. The Book of Rites received significant attention, in which the chapter Liyun [The Evolution of Rites] states, “The object of all ceremonies is to bring down the spirits from above, even their ancestors; to rectify the relations between ruler and ministers; and to maintain the generous feeling between father and son.”399 Another chapter, Jiaotesheng [Single Victim at the Suburban Sacrifices], states, “All things originate from Heaven; humanity originates from its [great] ancestor. This is the reason Ji was associated with God [at this sacrifice]. In the suburban sacrifices, there was an expression of gratitude to the source [of their prosperity] and a going back in their thoughts to the beginning of [all being].”400 This can be said to be the quintessence of worshiping Heaven and venerating the ancestors. Under the guidance of the rites, the rulers of the Han Dynasty constantly explored and refined the sacrificial rites. During the reign of Emperor Xuan, the rites of suburban Heaven worship was restored, together with the worship of Houtu (Queen of the Earth), the Five Great Mountains, and the Four Rivers. During the reign of Emperor Cheng, the rites were divided into the sacrificial offerings to Heaven in the southern suburbs and to the Earth in the northern suburbs. Under Emperor Ping, with Wang Mang as the regent, many more changes were made, such as the combined sacrificial offerings to Heaven and Earth in the southern suburbs, the declaration of Taiyi as the Supreme Emperor of Heaven, determining the five locations of worshiping the Five Sovereigns in Chang’an, and assigning the stars to the Five Sovereigns according to their locations to be included in the sacrificial rites. During the Eastern Han Dynasty, Emperor Guangwu carried out Feng Shan at Mount Tai, and established Gao Temple in Luoyang. Emperor Ming worshiped the Five Sovereigns at Ming Hall, and Emperor Guangwu accompanied the worship. The specific ceremonies of worshiping Heaven, the ancestors, and the spirits of soil and grain varied depending on the era, but the basic system remained unchanged and was emulated by later generations.

399 400

The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 76. The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 88.

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The worship of Heaven, the ancestors, the spirits of soil and grain, and the numerous deities, as well as the ritual system of suburban sacrifices, are ancient ritual traditions and not the creations of Confucianism. The intention behind Confucius’s reverence for the mandate of Heaven and his emphasis on sacrifices and offerings is to safeguard the people’s respect for the virtue of Heaven and the kindness of the ancestors, thus ensuring the honesty and simplicity of folk customs. It does not stem from his enthusiasm about sacrificial activities. Thus, he “respects but keeps his distance from ghosts and spirits,” intending to incorporate the way of the spirits into the Way of humankind, and to use the Way of humankind to elevate the way of the spirits. Dong Zhongshu’s theological study of the Confucian Classics, which proposes the interaction between Heaven and humankind, does not conform to the general trend of Confucius’s Confucian humanism, and thus did not develop into the mainstream of Confucianism. However, the sacrifices and offerings to Heaven, the ancestors, and the spirits of soil and grain are a necessary part of the ritual system, while the Confucian study of rites must necessarily clarify the meaning of the Way of the spirits and of sacrifices and offerings. Therefore, the Confucian system of learning intersects with the religious system of worshiping Heaven, the ancestors, and the spirits of soil and grain. Confucianism (humanism) and ritual religion (specifically referring to the teaching of the Way of the spirits) developed in parallel, while also supplementing each other. Confucianism imbued ritual religion with the practical concerns of real life, while ritual religion preserved the respect for the Way of the spirits. Together they formed the teaching of virtue, which maintained the beliefs of the Chinese people in the Way of the Five constant virtues, that is, humaneness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and trustworthiness. However, the upper echelons of the Han Dynasty often expanded the scope of the traditional Way of the spirits, and incorporated the methods of attaining immortality into the belief system. The Records of the Grand Historian: The Book of Feng Shan, The Book of Han: Treatise on Suburban Sacrifices, and The Book of the Later Han: Treatise on Sacrifices contain many records of such cases. For example, Emperor Wu desired to seek the immortals; Emperor Xuan favored a gold-making recipe from the Zhenzhong Hongbao Yuan Mishu [Secret Writings of the Garden of Great Treasure in the Pillow]; Emperor Guangwu was passionate about the Hetu [Yellow River Map] and Luoshu [River Scroll]; Emperor Huan personally paid his respects to Laozi; and so on. Confucian scholars with a stronger sense of moral rationality tended to defend the ritual religion of suburban sacrifices, but oppose the methods of attaining immortality, and hence would come forward to offer their rectifications. For example, during the reign of Emperor Cheng, Gu Yong submitted a memorial, saying, “I have heard that those who are enlightened about the nature of Heaven and Earth cannot be misled by strange spirits, and those who understand the character of myriad things cannot be deceived by things not of their category.” There are all those who turn their backs to the correct way of Humaneness and Righteousness, and who do not respect the normative statements of the Five Classics, but instead spread strange stories of ghosts and spirits, widely praising the rituals of sacrifice, and seeking blessings from unblessed temples. As for those who claim there are immortal beings in the world who ingest elixir, levitate and ascend by flight, visit the land of the immortals,

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cultivate the Five Virtues, sow seeds at dawn and harvest at dusk, as well as those that attain the immortality of mountains and rocks, alchemical transformations, melting of solid ice and the art of visualizing the Five Colors in one’s body and the deities of the five orbs, these are all phenomena by which evil individuals mislead the people. They hold heretical teachings and harbor ill intentions to deceive the current ruler. Hearing what they say will fill the ears with hopeful words that seem likely to come true. But when one pursues it, it becomes nebulous, like catching wind and shadows, and ultimately cannot be attained. Thus, a wise ruler will keep his distance and refuse to listen, and a sage will reject these words and not speak of them. Gu Yong’s memorial demonstrates the painstaking efforts made by the true disciples of Confucius and Mencius to broaden the Way and proclaim virtue. It also shows the popularity of alchemists and alchemy during the Han Dynasty. It is precisely these methods of attaining immortality that gave rise to Daoism during the Three Kingdoms period at the end of the Han Dynasty. 8. Zheng Xuan and the Unification of the Confucian Classics in the Late Han Dynasty The disputes within the study of Confucian Classics in the Han Dynasty cannot be fundamentally resolved based solely on the unification led by the ruling political power of the Dynasty. It is only through the emergence of great Confucian scholars that the differences can be systematically resolved using academic authority, thus guiding the discipline toward true unification. Such persons included the Confucian master, Ma Rong, of the Eastern Han Dynasty, who brought together the achievements of Old Text Confucianism, and annotated the Classic of Filial Piety, Classic of Poetry, The Analects, The Book of Changes, The Three Elucidatory Books on Rites, and the Book of Documents. He also wrote Chunqiu Sanzhuan Yitongshuo [Joint Commentaries of the Spring and Autumn Annals]. He Xiu emerged at a later period, who brought together the achievements of the New Text Confucianism of the Gongyang School of Thought, and wrote Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan Jiegu [Interpretation of the Gongyang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals]. Based on Dong Zhongshu’s claim that “the Spring and Autumn Annals distinguishes twelve generations and treats them as three periods: those that [Confucius] witnessed, those that he heard from others, and those that he heard of through transmission by others,”401 He Xiu proposed a new theory on the three phases of historical development: “the troubled society” (corresponding to the period heard through transmission by others), “the developing society” (corresponding to the period heard from others), and “the prosperous society” (corresponding to the period he witnessed). He believed that the progression of the Spring and Autumn period from a “troubled society” to a “developing society,” and ultimately to a “prosperous society,” was “the same for all societies near and far, small and large,”402 with 401

(Qing Dynasty) Su Yu. The Commentary on the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 9. 402 (Han Dynasty) Annotated by He Xiu. (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Xu Yan. Edited by Diao Xiaolong. The Interpretation of the Gongyang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, Volume 1. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2014, p. 38.

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no differences among states and nations. Kang Youwei of the late Qing Dynasty extended He Xiu’s theory of the “three historical phases” in Da Tong Shu [The Book of Grand Unity], and constructed the ideal of the Great Unity among Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. In the early Eastern Han Dynasty, there was Xu Shen, who was an Old Text Confucian scholar and a philologist. He believed that writings are “the root of the classics, and the origin of a regal government.”403 Thus, he investigated the evolution of ancient Chinese characters, and penned Shouwen Jiezi [Discussing Writing and Explaining Characters], in which he consolidated previous writings and materials of ancient writings, and compiled more than 9000 characters mainly using small seal script. In addition, he compiled more than a thousand Guwen [ancient script] and Zhouwen [Zhou script] characters, and proposed the six principles of Chinese character classification (pictographs, ideographs, compound ideographs, phono-semantic compounds, derived characters, phonetic loans) based on the form, sound, and meaning of Chinese characters, in order to examine their original meaning. Thus, he fully elucidated the phono-semantic and ideographic systems of Chinese characters, which helped to uncover the large amount of information on ancient politics, economics, ideology, and culture contained within them. It is a classic work of ancient philology, and a necessary reference for studying the Five Classics and the Hundred Schools of Thought. Zheng Xuan (zi, i.e., social name Kangcheng404 ) was the greatest scholar of Confucian Classics in the late Eastern Han Dynasty. He was a student of Ma Rong and proficient in the study of both Old Text and New Text Confucianism. He once suffered the “Disasters of the Partisan Prohibitions,” and after the restrictions were lifted was unhappy to serve as an official and committed himself to his work. He made extensive annotations of the classics, integrated Old Text and New Text Confucianism, and surpassed the commentaries of his teacher by examining the hermeneutics of the Confucian Classics based on exegesis. Thus, he was able to eliminate all biases and rectify the original meaning, consolidate the different schools of thought and select their respective strengths, and bring together the great achievements in the study of the Confucian Classics in the Han Dynasty, creating the Zheng School that unified the interpretations of all the classics, and represented the highest standard of Confucian Classics in the Han Dynasty. For a long time thereafter, the study of Confucian Classics remained under the Zheng school of thought. Among the annotations by Zheng Xuan, Sanlizhu [Annotations on the Three Classics of Rites] was of special importance to the world. During the Tang Dynasty, Jia Gongyan’s commentaries to the Rites of Zhou and Ceremonies and Rites, as well as Kong Yinda’s Liji Zhengyi [The Correct Meaning of the Book of Rites], were both based on Zheng’s annotations. The strength of the Zheng school lies in the use of textual, phonological, and exegetical methods to collate the different texts 403

(Han Dynasty) Xu Shen. (Qing Dynasty) Annotated by Duan Yucai. The Annotations to the Origin of Chinese Characters. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1988, p. 763. 404 Different forenames: the ming (personal name) is given at birth; the zi (social name) is given when the man entered adult life; hao (literary name) is adopted later.

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of the classics, distinguish the authenticity and dates of the different editions and commentaries, and rectify textual errors, thus forming a Sinology tradition emphasizing document restoration. Together with the Song Dynasty school in the study of Confucian Classics, which emphasized hermeneutics, these formed the two major schools in the study of Confucian Classics, which had a significant influence on evidential scholarship in the Qing Dynasty. During the Wei and Jin dynasties, Wang Su’s study of Confucian Classics emerged and was listed as a part of the official education, thus virtually replacing the position of the Zheng school. The school of Wang Su was able to make up for the omissions in the Zheng school and have backing of the Sima family, thus giving rise to the Zheng–Wang dispute. However, the Zheng school eventually defeated the Wang school, and occupied a dominant position in the Northern Dynasty study of Confucian Classics during the Northern and Southern dynasties. Nevertheless, Zheng Xuan was a great scholar and not a great thinker. His expertise was in the exegetical study of the classics, and though he had several original ideas in his theoretical viewpoints, his main contribution lay with passing down an accurate interpretation of the Confucian Classics, which provided a solid foundation for the hermeneutics of literary documents. He lacked the high level of holistic thinking required in philosophy, and was unable to create a new ideological system for the changing times, and so could not halt the decline in the study of the Confucian Classics during the late Han Dynasty. This was later followed by the sudden emergence of the Jingzhou School, as represented by Song Zhong. It stressed the study of the Book of Changes and Grand Mystery, and keenly explored the Way of Heaven and the nature of life, thus forming the budding Xuan school of Confucianism in the Wei and Jin Dynasties.

2.4.3 Summary of the History of the Relationship between Confucianism and Daoism during the Two Han Dynasties As mentioned previously, Confucianism and Daoism are different currents flowing from a common source. The common source refers to the fact that, first, both teachings originate from ancient Chinese civilization, with Huangdi as the first ancestor of human civilization. Thus, while discussing the ancestors, Yao and Shun, Confucianism traces itself back to the era of the Five Emperors led by Huangdi, hence giving rise to records in the Commentary of Zuo, Discourses of the State and Book of Origin, as well as narrations in the Book of Rites with Commentary by Dai De: Virtues of the Five Sovereigns and Imperial Genealogy. Daoism and Daoist religion also originate from Huangdi, which then gave rise to records in Zhuangzi of Huangdi receiving the Way (Da Zong Shi); Ge Hong’s Baopuzi Neipian [Master Who Embraces Simplicity: Inner Chapters], describing Huangdi’s ingestion of the nine tripod pill and ascending by flight; and Xuan Yuan Benji [The Basic Annals of Xuan Yuan] in Yunji Qi Qian.

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As a great historian who summarized both Confucianism and Daoism, Sima Qian affirms in the first chapter of The Records of the Grand Historian (i.e., The Annals of the Five Emperors) that Huangdi was the ancestor of China. Second, both teachings are prototypes of the utopian return to a simpler society in the ancient non-dynastic era. Thus, Confucianism dreams of the Great Unity, where “a public and common spirit ruled all under Heaven,”405 whereas Daoism dreams of “an age of perfect virtue.”406 Third, both teachings originated from the Book of Changes, written between the Yin and Zhou dynasties. Confucianism followed the Book of Changes, whereas Daoism followed the Guicang [Return to the Hidden], both of which use the Way of Yin-Yang as the cornerstone of their cosmological outlook. Later generations of Confucians used the Book of Changes as the source of theoretical thought, while later generations of Daoists used it as the foundation of Daoist theories and practice. Fourth, the ultimate concern of both teachings is to investigate the relationship between Heaven and humankind, the changes from antiquity to the present, and the attainment of beauty and goodness in society and life. Thus, Confucianism speaks of the integration of Heaven and humankind, knowing the present through the past, life, and growth; while Daoism also claims, “Heaven, Earth, and I were produced together….We can lay hold of the Way of old to direct the things of the present day,”407 and “The sage is always skillful at saving people, and so does not cast anyone away.”408 The so-called different currents refer to the fact that, first, Confucianism teaches people to conduct their affairs according to the Way of Heaven. Thus, it says, “The cultivation of the person is the root of everything,”409 “To accomplish self-completion and the completion of other men and things,”410 “Achieve the complete development of every nature, until they arrive at what was appointed for it [by Heaven],”411 “Assist the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth,412 [and] look at the ornamental observances of society, and understand how the processes of transformation are accomplished all under Heaven.”413 It is a humanism that promotes active self-cultivation with an emphasis on ethical education. Daoism, on the other hand, 405

The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 75. Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 269. 407 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 80. 408 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, pp. 126, 179. 409 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 222. 410 (Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches, Book 1. Revised by Yang Shengqi and Zhou Xianjun. Yuelu Publishing House, 1997, p. 741. 411 Annotated by Song Zuoyin. The Book of Changes. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 375. 412 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 190. 413 (Wei Dynasty) Annotated by Wang Bi, (Jin Dynasty) Han Kangbo. (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Kong Yingda. The Expository Commentary on the Book of Changes. Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2013, p. 143. 406

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abides by the Way of Heaven to rectify human affairs. Thus, it says, “People takes their law from the Earth; the Earth takes its law from Heaven; Heaven takes its law from the Way. The law of the Way is its being what it is,” “to be a simple child again,”414 and “the sages take their law from Heaven and prize their [proper] truth.”415 It is a naturalism that promotes stillness and inaction with an emphasis on the original nature of things. Second, Confucianism regards the family as its root, and society its origin. Hence, it takes “loyalty” and “filial piety” as its core values; humaneness, love, loyalty, and reciprocity as the principles of life; and propriety, righteousness, sincerity, and trustworthiness as the rules of behavior. Daoism, on the other hand, regards freedom as its core value and the individual as its origin. Hence, it takes “contentment” and “non-contention” as the principles of life; “self-rectification,” “self-enrichment,” and “doing nothing and so there is nothing which it does not do” as its ideal goals. Third, Confucianism regards the world as its responsibility, and establishes the minds of Heaven and Earth, settles the lives of the people, continues the learning of sages from the past, and safeguards peace throughout the world. Thus, its ideal personality is one of vigor, enterprise, strong will, and humaneness. Daoism, on the other hand, “observes all under Heaven through all under Heaven,” and its ideal personality is one of self-contentment, gentleness, and emptiness. Confucianism is grounded to the Earth, while Daoism is connected to the Way of Heaven. By combining the two, we will arrive at what the Doctrine of the Mean calls “reaching the greatest height and brilliancy, so as to pursue to course of the Middle Way.” These two ideological trends have demonstrated the greatness of their respective value systems amid the disputes of the pre-Qin Hundred Schools of Thought, and were adept at incorporating the strengths of the different schools. Thus, they gradually detached themselves from the Hundred Schools of Thought, and gradually approached each other during the ideological convergence of the two Han dynasties, sometimes merging, sometimes diverging, and at other times turbulent, together stipulating the spiritual direction in the development of the Chinese nation. The study of the Confucian Classics during the two Han dynasties was a pluralistic whole, which had elevated its realm and broadened its horizon by learning from Daoism, revering the Way, respecting the Book of Changes, and emphasizing Xuan or The Daoist Metaphysics. The Huang-Lao Daoism of the two Han dynasties was an integrated polymorphism. By “adopting the strengths of Confucianism and Mohism, and the essence of the School of Names,”416 it enhanced its social applicability, and brought itself closer to social realities. At the same time, a split in attitudes had occurred within Confucianism concerning the theologicalization of Daoism into a Daoist religion: some praised and took part in this trend, while others opposed and criticized it. This resulted in a tension that paved the way for the subsequent controversies 414 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, pp. 169, 183. 415 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 875. 416 (Han Dynasty) Ban Gu. The Book of Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 614.

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and convergences between Confucianism and Daoism. The parallel and intertwined development of these two teachings provided state administrators with complementary wisdom that offered the best of both worlds: the people with the spiritual space to exercise their freedom of choice in their dwelling place, and scholars with inspiring resources for different modes of thought in their innovation and development of Chinese academics. In addition, it has also enabled the accumulation of valuable experiences for interaction and mutual learning among diverse and heterogeneous cultures.

Chapter 3

Emergence of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism (By the End of the Han Dynasty)

The key to the bilateral relationship between Confucianism and Daoism’s evolution to the trilateral relationship among Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism lies with the entry, spread, and flourishing of Indian Buddhism. According to the account in Mouzi’s Lihuolun [On Resolution of Confusion], Buddhism was introduced to mainland China during the reign of Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han, and this is the mainstream view. However, according to Pei Songzhi’s annotation of Yu Huan’s Weilue [A Brief History of Wei] in Sanguozhi [Records of the Three Kingdoms], in the first year of Emperor Ai of the Western Han, a messenger named Yi Cun from Dayuezhi tribe dictated The Sutra Buddha to Jinglu, a student of the imperial academy. Hence, Buddhism was introduced in 2 BCE. In short, the Buddhist scriptures entered China via the Silk Road during the Han Dynasty, which was more than 2000 years ago. The On Resolution of Confusion records that the earliest Buddhist scripture translated into Chinese was the Sutra of Forty-Two Chapters, and the White Horse Temple was built for them outside the western Yong Gate in Luoyang. Later, An Shigao translated ¯ ap¯anasmr.ti the Sutras of Theravada Buddhism, mainly the Anban Shouyi Jing [the An¯ S¯utra] and the Yinchiru Jing [Petakopadesa]. At the same time, Lokaks.ema translated the Daoxing Bore Jing [the As..tas¯ahasrik¯a Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a S¯utra] and other works of Mahayana Prajna Buddhism. At the end of the Han Dynasty, Buddhism first spread between Luoyang and Jianghuai, then to Jiaozhi and other places, slowly expanding in all four directions. By the Three Kingdoms Period, it had trickled down from the nobility to the people, and had gained a certain size. The spread of Indian Buddhism in China was, mainly, due to the international and commercial roads opened by Emperor Wu of Han toward the western regions, which also became cultural roads. Second, it was due to the compassion and equality of Indian Buddhism, and the Chinese national character of Confucian and Daoist humaneness, harmony, and tolerance, which thus formed a journey of peace without the involvement of political groups, military force, or war. Third, it was due to the friendly cooperation between foreign and local monks, who first engaged in the work of translating the Buddhist scriptures from Sanskrit, which laid a solid foundation for the widespread dissemination of Buddhism in China. Naturally, this was also mostly due to the unique ideas, rich © People’s Publishing House 2023 Z. Mou, A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7206-5_3

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philosophical theories, and expansive system of Indian Buddhism itself, which made it incredibly appealing to the Chinese people. Although its initial progress was slow, and there were many misunderstandings, it proceeded at a natural and stable pace, going from quantitative accumulation to qualitative leaps, thus creating a healthy example for the exchange of heterogeneous civilizations.

3.1 Buddha Regarded as a God by the Eastern Han Dynasty In the early years of the Eastern Han Dynasty, the Prince of Chu admired the HuangLao School of Thought and Buddhism: “The Prince of Chu recited the subtle words of Huang-Lao, and honored Futu’s [Buddha’s] shrine of humaneness.”1 In the On Resolution of Confusion we find, Once in a dream, Emperor Xiaoming saw a spirit man whose body shone like the rays of the sun and who flew in front of the palace. It made him very happy, and the very next day he closely questioned his assembled ministers as to who that spirit might be. A man of insight, Fuyi, said, “Your servant has heard that in India there is one named Buddha who has attained the Way. He moves through the open sky by flying. His body shines like the rays of the sun. It must have been this spirit.” Then the Exalted One understood. He sent twelve people, including his envoy, Zhang Qian, his palace guard, Qin Jing, and the scholar Wang Zun, to the country of the great Yuezhi to copy the Sutra of Forty-Two Chapters, which he then stored in the fourteenth cubicle of the Stone Chamber at the Lantai. He built a monastery to Buddha outside the western Yong Gate in Luoyang.2

During the reign of Emperor Huan, Xiang Kai submitted a proposal recommending a book on the Way, saying, “The sacred book that was presented by Gong Chong bases its teaching on respect for heaven and earth, and on obedience to the five elements; it also deals with the techniques required for bringing the state to flourish and for helping maintain a plentiful succession.”3 He also said, “I have heard that sacrifices have been instituted in the palace to Huang-Lao and to the Buddha. Their teachings are those of purity and emptiness, with particular emphasis on Non-Action. They love life and hate killing; they eliminate desire, and they reject ostentation. […] There are some who say that Laozi went among the barbarians and became the Buddha.”4 These events were recorded in the Book of Later Han: The

1

(Song Dynasty) Fan Ye. (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Li Xian et al. The Book of the Later Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 1965, p. 1428. 2 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. The Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism·Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 5. 3 (Song Dynasty) Fan Ye. (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Li Xian et al. The Book of the Later Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 1965, p. 1081. 4 (Song Dynasty) Fan Ye. (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Li Xian et al. The Book of the Later Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 1965, p. 1082.

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Biography of Xiang Kai. In the biography, Fan Ye discusses the origin of Xiang Kai’s so-called sacred book: In the time of Emperor Shun, Gong Chong of Langya came to the palace and presented a sacred book in 170 chapters, which his teacher, Gan Ji, had obtained by the waters of the Quyang Spring. It was all written on pale green silk, with vermillion borders, dark green headings, and vermillion titles. It was called The Book of Great Peace and Pure Guidance. The text dealt mainly with the yin-yang and the Five Elements School, and had a number of sayings from witches and shamans. The officials reported that the work Gong Chong had presented was unorthodox and false, outside the canon of the classics; nevertheless, it was received and retained in the imperial library. Later, Zhang Jue had some of the text of its teachings.5

Yu Huan writes in A Brief History of Wei: Xirong Zhuan [Main Overland Routes to the Western Regions] that “The Buddha’s teachings are related to, but different than, the scriptures of Laozi of the Middle Kingdom. Indeed, it is believed by the Daoists that Laozi left the passes and, heading west, crossed the Western Regions to Tianzhu, where he taught the Hu. There are altogether 29 titles for disciples of the Buddha.”6 The accounts above indicate that upon first contact with Buddhism, the Chinese upper classes of the Central Plains did not antagonize it. This was because China had a tradition of worshipping many gods, and the arrival of Buddha only added another god to the spiritual realm. Furthermore, given the popularity of the belief in the immortals during the Han Dynasty, it is possible that the Chinese had misunderstood Buddha as an immortal who could fly and emit light, and had magical powers. It was also possible that Buddhism was compared with Huang-Lao worship, and the Chinese believed that since Buddhism also advocated purity and stillness, inaction, loving life, eliminating desires, compassion, and generosity, it was wellaligned with Laozi’s teachings. From this we can see that Daoism and the emerging Daoist religion became an intermediary and a bridge for the acceptance of Buddhism into the spiritual world of the Chinese. In the midst of their misinterpretations, there was correct understanding. For example, when Xiang Kai submitted his proposal, he wrote, The Buddha did not sleep three nights under the same mulberry tree, for he did not want to remain too long in one place lest he developed feelings of affection: this is the perfection of purity and separation from worldly affairs. When a heavenly spirit presented him with beautiful young women, the Buddha said, “These are nothing more than bags of skin, filled with blood,” and he never looked at them again. With such a degree of mental concentration, one may then achieve the true Way.7

This passage is consistent with the idea of Bujingguan, or the practice of meditating on impure things to avoid temptation in Buddhism. To express the superiority 5

(Song Dynasty) Fan Ye. (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Li Xian et al. The Book of the Later Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 1965, p. 1084. 6 (Jin Dynasty) Chen Shou. (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Pei Songzhi. Records of the Three Kingdoms. Zhonghua Book Company, 2005, p. 637. 7 (Song Dynasty) Fan Ye. (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Li Xian et al. The Book of the Later Han. Zhonghua Book Company, 1965, p. 1082.

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of the Chinese culture over foreign Buddhism and its inclusiveness as well, the story of “Laozi Converting the Barbarians” was created. Tang Yongtong said, The Huahujing [Classic on the Conversion of Barbarians] is said to have been created by the Daoist Wang Fu of the Western Jin Dynasty, which was based on gathering old rumors....How was it possible for a foreign god to be believed by the Chinese people and have equal standing with Daoism, which is inherent? Therefore, I suspect that the story of converting the barbarians was created to provide an explanation, claiming that the Chinese and foreign teachings originated from the same source, taking different paths but returning to the same destination. Thus, they are not fundamentally different and can both be worshiped.8

Therefore, the spread of Buddhism at the end of the Han Dynasty went hand in hand with the spread of the early Daoist classics (e.g., the Taipingjing) and belief (e.g., worship of the immortals).

3.2 Gradual Expansion of Buddhism at the End of the Han Dynasty At the end of the Han Dynasty, during the reign of Emperors Ling and Xian, Ze Rong, who was a subordinate of Tao Qian, the governor of Xu Province, was responsible for the transportation between Guangling and Danyang. He wrote: He built a great Buddhist temple; the statue was made of copper, coated with gold. The temple could accommodate more than 3,000 people, where they learned Buddhism in classes and chanted Buddhist scriptures. More than 5,000 households were attracted. On the Birthday of the Buddha festival [when the image of Buddha was washed], they prepared a large amount of food and wine, and spread mats on the road extending in an unbroken line for several miles. The crowds that came to watch and join the feast numbered nearly 10,000 people. The total cost numbered in the hundreds of millions.9

There was social unrest at the end of the Han Dynasty, with violence erupting in many places, and the people were suffering greatly. Buddhism advocated mercy and compassion, prohibited the killing of life, and promoted the elimination of desire and the purification of the will. Thus, it was able to appease the people and improve their customs; on top of this, temples were also engaged in charitable work. All this contributed to the timely rise of Buddhism, which should be regarded as a reasonable development. In the Buddhist temple built by Ze Rong in Danyang, its halls alone were able to accommodate more than 3,000 people, and the places where they learned classes and chanted scriptures were able to accommodate 10,000 people. This demonstrates to us the immense scale and magnificence of the temple, its strong and sustainable force, its extensive and considerable influence, and the large number of monks it must house. Buddhist monasteries in the late Han Dynasty were dominated 8

Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, p. 35. 9 (Jin Dynasty) Chen Shou. (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Pei Songzhi. Records of the Three Kingdoms. Zhonghua Book Company, 2005, p. 876.

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by monks from the Western Regions in the early days. Later, more Han monks began joining their ranks. Based on the description of the Buddhist temple built by Ze Rong, the priests participating in the rituals and lay believers were most probably locals.

3.3 Mouzi’s On Resolution of Confusion and the Conflict Among the Three Teachings Tang Yongtong points out in his essay “The Conflict and Reconciliation of Cultural Ideology” that “the import of external ideas generally undergoes three stages: (1) reconciliation due to superficial similarities; (2) conflicts due to superficial dissimilarities; and (3) reconciliation due to genuine complementarity.”10 The superficial coincidence of Buddhism with Huang-Lao and the worship of immortals at the end of the Han Dynasty is the first stage of importing external ideas. Mouzi’s On Resolution of Confusion marks the start of the second stage in the relationship of Buddhism with Confucianism and Daoism, which preluded the conflict among the three teachings. Mouzi, born Mou Rong, was the governor of Cangwu at the end of the Han Dynasty. He wrote the Lihuo Lun [On Resolution of Confusion]; the full text is included in Volume 1 of the Hongmingji [Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism] edited by Sengyou. Historians have debated the authenticity of this book. However, Tang Yongtong is certain of its historical authenticity and value, believing that “the historical events recorded in its preface not only accord with the historical books, but also supplement the shortcomings of the official records,” and is “truly an essential work in Buddhism”: In the last year of Emperor Ling (188 CE), Mouzi retired from the world to Jiaozhi. Five years after that was the fourth year of the Chuping era under the reign of Emperor Xian (193 CE), when Tao Qian was the governor of Xu Province, while Ze Rong supervised transportation and built many Buddhist temples. It was around this time that Mouzi wrote the On Resolution of Confusion, and promoted Buddhism.11

In his early years, Mouzi studied the classics of Confucianism, but later turned his mind to Buddhism. As a believer in Buddhism, he recognized the aim of Laozi’s teachings on nature and inaction, and so did not accept the magical arts of the immortals. In response to the various criticisms leveled by the world against Buddhism, he answered them one by one. His work is an early record of society’s discovery of the substantive differences between Buddhism and the inherent Chinese cultures, thus demonstrating that Buddhism had encountered true ideological and conceptual obstacles in China. First, a critic asked, “Why do you speak so reverently of the Buddha? What does Buddha mean?” This was the first and foremost question to be answered. 10

Tang Yongtong. Complete Works of Tang Yongtong, Volume 5. Hebei People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 281. 11 Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, pp. 44, 45, 71.

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Mouzi replied, “The word ‘Buddha’ is a posthumous title, like calling the Three Sovereigns “divine” or the Five Emperors ‘sages’.” Buddha is the original ancestor of the power of the Way, our ancestral link to spiritual understanding. The word “Buddha” means “awakened.” Shadowy and indistinct, by transformations in different bodies and varied forms, he appears in diverse realms. Sometimes he is present, sometimes absent. He can be small or large, heavenly or earthly, old or young, hidden or manifest. He can walk on fire without being burned, tread on swords without being hurt, be mired in the mud without being defiled, encounter misfortune without injury. When he wants to travel, he flies through the air. When he sits, he emits light. This is what the title “Buddha” means. Although Mouzi’s statement is based on the mythology of Buddha’s birth, it still bears the hues of legends of the immortals and their magical arts in the Han Dynasty. Second, a critic asked, “The sages established the texts of the Seven Classics at no more than 30,000 words, yet everything is complete in them. But the scrolls of the Buddhist scriptures are reckoned by the tens of thousands, and their words by many hundreds of thousands. This is beyond the capability of any individual. I consider them troublesome and not important.” Mouzi replied, “[In his scriptures] Buddha entirely fills up the exterior of their magnitude and interpenetrates the interior of their silent, obscure mystery. Since there is nothing that is not recorded in them, the scriptural scrolls are reckoned by tens of thousands and their words are counted by hundreds of thousands. Their very abundance makes them complete, and their vastness makes them rich. Why do you not deem them important?” A critic asked, “You say that the Way of Buddha is to be greatly honored and cherished, and that inaction is tranquil peace. But so many of the scholars of this world revile and ridicule that teaching. They say its discourse is vague and difficult to put into practice, and that it is hard to have faith in emptiness and nothingness.” Mouzi replied, “The great Way is inaction, imperceptible to common people. It is not precious because it is praised, nor is it cheap because it is reviled. It depends upon Heaven whether one employs it or not. It depends on the times whether one practices it or not. It depends on one’s destiny whether it is believed or not.” These criticisms and responses reflect the contradiction between the simplicity and practicality of Chinese thinking with the expanse and abstraction of Buddhist thinking. Third, a critic asked, “If the Way of the Buddha is so eminently respectable and great, why did not Emperors Yao and Shun, or Duke Zhou, or Confucius practice it? In the Seven Classics, one sees no mention of Buddhist teaching. Since you dote over the Book of Poetry and the Book of Documents, and delight in the Book of Rites and the Book of Music, how can you also be attracted by the Way of Buddha, and be attached to heterodox practices?” Mouzi replied, “Books do not have to be in the words of Confucius. Medicines do not have to follow the prescriptions of Bianque. If they harmonize with righteousness, follow them! If they cure illness, they are good!…The Five Classics are at the service of righteousness, but there were lacunae. How can the mere absence of any mention of Buddha be grounds for thinking that his teaching is strange, and calling it into question?”

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Then someone asked, “Huangdi attired himself in garments and designed ornaments for them. Jizi disclosed the Great Plan, and considered a proper demeanor to be the most important of the five proper actions. Confucius authored the Classic of Filial Piety and deemed proper dress to be first of the three virtues….But the monks shave the hair off their heads and don red-colored robes. When they encounter some personage, they do not observe the proper obeisance, nor do they have the proper demeanor of yielding the right of way. Why do they violate the rules for demeanor and dress? Why do they denigrate the adornments of the court officials?” Mouzi replied that virtue does not lie in ornaments. “Yao, Shun, Zhou, and Confucius practiced worldly affairs, while Buddha and Laozi set their minds on inaction….The way of the superior person is sometimes to go out, sometimes to stay home, sometimes to keep silent, sometimes to speak out. One is not to exaggerate one’s feelings nor defile one’s nature. Thus, the nobility of the Way lies in how one employs it.” This response and answer reflect the contradiction between the Chinese reverence for the Confucian classics and the adherence to the rites with the independent ideological authority and alternative behaviors of Buddhism. Fourth, a critic asked, “In the words of the Classic of Filial Piety, ‘Since body, limbs, hair, and skin are received from one’s parents, one is not thus entitled to spoil them.’…But the monks shave their heads! Why do they go against the sage’s words and fail to follow the way of the filial son?” Mouzi replied, “If one has great virtue, one should not cling to minor matters. The monks renounce their homes and possessions, forgo having wives and children, and do not listen to music nor leer at beautiful women. This could be termed the perfection of the virtue of yielding. How does this go against the words of the sages or fail to harmonize with filial piety?” Someone then asked, “The highest happiness is an unbroken line of posterity. The most unfilial conduct is to lack posterity. But the monks reject women and children, renounce wealth and goods, and often for their whole lives do not marry. Why do they go against the filial conduct that bestows happiness?” Mouzi replied, “Xu You perched in the nest of a tree. Boyi and Shuqi starved on Mount Shouyang. When Confucius eulogized their worthiness, he said, ‘They sought humaneness and attained it.’ I have never heard them blamed for not having posterity or possessions! Monks cultivate the virtue of the Way, employing it to replace the pleasures of this fleeting world. They revert to purity and eminence, thereby replacing the joys of women and children. If this is not wonderful, then what is? If this is not remarkable, then what is?” Someone asked, “Sud¯ana was neither filial nor benevolent, and yet you Buddhists revere him.” Mouzi replied, “Sud¯ana saw the impermanence of this world and understood that goods are not themselves precious. Thus, he followed his inclination give his goods to those in need to attain the Great Way. His father’s realm received blessings and its enemies were unable to encroach. When he became the Buddha, his entire family attained deliverance. If this is not filial piety, what is? If this is not humaneness, what is?”

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This answer touches on the core values of the Chinese people: filial piety and humaneness. By adopting an attitude of agreement with filial piety and humaneness, Mouzi explained that the Buddhist monks fulfill their duties of filial piety and humaneness in their own unique way. Fifth, a critic asked, “The Buddha teaching says that after death people must be reborn. I cannot believe this opinion!” Mouzi replied, “One’s earthly spirit certainly is not extinguished. Only the body withers and decays….Even though they die, the spirits of those who attain the Way return to blessed abodes. But when those who do evil die, their spirits meet with certain misery.” Someone asked, “Confucius says: ‘You are not able even to serve humanity. How can you serve the spirits? You do not even understand life. How can you understand death?’ These are the recorded words of the sage. But today, the Buddhists blurt out opinions about the realities of life, death, and the affairs of the spirit. This dangerous course is against the clear words of the sage!” Mouzi replied, “The Classic of Filial Piety says, ‘He prepares the ancestral temple so that the spirits may receive them. In the spring and autumn, he sacrifices to them and remembers them at the proper season.’ It continues, ‘When alive, he serves them by love and respect. When dead, he serves them by grief and sorrow.’ Is this not teaching people to serve the spirits and know about life and death? Is this not similar to the descriptions of the destinies of the wheel of transmigration in the Buddhist scriptures?” This response and answer involve the question of whether the soul is immortal and whether there is causality. Buddhism speaks of the “non-self,” and does not believe that people become ghosts in death, but it also speaks of reincarnation and the causality of the three worlds. From the perspective of Chinese Buddhists, karma is also the soul bearing the main body through reincarnation. Confucius “respected the ghosts and spirits, and kept his distance,” making no mention of the afterlife. However, after Confucius, the Confucians were divided into those who did or did not believe in ghosts. Hence, Mouzi quoted from the Classic of Filial Piety, using Confucianism to carefully examine the doctrine of the rewards or retributions of good and evil in Buddhism. Sixth, a critic commented: “Confucius said, ‘Barbarian tribes with their rulers are inferior to Chinese states without them.’ Mengzi said, ‘I have heard of using China as a standard to transform the barbarians, but I have never heard of using the barbarians as the standard to transform China.’ When you were young, you studied the way of Yao, Shun, Zhou, and Confucius. But now, rejecting them, you are switching to the study of barbarian methods. Are you not deluded?” Mouzi replied, Yu came from the western Qiang tribes, and yet clearly he was broadminded and wise. Gusou was the father of Shun, and yet he was obstinate and unprincipled. Youyu was born in the land of the Di, and yet he was set up in the overlordship by Duke Mu of Qin. Guan and Cai were from the lands of the Yellow and Luo rivers, yet they were slanderers. The Commentary of Zuo states, “The north star is in the middle of the heaven, and to the north of human beings.” Looking at it from this perspective, the Han country is certainly not in the middle of the heaven.

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As the Buddhist scriptures say, all kinds of living beings, whether above or below or at any point around, converge around Buddha. It is for this reason that I constantly respect and study these scriptures. So why must I reject the Way of Yao, Shun, Zhou, and Confucius? This response and answer are concerned with the Hua–Yi distinction, also known as the Sino–barbarian dichotomy. The critic persists in believing the dominance of the Chinese and the transformation of the Yi (barbarians) with Xia (China), thus it criticizes Buddhism as an art of the barbarians. Mouzi believed that the way of the sage-philosopher does not distinguish between the Hua and Yi. The teachings of the Buddhist scriptures encompass the way of Duke Zhou and Confucius, while Buddhism is vast and borderless. Thus, it should be revered. Seventh, a critic asked: “Are the records about Wangqiao, Chisong, and the eight immortals, and the references to prolonging life in the 170 chapters of the Spirit Book, in agreement with the Buddhist scriptures?…The Daoist practitioners say that Yao, Shun, Duke Zhou, and Confucius, together with his seventy-two disciples, did not die, but became immortal. You Buddhists say that all must die, that nobody can escape. What about this?” Mouzi replied, when one listens to books about the immortals, they fill the ear. But when one seeks their actual effect, it is like grasping the wind and catching the shadows….I have inspected the six arts and examined the commentaries and the records. Yao perished. Shun is buried at Mount Cangwu. Yu has his grave on Mount Kuaiji. Boyi and Shuqi have their tombs in Mount Shouyang. King Wen had not yet put an end to the tyrant Zhou when he died. King Wu passed away before he was able to see King Cheng reach adulthood. There are accounts that before they died, Duke Zhou changed burial customs and Confucius had a dream about two pillars….I take these classics and commentaries as my evidence and rely on the experience of everyday people as my proof. Is it not foolish to say that they did not die? This response and answer concern the relationship between the way of Buddhism and the magical arts of the immortals. Although Mouzi used the language of the immortals when describing Buddha, he did not agree with the beliefs of the common people that Buddhists are able to prolong their lives. His intention was to clarify the popular opinions formed by using the immortals to interpret Buddhism, thus delineating a clear boundary between it and Buddhist beliefs. Eighth, a critic asked, “The Way of Buddha venerates inaction and takes delight in giving. He who upholds these rules is like a person who, upon approaching a chasm, should be very cautious. But the monks are addicted to their wine and spirits. Some support wives and children. They buy cheap and sell at a great profit. All they do is trick and cheat people. This is the great hypocrisy of the world, and yet the Way of Buddha calls them inaction!” Mouzi replied, Gongshu could give people axes and marking lines, but he could not make them skillful. The sage can bestow the Way upon men, but he cannot make them follow and practice it....Yao was not able to change Danzhu, and Duke Zhou could instruct neither Guan nor Cai. Was the teaching of Tang not clear? Was the Way of Zhou not complete? Do those teachings have anything in common with evil people? Although one may have studied and understood the

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Seven Classics, still he can be misled by bribes and lust. Is this because the six classical arts are depraved and debauched?...We must lament that men cannot follow him, but how can you say that the Way of Buddha is evil?12

This response and answer are intended to explain that the Way should not be abandoned because of specific people. The depravity of the monks is not sufficient to claim that Buddhism is not admirable. The incompatibility between the Way and humanity is also present in Confucian culture. Both the responses and answers in the On Resolution of Confusion were created by its author. However, they can reflect the critical opinions of society towards Buddhism. Most of these criticisms come from the Confucian community; for example, those claiming that Buddhism is the art of the barbarians, neglect Duke Zhou and Confucius, have no reference to the Five Classics, violate the way of filial piety, go against ritual etiquette, and so on. This implies that interactions among Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism have entered a deeper level, touching on major issues, such as the Hua-Yi distinction, the way of humaneness and filial piety, the differences in the ritual systems, the existence of the soul and of gods, the impurity of monks, the difference between Laozi’s Daoism and the magical arts of the immortals, the function of the Buddhist scriptures, etc. The issues that featured in subsequent conflicts among the three teachings during the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties,13 such as the debate about monks’ need to revere the king, the debate on the theory of white and black, the debate on the Hua-Yi distinction, the debate on the collapse of gods, the debate on the benefits and harms of Buddhism, etc., all of which have been foreshadowed in the On Resolution of Confusion. Mouzi’s replies, on the one hand, promote Buddhism and suppress Confucianism, believing that Buddhism is more comprehensive than Confucianism. On the other hand, his replies claim that Buddhism and Confucianism are returning to the same destination through different paths, for example, the aim of filial piety is common to both but their methods differ, which implies that Buddhism is moving closer toward the basic morality of the Chinese. On yet another hand, his response agrees with Huang-Lao and begins to talk about Xuan,14 i.e., metaphysics,15 even partially retaining the ideas of Daoist immortals. 12

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. The Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, pp. 2–7. 13 The Wei and Jin Dynasties were an era of transformation. The Northern and Southern Dynasties were the two regimes divided by the Yangtze River during the Eastern Jin Dynasty. 14 Feng Youlan claims that the spirit of metaphysics in the Wei and Jin Dynasties can be found in the “Contemporary Records of New Discourses”. He suggests that metaphysics can be translated into “romantic metaphysics” and “无同 (三语椽)” can be translated into “difference without distinction”. See Feng Youlan. On Romantic. San Songtang Academic Treatises, Peking University Press, 1984, pp. 609–617. See Feng Youlan. A Short History of Chinese Philosophy. Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2015, pp. 424–441. 15 Feng Youlan. A Short History of Chinese Philosophy. Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2015, p. 398.

Chapter 4

Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism: Seeking Common Ground in Debate (The Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties)

In this period, the relationship among the three teachings was mainly characterized by the separation of Confucian classical studies, though it still retained its position as China’s dominant ideology and culture; the rise of Neo-Daoism (i.e., Xuanxue, or Neo-Daoist Metaphysics),1 the elevation of Daoist religion as one of the mainstream religions in China; and the sudden emergence of Buddhism as an important spiritual pillar of the Chinese people. The three teachings exhibited a trend of tripartite interactions, characterized by mutual absorption, clarification of differences, and intellectual debate, while also striving to seek commonalities amid their differences, in an attempt to forge a common foundation on which they can coexist and complement each other. These interactions provided feasible historical experiences for the unified implementation of cultural policies in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, which sought to revere the three teachings jointly.

4.1 Differentiation and Innovation of Annotating Confucian Classics Compared to the two Han Dynasties, Confucianism during this period faced a series of new challenges, including frequent dynastic changes, prolonged divisions between the North and the South, the rise of Buddhism and Daoism, and the inability to unify the study of the Confucian classics. Nevertheless, Confucian classical studies managed to free itself from the mystification and trivialization of the Han Dynasty. Under the multicultural impact and influence of Buddhism and Daoism, new qualities were produced in its meanings and principles, which were manifested as the study of Neo-Daoism of the Confucian classics, while the expository style of commentary emerged as a new method. Furthermore, to consolidate the needs of the patriarchal 1

The Xuanxue, or the Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, is translated to “occultism” by some western scholars.

© People’s Publishing House 2023 Z. Mou, A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7206-5_4

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hierarchical order, mainly composed of a system of eminent families, the study of the Sanli [Three Elucidatory Books on the Rites] received special attention, with numerous works produced on its textual exegesis, thus constituting an important stage in the history of Confucian classical studies.

4.1.1 Metaphysicians’ Annotations of Confucian Classics During the Wei and Jin Dynasties The Xuanxue of the Wei and Jin Dynasties is represented by He Yan, Wang Bi, Ji Kang, Ruan Ji, Xiang Xiu, and Guo Xiang. It is a Neo-Daoist theory dealing with interpretation; it was formed by merging the philosophies of Confucianism and Daoism and is known as the Xuanxue study of the Confucian classics. It is an extension of the cross-school study of Confucianism, and its Commentary occupy a crucial position in the history of Confucian classical studies. Representative works from the Xuanxue study of the Confucian classics include Lunyu Jijie [Collected Explanations of The Analects] by He Yan and Zhouyi Zhu [Commentary on the Book of Changes] by Wang Bi. Wang Bi, in particular, deeply absorbed the Daoist ideas of Laozi and Zhuangzi and based the Xuanxue system on the Theory of Valuing Nothingness. His interpretation of the classics did not follow the Han approach of textual exegesis but instead emphasized the creative expression of the meanings and principles contained in the classics. The central philosophical problem he wished to address was the relationship between “being” and “nothingness.” The Theory of Valuing Nothingness proposed by He Yan and Wang Bi posits that “nothingness” is the root of “being,” and that the natural “Way” of Daoism is the metaphysical (i.e., “Nothingness”) basis of the Confucian ethical code, which includes the Three Fundamental Bonds and the Five Constant Virtues. He Yan’s Collected Explanations of The Analects shows signs of his interpretation of the Confucian classics using Daoism. For example, concerning a passage in Lunyu: Weizheng [The Analects: Conduct Government], “He who exercises government by means of his virtue may be compared to the north polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars turn towards it,”2 his interpretation is, “He who is virtuous governs by inaction, which may be compared to the immovable nature of the north polar star, and all the stars turn towards it.”3 In Zhouyi Lueli [General Remarks on the Book of Changes], Wang Bi states, “Action cannot govern activity; that which controls all activity that occurs in the world, thanks to constancy, is the One,” “Nothing ever behaves haphazardly but necessarily follows its own principle,” “To unite things,

2

(Wei Dynasty) Annotated by He Yan et al. (Song Dynasty) Interpreted by Xing Bing. The Expository Commentary on The Analects. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 15. 3 (Wei Dynasty) Annotated by He Yan et al. (Song Dynasty) Interpreted by Xing Bing. The Expository Commentary on The Analects. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 15.

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there is a fundamental regulator; to integrate them, there is a fundamental regulator.”4 What, then, is this “fundamental regulator” to which he refers? Wang Bi believes that it cannot be any form of “Being,” but should be “Non-Being,” i.e., Nothingness. In brief, “Being” is rooted in “Nothingness,” “Nothingness” is drawn out by “Being,” and “Nothingness” is the unchanging and formless “Way” of perfect stillness. Wang Bi’s The Commentary on the Book of Changes brought the teachings of Laozi into the Book of Changes, sweeping away the triviality and mystification found in the Han study of the Changes that focused on numerology. His work is simple, yet not superficial; profound, but not obscure. This enabled it to replace the theological study of the classics in the Han Dynasty, and serve as a masterpiece that represented the new study of the classics by Wei and Jin Confucians, which was based on meanings and principles. This piece is a classic example of the profound integration between Confucianism and Daoism. In Wujing Zhengyi [Correct Meaning of the Five Classics] of the Tang Dynasty, Zhouyi Zhengyi [Correct Meaning of the Book of Changes] includes Wang Bi’s commentary and Han Kangbo’s Xici Zhu [The Commentary on the Xici]. In the Shisanjing Zhushu [The Expository Commentary on the Thirteen Classics] of the Qing Dynasty, the Zhouyi Zhushu [The Expository Commentary on the Book of Changes] also uses Wang Bi’s and Han Kangbo’s Commentary, while the Lunyu Zhushu [The Expository Commentary on The Analects] uses He Yan’s Collected Explanations on The Analects. It is thus evident from the above that He Yan and Wang Bi occupy an important position in the history of Confucian classical studies. It is also interesting to note that as a scholar of Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, Wang Bi regarded Confucius as a sage who embodies Nothingness but is concerned with Being, hence he resides in a higher realm than Laozi and Zhuangzi. The Shishuo Xinyu: Wenxue [A New Account of the Tales of the World: Letters and Scholarship] records a dialogue between Pei Hui and Wang Bi: When Wang Bi was barely twenty, he went to visit Pei Hui. Hui asked him, “Nothingness [wu] is indeed by which all things are sustained, yet the Sage [Confucius] was unwilling to vouchsafe any words on the subject. Laozi, on the other hand, expatiated on it endlessly. Why?” Wang Bi replied, “The Sage embodied Nothingness. Furthermore, Nothingness may not be the subject of instruction. Therefore, of necessity, his words applied to Being [you]. Laozi and Zhuangzi, not yet free of Being, were continually giving instruction about that in which they felt a deficiency.”5

Therefore, Wang Bi not only elevated but also “Dao-ified” Confucius.

4

(Wei Dynasty) Wang Bi. (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Xing Shu. General Remarks on Collected Explanations on the Book of Changes. Zhonghua Book Company, 1991, p. 1, 2. 5 (Southern Song Dynasty) Liu Yiqing. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Annotated by Liu Xiao. An Elaboration on A New Account of the Tales of the World. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 122.

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4.1.2 Rationalization and Diversification of Annotations of Confucian Classics During the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties The Confucian classical studies of the Western Jin centered on Wang Su, and that of Eastern Jin focused on Zheng Xuan, their works were exegetical studies, while the Neo-Daoism of the Confucian Classics remained in circulation during this period. In the Western Jin Dynasty, the Chunqiu Zuozhuan Jijie [Collected Explanations of the Commentary of Zuo on the Spring and Autumn Annals] written by Du Yu is a self-standing body of work that conveyed a clear sense of historical rationality. In the Eastern Jin Dynasty, Fan Ning became famous for his Chunqiu Guliangzhuan Jijie [Collected Explanations on the Commentary of Guliang on the Spring and Autumn Annals]. His approach was to amass an extensive collection of interpretations, and selectively compile the cream of the crop, while also placing special emphasis on Du Yu’s Collected Explanations on the Commentary of Zuo, the aim of which was to oppose the style of Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, and reinforce the Confucian ethical code. Gan Bao’s commentary on the Book of Changes encompassed both numerology and principles of Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, wherein history was incorporated into the establishment of his theories, thus forming a self-contained school of thought that had an impact even on the study of the Book of Changes by Cheng–Zhu in the Song Dynasty. In fact, when Kong Yingda of the Tang Dynasty compiled the Wujing Zhengyi [Correct Meaning of the Five Classics] to establish a unified expository interpretation of the Five Classics, he used two Commentary from the Han Dynasty, and three Commentary from the Wei and Jin Dynasties. Furthermore, when Ruan Yuan of the Qing Dynasty collated the Expository Commentary on the Thirteen Classics, apart from including commentary on the Xiaojing [The Classic of Filial Piety] by Emperor Xuanzong of Tang Dynasty, the Commentary from the Han and Wei/Jin Dynasties accounted for half each of the other twelve classics. This is a clear indication that the Commentary from these two dynasties are of significant academic value, which has enabled their continued existence throughout the ages. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the study of the Confucian Classics underwent “a period of separation”6 : In general, there are differences in the syntactic and semantic analysis of the classics. In Jiangzuo, the Book of Changes is interpretated according to Wang Fusi, the Book of Documents to Kong Anguo, and The Commentary of Zuo to Du Yuankai. In Heluo, the Commentary of Zuo is interpretated according to Fu Zishen, while the Book of Documents and the Book of Changes to Zheng Kangcheng. The Classic of Poetry is mainly based on Mao, whereas the Classic of Rites is based on Zheng. The southerners prefer simplicity, and to extract its essence; the northerners prefer deeper learning, and to delve into greater detail.7

6 (Qing Dynasty) Pi Xirui. Annotated by Zhou Yutong. A History of Confucian Classics. The Commercial Press, 1928, p. 166. 7 (Tang Dynasty) Li Yanshou. A History of the Northern Dynasties. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 2709.

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In other words, the Southern Dynasty emphasized the tradition of the Wei and Jin Dynasty, while the Northern Dynasty stressed the tradition of the late Han Dynasty. Four studies were established during the reign of Yuanjia under the Song Dynasty: Confucianism, Xuanxue, History, and Literature. The establishment of both Confucianism and Xuanxue as co-fields of official education was a rare occurrence in previous dynasties, which shows the immense impact of Xuanxue. Yan Yanzhi, the Libationer of the Imperial Academy, promoted Xun Shuang’s and Wang Bi’s Xuanxue study of the Book of Changes, claiming that their approach “revered its authenticity, and curtailed its numerology,” and were able to “touch the hearts of a great number of people.”8 The Song Dynasty emphasized the study of the Classic of Rites, during which Lei Cizong expounded on the Three Elucidatory Books on the Rites, and once explained the Sangfujing [Classic of Mourning Apparel] to the crown prince and the various princes. He Chengtian condensed the original 800 volumes of the Lilun [Discourse on Rites] into 300 volumes, which was passed on to the later generations. According to Songshu: Lizhi [The Book of Song: Treatise on Rites], Zheng Xuan’s commentary was often used in the court ritual system. The study of the Classic of Rites was also well-developed in the Qi Dynasty. During this, Wang Jian was part of the official education: “Wang Jian was proficient in the study of the Rites, and well-versed in court ritual. In each of his discourses, he cites the Confucian scholars of old, and in this, he is a rare example”9 ; while Liu Huan could be found in private education “All his writings are concerned with the righteousness of the Rites, and its practice in the world.”10 Emperor Wu of the Liang of the Southern Dynasties embraced the three teachings of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, but placed a special emphasis on Confucianism. He even compelled the imperial family and the nobility to engage in the study of Confucianism, and personally taught them about the classics, which contributed to the flourishing of Confucian classical studies for more than a decade. The Confucian classical studies of the Liang Dynasty can be characterized as follows: First, it is open and tolerant, and it emphasized the Xuanxue commentary on the Confucian classics. Second, the most advanced aspect of its study was that on The Three Elucidatory Books on the Rites. Third, an expository approach to commentary and a preaching style of discourse was most popular during this period. In his lifetime, Emperor Wu of the Liang wrote more than 200 volumes on the meanings and principles of the Confucian classics, which were interspersed with Buddhist and ideas of Neo-Daoist Metaphysics. Huang Kan’s Lunyu Yishu [Expository Commentary on The Analects] is another important work discussing the meanings and principles of The Analects that came after He Yan’s Collected Explanations of The Analects, Huang Kan’s work frequently cited the Wei and Jin Commentary, with a greater 8

(Song Dynasty) Li Fang et al. The Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia. Zhonghua Book Company, 1960, p. 2736, 2737. 9 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Xiao Zixian. The Book of the Southern Qi Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1972, p. 436. 10 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Xiao Zixian. The Book of the Southern Qi Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1972, p. 680.

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use of Xuanxue than He Yan in its interpretation of the classics. For example, in The Analects: Conduct Government, Huang Kan interpreted the phrase “he who exercises government by means of his virtue” by citing Guo Xiang’s words: “When the myriad folk all can fulfill their natures, this is what is meant by ‘virtue.’”11 In the chapter Xianjin [Those Who First Advanced], one of Huang Kan’s expository interpretations for the line, “The Master said, ‘There is Hui! He has nearly attained perfect virtue. He is often hollow (i.e., in want),” and “hollowness is akin to emptiness.” Thus, he changed the actual meaning of “hollowness” (i.e., the scarcity or lack of something) into the Xuanxue meaning of “emptiness and nothingness.”12 Furthermore, in its review on Xing Bing’s Lunyu Zhengyi [Correct Meaning of The Analects] of the Northern Song Dynasty, the Siku Tiyao [Annotated Catalog of the Complete Imperial Library] states, “When one reads this work today, one can see that its main task was to trim off the trivialities of Huang (i.e., Huang Kan’s Expository Commentary on The Analects), and partially imbued the Analects with meanings and principles. It is the turning point from Han learning to Song learning. Xing’s Expository Commentary is superior, and Huang’s Expository Commentary is inferior, but the teachings of Yi and Luo (i.e., the teachings of Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao) are superior, and Xing’s Expository Commentary is inferior.”13 Thus, we can see that Huang Kan’s Expository Commentary on The Analects had great historical academic value, and its essence was later absorbed by the Daoism of the Song and Ming Dynasties. As for the Chen Dynasty, its Confucian classical studies inherited the remnants of the Liang Dynasty, wherein the great Confucian scholars preferred Laozi and Zhuangzi but were also capable of discussing Xuanxue. Zhou Hongzheng was a great Confucian scholar whose lifetime spanned the two dynasties. He was proficient in Laozi, Zhuangzi, and the Book of Changes, and was true to Wang Bi’s study of the Changes. Zhou’s student, Zhang Ji, was well-versed in Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, and he jointly promoted and studied the scholars of all three teachings. Under the Eastern Jin Dynasty, there were the Five Barbarians and Sixteen Kingdoms in the north. These were subsequently unified to form the Northern Wei, which later split into the Eastern and Western Wei, which was then followed by the Northern Qi and the Northern Zhou. Most of these dynasties were held by nomadic peoples, such as the Xiongnu, Xianbei, Qiang, Di, Jie, and so on. Following their initial conquests of the Central Plains with their military strength, they then faced the task of transforming their original nomadic lifestyle and customs, and of establishing a new order and new culture suited to the agriculturally advanced and culturally affluent society of the Yellow River Basin. The ruling nobility appointed talented individuals from among the eminent families of the north to undertake roles in the government. They also employed the study of the Confucian classics to elevate the status of their 11

(Wei Dynasty) Annotated by He Yan. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Annotated by Huang Kan et al. The Analects, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1998, p. 165. 12 (Wei Dynasty) Annotated by He Yan. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Annotated by Huang Kan et al. The Analects, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1998, p. 238. 13 (Qing Dynasty) Yong Rong et al. The General Catalogue of the Complete Imperial Library. Zhonghua Book Company, 1965, p. 291.

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own people, established the hierarchical institutional system of patriarchal clans, and declared that they are the true descendants of the Chinese civilization, thereby pacifying a society dominated by the Han, and accelerating the cultural integration among different ethnic groups. Therefore, the ruling nobility of these dynasties had a greater sense of urgency in developing Confucian culture and was more enthusiastic than its southern counterparts in Confucian education. According to Jinshu: Zaiji [The Book of Jin: Records], Liu Yao of the Han state (one of the Sixteen Kingdoms) founded a university in the eastern Changle Palace, and an elementary school in the western Weiyang Palace; 1,500 young people were selected and educated by the diligent scholar excelling in Ming Jing. In the Later Zhao state, Shi Le founded an imperial academy and elementary school, which admitted students from eminent families and personally tested the students’ knowledge on the meaning of the classics. In the Former Yan state, Murong Hui appointed Liu Zan as the Libationer of Dongxiang and ordered his son Murong Huang to study under the instruction of Liu Zan. In the Former Qin state, Fu Jian imitated the Han system by establishing the Bright Hall, performing the suburban offerings to Fu Hong to appease heaven, and performing the ancestral offerings to Fu Jian to appease the supreme deity. During his reign, he undertook the extensive building of academies, where children below the aristocratic class could be sent to be educated. Fu Jian also personally conducted examinations in the Imperial Academy, and set questions about the Five Classics. Under the reign of Yao Xing in the Later Qin state, Jiang Kan, Chunyu Qi, and Guo Gao were all revered Confucian scholars who were well-versed in the Confucian classics and upright in their conduct. Each of them had hundreds of disciples, and their students numbered in the ten-thousands, some traveling from afar. Yao Xing rewarded them for their work, and Confucianism flourished. In Northern Wei, the Tuoba nobility spared no effort in their advocacy of Confucianism. The Weishu: Rulinzhuan [The Book of Wei: Biographies of Confucian Scholars] states, “When the founding emperor first settled in the Central Plains, although each day was fully occupied, he prioritized the art of studying the Classics upon founding the capital city.”14 Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei, in particular, was especially fond of the Confucian classics. Hence, under his reign, Confucian classical studies were at their most prosperous, and the pace of cultural Hanization was also the most rapid. The most urgent task at hand for the nobility of the Northern Dynasties was to establish a national system and cultivate the children of the aristocracy according to the existing model of Confucian orthodoxy, which did not leave them with much room to explore the theoretical innovations of Confucianism. Therefore, their study of the Confucian classics was mainly based on exegetic study and the study of the Three Elucidatory Books on the Rites, which was first dominated by the teachings of Wang Su, and later by the teachings of Zheng Xuan. Famous teachers of the Confucian Classics included Chang Shuang, Liu Xianzhi, Zhang Wugui, Liu Lan, Xu Zunming, Lu Jingyu, and Li Yexing. Xu Zunming was the most influential among these teachers, and his disciples remained active during the Northern Qi and Northern 14 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 5. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 1841.

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Zhou Dynasties. Li Yexing, who was a student of Xu Zunming, was once sent as an envoy to Southern Liang, and Emperor Wu of the Liang asked him, “I have heard that you are well-versed in the meaning of the Confucian classics. How does one gain an understanding of Confucianism or Xuanxue?”15 Li Yexing replied, “One should become a scholar at a young age, and should cease one’s study of the Five Classics. As for their deeper meaning, one should have no knowledge of the expository explanations.”16 From this, we can see the difference between the northern and southern study of the Confucian classics: the south revered both Confucianism and Xuanxue, whereas the north adhered only to the canonical texts. Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou placed a heavy emphasis on Confucian classical studies, which enabled the classical studies of the Northern Dynasties to reach another peak after Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei. Emperor Wu determined that Confucianism should be the first among the three teachings, and personally explained the Book of Rites to his ministers. Shen Zhong was an erudite and great scholar of the Five Classics during the Southern Liang Dynasty, and Emperor Wu of Zhou specially invited him north to “discuss the Five Classics, and rectify the bells and pitch pipes.”17 Xiong Ansheng was a student of Xu Zunming, who was famous for his study of the Three Elucidatory Books on the Rites, and once clarified any doubts concerning the Rites of Zhou for the aristocracy. Emperor Wu of Zhou entered the city of Ye and visited his house. “Upon arriving at the city, the edict was issued to conduct the five rites at the Mahayana Buddhist temple.”18 Xiong Ansheng’s approach to the study of the rites is characterized by two features: the first is his use of Laozi to expound on the Book of Rites; the second is his extensive reference to works other than Zheng Xuan, followed by their integration and exposition. Xiong’s works on the rites are now lost. According to the four volumes of the Liji Xiongshi Yishu [Expository Commentary of Xiong Ansheng on the Book of Rites] compiled by Ma Guohan, his exposition of the Rites already showed signs of integrating north and south. Moreover, his disciples, Liu Zhuo and Liu Xuan had a substantial impact on the study of the Confucian Classics in the Sui and early Tang Dynasties. The Confucian classical studies of the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties made significant contributions to the continuation of the Chinese culture. It served to preserve the consistency of the Chinese nation’s ideological traditions during a time of frequent regime changes and political divisions and was also recognized by all ethnic groups. Thus, it provided an authentic culture for the overall integration of the different peoples and created a common ideological foundation for the political unity of the later Sui and Tang Dynasties. Despite the repeated unifications and separations in the political history of the Chinese nation, its ideology has never been

15 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 5. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 1863. 16 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 5. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 1863. 17 (Tang Dynasty) Linghu Defen. The Book of Zhou. Zhonghua Book Company, 1971, p. 810. 18 (Tang Dynasty) Linghu Defen. The Book of Zhou. Zhonghua Book Company, 1971, p. 813.

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divided, and the nation has always remained a cultural community. In this, we cannot deny the cohesive role played by the study of the Confucian classics.

4.2 The Popularity of Neo-Daoism of the Wei-Jin Dynasties and the Growth of Daoism 4.2.1 Metaphysics Dominating the Academic Trend In terms of its core ideas, the Neo-Daoism of the Wei and Jin Dynasties can be classified as Daoism. Xuanxue scholars consider Laozi, Zhuangzhi, and the Book of Changes as the “Three Xuan” (i.e., Three Mysteries), which serve as their canonical basis, and they are not especially enthusiastic about the Five Classics of Confucianism. The Book of Changes can be regarded as a common classic shared between Confucianism and Daoism, differing only in their interpretations. The so-called “Xuanxue” (literally, Neo-Daoist Metaphysics) comes from Laozi, “Together we call them the Mystery. Where the Mystery is the deepest is the gate of all that is subtle and wonderful.” Its core does not lie with “human relations and daily use,”19 but in the profound and mysterious truths behind the images of things. Its method is one of “discriminating names and analyzing principles,” using discourse on the “Three Mysteries” to guide people’s thoughts into the spiritual world beyond heaven and earth. Feng Youlan writes in Zhongguo Zhexue Jianshi [A Short History of Chinese Philosophy], “Since Confucianism ‘travels within the world,’ it appears more concerned and engaged with the world than Daoism; since Daoism ‘travels beyond the world,’ it appears more detached and removed from the world than Confucianism. These two trends mutually oppose one another, but are also mutually complementary, exercising a type of balance of power. This interplay has provided the Chinese people with an excellent sense of balance between this world and the world beyond. In the third and fourth centuries CE, a few Daoists attempted to bring Daoism closer to Confucianism. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, there were also a few Confucians who attempted to bring Confucianism closer to Daoism. We call these Daoists the Neo-Daoists, and these Confucians the Neo-Confucians.”20 Since the Xuanxue of the Wei and Jin Dynasties not only revered the philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi, but was also concerned with human ethics and morality, it is, therefore, a form of Neo-Daoism. There are three main schools of thought. The first is the Theory of Valuing Nothingness (Guiwu Lun) proposed by He Yan and Wang Bi; the second is the Theory of Spontaneity (Ziran Lun) proposed by Ji Kang and Ruan Ji, and the third is the Theory of Independent Transformation (Duhua Lun) proposed by Xiang Xiu and Guo Xiang. 19

(Qing Dynasty) Yan Kejun (Ed.). The Complete Collection of Jin Prose, Volume 2. The Commercial Press, 1999, p. 800. 20 Feng Youlan. Translated by Tu Youguang. A Short History of Chinese Philosophy. Peking University Press, 1985, p. 29.

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The Theory of Valuing Nothingness

The core proposition of this theory is that “Being is rooted in Nothingness.” He Yan writes in Daolun [Discourse on the Way] that, “The creation of that which makes presence (i.e., Being) present is dependent on absence (i.e., Nothingness). The formation of that which makes things comes from absence (i.e., Nothingness). Thus, we cannot speak about the Way. It cannot be named for it is nameless, cannot be seen for it is without form, and cannot be heard for it is soundless. This applies to the Way in its entirety.”21 Further, Wang Bi states in Laozi Zhilüe [Outline Introduction to the Laozi], “As for the cause by which a thing is produced and merit is accomplished, they must be engendered by what is beyond form and from what is beyond description. What is beyond form and what is beyond description are the ancestor of the myriad things.”22 When applied to the level of social life, the goal of “taking Nothingness as the root” is to improve the practice of virtue, humaneness, and righteousness, rather than to eliminate them. This is, thus, the tinge of Confucianism in the Theory of Valuing Nothingness. The transition from agreeing with Laozi’s “venerating the root and forgoing the branches” to the concept created by Neo-Daoism of “making the branch flourish by enhancing the root”: therein lies the innovation of Neo-Daoism. Ultimately, the goal of the Theory of Valuing Nothingness is to achieve the most perfect realization of the Confucian ethical code. This theory is the first in the history of Chinese thought to clearly surpass a theory of cosmogony and to propose a theory of cosmic ontology. It is not satisfied with uncovering the origin and evolution of all things in the universe, but further elucidates the logical relation between the universe’s everchanging phenomena (i.e., “Being”) and its deeper essence (“Nothingness”), thereby elevating the theoretical thought of the Chinese people to yet another level. Thus, Wang Bi’s statement that “Nothing ever behaves haphazardly but necessarily follows its own principle”23 requires us to seek out the intrinsic laws in the development of things, because the phenomenal world is explicit, varied, and changeable, whereas the essence that governs phenomena is implicit, unified, and unchanging. This, therefore, is the relationship between “Being” and “Nothingness,” “Many” and “One,” “unique” and “general,” and “stillness” and “motion.” Wang Bi’s ontology uses the dialectical relationship between the “root” and “branches” to explain a series of philosophical categories, the core of which is occupied by the dialectical relationship between essence and phenomenon, which greatly enriched the dialectics of ancient times. Concerning the history of the relationship between Confucianism and Daoism, a major contribution from Wang Bi’s Theory of Valuing Nothingness is to use the categories of “root/branch, substance/function” to integrate Confucianism and Daoism. 21

(Warring States Period) Lie Yukou. (Eastern Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Zhang Zhan. Leizi. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 4. 22 (Song Dynasty) Zhang Junfang (Ed.). Yunji Qiqian. Qilu Press, 1988, p. 2. 23 (Wei Dynasty) Wang Bi. (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Xing Shu. General Remarks on Collected Explanations on the Book of Changes. Zhonghua Book Company, 1991, p. 2.

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Subjectively, it incorporates Confucianism into Daoism; objectively, it augments Confucianism using Daoism, investing the birth of Neo-Confucianism in the later Song and Ming Dynasties with new modes of thinking.

4.2.1.2

Theory of Spontaneity

The Theory of Spontaneity advocated by Ji Kang and Ruan Ji agrees with Laozi’s “The law of the Way is its being what it is,” and Zhuangzi’s “Do not by human [doing] extinguish the heavenly [constitution].”24 “Spontaneity” [Ziran] refers to what is natural, that which acts according to its nature and is not subjected to rites and laws. It belongs to the carefree school of Xuanxue and had many criticisms of the Confucian ethical code. Ji Kang stated, “Laozi and Zhuang Zhou are my mentors,” and “my taste for uninhibitedness was aggravated by my reading of Zhuangzi and Laozi.”25 The socalled “uninhibitedness” is a wanton and bohemian way of life that is carefree and unrestrained. Ji Kang’s criticisms of the Confucian ethical code was especially fierce, “disparaging Yao and Shun, and laughing at Yu,” “finding fault with Tang and Wu Wang, or running down Duke Zhou and Confucius,” and was “ruthless in [his] hatred of evil, and [spoke] out without hesitation, whenever [he had] the occasion.”26 This life “without the sages and without the law,” as well as his contemptuous attitude toward the aristocratic Sima clan, eventually led him to his death. Of all Ji Kang’s works, the one that can best explain his Theory of Spontaneity is his Shisilun [Essay on Dispelling Self-Interest], which states: When we speak of the “superior [person],” we mean someone whose mind is unconcerned with right and wrong, whose actions are not opposed to the Way. How can I explain this? One whose breath is tranquil and spirit empty has a mind which does not dwell on arrogance and self-praise; one whose substance is pure and mind penetrating has feelings which are not attached to that which he desires. Since arrogance and self-praise do not exist in his mind, he can transcend the Confucian ethical code and follow nature; since his feelings do not cling to that which he desires, he can carefully examine noble and mean, and thoroughly understand the essential nature of things. Since the nature of things is followed and understood, the Great Way will not be opposed. Since he transcends fame and follows his heart, he will not be concerned with right and wrong.27

To “transcend the Confucian ethical code and follow nature” is the most classic proposition of Ji Kang’s Neo-Daoist Metaphysics. Its essence is that people should live the life they want, without needing to abide by the unified rules and norms of society, nor to conceal their true emotions or concern themselves with what others say (“someone whose mind is unconcerned with right and wrong”). He also points out in Nan Ziran Haoxue Lun [A Refutation of Zhang Miao’s Essay—People Naturally 24

Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 2009, p. 461. 25 (Wei Dynasty) Ji Kang. Collected Works of Ji Kang. The Commercial Press, 1937, p. 16, 17. 26 (Wei Dynasty) Ji Kang. Collected Works of Ji Kang. The Commercial Press, 1937, p. 22. 27 (Wei Dynasty) Ji Kang. Collected Works of Ji Kang. The Commercial Press, 1937, p. 45.

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Delight in Learning] that “the essential features of the Six Classics are restraint and guidance; but what pleases human nature is following one’s desires. Restraint and guidance thus go against our wishes, where by following our desires we attain the natural.”28 This is a very bold and liberal statement. However, it does not imply that Ji Kang is advocating the indulgence in one’s physical and material desires because the actions of one who “follows nature” “are not opposed to the Way.” Instead, it requires people to stay away from the temptations of outer wealth and fame, and to achieve inner spiritual satisfaction. From this, we can see that Ji Kang’s “following nature” is the pursuit of a quiet and idyllic life of a hermit, which gives one “self-contentment” and “self-attainment.” At a deeper level, Ji Kang’s proposition to “transcend the Confucian ethical code and follow nature” is a protest against the hypocrisy of the “moral teachings” at that time, and not a fundamental refutation of the value of the Confucian ethical code. To seize power from Cao Wei, the Sima clan turned the moral teachings and ethical code that had originated from Yao, Shun, Duke Zhou, and Confucius, and later flourished in the two Han Dynasties, into a tool for their power struggle. Despite their rallying cries for loyalty, filial piety, rites, and humaneness, their actions were corrupt and shameful. Thus, Ji Kang wanted to use the true and simple Way of Laozi and Zhuangzi to censure the so-called “Confucian ethical code” that had been hereticized, thus displaying the critical spirit of the Neo-Daoists against the ills of reality. At the same time, he was also urging the Confucians to engage in self-critique, to break away from hypocrisy, and return to the truth. In fact, Ji Kang’s ideal society is a patriarchal, hierarchical society governed by inaction, which “venerated teachings that were simple and easy and controlled by the government of inaction. The ruler was tranquil above and the ministers submissive below. Mysteriously things transformed and in hidden ways interfused. Heaven and [humankind] were united in peace.”29 Ruan Ji was also of the “carefree” school and advocated the Theory of Spontaneity. In Dazhuanglun [On Comprehending the Zhuangzi], he writes that our body, inborn nature, emotions, and spirit are all endowed through spontaneity by heaven and earth, with which they form one substance. Hence, those who follow what is spontaneous will attain what is right. Society, like the human body, was originally one substance with the myriad things, and the Confucian ethical code is “a one-sided teaching” that must necessarily be differentiated within society and have different names within itself, whereas Zhuang Zhou “can speak of the vast and profound,” and sees things as a whole. Ruan Ji elaborated on Zhuangzi’s idea of Qiwu (i.e., the “equalization of things”), the aim of which was to pursue spiritual freedom. He praised Zhuangzi, saying that “[Zhuangzi] expounded on the wonderment of the Way and its virtue, and narrated the fundamentals of inaction. He elaborated upon these with allegory and extended them into fictitious characters, relying on his heart–mind’s enjoyment of inaction, and so wandered carefree his entire life”30 —this is also Ruan Ji’s conception 28

(Wei Dynasty) Ji Kang. Collected Works of Ji Kang. The Commercial Press, 1937, p. 52. (Wei Dynasty) Ji Kang. Collected Works of Ji Kang. The Commercial Press, 1937, p. 42. 30 Revised by Chen Bojun. The Annotations to Collected Works of Ruan Ji. Zhonghua Book Company, 1987, p. 155. 29

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of an ideal realm. In Daren Xiansheng Zhuang [Biography of the Great Man], Ruan Ji uses the Great Man to first criticize the reverence of scholars and superior men for the rites and laws, reproaching them as follows: “Your rites and laws are indeed nothing more than the methods of harmful robbers, of troublemakers, of death and destruction.”31 Second, he criticized hermits for retreating from the world and living in seclusion as a poor choice. He affirmed an attitude to life whereby the saint “has no ambition for riches and honors,” “esteem and eminence carry no weight for him; he does not think more lightly of himself for being poor and lowly”32 ; and also proposed the loftiest ideal: “You must transcend the world and break from the crowd, leave the vulgar and go off alone, climbing up beyond the Great Beginning, gazing upon the commencement of the Chaos, your thoughts flowing throughout ‘that which has nothing outside it,’ your will immense and free.”33 A person who has truly attained the Way will possess a heart that can contain the universe; their spirit will be able to transcend all worldly concepts of right and wrong, good and evil, and they will not be concerned about where they reside. Thus, they can “respond to things, but without established as attached to things,”34 and the greatest hermit will be able to retreat within the vulgar realm. This is also a portrayal of his own way of living. Ruan Ji’s entire life was lived under the regency of the Sima clan, during which the political situation was hostile and dangerous. However, he engaged in neither confrontation nor connivance, maintaining his own carefree life at a distance that was neither too close nor too far. Ruan Ji did not wish to pander to those in power or become mired in political affairs, but he also did not want to cause trouble by offending the rich and powerful. Therefore, he often used drunkenness to deal with his situation, so that those in power would not harm him. It is also described in Jinshu: Ruanjizhuan [The Book of Jin: Biography of Ruan Ji] that “Although Ruan Ji did not adhere to the rites, his words were profound, and he did not talk about the faults of others. His nature was one of utmost filial piety”35 ; at his mother’s funeral, he did not respect the rites and wept loudly, even “vomiting several liters of blood, and destroying his body by established as emaciated.”36 The Shishuo Xinyu: Rendan [A New Account of the Tales of the World: The Free and Unrestrained] records that The wife of Ruan Ji’s neighbor was very pretty. She worked as a barmaid tending the vats and selling wine. Ruan and Wang Rong frequently drank at her place, and after Ruan

31

Revised by Chen Bojun. The Annotations to Collected Works of Ruan Ji. Zhonghua Book Company, 1987, p. 170. 32 Revised by Chen Bojun. The Annotations to Collected Works of Ruan Ji. Zhonghua Book Company, 1987, p. 176. 33 Revised by Chen Bojun. The Annotations to Collected Works of Ruan Ji. Zhonghua Book Company, 1987, p. 185. 34 Lu Bi. The Collected Interpretations of Records of the Three Kingdoms. Zhonghua Book Company, 1982, p. 655. 35 Translated and annotated by Bai Huawen and Xu De’nan. Ruan Ji and Ji Kang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 14. 36 Translated and annotated by Bai Huawen and Xu De’nan. Ruan Ji and Ji Kang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 14.

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became drunk he would sleep by this woman’s side. Her husband was at first extraordinarily suspicious of him, but after careful investigation, it was found that Ruan had no other intention.37

Thus, it can be seen that Ruan Ji was not a drunkard or lecher, instead, he had literary talent, spoke profound words, did not pursue a wealthy career, was not restrained by the rites, did not adhere to the norms, and took pleasure in following his nature. He admired the beauty of women, but without carnal desire. He was easygoing on the outside but serious on the inside, able to abide by moral principles, but also able to stir up a storm of thought of Neo-Daoism in his time. Therefore, he was an important figure for later generations. He Yan’s and Wang Bi’s Theory of Valuing Nothingness overemphasized the veneration of Nothingness and the devaluation of Being. In contrast, “Ji Kang School of True Liberty” and “Ruan Ji School of True Liberty”38 caused a trend of “pure conversation” that revered the mysterious and discussed vacuity—both of which were averse to their practical application in the real world. This prompted the Confucian scholar Pei Wei to pen the Chongyoulun [Discourse on Venerating Being], to refute the Neo-Daoist Theory of Valuing Nothingness. The core of the Theory of Venerating Being can be illustrated as follows: The integrated and chaotic root of the multitude of existence is the ancestral and utmost Way. Things are differentiated according to various categories. The essential nature of life is derived from the phenomenon of their physical form. Patterned-principles originate from the mix of complex transformations.39

Pei Wei believed that the presence of the multitude of existence is itself the primordial substance; things are differentiated, but their complex transformations follow “principles (laws).” He further posited that all things are interdependent and cannot exist independently. Hence, the saints and high-minded people must “use heaven’s Way and share in earth’s benefits; after they work hard, they enjoy life.”40 As for governance and politics, it should involve “practicing humaneness and obedience, reverence and frugality, loyalty and honesty, being respectful and humble,”41 to implement the moral transformation of Confucianism. He criticized the Theory of Valuing Nothingness for endangering the rites and institutions: In devaluing Being, we will depreciate the forms and structures; in depreciating the forms and structures, we will abandon the institutions; in abandoning the institutions, we will neglect the controls and safeguards; in neglecting the controls and safeguards, we will forget 37 (Southern Song Dynasty) Liu Yiqing. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Annotated by Liu Xiao. An Elaboration on A New Account of the Tales of the World. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 481. 38 Fangda is in contrast to Zuoda, interpreted as “True Liberty” and “Countefeit Liberty” or “positive freedom” interpreted to “positive freedom and negative freedom” by Isaiah Berlin by British philosopher. 39 (Tang Dynasty) Fang Xuanling et al. The Book of Jin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 683. 40 (Tang Dynasty) Fang Xuanling et al. The Book of Jin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 683. 41 (Tang Dynasty) Fang Xuanling et al. The Book of Jin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 683.

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the rites. If the rites and institutions are not preserved, there will be nothing by which to govern.42

He also criticized the Theory of Nothingness for threatening the moral atmosphere: “Consequently, now people look down on the task of bringing order to the world, and deride the value of service to society. They extol those who pursue idle leisure and disparage worthy individuals who devote themselves to solving real issues,” and “when someone proposes a thesis based on vacuity or nothingness, he will be regarded as profound and marvelous. When an official takes little interest in his work, he will be regarded as lofty and refined. When someone disregards integrity and morals in his behavior, he will be regarded as broad-minded and enlightened. Thus, [their] work ethic declines ever more,” “[it] throws into the gutters the order between the young and the old, or confound the distinctions based on status.”43 The Theory of Venerating Being embodies the Confucian cultural traditions of governing the state and keeping the peace, and of respecting the rites, righteousness, integrity, and modesty. There are also reasonable elements to its criticism leveled against the trend of “pure conversation” initiated by the Theory of Valuing Nothingness, and contains a strong sense of humanistic care. However, his shortcomings are as follows. First, his critique of the Theory of Nothingness is insufficiently theoretical, and he does not accurately grasp the meaning behind the substance/function theory of “Being is rooted in Nothingness.” Second, he was insufficiently tolerant of the lifestyles led by the famous people of “pure conversation,” and his criticisms were too harsh. Thirdly, he was overly protective of the hierarchy (the hierarchy of the superior and inferior) of the rites and institutions and did not reflect on the hypocrisy of the rites and institutions in his time. Nevertheless, the Theory of Venerating Being made a significant contribution to the history of Wei and Jin Xuanxue, which advanced the view that the myriad things came into being spontaneously: “As a matter of fact, absolute Nothingness has nothing with or by which it can generate anything. Thus, what came into being at the beginning can only have come into being on its own.”44 This proposition provided nourishment to the Theory of Independent Transformation conceived by Xiang Xiu and Guo Xiang. The criticisms leveled by the Theory of Valuing Nothingness against the Confucian ethical code, as well as those leveled by the Theory of Venerating Being against the Theory of Valuing Nothingness, are precisely the manifestations of the tensions between Daoism and Confucianism, which enabled the two teachings to achieve mutual rectification and advancement.

42

(Tang Dynasty) Fang Xuanling et al. The Book of Jin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 683. (Tang Dynasty) Fang Xuanling et al. The Book of Jin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 683, 684. 44 (Tang Dynasty) Fang Xuanling et al. The Book of Jin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 684. 43

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Theory of Independent Transformation

Xiang Xiu’s and Guo Xiang’s Theory of Independent Transformation is mainly reflected in the Zhuangzizhu [The Commentary on the Zhuangzi]. It is recorded in Jinshu: Xiangxiuzhuan [The Book of Jin: Biography of Xiang Xiu] that “Zhuang Zhou wrote dozens of inner and outer chapters, and although talented scholars have studied these chapters, none has discussed its ideological system. Xiang Xiu uncovered its hidden meaning, and his insights were strange and wondrous, which invigorated the study of Neo-Daoist Metaphysics. All who read him gained transcendence in their understanding, and all were self-contented for a time. During the reign of Emperor Hui, Guo Xiang further expanded upon Xiang Xiu’s work.”45 Feng Youlan believed that Xiang Xiu’s commentary was already contained within Guo Xiang’s commentary, hence Xiang Xiu’s commentary was lost after the Tang Dynasty, and only Guo Xiang’s Commentary on the Zhuangzi remained. Guo Xiang states, in the Preface to the Zhuangzi, that Zhuangzi’s intention behind his words was to “thoroughly reveal the cosmic order of heaven and earth, perfectly comply with the nature of the myriad things, completely comprehend the changes attending life and death, and thus clarify the Way as it bears on the sage within and the ruler without. Above, he knows that the creator does not exist, and below, he knows that things that do exist self-create,” “the spirit-like vessel transforms itself in the realm of mysterious darkness.”46 He did not agree with the concept of “Being is rooted in Nothingness” described in the Theory of Valuing Nothingness, but instead proposed a theory on the self-generation and independent transformation of all things: “Therefore, the Creator is no master, and things create themselves. And when things create themselves, they are not dependent on anything in the process of creation. This is called the norm of heaven and earth.”47 Guo Xiang did not acknowledge the existence of a Creator, and did not believe that there is a metaphysical “original substance” on which all things are jointly dependent—nor did he accept the existence of objective causal relations among things. Instead, he only believed that all things are self-generating and selfcreating without dependence, i.e., without relying on any external conditions. This is, hence, the concept of “independent transformation” [Duhua]. Given the above, two questions need to be addressed: First, why do objects appear to be interrelated and interdependent? Second, what is the reason for independent transformation? Guo Xiang’s reply to the first question is that inter-reliance arises from selfactivity. For example: Although the hands and feet have different functions and the five viscera have separate capabilities, they never partake of one another’s [activities], yet the one hundred parts [in the body] harmonize simultaneously. This is called partaking in non-partaking. Inner [self] and outer 45

(Tang Dynasty) Fang Xuanling et al. The Book of Jin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 909. (Qing Dynasty) Guo Qingfan. Collected Interpretations on Zhuangzi. Revised by Wang Xiaoyu. Zhonghua Book Company, 2004, “Preface”, p. 3. 47 (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 19. 46

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[circumstances] are equally accomplished without cooperation; this is called cooperating in non-cooperation.48

The different organs in the body do not exist to cooperate. However, as long as they each function normally, they will, in an objective sense, naturally work as a harmonious whole, and each organ will be indispensable. Therefore, “independent transformation” does not imply that the myriad things are isolated and scattered entities, but that they each have their innate and unique nature. Guo Xiang’s reply to the second question is: independent transformation occurs in the realm of mysterious darkness. In other words, the reason for independent transformation cannot be known: “None is not being the way they are; how can I know how or why this is so?”49 What is the “mysterious darkness”? It cannot be expressed in words, and can only be understood as the spontaneous workings of the Way that are subtle, mysterious, profound, and incomprehensible. In this regard, Guo Xiang put forward a logical argument: “For things and events that are close at hand, their immediate causes may be known. Yet, if we try to trace the original reason to the end, then we shall find no immediate cause except that all things are just the way they are.”50 That is to say, if things have a cause and effect, and we intend to trace the cause using the effect, then we will find no cause at the end. Since there is no ultimate cause, then the immediate cause is also not true, and we can only claim that the independent transformation of the myriad things takes place in the realm of mysterious darkness, i.e., in an unknowable realm. The main purpose for the agnosticism in the cosmology constructed by Guo Xiang’s Theory of Independent Transformation is to prevent people from exploring the root of heaven, earth, and all things, but instead, follow Zhuangzi’s way of thinking in his pursuit of spiritual “carefreeness.” He wanted to shift the object of observation from the objective to the subjective, and toward the subjective spiritual realm. Thus, he proposed the realm of mysterious darkness that “embodied transformation.” Guo Xiang believed that a person’s cognition is necessarily limited, and hence one must “leave the ears and eyes behind and eliminate the mind’s intention,” and “forget words to gain spiritual understanding.”51 This so-called “spiritual understanding” is to “mysteriously fuse with the myriad things and embody transformation,” “forgetting the distinction between others and the self, and equalizing the differences among the myriad things,” “to be without intellectual knowledge, and vanish into spontaneity.”52 Therefore, in the realm of mysterious darkness, the objective and the subjective can 48 (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 42. 49 (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 19. 50 (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 77. 51 (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 24, 18. 52 (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 39, 4, 68.

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achieve absolute unity. In this realm, a person can progress from the “lesser self” to the “greater self,” and is “one with evolution; he is everywhere.”53 In this realm, the sage accomplishes all actions through inaction because he allows all things to act according to their nature; “he lets all their differences each rest in what it rests in, and the all the different people not lose what they affirm. Thus, he does not use his self on things, but lets all the myriad things use their own uses on themselves.”54 That is, the sage’s “vanishing into things,” and the people’s “resting in what they rest in” are mutually complementary. Therefore, how can the people as a group attain carefreeness for themselves? Guo Xiang proposed a philosophy of life that called for “resting in one’s allotment in life and following one’s nature to attain self-sufficiency and carefreeness.” Guo Xiang states: “Since [all things] find sufficiency in what is naturally so and rest in their determinacies and inner necessities, even heaven and earth are not to be considered long-lived, and hence they are born together with me. The myriad things are not to be considered different, and hence they attain [their being what they are] together with me,” “those who rest in their allotment will be carefree wherever they go.”55 He believed that all things have their myriad differences, and each has its own “allotment in life,” i.e., their own special function, which cannot be ranked or compared. As long as they are content with their nature and allotment, they will find their own pleasure and be carefree in spirit. Guo Xiang’s proposition of “delighting in finding sufficiency in one’s nature” is reasonable in a general sense. The things of the world are rich and complex, which necessitates our recognition of differences and our tolerance of diversity. Thus, in terms of natural ecology, we must protect biodiversity to ensure its colorful variety. In terms of social groups, each should be allowed to serve its own function, find its own contentment, and perform to the best of its abilities, dividing the labor yet working in unison, without imposing an invariant order of uniformity. Individuals should not force themselves to follow others, nor should they coerce others to follow themselves, each “making an exhaustive investigation on the fundamental principles of the world, and affecting the complete development of every nature until they arrived at what was appointed for them by heaven.” Through the full expression of their innate abilities, they will be able to realize the ideal life that is suited to their own characteristics, and this is beneficial to the development of the social community. In this sense, every individual can attain an inner contentment that belongs to themselves, as long as they truly understand their own strengths and weaknesses, and know how to find their own enjoyment. However, Guo Xiang’s proposition of “delighting in finding sufficiency in one’s nature” is also limited when applied to the historical development of the social system, especially when it comes to the hierarchy of the superior and 53

(Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 22. 54 (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 14. 55 (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 14, 91.

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the inferior, and the gap between the rich and the poor. In this case, “resting in one’s allotment and delighting in one’s nature to attain self-sufficiency and carefreeness” can only take effect by numbing the weak and protecting the strong, serving as a song of praise to the system of privilege. Guo Xiang writes, “If a ruler seeks to govern by following what is spontaneous and natural, then let the wise and the foolish recognize themselves, and the superior and inferior take their place, ordering the hierarchy from the ruler to the ministers, and bestowing all with rewards, thus freeing the world from worries and suffering.”56 Not only is this unreasonable but it is also unfeasible because where there is oppression there will also be resistance, and where there is injustice, there will be unrest. Guo Xiang deviates from Zhuangzi in his attitude toward the differences in real life. Zhuangzi uses relativism to cancel out the differences between things, thus requiring us to abandon worldly life and pursue spiritual freedom in the “land of nothingness.” In contrast, Guo Xiang uses absolutism to affirm the differences between things, thus requiring us to consciously follow the flow of worldly life, and find happiness by resting in our allotment and attaining self-sufficiency. In brief, Zhuangzi is seeking an otherworldly “carefreeness,” whereas Guo Xiang is seeking “carefreeness” in this world. Evidently, the ideal society of Guo Xiang’s Theory of Independent Transformation is one that has both hierarchical rank and harmonious relationships. Not only should the lower classes be content with the status quo, the upper classes must also behave appropriately, employing the different strengths of many talents to safeguard the people’s real interests, thereby keeping the peace between the social ranks. Therefore, Guo Xiang is also critical of absolute monarchy, saying: “If the ruler is stricken with the inability to govern by inaction, and takes over the duties of his ministers, thus preventing Gao Yao from making clear judgments and Hou Ji from planting his grains, then the many talents will lose their responsibilities, and the ruler will be trapped in service,” and “the sage does not force the people to rest where they do not belong, and so allows all to rest in their rightful place; he follows the heart–mind of the people.”57 Guo Xiang’s theory of state governance seeks to merge Confucianism with Daoism, and maintains that the ruler should govern by inaction, allowing all actions to be accomplished through the ministers; and the people should follow their allotment in life, thus ensuring the peace and stability of society. He differs from Wang Bi’s argument in that “the Confucian ethical code is rooted in the spontaneity,”58 and deviates from Ji Kang’s calls to “transcend the Confucian ethical code and follow

56

(Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 60. 57 (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Zhuangzi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 73, 161. 58 Zhang Dainian (Ed.). Dictionary of Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House, 2010, p. 181.

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naturalness.”59 Instead, the social substance of his Theory of Independent Transformation is to explain that “the Confucian ethical code is itself spontaneous.”60 As Yue Guang claimed, “There is joy in the Confucian ethical code.”61 Guo Xiang’s Commentary on the Zhuangzi is his attempt to find joy in the Confucian ethical code, and such social ideals are on the verge of Confucianism. The Xuanxue of the Wei and Jin Dynasties was a Neo-Daoist trend of academic thought that emerged after the end of the dominance of Han classical studies, under conditions of sociopolitical chaos and ideological diversity. It was created by a group of scholars who were deeply influenced by the Daoism of Laozi and Zhuangzi, and it took shape within the interactions between Confucianism and Daoism, among debates among equals, and in the freedom of pure conversation. It maintained a certain distance from the official teachings, and hence has a strong sense of academic independence; it was inspired by the teachings of Laozi, Zhuangzi, and the Changes, and hence has a strong philosophical nature. Although it was not an official school, it came to dominate the academic trend of the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, permeating the ideological atmosphere of its time, even influencing the ruling officials. Furthermore, it had a historically critical impact on the integration of Confucius with Laozi in Confucianism, and the assimilation of Daoism and Confucianism into Buddhism. The Chinese Zen Buddhism of the Tang Dynasty, and the exploration of Buddhism and Daoism by the Neo-Confucians of the Song and Ming Dynasties, all attained their new ideological forms by modeling themselves after the Xuanxue of the Wei and Jin Dynasties.

4.2.2 The Growth of Daoism As a Neo-Daoist doctrine, the Neo-Daoism of the Wei and Jin Dynasties mainly circulated among the elites of society and had no impact on civil society. This is because the people could not engage in ‘pure conversation,’ nor did they have the time to do so. In the years of endless wars and brutal turbulence, when the people worried over food and clothing and had neither peace nor security, where would they have found the time for leisurely strolls under the bamboo, or drinking together all day, while talking about Zhuangzi and Laozi? To them, there was only the Daoist religion, which transformed Daoist ideas into a life-oriented theology and erected the sacred image of the true immortals. In response to the people’s concerns over life and death, over calamity and prosperity, the Daoist religion devised the goals and paths by which to escape from suffering and reach the realm of the immortals. 59

(Wei Dynasty) Ji Kang. Collected Works of Ji Kang. The Commercial Press, 1937, p. 45. Zhang Dainian (Ed.). Dictionary of Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House, 2010, p. 508. 61 (Southern Song Dynasty) Liu Yiqing. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Annotated by Liu Xiao. An Elaboration on A New Account of the Tales of the World. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 15.16. 60

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Religious organizations were established that connected with the people’s beliefs, while various usable Daoist techniques and rituals were formulated that allowed people to turn calamity into good fortune and achieve self-transcendence. Hence, it provided the people with religious services, while also creating wisdom and methods for the refinement and cultivation of life. Therefore, the amalgamation of Daoism and the Daoist religion meant that the Daoist culture was directly connected with the philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi on a higher plane, while also taking root among the people on a lower plane, which enabled its wide-ranging transmission across both the upper and lower levels of society. It served not only as a spiritual force but also as a social force, and demonstrated immense scale and influence, thus imbuing it with sufficient strength to stand on an equal footing with Confucianism and Buddhism. In this way, the Daoist religion of the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties grew to power. The Daoist religion in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties was restricted in the early Wei Dynasty. Cao Cao, Cao Pi, and Cao Zhi did not believe in the arts of immortality and the Daoist religion and imposed the centralized control of masters of methods (Fangshi) to prevent esoteric practices and teachings about immortality from confounding the public and inciting unrest. However, Emperor Ming of Wei (Cao Rui) approved of the arts of immortality and the Daoist religion, which gradually began improving the situation. On top of this, Neo-Daoism had also begun to grow in popularity, with Ji Kang and other famous scholars favoring the arts that nurtured life, thus leading to the merging of Neo-Daoism with the arts of the Daoist religion. Thereafter, the Daoist religion continued to flourish from the Two Jin Dynasties to the Northern and Southern Dynasties, eventually developing into a major mainstream religion. Its main achievements are chiefly manifested in terms of three aspects: (1) the creation of many Daoist works, which formed a series of scriptures; (2) the construction of a theological system centered on beliefs in the immortals; and (3) the establishment of large-scale Daoist religious groups, as well as corresponding institutions and rituals, which were recognized by the state, thus constituting a social force.

4.2.2.1

Continuous Emergence and Records of Daoist Scriptures

Daoist masters from the Fulu (i.e., incantations and talismans) School of the Daoist religion created three major series of Daoist scriptures during the Two Jin Dynasties, namely, the Shangqing (i.e., Supreme Clarity), Lingbao (i.e., Numinous Treasure), and Sanhuang (i.e., Three Sovereigns) series of scriptures. The Shangqing scriptures regard Wei Huacun as the first generation of “True Man,” and were jointly written by Yang Xi, Xue Mi, and Xu Hui. Its representative scripture is the Shangqing Dadong Zhenjing [The True Scriptures of the Great Cavern of Supreme Clarity], and its base of transmission was Maoshan mountain. The Lingbao scriptures were initially passed down by Ge Xuan as Lingbao Wufu [The Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure] but survive today as the Lingbao

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Duren Jing [The Scripture of Salvation of the Numinous Treasure], written by Ge Hong’s great-grandson, Ge Chaofu. It consists of 55 volumes. The Sanhuang scriptures are a group of scriptures mainly consisting of the Sanhuang Wen [The Book of the Three Sovereigns] and Wuyue Zhenxingtu [The Daoist Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains]. It is said that among them, the Xiaoyou Sanhuang Wen [The Book of the Three Sovereigns of Lesser Existence] was passed down by Bo He, and the Dayou Sanhuang Wen [The Book of the Three Sovereigns of Greater Existence] was written by Bao Jing and passed on to Ge Hong. In the early Eastern Jin Dynasty, Ge Hong wrote the Baopuzi [The Master Who Embraces Simplicity], claiming that his teacher Zheng Yin had collected 260 types of Daoist books, consisting of 1,298 volumes. When Lu Xiujing of the Liu Song Dynasty compiled the Sandong Jingshu Mulu [Index of the Scriptures of the Three Caverns], he recorded a total of 1,228 volumes of Daoist scriptures, prescriptions, and incantations, and talismans. In addition to the 1,090 volumes that had already been published, Lu Xiujing authored more than 30 Daoist books and compiled more than 100 volumes on fasting rituals. Furthermore, during the Wei and Jin Dynasties in Shaanxi, the Daoist master Liang Kan founded the Louguan (i.e., Tiered Abbey) School, which worshipped Yin Xi as the grand master, and revered the Daodejing, Laozi Xisheng Jing [Laozi Scripture of Western Ascension], and Laozi Huahu Jing [Laozi Scripture of Converting the Barbarians]. The Daoist books of great significance that emerged during the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties also include Chongxu Zhenjing [True Scripture of Serene Tranquility] (i.e., Liezi, with commentary by Zhang Zhan), Baopuzi [The Master Who Embraces Simplicity], Zhengao [Declarations of the Perfected], Laojun Yinsong Jiejing [The Scripture of Precepts Intoned by Lord Lao], Wushang Miyao [Essential Secrets of the Most High] (Daoist religious book of the Northern Zhou Dynasty), Huangting Jing [The Classic of the Yellow Court], etc. The Classic of the Yellow Court belongs to the Shangqing series of scripture and is composed of the Taishang Huangting Neijing Yujing [The Exalted One’s Jade Scripture on the Inner Scenery of the Yellow Court] and Taishang Huangting Waijing Yujing [The Exalted One’s Jade Scripture on the External Scenery of the Yellow Court]. It is a book of the Daoist Neidan (i.e., Inner Alchemy) School, which combines religious practice with physiological science. It proposes the theory of the “eight sceneries and twenty-four truths,” teaching that spirits exist in each of the body’s organs, and there are twenty-four spirits in total. It also divides the human body into the upper, mid, and lower chambers (i.e., the three Dantian, literally, “elixir fields”); matches the five organs with the Five Elements; and believes that the lower Dantian is where the essence is stored, and hence refined essence and collected Qi must sink into the lower Dantian. Its proposed methods of practice involve the accumulation of essence and Qi, as well as the consumption of breath and the refusal to eat grains, to nurture the spirit, reach utmost vacuity, and breathe like a fetus, thereby attaining immortality. The Classic of the Yellow Court regards the essence, the Qi, and spirit as the three interconnected elements of life, while also viewing human life as an open system that dynamically and continually undergoes material exchanges

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with the external world. This masterpiece merges Daoist practices with the nurturing of life, and it was later valued by both Daoist masters and non-Daoist scholars alike.

4.2.2.2

Establishment of the Theoretical System for the Beliefs of Immortality in the Daoist Religion

Ge Hong was a famous Daoist during the Two Jin Dynasties. He was the founder of the Waidan (i.e., Outer Alchemy) School of Daoist theology, and made crucial contributions to Chinese medicine and chemistry. Ge Hong’s greatest contribution to the Daoist religion was his writing of the Baopuzi, which established a theoretical system for the Daoist beliefs about immortality, while also further clarifying the ideological direction for the intermingling of the Daoist religion and Confucianism. The Baopuzi: Zixu [Autobiography] states: “In all, I have composed the Inner Chapters in twenty scrolls, the Outer Chapters in fifty…My Inner Chapters, telling of gods and immortals, prescriptions and medicines, ghosts and marvels, transformations, maintenance of life, extension of years, exorcising evils, and banishing misfortune, belongs to the Daoist school. My Outer Chapters, giving an account of success and failure in human affairs, and good and evil in public affairs, belong to the Confucian school.”62 The key points of the Daoist theology as illustrated in the Inner Chapters of the Baopuzi are as follows: Firstly, the Baopuzi proposes a philosophy of the Mystery (i.e., Xuan), the Way and the Oneness. Ge Hong’s ideas concerning “the Mystery” and “the Way” originated from Laozi, were inherited by Huainanzi: Yuandaoxun [Huainanzi: Originating in the Way], and later influenced by the Xuanxue of the Wei and Jin Dynasties. Both these concepts refer to the source and substance of the universe, to which was added the unique religious tones of the Daoist way of attaining immortality. Thus, it is written in Changxuan [The Mystery Defined]: The Mystery that is the Way is attained within, but lost through externals. The users of the Way become veritable gods; the forgetters of the Way, instrumentalities. Thus I feel that the Way has been put to you succinctly. The possessor of the Way will be honored even without the prestige of the gilt ax as a badge of office. One who embodies the Way is rich, and needs no rarities. The eminence of such a person is not be scaled; his depth is not to be plumbed. Borne on streams of light and plying the whip to flying rays, he traverses all space and pierces the floods. He exits through the zenith and enters through the nadir. He passes through the gateway of the Boundless and travels in fields of peace and beauty. He takes diversion in the Vague and Confused (i.e., the Way); he comes and goes far beyond all normal coming and going. He enthroats all the beautiful things at the very edge of the clouds; he tastes the six breaths of the universe at the red cloud accompanying the sun. He sojourns in the Obscure (i.e., the Way); he soars in the Infinitesimal (i.e., the Way). He travels the rainbow; he treads the celestial sphere. Such is the man who has found the Way.63 62

(Jin Dynasty) Ge Hong. The Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 827, 828. 63 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 2.

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Therefore, those who have attained the Mystery and the Way not only reside in a spiritually transcendent realm, but can also live on light and dew, can be borne on light and air, and can fly freely throughout the universe; in other words, they are nothing less than gods. Furthermore, Ge Hong also transforms “Unity” into a personified god, and proposed the method of “preserving Unity”: “preserve Unity and guard Truth, and you can communicate with the gods.”64 Secondly, the Baopuzi believes in the definite existence of gods and immortals and the attainability of immortality. Ge Hong argues that the legends of the gods and immortals are recorded in numerous books, and so are not false; that the birth and death of things is not a universal principle; that reasonable care and nurturing can ensure immortality; that death is caused by Six Evils, and eliminating these Six Evils means that one can avoid death; and that Gold and Cinnabar (i.e., the Golden Elixir) is strong and enduring, and those who ingest it can attain immortality. Thirdly, the Baopuzi believes that the right methods must be followed to attain immortality and practice the Way. The methods proposed by Ge Hong include: (1) Acting with humaneness and accumulating virtue. “Those wishing to seek immortality should think of loyalty, filial piety, friendliness, obedience, humaneness, and trustworthiness as basic. If they do not perform meritorious actions but solely pursue the esoteric techniques, they will never attain Fullness of Life.”65 This line clearly agrees with the Confucian concept of transformation through moral teachings. (2) Meditating on the spirits, and preserving Unity. (3) Herbal medicine and dietary nourishment: “Medium-grade medicines nurture life; lower-grade medicines banish illness.”66 (4) Calisthenics and meridian channeling: “The True Men of the Way merely ask us to study the method by which these animals extend their years through calisthenics, and to model ourselves on their eschewing of starches through the consumption of breath.”67 (5) Treasuring the essence and cherishing the qi, “If you wish to seek divinity or immortality, you need only acquire the quintessence, which consists in treasuring your essence, circulating your breaths, and taking one crucial medicine. That is all.”68 (6) The Golden Elixir and higher-grade medicines, “Taking the divine elixir, however, will produce an interminable immortality and make one coeval with sky and earth; it lets one travel up and down in Paradise, riding clouds or driving dragons.”69 Ge Hong emphasized that those who possess immortal bones and receive the secret recipes must follow a wise master, join an alliance, retreat 64

Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 297. 65 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 47. 66 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 177. 67 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 43. 68 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 136. 69 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 65.

of the Book of the Master Who of the Book of the Master Who of the Book of the Master Who of the Book of the Master Who of the Book of the Master Who of the Book of the Master Who

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into the mountains with companions, perform fasting and ablution, observe various taboos, and prepare medicines according to recipes, to produce the elixir. Hence, Ge Hong’s Waidan arts (or external alchemy) could only be transferred from individual masters to individual students, which was not conducive to the formation of large religious groups, and its influence was mainly on the transmission of the Way and its arts, thus providing ideological support for the Daoist religion. Ge Hong’s Daoist thought, on the one hand, is the pursuit of personal transcendence and immortality, while on the other hand, it also emphasizes the salvation of the world, simultaneously maintaining its independence, but also blending with Confucianism. Based on this, the Daoist religion was able to open a path that traversed from the lower to the upper echelons, and from the margins to the center of society. He believed that both the Confucian officials and the Daoist hermits were needed by society, “Retreat into stillness to curb the customs of overzealous competition; uphold Confucianism to save the profound and subtle words that had ceased after Confucius.”70 In fact, sages and saints should be capable of practicing both Daoism and Confucianism, “We inwardly treasure the divine process for nurturing life, and outwardly work with our generation. By regulating our own bodies, they will remain active, and by providing order for the state, the state will enjoy a veritable millennium.”71 Thus, society should value Confucianism and respect Daoism, “Thus Confucianism is valued for the improvements it brings about in habits and customs, and not only for its bowings and wheelings; Daoism is honored because it transforms conduct without uttering a word, and not just for the sole matter of nurturing life.”72 Ge Hong especially stressed that the practice of Daoism must involve abiding by the mainstream moral norms advocated by Confucianism, as well as the accumulation of good virtues, including compassion and humaneness, treating others with honesty, not mistreating one’s superiors or inferiors, not being greedy for wealth or jealous of talent, not being reckless or depraved, having respect for one’s teachers and elders, and so on. In terms of governing the state, Ge Hong advocated for the strengthening of the monarchy, the promotion of loyalty and virtue, the implementation of ritual teaching, and the use of punishment to complement humaneness, all of which were aligned with the teachings of Confucianism. He writes, “The ruler is akin to Heaven; he is akin to one’s father”73 ; and “only those who are loyal”74 should be appointed as ministers. He also argues that to govern the people in peace depends on the rites and 70

Revised and annotated by Yang Mingzhao. The Annotations to Outer Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1991, p. 61. 71 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 135. 72 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 126. 73 Revised and annotated by Yang Mingzhao. The Annotations to Outer Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1991, p. 285. 74 Revised and annotated by Yang Mingzhao. The Annotations to Outer Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1991, p. 283.

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institutions, “Generally speaking, a person with rites is like a fish in water”75 ; and that punishments and virtue are both needed to govern a state: “There is none who does not value humaneness, but none can achieve the security of the state by humaneness alone; there is none who does not despise punishments, but the people cannot be governed by abolishing punishments.” Thus, he attempted to bring together the four teachings of Daoism, Confucianism, Legalism, and Xuanxue. Nevertheless, Ge Hong also had many criticisms of Confucianism and was fundamentally a Daoist who absorbed Confucian thought. In the chapter Mingben [Clarifying the Basic], he writes, “The interlocutor asks, ‘Which has the priority, Confucianism or Daoism?’ The Master replies, ‘Daoism is the very root of Confucianism, but Confucianism is only a branch of Daoism.’”76 Hence, the Way of Daoism is the fundamental law of the cosmos. However, the Way of immortality he promoted was still censured similarly to what was encountered by the Buddhism of Mouzi’s Lihuolun [On Resolution of Confusion], that is, its basis cannot be found in the Confucian classics or sages. In Shizhi [Resolving Hesitations], the interlocutor asks, “If the divine process leading to immortality can really be had by seeking, why is there no mention of it in the Five Classics? Why have Duke Zhou and Confucius said nothing about it? Why did the sages not become immortals? Why do not those with the highest wisdom enjoy Fullness of Existence? If neither Duke Zhou nor Confucius knew anything about it, they cannot be considered sages. If they knew about it but did not study it, then there can be no divine process leading to immortality.”77 To this, Ge Hong replied, “There is no limit to what is not contained in the Five Classics, and there are a great many things about which Duke Zhou and Confucius say nothing.”78 He then goes on to point out that the Five Classics are limited and cannot be blindly worshipped. For instance, the Classic of Changes is unable to answer questions concerning “the size of the sky, the breadth of the four seas, the extent of the universe in miles, where up and down end, and who is doing the pushing or pulling when things revolve,”79 “and after that, we turn to the specialists in The Annals (all four parts), the Odes, the Book of Documents, and the Three Rites, and we again receive no answer.”80 He suggested that since the ancient texts have undergone many disasters and wars, and remained buried for a long time, the strings holding the bamboo scrolls together had begun to rot away, causing them to be incomplete in many places, and hence they should not be blindly believed. Ge Hong takes Laozi’s 75

Revised and annotated by Yang Mingzhao. The Annotations to Outer Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1991, p. 7. 76 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 167. 77 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 140. 78 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 140. 79 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 141. 80 Annotated by Wang Ming. The Annotations to Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 141.

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theory of the Way as his ontological philosophy, pursues his ideals of life with the Way of Immortality, achieves the goals of governing the country using the Confucian teachings on rites, and disagrees with the wanton behavior of the Xuanxue carefree school. In Cijiao [Criticizing Arrogance], he writes, “The people of the world hear about how Dai Liang and Ruan Ji view the customs with arrogance and act without restraint, and see that this is called magnanimity. However, they do not measure their own qualities and abilities, which fall short of those who view the world with arrogance, and yet they continue to admire and learn from such people”; “nearly all these actions are those of the uncivilized foreigners, and not actions regarded as courteous by the Huaxia people.”81 Thus, in Ge Hong’s view, an enlightened person is one who is “adept at morality and virtue, and has achieved humaneness and righteousness.”82 Therefore, his values were easily accepted by mainstream society.

4.2.2.3

Elevation of Folk Wudoumi School to the Mainstream Way of the Celestial Masters

The Wudoumi School (i.e., A denomination of Five Bushels of Rice) was a religious movement that originated in the Bashu region. This area was later conquered by Cao Cao, forcing its founders (the Zhang family) and some Daoist followers to move to the Central Plains, where they continued to spread the movement, eventually reaching the upper classes and the Jiangnan region. After the Western Jin Dynasty, the worship of Daoism gained popularity among the eminent families, with several great clans in Jiangnan, such as the Xi, Wang, Yin, and Shen families, believing in Daoism for many generations. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, The Wudoumi School underwent two rounds of major reforms. The first was the reform of “Purging and Re-ordering Daoism” led by Kou Qianzhi of Northern Wei. It aimed to “eliminate the false doctrines of the three Zhangs, the system of land rent (paid in rice) and taxation, and Daoist sexual practices. How can the purity and vacuity of the Great Way involve such matters? Instead, our focus should be dominated by the rites and etiquette, and supplemented by the ingestion of medicines and meditation.”83 The reform also led to the establishment of altars and ceremonies, which formalized the Daoist religion by wiping out the cluttered and unrefined qualities of folk religion. Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei was also revered, and served as the “True Ruler of Great Peace,” thus gaining great support from Prime Minister Cui Hao. As a result, the Way of the Northern Celestial Masters flourished and was no longer known as the Wudoumi School. 81

Revised and annotated by Yang Mingzhao. The Annotations to Outer Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1997, p. 29. 82 Revised and annotated by Yang Mingzhao. The Annotations to Outer Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1997, p. 43. 83 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 3051.

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Kou Qianzhi’s Scripture of Precepts Intoned by Lord Lao relied on the words of Laozi, discontinued the system of the 24 regions and the title of Zhaizhi, and abolished the hereditary system of the Celestial Masters and Libationers. “For those who wish to seek the living Way, the most important is to first read the Five Thousand Words…It is good that the people should be governed by the precepts and rituals, according to which the libation should be performed”; “those who are governed by the registers and precepts, and in whom their disciples worship, are akin to officials born of the rites, wherein the rites and institutions are equal, and are adhered to categorically as though they are the laws and regulations.”84 Thus, Kou Qianzhi’s “Purging and Re-Ordering of Daoism” emphasized the study of Laozi’s Five Thousand Words, and stressed the teaching of precepts and rituals, worship, and prayer. Kou Qianzhi also adopted the Buddhist doctrine of karma and reincarnation, preaching that the good and evil of our past lives will affect the results of our practice in this life and that the good and evil deeds of this life will affect the blessings and misfortunes of our next life. The Scripture of Precepts Intoned by Lord Lao states that if a person “engages in a myriad of deceptive ways, claims official titles to amass the people and destroy the land,”85 he will evoke the “great anger”86 of the Supreme Lord Lao, and be condemned to hell, and “those who have committed heinous crimes will be reincarnated as insects and beasts.”87 This goes beyond the theory of “inherited burden” (i.e., from ancestral sins), and comes close to the Buddhist theory of karma. However, it is also not the Buddhist idea of spontaneous retribution and is imbued with connotations of retributions meted out by Daoist divine immortals. After Kou Qianzhi’s death and Cui Hao’s execution, the Way of the Celestial Masters was somewhat restricted. However, it had taken root in the Northern Dynasties and persisted until the Northern Zhou Dynasty. The other round of reform that the Wudoumi School had undergone was the codification of Daoist rituals by Lu Xiujing of the Southern Dynasties. Lu Xiujing mainly conducted his activities during the Liu Song period of the Southern Dynasties. At the end of the reign of Yuanjia, Lu Xiujing explained the laws of Daoism to Emperor Wen of Song, their discourse persisting for many days and nights. Emperor Ming of Song ordered Yuan Can to organize debates among the scholars of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, in which Lu Xiujing used his acute reasoning and modest words to resolve disputes and overcome setbacks, thereby greatly boosting the prestige of the Daoist religion. Lu accomplished three major achievements in his lifetime. The first was to collate and compile the Shangqing, Lingbao, and Sanhuang Daoist texts, which he summarized as the “Three Caverns” (Cavern of Truth, Cavern of Mystery, and Cavern of 84

Selected and edited by Hu Daojing et al. Selected Classics of Daoist Canon, Volume 8. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 381, 377–378, 379. 85 Selected and edited by Hu Daojing et al. Selected Classics of Daoist Canon, Volume 8. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 378. 86 Selected and edited by Hu Daojing et al. Selected Classics of Daoist Canon,Volume 8. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 378. 87 Selected and edited by Hu Daojing et al. Selected Classics of Daoist Canon, Volume 8. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, p. 382.

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Divinity) and wrote the Index of the Scriptures of the Three Caverns. This served as the predecessor to the classification of the Daozang [Daoist Cannon] in later generations. His second achievement was the codification of the rituals, for which he wrote the Jinlu Zhaiyi [Rituals of the Golden Register], Sanyuan Zhaiyi [Rituals of Sanyuan], etc., and those that were passed on included Luxiansheng Daomen Kelüe [The Daoist Code Abridged by Master Lu], Dongxuan Lingbao Wugan Wen [The Text of the Five Gratitudes of the Numinous Treasure Cavern of Mystery], and Taishang Dongxuan Lingbao Shoudu Yibiao [Instrument of Granting the Supreme Numinous Treasure Cavern of Mystery]. These texts enabled the Way of the Celestial Masters to obtain a stricter organizational system and religious rituals. The third achievement of Lu Xiujing was his integration of Daoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism from a Daoist standpoint, which promoted multicultural integration and the innovative theoretical development of the Way of the Celestial Masters. He was greatly approved of the Confucian teachings of the rites, saying that it “allows the internal cultivation of compassion and filial piety among the people, and their external actions of respect and modesty; it can support the current ruler and bring about principles; it can help the state and sustain livelihoods.”88 Moreover, he integrated Buddhism into Daoism, touching on karma and the transcendence of the soul. Ever since, the Way of the Celestial Masters only grew in its recognition of the Buddhist theory of karma and assimilated it as an integral part of the Daoist Great Way. Lu Xiujing believed that “the Way takes the precepts as the foundation of virtue, and the gateway to truth.”89 In response to the slack ritual rules and chaotic organization found in the Way of the Celestial Masters at that time, he relied on the commands of the Supreme Lord Lao and proposed a plan of rectification, “Set up 24 regions of governance, 36 jinglu, 2,400 internal and external Daoist priests, with 1,200 officials”; “the Celestial Masters shall govern and appoint positions, akin to the Yang official of the counties and cities, where they will govern the people and the properties. All who believe in the Way shall be recorded in the civil registers, and each shall have their own affiliations.”90 Lu also established the “Daoist household register,”91 which recorded the male and female populations of all believers, and was held by the official in charge of households to protect the believers and safeguard them from calamities. The households of Daoist believers had an oratory in which they placed only four objects (an incense burner, an incense lamp, a table of memorials, and a writing knife), and regularly worshipped the gods. There is a lack of historical materials detailing whether Lu Xiujing’s restructuring of the Way of the Celestial Masters was effective. However, after that, the Way of the Celestial Masters had a relatively complete organizational system and ritual norms, which enabled it to become a large, independent religious group.

88

The Daoist Canon, Volume 24. Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 779. Daoist Canon of Zhengtong Reign. Yee Wen Publishing Company, 1977, p. 43858. 90 The Daoist Canon, Volume 24. Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 779, 780. 91 Daoist Disciplinary Guides by Lu Jingxiu. In Daoist Canon, Volume 24. Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 779–782. 89

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Tao Hongjing’s Achievements in the Integration and Innovation of the Daoist Religion

Tao Hongjing was a famous Daoist thinker and medical practitioner during the Southern Qi and Liang Dynasties. He retreated to Juqu-shan (Maoshan) after his middle-aged years, where he took delight in his Daoist practices and scholarship. He was the founder of the Maoshan School, which regarded the Shangqing scriptures as its canon. Tao Hongjing declined the many invitations by Emperor Wu of the Liang to serve in government, but the emperor never failed to consult with Tao regarding important matters concerning the prosperity and calamity of the state, thus earning him the title of the “Grand Councilor of the Mountains.” Dao was erudite and talented, capable of accommodating a wide variety of knowledge, yet still formed his own independent school of thought. In all, his achievements were multifaceted. First, Tao Hongjing practiced both external alchemy and internal training, medicinal ingestion and scripture recitation, improving the spirit and nurturing the body. He tried to refine the external elixirs seven times, but despite being unsuccessful, he faithfully recorded the testing process, which served as authentic data for ancient chemistry. In Zhengao [Declarations of the Perfected], he writes, “If herbal medicines are ingested without knowing the arts of the bedchamber or the circulation of breath and calisthenics, then ingesting these medicines will not be beneficial.” “If the arts of the bedchamber or the circulation of breath and calisthenics are practiced without knowing the arts of the divine elixir, then immortality cannot be attained.” “If one receives the golden and divine elixir, then other arts are not needed, and one will immediately become immortal. One who receives the True Scripture of the Great Cavern (Shangqing) will also not require the Way of the Golden Elixir, and will only need to read the scripture to the end ten thousand times, and will hence become immortal.” “The Supreme True Man says, read the five thousand words of the Daodejing ten thousand times, and a cloud will arrive to greet you.”92 He believed that the nurturing of life must involve caring for both the body and the spirit: “When the spirit is used excessively, it is exhausted; when the body is labored excessively, it is worn out. If one can let the heart roam in emptiness and stillness, cease thought and embrace inaction, ingest primal qi in the early morning, regularly practice calisthenics in one’s meditation chamber, nurture life without loss, and take a variety of fine herbs, then living to the old age of a hundred would be a common allotment.”93 Second, Tao Hongjing inherited and augmented Chinese medicine, and became a famous Chinese medical practitioner. Referring to illustrations and specimens, he revised and supplemented the Shennong Bencao [Shennong’s Materia Medica], wrote the Bencao Jizhu [Collected Commentary on the Materia Medica] in seven volumes and the Xulu [Preface], which recorded a total of 730 types of medicines. Further, he collected folk prescriptions and wrote the Zhouhou Baiyifang [Handy 92

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Tao Hongjing. Declarations of the Perfected. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 65, 119. 93 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Tao Hongjing. Records of Nurturing and Extending Life. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, “Preface”, p. 1.

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Therapy for Emergencies] in three volumes, as well as the Yangxing Yanming Lu [Records of Nurturing and Extending Life], which helped preserve many valuable materials on folk health preservation, treatments, and fitness. Therefore, Tao Hongjing was quite an influential figure in the history of Chinese medicine. Third, Tao Hongjing incorporated Confucianism and Buddhism, striving to integrate the three teachings. He was the first great Daoist in the history of Chinese Daoism who clearly propounded the goodness of all three teachings, pointing out that three teachings shared the common ground of seeking goodness. He also noted the difference between Daoism and Buddhism concerning the spirit–body relationship: “Any combination of essence and image is but body and spirit. When the body and spirit unite, it is human or animal; when the body and spirit separate, it is a soul or ghost; when it is neither separated nor united, it is captured by the Buddhist way; if it is both separated and united, it relies on the Way of the Immortals.”94 This is his Daoist view on the body–spirit issue of concern to the three teachings at that time, wherein his expression of Buddhism as “neither separated nor united” was more insightful than average, compared to his contemporaries. Tao Hongjing once dreamed that Buddha instructed him on the Book of Bodhi, and hence he swore to receive the Five Precepts from the Ashoka Pagoda in Mao County. His orders before death were that his body be clothed in a Daoist hat and robes and covered in a shroud made of the Buddhist k¯as.a¯ ya. There has never been as great a Daoist as this person who called himself a follower of Buddhism. He also agreed with Confucianism, and considered loyalty, filial piety, morality, and virtue to be the pathway to immortality: “A person of utmost loyalty and filial piety will eventually be appointed as an Agent Beneath the Earth, and for 140 years will be instructed by the Lesser Immortals about the Great Way, thereby gradually progressing until they become an Immortal Official.”95 Tao Hongjing also made another significant contribution to the building of the Daoist religion, which was to create an unprecedented system of immortals in the Zhenlingwei Yetu [True Spirit Position Diagram]. In this system, the Yuanshi Tianzun (i.e., the Primeval Lord of Heaven) is positioned as the highest deity, while the various immortals are divided into seven intermediate tiers according to their ranks, with a main deity for each intermediate tier, as well as left and right positions, with additional positions for Female True Ones, sundry immortals, sundry earthbound immortals, and so on. Approximately four to five hundred immortals and great Daoists found in the myths and legends were ranked and listed, to form a world of immortals, thus laying the foundation for the subsequent belief system of immortals with the “Three Pure Ones” at the highest tier.

94

The Daoist Canon, Volume 23. Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 646. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Tao Hongjing. Declarations of the Perfected. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 204–205.

95

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4.3 The Rise of Buddhism and Its Integration The rapid rise and flourishing of Buddhism during the Two Jin dynasties and the Northern and Southern Dynasties can be generally be attributed to the following points. First, it benefited from the solid and persistent activities of scripture translation that had begun since the Eastern Han Dynasty. The accumulation of such translation activities over several hundred years gradually removed the language barriers between Sanskrit and Chinese, which successively produced Chinese translations for the Hinayana and Mahayana scriptures that were widely circulated in all levels of society. This was a precondition for the penetration of foreign Buddhist culture into Chinese society. During the Two Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties, the scale and quality of scripture translation underwent another major leap, which further consolidated the foundation of spreading Buddhism within China. Second, after temporary unification under the Western Jin Dynasty, the country entered a prolonged period of division, characterized by endless wars and social turmoil that deprived the people of their livelihoods. Thus, the people craved for the alleviation of their spiritual suffering in the Buddhist faith, which allowed them to find spiritual comfort. Moreover, the ruling classes were also fraught with uncertainties due to the frequent power transitions, and hence needed the psychological support of Buddhism, which they used to stabilize the social order. Therefore, in these times of unrest, Buddhism found an unprecedented opportunity for massive expansion. Third, Neo-Daoism of the Wei and Jin Dynasties formed a rich accretion and wideranging influence on academic theory. Not only did it serve as a role model for the integration of Daoism with Confucianism, it also surpassed the practical level of Han Confucian empiricism, thereby raising the level of abstract thinking among the Chinese, and teaching them how to gain insight into the Great Way. As a result, NeoDaoism became an important bridge for the introduction of philosophical Buddhist doctrines. This also meant that the translation and interpretation of Buddhist scriptures were strongly influenced by Neo-Daoism right from the beginning, which drove the smooth entry of Buddhism into the spiritual lives of the Chinese people. Fourth, the unique philosophical nature of Buddhist doctrines was immensely attractive to the Chinese intelligentsia. Not long after the monk of the Western Regions came eastward, many eminent monks began to appear in the Central Plains, forming the backbone of Buddhism in China. As they were familiar with traditional Chinese culture, as well as its social and national conditions, they became the main driving force behind the spread of Buddhism in the Central Regions of China. They were highly respected and charismatic, able to take into account the actual local conditions at the time, to preach the scriptures using the customary language of the region. Thus, they appeared approachable and easily comprehensible to the people, which rapidly drew a large number of people from all walks of life into Buddhism.

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4.3.1 Translation of Buddhist Scriptures and Expansion of Its Spread to the East During the Cao Wei Dynasty, Zhu Shixing of Yingchuan was the first Han Chinese monk to be ordained and the first to journey westward to acquire the scriptures. When he was ordained and preached the s¯utras, he was dissatisfied with the existing translation of the Bore Jing [Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a S¯utra, S¯utras on the Perfection of Transcendent Wisdom]. This prompted him to depart westward from Chang’an in the fifth year of the reign of Ganlu (260 CE), crossing desert and wilderness and traveling a long distance to Khotan to acquire the Sanskrit version of the Fangguang Bore Jing [Fanguang Version of the Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a S¯utra]. During the Western Jin Dynasty, Zhu Shixing sent his followers with the s¯utras back to Luoyang, where they were translated by Zhu Shulan, Wu Luoyi, and others. The s¯utras quickly gained popularity in the capital, and discussing prajñ¯a (i.e., wisdom) became a fad. During the Three Kingdoms period, Zhi Qian from Dukedom Wu, who was a disciple of Zhi Chen (i.e., Lokaks.ema), translated 36 Hinayana and Mahayana S¯utras, including Weimojie Jing [Vimalak¯ırti S¯utra], Da Amituo Jing [Longer Sukh¯avat¯ıvy¯uha S¯utra], Faju Jing [Dhammapada], and so on. He was proficient at expressing the meaning of the s¯utras in Han Chinese, thus enhancing the accessibility and popularity of the Mahayana S¯utras. Kang Senghui was a monk from Dukedom Wu, who inherited the Hinayana Dhyana (or Chan) system of An Shigao, and his surviving translation of the Buddhist scriptures includes the Liudu Jijing [S¯utra of the Collection of the Six Perfections]. This scripture is divided into six chapters based on the “six P¯aramit¯as” or “six Perfections” (i.e., generosity, virtue, patience, diligence, meditative concentration, and wisdom), and uses the story of Buddha’s life to explain the principles guiding those who practice the Way of the Bodhisattva. It is uniquely characterized through interpretation of both Confucianism and Daoism to Buddhism. For example, it frequently employs terms such as “heart of sympathy,” “heart of humaneness and righteousness” etc.; believes that “the ruler should guide the people through the way of humaneness”96 ; and emphasizes the “fulfillment of filial piety,” stating that “as for Wei Lan’s generosity in giving to all sages, it does not compare with filial piety to one’s parents.”97 During the Two Jin Dynasties, there were a great many eminent monks who engaged in scriptural translations. For example, Zhu Fahu (Dharmaraks.a) translated 175 s¯utras included in the Kaiyuan Shijiaolu [Kaiyuan Catalog of Buddhist Teachings], of which his translations of Zhengfahua Jing [Lotus S¯utra] and Guangzan Bore Jing [Panca Vimsati S¯ahasrik¯a Prajnaparamita S¯utra] were profoundly influential in the Central Plains. Sengyou of the Liang Dynasty appraised him as follows: “The widespread dissemination of the s¯utras across China can be attributed to the efforts of 96

Annotated by Pu Zhengxin. S¯utra of the Collection of the Six Perfections. Bashu Publishing House, 2001, p. 314. 97 Annotated by Pu Zhengxin. S¯ utra of the Collection of the Six Perfections. Bashu Publishing House, 2001, p. 105.

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Dharmaraks.a.”98 Zhu Shulan also translated several scriptures, of which the extant Fangguang Bore Jing [Fanguang Version of the Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a S¯utra] had circulated among the famous scholars of “pure conversation.” Bo Fazu annotated the Shouleng ´ura˙ngama S¯utra]; translated 16 s¯utras, including Pusa Xiuxing Jing [S¯utra Yanjing [S¯ of Bodhisattva Practice] and Foban Nihuan Jing [Nirvana S¯utra]; and once won against the Daoist Wang Fu in their debate about the superiority of Buddhism and Daoism. Following in the footsteps of Zhu Shixing’s journey westward to acquire the s¯utras, Faxian also undertook this journey during the Sixteen Kingdoms, arriving at Tianzhu (i.e., India), even reaching the Sinhalese Kingdom. As a result of his 14-year journey, he brought back the Sanskrit version of the Lvzang [Vinaya Pit.aka] and several Hinayana s¯utras. Upon his return, he traveled south to Jiankang and co-translated the Nirvana S¯utra, Mohe Sengqi Lv [Mah¯as¯am . ghika Vinaya], Daban Niepan Jing [Mah¯ay¯ana Mah¯aparinirv¯an.a S¯utra] with Buddhabhadra. He also wrote the Foguo Ji [A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms], the important historical materials on Sino-Indian cultural exchanges. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Juexian (Buddhabhadra) of the Southern Dynasties co-translated the 40 volumes of Sengqi Lv [Mah¯as¯am . ghika Vinaya] with Faxian and translated the Huayan Jing [Avatam saka S¯ u tra] and . Wuliangshou Jing [Longer Sukh¯avat¯ıvy¯uha S¯utra]. The Indian monk, Gunabhadra, ¯ translated the Za’a Han Jing [Sam in 50 volumes, the Xiao Wuliang. yukta Agama] shou Jing [Shorter Sukh¯avat¯ıvy¯uha S¯utra] in one volume, and so on. During the Liang and Chen Dynasties, the Indian monk, Zhendi (Paramartha), traveled to China to preach the Mahayana Yogachara School of Asa˙nga and Vasubandhu and translated more than three hundred volumes of scriptures, treatise, records, and biographies. His teachings remained prominent even until the Sui and Tang Dynasties and he was renowned as one of the three interpreters alongside Kum¯araj¯ıva and Xuanzang. The scriptural translators of the Northern Dynasties include Tan Yao, Tan Mo, Dharmaruci, Fa Chang, Bodhiruci, and Ratnamati. During the Two Jin and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the most influential scriptural translator and teacher was none other than Master Kum¯araj¯ıva. He demonstrated incredible insight even in his youth, and in his adulthood, his beliefs and knowledge shifted from Hinayana to Mahayana. He later became a renowned master of Kucha, who possessed vast knowledge and profound thoughts, with surrounding countries bowing to his extraordinary talent. His reputation eventually reached the Central Plains, and Master Dao’an advised Fu Jian of Former Qin to welcome Kum¯araj¯ıva. Fu Jian later sent Lv Guang to conquer Kucha and return with Kum¯araj¯ıva to Liangzhou. Kum¯araj¯ıva was then imprisoned for 17 years. He was 41 when imprisoned and 58 years old when he was released, and his thoughts were mature and sophisticated. However, he was unable to realize his aspirations of spreading Buddhism eastward, and hence had no choice but to “contain his deep

98

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Hui Jiao. Annotated by Tang Yongtong. Tang Yixuan (Ed.). Memoirs of Eminent Monks. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 23.

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understanding without propagation.”99 When Emperor Yao Xing of Later Qin took power, he sent Yao Shuode to attack Liangzhou, defeat Lv Long, and return to the capital with Kum¯araj¯ıva. Yao Xing conferred to him the title of National Teacher and learned from him with humility. Yao Xing also provided Kum¯araj¯ıva with a national center of translation and assisted him in conducting the large-scale translation of the scriptures. Kum¯araj¯ıva lived for 12 years in Chang’an (or eight years according to other sources), where he translated 35 s¯utras in 294 volumes (according to Sengyou’s Chusanzang Jiji [Collected Records on the Emanation of the Chinese Triptitaka]), which significantly promoted the expansion of Mahayana Zhongguan [Madhyamaka or Centrism] School in the Central Plains. The subsequent unprecedented popularity of excellent Buddhist Mahayana scriptural translations in China, which include the Fahua Jing [Lotus S¯utra], Amituo Jing [Shorter Sukh¯avat¯ıvy¯uha S¯utra], Jingang Bore Jing [Diamond S¯utra], Dapin Bore Jing [Great Perfection of Wisdom S¯utra], ´astra, or the Treatise that Accomplishes Reality], and Chengshi Lun [Tattvasiddhi-S¯ Sanlun [Three Treatise], as well as the rise of various Buddhist schools (e.g., the Sanlun [Three Treatise], Tiantai, Jingtu [Pure Land], and Zen Buddhism), were all influenced by Kum¯araj¯ıva’s new translations or re-translations of the scriptures. Thus, his contributions were immeasurable. While translating the scriptures, Kum¯araj¯ıva also preached the meaning of the scriptures, instructed his disciples, and wrote his own discourses, giving rise to a large group of talented, young Buddhist monks under his school. The most brilliant among them included Sengrui, whom Yao Xing honored as a “Leader of the Four Seas”; Sengzhao (given name: Zhen Guanfu), who wrote the Zhaolun [Treatise of Sengzhao] and is known as the “Father of Three Treatise”; and Daosheng, who was taught by Kum¯araj¯ıva, and was known by all monks in Guanzhong for advocating the concept of sudden enlightenment, earning him the title of the “Sage of Nirvana.” At that time, scholars from all over the country gathered in Chang’an, which gradually became the national academic center for Buddhism. The great achievements of Kum¯araj¯ıva’s scriptural translations tell us a few things about the confluence of two heterogeneous cultures: first, there must be sincerity, good faith, and diligence in all incoming and outgoing exchanges; second, there must be master scholars who can serve as leaders and role models; third, there must be canonical texts of excellent translation and expression; fourth, there must be the in-depth engagement of elite groups; and fifth, there must be the attention and support of all sectors of society. Kum¯araj¯ıva’s undertakings and Yao Xing’s unwavering support are inseparable. Yao Xing was truly a wise ruler, who had a profound knowledge of both Confucianism and Buddhism. He had a deeper cultural awareness and respect for others, able to show great reverence to all eminent monks. During his reign of 22 years, he placed great emphasis on governing by civility and on influencing through education, while also showing respect to scholars. Jiang Kan of Tianshui, Chunyu qi of 99 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Hui Jiao. Annotated by Tang Yongtong. Tang Yixuan (Ed.). Memoirs of Eminent Monks. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 51.

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Dongping, Feng Yi, and Guo Gao were all Confucian scholars who advocated virtue, well-versed in the classics, and upright in behavior. They imparted their teachings in Chang’an, each having hundreds of disciples, and politely greeted tens of thousands of scholars from afar. In his spare time, Yao Xing would have discussions on knowledge and would clarify the intricacies of argumentation with Jiang Kan and the other scholars. He even instructed the guards, saying, “All those who wish to consult on matters of knowledge and engage in self-cultivation shall be allowed to come and go freely without restriction.”100 This contributed to the enthusiasm of scholars, and the flourishing of Confucianism. Yao Xing governed the state with Confucianism, and promoted goodness with Buddhism, successfully employing both teachings in his practice of social management. Further, he created the optimal conditions for Master Kum¯araj¯ıva to engage in the translation and propagation of the scriptures in the east. Therefore, he should be recognized as a great hero of Chinese Confucianism and Buddhism.

4.3.2 Expansion of Buddhist Faith to the Upper Class and Multiethnic Regions After the Eastern Jin Dynasty, Buddhism began spreading to all strata of society, rapidly gaining followers from the emperor and the officials to the commoners. The Gaoyi Shamen Zhuan [Lives of Eminent Buddhist Recluses] writes, “Emperors Yuan and Ming allowed their hearts to roam in emptiness and stillness, and placed their emotions in the true meaning of Buddhist teachings,”101 their interests ranging from Xuanxue to Buddhism. Xi Zuochi writes in Zhi Dao’an Shu [Letter to Dao’an] that Emperor Ming “painted the portrait of Tathagata with his own hand, and recited the essence of the Samadhi.”102 Among the famous scholars, Yin Hao “was exiled, moved to Dongyang, and read the Buddhist scriptures extensively, all of which he understood with refined insight”103 ; Sun Chuo wrote the Yudao Lun [A Clarification of the Way], in which he discussed beliefs about karma; and Xi Chao wrote Fengfayao [Essentials of Upholding the Dharma], which discussed dharma extensively. The Northern Sixteen Kingdoms were mostly ruled by ethnic minorities, who accepted Buddhism more easily than Han Chinese rulers. Shi Le of the Later Zhao Dynasty and his son Shi Hu (of the Jie people) both revered the eminent monk Fotudeng 100

(Tang Dynasty) Fang Xuanling et al. The Book of Jin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 1997. (Southern Song Dynasty) Liu Yiqing. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Annotated by Liu Xiao. An Elaboration on A New Account of the Tales of the World. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 206. 102 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. The Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 78. 103 (Southern Song Dynasty) Liu Yiqing. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Annotated by Liu Xiao. The Elaboration on A New Account of the Tales of the World. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 152. 101

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of the Western regions, commanding their fellow citizens and officials to pay him great respect. In return, Fotudeng advised Shi Le and Shi Hu using the mercy of Buddhism and turned them away from cruelty. In this regard, the universal character of Buddhism and its cross-ethnicity dissemination facilitated the integration of the northern ethnic groups into the Chinese community. Later on, the Yao Qin state (ruled by the Qiang people), which occupied Guanzhong, and the Northern Liang state (ruled by the Juqu family) which was established in Longxi, both devoted themselves to following the Buddhist dharmas. The emperors and scholars of the various Southern Dynasties were all well-versed in Confucianism and Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, while also believing in Buddhism. The academic atmosphere was one that emphasized the discourse of meanings and principles, and the analysis of concepts. In his discussion on the role of Buddhism with his ministers, Emperor Wen of Song said, “If the people within my land are all converted to Buddhism, I will hold my throne in utmost peace and have no worries.”104 Emperors Gao and Wu of Qi were also not inferior in their admiration of Buddhism compared to the Liu Song period. During the reign of Emperor Wu, Crown Prince Wenhui, and Xiao Ziliang, the Prince of Jingling, became famous for their revival of Buddhism. They studied Buddhism together with famous scholars and monks, held lectures and meetings, organized various feasts for monks, and promoted charitable activities. Emperor Wu of the Liang (Xiao Yan) studied Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, and in which he acquired profound academic knowledge. He placed a special emphasis on Buddhism, even issuing the Sheshi Lilao Daofa Zhao [Decree Renouncing the Way of Li Lao], which officially announced his renunciation of Daoism and the restoration of Buddhism: “My bureaucratic officials and imperial members should resist the false and adhere to the genuine, give up the heretical and follow the orthodox,”105 thus virtually elevating Buddhism to a national religion. Moreover, the emperor also made an offering of himself three times at Tongtai Temple and expressed his willingness to become a devout disciple of Buddha. He wrote the Duanjiurou Wen [Prohibition of Meat and Alcohol], which described strict precepts, and created a new system of Chinese Buddhist vegetarianism. He supported the translation of the scriptures, participated in lectures on the dharma, and wrote Commentary. He undertook the extensive construction of Buddhist temples and statues and held grand Buddhist ceremonies. During his reign, there was a total of 2,846 Buddhist temples and more than 80,000 monks and nuns. Thus, this period can be considered the pinnacle of Buddhism in the Southern Dynasties. It is also during this time that the eminent monk Sengyou wrote the Chusanzang Jiji [Collected Records on the Emanation of the Chinese Triptitaka], which is the earliest and most complete surviving record of the scriptures and is of enormous historical value. Furthermore, the Hongmingji [Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism] compiled by 104

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. The Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 70. 105 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. The Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 116.

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Sengyou is a collection of documents concerning the controversies among the three teachings, which is of great significance to later generations. Later on, based on the Collected Records on the Emanation of the Chinese Triptitaka and various biographies of monks, Hui Jiao wrote China’s first systematic Gaosengzhuan [Memoirs of Eminent Monks], which became an important text in the history of Chinese Buddhism. Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei (Tuoba clan) initially respected Buddhism, but later listened to the advice of Cui Hao, which led to his destruction of dharma, the execution of monks, the burning of Buddhist images and scriptures, and the abolishment of Buddhism for seven years. After Emperor Wencheng ascended the throne, Buddhism was quickly restored in Northern Wei, and the Yungang Grottoes were excavated, which further augmented the scale of its development. Emperor Wencheng issued a decree: “All who are emperors and kings must humbly revere the illustrious spirits and make manifest the way of humaneness. Those who can bestow compassion on the people and benefit the beings, though they existed in antiquity, must still follow their example. Therefore, the Spring and Summer Annals approve the worship of gods, and the Sacrificial Codes record those who achieved great exploits. How much more has the Tath¯agata brought benefit to the world? His passion flows out to this worldly realm. Those who consider life and death as equal admire his supreme vision; those who look at writings and doctrines honor his wondrous clarity. He supports the prohibitions and the regulations of regal government and enriches the good nature of humaneness and wisdom. He banishes the many evils and performs the perfect Enlightenment. Therefore, since former ages, none has failed to do him honor. Even in our realm he has always been revered and served.”106 The decree also explained that Emperor Taiwu’s persecution of Buddhism was due to treasonous gangs hidden in the Buddhist temples—not because he was against Buddhism.107 This decree represents the highest level of the religious and Buddhist views of the rulers in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties: First, it explains from the perspective of the historical tradition of Chinese governance and administration that revering the illustrious spirits and worshipping the ancestors are necessary measures to “manifest the way of humaneness.” Second, it points out that Buddha’s teaching has benefited the world and the vast majority of people, while its insights on life and death are wondrous in meaning and principle, thus conferring it with great appeal. Third, the decree affirms the position of Buddhism as a supplement to governance and its role in promoting good and reviving virtue; its position is to “assist” regal governance and its role is to “benefit” Confucian virtue. Thus, on this basis, the decree essentially determined the proper place of Buddhism in Chinese social life, which effectively prevented the unification of government and Buddhism, or the opposition of Buddhism by the government. During the reign of Emperor Xiaowen, he both supported Buddhism and reinforced its management by limiting the number of monks to prevent its abuse, enacting 106 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 3035–3036. 107 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 3025–3062.

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47 articles of the “Monastic Regulations”, establishing the Jian Fu Cao (later changed to Zhao Xuan) for the management of Buddhist affairs, which employed officials for the separation of monastic affairs, and building the Shaolin Temple at Shaoshi Mountain. Among the subsequent generations of emperors, some inherited the system and others undertook reforms. By the end of the Wei Dynasty, “the Buddhist scriptures had been circulated and amassed in China, totaling 415 books in 1.919 volumes”; and “in brief, the total number of monks and nuns was two million, and the temples numbered thirty thousand.”108 Thus, this period represented the peak in the number of monks and nuns in the history of Chinese Buddhism. However, not all of them were true believers: “After the sixth year in the reign of Zhengguang, the state encountered many dangers, and conscription was especially prolific. Thus, the commoners who were registered pretended to become monks, but in actuality were avoiding military service. The abuse was extreme, and unprecedented since the dharma came to China.”109 The chaotic gathering of monks in the monasteries was certainly not conducive to government management, nor to the integrity of Buddhist teaching. However, Buddhist temples provided shelter to those who were suffering and desperate, which can be considered a form of charity. Emperor Xiaojing of Eastern Wei revered the eminent monk Tan-luan. Emperor Wen of Western Wei and Prime Minister Yuwen Tai both favored Buddhism and promoted its prosperity. Emperor Ming of Northern Zhou worshiped Buddhism, then Emperor Wu abolished Buddhism for a time until he was succeeded by Emperor Xuan, who quickly reinstated Buddhism. In summary, during the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Buddhism formally became a major legitimate religion at the level of national law, alongside a monastic system of administration at the institutional level. This was embodied in the Northern Dynasties by the Shamentong, Daorentong, or Zhaoxuan, and the highest-ranking monk official was the Chief Monk. As for the Southern Dynasties, there was the Sengsi (i.e., Bureau of Monastic Affairs), and the chief official was the Seng-Zheng. The temples also consisted of the temple abbot, Shangzuo (i.e., senior monks), and Weina (i.e., discipline master), to strengthen internal and external management as well as coordinate between political and religious relations. Generally speaking, the model where governance is supplemented by religion (Buddhism) had already been formed, and the mainstream relationship between politics and religion was essentially harmonious. However, there were also exceptions. The first was the temporary destruction of Buddhism by Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei and Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou. The second was the elevation of Buddhism by Emperor Wu of the Liang, who raised it to the level of a national ideological form, thereby giving rise to negative consequences. Emperor Wu of the Liang was a polymath who governed the state wisely and diligently using Confucianism, thus enabling the Southern Liang Dynasty 108 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 3048. 109 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 3048.

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to attain material abundance and cultural wealth to the envy of all. Unfortunately, his prudence did not last to the end of his reign, and his confusion in his old age meant he could not distinguish loyal advisors from malevolent ones. He was ultimately captured by the rebel Hou Jing and starved to death in Taicheng. Wei Zheng of the Tang Dynasty commented that Emperor Wu of the Liang was “intelligent and well-versed in the ancient teachings,” “outstandingly talented and masterful in his strategies.” However, he was unable to forgo the branches and venerate the roots, or remove the embellishments and return to simplicity; he admired others for their reputation, and honored the superficial; he suppressed Confucius and Mozi, and emphasized Buddhism and Laozi110 ; in the end, “he did not die a natural death.”111 Wei Zheng noted that the inability of the emperor to end his reign as well as he began was because he was “unable to forgo the branches and venerate the roots,”112 and he “admired others for their reputation, and honored the superficial.”113 Wei Zheng’s observation here has captured the crux of the matter, which was manifested in three ways. The first was the emperor’s elevation of Buddhism above Confucianism at the level of governance, which was an inversion of the roots and the branches. “Governing the state with Confucianism” was already an established formula for Chinese governance, whereas the function of Buddhism was to advocate kindness and provide comfort, not to deal with major affairs of the military and the state. Therefore, the coexistence of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism must be dominated by Confucianism, and doing otherwise will lead to malpractices. The second was the propelling of the academic style toward superficiality, where scholars and monks sat and discussed Buddhism and Xuanxue, away from real matters and indulging in comfort, causing the state to lose a sense of vigor. The third was the emperor’s substitution of his identity as the supreme ruler with his personal beliefs, causing him to abandon his political duties, while also using the offering of himself to Buddhism to forge a vacuous reputation as a pious disciple, which ultimately led to the deviation of the Buddhist faith from the right path. The lessons from this chapter of history were duly learned by emperors of subsequent generations.

4.3.3 Successive Appearance of Chinese Eminent Monks 4.3.3.1

Zhidun

Zhidun (zi, i.e., social name, Dao Lin) was an eminent monk of the Two Jin Dynasties. He possessed the demeanor of a famous scholar, was well-versed in the Buddhist studies of prajñ¯a, and proficient in Laozi and Zhuangzi, and thus was highly regarded by the literati. During the Wei and Jin Dynasties, the integration of the Chinese 110

(Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 100. (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 100. 112 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 100. 113 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 100. 111

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´ unyat¯a (i.e., Emptiness) with NeoBuddhist School of Prajñ¯a (i.e., Wisdom) and S¯ Daoist Metahpysics formed the “Six Sects and Seven Schools,” of which Zhidun represented the Jise (i.e., Emptiness as Identical with Matter) School. In his Miaoguan Zhang [An Essay on Wondrous Meditation], he writes, “The nature of matter is such that matter does not exist by itself. Having no self-being, matter is empty although it exists as matter. Therefore, it is said that ‘matter is identical with emptiness and also different from emptiness.’”114 In Zhidun’s view, although “matter” (i.e., all things in heaven and earth) exists, it is the result of the concatenation of cause and effect, and hence has no self-nature. Thus, it is itself “emptiness,” and emptiness does not exist external to matter. This is the theory of Dependent Origination and Emptiness, which is closer to the original meaning of the Prajñ¯a School. Further, it also corresponds to the Theory of Independent Transformation in Xuanxue proposed by Xiang Xiu and Guo Xiang’s The Commentary on Zhuangzi, which emphasizes that things arise spontaneously and that there is no original substance beyond the myriad things. However, Zhidun also stresses that “matter is a different emptiness,” which once again creates a gap between matter and emptiness, and prevents its attainment of perfection.

4.3.3.2

Shi Dao’an

Shi Dao’an was a native of Fuliu, Changshan, and was a contemporary of Zhidun. He moved southward from Hebei to Xiangyang, where he collated the Buddhist scriptures and compiled a catalog of them; he also established precepts and advocated Maitreya’s Pure Land. In Chang’an, he organized the translation of scriptures, which totaled 187 volumes and more than a million words; he also collated the great works of Zen Buddhism and Prajñ¯a. He founded the School of Original Nothingness (i.e., Benwu), which was one of the Six Sects and Seven Schools, and cultivated a group of outstanding disciples, including Huiyuan and Huiyong. At that time, Kum¯araj¯ıva had heard of Dao’an in Kucha, and praised him as the “Sage of the East.” The Biography of Tanji in the Memoirs of Eminent Monks cites the Qizonglun [Treatise on the Seven Schools] in describing the tenet of Original Nothingness, as follows: This is where interest in the discussion of original nothingness came from. Why? Prior to the obscure formation, there was only openness. Then it came to be that the Primordial Qi reformed it, and the many shapes were endowed with form. Although these forms were by nature transforming, they were fundamentally transitory transformations, emergent so-ofthemselves. Being “so-of-themselves” means “spontaneous.” Is there then one which created it? From this, I say: nothingness is prior to the Primordial Transformation, and emptiness

114

(Southern Song Dynasty) Liu Yiqing. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Annotated by Liu Xiao. An Elaboration on A New Account of the Tales of the World. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 137.

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was the origin of the various forms; we, therefore, call it “original nothingness.” It is not saying that an empty opening is capable of producing all that exists.115

The cosmology of the School of Original Nothingness is of the lineage as He Yan and Wang Bi’s Theory of Valuing Nothingness, both of which believe that all Being is rooted in Nothingness. However, the purpose of the former is to attain the “emptiness” of Buddhism, to venerate the roots and forgo the branches, thereby relieving the burden of being hindered in Resultant Being, rather than affirming the value of Resultant Being, which differs from the Xuanxue Theory of Valuing Nothingness. However, the meaning of Original Nothingness does not clarify the difference between the “nothingness that comes before the myriad transformations [of phenomena], and the emptiness that is the origin of the various forms” as opposed to the “empty opening that is capable of producing all that exists.” This implies that Dao’an had not yet reached a clear distinction between cosmogony and cosmological ontology.

4.3.3.3

Sengzhao and the Zhaolun [Treatise of Sengzhao]

Sengzhao was the most accomplished and eminent monk among the disciples of Kum¯araj¯ıva, who combined the Xuanxue of the Wei and Jin Dynasties with the Buddhist Prajñ¯a (Bore) School. His works were compiled into the Zhaolun [Treatise of Sengzhao], the quintessence of which is captured by the Three Treatise: Wubuqian Lun [Treatise on the Immutability of Things], Buzhenkong Lun [Treatise on Unreal Emptiness] and Bore Wuzhi Lun [Treatise on Prajñ¯a as Not Cognizant]. Sengzhao’s work “is a fusion of Chinese and Indian philosophical principles, providing profound arguments and knowledge concerning the question of substance and function, while also expressing its meaning with words of extreme beauty and power. Thus, it is the most valuable work of Chinese philosophy. The theories of Sengzhao can be summarized in one phrase: it is both substance and function.”116 Sengzhao’s teaching was reputed to be “foremost in the understanding of emptiness” (i.e., S¯unyat¯a) and goes beyond the simple comparisons adopted in the “Geyi” (i.e., “categorized concepts” or “matching of meaning”) approach to the Laozi and Zhuangzi interpretation of Buddhism. It has attained a deeper understanding of the original meaning of prajñ¯a in Buddhism, which enabled the organic integration of Xuanxue discourse with Buddhist terms, thereby strongly promoting the sinicization of Buddhism at the philosophical level, while also greatly improving the Chinese ability for abstract thinking. The Treatise on Unreal Emptiness uses the language of Xuanxue to express the profound meaning of prajñ¯a, “A perfect void where nothing grows (and decays) such is, perchance, the transcendent realm as it shows in the 115

Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, p. 138. 116 Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, p. 184–185.

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dark mirror of prajñ¯a. All that exists (and non-exists) is resolved”117 ; while one who knows the dharma has attained “that perfect ‘voidness’ in which all things are equal, which prevents the Cosmic Soul from being troubled by individual sorrows.”118 Next, he criticizes the Xinwu (i.e., Emptiness of Mind), Jise (i.e., Emptiness as Identical with Matter) School, and Benwu (i.e., Original Nothingness) School. His criticism of the tenet of Emptiness of Mind was that although it is correct to pursue spiritual silence and stillness, it fails to answer the question of whether all things are empty and nothing. Sengzhao then criticizes the tenet of Emptiness as Identical with Matter, claiming that this tenet recognizes that matter (as it is found) is not, in itself, matter, thus although it is matter, it is also emptiness, but does not acknowledge that matter in itself is emptiness and matter is identical with emptiness. Sengzhao also criticizes the tenet of Original Nothingness, arguing that this tenet elevates Nothingness and devalues Being, and that its belief that Being and Nothingness are fundamentally both Nothingness actually creates a division between the two; thus, this tenet has failed to understand that the Nothingness in Buddhism is actually referring to Being that is not truly Being and Nothingness that is not true Nothingness. In other words, it refers to “existence that is unreal,” and does not deny existence in the phenomenal world. Thus, Sengzhao managed to elevate the “Nothingness” in the Xuanxue Theory of Valuing Nothingness to the level of pure ontology, which is close to the meaning of Emptiness (or S¯unyat¯a) in Buddhism. “Unreal emptiness” means that things do not truly exist and hence are empty. The Treatise on Unreal Emptiness states, “The ten thousand dharmas looked at from one side do not exist, and therefore cannot be treated as existent, but looked at from the other side, they do not non-exist, and therefore cannot be treated as non-existent. If you say: they exist [I answer]: [You may call it] existence but it is not true life. If you say: They do not exist [I answer]: Phenomenal life has taken shape already. This is not just non-existing. [The ten thousand dharmas] neither in truth exist nor just nonexist. This is the meaning of the title ‘Unreal Emptiness.’”119 If so, why do the ten thousand dharmas exist but do not truly exist? In reply, “the Mahayana S¯utra says, ‘All dharma must be considered to exist because [though] dependent upon causation [they exist]; all dharma cannot be considered to exist because [only] dependent upon causation [do they exist].’”120 This, therefore, boils down to the doctrine of “Dependent Origination and Emptiness,” wherein the ten thousand dharmas arise from the concatenation of cause and effect, and do not have their own permanent nature. Thus, they do not truly exist and can be called empty, while being is actually false being. 117 Annotated by Zhang Company, 2010, p. 33. 118 Annotated by Zhang Company, 2010, p. 33. 119 Annotated by Zhang Company, 2010, p. 56. 120 Annotated by Zhang Company, 2010, p. 55.

Chunbo. The Annotations to Treatises of Sengzhao. Zhonghua Book Chunbo. The Annotations to Treatises of Sengzhao. Zhonghua Book Chunbo. The Annotations to Treatises of Sengzhao. Zhonghua Book Chunbo. The Annotations to Treatises of Sengzhao. Zhonghua Book

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The Treatise on the Immutability of Things addresses the question concerning the continuity and discontinuity of transformations in the universe, i.e., the question of the relationship between motion and stillness. Most people think that all things are caught in the ever-changing flux of continuous life and death. However, Sengzhao cites Fangguang, saying, “There is no dharma that goes and comes; there is none that alters its position [in the temporal order],”121 and arguing that “whatever is past is ‘past’ by its very nature. For, it could not have started from the ‘present’ and passed over to the ‘past.’ [It proves further that] what is present is ‘present’ by its very nature and could not have come over from the ‘past’ to ‘present.’”122 Therefore, “the raging storm [at the end of a world] that uproots mountains, in fact, is calm; the two streams of China rush along and yet do not flow, the hot air that can be seen in springtime dancing on the surface of the lake is not moving; sun and moon, revolving in their orbits, do not turn around”123 ; things do not come and go, “each individual is stationed permanently in the historical period [to which they belong].”124 This is also the Buddhist theory of “instant birth and death,” wherein motion is an illusion, and the stillness in motion is real. The Treatise on Prajñ¯a as Not Cognizant explains that the cognition of prajñ¯a is not common perception, but a type of transcendent “empty manifestation,” where nothing less or nothing more than the whole truth is cognized. The “cognition” of Buddhist prajñ¯a does not lie with the acquisition of external knowledge, and hence can be considered “not cognizant,” but it must transcend worldly knowledge, appreciate the true meaning of life and the universe, and gain an awareness beyond life and death. In Zongbenyi [The Main Doctrine], Sengzhao outlines his main points, and expounds on his general views of Buddhism: “Original nothingness,” “reality-mark,” “Dharma-nature,” “emptiness by nature,” “dependent origination”: all these are one doctrine. How so? All dharmas arise through dependent origination: before they arise, they do not exist; when the conditions of their existence perish, they too cease to exit. Were they to exist substantially, then—once in existence—it would be impossible for them to perish. From this it follows that though they presently manifest as being, in nature, they are always fundamentally empty. This is referred to as “emptiness by nature.” This empty nature is called “dharma-nature.” Dharma-nature being thus, it is called “reality-mark.” Reality-mark is non-being by itself—it is not made a non-being merely through analysis. Thus, it is called “original nothingness.”125

Here, he expounds on the concept of “names and appearances” in Buddhism, to present the essential meaning of Dependent Origination and Emptiness. 121 Annotated by Zhang Company, 2010, p. 11. 122 Annotated by Zhang Company, 2010, p. 17. 123 Annotated by Zhang Company, 2010, p. 17. 124 Annotated by Zhang Company, 2010, p. 24. 125 Annotated by Zhang Company, 2010, p. 1–2.

Chunbo. The Annotations to Treatises of Sengzhao. Zhonghua Book Chunbo. The Annotations to Treatises of Sengzhao. Zhonghua Book Chunbo. The Annotations to Treatises of Sengzhao. Zhonghua Book Chunbo. The Annotations to Treatises of Sengzhao. Zhonghua Book Chunbo. The Annotations to Treatises of Sengzhao. Zhonghua Book

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The Treatise of Sengzhao represent the in-depth pursuit and thinking by the elite scholars of the time about the truth of the universe and life under the enlightenment of Buddhism. It uses the logical mode of reflective thinking to uncover the contradictions between phenomenon and essence, illusion and truth, change and stillness, history and present, suffering and liberation, transience and eternity, striving to arrive at a perfect answer that goes beyond common conjecture. Nevertheless, its valiant attempt has still only resulted in a standalone school of thought, believed by some and not by others. Moreover, the many questions that arose in the process of its logical inference have not been truly resolved. For example, why must the nature of things in themselves be permanent and self-sufficient? Is it truly so that things arising from dependent origination are not real? This premise itself remains to be proven. In another case, if things are indeed immutable, each stationed separately in the past and present, then how is karma manifested? Does this not cause dharma to be self-contradictory? Nevertheless, we must acknowledge that it prompted people to think more deeply when facing difficulties in life, and opened another doorway to wisdom.

4.3.3.4

Shi Huiyuan

Shi Huiyuan was a native of Loufan, Yanmen, who lived during the Eastern Jin Dynasty and used to correspond with Kum¯araj¯ıva through letters. He lived and preached at the Donglin Temple in Lushan during the latter half of his life, and was a highly respected leader in the Chinese Buddhist community after Dao’an. In his early years, Huiyuan studied the Confucian classics, as well as the teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi. However, after hearing the sermons of Dao’an on Prajñ¯a, he abandoned Confucianism and Daoism, converting to Buddhism instead. Huiyuan lived at Donglin Temple for more than thirty years, during which he did not once leave the mountain, and did not go beyond Tiger Brook when seeing off his guests. Nevertheless, many Chinese literati flocked to visit him, and his disciples were numerous. “The Master of the Doctrine, Shi Huiyuan, [urged by] the depth of his noble emotions and the excellence of his pure feelings, has invited [us] like-minded gentlemen, [desirous of] appeasing the mind and inspired by a noble faith, to the number of 123 men, to assemble before the statue of Amit¯abha at the vihara of the Prajñ¯a terrace on the northern slope of Mount Lu, and he has led us reverently to perform the sacrifice of incense and flowers, and to make a vow in order to stimulate all those who take part in this meeting.”126 Here was thus born the faith of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism. The eleventh chapter of Tang Yongtong’s Hanwei Liangjin Nanbei Chao Fojiaoshi [A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Two Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties] is devoted to discussing Huiyuan, which gives high praise to his unique personality and vast knowledge. First, “Huiyuan was virtuous and highly respected, a steadfast pillar in mainstream Buddhism. He strived for the dignity of Buddhist monks and 126

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Hui Jiao. Annotated by Tang Yongtong. Tang Yixuan (Ed.). Memoirs of Eminent Monks. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 214.

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protected the teaching of dharma. Though his shadow never left Mount Lu, nor was there any trace of the vulgar in him, his Buddhist dharma prospered on its own. He did not receive princes or nobles, and regarded his refusal as worthy, which appealed to the feelings of the people.”127 Second, “the Master of the Doctrine was wellversed in Zhuangzi, Laozi, and Confucianism. Although he advocated Buddhism as the ‘exceptional and unchanging religion,’ he often still said, ‘the inner and outer Way can be understood in combination,’ or that ‘when it comes to the doctrine of Being, the hundred schools will converge.’”128 In brief, he possessed independence and inclusiveness, which are the two qualities most valued by Chinese scholars. Huiyuan’s major contribution was to participate in the discussion on the issues of Buddhist monks paying homage to the ruler and of retribution, which served to coordinate the relationship between Buddhism and Chinese rites, and to make up for the shortcomings of Confucianism with Buddhism, thereby providing new perspectives and insights. This point will be elaborated further in later sections.

4.3.3.5

Zhu Daosheng

Daosheng was a native of Julu. He once studied Buddhism under Kum¯araj¯ıva, and was a fellow disciple with Huirui and Huiyan. Regarding Zhu Daosheng’s undertakings in scriptural translation, he came after Dao’an, who focused on translating the Sarv¯astiv¯ada s¯utras when in Chang’an; Kum¯araj¯ıva, who focused on the three treatise of Prajñ¯a; and Dharmaks.ema, who mainly translated the Nirvana S¯utra in Liangzhou. Thus, he was able to bring together the great achievements of the three and add his own interpretations, which earned him the praise of the monastic world. Based on the philosophical idea of Xuanxue that “words do not fully convey the meaning,” he pointed out that “Indeed, images [serve to] fully convey the meaning, once the meaning has been seized, they should be forgotten; words [serve to] deliver the Principle, and once the Principle has been penetrated, they should come to an end. Since the Buddhist s¯utras were spread eastwards, [due to their incompetence] the translators caused a whole series of hindrances [to the comprehension of their meaning]. Most [Buddhists] stuck to those fallacious translations, and only a few were able to see the complete meaning [that was behind them]. If only someone could be able to forget about the fish trap upon catching the fish, I could discuss with him about the Way.”129 At that time, the Nirvana S¯utra had not yet gained popularity. Where the scripture states, “Nirvana cannot be extinguished, and Buddha has true self; all living beings have buddha-nature, and since all

127

Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, p. 195. 128 Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, p. 200. 129 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Hui Jiao. Annotated by Tang Yongtong. Tang Yixuan (Ed.). Memoirs of Eminent Monks. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 256.

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have buddha-nature, they can attain Buddhahood,”130 Daosheng uses this to establish the tenet that “all Icchantikas can attain Buddhahood.”131 “Icchantika” refers to a person of incorrigible disbelief, and if even such a person can attain Buddhahood, then it means that “everyone can attain Buddhahood,” which coincides precisely with Moncius’s theory that “everyone can be as Yao and Shun.” Therefore, Daosheng’s idea was gradually able to be accepted by Chinese society. It is documented in the Book of Song: Ethnic Minorities: Kapilavastu, India: Shi Daosheng that Daosheng “at the age of fifteen was able to preach the scriptures, and frequently had different interpretations; he established the theory of sudden enlightenment, and was admired by the people of his time.”132 Daosheng’s Weimojijing Zhu [The Commentary on the Vimalakirti S¯utra] states, “In one instant there is nothing that is not known: this starts from the moment [in which one attains] the Great Enlightenment. To rectify one’s mind is the beginning of [Buddhist practice], which then culminates in the instant knowledge of all dharmas. Is this not the Place of Enlightenment?”133 The debate between gradual enlightenment and sudden enlightenment was fairly lively during the Southern Song Dynasty. Huida’s Expository Commentary on the Treatise of Sengzhao refers to the concept proposed by Zhidun, Dao’an, Huiyuan, Sengzhao, and others as “minor sudden enlightenment,” while that by Daosheng as “major sudden enlightenment.” Related philosophical ideas have long emerged among Chinese philosophers. For example, the Daodejing says “Kings and Princes obtain from the One the model which to all they give.”134 The “One” here is the Way, which cannot be divided and hence can only be mastered through insight, rather than cumulative learning. Thus it is said, “He who devotes himself to learning [seeks] from day to day to increase [his knowledge]; he who devotes himself to the Way [seeks] from day to day to diminish [his doing]. He diminishes it again and again till he arrives at doing nothing [on purpose].”135 Further, Zhuangzi says, “In the light of the Way, all be reduced to the same category”; “look at them in the light of the Way.” Confucius says, “If a man in the morning hears the right way, he may die in the evening without regret,” and “my doctrine is that of an all-pervading unity.” The Commentary on the Book of Changes says, “In the Changes, there is no thought and no action. It is still and without movement; but when acted on, it penetrates forthwith to all phenomena and events under heaven”136 —all of which emphasize that a certain 130

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. Revised by Su Jinren and Xiao Lianzi. Collected Records on the Emanation of the Chinese Triptitaka. Zhonghua Book Company, 1995, p. 235. 131 (Ming Dynasty) Ge Yinliang. Revised by He Xiaorong. Records of Buddhist Temples in Nanjing. Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2007, p. 636. 132 (Liang Dynasty) Shen Yue. The Book of Song, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 2388. 133 Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, p. 363. 134 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, P. 221. 135 Annotated by Chen Guying. The Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, P. 250. 136 Annotated by Song Zuoyin. The Book of Changes. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 336.

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degree of cumulative learning is required in self-cultivation, but a qualitative leap is needed at the critical moment of grasping the Way. Thus, they all imply entering a realm of unity between heaven and humanity. A closer look at Daosheng’s theory reveals that he does not completely omit gradual enlightenment, and also seems to advocate straightforward practices of studying the dharma. As for the realization of all dharma in a single moment, since Buddhist principles together form an indivisible whole, the moment in which they are grasped is known as “sudden enlightenment”. Daosheng’s new theories that “everyone can attain Buddhahood”137 and of “sudden enlightenment to attain Buddhahood” remained popular until the Tang Dynasty and acted as mental preparations for the birth of Zen Buddhism.

4.4 Conflicts and Integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism The introduction of Buddhism was the first instance in which traditional Chinese culture was challenged by a systematic, large-scale, and highly theoretical foreign culture. On the one hand, during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, Confucianism, which had been the dominant Chinese ideology since the Western Han, already had a profound accumulation of ritual and moral culture, whereas the Daoist culture of the Daoist philosophy and religion, which served as a complement to Confucianism, also had a long and deep-rooted history. Disagreements between Confucianism and Daoism occurred only at an academic level, and the cultural selfconfidence of the Chinese nation was not lost due to the introduction of Buddhism but continued to be maintained. Thus, to preserve the subjectivity of the national culture, it was inevitable that the mainstream cultures would challenge the foreign, incoming Buddhism. On the other hand, the Confucian culture advocated concepts such as “harmony without uniformity” and “teachings that run parallel without conflicts”, while the Daoist culture advocated concepts such as “capacity and forbearance lead to a community” and “to the person by whom harmony is known, [the secret of] the unchanging Way is shown],” thus indicating that both teachings had a tradition of embracing the “hundred schools of thought”. Therefore, the scholars of the two mainstream schools did not reject Buddhism, they even took the initiative to understand and study Buddhism, striving to identify points of convergence with existing Chinese cultures and aspects where they can complement each other. As a result, the mainstream trend in the relationship among the three teachings during this era was characterized by peaceful coexistence, frequent debates, and finding similarities among differences. Although there were many disputes, these were all conducted reasonably, courteously, and with civility. With respect to Buddhism, its eastward transmission into the Central Plains meant that it did not have a political background, 137

(Ming Dynasty) Ge Yinliang. Revised by He Xiaorong. Records of Buddhist Temples in Nanjing. Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2007, p. 636.

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nor did it involve the interventions of an interest group, but was instead an instance of cross-ethnic and cross-border cultural transmission. Therefore, the Chinese monks who were devoted to Buddhism committed themselves to acquiring, translating, interpreting, and preaching the scriptures. They worked in close cooperation with the monks coming from China’s western border areas, namely India and central Asia and incorporated elements of Chinese culture into Chinese Buddhism right from the beginning. At that time, Chinese Buddhism mainly absorbed the modes of thinking from the Neo-Daoism of the Wei and Jin Dynasties, including “gaining insight through experience” and “obtaining the meaning and forgetting the words,” as well as terminologies such as “Being and Nothingness”, “emptiness and fullness”, “motion and stillness”, “substance and function” etc., which infused Buddhism with a Chinese character. Some claim that Buddhism arrived through invitation. This not only refers to the journey westward undertaken by Chinese individuals to acquire the scriptures, but also the proactive learning and absorption of the meanings and principles found in the great wisdom of Indian Buddhism concerning the universe and life. Therefore, in the controversies among the three teachings, those who came forward to defend Buddhism were mostly Chinese monks or scholars. Naturally, criticisms against Buddhism were profuse among the ruling classes, Confucians, and Daoists, some of whom wished to protect the interests of the regime, while others were worried that the Chinese national culture would be damaged; still others saw the shortcomings of Buddhism, and some did not fully understand Buddhism. However, all these responses could be considered normal as long as Buddhism was treated with temperate discourse, as they facilitated greater understanding among the three teachings, and enabled Buddhism to find its place and better integrate into Chinese society. Certain radical statements were also made during this process, which fortunately failed to cause actual harm. The events that truly derailed the natural course of things were the intense persecution and destruction of Buddhism by Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei and Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou, which became a short-lived but distressing interlude in this era.

4.4.1 Conflicts Between Confucianism and Buddhism During the Eastern Jin Dynasty and Buddhism Attached Itself to Confucianism 4.4.1.1

The Controversy of “Buddhist Monks Paying Homage to the Ruler”

During the reign of Emperor Cheng, Yu Bing issued a decree on behalf of the emperor that accused Buddhist monks who did not bow down to the emperor as “violating their bodies, going against their normal duties, changing the codes of ceremonious behavior, and rejecting the doctrine of names,” and stated, “there can only be one

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[principle of government]; if one makes it two, disorder will be the result.”138 In this regard, He Chong and several others submitted a memorandum, stating, “How could it be that they (i.e., Emperors Wu and Ming) would not have changed the custom of bending the knees as regards the Buddhist monks of their time? However, [the emperors] did not make them alter their [particular] method of cultivating virtue, for this is how [the ruler] agrees with the aspirations of all men”139 ; “if we investigate the scriptures that [Buddha] has left behind and penetrate into their essential meaning, [then it appears that] the five prohibitive rules [of the Buddhist layperson] virtually assist the ruler in exerting his transforming [civilizing] influence,” and “if now no restrictions are imposed on them, then the laws of the state will suffer no harm.”140 During the reign of Emperor An, Huan Xuan took control of the regime, and revisited the issue of Buddhist monks paying homage to the ruler, believing that “the task of regulating beings by communicating his life-giving [power] lies with the ruler,” and hence “the monks, for their very existence, must rely on the ruler’s beneficial activities: how then could they receive [the fruits of] his virtue but neglect the rites, be blessed by his favor but abstain from reverence?”141 To this, Huan Qian and Wang Mi both made their replies. Huiyuan, as a leader of the Buddhist community, wrote Da Huantaiwei Shu [Letter in Reply to Huan Xuan], which expressed his attitude: As is set forth in the Buddhist scriptures, there are [among Buddhists] two classes of people: [the laypeople] who propagate the doctrine while dwelling in the world, and [the clerics] who cultivate the Way after having left the household. Those who dwell in the world observe the rites in serving their superiors and are respectful toward their [elder] relatives; the righteous duties of loyalty [to the sovereign] and filial piety are made clear in the [Confucian] canonical texts, and the instructions about the [exalted position of the ruler] with the three Great Ones are manifested in the writings of the Sage. In this, they agree with what is ordained in the Royal Regulations as exactly the two halves of a tally... He who has “left the household” can retire from the world to seek the fulfillment of his ambition, and he can deviate from the secular [codes of behavior] to make his Way perfect. As he deviates from the secular [codes], his apparel cannot agree with the ritual rules of worldly canons, and as he has retired from the world, he must make his actions sublime. By doing so, he can save the drowning world from the deep stream [of existence] and pluck the dark roots [of karma] out of the successive eons. Far-away he passes through the ford of the Three Vehicles; nearby he opens up the road [to rebirth as] man or god. Thus, inside [the family], he runs counter to the respect due to natural relationship and yet he does not deviate 138

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 81. 139 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 80. 140 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 81. 141 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 81.

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from [the inner feeling of] filial piety; outwardly [in the state] he is lacking in [the signs of] respect in serving the ruler and yet he does no fail in his reverence [towards him]... If but one person is [in this way] made to reach complete virtue, then [the inspiring example of his] way will spread to his six [kinds of] relatives, and the benefit [resulting from this] will flow throughout the realm. Although [the virtuous monk] does not occupy the position of a king or a marquis, yet he completely agrees with the [ideal of] Perfect Government in that he allows the people freely [to develop their natural virtues].142

Huiyuan stressed that Buddhists who remain in the household must abide by the rites of the world; whereas Buddhists who leave the household must necessarily diverge from secular rites, but are fundamentally still able to “completely agree with the [ideal of] Perfect Government in that he allows the people freely [to develop their natural virtues],” which is precisely great loyalty and filial piety. Therefore, the two classes of Buddhists ultimately achieve the same aim, but through different paths. This shows that the basic attitude of the Buddhist community, which not only acknowledged Chinese ethics and royal power but also maintained its own basic characteristics. In He Chong’s words, Buddhism “virtually assists the ruler in exerting his transforming [civilizing] influence,” which reassured the state government, and obtained a legitimate space for its survival and development. Thus, the proper place of Buddhism in China is to be ancillary to governance and Confucianism. Under this premise, Buddhism adhered to its own unique beliefs and ethics, while also protecting its dignity. Eventually, Huan Xuan exempted Buddhist monks from observing secular rites. The fifth volume of the Hongming Ji [Collection on the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism] contains the five chapters of Huiyuan’s Shamen Bujing Wangzhe Lun [Discourse on Buddhist Monks Not Paying Homage to Rulers], which reiterates the viewpoint that those who remain in the household should still abide by the law and rites, while the practice of those who have left the household does not entail their loss of respect. It further explains that initiates of Buddhism must “always first serve their parents and respect the ruler,”143 and must first obtain the consent of their ruler or parents before leaving the household to become monks, in which it is in the same stance with loyalty and filial piety.

4.4.1.2

The Controversy of “Buddhist Monks Lack Filial Piety”

Sun Chuo’s Yudao Lun [A Clarification of the Way] quotes anti-Buddhist sentiments: Yet according to the ways of the monk, one abandons one’s progenitors, leaves one’s kin to go to strangers, shaves off one’s hair and beard, and disfigures one’s natural appearance. When [one’s parents] are alive, one ceases to find and give joy in caring for them, and when they are dead, one ceases to provide them with the funeral offerings of food and blood. One 142

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 84, 85. 143 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 31.

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treats one’s own flesh and blood as though they were no different from mere passers-by. In violating the principles of human relationship and in damaging human sentiments nothing surpasses this.144

The anti-Buddhists accused the monks of shaving their hair and leaving their households, thus failing to have children, care for their parents, and worship their ancestors, which are considered the greatest acts of filial impiety. This is the most significant challenge that Buddhism needed to overcome. Sun Chuo’s A Clarification of the Way integrated the principles of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, and replied: Hence what filial piety values most is for one to establish one’s character and practice the Way and bring eternal glory to one’s parents. If one [merely] tries to please one’s parents by acting as a child, and by daily serving them [meats of] the three domestic animals but cannot make the world honor oneself, [one is not doing proper honor to one’s parents; but if one acts in such a fashion that] that whole world relies on oneself and one thereby honors one’s parents, such an honor would come close [to the ideal of filial piety]. To follow the median as the constant standard, to hold fast to gentleness as a matter of course, to be unaware of both form and name, and oblivious of [any distinction between] parents and self, is the way to care for one’s parents.145

He used Buddha as an example, wherein by founding Buddhism, “he illuminated his kingdom, and widely promulgated the dharma. His father, the king, was moved and became enlightened, and also ascended the Bodhimandala. What [other] acts of filial piety can match the bringing of such glory as this to one’s parents?”146 If these people (i.e., monks) had brothers, then the care of their parents would not be neglected. On the one hand, they could greatly cultivate the Grand Work [of salvation], while on the other, the bonds of affection were not neglected. Moreover, they made it possible for the deceased to gain the blessed reward of being born in heaven, and to look no longer with desire to worldly offerings. Is this not the Grand Way of Perfection, which equally embraces both the good of [worldly duty and the pursuit of salvation]?147

Sun Chuo makes use of the teachings in the Confucian classics to show great filial piety and honor one’s parents, confer benefits and assistance to the people, as well as praising Bo Yi and Shu Qi for dying of hunger at the foot of Shou Yang mountain [rather than committing disloyalty]. Further, he uses the theory that the Great Way of Laozi and Zhuangzi surpasses filial piety and compassion to explain filial piety, 144

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 17. 145 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 17. 146 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 18. 147 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 18.

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and returns to the discourse on filial piety in the Buddhist scriptures to prove that the Dharma also emphasize filial piety. In general, the overall trend was one of Buddhist teachings drawing closer to Confucian ethics in the manner of Buddhist discourse, with an emphasis on explaining that Buddhist monks who leave the household are abandoning the lesser filial piety, but fulfilling the greater filial piety.

4.4.1.3

The Controversy of “Karmic Retribution”

Teachings about retribution have long existed in Confucianism, for example, claiming that “to bless the good, and make the bad miserable,” and that “the family that accumulates goodness is sure to have overabundant happiness, and the family that accumulates evil is sure to have overabundant misery.”148 However, such teachings cannot explain why good people suffer, why the wicked are blessed, or the seemingly random rise and fall of families in history. This is a question that has confounded a great many people—is there truly retribution for good and bad deeds? Naturally, a number of people were skeptical of this idea. At that time, Dai Kui wrote Shiyi Lun [Discourse on Dispelling Doubts], in which he opposed the theory of retribution, and championed the theory of destiny. In his letter to Zhou Xuzhi, he wrote, “Be it profound evil that remains unpunished, be it accumulated good that encounters misfortune, be it benevolent and righteous deeds that bring about death, or be it cruel and abusive acts that result in blessing,”149 all these can only mean that “destiny is mysteriously determined at the origin of darkness.”150 Zhou Xuzhi replied that he himself was initially confounded by the “incongruity of blessing and goodness”,151 and only “clearly received the answer”152 when he studied Buddhism, but he did not present systematic arguments. Dai Kui then wrote to Huiyuan, and presented him with the Discourse on Dispelling Doubts, in which he writes, “Excellencies and defects, success and failure are all destiny; the talk of accumulating good and evil deeds are all words of counsel.”153 In response, Huiyuan sent his Sanbao Lun [Discourse on the Three Kinds of Karmic Response] to Dai Kui, “The s¯utra says that 148

Annotated by Song Zuoyin. The Book of Changes. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 21. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 230. 150 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 230. 151 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 229. 152 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 229. 153 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 229. 149

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there are three types of karmic response: (1) in this life, (2) in the next life, (3) in one of the following lives. They are explained as follows: (1) Good deeds are rewarded, and bad deeds are punished, in the same reincarnation in which they are committed. (2) They are rewarded in the next life. (3) They are rewarded in the second, the third, or any of the following lives.”154 Thus, the mismatch between good/evil and blessings/misfortunes can be explained this way, “There are [pious people] collecting good karma and yet disaster accumulates; there are others, cruel and deceitful, who come to fortune. In these cases, karma [that should appear] in this life is late, and former deeds are still bearing fruit.”155 Thus, the retributions from the deeds of the past are received in the present, while the retributions from the deeds of the present shall be received in the future, “frustrating our hopes or conforming with them, the leitmotif [of karma] is only one.”156 The Discourse on the Three Kinds of Karmic Response addresses two major questions. First, it gives a perfect answer to the question of correspondence between cause and effect: retribution is inevitable; the only question is its timing. Although this cannot be verified by facts, the statement is reasonable and provides people with psychological satisfaction. Second, it stresses that retribution is self-inflicted, which ensures that good people will not complain about their lot but will instead continue to practice good, and that bad people will not be gleeful when they avoid punishment but instead will hasten to give up evil. Thus, all are encouraged to accumulate good for their subsequent lives, which is conducive to moral transformation. Huiyuan, therefore, believed that Buddhism was superior to the Confucian classics in this regard, “Worldly literature cannot see beyond the borderline of one incarnation, and thus makes those who seek after the truth believe that it may be found among the things perceivable by our senses.”157 Indeed, no one wishes that there is only one life, and all have hopes for a next life, but Confucius’s teachings do not touch upon the afterlife, which left the people with a sense of dissatisfaction. Therefore, once the Buddhist theory of the three karmic responses was introduced, it quickly spread throughout the land of China, and became a mainstream belief, especially in civil society, thus exerting a significant impact on the spiritual life of the Chinese people.

154

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 35. 155 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 35. 156 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 35. 157 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 35.

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4.4.2 Several Major Debates Among the Three Teachings During the Liu Song Dynasty 4.4.2.1

The Controversy of the Baihei Lun [Discourse on White and Black]

During the Liu Song Dynasty, the Buddhist monk Huilin wrote the Baihei Lun [Discourse on White and Black] (also known as the Junshan Lun [Discourse on the Equal Goodness of the Three Teachings]), which discussed the merits and deficiencies of Buddhism from a Buddhist point of view. This discourse received great praise from the atheist He Chengtian, who sent it to Zong Bing, who in turn replied with a critique and refutation of the discourse. Thus, the two wrote back and forth in dispute and initiated a debate. The Discourse on White and Black describes a disciple of the White Teaching, who represents traditional Chinese theory (mainly Confucianism), and a disciple of the Black Teaching, who represents Buddhism, and presents a dialogue of questions and answers between them. First, they debate the meaning of “emptiness”. Black says: “For the Buddhists, things themselves are nonexistent; nonexistent, they are simultaneously existent.” White asks: “Is it believable that things are nonexistent, as the Buddhists maintain?” Black replies: “Certainly. Nonexistence, which is not, is also non-Existence.” White asks: “The three Cosmic Powers enlivening the universe, the Ten Thousand Things filling Heaven–Earth in abundance, how can they be nonexistent?” Black replies: “Things cannot exist without relation to others; this does not affect their existence as members of the Causal Chain and as Phantoms.” “Whatever rises and decays is impermanent; whatever is a member of the Causal Chain is imperfect,” and although the “usefulness of things” is existent, “their nature” is empty. Thus, White says: “You may analyze a tree till it is empty to the last splinter, yet its foliage will still give us shadow; you may [mentally] put asunder the construction material and prove a building to be nonexistent, yet its splendor will be untouched.”158 This is the first instance in history where questions of Buddhist cosmological ontology were discussed and critiqued, and White holds a view similar to positivism. Second, they debate the theory of “retribution”. Black says: “The teaching of Duke Zhou and Confucius is good enough for one life, but they did not see the endless chain of causes [producing fruit] in future lives; [with them,] good deeds bring fortune lasting two or three generations, while evil deeds bring more misfortune than usual.” “Shakyamuni, however, deals with karma transmitted through infinite ages,” “[in vivid colors] he paints hell so that people may be afraid of punishment; he displays heaven so that they may hope for its pleasures. He shows Nirvana where they shall rest forever; he lets them mount the dharmakaya to widen their horizon.” White says: “[The Buddhists] use Paradise as a bait to induce the Beings to do good, while they should rather teach them to be righteous and conform with the ethical principles; they threaten them with hell to check their carnal desires, while they should rather 158

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Shen Yue. Revised by Liu Shaojun. The Book of Song, Volume 2. Yuelu Publishing House, 1998, p. 1340–1341.

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tell them to rectify their thinking with the help of reason.” “Praising the bliss of Nirvana, you breed laziness; extolling the marvels of the dharmakaya, you stir up curiosity. While the worldly desires are not yet controlled, you create new desires for the pleasures of Heaven. Maybe the Bodhisattvas are free from desires, yet, certainly, people still have them.” Black says: “You are wrong. If [the Beings] are not enticed by the hope for a [better existence in] a future life, they are lacking a stimulus to [remove] the obstacles confronting them in this life. Because they cannot part with their passions at once, they [must be taught to] proceed step by step collecting [good karma].” White says: “While [you agree that] salvation lies in freedom from desires, you stir up desires to [make people] attain it.” “He who seeks learning must daily increase; he who seeks the Way must daily diminish.”159 This debate touches on the contradiction between religious asceticism and cultivating good to receive rewards. Establishing the tenets based on emptiness and nothingness, but preaching the religion using blessings and happiness, serves to increase the people’s desire for rewards, which is nothing more than to give up smaller rewards to reap greater ones. This, therefore, is an insurmountable problem for trans-utilitarianism. Third, they discuss whether Confucianism or Buddhism is superior. White says, regarding the building of Buddhist temples, “Much money is wasted, and exhausted are the treasures of the country,” “useless work is undertaken, and [funds] are used that are necessary for the subsistence of the people”; “asceticism is practiced to make [a believer] appear pious, “Therefore, Duke Zhou and Confucius put all emphasis on tradition, and refused to occupy themselves with the supernatural; Laozi and Zhuangzi molded the habits and simply taught the people not to deviate from their natural destination.” Black says: “[The Confucian doctrine of] humaneness and righteousness [also] produces virtues of doubtful value; in Daoism, robber virtues are virtues. From the filth accumulating in the trail of the sages, what conclusions can be drawn upon their intentions? Daoism could be charged with even worse [superstitions—for instance,] the use of charms against diseases, or spells drawn with water. With these [practices] you agree but warn against [less dangerous ones on the Buddhist side].” He then further criticizes the Daoist incantations and talismans. White says: The Buddhists have good intentions; “what I complain of is only that the [original] sublime idea is distorted, and our period of decay has turned worldly.” Black says: “This, your valuation [of Buddhism], almost agrees with my own. [There is now only one question left:] Does everything end in this life?” White says: “The Cosmic Laws, incomprehensible to us, are certainly operating beyond the human range of sight. Duke Zhou and Confucius harbored doubts and refused to discuss the matter; Shakyamuni did discuss it, but [what he said] was not true. We must discard [Buddhist] imagery and keep the essence of his teaching.” “It is sure that the six paramita and the five Confucian virtues aim at the same target; [Confucian] loyalty and obedience are equal in scope with [Buddhist] compassion.”160 159

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Shen Yue. Revised by Liu Shaojun. The Book of Song, Volume 2. Yuelu Publishing House, 1998, p. 1341–1342. 160 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Shen Yue. Revised by Liu Shaojun. The Book of Song, Volume 2. Yuelu Publishing House, 1998, p. 1342.

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The outcome of this debate is that both Confucianism and Buddhism are good, and can coexist in parallel. However, the overall aim of the Discourse on White and Black is to examine the shortcomings of Buddhism. Thus, when the discourse was circulated at that time, “the older monks claimed it demeaned Shakyamuni and wanted to reprimand Huilin.”161 Nevertheless, the discourse earned the admiration of those in power, and Huilin was allowed to participate in government. From this, we can see that the internal and external social environment of Buddhism held a relatively relaxed attitude. The Discourse on White and Black set up its own interlocutors, asking and answering its own questions without compromising on the incisiveness and acuity of its analysis, thus forming a beneficial and constructive academic style in the pursuit of truth. With his focus on the Discourse of White and Black, Zong Bing wrote several times to He Chengtian, and their debate was a continuation of the dialogue between White and Black, in which they discussed emptiness, desires and self-interest, Chinese and barbarians, body and spirit, and other issues. To systematically address the Discourse on White and Black as well as He Chengtian’s denunciation of Buddhism, Zong Bing wrote the Mingfo Lun [Discourse to Clarify Buddhism] (also called Shenbumie Lun [On the Non-Extinction of the Spirit]). This was a famous Buddhist essay in which the author defends Buddhism, while also striving to integrate Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism. First, Zong Bing claims that Buddhism both contains, and is superior to, Confucianism and Daoism. “Those Buddhist scriptures contain the virtue taught in the Five Classics; they are deeply enhanced with very promising reality; they include the Void [advocated] by Laozi and Zhuangzi; and they completely emphasize the teaching that all phenomena are empty.”162 Its cosmological outlook is one of “immeasurable and boundless vastness…eternal time from non-beginning to non-ending,” whereas the horizon of Confucianism is small and narrow: “What Duke Zhou and Confucius wrote are possibly just like responses to the vulgar demand to rule over [the masses] in a region [as small as a snail’s tentacles, where] the Chu state and the Man state [fought for hegemony]. Moreover, [the responses] would be insufficient and only about the matters of one’s present life.”163 Thus, the teachings of Confucius must be understood through Buddhism. For example, the Confucian theory that one who accumulates good deeds will have abundant blessings, and one who accumulates evil deeds will have abundant misery, does not explain the premature death of Yan Hui and the disease inflicted on Ran Boniu (who are both men of virtue), nor does it explain Shangcheng’s natural death in his old age (despite his evil deeds). In contrast, a clear explanation is given by Buddhism, which teaches that “causes and conditions 161

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Shen Yue. Revised by Liu Shaojun. The Book of Song, Volume 2. Yuelu Publishing House, 1998, p. 1342. 162 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 10. 163 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 10.

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have a sequence; therefore, the manifestation of reward and retribution has timing: early and late.”164 Thus, rulers can “rely on Duke Zhou and Confucius to educate the masses, and taste the Buddhist dharma to nourish the spirit.”165 This, therefore, is the theory of the division of labor between Confucianism and Buddhism. Second, Zong Bing claims that the “spirit is the acme of the void,” “feeling is the foundation of life,” and “the mind makes all things in the phenomenal world.” “Although the spirits of all sentient beings are ultimately equal,” identical in the void and stillness, their subsequent “transmigration following the conditions they met”166 led to the differentiation into the sacred and the foolish. “[The expression] ‘when a male and a female unite their essences, all creatures are incarnated’ completely refers to [the fact] that their essences are united through feeling. When feeling meet selves, various spirits receive physical bodies. It greatly appears as if feeling is the foundation of life.”167 Moreover, not only is the physical form born from feeling, but “the ‘various signs’ noted in the Hongfan chapter [of the Book of History]—that is to say, the corresponding auspicious and inauspicious [manifestations]—are all derived from the mind.”168 Therefore, “various extraordinary things fill the world, and numerous phenomena reach our eyes. All these result from the movement of the numinous powers that have gathered after countless generations.”169 However, a person asks the author, “‘The spirit is originally the acme of the void.’ Why is it imbued with all things in the phenomenal world, and why does it make a relationship with them? Furthermore, ‘[the spirit] is equal in being primarily void.’ Why is it divided into the ignorant and the sacred? Again, it has already been said that ‘the mind makes all things in the phenomenal world.’ Before all things in the phenomenal world were created, what implicated the mind and made it move to produce them?”170 This is, indeed, a conundrum, and one faced by all religions—that is, how can a 164

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 15. 165 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 16. 166 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 10. 167 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 11. 168 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 11. 169 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 11. 170 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 12.

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perfect primordial world give rise to a human world filled with misery and suffering? Zong Bing’s answer is that this question concerns the mystery of puzzles, and hence the sages can only set them aside and refrain from discussing it, “All [phenomena] are derived from conditions made in the unseen world, and following [the law of] the universe they are eternal, but [we cannot comprehend all of them] because what people’s senses feel is limited.”171 In other words, it is difficult for a finite individual to understand infinite dharma, thus it is only necessary that “our acts comply with the profound teaching. If we sincerely go with faith, awakening will come later in accordance with the response. Once we attain awakening, what is aroused can finally reach the acme of the unseen world.”172 Therefore, he asks adherents to first believe in Buddhism without doubts, and then gradually gain enlightenment about the Great Way. Third, Zong Bing claims that “the spirit is subtle, while the physical body is coarse,” and hence when the body is destroyed, the spirit remains. He believes that every individual has his own spirit, each of which is different from others, and that the body and the spirit are not inseparable, “If the formation of a physical body [corresponds to] the formation of the spirit, and if the cessation of a physical body [corresponds to] the cessation of the spirit, then when the body is injured, the spirit should be damaged as well, or when the body falls ill, the spirit should also be fatigued.”173 Nevertheless, there are people “whose bodies are perishing, or who are about to die, and yet whose spirits and consciousness are calm and perfect. When [Confucius] took hold of [Ran Boniu’s] hand through the window, [Ran Boniu] was extremely ill. Nevertheless, there was no change in [Boniu] as a person of virtue. This is simply a testimony to the immortality [of the spirit].”174 Fourth, he claims that the salvation of the Buddhist dharma is beyond doubt. A person asks: If the Buddhas are omnipotent, then why do they not save the poor and right the wrongs, or cause both sages and fools to be enlightened? Bai Qi and Xiang Yu slaughtered 600,000 in a day—why did the Buddhas not show mercy, but sat idly by without intervening? “If we think this now and yet it is unrealizable, if we relate this and yet it is not complied with, or if we entreat and yet there is no salvation, then it is desolate, no different from a bare, empty sky.” Zong Bing replied: Buddha “saves people through the dharma”; he cannot ignore the conditions and transcend fate to save all beings. Only those with “a strong will and a pure spirit, who have increased 171

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 12. 172 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 12. 173 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 10. 174 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 10.

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in brightness through many kalpas,” can perceive and understand Buddha. What Bai Qi and Xiang Ji destroyed was only physical bodies, while the 600,000 spirits cannot be extinguished. The destruction of the body is because all humans bear the sin of killing and eating livestock. Hence, 600,000 people received their retributions on the same day. If “the virtue one earns by observing the precepts arrives later, then one will surely not be buried alive again in this next existence.”175 This debate, which was initiated by the Discourse on White and Black and dealt with by the Discourse ´ unyat¯a,” “retribution,” “body and to Clarify Buddhism, involved five major issues: “S¯ spirit,” “Chinese and Non-Chinese,” and the “pros and cons of the three teachings,” all of which continued to be discussed in greater depth in the years to come.

4.4.2.2

The Controversy of Daxing Lun [Discourse on the Full Understanding of Life]

He Chengtian wrote Daxing Lun [Discourse on the Full Understanding of Life], and debated in a series of correspondences with Yan Yanzhi, in which he used the Confucian teaching of the “three powers” (i.e., Heaven, Earth, and humankind) to criticize the Buddhist teachings of Sattva (i.e., all living creatures are equally sentient beings) and karmic retribution. He Chengtian emphasized that humankind are the only creatures endowed with intelligence, “How can [human beings] be sentient beings on the same level with birds, fish, snakes, and insects?”176 Conversely, the Buddhism belief that humans are sentient beings on the same level as all living creatures debases their position in nature. Since humankind is superior, all other living creatures ought to be used by humans. Thus, only the Confucian way of humaneness can be applied, whereby “sentient beings have appropriate seasons in which to be caught, and [have pertinent means] of employment,”177 and killing should not be prohibited completely. Yan Yanzhi’s reply states that although humanity is different from animals, we should “differentiate them on the basis of their extraordinary spirits, but we should not distinguish them based on the life they received,” and hence animals can be reared for human use but it is not necessary to kill them. In addition, Yan Yanzhi affirms that karmic retribution is an inevitable law and that the consequence of good and evil deeds is a “force like that of a sundial. Without any exercise of thought, it

175

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 13–14. 176 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 22. 177 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 12.

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will occur naturally.”178 He Chengtian then points out certain internal contradictions in the theory of karmic retribution, stating that cause and effect should not only correspond but should also be consistent in their different degrees, which implies that there should not be cases where those who keenly build temples but are without compassion are allowed into heaven, whereas ordinary people who hunt according to the seasons are condemned to hell. Therefore, although the theory of karmic retribution seems complete, it is, in fact, not rigorous. He Chengtian also wrote Baoyingwen [Questions on Retribution] and debated with Liu Shaofu about karma. He Chengtian criticized Buddhist retribution, saying, “Its words are lavish but its meaning is scarce; its metaphors circuitous but without evidence.”179 However, it “appeals to the baser emotions, and so is believed by the common people.”180 Using an almost scientific viewpoint, He Chengtian stressed that all things must be verified, and hence from this perspective, the theory of retribution is incompatible with the facts, “The goose is a bird that floats on the pond and eats the spring grass; it does not disturb any sentient being, not even insects. However, few cooks will spare it from slaughter. The swallow hunts in the skies and favors the flying insects. However, it is loved by all people; even if its nest is built upon a tent, it does not fear. This is not only so with geese and swallows, but often so with all living creatures. Thus, it is known that those who take life are not repaid with evil, nor are those who giving blessings repaid with good.”181 He Chengtian believed that Buddhism preaches good but not truth. “The Buddhist scriptures falsely claim the authority to teach, and counsel people to do good, but they are not related to reality.”182 In Liu Shaofu’s reply to He Chengtian, he stressed that the Buddhist theory of the three karmic responses is a principle of the netherworld that cannot be verified by sight or sound. However, the human’s eating of the goose and the swallow’s eating of the insect are the retributions inflicted on the goose and the insect in this life, whereas the retributions owed to the person and the swallow will be inflicted in the future: “retribution is inevitable for deeds of good and evil, but the past and the future cannot be seen or heard. Thus, those who believe are few,

178

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 24. 179 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 231. 180 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 231. 181 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 231. 182 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 231.

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and those who doubt are many.”183 This rebuttal shows that the Buddhist faith is not a type of general knowledge that can be tested by the facts of life. Instead, it is a type of belief that can only be believed by believers and is doubted by unbelievers. Emperor Wen of Song paid close attention to the controversies of the Discourse on White and Black and the Discourse on the Full Understanding of Life, and clearly expressed his support for Yan Yanzhi and Zong Bing. He told He Shangzhi, “Yan Yanzhi’s rebuttal of the Discourse on the Full Understanding of Life and Song Shaowen’s [Zong Bing’s] critique of the Discourse on White and Black elucidate the profundity of the Buddhist Dharma, with exceptional clarity of reason and sufficient appeal. If the people in my land are all converted to Buddhism, I will hold my throne in utmost peace and have no worries.”184 In this debate, the scholars were concerned with the truth and falsity of the Buddhist principles, whereas those in power were more concerned with the function of Buddhism in stabilizing and educating the people.

4.4.2.3

The Controversy of the Yixia Lun [Discourse on the Non-Chinese and Chinese]

In the late Liu Song Dynasty, the Daoist Gu Huan wrote the Yixia Lun [Discourse on the Non-Chinese and Chinese] (recorded in the Book of Southern Qi: Biography of Gu Huan), which drove the existing debate concerning the Non-Chinese and Chinese to its climax. He believed that the principles of Buddhism and Daoism are the same, but their customs differ. Specifically, Buddhism is suitable for the states of the NonChinese, whereas Daoism is suitable for the regions ruled by the Chinese and they are not interchangeable. If “we imitate the teachings of the western tribes with the nature of the Chinese people,”185 it will inevitably cause the people to abandon the ceremonies and discard the rites, ultimately turning the Chinese into Non-Chinese. Not only did he consider this to be harmful, but also unnecessary. Although it seems like Gu Huan is only discussing the differences in rites and customs between the NonChinese and Chinese, which gave rise to different teachings, his language suggests that he was actually uplifting the Chinese and demeaning the Non-Chinese. For example, phrases such as “squatting like a fox and crouching like a dog”186 clearly show his depiction of Non-Chinese customs as primitive and crude. He then further 183

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 231. 184 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 70. 185 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Xiao Zixian. The Book of the Southern Qi Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1972, p. 931. 186 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 45.

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compares the advantages and disadvantages of Daoism and Buddhism on a theoretical level: Buddhism is elegant and extensive, while Daoism is simple and exquisite. What is exquisite is not something in which clumsy people believe, and what is extensive is not something that exquisite people can handle. The words of the Buddhist teaching are splendid and they promote [people to feel better], while the words of the Daoist teaching are since and cause [people] to humble themselves. Since [the words of the Daoist teaching] cause [people] to humble themselves, only the intelligent advance; and since [the words of the Buddhist teaching promote people to feel better], the ignorant vie with each other in moving forward. The Buddhist scriptures are complicated and illustrious, while the Daoist scriptures are concise and profound. Since [Daoist scriptures] are profound, it is hard to discern the gate to the subtle [Way]. Since [Buddhist scriptures] are apparent, it is easy to follow the road to true [awakening]. These are the differences between the two teachings.187

Furthermore, he claims that “Buddhism is the way to destroy evils, while Daoism is the way to give rise to good.”188 In brief, Gu Huan believes that Buddhism is complicated and superficial, vied for by the ignorant, and is suitable for destroying evil customs; whereas Daoism is mysterious and refined, its secrets are hidden from humanity’s view, and it is suitable for promoting good and supporting righteousness. Thus, it is apparent that Daoism is superior and Buddhism is inferior. This discourse clearly reflects the mood of cultural nationalism at that time, wherein biased theories were encapsulated by euphemistic expressions, hence it was widely refuted by numerous Buddhist scholars immediately after it was released. The first was by a high-level official of the Song Dynasty, Yuan Can, who criticized the discourse under the pseudonym Tong Gong, stating that believing in Buddhism involved abiding by its doctrines, not merely switching to the customs of the nonChinese lands. When Daoism is compared with Buddhism, “the transformation into an immortal prioritizes the transformation of the body, while Nirvana prioritizes the fortification of the spirit. One who engages in physical transformation can revert their white hair to black, but does not escape from death. One who fortifies their spirit will daily diminish their doubts, and attain an eternal spiritual existences”189 ; therefore, it is clear that Buddhism is superior to Daoism. However, Gu Huan replied, “Daoism upholds the roots to lead the branches, while Buddhism saves the branches to preserves the roots,”190 thus Daoism is superior to Buddhism. As for the immortals, “the death of the immortals is merely the simple sayings of the common people. ‘Immortals’ is a term meaning the transformations of the Great Way, and not the utmost name of the supreme mystery”; “those who have entered the highest realm of

187

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Xiao Zixian. The Book of the Southern Qi Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1972, p. 932. 188 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Xiao Zixian. The Book of the Southern Qi Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1972, p. 932. 189 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Xiao Zixian. The Book of the Southern Qi Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1972, p. 933. 190 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Xiao Zixian. The Book of the Southern Qi Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1972, p. 934.

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emptiness and silence do not act with deliberation nor specify a name.”191 Therefore, immortality as understood by Gu Huan is different from Ge Hong’s theory of physical immortality and refers to a supreme spiritual realm where heaven and humankind are united. Xie Zhenzhi later wrote Yu Gudaoshi Shu [A Letter to the Daoist Gu] and Chongyu Gudaoshi Shu [Second Letter to the Daoist Gu] (recorded in Volume Six of the Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism), which proposed the theory of India as the center. Concerning the differences between Buddhism and Daoism, his view is that “in the Buddhist teaching, anything that has a form can be seen as illusory. Therefore [Buddhists] forget themselves in order to save sentient beings. In the Daoist teaching, [on the contrary], one’s self can be seen as true. Hence [Daoists] take medicine and food in order to preserve their lives,”192 which touches on the fundamental difference in the outlook on life between the two. He then goes on to criticize Daoism, saying, “Daoist scriptures are simple and crude. Many are composed in a far-fetched manner. Regarding scriptures such as the Lingbao and Miaozhen, [the Daoists] adopted the Lotus S¯utra for it. Their manner of composition is particularly poor.”193 Also, that “among [such texts], the good point is found only in the teaching of the Five Thousand Words,”194 which separated Daoism from Laozi’s Daodejing. Zhu Zhaozhi wrote Nan Gudaoshi Yixia Lun [Critique of the Daoist Gu’s Discourse on the Non-Chinese and Chinese] (recorded in Volume Seven of the Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism). He believed that the Way of the sages is “neither close nor distant,” “neither partisan nor nonpartisan,” and should not be separated into the Chinese and Non-Chinese. He also opposed the biased opinion that “the non-Chinese country is of a cruel nature, while China is of a mild nature.”195 Zhu Guangzhi wrote Zi Gudaoshi Yixia Lun [Doubts about the Discourse on the Non-Chinese and Chinese and Inquiries to the Daoist Gu], in which he advocated the equal status of Buddhism and Daoism, which both have their own characteristics. He also criticized Gu Huan for using phrases such as “squatting like a fox and crouching

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(Southern Liang Dynasty) Xiao Zixian. The Book of the Southern Qi Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1972, p. 934. 192 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 42. 193 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 43. 194 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 43. 195 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 44–45.

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like a dog,”196 which demeaned the Non-Chinese customs, and pointed out that Gu Huan’s claim that “the nature of the Chinese people to be purely good, and that of the western tribes to be fundamentally evil”197 was wrong. Instead, in both groups, “good and evil go together and mutually align as deep or shallow,”198 and hence should be treated equally. The Buddhist monk Huitong wrote Bo Gudaoshi Yixia Lun [Disputation on the Daoist Gu’s Discourse on the Non-Chinese and Chinese] (recorded in Volume Seven of the Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism). He believed that Laozi’s teachings were different from those of the Daoist religion, and used Laozi’s views that “those who endeavor excessively to perpetuate life must nonetheless enter the jaws of death”199 and that “having a body is a great calamity” to criticize the Daoist teachings of immortality. He wanted to change the concept of China as the center of the four seas and proposed the new concept of “India as the center of the world”200 to elevate the status of Buddhism. Gu Huan cites the Xuanmiao Neipian [Inner Chapters of the Dark Mystery], saying that Laozi entered India and was transformed into Buddha. Huitong rebutted in kind, saying, “The Buddhist scriptures state, ‘Mah¯ak¯as´yapa is called Laozi and Kum¯ara Guangjing is called Confucius over there’”; “Laozi and Confucius were sent [to China] by the Buddha.”201 Both sides wanted to elevate the founders of their own religion and incorporate the other’s founder into the ranks of their own religion—this is also a form of reconciliation. Sengmin wrote Ronghua Lun Zhe Gudaoshi Yixia Lun [The Discourse on the Western Tribe and China, Breaking the Daoist Gu’s Discourse on the Non-Chinese and Chinese]. He believed that Daoism does not depart from the “way of birth and death,” whereas Buddhism attains “permanent happiness and eternal purity,” with various differences in the teachings of the two. “As a Buddhist scripture says, ‘The Buddha occupies the center of the world and leads the people of the ten directions to

196

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 45. 197 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 46. 198 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 46. 199 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 47. 200 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 46. 201 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 46.

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purity’; therefore, we know that the land of India is the central kingdom.”202 Thus, Buddha’s teachings are for the entire universe, whereas the teachings of Duke Zhou and Confucius were targeted at only one state. Sengmin’s attempt to use the theory of India as the center to replace the theory of China as the center was inappropriate. However, the cosmology of Buddhism expanded the horizons of the Chinese people, who came to realize that there was a vast world beyond Shenzhou, and many other theories beyond Confucianism and Daoism. This, in itself, benefited the Chinese people in their acceptance of distant and novel cultures. In Volume Six of the Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism, we find a record of the Zheng Erjiao Lun [The Discourse to Rectify the Two Teachings], written by Ming Sengshao of the Song and Qi Dynasties. This is an important essay criticizing the Discourse on the Non-Chinese and Chinese. Sengshao affirmed that Laozi’s teaching can calm the mind and transcend the vulgar, but also pointed out that it is ultimately a “teaching that is confined to the physical body,” unlike Buddhism, which preaches that “salvation lies in neglecting the physical body”; “in the tranquil state of complete extinction (i.e., Nirvana), there is the regular course of the [Buddhist] Way,” which “completely complies with all things boundlessly.”203 His conclusion in the “rectification” of the two teachings is that “the Buddha precisely clarifies the ultimate law of Nature. Laozi [teaches] how to complete one’s life. Those who stick to life are blocked [from the way to truth] and those who clarify the ultimate law of Nature reach it”204 ; hence, the teachings of Buddhism are superior to the teachings of Laozi. Ming Sengshao ranked Buddhism as first, followed by Duke Zhou, Confucius, Laozi, and Zhuangzi; he considered the practices of inner alchemy and immortality to be a deviation from the teachings of Laozi, and hence considered the Daoist religion of incantations and talismans as the most inferior. This notion was also frequently used by later Buddhists in their judgment of Confucianism and Daoism. He also emphasized that the differences in customs between the Non-Chinese and Chinese do not affect the mutual absorption and common pursuit of beliefs; thus, one should not be entangled in the trivial controversies of etiquette and customs, but instead, explore the value of the theories themselves. The controversy of the Discourse on the Non-Chinese and Chinese was, in essence, about the subjectivity of national culture and its attitude toward foreign cultures, in which the merits and demerits of both sides are debated. This Discourse underscored the national and regional differences in culture, highlighted the various contradictions between Indian Buddhism and traditional Chinese culture, and required that the assets and qualities of the Chinese culture be preserved. These are the lessons that 202

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 48. 203 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 38. 204 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Xiao Zixian. The Book of the Southern Qi Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1972, p. 934.

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can be drawn from it, and its criticisms against Buddhism benefited the adaptation of Buddhism in Chinese society. As the proponent of this discourse was clearly defending monarchical power and the teaching of the rites, he received the resonance and support of orthodox political figures and Confucian scholars, while in his attitude toward Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism were allies. However, this discourse clearly harbored narrow ethnic prejudices, which looked down on foreign ethnicities and cultures, and promoted cultural nationalism. These aspects of the Discourse were not conducive to the normal exchange of Chinese and foreign cultures, but also betrayed the spirit of difference in unity and that of greatness in tolerance found in Confucianism and Daoism, thereby hindering the integrated renewal of Chinese culture itself. The opponents of the Discourse were all Chinese monks and scholars. Most of them had been heavily influenced by Confucianism and Xuanxue (i.e., the Neo-Daoist Metaphysics), so they expressed their due respect to Confucius and Laozi. At the same time, they held a cross-cultural perspective that transcended the Chinese realm, which resulted from their study of Buddhism. Hence, they emphasized the destruction of national and regional barriers to cultural exchange, the acceptance of foreign Buddhism with an equal and tolerant attitude, and the respect for foreign customs and habits. They advocated seeking common truths and preserving different customs between Chinese and foreign cultures, noting that Buddhism particularly enriched the Chinese people philosophies and pursuits, and ought to be welcomed. However, in their criticism of the Chinese-centric theory, another type of bias emerged among the opponents of the Discourse—that is, their advocacy for an India-centric theory, while also insisting on the superiority of Buddhism over Daoism, and falsely claiming disparities within Daoism, all of which were also inappropriate. Although it was reasonable for them to point out the difference in the Daoist teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi from the Daoist religion, and the internal differences among the Daoist schools, they were still biased in their blindness to the internal connection between the Daoist philosophy and Daoist religion. In general, however, this debate was a theoretical dispute. Although its rhetoric became heated at times, it still adhered to the civilized manner of presenting facts and arguments, which also became the mainstream approach for the debates among the three teachings. Its result was to enrich the human spiritual world and promote the diversification of Chinese culture.

4.4.3 Climax of Debates on the Three Teachings During the Qi Liang Period and In-Depth Academic Discussions Buddhism flourished during the Qi and Liang Dynasties. Crown Prince Wenhui of Qi, Prince Xiao Ni of Yuzhang, and Prince Xiao Ziliang of Jingling were all devotees of Buddhism, among whom Xiao Ziliang was most devout. Emperor Wu of the Liang issued a decree to renounce Daoism and engage in Buddhism. He even compelled the imperial family and the nobility to engage in the worship of

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Buddhism, and personally instructed them in the Buddhist dharmas. Further, he wrote many expository Commentary on Buddhism and offered himself four times at Tongtai Temple. His sons, Xiao Tong, Xiao Gang, and Xiao Yi, were all believers in Buddhism. Thus, the power of Buddhism had reached its peak in the Southern Dynasties. Under these circumstances, the voices of dissension against Buddhism continued to grow louder, and the discussions concerning the theoretical truths and falsities and the functional pros and cons among the three teachings reached new heights and tensions.

4.4.3.1

The Controversy of Menlun [Discourse on Family]

In the Qi Dynasty, Zhang Rong wrote Menlun [Discourse on Family] (also known as Tongyuan Lun [Discourse on the Way to Reach the Origin]), which advocated coordination between Buddhism and Daoism where both teachings retained their differences but recognized their similarities, without disparaging each other. In response, Zhou Yong wrote Nan Zhang Zhangshi Menlun [Critique of Adjutant Zhang’s Discourse on Family], which stressed that Buddhism and Daoism differed in their ultimate purpose: “The reason the two-chapter text (i.e., the Daodejing) is esteemed is that the significance reaches the absolute vacancy at the extreme point. With prajñ¯a one observes that the extremity of the spiritual function is the dharmanature. Even though the ‘absolute vacancy’ and the ‘dharma-nature’ are the same in respect to tranquility, they differ from each other in the purport of the way to position tranquility.”205 Zhang Rong, in turn, wrote Da Zhouyong Shu [A Letter in Reply to Zhou Yong], in which he claimed that when the human spirit enters a state where it is “quiet in order to calm the spirit, and successfully understands [everything] thoroughly in order to empty the functions of them,”206 then it will no longer see the difference between Buddhism and Daoism. Thus, in his reply, Zhou Yong presented an analysis of the differences between Buddhism and Daoism, wherein the “merit [of Laozi’s teaching] is its valuation of the stillness of spirit; its flaw is its failure to understand that things themselves are empty,”207 while Buddhism claims “neither Being nor Non-Being,” where things exist but are empty. From a theoretical point of view, Zhou Yong had a more profound understanding of Buddhist prajñ¯a than Zhang Rong, but Zhang Rong’s claim that Buddhism and Daoism share the same origin is more consistent with the historical evidence. Furthermore, since Buddhism pursues

205

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 39. 206 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 40. 207 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 41.

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a state of perfect harmony and indifference, why indeed would one who has transcended to this realm bother about the differences between Buddhism and Daoism? Thus, from the perspective of tolerance, Zhang Rong was closer to Buddhism than Zhou Yong.

4.4.3.2

The Controversy Triggered by the Sanpo Lun [Discourse on the Triple Destruction]

A Daoist priest of Southern Qi wrote Sanpo Lun [Discourse on the Triple Destruction], which was a polemic against Buddhism, falsely under the name Zhang Rong. He claimed that Buddhism “is something that entered our country and destroys it,” “builds [temples] regardless of expense, exploit people, empties the national [treasury] and puts people in distress.” He further claims that Buddhism “comes into a family and ruins it,” “enters one’s body and destroys it,” causes “[children] to desert their parents,”208 imposes the punishment of shaving one’s hair, and goes against filial piety. In his view, Buddhism is a teaching of the barbarians, who are “matchless in being indomitable and uncivil; they do not differ much from beasts.”209 Hence, Laozi “intentionally established the teaching [to worship] the images of [Buddhas and bodhisattvas] and edified them”210 (i.e., Laozi’s conversion of the barbarians), and “intended to cut off their evil seed.” Moreover, he claimed that Buddhism is an art of “learning about death,” whereas “the excellent point of the Daoist teaching lies in putting all one’s thought in the attainment of the One and established as a sage without death.”211 These were the theories of anti-Buddhist radicalism, which adopted an arrogant attitude and offensive language. In response, Liu Xie wrote Miehuo Lun [Discourse on Extinguishing Delusions] to systematically refute each point in the Discourse on the Triple Destruction. He pointed out that the destruction of the country was not due to the Buddhist dharma; conversely, “they build Buddhist temples to expound and propagate the wonderful teaching. While the construction work is momentary, the teaching lasts a thousand years.”212 He claims that the principle of filial piety “is due to the mind, and has 208

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 51. 209 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 52. 210 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 52. 211 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 50. 212 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 51.

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nothing to do with one’s hair”213 ; Buddhists seek to “abandon worldly conduct and seek the mind,” and “know that even if we attend our parents with devotion throughout our life, which is as short as the blink of an eye, there is no salvation for the disembodied spirit; if we learn the [Buddhist] Way and take our parents out [of the realm of suffering], then the suffering of the netherworld will vanish eternally,”214 hence they are abandoning the lesser filial piety and fulfilling the greater filial piety. The Huahu [Conversion of Barbarians] classic was a forgery, and the so-called “extinguishing of evil and extinction of the species” is absurd rhetoric. Liu Xie compared Buddhism with Daoism, as follows: “In the Buddhist teaching, one trains the mind, while in the Daoist teaching, one exercises the body”215 ; “the body that must die is confined,” whereas “the spirit is boundless.”216 Therefore, he concludes that Buddhism is superior to Daoism. Liu Xie adopts a stratified view of Daoist culture: “According to the Daoist system, there are three classes. Laozi is marked as the highest, the divine immortals follow him, and Zhang Ling comes last.”217 Laozi “wrote a book; he discussed the Way; he valued nonaction; he attributed reason to being still and uniform; and his teaching is based on voidness and suppleness”; “his writing is a good guidebook for secular people, but it is not a wonderful scripture beyond the mundane world.”218 Secondly, the lesser Way of the Divine Immortals cannot escape defilements nor avoid death. Lastly, the disciples of Zhang Ling and Zhang Lu “perform religious services and make petitions and talismans; they established the teaching of the [Way of] the Five Pecks [of Grain],”219 which are heretical and hypocritical in the extreme. Thus, it is the Way of “destroying the government and fomenting rebellions.”220 213

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 51. 214 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 51. 215 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 50. 216 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 50. 217 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 52. 218 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 52. 219 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 52. 220 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 52.

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The Discourse on Extinguishing Delusions was written from the standpoint of Chinese Buddhists, in which it agreed with the Confucian way of filial piety, and emphasized that beliefs should not be distinguished between the Chinese and NonChinese. Furthermore, it classified the Daoists into three tiers and pointed out the difference between Laozi’s Daoism and the Daoist religion, as well as the difference between the School of Divine Immortals and the School of Incantations and Talismans in the Daoist religion itself. Therefore, this Discourse is valuable, but it falls short in that its praises and criticisms are excessive and unfair. The Discourse on the Triple Destruction also prompted Shi Sengshun to write the Shi Sanpo Lun [Response to the Discourse on the Triple Destruction]. In response to the accusation that Buddhism “destroys the country,” he clarified that “as to places benefited by the subtle dharma, [Buddhism] certainly helps [a monarch of] the secular world and edifies [the people]. [As a result,] the people spontaneously become sincere without being killed as a penalty, and they adopt the right Way without suffering from being whipped.”221 In response to the accusation that Buddhism “ruins the family,” he asserted that “Shakyamuni’s teaching completely has the virtue of the six kinds of cordiality: a father loves [his children]; sons are filial [to their parents]; elder brothers are kind [to their younger brothers]; younger brothers are respectful [to their elder brothers]; a husband is courteous [to his wife], and a wife is gentle [to her husband].”222 In response to the accusation that Buddhism “destroys the body,” he claimed that “the body is a worse nuisance than shackles,”223 and discarding the body allows one to attain the bliss of complete extinction. On the other end of the spectrum, Shi Xuanguang wrote the Bianhuo Lun [Discourse on Debating to Remove Hindrances], which fiercely criticizes the various evils of the Daoist religion. The Discourse summarizes its harms into the “Five Rebellious Acts”: to ban [the circulation of] scriptures and to raise their price—the First Rebellious Act... to recklessly claim the true way—the Second Rebellious Act... to explain sins by means of the union of the Yin and Yang energies—the Third Rebellious Act... to presume upon the Way and to rise in revolt—the Fourth Rebellious Act... [and] making petitions harms virtue—the Fifth Rebellious Act.

and the “Six Atrocities”: to be afraid of evil spirits and wear talismans is the First Atrocity of Lawlessness... 221

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 53. 222 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 53. 223 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 53.

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to institute imposing a tax or donation on the people is the Second Atrocity of Skillful Deception... to open a kitchen at the gate of a tomb is the Third Atrocity of Not Being Benevolent... to deliver living creatures from distress and suffering is the Fourth Atrocity of Wild Imagination... to commit a sin in a dream is the Fifth Atrocity of Ignorance... [and] to hastily make cold and hot is the Sixth Atrocity of Ferocity and Hypocrisy.224

In sum, the essay claims that the Daoist religion is filled with vanity, obscenity, and anarchy, with not a single redeeming feature. This Discourse represents the radical school of Buddhism, and like the Discourse on the Triple Destruction, is also not conducive to the integration of the three teachings.

4.4.3.3

The Anti-Buddhism of Guo Zushen and Xun Ji

Due to his excessive worship of Buddhism in his later years, Emperor Wu of the Liang often lost the cool-headedness of politicians, which led to the inflation of Buddhism and its adverse effects on governance. Minister Guo Zushen submitted a memorial beseeching the emperor to reduce the number of monks and nuns and control the scale of Buddhism to avoid the consequences of “all land turning into Buddhist temples and all households have Buddhist converts. There will not be one inch of land or a single person that belongs to the state.”225 Guo Zushen deeply praised Emperor Wu’s previous approach of governing by Confucianism and stressed that state governance must be based on agriculture and sericulture. Further, he pointed out that the construction of Buddhist temples was an extravagance and a drain on national resources; that Buddhist monks were too influential on matters of agriculture, sericulture, and national taxation; and that the illegal conduct of monks and nuns was harmful to the unified implementation of government decrees. Thus, he hoped the emperor would adjust the country’s policies, to benefit its long-term stability. This petition neither offended the emperor’s dignity, nor did it fundamentally refute Buddhism, and hence it was accepted by the emperor, who even promoted Guo Zushen. In another case, Xun Ji submitted a memorandum that attacked Buddhism and the emperor’s indulgence in Buddhism with impassioned rhetoric. He recounted the incidents in the history of Buddhism that incited riots and chaos in the country, fiercely attacking it by saying, “The Buddhists do not practice loyalty, filial piety, humaneness, and righteousness. The greedy and deceitful are called Buddhas; those who are called Buddhas are cruel or are known as traitors, and traitors will lead to 224

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 49–50. 225 (Tang Dynasty) Li Yanshou. A History of the Southern Dynasties. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, p. 1722.

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chaos.”226 He also criticized “monks and nuns who do not farm or have spouses, who forgo their fertility, who are arrogant to the ruler and neglect their parents, who go against the rites and destroy the transformation [of the Way]”: “if there are many in the world who follow the [Buddhist] teaching and do not farm, then all in the land will worry about famine.” “The Buddhists cause disorder in the Three Major and Six Minor relationships, not recognizing the ruler as the ruler [at the top], or a son as a son [at the bottom].”227 He directly criticized Emperor Wu of the Liang for violating traditional rites and laws, causing heresy within the ranks of the officials: “They are foreign ghosts who worship monsters day and night, bald-headed robbers who bow to partake in greed and obscenity; they stubbornly believe in heresy and conduct improper ceremonies. Thus, I fear that they are not people of intelligence or honesty who can serve and protect your majesty.”228 Although his remarks did touch on some of the maladies of Buddhism, his rhetoric was unseemly and offensive to the emperor’s dignity, thus could not be tolerated by the emperor. In the end, Xun Ji had to flee to Wei to avoid calamity.

4.4.3.4

The Controversy of the Shenmie Lun [Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit]

The controversy over the extinction and non-extinction of the spirit began as early as the late Han Dynasty. During the Liu Song Dynasty, Zheng Daozi (Zheng Xianzhi) wrote Shenbumie Lun [Discourse on the Non-Extinction of the Spirit], which proposed a dualistic theory of body and spirit whereby the two functioned interdependently, but the subtle spirit and the coarse body have different origins. His basic viewpoint was that “the spirit is the foundation of life, and its origin is of utmost subtlety,”229 which does not emerge or cease with the coarse body. He likened this to kindling, “The fire is lit because of the kindling, and without kindling, there is no fire. However, although the kindling has given rise to the fire, it is not the foundation of the fire; the fire exists in itself because it made use of the kindling.”230 Therefore, “the principle of the spirit has absolute independence, and is not adjacent to 226

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 134. 227 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 135, 136. 228 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 134. 229 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 29. 230 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 29.

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the vessel.”231 Here, he proposed a new concept, “the principle of the spirit,” which promoted more in-depth discussion. Fan Zhen, the author of Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit, was a Confucian scholar, whose lifetime spanned the Qi and Liang Dynasties. As early as the Qi Dynasty, he had engaged in a debate with Prince Xiao Ziliang of Jingling in which he stated that his denial of the non-extinction of the spirit was to refute the karmic retribution of Buddhism. Xiao Ziliang then instructed Wang Rong to persuade Fan Zhen to give up his theory of the extinction of the spirit by offering him the position of central secretariat. However, Fan Zhen resolutely refused this offer and said that he refused to “sell his discourse for an official position,” thus exhibiting the dignity of a great Confucian scholar. Up until the reign of Emperor Wu of the Liang, Fan Zhen once again initiated a major debate over spiritual extinction with the emperor and the Buddhist monks, thereby exerting an immense influence. The Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit uses a question-and-answer format to discuss the theory of spiritual extinction. He first clarifies at the outset that “The spirit conforms to the body, and the body conforms to the spirit. For this reason, when the body exists, the spirit does, too. When the body withers away, the spirit is extinguished.”232 The interlocutor asks: “The body is the name of that which has no perception; the spirit is the name of that which has perception,”233 thus it is not acceptable that the two are one. Fan Zhen replies: “The body is the substance of the spirit, and the spirit is the function of the body.” Thus, he explains the relationship of the body and spirit using the relationship of substance and function. His insight here is not to view the spirit as a thing, but as the function of physical form, which then breaks away from the dualism of body and spirit. To explain with greater vividness, he employed the metaphor of the relationship between “the sword and its sharpness”: “[The relationship] between spirit and substance is similar to that between sharpness and a sword. [The relationship] between body and function is similar to that between a sword and its sharpness.” “I have not heard that when a sword disappears, its sharpness remains. How could it be possible that the body is lost yet the spirit remains?”234 The interlocutor then asks whether the body of a dead person is the same as that of a living person. Fan Zhen replies the substance of the two is already different, akin to a leafy tree changing to a withered tree; this transformation involves a process. The interlocutor then asks how one should view the similarities and differences between perception and thinking. Fan Zhen replies: “All are parts of the spirit”: “hands and other body parts have perception [of such feelings as] pain and itchiness, but they have no faculty of thinking, to judge right or wrong”; “the faculty of thinking to judge right or wrong is taken charge of by

231

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 29. 232 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 665. 233 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 665. 234 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 666.

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the heart organ.”235 He believed that human perception and thinking are different functions of different organs in the body—yet “they are all of the spirit.”236 The interlocuter then claims that the bodies of sages are similar to those of ordinary people, but their spirits differ, and also that the abilities of sages are the same, but their appearances differ—how can this be explained? In response, Fan Zhen proposed, “It is not only that [the sages’] way is more remarkable than that of sentient beings; the bodies of sages also go beyond those of all creatures in the world”237 ; also, “the sages are equal in sacred ability, but this does not mean that their bodies must be the same.”238 The interlocutor then asks: the spirit extinguishes when the body withers, but “the Classic [of Filial Piety] says, ‘They prepare the ancestral temple and make offerings to serve the spirits of the deceased.’ What does this mean?”239 Fan Zhen replies: “The sage’s teaching is exactly so. The reason is to cause people to follow their filial minds and oppress thoughts of slighting [their ancestors]. [There is a passage in the Book of Changes] that ‘God is the one who clarifies it.’ This is the meaning.”240 Fan Zhen did not deny the existence of ghosts, but the difference between humans and ghosts is vague, and cannot be examined in detail. The final question raised by the interlocutor is to understand the purpose of proposing the theory of extinction of the spirit. Fan Zhen replies, “Buddhism is harmful to state affairs. Buddhist monks ruin popular customs. Just as fierce winds blow and fog arises, [Buddhism] spreads out widely, without stopping. I lament its baneful influence and intend to save those who indulge in [Buddhism].”241 He claims that the people of the world offer up their wealth to accumulate virtue, but they do not sympathize with their relatives nor feel pity for the poor and destitute; this is because they expect great rewards from Buddhism and fear the torment of Av¯ıci hell. Thus, “in every family, people give up attachment to their family members; everyone cuts off his offspring. As a result, [Buddhism] causes soldiers to lose courage in military affairs, officials to absent themselves from government offices, [stores of] grain to be used up because of people’s laziness, and commodities to be exhausted because of construction projects”—“the harm goes on limitlessly.”242 In contrast, Fan Zhen believes in spontaneous independent transformation and in abiding by heavenly fate and being content with one’s nature: If we know that the creation [of all things] is endowed from Nature, that phenomena of the universe change equally by themselves, that everything suddenly comes into existence and suddenly disappears, and that arising cannot be controlled and disappearing cannot be stopped, then each of us will be content with our nature, availing ourselves of the laws of nature. [Then] the common people are satisfied with [working in] their fields and gentlemen 235

(Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 667, 668. (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 668. 237 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 669. 238 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 669. 239 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 669. 240 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 669. 241 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 670. 242 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 670. 236

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remain calm, being free from avarice. If people till the land and obtain food, we will not run short of supplies. If they raise silkworms to obtain [thread for] clothing, we will not run out of clothes. When people of the lower classes have a surplus, they will offer it to those of the upper class. People of the upper class maintain inaction and wait for the common people [to offer food and goods to them]. Then people can fulfill the entire course of their lives, attend their parents with devotion, manage themselves, act for the sake of others, do things for the good of the country, and make their ruler powerful. [All of this will be achieved] if they act in this way.243

In response to one weakness in the metaphor of “a sword and its sharpness” employed in the Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit, Shen Yue wrote Nan Fanzhen Shenmie Lun [Critique on Fan Zhen’s Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit] (Volume 20 of the Guang Hongming Ji [Extended Collection on the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism]). He pointed out, “The sword is only sharp at the blade, and what is not the blade should not be called sharp. Thus, the blade is the name of the whole body, and sharpness is only one aspect. Since the sword and its sharpness are different, how can the body and the spirit be recklessly merged?”244 Therefore, when Fan Zhen re-introduced the theory of the extinction of the spirit in the Liang Dynasty, he changed the metaphor of “the sword and its sharpness” to “the blade and its sharpness.” This slight change in one word greatly uplifted the theoretical distinction of this discourse. The Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit mainly asserts the monism of the body and spirit and is significant as a milestone in the historical development of the concept of body and spirit in China. First, this Discourse was the first to propose that “the body is the substance, and the spirit is the function” and the metaphor of the “blade and its sharpness.” It views human beings’ spiritual activities as the function of their special physical body, and further proposes that the faculty of thinking mainly takes place in the “heart organ.” This is consistent with the notion in contemporary physiological science, which has determined that consciousness is the function of the human brain. Although the limited scientific knowledge at that time led Fan Zhen to mistakenly identify the “heart” as the organ of thinking rather than the “brain,” we cannot deny the value of this theory in the directional exploration of the Chinese people about the mysteries of their lives. Second, this Discourse proposed a series of research topics concerning the relationship of the body and spirit that will require long-term investigation. For example, questions about the specific physiological mechanisms underlying people’s spiritual activities, the differences in the thinking organs between ordinary and extraordinary people, the physiological mechanisms of dreams, and so on, which are still being explored by contemporary science. Fan Zhen agreed with Guo Xiang’s theory of independent transformation, and his thoughts contain the fusion of Confucianism and Daoism. His criticism of Buddhism was intended to restrict Buddhism and preserve the order of the patriarchal hierarchy and hence had clear political goals. 243

(Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 670. (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 263.

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In the sixth year of Tianjin, Emperor Wu of the Liang issued a decree to Shi Fayun to criticize the Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit, who in turn forwarded the decree to the court officials. Fan Zhen was then besieged by a group of 62 court officials, but did not give in. Emperor Wu’s decree cites the Confucian classics to demonstrate the immortality of the spirit, and Cao Siwen was summoned to refute Fan Zhen. During the debate, Fan Zhen “defeated all with his arguments,”245 and his forcefulness was unstoppable. In the end, Emperor Wu could only issue a decree to halt the debates, and Fan Zhen claimed another victory on the theoretical level. Among the various refutations of the Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit, Xiao Chen’s Nan Shenmie Lun [Critique of the Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit] had higher standards. He proposed several points worthy of discussion: First, “on the basis of dreams, it is impossible that body and spirit are one,” because in dreams, the body is still but the spirit travels, and hence the two are not one. Second, “if the body is injured, the spirit is unharmed,”246 thus the spirit takes the body as an organ, but “not as its substance.”247 Third, “in the body of a human being, there is no difference between an ordinary person and a sage, but there is a difference between being strong and being weak.”248 Fourth, Buddhism cannot be refuted by its indirect adverse effects, the accusation of “Buddhist monks ruining popular customs, damaging edification, wasting money and property, and reducing [the number who do] military service”249 should instead be considered “the fault of specific monks and not of Buddha.”250 The above arguments were not only simple and powerful but also deepened the people’s understanding of the complexity of the relationship between body and spirit. For example, Fan Zhen failed to truly address questions concerning the nature of dreams and the non-synchronous correspondence of body and form. Since Fan Zhen was, ultimately, a Confucian, he did not believe that teaching the people by the Way of the Spirits was based on deception, and actually was necessary to govern the state: it “can stabilize the upper class of society, govern the people, and

245

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 55. 246 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 57. 247 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 57. 248 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 58. 249 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 58. 250 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 58.

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improve public morals.”251 From this point of view, Fan Zhen was not a complete atheist; he acknowledged the positive aspects of the Confucian teaching of the Way of the Spirits. In which case, Buddhism should be treated with similar tolerance. In fact, many Confucians already did so.

4.4.3.5

The Afterword to the Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism and Guixin Pian [An Essay on Returning to the Heart] Reflect the Controversy and Integration of Confucianism and Daoism with Buddhism

The Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism was compiled by the eminent monk Sengyou of the Qi and Liang Dynasties and had amassed plentiful historical materials on the controversies among the three teachings from the Han and Wei Dynasties to the Xiao Liang Dynasty. Sengyou’s intention behind compiling the Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism was to “guard the dharma against heretical insults.” It includes many essays from Buddhist scholars, but since he had great confidence in the Buddhist beliefs, he believed that the various criticisms against Buddhism leveled by non-Buddhists can help the in-depth elucidation and propagation of the dharma. Therefore, he intentionally collected several anti-Buddhist essays and preserved a batch of precious materials for future generations related to the debates among the three teachings that were overlooked by the official historical records. This is the historical contribution of Sengyou. In the Afterword to the Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism (Volume 14), Sengyou adopted a Buddhist approach to summarize the struggle between pro- and anti-Buddhism that was taking place in society at that time. He listed the six major doubts of the anti-Buddhists, which essentially summarizes their main arguments. More specifically, the six doubts were that the Buddhist scriptures are preposterous and cannot be verified, that karma cannot be observed, that Buddhism is harmful to state governance, that the dharma has no basis in the ancient classics, that Buddhism does not conform to Chinese customs, and that Buddhism has a short and superficial history. Sengyou refuted each of these doubts in turn. First, “If people have the doubt that what the Buddhist scriptures expound is preposterous and exaggerated, and has no verification, this is probably because [in the Buddhist doctrine] the periods of time are infinite and the world is boundlessly vast.”252 Ordinary people “measure the Creator only with their limited minds,”

251

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 60. 252 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 96.

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“adhere to their own views in judging the Grand Void (i.e., the universe),”253 and do not know the limitlessness of time nor the vastness of the world. Nevertheless, the ancient Chinese classics have long documented a dialogue between King Tang and Xia Ge, which says that the universe is “boundless and limitless.” Second, “If people have the doubt that because one’s spirit perishes when one dies and it is hardly possible that [the spirit will transmigrate] in the three periods of existence, this is a case where someone falsely accuses his own spiritual nature and despises and casts away his ancestral shrine”; “Duke Zhou and Confucius, however, drew up statute records in which they spoke the excellent words of spiritual beings”254 —the Book of Changes, the Book of Rites, and the Book of Documents all talk about serving ghosts and revering spirits. Thus, adhering to the theory of spiritual extinction is to “betray the Five Classics. They not only falsely accuse the Buddha but also disgrace the sages.”255 Third, “If people have the doubt that they have never seen the real Buddha and [that his teaching] has no benefit to the governance of the state, then offering sacrifices to heaven and worshiping the deities of mountains and rivers should be discontinued.”256 In the Chinese rites, the sacrificial offerings to the Supreme Deity and Houji are beyond knowledge but “it is considered that such unseen numinous beings should be revered and the people are taught to render good service [to the numinous beings]”; “people today have never seen the appearance of [the lord of] heaven, yet they say that offering a sacrifice to heaven and earth brings them happiness. They have never seen the golden countenance [of the Buddha], yet they say that there can be no reward even if they respectfully serve [the Buddha].”257 This is, therefore, a manifestation of “making light of the root and valuing what is insignificant.” Fourth, “If people have the doubt that the Buddha’s teaching did not exist in ancient times and only recently emerged during the Han period, [I would say that] the miraculous edification [of the Buddha] is one moment in and the next moment out of our sight. Who can gauge its beginning and end?” “The Liezi says, ‘During the

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(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 96. 254 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 96. 255 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 96. 256 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 96. 257 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 96.

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reign of King Mu of the Zhou Dynasty, a wizard came from the far west258 …King Mu respected the wizard as if he was a god,”259 and hence there was already “the foreshadowing of the great dharma at the outset of the Zhou Dynasty.”260 Fifth, “If people have the doubt that the [Buddhist] teaching should exist only in the region of the western tribes and that its edification is not for the Chinese people, this would mean that the sages of former times stood in specific regions to lay down their teachings; it would not mean that they established their teachings in order to teach the people.”261 Moreover, Chinese secular teachings have undergone many changes throughout the ages. “Confucius wanted to reside in the region of the Yi tribe, and Laozi went to the western region of the Rong tribe. How can a place be fixed as the location for the teaching? When even the sages of the mundane world founded their teachings, they did not concern themselves with the location, whether it was China or a non-Chinese region, not to speak of the Buddha who governs over the trichiliocosm. How could he restrict his edification to the western region?”262 Finally, “If people have the doubt that the dharma was rarely [practiced] in the Han and Wei periods and began flourishing only during the Jin period, this is only because the fortune of the Way has its ups and downs. We cannot investigate this thoroughly.” “Confucius studied the Five Classics and left a model for all rulers of later generations. Nevertheless, the feudal lords of the Spring and Autumn era were not willing to follow and employ [the model left by Confucius].” “In the time of the first emperor of the Qin Dynasty, [the Confucian canon] was burned to ashes”; “in the reign of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, Confucianism began to be celebrated.” “Consequently, we know that the Five Classics are continually wholesome and their ups and downs follow the turning of the wheel of fortune, and that [similarly] the Buddhist edification is always thriving and whether or not it spreads widely depends on the conditions.”263 As for karmic retribution, many examples are listed in the secular classics: “The heavenly palace is the clear evidence that was bestowed upon Zhao Jian[zi] and Lord Mu of Qin state. Retribution that alternately comes from the 258

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 96. 259 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 96. 260 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 96–97. 261 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 97. 262 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 97. 263 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 97.

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spiritual world is seen in the cases of Du Bo and Pengsheng. The case that good fortune visits those who cultivate virtue is verified by the examples of [Tai]wu of the Yin Dynasty and Lord Jing of Song state. That misfortune falls on those who kill many people is proven by Bai Qi and Cheng Pu. Obscure and marvelous things in this world are minutely recorded in ancient books. The beneficial activities of unseen divine beings in the next existence are extensively explained in venerable [Buddhist] scriptures.”264 Sengyou was proficient in discovering and applying ideological resources from Chinese classics that converged with Buddhism, revealing that the three teachings all worshiped the Way of the Spirit, revered the Great Sages, and provided assistance to governance, which was the common ground that served as a foundation for the integration of the three teachings. He was especially good at defending Buddhism using the Confucian classics, which helped to draw Buddhist scholars closer to Buddhism. Sengyou’s Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism and its Afterword marked the end of the climax in the controversies among the three teachings during the Southern Dynasties. Although the controversies persisted into the Chen Dynasty, they were no longer of the same scale. Yan Zhitui served in the Southern Liang, Northern Qi, Zhou, and early Sui Dynasties, which gave him a broad knowledge of the relationship among the three teachings in the late Northern and Southern Dynasties. He revered Duke Zhou and Confucius, while also devoting himself to Buddhism, and hence was a representative figure among the scholar-officials. His Guixin Pian [An Essay on Returning to the Heart] was written in the later years of his life, in which he listed the anti-Buddhists views in society at that time: There are, in general, five [types of] secular people who criticize [Buddhism]. The first are those who find the matters beyond this world and the infinite transcendence of the spirit preposterous and exaggerated. The second are those who believe that the good and bad, the fortunes and misfortunes of this world, will not necessarily have retribution. The third are those who believe that the conduct of monks and nuns is mostly improper, impure, deceitful, and superficial. The fourth are those who believe that draining the national coffers and reducing the levies for the sake of Buddhism is damaging to the country. The fifth are those who believe in karmic retribution but do not believe that Person A would suffer in the present to benefit an unknown Person B in a future life, whom they believe is already someone different.265

In addition to reiterating the main defenses of his pro-Buddhism predecessors, the author also focused on the macro-cosmology of Buddhism and proposed a series of tough questions about astronomy and geography that Confucians have neglected, thereby implying that Confucianism had not exhausted the truth and that Buddhism can further expand our understanding. The Essay on Returning to the Heart is almost 264

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 97. 265 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 110.

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like a new Tian Wen [Heavenly Questions], which presents people with a series of challenges in exploring cosmology. In this regard, the Essay believes that the bold and imaginative cosmology of Buddhism can help broaden our horizons and facilitate the postulation of scientific hypotheses. Yan Zhitui’s advice to his descendants was that those who cannot become monks “should observe the precepts and read meticulously, which will serve as a bridge to the next life.”266 In sum, his view was that our current life depends on the Confucian ethical code, but our future life depends on Buddhism, so the perfect solution is to revere both teachings. This was the psychological state of religious faith adopted by many. In the Northern Dynasties, there were also various theoretical disputes among the three teachings before and after Emperor Wu of Zhou’s suppression of Buddhism, but not at the level of the Southern Dynasties. The more influential works worthy of mention include Zhen Luan’s Xiaodao Lun [Discourse on Laughing at the Daoists] (Volume 9 of the Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism) and Dao’an’s Erjiao Lun [Discourse on the Two Teachings] (Volume 8 of Extended Collection on the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism). The Discourse on Laughing at the Daoists was mainly an anti-Daoist polemic that believed the theory of Laozi converting the barbarians to be chaotic nonsense not worthy of verification; considered the Daoist arts (e.g., the joining of qi between males and females) to be absurd, filthy, and too unbearable to hear about; and suggested that the Daoist texts often plagiarized the Buddhist scriptures—for example, the Miaozhen Scriptures and Lingbao Scriptures frequently quotes the Lotus S¯utra. Although the language in this Discourse is indecent, it does pinpoint the historical fact that the Daoist texts frequently quoted from the Buddhist scriptures, and often used Buddhist terminology, which indicates that the Daoist religion was absorbing the Buddhist culture to enrich itself. In fact, was the same process not occurring in Buddhism as well, as it strove to learn from Confucianism and Daoism to imbue itself with Chinese characteristics? Dao’an’s Discourse on the Two Teachings is characterized by the following features. First, it opposes the proposition of “three” teachings and advocates the switch to inner and outer teachings, whereby “teachings of saving the body should be called outer; the classics to save the spirit should be known as inner”; “Buddhism is an inner teaching, while Confucianism is an outer teaching,”267 whereas Daoism is only a branch of Confucianism. Second, the Discourse argues that Buddha is superior to Confucius and Laozi, while Confucianism is superior to Daoism. Third, it claims that Laozi is superior to the School of Immortality: Laozi’s teaching, which “takes emptiness and nothingness as its root, and suppleness and weakness as its

266

(Northern and Southern Dynasties) Yan Zhitui. (Qing Dynasty) Annotated by Zhao Ximing and Lu Wenchao. The Family Instructions of Master Yan. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 135. 267 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 142.

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function”268 has its value, whereas “when it comes to refining the golden elixir, ingesting light and eating jade, the ascension of the soul and taking flight, liberating from mortality and transforming the body: these are all distortions of the original principles laid down by Laozi and Zhuangzi.”269 Fourth, it notes that the Daoist texts are often taken from the Buddhist scriptures: “The Classic of the Yellow Court and the Scripture of Primordial Yang are taken from the Lotus S¯utra, replacing Buddhism with Daoism in an especially clumsy manner.”270 Dao’an also refuted each of the various anti-Buddhist claims found in society, while his division between the inner and outer teachings was widely adopted in later years.

4.4.4 The Destruction of Buddhism by Emperor Taiwu and Emperor Wu Beyond the mainstream of peaceful debates among the three teachings, there were also several aberrant occurrences, that is, events that involved the actual use of force to expel Buddhism. More specifically, the persecution of Buddhism by Emperor Taiwu and Emperor Wu. The atrocities against Buddhism instigated by Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei were, first and foremost, incited by the devout Daoist prime minister Cui Hao, but was also triggered by his discovery of weapons and illegal goods hidden within Buddhist temples. On top of this, a more fundamental reason for this incident was because the emperor had deviated from the mainstay of Chinese governance by virtue, and was drunk on his military might due to his previous victories. This led him to believe that by solely wielding his supreme authority, he would be able to use violence to exterminate a belief-based culture like Buddhism. Thus, the emperor issued a decree criticizing Buddhism, saying that “its exaggerated grandiloquence is not based on human nature,” “the legislations and rules could not be implemented, propriety and righteousness have greatly decayed,” and “since then, each generation has passed through disorder and calamity. Heaven’s punishment had been quick to come, and the people have perished utterly.” “It made the law useless and cannot be implemented; they were the instigators of great unrighteousness.”271 The emperor blamed Buddhism for all the suffering in society caused by political turmoil and military struggles of the upper classes over the years, thus washing 268

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 142. 269 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 145. 270 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 147. 271 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. Book of Wei, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 3034.

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his hands of all responsibility, which was an inversion of the truth and an utmost exaggeration. He then declared triumphantly, “When there are extraordinary people, only then can there be extraordinary acts. Were it not for my intervention, who could do away with this age-old counterfeit? Let the officials proclaim to the generals of garrisons and the governors that all Buddhist reliquaries, images, and barbarian scriptures are to be completely destroyed and burned, and that the Buddhist monks, without distinguishing their youth or age, are all to be buried alive.”272 These were the ruthless acts of a tyrant who destroyed the temples and slaughtered the monks with brutal means, resulting in a cultural catastrophe and black terror. History later showed that it was not possible for these so-called “extraordinary people” to betray the Chinese spirit and act as they wished. The Buddhist persecution was met with internal resistance from the aristocracy even at that time, and the Daoist leader Kou Qianzhi opposed the use of force to destroy Buddhism. However, Emperor Taiwu stubbornly insisted on following his own will, which inevitably led to defeat, and only a shameful history was left behind to be criticized by later generations. Initially, the Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou intended to affirm the relationship among the three teachings, which prompted him to declare that Confucianism was ranked the highest, Daoism second, and Buddhism the lowest. Without the support of his subordinates, however, in the third year of Jiande (574 CE), he ordered that “Buddhism and Daoism be terminated, that scriptures and images be destroyed, and that monks and nuns be banned and returned to their secular life.”273 In the sixth year of Jiande, Emperor Wu conquered Northern Qi, which came under his rule, summoned all the monks of Northern Qi, and declared the abolition of Buddhism. At that time, more than five hundred monks kept their silence, and only Huiyuan dared to speak out. For instance, the emperor proclaimed that the “true Buddha is beyond representation,” and hence all images of Buddha should be destroyed. Huiyuan refuted this by saying, “It is by relying on the scriptures, or by listening to a Buddha, or with the aid of images, that the truth is made manifest,” and in turn asked, “If there were no feelings in images, and no reward for serving them, they ought to be abolished at once. [But what about] the images in the seven ancestral shrines of the state? Can it be that they have feelings, or that it is absurd to honor them?” To this, the emperor could only reply, “The seven shrines were established in high antiquity. We do not believe in them either, and intend to abolish them as well.” In addition, the emperor claimed that “the Buddhist scriptures are foreign law that this country does not need,” to which Huiyuan argued, if the scriptures are to be divided into domestic and foreign, then the words of Confucius “are from Dukedom Lu, which is in the land of the Qin and Jin, and so should be abolished and not practiced.” Thus, without the Five Classics and “the abolishment of the three teachings, how then should the country be governed?” The emperor replied that Lu, Qin, and Jin are all under the beneficial transformative influence of the sovereign, and so are different from Buddhism. Huiyuan then retorts: “Although the borders of 272 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 3034–3035. 273 (Tang Dynasty) Linghu Defen. Book of Zhou. Zhonghua Book Company, 1971, p. 85.

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China and India are far apart from each other, they are both within the four seas of Jambudvipa, so when it comes to the unifying influence of the sovereign, why should we not all follow the Buddhist scriptures?” As for the issue of monks returning to the secular life and fulfilling their filial duties, Huiyuan replied by citing the Confucian classics: “The Confucian Classics say: When we have established our character by the practice of the [filial] course to glorify our parents, this is an act of filial piety. Why is it then necessary to return to the household?” The emperor retorted, “Our parents have bestowed us with great kindness, nurturing us with their own resources. To abandon and neglect one’s parents does not constitute filial piety.” In response, Huiyuan asked further: “In this case, your majesty has parents to your left and right. Why then did you neglect them and launched a campaign for five years without seeing your parents?” The emperor replied, “I continued to follow the rituals, and served them when I returned.” Thus, Huiyuan replied, “In Buddhism, there are also monks who practice the way in winter and summer, and return to their families in spring and autumn.” Huiyuan then accused the emperor of “recklessly using your royal power, destroying the Three Treasures, and acting as a heretic,” who will “suffer in Av¯ıci hell.” To this, the emperor replied in anger: “But to bring happiness to my people, I would not hesitate to suffer in hell.” Even so, Huiyuan remained relentless, and replied, “Your majesty transforms people with heretical ways, and plant the seeds of suffering. When they share in the torments of Av¯ıci hell, where will they find happiness?”.274 This is a unique piece of lively exchange, which showcases a courageous monk who was tenacious in his defiance of power, firm in his belief and independent in personality, daring to argue with the emperor in person and even reprimanding the emperor for holding heretical views. This is a rare example in the history of Chinese religion, and very admirable indeed. Although Emperor Wu intended to subdue the Buddhist monks with his royal power, he was still willing to engage in debate and adopt a stance of discourse, without immediately resorting to legislation, which is also uncommon among emperors. Following this, another Buddhist believer, Ren Daolin, entered the palace to debate with Emperor Wu regarding the wrongs of the Buddhist persecution. The reasons given by the emperor for the Buddhist persecution were as follows: The first was the difference between the Non-Chinese and Chinese. The second was because he believed Buddhism to be “grandiose and exaggerated, eloquent and superficial,”275 and hence could not be believed. The third was his belief that worshiping Buddha was not beneficial as the effectiveness of state governance depends on stratocracy, not Buddhism. Therefore, he concluded that Buddhism was an absurd and useless religion of the western tribes. From this, we can see that Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou only decided to persecute Buddhism after careful deliberation. However, his 274

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 159. 275 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 160.

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thinking was limited to the physical and practical level, and he failed to see the role of Buddhism in moral transformation through instruction and the purification of the soul, which resulted in its expulsion. Ren Daolin emphasized that Buddhism played a major role in governing the people and ceasing the use of military force, arguing that “if all households practice [Buddhism], all the people will be governed; if all countries practice [Buddhism], the military will be useless,”276 which was an exaggeration of the power of Buddhism. He also refuted the theory that Buddhism is harmful to the country: “The continuation of one’s reign is not due to Buddhism, while the rise and fall of politics is not related to the dharma,”277 which was a realistic theory. In his debate with Emperor Wu on the way of filial piety, Ren Daolin accused the emperor of “tearing down the temples established by Emperor Taizu, destroying the statues created by Emperor Taizu, abolishing the dharma teachings promoted by Emperor Taizu, and demeaning the teachers respected by Emperor Taizu,”278 which was a violation of the way of filial piety. Emperor Wu, however, refused to back down, and replied that the fulfillment of filial piety should change depending on the circumstances, and should not be rigidly implemented, saying, “Let the Buddhist monks return to secular life and serve their parents, so that filial piety may all be fulfilled throughout the realm,”279 and “bringing benefit to all the land, abandoning the [ways] of the western tribes and following those of the Chinese, and unifying everything in the six conjunctions (i.e., the limits of the world): this will bring glory that lasts for ten thousand generations, and will honor Emperor Taizu, which is the fulfillment of filial piety.”280 The theme of the pro- and anti-Buddhism debate gradually began to focus on the core of Chinese values: the way of filial piety. The commonality between the Buddhist persecution of Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou and Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei was their xenophobia and coercive implementation; the difference was that Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou did not slaughter the Buddhist monks and gave dissenters room for debate. However, as pointed out in Chap. 24 of Tang Yongtong’s History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Two Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties, Emperor Wu’s persecution of Buddhism came after “meticulous examination, and was not a 276

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 160. 277 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 160. 278 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 160. 279 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 160. 280 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 160.

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careless act. Thus, he was ruthless in his extermination.”281 Nevertheless, Emperor Wu’s attempt to destroy Buddhism was met with the same failure as that of Emperor Taiwu. Upon his death, Buddhism was quickly revived once Emperor Xuan ascended the throne, which was carried on by Emperor Jing, and later prospered in the Sui Dynasty.

4.4.5 Theory and Practice of Integration of the Three Teachings and Its Historical Significance During the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, the three teachings drew closer and influenced each other in the course of their debates, in which they not only altered the other teachings but also themselves. This process involved both the evolution of gradual self-awareness at the theoretical level as well as the cultivation of all three teachings in practice. (1) The Popularity of the Integration of the Three Teachings 1. Theories of root/branch or inner/outer teachings. Huiyuan of Eastern Jin used the concept of “inner/outer” to reconcile Buddhism and Confucianism, saying, “If we seek the sage’s views on this matter, the ways of inside and outside [the limits of the world of humans] can be united and clarified.”282 Sun Chuo writes in A Clarification of the Way: “[The teachings of] Duke Zhou and Confucius are [the teachings of] Buddha; those of Buddha are identical with those of Duke Zhou and Confucius. There is no more than a nominal difference between the exoteric [teachings of Confucianism] and the esoteric [doctrine of Buddhism].”283 Dao’an of the Northern Dynasties wrote in the Discourse on the Two Teachings that Buddhism is an inner teaching, whereas Confucianism is an outer teaching. From the perspective of Buddhism, the inner teaching (i.e., Buddhism) is naturally the root, while the outer teaching (i.e., Confucianism) is naturally the branch. When Daoist scholars discuss the relation between Daoism and Buddhism, they frequently use the concept of “root and branch,” where Daoism is naturally the root. Confucianism, on the other hand, often stresses that it is ranked the highest. For example, Fu Xuan of the Jin Dynasty said, “Confucianism is the chief aspect of the royal education.”284 The theory of root/branch or inner/outer 281

Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, p. 304. 282 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 31. 283 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 17. 284 (Tang Dynasty) Fang Xuanling et al. The Book of Jin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, p. 871.

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teaching is the preliminary form of the integration of the three teachings, characterized by its self-centeredness, but also acknowledging the auxiliary status of the other teachings. 2. Theories of equal goodness or equal sanctity. This type of theory emphasizes the equality of all three teachings, each with its own merits and demerits, which is a more balanced approach. The Discourse on White and Black by Huilin of the Liu Song Dynasty, also known as the Discourse on the Equal Goodness [of The Three Teachings], posits: “The six p¯aramit¯as and the five Confucian virtues aim at the same, that [Confucian] loyalty and obedience are equal in scope with [Buddhist] compassion.”285 In his Bianzong Lun [Discourse on Discerning the Ultimate Truth], Xie Lingyun of the Liu Song Dynasty attempted to forge a compromise between Confucianism and Buddhism, proposing that “the theories of Shakyamuni” excels in its proposition that sainthood “can be attained,” but fails in its “gradual enlightenment”; “the theories of Confucius” excels in its “immediate attainment of principles,” but fails in its proposition that “sagehood is just out of reach.” He praised the theories of Daosheng for “rejecting the gradual enlightenment of the Buddhists and adopting [their proposition] that one can reach [sainthood], and for rejecting the [thesis] of the Confucians that [sagehood] is just out of reach and adopting [their proposition] of the Immediate Attainment.”286 Shen Yue of the Liang Dynasty wrote Junsheng Lun [Discourse on the Equal Sanctity], which proposes that “the inner sages and outer sages are equal in their meanings and principles.”287 Wang Bao of the Liang Dynasty maintained that each of the three teachings had its own characteristics: “Confucianism discusses the hierarchical difference in the noble and mean, but diminishes the understanding of fortune and misfortune”; “Daoism teaches to slough off one’s limbs and trunk, dim one’s intelligence, abandon righteousness and discard humaneness, depart from one’s form, and leave knowledge behind. The meaning of Buddhism is to recognize suffering and break away from V¯asan¯a, understand the cessation of desires and following the way, identify the [karmic] causes and effects, and believe that the extraordinary and the ordinary can both attain sainthood”288 ; however, the three “are equally different in their teachings, and their meanings should all be absorbed.”289 Emperor Wu of the Liang wrote Shu Sanjiao Shi [A Poem Describing the Three Teachings], which states, 285

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Shen Yue. Revised by Liu Shaojun. The Book of Song, Volume 2. Yuelu Publishing House, 1998, p. 1342. 286 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 232. 287 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 126. 288 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 583, 584. 289 (Tang Dynasty) Yao Silian. The Book of Liang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 584.

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“Going back to the origin, we do not find two sages; when we measure the Good, the three doctrines do not differ.” “How could the differences be the result of deliberation? Profundity and shallowness are inherent in the nature of things.”290 Thus, although the three teachings differ in their profundity and shallowness, they are equally good. 3. Theories of divergent paths but a convergent destination. Such theories acknowledge that the three teachings have different, even opposing, approaches, but are consistent in their fundamental spiritual direction and ultimate goal. These theories played an enormous role in the integration of the three teachings and can be divided into three main types. The first type claims that the divergent paths converge on the way of sainthood. For example, as Gu Huan writes in the Discourse on the Non-Chinese and Chinese: “Daoism is precisely Buddhism; Buddhism is none other than Daoism. They converge in the attainment of sainthood, and diverge in their paths”291 ; or as Zhang Rong states, “Daoism and Buddhism are not dual in the final consequence; [both teachings] aim toward tranquility and stability, and they are the same in their foundation. When a person is inspired, he is successful in understanding [the teaching] thoroughly.”292 The second type of theory postulates that the divergent paths converge on the existence of the spirit. For example, as Ming Shanbin writes, “The existence and immortality of the spirit is the common theme shared by the three sages.”293 The third type of theory proposes that the divergent paths converge on the encouragement to do good. For example, as Zong Bing writes in the Discourse to Clarify Buddhism, “Even though the three teachings of Confucius, Laozi, and the Tath¯agata are different courses from each other, they are all of a piece in learning good.”294 Or as Dao’an of Northern Zhou writes in the Discourse on the Two Teachings: “Although the three teachings differ, they unite in their counsel to do good; they vary in the paths they take but share the same understanding.”295 290

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 365. 291 (Tang Dynasty) Li Yanshou. A History of the Southern Dynasties. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, p. 1876. 292 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 12. 293 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 67. 294 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 12. 295 (Ming Dynasty) Mei Dingzuo (Ed.). Records on Buddhist Literature, Volume 37. Shanghai Commercial Publishing House, 1934, p. 1–2.

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In summary, it can be said that the divergent paths of the three teachings converge on their contribution to the governance of the country. As said by Huiyuan of Eastern Jin, although Buddhism deviates from the rites of the secular world, it can “assist the ruler in exerting his transforming influence and governing the state by means of the [Buddhist] Way.” Or, as described by Liu Xie in Discourse on Extinguishing Delusions, despite the differences in the teachings of Confucius and Shakyamuni, “they all realize the principles of the mind, and examine and illuminate the human world.”296 (2) Two Breakthroughs in the Sinicization of Buddhism 1. Breakthrough in the mode of theoretical thinking. The integration of Buddhism, as a foreign culture, with traditional Chinese culture was a long and tortuous process. In the late Han Dynasty, the spread of Buddhism relied on the arts of the Daoist religion and the worship of Huang-Lao. After the Wei and Jin Dynasties, Buddhism developed with the help of Xuanxue (i.e., the Neo-Daoist Metaphysics). As the metaphysical mode of thinking and discourse style of Neo-Daoism was similar to those of Buddhism, the first step in the sinicization of Buddhism was its “Xuanxue-ization.” This process began with the comparison of terminology. Zhu Faya created the method of “Geyi” (i.e., “categorized concepts” or “matching of meaning”): “The numerical categories (i.e., Shishu) of the s¯utras were taken and matched with [terms from] secular literature, as a method to make the disciples understand; this was called ‘matched meanings’ (i.e., Geyi).”297 In the Discourse on the Two Teachings, Dao’an of Northern Zhou talks about the language used in the scriptural translation at that time: “The names of our land were used to translate the meaning of their land, thus names were used as placeholders to discuss the truth.”298 The Six Sects and Seven Schools took this further and performed the Xuanxue-ization of Buddhism at the theoretical level. Although the ideas of Sengzhao approached the essence of prajñ¯a, he still retained Neo-Daoism categorial terms, such as Being and Nothingness, substance and function, root and branch, to express the Madhyamaka (i.e., the Middle Way) doctrine of Buddhism. Zhu Daosheng was the first to advocate the theory of Sudden Enlightenment, which represented a major step in the sinicization of Buddhism, and the mode of thinking he pioneered was derived from the Neo-Daoist Metaphysical approach of “obtaining the meaning and forgetting the image, obtaining the image and forgetting the 296

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 52. 297 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Hui Jiao. Annotated by Tang Yongtong. Tang Yixuan (Ed.). Memoirs of Eminent Monks. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 152. 298 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 145.

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words.”299 In his own words, “Indeed, images [serve to] fully convey the meaning, and once the meaning has been seized, they should be forgotten; words [serve to] deliver the Principle, and once the Principle has been penetrated they should come to an end. Since the Buddhist s¯utras were spread eastwards, [due to their incompetence] the translators caused a whole series of hindrances [to the comprehension of their meaning]. Most [Buddhists] stuck to those fallacious translations, and only a few were able to see the complete meaning [that was behind them]. If only someone could be able to forget about the fish trap upon catching the fish, I could discuss with him about the Way.”300 This is, therefore, the sudden enlightenment of words to attain Buddhahood. His mode of thinking was inherited from Zhuangzi’s wisdom of “forgetting the fish trap upon catching the fish,” enriched using the distinction between words and meaning in Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, and subsequently inspired the sudden enlightenment of the Zen Buddhism. It was only through such wisdom that the Chinese monks were able to boldly invent new ideas without rigidly abiding by the scriptures. 2. Breakthroughs in social values. The purpose and style of leaving the household to become monks in Indian Buddhism clashed most significantly with the Confucian concepts of state governance, loyalty, and filial piety. Therefore, the integration between Buddhism and Confucianism was more challenging than that between Buddhism and Neo-Daoist Metaphysics. Nevertheless, for Buddhism to gain a firm foothold in China, points of compatibility needed to be found with Confucianism as the original and dominant culture of China before Buddhism could be accepted by mainstream society. Therefore, Chinese Buddhist scholars earnestly studied the similarities and differences between Buddhism and Confucianism and attempted to merge with Chinese historical traditions, while maintaining the basic doctrines of Buddhism, to forge connections between the two teachings. Thus, innovative interpretations of Buddhist doctrines and teachings were created to acknowledge the basic values of Confucianism in a way that was unique to Buddhism. First, it was proclaimed that Buddhism served to love the country and assist in governance and that its religion is auxiliary to the government, thereby dispelling worries about the formation of a ruling class. For example, Huiyuan of Eastern Jin stated that Buddhism served to “assist the ruler in exerting his transforming influence and governing the state by means of the [Buddhist] Way,”301 thus placing Buddhism in an auxiliary position to the government, rather than one that seeks independence or the unification of government and religion. Second, it was declared that Buddhism practiced 299

(Song Dynasty) Shen Zuozhe (Ed.). The Book of Anecdotes. Zhonghua Book Comapny, 1985, “Appendixes”, P. 4. 300 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Hui Jiao. Annotated by Tang Yongtong. Tang Yixuan (Ed.). Memoirs of Eminent Monks. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 256. 301 Zhao Puchu (Ed.). Yongle Buddhist Cannon, Volume 137. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2000, p. 571.

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the way of filial piety, which is aligned with the core idea of Confucian values. Not only was it claimed that studying Buddhism to achieve the spiritual liberation of one’s parents and ancestors was an indirect practice of greater filial piety; it was also stressed that the veneration of filial piety could be found in the Buddhist scriptures themselves. For example, A Clarification of the Way states directly: “The Buddhist canon consists of the 12-fold scriptures, and four of these are solely devoted to exhorting people to the practice of filial piety.”302 Third, it was affirmed that the moral creed essentially agrees with Confucianism, and should be credited with its efforts in clarification. Shen Yue believed that the Confucian way of humaneness was precisely Buddhism compassion, while Yan Zhitui compared the Five Precepts of Buddhism to the Five Constant Virtues of Confucianism. Finally, the theory of the division of labor between the outer teaching of Confucianism and the inner teaching of Buddhism was advocated. For example, the Discourse to Clarify Buddhism states: “Rely on Duke Zhou and Confucius to educate the masses, and taste the Buddhist dharma to nourish the spirit.”303 (3) The Popular Trend of Simultaneously Studying the Three or Two Teachings Dominated by ideas on the equal goodness of Confucianism and Buddhism, and the simultaneous application of inner and outer teachings, many scholars began studying both Buddhism and Confucianism, finding sanctuary for the soul in Buddhism, and using Confucianism to aid the world. The number of nobles, luminaries, and scholars who simultaneously studied the three or two teachings grew in size, which formed a popular trend. Wang Dao, an important official of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, combined Confucianism and Neo-Daoist Metaphysics. Zhidun was well-versed in Buddhism and Neo-Daoism and was a leader of the “pure conversation” academic circles in Eastern Jin. Huiyuan of the Eastern Jin Dynasty was “internally erudite on the Buddhist principles, externally knowledgeable on the various classics,”304 while his disciples, Lei Cizong, Zhong Bing, Liu Yimin, and Zhou Xuzhi, were all learned in Buddhism and Confucianism. Emperor Wen of Song praised Buddhism, while also establishing the four schools of Confucianism, Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, literature, and history (see: Nanshu [A History of the South], Yinyi [Scholars in Seclusion], and Lei Cizong Zhuan [Biography of Lei Cizong]). Zhou Yong “perused the hundred schools of thought, and was proficient in the Buddhist principles; he wrote

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(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 18. 303 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, p. 16. 304 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Hui Jiao. Annotated by Tang Yongtong. Tang Yixuan (Ed.). Memoirs of Eminent Monks. Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 221.

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the Sanzong Lun [Discourse on the Three Spiritual Ancestors],” and was “was wellversed in Laozi and the Book of Changes.”305 Emperor Wu of the Liang was erudite in Confucianism, Buddhism, and Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, which greatly popularized the integration of the three teachings. There were also many luminaries in the Northern Dynasties who studied the three teachings concurrently. Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei “could explain the meaning of the Five Classics,” and “was wellversed in Zhuangzi and Laozi, with an exceptional ability to understand its subtle meaning.”306 Liu Xian was a great Confucian of the north, and “died before finishing his commentary on the Nirvana S¯utra” in his later years.307 The Confucian classicist, Lu Jingyu, wrote a commentary on Laozi, and “was also acquainted with Buddhism, able to understand its general meaning.”308 Shen Zhong, who moved from Southern Liang to Northern Zhou, was a follower of the Confucian school who taught the doctrines of the three teachings, and people of all teachings came to listen to him: “he was inexhaustible and comprehensive in the ways of Yin and Yang, the charts and apocrypha, as well as the Daoist classics and Buddhist canon.”309 (4) Characteristics of the Relationship Among the Three Teachings 1. The relationship among the three teachings can be characterized by the dominance of Confucianism complemented by Buddhism and Daoism. The first manifestation of this relationship was that Confucianism served to safeguard the monarchy, while Buddhism and Daoism were subjected to government control. The government-appointed monk officials, such as the Great Sengzheng of the Capital and Great Sengdu of the Capital in the Southern Dynasties, as well as the Daoren Tong and Shamen Tong [both meaning “Superintendent of Monks”], Jianfucao [Superintendency of Buddhist Happiness], and Zhaoxuan Si [Office for the Clarification of Buddhist Profundities] in the Northern Dynasties. In the Eastern Wei Dynasty, the Da Zongbo (i.e., Great Master of Sacrificial Rites) was appointed to manage the Buddhist monks and Daoist priests. The second manifestation was that the Confucian classics served as the basis for governance, and formed the core of the official education. Thus, respecting Confucius, reading the Confucian Classics, and revering the teaching of the rites formed the guidelines for governing the state. Buddhism and Daoism, on the other hand, were generally not involved in the country’s politics, military affairs, or official education. The third manifestation was that the core ideas of social morality were still based on the Three Fundamental Bonds and 305

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Xiao Zixian. The Book of the Southern Qi Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1972, p. 731, 732. 306 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 187. 307 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 5. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 1850. 308 (Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 5. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 1850. 309 (Tang Dynasty) Linghu Defen. The Book of Zhou. Zhonghua Book Company, 1971, p. 810.

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Five Constant Virtues of Confucianism, whereas the precepts of Buddhism and Daoism only applied to their believers. The moral creeds of the latter two teachings were both aligned with the Confucian ideals of humaneness, obedience, loyalty, filial piety, trustworthiness, and righteousness, which were supported by the way of the spirit. However, venerating heaven and worshiping the ancestors was still the foundational belief of the people. 2. Buddhism had an advantage in philosophical thinking and profound principles. The vastness of its cosmology, the exquisiteness of its theory on the nature of things, and the transcendence of its theory of life were not only superior to that of Confucianism but had also surpassed Neo-Daoist Metaphysics. Thus, Buddhism greatly expanded the spiritual space of the Chinese people and dominated the aspirations of the intelligentsia. Huiyuan and Emperor Wu of the Liang are the most representative among the literati of this ilk. In their pursuit for the secrets of the universe and life, they obtained only the ritual teachings for this life from Confucianism, which prompted them to expand their horizons in the Daoism of Laozi and Zhuangzi, eventually arriving at Buddhism, at which they were enlightened by the everchanging nature of the past and future and the trichiliocosm. Thus, their spirits were greatly elevated, and they found a path to liberate themselves from the suffering of life and death. As for the ordinary people, the various Buddhist doctrines, such as the six paths of incarnation, karmic retribution, heaven, and hell, etc. sounded reasonable and were easy to understand. Moreover, the Buddhist pagodas and statues, as well as the vernacular texts and lectures, further enhanced the intuitive enlightenment of Buddhism, which made it more accessible in dissuading the people from evil and persuading them to do good. Therefore, Buddhism was well-received among the people. Buddhism also proclaimed that there are diverse and flexible ways to achieve transcendence: the cultured, by studying and practicing prajna; the rich, by giving alms; the ordinary people, by observing the precepts, and practicing patience, diligence, and meditative concentration, all of which can lead to heaven in the other world; even fasting and reciting Buddha’s name while remaining in the household can lead to rebirth in the Pure Land. If we say that Confucianism offers the rules of secular life and Neo-Daoism the spiritual fascination of the aristocracy, then Buddhism brings the high-level spiritual nourishment needed by both the noble and common, and a large majority of its believers are the toiling masses. 3. The blending of the differences and similarities between Daoist philosophy and Daoist religion to form a whole allowed it to serve as an intermediary, balancing, and distinguishing role among the three teachings. The Daoist philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi, as well as its theoretical form in the Wei and Jin Dynasty (i.e., Xuanxue), was mainly circulated among the academia and did not reach the general public. The Daoist religion, on the other hand, popularized the Daoist philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi among the people using the way of the divine. Without Daoist philosophy, the Daoist religion would lack theoretical depth. Without Daoist religion,

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Daoism would not reach the grassroots level of society. Thus, the two were mutually complementary, jointly forming one of the legs in the “cultural tripod” of the three teachings, and fulfilling its own unique functions. First, Neo-Daoism was a bridge of communication between Confucianism and Buddhism, which eased the entry of the Buddhist scriptures into Chinese society, and enabled China to gradually understand the Buddhist scriptures. Second, in terms of politics and culture, Daoist religion allied with Confucianism to preserve the authority of the central government and the dominant position of orthodox Chinese culture, hence it was easily accepted by mainstream society. Thirdly, the Daoist religion is concerned with the pursuit of immortality and longevity and emphasizes the way of nourishing life, which not only satisfied the desire of many to pursue an eternal and happy life but also promoted medicine and preventive healthcare, which benefited the continuation and prosperity of the nation. This was an advantage that was unique to Daoism. Finally, Daoist religion was closely intertwined with folk beliefs. Daoist incantations and talismans, rituals and ceremonies, and other techniques to eliminate calamities and liberate the spirit, as well as their complementary folk beliefs, also provided the people with spiritual and daily life services. As the Daoist religion had found its own space for development, it flourished rapidly during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties. 4. The controversies among the three teachings were predominantly carried out through civilized debate with aberrant cases of crude confrontations. During the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, a situation similar to the Contention of the Hundred Schools of Thought emerged among the three teachings, which generally maintained a civilized atmosphere of reasoning, discussion, equal dialogue, and repeated arguments, while seldom involving irrational arguments, the intentional distortion of meaning, and false accusations. In the absence of rebuttal, scholars often created their own interlocutors to question and answer themselves, as they believed it was only by the repeated questioning that the truth could be found and errors could be rectified. This academic style was especially popular in Jiangnan, which was praised by Yan Yizhi: “The literary institution in Jiangnan seeks the criticism of others, and when one finds an error, it is rectified immediately.”310 It is due to academic confidence and respect for others that Sengyou was able to compile the Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism, which proactively preserved many anti-Buddhist documents. The relaxed academic atmosphere and social respect for scholars gave rise to a group of scholar-warriors, who dared to belittle the powerful and defend their own ideas. They included He Chengtian, Fan Zhen, Guo Zushen, as well as the Buddhist eminent monks Huiyuan of Eastern Jin and Huiyuan of Northern Zhou. The prevalence of free debate promoted the flourishing of academic 310 Zhuang Huiming and Zhang Yihe. The Annotations to the Family Instructions of Master Yan. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 181.

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study, which produced several high-quality academic essays, such as the Treatise of Sengzhao, Discourse on the Three Kinds of Karmic Response, Discourse on White and Black, Discourse to Clarify Buddhism, Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit, Discourse on Extinguishing Delusions, and so on, all of which were the products of the controversies, and a bountiful harvest of academic study. (5) Historical Significance of the Controversies and Integration of the Three Teachings 1. The controversies and integration of the three teachings inherited and passed on the tradition of openness and tolerance in the Chinese culture, thereby enhancing its ability to absorb mature and high-end foreign cultures. The integration of the three teachings formed the preliminary habits and style of learning and transforming heterogeneous cultures, which amassed valuable experiences for the subsequent large-scale integration of Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity after the Sui and Tang Dynasties. In terms of Confucianism, its historical contribution in the Han Dynasty was to provide a guiding ideology for a unified empire and establish the core values of the Five Constancies and Eight Virtues for the entire society, thereby upholding the subjectivity of the Chinese national culture, whereas, during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, Confucianism was able to preliminarily showcase its openness amid the collisions and synthesis of the three teachings, which further magnified the wisdom of “harmony without uniformity.” This enabled Confucianism to continually radiate a new vitality through the mutual learning of multiculturalism, thus ensuring its long-lasting survival. 2. This process enabled the upper classes to renew their understanding of the qualities and functions of the three teachings, readjust the country’s ideological and cultural structure, formulate new cultural policies, and undertake beneficial exploration and experimentation, thereby laying the ideological foundation for the unification of the country in the Sui and Tang Dynasties. As the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties were part of a period of political division between the North and South fraught with frequent regime changes, the policies related to the three teachings varied with each dynasty, ebbing and flowing with the times. For example, the Wei and Jin Dynasties revered Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, which heavily influenced the study of the Confucian classics; the Southern Liang Dynasty revered Buddhism, even upholding it as a state religion for a time; the early Northern Wei Dynasty venerated Daoism and opposed Buddhism, but later revered all three teachings equally; the Northern Zhou Dynasty first ranked the teachings in the order of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, but then attacked Buddhism, and later revived Buddhism. The results of practical application indicate that the supremacy of the Confucian classics is immovable; the Daoist religion serves an indispensable auxiliary role, but its use as a rallying cry for popular revolts should be guarded against. They also indicate

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that Buddhism is beneficial to governance, but its over-inflation should be prevented; the use of violence to exterminate Buddhism is not only unhelpful but also ineffective. The best approach is to apply the three teachings in parallel and make adequate arrangements for each. Emperor Wencheng of Northern Wei provides an insightful explanation on the trickiest relationship to manage, i.e., that between Buddhism and Confucianism: All emperors and rulers must humbly revere the illustrious spirits and make manifest the way of humaneness. Those who were able to bestow compassion on the people and benefit the beings, though they existed in antiquity, still call people to follow their example. Therefore, the Spring and Summer Annals approve the worship of gods, and the Sacrificial Codes record those who achieved great exploits. How much more has the Tath¯agata brought benefit to the world, and how much does his passion flow out to this worldly realm? Those who consider life and death as equal admire his supreme vision; those who look at writings and doctrines honor his wondrous clarity. He supports the prohibitions and the regulations of regal government, and enriches the good nature of humaneness and wisdom. He banishes the many evils and performs the perfect Enlightenment. Therefore, since former ages, none has failed to do him honor. Even in our realm is he forever revered and served.311

Confucianism has always based its instructions on the way of the divine, has made manifest the way of humaneness, and has benefited all beings, whereas Buddhism can assist in implementing the laws and regulations of regal government. Moreover, the reverence for Buddhism over many generations has been proven effective, and so should be continued. The emperor not only cites the Chinese traditions of antiquity as his basis but also confirms the advantages and auxiliary status of Buddhism, while also presenting the historical experience of previous generations as evidence. This represents the highest level of understanding by the ruling class of that time on the relationships between politics and religion, and between Buddhism and Confucianism. 3. The concurrent spread of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism strengthened the cohesion within the cultural community of the Chinese nation and did not allow the political divisions of the nation to affect people’s identification with Chinese traditions. Confucianism and Daoism were the indigenous beliefs of China, while Buddhism’s reconciliation with the eastern lands and its preliminary integration with the other two teachings enabled its initial incorporation into the Chinese community. Thus, the three teachings formed the common beliefs of the Chinse nation and a new core in its traditional culture. They were not constrained by ethnicity, geography, or separatist regimes, and instead spread across both banks of the Yellow River, to the north and south the Yangtze River, and to the east and west of Taihang Mountains. Confucian scholars, Buddhist monks, and Daoist priests were able to cross political boundaries to freely communicate, lecture, and preach throughout the land of China, which weakened the negative alienating effects of political divisions, and maintained a common ideological foundation for the subsequent political “grand unification.” 311

(Northern Qi Dynasty) Wei Shou. The Book of Wei, Volume 8. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, p. 3035–3036.

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4. The collisions and integration of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism served to enrich and optimize their respective cultural traditions, while also revitalizing the entirety of Chinese culture, adding a host of fresh content, and enhancing its diversity. For example, Confucianism developed innovation in its classical studies due to Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, while Buddhism served to expand its cosmological horizon. In the case of Buddhism, Confucianism enhanced its concern for reality, while Neo-Daoism formed a path for Buddhism to spread in China. As for Daoist philosophy and Daoist religion, Confucianism served to reinforce their Chinese roots, while Buddhism enriched their doctrines and rules. In terms of philosophy, Daoism and Buddhism introduced a new realm of Chinese cosmology, epistemology, and theory of life. Concerning ethics, humaneness, and compassion worked in parallel, the Five Constant Virtues and the Way of the Immortals converged on the same goal, thereby enriching each other. As for aesthetics, Liu Xie’s Wenxin Diaolong [The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons] was a brilliant masterpiece, and its thinking represents the crystallization of the Confucian, Buddhist, and Daoist teachings. In terms of literary and artistic creations, the prose of the Six Dynasties is filled with Daoist sentiments, as represented by Tao Yuanming’s Guiqu Laixi Ci [Homeward Bound I Go] and Taohuayuan Ji [The Peach-Blossom Spring]. The imagery-filled thinking and vivid language of Buddhism enhanced and enriched the aesthetic tastes of the Chinese. Buddhist architecture and art are unique in their style, while its sculptures and paintings are elegant and magnificent, as evidenced by the Dunhuang Mogao Caves of the Northern Dynasties and the Maijishan Grottoes of the Yao Qin Dynasty, which are wonders treasured by the world. Moreover, the development of atheism and science benefited from the relaxed environment created by the controversies among the three teachings. For example, Fan Zhen’s Discourse on the Extinction of the Spirit was widely circulated. Ge Hong’s Zhouhou Baiyifang [Handy Therapy for Emergencies] and Tao Hongjing’s Bencao Jizhu [Collected Commentary on the Materia Medica] were all written by Daoist masters. He Chengtian’s studies on calendars and Zhang Hua’s Bowuzhi [Records of Diverse Matters] both exemplify the curiosity of the Confucians for natural phenomena.

Chapter 5

National Scale of the Tripartite Balance Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, and Its Normalization (The Sui and Tang Dynasties)

Historically, the Han and Tang Dynasties are known as the “Golden Ages” of China. The prosperity of the Tang surpasses that of the Han, and takes its rightful place at the pinnacle of Chinese history. The Sui Dynasty is considered a transitional period, and the Tang Dynasty as an era of “Great Order”. The Tang Dynasty flourished in all aspects: the country was in unity and stability, coupled with great national strength and a developed economy; moral instruction based on rites and righteousness was prevalent, and cultural education was thriving; ethnic relations were harmonious, the outside world was treated with an open attitude, social thought was active, and art and literature blossomed. In sum, the country possessed the dignified air of a superpower, and attracted people from all over the world. The peak of the Tang Dynasty lasted from the reign of Zhenguan to the reign of Kaiyuan, and its power gradually declined thereafter. However, despite its subsequent ebb and flow, China remained a powerhouse of the East during the Tang Dynasty. One of the reasons for the prosperity of the Tang Dynasty is that its rulers learned from history, and adjusted the Han cultural strategy of “abolishing and dismissing [the study of] the Hundred Schools of Thought, [thus] making known and rendering illustrious the Six Classics” according to new cultural trends. In its place, the Tang government established the new strategy of “jointly praising the three teachings, and letting each perform its own functions”, thereby giving an impetus to the achievement of the development goals of stabilizing a “Grand Unified” country and establishing a highly civilized and prosperous society. The three teachings of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism all reached a national scale, each with its own characteristics and advantages, forming a tripartite trend of development. The parallelism of the three teachings was established as a conventional institution by the cultural policies of the central government, and was also a new normal accepted by all levels of society. Continual local adjustments were made to the national policy on the three teachings, even leading to temporary mishaps, while the state of affairs among the three teachings was constantly evolving. Overall, however, the tripartite stance in the political recognition and ideological direction of the three teachings had already been consolidated and was immutable.

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5.1 Unification, Institutionalization, and Social Application of the Confucian Classics There has long been controversy over the appraisal of Confucian classical studies in the Tang Dynasty. Many Confucians in later generations tended to believe that Confucianism was in decline during the Tang Dynasty, whereas Buddhism was the most sophisticated and Daoism remained robust. This view was somewhat due to the influence of Han Yu. To promote the revival of Confucianism, Han Yu strove to oppose Buddhism and Daoism, stressing that the Confucian lineage was passed down from Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, King Wen and Wu of Zhou Dukedom, Duke of Zhou and Confucius to Mencius, and buried thereafter. He writes in Yuandao [Origin of the Way], “Under the Qin came the burning of the books. Under the Han, the doctrines of Huangdi and Laozi prevailed, followed by the Buddhism of the succeeding Wei, Jin, Liang, and Sui Dynasties. Those who then occupied themselves with morality, humaneness, and righteousness sided either with Yang Zhu or with Mozi, or embraced the tenets either of Laozi or of Buddha.”1 Thus, in his view, it seemed as though Confucianism in the Tang Dynasty was not even worth mentioning, which was why he believed he needed to come forward and defend the Confucian orthodoxy. It is clear, however, that Han Yu, as a famous writer, had exaggerated the crisis faced by the Confucian lineage using his literary rhetoric. Although saying “under the Qin came the burning of the books” was true, claiming that “under the Han, the doctrines of Huangdi and Laozi prevailed” is a reversal of precedence. This is because Confucian classical studies had been formally elevated to the position of an official teaching in the Han Dynasty, and served as the tool of governance, whereas Huang-Lao Daoism prevailed only in the early Han Dynasty. Moreover, the line “followed by the Buddhism of the succeeding Wei, Jin, Liang, and Sui Dynasties” was a generalization. In fact, what Han Yu truly wanted was to “revere Confucianism alone,” and so he opposed its integration with Buddhism and Daoism in his attempt to achieve Confucianism’s monopoly in Chinese culture. This neither conformed to the open and tolerant Confucian tradition of “harmony without uniformity” and “parallelism without conflict” nor did it acknowledge the history of beneficial interaction among the three teachings, which was not conducive to the subsequent development of Confucianism in the mutual learning among different civilizations either. His goal was not only backward but also a pipe dream. In reality, Confucianism has constantly been advancing in integration and innovation since the Han Dynasty, and its development after the Wei and Jin Dynasties was achieved through the interaction with Buddhism and Daoism. Although Tang Confucianism did not attain the brilliance of Buddhism on a theoretical level, it reached new heights that surpassed that of the Han Dynasty with respect to the unification of Confucian classical studies, the educational system, and the governance of the country. This led to an enormous vitality in Confucianism, and enabled it to contribute profoundly to the prosperity of the Tang Dynasty. 1

Annotated by Ma Qichang. The Annotations to Collected Works of Han Yu. Classical Literature Publishing House, 1957, p. 8.

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5.1.1 Unification of the Confucian Classics At the founding of the Sui Dynasty, Emperor Wen practiced frugality, modified the rites, reduced punishments, established the imperial examination system, and celebrated the three teachings of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, thus exuding the air of a founding emperor. Unfortunately, he did not possess a broad mind or a lofty ambition, nor did he have a long-term strategy of governance; instead, he used his personal preferences as the national guidelines for culture and education. Emperor Yang of the Sui Dynasty revered the three teachings on the surface, but was partial to Confucian classic studies, and established local schools, the Directorate of Education, as well as commandery and county schools, which flourished in the early Sui Dynasty. However, he “had the empty reputation of building schools, but not the substance of propagating the Way.”2 Wei Zhen described him as one who “recited the words of Yao and Shun, but committed the actions of [tyrants] Jie and Zhou,”3 taking delight only in his personal arrogance, extravagance, depravity, and indulgence. As a result, the Sui Dynasty was extremely short lived, and ended after thirty odd years, thus providing the Tang Dynasty with only a newly unified national territory, and lessons from historical experiences. Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty was a benevolent ruler who was able to break away from the constraints of personal beliefs and interests and the selfishness of material indulgence, to comprehensively formulate an overarching plan for long-term peace and stability with a magnanimous spirit. He combined Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism in his national policy, using Confucianism to govern the country, Buddhism to assist in education, and Daoism to reinforce the people. Under the guidance of Emperor Taizong’s cultural strategy of Confucianismled collaboration among the three teachings, Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism underwent relatively ample development, while exhibiting their own distinct styles. The trend of unification in Confucian classical studies is reflected in the Jingdian Shiwen [Annotations of the Classical Canons] written by Lu Deming, who had lived through the Southern Chen, Sui, and Tang Dynasties in his lifetime. This book contains 14 classics, as well as their selected annotations and phonetic commentaries, of which 12 are Confucian classics (the other two are the Laozi and Zhuangzi). The annotations and commentaries that were included were all popular versions widely respected in academic circles, which were later used as a basis for the Wujing Zhengyi [The Correct Meaning of the Five Classics] and Shisanjing Zhushu [The Expository Commentary on the Thirteen Classics]. Although the Annotations of the Classical Canons adhered to the academic approach of the Southern Dynasties, it managed to integrate the academic styles of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, while also incorporating those of the two Hans, Wei, and Jin Dynasties, thereby consolidating the previous achievements in Confucian classical studies and pioneering the classical studies of the Sui and Tang Dynasties. 2

(Tang Dynasty) Wei Zheng. (Tang Dynasty) Linghu Defen. The Book of Sui, Volume 6. Zhonghua Book Company, 1973, p. 1707. 3 (Song Dynasty) Sima Guang. Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance, Volume 2. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1987, p. 1291.

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Two types of Confucian classical studies existed in the Sui Dynasty: the classical studies advocated by politicians, who focused on application; and those led by Confucian scholars, who focused on scholarly discourse and writings. The former included Niu Hong, who once headed the Ministry of Rites. He also edited the 100-volume Wuli [The Five Rites], and unified the national ritual and music institutional system. As for the latter, the most accomplished Confucian scholars were Liu Zhuo and Liu Xuan. The two Lius were both well versed in all the Confucian classics, standing out as preeminent scholars of the Sui Dynasty who were widely respected in the academia. Their studies started with Northern studies concerning Confucian classics, but also incorporated Southern studies concerning Confucian classics, culminating in the compilation of the Wujing Shuyi [The Commentaries on the Five Classics], which brought together the great accomplishments of previous classical studies. This text, together with the Annotations of the Classical Canons, paved the way for the establishment of early Tang studies in Confucian classics. There was one other great Confucian scholar in the Sui Dynasty, Wang Tong, a visionary thinker. He laid out a blueprint for governance to achieve a golden age, which involved implementing a rule of benevolent and virtuous governance. His attitude toward the relationship among the three teachings surpassed that of conventional thought, in that his starting point was the overall need of the country, based on which he proposed that “It is time the three teachings can be united as one.”4 “United as one” means to ensure that the three teachings work together, so that the “people would not become weary”: in other words, prevent the public spirit from becoming scattered and sluggish. As politics “has many evils,” he proposed that only Confucianism can be applied in this domain; however, he felt that Buddhism and Daoism should not be abolished, and that each teaching has its own strengths. Moreover, he claimed that disasters that ensued were due to the misuse of the teachings. In his words, “The Book of Poetry and the Book of History flourished, yet the Qin perishing was not the fault of Confucius; Daoism advanced, yet the house of Jin falling into chaos was not the fault of Laozi and Zhuangzi; Buddhism was cultivated, yet the Liang state perishing was not the fault of Shakyamuni.”5 Thus, his meaning is clear: if the ruler is wise, each of the three teachings can play a crucial and active role in unison. The leader he yearned for, who was capable of propagating the rightful way, finally emerged in the Tang Dynasty, in the form of Emperor Taizong. Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty was, first and foremost, concerned with the development of the official Confucian classical studies, which he promoted in an organized and systematic manner. The first step was to establish the Hongwen Academy and make organizational and institutional preparations. The second step involved establishing Confucian temples and the national university to elevate the position of Confucius. The third step was to unify the text of the Five Classics and order Yan Shigu to compile the Wujing Dingben [Definitive Edition of the Five 4

(Sui Dynasty) Wang Tong. (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Ruan Yi. Essays of Wang Tong. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 17. 5 (Sui Dynasty) Wang Tong. (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Ruan Yi. Essays of Wang Tong. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 14.

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Classics], which was later circulated throughout the country. The fourth step was to unify the commentaries and the semantic and syntactic analyses of the Five Classics, for which Kong Yingda was summoned to lead a group of Confucian scholars in compiling the Correct Meaning of the Five Classics in 170 volumes, which was later circulated throughout the country. The Correct Meaning of the Five Classics, which was compiled during the reign of Zhenguan and officially promulgated after Emperor Gaozong ascended the throne, played a crucial role in the unification of Confucian classical studies. The Correct Meaning of the Five Classics are characterized by the following features. First, the commentaries selected were based on the nationally accepted versions. For example, Wang Bi’s Commentary was selected for the Book of Changes, Han Kangbo’s Annotations for the Commentary on the Book of Changes, Kong Anguo’s Commentary for the Book of Documents,6 Zheng Xuan’s Annotations for Maoshi [Mao’s Poetry], Zheng Xuan’s Commentary for the Three Classics of Rites, and Du Yu’s Commentary for the Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals. Second, the “expositions” (i.e., further elaborations or sub-commentaries) on the existing commentaries were mostly based on the achievements of Liu Zhuo and Liu Xuan. Third, even though it is claimed that in the Correct Meaning of the Five Classics the “expositions should not violate the commentaries,” extensive reference was still made to other sources, which brought together the different schools of Confucian classical studies. Fourth, this undertaking was a collective effort, with Kong Yingda leading a store of collaborators, including Ma Jiayun and Zhao Ganye. Fifth, the Correct Meaning of the Five Classics was not mired in the existing commentaries, but instead selected, supplemented, and surpassed them. For example, Wang Bi’s Zhouyi Zhu [Commentary on the Book of Changes] was partially retained and partially discarded. The Preface to the Correct Meaning of the Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals says that it uses Du’s interpretation over Liu’s, but also noted that “if both interpretations are unreasonable, I will exercise my humble judgment.”7 In summary, the Correct Meaning of the Five Classics was the most significant undertaking in the systematic compilation, collation, and finalization of the Five Classics in the history of its studies. Although it did not construct a new system of meaning and principle based on the expository commentary of the Five Classics, it accomplished the crucial task of standardizing the annotations and commentaries, which was precisely what the Tang Empire needed to reestablish the ideological dominance of the Confucian classics in the cultural community of the Chinese nation. Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty commended the Six Classics and vigorously advocated their official study. However, the erudite scholars were divided into different schools of thought, each with its own followers, while the commentaries on the Confucian classics were all from different traditions. Thus, the textual 6

Kong Anguo’s Commentary is called Pseudo Kong’s Commentary on the Book of Documents, which was written in the Eastern Jin Dynasty. However, those annotations have been regarded as the earliest complete annotations of the era, and is accepted by scholars. 7 (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Du Yu. (Tang Dynasty) Elaborated by Kong Yingda et al. Correct Meaning of the Commentary of Zuo on the Spring and Autumn Annals. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 2.

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interpretations of the Five Classics were divergent and inconsistent, which was beneficial to the contention of the Hundred Schools of Thought, but not to the unification of national ideology. The Correct Meaning of the Five Classics was compiled by selecting mainstream commentaries that had long withstood the test of time, and then adding expository sub-commentaries; the result was established as the standard edition to be circulated throughout the country and passed down to later generations. As noted by the great contemporary historian Fan Wenlan, “In terms of the impact on Confucianism, Emperor Taizong made a great contribution by ordering Kong Yinda to compile the Correct Meaning of the Five Classics and Yan Shigu to lay down the Definitive Edition of the Five Classics. His contribution was equally significant to that of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty by abolishing the Hundred Schools of Thought and solely revering Confucianism.”8 After the Correct Meaning of the Five Classics, Jia Gongyan wrote the Zhouli Shu [The Expository Commentary on the Rites of Zhou] and Yili Shu [The Expository Commentary on the Ceremonies and Rites]; Yang Shixun wrote the Guliangzhuan Shu [The Expository Commentary on the Guliang’s Commentary on The Spring and Autumn Annals]; and Xu Yan wrote the Gongyangzhuan Shu [The Expository Commentary on the Gongyang’s Commentary on The Spring and Autumn Annals]. Thus, nine out of thirteen of the Expository Commentary were written up in the Tang Dynasty. It is often said that “the commentaries were written during Han Dynasty, and expository commentaries were written during the Tang Dynasty,” which helped later generations understand the original meaning of the Confucian classics, and ensured their continuation. Thus, the influence of the Han and Tang Dynasties was ongoing in the Qing Dynasty and in modern times.

5.1.2 Institutionalization of the Confucian Classics The institutionalization of Confucian classical studies is manifested mainly in two aspects: (1) the inclusion of the Five Classics into the imperial examination; and (2) the role of the Five Classics in guiding the national ritual system. The Tang Dynasty inherited the imperial examination system of the Sui Dynasty and continued to improve upon it. Using this system, talented individuals could be selected at each level, with candidates being tested and appointed as Xianggong [prefectural nominees], then Zhougong [provincial nominees], and finally being sent to the Department of State Affairs, where they participated in the examination held by the Ministry of Personnel (changed to the Ministry of Rites under Emperor Xuanzong). The two most important examinations were for Mingjing (i.e., “classicist”) and Jinshi (i.e., “presented scholar”), with most of the famous officials holding one of these two degrees. The Mingjing was devoted entirely to the learning of the Confucian classics, whereas Jinshi required learning the poems and rhapsodies as well as the Five 8

Liu Yang (Ed.). On Confucianism by History: Fan Wenlan’s View on Confucianism. Confucius Academy Book Company, 2014, p. 59.

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Classics. The standard answers for the examinations on the Five Classics were based on the Correct Meaning of the Five Classics. This system meant that anyone, regardless of their background, could become an official as long as they passed the imperial examination, which in turn promoted the trend of studying the Five Classics among scholars throughout the nation. Since then, the imperial examination system has undergone continuous adjustment, and lasted for more than a thousand years before it was abolished in 1905, when it had significantly influenced both bureaucratic politics and cultural education. The imperial examination system was riddled with flaws. For example, the Tiejing method was adopted in the examinations (where the examinee was shown a paragraph and asked to recite the surrounding text), which advocated rote memorization; studying to become an official led to utilitarianism in life; some continued to study for the examinations into their old age, which was a waste of talent; and studying was prioritized over practical skills, which led to the neglect of other industries. Nevertheless, the historical contributions of the imperial examination system are also undeniable. First, talent was selected based on a unified standard, which embodied the principle of fair competition and was conducive to a meritocratic system. Second, it transcended family connections and pedigrees, which gave the lower classes an opportunity to enter the center stage of society and participate in political affairs. Third, it encouraged young people to study the Confucian classics and become learned scholars. Fourth, it attracted outstanding talents from all regions and ethnic groups to enrich the elite class, which was beneficial to national unity and ethnic harmony. Finally, it popularized the knowledge of the Five Classics and enhanced the cultural cohesion and far-reaching influence of Confucian humaneness, righteousness, and morality. The Tang Dynasty was a newly unified empire, and its mission was to build a civilized country of rites and righteousness. Therefore, it was necessary that the country establish a new system of rites and music under the guidance of the Five Classics, and in accordance with the new circumstances, which was also based on the ritual system of the Han Dynasty and the achievements of ritual studies since the Wei and Jin Dynasties. Only then would the country be able to achieve the Confucian way of governance, which was to “guide the people with virtue, and align them with the rites.” At the start of the Tang Dynasty, the rites of the Sui Dynasty were followed. During the reign of Emperor Taizong, Fang Xuanling, Wei Zheng, and various officials and scholars of the rites added the Jili [The Auspicious Rites], Binli [The Hosting Rites], Junli [The Military Rites], Jiali [The Congratulatory Rites], and Xiongli [The Inauspicious Rites], which were known as the Zhenguanli [The Rites of the Zhenguan Era]. The Xianqingli [The Rites of the Xianqing Era] was later added during the reign of Emperor Gaozong. In the Kaiyuan era under the reign of Emperor Xuanzong, the Datang Kaiyuanli [The Rites of the Kaiyuan Era in the Great Tang Dynasty] was compiled in 150 volumes, which brought the Chinese civilization of ritual and music to new heights. The Rites of the Kaiyuan Era in the Great Tang Dynasty brought together the great achievements of the ritual system, while also introducing its own innovations. Thus, it overcame the shortcomings of previous ritual systems, which were complicated, contradictory, and difficult to implement, to establish a new ritual system that was unified, rigorous, simple, and

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easy to implement. The implementation of the Rites of the Kaiyuan Era in the Great Tang Dynasty captured the Confucian ideals of governance more completely, and forged an atmosphere of civilization and prosperity in the Tang Dynasty. This ritual code, together with the Datang Liudian [Six Institutions of the Great Tang Dynasty] and the Tanglv Shuyi [Expository Commentary of the Tang Code], was the cornerstone in the institutional system of a society based on rites and law.

5.1.3 Social Application of the Confucian Classics The greatest accomplishment in the Confucian studies of the Tang Dynasty did not lie in the innovations of its academic theories, but in its practice in governing the country. The period from the Zhenguan era to the Kaiyuan era was proof of an undeniable truth: as long as the state is governed according to the basic spirit and requirements of Confucius’s Five Classics, it is possible to create a peaceful and prosperous society. Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty was a great politician who most embodied the Confucian spirit in history. He embraced much political wisdom expounded by Confucius’s Confucianism, including considering the people to be the foundation of the country, governing by humaneness and virtue, guiding the people by virtue and aligning them by the rites, reducing punishments and taxation, governing by self-rectification, respecting the sages and employing talents, showing reverent attention and sincerity, gaining new insight by studying the old, emulating the worthy, knowing a person’s virtue by observing their faults, being incorruptible and devoted to public interest, being frugal and curbing extravagance, preparing for future adversities in times of prosperity, and combining civil and military policies. He strove to implement all of these, which not only enabled the Tang Dynasty to become a prosperous and powerful Eastern Empire that flourished in rites and righteousness but also showcased the culture of the Five Classics as well as the brilliant spirit of civilization, furthering the existence and vigorous vitality of Confucius’s benevolent doctrines. In sum, he was a great champion of Confucian classical studies. Despite his shortcomings as an emperor, he was able to accept criticism, learn from his past mistakes, and had an admirable level of self-knowledge––a rarity among emperors in history. In his later years, Emperor Taizong wrote Difan [Models for an Emperor] for the crown prince, which summarized his lifetime of experiences in self-cultivation and governance, while also informing the crown prince that his life’s pursuit was not for perfection but only for his merits to exceed his demerits, “It is more desirable that you learn from the philosopher-kings of antiquity; as for me, my methods are insufficient.”9 During the reign of Emperor Xuanzong, the court historian, Wu Jing, compiled the Zhenguan Zhengyao [The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era], which is a collection of political discourse by Emperor Taizong and 45 eminent ministers 9

(Song Dynasty) Chen Mo. Confucian Instructions to the Crown Prince. The Commercial Press, 1939, 13.

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categorized by themes. Its basic content is similar to the Models for an Emperor, but goes into greater detail, with both embodying the Confucian value of “cultivating oneself to preserve the peace of the people” and ensuring the long-term stability of the country. This compilation of anecdotes distilled the lessons from the collapse of the Sui Dynasty, and amassed a wealth of political thought. Its main points are as follows: First, it proclaims that the people are the foundation of the country, and likens the people to the water and the ruler to the boat. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era cites Taizong as saying, “In undertaking the sovereign’s way, it is necessary first to preserve the common people”10 ; and that “the ruler is like the boat, and the people are like the water, because the water can carry the boat, but also overturn it.”11 He believed that a ruler must act with humaneness and righteousness, and the fall of the Sui Dynasty was precisely because the ruler “did not practice humaneness and righteousness. In the end, the people turned their backs on him.”12 This, therefore, is the benevolent governance advocated by Mencius, who proposed that the one who wins the heart of the people will rule all under Heaven. Second, it advises rulers to remain cautious about future dangers in times of peace, and to curb extravagance, practicing frugality instead. One of the key issues discussed by Emperor Taizong and his ministers was the question of conquest and conservatism. Accordingly, Taizong asks, “Which is more difficult in the undertakings of emperors,: founding a dynasty or preserving it?”13 Fang Xuanling believed that founding a dynasty was more challenging, whereas Wei Zheng believed that preserving it was more difficult and cited Emperor Yang of the Sui Dynasty as an example: “He relied on the country’s wealth and power without concern for future troubles. He drove his compatriots to satisfy his own desires and exhausted an abundance of materials for his own enjoyment.” “The moral regulations between the monarch and his officials were ignored, and once the common people stopped tolerating such tyranny, the power would be destroyed, and the country would be divided into several parts.”14 Therefore, with regard to rulers who “do not think of dangers while enjoying peace, or advocate simplicity and frugality by abstaining from extravagance, if they do not accumulate good deeds, or conquer their own desires with sense,”15 their governance would be as absurd as “wishing that trees would grow luxuriantly when the roots are cut, or like wishing that the river would flow to a faraway place while the sources of 10

(Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 2. 11 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 150. 12 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 174. 13 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 5. 14 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, pp. 6, 7. 15 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 8.

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streams are blocked.”16 In fact, there are many rulers who “ruled the country properly and wisely at first, but few could adhere to the original principles and regulations to the end.”17 Therefore, founding a nation is easy, whereas preserving it is difficult. Third, it advocates the appointment of talented and capable individuals to positions of authority known as “The Appointment by Merits”. The achievements of the Zhenguan reign can largely be attributed to its meritocratic appointments and co-governance with elites. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era introduces the eight advisors on whom Emperor Taizong most relied: Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui, Wei Zheng, Wang Gui, Li Jing, Yu Shinan, Li Ji, and Ma Zhou. Some of them were former subordinates when he was the Prince of Qin, while others were advisors from opposing factions; some were well versed in civil matters, while others were proficient in military affairs; some were well born, and others were of humble birth. As long as they were willing to serve the Tang Empire faithfully, all of them were trusted and deployed equally and without bias, thus creating a co-governance of the emperor with a group of elites. Fang Xuanlin and Du Ruhui assisted Emperor Taizong in ascending the throne. Wang Gui and Wei Zheng were loyal subordinates of Emperor Taizong’s opponent, Li Jiancheng. They were both upright and knowledgeable people who subsequently became the emperor’s trusted advisors. Li Jing was a former official of the Sui Dynasty and was proficient in the art of war. He was appointed as a general by Emperor Taizong, and repeatedly achieved extraordinary victories. Yu Shinan was a litterateur on whom Emperor Taizong relied as a fount of knowledge on literature and history. Li Ji was a wise and brave general who was trusted by Emperor Taizong to secure the Great Wall at Anbian. Ma Zhou was originally a house guest of Minister Chang He, but Emperor Taizong recognized his talent and appointed him as an official, frequently adopting his good advice.18 Evidently, the key to gathering outstanding talents in the Tang Dynasty lay in the ruler’s wisdom in recognizing talent, and judgment in employing talent. Emperor Taizong once ordered Feng Deyi to recommend talented candidates, but Feng failed to do so, excusing himself by claiming that he had yet to meet any extraordinary talent. He was therefore reprimanded by the emperor, “A ruler must use people as he uses tools, in that each tool should be used according to its strengths. Is it possible that the great rulers of antiquity borrowed talents from other dynasties? One should worry about not being able to recognize [talent in] others, and not accuse an entire generation of people [for not being talented].”19 Fourth, it counsels one to accept criticism, and to seek opinions from multiple sources to gain a more accurate understanding of things. Founding emperors 16

(Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 8. 17 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 8. 18 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, pp. 51, 53, 56. 19 (Qing Dynasty) Ruan Yuan (Ed.). Weiwan Special Collection of Four Branches of Literature Profundities: Humble Vision on History, Volume 3. Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 1118.

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throughout history often believed that their accomplishments were unparalleled; hence they preferred to listen to praise and detested criticism. What distinguishes Emperor Taizong from the rest was not his extraordinary talents and great ambition but his ability to draw upon different opinions and accept good advice, even actively seeking advice, which is rarely seen in history. Based on lessons learned from Emperor Yang’s tyranny, the subjugation of his ministers, and the eventual collapse of the Sui Dynasty, Emperor Taizong encouraged his ministers to be advisors who dared to offer admonishments and remonstrances, so that “his eyes and ears remained open to the outside world, and there was no hidden resentment among his subordinates.”20 He knew that his ministers would be intimidated by his imperial authority, and might be fearful when speaking to him. Therefore, he proclaimed that “anyone who offers admonishment, even if it is not to my liking, I will not regard as rebelliousness”21 ; “there will not be flagrant punishment for offending the ruler’s dignity or submitting a memorandum that goes against the ruler’s will.”22 This atmosphere gave rise to the historically famous admonisher Wei Zheng, who was not only loyal and honest but also knowledgeable and courageous, leaving his mark on history with his brave remonstrances. In his discussion with Emperor Taizong on what makes a wise or unwise ruler, Wei Zheng replied, “The way to become a wise ruler is by listening to different ideas and opinions; on the contrary, an unwise ruler tends to heed and trust only one-sided opinions.”23 In the thirteenth year of the Zhenguan reign, Wei Zheng submitted the Shi Jian Bukezhong Shu [Ten Petitions on Gradually Losing Virtue] and pointed out that, in the early Zhenguan era, Emperor Taizong personally practiced frugality, maintaining peace and prosperity at home and abroad. However, over the past few years, he was gradually losing his previous virtue. Upon reading this petition, Emperor Taizong said, “I now know about this mistake and can rectify it. Perhaps I may yet maintain my virtue to the end.”24 It was only with such a relationship between ruler and minister that the reign of Zhenguan was possible. Fifth, it stresses the importance of agriculture and diminishing the burden of taxes, while also preventing interference with the proper time for crop cultivation. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era includes Lun Wunong Disanshi [Chapter 30: On the Duty of Agriculture], which is devoted to discussing the importance of improving agricultural production. This chapter quotes Emperor Taizong speaking to his courtiers, “The people are the basis of the country, and the basis of the people is food and clothing. As for addressing the issue of food and clothing, its 20

(Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 65. 21 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 65. 22 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 21. 23 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 3. 24 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 354.

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basis lies with not interfering with the farming season.”25 The capping ceremony of the crown prince was initially scheduled for the second lunar month, but Emperor Taizong feared that it would interfere with farming, and so ordered its delay to the tenth month. He also said, “I have now reduced the people’s corvée [a form of mandatory unpaid labor, intermittent in nature and lasting a limited period of time] and taxes, and refrained from interfering with the timing for agriculture, so that all households can plant their crops according to the proper season. This, in fact, will bring them prosperity. I have also promoted an atmosphere of propriety and humility, so that among the people, the young will respect the old, and the wife will respect the husband. This will, in fact, bring them dignity. As long as there is prosperity throughout the land, I will not need to delight myself in music or hunting.”26 It is generally the case that emperors pursue the dominion of the empire to fully satisfy their own desire for power or self-indulgence. However, Emperor Taizong was on a loftier ideological plane; the value he pursued was the prosperity of the people and the prevalence of rites and righteousness. This was the social ideal of Confucius and Mencius to enrich and educate the people. Finally, it advocates the reverence for culture and rites, as well as upholding virtue and meting out punishments with caution. In Models for an Emperor, there is a chapter titled Chongwen [Revering Culture], which is devoted to discussing the importance of ritual and music education, stating, “It is said [that in antiquity] music was offered upon victories in battle, and that the rites were to be performed when peace was achieved. However, the flourishing of the rites and music must be based on [the flourishing of] Confucianism. To propagate moral transformation and guide old customs, there is none that can surpass governance by means of culture; for advocating political instruction and educating the people, there is none that can surpass [education through] schools.”27 Emperor Taizong focused on appeasing the people and following their will, while trying his best to avoid censorious scrutiny and radical actions, saying, “The way of governance must involve appeasing the people with humaneness and righteousness, exhibiting one’s prestige and credibility, conforming to the will of the people, eliminating censorious policies, and avoiding radical actions, all of which will naturally lead to peace and quiet.”28 In the eleventh year of the Zhenguan reign, Wei Zheng submitted a memorandum that quoted from the Book of Documents: one must “illustrate one’s virtue and be careful in the use of punishments,” and “lest compassion rule in punishment.”29 He also pointed out that 25

(Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 279. 26 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 281. 27 (Tang Dynasty) Li Shimin (Emperor Taizong of Tang). Models for an Emperor. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 42. 28 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 174. 29 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 289.

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“The basis of penalties and rewards lies in encouraging virtue and punishing evil.”30 However, since the system of penalties and rewards at that time was based on the likes and dislikes of those in power, “when happy, one will pour one’s feelings into the law; when angry, one will dispense punishments beyond what is reasonable.”31 This is an “abuse of punishments,” which will befuddle the court and the people alike. Not only did Emperor Taizong adopt the opinions of his ministers, but he even emphasized that governance should be based on lenient punishments.

5.2 Rejection to and Integration of Buddhism and Daoism in the Confucian Revival Movement 5.2.1 Rejection to Buddhism and Daoism by Fu Yi and Han Yu Although Confucianism had established a solid position as the guiding political ideology in the Tang Dynasty, its theoretical innovations were still inferior to those of Buddhism and Daoism, while the momentum of its academic development in society was also the weakest among the three teachings. Therefore, the rise of Buddhism in particular, due to its foreign origin, was a source of anxiety among more conservative Confucian officials and scholars. In the fourth year of the Wude reign at the start of the Tang Dynasty, the court historiographer Fu Yi presented a memorandum titled Qingfei Fofa Biao [Memorandum Requesting the Abolishment of the Buddhist Dharma], which accused Buddhism of promoting false doctrines on sins and blessings, devoting themselves to the Ten Abominations, failing to practice loyalty and filial piety, and evading corvées and taxes. Thus, he “requests that the Buddhist cult be driven back to India, and all Buddhist monks be returned to their homeland.”32 Fu Yi’s reasoning for anti-Buddhism was based on the old anti-Buddhist theories of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, but with a greater emphasis on politics, in which he feared that the growing number of Buddhists would affect the country’s taxation and corvée. The Buddhist monk Falin retorted by writing Poxie Lun [Discourse on Refuting Heresy], which received the support of Yu Shinan, and caused Emperor Gaozu to set aside Fu Yi’s memorandum. Fu Yi subsequently submitted several more memoranda, which incited a new wave of anti-Buddhist sentiments during the Zhenguan reign. However, this was still not accepted by Emperor Taizong, who only mildly restrained Buddhism. 30

(Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 289. 31 (Tang Dynasty) Wu Jing. The Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era. Revised by Wang Gui. Yuelu Publishing House, 1991, p. 289. 32 (Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. (Tang Dynasty) Dao Xuan. Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism · Extended Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1991, pp. 166–167.

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In the mid-Tang Dynasty, the conservatism of the Confucian groups can be attributed to Han Yu. Witnessing the decline in Confucian innovation and the rise of Buddhism and Daoism, Han Yu raised the banner of Confucian revival. He advocated the continuation of the Confucian orthodoxy, and strongly opposed Buddhism and Daoism, writing a series of essays, such as Yuandao [Origin of the Way], Yuanxing [Origin of Human Nature], and Yuanhui [Origin of Destruction]. This triggered a new sociocultural movement that encompassed the dual content of ideological theories and literary writings, which was highly praised by the literati of later generations. For example, Su Shi of the Song Dynasty hailed him as “an ordinary person who became the teacher of a hundred generations, what he said can serve as a rule for all under Heaven”; “his essays revived the decline [of Confucianism] over the eight dynasties, and his way [of Confucian orthodoxy] saved the world from drowning [in Buddhism and Daoism].”33 Han Yu clearly put forward the “Confucian orthodoxy,” while also revering Mencius and Daxue [The Great Learning], which played a crucial role in inspiring the birth of Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. Han Yu understood the “orthodox way of the ancient rulers” as humaneness, righteousness, and morality, the contents of which included “their canon: the Book of Poetry, the Book of Documents, the Book of Changes, and the Spring and Autumn Annals. Their code embraced rites, music, punishment, and governance. They divided the people into four classes: literati, farmers, artisans, and traders. Their relationships were those between sovereign and subject, between father and son, with teacher and with friend, between host and guest, between elder and younger brother, and between husband and wife. Their clothes were of cloth or of silk. They dwelt in palaces or in ordinary houses. They ate grains, fruits and vegetables, and fish and meat.”34 The Original Way to which he was referring was the patriarchal social order and the way of life. Though simple, such a life had a strongly aristocratic air, because the common people could not live in palaces, nor could they eat fish and meat. Moreover, “the people who fail to produce grain, flax, and silk; fashion articles of everyday use; and exchange commodities to fulfill their obligations to their rulers—these people should be executed.”35 This highlights the dignity of the noble and powerful, but loses the essence of considering people as the foundation of the country, hence deviating from the way of Confucius and Mencius. The Tang Dynasty at that point was an empire that had undergone the An-Shi Rebellion, and it no longer exuded the aura of the Zhenguan and Kaiyuan era. Instead, Emperor Xianzong was engrossed in Buddhism, whereas Han Yu was opposed to it, and both were mired in extreme views. In the fourteenth year of the Yuanhe reign, Emperor Xianzong ordered the finger bone of Buddha to be escorted from a temple in Fengxiang to the palace, where it was kept for three days for worship. This sparked a wave of Buddhist fanaticism throughout the 33

Annotated by Ma Qichang. The Annotations to Collected Works of Han Yu. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1986, pp. 758, 759. 34 (Tang Dynasty) Han Yu. (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Liao Yingzhong. Dongyatang Annotations to the Anthology of Han Yu. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1993, p. 188. 35 (Tang Dynasty) Han Yu. (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Liao Yingzhong. Dongyatang Annotations to the Anthology of Han Yu. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1993, p. 187.

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nation, which Han Yu believed would cause some worshippers to “scorch their heads and burn their fingers,” and make others “ready to cut off an arm or slice their bodies as an offering.” Therefore, Han Yu presented the Jian Yinfogu Biao [Memorandum on a Bone from Buddha’s Body] to the emperor, stating, “Buddha was a barbarian,” and so did not conform to the way of the ancient rulers. Moreover, he claimed that Buddhism caused “rebellion upon rebellion, with short-lived monarchs” in previous dynasties, while the people did not value their own lives and abandoned their livelihoods, causing chaos in the social order. Therefore, he believed that Buddha’s bone was “the bone of a man long since dead and decomposed,” which should not be worshipped; instead, he implored that “this bone may be handed over for destruction by fire or water,” and said that “should the Lord Buddha have power to avenge this insult by the infliction of some misfortune, let the vials of his wrath be poured out upon the person of your servant who now calls heaven to witness that he will not repent himself of his oath.”36 Han Yu’s impassioned words enraged the emperor; he barely escaped execution. However, he was saved by courtiers who pleaded his case, and was demoted as a regional inspector and exiled to Chaozhou. Han Yu lacked the self-confidence of the Confucian culture, and failed to envision a complementary relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism in the future. He even went as far as to propose, in Origin of the Way, “Let us insist that the followers of Laozi and Buddha behave themselves like ordinary mortals. Let us burn their books. Let us turn their temples into dwelling-houses,”37 which were radical policies involving the use of coercive administrative means to exterminate Buddhism. Although his suggestions were not adopted, they left a dark shadow on the discourse at that time. Han Yu’s anti-Buddhism not only obstructed the promotion of the true revival of Confucianism, but he himself was unable to maintain his anti-Buddhist stance. In Chaozhou, he had close interactions with the monk Dadian, even exchanging poems with other Buddhist monks, such as Yuanhui, Lingshi, Wenchang, and Lingzong. Thus, we can see that Han Yu had been subconsciously influenced by the Buddhist culture in his personal spiritual life.

5.2.2 Integration of Buddhism by Liu Zongyuan and Li Ao After Emperor Taizong, most of his successors followed the cultural policy of equal emphasis among the three teachings and the co-existence of multiple religions, but there were certain fluctuations. Although Empress Wu Zetian38 was partial to Buddhism, she ordered the writing of the Sanjiao Zhuying [Pearls of The Three 36

(Tang Dynasty) Han Yu. (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Liao Yingzhong. Dongyatang Annotations to the Anthology of Han Yu. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1993, pp. 613–616. 37 (Tang Dynasty) Han Yu. (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Liao Yingzhong. Dongyatang Annotations to the Anthology of Han Yu. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1993, p. 188. 38 Empress Wu of the second Zhou Dynasty, which was named according to Wu Zetian’s ambition to inherit the governance of the Great Zhou Dynasty.

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Teachings], and often summoned representatives of the three teachings to preach their respective scriptures at the palace during major ceremonies at the imperial court. Emperor Dezong ordered discussions on the three teachings on his birthday, and the procedure was, “If there are contradictions at the beginning, they shall be resolved like rivers that all return to the sea.”39 The government explicitly prohibited Buddhism and Daoism from attacking each other, which promoted the confluence and the joint practice of the three teachings. As for the persecution of Daoism and Buddhism by Emperor Wuzong, and the persecution of Buddhism by Emperor Shizong of Later Zhou (Five Dynasties period) at the end of the Tang Dynasty, these were actions of political extremism that had deviated from mainstream Chinese culture. These incidents were not beneficial to governance; they were harmful to cultural education and they were quickly abandoned by history. The innovative development of Confucianism could not rely on the rejection to Buddhism and Daoism. Conversely, it needed to reflect, integrate, and then surpass, the other two teachings. In fact, an example of a person with just such a preliminary cultural self-awareness in the Tang Dynasty was a contemporary of Han Yu: Liu Zongyuan. Whereas Han Yu was fiercely opposed to Buddhism, Liu Zongyuan integrated Buddhism to supplement Confucianism. Although Liu settled his fate in the sagacious way of Confucianism, he had an attitude of great forbearance toward learning, with an ability to encompass and interconnect the three teachings as well as the Hundred Schools of Thought. He placed significant emphasis on Laozi, Zhuangzi, and the Hundred Schools of Thought, and was especially fond of Buddhism, even producing results in his deliberations on the latter. After suffering from political setbacks, his pro-Buddhist sentiments were strongly reinvigorated, subsequently leading him to gain a profound and rational understanding of Buddhism and of the relationship between Buddhism and Confucianism. His theories can be summarized as follows: First, Liu believed that some of the Buddhist teachings were authentic while others were lost, and that despite the multitude of Buddhist schools, with each having its own doctrines, all belonged to the same Way. He writes in his Long’an Haichanshi Bei [The Epitaph to Zen Buddhist Master Ruhai of Long’an], “From Mah¯ak¯as´yapa to Sim . ha, there were twenty-three generations. [Bodhi]dharma was even more distant. To [Hong]ren, it was five generations farther. [Shen]xiu and [Hui]neng were even more removed. The north and south criticized and fought fiercely against each other. The path is gradually becoming hidden, alas!”40 He praised the Long’an Zen Buddhist Master Ruhai for his approach of “achieving unity,” using the ways of N¯ag¯arjuna and A´svaghos.a as benchmarks to reconcile the Northern and Southern schools. In Song Chenshangren Nanyou Xu [Presented to Master Chen on his Southward Journey],

39 (Song Dynasty) Qian Yi. Revised by Huang Shoucheng. The New Book of Nanbu. Zhonghua Book Company, 2002, p. 16. 40 (Tang Dynasty) Liu Zongyuan. Complete Works of Liu Zongyuan. China Bookstore Press, 1991, p. 68.

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he proposed that the Buddhist dharmas are found in the Sutta Pit.aka and Abhidharma Pit.aka, and those who abandoned these scriptures and practice Chan41 alone would necessarily lead to “aberrations and misunderstandings, with fallacies in their teachings. They blindly spout empty words, departing from truth for convenience, and upturning reality, thus ensnaring themselves and others.”42 Thus, Chan and s¯utra teachings should be emphasized equally. He had respect for the Chan, Tiantai, Vinaya, and Pure Land schools of Buddhism, considering each as having its own characteristics. He also had high praise for the eminent monks and great Buddhists who were upright in belief and action, and attempted to syncretize the different schools to arrive at truth. Second, Liu used the unity of “substance and function” to view the relationship between the Buddhist dharma and the numerous schools of thought, which he further extrapolated to the relationship between the Buddhist dharma and secular affairs. In Yongzhou Longxingi Xiujingtu Yuanji [Records on Restoring the Pure Land Hall at Longxing Temple in Yongzhou], he praised Master Xun, saying, “The Master cultivates the Supreme Vehicle and understands its truths. Following the invisible footsteps of emptiness instead of form, he has reached the true source. Understanding how to use the language of existence and non-existence, he has entered the realm of reality, where the world and wisdom are one, where practice and reason merge.”43 The Tiantai School proclaimed that the Buddhist dharma was the ultimate purpose for the appearance of Buddha in the world, whereas Zen Buddhism stressed that a person with an ordinary mind is already living the Way, that engaging in one’s immediate affairs is self-cultivation, and that enlightenment can be obtained wherever you are, thus forming a folk Buddhist tradition that subsequently evolved into the mainstream of Chinese Buddhism. This view that the Buddhist dharma is inseparable from human relations and daily use, as well as the seamless integration of the ultimate truth with conventional truth, is the theoretical foundation for the syncretism between Indian and Chinese Buddhism. It also served as the guiding idea behind Liu Zongyuan’s reconciliation of Buddhism and Confucianism. Third, Liu explicitly stated that Buddhism and Confucianism are mutually compatible and complementary, while also disagreeing with Han Yu’s veneration of Confucianism and rejection of Buddhism. In Song Senghaochu Xu [Presented to the Buddhist Monk Haochu], he specifically refutes Han Yu’s anti-Buddhist remarks. Han Yu rebuked Liu for his “penchant for Buddhism” and the “discourse that [he] holds with its priests.”44 However, Liu frankly and confidently replies that “there is much in Buddhism that could not well be denounced, that is to say, all those tenets 41

In Indian Buddhism, “Dhyana” (i.e., Chan) means “meditation,” and is one of the “Six Paramitas.” Zen/Zen Buddhism advocates the use of Dhyana/Chan to generalize the teachings and practice of the dharma, hence the name Zen/Zen Buddhism. 42 (Tang Dynasty) Liu Zongyuan. Complete Works of Liu Zongyuan. China Bookstore Press, 1991, p. 287. 43 (Tang Dynasty) Liu Zongyuan. Complete Works of Liu Zongyuan. China Bookstore Press, 1991, pp. 311–312. 44 (Tang Dynasty) Liu Zongyuan. Complete Works of Liu Zongyuan. China Bookstore Press, 1991, p. 285.

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which are based on the principles common to the Book of Changes and The Analects. It is precisely to these essentials, at once in perfect harmony with human nature and the teachings of Confucius, that I give in my adhesion.” “And I do not think that, even were the holy sages of old to revisit the earth, they would fairly be able to denounce these.”45 Liu then criticizes Han Yu’s rejection of Buddhism as a barbarian teaching, saying, “If this argument is good for anything, we might find ourselves embracing a criminal who happened to be a compatriot, while neglecting a saint whose misfortune it was to be a foreigner! Surely this would be a hollow mockery indeed.”46 He was frustrated by the infighting and sycophantic ways of officialdom, but found a friend among the simple and dignified scholar-monks. He praised Hao Chu as “a man of placid temperament and of subdued passions. He is a fine scholar, well versed in the Book of Changes and The Analects. His only joy is to muse over flood and fell, with occasional indulgence in the delights of composition. His family follows in the same path. He is independent of all people; and no more to be compared with those heterodox sages of whom we make so much than with the vulgar herd of the greedy, grasping world around us.”47 Fourth, the specific arguments for the integration of Buddhism and Confucianism are as follows. In Song Wenchang Shangren Dengwutai Suiyou Heshuo Xu [Presented to Monk Wenchang Before His Journey to Mount Wutai and the He Shuo Region], he praised the monk for “unifying the Confucian and Buddhist teachings,” and described “the True Vehicle and the Seal of Buddha-Truth being used together with the Confucian canons.”48 As to how Confucianism could unite with Buddhism, Liu’s viewpoints gleaned from his discourses, letters, records, and epitaphs can be summarized as follows: (1) Both teachings emphasize the way of filial piety; and (2) Buddhism teaches us to live a quiet life and have a compassionate nature, which is consistent with Confucianism. In Caoxi Diliuzu Cishi Dajian Chanshi Bei [The Epitaph for the Granting of the Title Chan Master Dajian to the Sixth Ancestor of Caoxi], he wrote that the Chan Master Dajian (i.e., Huineng), “Teaching people began with that ‘[human] nature is good’ and ended with that ‘[human] nature is good.’ He did not turn to the weeding hoe (i.e., conquest by force), for he was based in stillness.”49 Similarly, it is written in Yueji [The Record of Music] from the Book of Rites: “It belongs to the nature of humankind, as from heaven, to be still at birth,”50 while Mencius also claims that human nature is good. Therefore, Buddhism and Confucianism are interconnected. (3) the Buddhist dharma and the Book of Changes are 45

(Tang Dynasty) Liu Zongyuan. Complete Works of Liu Zongyuan. China Bookstore Press, 1991, p. 285. 46 (Tang Dynasty) Liu Zongyuan. Complete Works of Liu Zongyuan. China Bookstore Press, 1991, p. 285. 47 (Tang Dynasty) Liu Zongyuan. Complete Works of Liu Zongyuan. China Bookstore Press, 1991, p. 285. 48 (Tang Dynasty) Liu Zongyuan. Complete Works of Liu Zongyuan. China Bookstore Press, 1991, p. 283. 49 (Tang Dynasty) Liu Zongyuan. Complete Works of Liu Zongyuan. China Bookstore Press, 1991, p. 65. 50 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 126.

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both vast in their capacity for forbearance; (4) Confucianism, Buddhism, and the numerous other schools of thought each have their own strengths, all of which can benefit the world; the function of Confucianism and Buddhism in helping the world lies in their encouragement to do good and effect moral transformation; and (5) Buddhist monks do not follow secular ways, and possess a noble spirit, which is consistent with the Daoist ideas of pursuing freedom and contentment, as well as the Confucian ideas of valuing humaneness and righteousness over wealth and nobility, and of being contented in poverty while taking delight in the way of the spirit. Ultimately, however, Liu Zongyuan was not a Confucian thinker. Although he understood that the revival of Confucianism necessarily meant the integration with Buddhism and Daoism, he was unable to produce new achievements in Neo-Confucianism. Liu Yuxi was also a proponent of integration of Confucianism and Buddhism. In Yuanzhou Pingxiangxian Yangqishan Gu Guang Chanshi Bei [The Epitaph to Chan Master Guang Who Passed Away in Mount Yangqi, Pingxiang County, Yuanzhou], he compares the respective advantages of Confucianism and Buddhism: “Confucius established the central teaching and created the Middle Way; Shakyamuni founded the Western teaching and taught the attainment of true enlightenment.” Indeed, the two schools were “vehicles of different appearances, and both have the same function even if they have travelled far apart.” Buddhism had advantages that Confucianism did not, in that it can “transform the hearts of robbers within the primeval darkness, and eliminate desires between life and death, implicitly assisting in moral transformation, and maintaining humankind and heaven.”51 His ability to recognize the role of Buddhism in “implicitly assisting in moral transformation” means that he had a greater understanding of Buddhism than Han Yu. Li Ao was a student of Han Yu, and a devout Confucian believer. His greatest contribution in the history of thought was to aid the incorporation of Buddhism into Confucianism. He wrote the Fuxingshu [The Revival of Human Nature] in three chapters, which led to new theoretical achievements in the combination of Confucianism and Buddhism. The Revival of Human Nature is based on Mencius’s theory about the innate goodness of human nature, and the theory of nature/existence in the Doctrine of the Mean, while also absorbing the Zen Buddhist ideas of “attaining Buddhahood upon seeing one’s nature” and “no-thought as doctrine,” in order to create his own theories of nature/emotion and self-cultivation. Li Ao believed that in terms of human nature, “all human nature is good,” and “there is no difference between the nature of commoners and the nature of sages.”52 If so, why are there differences in good and evil, and differences between sages and commoners? The reason, he claims, is that the innate goodness of ordinary people has been deluded by the seven emotions, and hence cannot be fully manifested: “That which deludes the nature of a person is their emotions. Joy, anger, grief, fear, love, hate, and desire—these seven are all

51 (Qing Dynasty) Edited by Dong Gao et al. Complete Collection of Tang Prose, Volume 3. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 2730. 52 (Qing Dynasty) Edited by Dong Gao et al. Complete Collection of Tang Prose, Volume 3. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, pp. 2850, 2851.

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the doings of emotions. When emotion obscures nature, it becomes concealed.”53 Therefore, it is not necessary for a person to seek external means to transcend the ordinary and become sages; they only need to forgo emotions and restore their nature. This is the central message of the Revival of Human Nature. Li Ao’s theory deviates from Confucian orthodoxy. The Doctrine of the Mean states, “While there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy, the mind may be said to be in the state of equilibrium. When those feelings have been stirred, and they act in their due degree, there ensues what may be called the state of harmony.”54 The preface to the Mao’s Poetry states: “Begin with emotions, and finish with rites and righteousness.”55 Both of these propose that emotions should be controlled by rites and righteousness, rather than be eliminated. In contrast, Li Ao’s Revival of Human Nature essentially conceives of emotions in negative terms, claiming, “Those gripped by emotions are unruly and deviant.”56 His so-called “nature” is equivalent to “Buddha-nature,” his so-called “emotion” is equivalent to “ignorance,” and his so-called “revival of nature” is equivalent to “attaining Buddhahood upon seeing one’s nature.” Therefore, The Revival of Human Nature indicates that Li Ao’s value pursuit in life was still Confucian. As for the elevation in spiritual realm, he took the idea of “seeking to carry out [constant inquiry and study] to its breadth and greatness, so as to omit none of the more exquisite and minute points it embraces” from the Doctrine of the Mean,57 and combined it with the concepts of no-thought, no-abiding, and no-form in Zen Buddhism, thus using the dispelling of worldly emotions to present Buddhanature. Although he was still unable to establish the monumental Confucian theory of mind and nature, he had already begun using the integration of Confucianism and Buddhism to transform the academic theme of the times (from the theory of heaven and humankind to that of mind and nature), which paved the way for the emergence of Neo-Confucianism in the Song and Ming Dynasties. In summary, Han Yu’s role was to advocate a new wave of Confucian revival, but he failed to find the proper way to achieve this. Liu Zongyuan’s role was to point out that Confucian revival must involve its integration with Buddhism, but he did not achieve appreciable results. Li Ao’s role was to attempt the integration of Confucianism with Buddhism, and he managed to produce innovative discourses. Han Yu expounded and promoted the Great Learning, Liu Zongyuan did The Analects, and Li Ao did the Doctrine of the Mean, while both Han Yu and Li Ao honored Mencius. Together, they made preliminary preparations for Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism by adjusting the priority of the classics and highlighting the Four Books.

53 (Qing Dynasty) Edited by Dong Gao et al. Complete Collection of Tang Prose, Volume 3. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 2849. 54 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 186. 55 Li Zhuangying (Ed.). Literary Theories of Ancient China. Higher Education Press, 2001, p. 24. 56 (Qing Dynasty) Dong Gao et al. (Eds.). Complete Collection of Tang Prose, Volume 3. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 2851. 57 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 191.

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5.3 Popularity of Daoism and Its Theoretical Innovations 5.3.1 Conversion of Royalty to Daoism Daoism experienced vigorous growth during the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the intrinsic reasons for which were its cultural accumulation during the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties, and its qualitative leap during the syncretism of the three teachings in this period; the extrinsic reason was the strong support of the Sui and Tang empires. Most emperors in the Sui and Tang Dynasties believed in all three teachings, which gave Daoism much room for survival. Emperor Wen of the Sui Dynasty was assisted by the Daoist Zhang Bin in the transition for the Zhou Dynasty, and the name of his founding era was “Kaihuang,” which was taken from the Daoist canon. Emperor Yang of the Sui Dynasty favored Daoism in his pursuit of immortality, while also following the etiquette of disciples in his treatment of the Daoist priest Wang Yuanzhi, and building the Yuqing Daoist temple in his honor. In addition, the emperor relied on the Daoist priest Pan Dan of Mount Song to refine the Golden Elixir, for whom he spared no expense in building the Songyang Daoist temple. However, the emperor later discovered that he had been tricked, and put Pan Dan to death. For the most part, the emperors of the Tang Dynasty revered Daoism most out of the three teachings. An important reason was the personal name of Laozi, the founder of Daoism, was Li Er. As the surname of the imperial family of the Tang Dynasty was Li, the imperial family regarded Li Er as their ancestor, thereby deifying the Li family and consolidating their power. When Emperor Taizong was still Prince of Qin, the Daoist priest Wang Yuanzhi foretold his ascension to the throne based on omens signifying divine approbation. When Emperor Taizong ascended the throne, his guiding ideology was very clear: Confucianism would be the basis for state governance and administration, as well as for the establishment of ritual institutions; Daoism and Buddhism would be used to assist Confucianism in the promotion of moral transformation through instruction, and to reassure the people. As Daoism originated from Laozi, Emperor Taizong paid more attention to Daoism than to Buddhism. In the fifteenth year of the Zhenguan Era, Emperor Taizong was discussing the ranking of Buddhism and Daoism with the Buddhist monks of Hongfu Temple, and explained that the reason for his prioritization of Daoism over Buddhism was because “Lord Lao is my ancestor; veneration is due to one’s ancestors and respect to one’s parents as they are the origin of one’s life. Thus, [Daoism] is placed before [Buddhism],”58 rather than because he did not value Buddhism. Thus, he also stated: “At present, the Li family is in power, thus Lord Li comes first. If [in the future] the Shakyamuni family is responsible for governing the

58

(Tang Dynasty) Daoxuan. Chapter Eight: Emperor Wen [Taizong] of Tang Visited Hongfu Temple and Prayed for Affirms Revitalizing Buddhism. In Disquisitions on Buddhism and Daoism, Volume Three. In The New Chinese Buddhist Cannon. p. 40.

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country and instructing the people, then Buddhism will be ranked higher.”59 He also acknowledged that Buddhism had a greater effect in moral transformation through instruction than did Daoism. Emperor Gaozong travelled to Bozhou to visit the Laozi Temple, and granted Laozi the title of “Taishang Xuanyuan Huangdi” [“Supreme Sovereign of the Daoist Metaphysical Origin”]. Upon taking power, Empress Wu venerated Buddhism, suppressed Daoism, and removed the title granted to Laozi to diminish the divine aura surrounding Li family of the Tang Dynasty. Emperor Zhongzong subsequently restored the Tang dynastic name (from the Second Zhou Dynasty ruled by Empress Wu), and restored the title of Laozi in accordance with Gaozong’s narrative. Emperor Xuanzong (Li Longji) was most devout in his worship of Daoism, which led to a peak in its development. Emperor Xuanzong’s reverence of Daoism was different from Emperor Taizong’s in that his stemmed not only from political needs but also from his personal pious beliefs. He personally annotated the Daode Zhenjing [True Classic of the Way and its Virtues], and placed it at the forefront of all classics, promulgating it throughout the country so that it could be studied by scholars and commoners alike. Moreover, he practiced self-cultivation and state governance according to the Way of Laozi. Emperor Xuanzong believed that Laozi’s Daodejing could play a leading role in state governance and the moral transformation of the people, which was somewhat excessive. In the mid-Kaiyuan era, Emperor Xuanzong sent envoys to search for Daoist scriptures, and compiled the Sandong Qionggang [Exquisite Compendium of the Three Caverns], which contained a total of 3744 volumes (or 5700 volumes). It became known as the “Daoist Canon of the Kaiyuan Era,” and was the first collection of Daoist texts in the history of Daoism. Emperor Wuzong’s worship of Daoism was somewhat biased. First, he was deeply immersed in the Daoist magical registers, refining elixirs and pursuing personal immortality. He treated the Daoist priest Zhao Guizhen with the propriety owed to a teacher, built Daoist altars for magical registers, and studied the art of the immortals. In the end, however, he died of poisoning from ingesting the Golden Elixir. Second, he rejected Buddhism using Daoism, employing coercive means to order hundreds of thousands of Buddhist monks to return to secular life, and demolishing a large number of Buddhist temples, which also affected the other religions. His actions went against the Chinese way of moderation and harmony, thus leaving a bad mark in history.

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(Tang Dynasty) Daoxuan. Chapter Eight: Emperor Wen [Taizong] of Tang Visited Hongfu Temple and Prayed for Affirms Revitalizing Buddhism. In Disquisitions on Buddhism and Daoism, Volume Three. In The New Chinese Buddhist Cannon. p. 41.

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5.3.2 Famous Daoists of the Qingxiu School (Pristine Practice) A group of Daoist scholars with high cultural literacy emerged in the Tang Dynasty, who neither ingratiated themselves with power, nor did they shun the world and take delight in their superiority. Instead, they were guided by the philosophy of Laozi, and devoted themselves to the study of the meanings and principles of Daoism, drawing from Confucianism and Buddhism in an attempt to integrate the three teachings. They disregarded the teachings of Fulu (i.e., incantations and talismans), while focusing on Qingxiu (i.e., pristine practice) and nurturing life, thus enabling Daoist culture to advance toward a higher level. Sun Simiao Sun Simiao was a famous Daoist scholar and Daoist medical practitioner of the Tang Dynasty, who was a native of Shaanxi. “In his twenties, he was well versed in the teachings of Zhuangzi, Laozi, and the Hundred Schools of Thought, while also favoring the Buddhist canon.”60 Furthermore, his excellent medical skills, coupled with a passion for treating diseases and saving lives, later earned him the title “King of Medicine.” Offers of noble ranks and official positions by Emperors Taizong and Gaozong were repeatedly rejected by him. His medical theories were based on yinyang, the Five Phases, and the Unity of heaven and humankind. In his words, “Heaven has four seasons and five phases,” “humans have four limbs and five viscera,” “Yang employs the form, yin employs the essence. This is where heaven and humanity are identical,” “an excellent physician guides [qi] with medicines and [lancing] stones, and rescues with needles and prescriptions. A sage harmonizes [qi] to perfect his power and uses this as support to manage the affairs of humanity. Thus, the human body has illnesses that can be cured, and heaven and earth have calamities that can be dispersed.”61 His methods of healing and health preservation emphasized the curbing of desires and acting in moderation, nurturing life with virtue, and the combined use of medicines, lancing stones, needles, and prescriptions, which are all reasonable approaches. Moreover, he did not believe that the Golden Elixir could make people take flight or transform into immortals, and only viewed the refining of elixirs as a means of formulating medicines. Wang Xuanlan Wang Xuanlan (literary name: Master Hongyuan) was a native of Mianzhu, Guanghan, who passed away during the reign of Empress Wu Zetian. His main work was the Xuanzhu Lu [Records of Mysterious Pearls], and his Daoist discourse was a distinctive blend of Buddhism and Daoism. Based on the Daodejing, he divided the Great Way into “Kedao” (i.e., the Way that can be followed, or the accessible Way) 60

(Tang Dynasty) Zhang Du. The Records of the Xuanshi Palace. Revised by Zhang Yongqin and Hou Zhiming. Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 153. 61 (Tang Dynasty) Zhang Du. The Records of the Xuanshi Palace. Revised by Zhang Yongqin and Hou Zhiming. Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 155.

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and “Changdao” (i.e., the constant or unchanging Way): the accessible Way gave rise to a myriad things, all of which experience life and death, while the constant Way gave rise to heaven and earth, which are eternal; the accessible Way and the constant Way are united and indivisible. He believed that all humans had “Dao-nature”; hence, all beings can attain the Way even if they are different from the Way. How then can all beings attain the Way? By cultivating one’s mind and consciousness. He used the doctrine of the Buddhist Faxiang School that “the myriad dharmas are only consciousness” to explain the essentials of self-cultivation: one must first acknowledge that all dharmas originate from the mind, “when the mind is born, all dharmas come into existence; when the mind perishes, all dharmas are extinguished. If one attains the cessation of perception and consciousness, there will be neither birth nor death.”62 Then, he used “substance and function” to explain Suddhi (i.e., purity of mind) and Sattva (i.e., all sentient beings), “To recognize that substance is constant is to know Suddhi; to recognize that the function is changing is to know Sattva.”63 Finally, he explained that the path of self-cultivation is to “cultivate the changing to seek the unchanging, to cultivate the function to return to the substance,”64 thereby attaining the true substance of immortality and purity. The person who reaches this state is one who has transcended the ordinary and attained the Way. Sima Chengzhen Sima Chengzhen was a leader of Daoist thought in the Tang Dynasty. He was a native of Wen county, Henei, and was also known by his religious name Daoyin and literary name Baiyunzi [literally, Master of the White Cloud]. His Daoist doctrines were inherited from Tao Hongjing of the Maoshan School, and his teacher was Pan Shizheng. He devoted himself to innovating the Daoist philosophy, and wrote a wide range of books, the most important of which were the Zuowang Lun [Discourses on Sitting in Oblivion] and Tianyinzi [Heavenly Seclusion]. He experienced several dynasties in his lifetime, from Empress Wu to Emperor Xuanzong, and was summoned several times; in these audience, he responded to questions using the virtues of the Way instead of divination. In one case, Emperor Ruizong asked him about affairs related to yin-yang and divination, to which Sima Chengzhen replied, “It is said in the Daodejing, ‘He who devotes himself to the Way [seeks] from day to day to diminish [his doing]. He diminishes it and again diminishes it, till he arrives at doing nothing [on purpose].’ Moreover, for those who see with their mind and eyes, and know that after each diminishing, they have yet to obtain [doing nothing on purpose], how is it that they hope to increase their wisdom and concerns by repeatedly engaging in heresy?”65 which he subsequently extrapolated to the Way of 62

Zhu Linpu. The Annotations to Records of Mysterious Pearls. Bashu Publishing House, 1989, p. 95. 63 Zhu Linpu. The Annotations to Records of Mysterious Pearls. Bashu Publishing House, 1989, p. 117. 64 Zhu Linpu. The Annotations to Records of Mysterious Pearls. Bashu Publishing House, 1989, p. 117. 65 (Five Dynasties) Liu Xu. The Old Book of Tang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1999, p. 3487.

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governing through inaction. After his death, he was granted the title “Master Zhenyi” (i.e., adherence to one’s principles). The teachings of Sima Chengzhen were mainly based on Laozi and Zhuangzi, but incorporated the Buddhist doctrines of Samatha (i.e., tranquility of the mind) and Vipa´syan¯a (i.e., insight), as well as the Confucian doctrine of rectifying the mind and seeking sincerity in thought, thereby giving rise to a theory of nurturing life and cultivating perfection involving “residing in stillness” and “sitting in oblivion.” The Discourses on Sitting in Oblivion believes that the human mind was originally “rooted in the Way,”66 but “when one lets one’s mind and spirit become defiled, if the obscuring overgrowth becomes thicker and wilder day by day, then one is moving away from the Way.”67 Therefore, one must practice self-cultivation and scrub away the defilements of the mind. The key to the cultivation of perfection is to “sit calmly and tame the mind, let go of projected reality, and abide in non-existence. As one abides in non-existence, without being attached to even one being, one naturally enters emptiness and non-being. Thus, one joins the Way,”68 which is “sitting in oblivion.” “Practicing this oblivion, what would remain unforgotten? On the inside, unaware of one’s body-self; on the outside, never knowing there is a universe. Merged in oneness with the Way, the myriad plans and worries are all gone.”69 Heavenly Seclusion proposed five steps of cultivating the Way, “first, fasting and abstention; second, seclusion; third, visualization and imagination; fourth, sitting in oblivion; and fifth, spiritual liberation.”70 He also proposed the seven levels of cultivating the Way: respect and faith, interception of karma, taming the mind, detachment from affairs, perfect observation, stability of cosmic peace, and attaining the Way. The five steps and seven levels were also summarized as the “three precepts”, “first, detachment from karmic conditions; second, freedom from desires; and third, stillness of mind”71 ; the Way will come naturally to those who practice the three precepts diligently. It is evident that “sitting in oblivion,” “stillness of mind” and “spiritual liberation” were from Zhuangzi, whereas “interception of karma” and “freedom from desires” were from the Buddhist dharmas. The later School of Pristine Practice followed Sima Chengzhen’s theory of stillness in mind and sitting in oblivion, which combined Buddhism and Daoism. His theory of cultivating the Way was different from those of outer alchemy, and incantations and talismans, focusing more on the doctrines of spontaneity and inaction originating from the Daoist philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi. Wu Yun Wu Yun was a native of Huayin, Huazhou. He was a disciple of Pan Shizheng, and passed on the scriptures and methods of the Shangqing (i.e., Supreme Clarity) 66

The Daoist Cannon, Volume 22. Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 893. The Daoist Cannon, Volume 22. Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 893. 68 The Daoist Cannon, Volume 22. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1988, p. 893. 69 The Daoist Cannon, Volume 22. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1988, p. 892. 70 (Tang Dynasty) Sima Chengzhen. Heavenly Seclusion. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 4. 71 The Daoist Cannon, Volume 22. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1988, p. 897. 67

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School. He was once summoned by Emperor Xuanzong, who appointed him as a Hanlin Academician in Residence, and asked him about the methods of the Way. Wu Yu replied, “As to the essence of the Way and its methods, nothing equals Laozi’s five-thousand words; all the rest is a mere waste of paper.”72 The emperor then asked about self-cultivation to attain immortality, to which Wu Yu replied, “This is an affair of people who live in the wilds. Its attainment necessitates months, even years, of dedicated labor. It is not something to which a ruler of humanity should direct his attention.”73 His writings included Xuangang Lun [Discourses on the Mystic Mainstay], Shenxian Kexue Lun [Discourses on the Feasibility of Studying Immortality] and so on, striving to integrate the beliefs of immortality with the teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi. The teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi do indeed contain ideas about immortality. However, their focus was on pursuing spiritual transcendence and freedom, rather than attaining immortality and longevity. The Daoist religion, on the other hand, both agrees with Laozi’s and Zhuangzi’s philosophy of revering the Way and valuing its virtue, and is also committed to developing and expanding the pursuit of immortality, to demonstrate that immortality is real and attainable—this is the true nature of Daoist teaching. Wu Yun did not agree with the Buddhist emphasis on the spirit and the diminishment of the body. Instead, he advocated the maintenance of both the spirit and the body, first starting from the refinement of the body, before advancing to the refinement of the nature and spirit, eventually reaching a state of “unifying the body with the Way,”74 thereby attaining immortality and longevity. This already contains elements of inner alchemy. Du Guangting Du Guangting was a Daoist priest of the late Tang Dynasty and the Five Dynasties, who was granted the titles Master Guangcheng (i.e., Great Accomplishment) and Chuanzhen Tianshi (i.e., Heavenly Master Transmitter of Truth). He was commendably knowledgeable, and wrote the Daomen Kefan Daquanji [The Complete Collection of the Liturgy of the Portal of the Way], which amassed the great achievements of Daoist rituals. He incorporated Confucianism into Daoism, saying, “Carrying humaneness and shouldering righteousness, embracing the Way and adhering to modesty, showing loyalty to the ruler and filial piety to one’s parents, and showing fraternal love to one’s siblings—these are the actions of beauty,”75 and showed a joint veneration of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. He also discussed the methods of self-cultivation, which requires eliminating the “three poisons”—disconnecting from extravagance, keeping away from tastes, and abstaining from lust—and maintaining the “three primes” (the Upper Prime is the Nirvana Palace of the brain, the Middle Prime is the Vermilion Palace of the heart, and the Lower Prime is the 72

(Five Dynasties) Liu Xu. The Old Book of Tang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1999, p. 3488. (Five Dynasties) Liu Xu. The Old Book of Tang. Zhonghua Book Company, 1999, p. 3488. 74 (Song Dynasty) Edited by Zhang Junfang. Annotated by Jiang Lisheng et al. Yunji Qiqian. Huaxia Publishing House, 1996, p. 563. 75 (Han Dynasty) Heshanggong. (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Du Guangting. Collected Annotations on Daodejing, Volume 2. China Bookstore Press, 2015, p. 598. 73

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Ocean of Qi Palace of the kidneys), eventually progressing to “refining yin into yang, and refining the common into the sacred.” This captures the transition toward inner alchemy.

5.3.3 Major Innovations in the Daoist Theory—Establishment of the Chongxuan School (Double Mystery) The Daoist religion was created through the theologization and canonization of Laozi and Zhuangzi’s philosophy. It pursued the immortality of the physical body, the elimination of calamities, and the delivery of blessings, which led to the flourishing of the Danding and Fulu Schools. Since the Wei and Jin Dynasties, several scholars of the Qingxiu School incorporated the Confucian theory of cultivating one’s moral character, while also drawing from the Buddhist teaching of Prajñ¯a and theory of Buddha-nature. These were syncretized with Laozi and Zhuangzi’s philosophy, as well as Xuanxue, to form a theory of Dao-nature and the Way of Spiritual Liberation. These scholars believed that immortality and longevity did not refer to the permanence of the body and its possession of supernatural powers, but to the physical and mental elimination of all troubles, and to achieving infinite peace. This idea appeared in the Shengxuan Neijiao Jing [Scripture of the Esoteric Teaching for the Ascension to Mystery] of the Southern Dynasties, and the Xuanmen Dayi [Great Meaning of the School of Mysteries] and Benji Jing [Scripture of the Original Bound] of the Sui Dynasty, which focused on expounding Laozi’s principle of “mystery, and again mystery” and formally employed the concept of “Chongxuan” (i.e., “Twofold Mystery”). By the early Tang Dynasty, this concept had taken on a unique theoretical form, and became the Chongxuan School.

5.3.3.1

Cheng Xuanying

Cheng Xuanying was a famous Daoist scholar in the early Tang Dynasty, and a native of Shanzhou. His Chongxuan School was the most mature, and his most influential work was the Zhuangzi Shu [Expository Commentary on the Zhuangzi]. Cheng Xuanying recounted the history of the Chongxuan School in Daodejing Kaiti Xujue Yishu [Expository Commentary on the Preface of the Daodejing], in which he claimed that, although the numerous schools of the past dynasties each had their own strengths in interpreting Laozi, none was more correct than Sun Deng of Jin in his “reliance on the Twofold Mystery as support for the guiding principle.” He proposed, “The Twofold Mystery is taken as the guiding principle, and inaction as the basis. ‘Mystery’ is a name for what is profound and far; it also implies the meaning of non-attachment. It denotes the ultimate profoundness and the ultimate distance, no attachments and no clinging; when there is no attachment to being and no attachment

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to non-being, [one is] not only not attached to attachment but also not attached to ‘non-attachment.’ Thus, the hundred negations and the tetralemma [leave the adept with] no attachments whatsoever. This is called the ‘Twofold Mystery.’ Thus, the [Daodejing] says, ‘Mystery and again mystery—the gateway to the manifold secrets.’”76 The “hundred negations and the tetralemma” refer to the Buddhist logic of the Sanlun (i.e., Three Treatise) School for “breaking attachments,” whereby both being and non-being must be “dually negated,” favoring neither side to manifest the true meaning of the Middle Way. Thus, not only must “attachment” be eliminated but “non-attachment” as well, to truly achieve spontaneity. Cheng Xuanying used Buddhist philosophical thinking to deepen Laozi’s principle of “mystery, and again mystery.” The main points of Cheng Xuanying’s Chongxuan School are as follows. First, he directs Laozi’s theory of the Great Way toward Zhuangzi’s theory of realms. The Preface to the Expository Commentary on the Zhuangzi says, “The Zhuangzi is deeply rooted in the Way and its virtues because it describes the subtle meanings of the Twofold Mystery, elaborates the calmness of Non-Action, and clarifies the profoundness of Independent Transformation.” He believed it was precisely Zhuangzi who uncovered the true meaning of Laozi’s Twofold Mystery, which is a realm containing the unity of subject and object. Second, the Chongxuan School uses the Buddhist approach of twofold negation to explain that the Great Way lies within the Twofold Mystery of neither being nor non-being. The Qiwulun Shu [Expository Commentary on the Equalization of Things] states, “As for the profoundness of the Way and the subtle wonders of its truths, with regard to function, it is not being or non-being, yet also is being and non-being; function is yet also substance, which is being and non-being, yet also not being or non-being. Therefore, being and non-being cannot be determined; function and substance are impermanent.”77 Thus, the Great Way is a wondrous principle that interconnects the subtleties of all things. Although it is not all things, all things rely on it to exist. Third, the Chongxuan School posits that the approach to cultivating the Way should be based on Laozi’s negative method of “devoting oneself to the Way by seeking to diminish one’s doing day by day,” as well as Zhuangzi’s “sitting in oblivion.” In fact, one must go further and even eliminate the “diminishing of one’s doing” and “sitting in oblivion.” The Dazongshi Shu [Expository Commentary on The Great Master] proposes three Absolutes, “The first is Absolute Being, the second Absolute Non-Being, and the third not Being and not Non-Being.”78 Through these, he united the self-cultivation of Buddhism and Daoism. Naturally, Cheng Xuanying did not depart from his true Daoist colors, and affirmed the dual cultivation of nature and existence, as well as the spontaneous nurturing of 76

Edited and revised by Meng Wentong. Ten Editorial Volumes of Daoist Works. Bashu Publishing House, 2001, p. 551. 77 (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Cheng Xuanying. (Jin Dynasty) Annotated by Guo Xiang. Expository Commentary on the True Scriptures of Nanhua [Zhuangzi]. Zhonghua Book Company, 1991, p. 30. 78 Liu Wendian. Supplementary and Correction of Zhuangzi. Anhui University Press, 1999, p. 204.

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life. Cheng Xuanying’s Chongxuan School elevated the theoretical level of Daoism based on the profound integration between Buddhism and Daoism, which paved the way for the rise of the Quanzhen (i.e., Complete Perfection) School in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties. He introduced the concept of li (i.e., principle) to explain the original nature of the Great Way, which also inspired Song and Ming Neo-Confucianism. Therefore, he is regarded as an important figure in the history of Chinese thought. However, his Chongxuan School lacked guidance for practical applications, and could not satisfy the needs of self-cultivation of Daoist followers, which subsequently resulted in the rise of the Zhong-Lv system of inner alchemy.

5.3.3.2

Li Rong

Li Rong, also known as Renzhenzi (i.e., Master Who Follows Perfection), was a native of Mianyang, Sichuan. He was younger than Cheng Xuanying and was a famous Daoist leader during the reigns of Emperor Gaozong and Wu Zetian, as well as another major contributor to the establishment of the Chongxuan School. In his interpretation of “Dao De” (i.e., the Way and its Virtue), “The Way is the principle of the Ultimate Emptiness,” characterized by “clarity, emptiness, and inaction.” Thus, there is nothing it does not encompass, and no place it does not enter. Then, he discusses the relationship between the Way and its Virtue, “That which is connected to all life is called the Way” and “that which nurtures [all things] is called its Virtue.” Based on the philosophy of life, he explained that the Way is the source of life, while its Virtue is the work of nurturing all things. As for the classic phrase “mystery and again mystery—the gateway to the manifold secrets,” which embodies the core idea of the Chongxuan School, Li Rong expounded that “The Way and its Virtue are mysterious and profound, their principles surpass words and images; their true essence is emptiness and clarity, which cannot be explained by common Being and Non-Being”79 ; thus, the Great Way is mysterious, and again mysterious. The Way gave rise to a myriad things; hence the substance of the Way is hidden but its function is visible; the myriad things are inseparable from the Way. Li Rong applied the Way of Twofold Mystery onto the cultivation of the mind and self-nature. He believed that the true nature of humans is one of immaculate stillness and inaction, which is also Dao-nature. However, sensory desires can lead to the greed for wealth, the craving for fame, and the lust for sensual pleasures, which cause humans to lose their Daonature. Therefore, one must cultivate the Way, forgo emotions, eliminate desires, and return to the Way. Nevertheless, he also stresses that the Way of the Twofold Mystery does not simply entail eliminating purposive action and practicing inaction; instead, when cultivating the Way, one must follow one’s spontaneous nature, and practice the Middle Way. In his explanation of “arriving at a state of inaction, in which all things are accomplished,” he states, “When the ignorant hears about inaction, he suddenly folds his hands [and does nothing], taking cold ashes as the Great Way, and 79 Edited and revised by Meng Wentong. Ten Editorial Volumes of Daoist Works. Bashu Publishing House, 2001, p. 566.

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clods of earth as utmost sincerity. For fear that he clings on to inaction and cannot break away from it, [the Daodejing] thus says, ‘Arriving at a state of inaction, all things are accomplished.’”80 Therefore, one who cultivates the Way must use the Mysterious Way to eliminate the difference between Being and Non-Being, and then the Way of Twofold Mystery to eliminate the limitations of the Mysterious Way. Li Rong viewed the Buddhist Middle Way as a medicine to overcome secular views and attachment to emptiness. When explaining another line from the Daodejing, “The Way is like the emptiness of a vessel, and in our employment of it we must be on our guard against all fullness,” he states, “The medicine of the Middle Way can be used to overcome the ailments on both sides. When the ailments are treated, medicine is abandoned; when the attachments are removed, the Middle Way is forgotten, and nothing remains.”81 According to Li Rong’s Way of Twofold Mystery, after using the Buddhist Middle Way as a medicine to treat the secular understanding of emptiness, the medicine should also be abandoned; that is, the Buddhist Middle Way should be forgotten, and only then can one arrive at the realm of Twofold Mystery. Li Rong not only absorbed the Buddhist teaching but also surpassed it, thus both deepening and innovating the teachings of Laozi. His integration of Buddhism and Daoism to elevate the realm of cultivating the Way attained a lofty level, which also represented a peak in Chinese-style enlightenment thinking. Under the guidance of the Chongxuan School, the Daoist Way of Pristine Practice embarked on a different path to that of incantations, talismans, and rituals, or that of seclusion and retreating from the world. Instead, it proposes the purification of mind and self-nature in human society, attaining the Way and immorality through spiritual sublimation. In his interpretation of “fills their stomachs, weakens their wills, and strengthens their bones,” he states that if adepts are able to “fill their stomachs with the Way, and fill their hearts with its Virtue,” “render their minds and wills supple and weak, and follow the Way without resistance,”82 they will “attain the bones of the immortals.” This type of spiritual immortality became the ideal pursued by the mainstream Daoist faith after the Tang and Song Dynasties.

5.3.4 Popularity and Crisis of the Waidan School of Daoism (Outer Alchemy) and Rise of the Zhong-Lv Neidan School of Daoism (Inner Alchemy) With the support of the emperors and nobility, the Huangbai (i.e., Yellow and White) art of outer alchemy was prevalent during the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Refining the 80 Edited and revised by Meng Wentong. Ten Editorial Volumes of Daoist Works. Bashu Publishing House, 2001, p. 629. 81 Edited and revised by Meng Wentong. Ten Editorial Volumes of Daoist Works. Bashu Publishing House, 2001, p. 570. 82 Quoted from Yang Lizhi and Li Cheng. Daoist Religion and Yangtze River Culture. Hubei Education Press, 2005, p. 104.

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Golden Elixir to achieve immortality was, to the nobility, a pursuit of prosperity and immortality, whereas to the Daoist priest it was the attainment of the True Way, though there were some who used it to earn fame or swindle money as well. The Daoist priest Su Yuanlang of the Sui Dynasty wrote the Baozang Lun [The Treatise of Treasure Store], which recorded nearly 30 types of medicinal gold and silver used by alchemists. The Tang Dynasty was the “Golden Age” of outer alchemy. First, advances were made in the theory of alchemy. The Zhouyi Cantong Qi [The Kinship of the Three in Accordance with the Book of Changes] received significant attention, from which the Daoist priests derived the theory of Naturally Reverted Elixir (where the reaction vessel reproduces natural processes to refine the Golden Elixir), the theory of using compatible medicines (formulating medicines and elixirs according to the harmonization of yin and yang energies), and the theory of Fire Phases to refine the Essence (according to the waxing and waning of yin and yang, the civil fire and martial fire are used alternately to “advance the yang Fire and withdraw the yin Tallies”). Second, three major schools of outer alchemy were formed: the Jinsha (i.e., Gold-Cinnabar) School, the Qiangong (i.e., Lead-Mercury) School, and the Liugong (i.e., Sulfur-Mercury) School, of which the Sulfur-Mercury School was the most developed. Third, the raw materials for medicines expanded continuously, which included five metals (gold, silver, copper, iron, tin), four yellows (realgar, orpiment, sulfur, arsenic), eight minerals (cinnabar, mercury, borax, sal ammoniac, saltpeter, salt, green vitriol, chalcanthite), lead, quartz, and mica, as well as animal and plant materials, totaling more than 150 types. However, outer alchemy could not withstand the test of actual practice. Apart from a minority of people for whom ingesting these elixirs was efficacious in treating diseases and promoting health, the majority found them ineffective or were even poisoned, which resulted in sudden death. For instance, Emperors Taizong, Xianzong, Muzong, Jingzong, Wuzong, and Xuanzong were all poisoned to death due to the ingestion of elixirs. Several officials, such as Du Fuwei, Li Daogu, and Li Baozhen, also met with the same fate. As a result, the doubting and denying of outer alchemy became a formidable trend of social thought, with a throng of criticisms from the intelligentsia. Moreover, certain alchemists also conned the rich and powerful using the art of refining elixirs, which also damaged the reputation of outer alchemy. Thus, by the end of the Tang Dynasty and the start of the Five Dynasties, outer alchemy had begun to decline. At the same time, under the influence of the emerging Qingxiu School and Chongxuan School, capable individuals within Daoism relied on the traditional techniques of calisthenics, embryonic breathing, and Qi-circulation, and turned toward exploring new avenues of development for inner alchemy. Historians believe that Su Yuanlang of the Sui Dynasty was the official founder of inner alchemy. Yuanlang believed that “The eternity and vastness of heaven and earth are reflected in the sages; essence lies in the sun and moon, while their waxing and waning are found in the operations of water and fire. Thus, nature and existence shall both be cultivated, while the inner and outer [alchemy] are combined to form one Way.”83 Therefore, he applied the terminology of outer alchemy to inner alchemy: 83

Mou Zhongjian. Chinese Daoist Religion. Guangdong People’s Publishing House, 1996, p. 90.

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“The body is the reaction vessel, the mind is the spirit chamber, and the yang fluids are the flowery pond.”84 Lead and the “Infant” are compared to “the Kan trigram of the body”; mercury and the “Maiden” to “the Li trigram of the body”; the “Yellow Dame” to the “intention of the body”; and the “Yellow Sprout” to the “spleen of the body”; the “entry of the spirit within the body into the nature within the spirit, which is a return to the root and the regression to existence”85 was called the Reverted Elixir. The Zhonglv Chuandao Ji [Anthology of the Transmission of the Way from Zhongli Quan to Lv Dongbin] was written by the Daoist priest Shi Jianwu (also known as Huayang Zhenren, i.e., “The True Man of Huayang”) of the Five Dynasties, who regarded Zhongli Quan and Lv Dongbin as the founders of Chinese alchemy. This Anthology is based on the unity of heaven and humankind, yin-yang, and the Five Phases as the theoretical foundation of self-cultivation, proposing that “Those with pure yin and no yang are ghosts. Those with pure yang and no yin are immortals. Those with a mix of yin and yang are humans.”86 Humans who do not cultivate the Way will become ghosts after death, while those who cultivate the Way and obtain a body of pure yang will become immortals. The method of cultivating the Way involves imitating the spontaneous Way of Heaven. The myriad things are born from the interaction of Qian and Kun, while heaven and earth intermingle in their rising and falling, perpetuating in endless movement; thus, they are permanent and steadfast. For humans to imitate its ways will require an interplay in the rising and falling of their “kidney water” and “heart fire.” The heart is the Li trigram, which is known as the yang Dragon, or cinnabar; the kidneys are the Kan trigram, which is known as the yin Tiger, or lead. The interplay of the heart and the kidney, and the mating of the Dragon and the Tiger, will give rise to the Yellow Sprout, thus producing the Great Medicine of the Golden Elixir, and “protecting the Yellow Court”87 (i.e., the center of the human body below the spleen and stomach, and above the bladder), which is also the gathering of medicine. This is accompanied by the regulation of the spirit and guarding of qi, causing them to return to the Dantian (i.e., fields of elixirs); the removal of lead and the filling of mercury, which is the removal of yang in the kidneys and the filling of yin in the hearts; and the nurturing of the Taixian (i.e., Immortal Embryo), with the true qi being carried by the Heche (i.e., River Chariot) and repeatedly passing through the three Dantian. “First revert the Golden Fluid and the Jade Fluid to the Elixir, then refine the body. First refine the body, then refine the qi. First refine the qi, then refine the spirit. First refine the spirit, then unite 84

The Palace Museum (Ed.). Records of Luofu Mountain: Records of Huqiu Mountain: Essential Records of Huqiu Literary Pearls. Hainan Publishing House, 2001, p. 85. 85 The Palace Museum (Ed.). Records of Luofu Mountain: Records of Huqiu Mountain: Essential Records of Huqiu Literary Pearls. Hainan Publishing House, 2001, p. 86. 86 (Song Dynasty) Zhang Boduan. (Song Dynasty) Annotated by Weng Baoguang et al. Collected Explanations on Enlightenment of the Truth. Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2015, p. 24. 87 Anthology of the Transmission of the Way from Zhongli Quan to Lv Dongbin: Records of the Enlightenment of the Truth with Xishan Immortals. Revised by Gao Liyang. Zhonghua Book Company, 2015, p. 81.

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with the Way. Only then can the Way be attained.”88 In addition, there must also be visualization and introspection, accompanied by virtuous deeds. Based on the above, we can see a preliminary form of inner alchemy taking shape with Su Yuanlang’s self-cultivation principle involving the “dual cultivation of nature and existence”; and Shi Jianwu’s self-cultivation principles involving the interaction of the heart and the kidneys, removing lead and filling with mercury, as well as his specific steps involving the refinement of the body, qi, and spirit. Inner alchemy was later inherited by Chen Tuan and Zhang Boduan, who later brought it to new heights, essentially replacing outer alchemy. At the end of the Tang Dynasty, Daoism was almost a national religion, which played a positive role in consolidating the social order of the Tang Dynasty, but also left certain negative consequences, mainly involving the misleading philosophy of life and harmful effects to human health caused by external alchemy. In terms of culture, science, and technology, Daoism in the Tang Dynasty facilitated the development of medicine, chemistry, smelting, sports, philosophy, literature, and art. In terms of medicine, Sun Simiao’s Qianjinfang [Thousand Golden Remedies] amassed the major achievements of traditional Chinese medicine, exhaustive in its detailed descriptions of the theories of the internal organs, methods of acupuncture and moxibustion, differentiation of pulse signs and syndromes, proper approaches to dietary therapy, diseases of women and children, the maladies of the seven orifices, the toxicity of the five minerals, emergency remedies, as well as calisthenics and massage techniques. In the Tang Dynasty, Tao Hongjing’s commentary on the Shennong Bencao Jing [Shennong Materia Medica] was extended to 53 volumes, and is also known as the Tang Xin Bencao [New Materia Medica of the Tang Dynasty]. In terms of chemistry, although external alchemy failed to produce the Elixir of Immortality, it managed to amass knowledge about various elements, such as sulfur, mercury, and lead, developing fairly advanced techniques, especially for the decomposition, synthesis, and purification of sulfur and mercury. Although there had been previous experimentations with the invention of gunpowder, the production of gunpowder was clearly recorded in Zhenyuan Miaodao Yaolue [Classified Essentials of the Mysterious Way of the True Origin of Things] of the Tang Dynasty: “Some have heated together sulfur, realgar, and saltpeter with honey; smoke and flames resulted, so that their hands and faces were burned, and even the whole house burned down.”89 As for the smelting of metals, this mainly involved using heated reactions, such as distillation, sublimation, synthesis, and pyrolysis, to melt various metals tighter under high temperature within hermetically sealed containers to form alloys. The so-called “transforming metal into gold” and “transforming copper into gold” referred to the production of iron or copper compounds or mixtures. With regard to nurturing life, Zhong-Lv inner alchemy combined the refinement of qi with the refinement of the spirit, thus forming a set of techniques for inner cultivation. It contains religious and 88

Anthology of the Transmission of the Way from Zhongli Quan to Lv Dongbin: Records of the Enlightenment of the Truth with Xishan Immortals. Revised by Gao Liyang. Zhonghua Book Company, 2015, p. 92. 89 The Daoist Cannon, Volume 19. Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 292.

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mystical elements, but can also be applied to curing diseases and building fitness in the community. Moreover, it also forms a study of human physiology that is different from Western anatomy, with a greater focus on the movement of the living body; hence, it can be regarded as a prototype of Eastern human physiology. In terms of philosophy, the Daoist Chongxuan School was devoted to the integration of the three teachings by introducing Buddhism into Daoism, blending Buddha-nature with Dao-nature, and promoting further advances in the philosophy of the mind and nature in the three teachings, which was also the new trend of development in Chinese philosophy. In terms of literature and art, the Daoist tales of the immortals inspired the imaginations of many, which gave rise to legends of the Eight Immortals. Furthermore, new literary genres were formed, including Zhiguai (i.e., tales of the strange) and Shenmo (i.e., gods and demons) novels, and famous works including You Xian Ku [Visiting the Cave of Immortals], Zhen Zhong Ji [The World Inside a Pillow], Nanke Taishou [The Governor of Nanke], and Liu Yi Zhuan [Tale of Liu Yi], which were later adapted into Chinese operas. The great poet Li Bai was known as a Daoist Immortal of Poetry, whose poetic sentiments were lofty, elegant, and exquisite beyond compare. Bai Juyi’s Chang Hen Ge [Song of Everlasting Regret] used the Daoist tales of the immortals to turn the romance between Emperor Xuanzong and Yang Yuhuan into a beautiful love story that was passed down to later generations. Yan Liben’s Shi’er Zhenjun Xiang [Portraits of the Twelve Real Men], Wu Daozi’s Songzi Tianwang Tu [Painting of the Heavenly King Sending His Son] and Bashiqi Shenxian Juan [Scroll of Eighty-Seven Immortals], and Zhang Suqing’s Longhu Tu [Dragon and Tiger Cosmogram] of the Tang Dynasty, as well as Ruan Gao’s Langyuan Nvxian Tu [The Painting of Goddesses in the Palace Park] of the Five Dynasties are all highly regarded in the history of Chinese painting. In terms of music, Sima Chengzhen’s Xuanzhendao Qu [Song of the Xuanzhen Way], the Daoist priest Li Huiyuan’s Daluotian Qu [Song of the Great Overarching Heaven], and He Zhizhang’s Ziqing Shangshengdao Qu [Song of the Heavenly and Supreme Sacred Way] all embody the elegant and subtle charm of Daoism.

5.4 The Great Prosperity of Buddhism During the Sui and Tang Dynasties and Success of Sinicized Buddhism The Sui and Tang Dynasties represented the zenith of Buddhism after its introduction into China. Buddhism brought Chinese culture to a new stage of development, to the extent that subsequent historians of Chinese scholars used it as a major innovative school of thought to represent the culture of a specific historical period, that is, “the Buddhism of the Sui and Tang Dynasties,” which is on par with the “NeoDaoism of the Wei and Jin Dynasties” and the “Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming Dynasties.” This is not an exaggeration, as the Buddhism of the Sui and Tang Dynasties had indeed flourished in various aspects of its undertakings. It exhibited a unique wisdom and brilliance that radiated to all sectors of social life, and became

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a successful example of a highly ethnicized, transnational spread of religion in the world.

5.4.1 Strong Support for Buddhism During the Sui and Tang Dynasties Emperor Wen of the Sui Dynasty (personal name Yang Jian) was raised by the Buddhist nun Zhixian, which gave him a special affinity for Buddhism. Upon assuming the throne, he promoted Buddhism, built numerous Buddhist temples, widely ordained Buddhist monks and nuns, wrote prolifically about Buddhism, and engaged extensively in Buddhist affairs. According to the Shijia Fangzhi [Gazetteer on Shakyamuni], during his 20-year reign, he ordained 230,000 monks, built 3,792 temples, wrote 13,286 volumes on Buddhism, and commissioned 106,560 statues. Emperor Yang of the Sui Dynasty (personal name Yang Guang) received the Bodhisattva precepts to become a disciple of Buddha, and engaged extensively in Buddhist affairs. When he was the Prince of Jin, he was bestowed the title “Dh¯aran.¯ı Bodhisattva” by the founder of the Tiantai School Zhiyi, and returned the favor by granting Zhiyi the honorary title “Great Master of Wisdom”. At the founding of the Tang Dynasty, the Buddhist policies of the Sui Dynasty were continued, but with strengthened inspections and controls. Emperor Taizong himself did not believe in Buddhism, but supported it to educate the people using the spiritual way. He incorporated Buddhism, which was already powerful, into the state management system, so that it could facilitate the promotion of ethnic unity and social stability. During the fifteenth year of the Zhenguan reign, Emperor Taizong sent Princess Wencheng to Tibet to form a marriage alliance with King Songsten Gampo, which promoted the harmony between the Han Chinese and the Tibetans, while also driving the cultural exchanges between Han and Tibetan Buddhism. In the nineteenth year of the Zhenguan reign, Emperor Taizong grandly welcomed Master Xuanzang upon his return from his westward journey to obtain the Buddhist scriptures, and built an enormous translation center for Buddhist scriptures in the Chang’an Ci’en Temple that could house up to 3,000 people. A total of 75 scriptures in 1,335 volumes were translated, which became a significant event in the history of Buddhist scriptural translation. Emperor Taizong even wrote the Datang Sanzang Shengjiao Xu [Preface to the Sacred Teachings of the Tripitaka of the Great Tang], which praised the virtues of the Buddhist dharma. As Empress Wu Zetian wanted to reestablish the Great Zhou Dynasty for her ruling, it was not beneficial for her to advocate the Three Cardinal Bonds of Confucianism. She then revered Buddhism instead, to “use Buddhism to set the stage for a revolution, and elevating it above Daoism.”90 She relied heavily on the Buddhist monk Xue Huaiyi, while also spending an enormous fortune on building temples 90

(Song Dynasty) Sima Guang. Comprehensive Mirror in The Aid of Governance. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1987, p. 1378.

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and producing Buddhist statues. In addition, she had great respect for Fazang of the Huayan School, and Shenxiu of the Northern School of Zen Buddhism. To eradicate the impact of the Zhou Dynasty and highlight the authority of the Li family, Emperor Xuanzong fervently promoted Daoism, and tightened his control on Buddhism. He implemented an ordination system for monks and nuns, and controlled the scale of Buddhism. Emperor Xianzong deviated from the national policy of “jointly praising the three teachings,” and elevated his personal Buddhist beliefs to the level of national affairs. He ordered the finger bone of Buddha to be escorted from a temple in Fengxiang to the palace, where it was kept for three days for worship. This sparked a wave of Buddhist fanaticism throughout the nation, which prompted Han Yu to submit the Jian Yinfogu Biao [Memorandum on a Bone from Buddha’s Body]. Not only was Han Yu’s proposal not accepted, but he was also exiled to Chaozhou. Thus, Emperor Xianzong and Han Yu represent the two extremes of pro- and anti-Buddhism. Emperor Wuzong, on the other hand, deviated from the traditional religions from the other direction. He was a believer of Daoism, and under the instigation of the Daoist priest Zhao Guizhen, he ordered the extermination of Buddhism in the fifth year of the Huichang reign. This led to the destruction of 4,600 large- and mediumsized Buddhist temples, the demolition of more than 40,000 small temples, the burning of Buddhist scriptures, as well as 260,000 monks and nuns returning to secular life. This was a heavy blow to Buddhism. Objectively speaking, the persecution of Buddhism in the Huichang era constrained the over-inflation of Buddhism and increased the revenues of the national treasury. However, it was only a temporary move, and it did not become a new, stable national policy. One year later, when Emperor Xuanzong ascended the throne, he restored Buddhism to its legitimate status. Although Buddhism had declined substantially by that point, it had not been exterminated; it had only undergone an internal self-adjustment to adapt to the new situation. During the Five Dynasties period, Buddhism experienced some degree of development. Because of concerns over increasing national taxation, Emperor Shizong of Later Zhou ordered the prohibition of privately ordained monks and nuns in the second year of the Xiande reign, abolished all temples that had received an imperial plaque or quota, and confiscated bronze Buddha statues to be minted as money for the national treasury. It is recorded in the Jiu Wudai Shi: Zhoushizong Ji [The Old History of the Five Dynasties: Annals of Shizong of Later Zhou] that “A total of 2,694 temples were preserved, while 30,336 were abolished; 61,200 Buddhist monks and nuns were registered.”91 This shows that the number of temples preserved was less than one-tenth of those abolished, while only a small number of Buddhist monks remained. Since then, Buddhist temples no longer held competing interests with the state, but instead explored the path of combining farming with Zen Buddhism to attain self-sufficiency.

91

(Song Dynasty) Xue Juzheng et al. The Old History of the Five Dynasties, Volume 5. Zhonghua Book Company, 1976, p. 1531.

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5.4.2 Achievements in Translation of Buddhist Scriptures During the Sui and Tang Dynasties A complete system of labor division and strict work procedures had been established for Buddhist scriptural translation in the Tang Dynasty. This system included a chief translator (organizer, decision-maker), philological assistant (who evaluated the essence of the Sanskrit text), text appraiser (who listened to the oral reading of the Sanskrit text to check its accuracy), transcriber (who transliterated the Sanskrit text into Chinese characters), translator-scribe (who translated the Sanskrit transliterations into Chinese), text-examiner (who edited the sentences to conform with Chinese literary style), proofreader (who back-translated the Chinese translation into Sanskrit for revisions), editor (who checked and edited the translated text to ensure its accuracy and conciseness), stylist (who improved the writing style to ensure its elegance), and reciter (who recited the newly translated text to test its phonological effect). Because of its rigorous organization, the Buddhist scriptural translation of the Tang Dynasty was able to fully utilize the labor division and cooperation among the monks, leading to remarkable results and excellent quality, which were highly praised by later generations. The scriptural translation headed by Xuanzang resulted in the translation of 75 scriptures in 1,335 volumes, and the translated texts were accurate but also imbued with Chinese characteristics, and beautifully expressed. A number of eminent monks had also engaged in scriptural translations before and after this undertaking, such as Amoghavajra’s translation of more than a hundred Vajrayana scriptures. According to incomplete statistics, a total of 372 Buddhist scriptures in 2,159 volumes were translated during the Tang Dynasty, which essentially means that the main scriptures of Indian Buddhism had been translated from Sanskrit into Chinese. In addition, significant progress had also been made in the collection and compilation of Buddhist scriptures. This included the Xiejing Mulu [Catalog of Transcribed Sutras] in the early Tang Dynasty, the Ruzanglu [Register of Canonical Texts] in the Xianqing era, followed by Gujin Yijing Tuji [An Illustrated Account of the Translations Made in the Past and Present], Datang Neidian Lu [The Record of Buddhist Works in the Great Tang Dynasty], and Dazhou Kanding Zhongjing Mulu [Catalogue of Scriptures Authorized by the Great Zhou]. In the eighteenth year of the Kaiyuan reign, Zhisheng wrote the Kaiyuan Shijiao Lu [The Record of Shakyamuni’s Teachings Compiled in the Kaiyuan Era], which included 1,076 scriptures in 5,084 volumes. To prevent the Buddhist scriptures from being lost or burned, monks at the Yunju Temple in Youzhou began engraving them into stone steles during the Sui Dynasty. By the Kangxi reign of the Qing Dynasty, a total of 15,000 stone steles had been engraved over a millennium, which contained 1122 Buddhist scriptures in 3572 volumes. This is a testament to the piety and dedication of Chinese Buddhist monks in their great undertaking to introduce and develop Indian Buddhism in China. Without such sustained efforts, it would not have been possible for a major foreign religion to take root in the fertile soil of Chinese culture.

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5.4.3 Main Schools of the Sui and Tang Buddhism and Degree of Their Sinicization According to Tang Yongtong’s Suitang Fojiao Shigao [Manuscripts on Buddhist History in the Sui and Tang Dynasties], “By the Sui and Tang Dynasties in the evolution of Buddhism, there was a flourishing of the various schools. The so-called Buddhist schools were characterized by three qualities. First, their teachings were clearly expounded, and they adopted unique approaches. Second, each school had delved deeply into their teachings, and followers had to eschew all other schools. Third, their preaching was steeped in the characteristics of their times, and all of them boasted that they had inherited the orthodoxy. As a comparison, no Buddhist school can be regarded fully formed in the Northern and Southern Dynasties.”92 If we can add another two features, they would be: (1) a developed and independent monastic economy, and (2) a stable base for the transmission of Buddhist teachings, which strongly supported the inheritance of the different schools. These schools were modeled on the inheritance system of Chinese patriarchal clans, with each creating its own lineage that starts from an Indian patriarch and continues in an unbroken line through successive Chinese patriarchs, and was officially recognized within each school. Their doctrinal teachings were based on Indian Buddhist canons that were syncretized with Chinese Confucian and Daoist cultures, thereby establishing a theoretical system with unique characteristics. Because of their different degrees of sinicization, they had different levels of adaptability in society, which meant that they had varying states and lengths of existence, with some blossoming rapidly, others gradually fading away, and still others that merged with other schools. The Buddhist schools of the Sui Dynasty included the Tiantai and Sanlun Buddhism. The main Buddhist schools of the Tang Dynasty were the Huayan (i.e., Flower Garland), Weishi (i.e., Consciousness-Only), Chan, Vinaya, Pure Land, and Esoteric Buddhism. Tiantai Buddhism This school was founded by Zhiyi, who resided at Mount Tiantai. The key points of its doctrines are as follows. First, the teachings of Buddha were judged according to the “Five Periods and Eight Teachings.” All Buddhist scriptures and doctrines were classified and divided into ranks according to this system, thereby highlighting the importance of the Tiantai School. The “Five Periods” refer to the Enlightenment Period when Buddha preached the Avatamsaka Sutra after his enlightenment, the Deer Park period when Buddha preached the Agamas, the Vaipulya (i.e., expansive) Period when Buddha preached the various Vaipulya Sutras, the Prajñ¯a Period when Buddha preached the Prajnaparamita S¯utras, and the Lotus and Nirvana Period when Buddha preached the Lotus S¯utra and Nirvana S¯utra. The “Eight Teachings” include the “Four Modes of Teaching” (i.e., sudden, gradual, esoteric, and indeterminate teachings) and the “Four Modes of Accommodating the Teachings” (Tripitaka, shared, distinct, and 92

Tang Yongtong. Complete Works of Tang Yontong, Volume 2. Hebei People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 111.

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perfect teachings). The Tiantai School considered itself to be the Perfect Teaching of the Fifth Period, which places it in the most ideal stage of development among the various Buddhist schools. Second, it teaches the “Threefold Contemplation in One Mind” and the “Perfect Interpenetration of the Threefold Truths.” It is believed that one mind can simultaneously contemplate three truths: suchness [Tath¯at¯a] gives rise to the myriad phenomena in the universe according to the conditions, and since all phenomena are not real, they are “provisional”; this insight is known as “contemplation of the provisional.” Since the myriad phenomena are provisional and not real, they are “empty”; this insight is known as “contemplation of emptiness.” That all phenomena both exist provisionally and are empty in nature is the “Middle Way”; this insight is known as “contemplation of the Middle Way.” Blending these three contemplations together in one mind and viewing them simultaneously is known as the “Threefold Contemplation in One Mind.” The basic doctrine of the Tiantai School is meditative practice, requiring practitioners to remain in a state of empty voidness (Emptiness) in their subjective consciousness, use the Buddhist dharma to contemplate the provisional (Provisionality), grasp the true nature of things (Ultimate Reality), and understand that Ultimate Reality is the unity of Emptiness and Provisionality, that is, the “Middle.” The world is both Provisional and Empty, connected to form a whole through the Middle, “Though the truths are threefold, they are united as one, and though they are united as one, they can be contemplated as three, without interference between them.”93 This is therefore known as the “Perfect Interpenetration of the Threefold Truths.” The Tiantai School was, ultimately, a Chinese Buddhist lineage. Hence, under the influence of mainstream Confucian thought on worldly affairs, it chose the path of reconciling the contradiction between secularism and non-secularism. Its notions of “Suchness” and “Ultimate Reality” were derived from Indian Buddhism, whereas its thoughts on the “Middle Way” were more likely derived from Laozi’s “guarding the middle” and Confucius’s “doctrine of the mean.” The latter enabled it to unite seemingly antithetical concepts, and make its own mark with its unique ideas on “interpenetration.” Third, it teaches the idea of “Three Thousand Worlds in One Thought.” Zhiyi believed that “one thought inherently contains the three thousand worlds,” and “one thought of ignorance is the mind of dharma-nature,”94 wherein the comprehension of the phenomenal form and principle-substance of the world is captured in one thought. It is believed in Buddhism that the world is composed of multiple levels (i.e., Dharmadhatu, or realms of the dharma), which together constitute the “three thousand worlds,” all of which can be grasped within one human thought. However, the human mind must be sublimated from ignorance and delusion to the true mind of dharma-nature before it can achieve enlightenment. Therefore, one must practice Zhi (i.e., Samatha, tranquility of the mind) Guan (i.e., Vipa´syan¯a, wisdom or insight), 93

Zhao Puchu (Ed.). Yongle Buddhist Cannon, Volume 160. Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2005, p. 773. 94 Zeng Qihai (Ed.). The Essentials of Zhi-Guan of Mah¯ as¯am . ghika. China Religious Culture Publisher, 2010, p. 150.

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ultimately attaining enlightenment in order to reach the realm of Buddha. Although “Zhi-Guan” is a Buddhist term, it shares something in common with Chinese Confucianism and Daoism; that is, it says that one’s cognition of the objective world cannot be detached from one’s intuitive experience of it: that is, the object cannot be comprehended through the polarity of subject and object, but through their interpenetration, which is called realization. Laozi proposed that “the mysteries [of the Way] can be comprehended with a subtle and exquisite penetration”; Confucius said, “They who know the truth are not equal to those who love, and those who love it are not equal to those who delight in it”95 ; Mencius posited that “All things are already complete in us. There is no greater delight than to be conscious of sincerity on self-examination.”96 All of this emphasizes that cognition must be combined with perception, which deviates substantially from the epistemology of Western philosophy that sets subject and object in antithesis. Chinese Buddhism as well as Confucianism and Daoism jointly constitute an Eastern philosophy of realization, with each exhibiting its own characteristics, together enriching the spiritual life of humanity. Sanlun Buddhism This school was founded by Jizang, who was also known as Master Jiaxiang (i.e., of Jiaxiang Temple), whose lifetime spanned the Sui and Tang Dynasties. He preached the Chinese Buddhist texts Bai Lun [The One-Hundred-Verse Treatise], Zhong ´astra], which later Lun [Madhyamika-sastra], and Shi’ermen Lun [Dv¯ada´sanik¯aya S¯ formed the basis of a theoretical system, and hence the school came to be known as the Sanlun (i.e., the Three Treatise) School. First, it teaches the doctrine of “Twofold Truths.” There is a traditional Buddhist saying that there are two kinds of truths: “ultimate truths” and “conventional truths.” However, Jizang believed that one should not be attached even to this doctrine, as it is merely a means of instruction, and thus needs to be constantly transcended. Therefore, he proposed the “Four Levels of the Twofold Truths”: The first level is that being belongs to conventional truth and emptiness to ultimate truth. The second level is that both being and emptiness belong to conventional truth, while non-being and non-emptiness belong to the ultimate truth. The third level is that the duality of emptiness and being and the non-duality of non-emptiness and non-being belong to conventional truth, while neither duality nor non-duality is the ultimate truth. The fourth level is beyond verbalization and conceptualization, a truth that depends on nothing: this is the ultimate truth. It is only through manifold negations and wordlessness that one can truly comprehend the principle of the ultimate reality of the various dharmas, whereas any attachment will lead to heretical views. Second, it teaches the “Middle Way of the Eightfold Negation.” The Middle Treatise states, “No origination, no extinction; no permanence, no impermanence; no identification, no difference; no arrival, no departure.”97 Jizang believed that “the 95

Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 53. Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 225. 97 (Sui Dynasty) Annotated by Ji Zang. The Commentary on Madhyamika-sastra The One-Hundred´astra. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1994, p. 4. Verse Treatise Dv¯ada´sanik¯aya S¯ 96

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eightfold negations are the Buddha-nature of the Middle Way.”98 The essence of Jizang’s Ultimate Reality of the Middle Way lies with grasping the Middle Way without any attachments. This embodies the commonality of the three teachings in their reverence of the middle, while highlighting the unique characteristic of Chinese Buddhism in its reconciliation between secularism and non-secularism, as well as between worldly views and the Buddhist dharmas. Consciousness Only Buddhism The founder of the school was Master Xuanzang (also known as Master Sanzang) and his disciple Kuiji (also known as Master Ci’en). This school is so named because it analyzed the “Faxiang” (i.e., dharma characteristics) and reached the conclusion that “the myriad dharmas are only consciousness.” The key doctrines of the Faxiang Weishi School are as follows. First, it teaches the doctrine of the “Eight Consciousnesses.” This school believes that “there is no realm beyond mere consciousness,” wherein the mountains, rivers, and land are also manifestations of the mind-consciousness. There are eight consciousnesses: eye, ear, nose, tongue, body, mental, defiled mental (i.e., klis.t.amano-vijñ¯ana), and storehouse [¯al¯aya-vijñ¯ana] consciousnesses. Storehouse consciousness is the most important of these eight, as it can give rise to the other seven. It stores the seeds that can bring about all things and phenomena, while its attributes are a mixture of purity and defilement. Defiled seeds result in the Three Realms of Karmic Rebirth, whereas uncontaminated pure seeds enable spiritual liberation. Defiled mental consciousness enables inferential cognition, which, together with storehouse consciousness, gives rise to the other six consciousnesses. Because of this consciousness, the ordinary person recognizes the “presence of the self.” Practitioners, on the other hand, are able to use this consciousness and contemplate “the absence of the self,” and therefore attain Buddhahood. Second, it teaches the “Three Self-Natures” and the “Three Non-Natures.” The “Three Self-Natures” include (1) “Parikalpita-svabhava” (i.e., the imaginary nature of things, or the form produced from conceptual construction), wherein the unenlightened arrive at various differences through their observations and deliberations; (2) “Paratantra-svabhava” (i.e., the dependent nature of things, or the form arising under certain conditions), wherein one knows that all phenomena arise from consciousness based on certain causes and conditions, which are therefore provisional and not true; and (3) “Parinishpanna-svabhava” (i.e., the perfected nature of things, or the form perfectly attained), wherein one realizes the provisionality of the “inherently existent self” and knows the absence of the “dharma-self” to show the “real nature of true suchness”. The “Three Non-Natures” are antithetical to the “Three Self-Natures”: (1) the “Non-Nature of Appearances,” wherein the self and dharmas are both false; (2) the “Non-Nature of Dependent Origination,” wherein the arising of all phenomena from causes and conditions neither truly exists nor is completely non-existent; and 98

Edited by the Editorial Committee of Buddha’s Light Publishing. Supervised by Master Xingyun. The Great Buddhist Cannon of Buddha’s Light Bore Cannon Discourse of Sects · Expository Commentary on Madhyamika-sastra. The Buddha’s Light Publishing House, 1997, pp. 85, 39.

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(3) the “Non-Nature of Transcending Worldly Concepts,” which is asserted on the basis of perfected nature. Third, it teaches one to “transform consciousness into wisdom.” Through Buddhist practices, one will be able to transform the contaminated Eight Consciousnesses into the uncontaminated Eight Consciousnesses, thereby gaining four kinds of wisdom: the first five consciousnesses enable one to attain the “wisdom of perfect conduct,” and so perform good deeds for all. The sixth consciousness allows one to attain the “wisdom of profound insight,” to transform the people through moral instruction. The seventh consciousness allows one to attain the “wisdom of perfect equality,” to bring salvation to all sentient beings. The eighth consciousness enables one to attain a “perfect mirror-like wisdom,” which can reflect the myriad phenomena. The Faxiang Weishi School was the most faithful to Indian Mahayana Buddhism among all the Buddhist schools during the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Xuanzang and Ku¯ıj¯ı were rigorous in their academic studies, and strived for accuracy and clarity in their translation and interpretation of the Buddhist scriptures. Under their impetus, this school flourished for a time during the reigns of Emperors Taizong and Gaozong. However, within forty years, it had faded away into the margins of society, and was revived only in the early years of the Republic of China. The main reason for its decline was precisely because it was overly faithful to the original canons and doctrines, and failed to integrate with the Chinese culture to achieve innovative development. In the end, it was incompatible with the local environment, only putting down shallow roots and sprouting a weak sapling that was gradually overlooked by the people. With regard to the doctrines of the Faxiang Weishi School, many of its core concepts, such as “defiled mental consciousness,” “storehouse consciousness,” “contaminated seeds,” “uncontaminated seeds,” and “three-membered syllogism,” do not have similar or corresponding terminologies in Chinese culture and language with which they can be paired. Furthermore, these doctrines are more focused on the detailed analysis of human psychological processes, which deviates from the Confucian path of “cultivating oneself to give rest to all the people,” and the Daoist path of “obtaining the meaning but forgetting the words.” Therefore, it was difficult to integrate the doctrines of this school into Chinese tradition. Nevertheless, its basic proposition that “all dharmas are consciousness only” corresponded to Mencius’s saying that “all things are already complete in us,”99 which had a profound impact on the Lu-Wang Neo-Confucian theory of mind, and continued to live on. Moreover, its psychological analysis and Hetu-vidya (i.e., a Buddhist system of logic) played an active role in modern Sino-Western cultural exchange. More importantly, however, we must also recognize that Master Xuanzang’s journey westward to seek the Buddhist dharma took a total of 19 years (departing to India in the first year of Zhenguan and returning to Chang’an in the 19th year of Zhenguan), during which he tackled a multitude of difficulties and dangers with a spirit of relentless ardor and utmost sincerity, and finally completed a historical mission of seeking the true 99

Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. of Mencius. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 225.

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scriptures. This was a great feat in the history of global exchange between civilizations, which created a model for peaceful, international, cross-cultural interactions, and made significant contributions to enhancing the friendship between China and India. Furthermore, Xuanzang was able to highlight the knowledge and eloquence of Chinese Buddhist monks at the Nalanda Temple in India, and was highly respected by the Indian monks. In fact, his work, the Datang Xiyu Ji [Great Tang Records on the Western Regions] in 12 volumes, served as precious historical materials for the history of ancient India and western regions in later generations. Zhao Puchu wrote, “Master Xuanzang’s great achievements were due to his heroic spirit of courage and perseverance;” and “Master Xuanzang’s noble qualities were manifested in his selfsacrificial deeds in service of the dharma and humanity throughout his lifetime.”100 Indeed, Master Xuanzang was a cultural monument on the ancient Silk Road, and his historical accomplishments will remain alive forever. Huayan Buddhism The founder of this school was Fazang, who was a native of Kangju in Central Asia. He participated several times in scriptural translations, with a special emphasis on the Huayan Jing [Avatamsaka S¯utra], while his life’s mission was to preach and explain the Avatamsaka S¯utra. His main works include the Huayan Jing Tanxuan Ji [An Investigation into the Profundity of the Avatamsaka S¯utra], Huayan Jing Wenda [Questions and Answers on the Avatamsaka S¯utra] and Huayanjing Zhigui [Essential Meaning of the Avatamsaka S¯utra], which formed a theoretical system of considerable scale. He lived through the reigns of Wu Zetian, Zhongzong, and Ruizong, during which he cultivated more than a dozen eminent disciples. Through the great efforts of Fazang and his disciples, the Huayan School became one of the most influential schools of Tang Buddhism, which had a significant impact on the Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming Dynasties. The essence of the doctrinal theories of the Huayan School is as follows. First, the teachings of Buddha are classified according to the “Five Teachings and Ten Schools.” The “Five Teachings” refer to the Hinayana, Mahayana, Final Mahayana, Sudden, and Perfect Teachings. The “Ten Schools” refer to the doctrine of the existence of both the self and the dharmas, the doctrine of the non-existence of the self and the existence of the dharmas, the doctrine of the existence of the dharmas only in the present but not in the past or the future, the doctrine that the present contains both provisionality and reality, the doctrine that secular truth is provisional but Buddhist truth is real, the doctrine that all dharmas are merely names without self-nature, the doctrine of the emptiness of all things, the doctrine of the non-emptiness of true suchness, the doctrine that characteristics and their perceptions are to be eradicated, and the doctrine that all things exist in perfect harmony and interrelation. This classification encompassed all the schools that had emerged in the Buddhist lineages and the creation of various doctrines, giving each its due spatial and temporal positions. At the same time, it also determined the Huayan School to be the 100

Zhao Puchu. Anthology of the Great Buddhist Zhao Puchu. Huaxia Publishing House, 2012, p. 186.

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perfect and unimpeded Buddhist system residing at the pinnacle, thus highlighting its subjective status while embracing plurality. This can be regarded as an application of the theory of “divergent paths and convergent destination” proposed in the Book of Changes, which is an effective means for the development of Chinese Buddhism. Second, it teaches the “Ten Mysterious Gates” and the “Perfect Interpenetration of the Six Characteristics.” The “Ten Mysterious Gates” refer to the gate of simultaneous completion and mutual correspondence; the gate of the realm of Indra’s net; the gate of the co-establishment between the concealed and the revealed; the gate of the encompassing of the minute in the co-existence of the dharmas; the gate of the different formation of separate dharmas in the ten ages; the gate of the repository of the pure and the miscellaneous, containing all virtues; the gate of the mutual inclusion of the one and the many in difference; the gate that all dharmas are mutually identical while retaining their own independence; the gate that the realization of goodness depends on the operation of the mind; and the gate in which illustrating the teaching of the dharmas generates understanding of phenomena. As a whole, “the Ten Mysterious Gates” describe the mutual integration, harmony and unity between the Buddhist principles and the various gateways (i.e., approaches) to the dharmas, as well as among the different approaches themselves, which are manifold in their phenomena but are mutually encompassing in their essence. As for the “Perfect Interpenetration of the Six Characteristics,” the Six Characteristics refer to three pairs of opposites: “universality” and “particularity,” “identity” and “difference,” and “integration” and “disintegration,” which are interdependent and exist in a state of perfect interpenetration. Third, it teaches the “Mutually Dependent Origination of Dharmadhatu” (i.e., realm of the dharma) and the “Four Dharmadhatu.” The “Mutually Dependent Origination of Dharmadhatu” describes the self-existing pure mind of the Buddhist dharma and its various manifestations and functions as residing within mutual equality, perfect and unimpeded interpenetration, and harmonious unity. The “Four Dharmadhatu” refer to the dharmadhatu of matters (phenomenal world), the dharmadhatu of principles (noumenal world), the dharmadhatu of non-obstruction of principles against matters (the interpenetration of matters with principles), and the dharmadhatu of non-obstruction of matters against matters (all matters are mutually interpenetrating). “Dharmadhatu” here refers to the state of the mind. The doctrine of the “Four Dharmadhatu” requires the practitioners of the dharma to break through all distinctions and boundaries of the secular world, and unify the “one” with the “many.” One is all, and all is one—this is its dialectical outlook of the cosmos. Pure Land Buddhism As early as the Eastern Jin Dynasty, the eminent monk Huiyuan had founded the White Lotus Society in Mount Lu, where he made a vow along with his disciples before the statue of Amit¯abha to recite Buddha’s name and be reborn in the Western Pure Land. This is the origin of Pure Land Buddhism. However, its founding as a Buddhist school was actually by Daochuo and Shandao during the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Pure Land Buddhism is characterized by its emphasis on the practice of faith, that is, reciting Buddha’s name, rather than on the argumentation of principles

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or organizational systems. Its canonical texts include the Wuliangshou Jing [Infinite Life Sutra], Guan Wuliangshou Fojing [Meditation on the Buddha of Infinite Life Sutra], Amituo Jing [Amitabha Sutra], and Wangsheng Lun [Treatise on Rebirth]. Because of its simplicity and ease of practice, as well as its ability to satisfy the people’s yearning for the peace, tranquility, prosperity and equality of the blissful land, Pure Land Buddhism was warmly embraced by the lower classes, allowing it to put down ever-deepening roots among the people. Furthermore, it began to expand toward the other schools, such as the Tiantai, Vinaya, and Zen Buddhism, eventually established as the “common school of all under Heaven.” It teaches that as long as one persists in reciting the name of the Buddha, anyone can be reborn in the Pure Land after death and enjoy eternal bliss. Therefore, it was an effective psychological balm for the toiling and suffering masses, which attracted a growing number of believers. This school could not be replaced by Confucianism, Daoist philosophy, or Daoist religion. Or, in other words, Pure Land Buddhism helped Confucianism and Daoism safeguard the human heart and so become a powerful folk belief culture. Vinaya Buddhism The Vinaya School mainly studies and preaches the Buddhist precepts and rules (i.e., Vinaya), and its main canonical text is the Sifen Lv [Four-Part Vinaya]. The actual founder of this school was Daoxuan, who called it the Nanshan School. The precepts and rules refer to the code that governs the behaviors of Buddhist monks. It ensures the proper speech and conduct of Buddhist followers, and its sanctity cannot be violated. All Buddhist monks must vow to uphold the precepts before they can be officially ordained, while householders must also rigorously observe the precepts. The precepts include the Five Precepts, the Eight Precepts, the Ten Precepts, the Upasampada, and so on, but the first and foremost precept is that the killing of any sentient beings is prohibited. The rules refer to the internal regulations within the monastic community, which include their practice, rituals, rules of life, and regulations for punishments. Precepts and rules are directly related to the orthodoxy or heterodoxy of religious teachings and the social image of religious groups. Hence, they have always been the focus of Buddhism. The Vinaya School also has a classification of teachings, dividing the Buddhist schools into edifying teachings and practical/restraining teachings. The former is further divided into Three Teachings: the emptiness of nature, the emptiness of distinctive characteristics, and consciousness-only; the latter is divided into three schools: real dharmas, false names, and perfect teaching. The Nanshan Vinaya School believed that it belonged to the school of perfect teaching, which represents the highest stage of Buddhism. The most influential figure in the history of the Nanshan Vinaya School was Master Jianzhen. During the Kaiyuan era, he resided in Daming Temple, where he guided his disciples using the vinaya and was widely respected. In the first year of the Tianbao era, he was invited by the emissary monks Rongji and Puzhao to Japan, so he decided to travel eastward to preach the precepts. However, his first five voyages were failures, and his eyesight was lost in the process, but his will remained steadfast. Finally, in the twelfth year of the Tianbao era, his sixth attempt at crossing the seas was successful and he reached Nara, where he was warmly welcomed. The

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Japanese emperor issued an edict proclaiming, “From now on, [Jianzhen] will preach the precepts and transmit the rules as a monk of the first order,”101 and he was granted the title “Chuandeng Dashi” (i.e., Venerable Master Who Passes on the Light). He established the T¯osh¯odai-ji as a base for teaching the precepts and rules. On his eastward journey, he not only founded the Japanese Vinaya (or Risshu) School but also brought with him numerous Buddhist scriptures and statues, as well as a large collection of Chinese cultural classics, famous medical texts, and works of art. This was a significant contribution to promoting the cultural exchange between China and Japan, while also enhancing the friendship between the two peoples. Therefore, its significance went far beyond the spread of Buddhism. Esoteric Buddhism This school believed that it had received the profound esoteric teachings of the Dharmakaya Mahavairocana, known as the “Zhenyan” (i.e., mantra) teachings. These teachings could not be passed on or revealed to anyone who had not partaken in the abhiseka rite (of consecration and initiation) and the transmission of esoterica, hence the name Esoteric Buddhism. It practices the “Three Esoterica,” which are the bodyesoterica (mudr¯a), speech-esoterica (mantra), and mind-esoterica (visualization of Mahavairocana). There is a saying that “when the three esoterica correspond” the body will become a Buddha; thus this school is also known as the Yoga Esotericism. It is the product of the combination between Buddhism and Brahmanism, and gained popularity in China during the Tang Dynasty, eventually forming a Buddhist school ´ through the efforts of Subhakarasim . ha, Vajrabodhi, and Amoghavajra. During the ´ Kaiyuan reign, the Indian monk Subhakarasim . ha brought the Sanskrit version of the Dari Jing [Mahavairocana Tantra] to Chang’an and was welcomed by Emperor Xuanzong. He later translated the Mahavairocana Tantra into Chinese, and accepted a group of disciples, together with whom he preached the esoteric ways of the Womb Realm. In the eighth year of the Kaiyuan reign, the South Indian monk Vajrabodhi and his disciple Amoghavajra travelled to Chang’an, where they were also welcomed by Emperor Xuanzong. Amoghavajra translated the Jingang Dingjing [Vajrasekhara Sutra], and later returned to India and the Sinhala Kingdom to learn the esoteric ways. In the fifth year of the Tianbao reign, he journeyed once again to Chang’an to perform the abhiseka rite for Emperor Xuanzong, and propagated the esoteric ways ´ of the Diamond Realm. Subhakarasim . ha, Vajrabodhi, and Amoghavajra later came to be known as the “Three Great Masters of the Kaiyuan Era.” Following in their footsteps was Huiguo, who syncretized the esoteric ways of the Three Great Masters to create the doctrine of “non-duality of the Diamond and Golden Realms.” In the twentieth year of the Zhenyuan reign, the Japanese monk K¯ukai traveled to China to receive the esoteric ways of the Womb and Diamond Realms from Huiguo. Upon his return to Japan, he founded the Shingon School, which continues to this day. Esoteric Buddhism flourished for a time because of its veneration by the emperors and the nobility. However, its excessive mysticism, its tantric sexual practices, and 101

Ren Jiyu (Ed.). Dictionary of Religion. Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House, 1998, p. 371.

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its “Yab-Yum” image (i.e., one involving a male deity and his female consort), which were all steeped in Brahminism, clashed significantly with the deep-seated Confucian teachings of the rites and the folk customs of the Central Plains. As reconciliation with the local culture could not be achieved, it soon began to decline. Nevertheless, Esoteric Buddhism flourished in Tibet, and became an integral part of Tibetan Buddhism. In the seventh century CE, Buddhism from India was introduced to Tibet, where it experienced an early and late period of propagation. Buddhism was gradually integrated in the midst of its clashes with the local Bon religion. This was followed by the introduction of Mahayana, Hinayana, and Tantric s¯utras. Thus, Tibetan Buddhism gradually took shape under the influence of Han Buddhism and according to the folk customs of Tibet. Zen Buddhism According to the official account of Zen Buddhism, its lineage of patriarchs can be traced back to Bodhidharma, who passed it on to Huike, Sengcan, Daoxin, Hongren, and then to the Sixth Patriarch Huineng, who founded the Southern School, while his peer Shenxiu founded the Northern School. Scholars generally consider Huineng as the actual founder of Zen Buddhism, as he made substantial contributions to its propagation. Furthermore, the Tan Jing [Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch], which recounts his enlightenment, is the only work by a Chinese monk that has been recognized by the Buddhist community as a “s¯utra.” It had a far-reaching and profound impact, while also playing a crucial role in the convergence of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. In his reclusive enlightenment, Huineng exercised the principles of “directly revealing the original mind” and “sudden enlightenment to attain Buddhahood.” He used the simple approach of “attaining Buddhahood upon seeing one’s nature” to sweep away the cumbersome principles and ascetic methods of Buddhism in the past, thereby adapting to the Chinese thinking habit involving the “utmost simplicity of the Great Way.” This triggered a movement of Buddhist reform, which completely revamped the face of Chinese Buddhism. After Huineng, Zen Buddhism was divided into three major systems founded by Heze Shenhui, Qingyuan Xingsi, and Nanyue Huairang. Among them, Nanyue Huairang had numerous disciples, and the most prominent was Mazu Daoyi, whose disciples include Baizhang Huaihai. Baizhang Huaihai was a proponent of the maxim, “a day not working is a day no food,”102 which renewed the practice of combining Chan with farming, thereby reducing the school’s dependence on the government and donors. Huaihai’s lineage includes Guishan Lingyou and Yangshan Huiji, who formed the Guiyang School that was prevalent for a time during the Five Dynasties. It also includes the Linji School founded by Huangbo Xiyun and Linji Yixuan, which became the most sophisticated school of Zen Buddhism. The Linji School is famed for its sharp and aggressive Chan style. Yixuan even made the harsh remark, “If

102

(Song Dynasty) Pu Ji. Collection of Five Records of the Transmission of the Lamp, Volume 1. Revised by Su Yuanlei. Zhonghua Book Company, 1984, p. 136.

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you meet Buddha, kill him; if you meet your ancestors, kill them,”103 the purpose of which was to tear down authority and prejudices to directly face the dharma itself. Qingyuan Xingsi’s lineage includes Shitou Xiqian, who emphasized, “The mind is Buddha. Mind, Buddha, and all sentient beings, bodhi, and mental afflictions: these are different in name but one in essence.”104 Xiqian’s seventh-generation successor, Qingliang Wenyi, founded the Fayan School, and its guiding principle was “the three realms are only mind, the myriad dharmas are only consciousness,” which represented the incorporation of the Consciousness-Only School into Zen Buddhism. The lineage of Qingyuan and Shitou was further differentiated into the Yunmen and Caodong Schools. The Yunmen School was founded by Wenyan, who emphasized spontaneity without deliberation, and reacting to things without being ensnared by them. The founders of the Caodong School were Dongshan Liangjia and Caoshan Benji, whose style was characterized by “a subtle and meticulous family tradition, where the words and actions correspond [between master and student]. [The master] benefits the student according to their situation, and enlightens by following up on the student’s words.”105 Thus far, Zen Buddhism had given rise to five schools, Guiyang, Linji, Caodong, Yunmen, and Fayan, which had formed their unique methods of spreading Chan, such as the koan quotations and shock tactics. This gave Zen Buddhism a feisty spirit that dared to shatter dogmas, while also embodying the distinctive characteristic of inducing enlightenment through expedient teaching. These features had the effect of stimulating people’s potential for enlightenment, but also led to problems caused by arbitrariness, guesses, and misjudgments. In Indian Buddhism, “Dhyana” (i.e., Chan) means “meditation,” and is one of the “Six Paramitas.” Zen Buddhism advocates the use of Dhyana/Chan to generalize the teachings and practice of the dharma, hence the name Zen Buddhism. Huineng’s approach of sudden enlightenment combines the prajna of ultimate reality with the Buddha-nature of nirvana, and takes the pure nature of humans to advocate the direct reference to original nature and sudden enlightenment to attain Buddhahood. As documented in the Platform S¯utra, the key points in Huineng’s principles of the Southern School are as follows. First, “Know one’s mind to discover one’s nature.” The Pure Land is intrinsic within the self, and extrinsic pursuits are unnecessary. It criticizes the rebirth theory of Pure Land Buddhism, using Mencius’s theory on innate goodness to expound the theory of Buddha-nature. It teaches that one should exclude outward pursuits, and strive to discover one’s original mind, which is the pinnacle of development in the Chinese theory of innate good. Second, it “does not to depend on written words, and is a special transmission outside the teaching.” It teaches that the difference between an ordinary person 103

(Song Dynasty) Pu Ji. Collection of Five Records of the Transmission of the Lamp, Volume 2. Revised by Su Yuanlei. Zhonghua Book Company, 1984, p. 891. 104 (Song Dynasty) Pu Ji. Collection of Five Records of the Transmission of the Lamp, Volume 1. Revised by Su Yuanlei. Zhonghua Book Company, 1984, p. 255. 105 (Song Dynasty) Zhi Zhao (Ed.). Annotated by Shang Zhiyu. The Annotations to the Essence of Zen Buddhism. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2015, p. 165.

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and Buddha is that between ignorance and enlightenment. It encourages neither the chanting of scriptures and worshiping of Buddha nor asceticism and sitting in meditation. Instead, it advocates self-enlightenment and self-realization beyond the scriptures and meditation, leaving behind the mundane and attaining sainthood in one instantaneous thought: “The sea of bitterness has no bounds, yet at a turn of the head, the shore [can be seen]”; “lay down the butcher’s knife, and at once become a Buddha.” This doctrine of attaining Buddhahood through sudden enlightenment is deeply influenced by the insight thinking of Daoism, as seen in Laozi and Zhuangzi’s observation in stillness and viewing the mysteries, or obtaining the fish and forgetting the fish trap. In fact, it brings Laozi’s theory of immaculate stillness and inaction to new heights. Naturally, as there are differences in abilities within human nature, the outcomes of gradual cultivation and sudden enlightenment may vary from person to person. Third, “for those who wish to practice [Chan], this can be accomplished within the household, and not necessarily in the temple”; “the Buddhist dharma resides within the world, and does not depart from the awareness of the world. Leaving the world behind to seek bodhi is like seeking horns on a rabbit.”106 Thus, it teaches that it is not necessary to detach oneself from daily life to practice Chan. As long as one recognizes that Buddha-nature is within the mind, suchness can be attained anywhere. With this approach, Buddhism, which was originally non-secular, was imbued with the secular Confucian qualities of “cultivating the person, regulating the family, ordering the state, and bringing tranquility to all under Heaven.”107 It emphasizes the retreat from the world within the world itself, whereby the attainment of Buddhahood does not necessitate the departure from human relations and daily application. Therefore, not only did Zen Buddhism conform to the focus of Chinese tradition on real life, but it also attracted a large number of followers among the people. Fourth, it teaches followers to take “no-thought as the main doctrine, no-form as the substance, and no-abidance as the basis.”108 This is the guiding principle of Zen Buddhism. The so-called taking “no-thought as the main doctrine” means “not to think even when in thought”109 ; “no-form as the substance” means “to be separated from form even when associated with form”110 ; and “no-abidance as the basis” means “if in all things, successive thoughts do not attach, then one is unfettered. Therefore, no-abidance is made the basis.”111 In summary, although one may form thoughts 106

Annotated by Ding Fubao. Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, pp. 74, 61. 107 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 222. 108 Annotated by Ding Fubao. Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, p. 80. 109 Annotated by Ding Fubao. Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, p. 80. 110 Annotated by Ding Fubao. Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, p. 80. 111 Annotated by Ding Fubao. Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, p. 81.

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and forms about external objects and matters, one should not be attached to them, form false thoughts, or be ensnared and influenced. Rather, one should illuminate the clarity and purity of self-nature. Here, the notion of “reacting to things without being ensnared by them” from Neo-Daoism of the Wei and Jin Dynasties112 has been applied to Buddhist practice to create Zen Buddhism. The latter believes that if a person can “arrive without joy, and depart without attachment,”113 they will attain great carefreeness and enjoy absolute spiritual freedom. Zen Buddhism believes that the afflictions and suffering of the world arise from the various attachments of the human mind to the external environment. If one can sever these attachments, transform delusion into enlightenment, and revert to the original mind, one will reach the nirvana of “eternity, bliss, self, and purity” and attain a life of freedom, peace, and joy. Therefore, before departing from the world, Huineng instructed his disciples as follows: “When self-nature is realized, the sentient being is a Buddha. When it is under delusion, the Buddha becomes a sentient being. The sentient being who understands that self-nature is the same in all beings is a Buddha. When a person’s self-nature is evil and malicious, he is a sentient being.” “Nothing can be established outside your mind because all things or phenomena are generated from your mind. Therefore, the s¯utra says, ‘When the mind is active, various things come into being, and when it ceases to be active, all things disappear.’”114 The essence of the Chan method is as follows: (1) both Buddha and Mara [the demon] exist inside and not outside the mind; (2) bringing forth kindness can transform Mara into Buddha; (3) enlightenment to attain Buddhahood must involve eradicating heresy; and (4) by returning to self-nature, all humans can attain Buddhahood. Zen Buddhism, as a type of belief psychology, has profound significance and is worth learning from. Although it is not true that all the suffering of the world is caused entirely by heresy, we cannot deny that a significant portion of afflictions in life are caused by the three poisons of greed, hatred, and delusion, that is, “bringing trouble upon oneself.” We can often find examples of people in life who forgo the straight and narrow, choosing instead to provoke problems and create trouble for themselves. Even in cases of social afflictions, such as war, aggression, oppression, and conflicts––are these also not caused by the greed, ambition, arrogance, hatred, delusions, and other similar psychological demons of a small group of people with agendas of their own? Therefore, for humanity to advance toward peace, tranquility, and happiness, not only is continuous improvement in material life required, but also the level of spiritual civility. It is only by upholding the goodness of human nature, overcoming a variety of vices, and developing a strong mental state of goodness, tolerance, and serenity that we can diminish the suffering of the world and move

112

Feng Youlan. A Short History of Chinese Philosophy. Translated by Tu Youguang. Peking University Press, 1985, p. 276. 113 Mou Zhongjian. The Manuscripts on Daoist Philosophy and Daoism as a Religion. China Religious Culture Publisher, 2014, p. 315. 114 Annotated by Ding Fubao. Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, pp. 192–193.

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forward on the path of Great Unity. This is the wisdom of Zen Buddhism, from which everyone can learn.

5.4.4 Influence of the Sui and Tang Buddhism on Chinese Society and Culture During the Sui and Tang Dynasties, Buddhism was a novel, thriving faith culture with a fresh vitality. This was reflected not only in its own growth and innovation but also in its powerful far-reaching influence on all aspects of social life. (1) Dharma Assemblies, Feast Gatherings, Public Welfare and Charity Buddhist festivals and gatherings included Buddha’s birthday, the Ullambana Festival, and vegetarian feasts for Buddhist monks. The Buddhist temples were used as a platform to hold religious ceremonies, such as incense burning, scripture reading, praying to Buddha, and scripture chanting. Feast gatherings were also held, where vegetarian food was provided to the monks and the public. These events were not only a kind of public welfare activity but meaningful in other ways as well, such as gatherings to pray for rain or for blessings, eliminate calamities, and repay kindnesses. Hence, they were often major occasions that drew large crowds. There were also Buddhist devotional societies, which were mainly centered on lay believers but were assisted by monks. The most active among them were the Pure Land Society and Huayan Society. They served to facilitate regular interactions between Buddhism and the public. In addition, larger monasteries also established compassion-field infirmaries, which administered medicine, treated diseases, rescued orphans, and relieved the poor, thus forming an integral part of social welfare. (2) Buddhism and Chinese Philosophy Buddhism is a philosophical religion involving advanced and sophisticated theoretical thinking. Not only did it make up for the shortcomings of Confucianism in spiritual transcendence, but it also elevated the level of abstract thinking in Daoism, and so was popular among Chinese scholars. As a result, the Buddhism of the Sui and Tang Dynasties formed an important stage of development in the history of Chinese philosophical thought. (3) Buddhism and Chinese Language and Literature Buddhism has greatly enriched Chinese language, Chinese words and phrases, for example, shijie (世界the world); rushi (如实truthfully); shiji (实际reality); pingdeng (平等equality); xiangdui (相对relative); juedui (绝对absolute); tihui (体 会experience); juewu (觉悟enlightenment); chana (刹那a split-second [i.e., ks.an.a]); bi’an (彼岸the other-shore); yinyuan (因缘causes and conditions); fannao (烦 恼mental afflictions); jietuo (解脱liberation); fangbian (方便convenience [i.e., up¯aya]); zhishi (知识knowledge); qinggui jielv (清规戒律regulations of clarity, precepts, and rules); yizhenjianxie (一针见血to see blood on the first prick of the

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needle (i.e., getting to the truth with a single pertinent remark); yi tanzhijian (一弹指 间in a snap of the fingers [i.e., in an instant]); wutitoudi (五体投地to prostrate the five body parts (both hands/elbows, both knees, and head) to the ground [i.e., to adulate someone]); gongdewuliang (功德无量immeasurable merit and virtue); bukesiyi (不 可思议 unfathomable); jiedahuanxi (皆大欢喜great delight for all); daqianshijie (大 千世界 trichiliocosm); jiehua xianfo (借花献佛presenting Buddha with borrowed flowers [i.e., “to win favor, use someone else’s property”]), and so on. All of these contain a vivid expressiveness. As Zhao Puchu claims, “If we are to lay out Buddhist culture completely, I fear that even words will not be sufficient.”115 In terms of literature, many Buddhist scriptures are themselves elegant literary works, such as the Weimojie Jing [Vimalakirti Sutra], Lotus Sutra, Lengyan Jing ´ura˙ngama Sutra], and Baiyu Jing [Sutra of a Hundred Parables]. The Bianwen [S¯ (i.e., transformation texts), which was prevalent in the Tang Dynasty, was a new literary form that was derived from the evolution of Buddhist scriptures into vernacular prosimetric literature. As described by Zheng Zhenduo, “Since the Tang Dynasty, many subsequent emerging literary forms in China were forever imprinted by this pattern of combined prose and verse. The Buddhist monks who delivered these prosimetric transformation texts contributed most significantly to the spread of this new literary structure. The rhyming style of the transformation texts has been preserved to this day in the form of Baojuan (i.e., precious scrolls), Tanci (i.e., plucking rhymes), and Guci (i.e., drumming rhymes). This is truly a long legacy derived from a delicate source.”116 In addition, Sujiang (i.e., secular sermons), which began in early Tang and flourished in mid-Tang, emerged at the same time as the transformation texts. This literary form involved the secular singing and chanting of the Buddhist scriptures, to which interesting stories were added. Together with the transformation texts, these secular sermons brought folk literature to a whole new stage of development that enriched the spiritual life of the public. Under the influence of Zen Buddhism, Zen poetry blossomed in the Tang Dynasty, characterized by its introduction of Chan into poetry, the use of poetry to interpret Chan, and an emphasis on rationality and artistic conception. The poets themselves were sometimes Zen masters or else literati who favored Chan. The interplay of poetry and Chan can be attributed to the fact that they are both born of inspiration and insight, and are both expressed in images, which produces an internal consistency between them. Thus, the artistic expression of poetry can enhance the appeal of Chan, while the enlightenment of Chan can strengthen the profundity of poetry. (4) Buddhism and the Arts Music and dance in the Tang Dynasty were both heavily influenced by Buddhism and Daoism, which gave rise to a delicate, elegant, and airy style. As an example, Bai Juyi provides a wonderful description of this in Nishang Yuyi Ge [Song of Rainbow 115

Zhao Puchu. The Relation between Buddhism and Chinese Culture. Chinese Literature and History, 1986 (10), pp. 3–9. 116 Zheng Zhenduo. A History of Chinese Popular Literature. Huashan Literature and Art Publishing House, 1998, pp. 166–167.

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Dress and Feather Gown]: “The graceful turns are as light as floating snow; the steps of the lovely maiden are as flighty as a frightened dragon.” Buddhist music flourished in the Tang Dynasty. It was performed not only in monasteries but also in the imperial court and among the people. Emperor Yizong decorated the palace on Buddha’s birthday as though it were a temple, and the court musician, Li Kezi, “choreographed a dance with more than a hundred people to the Bodhisattva tune”117 ; “the dance [arranged to] the Bodhisattva tune felt as if the Buddha had been reborn.”118 In addition, Han Yu wrote a poem that said, “Buddhist scriptures were chanted on the streets to the east and to the west; the striking of bells and the blowing of conch shells reverberated through the imperial court,”119 which gives a vivid account of the popularity of Buddhist music. The art of grotto statues and mural painting reached a new scale and new aesthetic heights in the Sui and Tang Dynasties. The Longmen Grottoes in Luoyang sparked a new fad in rock relief. Among them, the Feng Xian Si (i.e., Ancestor Worshipping temple) grotto was supervised by Wu Zetian herself, and is impressive in its magnificence and majesty. The statue of Vairocana Buddha in the middle is 17.14 m high, depicting the Buddha in a dignified posture with a peaceful, elegant, and compassionate expression, embodying the broad-minded Buddhist mindset of “great unconditional compassion, and great mercy arising from common nature.” This aweinspiring work of art is a masterpiece among religious statues throughout the ages. The Longmen statues no longer belonged to the “fine and delicate” style of old, but instead captured the richness, regality, grace, humaneness, and affability that is characteristic of human figure art in the Tang Dynasty. The Tang Dynasty’s religious statues of the Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes are richer in color than in previous ages, with realistic skin-like texture, and full and round faces that are stern and noble but also modest and kind. Mount Wutai of Shanxi is believed to be the bodhimanda of the Bodhisattva Mañju´sr¯ı. It is also the site of the Nanshan Temple, which was built in the Tang Dynasty and contains 17 Buddhist statues, including those of Shakyamuni, Mañju´sr¯ı, Samantabhadra, and the Heavenly Kings. The Great East Hall of Foguang Temple was rebuilt in the late Tang Dynasty, and its Buddhist statues were made in the artistic style of the Tang Dynasty. During the Zhenyuan reign, the Leshan Giant Maitreya Buddha was carved into the Lingyun Mountain of Sichuan, which is 36 decameter high, its head 10 decameter around, and eyes two decameter wide. The statue exudes an air of somber magnificence, its lofty vision cast far and wide. It is currently the largest surviving Buddha statue, reflecting the majestic aura of the Great Tang Dynasty, and is one of the rare wonders of the world. In addition, famous painters such as Wu Daozi were attracted by Buddhism, and devoted themselves to the creation of grotto and temple murals. Wu Daozi painted more than 300 murals in his lifetime, with myriad lifelike figures capturing the effect of “heavenly robes flying in the air, filled with the movement of the wind.” His murals portrayed the bliss of the heavenly realm, the compassion of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, the 117

Tian Qing (Ed.). Chinese Religious Music. China Religious Culture Publisher, 1997, p. 13. Tian Qing (Ed.). Chinese Religious Music. China Religious Culture Publisher, 1997, p. 14. 119 Tian Qing (Ed.). Chinese Religious Music. China Religious Culture Publisher, 1997, p. 14. 118

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beauty of the dancing goddesses, and the courage of the Dharmapalas, and conveyed a strong sense of artistic appeal.

5.5 Comprehensive Review of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism During the Sui and Tang Dynasties 5.5.1 New Patterns of the Relationship Between the Three Teachings In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the relationship among Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism exhibited a new pattern that differed from the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties. First, each of the three teachings had reached a national scale as major religions in the unified empire, especially in the Tang Empire. All three had established a firm footing within the country, thus forming a genuine tripartite trend, and serving as the three major spiritual pillars of the Chinese nation. During the two Han Dynasties, Confucianism held a monopoly that was supplemented by Huang-Lao Daoism, whereas Buddhism had only just begun to emerge. During the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, the development of the three teachings was extremely uneven, fluctuating wildly across different eras and regimes. For example, the Confucian classical studies of the north and south were markedly disparate; Daoism flourished in Northern Wei, whereas Buddhism thrived in Southern Liang, with none having a national center. After the consolidation of the Tang Dynasty, Confucian classical studies were unified and combined with state governance and the imperial examination system, thus occupying an unshakable position of dominance in the country’s political, moral, and cultural life. By relying on the imperial power of the Li family and the theoretical innovations of Daoist scholars, Daoism became a formidable cultural force in the nation. As for Buddhism, significant progress was made in the sinicization of its doctrines and its popularization among the people, which led to a period of thriving prosperity. Second, with respect to national policies for the administration of culture and religion, the Tang Dynasty learned from the outcomes of the debates among the three teachings during the Northern and Southern Dynasties, thereby forming a nationally unified policy of jointly revering all Three Teachings, as well as an administrative system of both Buddhist and Daoist officials. This system included the state’s necessary regulation of religious personnel, venues, activities, and scale, as well as the establishment of stricter rules and precepts for self-discipline within the religions themselves. The country adopted a very open attitude toward Buddhism and Daoism in terms of beliefs, but implemented more rigorous management at the level of social entities and activities. The purpose of this approach was to resolve the conflicts caused by the superfluity of monasteries and monks, which could affect

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the country’s tax revenues. Despite the ups and downs across different periods, with aberrations occurring at certain points in time, the national policy remained stable for the most part. Confucianism served as orthodoxy, and was supplemented by Daoism and Buddhism, which formed a national policy that could persist as a tradition. Third, there were also frictions and conflicts among the three teachings, such as Fu Yi’s and Han Yu’s anti-Buddhism. However, these sentiments did not escalate into dominant trends of social thought. In fact, the three teachings endeavored to learn from each other, and gradually drew closer. The main principle of their syncretism was “divergent paths but convergent destination,” which allowed them to acknowledge their individual differences. At the same time, they earnestly searched for mutual consistencies in their overarching goals and basic doctrines, while also asserting their own stance as the dominant teaching and incorporating the others within themselves. At this point, the syncretism of the three teachings had begun to reap results, the Chongxuan School had emerged in Daoism, and the Chan was transformed in Buddhism, each forging a new world for themselves. This leaves only Confucianism, whose incorporation of Buddhism and Daoism was in its infancy, and its political advantage had not been effectively translated into academic advantage. Liu Zongyuan, Liu Yuxi, and Li Ao were among the early pioneers in the formative years of Neo-Confucianism.

5.5.2 Zongmi, A Theorist on the Integration of the Three Teachings, and Daoxuan, A Literary Scholar on the Relationship Between the Three Teachings 5.5.2.1

Zongmi and Yuanren Lun [Discourses on the Origin of Humanity]

Zongmi, a native of Xichong in Guozhou, was born in the first year of the Jianzhong era under the reign of Emperor Dezong, and died in the first year of the Huichang era under the reign of Emperor Wuzong. He studied Zen Buddhism in his youth, trained under the Chan master Daoyuan of the Heze School, and was later ordained as a monk; he then went on to study Huayan Buddhism under Chengguan. He is also known to the world as Master Guifeing. Zongmi’s Buddhist ideas syncretized Zen Buddhism within the religion, and syncretized the three teachings beyond the religion. In his view, Confucianism and Daoism were beneficial to the wielding of power and expedient preaching. However, when it came to the Original Way, only Buddhism could reach the primordial source, and thoroughly address all the mysteries of life and the universe. In addition, Zongmi classified the different schools within Buddhism, believing that they differed in depth and superficiality and should be ranked accordingly. Thus, he divided Buddhism into five ranks: (1) the teachings of humanity and heaven; (2) the teachings of the Lesser Vehicle; (3) the teachings of the Phenomenal Appearances

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of the Dharma within the Greater Vehicle; (4) the teachings that Refute the Phenomenal Appearances of the Dharma within the Greater Vehicle; and (5) the teachings of the One Vehicle that Reveals the Nature. He posited that the first four teachings were either superficial or one-sided, and only the fifth teaching was the “true teaching of the ultimate meaning of the Buddha.”120 It teaches that “all sentient beings without exception have the intrinsically enlightened, true mind. From [time] without beginning, it is permanently abiding and immaculate. It is shining, un-obscured, clear and bright, ever-present awareness. It is called the Buddha-nature, and it is also called the tathagatagarbha (i.e., the treasure store of suchness).”121 Thus, it is only when we “base our actions on the Buddha’s actions, and identify our minds with Buddha’s mind, return to the origin and revert to the source, and cut off our residue of ignorance”122 that we can attain Buddhahood. This is the core idea of the Discourses on the Origin of Humanity. In his external (i.e., external to his own religion) integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, Zongmi elevated Buddhism above the other two teachings. Similarly, in his internal integration of the various schools within Buddhism, he elevated the Huayan School above all others. His guiding notion was the Huayan School’s concept of the “perfect interpenetration of the one and the many,” wherein there is only one truth, but the truth can be conceived of in many different ways. Therefore, he believed it was necessary to give each of the three teachings their proper place. Feng Youlan writes in the second volume of A History of Chinese Philosophy that Zongmi “provided a conclusion to the preceding Buddhism, and a prelude to the succeeding Neo-Confucianism. In general, the preparations for the emergence of Neo-Confucianism in the Song and Ming Dynasties were gradually being completed.”123 Feng Youlan further commented on Zongmi’s Discourse in A New History of Chinese Philosophy, “The Discourse on the Origin of Humanity states that it ‘includes even Confucianism and Daoism [in its reconciliation of root and branch],’” which hints at the arrival of Neo-Confucianism in the Song and Ming Dynasties. In reality, the teachings of the One Vehicle That Reveals the Nature described in this Discourse had already provided Neo-Confucianism with its basic content.”124

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(Tang Dynasty) Zong Mi. The Discourse on the Origin of Humanity. In The Great Buddhist Cannon, Volume 45, p. 710. 121 (Tang Dynasty) Zong Mi. The Discourse on the Origin of Humanity. In The Great Buddhist Cannon, Volume 45, p. 710. 122 (Tang Dynasty) Zong Mi. The Discourse on the Origin of Humanity. In The Great Buddhist Cannon, Volume 45, p. 710. 123 Feng Youlan. Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 3. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 249. 124 Feng Youlan. A New History of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 2. People’s Publishing House, 1998, p. 553.

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Daoxuan and Guang Hongming Ji [Extended Collection on the Clarification and Propagation of Buddhism]

Daoxuan, a native of Dantu, was born in the sixteenth year of the Kaihuang era in the Sui Dynasty, and died in the second year of the Qianfeng era under the reign of Emperor Gaozong. He once participated in the work of scriptural translation presided over by Xuanzang, studied the Vinaya under Zhishou, and was a representative figure of the Nanshan Vinaya School. He compiled the 30-volume Guang Hongming Ji [Extended Collection on the Clarification and Propagation of Buddhism], which was another undertaking to collate the important documents that study the relationship among Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, as well as the history of Buddhism, thus continuing the work of Seng You’s Hongming Ji [Collection on the Clarification and Propagation of Buddhism] from the Southern Liang Dynasty. Daoxuan selected a series of precious Buddhist essays, debates, imperial edicts, and other documents from the Wei and Jin Dynasties to the Sui and Tang Dynasties, and provided individual introductions and notes for each piece. He not only supplemented the omissions in the original Collection, but also included relevant historical documents until the reign of Emperor Gaozong that came after, thus giving credit to important figures who had been left out of the official history and biographies of eminent monks. Both he and Sengyou embodied the confidence and forbearance of their faith, and hence were able to include essays that criticized Buddhism, and presented an authentic account for the debate on both sides. This is an especially commendable point in both. The Extended Collection included 444 essays by more than 130 authors. Important essays include Dai Kui’s Shiyi Lun [Discourse on Dispelling Doubts], He Chengtian’s Baoyingwen [Questions on Retribution], Dao’an’s (Northern Zhou) Erjiao Lun [Discourse on the Two Teachings], Zhen Luan’s Xiaodao Lun [Discourse on Laughing at the Daoists], Shen Yue’s Junsheng Lun [Discourse on the Equal Sanctity], Falin’s Poxie Lun [Discourse on Refuting the False], Li Shizheng’s Neide Lun [Discourse on Inner Virtue], Emperor Wu of Liang’s Shu Sanjiao Shi [A Poem Describing the three teachings], and Yan Zhitui’s Guixin Pian [Essay on Returning to the Heart]. Daoxuan wrote 36 essays in the Extended Collection, which included the general preface and 10 sub-prefaces. Although Daoxuan’s compilation of the Extended Collection included essays from all Three Teachings, his aim was to propagate and clarify the Buddhist teachings, and so his subjectivity was evident. As noted by Sengyou in the Afterword of the original Collection, “The Collection for the Propagation and Clarification [of Buddhism] I have compiled is intended to guard the dharma against [heretical] insults. It consists of erudite people’s well-intentioned discussions and distinguished scholars’ excellent statements. It is also completely equipped with the fort that will destroy evils and break delusions, and the moat that will propagate the [Buddhist] Way and protect the dharma.”125 Daoxuan’s compilation and selection in the Extended Collection not only attempts to demonstrate that on a theoretical level the three teachings can co-exist, but that 125

(Southern Liang Dynasty) Seng You. The Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism, Volume 14. In The Great Buddhist Cannon, Volume 52, p. 95.

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Buddhism is superior. It also serves to summarize past experiences and lessons on the relationship between the state and religion, through which he tries to explain that those in power should not abolish Buddhism but promote it, as it can adapt to the needs of Chinese society and play a positive role. In addition, he believes that promoting Buddhism is a wise move, whereas persecuting it will inevitably bring about disaster. Moreover, he proposes that the Buddhist community should strive to gain the understanding, affinity, and support of the ruler and ministers to ensure its smooth development. Daoxuan paid particular attention to summarizing the relationship between imperial power and Buddhism. Under the premise of recognizing the dominance of the state and the auxiliary role of religion, he urged those in power to accord Buddhism with the respect it deserves and to place it in its legitimate position above Daoism, thereby achieving his ideal of a balanced relationship among Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism.

Chapter 6

Profound Theoretical Integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, and the Climax of Theoretical Innovation (The Song, Liao, Jin, Western Xia, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties)

The period from the founding of the Northern Song Dynasty to the fall of the Ming Dynasty (960–1644 CE) spanned over 700 years. Politically, unity was juxtaposed with division, stability alternated with upheaval, and ethnic wars were frequent. Economically, the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties all prospered for a time; the prevalence of private ownership by landlords replaced the monopoly of eminent families while agriculture, industry, and commerce flourished. In terms of education, the imperial examination system was fully developed and the standing of the scholar class had risen even further. With respect to ideology and culture, in-depth progress was made in their diversification and integration with tradition, giving rise to an unprecedented vitality in academic thought and successive peaks in theoretical innovations. During this period, the relationship among the three teachings— Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism—reached a new stage of development. First, over the course of their interactions, Buddhism had previously achieved its theoretical peak in the form of Zen Buddhism and was followed by the theoretical peak of Confucianism in the form of the Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming Dynasties, comprising three major schools: Lixue (the School of Principle), Xinxue (the School of Mind), and Qixue (the School of Qi). This, in turn, was succeeded by the theoretical peak of Daoism in the form of Making Inner Alchemy for Immortality of the Jin, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties, all of which significantly enriched the philosophical wisdom of the Chinese people. Second, the three teachings broke through the theory of “divergent paths but a convergent destination” and the functional model of “all things lead to goodness” between the Jin and Tang Dynasties. Instead, they entered a period of mutual infiltration and interpenetration, thus forming a tightly interwoven pattern of “I am in you, and you are in me” among all three teachings. Third, the central issues arising from the discussions among the three teachings had shifted from the relationship between heaven and humankind to topics concerning Xin (Mind) and Xing (Nature), while also highlighting the central role of the theory of Mind in academic research, which eventually developed into a Zeitgeist or spirit of the age. Despite constant disputes and criticisms among scholars of the three teachings, the teachings themselves were in fact more similar than ever before in terms of © People’s Publishing House 2023 Z. Mou, A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7206-5_6

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their insights. Furthermore, the ideas of “three teachings, one family” and “division of labor and cooperation” were widespread and extremely popular. A key feature of this period was the emergence of talented Confucians who played an active role in the center stage of literature, history, politics, and economics in society. Fan Zhongyan was the spiritual leader of the Qingli era in the Northern Song Dynasty. He was a Confucian politician and thinker, whose attitude toward Buddhism and Daoism was to praise their principles but restrict their actions. Ouyang Xiu was a Confucian master of the Northern Song Dynasty, and although he refuted Buddhism and Daoism, he did not advocate attacks against them. Instead, he believed that one should “surpass them through self-cultivation.”1 With respect to Daoist philosophy and religion, he believed that “The highest wisdom is to follow nature, the second is inner cultivation to eliminate maladies, and the last is the delusional pursuit of immortality,”2 so the three must be treated differently. In the early Song Dynasty, the three masters, Hu Yuan, Sun Fu, and Shi Jie, were the pioneers of the Confucian revival while Sima Guang was adept at integrating Confucianism with Buddhism. The Shu School of the Three Sus (Su Xun, Su Shi and Su Zhe) was more open in nature. The father and the two sons of the Su family were meticulous in their study and understanding of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism while also approaching the philosophy of Zhuangzi and Zen Buddhism with an artistic temperament. Certain conservative Confucians denounced the Shu School as being unorthodox due to its belief in Buddhism. However, this can be seen as a form of prejudice, because most Confucian scholars at that time had incorporated Buddhism and Daoism into their thinking regardless of whether they claimed to reject Buddhism: This syncretism was the ideological trend of their time. During the Song and Yuan Dynasties, there were numerous schools of thought in the humanities, giving rise to innumerable talents and eminent figures. The successors of the school of the Two Chengs (Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi) included Yang Shi and Xie Liangzuo. Those who lived during or after the time of Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan of the Southern Song Dynasty included Zhang Shi, Lv Zuqian, Huang Gan, Chen Chun, Zhen Dexiu, Wei Liaoweng, and Wang Yinglin. During the Yuan Dynasty, great Confucianists such as Zhao Fu and Xu Heng devoted themselves to promoting the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle, thus elevating it as part of the official education, and the Sishu Zhangju Jizhu (Collected Commentaries of the Four Books) gradually became the model answers to the imperial examination. In the early Ming Dynasty, famous Confucian scholars in the realm of politics included Song Lian, Liu Ji, Fang Xiaoru, and Xue Xuan. Scholars who came before Wang Shouren’s School of Mind included Chen Xianzhang and Zhan Ruoshui, while those who came after included Zou Shouyi, Qian Dehong, Wang Ji, Geng Dingxiang, Liu Zongzhou, Wang Gen, He Xinyin, Li Zhi, Yan Jun, Luo Rufang, Lv Kun, and Jiao 1

Selected and annotated by Huang Gongzhu. Anthology of Ouyang Xiu. Hubei Chongwen Publishing House, 2014, p. 6. 2 Zhang Chunlin (Ed). Complete Works of Ouyang Xiu. China Literature and History Press, 1999, p. 426.

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Hong. Under the influence of a relaxed cultural environment and the individualistic thinking of the School of Mind, there emerged yet another movement in ideological liberation and a lively literary and artistic atmosphere reminiscent of the Contention of the Hundred Schools of Thought in the history of Chinese culture, which followed in the footsteps of the pre-Qin and the Wei-Jin eras. In addition to the academia, there also emerged a group of military administrators, including Gao Gong, Zhang Juzheng, Hai Rui, and Qi Jiguang; a group of scientists and technologists, such as Li Shizhen, Xu Xiake, Xu Guangqi, and Song Yingxing; and a group of writers and artists, including Xu Wei, Tang Xianzu, Yuan Hongdao, Feng Menglong, and Ling Mengchu. It is evident from history that a culture flourishes only when it is open.

6.1 Major Changes in the Study of Confucian Classics 6.1.1 The Four Books Became the Core Canon of Confucianism and Their Promotion in the Imperial Examination The greatest change in the Confucian Classical Studies of the Song Dynasty was the elevation of the Mencius from Zishu (the works of ancient philosophers) to a classic, thus forming the Thirteen Classics. Furthermore, two chapters of the Liji (The Book of Rites)—Daxue (The Great Learning) and Zhongyong (The Doctrine of the Mean)—were listed as individual works. Zhu Xi grouped The Great Learning, The Doctrine of the Mean, Lunyu (The Analects), and the Mencius together as the “Four Books” and devoted his entire life to compiling the Collected Commentaries of the Four Books. This work had a far-reaching influence that resulted in the elevation of the “Four Books” to the level of the “Five Classics.” Zhu Xi believed that the “classic” part of The Great Learning lies in the “words of Confucius as narrated by Zengzi,” and the “commentary” is the “meaning of Zengzi as recorded by his disciples,” while The Doctrine of the Mean was the “methods of the mind taught by the disciples of Confucius” that was later “written down by Zisi, who imparted it to Mencius.” Thus, the combination of The Great Learning, The Doctrine of the Mean, The Analects, and the Mencius represents a Confucian orthodoxy that was passed from Confucius to Zengzi and Zisi and then to Mencius. Zhu Xi believed that he and the Cheng brothers were the successors and advocates of this dying Confucian lineage. During the Yanyou era of the Yuan Dynasty, the imperial examination was reinstated, and the Collected Commentaries of the Four Books was the standard reading for the examinations, and the status of the “Four Books” later surpassed that of the “Five Classics.” The “Four Books” embodied the life ideals and value pursuits of the Way of Confucius and Mencius. Compared to the tedium and complexity of the “Five Classics,” the “Four Books” presented clear themes, profound insights, and simple language, which meant that it was easily popularized. Furthermore, it also contained Zhu Xi’s incisive annotations, which could evoke the reader’s conscience

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and tug at their heartstrings. Therefore, the “Four Books” later became the main classical foundation upon which moral teachings was based in the later periods of traditional society.

6.1.2 The Development of Classics Studies Exceeds Han Exegesis and Advocates Song Rational Studies Pi Xirui’s Jingxue Lishi (History of Classical Scholarship) described the Northern Song Dynasty as “a period of reform in the classical studies.”3 This was an apt sentiment, because he observed the remarkable changes in the style of classical studies after the Qingli era, which was no longer mired in the study of chapter and verse, while the study of the “Five Classics” had departed from the expository commentary of the Han and Tang Dynasties and had found its own path. The Confucian classical studies of the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties truly represented a completely new stage of development in its history. In the process of supporting Buddhism and integrating Daoism, it found innovative interpretations of the Confucian classics, focused on the issues of Mind and Nature, lifted the Confucian moral culture to the metaphysical level, and established an orthodox system that came to be known as Neo-Confucianism. This school of thought had a significant impact on the establishment of social politics and institutions and developed into a mainstream ideology in the later periods of traditional Chinese society.

6.1.3 Three Major Features of the Study of Confucian Classics During the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties (1) Deeper Theoretical Levels were Attained in the Integration of Buddhism and Daoism, which allowed Neo-Confucianism to be interconnected with, and surpass, Buddhism and Daoism Chen Yinke pointed out, “From the Qin Dynasty to the present day, the evolution of Chinese thinking has unfolded over a lengthy period of time. In a word, [its immortality] can be attributed to one major event, that of the birth of Neo-Confucianism and its propagation.”4 He believed that Buddhism served as a catalyst for the emergence of Neo-Confucianism. With respect to Daoist philosophy and religion, Chen also pointed out that “All Neo-Confucian doctrines seem to contain some elements of

3 (Qing Dynasty) Pi Xirui. Annotated by Zhou Yutong. History of Classical Scholarship. Zhonghua Book Company, 1959, p. 220. 4 Feng Youlan. Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 3. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 460.

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Daoism, or to be preceded by Buddhism that is related to Daoism.”5 He affirmed that this Chinese tradition that embraces both open-mindedness and adherence to its roots “is truly capable of forming its own system of thought. Those who achieved success must, on the one hand, absorb external doctrines, while, on the other hand, must not forget the status of their original people. These two opposing yet complementary attitudes are the true spirit of Daoism and the old approach of Neo-Confucianism. This is evident from the two-thousand-year history of communication between the people of my nation with those of other nations.”6 (2) The Main Classical Texts of Neo-Confucianism are the Zhouyi (The Book of Changes) and the Four Books The Neo-Confucians of the Song and Ming Dynasties showed a preference for the Book of Changes and the Four Books because these classics are imbued with a strong philosophical rationality and theories on the value of life. Based on this, they were able to expound on the ultimate concern of the universe, society, and life and thus construct a world with a new meaning. (3) In Their Devotion to Exploring the Subjective Spiritual World, the Mainstream Schools of Neo-Confucian Classical Studies Neglected Statecraft In the language of traditional discourse, Neo-Confucianism was strong in its inner sageliness but weak in its outer kingliness, and hence could not fully meet the nation’s needs in its vigorous development. The basic tenets of Confucius’s Confucianism are to “cultivate the self so as to give rest to the people”7 and “to cultivate the self, regulate the family, govern the state, and bring peace to all under Heaven.”8 Therefore, one must think about both conducting oneself and handling affairs, to complete the self and the world. The Cheng-Zhu School of Principle and the Lu-Wang School of Mind failed to provide feasible plans for enriching the state, bringing stability to the people, or strengthening the army. Instead, they focused their efforts solely on “preserving heavenly principles and destroying human desire” and “attaining supreme conscience”, whereas the practical application of their doctrines was regarded as an incidental problem that could easily be resolved. According to Wang Shouren, however, he attained remarkable achievements in both his scholarship and military career. He not only established the School of Mind but also made significant contributions by successfully leading his troops to suppress the revolts led by Zhu Chenhao and others, which made him a rarity in the history of Confucianism. Nevertheless, he failed to effectively incorporate the experiences of his social enterprises into his doctrines. Scholars such as Ye Shi, Chen Liang, and later Wang Tingxiang criticized Neo-Confucianism from a perspective external to it, and they opposed the “bowing 5

Feng Youlan. Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 3. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 461. 6 Feng Youlan. Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 3. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 462. 7 Annotated by Yang Bojun and Yang Fengbin. The Analects. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 142. 8 See The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 222.

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of head and folding of arms in the discourse on Nature and Existence.” However, they were not part of the mainstream schools and were unable to alter the academic trends of Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism.

6.2 Deep Assimilation of Buddhism and Daoism by Neo-Confucianism During the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties 6.2.1 The Founders of Neo-Confucianism, Zhou Dunyi and Shao Yong, and Their Theoretical Characteristics (1) Zhou Dunyi’s Neo-Confucianism—Inheriting from Daoism and Learning from Buddhism The theories of Zhou Dunyi were based on The Book of Changes and The Doctrine of the Mean and were profoundly influenced by Laozi’s Daoist philosophy and religion. At the same time, his theories were also drawn from Buddhism and syncretically embodied all three teachings. Zhou Dunyi’s Taiji Tushuo (Diagram Explaining the Great ultimate) is a return to the Daoist cosmogenesis based on drawing nourishment from Chen Tuan’s Wuji Tu (Diagram of the Non-Ultimate) and synthesizing The Book of Changes with the Laozi. Its innovations lie in the following points: 1. “The Non-Ultimate is the Great ultimate.”9 Here, he proposes the concept of the “Non-Ultimate” and places it before the “Great ultimate.” This is clearly an application of the philosophical cosmogonic thinking from Laozi’s “The Way produced One.” The “Way” is the primordial state of the universe; it is “potential” and “nothingness,” that is, the “Non-Ultimate.” However, the “One” it gives rise to is “undivided chaos”; it is “being,” that is, the “Great ultimate.” This idea conforms to the understanding of contemporary British cosmologist Stephen Hawking, who believed that the “universe was created from nothing.” 2. The “Great ultimate” gives rise to yin, yang, and the Five Phases. This theory goes beyond the cosmogonic paradigm of the Yizhuan (The Commentary on the Book of Changes) and blends with the ideas of the School of yin–yang. Thus, “The Great ultimate through movement generates yang. When its activity reaches its limit, it becomes tranquil. Through tranquility, the Great ultimate generates yin. When tranquility reaches its limit, activity begins again. Thus, movement and tranquility alternate and become the root of each other, giving rise to the

9

Edited by the Editorial and Research Center of Confucian Canon, PKU. Confucian Canon, the “Essence” Volume 186). Peking University Press, 2014, p. 12.

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distinction between yin and yang, and these two modes are thus established.”10 He then employs the Five Material Forces to explain the Five Phases and also integrates yin–yang, the Four Seasons, and the Five Phases into one. 3. It “establishes the ultimate standard for humankind,” which is “moderation, correctness, humaneness, and righteousness, considering tranquility to be the ruling factor.”11 This is the standard established by the sages for all humans. Zhou believed that among all the myriad things, “it is the human alone who receives [the material forces] in their highest excellence, and therefore he is most intelligent.”12 Thus, one should take “humaneness and righteousness” as the Way to conduct oneself, while also “being tranquil by having no desire,” which implies that one should embrace simplicity and have few desires. In this way, he succeeds in combining the Confucianism of Confucius and Mencius with the Daoism of Laozi and Zhuangzi in the way of self-cultivation. The theory of cosmogenesis established in the Diagram Explaining the Great ultimate became the cosmogonic model recognized by later Daoists, while its doctrine of “humaneness, righteousness, and considering tranquility to be the ruling factor” had an enormous impact on Neo-Confucianism. Zhou Dunyi’s Tongshu (Penetrating the Book of Changes) uses the principles of the Book of Changes to discuss the concept of cheng (sincerity): 1. The Tongshu discusses the origin of sincerity: “‘Great is the heavenly principle, the Originator. All things obtain their beginning from it.’ It is the source of sincerity.”13 2. It discusses the establishment of sincerity: “‘The Way of the heavenly principle is to change and transform, so that everything obtains its correct nature and destiny.’ In this way, sincerity is established.”14 3. It discusses the quality of sincerity: “It is pure and perfectly good.”15 4. It discusses the substance and function of sincerity. “‘The state of absolute quiet and inactivity’ is sincerity. The spirit is that which, ‘when acted on, immediately penetrates all things.’”16 The substance of sincerity is tranquility and illumination, while the function of sincerity is movement and activity. 10

Edited by the Editorial and Research Center of Confucian Canon, PKU. Confucian Canon, the “Essence” Volume 186). Peking University Press, 2014, p. 12. 11 Edited by the Editorial and Research Center of Confucian Canon, PKU. Confucian Canon, the “Essence” Volume 186). Peking University Press, 2014, p. 14. 12 Edited by the Editorial and Research Center of Confucian Canon, PKU. Confucian Canon, the “Essence” Volume 186). Peking University Press, 2014, p. 14. 13 Edited by the Editorial and Research Center of Confucian Canon, PKU. Confucian Canon, the “Essence” Volume 186). Peking University Press, 2014, p. 31. 14 Edited by the Editorial and Research Center of Confucian Canon, PKU. Confucian Canon, the “Essence” Volume 186). Peking University Press, 2014, p. 31. 15 Edited by the Editorial and Research Center of Confucian Canon, PKU. Confucian Canon, the “Essence” Volume 186). Peking University Press, 2014, p. 31. 16 Edited by the Editorial and Research Center of Confucian Canon, PKU. Confucian Canon, the “Essence” Volume 186). Peking University Press, 2014, p. 34.

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5. It discusses the place of sincerity: “Being a sage is nothing more than being sincere. Being sincere is the foundation of the Five Constant [Virtues] and the source of a hundred actions.”17 Therefore, attaining sagehood is to conduct oneself with utmost sincerity, to do good and eliminate evil, and to be authentic without deceit. This is the foundation of learning to become a sage. The Tongshu expounds on the “establishment of the ultimate standard for humankind” in the Diagram Explaining the Great ultimate, interconnecting the physical with the metaphysical and raising sincerity to the core position of “honoring one’s virtuous nature, and maintaining constant inquiry and study.”18 Thus, it truly captures the spiritual essence of Confucius and Mencius’s Confucianism, which is to transform the Way of Great Learning of cultivating the self to give rest to the people into a lively moral culture practiced with great sincerity by benevolent people, rather than empty talk devoid of action. Sincerity is the soul of Confucianism, and hypocrisy is its enemy. Thus, whether it is sincere or hypocritical will determine its ultimate fate. In summary, Zhou Dunyi’s Neo-Confucianism quite evidently touches on both Confucius and Laozi and interconnects them through the Book of Changes. His Ailian Shuo (On the Love of the Lotus) proves that he was also influenced by Buddhism: “I love only the lotus, for it rises from the mud yet remains unstained; it is bathed by pure currents, and yet it is not seductive.” The lotus flower is often used in Buddhist scriptures as a metaphor for the purity of Buddha nature. Zen Buddhism further believes that all humans possess the suchness (Tath¯at¯a) of Buddha nature. Therefore, as long as one can clearly observe one’s own mind and nature, one can abide within the world and yet not be contaminated by it, thereby attaining Nirvana. Through this, the theory of “impurity and purity” was propagated in China. Thus, we can see that Zhou’s Neo-Confucianism had absorbed the essentials of Zen Buddhism and incorporated it within the Confucianism of Confucius and Laozi. (2) Shao Yong’s Neo-Confucianism—Inheriting from the Daoist Changes and Learning from Buddhism Shao Yong never held an official position in his life and was a close friend of Sima Guang and the two Cheng brothers. He was a maverick among the Five Masters of the Northern Song and formed his own image-number school. His book, Huangji Jingshi (Supreme Principles for Governing the World), uses the mathematical principles of Changes to construct an overarching spatiotemporal model of heaven and humankind, which explains the laws underlying cosmic changes social order and chaos. Shao Yong’s studies are known as the Xiantian (before heaven, or a priori) School, who received his Xiantian Tu (A Priori Diagram) from his teacher, Li Zhicai, and this diagram can be traced back to one of the inner alchemists, Chen Tuan. In terms of his inheritance and promotion of the Daoist study of the Book of Changes, as well as 17

Edited by the Editorial and Research Center of Confucian Canon, PKU. Confucian Canon, the “Essence” Volume 186). Peking University Press, 2014, p. 32. 18 The Book of Rites. Revised by Cui Gaowei. Liaoning Education Press, 2000, p. 191.

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his return to Confucius and Mencius’s teachings on humaneness, Shao Yong can be said to have reached the same destination as Zhou Dunyi but through a different path. Shao Yong uses the Fuxi Bagua Cixu (Order of the Fuxi Eight Trigrams) and Fuxi Bagua Fangwei (Directions of the Fuxi Eight Trigrams) from Chen Tuan’s Fuxi Situ (Four Diagrams of Fuxi) as a priori diagram and the Wenwang Bagua Cixu (Order of the King Wen Eight Trigrams) and Wenwang Bagua Fangwei (Directions of the King Wen Eight Trigrams) from the Commentary on the Book of Changes: Shuogua (Treatise on the Trigrams) as the Houtian (after heaven, or a posteriori) diagram. According to the explanation by Feng Youlan, the so-called priori diagram refers to the “Wordless Heavenly Book” of The Book of Changes that existed before the trigrams were drawn by Fuxi and King Wen of Zhou, whereas The Book of Changes created by Fuxi and King Wen of Zhou is a “Human Book of Words” and therefore regarded as a posteriori. Thus, Shao Yong attempts to use the a priori diagram to deduce the changes in nature and human affairs. First, Shao Yong touches upon the chronology of heaven and earth and divides the cosmic period into four durations: “Yuan” (cycle), “Hui” (epoch), “Yun” (revolution), and “Shi” (generation), in which 30 years make one generation, 12 generations make one revolution, 30 revolutions make one epoch, and 12 epochs make one cycle. He believed that heaven and earth were finite, and its total life span was 129,600 years, that is, the number of years in one cycle. Second, he discusses the evolutionary patterns of nature. Shao Yong’s natural evolution unfolds gradually according to a “one divides into two” model: “Therefore, the One is divided into two, two into four, four into eight, eight into sixteen, sixteen into thirty-two, and thirty-two into sixty-four.”19 This differentiation is continued further, wherein “ten is divided into a hundred, a hundred into a thousand, a thousand into ten thousand,”20 and so on until infinity. However, when “taken as a unit, it is One. Taken as a diffused development, it is many,”21 akin to a tree with roots and a trunk but also with plentiful branches. He believed that the evolution of the natural world is driven by the waxing and waning, rising and falling, and the mutual transformation of the yin and yang forces. Third, he proposes that the development of social history follows the four modes of “sovereign, emperor, king, hegemon,” whereby “sovereigns govern by inaction, emperors by virtue, kings by justice, and hegemons by intelligence and force. Beneath the hegemons are the barbarians, and beneath the barbarians are the beasts.”22 Shao

19

(Song Dynasty) Shao Yong. Anthology of Shao Yong. Edited by Guo Yu. Zhonghua Book Company, 2010, pp. 107–108. 20 (Song Dynasty) Shao Yong. Anthology of Shao Yong. Edited by Guo Yu. Zhonghua Book Company, 2010, p. 108. 21 (Song Dynasty) Shao Yong. Anthology of Shao Yong. Edited by Guo Yu. Zhonghua Book Company, 2010, p. 108. 22 (Song Dynasty) Shao Yong. (Ming Dynasty) Annotated by Chang Bingyi. A Guide to Supreme Principles for Governing the World. Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2009, p. 520.

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Yong’s historical outlook was essentially derived from Laozi’s civilization degenerationism: “When the Way was lost, its Virtue appeared. When its Virtue was lost, righteousness appeared. When righteousness was lost, the rites appeared.”23 However, Shao Yong also believed there were also ups and downs during this progression and praised the Han and Tang Dynasties for their “kingly” ways. Nevertheless, according to Shao Yong, human history must also be recreated according to the destruction and rebirth of heaven and earth. Fourth, he states that the path of self-cultivation to attain sagehood lies in “observing things through things themselves” and to nurture a selfless and objective mentality, “observing things through the things themselves is [to see their] nature; observing things through ourselves is [to see our] emotions. Nature is impartial and clear; emotion is partial and murky.”24 To achieve the observation of things through the things themselves does not merely involve an epistemological method but also requires the cultivation of a virtuous mind. Last, he discusses the theory of the unity of mind and body. Shao Yong expounds on Mencius’s idea that “all things are already complete in us” and states explicitly in his doctrine that the “heart-mentality” is the origin of all. “The study of a priori is the study of the mind. Thus, the diagram arises from it, and the mind gives rise to the myriad transformations and things…. The mind is the great ultimate.”25 Therefore, Shao Yong merges the Commentary on the Book of Changes with Mencius by claiming that “the great ultimate is the mind,” which opened up a new path to the unification of heaven and humankind for the exhaustive inquiry of the Neo-Confucianists. Shao Yong is considered to be a Confucianist because he revered the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors as deities while also regarding The Book of Changes and the Confucius and Mencius’s teachings on humaneness as his core tenet. At the same time, he also deeply internalized Laozi’s Daoist views of “the law of the Way is being as it is” and “all things are the results of the One,” as well as the ideas of Chen Tuan’s A Priori Diagram. Further, he also benefitted from Buddhism. First, the Chinese Confucian classic, The Book of Changes, talks about the evolution of heaven and earth but not their creation and destruction, while Laozi’s Daoism talks about the cycling of the Great Way and does not mention its creation or destruction. Only Buddhism touches on the four kalpas (or eons) of “vivarta-kalpa, vivrtt-avastha-kalpa, samvarta-kalpa, and samvrtta-avastha-kalpa.” Vivarta-kalpa (or incipient evolution) refers to the period spanning the creation of the world. Vivrttavastha-kalpa (or continued evolution) refers to the period spanning the continuation of the world. Samvarta-kalpa (or incipient dissolution) refers to the period spanning the destruction of the world. Samvrtta-avastha-kalpa (or continued dissolution) refers 23

Annotated by Chen Guying. Contemporary Annotations of Laozi. The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 215. 24 (Song Dynasty) Shao Yong. Anthology of Shao Yong. Edited by Guo Yu. Zhonghua Book Company, 2010, p. 152. 25 (Song Dynasty) Shao Yong. Anthology of Shao Yong. Edited by Guo Yu. Zhonghua Book Company, 2010, p. 152.

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to the period spanning the desolation of the world. After this, the world undergoes yet another cycle of the four kalpas, and each cycle lasts for billions of years. Shao Yong clearly draws from this dynamic view of cosmic time, which he combines with Chinese culture to deduce his own chronology of the world. The specifics of his doctrine deviate from those of Buddhism, but they share a common mindset. Thus, his theory of cosmic creation and annihilation was inspired by Buddhism. Second, although Shao Yong’s propositions that “the mind gives rise to the myriad things,” “the mind is the great ultimate,” and “exhaustively investigating one’s mind to know one’s nature” were influenced by Mencius, these ideas were primarily inspired by the Buddhist concept of “the myriad dharmas are only consciousness.” Zen Buddhism, in particular, advocates illuminating and observing one’s mind to see one’s nature, which places a greater emphasis on cultivating the mind and nature and hence was of great significance to Daoists. Thus, it can be said that the Buddhist philosophy was applied more implicitly, rather than explicitly, in Shao Yong’s Xiantian School.

6.2.2 The Guan School of Neo-Confucianism by Zhang Zai—Integrating Confucianism and Daoism, Assimilating Buddhism and Confucianism Zhang Zai (1020–1077) was a native of Shaanxi and is also known as Master Hengqu. Since he lived in the Guanzhong region, his school of thought came to be known as the Guan School. According to Feng Youlan, the status of the School of Qi founded by Zhang Zai in the history of Chinese thought can roughly be equated to that of Kant in the history of European philosophy. His ideas were profound and far-reaching, forming a bridge between the past and the future, giving birth to a multitude of new theories, and leaving an enormous impact on Chinese intellectual history. Zhang Zai believed that “qi” is the origin of the universe, which was derived from the qi theory of the Zhuangzi. He elevated and systematized qi-based ontology. In his Zhengmeng: Taihe Pian (Correcting the Ignorant: The Great Harmony), he writes, The Supreme Void is without form—it is the original substance of qi. Its condensation and dispersal are but the temporary forms of change and transformation….26 The Supreme Void cannot but consist of qi; qi cannot but condense and become the myriad things; the myriad things cannot but disperse and become the Supreme Void….27 The condensation and dispersal of qi in the Supreme Void is like the freezing and melting of ice in water.28

Zhang Zai views qi as the smallest and most basic element of the universe. It is like air, which is composed of real particles that can be condensed or dispersed. It 26

(Song Dynasty) Zhang Zai. Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 7. 27 (Song Dynasty) Zhang Zai. Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 7. 28 (Song Dynasty) Zhang Zai. Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 8.

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fills the universe (the Supreme Void) and generates the myriad things through its condensation and dispersal. Zhang Zai does not believe that the mind generates the myriad things, or that there is a “Way” that is separate from the myriad things. He neither believes in the presence of ghosts and spirits manipulating the world of men nor in the existence of eternal unchanging things. He proposes that all things and all changes in the world are the result of the internal corresponding forces of qi, and this includes the changes in the four seasons. The world as a whole has no birth or death, only the tangible and intangible. Thus, its external state, that which can be described, is called qi, while the deeper layer of existence, that which is pure and indescribable, is called spirit. The spirit is nothing more than the inner essence of qi, and so there is nothing that is mysterious and incomprehensible in the world. By adopting the perspective of qi-based ontology, Zhang Zai criticizes the cosmology of Daoism and Buddhism, stating, Those who discuss Nirvana go but do not come back; those who are over-attached to their own thriving and to things ossify themselves and do not transform. Though the two are different, both have gone equally astray from the Way. That which condenses is our substance, and that which disperses is still our substance. If one knows that death is not (truly) collapse, with that person one can converse about nature.29

Zhang Zai criticized the Buddhist doctrine of Nirvana, which is enlightened in its dispersal of qi but ignorant in the condensation of qi, whereas the Daoist doctrine of immortality is wise in its condensation of qi but ignorant in the dispersal of qi; both of them had deviated from the Great Way. He believed that the universe (the Supreme Void), composed of qi, is an infinite and eternal cosmos that cannot be captured as nothingness or the illusions of the human mind. Naturally, Zhang Zai’s qi-based ontology does not belittle the role of the human mind in his affirmation of qi-cosmology. In fact, he does the opposite by adopting the Confucian attitude of “expanding one’s mind” to embrace all things in heaven and earth and integrating individual lives into the life of the cosmos. That is, “that which condenses is our substance, and that which disperses is still our substance”30 ; thus, “death is not (truly) collapse.”31 Zhang Zai’s “doctrine of the Great Mind” does not encapsulate heaven and earth in consciousness in its cosmology but instead expands the mind to encompass heaven and earth in its theory of life. This is an important difference from Daoism and Buddhism. Zhang Zai’s critique of Buddhism and Daoism has surpassed the political “discourse on the Chinese and the non-Chinese” by Confucians such as Fu Yi and Han Yu of the Sui and Tang Dynasties and has entered the higher realm of philosophical ontology. The chapters in the Correcting the Ignorant section, including The Great Harmony, Sanliang Pian (The Triad and Dyad), and Shenhua Pian (Deification), 29

(Song Dynasty) Zhang Zai. Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 8. 30 (Song Dynasty) Zhang Zai. Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 7. 31 (Song Dynasty) Zhang Zai. Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 7.

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carries on from the yin-yang philosophy of the Commentary on the Book of Changes and explores the laws of the unity of opposites in cosmogenesis. The essentials of Zhang Zai’s discourse on the unity of opposites are as follows: (1) The “Two” and “One,” that is, opposition and unity, are inseparable. (2) The existence and development of all things are dependent on and driven by the never-ending mutual action of “dual poles” or “dual bodies.” (3) The alternation of yin and yang can occur slowly or rapidly, implicitly or explicitly, and its immeasurable aspects are known as “spirit.” (4) The struggle between opposites must ultimately be unified, that is, “conflict must be reconciled and resolved,”32 which is the ultimate purpose. (5) Sages must “thoroughly comprehend the spirit-like, and know the processes of transformation,” from which they will gain insight into the principles of the development and transformation of things, thus allowing them to abide by the principles and find rest. This is the study of nature and existence. (6) The “Great Harmony” is the overall cosmic state where yin and yang converge, and everything obtains its correct nature, which is also the normal state of existence for the universe. In his Ximing (Western Inscription), Zhang Zai writes, Qian (heaven) is my father, and Kun (earth) is my mother. I, as a small finite being, occupy a central position between them. Therefore, what fills heaven and earth is my body, and what commands heaven and earth is my nature. All people are my siblings, and all things are my companions.33 The virtue of the sage is in complete union (with that of heaven and earth), the wise person is most accomplished (above all ordinary people, therefore), all under Heaven, the aged, the weak, maimed, crippled, helpless, lonely, widow and widower, who are in distress and have no one to appeal to are my brothers. To care for them in times of need is to pay reverence (to heaven and earth). He who is joyful and has no anxiety is purely filial.34 Wealth, nobility, prosperity, and favor will enrich (the comfort of) my living; poverty, lowliness, and sorrow serve to ennoble my character. While I am alive, I follow and serve (my universal parents) and when death comes, I rest (in peace).35

Feng Youlan considers this discourse to be “the most closely adherent to the cardinal principles of all Neo-Confucian works.”36 Western Inscription portrays the typical realm of life theory in late Confucianism, which involves merging individual life with the Great Life of the universe. Thus, one takes heaven as father, earth as 32

Feng Youlan. A New History of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 2. People’s Publishing House, 1999, p. 129. 33 (Song Dynasty) Zhang Zai. Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 62. 34 (Song Dynasty) Zhang Zai. Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 62. 35 (Song Dynasty) Zhang Zai. Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 63. 36 Feng Youlan. A New History of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 2. People’s Publishing House, 1999, p. 130.

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mother, the people as sisters and brothers, the animals and the myriad things as companions, and cares for all. Although prosperity is conducive to survival and development, adversity can also hone one’s nature and character. Furthermore, one must fulfill all duties and responsibilities while alive, and death is akin to a long rest. This attitude toward life is a combination of Confucius and Laozi, not only possessing the sentiments and responsibilities of caring for all under Heaven and regarding all things as one but also embracing spontaneity and transforming misfortune into fortune, thereby treating life and death with a philosophical outlook. As seen in the “Four Lines of Hengqiu” recorded in the Zhangzi Yulu (Discourses of Zhangzi), “To obtain conscience for heaven and earth, to secure life and prosperity for the common people, to continue the lost teachings of the past sages, and to establish peace for ten thousand generations,”37 this poem best captures the Confucian sentiments of universal life, sense of historical purpose, and the ambition of seeking Great Unity. It connects individual lives with “assisting the transforming and nourishing powers of heaven and earth” and “cultivating oneself so as to give rest to all the people,” while humanity’s meaning in life is lifted to new heights, thus subsequently serving as the value pursuit of benevolent men with lofty ideals.

6.2.3 The Luo School of Neo-Confucianism by Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao, and Its Absorption of Buddhism and Daoism Cheng Hao (1032–1085), also known as Master Mingdao, and Cheng Yi (1033– 1107), also known as Master Yichuan, founded the Cheng School of NeoConfucianism. As the two Cheng brothers later moved to Luoyang, their school of thought also came to be known as the Luo School. There are similarities and differences between the two Chengs. They both emphasized “principle” or “heavenly principle”, which was a core issue of the Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism, but disagreed on the importance of individuality. The two Chengs took a different path from Zhang Zai. The latter established a qi-based ontology of Neo-Confucianism, whereas the former established a principlebased ontology of Neo-Confucianism. The so-called principle or heavenly principle propounded by the Two Chengs refers to the determinateness of the essence and the laws of motion found in the existence of things that cannot be modified by human will. From an overall perspective, the entire cosmos contains the total essence and total laws of its existence and development, such as the objective laws governing the changes of yin–yang and the four seasons. From the perspective of social life, interpersonal relationships are governed by a definite order, such as the relationships between ruler and minister, parent and child, and husband and wife. From the perspective of natural and social phenomena, the multitude of changes and forms are 37

(Song Dynasty) Zhang Zai. Collected Works of Zhang Zai. Revised by Zhang Xichen. Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 320.

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all constrained by their inherent principles. Therefore, “principle” can also be called “the Way.” The Two Chengs believed that qi is the perceptible and variable phenomenal world, whereas “principle” is the unchanging essential world that underlies all phenomena. The former is physical, while the latter is metaphysical. From the height of our contemporary philosophy, we can see that the relation between “principle” (or “the Way”) and “qi” (or “thing”) proposed by the Cheng brothers refers precisely to the relation between essence and phenomena, and between the universal and the particular. The phenomenal or particular can be perceived intuitively, whereas the essential or universal can only be grasped by reason. In fact, Cheng Hao writes somewhat vainly that, “Although some parts of my thought are handed down by my predecessors, the two words ‘Heavenly Principle’ are derived from my own experience.”38 In the history of Chinese thought, the term “principle” can be found in the pre-Qin Commentary on the Book of Changes and the Hundred Schools of Thought. However, their so-called “principle” had not yet been elevated to the level of the fundamental laws of the universe. For example, Zhang Dainian pointed out that, “In pre-Qin philosophy, the so-called principle was discussed in a differentiated manner,”39 whereas “the so-called principle of the Two Chengs was discussed in a universal manner. They believed that the myriad things only had one principle, and this principle is the ultimate root.”40 The proposition of the “Heavenly Principle” established the highest concept in the School of Principle and can be attributed to the theoretical creation of the Two Chengs. Its novelty lies with the fact that “Heavenly Principle” is not only the universal law governing the operation of the universe but also the principle of life governing the virtue of ceaseless production and reproduction of heaven and earth. Thus, it became a basic law of human social ethics and hence evolved into the highest concept in the School of Principle. Cheng Hao expounded on Confucius’s thoughts in his teachings on humaneness and condensed it into the Shiren Pian (Understanding Humaneness): Humaneness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and faithfulness: these five are human nature. Humaneness is the entire body; the remaining four are the four limbs….41 The benevolent person regards heaven and earth and all things as one body. To that person there is nothing that is not oneself. Since one has recognized all things as oneself, can there be any limit to one’s humaneness? If things are not part of the self, naturally, they have nothing to do with it.42

Cheng Hao believed that humans and all things are organic components of a massive life-form, and the benevolent should have a sense of sharing the same body as all things. This is akin to the different parts of the human body sharing in the 38

(Song Dynasty) Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Anthology of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Revised by Wang Xiaoyu. Zhonghua Book Company, 1981, p. 424. 39 Zhang Dainian. An Outline of Chinese Philosophy. Kunlun Publishing House, 2010, p. 60. 40 Zhang Dainian. An Outline of Chinese Philosophy. Kunlun Publishing House, 2010, p. 61. 41 (Song Dynasty) Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Anthology of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Revised by Wang Xiaoyu. Zhonghua Book Company, 1981, p. 14. 42 (Song Dynasty) Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Anthology of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Revised by Wang Xiaoyu. Zhonghua Book Company, 1981, p. 15.

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sensations of pain and discomfort, together partaking in joys and woes. A person who cares only for him- or herself and is indifferent to others and the myriad things can be said to be in a pathological state of numbness and without humaneness. Thus, when Cheng Hao states, “To understand this principle,” the “principle” he meant does not refer merely to the essence or the law at an ontological or epistemological level but is a concept infused with the sentiments of universal love. In the theory of life realms, this becomes a value pursuit, containing both emotion and reason. This point is unique to Cheng Hao’s School of Principle. Cheng Hao also wrote an essay called Dingxing Shu (A Letter on Calming Nature), which is part of a discourse with Zhang Zai on mind and nature and discusses how the human mind can be free from external things. He claims that ordinary people are “egocentric and have a calculating mind,” and so they make a distinction between the internal and external. Thus, their nature or mind cannot help but “follow things to the external,” which makes them feel unsettled and anxious. In contrast, the mind of the sage universally perceives all things, his feelings are universally in accordance with all things, and there is no egocentricity in him. Thus, he does not make the distinction between the internal (self) and external (things). Through this, he is able to achieve the tranquility and calmness of his mind and nature, freely responding to the environment but remaining unaffected by it. Cheng Hao’s Letter on Calming Nature highlights the word “calming,” which is used to describe the cultivation of the inner mind; this was the first time it was used in the history of Confucianism. It was a novel concept introduced by Cheng Hao, which was undoubtedly inspired by and adapted from the Buddhist theory of Chan meditation. Cheng Yi devoted his entire life to studying The Book of Changes, and the fruits of his labors were condensed into the Yizhuan (Commentary on the Book of Changes). The key points of Cheng Yi’s discourse on the Book of Changes are as follows: (1) The Way of the Book of Changes is vast and complete. It reveals the inner truth and universal law governing the motion and development of heaven, earth, the myriad things, and human affairs. (2) In the Way of the Book of Changes, the Great ultimate gives rise to yin and yang; then, the interactions of yin and yang give rise to all things and generate transformations. (3) The Way of the Book of Changes includes its substance and function. Its substance is the principle of “utmost subtlety,” while its function is the image of “utmost significance.” Substance and function are derived from the same source, and there is no difference between the significant and the subtle; thus, substance is also function, and essence is inseparable from phenomena. (4) The principle of the nature and existence of things are both unified in the Great Way, and they are also dispersed in their myriad differences. Principle is One as a whole but can also take a multitude of forms. (5) The practical application of the Way of The Book of Changes is to provide humans with the heavenly and earthly realms, which imbues them with the quality of sages while also enabling them to understand the laws governing the transformation of things. From this, they will be able to grasp the “way of

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understanding all things and accomplishing all tasks,” which will enable them to better undertake the enterprise of stabilizing the country and helping the world. This is precisely the life wisdom and value ideals pursued by scholars of the School of Principle. Cheng Yi also wrote the Yanzi Suohao Hexue Lun (What Was the Learning that Yanzi Loved?), which points out that Confucius singled out Yan Yuan to praise him for his love of learning. What was it that Yanzi alone loved to learn? It was to learn the way of established as a sage. Can one become a sage through learning? Yes. This reason is why one who is enlightened restrains his feelings so as to conform to the Mean, rectify his mind, and nourish his nature. This is to impose nature upon feelings. One who is foolish does not know to control [his feelings] and lets them reach the point of depravity and one-sidedness, and so fetters his nature and loses it. This is to impose feelings upon nature. In all the ways of learning, one only needs to rectify one’s mind and nourish one’s nature to attain sagehood.43

Cheng Yi believed that anyone can be Yao and Shun because human nature is originally good. The evil that humans commit is often caused by poor emotional control, which then destroys their good nature. Thus, as long as they are able to restrain their feelings with their nature rather than allow their feelings to modify their nature, they will be able to rectify their minds, nourish their nature, return to sincerity, and attain sagehood. Thus, we can see that his views are different from those of Li Ao. Different from proposing the elimination of emotions to restore nature, Cheng Yi argues that we should nourish our nature to curb our emotions and guide them back to the Mean. His proposition embodies the characteristics unique to the Neo-Confucian doctrine of human nature and heavenly principle; that is, the main purpose of their learning is not to add to our knowledge of the external world but to learn how to cultivate human nature so that it can attain the lofty heights of sagely virtues and thus create a civilized humanity. It is a viewpoint that is imbued with the characteristics of Chinese ethical culture. Cheng Yi once said, “In the past, when I was studying under Zhou Maoshu (Zhou Dunyi), he often instructed me to search for the joy in Confucius and Yanzi and to consider deeply whatever gave them joy.”44 This line emphasizes that NeoConfucianism does not impart a form of pure knowledge on people but rather teaches them to find spiritual joy. According to the Cheng brothers, the school of Confucius and Yanzi is a set of knowledge that guides people in their pursuit of spiritual happiness and can be “applied”. In what did they find joy? In the words of Mencius, Mencius and the Commentary on the Book of Changes, they found joy in learning, following the Way, friends, mountains and rivers, abiding by one’s lot in life, family, righteousness, and teaching. Their joy originated from a connection with nature and others, or from the pursuit and application of truth, goodness, and beauty, and had nothing to do with money or power. Therefore, those learning to become a sage must 43

(Song Dynasty) Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Anthology of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Revised by Wang Xiaoyu. Zhonghua Book Company, 1981, p. 577. 44 (Song Dynasty) Zhu Xi. Collected Annotations of the Four Books. Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 87.

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achieve the level of “seeking joy in the midst of things” before they can be said to have attained true understanding. The Neo-Confucian principle-based ontology of the Cheng brothers was created amid the competition with Confucian texts, exegetical studies, and Qi-based ontology, as well as the interactions and comparisons with Buddhism, Daoist philosophy, and Daoist religion. Their doctrines enabled Confucianism to break away from its theoretical slump after suffering the impacts of Wei-Jin Neo-Daoism and Sui-Tang Buddhism and reestablish the high ground of Confucian philosophy together with Qi-based ontology. In fact, it is actually superior to Qi-based ontology in certain aspects. Specifically, Qi-based ontology carries more structuralist and realist characteristics, whereas principle-based ontology contains more metaphysical features from the theory of life realms while still adhering to the mundane application of human moral relations and transforming the great wisdom of Buddhism and Daoism for its own applications. Thus, the latter represents a preliminary shift in the patterns among the three teachings at the philosophical level, in which Buddhism was strong and Confucianism was weak. The School of Principle of the Two Chengs had a direct and essential influence on Zhu Xi. Conversely, Zhu Xi’s reverence of the Two Chengs contributed to the flourishing of their School of Principle. Zhu Xi wrote that, “The clarification and propagation of the Orthodox Confucianism by the two masters can be said to have enabled its flourishing after the deaths of Confucius and Mencius, and its discontinuation for a thousand years.”45 From this, we can see the great respect that Zhu Xi had for them. The Two Chengs were indeed the founders of Song Neo-Confucianism, especially the School of Principle. They propagated the way of humaneness and righteousness taught by Confucius and Mencius, thus reviving a philosophy of life that embodies the Confucian spirit in the form of the School of Principle. Furthermore, they established the Four Books as the main classics in the new era of Confucianism and elevated them above the Five Classics, thereby unveiling a new stage in Confucian studies. They also revealed that the way of the sages does not lie with memorizing verses but in seeking to understand the minds of the sages and learning from their interactions with others and the world. Finally, they imparted Zhu Xi with the tradition of orthodox Confucianism and the study of nature and principle, which then became the cornerstone for the system of the Zhu Xi School. Later generations named this school of thought the “Cheng-Zhu School of Principle” and closely associated the Two Chengs with Zhu Xi, which was in line with the historical situation.

45

(Song Dynasty) Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Anthology of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Revised by Wang Xiaoyu. Zhonghua Book Company, 1981, p. 6.

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6.2.4 The Min School of Neo-Confucianism by Zhu Xi and Its Deep Integration of Buddhism and Daoism Zhu Xi (1130–1200), whose family originated from Wuyuan, Huizhou, was born and raised in Fujian. He studied under Li Tong and later continued the studies of the Two Chengs. In the 50 years after the success of his civil service exam, Zhu Xi served his office in imperial government in a very short term, consisting of 9 years as a local official, and a little over 40 days as a ceremonial lecturer of the classics. The majority of his life was devoted to teaching in Fujian, and so his school of thought is also known as the Min46 School. Zhu Xi represents the pinnacle of the Neo-Confucian School of Principle. He established the ideological system of the School of Principle, which influenced the subsequent development of Confucianism and mainstream social thought for the next six to seven centuries. Therefore, he is undoubtedly the main representative of Neo-Confucianism in the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties. He possessed extensive and profound knowledge that was rich in philosophical thought. Zhu Xi worked together with Lv Zuqian to compile the Jinsi Lu (Reflections on Things at Hand), which mainly focuses on the essence of the Two Chengs and incorporates the discourses of Zhou Dunyi and Zhang Zai, thus serving as a gateway to the School of Principle for new learners. This book continued to receive significant attention for a long time, with numerous annotations and supplements added, eventually evolving into a classic of the School of Principle. His teachings later spread to Korea and Japan and became the most influential school of Chinese academic culture in East Asia. The key to the vastness and profundity of the Zhu Xi School, which placed Song studies on the same level as Han studies, lies with Zhu Xi’s ability to extensively—and meticulously—investigate and accumulate a vast array of knowledge on nature and society. He then used it as a basis to self-consciously inherit and propagate the Confucian orthodoxy, while also comprehensively absorbing the Buddhist and Daoist theories of substance–function, theories of life, and dialectical outlooks. He then transformed and applied all of these in the construction of the School of Principle, which showcases his superior abilities in theoretical thinking and the expansive horizon of his vision. The Cheng-Zhu School of Principle was revered during the Yuan Dynasty. Hence, in the Songshi (History of Song) compiled under the direction of Toqto’a, the Daoxue Zhuan (Biographies of Neo-Confucianism) was listed separately before the Rulin Zhuan (Biographies of Confucian Scholars), whereas the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle was regarded as a successor of Mencius based on Han Yu’s theory of Confucian orthodoxy as proposed in the Yuandao (The Origin of the Way). This theory serves as a rough indication of how the Cheng-Zhu School was appraised by the mainstream society of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties. Although it carries strong overtones of the official education, if we consider that the Confucianism of Confucius and Mencius itself is centered around the study of righteousness and principle, advocating the “cultivation of the self to give rest to the people,” then its core ideas are 46

Fujian is style-named as Min.

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reasonable. During his time as an official, Zhu Xi championed the spirit of mastering the classics for practical use and serving the ruler according to the Way. Thus, he frequently submitted memorials beseeching the emperor to show compassion to the people, to favor virtuous officials and stay away from small-minded men, to love and nourish the power of the people, and to improve military administration. He was frequently unreserved and outspoken against political improprieties, offering incisive criticisms against the societal ills of his time, which both angered the ruler and offended powerful officials. This carried on until Han Tuozhou came into power, who accused the Zhu School as a “false school” and its disciples as a “false band,” even a “traitorous band” that should be mercilessly eradicated. This came to be known as the “prohibition of false schools in the Qingyuan Era.” However, Zhu Xi was not daunted by this persecution and continued to instruct his students, exhibiting the moral perseverance of great Confucians. (1) Principle-Based Ontology and Principle-Qi Theory Zhu Xi believed that everything has two aspects: nature and form. Nature is its essential attribute and its principle; it cannot be seen but is real and unchanging. Form is its structural component and its qi; it is an image and is changeable. For example, he writes, “The bricks of these steps have within them the principle pertaining to bricks….47 This bamboo chair has within it the principle pertaining to bamboo chairs….48 [The principle of] a boat is that it can move only in water; of a cart, that it can move only on land.”49 All of them have their own unchanging nature, which is therefore their principle. However, they are diverse and variable in terms of their materials and shapes, which are therefore their qi. Thus, Zhu Xi makes a distinction between the essential world and the phenomenal world. In the language of modern philosophy, essence is the inner nature of things and phenomenon is the external manifestation of essence. The former can only be comprehended through reason, and the latter can be perceived through the senses. Phenomenon can be consistent with essence but also be inconsistent, even appearing as an illusion that is contrary to essence. The task of science, therefore, is to penetrate chaotic and complicated phenomena to accurately comprehend the essence of things hidden within. Zhu Xi inherited Cheng Hao’s discourse on the “Heavenly Principle,” that is, he emphasized that principle is the foundation of heaven, earth, and all things. Thus, “If we speak about heaven, earth, and the myriad things taken together, then there is only one principle…. Before there was heaven or earth, there was indeed only principle. There being this principle, there was then this heaven and earth. If this principle had not been present, then there could not have been a heaven or an earth.”50 Zhu Xi’s 47

(Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches, Book 1. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 61. 48 (Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches, Book 1. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 61. 49 (Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches, Book 1. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 61. 50 (Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches, Book 1. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 2, 1.

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original intention was not to claim the independent existence of a principle before heaven and earth. Instead, he was arguing that the generation of heaven and earth must always follow certain laws, that is, principle precedes qi in terms of logic, rather than in reality. Thus, it was commendable that he was able to carry out such abstract thinking without the corresponding terminology at that time. Zhu Xi’s principle-based ontology was, explicitly speaking, derived from the School of Principle of the Two Chengs. However, implicitly speaking, it originated from Chinese Buddhist philosophy. Zhu Xi’s principle-based ontology and principleQi theory drew on the Four Dharmadhatu doctrine of Huanyan Buddhism. The differ´ unyat¯a) to explain prinence between them is that Buddhism used Emptiness (or S¯ ciple, whereas Zhu Xi used nature to explain principle. Although Zhu Xi seems to be against Buddhism on the surface, he also had great respect for the Buddhist dharmas, saying, “Now, if anyone does not learn Chan teaching, that means he has yet to reach its depths; if he does, he will certainly learn Chan.”51 Chinese Buddhist philosophy had attained new heights through its integration with Confucianism and Daoism. Thus, it was only by absorbing Buddhism that Confucian philosophy could surpass it, and it was only by surpassing it that Confucianism could once again return to the peak of Chinese philosophy. (2) Theory of Liyi Fenshu (One Principle with Different Manifestations) “Liyi” (One principle) refers to the fact that there is only one highest truth in the universe; “Fenshu” (different manifestations) refers to the diversity of the highest truth when manifested in the myriad things. Zhu Xi’s theory of one principle with different manifestations entailed the following points: 1. It explains the unified relation between the Great ultimate as the noumenon of the universe and the nature of the myriad things. “In terms of unification, the myriad things all embody the Great ultimate as a whole; in terms of division, each thing has one Great ultimate, respectively.”52 This refers to its static state. 2. It explains the unified relation between the Great ultimate as the origin of the universe and the generation and differentiation of the myriad things. The Great ultimate divides into yin and yang, transforms into the Five Phases, and disperses into the myriad things but still remains rooted. “For example, when millet grows into a seedling, the seedling produces a flower, the flower produces fruits, which once again become millet, and returns to its original form. There are a hundred grains in one ear, and each grain is complete. If these hundred grains are sowed, each of them will produce a hundred grains. Generation and regeneration proceed endlessly, and division begins with only one grain. Everything has the principle,

51

(Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches, Book 2. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 415. 52 Edited by the Editorial and Research Center of Confucian Canon, PKU. Confucian Canon, the “Essence” Volume 186). Peking University Press, 2014, p. 14.

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which is always the one and the same principle.”53 This refers to its dynamic state. 3. It explains the unified relation among the diverse things in the universe and the various moral principles in the world. Zhu Xi says, “Sheltered by heaven and supported by the earth, the myriad things are nourished together within without injuring one another. The four seasons, and the sun and moon, in their alternating progress and successive shining, do not collide with one another. Therefore, those that do not injure or collide are the river currents of lesser energies [or virtues]; those that nourish and go forth together are the mighty transformations of the greater energies [or virtues]. The lesser energies are the divisions of the whole; the greater energies are the root of the myriad differences. Those that are river currents are like the flow of the river; their path is clear and their movement incessant. Those that undertake mighty transformations are honest and loyal in their transformations; their roots are mighty and infinite.”54 Zhu Xi used the metaphor of a hundred rivers sharing the same source to illustrate that the diversity among things can be explained by the relation between the myriad differentiations and a single origin. Therefore, the implication of “one principle with different manifestations” is an outlook of the overall harmony between nature and society and the harmonious coexistence of diversity in culture and truth. Zhu Xi’s theoretical leap was inspired by Buddhist wisdom. Zen Buddhism uses the perceptive and vivid metaphor of the “moon shining on rivers” to explain the interrelation between Tath¯at¯a and the myriad manifestations, and between the One and the Many. Thus, Zhu Xi used the same metaphor to explain “one principle with different manifestations,” where the different manifestations are the expressions of the one principle, which are one and the same as the one principle. (3) Theory of the Xintong Xingqing (Mind Uniting Nature and Emotions) and the Sixteen-Word Transmission Zhu Xi had high praise for Zhang Zai’s theory of the mind uniting nature and emotions. Zhu Xi believed that the mind contains both nature and emotions and rules over them. “Nature is the underlying principle, emotion is the place where nature is manifested and works, and the mind is that which governs and joins nature and emotion.”55 He believed that human nature is the embodiment of the heavenly way in the human body; it is pure and good and is known as the nature of heaven and earth or the nature of righteousness and principle. However, one’s innate qi can be clear or turbid, thus giving rise to the nature of Qi-constituted material qualities.

53

(Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches, Book 6. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 2374. 54 (Song Dynasty) Zhu Xi. Collected Annotations of the Four Books. Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, pp. 37–38. 55 (Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches, Book 1. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 94.

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“When discussing the nature bestowed by heaven and earth, we speak only of principle; when discussing the nature of Qi-constituted material qualities, we speak of a mixture of both principle and qi.”56 Thus, human nature can be good or evil. If the human mind governs nature and emotions, thus ensuring their proper order, this is the Heavenly Principle. If the human mind loses control and nature is engulfed by emotions, this is human desire. Zhu Xi’s concept of “Heavenly Principle” encompasses both human nature and human emotions, requiring only that nature be preserved and emotions be rectified. Furthermore, his concept of “human desires” does not refer to the proper expression of human emotions but to the abuse of emotions. Nature and emotions need to be governed by the mind to achieve equilibrium. Zhu Xi’s school makes a distinction among “nature,” “emotion,” and “mind.” “Nature” specifically refers to the goodness of human nature, that is, the so-called moral reason in today’s thinking. “Emotion” refers to human feelings and desires, which can be good or evil. “Heart-mentality” refers to the thinking ability of the subjective will, which Zhu Xi calls “consciousness”; it is a living self-awareness that can control its own thoughts and behaviors. Based on the Wei Guwen Shangshu: Dayu Mo (Spurious Old-Text Book of Documents: Counsels of Yu the Great) that “The human mind is precarious, the mind of the Way is barely perceptible. Be discerning and single-minded. Hold fast to the Mean,”57 Cheng Yi was the first to divide the mind into the human mind and the mind of the Way, proposing that “the human mind contains selfish desires and hence is precarious. The mind of the Way contains the Heavenly Principle and so is subtle and barely perceptible. Eliminate selfish desires and the Heavenly Principle will become clear.”58 Zhu Xi believed that these words were the transmission of the mind within the orthodox lineage of Yao and Shun, and he further expounded on Chengzi’s theory of mind. Zhu Xi’s theory of the human mind and the mind of the Way is not simply to equate the human mind with selfish desires and the mind of the Way with Heavenly Principle. Instead, it argues that wisdom and foolishness contain the human mind (the egocentricity of form and qi) and the mind of the Way (the correctness of nature and existence), both of which exist to varying degrees. Those with a low level of consciousness do not know how to govern the mind, which causes the human mind to expand unimpededly and become precarious and the mind of the Way to shrink continuously and become hidden, eventually resulting in the capitulation of the Heavenly Principle to human desires. Those with a high level of consciousness keenly perceive the distinction between the human mind and the mind of the Way and guard the proper order of their original mind. In such people, the mind of the Way occupies a dominant position while human desires occupy a subordinate position,

56

(Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches, Book 1. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 67. 57 (Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches, Book 1. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 207. 58 (Song Dynasty) Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Introduced by Pan Fuen. Posthumous Works of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2000, p. 369.

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which also control emotional desires with moral reason. This, then, is to “hold fast to the Mean.” Zhu Xi’s theory of the mind uniting nature and emotions and his doctrine of the co-existence of the human mind and the mind of the Way are closer to the realities of society and human life than Cheng Yi’s dichotomy between the Heavenly Principle and human desire. The former gives a greater sense of affinity, which can be attributed to his consideration for the mundane application of human moral relationships, as well as his implicit adaptation of the essence of the Buddhist mind-nature theory. Zen Buddhism teaches us to clearly observe our mind and nature and requires us to “purify our minds through our own effort,” that is, to produce mindfulness, eliminate evil thoughts, and avoid contamination. These methods of self-consciousness are similar to Zhu Xi’s cultivation of mind and nature in that both guide people toward good, thus allowing the two to exist in parallel and learn from each other. This is, in fact, precisely what Zen Buddhism and the Zhu School did. (4) Theory of Gewu Zhizhi (Investigating Things to Extend Knowledge) and Chengyi Zhengxin (Seeking Sincerity to Rectify the Mind) In Daxue Zhangju Xu (Preface to the Commentary on the Great Learning), Zhu Xi stressed that the Great Learning is a “method for teaching humankind” that “teaches one the way to exhaust the meaning of principle, rectify the mind, cultivate the self, and govern the people.”59 The Great Learning lays out eight steps for those who wish to illustrate illustrious virtue throughout the world: investigation of things, extension of knowledge, seeking of sincerity, rectification of the mind, cultivation of the self, regulation of the family, governance of the state, and bringing peace to the world. Zhu Xi supplemented the explanation on the investigation of things and the extension of knowledge as follows: Where it says that the extension of knowledge lies in the investigation of things, it means that to further my knowledge, I have to come into contact with things and exhaustively investigate their principles, for the intelligent mind of humankind is certainly formed to know, and there is nothing under heaven that does not contain its principles, but so long as all principles are not investigated, humankind’s knowledge is incomplete. On this account, The Great Learning, at the outset of its teachings, instructs the learner, regarding all things in the world, to proceed from the knowledge they have of their principles and pursue the investigation of them till they reach the extreme. After exerting thus for a long time, one will suddenly find oneself possessed of a wide and far-reaching penetration. Then, the qualities of all things, whether external or internal, subtle or coarse, will all be apprehended, and the mind, in its entire substance and its relations to things, will be perfectly intelligent. This is called the investigation of things. This is called the extension of knowledge.60

The investigation of things and extension of knowledge form the methodology of Zhu Xi’s School of Principle. They posit that everything in the world has its own principle and humans, with their intelligent mind, must rely on the principles 59 (Song Dynasty) Zhu Xi. Collected Annotations of the Four Books. Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 1. 60 (Song Dynasty) Zhu Xi. Collected Annotations of the Four Books. Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, pp. 6–7.

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they know to grasp the principles of things that they do not know, continuously exerting themselves to achieve a thorough understanding. However, since there is an infinite number of things and innumerable principles, it is not possible for the human mind to grasp them all individually, and so one must attain the interpenetration of one’s understanding. The first half of Zhu Xi’s methodology talks about “coming into contact with things to exhaustively investigate their principles”, which can benefit humankind’s accumulation of knowledge, and increase our understanding on the intrinsic laws of nature and society. This point distinguishes the School of Principle from the subsequent Lu-Wang School of Mind (which is focused on the mind) and instills the former with the characteristic of “devoting oneself to learning by increasing one’s knowledge day to day.” However, the second half of Zhu Xi’s methodology talks about “possessing a wide and far-reaching penetration,” which is disconnected from the first half and seems fairly exaggerated, because even sages will find it impossible to “apprehend the qualities of all things, whether external or internal, subtle or coarse,” or for “the mind, in its entire substance and its relations to things, to be perfectly intelligent.”61 Zhu Xi’s original intention was to attain the interpenetration between the creative transformation of the Heavenly Way and human ethics through the continuous investigation of things to extend knowledge, thus truly ascending to the realm of ultimate goodness. However, this can only be achieved through enlightenment, rather than the extension of knowledge. Here, Zhu Xi was clearly also influenced by the doctrines of sudden and gradual enlightenment in Zen Buddhism. His approach of “coming into contact with things and exhaustively investigating their principles” is precisely like the gradual enlightenment advocated by Shenxiu of the Northern School of Zen Buddhism, which involves “polishing (the mind) diligently at all times.” In contrast, his “suddenly finding a wide and far-reaching penetration” is precisely what Huineng describes in Tan Jing (Platform Sutra) of “seeing one’s nature and attaining Buddhahood in a single enlightened thought.”62 Both Zhu Xi’s “suddenly finding a wide and far-reaching penetration” and Huineng’s “attaining Buddhahood in a single enlightened thought” are not goals that human cognitive abilities can attain but rather the heights to which the human spiritual realm should ascend. Both advocate the transcendence of worldly material desires and narrowmindedness and serve to purify the spirit. Seeking sincerity and rectifying the mind are the essence of the eight steps described in The Great Learning. They follow immediately after investigating things and extending knowledge and are the key to cultivating the self. Allowing the Heavenly Principle to overcome human desires and the mind of the Way to govern the whole body is to seek sincerity and rectify the mind. It is only by cultivating the self in this way that one can regulate the family, govern the country, and bring peace throughout the world. In Zhu Xi’s teaching of seeking sincerity and rectifying the mind, his hope was that the ruler would cultivate a sincere heart and a rectified mind, 61

(Song Dynasty) Zhu Xi. Collected Annotations of the Four Books. Qilu Press, 1992, p. 6. Annotated by Ding Fubao. Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, p. 55.

62

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which is the foundation to maintaining order in the country. Although it is true that in an absolute monarchy, the moral uprightness of the ruler is key to the country’s rise and fall, it is also equally true that the character of the ruler cannot be controlled by virtuous ministers or famous Confucian scholars. This is, therefore, the institutional conundrum faced by Zhu Xi’s school which he failed to consciously perceive. To reinforce the strength and fortitude of investigating things to extend knowledge and seeking sincerity to rectify the mind, the Two Chengs and Zhu Xi also placed a special emphasis on the attitude of Jing (reverence) in self-cultivation. Cheng Yi said, “Conservation and nourishing requires reverence.” Zhu Xi believed that, “The practice of reverence is the first moral standard to the gate of sageliness.”63 “Reverence” refers to an attitude of respect, seriousness, and mindfulness toward people and affairs advocated by Confucianism. Reverence is important, as it is related to the dignity and sincerity of one’s character. Hence, it is often combined with “sincerity” to form the cornerstone of cultivating the self and giving rest to the people. Treating people and affairs without reverence and sincerity is to investigate things, exhaust the principles, achieve the complete development of one’s nature, and arrive at one’s ultimate existence, only in name and not in substance. (5) Theory of Rennai Sheng Yi (Humaneness is Life-Giving Vitality) The liveliest and most vivid part of Zhu Xi’s teaching is the use of Shengyi (lifegiving vitality) to explain humaneness. He inherited the outlook on life in The Book of Changes, that is, “the great attribute of heaven and earth is the giving and maintaining of life,” and viewed the entirety of nature and society as a great organism, wherein “humaneness” is the mind of all living things in the universe. Zhu Xi expanded the concept of “the benevolent person loves others” into the “the benevolent person loves all life,” which includes loving all things in heaven and earth. He traced the humaneness of the human mind back to the humaneness of heaven, earth, and all living things, thus interconnecting the humaneness of the Five Constant Virtues with the virtues of heaven and earth and thereby elevating Confucius and Mencius’s teachings on humaneness to the lofty heights of great cosmic life. Zhu Xi writes in Renshuo (Treatise on Humaneness) that, “The mind of heaven and earth is to produce things. In the production of humankind and things, humankind and things receive the mind of heaven and earth as their mind. Therefore, with reference to the character of the mind, although it embraces and penetrates all and leaves nothing to be desired, nevertheless, one word will cover all of it, namely, humaneness. For humaneness as constituting the Way consists of the fact that the mind of heaven and earth to produce things is present in everything. Before feelings are aroused, this substance is already in existent in its completeness. After feelings are aroused, its function is infinite. If we can truly practice sincerity and preserve it, then we have in it the spring of all virtues and the root of all good deeds. This reason is why in the teachings of the Confucian school, students are urged to exert anxious and unceasing

63

Qian Mu. A New Historical Biography of Zhu Xi, Book 1. Jiuzhou Press, 2011, p. 108.

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effort pursuing humaneness.”64 Zhu Xi organically integrates the concept of “The great person is he who is in harmony, in his attributes, with heaven and earth”65 in The Book of Changes with Confucius and Mencius’s doctrine of humaneness, using humaneness as the substance to create a school of ecological ethics, which was a significant contribution to Confucianism. Thus, Qian Mu commented, “Zhu Xi’s focus on the vitality and humaneness of the mind ultimately connects all things in the universe together as one body. It should be known that Zhu Xi is the only one who has extended the concept of humaneness to this realm.”66 Zhu Xi made another innovative interpretation of Confucius and Mencius’s teachings on humaneness, which is his fascinating interpretation of the “way of zhong (loyalty) and shu (reciprocity)” in the practice of humaneness: “To focus on the mind corresponds to loyalty; to follow the mind corresponds to reciprocity…. To fully exert oneself is called loyalty; to extend oneself is called reciprocity.”67 This is the most insightful interpretation of Confucius and Mencius’s doctrine that “the benevolent person loves others.” That is, the Confucian notion of humaneness encompasses sincere love (loyalty) and the love of mutual respect (reciprocity), both of which advocate empathy and reaching out from oneself to connect with others. It views the self and others as equals, enabling the expression of love between their mutual interactions. By contrast, the coercive unidirectional love of “do unto others as you would have them do to you” often leads to resentment and hatred. Thus, love born of loyalty and reciprocity is the greatest and truest love, which is also the key to the enduring value of Confucianism. Zhu Xi’s School of Principle was subsequently incorporated into the official education of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties, during which it was revered and actively propagated. The basic ethical principles of the Chinese nation, that is, the sangang, wuchang and bade (Three Cardinal Bonds, Five Constant [Virtues], and Eight Virtues) that had been gradually established in the Han Dynasty, were further consolidated in the form of the School of Principle. It also extended the control of rites and laws over social behaviors, influencing all aspects of social life, which was beneficial to the stability of social order and the construction of a moral climate. At the same time, however, Zhu Xi’s School of Principle overemphasized the commonality of the people and overlooked their individuality, while also making an inappropriate distinction between emotions and principles. This inherent defect was amplified by later adherents of the School of Principle and exploited by those in power, eventually resulting in the tragedy of “detaching from human emotions to discuss the Heavenly Principle,” or even “killing people with principle.” This, therefore, elicited the rise of the Lu-Wang School of Mind and sentiments opposing the School of Principle, thereby supplying the necessary rectifications and criticisms against the latter. 64

Edited by the Society of Master Zhu. Master Zhu’s Learning Almanac, 2011–2012. Xiamen University Press, 2013, pp. 38–39. 65 Annotated by Song Zuoyin. The Book of Changes. Yuelu Publishing House, 2000, p. 15. 66 Qian Mu. A New Historical Biography of Zhu Xi, Book 1. Jiuzhou Press, 2011, p. 61. 67 (Song Dynasty) Zhu Xi. Collected Annotations of the Four Books. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 71.

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(6) Buddhism and Daoism in Zhu Xi’s School of Principle In the School of Principle in the Song Dynasty, aside from a few scholars such as Yang Jian and Zhen Dexiu who agreed with Buddhism, most took an anti-Buddhist stance in their academic discourse. However, their purpose for doing so was to reestablish the orthodoxy of the Confucian lineage and to no longer be marginalized by Buddhism and Daoism. They did not advocate the use of force against Buddhism, as did Han Yu, nor did they approve of verbal attacks. They were aware that the relationship among Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism was one among three ideological cultures, not a power play among political powers. Hence, Confucianism can only surpass Buddhism and Daoism by expanding and strengthening itself in peaceful competition, in order to establish its academic authority. This is an undertaking that involves appealing to the human mind. Zhu Xi had a deep fondness for Zen Buddhism in his early years but later took on the responsibility for defending the sacred teachings of Confucius and Mencius. Therefore, he has a real understanding of the similarities and differences between Confucianism and Buddhism. In his discourse on the differences between the two, he states, “The Buddhists talk only of emptiness, and the Sages talk only of concreteness. To the Buddhists, using reverence to straighten the internal means to contain mere emptiness with nothing in it, and so righteousness cannot be used as a measure for the external. To the sages, using reverence to straighten the internal means to make it clear, empty, and bright so that it can be filled with the myriad principles; only then can righteousness be used as a measure for the external.”68 The Buddhists speak of emptiness in terms of cause and conditions, whereas the Confucianists speak of concrete reality in terms of nature and principle. Therefore, the Buddhist and Confucian approach to the question of the existence of all things in the universe can be summarized as emptiness versus concreteness. Zhu Xi greatly admired the Fayan School for reaching the transcendental realm of viewing all things in the universe with the mind-dharma of emptiness and interpenetration. His School of Principle, in turn, utilized the Buddhist mind-dharma to establish the Confucian teachings of the mind concerning spiritual consciousness and the skillful use of spiritual powers. Thus, we can say that Zhu Xi’s school drew on the wisdom of Buddhism to strengthen the soul of Confucianism. Regarding the “teachings of Laozi,” which includes both Daoist philosophy and Daoist religion, Zhu Xi also adopted an attitude of absorbing the nourishment it offers to consolidate the roots of Confucianism. First, he applied the theory of the Great Way laid out by Laozi and Zhuangzi. The original meaning of dao (the Way) is path, which was gradually abstracted to mean direction, principle, rule, law, and so on. Zhu Xi believed that the Way is principle in its totality. He states, “Dao is the principle from which the past and present originated. For example, a father’s compassion, a son’s filial piety, a ruler’s humaneness, and a minister’s loyalty—these are all one common principle.”69 68 69

Qian Mu. A New Historical Biography of Zhu Xi, Book 1. Jiuzhou Press, 2011, p. 160. Qian Mu. A New Historical Biography of Zhu Xi, Book 1. Jiuzhou Press, 2011, p. 466.

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Zhu Xi’s theory of the Way places a greater emphasis on the continuation and propagation of the orthodox lineage inherited from Yao, Shun, Confucius, and Mencius. He believed that the tradition of dao is a sacred unifying lineage that succeeds from the Heavenly Way and sets the standard for humankind, serving to unite heaven and human and penetrating the past and the present. His duty is to continue the tradition of dao and prevent it from being lost. Here, he has transformed the Great Way of Laozi and Zhuangzi into the teachings of Confucianism. As for the Daoist teaching, Zhu Xi adopts an attitude of selective acceptance, first toward the Diagram Explaining the Great ultimate and second toward the methods for maintaining tranquility. Zhu Xi had high praise for Zhou Dunyi’s Diagram Explaining the Great ultimate, claiming that “the Great ultimate is the original principle of heaven, earth and all things. It remains unbreakable from the past to the present.”70 As for Zhou Dunyi’s methods for maintaining tranquility, Zhu Xi passed them on after making his own adjustments. He instructed Guo Deyuan to “sit in meditation for half the day and study for the other half.”71 However, to sit in meditation does not imply having no thoughts: “It is when we are sitting in meditation and conserving and nourishing ourselves that we must observe thoughts and principles. Only this can be considered conserving and nourishing oneself.”72 From this, we can see that Zhu Xi’s maintenance of tranquility has shifted from the Daoist approach of achieving clarity and stillness to one of conservation and nourishment; he advocated the use of “reverence” to understand “tranquility.”

6.2.5 Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind and Its Relationship with Buddhism and Daoism Lu Jiuyuan (1139–1193), whose zi (social name) is Zijing, was a native of Fuzhou, Jinxi (now in Jiangxi), and was known to the world as Master Xiangshan. Lu Jiuyuan was a contemporary of Zhu Xi, with whom he had close interactions and debates. He was the founder of the Song Dynasty School of Mind, which was the main rival of Zhu Xi’s School of Principle and was valued by Zhu Xi. In his youth, Lu Jiuyuan sensed that the words of Cheng Yi were different from those of Confucius and Mencius and also that Confucius’s words were simple whereas Chengzi’s words were fragmented. Thus, he contented himself with studying the Mencius, pursued the simple and easy way, and set his heart-mentality on learning the principles and laws.

70

(Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. Supplemented by Quan Zuwang. A Historical Biography of Song and Yuan Dynasties. Revised by Chen Jinsheng and Liang Yunhua. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 508. 71 Qian Mu. A New Historical Biography of Zhu Xi, Book 2. Jiuzhou Press, 2011, p. 393. 72 Qian Mu. A New Historical Biography of Zhu Xi, Book 2. Jiuzhou Press, 2011, p. 392.

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(1) The Cosmological Outlook and the Outlook on Heaven and Humanity in the School of Mind The most classic expression in Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind is, “The universe is my heart-mentality, and my heart-mentality is the universe. Had a sage appeared tens of thousands of generations ago, he or she would have had this same principle. Should a sage appear tens of thousands of generations in the future, he or she will have this same principle. Should a sage appear in the regions of the Eastern, Western, Southern or Northern Seas, he or she will have this same principle.”73 He also states, “The affairs of the universe are my own affairs. My own affairs are the affairs of the universe.”74 Lu Jiuyuan acknowledges that the universe is not only objective, but also infinite, while also believing that the universe contains laws and rules, and its essence lies in principle, which fills it completely. The totality of principle is the Way, which includes the heavenly way, the earthly way, and the human way. Lu Jiuyuan and Zhu Xi both believe that the universe consists of principles, and that the Way encompasses all principles, which is also the consensus shared across all of Daoism. However, what Lu Jiuyuan especially emphasizes is the unity of heartmentality and the Way, and the unity of heart-mentality and principle. He proposes that, “Humaneness and righteousness are the original heart-mentality of humanity”75 and they originate from the Way of heaven and earth and hence are universal and eternal. However, “the foolish and unworthy do not ascend to (humaneness and righteousness) and thus they are obscured with selfish desires and lose their original heart-mentality. The worthy and the wise go beyond them and thus are obscured by subjective viewpoints and lose their original heart-mentality.”76 Therefore, the universe has never restrained humankind but humankind itself has restrained the universe, while Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind was founded precisely to break through such restraints, so that the human mind can once again encompass the universe and restore its original form. The most prominent feature of Lu Jiuyuan’s theory of mind is that he does not approve of Cheng Yi’s jiwu qiongli “coming into contact with things and exhaustively investigating the principles,” or Zhuzhi’s gewu zhizhi “investigating things to extend knowledge,” believing them to be flawed in their “fragmentation.” Instead, he advocated for the cultivation of the skills of simplicity, that is, to “first build up the nobler part of one’s nature.” Lu Jiuyuan means that as long as one’s original heartmentality is discovered and enlightened, one will be the same as the sages; once this 73 (Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 273. 74 (Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 273. 75 (Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 9. 76 (Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 9.

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original heart-mentality is directly connected with the way of the universe, it will attain unity between heaven and humanity. This is the original meaning behind “the universe is my heart-mentality, and my heart-mentality is the universe” and also the simple and easy way of “first building up the nobler part of one’s nature.” He argued that discovering and illuminating the original heart-mentality is more straightforward and illuminating, whereas the approach of “coming into contact with things and exhaustively investigating the principles” will only progressively increase one’s burden and never achieve the purpose of understanding the whole reality and its grand function. This is the greatest difference between Lu Jiuyuan’s and Zhu Xi’s teachings. Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind is essentially concerned with the theory of life realms and theory of self-cultivation, rather than with the cosmogony, ontology, and epistemology of Western philosophy, while its methodology stresses the use of intuition and insight. Lu Jiuyuan was opposed to the obsession with annotations and commentaries but did not reject studying the classics. The key was not to blindly follow the annotations and commentaries but to capture the heart-mentality of the sages and understand the meaning of the classics. Therefore, he opposed dogmatic exegesis and advocated the creative study of righteousness and principles, stating, “If in our study we know the fundamentals, all the Six Classics are my footnotes.”77 Lu Jiuyuan’s teachings were the most self-conscious about the innovation of Confucianism, and hence all masters of the School of Mind were ideological heroes in Confucianism. (2) Doctrine of the Original Heart-Mentality is Universal Principle Lu Jiuyuan posited that the original heart-mentality is principle. He states, “All people have this heart-mentality, and all heart-mentality are endowed with this principle. The heart-mentality is principle.”78 Although the multitude of things each have their different principles and there exists a wide array of concrete principles, there is only one fundamental principle. “Principle is the universal principle of all under Heaven, and heart-mentality is the common mind of all under Heaven. A sage is a sage simply because he does not tolerate selfishness.”79 Thus, we can see that Lu Jiuyuan’s “original heart-mentality” refers to the universal heart-mentality of the sages, and this mind is initially shared by all humans in the world. The “universal heart-mentality” is a mind that contains the “universal principle,” which can recognize the way of heaven, earth, and all living things while also applying it to the daily affairs of human relations. Thus, “the heart-mentality is principle” means “the original heartmentality is universal principle,” which is precisely the essence of human nature that we should rediscover. Lu Jiuyuan’s doctrine that “the original heart-mentality is the universal principle” is a theory of life realms and of conservation and nourishment 77

(Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 395. 78 (Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 149. 79 (Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 196.

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premised on the unity of heaven and humankind. It requires people to learn from the sages by treating others and all affairs with a mind of humaneness, love, tolerance, fairness, and righteousness. Thus, he urges us to “Embrace your spirit80 and be your own master. ‘All things already complete in us.’ What is it that is lacking? When I should be commiserative, I can be naturally commiserative. When I should be ashamed, I can be naturally ashamed. When I should be liberal and tender, I can be naturally liberal and tender. When I should be strong and firm, I can be naturally strong and firm.”81 The quintessence of Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind is found in this expression: “Embrace your spirit and be your own master.” How does one accomplish this? Lu Jiuyuan believed that the crux of the matter lies with “Bianzhi” (distinguishing intention), that is, “distinguishing between righteousness and profit.” This is the simple and easy way of “first building up the nobler part of one’s nature” by eliminating selfish desires and establishing the universal principle. “Building up the nobler part of one’s nature” does not depend on accumulating knowledge, investigating things, or exhausting the principles but on introspection and insight, enabling the leap from the realm of utilitarianism to the realm of morality. Here, the humaneness, wisdom, and courage of the heart-mentality will naturally appear, while the original heart-mentality will spontaneously emerge and gain control, thus arriving at a transcendental detachment and finding comfort wherever it goes. Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind is not as “empty and vacuous” as it has been accused of being. It requires not only understanding but also practice. It is only by putting theory into practice that one can be considered to have gained true knowledge. Thus, he urges, “It is necessary to devote ourselves to practical learning and not be engaged in empty word; only then can we claim to have given a clear explanation. If mere oral instruction is considered giving a clear explanation, then we are no longer the disciples of the sages.”82 Therefore, one is not against engaging in studies but believes that one should not remain in the passive receipt of oral instruction. He advocates understanding the heart-mentality of the sages from one’s studies, which can then be reflected in politics, economics, and human relations. This is the Confucian tradition of practical application. (3) Differences and Similarities between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan were academic peers who were frequently engaged in debates, all of which were internal debates within Neo-Confucianism. Their contentions were mainly centered on the differences in their theoretical focus and method of self-cultivation, whereas their value ideals and orthodox concepts were basically consistent. Both believed that “all men have this heart-mentality, and all minds are endowed with this principle. The transmission of the sages lies with not casting the 80

Take your spirit inward and don’t spend your time and engergy pursuing external things. (Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, pp. 455–456. 82 (Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 160. 81

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original heart-mentality away.” However, the two masters had different understandings on the steps involved in self-cultivation. In 1175 CE, the brothers Lu Jiuyuan and Lu Jiuling met with Zhu Xi and a group of scholars at the Goose Lake Temple on Mount Yan, which later came to be known in the history of Confucianism as the renowned “Meeting at Goose Lake.” A fierce debate took place between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan. According to one participant, Zhu Taiqing (Hengdao), “During the meeting at Goose Lake, our discussions touched upon the education of human. Yuanhui’s (Zhu Xi) intention was to instruct him to read extensively and have a broad understanding and then return to a summary of everything, whereas the intention of the two Lu brothers was to first discover and illuminate the original heartmentality of humankind and then instruct him to read extensively. Zhu believed that Lu’s education of people was too simple, while Lu believed Zhu’s education of people was fragmented and disconnected. There were disagreements over this point.” Lu Jiuyuan later expressed his thoughts in poetry: “Work that is simple and easy will, in the end, be lasting and great. Fragmented and disconnected endeavors will end up in aimless drifting.”83 Three years later, Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuling wrote a poem that said, in part, “Old learning becomes more profound with discussion; new knowledge gains depth with continued cultivation.”84 He believed that old learning must be further investigated and new knowledge must be cultivated. Nothing can be discarded, and both must be complete. Only then can one gain profundity and depth in one’s knowledge. This is clearly the contention between “honoring one’s virtuous nature” and “following the path of inquiry and study” found in The Doctrine of the Mean. Hence, Zhu Xi points out that, “Since Zisi, there are only two things in the method of educating humankind that are the key to our exertions, which are to honor one’s virtuous nature and to follow the path of inquiry and study. What Zijing (Lu Jiuyuan) is now concerned with is focused specifically on the matter of honoring one’s virtuous nature, whereas what Zhu Xi is usually concerned with places greater emphasis on inquiry and study.”85 However, Lu Jiuyuan did not accept Zhu Xi’s theory of the balanced heart-mentality and stated, “Zhu Yuanhui intends to eliminate two weaknesses and conjoin two strengths. However, I do not believe this is possible. If one does not honor one’s virtuous nature, how can one follow the path of inquiry and study?”86 Lu Jiuyuan had a strong personality and was unwilling to compromise. However, based on the subsequent history in the development of NeoConfucianism, we see that the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle emphasized inquiry and study and began with the investigation of things to extend knowledge. Its strength lay in the ease of injecting human ethical norms into the education process, which can be transformed into shared behavioral rules within the social community, and

83 (Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 301. 84 (Song Dynasty) Zhu Xi. Anthology of Zhu Xi. Revised by Guo Qi and Yin Bo. Sichuan Education Press, 1996, p. 185. 85 Qian Mu. A New Historical Biography of Zhu Xi, Book 1. Jiuzhou Press, 2011, p. 158. 86 Qian Mu. A New Historical Biography of Zhu Xi, Book 1. Jiuzhou Press, 2011, p. 159.

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thus ensure a stable social order. However, its weakness was the inhibition of individual development, which led to the gradual loss of its internal humanistic spirit, and it eventually became dogmas to shackle human nature. This is nothing more than falling into fragmentation and disconnectedness. The Lu-Wang School of Mind stressed the honoring of one’s virtuous nature and begins with building up the nobler part of one’s nature. Its strength was in the promotion of self-consciousness and a spirit of autonomy, free from the constraints of external teachings, including the classics, and thus allowing individuals to establish their moral character, express a spirit of independent creativity, and expand cultural undertakings. Its weaknesses were found in its empty talk about nature and existence, its shallow roots of knowledge, indifference to society and people’s livelihoods, egocentrism, and inability to glean the benefits of collective wisdom, which were also not conducive to the healthy development of Confucianism. Therefore, the Zhu School and Lu School were mutually complementary. (4) Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind and Zen Buddhism Compared to Zhu Xi’s teachings, Lu Jiuyuan’s teachings were more compatible with Zen Buddhism in terms of their mode of thinking, approach to self-cultivation, and the use of terminology. When Lu Jiuyuan talks about “heart-mentality is principle,” and “my heart-mentality is the universe”, he is categorizing humankind’s cognition of all things in the universe under the whole reality and grand function of the original heartmentality. This notion was formed by directly applying the wisdom of Zen Buddhism, which advocates the direct discovery of the original heart-mentality, and clarifying the heart-mentality and seeing one’s nature; it was built upon the foundation of the “perfect interpenetration of the one and the many” proposed by the Huayan School. Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind is a method of seeking the cosmic truth through one’s own heart-mentality, but what he is seeking is not tath¯at¯a and dharmat¯a but a universal principle containing ethics and morality. He claims to have a teaching method that differed from the conventional: “In general, I do not engage in setting up the rules of learning but often seek understanding at the roots. If the roots exist, then naturally there will be branches. If we seek understanding entirely at the branches, then this is a futile endeavor. If one already has understanding at the roots, then it is possible to gently fan the flames as the wind blows, and (the rules of learning) can be established at any time, but they do not engage in the work of building a stove (to light the fire).”87 Here, Lu Jiuyuan manages to unite Mencius’s “being conscious of sincerity upon self-examination” with the concept of “clarifying one’s heart-mentality and seeing one’s nature” from Zen Buddhism at a higher level. Among Lu Jiuyuan’s disciples, Yang Jian was most prominent in his proximity and application of Zen Buddhism. He believed that the heart-mentality encompasses all things: “All people have this heart-mentality, and all minds are transparent and formless. That which is formless is also boundless. Thus, all things in heaven and earth are contained in that which is 87

(Song Dynasty) Lu Jiuyuan. Anthology of Lu Jiuyuan. Revised by Zhong Zhe. Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 457.

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transparent and formless within me.”88 In Yangshi Yizhuan (The Commentary on the Book of Changes by Yang), he writes, “Those with penetrating minds see clearly that all things in heaven and earth are contained within the scope of their nature, whereas the changes of all things in heaven and earth are found in the changes of their nature. What is there still between the root and branches, the fine and the coarse, and the great and the small?”89 From this, we can see that Yang Jin was well-versed in the essence of Buddhist doctrines such as “the myriad dharmas are only consciousness” and “observe the heart-mentality to absorb the dharmas” and was accustomed to applying Buddhist terms such as “seek not external help” and “scope of nature.” The tendency of Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind to draw on Zen Buddhism was further developed and deepened by Yangmingism in the Ming Dynasty and subsequent schools of thought. Later followers of Lu Jiuyuan’s school pushed Mencius’s ideas of “first building up the nobler part of one’s nature” and “seeking for the lost heartmentality” to the extreme, while also applying the Zen Buddhist wisdom of “attaining Buddhahood upon finding one’s heart-mentality” and “not seeking external help” to the fullest.

6.2.6 The Confucian Rationalist School of the Yuan Dynasty and Confluence of Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan (1) Overview of the Relationship among the Three Teachings in the Liao, Jin, and Western Xia Dynasties During the two Song Dynasties and before the Yuan Dynasty, China underwent a period dominated by political division and separatist regimes, as well as an intense ethnic conflict and frequent ethic wars. Despite the political division and military conflicts in the Liao, Jin, Western Xia, and Song Dynasties, China remained a collective cultural community that shared common beliefs in Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. The different empires never ceased their mutual cultural and religious exchanges, and their spiritual bond remained strong, differing only in their preferences for each of the three teachings. The Liao Dynasty replicated the culture of the Central Plains and revered Confucianism and ritual teaching. In terms of relative importance, Buddhism played a greater role than Daoism. After the Jin Dynasty entered the Yellow River Basin, it adopted the ritual and music system of the Song Dynasty. Emperor Shizong said to his prime minister, “I have ordered the translation of the Five Classics so that the Jurchen will know about the existence of humaneness, righteousness and virtue.”90 Emperor Zhangzong 88 Pan Fuen and Xu Hongxing. Learning of Principle of China, Volume 3. Oriental Publishing House, 2002, p. 82. 89 Zhang Wei (Ed.). A Boat of Heart Roaming on the Lake of Cihu: Collected Conference Papers Studying on Yang Jian. Zhejiang University Press, 2012, p. 12. 90 Xu Jialu and Zeng Zaozhuang (Eds.). Completed English Version of the Twenty-four History: History of Jin, Book 1. The Great Chinese Dictionary Press, 2004, p. 147.

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issued an edict ordering the repair of Confucian temples and established institutes for the translation of Confucian classics. This shows us the sincerity of the Jin Dynasty in its reverence of Confucianism. At the same time, Buddhism and Daoism were both respected, and the witnessed the rise of the Hebei Neo-Daoist religion, which sparked a new stage of development in the Daoist religion. The Western Xia Dynasty imitated the Song Dynasty in its establishment of offices and division of functions and translated the Confucian classics into Tangut. Among the three teachings, Buddhism flourished the most in the Western Xia Dynasty, because this region was an intersection between east and west, where Buddhism had always been prevalent. During this period, large-scale ethnic conflicts were unceasing, but ethnic integration was also taking place at the same time, in which the three teachings (Confucianism, in particular) played a crucial role as a cultural glue. As these three dynasties were in the process of accepting and digesting the cultures of the three teachings, their focus was on absorbing ideas, rather than on innovation. Hence, they did not make significant contributions on the academic level and mainly passed on the results from the Neo-Confucianism of the Song Dynasty. Consider the Jin Dynasty, for example: the Shu School of the Three Sus was most popular in this dynasty and had substantial influence. Thus, the integration of the three teachings was prevalent, while Su Shi was admired by rulers and literary leaders (such as Zhao Bingwen and Wang Ruoxu) alike. At that time, the great essayist Li Chunfu (Master Pingshan) advocated the integration of the three teachings and used his status as a Confucian to embrace the teachings of Buddhism and Daoism with a great degree of openness, which captured the attention of ordinary Confucians. During the Jin and Yuan Dynasties, Song Neo-Confucianism gradually seeped into the north and Zhang Jiucheng’s Daoxue Fayuan (Origin and Development of Neo-Confucianism) was released, which initiated the promotion of the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle. Zhang Jiucheng introduced Buddhism into Confucianism, for which he was criticized by Zhu Xi. Wang Ruoxu had his own unique insights and states in Lunyu Bianhuo (Critical Essays on The Analects), “The discourse of the Song Confucians is not without its contributions, but it is also not without its faults. In its inference on the subtlety of the heart-mentality, its analysis on the discrimination between righteousness and profit, its deliberation of whether it is compatible with the trends of its time, and its tortuous interpenetration, it has surpassed many Confucians in the past and has made noteworthy contributions. In terms of its excessive interpretations and extravagant praises (of ancient teachings), believing that each sentence must contain the signs of heaven and all affairs are related to creative transformation, rather than venerating the sages as it intends, it has destroyed the reputation of the sages. It claims to reject heresy, but in reality, it dwells within heresy. How can we say it is free of faults?”91 From this, we can see that the Confucian scholars of the Jin Dynasty were clear and rational, and their appraisal of the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle was fair in its praise and critique, which demonstrates their admirable understanding. 91 (Jin Dynasty) Wang Ruoxu. Anthology of Wang Ruoxu—Appended with the Squeal of Poetry. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 17.

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(2) Flourishing of the School of Principle in the Yuan Dynasty During the Jin and Yuan Dynasties, the Mongolians appeared in the north with their nomadic cavalry, and Genghis Khan’s army swept across the Eurasian continent and conquered this part of the world. Genghis Khan was not only a great military strategist but also a great politician. While traveling westward in his conquest, he began contemplating how to stabilize and govern the vast territory and the large population of the Chinese nation through his military conquest. Therefore, he invited the Daoist master of the Quanzhen School, Qiu Chuji, to travel westward to Mount Xue, so that he could ask for advice on ruling the country in person. Genghis Khan also reinstated Yelv Chucai, a descendent of the Liao Dynasty imperial family, and consulted with him about policies on governing by Confucianism, all of which was intended to absorb the core of Chinese culture composed of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. This intention toward engaging in voluntary and active Sinicization was inherited by those in power during the Yuan Dynasty. Yelv Chucai had long been aware of the division of labor between Confucianism and Buddhism: “Govern the world with the way of Confucius, govern one mind with the teachings of Buddha.”92 In the early Yuan Dynasty, Yelv Chucai promoted the building of Confucian temples and the advancement of Confucianism, which enabled the early development of cultural and educational undertakings. At the same time, Buddhism and Daoism were also incorporated, which enabled the culture of the Yuan Dynasty to contain both Chinese subjectivity and pluralistic openness. Yelv’s contributions in this respect were indispensable. The Yuan Dynasty was governed by Mongolian aristocrats, but it was necessary that the Chinese cultural community continued to exist, which was not easy for Han scholars to realize. When the Neo-Confucian scholar Zhao Fu was captured by the Yuan army, he initially wanted to commit suicide but was saved by Yao Shu, who advised him, “If you remain unharmed, do you not then inherit a lineage of hundreds and thousands of years, and pass it on for hundreds and thousands of generations? To die is meaningless.”93 Therefore, Zhao Fu followed Yao Shu northward, presented him with more than 8,000 volumes on the words of the two Chengs and Zhu Xi, and instructed him on Neo-Confucianism. With the efforts of Yao Shu, Xu Heng, Liu Yin, and other Confucians, the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle flourished during the Yuan Dynasty and gradually became the country’s dominant ideology. Zhu Xi’s School of Principle became the official education of the Yuan Dynasty, where it dominated national politics and imperial examination and guided social trends. In the past, the academia made many negative comments on the school, arguing that it enabled the shackling of the human mind and the use of principles extinguished desires, thus established as the means by which the powerful controlled the people. There is a certain truth to this claim. However, if we examine this from the perspective of ethnology and culturology, we see that the establishment of the authoritative status 92 (Yuan Dynasty) Yelv Chucai. Annotated by Xiang Da. The Records of the Journey to the West. Zhonghua Book Company, 1981, p. 13. 93 Revised and edited by Cha Hongde. Anthology of Yao Sui. People’s Literature Publishing House, 2011, p. 63.

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of Zhu Xi’s teachings represented yet another major consolidation of Confucianism (the dominant doctrine of Chinese culture) under new historical conditions after the commendation of the Six Classics by Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty. The Zhu School carried on the cultural heritage of the Chinese nation and strengthened its ideological thread of unity in plurality among the different ethnic groups. With the commendation of the Four Books and the veneration of the “Heavenly Principle” as its new characteristics, the Cheng-Zhu School elevated traditional Chinese morality and core values to new heights, thus forming a common psychological haven for the Chinese community in spiritual terms. From this perspective, Zhu Xi’s historical status and role can be ranked alongside those of Confucius and Dong Zhongshu. Zhu Xi’s School of Principle, especially his Collected Commentaries of the Four Books, clarifies the quintessence of Confucius and Mencius’s orthodox lineage in an extremely concise manner and can meet the spiritual needs of the people yearning for national unity, social stability, and honesty in social trends after centuries of strife and division. Therefore, its revival was not simply the result of its promotion by political groups. Zhao Fu (1215–1306) was a native of De’an county (Anlu, Hubei). He traveled north to teach the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle at the Taiji Academy in Beijing and commended the Four Books. Yu Ji writes in Ba Jining Li Zhang Suoke Jiujing SiShu (Nine Classics and Four Books Engraved by Jining Li Zhang) that, “Under the reign of Emperor Shizu (Kublai Khan), Master Xu Wenzheng (Xu Heng) was instructed in the teachings of Zhu Xi’s Four Books by Master Jianghan (Zhao Fu). He immersed himself in its study and extracted its core meaning, which he presented to the ruler and shared with the people, endeavoring to cultivate his understanding through others who received direct instruction. The many books of Zhu Xi are regarded as a guide to national policies and are revered and trusted by scholars. None can doubt its position.”94 Thus, we can see that Zhao Fu was a great champion of Zhu Xi’s teachings. Xu Heng (1209–1281) was a native of Henei county (Qinyang, Henan) and is also known as Master Luzhai. His major contributions to the history of Confucianism included helping the Yuan Dynasty implement Han law and respect the School of Principle and integrating Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind on the basis of inheriting Zhu Xi’s orthodox lineage, thereby promoting the syncretism of the Zhu and Lu schools. Together with Liu Bingzhong and Zhang Wenqian, he formulated the bureaucratic system and court etiquette for the Yuan Dynasty based on the ritual system. Together with Wang Xun and Guo Shoujing, he formulated the new Chinese calendar and taught the Mongolian nobility the Six Training Skills of Confucianism. He commended Zhu Xi’s Collected Commentaries on the Four Books and set it as standard reading for the imperial examination during the Yuanyou era. He occupied a high rank, educated a large number of Mongolian officials who had a broad understanding of Confucianism, effectively promoted the integration of Han and Mongolian culture, and established Confucianism as an ideological bridge to enable 94

(Yuan Dynasty) Yu Ji. Yu Ji’s Records on Studying Ancient Classics. The Commercial Press, 1937, p. 674.

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communication among various ethnic cultures in the Yuan Dynasty. In terms of his interpretations of the School of Principle, Xu Heng interconnected the teachings of Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan, both emphasizing the investigation of things external to oneself and “exhausting the principles to understand one’s mind,” as well as advocating the adherence to the original mind and “understanding one’s mind to exhaust the principles.” He states that “all things that are born must have this principle, and later they acquire form. Without principle, it is formless”95 and stresses the noumenality and universality of “principle,” which conforms to Zhu Xi’s principle-based ontology. However, he also states that “natural abilities are those that arise without learning,”96 and despite the vastness and profundity of the principle of heaven and earth, as long as a person seeks “utmost sincerity” from within him- or herself, then he or she will be able to “embody the Way” and acquire the Heavenly Principle, thus “uniting in one body with heaven and earth.” This path of “seeking one’s mind through self-reflection” inspired the beginnings of Wang Shouren’s zhi liangzhi (extension of intuitive knowledge, literally, good knowledge) in the Ming Dynasty. Liu Yin (1247–1293) was a native of Rongcheng county (Xushui, Hebei) and went by the pseudonym Jingxiu. Liu Yin was well-known in the literary world. However, he was frustrated with the excessive belligerence of the Yuan Dynasty and so refused to serve as an official. Instead, he lived in seclusion in the mountains and followed a path of passive resistance. Academically, he venerated the School of Principle, about which he had unique ideas: (1) He used the Commentary on the Book of Changes to discuss “the principle of ceaseless production and reproduction,” thus further highlighting the life attributes of the Heavenly Principle. (2) He speaks of “transforming human desires into Heavenly Principle, and transforming blood and qi into nature and emotions,”97 which requires enriching one’s goodness, balancing the mind, and nurturing the qi. (3) He states that “the Way exists in all time and all places. Thus, one who wishes to be a good and superior person must do so all the time and in all places,”98 which he argues is not a matter of applicability. (4) He combines Shao Yong’s “observation of things” with Zhuangzi’s “equalization of things” to arrive at a realm of unity between the thing and the self, where there is “complete interpenetration” among heaven, earth, and humankind, and between the sages and oneself. (5) He argues, “In ancient times, there was no distinction between the classics and history. The Book of Poetry, The Book of Documents, and Spring and Autumn 95

(Yuan Dynasty) Xu Heng. Anthology of Xu Heng. Revised Zhongzhou Classics Publishing House, 2009, p. 3. 96 (Yuan Dynasty) Xu Heng. Anthology of Xu Heng. Revised Zhongzhou Classics Publishing House, 2009, p. 112. 97 Li Xiusheng (Ed.). Complete Collection of Yuan Prose, Publishing House, 1999, p. 396. 98 Li Xiusheng (Ed.). Complete Collection of Yuan Prose, Publishing House, 1999, p. 374.

by Huai Jianli and Chen Zhaoyun. by Huai Jianli and Chen Zhaoyun. Book 13. Jiangsu Ancient Books Book 13. Jiangsu Ancient Books

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Annals are all history. It was due to the editing and revisions of the sage to establish the great canons that we now have the classics.”99 This subsequently gave inspiration to Zhang Xuecheng’s proposition that “the Six Classics are all history.” The positive impact of this was the later adoption of a historical perspective to view the classics, whereas its negative impact was its use of historiography to diminish the value of the classics. (3) Convergence between Zhu Xi’s School of Principle and Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind With respect to the theories of Neo-Confucianism, both Zhu Xi’s School of Principle and Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind were based on the Book of Changes and the Four Books. Moreover, both schools were proposed with the intention of promoting Confucius and Mencius’s way of self-cultivation to give rest to the people and the educational methods of rectifying the mind in the Great Learning. The difference between them lies only in whether they emphasized “honoring one’s virtuous nature” or “following the path of inquiry and study” and whether they followed the path of “sincerity resulted in intelligence” or “intelligence resulted in sincerity,” which are not fundamentally antithetical. In fact, it can be said that they each had their own insights but also their own biases, and so there was a possibility, and even a necessity, for mutual complementariness. From a practical point of view, once the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle was established as the official education of the Yuan Dynasty, it brought the flaws of dogmatism and convolutedness, which diminished its vitality and required an injection of internal vigor. Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind, however, lacked an adequate system and began to decline, thus also requiring the “conscientious” work of Zhu Xi’s school to strengthen its argumentation. The “integration” and “harmonization” of Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan was therefore beneficial and could lead to mutual success. This was an objective need based on the actual situation, and so scholars such as Zheng Yu, Wu Cheng, and Yu Ji emerged to syncretize the Zhu and Lu schools. Zheng Yu states, “According to my view, Lu Jiuyuan’s quality was lofty and illuminating, and thus favored simplicity; Zhu Xi’s quality was intuitive knowledge and thus favored profound investigation. Both studied what was close to their qualities and thus entered different paths. As for what they aspire, it is the Three Cardinal Bonds and Five Constant Virtues, virtues of humaneness and righteousness—where do they differ in this respect? Furthermore, they both agree with Yao and Shun and disagree with Jie and Zhou; they both respect Duke of Zhou and Confucius and reject Buddha and Laozi. They both regard the Heavenly Principle as universal and human desires as egocentric. In terms of the great fundamental virtues and universal obligations, how can there be differences? It is also not possible that the teachings of the two schools do not have their flaws. The deficiencies of Lu’s teachings are like the empty and fanciful talk of the Buddha, ultimately leading to recklessness and destruction, while failing in the work of extending one’s knowledge. The deficiencies 99

Li Xiusheng (Ed.). Complete Collection of Yuan Prose, Book 13. Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, 1999, p. 390.

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of Zhu’s teachings are like the vulgar Confucians in their superficial study, ultimately leading to idleness and depravity, with no means to reap the benefits of their practice. However, how can we blame two masters who imparted their teachings? The fault lies with the later scholars who passed on these deficiencies.”100 Zheng Yu’s comments had surpassed the constraints of the two schools and so are relatively impartial. Wu Cheng also believed that “the two masters, Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan, had one teaching, but inferior persons of each school boasted about themselves and slandered the other, which continues even today.”101 Yu Ji was a student of Wu Cheng, and he compiled the letters written by Zhu Xi. Yu Ji believed that Zhu Xi was aware of his own inadequacies during his lifetime and hence sought the truth through self-reflection. “Zhu Xi’s exclamation that the merits of ‘following the path of inquiry and study are many, whereas the meaning of honoring one’s virtuous nature is few’ refers precisely to this.”102 Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan had their similarities and differences, but they treated each other with sincerity and learned from one another. This admirable academic style was often abandoned in later years, which is lamentable indeed. Fortunately, a growing number of knowledgeable persons later emerged and they further promoted the development of Neo-Confucianism with tolerance and creativity, which ultimately enabled the rise of the School of Mind in the Ming Dynasty. From this, we can see that Wang Yangming’s School of Mind in the Ming Dynasty were not merely the continuation and development of Lu Jiuyuan’s School of Mind but had in fact resulted from the convergence of Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan during the Yuan Dynasty. In a broader sense, it was also the achievements of the further theoretical integration among Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism which gave rise to the vast, illuminating, delicate, and poignant quality of Yangmingism.

6.2.7 The Rise of Wang Yangming’s School of Mind, and Its Characteristics and Achievements (1) The Rise and Fall of the School of Principle in the Early Ming Dynasty For more than a hundred years in the early Ming Dynasty, the Zhu School was the dominant ideology, and it reached its peak during this period. Strictly speaking, it was an era of governance based on the official politicization of the School of Principle, which also happened to be an era of dwindling vitality, during which the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle grew in rigidity and became a tool to restrain social thought. A 100 Li Xiusheng (Ed.). Complete Collection of Yuan Prose, Book 46. Phoenix House. Ltd., 2004, p. 314. 101 (Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. Supplemented by Quan Zuwang. A Historical Biography of Song and Yuan Dynasties, Book 4. Revised by Chen Jinsheng and Liang Yunhua. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 3046. 102 (Yuan Dynasty) Yu Ji. Yu Ji’s Records on Studying Ancient Classics. The Commercial Press, 1937, p. 686.

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sign of the monopoly held by the official School of Principle was the publication of the three major texts compiled by Emperor Chengzu: the Wujing Daquan (Great Compendium of the Five Classics), Sishu Daquan (Great Compendium of the Four Books), and Xingli Daquan (Great Compendium of Nature and Principle). These texts became the canonical basis for political ideology and possessed supreme authority. Zhu Di consciously realized that statecraft should not be subsumed within the way of Confucius and Mencius, while the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle, which stresses the sacredness and universality of the Confucian ethical code and ritual teaching, was most suitable for unifying the national ideology, building moral self-discipline, and establishing regulatory standards. Therefore, he used the School of Principle to interpret the original meaning of the Five Classics and Four Books and propagated it throughout the country. He was the most accomplished emperor of the Ming Dynasty. His ideas concerning the construction of a state of etiquette contained sincere and rational aspects, while the promotion of the School of Principle and the three Great Compendiums also had a positive impact on popularizing Confucianism and ideologically consolidating the Chinese cultural community. However, with respect to the production process, the Great Compendiums were imitations of older works, and the editing process was hurried and unrefined. The Great Compendium of the Five Classics, in particular, was criticized by later scholars for its poor quality, and these works were not widely circulated after the Ming Dynasty. More importantly, Emperor Yongle and his successors were not able to first rectify themselves before rectifying others and placed greater emphasis on the imposition of the “Three Cardinal Bonds,” rather than propagating the Confucian way of humaneness, reciprocity, and loving the people. In light of their actions, what then was the use of creating the compendiums? Moreover, he desired that “families were not governed differently, nor did the country harbor different customs,”103 showing no tolerance toward the diversity of ethnic customs and cultures. It was inevitable that such a cultural autocracy would lose the support of the people. Only scholars within the School of Principle, such as Song Lian, Liu Ji, Xue Xuan, Wu Rubi, Cao Duan, and Hu Juren, were able to conduct themselves according to the teachings of Zhu Xi. Among them, Song Lian proposed many plans for governance by Confucianism in the early Ming Dynasty. He devoted himself to the study of Buddhist scriptures and explicitly argued for the unity of Confucianism and Buddhism, stating that “the Confucian classics seek to explore the subtlety and profundity of righteousness and principle, while the Buddhist doctrines seek to trace the overarching principles of phenomena. If both are employed, then there will be mutual support between emptiness and being; both absolute and conventional truth can be applied.”104 Song Lian achieved a certain level of success in the mutual support between Confucianism and Buddhism and the combined application of absolute and conventional truth. However, this was a common approach adopted by Song-Ming Neo-Confucians; the 103

Bai Shouyi and Wang Yuquan (Eds.). General History of China, Volume 9. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2015, p. 344. 104 (Ming Dynasty) Song Lian. Edited and revised by Huang Linggeng. Complete Works of Song Lian. People’s Literature Publishing House, 2014, p. 517.

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only difference was that some stated this explicitly and others applied it implicitly. He also employed the Daoist thinking of the “equalization of things” and “sitting in oblivion” to demonstrate the realm of unity between the thing and the self. In addition, he adopted a conciliatory attitude toward Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan. Fang Xiaoru defended the legitimate line of Ming royalty and refused to surrender to Zhu Di, which resulted in his execution. Huang Zongxi regarded him as a second Zhu Xi. These scholars of the School of Principle in the early Ming Dynasty all maintained the unique Confucian character of “conducting oneself with a sense of shame.” Each of them performed their own acts of righteousness and principle, and each made their own contributions. However, they were powerless to prevent the decline of the School of Principle. (2) The Founding of Yangmingism Prior to the rise of Yangmingism (also known as the Wang School), Chen Xianzhang’s Jiangmen School of Mind served as the transition from the Lu school to the Wang School. During this rise, Zhan Ruoshui further developed the Jiangmen School of Mind, which complemented Wang Shouren’s School of Mind. Chen Xianzhang opened the doors to the Ming Dynasty School of Mind, and his approach was one of “emptiness, oneness, and tranquility”: “To learn, one must seek the mind within. First, focus on obtaining a mind of emptiness, clarity, tranquility, and oneness and then read the important words of the ancients. Only then will the teachings be compatible with oneself, and one will neither be influenced nor rely upon them, so as to be trapped within the self-deception of blindly following external things. This is the method of the School of Mind.”105 Here, he interconnects the teachings of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism on seeking one’s mind and nurturing one’s nature. Zhan Ruoshui’s School of Mind gives a clear definition: “What is the School of Mind? All things are nothing but the mind.”106 What is mind? “That which is empty and intelligent, straightforward and impartial, is the original substance of the mind and the so-called Heavenly principle. This is the mind, of which all human beings have the same.” “The mind is principle, and principle is the center and rightness of the mind.”107 Thus, he was a proponent of “all people have this same mind, and all minds are endowed with this same principle.” Wang Shouren (1472–1529), social name Bo’an, was a native of Yuyao, Zhejiang. He was later known as Master Yangming because he resided in the Yangming Cave in Kuaiji Mountain. His Neo-Confucianism can be attributed to the “Enlightenment at Longchang,” and he later became a great master of the Ming Dynasty School of Mind. His major achievements included suppressing the rebellion led by Zhu Chenhao, which later made him a rare talent in the history of Confucianism who 105

Zhang Dainian (Ed.). Dictionary of Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House, 2014, p. 191. 106 Edited by Guan Buxun et al. Anthology of Studies on Zhan Ruoshui. Flower City Publishing House, 1993, p. 96. 107 (Ming Dynasty) Edited by Zhan Ruoshui. Annotations and Investigation on Imperial Learning, Volume 2. Guangxi Normal University Press, 2015, pp. 756, 857.

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possessed both “inner sageliness” (founding a branch of Confucianism) and “outer kingliness” (governing the state and maintaining peace). The evolution of Wang Shouren’s School of Mind underwent three transformations, beginning with sitting in silence to cleanse the mind, progressing to the extension of intuitive knowledge, and then to the unity of knowledge and action. Huang Zongxi captures the essence of Yangmingism as follows: (1) “the mind is principle,” (2) “extending one’s intuitive knowledge,” and (3) “unity of knowledge and action”. (1) The mind is principle. Yangming once studied Zhu Xi’s teaching and attempted to apply it by investigating the bamboos in front of a pavilion, but his efforts were in vain. After his enlightenment at Longchang, he abandoned the Cheng-Zhu approach of “conservation and nourishment require reverence, the advancement of learning requires the extension of knowledge.” Instead, he devoted his efforts to seeking sincerity and rectifying the mind. Yangming believed that neither things nor principles exist beyond the mind. The “principle” he refers to is mainly human ethical rules, that is, the way of the Five Constant Virtues, and he proposes that humans must also treat all things in nature with a mind of humaneness and righteousness. Hence, he believes that seeking sincerity is most critical and disagrees with the attainment of sagehood through knowledge and skills. Instead, he argues that sagehood can only be achieved by building one’s character and elevating one’s mind. “The mind is principle” does not subsume objective matters under subjective consciousness in an epistemological sense, but rather, it subsumes moral behavior under subjective will in an ethical sense. Yangming states, “For the will to function, there must be the thing in which it is to function, and the thing is a reality. For example, when the will functions in the service of parents, then ‘serving parents’ is a thing. When the will functions in governing people, then ‘governing the people’ is a thing. When the will functions in study, then study is a thing. When the will functions in hearing a lawsuit, then ‘hearing a lawsuit’ is a thing. Wherever the will is applied, there cannot be nothing. Where this is a particular will, there is a particular thing corresponding to it, and where there is no particular will, there will be no particular thing corresponding to it.”108 When “admiring flowers in Nan Town,” Yangming said, “Before you look at these flowers, they and your mind are in the state of silent vacancy. As you come to look at them, their colors immediately show up clearly. From this, you know that these flowers are not external to your mind.”109 Yangming does not claim that when the flower has yet to be seen by human eyes, it does not exist, but rather it can only become an object of perception and aesthetics when it enters one’s field of vision. By extension, although all people live together within heaven and earth, every individual has their own world with respect to 108 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 173. 109 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 375.

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the theory of meaning, which is also the extent to which their spiritual activities can reach. Thus, Yangming expands the concept of “the mind is principle” from an ethical sense to a theory of perception and aesthetics, stressing that the spirit of each individual encompasses the totality of the world in which they live. Thus, the mind endows the individual’s perceptual world with the meaning of life. In Yangming’s view, there is no world that is purely objective. He explains this in a concluding statement: “The master of the body is the mind. What emanates from the mind is the will. The original substance of the will is knowledge, and wherever the will is directed is a thing.”110 “Therefore, I say that there are neither principles nor things outside the mind.”111 Yangming takes Zhang Zai’s “establishing a mind for heaven and earth” to its extreme, thereby also developing human subjective consciousness and subjective agency to the utmost. Yangming’s intention was to achieve the spiritual resonance and interpenetration of the human mind with social groups and all things in heaven and earth, thus enabling their integration. His purpose was not to dominate the world with the human or to subsume all things within the mind. This distinction must be clearly made. (2) Unity of knowledge and action. Confucius valued the consistency between words and action, even favoring actions over words, or better yet, that one’s “words are sincere and truthful, and one’s actions honorable and careful.” Confucius’s emphasis on action was due to the prevalence of empty words without action, or the disconnect between words and actions in life, which had become a major epidemic in society that needed rectification. Yangming further develops the foundation laid down by Confucius and explicitly puts forward the proposition of the “unity of knowledge and action.” Through this, he elevated the discourse on knowledge and action (which includes the relationship between words and deeds) to a whole new level, which had an immense impact on later generations. Yangming’s discussion on the “unity of knowledge and action” mainly revolves around ethical life and is aimed at two social maladies: impure motives and words without action. In Yangming’s view, moral behavior ought to be the unification of motive and effect. Thus, an evil motive, even one that has not yet resulted in adverse consequences, is only a matter of time and should already be regarded as action. However, if a person only expresses their desire to commit an action but has no plans to do so, this should not be regarded as true knowledge, as true knowledge must involve practice through actions. Thus, true knowledge and conscientious action are one. Yangming’s doctrine of the “unity of knowledge and action” served as an effective warning to the world, not only incisively penetrating the maladies of his time but also having historical significance. His doctrine was useful in 110 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 19. 111 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 19.

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correcting the common human problem of inconsistent words and deeds and in defending the value of faith in justice. It is, in fact, a practical implementation of the philosophy of sincerity that seeks to destroy false phenomena and restore a real world. Naturally, the relationship between knowledge and action is also a complicated and dynamic one, while the unity of knowledge and action is a process that can be incorporated into social practice. Nevertheless, it is still necessary for us to fully appreciate the significant pioneering role played by Yangming’s doctrine. (3) Extension of intuitive knowledge. Yangming’s doctrine of intuitive knowledge originated from Mencius. It refers to the goodness of human nature, which later undergoes the trials and tribulations of life to acquire a more profound understanding. Yangming believes that intuitive knowledge is the human sense of right and wrong: “The sense of right and wrong is knowledge possessed by people without deliberation, and ability possessed by them without their having acquired it by learning. It is what we call ‘intuitive knowledge.’”112 By using the original mind to judge between right and wrong, there is no need to follow the classics. Based on this, he makes a bold claim that ordinary Confucians dare not utter: “The important thing in learning is to acquire learning through the exercise of the mind. If words are examined in the mind and found to be wrong, although they have come from the mouth of Confucius, I dare not accept them as correct. How much less would I dare accept the words from people who are inferior to Confucius as correct! If words are examined in the mind and found to be correct, although they have come from the mouth of ordinary people, I dare not regard them as wrong. How much less would I regard the words of Confucius as wrong!”113 Yangming’s intention was not to deny the greatness of Confucius but to regard Confucius as a sage and not a god. Therefore, not all of Confucius’s sayings are truths, which must be selectively and flexibly applied based on one’s independent judgment. This approach is precisely what is needed to ensure the continued propagation of the true Confucian spirit, to avoid the quagmire of lifeless rigidity. In fact, if Confucius were to know about Yangming’s approach, he would have nothing but praise. In every era, an authoritative ideology is needed to guide social life. As ideological trends become more conservative, authority will often act a barrier to social progress. At such points in history, creative and courageous thinkers are needed to challenge authority, overcome obstacles, create new ideas and doctrines, and continue to lead the advancement of society. The Cheng-Zhu School of Principle was the authoritative ideology of the early Ming Dynasty, and Zhu Xi’s Collected Commentaries on the Four Books played a more significant role compared to those of his predecessors. However, the belief that each sentence contained within it an unbreakable truth was due to the different interpretations of later generations, which eventually 112 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 278. 113 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 266.

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caused Zhu Xi’s teachings to suffocate the life out of the intellectual world. Then came Yangming, with his profound and fresh ideas and his unbridled and valiant courage, who boldly criticized the Cheng-Zhu School, even daring to challenge the absolute authority of Confucius. With this, he was able to trigger a movement of ideological liberation that continued until the end of the Ming Dynasty. His contributions were precious and commendable. The core purpose of Yangmingism is the extension of intuitive knowledge. “Extension” here encompasses both the expansion and enrichment of intuitive knowledge as well as the elimination of material desires. In his later years, Yangming summarized the doctrine of extending intuitive knowledge in four sentences, which were imparted to his students as a conclusive theory and later came to be known as the “Four-Sentence Teaching.” The Chuanxi Lu (Instructions for Practical Living) describes Yangming and his students, Dehong (Qian Dehong) and Ruzhong (Wang Ji), “verifying the Way at Tianquan Bridge.” “He repeated the words of the Teacher’s instructions as follows: ‘In the original substance of the mind, there is no distinction of good and evil. When the will becomes active, however, such distinction exists. The faculty of intuitive knowledge is to know good and evil. The investigation of things is to do good and remove evil.’”114 The first sentence states: “In the original substance of the mind, there is no distinction of good and evil.” Yangming elaborates: The original substance of the human mind is in fact crystal clear, without any impediment, and is the equilibrium before the feelings are aroused.115 Not a single idea should be allowed to attach to the original substance of the mind....The original substance of intuitive knowledge initially did not have existence; the original substance was only supreme void.116

Thus, we can see that Yangming’s theory on the original substance of the mind that does not distinguish between good and evil is a synthesis of (1) the theory of the equilibrium before feelings are aroused, proposed in The Doctrine of the Mean; (2) Laozi’s doctrine of non-existence giving rise to existence; and (3) the doctrines of no-thought and no-abiding from Zen Buddhism. It has attained the highest level of transcendence but also deviated from Mencius’s doctrine of the goodness of human nature. This prompted Huang Zongxi to supplement an explanation: “in actual fact, the absence of distinction between good and evil means the absence of distinction between good thoughts and evil thoughts and does not mean that there is no distinction of good and evil in nature. The second sentence states: “When the will becomes active, however, such distinction exists.” This brings the discourse down to the level of real life. 114 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 408. 115 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 409. 116 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 431.

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Everyone has a will, which then leads to pursuits and actions. Since the will is a mixture of good and evil and is often obscured by material desires, it is necessary for us to seek sincerity and rectify the mind to clarify and illuminate the original substance of the mind. With regard to the theory of human nature, Yangming is more inclined toward the belief that human nature is a mixture of good and evil. However, he does not hold a neutral attitude in terms of value orientation and strongly supports the promotion of good and the elimination of evil. The third sentence states: “The faculty of intuitive knowledge is to know good and evil.” This is Yangming’s unique take on intuitive knowledge. He combines Mencius’s “mind of compassion,” “mind of shame and dislike,” “mind of modesty and complaisance,” and “mind of right and wrong” to form intuitive knowledge. He then stresses the conscious awareness of “knowing good and evil” based on the sincerity toward liking good and disliking evil. In other words, he is describing the moral self-consciousness, which encompasses “emotions” and “principle.” Intuitive knowledge is the ability to judge what is right and wrong, good and evil. Without this ability to judge, the moral consciousness can only exist in a state of spontaneity, which will inevitably be mixed with evil impulses. The fourth and final sentence states: “The investigation of things is to do good and remove evil.” Yangming’s understanding of the investigation of things is different from that of Zhu Xi, which is to come into contact with all things under heaven, exhaustively investigate their principles, and then arrive at an interpenetration of all things. Instead, Yangming proposes that the investigation of things is to remove evil thoughts and enrich good thoughts under the guidance of intuitive knowledge and to achieve the unity of knowledge and action, all of which should be implemented when dealing with people and things, thereby fully realizing the completion of morality. However, Yangming’s “FourSentence Teaching,” like the teachings of Zen Buddhism, is rich in meaning, free from painstaking analysis, and proficiently used inspiration and enlightenment as means of education, which later led to ambiguity and disputes among its successors. (4) The humaneness regarding heaven, earth, and all things as one body. Yangming’s theory of humaneness is similar to that of Cheng Hao, but he further expounds upon it. When he claims that “the mind is principle,” he is referring to the true sense of humankind being related to heaven, earth, and all things as one body, rather than a pure concept. He states, “It was because (Confucius’s) humaneness, which regarded heaven and earth and all things as one body, was so compassionate, keen, and sincere that he could not have stopped doing so even if he had wanted to.”117 Thus, his discourse on the humaneness that regards all in heaven and earth as one body has reached a new height with its internal thoroughness, external comprehensiveness, vastness, and grand universality. The mission 117 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 283.

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of Yangmingism is to pursue the transcendence, self-sufficiency, sincerity, liveliness, and unbridled vitality of humanity as the subject of life. This is the practical application of intuitive knowledge. Feng Youlan believes that “Daxue Wen (Inquiry on the Great Learning) is a complete philosophical work118 ” and that “Inquiry on the Great Learning and Zhu Xi’s Gewu Buzhuan (Supplementary Passage to the Investigation of Things) are the representative works of the School of Mind and the School of Principle, respectively. The goal of both schools is to enable human beings to become a complete person, but each have their own entry points. The School of Mind begins from the ‘extension of intuitive knowledge’ whereas the School of Principle begins from ‘coming into contact with things to exhaustively investigate their principles.’ The Supplementary Passage to the Investigation of Things starts from ‘exhausting the principles of things’ before moving on to ‘exhausting the principles of humankind’, which makes it seem disjointed. The School of Mind focuses specifically on ‘exhausting the principles of humankind’ and so appears more straightforward.”119 Yangming uses the concept of ceaseless production and reproduction to discuss humaneness, which embodies a respect for life. When applied to education, he stresses the protection and nurturing of the growth of life and the development of the subject of life. He paid special attention to children’s education, opposing the sole use of severe restrictions and strict requirements, or harsh training that “treats them like prisoners.” Instead, he suggested replacing these means with vivid and lively guidance. Allowing children to grow in accordance with their temperaments and inspiring them where necessary, without indulgence or coercion—this is the essence of children’s education that conforms to the patterns of their physical and mental development, which remains applicable to this day. Yangming also advocated that education should involve cultivating the student’s ability to think independently rather than blindly follow instructions. Through education, students should be encouraged in their bold pursuit of and adherence to truth, ultimately growing into independent and impartial scholars. (5) Buddhism and Daoism in Yangmingism. Concerning the convergence of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism in China, before the Song and Ming Dynasties, Buddhism and Daoism were more likely to move toward the moral culture of Confucianism. More specific, Buddhism assimilated itself with Confucianism at the social level and employed a large number of Daoist terms from Laozi and Zhuangzi on the philosophical level to express the wisdom of Chan. Both the Daoist philosophy and religion are in high agreement with Confucian morality but tended to integrate with Buddhism at the philosophical level. From the Song to the Ming Dynasty, however, Confucianism freed itself from its past arrogance, conservatism, and passivity, turning instead toward 118

(Feng Youlan. A New History of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 2. People’s Publishing House, 1999, p. 201. 119 Feng Youlan. A New History of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 2. People’s Publishing House, 1999, p. 202.

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boldly and actively absorbing the wisdom of Buddhism and Daoism, which sparked creativity and innovation at the theoretical level. Among them, the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle incorporated the Huayan doctrines of the “Fourfold Dharmadhatu” and the “perfect interpenetration of the one and the many,” whereas the Lu-Wang School of Mind absorbed the Zen Buddhist doctrines of “clarifying the mind and seeing one’s nature” and “sudden enlightenment.” Furthermore, both schools had deeply assimilated Laozi’s doctrine of the “Great Way” and Zhuangzi’s doctrine of the “unity between the thing and the self.” On the surface, however, some openly acknowledge the influences of the other teachings, while others reject them explicitly but absorb them implicitly. Yangmingism has an affinity with Buddhism (especially Zen Buddhism) and Laozi’s teachings, which can be summarized in the following points. First, “the mind is principle” and “neither affairs nor principles exist beyond the mind” are compatible with the Huayan idea of “knowing that all phenomena are the intrinsic nature of the mind. Realize that the wisdom-body is not awakened through anything else.”120 They are also compatible with the Zen Buddhist idea of “the worldly person’s nature is originally clear and pure, and the myriad dharmas are produced from it.” Second, the concept of “when a thought is aroused it is already an action” is consistent with the Zen Buddhist notions of “what we have to do is to put it into practice with our mind; whether we recite it or not does not matter” and “he who directs his mind to practice (the Dharma of Prajna) is himself a Buddha.” Third, the idea that “in the original substance of the mind, there is no distinction of good and evil” as well as the Zen Buddhist concepts of “the Buddhanature is neither good nor bad,” “(the mind is) neither right nor wrong, neither good nor evil,” all point toward a mental state of absolute transcendence. The first line in Yangming’s “Four-Sentence Teaching” is actually closely related to the Daoist philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi. Laozi believed that placing good and evil, beauty and ugliness, in relative opposition against each other is not an ideal state. The loftiest ideal is to transcend the relative and achieve a realm of spontaneity, simplicity, and truth that abides by the Way. Thus, he states, “Heaven and Earth are not benevolent and regard the myriad things as straw dogs. The sages are not benevolent and deal with the people as straw dogs are dealt with.”121 Thus, the “non-humaneness” of heaven and earth, and of sages, has transcended ordinary humaneness and arrived at perfect humaneness. Yangming also claims that the absence of distinction between good and evil is perfect goodness. This is not a refutation of humaneness and goodness but a pursuit of the highest humaneness and goodness. Fourth, Yangming himself spoke frequently about the relationship between the School of Mind and Buddhism and Daoism. Although he sometimes criticized the words of Buddhism and Daoism, there are still many instances where he 120

Buddh¯avatamsaka -mah¯avaipulya-s¯utra, Volume 17. In the Great Buddhist Cannon, Volume 10, p. 88. 121 Chen Guying. The Annotation and Review of Laozi. Zhonghua Book Company, 1984, p. 78.

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agreed with them. He believed that Buddhism, Daoism, Yangism, and Mohism “differed from the way of the sages but still have their own merits.” When teaching, Yangming often used the terms of Zen Buddhism, cited the stories of Chan masters, and imitated the use of the Gong’an (short stories) and Huatou (short phrases) in Zen Buddhism to inspire his students. This approach was helpful to the School of Mind, which placed greater emphasis on insight and enlightenment and less emphasis on the investigation of things and extension of knowledge. Fifth, while drawing on Buddhism, Yangming constantly emphasizes the difference between the two teachings to reveal the essence of Confucianism. Yangming criticizes Zen Buddhism for failing to “be free from attachment to phenomenal things” and argues that his approach is the true implementation of “being free from attachment to phenomenal things” to human relations: “The Teacher once said, ‘Buddhism claims to be free from attachment to phenomenal things, but the opposite is actually the case. We Confucians seem to be attached to phenomenal things, but in reality the opposite is true.’ I asked him for an explanation. He said, ‘The Buddhists are afraid of the burden in the relationship between parent and child, and therefore, they escape from it. They are afraid of the burden in the relationship between the ruler and the minister, and therefore, they escape from it. They are afraid of the burden in the relationship between married people, and therefore, they escape from it. In all cases, because the relationships between ruler and minister, parent and child, and married people involve attachment to phenomena, they have to escape from them. We Confucians accept the relationship between parent and child and fulfill it with the humaneness it deserves. We accept the relationship between the ruler and minister and fulfill it with the righteousness it deserves. We accept the relationship between married people and fulfill it with the attention to their different responsibilities. When have we been attached to these relations?’”122 Thus, Yangming’s “being free from attachment to phenomenal things” is not to escape from them but to fulfill one’s duties in all human relations and not be affected by them, which is certainly a wiser approach than that of monks who renounce the secular life or hermits who retreat into the mountains. (6) The historical status and role of Yangmingism. The contemporary historian of thought, Ji Wenfu, pointed out, Wang Yangming is the most brilliant figure in the five-hundred-year history of NeoConfucianism during the Song and Ming Dynasties. The academic movement led by him was a type of Neo-Confucian revolution and a form of anti-Zhu School movement.123 This revolution began with Baisha but culminated in Yangming. When we analyze Yangming’s doctrines, we will find that they frequently break through the outdated 122 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Shouren. Instructions for Practical Living. Translated and annotated by Wang Xiaoxin. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 344. 123 Ji Wenfu. Wanming Sixiang ShiLun (Historical Essays on the Thought of the Late Ming Dynasty). Oriental Publishing House, 1996, p. 3.

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Xiong Shili commented that, The accomplishments of Master Yangming began with his revelation of intuitive knowledge. It allowed humankind to discover an infinite treasure within itself, one that continues to replenish itself, self-rooted, self-confident, self-affirming, self-generating, and self-annihilating, thus bringing about great liberty and great freedom. It can be described as the era of the great liberation of rationality (rationality is the application of intuitive knowledge). Yangming began the completion of the unfinished work left by Cheng and Zhu. This is the greatness of Yangming.126

Yangmingism had a profound and immense impact on contemporary New Confucianism. With Xiong Shili as the founder, followed by Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan, Xu Fuguan, and Du Weiming, all of whom inherited the fount of Confucius and Mencius’s teachings through Yangmingism, they were integrated with Western philosophy to create a new form of contemporary Confucianism.

6.2.8 Wang’s Later School and the Taizhou School Yangmingism served as a banner leading the Zeitgeist of the times after the mid-Ming Dynasty. A key feature of the culture in this period is the widespread permeation of Yangmingism into the literary and artistic world, with the philosophy of the School of Mind established as the soul of literature and art. This gave rise to Xu Wei’s “Bense Lun” (theory of original character), the Xingling Shuo (theory of nature and inspiration) proposed by the three Yuan brothers of the Gong’an School, as well as a number of classic novels and operas, such as Xi You Ji (Journey to the West), Mu Dan Ting (The Peony Pavilion), Jin Ping Mei (The Plum in the Golden Vase), San Yan (Three Stories), and Er Pai (Two Slaps). Along with the unprecedented prosperity of the commodity economy, a Chinese-style renaissance of literature and art seemed to be on the rise that was driven by School of Mind. Not only philosophy, literature, and art but also social ethics and folk customs began revealing the first rays of a new era in the darkness. The following is a brief description of the representative figures and theories among the successors of Yangmingism.

124

Ji Wenfu. Wanming Sixiang ShiLun (Historical Essays on the Thought of the Late Ming Dynasty). Oriental Publishing House, 1996, p. 7. 125 Ji Wenfu. Wanming Sixiang ShiLun (Historical Essays on the Thought of the Late Ming Dynasty). Oriental Publishing House, 1996, p. 19. 126 Xiong Shili. A Brief Account on the Essentials of New Theory (To Mou Zongsan). Xueyuan, 1948, 2(1).

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1. Wang Ji Wang Ji (1498–1583) was a native of Shanyin, Zhejiang. His teaching mainly centered on distinguishing Xiantian (a priori) and emphasizing the rectification of the mind. His teaching was also unique in that he distinguished between the rectification of the mind and making one’s intentions sincere using that which is a priori and a posteriori: “To rectify one’s mind is to learn what precedes heaven; to make one’s intentions sincere is the learning of what follows heaven.”127 This is because “the mind is originally good, and evil begins when the will becomes active. If one is rooted in that which is a priori, then there will not be evil even when the will becomes active. All worldly passions and desires will not affect it, and the practice of extending one’s knowledge will naturally be simple and effortless.”128 “If one is rooted in the a posteriori activity of the will, then one will be tainted and entangled by worldly passions and desires, which will take great effort to remove; thus, the practice of extending one’s knowledge will turn into a complicated and difficult task.”129 This is Wang Ji’s elaboration of Yangming’s Four-Sentence Teaching, which especially emphasizes that the a priori self-sufficiency, clarity, purity, and goodness in the mind-substance of intuitive knowledge are a source of life. By rooting himself in the mind-substance, humanity is extending its intuitive knowledge, and the original substance is the practice, thus “extending intuitive knowledge with intuitive knowledge.”130 Wang Ji went further in his integration of Daoism and Buddhism than Yangming and openly acknowledged it. He believed that the Buddhist and Daoist concept of “emptiness and stillness” could be used to sublimate the theories of Confucianism. Objectively speaking, this syncretic trend can be observed in the later development of Chinese intellectual history, whereas the difference in attitude is whether, subjectively speaking, the scholars themselves consciously perceive and candidly acknowledge this trend as well. Wang Ji’s teachings clearly exhibit the influence of Zen Buddhism and advocate that “the wise and the foolish differ only in this: being capable or incapable of one thought. When fixed upon one thought, it is then a bright and illuminating study. The one thought is no-thought, which approaches thought but departs from it. Thus, the study of the superior being is to establish no-thought as the doctrine.”131 Therefore, Wang Ji’s teachings can be considered to have incorporated 127

(Ming Dynasty) Wang Ji. Edited by Wu Zhen. Anthology of Wang Ji, Volume 16. Phoenix Publishing & Media Group, 2007, p. 445. 128 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Ji. Edited by Wu Zhen. Anthology of Wang Ji, Volume 1. Phoenix Publishing & Media Group, 2007, p. 10. 129 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Ji. Edited by Wu Zhen. Anthology of Wang Ji, Volume 1. Phoenix Publishing & Media Group, 2007, p. 10. 130 (Ming Dynasty) Luo Hongxian. Edited by Xu Ruzong. Anthology of Luo Hongxian. Jiangsu Phoenix House. Ltd., 2007, p. 185. 131 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Ji. Edited by Wu Zhen. Anthology of Wang Ji, Volume 15. Phoenix Publishing & Media Group, 2007, p. 440.

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Zen Buddhism and Daoism into its bones without losing the original appearance of Confucianism. Wang Ji’s attitude toward Yangming is to learn from his spirit and not his theories, possessing an air of boldness and freedom that pierces the heart of the matter without adhering to the words of the sages. Therefore, independent innovation was crucial to him. He states, “The universal learning of all under Heaven has not become private because our predecessors have acquired it.”132 He aspired to “become a true hero through the ages in his life, which requires overturning the current framework, sweeping away the old patterns, meticulously examining the internal and external, thoroughly reaching profound depths, and attaining a state of purity and cleanliness, without anything hidden or any accompaniments. Only then will there be a period of abundant rewards.”133 He made substantial progress in developing a spirit of staying true to one’s character and boldly forging new paths in Yangmingism and became a pioneering rebel who criticized orthodox Confucianism. He ensured that Confucianism did not remain conservative and rigid. However, he was also overly keen in his pursuit of novel and unique ideas, which caused him to deviate too frequently from the universal principles and roam too freely without restraint. 2. Nie Bao and Luo Hongxian Nie Bao (1487–1563) and Luo Hongxian (1504–1564) were scholars of the Jiangyou School who were regarded as deviants from orthodox Yangmingism. Nie Bao proposed that “intuitive knowledge is rooted in emptiness,” while Luo Hongxian proposed that “intuitive knowledge is rooted in tranquility.” Both carried strong overtones of Buddhism and Daoism. In response to accusations that his words were “similar to the words of Chan,” Nie Bao retorted, “Chan is different from Confucianism, because it regards sensations as worldly troubles, and so detaches from everything and is extinguished in emptiness. When I speak of returning to emptiness, it is to interpenetrate all sensations under heaven; supreme void is to establish all being under heaven; and tranquility is to supply all activity under heaven. How then are (my words) derived from Chan?”134 From this, we know that Nie Bao’s teaching is based on the Commentary on the Book of Changes: “In Changes, there is no thought and no action. It is still without movement; however, when acted on, it penetrates forthwith to all phenomena and events under the sky. If it were not the most spirit-like thing under the sky, how could it be found doing this?” It is undeniable that he has incorporated the Buddhist and Daoist doctrines of emptiness and tranquility to deepen his own teachings of the mind. However, since his theory of emptiness must ultimately interpenetrate all existence and effect all actions under heaven, that is, be implemented in the daily affairs of human relations, it still retains its true colors of Confucianism. 132

(Ming Dynasty) Wang Ji. Edited by Wu Zhen. Anthology of Wang Ji, Volume 8. Phoenix Publishing & Media Group, 2007, p. 178. 133 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Ji. Edited by Wu Zhen. Anthology of Wang Ji, Volume 9. Phoenix Publishing & Media Group, 2007, p. 206. 134 (Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. A Historical Biography of Confucians in Ming Dynasty, Volume 17. Revised by Shen Zhiying. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 376.

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Luo Hongxian’s teaching is characterized by the cultivation of tranquility. He first connects “tranquility” with “clarity” and “goodness”: “All humans were born with tranquility, and evil did not yet exist. Evil results from the disorder of action. Cultivating tranquility will restore [goodness], and the Way will be condensed and not flow away”135 ; “intuitive knowledge is tranquil and clear. It is tainted by the disorder of action, and once lost is difficult to restore. Hence, it is necessary to gather up and safeguard [intuitive knowledge] so as to reach a state of abundance for long-term nourishment, and future needs to maintain tranquility and calm anxiety will be met by this [reserve].”136 Luo Hongxian pointed out that the fundamental difference between Confucianism and Buddhism is that the Confucians speak of “living compliantly and dying peacefully,” whereas the Buddhists speak of the “cause and effect of the past, present, and future.” The six paths of reincarnation and karma are the most appealing aspects of Buddhism, which are precisely what Confucianism lacks. Luo Hongxian’s teaching is elite. He pursued the spiritual realm of universal love and proposed the doctrine of humaneness as substance: “He who is able to regard heaven and earth and all things as his substance makes the self great; he who is not affected by heaven and earth and all things makes the self noble. By regarding heaven and earth and all things as one’s substance, all things are part of one’s substance, which originate from non-substance. The great functions [of substance] will flow within non-substance, where they are activated but also not yet activated. When one sits in stillness to achieve clarity and comfort, conduct affairs with peace and reverence, and maintain the household with gentleness and tact, all of these can be called its activity but not be regarded as substance. There must be constant stillness and emptiness, which can be withdrawn or unfolded, and then the whole substance will be laid open.”137 In this way, one will attain the greatest spiritual freedom and autonomy while acting calmly and adaptively to the world without being hindered by it. This is the ideal life of inner sageliness and outer kingliness. 3. Great Confucians of the Taizhou School of Thought The Taizhou School was a wonder in the intellectual history of the Ming Dynasty. Since the mid to late Ming Dynasty was also a period of transformation in Chinese history characterized by the appearance of modern qualities, the Taizhou School can also be regarded as a wonder in the entire history of Chinese thought. Its representative figures include Wang Gen (1483–1541), Wang Bi (1511–1587), Yan Jun (1504– 1596), He Xinyin (1517–1579), Luo Rufang (1515–1588), Jiao Hong (1540–1619), and Li Zhi (1527–1602). (1) Wang Gen (1483–1541) was a native of Taizhou who inherited the teachings of Yangming in his middle-aged years and founded the unique Taizhou School. 135

(Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. A Historical Biography of Confucians in Ming Dynasty, Volume 18. Revised by Shen Zhiying. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 415. 136 (Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. A Historical Biography of Confucians in Ming Dynasty, Volume 18. Revised by Shen Zhiying. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 415. 137 (Ming Dynasty) Luo Hongxian. Edited by Xu Ruzong. Anthology of Luo Hongxian. Jiangsu Phoenix House, Ltd., 2007, p. 669.

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This school had a distinct commoner’s style, which (1) emphasized that “the common people’s daily life is the Way” and (2) stressed the education of the common people. The combination of these two aspects had the effect of directing one’s gaze to the lower classes and making the way of the sages more applicable to life. Wang Gen devoted himself to eliminating the sacredness of the Way, stating: “The Way of the sages is no different from the daily affairs of the common people. All deviations can be called heterodoxy.”138 Hence, to Wang Gen, heterodoxy is neither Buddhism nor Daoism but lofty discourse detached from the common people’s daily life. The Way of the common people must fulfill the basic needs of material life, without rushing to improve their morality. Wang Gen inherited Mencius’s ideas on benevolent government as the way of the king and advocated “focusing on the fundamentals and economizing on expenditure,” which involves vigorously developing agricultural production and economizing the expenses of the upper echelons. Unlike past scholars of the mainstream Cheng-Zhu School of Principle and Lu-Wang School of Mind, Wang Gen’s practice did not concern the attainment of sagehood by superior men but instead involved implementing the way of the sages as prioritizing the people’s livelihoods and earnestly assuming the responsibility of “giving rest to all the people.” He attached great importance to moral teachings and supported the reform of the flaw-ridden imperial examination system, so that it would “prioritize moral conduct over literature and art,” the purpose of which was to select talented individuals and urge everyone to do good. Furthermore, the development of mass education is an embodiment of Confucius’s “teaching without distinction of classes” and the foundation for comprehensively promoting social and cultural development. Clearly, mass education would also abolish the cultural monopoly held by the nobility and improve the humanistic quality of the ordinary people, which was of great significance. Wang Gen’s teachings also had two major features: (1) an emphasis on personal dignity and mutual respect and (2) learning for enjoyment. In his doctrine of the “Huainan-style investigation of things” (so-called because Wang Gen was from the Huainan area), he proposes that “to investigate things is to know the root; to establish the root is to secure the self. To secure the self is to secure the family, and so regulate the family; to secure the self is to secure the state, and so govern the state; to secure the self is to secure all under Heaven, and so all under Heaven will be made peaceful.”139 The phrase “An-Shen” ( 安身 securing the self) first appeared in the Book of Changes: Xici (Volume 2): “When we minutely investigate the nature and reasons of things, till we have entered into their inscrutable and sprit-like aspects, we attain the largest practical application of them; when that application becomes the quickest and 138

(Ming Dynasty) Wang Gen. Edited by Chen Zhusheng. The Posthumous Works of Ming Confucian Wang Gen, Volume 1: Records of Discourses, In the Complete Works of Wang Gen. Jiangsu Education Publishing House, 2001, p. 10. 139 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Gen. Edited by Chen Zhusheng. The Posthumous Works of Ming Confucian Wang Gen, Volume 1: Records of Discourses, In the Complete Works of Wang Gen. Jiangsu Education Publishing House, 2001, p. 34.

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the readiest, and the self is secured, our virtue is thereby exalted.” This phrase was later linked with “Li-Ming” (立命 establishing one’s heaven-ordained existence), the key point of which was to settle down man’s spiritual life so that his soul can find a resting place. Wang Gen turns his discourse of “securing the self” toward emphasizing the health, safety, self-love, and dignity of an individual’s life, taking into account both the physical and mental aspects. He explained the Way of Great Learning as follows: “To rest in utmost goodness is to secure the self. To secure the self is to establish the great root of all under Heaven. Once the root is governed, the branches will be governed; once the self is rectified, others will be rectified. This is the learning of great men. Thus, the self is the root of all things under heaven, and all things under heaven are the branches. To know the self is the root, through which one can demonstrate illustrious virtue and be close to the people. If the self is not secured, then the root is not established. To show illustrious virtue and be close to the people without knowledge of how to secure the self means that the root of the kingdom—the state and the family—has never been established. Thus, it is not possible to rule heaven and earth, nor to mediate transformation.”140 Here, Wang Gen transforms the theory of self-cultivation as the root in The Great Learning, which is dominated by the establishment of virtue, into a theory of securing the self, which advocates loving and nurturing one’s life, thereby elevating self-love to an unprecedented height and embodying the awakening of self-consciousness. He did not agree with actions that harm the self for the sake of others or arbitrarily sacrifice oneself for the sake of the country: “If I know how to love others but not how to protect myself, this will inevitably lead to the cooking of one’s body, the slicing of the flesh [for one’s parents], and the sacrifice of one’s life. Thus, I will not be able to protect myself….141 If I cannot protect myself, how then will I be able to protect the kingdom, the state, and the family?”142 Wang Gen’s intention behind proposing the theory of wisdom and self-protection was not to advocate harming others for one’s self-interest but to emphasize the importance of cherishing the self, expound on Mozi’s idea of “loving all equally,” and advocate the respect and protection for each and every individual, thereby attaining the goal of mutual love and respect and equal treatment for all. Wang Gen also expounds on Confucius’s idea: “Is it not enjoyable to learn with constant perseverance and application?” The idea regards learning the Way of Great Learning as one of the great joys of life. Thus, he wrote the Lexue Ge (A Paean to the Enjoyment of Learning): 140

(Ming Dynasty) Wang Gen. Edited by Chen Zhusheng. The Posthumous Works of Ming Confucian Wang Gen, Volume 1: Records of Discourses, In the Complete Works of Wang Gen. Jiangsu Education Publishing House, 2001, p. 33. 141 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Gen. Edited by Chen Zhusheng. The Posthumous Works of Ming Confucian Wang Gen, Volume 1: Records of Discourses, In the Complete Works of Wang Gen. Jiangsu Education Publishing House, 2001, p. 29. 142 (Ming Dynasty) Wang Gen. Edited by Chen Zhusheng. The Posthumous Works of Ming Confucian Wang Gen, Volume 1: Records of Discourses, In the Complete Works of Wang Gen. Jiangsu Education Publishing House, 2001, p. 29.

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6 Profound Theoretical Integration of Confucianism, Daoism, … The human heart naturally enjoys itself, but one binds oneself by selfish desires. When a selfish desire makes its appearance, intuitive knowledge is still self-conscious, and once there is consciousness of it, the selfish desire forthwith disappears, so that the heart returns to its former joy. Joy is the enjoyment of this learning: Learning is to learn this joy. To be without joy is to not learn: To not learn is to be without joy. Joy facilitates subsequent learning, and learning facilitates subsequent joy. Joy is learning and learning is joy. Therefore, the joy in the world is this kind of learning, the learning in the world is this kind of joy!143

This Paean to the Enjoyment of Learning is Wang Gen’s elaboration of Yangming’s concept that “joy is the original substance of the human mind,” which highlights the joy and enrichment of the soul resulting from the elevation of the spiritual realm due to Confucianism, thereby uniting emotions with principle to a higher degree. It also expresses the simplicity and tranquility of Wang Gen’s commoner-style teaching, which disapproves of viewing inquiry and study as difficult and complicated, and hence a daunting task. (2) Wang Bi (1511–1587) was Wang Gen’s second son who began teaching as a career after his middle-aged years and received Li Zhi as a student. In his later years, he mostly imparted his teachings in his hometown and taught without distinction of classes. Those who traveled to study under him ranged from scholars and officials to artisans and fishers; all benefitted equally from him, and he served as the main driving force for mass education. Wang Bi’s teaching carried on Wang Gen’s doctrine on the self-sufficiency of intuitive knowledge, further integrated the Zen Buddhist way of adhering to the daily affairs of human relations, and profoundly elaborated the theory of “an accordance with nature as the Way” proposed in the Doctrine of the Mean. He stressed that “nature is originally self-sufficient; an accordance with nature will give rise to all good deeds, which is the fate of heaven. An accordance with the fate of Heavenly Nature is the Way.”144 Those who were taught by Wang Gen and Wang Bi, and later came to be known as commoner-scholars, included Zhu Shu and Han Zhen. Zhu Shu, who earned his living by cutting wood, attained academic achievements but retained his true character, living contentedly in poverty and finding joy in virtue. He did not change his career and could interact with the gentry while upholding his dignity. Han Zhen was a potter by trade, who followed the teachings of Zhu Shu and studied under Wang Gen. After two years, he returned to his hometown and began a career of educating the young, through which he made many contributions and gained widespread reputation within ten years. He took the clarification of the Way and the education of the people as his duty and did not respond to the invitations of the nobility or accept their gifts.

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(Ming Dynasty) Wang Gen. Edited by Chen Zhusheng. The Posthumous Works of Ming Confucian Wang Gen, Volume 2: Records of Discourses, In the Complete Works of Wang Gen. Jiangsu Education Publishing House, 2001, p. 54. 144 Chen Zhusheng (Ed.). The Posthumous Works of Ming Confucian Wang Bi, Volume 1. In the Complete Works of Wang Gen. Jiangsu Education Publishing House, 2001, p. 215.

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(3) Yan Jun (1504–1596) was a native of Jiangxi who studied under Wang Gen. He was an itinerant teacher whose students included Luo Rufang. His teachings were based on The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean, which he developed into a unique doctrine that emphasizes the autonomous and clever use of one’s benevolent mind. “All men revere humaneness above all, and all hearts know and adhere to that which is unfathomable, in order to pursue the spirit so that the timeless cycle of vitality and transformation has no beginning and no end.”145 The so-called “Mo-Neng” (the unreachable) originates from Mencius and refers to the unfathomable ethereality of the spirit, also called “Shen-Mo” (unreachable ethereality). He attached great importance to the potential strength and height that can be achieved by the subjective spirit of man: “The spirit of the mind is called the sacred. That which is sacred beyond all knowing is the ethereal. That which none knows how it came to be is called the unreachable. Thus, Confucius said that after he knew the decrees of heaven at fifty, he safeguarded the fragmented mind-seal of the spirit”.146 From this, we can see that Yan Jun’s teaching focused on the self-consciousness, self-movement, and selfcontainment of human nature toward the expression of humaneness and goodness, to create an incomparably wonderful realm of human life, while his value pursuit remained the cultivation of harmony and peace, and used Confucianism to educate the masses. (4) He Xinyin (1517–1579), whose birth name was Liang Ruyuan, was a native of Jiangxi. He studied “the purpose of fasting of the mind to establish the root” under Yan Jun and undertook a career as an itinerant teacher. He was involved in two political affairs: (1) a plot against the Senior Grand Secretary Yan Song and subsequent exile after failure and (2) opposition to Zhang Juzheng’s prohibition of teaching and destruction of academic institutions, with whom he debated to protect academic freedom. The most unique aspect of He Xinyin’s teaching is his criticism against “no desire,” advocacy for “cultivating for desires,” and denunciation of the theory of “preserving Heavenly Principle and eliminating human desire” proposed by the School of Principle. He Xinyin’s doctrine of training desires involves both material and spiritual desires, thereby elevating its theoretical level, and then unites personal desires with the desires of the people, thus allowing the rational development of human desires. He argued that we should eliminate human desires to preserve the Heavenly Principle because this goes against human nature and cannot be put into practice. In his essay He Xinyin Jiqi Sixiang (He Xinyin and His Thoughts), Rong Zhaozu had extremely high praise for He Xinyin: 145

Edited by the Working Committee and the Compilation Committee of the Great Cannon of China. The Great Cannon of China · The Cannon of Philosophy · The Cannon of Confucianism · Six. Yunnan Education Publishing House, 2007, p. 5664. 146 Edited by the Working Committee and the Compilation Committee of the Great Cannon of China. The Great Cannon of China · The Cannon of Philosophy · The Cannon of Confucianism · Six. Yunnan Education Publishing House, 2007, p. 5664.

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The Taizhou School is the most authentic, most active, and most intense faction under Wang Shouren’s school of thought, while He Xinyin, who was a latecomer to this faction, was also the most authentic, most active, and most intense among them. He held views of extreme freedom and extreme equality, he was imparted his teaching with grandeur, and his purpose was to benefit all humankind. He regarded his clan as an experiment and disregarded his family. He viewed his teachers and peers as his destiny in life, and “his actions were like those of a hero.” He ultimately offended a local official, who had him arrested, but even then he had no regrets. He was not afraid of death and even wished to die to gain fame. His thoughts were authentic, that is, they “did not fall prey to influence.” He believed that desires could be lessened but not eliminated, selected but not abolished. He wished to teach with grandeur and gather a group of talented individuals so as to fill the great gap in the world. However, his goals were too lofty and the state of society too broken. Thus, his ways were rejected by the mainstream, which eventually led to his collapse.147 (5) Luo Rufang (1515–1588) was a native of Jiangxi who studied under Yan Jun and followed him in his journeys as an itinerant teacher. He later befriended Geng Dingxiang and once answered the queries of the Senior Grand Secretary Xu Jie, saying that the important tasks at hand are to cultivate talents and revive teaching. Luo remained devoted to his vocation until his old age, and many benefited from his teachings. At that time, Wang Ji and Luo Rufang had the highest number of students, and the latter delivered the most fascinating lectures. He inherited the teachings of Yangming, regarding humaneness as substance, and most venerated The Great Learning among the classics: “The teaching of Confucianism lies in seeking humaneness, and The Great Learning is the complete book for the Confucian pursuit of humaneness.”148 “A clear understanding of this book not only allows the learner to travel freely in the halls of sageliness and sanctity but also reveals the truth of the whole world which will place all things in their rightful places. Great indeed is humaneness, herein lies its utmost!”149 Luo Rufang discussed the purity and integrity of the benevolent mind using “a childlike mind” and practiced it with candidness and without restraint: When an infant is born, he lets out his first cry. When he is crying, he is yearning for his mother’s arms. However, (the sage) points to this root of love and calls it humaneness and promotes it as a way to conduct oneself. (The sage) summarizes it by saying that humaneness is the characteristic element of humanity, and the great exercise of it is in loving relatives. If the moral principle of conducting oneself is derived from loving one’s relatives, then one’s love will be deep and one’s Qi will naturally be harmonious. When one’s Qi is harmonious, one’s demeanor will naturally be mild and compliant, wherein part of oneself cannot bear the wicked, while another dares not reprove of

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Anthology of Rong Zhaozu. Qilu Press, 1989, p. 388. (Ming Dynasty) Luo Rufang. Edited by Fang Zuyou, Liang Yiqun and Li Qinglong et al. Anthology of Luo Rufang. Jiangsu Phoenix House, Ltd., 2007, p. 8. 149 (Ming Dynasty) Luo Rufang. Edited by Fang Zuyou, Liang Yiqun and Li Qinglong et al. Anthology of Luo Rufang. Jiangsu Phoenix House, Ltd., 2007, p. 8. 148

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others. Thus, one will always adhere to the Mean, bearing a countenance derived from the spontaneous and undertaking efforts that reach their completion.150 If you indeed have great ambition, great power, and great understanding, then you should dwell in the greatest house of the world with a peaceful mind and a willing heart and boldly fulfill their universal obligations. The amalgamation of practice is difficult to achieve, and so one’s practice should not be to amalgamate. Ambition is endless and without boundaries, and so one’s ambition should not be to rely on boundaries. Untie the ropes and cast off the boat, paddle the oars while following the wind. Then one will be immersed in the vast ocean, free to go wherever one pleases. Is this not a gratifying undertaking?151

Luo Rufang’s doctrine of the childlike mind regards loving one’s relatives as its foundation, purity as its quality, and abiding by one’s emotions as its practice. Its greatest influence on society lies with “untying the ropes and casting off the boat,” which advocates the liberalization of ideas and promotion of individuality. (6) Jiao Hong (1540–1619) was a native of Jiangning (now Nanjing) and studied under Geng Dingxiang in his youth. He later became acquainted with Wang Bi, Li Zhi, and Luo Rufang after his middle-aged years and was influenced by them. Jiao Hong’s teaching is characterized by a more critical spirit and greater individuality. He shared a deep friendship with Li Zhi. Jiao Hong believed that the teachings of Confucius and Mencius are “the study of fully developing one’s true nature and achieving one’s moral existence.” He criticized the Cheng-Zhu School for being fragmented and disconnected by external things, “searching for the principle of things on the margins and casting aside the completeness of the body and the mind.”152 Instead, he venerated and propagated the School of Mind, stating, “Master Yangming was the first to promote the term ‘intuitive knowledge,’ encouraging scholars to seek knowledge from the self. This can be said to be a great contribution.”153 After Yangming, he praised Wang Gen and Wang Bi, followed immediately by Luo Rufang. Jiao Hong’s teaching is characterized by three main features. First, he emphasized reaching insights and corroborations independently. He believed that the path of inquiry and study should not depend on others but only on one’s own understanding. Thus, Confucianism should draw neither on the path of Zen Buddhism nor on the path of Confucianism: “Scholars should sweep away the straw dogs of antiquity, and open up a new heaven and earth from within their own mind, which only thus will be truly of use to them. How then will they be willing to die under the feet of others?”154 This was a shocking

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(Ming Dynasty) Luo Rufang. Edited by Fang Zuyou, Liang Yiqun and Li Qinglong et al. Anthology of Luo Rufang. Jiangsu Phoenix House, Ltd., 2007, pp. 74–75. 151 (Ming Dynasty) Luo Rufang. Edited by Fang Zuyou, Liang Yiqun and Li Qinglong et al. Anthology of Luo Rufang. Jiangsu Phoenix House, Ltd., 2007, p. 62. 152 (Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Anthology of Jiao Hong. Zhonghua Book Company, 1999, p. 87. 153 (Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Anthology of Jiao Hong. Zhonghua Book Company, 1999, p. 87. 154 (Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Historical Writing of Jiao Hong. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1986, p. 230.

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exclamation that reflected his devotion to promoting individual freedom and independent personality in the pursuit of knowledge. Second, he openly declared that the three teachings are united in their pursuit of truth and are not divided into different schools. He believed that intuitive knowledge is self-sufficient and is expressed in different ways by the different schools of thought. Furthermore, he argued that Confucius and Mencius’s teachings on true nature and moral existence were lost by the later Confucians but found in Buddhism: “All Buddhist scriptures are expository commentaries on Confucius and Mencius.”155 Naturally, he was still a Confucian, who only adopted the principles of Buddhism and rejected its rituals. In addition to this, he praised the Daoist philosophy but criticized the Daoist religion, while within the Daoist religion itself, he rejected Outer Alchemy and affirmed the Quanzhen School. He also agreed with the spirit of the Daoist philosophy, disapproved the mutual exclusion of Confucianism and Daoism, and advocated their mutual complementation: “Confucianism dismisses Daoism, and Daoism dismisses Confucianism. Those who dismiss Confucianism are ignorant of not only Confucianism but also Daoism. Those who dismiss Daoism are ignorant of not only Daoism but also Confucianism.”156 Third, while emphasizing the study of true nature and moral existence, he did not abandon the study of the classics, teaching instead that “without extensive learning one cannot attain simplicity.” He conducted a broad study of numerous fields, including the classics, masters, literature, histories, Buddhism, Daoism, natural history, laws and institutions, metals and minerals, and catalogues while also investigating the study of the Book of Changes and philology. His views were as follows: (1) “What I mean by fully developing one’s true nature and achieving one’s moral existence is not to abandon lowly learning to blindly follow lofty pursuits. We learn in the hopes of attaining lofty pursuits, like drilling a well to reach the spring.”157 (2) “Rites, music, conduct, art—all should be studied.”158 “Fish are often caught within one mesh of a net, but without all other meshes, the net cannot be formed. Thus, when one attains the Way, it is often through utmost simplicity—but without extensive learning, one cannot attain simplicity.”159 (3) He believed that there were many ways to learn. The study of clarity and emptiness, righteousness and principle, reputation and integrity, or chapter and verse can all restore true nature and achieve moral existence as long as they involve the investigation of the root. As for one who seeks learning while departing from the root, “the study of reputation and 155

(Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Historical Writings of Jiao Hong. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1986, p. 229. 156 (Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Historical Writings of Jiao Hong. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1986, p. 227. 157 (Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Anthology of Jiao Hong. Zhonghua Book Company, 1999, p. 80. 158 (Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Anthology of Jiao Hong. Zhonghua Book Company, 1999, p. 235. 159 (Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Historical Writings of Jiao Hong. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1986, p. 205.

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integrity will lead to the pursuit of external things; the study of chapter and verse will engulf the mind; the study of clarity and emptiness will reinforce one’s shackles; and the study of righteousness and principle will add to one’s troubles.”160 (4) He believed that one seeks learning so as to know one’s mind, and that knowledge is formed through action: “Speaking is not helpful and one must put it into practice,”161 which is an embodiment of Yangming’s “unity of knowledge and action.” The greatest undertaking of practice is the governance of all under Heaven, and in his answer to the final palace examination, Jiao Hong advocated practical statecraft with a practical mind: “I have heard that within the territory of the emperor’s reign, there must be practical statecraft in planning and governance, so that it can be manifested and attain the transformation of ordering all under Heaven; there must be a practical mind in governance, so that its root can be established to create the perfect opportunity to transform all under Heaven.”162 He also attached great importance to promoting agriculture to sustain the country, practicing constant frugality to transform the people, and enriching and benefitting the people. (5) He emphasized grammatology, phonology, and exegesis, thus initiating a new style of textual research. Jiao Hong’s methods of citation, authentication, and rectification were the forerunners of textual research conducted by scholars in the Qing Dynasty. Scholars had previously overlooked the philological methods of grammatology, phonology, and exegesis, which eventually developed into the mainstream of academics during the Qianjia Era of the Qing Dynasty. (7) Li Zhi (1527–1602) was a native of Fujian. He served in officialdom for more than 20 years, which clashed with the freedom of his individuality and caused him great pain. He resigned from his post and lived with his friend Geng Dingli in Huangan, Hubei. Later, he moved to Macheng, where he lived in seclusion for twenty years, reading and writing. He admired Wang Ji and Luo Rufang, studied under Wang Bi, and befriended Jiao Hong. He was deeply influenced by the teachings of Taizhou and was an important member of the Taizhou School. After He Xinyin was killed, Li Zhi wrote He Xinyin Zhuan (Biography of He Xinyin) to express his deepest condolences. He also wrote a letter to Geng Dingxiang, accusing him of practicing a false Way—because Geng preached the learning of the Way but made no effort to rescue He Xinyin. This caused Geng to be deeply dissatisfied, who ordered the demolition of the Zhifo Cloister and the expulsion of Li Zhi. In 1601 CE, Li Zhi travelled to north Tongzhou to live with his friend Ma Jinglun. He was subsequently captured by the Ming court and charged with “daring to deceive the people by advocating heresy.” The following year, Li Zhi committed suicide in prison.

160

(Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Anthology of Jiao Hong. Zhonghua Book Company, 1999, p. 19. (Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Anthology of Jiao Hong. Zhonghua Book Company, 1999, p. 715. 162 (Ming Dynasty) Jiao Hong. Anthology of Jiao Hong. Zhonghua Book Company, 1999, p. 6. 161

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Li Zhi’s most representative work is Tongxin Shuo (Explanation of the Childlike Mind): “The childlike mind is the genuine mind.”163 “As for the childlike mind, free from all falsehood and entirely genuine, it is the original mind at the very beginning of the first thought. If one loses one’s childlike mind, one loses the genuine mind. Losing the genuine mind is losing the genuine self. A person who is not genuine will never regain that with which he began.”164 However, why do so many lose their childlike mind? This is because they have been obscured by “hearing and seeing the Principles of the Way,” which in turn comes from the “extensive study of books and familiarity with moral principles.” They believe this is the intention of the sages but do not know that “even if the sages did not study books, their childlike mind was secure and at ease; when they did study extensively, they simply protected their childlike minds from being lost.”165 “They are unlike those scholars of today: the more they read books and become familiar with moral principles, the more they obstruct their childlike mind.”166 In response to the alienation of human nature in social life, Li Zhi proposed the historical mission of using the “genuine” to overcome the “false” in the world of thought. Furthermore, his clear-cut, incisive, and profound ideas were unprecedented in history. Across the history of human civilization, the evolution of human nature can be characterized by the enrichment and accumulation of knowledge and also by the degeneration of its original state of simplicity and authenticity. From the perspective of an individual’s growth, the increase in knowledge and the accumulation of experiences will cause most people to gradually lose the innocence of their childhood and become more worldly. As for the history of Chinese thought, the primitive Confucianism of Confucius and Mencius, while continuously advancing and innovating with the times, has often also been dogmatized and treated as an authority, established as the shackles that restrict human nature and going against its own teachings. Thus, a person becomes a false person, words become false words, matters become false matters, and the whole of society is filled with illusions. Accordingly, Li Zhi advocated the childlike mind, which uses the genuine to overcome the false and purity to overcome hypocrisy. His words were a resounding thunder that awakened the world to the need of saving its moral principles and the human mind. His “distinction between the genuine and the false” is derived from the Confucian study of sincerity: “Thus, the way of sincerity is spontaneous, and its fulfillment is utmost goodness; hence, it is called the Way of Heaven. The attainment of sincerity is to attain what is spontaneous and to choose

163 (Ming Dynasty) Li Zhi. A Book to Burn & Continuation of A Book to Burn, Volume 3. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, p. 98. 164 (Ming Dynasty) Li Zhi. A Book to Burn & Continuation of A Book to Burn, Volume 3. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, p. 98. 165 (Ming Dynasty) Li Zhi. A Book to Burn & Continuation of a Book to Burn, Volume 3. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, p. 98. 166 (Ming Dynasty) Li Zhi. A Book to Burn & Continuation of a Book to Burn, Volume 3. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, p. 98.

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what is good; hence, it is called the Way of Humankind.”167 It is also derived from the Daoist study of the truth. Laozi says, “Wisdom and shrewdness appeared, and there ensued great hypocrisy.” Therefore, one must return to simplicity and the truth: “One who has the attributes of the Way in himself abundantly is like an infant” and “returns to a simple child.” Finally, it is also derived from Zen Buddhism, as stated in the Cheng Weishi Lun (Demonstration of Consciousness-Only): “True means ‘genuine,’ indicating that it is not false. Suchness means ‘eternally so,’ which expresses its changelessness. This means that it is called True Suchness because this reality is eternally so in its nature in all states, which is to say, the profound, non-false truth.”168 Thus, in a theoretical sense, Li Zhi’s Explanation of the Childlike Mind is a product of the integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. When examined from the perspective of the changing Zeitgeist, the concrete orientation of Li Zhi’s “childlike mind” is a product of the new outlook on the justice and interests resulting from the prosperity of the commodity economy and the formation of the new urban citizen class in the late Ming Dynasty. In other words, it is the transition from the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle, which advocates the “elimination of selfishness to establish the universal” in self-cultivation, to the open declaration and protection of legitimate selfish interests. Li Zhi claimed that the selfish mind is the human mind, that is, it is also the childlike mind and the genuine mind. Li Zhi’s socalled “selfishness” is not the selfishness that profits at the expense of others but the normal human desires for survival, development, and happiness. It is the individual’s concern for their own rights and interests, which conforms to Confucius’s requirement of “thinking of righteousness in view of gain.” Neo-Confucians, however, often smother the self-love and self-interests of humans, focusing instead on the selfless universal good that speaks of the Heavenly Principle without human emotions, which Li Zhi believes would be ensnared by hypocrisy. Li Zhi used the doctrine of the childlike mind to criticize the false Way, decrying the fact that “those in the world who seek fame will necessarily preach the learning of the Way, through which they will gain fame. Those who are useless will necessarily preach the learning of the Way, which they will find useful. Those who are deceitful will necessarily preach the learning of the Way, through which they can sell their schemes of deception.”169 His discourse then touches upon the classics and the sages, pointing out that the Six Classics, The Analects, and the Mencius are not wholly the words of the sages, and even if they were “the words of the sages,” one should not “hastily accept these writings as the perfected doctrine for endless generations.”170 He also refrains from deifying Confucius, stating, “When heaven gives birth to someone, that person naturally has the functionality of a complete person. He does not need 167 Guan Haiying (Ed.). The Complete Book of Classics of the Hui Nationality. Gansu Culture Publishing House, 2008, p. 293. 168 (Tang Dynasty) Xuanzang. Annotated by Han Tingjie. Annotations to Vijnaptimatratasiddhisastra. Zhonghua Book Company, 1998. 169 (Ming Dynasty) Li Wenling. Anthology of Li Zhi: The Chutan Anthology, Volume 20. Beijing Yanshan Press, 1998, p. 324. 170 (Ming Dynasty) Li Zhi. A Book to Burn & Continuation of a Book to Burn, Volume 3. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, p. 99.

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to wait to be made complete by Confucius. If everyone needed to be made complete by Confucius, then would that not mean that people in the time before Confucius came into being ended up unable to attain personhood?”171 He also wrote, “As for the earliest three periods of history, I cannot say much. With the later three dynasties—the Han, Tang, and Song—the timespan is over eleven hundred years, and yet throughout, there was no person to provide authoritative judgments of right and wrong. Could it be that these people held no views on what was right and wrong? No. Rather, it was simply that every single person accepted Confucius’s views on right and wrong as what indeed was right and wrong; never did anyone pronounce a judgment of right or wrong.”172 Li Zhi held an egalitarian attitude toward Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, writing in Sanjiao Pin Xu (Preface to the Qualities of the Three Teachings) that, “The sages of the three teachings are all exemplary, and so (mundane and trivial) discrimination and identification of them cannot be allowed. Therefore, it is said that ‘There are no two Ways in the universe; the sages and the wise are not of two minds.’”173 Li Zhi also opposed discrimination against women, stating, “To say that male and female people exist is acceptable, but to say that male and female views exist—how can that be acceptable? To say that nearsightedness and farsightedness exist is acceptable, but to say that a man’s view is entirely farsighted, and a woman’s view is wholly nearsighted, once again, how can that be acceptable?”174 This can be regarded as a herald for the emancipation of women. It should be said that Li Zhi’s bold and countertrend statements were mostly innovative new theories intending to overcome the fetters of authoritative ideology. However, he also made passionate and radical statements that some found inappropriate, such as completely denying the venerated status of Confucius in Chinese civilization. The main issue at that time was not “accepting Confucius’s views on right and wrong as what indeed was right and wrong” but that Confucius’s views on right and wrong were not truly being implemented—they were only being presented in opulent packaging by groups with vested interests. Thus, turning the topic from the “genuine and false of Confucius” to the “right and wrong of Confucius” is a departure from Li Zhi’s doctrine of the childlike mind, which also diminishes the incisiveness and significance of his critique. This may have been an issue that he had overlooked. 4. Historical Appraisal of the Taizhou School During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Huang Zongxi compiled the Mingru Xue’an: Taizhou Xuean (Scholarly Cases of Ming Confucians: Scholarly Cases of the Taizhou School), and his comments were as follows: 171

(Ming Dynasty) Li Zhi. A Book to Burn & Continuation of a Book to Burn, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, p. 16. 172 (Ming Dynasty) Li Zhi. A Book to Collect. Zhonghua Book Company, 1959, p. 1. 173 (Ming Dynasty) Li Zhi. Continuation of a Book to Burn, Volume 1. Social Sciences Academic Press, 2000, p. 1. 174 (Ming Dynasty) Li Zhi. A Book to Burn & Continuation of a Book to Burn, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, p. 59.

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The teachings of Master Yangming gained popularity due to the promotion by Taizhou School and Longxi School, at the same time, Yangming’s thought was gradually lost due to the Taizhou School and Longxi School. The Taizhou School and Longxi School were always dissatisfied with their teacher’s sayings and hence wanted to incorporate the inspirations from the secrets of Gautama within their teacher’s sayings and elevate Yangming as a Chan master. However, after Longxi, there was none other whose momentum exceeded his, and the Jiangyou School arose to right their wrongs; thus, Yangmingism did not break apart too severely. After the decline of the Taizhou School, many of [Yangming’s] disciples could wrestle dragons and snakes with their bare hands, and [Yangmingism] was later passed on to the school of Yan Shannong and He Xinyin, until ultimately the restoration of this school was beyond the reach of its orthodox teachings.175

Huang Zongxi was somewhat lenient in his treatment of Wang Longxi but was especially severe in his criticism of those who came after Wang Gen, stating that, first, they were too caught up in their self-interests and destroyed the orthodox teaching and second, they had surpassed their teacher in their involvement with Zen Buddhism. The former criticism is unfair, and the latter is prejudiced. The great contemporary scholar Rong Zhaozu writes in Mingdai Sixiang Shi (The History of Thought in the Ming Dynasty) that “in actuality, Wang Gen’s school was first transmitted to Xu Yue, who passed it on to Yan Jun, and was later inherited by Luo Rufang and He Xinyin. His school of thought was progressing toward the path of liberation.”176 He acknowledged that Li Zhi regarded He Xinyin as a sage and was the first scholar in history to consider the Taizhou School a liberator of thought. He writes extensively about Li Zhi in his book. He viewed him as an important representative of the leftist school of Yangmingism, stating that “Li Zhi’s ideas were derived from the revolutionary ideas of Wang Shouren’s school of liberation. Li Zhi broke through nearly all the ideas or idols of the ancient sages to reach a path of utmost freedom, utmost equality, and utmost liberty. He was also a naturalistic and adaptive thinker who contributed a number of innovative and unique insights in his criticism.”177 Inspired by Rong’s comments, I present my understanding as follows: If we regard the pre-Qin Contention of the Hundred Schools of Thought as the first movement of ideological liberation, and the Xuexue, Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism of the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties as the second movement in the history of Chinese thought, then the Yangmingism of the mid to late Ming Dynasty and its subsequent vibrant academic debates can be regarded as the third movement. Yangmingism is a movement characterized by the promotion of self-confidence, the denunciation of the dependence on others, the upholding of the subjective spirit, and the elevation of individuality and independent character, thereby unleashing endless spiritual creativity. However, we should defend the Taizhou School from unfair accusations. It is not, as the orthodox Wang Shizhen claims, that through Yan Jun, the Taizhou School had become “rotten fish and putrid flesh,” advocating that greed 175

(Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. A Historical Biography of Confucians in Ming Dynasty, Volume 35. Revised by Shen Zhiying. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 703. 176 Rong Zhaozu. Intellectual History of Ming Dynasty. Qilu Press, 1992, p. 237. 177 Rong Zhaozu. Intellectual History of Ming Dynasty. Qilu Press, 1992, p. 256.

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and lust all arise from one’s nature and completely disregarding the orthodox moral teachings. In reality, the Taizhou School had a bottom line: the virtues of the Chinese people. Their criticisms against the rigidity and hypocrisy of the orthodox school were precisely to revive and propagate the true spirit of the Chinese civilization, but they erred in the radical choice of their words.

6.3 Growth of the Quanzhen School in the Deep Integration of the Three Teachings and Unity of Confucianism and Daoism in the Jiangnan Jingming School 6.3.1 Developmental Overview of Daoism in the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties, and Conversion of the Three Dynasties to Daoism After the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the Daoist religion experienced a new period of vitality during the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties. With regard to the development of the Daoist religion itself, the efforts of Chen Tuan and Zhang Boduan in integrating and innovating the theories of inner alchemy enabled it to attain greater depths, become more systematic, and gradually attain greater maturity. In addition, the derivation and segmentation of the Daoist schools eventually led to the stable coexistence of the Quanzhen (Perfect Realization) School and Zhengyi (Orthodox Unity) School, which were on par with Neo-Confucianism and Zen Buddhism. The Southern tradition of the Quanzhen School emerged in the Song Dynasty, while the Northern tradition of the Quanzhen School emerged in the Jin Dynasty. The Northern tradition later became the mainstream of the Daoist religion, with numerous sects appearing within it. Among them, the Longmen (Dragon Gate) School founded by Qiu Chuji flourished, with leaping improvements in its doctrines and dogmas, organizational system, and social influence. It is vividly characterized by the unity of the three teachings and is the main representative of later Daoism. The southern Zhengyi School not only includes the three major systems, namely, the Zhengyi, Shangqing (Supreme Clarity), and Lingbao (Numinous Treasure) Schools, but also gave rise to several new schools, such as the Shenxiao, Qingwei, Tianxin, and Jingming schools, all of which showed prominent features of integration with Confucianism and Buddhism. In terms of the relationship between religion and politics, the rulers of the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties all showed strong support for Daoism, which endowed it with a favorable political environment. Emperor Zhenzong of the Song Dynasty venerated Daoism; created miracles for it, such as the auspicious signs of the Heavenly Book and the visitation of the gods; and merged the traditional Haotian Shangdi (Supreme Deity of the Vast Heaven) with the Daoist Yuhuang Dadi (Great Emperor of Jade), whom he revered as the supreme god. Under the supervision of Wang Qinruo,

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the Daoist texts were compiled into the Baowen Tonglu (Comprehensive Catalogue of Precious Literature), which was later revised by Zhang Junfang to form the Tiangong Baozang (The Precious Canon of Heavenly Palace), and its essence was extracted to form the Yunji Qiqian (Seven Bamboo Tablets of the Cloudy Satchel), which later came to be known as the “little Daoist canon.” Emperor Zhenzong also named the 24th Celestial Master Zhang Zhengsui “Zhenjing Xiansheng” (Master of Truth and Tranquility), which marked the start of the title “Xiansheng” (Master) granted by the emperor to the Celestial Masters. Emperor Huizong of the Song Dynasty greatly admired the Daoist priest Master Tongzhen (Lin Lingsu) and referred to himself as the “Emperor, Patriarch, and Sovereign of the Way,” established as the first and only emperor in history to unite the roles of deity, patriarch, and emperor in one person. The positive impact of Emperor Huizong’s belief in Daoism was the completion of the Wanshou Daozang (Immortality Daoist Canon), also known as the Zhenghe Daozang (Daoist Canon of the Zhenghe Era), which was the earliest Daoist canon produced by woodblock printing. With the collapse of the Northern Song Dynasty, the old Daoist religion, which was centered on talismans, registers, and praying for protection against calamities, went into a slow decline and was gradually replaced by the rise of a new Daoist religion based primarily on self-cultivation and exhortations to do good, thus heralding a major turning point in the development of the Daoist religion. Emperor Lizong of the Southern Song Dynasty once summoned the 35th Celestial Master of the Zhengyi School, Zhang Keda; ordered him to promote the Talismans and Registers of the Three Mountains (Mount Longhu, Mount Mao, and Mount Gezao); and granted him the title “Master Guanmiao.” Emperor Lizong also used his status as the emperor to recommend the Daoist didactic book Taishang Ganyin Pian (Treatise on the Response of the Way) to the people and personally penned the words: “Create no evil and cultivate all good.” This book was widely circulated and promoted the integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism in the popularization of traditional Chinese virtues. During the Jin and Yuan Dynasties, three new Daoist schools emerged in the north: (1) the Taiyi (Supreme Unity) school, founded by the Daoist priest Xiao Baozhen during the Tianjuan Era of the Jin Dynasty; (2) the Zhendadao (Perfect and Great Way) school, founded by the Daoist Priest Liu Deren of the Jin Dynasty; and (3) the Quanzhen School which emerged in the Jin Dynasty and flourished in the Yuan Dynasty. The Taiyi and Zhendadao schools were both highly regarded by the imperial families of the Jin and Yuan Dynasties, but both declined by the end of the Yuan Dynasty, and only the Quanzhen School flourished and persisted. As Qiu Chuji traversed the country to meet with Genghis Khan in Mount Xue, the Yuan court venerated the Quanzhen School and Emperor Taizu ordered Qiu Chuji to assume sole responsibility over all Daoist religion in the country. In addition, the Yuan court also favored the southern Zhengyi School, with Emperor Shizu of the Yuan Dynasty summoning the 36th Celestial Master, Zhang Zongyan, and ordering him to lead Jiangnan Daoism; however, Emperor Chengzu summoned the 38th Celestial Master, Zhang Yucai, who also led the Talismans and Registers of the Three Mountains, and appointed him as the patriarch of the Zhengyi School.

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Most emperors of the Ming Dynasty venerated the Daoist religion. Emperor Chengzu restored the title of the 43rd Celestial Master, Zhang Yuchu, whose seal had previously been seized during the reign of Emperor Jianwen. The emperor was especially fascinated by the worship of Xuanwu (Zhenwu) Emperor of the Wudang Mountains and Zhang Sanfeng. He had built several Daoist monasteries in the Wudang Mountains and further granted Zhenwu the extended title of “Beiji Zhentian Zhenwu Xuantian Shangdi” (North Pole and Heaven Subduing Perfected Warrior, Supreme Emperor of the Dark Heaven). During the Yongle Era, Emperor Chengzu ordered the 43rd Celestial Master, Zhang Yuchu, to compile the Daozang (Daoist Canon), which was not completed. During the Zhengtong Era, Emperor Yingzong summoned Shao Yizheng, also known as Tongmiao Zhenren (the True One who Penetrated the Miraculous), to supervise the continuation of this undertaking and to make additions where necessary. The canon was completed in the tenth year of the Zhengtong Era and was called the Zhengtong Daozang (Daoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign), which consists of 5,305 volumes occupying 480 cases. In the 35th year of the Wanli Era under the reign of Emperor Shenzong, the 50th Celestial Master Zhang Guoxiang compiled a supplement to the Daoist Canon and named it the Wanli Xudaozang (Supplementary Daoist Canon of the Wanli Era). The main and supplementary Daoist Canon together consisted of 5,485 volumes in 512 cases. After his middle-aged years, Emperor Shizong of the Ming Dynasty devoted himself to the Daoist rituals of fasts and offerings and the arts of immortality, causing him to neglect the governance of the country; thus, power fell into the hands of the Senior Grand Secretary Yan Song. The emperor rewarded the Zhengyi priests Shao Yuanjie and Tao Zhongwen and proclaimed himself a sovereign. He was also passionate about Daoist rituals and Qingci (green verses) (memorials offered to the gods), and hence, officials scrambled to offer up green verses in the hopes of currying favor.

6.3.2 Rise and Popularity of the Quanzhen School 1. Zhang Boduan Laid the Foundation for the Quanzhen School in the South The Southern tradition of the Quanzhen School was founded by Zhang Boduan, who was a native of Tiantai, Northern Song, and known as Ziyang Zhenren (the True Man of Purple Yang). At the time, the school was not known as “Quanzhen.” As the northern Quanzhen School emerged during the Jin and Yuan Dynasties, they believed that Zhang Boduan and his school (which focused more on inner alchemy, the dual cultivation of Nature and Existence, and gaining enlightenment to attain immortality) differed from the Tianshi School that was prevalent in the south (which focused on ritual fasts, offerings, and prayers) but was compatible with the doctrines of the Northern tradition; thus, the school was named the Northern tradition of the Quanzhen School. Zhang Boduan wrote the Wuzhen Pian (Folios on Awakening to Reality), which inherits Chen Tuan’s self-cultivation approach, “following the path will give birth to man, practicing reversion will produce the elixir”; incorporates the

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Zen Buddhist doctrine of self-awakening; uses the way of yin and yang in The Book of Changes to explain the Great Practice of the Golden Elixir; and regards “using the Yang in the Kan trigram to fill the Yin in the Li trigram” as the key to refining the golden elixir, the aim of which is to refine a body of pure Yang. However, his “dual cultivation of Nature and Existence” differs from the Northern tradition’s method of “first Nature, then Existence,” advocating instead the method of “first Existence, then Nature.” The cultivation of inner alchemy begins with the practice of Existence and reaches completion with the practice of Nature. The practice of Existence refers to the refinement of qi, that is, physiological training; the practice of Nature refers to the refinement of spirit, that is, psychological training. Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism all emphasize the study of mind and nature, that is, their focus is on the practice of Nature and is mutually complementary in this respect. Only the practice of Existence, that is, the refinement and nourishment of form and qi to create the Golden Elixir is unique to the Daoist religion. The Wuzhen Pian disapproves of retreating from the world and practicing in seclusion and instead advocates the practitioner to do good and accumulate virtue, that is, to achieve both practice and action. This inspired the general direction of the later Quanzhen School toward the combination of inner cultivation and outer action, with an emphasis on doing good deeds. In his evaluation of Zhang Boduan, the 20th-century Daoist master Chen Yingning commented, “The Preface to the Wuzhen Pian broadly encompasses the classics of the three teachings and even covers criminal law, numerology, medicine, divination, warfare, astronomy, and geography, meticulously investigating all disciplines in details. The dual cultivation of Nature and Existence began to attain its great synthesis in this master (Zhang Boduan), who is matched by none in the past or in the future.”178 Chen Yingning not only had high praise for the Wuzhen Pian but also pointed out that this piece was an integration of the three teachings and hence could achieve a great synthesis. 2. Wang Chongyang Officially Founded the Quanzhen School in the North Wang Chongyang (1112–1170) was a native of Xianyang. His birth name was Wang Zhongfu, which was later changed to Wang Zhe after his initiation into Daoism, and he later adopted the Daoist name Chongyangzi. He claimed to have attained the Way after meeting three immortals during the Zhenglong Era of the Jin Dynasty. In 1163, he built a hut in Liujiang Village on the Zhongnan Mountains, where he received few disciples and advocated Daoism in the Guanzhong region but achieved poor results. He then burned down his hut and traveled east to Ninghai, Shandong (now Muping, Shandong), where he accepted seven major disciples: Ma Yu (Danyang), Sun Bu’er (Qingjing), Tan Chuduan (Changzhen), Liu Chuxuang (Changsheng), Qiu Chuji (Changchun), Wang Chuyi (Yuyang), and Hao Datong (Guangning). During 1168– 1169, Wang Chongyang led his seven disciples to establish five religious societies in the Wendeng, Ninghai, Fushan, and Laizhou areas, which were all branded with the “Three teachings” in their titles, namely, the “Sanjiao Qibao Hui” (Seven Treasures 178

Quoted from Wang Mu. About the Daoist Schools of Practicing Alchemy. Chinese Daoism, 1987, (2).

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Society of the Three teachings), “Sanjiao Jinlian Hui” (Golden Lotus Society of the Three teachings), “Sanjiao Sanguang Hui” (Three Radiances Society of the Three teachings), “Sanjiao Yuhua Hui” (Jade Florescence Society of the Three teachings), and “Sanjiao Pingdeng Hui” (Equality Society of the Three teachings). Collectively, these societies were known as the “Five Societies of the Three Prefectures” and marked the official founding of the Quanzhen School. In tenth year of the Dading Era, Wang Chongyang led four of his disciples (Qiu, Liu, Tan, and Ma) back to Guanzhong and died in Bianjing. Wang Chongyang’s reform of the Daoist religion mainly includes the following: First, he elevated Daoism from a religion of worshiping ghosts and deities to one of physical and mental liberation. At that time, the Daoist religion was steeped in the practices of ritual fasts and offerings, talismans and registers, and Outer Alchemy but lacked the guidance of the Great Way. Master Chongyang used the Daoist philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi to elevate the Daoist religion from its enthusiasm for divination and scrying to a Way of securing peace for humankind. He strove to create a naturalistic attitude to life, which better utilized the valuable functions of Daoism in purifying the soul and regulating the mind, thus freeing human life from anxiety and achieving peace and tranquility. This represents a return to the Daoist philosophy after the religious conversion of Laozi and Zhuangzi’s Daoism while also retaining the basic beliefs of the Daoist religion and hence can be regarded as a spiral-shaped sublimation. He explicitly proposes the concept of “transcendence,” requiring Daoist practitioners to rid themselves of the fetters of fame, fortune, pleasures, and troubles and turning instead to the realization of “true nature,” that is, the manifestation of the true self, to achieve the clarity, tranquility, and freedom of the soul. Immortality, as he understood it, no longer involves Ge Hong’s “ascension of the physical body” but the eternal presence of the spiritual self, where “true nature is without disorder, no link can be found with the myriad conditions, and there is no going or coming—this is immortality and longevity.”179 He was critical of past Daoists for “yearning the means to reach immortality and leave the mortal world behind. This is great foolishness and does not attain the principle of the Way.”180 This was a profound transformation in the meaning and principles of the Daoist religion. Master Chongyang unveiled the spirit of Laozi and Zhuangzi through religious means, which facilitated its popularization among the people, thereby enabling those who are trapped in the mundane realm to recover a genuine and healthy sense of self. Master Fuchu of Taiwan said, “In this era, where human life is deeply embroiled in the confusion and entanglements of human civilization, causing people to forget the origin of their existence and the true meaning and value of life, such a movement [referring to the Quanzhen School founded by Wang Chongyang] will be able cut through the various dilemmas and barriers erected by humans themselves and reinstate the understanding and pursuit 179

Daoist Canon, Volume 25. Cultural Relics Publishing House, Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing HouseTianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 807. 180 Daoist Canon, Volume 25. Cultural Relics Publishing House, Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing HouseTianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 154.

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of the inner spirituality. This is the great lesson offered by the rise of the Quanzhen School to the current era.”181 Second, he lauded the unity of the three teachings and strongly supported their mutual integration. In the early stages, the Daoist religion advocated the syncretism of Confucianism and Daoism but often rejected Buddhism. Due to the influence of subsequent trends involving the convergence of the three teachings, it gradually moved toward the integration of Confucianism and absorption of Buddhism, with a special emphasis on the interpenetration of Daoism and Zen Buddhism after the Tang Dynasty but still stressing the dominance of Daoism. Master Chongyang, however, had an attitude of complete openness that broke through the sectarianism and clearly raised the banner of unity and equality among the three teachings, thus implementing a path of transmission for the union of the three teachings. He explains this with a vivid metaphor: “The three teachings do not depart from the true Way. This is akin to a tree with three branches.”182 Jin Yuanshu writes in Zhongnanshan Chongyang Zhenren Quanzhen Jiaozu Bei (Stele Commemorating the Quanzhen Patriarch and the Chongyang True Man of Zhongnan Mountain): “The true individual urges people to recite the Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a Heart Sutra (Heart of the Perfection of Wisdom), the Daode Jing (Classic of the Way and its Virtues), the Qingjing Jing (Classic of Clarity and Tranquility), and the Xiao Jing (Classic of Filial Piety), saying that all can be used for cultivation and verification.”183 He selected the most sophisticated classics from within the three teachings to serve as the canon of the Quanzhen School, which he promoted to the world. The most commendable aspect of Master Chongyang’s unification of the three teachings is his strong emphasis on the equality among them, which is a rare generosity seen among the three teachings. He attached great importance to “equality” and believed that the original meaning of “the Way and its Virtue” and “clarity and tranquility” lies with “equality,” that is, an infinite tolerance without partiality, without exclusivity, giving equal treatment to all and loving all as one body. As long as it benefits humaneness, compassion, and salvation, all teachings serve to know the self. His view on equality has gone beyond the bounds of the three teachings and reached a cosmic realm of “looking at things in the light of the Way, where they are neither noble nor mean.” The dual cultivation of Nature and Existence: first Nature, then Existence. Master Chongyang believed that the dual cultivation of Nature and Existence should be centered on the practice of Nature, which is supplemented by the practice of Existence, and its essence lies in clarifying the mind and calming the will; thus, “use

181

Fu Chu. The “Spiritual Awakening” Movement in the Twelfth and Thirteen Centuries. Alchemy Culture, issue 26: Collection of Wang Chongyang. Taiwan Alchemy Cultural Education Foundation, 2002. 182 Daoist Canon, Volume 25. Cultural Relics Publishing House, Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing HouseTianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 802. 183 Daoist Canon, Volume 19. Cultural Relics Publishing House, Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing HouseTianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 725.

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only the two words—clarity and tranquility—in the mind; the rest is not selfcultivation.”184 From this, we can see that the practice of self-cultivation in the Quanzhen School is centered on the two words clarity and tranquility, thereby modifying the approach of the Southern tradition (first Existence, then Nature) to one involving first Nature and then Existence, while shifting the focus from physiological to psychological training. Third, his doctrines are simple, concise, and easy to follow, which enabled the mass implementation of Daoist practices among the people. The inner alchemical philosophy of the Quanzhen School embodies the wisdom, subtlety, exquisite penetration, and profound philosophical thinking of Laozi and Zhuangzi, and yet, Master Chongyang was determined to promote it to the masses and bring it into people’s daily lives. One of the ways he adopted was to express the profound Daoist principles in plain and fluent vernacular. He was especially proficient at transforming Daoist ideas into verses with vivid imagery, which were infused with the style and beauty of folk songs, catchy to recite and pleasing to the ear. Thus, the ways of inner alchemy were condensed in popular language, delivering it in a form that is simple to learn and easy to implement. The second way he adopted to reach the masses was to establish clear and practical doctrines and rules and organize civil religious societies with Daoist practitioners as the backbone, so that ordinary people could learn the lifestyle of the Quanzhen School. Chongyang Lijiao Shiwu Lun (Chongyang’s Fifteen Discourses to Establish the Teachings) can be considered the canonical text for the doctrines and rules of the Quanzhen School. Its main points are as follows: 1.

All who leave the household must first seek shelter in a cloister. When one finds a place on which one can rely, the mind will gradually attain peace, and thus Qi and spirit will be in harmony. 2. In studying from books, one should not be confounded by pursuing the words but should instead extract their meaning and understand them with the mind. 3. One should become skilled in the study of herbal medicines, to enliven the nature and existence of others. 4. One should build a hut to protect oneself from the sun and the moon but refrain from sumptuous mansions and high buildings that break the earth’s flowing vessels. 5. The people of the Way must choose the wise as companions. 6. When sitting in quiescence, one’s mind should be like Mount Tai, motionless and unshaken, without the slightest thought. 7. One should reconcile the Five Phases and Essential Qi in one body to match the Five Qi. 8. Reason should be carefully cultivated without restraint to refine Nature. 9. Entering the Way of the sages requires many years of hard work and determination, to accumulate merit and practice. 10. One should transcend the worlds of desire, form, and formlessness. 184

(Jin Dynasty) Wang Chongyang. Edited and revised by Bai Ruxiang. Anthology of Wang Chongyang. Qilu Press, 2005, p. 256.

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The above are the requirements demanded of Daoist practitioners who leave the household. Daoist believers who remained in the household were only required to pay a small membership fee to participate in the activities organized by the Five Societies of the Three Prefectures, which led to a rapid increase in the number of folk believers within a short period of time. According to Volume 2 of the Jinlian Zhengzong Ji (Records of the Orthodox School of the Golden Lotus), in little more than a year, Master Chongyang had attained “popularity across the Three Prefectures, bringing all under the Five Societies.” Objectively speaking, the Three Prefectures were located at the margins of separatist regimes, where worldly affairs were unpredictable and a sense of restlessness prevailed among the people, thus resulting in the need for spiritual comfort. Subjectively speaking, Chongyang and his seven disciples had unique, larger-than-life personalities and charisma that went against the flow, coupled with clear and simple doctrines and rules, which appealed to the people and shaped their aspirations. Furthermore, over the history of the Three Prefectures in the Jiaodong area, the cultures of the three teachings have all formed a deep-rooted foundation, and the new Daoism inspired by Master Chongyang enabled the Three Prefectures to be the true birthplace of the Quanzhen School. 3. Qiu Chuji Drove the Flourishing of the Quanzhen School If we regard Wang Chongyang as the founder of the Quanzhen School, Ma Danyang as the leader directing the construction of the Quanzhen Ancestral Hall, and Wang Yuyang as the stalwart who consolidated the Jiaodong base and promoted the Quanzhen School nationwide, then Qiu Chuji (also known as Master Changchun) should be regarded as the champion who pushed the Quanzhen School to its peak. His virtues and merits, especially his success at traveling westward to meet Genghis Khan in Mount Xue, enabled him to become the first person in the Chinese history of Daoism to surpass the historical standing of Wang Chongyang in the Quanzhen School. Due to the great contribution he afforded the common people, he became a great historical figure praised throughout the ages and loved by all. The “spirit of Master Qiu,” which had been carefully forged throughout his lifetime, belonged not only to the realm of the Daoist religion but also to Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, as well as the entire Chinese nation. The spirit of Master Qiu can be summarized as follows. First, Master Qiu had a spirit of determination to follow the Way and of diligence in self-cultivation. When he devoted himself to studying under Chongyang, he was the first to begin learning the Way and the last to reach its attainment. He first practiced self-cultivation for six years in Panxi, Shaanxi, and then another seven years in Mount Longmen, which endowed him with the qualities of a great Quanzhen priest and enabled him to withstand the various challenges and hardships encountered later in life, in order to accomplish his great undertakings. Second, Master Qiu had a spirit of deep humaneness and love for the people. In 1219, when he traveled westward to Mount Xue at the request of Genghis Khan, he was already 73 years old. Not only was this journey long and perilous, but its end goal was also to meet with a proud, invincible military commander who had

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led his troops in a terrorizing conquest of the entire Eurasian continent. Nevertheless, Master Qiu remained firm in his decision to lead 18 disciples on his westward journey. Although this was undoubtedly because he foresaw the rise of the Mongolian Khanate and wanted to create a favorable political environment for the future of the Quanzhen School, more importantly, it was because he had witnessed the devastation and suffering caused by long years of war. Hence, out of his desire to protect the people, he took the opportunity to exert his influence and persuade Genghis Khan to withdraw his soldiers or stop the massacre, thereby alleviating the damage inflicted on the people by the Mongolian conquest. On his road to the western regions, he penned a poem: The emperor I seek who resides beyond Linhe, I desire him to lay down arms and bring about great peace185

This underscores his overflowing heart of humaneness and love for the people. Genghis Khan’s summons for and consultation with Master Qiu was not only because he wanted to use the latter’s prestige in the north to stabilize Han society under his rule but also because he wanted to seek the Way to health and immortality. Genghis Khan was moved by Master Qiu’s unwillingness to respond to the summons of the Jin and Song Dynasty, choosing instead to respond solely to him. In addition to this, Master Qiu was determined, courageous, and sincere in his journey across the lands despite his advanced age, while holding an attitude that was neither humble nor arrogant and presenting bold and righteous arguments. He thus earned the great admiration of Genghis Khan as a politician. In his westward journey, Master Qiu traversed dozens of countries, journeyed more than ten thousand miles, encountered the dangers of battlefields, ran out of food in the desert, and travelled back and forth from Mount Kunyu to Mount Xue (now Hindu Kush in Afghanistan) for four years. The hardships he had to endure were indescribable. It is written in the Yuanshi: Shilao Zhuan (History of Yuan Dynasty: Biographies of Buddhists and Daoists), “When Chuji returned to the Yan region, he sent his disciples with imperial documents to areas suffering the aftermath of battles in order to recruit followers, so that those who became slaves had a chance to become upstanding citizens once again and those who were near death had a chance for life. Those who were saved in this way numbered twenty to thirty thousand. To this day, Chuji is celebrated by the people of the Central Plains.”186 This is the greatest feat achieved in the lifetime of Master Qiu. His humaneness and love for the people was jointly forged by Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, thus giving rise to his advice of “respecting heaven and loving the people,” the response of “purifying the mind and diminishing desires,” and the actions of great compassion and salvation. 185

(Yuan Dynasty) Li Zhichang. Translated and annotated by Dang Baohai. Journey to the West of True-man Changchun. Hebei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 80. 186 (Ming Dynasty) Song Lian et al. History of the Yuan Dynasty, Volume 220. Zhonghua Book Company, 1976, p. 4525.

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Third, Master Qiu had a spirit of compassionate courage and self-esteem. His courage came from humaneness and compassion and was also complemented by wisdom. This gave him an air of tranquility when faced with matters of great import, displaying self-esteem but also self-restraint, appearing formidable but also calm. The westward journey to Mount Xue was itself a daunting task for the brave, whereas persuading a military commander amid an ongoing campaign was a wholly different challenge with which he was faced: one could neither appear too harsh or severe in tone or expression nor be fawning or compliant in demeanor. Instead, Master Qiu was neither humble nor arrogant and handled the exchange with skill and ease. When Genghis Khan praised Master Qiu for undertaking the long journey, he replied, “The wild man of the mountains came to see the emperor by order of your majesty; it was the will of heaven.”187 He attributed the journey to Mount Xue as following the will of heaven, which conveyed the sanctity and solemnity of this journey, while also avoiding a show of gratitude to Genghis Khan, thereby maintaining his own dignified identity. In response to Genghis Khan’s question on governance, Master Qiu replied “respect heaven and love the people”; in response to Genghis Khan’s question on immortality, he replied, “purify the mind and diminish desires.” Both responses were sincere and candid, beneficial to the country and life, and were free from ostentation and exaggeration, which ultimately impressed Genghis Khan. Master Qiu possessed the humaneness and reciprocity of Confucianism, the compassion and courage of Daoism, the vow of mercy of Buddhism, as well as the frugality and austerity of Mohism, which endowed him with an extraordinary power of moving the heart, eventually leading to him accomplishing a great and glorious cause. Fourth, Master Qiu had a spirit of simplicity and purity. Master Qiu once said, “In fifty years, I have learned one word: ‘Shi’ (solid, real, genuine, etc.).”188 To him, “Shi” has four meanings: (1) candor, that is, not deceiving others with mystical arts; (2) honesty, that is, treating others and speaking truthfully; (3) practicality, that is, invigorating the teachings to save the world and benefit the public; and (4) solidity, that is, disregarding the extravagant and observing simplicity and self-control. After his successful journey to the west, he was appointed Great Ancestral Master, was placed in charge of all Daoist religion within the country, and exempted all Daoist temples and practitioners from taxes and corvée. Thus, his reputation continued to grow, and he was admired by all the people. However, Master Qiu never held a complacent or indulgent attitude and continued to maintain his simple and austere style, while persisting in his duties of self-sacrifice. Fifth, the spirit of Master Qiu is a spirit of tolerance and humility. Master Qiu adhered to the teachings of Master Chongyang and industriously promoted the equality and integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. In addition to the meticulous study of the Daoist classics, Master Qiu was also well-versed in 187

(Yuan Dynasty) Li Zhichang. Translated and annotated by Dang Baohai. Journey to the West of True-man Changchun. Hebei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 80. 188 (Yuan Dynasty) Yin Zhiping. Discourses of True-man Qinghe on the Journey to the North. In Daoist Cannon, Volume 33. Cultural Relics Publishing House, Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 159.

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Confucian and Buddhist texts. He emulated the Buddhist doctrine that “all beings have Buddha-nature” and advocated that all sentient beings have the nature of the Way. Compared to the Southern tradition, Master Qiu placed greater emphasis on the practice of Nature: “three parts the practice of Existence and seven parts learning.”189 His practice of Nature was a combination of Buddhism and Daoism: “remove the sights and sounds, and take delight in clarity and tranquility; remove the smells and tastes, and find beauty in calmness and indifference.” Within the school, Master Qiu shared harmonious relationships with all, from his masters to his peers and to his disciples. He was modest and studious, empathetic and cooperative, and showed not the slightest trace of contention. Accordingly, the disciples of the seven schools were as close as siblings, preserving their rapport despite the great distances between them. They were not constrained by factions and made no distinction between the self and other, switching between their respective schools with ease and never once inciting fights over higher positions. In fact, after Master Qiu passed on, the disciples willingly conceded the position as Leader of the Daoist Clergy to each other, clearly exhibiting the virtues of excellence without a mind entrapped by power and position. This happy circumstance can be attributed entirely to the teachings of Master Qiu. Toward non-Daoists, Master Qiu was humble and courteous and always willing to lend a helping hand. In his mind, there was no distinction between religious sects, no division between ethnic groups, and no hierarchy in the social classes; thus, he truly embraced all under Heaven as one family. The spirit of Master Qiu embodies the spirit of the Chinese nation in its pursuit of truth, of universal love and salvation of the world, of inner strength and fearlessness, of simplicity and absence of ostentation, and of great generosity and tolerance. It is a spirit that deserves our praise and propagation. After Master Qiu, the Quanzhen Leaders of the Daoist Clergy included Yin Zhiping, Li Zhichang, Zhang Zhijing, Wang Zhitan, and Qi Zhicheng. All of them received the title of Zhenren (True Individual) from the Yuan imperial family and served as the Great Ancestral Master of the Mysterious Teachings. They were able to hold fast to the teachings of Master Qiu, promote the methods of Daoism, and bring aid to the world and benefit to the people, thereby lifting the Quanzhen School to the pinnacle of its success. This school of thought was later transmitted to the Jiangnan region, where it merged with the Southern tradition, with the Wudang Mountains as its center, eventually evolving into the southern Quanzhen School. There were two instances in the Yuan Dynasty involving the burning of Daoist classics, due to the conflict of interests between Buddhism and Daoism, wherein Buddhism prevailed and Daoism failed. This was a reversion of the convergence among the three teachings and also a diversion, which did not expand into the mainstream. The decline of the Quanzhen School began at the end of the Yuan Dynasty and was mainly due to its internal corruption, external extravagance, ties with the rich and powerful, and intermingling with the immorality of the secular world. Hence, it gradually lost the respect of the people. 189

(Jin Dynasty) Qiu Chuji. Edited by Zhao Weidong. Anthology of Qiu Chuji. Qilu Press, 2005, p. 150.

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4. Li Daochun’s Thought of Zhonghe (Equilibrium and Harmony) in Inner Alchemy Li Daochun was a famous scholar and noteworthy inner alchemist of the Jiangnan Quanzhen School. He believed that the Great ultimate of Confucianism, the Perfect Enlightenment of Buddhism, and Golden Elixir of Daoism were three different names for the same thing and that all three teachings advocate tranquility and quiescence. Using the notions of Zhong (Equilibrium) and He (Harmony) from the Doctrine of the Mean as the key, Li Daochun pioneered Making Inner Alchemy for Immortality of the Quanzhen School and attained the interpenetration of the three teachings with the concept of “Equilibrium.” In Li Daochun Zhonghe Sixiang Jiqi Neidan Chanzhen (Li Daochun’s Thought of Equilibrium and Harmony and Its Alchemical Interpretation of Truth) (China Religious Culture Publisher, 2010), Dr. Cen Xiaoqing proposed that Li’s notions of Equilibrium and Harmony encompassed Xuanxue (the School of the Mystery), Yixue (the School of the Book of Changes), Danxue (the School of Alchemy), and Tongxue (the School of Interpenetration). Xuanxue teaches a cosmology of “reaching harmony through vacuity and tranquility.” Yixue teaches a theory of the Book of Changes of Mind, involving “attaining harmony through spiritual theurgy.” Danxue teaches an alchemical theory of “attaining harmony by maintaining Equilibrium.” Tongxue teaches the theory of the integration of the three teachings, involving “attaining harmony through penetrating changes.” This book posits that, first, Li’s theory of Equilibrium and Harmony first inherited and developed the Daoist thinking of Equilibrium and Harmony. That is, he inherited the concepts of “vacuity, tranquility, and the nature of the Way” and “Equilibrium as the mysterious pass” and developed the concepts of “vacuity and tranquility as Equilibrium” and “maintaining Equilibrium to attain Harmony.” This inner alchemy later became the mainstream of the Quanzhen School. Second, Li’s theory also incorporates the Confucian ideas of Equilibrium and Harmony. That is, based on the concept of utmost sincerity in The Doctrine of the Mean and the “Sixteen-Word True Transmission,” he states, “To store ultimate sincerity, one must first exhaust the principles; the spiritual practice in exhausting the principles lies with attaining utmost sincerity. To attain ultimate sincerity and exhaust the principles is to reach the Great Root of Heaven, and the revelation of Heavenly Nature will bring great illumination. One who rejoices in heaven and knows one’s Existence is a true and superior individual. One who exhausts the principles and subtle mysteries is a great sage. As long as one holds fast to the Equilibrium as the Great Root, the Great Root will be fully clarified and spiritual theurgy unleashed.”190 Finally, Li’s theory also interlinks with the Buddhist ideas of Equilibrium and Harmony: “Two bodies as one substance, three minds as one. Remove the barriers to Nirvana, make no distinction between the coarse and the subtle, establish neither being nor non-being. As for the threefold training of virtue, mind, and wisdom, know that there is no fixed Dharma. Seek emptiness and clarity, 190

Discourses of Li Daochun, Volume 6. Quoted from Cen Xiaoqing. Li Daochun’s Thought of Equilibrium and Harmony and Its Alchemical Interpretation of Truth. China Religious Culture Publisher, 2010, p. 271.

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and the interconnection of the soul. Seek true suchness and the awareness of one’s nature. Attain eternity, bliss, true self, and purity.”191 5. Differentiation in the Inner Alchemical Techniques of the Quanzhen School in the Ming Dynasty During the Ming Dynasty, the Quanzhen School had dwindled, accompanied by the merging of its Northern and Southern traditions, the Wudang School flourished independently, while the Zhengyi School rose to prominence, with several generations of celestial masters placed in charge of Daoist affairs throughout the country. The most respected Daoist of the Quanzhen School during this time was Zhang Sanfeng. Its doctrines during the Ming Dynasty were characterized by the unification of the three teachings, and its mission was the dual cultivation of Nature and Existence. As for the specific content and approach of self-cultivation, some emphasized the cultivation of Nature, others the cultivation of Existence, while some advocated the pure cultivation of the self and others the joint cultivation of males and females (husband and wife). Inner alchemists of the Ming Dynasty developed a self-cultivation program involving: “Nature → Existence → Nature,” which starts from concentrating the mind and cultivating Nature, progresses to refining and transforming the essential qi and cultivating Existence, and finally reaches attaining a “shattered voidness” to complete Nature. The majority of inner alchemists advocated individual practice, while a minority encouraged couple practice. The Daoist inner alchemy of the Ming Dynasty was not only popular within Daoism itself but also spread to the Confucians. For example, Wang Yangming practiced inner alchemy for several decades and affirmed its usefulness in promoting health and regulating the mind and body.

6.3.3 The Jiangnan School of Peace, Illumination, Loyalty, and Filial Piety—A New Daoist School Unifying Confucianism and Daoism and Integrating Buddhism and Daoism The Jingming School (Way of Purity and Clarity) is a typical example of the integration between Confucianism and Daoism. This school worships the True Man Xu Xun, who was from the Western Jin Dynasty and advocated the Way of Filial Piety. He preached in the Yuzhang region for more than thirty years and formed a rudimentary religious order that had a continuous line of successors. During the reign of Emperor Gaozong of Tang, the Daoist priests Hu Huichao, Zhang Yun, and Guo Pu were venerated by later generations as the three masters of the Jingming School. When the Song court retreated to the South, Daoist priest Zhou Zhengong 191

Anthology of Li Daochun. Yuelu Publishing House, 2010, p. 194.

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preached the doctrines of the Jingming School in the Nanchang region. In the early Yuan Dynasty, Liu Yu (1257–1310), a Confucian hermit living in the western hills of Nanchang, claimed that he met Hu Huichao when he was 25 years old and was informed that, “The rise of the great Jingming School is imminent. It will produce 800 disciples, and you (i.e. Liu Yu) will be their master.”192 Thus, by proclaiming he had received the true transmission of the immortals, Liu Yu officially founded the Jingming School. The Jingming School regarded Xu Xun (Xu Jingyang) as its firstgeneration patriarch, Liu Yu as the second-generation patriarch, Huang Yuanji as the third-generation patriarch, Xu Yi as the fourth-generation patriarch, Zhao Yizhen as the fifth-generation patriarch, and Liu Yuanran as the sixth-generation patriarch. By this point, it was the early Ming Dynasty. After the Qing Dynasty, the Jingming School gradually dwindled out of existence. The mission of the Jingming School lies in the words “purity, clarity, loyalty, and filial piety.” The words “purity and clarity” were derived from Buddhism, meaning the original purity and clarity of self-nature and the absence of all contamination. These were used to signify the inner realm to which all practitioners should aspire. As with Buddhism, the Jingming practitioners believed that the human mind is originally pure and clear but is subsequently obscured by material desires and selfish emotions, which render it impure and murky. Therefore, the path of cultivation lies with returning the mind to its original state. The Way of cultivating purity is to teach people to cleanse the heart and diminish desires; rectify the mind and seek sincerity; remain unmoved by selfish desires; and hold no greed, hatred, narrowmindedness, resentment, or anger; thus, one achieves a broad-mindedness of great purity and clarity. In addition, while cultivating the mind, one must also fulfill one’s duties of loyalty and filial piety, expanding beyond the loyalty to one’s ruler and filial piety to one’s parents. Its register of merits and demerits details the specific requirements for benefitting the people, which include giving aid to the hungry, thirsty, and cold; burying the bones of the forgotten and abandoned; offering help to travelers; repairing bridges and roads; and sustaining people’s livelihoods. Therefore, the reputation of the Jingming School spread far and wide, attracting a large throng of followers and receiving both the approval of the upper classes and scholars as well as the adulation of the lower classes. Huang Yuanji, Xu Yi, and Liu Yuanran all traveled to the capital to impart their teachings and were awarded titles. The successors of Yangmingism in the Ming Dynasty, such as Wang Longxi and Luo Rufang, also commended the Jingming School. Although the Jingming School is, fundamentally speaking, still a Daoist religion and teaches self-cultivation to attain immortality, it does so in its own way. It derided the traditional Daoist arts of Inner and Outer Alchemy, grain avoidance, and breathing exercises, believing instead that cultivating and practicing the way of purity, clarity, loyalty, and filial piety is the superior way of inner alchemy: “The key does not lie with Chan meditation or inquiring the Way, nor in entering the mountains to refine the form. It lies with establishing the root with loyalty and filial piety, attaining the 192

Edited by Huang Yuanji. Revised by Xu Hui. The Complete Book of Purity, Clarity, Loyalty, and Filial Piety. In Daoist Cannon, Volume 24. Cultural Relics Publishing House, Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 629.

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purity and clarity of the mind, and possessing the four virtues. Through this, the spirit will gradually interconnect with the soul of heaven and, even in the absence of self-cultivation, be able to spontaneously attain the completion of the Way.”193 The immortality pursued by the Jingming School is not the permanence of the physical body but the durability of the virtuous nature, which is very similar to the Confucian sages. The Jingming School also talks about talismans, registers, and praying for protection against calamities. However, it teaches that the use of talismans should be based on inner cultivation, moving heaven and earth with utmost sincerity, and extinguishing the demons of the mind, thereby naturally extinguishing external evils. The Jiangming School directly converts Confucian ethics into religious doctrines and precepts and merges the Daoist practice of self-cultivation with Confucian selfcultivation to benefit humankind. This was a successful attempt at the religionization of Confucianism, a relatively novel and unique round of reform and innovation in the history of the Daoist religion, and also a manifestation of the Daoist religion drawing close to Confucianism. As it had lost a substantive number of traditional Daoist features, it could only exist as a branch of Daoism and as a regional Daoist religion and hence eventually faded away.

6.4 Confluence of Buddhism with Confucianism and Daoism and Its Representative Doctrines 6.4.1 Overview of the Development of Buddhism in the Song, Liao, Jin, Western Xia, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties During this period, the mainstream of Buddhism continued to develop toward the internal integration of Zen Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism, as well as the external syncretism between Confucianism and Buddhism. Due to the flourishing and the country’s vigorous promotion of Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism, Buddhism held a more inferior status in the nation’s social life compared to that during the Tang Dynasty and experienced a general decline. Yet, it was able to further expand its influence in terms of the spiritual realm. Buddhism continued to innovate while forming beneficial interactions and complementary relationships with Confucianism and Daoism. During the two Song Dynasties, Zen Buddhism was the most powerful of all the Buddhist lineages. Among the five schools, the Guiyang and Fayan schools experienced a decline whereas the Linji, Yunmen, and Caodong schools continued to develop and permeate the scholar-official class. These schools shifted from the non-establishment of words to “literary Chan,” which involved compiling Denglu 193

Edited by Huang Yuanji. Revised by Xu Hui. The Complete Book of Purity, Clarity, Loyalty, and Filial Piety. In Daoist Cannon, Volume 24. Cultural Relics Publishing House, Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, p. 634.

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(Lamp Records) and Yulu (Records of Sayings) and forming a new body of literature, thereby increasing the channels of communication. As the Linji School entered the Song Dynasty, the two branches founded by Huanglong Huinan and Yangqi Fanghui, respectively, began to grow in popularity. The Huanglong branch included Kewen, who established an enormous monastic community, whereas the Yangqi branch included Keqin, who strongly promoted literary Chan. They were followed by Dahui Zonggao, who first advocated “Kanhua Chan” (Chan of Observing the Key Phrase) and criticized the “Mozhao Chan” (Chan of Silent Illumination) proposed by Zhengjue of the Caodong School, thereby opening up a new path for the advancement of the Linji School. In the Caodong School, the most famous figure was Furong Daokai. With respect to the Yunmen School, the most noteworthy disciples who carried on the lineage after Wenyan included Xuedou Chongxian, Dajue Huailian, and Mingjiao Qisong. Literary Chan involves recording the teachings of famous Chan masters to form “Records of Sayings,” which served as koans (i.e. Zen Buddhist anecdotes) for judging between right and wrong. These could then be used for learning, interpretation, and chanting. The Chan of Silent Illumination was proposed to rectify the overemphasis on linguistic beauty in literary Chan and the tendency to overlook Chan enlightenment. This approach was advocated by Hongzhi Zhengjue of the Caodong School, who promoted the cultivation of Chan in tranquility and silence and the understanding of the Way through contemplative meditation. Hence, it places a special emphasis on Chan meditation. Further, the representative of the Chan of Observing the Key Phrase was Dahui Zonggao, who advocated studying the key phrase of a Chan master’s “living sentence,” transcending its literal meaning, and directly grasping the Chan allegory contained within. Apart from Zen Buddhism, the Song Dynasty also witnessed the continuation and evolution of the Tiantai School, Vinaya School, Huayan School, Weishi School, and Pure Land School. Through these, the beliefs of Pure Land Buddhism were popularized among the people while also merging with the various Buddhist schools, thus forming a trend of unification between Chan and Pure Land Buddhism. During the Liao Dynasty, Buddhism flourished under the strong support of the Khitan nobility and reached a larger scale among the lower classes. For example, the “Thousand-People Village Society” was a Buddhist civil organization that assisted temples in carrying out their activities. The Huanyan and Esoteric schools were the most developed among the Buddhist lineages, but theoretical innovations were few. During the Jin Dynasty, the imperial family both promoted and restricted Buddhism, and Zen Buddhism was the most popular among the Buddhist schools. The most well-known Chan master at that time was Wansong Xingxiu of the Caodong School. He advocated the governance of the country by Confucianism and the governance of the mind by Buddhism. Among his disciples was Yelv Chucai, who served as an important minister in both the Jin and Yuan Dynasties. Cui Fazhen of the Jin Dynasty was a bhiks.un.¯ı, a fully ordained female monastic in Buddhism; she cut off her arm and made a vow at Tianning Temple in Xiezhou, Shanxi, to raise sufficient funds for the additional engraving of the official Northern Song Dazang Jing (Tripitaka or Buddhist Canon). After more than twenty years, the Zhaocheng

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Jin Tripitaka in 7,000 volumes was finally completed, as a celebrated event in the history of Buddhism. During the Yuan Dynasty, the policies concerning religion were pluralistic and egalitarian. Buddhism, especially Tibetan Buddhism, was venerated, which enabled it to recover rapidly from its low point during a period of unrest. The Chan lineage remained the mainstream of Han Buddhism, and the Buddhist community was dominated by the Linji and Caodong schools. In addition to Wansong Xingxiu, representative figures included Yinjian, who was later known as the Master of the Linji Revival. One of Yinjian’s disciples, Liu Bingzhong, was involved in major military and political plans. The Mongolian nobility of the Yuan Dynasty paid a great deal of attention to the unity between the Mongols and Tibetans and so were more inclined toward Tibetan Buddhism in their beliefs. Emperor Shizu of Yuan appointed the Tibetan monk Drogön Chogyal Phagpa as imperial preceptor and ordered him to take charge of the political and religious affairs in the Tibetan area, as well as all Buddhist affairs in the country. This enabled the rise of Lamaism as a national religion and its smoother transmission to the north. The Mongolian rulers considered the peoples of the vast northern regions to be bold and combative, where social stability was difficult to achieve, and so they wished to learn from the successful experiences of Lamaism in Tibetan rule by promoting it widely in the region in order to overcome the obstinacy of the people with the gentleness of Buddhism. This was a long-term, strategic consideration to consolidate the “great unification” of the country. During the Ming Dynasty, the imperial family continued to revere Buddhism, but made certain adjustments to its specific policies. For example, the special privileges enjoyed by Tibetan monks were abolished while also according them with the appropriate respect, and monks were explicitly prohibited from intervening in political and other secular affairs. Within Buddhism itself, Pure Land Buddhism was the common belief throughout the country and hence was widely circulated among the people. Zen Buddhism remained the main Buddhist school and was popular in the intellectual circles. A number of scholars within the academia took to studying the Buddhist dharmas. During the Wanli Era, Buddhist thinking reached a peak of creativity and innovation, producing the Four Eminent Monks of the Ming Dynasty: Yunqi Zhuhong, Zibo Zhenke, Hanshan Deqing, and Ouyi Zhixu. All four were avid promoters of the mutual complementarity between Chan and Pure Land Buddhism, as well as the integration of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism.194

194

Mou Zhongjian and Zhang Jian. Comprehensive History of Chinese Religions. Social Science Literature Press, 2000; Fang Litian (Ed.). A Brief History of Chinese Buddhism. China Religious Culture Publisher, 2001.

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6.4.2 Representative Figures Advocating the Integration of the Three Teachings in Buddhist Circles During the Song and Ming Dynasties and Their Main Doctrines 1. Gushan Zhiyuan Zhiyuan (976–1022) was a follower of the Tiantai School who advocated the “shared origin of the three teachings,” that “each has its distinct function,” and “honoring Confucianism as the foundation.” Concerning the introduction of Buddhism, he believed that the Chinese people should embrace it with a welcoming attitude: “In its instruction of the people, it shares internal and external similarities with the teachings of Duke of Zhou and Confucius. How so? It is guided by compassion and mercy and so promotes the love of life and the hatred of killing. It attaches great importance to the love of giving and so encourages generosity and charitable deeds. It points to the imperishability of the spirit and so knows that it is possible to serve spiritual beings. It talks about karma and demonstrates that there is no error in fortune and misfortune. It persuades people to move toward good and away from sin, to govern their emotions and return to nature.”195 He favored the Confucian classics, especially The Doctrine of the Mean, believing that “Those who speak of the Mean refer to Nagarjuna’s meaning of the Middle Way.”196 In terms of the relationship between Buddhism and Confucianism, the Way of the Mean can rectify the one-sidedness of both teachings. Gushan Zhiyuan not only approved of Confucianism but also regarded it as the social basis for the prevalence of Buddhism and incorporated its study of self-cultivation into the code of practice for Buddhist monks. In fact, the name he gave himself, “Zhongyongzi” (Master of the Mean), is an indication of his observance and application of the Way of the Mean, thereby achieving the integration of Confucianism and Buddhism. 2. Mingjiao Qisong Qisong (1007–1072) was a scholar-monk of the Yunmen School. During the Northern Song Dynasty, there were several Confucian scholars, such as Ouyang Xiu, who had inwardly assimilated Buddhism but continued to outwardly reject it, refusing to surrender Han Yu’s banner of opposition against Buddhism and Daoism. In response to this situation, Qisong did not simply refute their claims but also argued at a theoretical level that Confucianism and Buddhism are interdependent. He pointed out that the teachings and Way of the sages share one root, while schools differ in their flexible application: “The teachings of the sages are nothing more than goodness. The Way of the sages is nothing more than correctness. He assumes all qualities that make people good and does all deeds that are correct. He finds no need to distinguish between Buddhism and Confucianism, the self and the other. The difference between 195

Edited by Shi Jun et al. Selected Chinese Buddhist Works, Volume 3, Book 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1987, p. 119. 196 Zeng Zaozhuang and Liu Lin (Eds.). Complete Works of Song Prose, Volume 8. Bashu Press, 1990, p. 289.

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the self and the other lies in emotions. The difference between Confucianism and Buddhism is external. The sages discard the external and so preserve the root. The sages act on emotions and so abide by their nature. To preserve the root and not be entrapped by the external is called flexibility. To abide by nature and not be entrapped by emotions is called solidity.”197 In addition, by employing the thinking of “one principle with different manifestations,” Qisong says, In ancient times, Buddhism, Confucianism, and the Hundred Schools of Thought all had their sages. They were all of one mind but differed in their external manifestations. They had one mind, because all of them urged the people to do good. They had different manifestations, because they each followed the teachings of their different schools…198 If we say that the world cannot do without Confucianism or without the Hundred Schools of Thought, then it also cannot do without Buddhism. Removing one teaching would be to eliminate one path to goodness in the world. Removing one path to goodness is to increase the evil in the world. Teachings are the external manifestations of the sages. The root (of the teachings) is the mind of the sages. If one sees the mind (of the sages), then all in the world will be right. If one follows the external manifestations, then all in the world will be wrong. Therefore, the worthy seeks, above all, the mind of the sages.199

This explanation not only adheres to the Buddhist doctrine that the mind gives rise to the myriad dharmas but also incorporates the Confucian Way of the sages, which urges one to reside in humaneness, follow righteousness, and do good deeds and accumulate virtue. His purpose was not simply to defend Buddhism but to achieve an overarching, coordinated plan for the governance of society as a whole and employ the didactic functions of the different teachings to improve the moral trend. Thus, it is a portrayal of his broad-mindedness. He proclaims to Emperor Renzong of Song that the joint use of Confucianism and Buddhism is beneficial for the governance of the country: “Confucianism and Buddhism are the teachings of sages. Although their origins differ, both return to governance…. It is my hope that the Confucians can follow Confucianism and the Buddhists can follow Buddhism for all under Heaven, each supporting the emperor’s governance and education of the people in their own way.”200 In order to adapt the Buddhist precepts to the Confucian ethical code, Qisong used the rules of the Five Precepts to explain the virtues of the Five Constant [Virtues]: “The Five Precepts are refrain from killing, refrain from stealing, refrain from committing adultery, refrain from speaking falsehoods, and refrain from intoxication. To refrain from killing is humaneness. To refrain from stealing is righteousness. To refrain from committing adultery is propriety. To refrain from intoxication is wisdom. To refrain from speaking falsehoods is trustworthiness.”201 Thus, 197

(Song Dynasty) Qisong. Revised by Zhong Dong and Jiang Hui. Anthology of Tanjin. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2016, p. 34. 198 (Song Dynasty) Qisong. Revised by Zhong Dong and Jiang Hui. Anthology of Tanjin. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2016, p. 46. 199 (Song Dynasty) Qisong. Revised by Zhong Dong and Jiang Hui. Anthology of Tanjin. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2016, p. 47. 200 (Song Dynasty) Qisong. Revised by Zhong Dong and Jiang Hui. Anthology of Tanjin. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2016, p. 149. 201 (Song Dynasty) Qisong. Revised by Zhong Dong and Jiang Hui. Anthology of Tanjin. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2016, p. 54.

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the rules and precepts are interconnected and united with the Confucian ethical code, and the integration of Buddhism and Confucianism can be circulated among ordinary scholars and believers. Qisong’s syncretism of Buddhism and Confucianism attained a high theoretical level, adopted a global outlook, achieved the mutual interpretation of essential doctrines, is simple to implement, and carries a rare sincerity. Hence, it had the ability to sway those in power and the Confucian community. 3. Dahui Zonggao Zonggao (1089–1163) was an eminent monk in the Yangqi sect of the Linji School who studied under Yuanwu Keqin. Emperor Xiaozong of Song awarded him the title of “Dahui Chanshi” (Chan Master of Great Wisdom”) and also “Dahui Pujue Chanshi” (Chan Master of Great Wisdom and Universal Enlightenment”). Although Zonggao was a foreign monk, he had fervent concern for the country and the people while also advocating loyalty and righteousness. It is written in his Yulu (Record of Sayings) that, “Bodhicitta is a mind of loyalty and righteousness. Their names differ but their substance is the same.”202 He used the Buddhist doctrine of impurity and purity to explain loyalty and righteousness versus treachery and evil: “Loyalty, righteousness, treachery, and evil are innate. The loyal and righteous who reside amid evil are like a clear and pure Mani Jewel placed in mud: Though it remains there for hundreds and thousands of years, it cannot be contaminated. Why is this so? It is clear and pure in its origin. The treacherous and evil who reside amid loyalty and righteousness are like mixing poison into a clean vessel: Though it remains there for hundreds and thousands of years, it cannot be altered. Why is this so? Its nature is originally contaminated.”203 Zonggao stressed that the loyal and righteous do not fear treachery and evil because their original nature is clear and pure. Thus, those who understand true suchness and the Buddhist dharmas must necessarily be loyal and righteous. Neo-Confucianism often cites the words of Mencius in his rejection of Yangzi and Mozi to refute Buddhism and Daoism. Zonggao regards this type of behavior as discarding the root to pursue the branches and overusing hackneyed sayings without original thinking. He believes that Mencius’s doctrine of the goodness of human nature is fundamentally consistent with the Buddhist theory of nature. Zonggao was a man of rich and unhidden feelings who exuded the air of a fearless knight. He feared neither treacherous ministers in power nor derogation and exile, acting with fierce independence and finding joy in always presenting his true nature. Regardless of whether a person is a commoner or a sage, or from any of the three teachings, Zonggao believed that all could be united as one as long as they were True Individuals: “Confucianism is Buddhism, and Buddhism is Confucianism. The monks are the lay people, and the lay people are monks. The commoner is the sage, and the sage is the commoner. The self is the other, and the other is the self. Heaven is earth and earth is heaven. The wave is the water, and the water is the wave. Mix 202

Chunwen (Ed.). Buddhist Collection of Yunju, Book 6: Speeches of Buddhist Master Pujue the Wise, Volume 24: Exhibiting the Guidelines. Elephant Press, 2014, p. 68. 203 Chunwen (Ed.). Buddhist Collection of Yunju, Book 6: Speeches of Buddhist Master Pujue the Wise, Volume 24: Exhibiting the Guidelines. Elephant Press, 2014, p. 67.

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the curd cheese and ghee together to form one flavor; melt the vase, plate, hairpin, and bracelet together to form one piece of gold.” The key, he claims, lies in building self-confidence: “Do not doubt Buddha, Confucius, or Laojun. Using the nostrils of Laojun, Confucius, and Buddha, one must exhale one’s own breath.”204 From this, we can see that Zonggao had the aura of a great person and had a profound understanding of the essence of Confucianism. Thus, he possessed the ability to merge the three teachings into one. 4. First of the Four Eminent Monks of the Ming Dynasty: Yunqi Zhuhong Zhuhong (1535–1615) was a native of Renhe, Hangzhou (now Hangzhou City, Zhejiang). His studies in Confucianism began in his childhood, and his adulthood was riddled with hardships, ultimately leading him down the path of monkhood. As a monk, he traveled across the country and later returned to Wuyun Mountain in Hangzhou, where he settled down, chose the name Yunqi, and began propagating the Buddhist dharmas. His reputation spread everywhere due to his profound knowledge and noble character, and he was highly respected by the government and the people. His teachings were centered on the unity of the Chan, the Teachings, and the Pure Land schools. Zhuhong believed that adhering to Vinaya (rules and precepts), reading the scriptures, and practicing Chan meditation were all necessary and reinforced the chanting of Buddha’s name (Pure Land beliefs), thus enabling one to reach a thorough understanding of the Buddhist dharmas. He was an eminent monk, with a vast and open mind, who unified the different schools within Buddhism while integrating the three teachings outside of Buddhism. In terms of the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism, he not only advocated the unity between the two but also agreed that they were divergent paths with a convergent destination. “The sages of Confucianism and Buddhism each had their own way of teaching people. Thus, it is not necessary to distinguish between the two, nor to force their unification. Why? Because Confucianism concerns the governing of the world, and Buddhism concerns the departure from the world.”205 Nevertheless, the two teachings can offer each other support: “Confucianism and Buddhism do not hurt each other but instead offer mutual support. Let me give an example. All who do evil may escape from the punishments of the law when they are alive but will be gripped by the fear of hell after death and so will change their evil ways and do good. This is where Buddhism can offer covert support when royal transformation fails. As for monks who cannot be restricted by the precepts and rules, the fear of punishment will prevent them from reckless acts. This is where Confucianism can offer overt assistance when the Buddhist dharmas fail.”206 He believes that the three teachings “share the same principle but show clear distinctions in their depth. Though of different depths, they belong to one principle. 204

Chunwen (Ed.). Buddhist Collection of Yunju, Book 6. Elephant Press, 2014, p. 28. (Ming Dynasty) Yunqi Zhuhong. Edited by Ming Xue. Complete Works of Master Lianchi, Book 3. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, p. 1459. 206 (Ming Dynasty) Yunqi Zhuhong. Edited by Ming Xue. Complete Works of Master Lianchi, Book 3. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, p. 1441. 205

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This is how the three teachings are of one family.”207 From this, we can see that the concept that the “three teachings are of one family” had already become common knowledge in society by that time. 5. Second of the Four Eminent Monks of the Ming Dynasty: Zibo Zhenke Zhenke (1543–1603) was a native of Wujiang, Jiangsu. At the age of 17, he received enlightenment and became a monk at the Huqiu Yunyan Pagoda. He was fully ordained at 20 and began traveling to famous mountains and monasteries to study scriptural teachings, examine the Faxiang School, learn from the Huayan School, and practice Chan meditation. He had no one teacher and was well-versed in the teachings of all schools; he was a Buddhist thinker who engaged in the internal and external integration of Buddhism. Within Buddhism, he proposed the fusion of nature and characteristic, lineage, and teaching: “Dharma characteristics are like the waves, and dharma-nature is like the water. Scholars who came later each specialized in their own schools and excluded one another. Thus, the waves and the water cannot be interpenetrated to become one.”208 “Although lineages and teachings are divided, they do not go beyond Buddha’s words and Buddha’s mind. Those who specialize in Buddha’s mind are patriarchs of lineages; those who specialize in Buddha’s words are masters of teachings.”209 Externally, Zhenke engaged in the syncretism of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism: “At the beginning of body and mind, those who attain the nothingness of body and mind achieve clarity and perfection and hence exist independently. This was attained by Fuxi, who drew the eight trigrams. This was attained by Zhongni, who compiled the commentaries to the Book of Changes. This was attained by Laozi, who wrote the two texts (the Classic of the Way and the Classic of its Virtue). This was attained by Master Dajue, who held the flower and smiled in the gathering at Mount Lin.”210 Zhenke’s theories of internal and external integration are based on an original mind of perfect self-nature, which is highly consistent with the Lu-Wang School of Mind: “The mind is principle, there is nothing outside the mind”; if one can restore the original mind, then all external differences can be eliminated. Zhenke states: “Whether Confucianism, Buddhism, or Daoism, one must first gain enlightenment of one’s mind and then read many books extensively. This is known as ‘pushing a door until its pivot falls into the socket’ and is the wonderment of spontaneity. When applied to the departure from the world, it is called the Supreme Vehicle. When applied to the world itself, it is known as the Way of the King. This is true learning and true ability.”211 He takes the School of Mind to its extreme: “If 207

(Ming Dynasty) Yunqi Zhuhong. Edited by Ming Xue. Complete Works of Master Lianchi, Book 3. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2011, p. 1532. 208 (Ming Dynasty) Zibo Zhenke. Ming Xue (Ed.). Complete Works of Master Zibo. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 330. 209 (Ming Dynasty) Zibo Zhenke. Ming Xue (Ed.). Complete Works of Master Zibo. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 104. 210 (Ming Dynasty) Zibo Zhenke. Ming Xue (Ed.). Complete Works of Master Zibo. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 270. 211 (Ming Dynasty) Zibo Zhenke. Ming Xue (Ed.). Complete Works of Master Zibo. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 121.

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one comes to know one’s mind, the great earth has not an inch of land; yet, there is land and humanity, people and dharma, sages and commoners, worldliness and otherworldliness. If there is not an inch of land, then why do all things exist? It comes from foolish people who do not know their own mind, who cannot see past their emotions, and are deluded by distinctions. In Confucianism, they are bound by it. In Daoism, they are killed by it. In Buddhism, they are burdened by it…. Those who are reborn through the vow of Amitabha can be Confucians or Buddhists. As for the wide array of different ways, they benefit all sentient beings according to their kind, like mercury that falls to the ground, each drop a perfect sphere.”212 Here, he arrived at the realm of attaining spiritual awakening in accordance with karmic conditions, finding truth at all points of contact, and the myriad dharmas arising from the mind. 6. Third of the Four Eminent Monks of the Ming Dynasty: Hanshan Deqing Deqing (1546–1623) was well-versed in poetry, literature, and rites in his youth. At the age of 19, he was ordained at Qixia Temple in Jinling (Nanjing), where he studied the dual cultivation of Chan and Pure Land Buddhism, as well as the doctrines of the Huayan School, while devoting himself to charitable deeds. Deqing’s thoughts involve the inward integration of Chan, Teaching, and Pure Land schools, as well as the outward assimilation of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism, thus exuding an air of great tolerance. Deqing adopted an open and inclusive attitude toward the relationship among the three teachings, and believed the first task was to fully comprehend the principle of “the myriad dharmas are only consciousness”: “In my youth, I followed the teachings of Confucius but did not understand them; I followed the teachings of Laozi but did not understand them; I followed the teachings of Buddha but did not understand them. As I retreated deep into the mountains, to the edge of a large swamp, I found the tranquility needed to examine my mind. Now, I understand that the three worlds are only consciousness and the myriad dharmas are only consciousness. According to the view that there is only mind and consciousness, all forms are a reflection of the mind and all sounds are an echo of the mind. As such, all sages are the projections of this reflection and all teachings are an assimilation of this echo. Since the myriad dharmas are the manifestations of the mind only, the statecraft, languages, all trades necessary for life, and so on all abide by the correct dharma. There is no dharma beyond the mind by which all dharmas exist, but they lose their exquisiteness when those who are lost cling to it. If one understands one’s mind, then all dharmas are exquisite. Only sages can come to a state where the mind and dharmas are both exquisite.”213 Based on his arguments, those who denounce Confucianism and Daoism with Buddhism are not only ignorant of Confucianism and Daoism but also oblivious to the exquisiteness of the Buddhist dharmas. By contemplating the teachings of the world from the perspective that 212

(Ming Dynasty) Zibo Zhenke. Ming Xue (Ed.). Complete Works of Master Zibo. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 123. 213 (Ming Dynasty) Naluo Yanque, Haiyin Shamen Shi Deqing. Annotated by Yi Chen. Interpretation of Laozi’s Daodejing Annotated by Hanshan. Tongji University Press, 2013, p. 8.

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the myriad dharmas are consciousness only allows one to eliminate the difference between the otherworldly and the worldly. Deqing uses the Buddhist doctrine that the three worlds are only consciousness to explain the common destination of the three teachings and all schools of thought while also employing the doctrine of expedience to explain the differences among the various teachings. From the standpoint of Buddhism, he was able to embrace a multitude of doctrines, believing in Buddhism while also surpassing it, which is a rare generosity of spirit. Therefore, he was also able to argue that learning the Confucian classics, Laozi, Zhuangzi, and all the masters is a necessary assignment in learning Buddhism. Conversely, if one does not learn about Buddhism, one will never truly understand Confucianism and Daoism. Deqing summarizes this as “the three essentials of learning” and categorizes the functions of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism as “being involved in the world,” “forgetting the world,” and “departing from the world,” respectively. This is an appropriate portrayal of the different roles played by the three teachings on the ladder of life from reality to transcendence. 7. Fourth of the Four Eminent Monks of the Ming Dynasty: Ouyi Zhixu Zhixu (1599–1655) was a native of Wu County, Jiangsu. In his youth, he was deeply influenced by the Neo-Confucian School of Principle and wrote essays criticizing Buddhism and Daoism. He later accepted the Buddhism of Zhuhong and was ordained as a monk at Yunqi Temple. He then traveled the southern provinces and settled in Lingfeng, Zhejiang, in his later years, where he engaged in the task of writing and propagating the dharmas. Zhixu made an in-depth study of Confucianism and later devoted himself to examining the study of mind and nature of the Tiantai School. Hence, he was capable of integrating Confucianism and Buddhism at the level of the mind as the original substance. He stated, “The teachings of Buddha and the sages are doing nothing else but urging us to exert our minds to the utmost. One who has exerted the mind to its utmost will not need to establish one dharma outside the mind, nor lack one dharma within the mind.”214 In addition, he regarded the doctrine that the Great Way lies in the human mind as the loftiest pursuit shared by all three teachings—“that the Great Way lies in the human mind is the only principle that has existed throughout the ages and is not privately owned by the Buddha and the sages. The unification of difference and convergence in sameness is beyond the reach of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. In terms of reality, the Way is neither of this world, nor beyond this world. Thus, entering truth through the Way is called otherworldliness; entering the secular through the Way is called worldliness. Both the true and the secular are externalities, and externalities do not deviate from the Way”215 ; “Confucianism and Daoism both use true doctrines to protect the secular, so that the secular will not go against the truth; Buddhism approaches the secular to understand the truth, wherein the truth 214

(Ming Dynasty) Ouyi. Treaties on the Buddhist School Lingfeng. Revised by Kong Hong. Beijing Library Press, 2005, p. 251. 215 (Ming Dynasty) Ouyi. Treaties on the Buddhist School Lingfeng. Revised by Kong Hong. Beijing Library Press, 2005, p. 330.

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does not mix with the secular.”216 In this way, he merges mind and nature with the Great Way and transforms the Confucian orthodoxy, thereby enabling it to embrace the Buddhist dharma orthodoxy. Zhixu is different from other Buddhists in that he was dissatisfied with a mere theoretical explanation of the divergent paths and convergent destination of the three teachings. Hence, he wrote direct commentaries on the Confucian classics from his perspective as a Buddhist monk, the most representative of which are Zhouyi Chanjie (A Chan Interpretation of the Book of Changes) and Sishu Ouyi Jie (Ouyi’s Interpretation of the Four Books). In the Preface to A Chan Interpretation of the Book of Changes, he writes, “My explication of he Book of Changes is nothing else but an introduction of Chan into Confucianism, in order to entice Confucians to understand Chan.”217 His goal was to guide those who favored The Book of Changes through the Dharma-door of Buddhism and appreciate the wisdom of Chan. The purpose of Ouyi’s Interpretation of the Four Books was to help Buddhist believers understand the profound meaning of the Four Books and thus comprehend that the true mind of Confucianism and Buddhism are the same. Zhixu proposed that all schools and all teachings aim to discover and clarify the original mind of human nature but through different means. Therefore, mutual cooperation is possible in the restoration of nature with a childlike innocence. To him, the key to Confucianism and Buddhism did not lie with names and appearances but with whether it is true Buddhism and true Confucianism: “The virtuous achievement and study and inquiry of Confucianism will enrich the lifeblood and marrow of Buddhism. Hence, that which is worldly is true Confucianism and that which is otherworldly is true Buddhism.”218 He also states, “That which is not true Buddhism is not sufficient to govern the world…whereas that which is true Confucianism is sufficient to reach otherworldliness.”219 Furthermore, he claims, “It is only by learning Buddhism that one can know Confucianism, and it is only by true Confucianism that one can learn Buddhism.”220 Here, Zhixu merges Confucianism and Buddhism, giving them an intrinsically interdependent relationship. This actually reflects the high levels of Buddhization in Confucianism and Confucianization in Buddhism that occurred during the Ming Dynasty, which can truly be considered a state of “me in you and you in me.”

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(Ming Dynasty) Ouyi. Treaties on the Buddhist School Lingfeng. Revised by Kong Hong. Beijing Library Press, 2005, p. 330. 217 (Ming Dynasty) Zhi Xu. Annotated by Fang Xiangdong and Xie Binghong. A Chan of the Book of Changes. Guangling Book Company, 2006, “Preface”, p. 2. 218 (Ming Dynasty) Ouyi. Treaties on the Buddhist School Lingfeng. Revised by Kong Hong. Beijing Library Press, 2005, p. 129. 219 (Ming Dynasty) Ouyi. Treaties on the Buddhist School Lingfeng. Revised by Kong Hong. Beijing Library Press, 2005, p. 451. 220 (Ming Dynasty) Ouyi. Treaties on the Buddhist School Lingfeng. Revised by Kong Hong. Beijing Library Press, 2005, p. 461.

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6.5 Characteristics and Height of the Integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism During the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties By this era in the history of Chinese thought, the convergence of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism had entered a brand-new stage and reached unprecedented heights. Its main characteristics can be summarized in the following points: (1) The establishment of Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism was achieved through the propagation of the Confucian orthodoxy and the absorption of Buddhism and Daoism, thus enabling it to reach a new summit in theoretical innovation. It altered the previous passive state of Confucianism during the Wei and Jin Dynasties, the Six Dynasties, and the Sui and Tang Dynasties, wherein it was only able to cling to its political and moral positions while lagging behind Buddhism and the Quanzhen School at the philosophical level. Thus, in this period, Confucianism regained its overall dominance among the three teachings and was supplemented by Buddhism and Daoism. According to Volume 5 of Feng Youlan’s Zhongguo Zhexueshi Xinpian (New History of Chinese Philosophy), Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism can be divided into three major branches: the School of Principle (Two Chengs, Zhu Xi), the School of Mind (Lu Jiuyuan, Wang Yangming), and the Scholarship of Cosmic Air (Zhang Zai, Wang Fuzhi), which are the “human studies” of Confucianism. A typical proposition of this teaching is that “the benevolent and all things wholly form the same body,” and it pursues “meaning that transcends morality and society” in the realm of human life. The highest realm of Neo-Confucianism is “the joy of Confucius and Yanzi,” which is the joy of utmost goodness in the “unity of heaven and humankind,” the “unity of the thing and the self,” and experiencing the “humaneness of regarding all things as one body.” How did Neo-Confucianism attain this new philosophical realm? First, it inherited Laozi’s theory of the Way and built a Neo-Confucian cosmology based on it. Confucius’s “Way” is mainly applied at the level of state governance and self-conduct. Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism elevates the Way of the ancient kings to the Way of all things in the universe, which it regards as the cosmic truth, that is, the “Heavenly Principle.” This provided the Way of Confucius and Mencius with its own ontological philosophy for the first time in history while also giving Neo-Confucianism the name “the Orthodox Confucianism.” In fact, the first sentence of Yangming’s “Four-Sentence Teaching,” “In the original substance of the mind, there is no distinction between good and evil,” uses Laozi and Zhuangzi’s Great Way of “the greatest humaneness is no humaneness.” Second, Neo-Confucianism expounded on the philosophical thinking of the Commentary on the Book of Changes, which combines the wisdom of Confucianism and Daoism. For example, the Xici states:

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Or, as it written in Shuogua: “(The sages) made an exhaustive investigation of the principles and effected the complete development of every nature, till they arrived at the existence appointed for it by heaven.” The Song–Ming Neo-Confucians fully utilized the philosophical resources found in the Commentary on the Book of Changes. They combined the Way that is antecedent to material form with the definite thing that is subsequent to material form, as well as substance that is still and without movement with function that penetrates forthwith when acted on, thus giving rise to the philosophical thought that “substance and function share one origin, and there is no gap between the coarse and the subtle.” In addition, their basic attitude toward different doctrines and schools was “all under Heaven come to the same destination, though by different paths; there is one result, though there might be a hundred anxious schemes,” thus enabling them to achieve the mutual permeation and complementation with Buddhism and Daoism. The Neo-Confucians even regarded “making an exhaustive investigation of the principles and effecting the complete development of every nature, till one arrives at the existence appointed for it by heaven” as their fundamental pursuit, thus forming a consensus among the School of Principle, the School of Mind, and the Scholarship of Cosmic Air. Third, Neo-Confucianism conformed to the changes of the times as the Buddhist Buddha-nature and the Daoist nature of the Way became the central topics of philosophy and profoundly incorporated the thinking of Zen Buddhism. Furthermore, it established the Four Books as the new Confucian canon while also creating its own rich and varied theory of mind and nature, thereby attaining a theoretical high ground. Zen Buddhism is a successful example of the Sinicization of Buddhism. It combines the Buddhist doctrine of “the myriad dharmas are only consciousness” with Laozi’s “the Way is hidden and has no name” and Mencius’s “seeking for the lost mind” to propose the unique and independent Way of practicing Chan meditation: “Do not stand on words, but rely on a separate transmission outside the teachings; point directly to the human mind, and attain Buddhahood upon seeing one’s nature.” The Neo-Confucians covertly transferred the wisdom of Zen Buddhism to the Confucian theory of mind, to form doctrines such as “the mind is principle” and “the extension of intuitive knowledge.” The purpose of this is to clarify the original mind, refrain from relying on the external, and rest in utmost goodness. Zhu Xi’s School of

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Principle was inspired by the teachings of the Huayan School: “the mutual nonobstruction of principles and things” and “one moon is reflected in all water—all moons in all waters are that one moon.” Based on this, he established the doctrine of “one principle with different manifestations.” In addition, Zhou Dunyi’s Diagram Explaining the Great ultimate, which originates from Daoist inner alchemy, and Shao Yong’s Xiantian School, which evolved from the image-numerology of the 64 hexagrams in the Book of Changes, later became the pioneers of Northern Song Neo-Confucianism. This is a clear and indisputable historical fact. Thereafter, in the concepts proposed in Book of Changes, “there is the Great ultimate, which produced the two elementary Forms. Those two Forms produced the four emblematic Symbols, which again produced the eight Trigrams.” These evolved into the cosmogonic diagram, “Great ultimate → yin and yang → the Five Phases → All Things → Humankind,” which became the consensus of mainstream society. In sum, it can be said that Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism first assimilated Buddhism and Daoism and later surpassed them. (2) The followers of the three teachings, while adhering to their own classics and core beliefs, also engaged in meticulous study and in-depth comprehension of the classics and tenets of the other two teachings, thereby elevating the integration of the three teachings to a philosophical level. The integration of the three teachings did not stop at the superficial level of similarities in function but went deeper into the interconnections at the root of human nature. This, therefore, enabled the “resonance of empathy and the understanding of mind and nature,”221 allowing them to achieve mutual respect and learning with great sincerity and thus attaining a state where “similarities do not prevent differences and differences do not harm similarities; the five colors intermingle and complement each other; the eight tones are in concert, ending in harmony and peace.”222 Cheng, Zhu, Lu, and Wang were all familiar with the Buddhist scriptures and had a profound understanding, while the Buddhist monks all studied and promoted the Four Books, also agreeing with the Confucian ethical code, especially the virtues of “loyalty” and “filial piety.” The Buddhist not only argued that the Confucian ethical code was consistent with the Buddhist dharmas but also claimed that it was the foundation for the survival and the core meaning of Buddhism; thus, they were proficient at using Confucianism to interpret Buddhist principles. The eminent priests of the Quanzhen School were also well-versed in the Confucian and Buddhist classics. Their inner alchemy, on one hand, denounces the physical attainment of immortality and pursues spiritual liberation, thus inclining toward Buddhism; on the other hand, it talks about the nature of heavenly existence and emphasizes human relations and good deeds, thus also leaning toward Confucianism.

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Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Peking University Press, 2011, p. 487. 222 Preface of the Hall of Three Pines. The SDX Joint Publishing Company, 1984, p. 355.

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(3) The three teachings attained a high level of unification in their respective study of mind and nature, which formed the philosophical cornerstone for the integration of the three teachings. The Confucian study of mind and nature originated from Mencius, was condensed by the Commentary on the Book of Changes, propagated by Zhang Zai, demonstrated by Zhu Xi, and invigorated by Yangming. Mencius was the first to unite the Heavenly Way with human nature, proposing that “all things are already complete in us,” “to exhaust one’s mind, know one’s nature, and know heaven,” and “to preserve one’s mind, nourish one’s nature, and serve heaven.” He believed that in the growth of humankind, “one must first stand fast in the supremacy of the nobler part of his constitution,” which is also to expand and enrich the four principles of good, “humaneness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom,” thereby interconnecting with the Heavenly Way. The Commentary on the Book of Changes distilled this into the following thesis: “Make an exhaustive investigation of the principles and effect the complete development of every nature, till one arrives at the existence appointed for it by heaven.” It pointed out that the path of cultivating mind and nature is to unveil the goodness of human nature through the investigation of things and principles, ultimately reaching the goal of knowing the heaven-ordained existence. Zhang Zai then speaks of “enlarging one’s mind so as to embody all things,” which unites heaven, earth, and all things with the self as one, thus giving rise to the sentiment that “all people are my brothers, and all things my friends.” Therefore, the responsibility of humankind is to “establish the mind of heaven and earth and establish the heaven-ordained existence of the people.” Following this, Zhu Xi discusses the study of the Heavenly Principle, which seems to be a principle-based, rather than a mind-based, ontology but, in actuality, was his use of the Heavenly Principle to inspire the human mind. Thus, he proposes the Confucian theory of the mind, that is, “The human mind is precarious, the mind of the Way is barely perceptible”; stresses that “the human mind contains selfish desires, and the mind of the Way contains the Heavenly Principle”; and believes that “all people have this mind, and all minds are endowed with this principle.” Therefore, the aim of investigating things and exhausting the principles is so that “one will suddenly find oneself possessed of a wide and far-reaching penetration. Then, the qualities of all things, whether external or internal, subtle or coarse, will all be apprehended, and the mind, in its entire substance and its relations to things, will be perfectly intelligent.” Hence, Zhu Xi’s School of Principle can also be considered a study of mind and nature. Yangming homed in on the School of Mind, not overlooking the Heavenly Principle but rather emphasizing that the mind is principle and intuitive knowledge is the Heavenly Principle. Thus, the love of the human mind must attain the “humaneness of regarding all things as one body,” wherein man is intimately related to heaven, earth, and all things. Moreover, the universe should be regarded as a large organism and humankind as the intelligence of heaven and earth which must love and protect all living and non-living things, thus forming a sense of concern at a cosmic scale. This is a mentality of the “greater self.”

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Since Laozi, Daoists have used the wisdom of the Great Way to expand human forbearance and simplify people’s minds and natures, the goal of which is to create a civilized person capable of embracing heaven, earth, and nature. Laozi is different from Confucius in that the former does not take the path of moralizing human nature but that of its naturalization. Under the guidance of Laozi’s thinking, Making Inner Alchemy for Immortality of the Quanzhen School, which remained popular from the Song to the Yuan Dynasty, advocated and practiced the dual cultivation of Nature and Existence. Its practice of Nature refers to psychological training, drawing on the Confucian and Buddhist studies on the cultivation of mind and nature to elevate its moral realm. Its practice of Existence refers to physiological training, involving the refinement of essence to transform Qi, the refinement of Qi to restore the spirit, the refinement of the spirit to restore emptiness, and the refinement of emptiness to unite with the Way. The ultimate goal is to achieve the “unity of life and the Way” and the permanence of life. Despite having its unique theories of cultivation, the philosophical focus of the Quanzhen School later began to place increasing emphasis on improving one’s mind and nature and doing altruistic deeds. With respect to Buddhism, represented by Zen Buddhism, all schools rallied under the banner of “the myriad dharmas are only consciousness” and expressed insights in “knowing one’s mind and observing one’s nature.” Zen Buddhism teaches “no-thought as the main doctrine, no-form as the substance, and noabidance as the basis,” which was intended to eliminate the attachments to the self and the dharmas, purify the mind and nature, and use “no-self” to attain the “great self” in “eternity, bliss, self, and purity.” Through this, the study of mind and nature can be brought to the realm of “ascending to the mountain’s crest, which dwarfs all peaks under one’s feet.” Various differences may exist in the study of mind and nature among Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, but they are the same in their pursuit of utmost inner goodness. Therefore, they are able to join hands to open up a new world in the domain of the human spirit. (4) There were many within the three teachings who proclaimed the “unity of the three teachings as one family” while also advocating the coordinated division of labor to jointly maintain social order, promote morality, improve human nature, promote good, and suppress evil. However, each of the three teachings have their different emphasis and so cannot be blended into one. Instead, they should play to their strengths and complement each other when dealing with affairs. Several approaches have been proposed: (1) Gushan Zhiyuan: “I cultivate my body with Confucianism, and regulate the mind with Buddhism.”223 (2) Yelv Chucai: “Confucius’s Way is to govern the world; Laozi’s Way is to nourish nature; Buddha’s Way is to cultivate the mind.”224 (3) Hanshan Deqing: “Those who do not know the Spring and Autumn Annals cannot be involved in the world. Those 223

Edited by Shi Jun et al. Selected Chinese Buddhist Works. Zhonghua Book Company, 1987, p. 125. 224 (Yuan Dynasty) Yelv Chucai. Anthology of Lay Buddhist Zhanran. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 120.

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who are not well-versed in Laozi and Zhuangzi cannot forget the world. Those who do not practice meditation cannot depart from the world.”225 (4) Xingming Guizhi (Imperative Doctrines for Nature and Existence): “Confucianism speaks of preserving the mind and nourishing nature; Daoism speaks of cultivating the mind and reining nature; Buddhism speaks of clarifying the mind and seeing nature.”226 (5) Within the syncretism of the three teachings, four classics served as the ideological core, namely, Laozi of Daoism, The Book of Changes of Confucianism and Daoism, and Platform Sutra of Buddhism. As Zhu Xi wrote Commentary on the Four Books, he matched the teachings of The Great Learning on cultivating the self to govern the people and the Way of equilibrium, harmony, and utmost sincerity in The Doctrine of the Mean with Confucius and Mencius’s study of humaneness and righteousness. He incorporated Buddhism and Daoism into his writings and used the wisdom of the School of Principle to reach creative interpretations, thus enabling Confucianism to exhibit its vast and profound aura of “honoring one’s virtuous nature and maintaining constant inquiry and study; seeking to carry it out to its breadth and greatness, so as to omit none of the more exquisite and minute points; and to raise it to its greatest height and brilliancy.” Furthermore, it improves the theoretical level of Confucianism, strengthens its cohesive power on the human mind, and reinforces its far-reaching power to various thinking, thus eventually serving as a treasured classic in the entire society. The Laozi is the crystallization of Laozi’s great wisdom. It uses simple words to capture rich and subtle thoughts, forming an incubator of wisdom that has constantly nurtured diverse philosophical principles of social life. The “Great Way” that it elucidates is truth, philosophy, and belief, which are of significant benefit to overcoming the alienation of human nature and moving toward the restoration of simplicity and truth. This has contributed to the permanence of this book and its consensus among the three teachings. Master Huineng’s Platform Sutra, with its great mercy and compassion, its insights on clarifying the mind and seeing nature, as well as its simple and vivid language, succeeded in persuading a large number of scholars during the Tang, Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties, eventually established as compulsory reading material for the imperial examination. Buddhists and non-Buddhists alike have undergone spiritual purification through this book, thereby elevating their own spiritual realm. The Four Books elucidate the Way of loyalty and reciprocity; exhausting one’s mind, knowing one’s nature, and knowing heaven; cultivating harmony without weakness; and self-cultivation as the root. The Commentary on the Book of Changes speaks of one result and a hundred anxious schemes and divergent paths but a 225

(Ming Dynasty) Naluo Yanque, Haiyin Shamen Shi Deqing. Annotated by Yi Chen. Interpretation of Laozi’s Daodejing Annotated by Hanshan. Tongji University Press, 2013, p. 15. 226 (Qing Dynasty) You Tong (Ed.). Imperative Doctrines for Nature and Existence, Volume 1. Revised by Qu Liping. Taiyuan Publishing House, 1988, p. 8.

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convergent destination. Laozi reveals the selflessness of the sages, the virtue of noncontention, great forbearance, and that knowing harmony is constancy. The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch teaches no-thought as the main doctrine, no-form as the substance, non-abiding as the basis, and the equality of all sentient beings. All of the above are ways for humans to achieve self-awareness, awareness of others, and harmonious coexistence, to ensure “the coexistence of one’s virtues and the virtues of others.” The Confucian classics teach that “the course of the seasons is pursued without any collision among them”; the Daoist classics teach “being superior and yet not using superiority to exercise any control”; and the Buddhist classics teach “the reflection of the moon on the myriad streams.” All of them acknowledge the plurality of truth, which enables the three teachings to abide by their own traditions while also possessing the ability to transcend the self and respect others. During the Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties, these four classics of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism were widely circulated, forming the spiritual pillar supporting the integration of the three teachings.

Chapter 7

Popularization and Expansion of the Integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism (The Ming and Qing Dynasties)

The Ming Dynasty—a transition period in the history of the relationship between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism—is divided into two stages. These stages comprise the deeper theoretical fusion and the downward migration and increased integration of the three teachings. The fusion of the triad had been intensified up until the Qing Dynasty, as did the emergence of their new schools, yet there is a distinct lack of critical theoretical breakthroughs vis-à-vis the relation between the three teachings, and the trend of their convergence has been mainly preoccupied by the downward migration and expansion.

7.1 Development of Confucianism 7.1.1 Three Masters During the Transition of Ming and Qing Dynasties: Huang Zongxi, Gu Yanwu and Wang Fuzhi The transition period of the Ming and Qing Dynasties was an era of great upheaval in Chinese history, in which the contradictions between ethnic groups, between classes and between the old and the new were unprecedentedly intense, impelling some insightful Confucian scholars to seriously review the past and to explore new paths for the future. Among these scholars there emerged three masters––Huang Zongxi, Gu Yanwu and Wang Fuzhi—who carried forward the cause and forged ahead into the future, and whose impact is still felt in the modern era. Huang Zongxi (1610–1695)—a native of Yuyao in the Zhejiang province, whose zi (social name) is Taichong and hao (literary name) is Nanlei, and who was revered by scholars as Master Lizhou—authored his representative work Mingyi Daifanglu (Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince). As a modern enlightenment masterpiece, Mingyi Daifanglu criticizes absolute monarchy and makes the case for democracy. Its first article––Yuanjun (Origin © People’s Publishing House 2023 Z. Mou, A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7206-5_7

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of Monarchy), castigates the autocratic monarchy incisively, revealing how the emperors seized the country as private property that could be “inherited by the generation after to enjoy and possess forever,”1 which bred incessant misfortunes–– “afflicting lives with great suffering, separating children from their families, only to gain the property owned by emperors,”2 “exploiting people cruelly, separating children from their families, only to offer the debauchery of the emperors’ own,”3 “yet, the emperor himself, is the utmost harm for the society.”4 Another article Yuanchen (Origin of the Feudal Officials) argues that the management of social chaos relies not on “the prosperity of one aristocratic family, but concerns and worries of the people.”5 The article Yuanfa (Origin of the Law) values the necessity of compiling the law of “public community”, pointing out that “the law may be effective within three generations, while ineffective after then.”6 After three generations “the socalled law is the law of one family, but not the law of the society.”7 A series of democratic social reform programs is proposed in this masterpiece, for instance, establishing a prime minister to divide affairs of state governance to disperse the emperors’ power, establishing schools to engage in the deliberation of state affairs to combat centralization, allocating land according to numbers of people to alleviate the poverty of peasants, introducing “Juexue” (science and technology) to replace the old imperial civil examination, developing industries and commerce to improve the income of peasants, and assembling an army to enhance military strength. Gu Yanwu (1613–1682), a native of Kunshan in Jiangsu province, whose social name is Ningren, was honored by academics as Master Tingling. He is not a pedant who focuses overly on discriminating between characters at the expense of giving adequate attention to the self-cultivation, family regulation, state governance, and the universal peace under heaven. The real learning theory he advocated is an elaboration of the tenets of the way of the sage: “Being erudite in learning, and being conscious of one’s behaviors. Affairs from individual to world, are all affairs of learning.”8 His most influential contribution for future generations was the distinction between “the falling of a Dynasty” and “the perishing of the nation”, and the crux 1

(Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince. Translated and annotated by Duan Zhiqing. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 8. 2 (Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince. Translated and annotated by Duan Zhiqing. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 8. 3 (Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince. Translated and annotated by Duan Zhiqing. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 8. 4 (Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince. Translated and annotated by Duan Zhiqing. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 8. 5 (Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince. Translated and annotated by Duan Zhiqing. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 16. 6 (Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince. Translated and annotated by Duan Zhiqing. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 21. 7 (Qing Dynasty) Huang Zongxi. Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince. Translated and annotated by Duan Zhiqing. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 21. 8 (Qing Dynasty) Gu Yanwu. Anthology of GuYanwu. Revised by Hua Shenzhi. Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 41.

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of it lies in the ups and downs of Chinese culture. He wrote: “There are the falling of dynasties, and the perishing of nations. How to distinguish between the two? It was said: when one Dynasty is replaced by another, it means the state of the old Dynasty falls. When humaneness and righteousness are obstructed to the point that the powerful lead others to exploit people and people fight each other, it means all under Heaven perishes.”9 He goes on to say, “therefore, people firstly started to safeguard the nation and then the Dynasty. Safeguarding the state is the concern of rulers, ministers, and officials; while safeguarding all under Heaven is the responsibility of every individual, no matter how lowly they may be.”10 Proceeding from the standpoint of the Chinese nation, he argued for a Chinese culture dominated by Confucius humaneness and righteousness, which enormously improved the cultural consciousness of Chinese people. Henceforth, “the rise and fall of the nation is of concern to every single one” became the ideal of people with lofty ambitions. Wang Fuzhi (1619–1692), a native of Hengyang in the Hunan province, whose social name is Ernong, was revered by academics as Master Chuanshan because of his refuge at the foot of the mountain Shichuanshan in his sunset years. He inherited and further expanded the Qixue (The School of Qi) of Zhang Zai. First, in terms of the relationship between qi (Vital Force) and li (Principle), he emphasized without li there is no qi, and only physical beings are the beings actually existing in the world, therefore, he said, “There can’t be independent and isolated li outside qi,”11 and “if there is no physical representations then, there is no psychological consciousness of them”12 ; next is the relationship between the old and the new, in which he highlighted that changes in human nature are ever-lasting, as is time; third, the relationship between “neng (the ability of learning)” and “suo (the objectives being discovered)”, with regards to which he underscored the compatibility of subjective perception with its objects being observed; and finally the relationship between knowledge and application, for which he neither supported the “knowledge precedes action” argument forwarded by the Cheng-Zhu (which mainly refers to Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi) School, nor the argument of “unity of knowledge and action” made by Wang Yangming. Instead, he proposed “knowledge can be acquired through action, but not vice versa,”13 and gave weight to the knowledge in learning, and more weight to the practicing in action. Feng Youlan considered “the contribution of Wang Fuzhi

9

(Qing Dynasty) Gu Yanwu. Annotated by Huang Rucheng. Collected Annotations of Rizhilu. Revised by Luan Baoqun and Lv Zongli. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2014, p. 297. 10 (Qing Dynasty) Gu Yanwu. Annotated by Huang Rucheng. Collected Annotations of Rizhilu. Revised by Luan Baoqun and Lv Zongli. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2014, p. 298. 11 (Qing Dynasty) Wang Fuzhi. Reading Notes of A Study on Concourse of Annotations to Four Books, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, p. 660. 12 (Qing Dynasty) Wang Fuzhi. An Unauthorized Biography of the Book of Changes. Zhonghua Book Company, 1977, p. 203. 13 (Qing Dynasty) Wang Fuzhi. Review the Past by Citing the Book of Documents Written in Old Text. Zhonghua Book Company, 1976, p. 78.

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is to review and conclude the past age, while that of Huang Zongxi is to blaze a new area.”14

7.1.2 Yan-Li School Yan Yuan (1635–1704), a native of Boye in the Zhili (now Hebei) province, whose social name is Yizhi and literacy name Xizhai, authored Sicunbian (Four Meditations). He opposed the emptiness of Lixue (the School of Principle), insisting on book learning, and on the contrary he proposed “true learning, action, system, and application, to contribute to the world with real and actual achievements, then people’s lives will be peaceful and bountiful in material wealth.”15 His method of practicing real learning is: “If the Heaven is generous as always, then seven words can amass wealth for civilization: Kenhuang (reclaim wastelands), Juntian (average the lands), Xingshuili (develop water conservation projects); and six words can enhance the power of the nation: Renjiebing (everyone is a solider), Guanjiejiang (every official is a commander); and nine words can stabilize the country: Ju Rencai (selecting the talents), Zheng Dajing (interpreting the classics), Xing Liyue (promote rituals and music).”16 Li Gong (1659–1733) was a native of Lixian county in the Hebei province, whose social name is Gangzhu and literacy name Shugu. As a disciple of Yan Yuan in his youth, he shouldered the duty of transmitting Yan’s true learning, taking the Six Virtues, Six Actions, and Six Training Skills as the foundation of learning, and was expected to apply them in practice. He considered the reason why the Song and Ming Dynasties collapsed to lie in “too much attention on the paper writing, and too little attention on social practices”17 He praised Yan Yuan’s critics for “being just rather than seeking benefits and understanding moral principles rather than being concerned for merits” of Confucian scholars of the Han Dynasty, and reworked this as “being just to seek benefits and understanding moral principles to concern for merits”.18 Furthermore, he censured with this statement: “The literati regard your words as the golden principle, then they failed to gain achievement after many years’ learning, and the whole country was occupied by the invaders, alas, how to refer to this disaster!”19 14

Feng Youlan. A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 2. People’s Publishing House, 1999, p. 332. 15 (Qing Dynasty) Yan Yuan. Essays on Learning. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 8. 16 (Qing Dynasty) Dai Wang. The Philosophical View of Yan Yuan. Revised by Liu Gongchun. Zhonghua Book Company, 1958, p. 68. 17 (Qing Dynasty) Dai Wang. The Philosophical View of Yan Yuan. Revised by Liu Gongchun. Zhonghua Book Company, 1958, p. 184. 18 (Qing Dynasty) Yan Yuan. Collected Works of Yan Yuan. Zhonghua Book Company, 1987, p. 163. 19 (Qing Dynasty) Feng Chen. The Chronology of Li Gong, Volume 1. Engraved in the 16th year of the Daoguang reign, p. 14.

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7.1.3 Qian-Jia School: Hui Dong and Dai Zhen The Qian-Jia School, a Confucian clique prospering during the reign of Emperor Qianlong and Jiaqing of the Qing Dynasty—focused on the arrangement of Confucian literature and the restoration of the texts, and excelling in textual criticism, exegesis, writing, rhyme and rhythm—is renowned for its simple and unadorned style, due to which it also called Puxue (Mere Learning). The emergence of Puxue, in terms of the evolution of Confucianism, is a reaction against Daoxue (NeoConfucianism) in the Song-Ming Dynasties, valuing inner self-cultivation. However, Puxue takes the discrimination of literature and text research as its main area of interest, and is a part of the Shixue (Real Learning) of the Ming-Qing Dynasties. Regarding the changes occurring in society, the Manchu ruling circle lauded the Four Books highly, and promoted Lixue (the School of Principle) of Cheng-Zhu as the ultimate social ideology which needs no further theoretical development, and they were unwilling to encounter new ideas, which made the School of Principle more dogmatic and political, eventually established as fossilized into the “ritual teaching” (lijiao) crammed rituals but deficient in humaneness. When the Qing government compiled the Complete Collection in the Four Branches of Literature (Siku Quanshu),20 a number of works that were incompatible with the main ideology were burned (about 3,000 kinds of books, in total 700,000 copies, and the remaining ones were deleted or changed), and those Confucians who were suspected of resisting Manchu power were relentlessly pursued through a literary inquisition (imprisonment or prosecution of an author on account of a literary figure of the time) through a cultural tyranny which ousted the literati from academic circles, instead, they overwhelmed into the study of literature. The textology of the Qian-Jia School is the essential and characteristic feature of Confucian learning in the Qing Dynasty, which laid a solid foundation through literature for theoretical research and paved the way for modern linguistics, philology, and document sciences, among which disciplines there is no lack of insightful thinkers with academic achievements. As early as the late Ming Dynasty, Jiao Hong and Chen Di focused on textual research. After the establishment of the Qing Dynasty, Mao Qiling, Yan Ruoqu, Yao Jiheng, Zhu Yizun and others were involved in the identification and sorting of ancient books. Up until the Qian-Jia period there was the Wu (Jiangsu) School represented by Huidong, the Wan (Anhui) School headed by Dai Zhen, and scholars like Wang Niansun, Wang Yinzhi, Duan Yucai, Ruan Yuan, etc., who together formed the academic heyday of the Qing Dynasty. Hui Dong (1697–1758) was a native of Wuxian in the Jiangsu province, whose social name is Dingyu. Firmly praising and supporting Confucian scholarship of the Han Dynasty, he conducted profound textual research on nearly all classics. 20

Siku Quanshu was compiled and edited during the reign of Emperor Qianlong of the Qing Dynasty. It is divided into four categories: classics, history, collection of Hundred Schools of Thought and collection of poetry and literature. All books are divided into sub items, including 3462 kinds of books, 79,338 volumes, bound into more than 36,000 copies.

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He concentrated not only on the examination and correction of texts, but on the comprehension of the connotations conveyed in the ancient Confucian classics. For instance, using “regulate one’s words when speaking and writing to establish his honesty and integrity”21 taken from the Book of Changes, he interpreted the notion of “Shendu” (exercise caution about one’s conduct when alone) in the Great Learning and the The Doctrine of the Mean; he regarded the “promotion of the moral values” in Yao Dian (the Chronology of Emperor Yao) and the “illustration of high morals and proper conduct” in the Great Learning as the one and same; explained “Zhongzheng (impartiality)” by citing “Confucius said, ‘I have heard of the right-hand vessel. When empty it tilts, when halfway full it stands correctly, and when full it overturns.’”22 from the Right-Hand Vessel in Xunzi; concluded that “the profound meaning that the Book of Changes contains can be summarized with one word––the ‘Mean’”23 ; illustrated the manner of reaching “balanced harmony” to scholars devoted to Han Confucianism is not only about “not expressed (emotions)” “expressed” with the reference to the Book of Changes, but lies in multiple meanings; in the relationship between rites and music, “rite, is the balance; music, is the harmony,”24 ; and with regards to the rule and governance of a realm, he proposed that “the king imitates the Heaven, and fulfills the Five Affairs (respectable appearance, pleasant speech, keen eyesight, sharp hearing, and prescient mind) through his deeds and nature, which is called the governance of balanced harmony”25 from Hongfan in the Book of History. Dai Zhen (1724–1777) is a native of Xiuning in the Anhui province, whose social name is Dongyuan. Renowned for his rigorous, meticulous attitude and enthusiasm for textual research, he claimed that: “since I was seventeen I have had the ambition to learn the Way, and said that one cannot comprehend the meaning of it unless he follows the Six Classics, doctrines of Confucius and Mencius, and engages in the explanation of texts, the formation of policies and the classification of things.”26 Dai Zhen both criticized Neo-Confucians’ ignorance regarding exegetical studies and textual research, and also theoretically opposed Buddhist absorption into NeoConfucianism and the preference of li (Principle) over yu (Desire), because these two are not antagonistic, desire is abstinent but not forbidden, which is the requisite for practicing humaneness and justice: “the biggest concern of the human during his growth is the failure to fulfill his mind. If one is determined to follow his desires and willing to allow fulfillment of others, it is humanness; If one attempt to do it 21

(Qing Dynasty) Hui Dong. The Illustration of the Book of Changes. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 224. 22 Wang Yunwu (Ed.). Exemplification of the Divinatory Symbols and Other Two Types. The Commercial Press, 1936, p. 35. 23 (Qing Dynasty) Hui Dong. The Illustration of the Book of Changes. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1990, p. 107. 24 Wang Yunwu (Ed.). Exemplification of the Divinatory Symbols and Other Two Types. The Commercial Press, 1936, p. 22. 25 Wang Yunwu (Ed.). Exemplification of the Divinatory Symbols and Other Two Types. The Commercial Press, 1936, p. 25. 26 (Qing Dynasty) Dai Zhen. Origin and Interpretation of Philosophical Categories in Mencius. He Wenguang (Ed.). Zhonghua Book Company, 1961, p. 184.

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by harming others’ growth with no sympathy, it is cruelty.”27 If a country is ruled according to principles that are unacceptable psychologically, “when the esteemed censure the humble, the senior educate the junior, the high rebuke the low by principles, it will be considered reasonable even though they might be wrong; but if the humble, the junior, and the low argue back with principles, it will be believed rebellious even if they are properly right. Then, the inferior is unable to share the same emotions and desires with the superior; the upper accuse the low through principles and the latter is always the one being blamed, which is universal. The man who is put to death by law may be regarded sympathetically; but if he was sentenced to death by Principle, who will show pity for him!28 […] oppressive officials kill people by law, while the ensuing Confucians did it by Principle, gradually with the rise of Principle the law was abandoned, which is absolutely harms society with no hope of being saved.”29 By rights, the ethical slogan “maintain heavenly principles and eradicate human desires” was proposed by Song Confucianists, whose original intention was not to constrain physical desires of the common folk, but to limit bigwigs’ indulgence in luxury and avarice. Nevertheless, it does pit “heavenly principle” against “human desires” in theory, leaving a major loophole through which rulers stifle peoples’ sensual desires and rightful demands; what is worse, they often persecute men of loyalty and righteousness and oppress the resistance of the downtrodden in the name of maintaining “heavenly principles”, which turned “heavenly principle” into an accomplice of the autocratic dictator. Killing people via “principle” is more sever and crueler than “law”, because the former hardened the public opinion beyond the punishment and execution. Therefore, instead of pointing toward the School of Principle in its academic dimension, “killing people via principles” as castigated by Dai Zhen is actually directed against the distortion part in School of Principle suffered from authoritarian politics, which also endows its impacts. In addition, he also includes Buddhism and Daoism as targets of his simultaneous criticism, which seems overly harsh and somewhat biased. In fact, the distinct entities of “nondesire” (Wuyu) of Daoism and Buddhism and “heavenly principles, human desires” belong to different levels and should not be mixed; the former is about personal attitudes towards material obsessions, and the latter is about the relationship between patriarchal ethics and emotional needs. Both Daoism and Buddhism bemoan the misery of the people, and are concerned by the hardships of the masses. Furthermore, at this time Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism had deeply converged, and it would be inappropriate if the other two traditions were still rejected.

27

(Qing Dynasty) Dai Zhen. Origin and Interpretation of Philosophical Categories in Mencius. He Wenguang (Ed.). Zhonghua Book Company, 1961, p. 8. 28 (Qing Dynasty) Dai Zhen. Origin and Interpretation of Philosophical Categories in Mencius. He Wenguang (Ed.). Zhonghua Book Company, 1961, p. 10. 29 Wang Yunwu (Ed.). Collected Works of Dai DongYuan. The Commercial Press, 1934, p. 33.

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7.1.4 The Theory of “the Six Classics Are All History” Proposed by Zhang Xuecheng Zhang Xuecheng (1738–1801) was a native of Kuaiji in the Zhejiang province, whose social name is Shizhai. His Confucian thought features the thorough comprehension and integration between Confucian classics and historiography, namely, studying the former via concepts and methods of the latter; thus, he forged a special path in the research of Confucian classics besides the Confucian learning of Song and Han Dynasties. He authored On Literature and History (Wen Shi Tongyi), and believed that textual criticism, phrases and articles, and philosophical connotation should be undertaken simultaneously and disapproved of mutual dispraise. Furthermore, he pointed out that all these three things are jointly aiming at the pursuit of the Way: “the philosophical connotation should be deplored, the research of things and numbers should be examined and corrected, the essay-writing should be well familiarized, which are all methods of learning, and the foundation to seek for the Way, he who endows only one of them cannot fulfill the Way.”30 Based on this amalgamative view of learning, Zhang Xuecheng’s comments on Songxue,31 i.e., Neo-Confucianism of the Song Dynasty and Hanxue, i.e., learning of Confucianism of the Han Dynasty, and textual criticism are rather fair. He disapproved of the Qianjia School’s opposition to Songxue and exclusion of Buddhism and Daoism, which is especially rare. His biggest theoretical innovation was to put forward the argument that “the Six Classics are all History”, stating, “The six Confucian Classics are all about history. The ancients wrote no books, but they did not propagate theories without referencing facts, and the six classics are the political classics of the ancient kings.”32 The reason he emphasized “all six classics are about history”, on the one hand was to avoid liqi er yandao “discussing the Way excluding the Qi (器 object)”, revealing his “penetrating and distinctive erudition”; on the other hand, was to shun from lishi er zhuli “demonstrating theories without referring things/facts”, by which the way of sages will cover no empty theories. Positively speaking, “the Six Classics are all History” of Zhang Xuecheng; the benefit of people grasping the real connotation of the six classics historically and specifically, was that they could both deplore the permanent truth within and recognize the dynamic changes without, and finally find a way out of blind faith in its words or phrases; negatively speaking, its impacts lasted up until to the Republic of China, when Zhang Taiyan promoted it to arrange the 30

(Qing Dynasty) Zhang Xuecheng. A Discourse with Zhu Shaobai. In Posthumous Works of Zhang Xuecheng. Cultural Relics Press, 1985, p. 335. 31 In the Qing Dynasty, when the orthodox position of Confucianism was stronger than before, to assert that Neo-Confucianism was not the same as ‘pure’ Confucianism was equal to asserting that Neo-Confucianism was false and wrong…The scholars of the Qing Dynasty started a “backto-the-Han” movement, meaning by this a return to the commentaries that the scholars of the Han Dynasty had written on the early classics, which was named Hanxue or learning of the Han Dynasty in contrast to that of the Neo-Confucianism, namely Songxue. (cited from Feng Youlan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p.477.) 32 (Qing Dynasty) Zhang Xuecheng. Posthumous Works of Zhang Xuecheng. Cultural Relics Press, 1985, p. 1.

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“national cultural heritage”, and Confucian learning was simplified into pure textual criticism of history, which then obliterated the value orientation of the Way. It turned Confucian learning into a subject of history or historical material under the scope of Western science, deserting the Zeitgeist and the living soul of Chinese civilization nurtured by Confucianism.

7.1.5 The Awakening and New Vision of Gong Zizhen and Wei Yuan It is within an era brimming with crucial historical transformations that Gong and Wei lived, namely around the time of the Opium War; for one thing, the monarchical social order reached its later stage and declined rapidly, and the dominant social ideology—Confucianism—lost its vitality; for another, the rise of Western industrial civilization, demonstrating a new trend that is superior to the traditional Eastern agricultural civilization assumed global domination and spread throughout Asia and China aggressively. The teaching of Confucian classics, whether the Confucian scholarship of the Song or the Han Dynasties, had reached an impasse and was unable to move forth. Some forethinkers stood up and tried to awaken the “sleeping Chinese” and worked hard to blaze a new path in thinking. Gong Zizhen (1792–1841) is a native of Renhe (now Hangzhou) in Zhejiang province, whose hao (literary name) is Ding’an. He was appraised by Liang Qichao in the Intellectual Trends in the Ch’ing Period thusly: “the emancipation in the late Qing Dynasty is indeed related to Gong Zizhen’s efforts.”33 In the twenty-five brilliant expositions in the Elaboration from 1815 to 1816 on the social status quo at that time, he stated: “there is neither a wise minister in court, nor a capable historiographer, nor a competent commander at the frontier, nor an excellent scholar at school, nor a skillful farmer in the field, nor a mature worker in town, nor a good merchant in the street.”34 Even if there are any, “hundreds of mediocrities will watch and bound them so much that murders happen”, and “what is being murdered is their hearts, their hearts of concern, of rage, of worry, of action, of shames, of dislodging dregs.”35 What concerned him most was the dreary society, where talents are suppressed, the spirit of righteousness is dejected, moral codes have declined, because of which he appealed for reform. Via his poems, he expressed himself: “Our whole land needs wind and thunder to revive it, sad it is when all horses are mute;

33

(Qing Dynasty) Liang Qichao. Intellectual Trends in the Qing Dynasty. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1998, p. 74. 34 Selected Translations of Gong Zizhen’s Poems. Translated and annotated by Zhu Bangwei and Guan Daowei. Bashu Publishing House, 1994, p. 7. 35 Selected Translations of Gong Zizhen’s Poems. Translated and annotated by Zhu Bangwei, Guan Daowei. Bashu Publishing House, 1994, p. 7.

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I beg Old Man Heaven to bestir himself, and send down talents of more kinds than one.”36 Gong Zizhen’s calling stirred the minds of generations of Chinese people. Wei Yuan (1794–1857) was a native of Shaoyang in the Hunan province, whose zi (social name) is Moshen. Two major characteristic features radiate from his thought: one is the promotion of the tradition of administering state affairs according to Confucian classics proposed by the New Text Confucianism, the other is the broad vision on the whole world which strongly supported borrowing from the West to serve China. His subtle words contained profound meaning to impose restrictions on the dictatorship of the monarch. In the Mo Gu (Wei’s Notes), he said: “So the emperor sees himself as a member of the people, and the country as the country of people.” “The personal view is not as good as the consensus of the people.”37 Green shoots of democratic ideas had been revealed at this time. With the assistance of Lin Zexu’s Sizhouzhi (Four Continents), Wei Yuan compiled the Haiguo Tuzhi (Illustrated Records of the Maritime Nations), which was published in 1842. The purposes of this book are presented in the Introduction: “the book is written for resisting foreigners, dealing with foreigners in their way, and learning from foreigners to compete with them.”38 Since then, “learning from the foreigners to compete with them” has become the consensus of the mainstream. The so-called “learning from foreigners” was the tactic of learning from the strengths of Western industrial science and technological civilization in order to strengthen oneself, which informed the ensuing Westernization Movement.

7.1.6 The New Text Confucianism of Kang Youwei and the Renxue (the Learning of Humaneness) of Tan Sitong In the late Qing Dynasty, the New Text and Old Text Confucianism were parallel, and had their representative masters. The masters of the Old Text Confucianism are Yu Yue, Sun Yi’rang, Ruan Yuan and so on, while the New Text Confucianism are Pi Xirui, Kang Youwei, etc. Based on the “Three Evolutionary Epochs” (the turbulent epoch; the peaceful epoch; the prosperous epoch) of the Gongyang’s Commentary on Spring and Autumn Annals, combined with the doctrines of “Xiaokang (Well-off)” and “Datong (Great Unity)” of Liyun, then absorbing the Western fraternity theory, and incorporating Buddhist theories of humaneness, equality, and liberation, his Book of the Great Unity is committed to conceiving the social ideal of a “world of Great Unity”. The Book of the Great Unity believes that all living beings are in the midst of sufferings: “the root of all sufferings is all due to the nine demarcations. What are the nine demarcations? The first demarcation is the national boundary, which delimits territories and tribes; 36

Complete Works of Gong Zizhen. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1999, p. 521. Collected Works of Wei Yuan, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1976, pp. 35, 44, 67. 38 Collected Works of Wei Yuan, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1976, p. 207. 37

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the second is the social hierarchy, which classifies high and low, good and bad; the third is the human races, which is categorized into yellow, white, brown, and black; the fourth is the gender demarcation, being divided into male and female; the fifth is the family demarcation, which comprises relations of father and son, husband and wife, and siblings; the sixth is the profession demarcation, concluding the engagement in farming, industry and commerce; the seventh is the chaos demarcation, congesting with resentment, hindrance, disparity, and unfairness; the eighth is the specie demarcation, which is differentiated into humankind, birds and beasts, insects and fishes; the ninth is the suffering demarcation, in which sufferings beget more and spread endlessly beyond imagining.”39 The Book of the Great Unity continues: “the way to remove sufferings focuses on the eradication of the nine demarcations. First, erasing national boundaries to unite the whole world; second, eliminating social hierarchy to achieve equality for all people; third, transforming all races into white genetically to assimilate humankind; forth, challenging the gender inequality to ensure individual independence; fifth, fading the ethical bounds in family to live as the people of Heaven; sixth, opposing privatization of various professions to support socialization of means of production; seventh, expelling chaos to reach a harmonious society; eighth, transcending the specie lines to show humaneness toward all living creatures; ninth, removing suffering to attain ultimate happiness.”40 Where does the mentality for achieving a cosmopolitan world come from? “Absorption happens alongside consciousness, even the magnet does so, not to mention the human. The humane people have the force to absorb”, and people have the “humane personality”, “which is as the air inflates the sky without vacancy, as the lightning strives through the atmosphere without blocks, as the water runs through the earth without stagnancy, as the veins circulate around the body without blockages.”41 Although colored by a utopian outlook and failing to offer a practical path leading to a cosmopolitan world, Kang Youwei’s The Book of the Great Unity expresses his critiques of the current social system, including Chinese patriarchal hierarchy, Western private capital systems and racial discrimination, animal abuse, and secular sufferings, which merges the tenets of Confucian “Great Unity”, “Human nature is Good”, Daoist “return to nature”, Buddhist “compassion and equality”, “saving people out of sufferings”, socialist “public property union”, and envisages the future of the human community, showing the ultimate pursuit of Peace and Prosperity under Heaven. Tan Sitong (1865–1898) was a native of Liuyang in Hunan province, whose social name is Fusheng and literary name Zhuangfei. He was honored as one of the “Six Gentlemen of the Hundred Days’ Reform (the Reform Movement of 1898)” for his 39

(Qing Dynasty) Kang Youwei. The Book of the Great Unity. Liaoning People’s Publishing House, 1994, p. 66. 40 (Qing Dynasty) Kang Youwei. The Book of the Great Unity. Liaoning People’s Publishing House, 1994, p. 85. 41 (Qing Dynasty) Kang Youwei. The Book of the Great Unity. Liaoning People’s Publishing House, 1994, “Preface”, p. 1.

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sacrifice after the movement failed. His Renxue (The Study of Humaneness) is an epoch-making work that places greatest significance in transforming the old into the new. This includes the inheritance and innovation of the quintessence of the Confucian humaneness learning, the sharp castigation aimed at the three guiding principles in a Confucian ethical code twisted by the absolute monarchy, and a vision of China’s future on the global stage. The Study of Humaneness opens fire on the Confucian ethical code relentlessly: “by which the ruler confines his officials, officials oppress the people, the father restricts sons, the husband restrains his wife with rightful reasons, brothers and friends rely on it when they interact, even if there is humaneness, could there is humane man”42 What Tan attacked are “Sangang (three cardinal guides)”, being manipulated as an instrument and covered with the coat of hypocrisy, and “Wulun (five relations)”, which was hierarchized by Sangang, as well as all kinds of preaching that defended the Confucian ethical code. On the contrary, he advocated to apply humaneness learning to “smash the trammels”: “the trammel is numerous, and the emptiness is infinite. The trammel before all others is rank and wealth, next is the secular learning like the textual research and art of writing, the third is the worldwide multitudinous doctrines, and then the trammel of monarchy, the trammel of conventional tradition, the trammel of Heaven, the trammel of religions all over the world, and the final trammel of Buddhist teachings.”43 Furthermore, while Tan threw off the Confucian ethical codes’ chains, he synthesized the learning of ren (humaneness) of New Confucianism with great enthusiasm. He deemed that “all literati studying ren should be erudite in the Huayan Sutra and sutras of Xin Sect and Xiang Sect in terms of Buddhism; and in the New Testament and knowledge involving mathematics, physics, and sociology in terms of Western learning; and in the Book of Changes, Gongyang’s Annotation of the Spring and Autumn Annals, The Analects, Mencius, Zhuangzi, Mozi, Records of the Grand Historian and the works of Tao Yuanming, Zhoumaoshu (Zhou Dunyi), Zhang Henqu (Zhang Zai), Lu Zijing (Lu Jiuyuan), Wang Yangming (Wang Shouren), Wang Chuanshan (Wang Fuzhi), and Huang Lizhou (Huang Zongxi) in terms of Oriental learning.”44 As the aforementioned reveals, he contained both the inward synthesis of Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism and hundred masters, and the ideological tradition of liberating individual personality; as well as the outward combination of the learning of China and the West—the latter embodying Christianity, the art and humanities and science and technology. It is the earliest proposal advocating the integration of Chinese and the West among thinkers in China. What is Renxue? “Ren regard the mutuality as the paramount gist. Ether, electricity, and spiritual force, all refer to the endowment of mutuality.”45 “Ether” was a concept borrowed and developed by Tan from the Western natural science at that 42

(Qing Dynasty) Tan Sitong. Commented and annotated by Wu Hailan. The Study of Humaneness. In The Study of Humaneness, Volume 1. Huaxia Publishing House, 2002, p. 23. 43 He Zhi (Ed.). Collected Works of Tan Sitong. Yuelu Press. 2012, p. 312. 44 (Qing Dynasty) Tan Sitong. The Study of Humaneness. Commented and annotated by Wu Hailan. Huaxia Publishing House, 2002, p. 8. 45 He Zhi (Ed.). Collected Works of Tan Sitong. Yuelu Press. 2012, p. 313.

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time, whose intention was to find the original substance that connects everything in the universe. His greatest theoretical contribution is to reinterpret the connotation of “ren” (humaneness) through “tong” (mutuality), and he believed that “the ultimate mutuality is equality” and “mutuality’s connotation is four-fold”: (1) “the interconnection between China and foreign countries”, requiring China to crush the “national self-seclusion from outside countries and markets” and “ban on maritime trades”, to open education, diplomacy, religions and commerce trades; (2) “the equality between the upper and the lower”, demanding the breakdown of the hierarchical affiliation; (3) “the equality between male and female”, calling for the destruction of the “tragedy and cruel impacts caused by the three guiding principles and five constant regulations” and the “preaching of presenting loyalty through death”; (4) “the communication between self and others”, asking for respite from “the distinctions between one another and selfish pursuit of personal interests without concern for others”. Characterized by the most prominent feature “tong”, his Renxue, for one thing, is determined to eliminate the restrictions of hierarchy and obtain individual independence and freedom; for another, to destroy the national self-seclusion but open up to the outside world, and develop commercial undertakings. In this way, the study of Confucian ren was imbued with a brand new spirit of the times by Tan Sitong, and thus it possessed the new qualities of mutual respect and equality and openness and prosperity as befitting modern society. Tan upraised the doctrine of “benevolent person (renzhe) love others” to a new level, emphasizing “extensive love is humaneness”, yet there will be no extensive love without openness, and if there is love there is love with closeness, which will inevitably lead to the opposite of love, in this light, “the distinction of humaneness depends on its mutuality and monotony”. He advocated devoting oneself to “understand the truth of all things thoroughly and succeed in handling affairs accordingly”, and to “interchange commercial trades to enrich people”, which intended to seek the path of wealth through increasing the source, because “the more the source of income is broadened, the more prosperous the country grows, while the stingier the expenditure is economized, the more straitened it gets,”46 because the unitary focus on “tranquility” and “thriftiness” is “two big stupidities”, and “with those two stupidities all human-beings are murdered without mercy.”47 Therefore, to conduct commercial trades is to communicate with foreign countries, which is “the humane way for each other”48 : “in contemporary policy, the ruler should award the craftsman, benefit the businessman, accelerate production, transport goods, and especially value mining. If people treat me with humaneness and I will do the same, people can be benevolent toward others, then the average wealth lifts people from poverty.”49 Based on the aforementioned content, we can make such a comment: Tan Sitong was the earliest thinker who carried out reform and opening up towards modernization in China. It is regrettable that the Reform Movement of 1898 failed, and Tan 46

He Zhi (Ed.). Collected Works of Tan Sitong. Yuelu Press. 2012, p. 345. He Zhi (Ed.). Collected Works of Tan Sitong. Yuelu Press. 2012, p. 347. 48 He Zhi (Ed.). Collected Works of Tan Sitong. Yuelu Press. 2012, p. 349. 49 He Zhi (Ed.). Collected Works of Tan Sitong. Yuelu Press. 2012, p. 350. 47

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died young, leaving his Study of Humaneness neither formed into a rigid system of integrity, nor able to demonstrate its huge impacts. Feng Youlan has a sharp eye for discovering able people, and in the sixth volume of the A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, gives Tan a glowing evaluation: “Tan Sitong answered the questions raised by the time and designated the direction of the time. Only concerning these two points, he is worthy of being the highest theorist of a great movement, as well as being a great philosopher representing the spirit of the age in Chinese history.”50

7.2 Development of Daoist Philosophy, Daoism, and Buddhism During this downward migration and expansion period, Daoist philosophy established by Laozi and Zhuangzi, on the one hand, expanded within Daoist religion, especially the training of Neidan (Inner Alchemy) of Quanzhen (Prefect Truth) Daoism which fused Lao-Zhuang philosophy and integrated it with the psychic and physical cultivation; on the other hand, it became normal that Confucian scholars study Daoist doctrines, among whom there are both scholars mainly maintaining critiques and scholars insisting on absorption.

7.2.1 Daoism Established by Laozi and Zhuangzi in Confucianists’ Academic Studies The Laoziyan (Annotations on Laozi), one of works of Wang Fuzhi, chiefly focuses on criticism. Wang assumed the negative nature of Laozi’s Dao, and the crisis in the declining world can be prevented only by adhering to the social norms, music education and moral cultivation of the Yao-Shun, “therefore, the Dao of Laozi is too facile to reach the ultimate in neutrality and harmony constructed by the so-called social norms, music education.”51 Wang Fuzhi, the author of the Zhuangzitong (Annotations on Zhuangzi) and Zhuangzijie (Interpretation on Zhuangzi), in large part criticized Zhuangzi, but also affirmed certain positive factors in an appropriate fashion. Critically absorbing Zhuangzi’s “Xiaoyaoyou” (the Happy Excursion), he interpreted from the Zhuangzijie that humanity and other beings are interdependent, “those who refuses to free

50

Feng Youlan. A New History of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 2. People’s Publishing House, 1999, p. 501. 51 (Qing Dynasty) Wang Fuzhi. Annotations on Laozi & Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 1962, p. 13.

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beings without, cannot free himself within either,”52 “let all being follow its nature, then where can they not gain their own happy excursion.”53 Wei Yuan, on the contrary, largely praised Laozi, who authored the Laozi Benyi (The Original Meaning of Laozi) and Lun Laozi (On Laozi). In the Laozi Benyi, he commented that “Laozi is a savior book,”54 and “all works of Laozi are appropriate to enlighten the way, to nourish self-cultivation, to govern the masses.”55 Moreover, he furthered indicated the compatibility between Confucianism and Daoism in the On Laozi by highlighting “three things Laozi treasured, the first is compassion, the second is moderation, and the third is not placing one’s own interests before those of others. Noticed that, isn’t compassion is the humaneness, moderation the righteousness, the modesty or moderation the rites?”56 No doubt that there are differences between the two “the way of the Confucian sage supports the yang while it curtails the yin as the essence”.57 On the contrary, “Laozi accentuates the following over the leading,” and “all ontological existences and their manifestations derive from yin.”58 As long as it is employed well, it can be beneficial to state governing.

7.2.2 Overview on the Development of the Daoist Religion By the early Qing Dynasty, the Zhengyi Dao (i.e., Way of Orthodox Unity) was in decline. The Qing government was keen to promote Neo-Confucianism and the Gelug School of Tibetan Buddhism but maintained an indifferent attitude toward the Zhengyi School. The only written work was Huanglu Keyi [Yellow Register Liturgies] by the abbot of Mount Longhu, Lou Jinyuan, which was a collection of major achievements in Daoist rituals, official documents, and incantations and talismans that also advocated the common ideals of Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism. Its practices involve starting from the cultivation of one’s nature through the absence of form and mind, followed by the refinement of essence and the transformation of qi, to cultivate one’s existence. Finally, one attains the realm of immortality and truth, where “the illusory form is removed, and the true substance is formed; from this 52

(Qing Dynasty) Wang Fuzhi. Annotations on Laozi & Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 1962, p. 77. 53 (Qing Dynasty) Wang Fuzhi. Annotations on Laozi & Zhuangzi. Zhonghua Book Company, 1962, p. 77. 54 Editorial Committee of the Complete Works of Wei Yuan (Ed.). Complete Works of Weiyua, Volume 12. Yuelu Press. 2011, p. 20. 55 Editorial Committee of the Complete Works of Wei Yuan (Ed.). Complete Works of Weiyua, Volume 12. Yuelu Press. 2011, p. 84. 56 Editorial office of the Zhonghua Book Company (Ed.). Collected Works of Weiyuan. Zhonghua Book Company, 1976, p. 258. 57 Editorial office of the Zhonghua Book Company (Ed.). Collected Works of Weiyuan. Zhonghua Book Company, 1976, p. 261. 58 Editorial office of the Zhonghua Book Company (Ed.). Collected Works of Weiyuan. Zhonghua Book Company, 1976, p. 261.

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true substance, the illusory form is transformed.”59 This represents the fusion of Zen Buddhism into the practice of Daoism. Quanzhen Dao (i.e., the Way of Complete Perfection) was deteriorating during the Ming Dynasty, and its precepts were lax. The seventh Vinaya Master of the Longmen (i.e., Dragon Gate) School, Wang Changyue, stepped in to revamp the precepts and rules and set up altars to teach the precepts. This greatly revitalized the Daoist sect, and he was known as the Father of the Quanzhen renaissance. Wang Changyue’s teaching of the precepts was compiled into the twenty lectures of the Longmen Xinfa [Core Teachings of the Longmen] by his disciples. These include “Taking Refuge in the Three Jewels,” “Repentance for Sins,” “Breaking Through Obstructions,” “Serving Karmic Love,” “Asceticism,” “Humility,” “Purification of Body and Mind,” “Salvation for All,” “Realization of Life and Death,” “Perfect Virtue,” and so on, and all of them embody the integration of Buddhism and Daoism. In the early Qing Dynasty, the “Wu-Liu School” was founded by Wu Chongxu and Liu Huayang, which explained the practice of inner alchemy (i.e., Neidan) using Zen Buddhism. Its works include the Jinxian Zhenglun [Argumentation on Golden Immortals]. Under the reign of Emperor Kangxi, there was the eminent Daoist priest Zhu Yuanyu, who wrote the Cantong Qi Chanyou [Clarifying Obscurities in the Cantong Qi] and Wuzhen Pian Chanyou [Clarifying Obscurities in the Wuzhen Pian]. He converged the essentials of the Three teachings within inner alchemy and was highly regarded by the world. Under the reign of Emperors Yongzheng and Qianlong, there was an eminent Daoist priest Zhang Qingye, who wrote Xuanmen Jiebai stating: “the Great Way arises from the Fundamental Bonds and Constant Virtues, apart from which there is no Great Way,”60 thereby merging Confucianism and Daoism into one. The eleventh Daoist priest of the Longmen School was a great master of inner alchemy, who integrated Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, and explained the sequential order in the dual cultivation of one’s Nature (i.e., xing) and Existence (i.e., ming). The Xiuzhen Jiuyao [Nine Essentials in the Cultivation of Truth] ranked the methods of inner alchemy as follows: thoroughly investigating worldly affairs, accumulating virtue and practicing good deeds, wholeheartedly investigating the principles, seeking true masters, refining the self and building the foundation, reconciling Yin and Yang, examining the fire phases, external alchemy to fulfill one’s Existence, inner alchemy to fulfill one’s Nature, and finally “shattering voidness and emptiness.” It represents a return to the foundation and to truth, and had thus inherited the true qualities of the Quanzhen School; it advocates the way of gradual cultivation and sudden enlightenment, and had thus absorbed Zen Buddhism; it supports the theory of whole-heartedly investigating the principles, thus making use of Confucianism, and striving to show that “Confucianism is Daoism, and Daoism is Confucianism.

59

Quoted from Mou Zhongjian. Chinese Daoist Religion. Guangdong People’s Publishing House, 1996, p. 161. 60 Edited and revised by Meng Wentong. Ten Editorial Volumes of Daoist Works. Bashu Publishing House, 2001, p. 12,000, 1201.

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There is no Daoism apart from Confucianism, and there is no Confucianism apart from Daoism.”61 During the reign of Emperor Kangxi in the Qing Dynasty, Peng Dingqiu selected more than 200 Daoist texts from the Zhengtong Daozang [Daoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign] and compiled the Daozang Jiyao [Essentials of the Daoist Canon], which was basically an abridged version of the Daoist Canon that was easily accessible and popularized. In addition, a batch of new Daoist books or commentaries on Daoist classics had emerged. It is worth mentioning that in the Qing Dynasty, non-Daoist scholars also wrote commentaries on Daoist texts, including Hui Dong, Li Guangdi, Jiang Guozuo, and so on. In the late Qing Dynasty, there were several eminent inner alchemists of the Quanzhen School, including Li Hanxu, Liu Mingrui, Huang Yuanji, and so on.

7.2.3 The Development of Chinese Buddhism During the Qing Dynasty, the evolution of Buddhism exhibited several characteristics that were distinct from previous historical periods. First, Han Buddhism was in general decline and was still predominantly Zen Buddhism. Pure Land Buddhism was commonly believed across different schools, and the pace of secularization was accelerating, garnering numerous folk believers. Second, Tibetan Buddhism gained strong support due to the Qing government’s ethnic policy of maintaining connections with Mongolia and Tibet, while suppressing the Han and Hui people. Thus, Tibetan Buddhism rose to power as a major nationwide religious school with a strong political influence. Third, translation and engraving of Buddhist scriptures were popular, which included the publication of the Longzang [Dragon Canon] and Pinjia Dazang Jing [Pinjia Canon]. Fourth, the Qing Dynasty witnessed the rise of lay Buddhism into the mainstream of Buddhist studies. 1. Zen Buddhism. Zen Buddhism mainly included the Linji and Caodong Schools. The Linji School was divided into the Tiantong and Panshan branches, while the Caodong School was divided into the Shouchang and Yunmen branches, which together constituted the main body of Zen Buddhism in the Qing Dynasty. Famous monks of the Tiantong branch include Miyun Yuanwu, Yinyuan Longqi, Muchen Daomin, and Poshan Haiming. Yinyuan (or Ingen Ry¯uki) traveled to Japan in the ¯ early Qing Dynasty, where he founded the Obaku School of Chan. Famous monks of the Panshan branch include Ruo’an Tongwen and Yulin Tongxiu. Famous monks of the Shouchang branch include Weilin Daopei and Juelang Daosheng. Daosheng believed that “the Integration of Great Achievements” in its broad sense means to integrate the great achievements of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism with Buddhism as the center, while in the narrow sense, it means to integrate the various Buddhist teachings with Zen Buddhism as the center. He 61

Quoted from Mou Zhongjian. Chinese Daoist Religion. Guangdong People’s Publishing House, 1996, p. 166.

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advocated that “true Confucianism does not need to avoid Buddhism, while true Buddhism does not need to avoid Confucianism.”62 2. Tibetan Buddhism. Tibetan Buddhism was prevalent among the Tibetans and Mongolians. In the early fifteenth century, Je Tsongkhapa founded the Gelug School. After the sixteenth century, the Gelug School rose to prominence and formed the reincarnation system of Living Buddhas for the Dalai Lamas and Panchen Lamas. After the establishment of the Qing Dynasty, high honor was bestowed on the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama. In addition, the Jebtsundamba Khutuku of Outer Mongolia and the Changkya Khutukhtu of Inner Mongolia were recognized as Living Buddhas, and reincarnation systems were established. Emperor Qianlong often met with Mongolian princes and eminent Tibetan monks at the Mountain Resort and the Eight Outer Temples. The Yonghe Temple in the northeast of Beijing, which was once the residence of Prince Yong, was converted during the Qianlong era into a Tibetan Buddhist monastery, and later became a symbol for the central position occupied by Tibetan Buddhism in the Buddhist community nationwide. 3. Lay Buddhism. Lay Buddhist schools have existed since antiquity but emerged as a new force to be reckoned with in the late Qing Dynasty. A group of influential scholars appeared, who were dedicated to the development of Buddhist culture and education, which enabled the revamping of Buddhism. Under the reign of Tongzhi, Zheng Xuechuan founded the Jiangbei Scriptural Press in Yangzhou. Together with Xu Yunxu, Yang Wenhui, Guanru, and others, he organized the xylographic printing of the Fangce Zang [Booklet Edition Canon], producing more than 3,000 volumes in 15 years. Yang Wenhui (1837–1911; social name: Renshan) founded the Jinling Scriptural Press, which printed a large number of popular Buddhist scriptures and promoted the revival of the modern Dharma Characteristics and Consciousness-Only School. Using the scriptural press as a base, he further founded a Buddhist school and the Qihuan Monastery for the cultivation of knowledgeable monks and the study of Buddhist theories. As Zhao Puchu puts it, “The lay Buddhists are foremost in their contribution to the flourishing of Buddhism and the revitalization of Buddhist studies in modern times.”63

7.3 Popularization of the Confluence of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism Due to the long-term co-existence and syncretism of the three teachings, their ideas gradually popularized from elite beliefs to folk beliefs, eventually forming a broad 62

Quoted from Ma Tianxiang. The History of Chinese Zen Buddhism. Wuhan University Press, 2007, p. 414. 63 (Qing Dynasty) Yang Wenhui. Complete Works of Yang Wenhui. Huangshan Publishing House, 2000, p. 624.

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social belief culture. People either believed in all three teachings or preferred one or two teaching(s) over the other(s). Thus, the boundaries between the Three Teachings became increasingly blurred, while the teachings themselves were imbued with more folklore and formed a greater part of the people’s daily lives. This process began in the Song Dynasty, rose to prominence in the Ming Dynasty, and flourished in the Qing Dynasty. The popularization of syncretism among the three teachings are mainly manifested as follows: (1) the demotion to folk religion; (2) the birth of didactic literature; and (3) the evolution into a religious folk culture.

7.3.1 The Impact of Syncretism in Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism on Folk Religions The Ming Dynasty was a period for the rapid flourishing of folk religion, characterized by its extraordinary activity and numerous sects. This mainly refers to organized folk religions rather than the folklore-type of folk religion (commonly known as “folk beliefs”), which is a type of folklore culture prevalent in urban and rural communities. The syncretism and cultural radiation of the Three teachings also provided folk religion with resources for beliefs, ideological nourishment, and organizational models. The base of believers for folk religions were mainly farmers, artisans, miners, vagrants, merchant seamen, and the urban poor, who numbered in the millions. The lower classes formed the backbone of folk religion, which distinguishes it from the upper-class beliefs in the teachings of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. If we also include folklore religion, then the number of believers would have been in the tens or even hundreds of millions, which far outnumbers the believers of official religions. The various sects of folk religion were regional and fluid. They lacked a unified national religious organization and were often not recognized by the government, which meant they existed in a secretive or semi-secretive state. A few occasionally penetrated the nobility in an attempt to develop further but failed to become a legitimate religion. In times of intense social conflict and deep suffering among the people, some folk religions served as the organizational form used by the lower classes to save themselves or resist oppression, so they were regarded as “heretical cults” by the rulers. Despite brutal suppression, however, these groups have managed to rise up time and time again. Most of their scriptures are called “Baojuan” (i.e., “Precious Scrolls”). The following are the main schools of folk religion. 1.

White Lotus Sect. The White Lotus Sect originated from the Pure Land (or Amidist) School of Buddhism of the Song and Yuan Dynasties and was formed for the engagement in Buddhist practices to be reborn in the western Pure Land. Maitreyan beliefs were introduced midway, in which Maitreya is regarded as the future Buddha of this world, and its adherents believed that “Maitreya will come to this world, and the Ruler of Light will appear,” which contained the idea of “Changing Heaven.” In the transition from the Yuan to the Ming Dynasty, Zhu Yuanzhang led a rebellion against the Yuan Dynasty in the name of the

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3.

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White Lotus Society and established the Ming Dynasty, after which, he banned the religious school to prevent it from destabilizing the new regime. In the later stages (mid-Ming to the late Qing Dynasty), the White Lotus Society gave rise to hundreds of religious sects and became a religious banner for populist uprisings. The mainstream society of the Ming and Qing Dynasties were often unable to tell these sects apart, so they were all grouped under the umbrella term White Lotus Society. Luoism. Luoism was founded by Luo Menghong (1442–1527), also known as Luo Qing, and by his followers as Patriarch Luo, a native of Laizhou, Shandong. Luo was originally from the Linji School of Zen Buddhism and was familiar with Buddhism. He founded Luoism in the 18th year of the Chenghua Reign in the Ming Dynasty. He also wrote the Five Instructions in Six Books, which quoted extensively from the Diamond S¯utra, Nirvana S¯utra, Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a S¯utra, Avatam . saka S¯utra, and S¯utra of Complete Enlightenment. His writings were mainly based on Zen Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism, revered the teachings of Bodhidharma as orthodoxy, honored the Sixth Patriarch Huineng, and advocated the “gathering of the Three teachings into one principle.” His teachings were drawn from Zen Buddhism to emphasize the meaning of “Empti´ unyat¯a”), stating: “In the sudden penetration of Emptiness, before ness” (or “S¯ there was heaven or earth, there was first immutability and emptiness.”64 He did not recognize all things in the world, including the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, but instead only recognized an absolute and everlasting “True Emptiness” as the noumenon of the universe; this is the “established hometown,” whereas the world is the “nomadic hometown,” and the final destination should be the “established hometown.” He also proposed the idea of “Eternal Parents,” who are the universal parents of all under Heaven, and the origin of all sentient beings. Based on it, the folk religion formed the eight-word True Secret (or recitation) “Eternal Father and Mother, hometown of True Emptiness,” while “Eternal Parents” later evolved into “Eternal Venerable Mother.” His teachings were criticized by the eminent monks of that era, Deqing and Zhu Hong, who claimed that such ideas were “heterodox,” and “using false orthodoxy to promote heresy.” In the Ming Dynasty, it was labeled a “Left Way” (i.e., heresy), and prohibited. In the 46th year of the Wanli Reign in the Ming Dynasty (1618), the Five Instructions in Six Books were burned by the Nanjing Ministry of Rites. Dacheng School (literally, “Great Vehicle Religion”). The Dacheng school was a branch of Luoism, which was further divided into two branches. The Longhua Baojing [Precious Scripture of the Dragon Flower] states, “Western Dacheng [was created by] Lv Boddhisattva,” and “Eastern Dacheng [was created by] the Stone Buddha.” The Western Dacheng school was founded by a nun named Lv Niu from the outskirts of the capital, and she was believed to be an incarnate of Guanyin Boddhisatva. In later years, a nun (surnamed: Zhang, dharma name: Guiyuan) imitated Luo Qing and wrote a new version of the

Yu Songqing. A Study on the White Lotus Society in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Sichuan People’s Publishing House, 1987, p. 33.

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Five Instructions in Six Books. Members of this school worshipped the Eternal Venerable Mother and the Venerable Patriarch of the Unlimited and preached millenarianism. During the reign of Wanli, Wang Sen (birth name Shi Ziran) of Jizhou, East Hebei, claimed to the incarnation of the ancient Buddha and called himself the Dharma-King Stone Buddha. He preached about the Three Ages of the End Times, and the return to the origin. He was later captured and died in prison. His disciples, including Xu Hongru, led an uprising in the second year of Tianqi (1622), which was quelled after only one month, and Xu Hongru was arrested and killed. The Huangtian School (literally, Yellow Heaven Religion, also known as the Yellow Heaven Way or Royal Heaven Religion). The Huangtian School regarded Huang Tian (i.e., Yellow Heaven) as the perfect ideal of the future, hence the name. This school was founded by the Zhili Wanquan Guard Li Bin during the reign of Jiajing in the Ming Dynasty. The members of this school revered Li Bin as the Puming Buddha. After Li’s death, he was succeeded by his wife, Wang as her family name (Buddhist name Puguang). After Puguang’s death, she was succeeded by her daughters Pujing and Puzhao. The five leaders are known as the Five Buddhas of the Huangtian School. Thereafter, Zheng Guangzu (Pujing) and Jiang Changsheng (Pushan) preached the teachings of Huangtian in Jiangnan. Puming wrote the Puming Baojuan [Precious Scrolls of Puming], which was characterized by the fusion of Buddhism and Daoism, but each retaining its own features. The Pujing Baojuan [Precious Scrolls of Pujing] clearly proposes the perfect harmony of the Three teachings: “When all sentient beings return to heaven, they receive the primordial Qi and understand the Way, then the Three teachings will be united as one.”65 The Huangtian School also introduced beliefs of the Eternal Venerable Mother from Luoism, believing that the people of the world were separated from the Eternal Venerable Mother at Mount Ling, and fell into the sea of suffering. Thus, the Ancient Buddha Amitabha descended to the world as venerable teachers and True Men to guide the people back to their hometown. The Huangtian school presented a mélange of Buddhism, Daoism, and Luoism in its teachings, but was also free from the restrictions of Buddhist dharmas and Daoist rituals, which afforded it a substantial degree of arbitrariness. Its religious activities continued until the Qing Dynasty. Hongyang School (literally, Great Sun Religion, also known as the Red Sun Religion or the Original-Chaos Red Sun Religion). The Hongyang School was founded by Piaogao (birth name: Han Taihu) in the 22nd year of the Wanli reign in the Ming Dynasty (1594). Piaogao imitated Luo Qing in writing the Hongyang Wubujing [Scripture of the Red Sun in Five Books], which are known as the “Greater Five Books,” and later created the “Lesser Five Books.” His teachings mainly involved the doctrines of the Three Suns and RedSun millenarianism. According to the Preface of the Hunyuanjiao Hongyang

Ma Xisha and Han Bingfang. A History of Chinese Folk Religions. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1992, p. 460.

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Zhonghua Jing [Scripture of the Original-Chaos Teaching on the Red Sun of China], the past was the “Age of the Green Sun,” which was governed by Dipankara Buddha; the present is the “Age of the Red Sun,” which is governed by Shakyamuni Buddha; the future will be the “Age of the White Sun,” which will be governed by Maitreya. In the Age of the Red Sun, great calamities have befallen the mortal world, and Patriarch Piaogao descended to the Eastern Land to save those in the sea of suffering, board the Dharma Vessel, and sail to the heavenly palace of bliss. The moral creed of this sect, which advocates retribution of good and evil, respect for the Three Jewels, filial piety, harmony with one’s neighbors, love for one’s children, etc., are compatible with traditional ethics. However, its doctrine of the Three Ages and millenarianism contained ideas of “Changing Heaven,” which clashed with state power, as it was believed that such ideas could easily arouse the people’s dissatisfaction with the status quo and instigate rebellions. Therefore, this sect was regarded by the rulers as a “cult” or “heresy,” and hence was banned and suppressed. Sanyi School (literally, Three-in-One Religion). This school is a unique case of a community of intellectuals evolving into a religion. Its founder was the Confucian scholar from Fujian, Lin Zhao’en (1517–1598). In his middle-aged years, Lin studied the profound meaning of the Three teachings and accepted disciples to pass on his learning, which resulted in the formation of an influential academic society. In his later years, Lin appointed himself as the leader of the school and was known to his followers as the Lord of Sanyi. Lin’s writings were compiled into the Linzi Quanzji [Complete Collections of Linzi], which advocated the unification of the three teachings, as well as the return to the orthodoxy of Confucianism. It is written in his books, “If [the Three teachings are] compared to a tree, then one tree is divided into three large branches: one is Confucianism, another is Daoism, and the third is Buddhism”; “the Nirvana of Buddhism, the Emptiness and Nothingness of Daoism, and the Investigation of All Things to Attain Complete Knowledge of Confucianism are all of the same purpose.”66 However, “the teachings of Confucius are so vast that none are not contained within them.”67 Lin’s aspiration was to unite the three teachings as one so that they would be integrated into a “central and singular tradition of the Way,” because “the mind and spirit are as one, and those who return them to the center of the heart and keep them from straying shall be following the tradition of the way founded by Yao and Shun, which is the origin of infinite sagely learning.” Bagua School (literally, Eight Trigram Religion). This school was founded by Liu Zuochen around Shanxian in the southwest of Shandong during the early reign of Kangxi in the Qing Dynasty. Liu compiled the scripture Wunv Chuandao [Transmission of the Way by Five Women]. He also accepted believers

Gist of the Unification of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, In Orthodoxy Theory on the Three teachings by Lin Zhaoen. Beijing Publishing House, 1998, p. 676. 67 Quoted from Ma Xisha and Han Bingfang. A History of Chinese Folk Religions. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1992, p. 770.

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and organized the system of religious groups according to the Baguatu (Eight Trigrams), and hence the name of the school. The Transmission of the Way by Five Women is also known as the Transmission of the Way by Five Sages, in which the “Five Women” are the incarnates of five Bodhisattvas (Guanyin, Samantabhadra, White-Robed Guanyin, Fish-Basket Guanyin, and Mañju´sr¯ı), who use the Daoist Way of the Elixir to enlighten the world. During the reign of Qianlong, the Bagua follower Liu Zhaokui created the Baguajiao Litiao [Doctrines of the Bagua School], the purpose of which was to transcend the suffering of life, old age, disease, and death through the practice of alchemy, thus reflecting on the world through Buddhism, and achieving salvation through Daoism. At the same time, it also venerates the “Hometown of True Void, and the Eternal Father and Mother,” while also believing that the world will undergo three stages. The first stage was the Age of the Green Sun, during which the Eternal Venerable Mother sent D¯ıpankara Buddha to liberate 200 million royal children. The second stage is the Age of the Red Sun, during which the Eternal Venerable Mother sent Shakyamuni Buddha to liberate another 200 million royal children. The third stage will be the Age of the White Sun, during which the Eternal Venerable Mother will send Maitreya Buddha to liberate the remaining 9.2 billion royal children, and bring them back to the Heavenly Palace, i.e., the Hometown of True Void, where they will live in eternal bliss. The Bagua School believed that human beings are currently living in the last embers of the Red Sun and the imminent dawn of the White Sun, which is a period fraught with unprecedented calamities and rampant sins. Therefore, all people must be initiated into the school to welcome a new society. It also foretold the decline of the Qing Dynasty, which caused the school to be suppressed. However, the Bagua School managed to revive itself despite repeated suppressions and persisted. From the middle of Qianlong’s reign until the Opium Wars, the Bagua School was transformed from a folk religion to a peasants’ revolt, which led to the Qingshui school revolt and the 1813 Uprising. Tiandihui (literally, Heaven and Earth Society). The Tiandihui was founded during the reign of Qianlong in the Qing Dynasty. Its activities first began around the Fujian and Guangdong area, and it was a civil organization formed by poor laborers for their self-protection and mutual aid. However, following the Lin Shuangwen Rebellion in Taiwan during the 51st year of the Qianlong reign, the Tiandihui clearly proclaimed its rallying slogan to “Oppose Qing and Restore Ming,” which prompted its subsequent development into a political association with religious overtones. The school later spread to many provinces in Jiangnan and among the overseas communities Chinese in Southeast Asia. The Tiandihui is also known as “Hongmen” [“Vast Family”], or “Sanhehui” [“The Triad”]. There are two meanings behind the character “Hong” (洪) in “Hongmen” (洪门): the era name of the Ming Emperor Taizu was “Hong Wu” (洪武), and the Chinese character “Hong” (洪) is the word “Han” (漢) but without the components 中土 (“Central Land”), which is a reminder to restore control to the Han Chinese people (against the Manchu-led Qing Dynasty). Thus, both meanings were connected to this opposition of the Qing Dynasty

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and the restoration of the Ming Dynasty. Thus, all initiates of the school were surnamed “Hong.” The Triads, on the other hand, represented the triadic unity of the three powers: heaven, earth, and humankind. The religious beliefs of the Tiandihui were derived from the Chinese traditions of revering heaven and earth and worshipping one’s ancestors. Over time, however, it was transformed into a rebellious religion “performing righteous deeds on behalf of heaven” against the government that had “received the mandate from heaven,” similar to the band of heroes in Shui Hu Zhuan [Water Margin]. At the same time, Tiandihui also carried a strong vibe of national revolution. At the start of the Xianfeng reign, Jiao Liang of Hunan changed his name to Hong Daquan, united the various factions of the Tiandihui, and led an anti-Qing struggle in Guangdong, proclaiming himself to be the Emperor Tian De. He once joined forces with the Taiping Army for a time, but they parted ways due to differences in religious beliefs and political goals. Liu Lichuan, who was the leader of the Shanghai Tiandihui branch known as the Xiaodaohui (Small Swords Society), led a group of rebels to launch the Shanghai Uprising but was killed when he failed. Some of the remaining rebels joined the Taiping Army, and others were diverted to Jiangxi to join the Tiandihui Rebellion. The Gelaohui (Elder Brothers Society) was also a branch of the Tiandihui, and its members were mostly veterans. The 1911 Revolution led by Sun Yat-sen relied heavily on the strength of these schools, especially on the Tiandihui and Gelaohui. The Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) originated from the Hsing Chung Hui i.e., Society for Regenerating China, the backbone of which was mainly composed of members of the Tiandihui and Gelaohui. The support of overseas Chinese for the National Revolution and the launching of the New Army Uprising all depended on the strength of such societies. At the end of the Qing Dynasty, secret societies were formed within the folk religions, giving birth to modern political parties such as the Kuomintang, which elevated religious resistance to ethnic revolution and thence to national revolution. This is not only a process of the people’s awakening but also an improvement in the level of public organization. Yiguandao (literally, the Way of Pervading Unity). The founder and patriarch of the Yiguandao was Wang Jueyi, a native of Qingzhou, Shandong, who established the school during the reign of Tongzhi. The name Yiguandao (the Way of Pervading Unity) was derived from a saying of Confucius: “My doctrine is that of an all-pervading unity.” However, Wang Jueyi believed that the “allpervading unity” should not be limited to the Confucian way of “being true to the principles of our nature, and exercising them on the principle of reciprocity,” but also to the unity of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Wang Jueyi elaborated on the tenet of the all-pervading unity across the Three teachings as follows. The essence of practicing the Way is to “make an exhaustive discrimination of what is right, and effect the complete development of every nature until we arrive at the fate appointed for by Heaven”; the end-times are imminent, but kalpic disasters can be avoided by entering the Way and practicing the precepts; one should practice the techniques of inner alchemy, refining the essence and transforming the qi, while also refining the qi and transforming

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the spirit; and one should worship the Taiji, Wuji, and Huangji diagrams, and learn the mantras of the various Buddhas and ancestors. From the eighth year of the Guangxu reign, anti-Qing riots were organized by the Yiguandao around the area of Jiangsu and Huguang. After they failed, however, Wang Jueyi went into hiding and died in Yangliuqing, Tianjin in the 10th year of the Guangxu reign. 10. Final Remarks. There were numerous folk religious sects in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, with their endless divisions and combinations, as well as their secretive state. Thus, the contexts surrounding their existence are ambiguous and difficult to clarify, while their names are varied and countless. Apart from the nine above, other religious schools in the Qing Dynasty include the Yuan School, the Qinglian School (Zhai School), and the Zhenkong School, to name a few. Nevertheless, their commonalities can be summarized as follows. First, they embody the numerous variations derived from Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Second, they mainly involve polytheistic worship, with the Eternal Venerable Mother as the supreme god. Third, they preach the Three Stages of the End-Times, and their task is the salvation from the kalpic disasters. Fourth, the organization of their religious groups often takes the form of patriarchal rule. Fifth, their scriptures and precious scrolls are often written in a prosimetric style and can be easily popularized. Sixth, the format of their activities is combined with folk rituals and ceremonies, treatments, health preservation, culture, and the arts. Seventh, they are often associated with populist resistance movements and exist illegally. Finally, they have a tenacious lifeforce that has enabled their survival amid setbacks to the present day. It should be added here that there are two other civil organizations with religious overtones that are distinct from the folk religions above and should be considered as special cases. The first special case was the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom movement. In 1850, Hong Xiuquan led an anti-Qing armed rebellion from Jintian Village of Guangxi, which garnered immense force and lasted for more than a decade, successfully occupying Nanjing for a time. However, besieged by the Xiang Army led by Zeng Guofan, the rebellion failed in the third year of Tongzhi (1865). The religious beliefs of the Taiping Army were those of the “God-Worshipping Society,” which were Hong Xiuquan’s own interpretation of Christianity. They destroyed Confucius’s Confucianism and the Confucian temples, while also attacking Buddhism and Daoism, obliterating temples and burning statues upon sight, resulting in untold damage and destruction. The second special case was the Yihetuan Movement or Boxer Rebellion. The Yihetuan was initially known as the Yihequan (literally, “Righteous and Harmonious Fists”), and was originally a civil organization for the practice of martial arts and weapons training in the villages of Shandong. Its organizational form followed that of the Bagua School, but its beliefs did not involve the Eternal Venerable Mother, the Hometown of True Void, or the Three Suns millenarianism. Instead, members of the school worshipped the gods and spirits found in myths and legends, as well as in Ming and Qing novels, hence their beliefs were extremely mixed. Its political goal was to “support the Qing government and destroy

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the foreigners.” The movement was active in Beijing at the end of the nineteenth century and cooperated with the Qing court for a time. In 1900, it launched an attack against the Western concessions and embassies but was attacked and defeated by the Eight-Nation Alliance. The Boxer rebellion showed fearless heroism in the fight against imperialism, but blindly held discriminatory and xenophobic sentiments. It was the first among the religious civil organizations in the Ming and Qing Dynasties that raised the banner of anti-imperialism. The two special cases above were both triggered by the entry of modern Western powers and their cultures into China.

7.3.2 The Syncretism in Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism Promoted the Prevalence of Both Popular Reading Materials and Didactic Literature 1. Confucian Popular Reading Materials. Confucianism has long prevailed in the history of China. However, reading materials that inspired learning was only widely circulated during the Ming and Qing Dynasties, which gave the scholars significant power. Sanzijing [The Three-Character Classic] was authored by Wang Yinglin of the Southern Song Dynasty. However, its expansion, additions, revisions, and interpretations mainly depended on the work of Ming and Qing scholars. For example, Wang Xiang of the Qing Dynasty wrote the Sanzijing Xungu [Textual Explanation on the Three-Character Classic], which had great influence. In the Republic of China, the Three-Character Classic was designated as a “primer for primary education,” through which children and adolescents could glean the essentials of Chinese history and culture, and gain self-cultivation. The Baijiaxing [The Hundred Family Surnames] was first compiled in the Song Dynasty, and initially contained 438 surnames, which was later expanded to 504 surnames. The Qianjiaxing [The Thousand Family Surnames] appeared during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. In the Qing Dynasty, Emperor Kangxi compiled the Yuzhi Baijiaxing [The Hundred Family Names Compiled by the Emperor], which demonstrates the importance that the upper classes attached to this text. The Hundred Family Surnames remained well-known for several hundred years. It reinforced the awareness of the Chinese people for their ancestral lineage and for seeking their roots, while also providing a sense of unity for the multi-surnamed and multi-ethnic family of the Chinese nation. The Qianziwen [The Thousand-Character Classic] was authored by Zhou Xingsi during the reign of Emperor Wu of the Southern Dynasties. It was well-received in society and unparalleled in its literary excellence among primer materials. The Dizigui [Standards for Being a Good Student and Child] was written by the famous scholar and educator Li Yuxiu of the Qing Dynasty. This book expands on a passage in the Lunyu [The Analects]: “A youth, when at home, should be filial and, abroad, respectful to his elders. He should be earnest and truthful. He should

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overflow in love to all, and cultivate the friendship of the good. When he has time and opportunity, after the performance of these things, he should employ them in polite studies,” implementing its teachings as a social code of conduct. This work is specific and detailed, does not deviate from routine life, and is closely intertwined with daily use in human relationships, which made it accessible for young people to refer to and implement. Youxue Qionglin [Jade Forest of Primary Education] was written by Cheng Yunsheng in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasty and was later supplemented by Zou Shengmai of the Qing Dynasty, as well as by Fei Yourong, Ye Pusun, Cai Dongfan, and others during the Republic of China. The book is written entirely in paired sentences, and covers knowledge on a variety of aspects, including astronomy, geography, historical figures, Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, as well as many historical stories in Chinese idioms. Thus, it was an accessible reference for young people who were learning to write poetry and prose. The Longwen Bianying [Dragon Essays to Encourage Study] was written by Xiao Liang in the Ming Dynasty, and later supplemented and revised by Yang Chenzheng in the early Qing Dynasty. The first volume contains 4,248 characters and the second volume 4,024 characters. Each sentence consisted of four characters, and two sentences formed a couplet. The eight words within each couplet were paired in parallel, and each four-character sentence contained one condensed story, thus forming 2,056 historical stories. The text followed a meter, which made it easy to recite. The Shenglv Qimeng [Textbook Written in Regular Rhymes] was written by an imperial scholar of the Qing Dynasty, Che Wanyu. The contents of this book were diverse and comprehensive, arranged in a paired-sentence format. The book offered readers training in rhetoric, which helped them in the composition of poetry, lyrics, and prose. The Zhubailu Zhijia Geyan [Zhu Bailu’s Maxims for Family Management] was authored by a scholar of the late Ming and early Dynasty, Zhu Bailu. His maxims were inherited from Zhu Xi’s Zhuzi Jiaxun [Master Zhu’s Family Instructions], but were more concrete, concise, and practical, containing just over 500 characters. The work has been widely circulated for several hundred years. Its main content is based on Confucian thought, teaching family members and future generations to maintain the household with diligence and thriftiness, to teach children with proper methods, to abide by the Cardinal Guides and Constant Virtues, to attend to the funeral rites of one’s parents and to continue to pay homage thereafter, to treat others with kindness, to keep peace and harmony within the family, and to stop being contentious and compromising one’s values. Since the family was regarded as the basic unit of traditional society, Family Master Zhu’s Family Instructions could be seen as a textbook of family education, which aimed to establish long-standing family traditions of honesty and generosity. This text was an important supplement to the Four Books and Five Classics. 2. Daoist Didactic Books. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, a variety of didactic books were widely circulated, which served as the secularized form of the

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Daoist moral creed. They also served as an important supplement to Confucian ethics education and an effective means of uplifting folk customs. The Taishang Ganying Pian [Treatise of the Exalted One on Response and Retribution] was written by Li Changling in the Song Dynasty, and spread like wildfire among the people during the Ming and Qing Dynasties, even receiving the attention and support of emperors, princes, ministers, and famous Confucian scholars. The Treatise is 1,200 characters in length, regards Taishang Laojun as the supreme deity, and its primary message is that “fortune and misfortune do not enter [one’s life], but are caused entirely by people themselves. The retributions of good and evil [deeds] are inevitable, like a shadow that follows a form.” The text lists 26 good deeds and 170 evil deeds, with a focus on “accumulating virtue and good deeds, showing compassion to all beings,” “loyalty, filial piety, friendship, and fraternal love; rectifying oneself before transforming others; taking pity on orphans and being kind to the widowed; respecting the old and caring for the young.” Its content is mainly based on Confucian ethics, while its method combines the Daoist theory of the ancestral burden with the Buddhist theory of retribution to administer its teaching through the Way of the Divine. Other popular didactic books included the Guandi Jueshi Zhenjing [True Scripture of Guandi’s Awakening of the World], Wenchang Dijun Yinzhi Wen [Text of the Hidden Good Deeds of Imperial Lord Wenchang], Lvzu Gongguoge [Patriarch Lv’s Ledger of Merits and Demerits], Wendi Xiaojing [Emperor Wen’s Classic of Filial Piety], etc., which were all included in the Daozang Jiyao [Essentials of the Daoist Canon]. “Yinzhi” means to accumulate yin (i.e., hidden, or secret) virtue. Thus, the Yinzhi Wen [Text of Hidden Good Deeds] uses the concepts of the interaction between heaven and humankind and karmic retribution as its basis, to preach the Confucian ethical code as well as the precepts of Buddhism and Daoism. The story of Imperial Lord Wenchang is used to explain that extensively performing good deeds in secret will be rewarded. The text also lists numerous rules of conduct, including loyalty to one’s ruler, filial piety to one’s parents, respect for one’s elder siblings, trust in one’s friends, respect for the old and compassion for the poor, taking pity on orphans and being kind to widows, refraining from coveting others’ wealth, refraining from harassing others’ wives and daughters, refraining from serving the rich and mistreating the poor, refraining from abusing one’s power to demean the good, etc. It professes that by following this code of conduct, a hundred blessings will rain down and a thousand auspicious clouds will gather, not only benefitting oneself in the short-term but also conferring blessings on one’s descendants. The Gongguo Ge [Ledger of Merits and Demerits] is similar to a reflection diary, where one lists good intentions, good words, and good deeds in the ledger of merits, and evil intentions, evil words, and evil deeds in the ledger of demerits. Believers would record their good deeds in the ledger of merits, and their evil deeds in the ledger of demerits each day, thus gradually clearing away their thoughts and actions. They tallied a subtotal each month, and a grand total each year, where excess good cancels out evil and greater evil diminishes good. An abundance of merits will bring good fortune, whereas too many demerits will attract misfortune. Through this practice, believers can examine their own words

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and actions, and gain awareness of the consequences that await, thereby motivating themselves to do good and eliminate evil. 3. Buddhist Popular Books, Prosimetric Literature, and Didactic Books. In the course of its Sinicization, Buddhism has long been committed to the popularization and vernacularization of its dharma teachings. To expand its influence among the people, the Chinese monks created various forms of prosimetric literature, including Bianwen (literally, “transformation texts”), Baojuan (literally, “precious scrolls”), Tanci (literally, “plucking rhymes”), and Guci (literally, “drumming rhymes”), and employed the methods of “Zhuandu” (reciting the sutras), “Fanbai” [the chanting of prayers] and “Changdao” (proselytizing), which was lively and appealing in their combination of chanting and singing. “Bianwen” (literally, transformation text) refers to the recitation and singing of stories in the Buddhist scripture. The Buddhist Baojuan first emerged in the Song Dynasty, and later flourished in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, involving the use of Buddhist stories to preach karmic retribution. The Tanci was also popular in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, which developed the Baojuan into a prosimetric artform involving both recitation and singing, which enabled the people to receive the didactic lessons of the Three teachings while being entertained. The most representative work on lay Buddhist family lessons was Liaofan Sixun [Liao Fan’s Four Lessons]. The author, Yuan Liaofan, was a native of Wujiang, Jiangsu, and lived during the Wanli reign of the Ming Dynasty. He was a Buddhist believer who strictly adhered to the chanting of s¯utras and mantras and Chan meditative practices, while also performing good deeds and caring for others. His intention behind writing Liao Fan’s Four Lessons was to promote the ideas of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism in the form of family lessons. The first lesson, “Learning to Create Destiny,” teaches that “fate is created by ourselves; good or bad fortune are also determined by ourselves.” The second lesson, “Ways to Reform,” teaches that “it is necessary to first reform your faults before practicing kind deeds,” requiring that “first, one must feel shame,” “second, one must know fear,” and “third, one must have determination and courage.” The third lesson, “The Way to Cultivate Kindness,” teaches that “families who perform kindness will accumulate fortune that can outlast many generations,” and that “there is real goodness and false goodness, honest goodness and crooked goodness, hidden goodness and visible goodness, seeming goodness and unseeming goodness, improper goodness and proper goodness, half goodness and full goodness, great goodness and small goodness, and finally difficult goodness and easy goodness. These different types of goodness each have their own reason, which should be carefully learned and understood.” Therefore, thorough investigation is needed when doing good to achieve the best effect. The fourth lesson, “The Benefit of the Virtue of Humility,” teaches that “a person’s arrogance will bring him harm, and his humbleness will bring him benefit,” and that “the spirits and gods are always watching our behavior from above. Therefore, we must immediately do whatever is beneficial to others and avoid doing whatever is harmful to others. These are all things I can decide for myself. As long as I harbor good intentions; refrain from evil-doing; do not offend heaven, earth, the spirits, and the gods; humble myself; am

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tolerant and not arrogant; then heaven, earth, the spirits, and the gods will constantly have pity on me; only then will I have a foundation for my future prosperity.” In addition to Liao Fan’s Four Lessons, Yuan Liaofan also wrote his “Ledger of Merits and Demerits,” which measured the merits and demerits of good and evil deeds according to their rankings. For example, “saving one person from dying” will be “awarded a hundred merits”; “saving a disciple who follows the precepts” will be “awarded thirty merits”; “persuading a person to settle lawsuits” will be “awarded five merits”; “praising one person for their good deeds” will be “awarded one merit”; whereas “causing the death of one person” will be “penalized with a hundred demerits”; “damaging the marriage of one person” will be “penalized with fifty demerits”; “slandering any of the orthodox dharma scriptures” will be “penalized with five demerits”; and “not doing good for a single person” will be “penalized with one demerit,” etc. This Family Lesson does not differentiate among the Three teachings and expounds all three. While believing in Buddhism, it also worships the traditional “heaven, earth, spirits, and gods,” while its content is mainly based on Confucian morality. Therefore, it is a typical example of a mixed didactic book.

7.3.3 Concurrent Permeation of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism into Folk Cultural Life Chinese folk customs have always had a distinctive religious nature, which is intimately connected to the worship of heaven, earth, spirits, and gods, while also maintaining ethnic, regional, and diverse characteristics. There is a common thread that runs through all its religious folk customs—the avoidance of calamities and the seeking of blessings, the transformation of misfortune into fortune, and the improvement of virtue through the Way of the Divine, to obtain psychological comfort and enrich one’s life. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, this type of religious ritual and custom culture only prospered further. Daoism and Buddhism also had an impact on folk customs. On the one hand, in the evolutionary process of these two teachings, they interacted with the Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming Dynasties at the academic level, while on the other hand, they also descended into folk Daoism and folk Buddhism, which integrated, and eventually blended, with folklore-type folk religion and culture, thereby constantly influencing the daily lives of the people. 1. Confucian Customs of Rites and Rituals. Since the Han Dynasty, the folk custom of worshiping the heavenly ancestors and the myriad deities gradually took shape and developed steadily, with continuous small adjustments, but no major changes. By the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the worship and ritual activities had become even more detailed and popular, expanding from the Han Chinese to numerous ethnic minorities, including the Mongolians and the Manchus. Thus, the worship of heaven and the ancestors truly became a fundamental belief for the Chinese nation.

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Religious folk customs during festivals. It is said that “the New Year is the first of all festivals.” The New Year Festival, or Spring Festival, is the most important festival to the Han Chinese and many ethnic minorities, which involves family gatherings and reunions, ushering in good luck and fortune, and celebrating the new year. During the Spring Festival, families would make offerings to “heaven, earth, ruler, parents, and teachers,” as well as the ancestral tablets and various statues of deities. In the twelfth lunar month (i.e., the last month of the lunar year), sacrificial offerings would be made to the kitchen god, and peach charms would be hung up. On the eve of the Chinese New Year, families would gather and stay up during the transition between the old year and new year, i.e., Shousui, and firecrackers would be lit. Then, in the new year, homage would be paid to the ancestors on the first day (Chuyi), then to the God of Wealth on the fifth day (Chuwu), and Yuanxiao (or Lantern Festival) would be celebrated on the fifteenth day. Chronologically, on the second day of the second lunar month, the “Longtaitou” (literally, dragon raising its head) Festival would be celebrated, involving dragon dances, offerings to the Dragon King, and praying for good weather. On the third day of the third month, the Shangsi Festival (i.e., Double Third Festival) would be celebrated, which involved the summoning of departed souls to ensure their continuation, getting rid of bad luck, praying for one’s children, and praying for a year of abundance. Folk customs also included “Xiji,” which was the ritual purification with water, while the Dai, Bai, and other ethnic groups celebrated the Water-Splashing Festival. The Qingming Festival would be celebrated by visiting and cleaning the graves of ancestors and carrying willow branches to ward off evil. On the fifth day of the fifth month, the Duanwu Festival, i.e., Dragon Boat Festival, would be celebrated, which involved eating Zongzi (glutinous rice dumplings), dragon boat racing, reciting Qu Yuan, hanging calamus and wormwood plants, and driving away plagues. On the seventh day of the seventh month, the Qiqiao Festival would be celebrated, which involved telling the tale of the Cowherd and the Weaver Girl and wishing couples to be married eventually. On the fifteenth day of the seventh month, the Zhongyuan Festival would be celebrated, involving the veneration of the dead and making offerings to the departed souls. On the fifteenth day of the eighth month, the Mid-autumn Festival would be celebrated, where families would gather to appreciate the moon, and pray for reunion. On the ninth day of the ninth month, the Chongyang (i.e., Double Ninth) Festival would be celebrated, which customarily involved climbing hills or mountains to gaze far ahead, carrying dogwood, drinking chrysanthemum liquor, and eating Chongyang cake. On the eighth day of the twelfth month, the Laba Festival would be celebrated, which involved cooking Laba Congee and giving alms to the poor. Religious folk customs in life ceremonies. The first birth ceremony involves performing the “Xisan,” which is a bathing ceremony for three-day-old newborns. The hundredth-day ceremony, known as “Baisui” (literally, a hundred days old), involves wearing the Baijiayi (i.e., the hundred-families robe made of Chinese patchwork) and the “Changming Suo” (i.e., Lock of Immortality). The ceremony for the

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child’s first birthday involves performing the “Zhuazhou”.68 The naming ceremony involves performing divination using the Eight Characters and selecting a lucky name. The coming-of-age ceremony is known as a capping ceremony for males, and a hair-pinning ceremony for females. The wedding ceremony involved “uniting two [families of different] surnames, to commemorate the ancestors with respects and offerings, and produce offspring to carry on the family name,”69 as well as rituals of worshiping heaven and earth. Immortality (i.e., birthday) ceremonies for the elderly involved folk beliefs in the deity of immortality, that is, the Old Man of the South Pole. As for funeral rites, children were expected to make proper arrangements for their parents and continue to pay homage long after burying the deceased to ensure that they found peace and their families found comfort; the duties of filial piety required the ritual of “Zuoqi” (literally, “Doing the Sevens,” performed in seven stages every seven days after death). “That parents, when alive, be served according to the rites; and that they should be buried and worshipped according to the rites after death”—this is the full course of filial piety. The mourning clothes of the Ming and Qing Dynasties had more detailed and stricter customs. Worship of folk deities. (1) After the Song Dynasty, the ancient Haotian Supreme Deity was merged with the Daoist Great Emperor of Jade, and Jade Emperor Temples were built by the people for his worship. Further, the legendary Queen Mother of the West was now called Wangmu Niangniang, was married to the Jade Emperor, and was jointly worshipped. (2) Guan Gong (Guan Yu, the general at Late Eastern Han Dynasty) was venerated due to his “loyalty and righteousness,” and subsequently elevated to “Guansheng Dijun” (Holy Emperor Guan) after the Ming Dynasty. Temples dedicated to the Guan Emperor could be found throughout the country in both cities and rural areas. Moreover, his functions expanded from driving away evil spirits to curing diseases and eliminating disasters, inspecting the netherworld, and ushering in wealth and prosperity, thus almost making him an omnipotent god. (3) The Gods of Wealth first involved Bi Gan and Fan Li, then later included Zhao Gongming. The people customarily worshipped the Wealth Gods of Five Direction on the fifth day of the first lunar month, namely, Zhaogong Yuanshuai (Lord Zhao the Marshal), Zhaobao Caishen (Wealth God of Attracting Treasures), Nazhen Caishen (Wealth God of Collecting Valuables), Zhaocai Caishen (Wealth God of Attracting Wealth), and Lishi Caishen (Wealth God of Profitability). All shops and businesses set up altars for their worship to pray for a smooth path to wealth and booming trade. (4) Chenghuang (literally, city walls and moats) was a tutelary deity who protected the city, and the role was often taken by the spirits of local heroes. For example, the Beijing Chenghuang Temple is dedicated to Yang Jiaoshan, an upright official of the Ming Dynasty, and Wen Tianxiang of the late Ming Dynasty; the Shanghai Chenghuang Temple is dedicated to Huo Guang of the Han Dynasty, Qin Yubo of 68

A fortune-telling ritual where various symbolic objects are placed before the one-year-old baby and their choice will foretell their future. 69 (Tang Dynasty) Annotated by Kong Yingda. Annotations to the Book of Rites. In Expository Commentaries on the Thirteen Confucian Classics published in Song Dynasty. Reprinted in the 20th Year of Jiaqing Reign in the Qing Dynasty. p. 1385.

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the Ming Dynasty, and Chen Huacheng, a patriotic military leader of the late Qing Dynasty. (5) Wenchang Dijun (Wenchang Emperor) is the deity of culture and education, who was worshipped by scholars seeking fame, and by stores selling cultural and educational goods, praying for prosperity in business. (6) The Fulushou Sanxing (Three Stars of Fortune, Prosperity, and Longevity) represented the people’s pursuit of wealth, social status, and longevity. Agriculture and marine gods. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the imperial court worshipped heaven at the Temple of Heaven in the southern suburbs of Beijing, and worshipped earth at the Temple of Earth in the northern suburbs; the Ancestral Temple and the Altar of Land and Grain (Shejitan) were also established on either side of the Meridian Gate of the Forbidden City, according to the ritual system. She is the God of Land, and Ji is the God of Grain. Among the people, a large number of Tudi (literally, Soil and Land) Temples dedicated to the Tudishen (God of Soil and Land) could be found throughout the country, and many rural societies worshipped the God of Grain. Sheri (Day of the God of Land) was a time for the people to partake in joyous gatherings, perform sacrificial rites, and organize cultural and artistic activities to entertain the gods. It became a local collective behavior that went beyond the family and was a manifestation of an organizational form and lifestyle outside the government and superordinate to the family. As China has an extremely long coastline, many of its people were engaged in fishing and maritime trade, who all had to contend with the ever-changing and fickle sea. This gradually led to beliefs in the sea goddess Mazu, to whom they prayed to be saved from shipwrecks and for the protection of seafarers. Mazu beliefs first originated in the Song Dynasty, and gradually expanded from Meizhou Island along the coast to the north and south, eventually established as the Goddess of Rivers and Seas worshipped by all along the coasts of China. Tianhou (i.e., Empress of Heaven) Temples and Mazu Temples can be found in all coastal cities such as Tianjin, Yantai, Nanjing, Shanghai, Ningbo, Quanzhou, and Xiamen, even reaching Guangzhou, Hong Kong, and Macau. There are more than 800 Mazu Temples with over 14 million believers in Taiwan, making it the largest religious group there. Later on, Mazu beliefs were integrated with Buddhism and Daoism, sometimes incorporated into Buddhism, and other times into Daoism, but always maintaining their relative independence. Worship of the sages. The worship of the sages is an ancient tradition of the Chinese nation. The sages worshipped are not great almighty gods, but sages and heroes of antiquity who founded the Chinese civilization and made significant contributions to the people. The significance of commemoration means more than the motivation of praying for blessings. People of all social classes would worship the Yan (i.e., Flame) and Yellow Emperors, who are regarded as the founders of the Chinese nation. Following these were the worship of Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, King Wen and Wu of Zhou Dukedom and Confucius, for whom temples were established for regular worship. This played an important role in uniting the Chinese community, inheriting and passing on the traditions of Chinese civilization, humaneness, loving people, valuing harmony and innovation. Among them, the worship of Confucius had the greatest impact on later generations. Confucian temples were built throughout the

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land to promote Confucian culture, emphasize the continuity of the orthodox way, establish an image of supreme morality for Confucius as the Supreme Sage and Ancestral Teacher, and to encourage a culture of learning and enlightenment. This form of veneration was different from the worship of other folk deities. 2. Religious Folk Customs under the Influence of Daoism and Buddhism Festivals and temple fairs. Chronologically, the nineteenth day of the second lunar month was celebrated as the birthday of Guanyin Bodhisattva with countless people worshiping at Mount Putuo in Zhejiang. The eighth day of the fourth month was celebrated as the birthday of Buddha, involving grand festivities by the people held around Buddhist temples. Sanyuan Festival: The Daoist religion believes that the Tianguan (i.e., Heaven Official) bestows blessings, was born on the fifteenth day of the first month and is of a higher origin; the Diguan (i.e., Earth Official) absolves sins, was born on the fifteenth day of the seventh month, and is of a middle origin; and the Shuiguan (i.e., Water Official) eliminates misfortunes, was born on the fifteenth day of the tenth month, and is of a lower origin. For each of these three festivals, the Daoist temples would celebrate together with the people, combining sacrificial rituals with entertainment. During the Zhongyuan Festival, Buddhists would hold the Ullambana Festival, in which offerings were made to the monastic communities in the ten directions, the people gave food offerings to monks, and the temples held dharma assemblies and Liberation Rites of Water and Land, to liberate those suffering in hell. In Beijing, temple fairs were held in dozens of locations. The Daoist temples that were opened to the public every month included the Dongyue Temple, Lvzu Pavilion, and Chongyuan Temple, while the Buddhist temples that were opened included Baita Temple, Huguo Temple, and Longfu Temple. The Daoist temples that were opened to the public once a year included the Baiyun Temple and Bixia Yuanjun Temple, while Buddhist temples opened annually included Dazhong Temple, Yonghe Temple, and Wanshou Temple. According to folk sayings: one should “visit the Dongyue temple on the first [day of the first lunar month], admire the flower lanterns on the fifteenth, visit Baiyun Temple at the Yanjiu Festival (i.e., nineteenth day), and visit Yonghe Temple on the thirtieth,” and “borrow ingots at the Wealth God Temple, strike the great bells at the Juesheng Temple, buy clay dolls at the Dongyue Temple, pray to the star deities at the Baiyun Temple, watch the Huo Pan (i.e., a traditional Chinese opera show) at Chenghuang Temple, admire the flower lanterns at Chongyuan Temple, and celebrate the Liangbao Festival at Huoshen Temple. The temple fairs of the capital are the most festive.” As Beijing was the capital city during the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the citizens’ religious life was representative of the country. Burning incense to worship the Gods and entering mountains to pray for blessings. Going to the temple to pray for the safety of people and livestock, bountiful harvests, the elimination of disasters, health and immortality, and many children and grandchildren, or praying to the gods for blessings when encountering problems became a normal way of life for the people. Many Buddhist and Daoist temples were not only places in which monks and nuns lived and carried out their activities, but also served another crucial social function, which was to meet the religious needs that may arise in the daily lives of people living in the surrounding areas. All famous

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mountains and great temples in China were sacred places frequented by lay believers and ordinary people, where household believers traveled regularly or sporadically for long distances from all directions to burn incense, worship Buddha or the immortals, and pray for blessings. To meet the spiritual needs of secular society, Buddhist and Daoist temples often co-organized large-scale events such as the Liberation Rites of Water and Land (Buddhism) or ritual and prayer assemblies (Daoism) with members of the community, which were well-attended by the public. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Confucian-style academies and ancestral shrines often intermingled and coexisted with Buddhist and Daoist temples, spreading across urban and rural areas. Thus, they became the venues of multi-faith activities, which benefited the cohesion of the ethnic groups, promoted indigenous civilization, and served the people’s ideals of relieving suffering and attaining a happy life through the worship of Heaven, the ancestors, Buddha, and the immortals. This also contributed to moral teachings and social stability at the grassroots level. Performing funeral rites and liberating departed souls. Buddhist monks and Daoist priests offered an important social service, which was to participate in folk funeral activities, and perform religious services to assist the reincarnation and liberation of the departed souls, in order to comfort the family members of the deceased. In fact, the wealthy often invited both Buddhist monks and Daoist priests to boost the potency of their mourning and commemoration. Although Hong Lou Meng [Dream of the Red Chamber] is a novel, its detailed description of how wealthy families conducted funerals at that time, which has become a vivid version of historical records. The thirteenth chapter writes about the funeral held by the Ning-guo Mansion after the death of Qin Keqing: It was decided that the lying in state should be for forty-nine days and that the notification of bereavement indicating the family’s readiness to receive official visits of condolence should be made in three days’ time. A hundred and eight Buddhist monks were engaged to perform a Grand Misericordia for the salvation of all departed souls in the main reception hall of the mansion during these forty-nine days, while at the same time ninety-nine Daoist priests of the Quanzhen school were to perform ceremonies of purification and absolution at a separate altar in the Celestial Fragrance pavilion. These arrangements having been made, the body was moved to a temporary shrine in another pavilion of the All-Scents Garden. Fifty highranking Buddhist monks and fifty high-ranking Daoist priests took turns in chanting and intoning before it on every seventh day.

This is the scale of funerals as undertaken by upper-class nobility, which can never be matched by ordinary people. However, in folk funerals, those who lived near Buddhist temples invited Buddhist monks, while those who lived near Daoist temples invited Daoist priests. As with the wealthy, the ordinary people invited as many monks or priests as they could, and were generally unconcerned about whether they were Buddhist or Daoists, differing from the wealthy only in terms of scale. Vegetarianism and life release. Vegetarianism has been a clear precept of Buddhism since Emperor Wu of Liang, which gradually influenced folk culture and became a common custom. A small number of devout lay believers practice vegetarianism throughout the year, which is known as “Changzhai” (i.e., “long-term fasting”). Most lay believers, however, practiced regular or sporadic vegetarianism, which is

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known as “Huazhai” (i.e., “regular fasting”). Vegetarianism not only enhanced the people’s compassion for all sentient beings but also improved their dietary structure and health. Life release was derived from the Buddhist teaching of compassion for all sentient beings. Thus, compassionate individuals in the community who came across captured animals or fish that were still alive would buy these creatures and free them back into the forests or rivers. Some temples and venues had life-release ponds or organized life-release activities to promote such charitable acts, and people considered it a good deed. Recitation of Buddha’s name and Qigong. By the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Pure Land Buddhism had been popularized into a folk belief and was widely disseminated among the people due to its simplicity and ease of practice. Countless believers recited Buddha’s name while counting prayer beads every day, which helped them to visualize Buddha, clear their minds, escape from grievances, and dispel bad thoughts, thereby effectively regulating their physical and mental health through mindfulness. The Daoist practice of Neidan (Inner Alchemy) involved the dual cultivation of xing (nature) and ming (existence). However, its practices at or above the level of “refining qi and transforming the spirit” were reserved for the religious cultivation of mysterious experiences of “insiders” of the Way, which were difficult for ordinary people to grasp. In contrast, its primary-level exercises of “refining the spirit and transforming qi” could be easily popularized among the people, while also preventing diseases and promoting fitness. Since the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the Qigong practice that has been active and widespread among the people were mostly evolved from Daoist inner alchemy, which became an important method for the Chinese people to maintain their health. Guanyin and Maitreya. Among the many Bodhisattvas and Buddhas in Buddhism, Guangshiyin Boddhisattva and Maitreya Buddha are the most revered by the people, who not only command respect but also have an air of affability. Guanyin originally took a male form in Indian Buddhism but eventually evolved into a female form upon entering China due to the influence of the maternal complex. She evolved into a being of great kindness and compassion, as well as great mercy and wisdom for relieving suffering. In this manifestation, Guanyin laid down deep roots in thousands of households throughout society and became the most popular image of Buddha worshipped among families. She manifests in a multitude of forms, including Guanyin with a Thousand Arms and Thousand Eyes, the Eleven-Faced Guanyin, Cint¯aman.icakra, White-Robed Guanyin, Water-Moon Guanyin, Willow Guanyin, Fish-Basket Guanyin, Guanyin as Bestower of Children, and so on. Maitreya is a future Buddha who takes three forms in China. The first is the noble Maitreya, as represented by the Xinchang Big Buddha of Zhejiang and the Leshan Giant Buddha of Sichuan, who assumes a solemn expression. The second is the rebellious Maitreya, in whom folk religion believes that “when Maitreya comes to this world, the King of Light will appear.” The third is the happy Maitreya, who is also the Pot-Bellied Maitreya, or the Cloth-Bag Monk. The Pot-Bellied Maitreya was originally called Qici and was a monk of the Later Liang (Five Dynasties), who achieved Seated Transformation (i.e., dying while remaining seated in meditation)

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in Yuelin Temple in Fenghua, Zhejiang. His image was a melding of the harmonious joy of Confucianism, the carefreeness of Daoism, and the compassion of Buddhism, forming a completely sinicized manifestation of Maitreya, who is often framed by the couplet: “His big belly can hold it all, holding all the unbearable things under Heaven. His open mouth is forever laughing, laughing at all the ridiculous people on Earth.” He possesses an optimistic, easygoing, carefree, and generous demeanor, which matches the character and aspirations of the Chinese nation, and hence was welcomed throughout the land. The Eight Immortals, Dongyue, and Zhenwu. The Eight Immortals are a group of individuals in Daoist legend who succeeded in their practice to achieve immortality: Tieguai Li, Han Zhongli, Zhang Guolao, He Xiangu, Lan Caihe, Lv Dongbin, Han Xiangzi, and Cao Guojiu. Some of them are old and some are young, some are noble and some are common, some are male and some are female, some are civilized and some uneducated; they form a clever combination that can represent all levels of society, hence appealing to a wide variety of groups. Dongyue Dadi (literally, Great Emperor of the Eastern Peak), also known as the God of Mount Tai, is believed to be in charge of life and death in the mortal world. He is the lord of the hundred ghosts, and God of the netherworld, residing at Yincao Mansion, where he is said to judge the behaviors of the deceased in their lifetime and decide their fate according to their merits and demerits. He was of significant concern to the people and hence has been worshipped. Zhenwu was originally called Xuanwu, which is another name for both tortoise and snake and is believed to be the god of the northern constellations. When Emperor Chengzu of Ming conquered the world, he claimed that it was with the sacred assistance of Zhenwu, and honored him with the title “Mysterious Heavenly Supreme Deity Zhenwu of the North Pole.” The Zhenwu Daoist Temple was constructed in the Wudang Mountains of Hubei, which served as the ancestral temple dedicated to Zhenwu. Other Zhenwu temples were also built in Beijing and all over the country to worship Emperor Zhenwu, in the hope of eliminating disaster and of protecting the country and the people. Popularity of the doctrine of Karma. People have long been concerned about the relationship between good/evil deeds and fortune/misfortune. This gave rise to the theory that “good deeds will bring blessings, and evil deeds will lead to calamity,” with people believing that the ghosts and spirits in the netherworld that supervise human behavior, conferring blessings when they do good, and meting out punishments when they do evil. However, this doctrine does not coincide with reality. Further, the Yizhuan [Commentary on the Book of Changes] proposed that “the family that accumulates goodness is sure to have overabundant happiness, and the family that accumulates evil is sure to have overabundant misery,” while the Daoist religion later proposed the theory of “ancestral burden,” whereby the sins of our ancestors will cause calamities to befall the later generations. Thus, if the state is chaotic, the entire society will suffer retribution. Such doctrines on familial and societal retribution can heighten the people’s sense of familial duty and social responsibility but contain loopholes that weaken their credibility. After Buddhism was introduced, it proposed the theory of the “three kinds of karmic response.” Huiyuan of the

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Eastern Jin Dynasty wrote the Sanbao Lun [Discourse on the Three Kinds of Karmic Response], which claims that the misfortune of good people is due to the retributions of their evil deeds from their previous life, and the good deeds they accomplish in this life will be rewarded in future lives; the blessing received by the wicked is due to the rewards of their good deeds from their previous life, and the retributions for the evil deeds they commit in this life will befall them in their future lives. Thus, the theory of the three karmic responses not only provides a perfect explanation of the contradiction between good/evil and fortune/misfortune in reality but also motivates the accumulation of good deeds and the avoidance of evil deeds. Therefore, this theory was well-received by the Chinese public. The spontaneous karma described in this Buddhist theory was later modified by the Chinese into the reincarnation of the soul, with Buddhas and gods meting out rewards and punishments. The Six Paths of Reincarnation was combined with the Yincao Mansion of the netherworld, which imbued a concrete vividness in the theory of the three karmic responses, and became a mainstream concept among the people that was popularized during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. The Liaozhai Zhiyi [Strange Tales from Liaozhai],70 written by Pu Songling of the Qing Dynasty, includes a story on the “Three Lives,” which tells of a man named Liu Xiaolian, who is able to recall the events from his past lives. In one of his reincarnations, he was a government official who, due to his transgressions, was condemned to be reborn as a horse. He suffered greatly as a horse, and died of starvation, then was reborn as a dog, which was beaten to death. He then came back as a snake and vowed not to harm any life, thus was finally reincarnated as a man again. This type of story exhorts the accumulation of good deeds, the expiation of past sins, and the seeking of blessings; it teaches the rich and noble to refrain from arrogance, and the poor and lowly not to despair; it encourages people to widely perform hidden good deeds, to help those in dire need, and to treat even cows, horses, and other animals with compassion and kindness; it also believes that good will be rewarded, and the evil will be punished—all in good time. Such lessons can have a positive effect on moral teachings.

7.4 Expansion of the Confluence of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism As the core of Chinese culture, Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism exert an immense far-reaching and influential power that expands continuously to other cultural domains in society, and this expansion reached a climax during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. This was mainly reflected in three aspects: (1) its expansion toward other major religions; (2) its expansion toward literature and arts; and (3) its expansion to modern scholars of the humanities. The third aspect was discussed in Sect. 7.1.1 of Kang Youwei and Tan Sitong above. The following sections will discuss the first and second aspects. 70

Adopted from the translation of Sinologist Professor Sidney L. Sondergard.

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7.4.1 Expansion of the Three Teachings Toward Other Major Religions 1. Influence on Catholicism. In the late Ming Dynasty, Matteo Ricci, a Catholic Jesuit missionary, came to China to preach Christianity. He adopted a Confucian approach in his doctrinal teachings, to better adapt his message to Chinese society. In his work, Tianzhu Shiyi [The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven], he equates the Chinese “Haotian Shangdi” (i.e., Supreme Deity) of antiquity with “Tianzhu” (i.e., Lord of Heaven), stating, “An investigation of the ancient texts will show that Shangdi and Tianzhu differ only in name.”71 He also equated “ren” in Confucianism with “humaneness” in Catholicism. He integrated the Neo-Confucian ideas of valuing righteousness while devaluing profiteering, and preserving heavenly principles while eliminating human desires with the Catholic contempt for the real world and the pursuit of heavenly ideals while affirming the Confucian way of filial piety. He advocated three great obligations: piety to the Lord of Heaven, piety to the ruler, and piety to one’s parents. He was the first to translate the Four Books into Latin and sent them back to Italy, which was later followed by the translation of the Five Classics by the Belgian Nicolas Trigault into Latin and its transmission to the West. This opened a path for the transmission of the Chinese classics to the West, which helped spur on the European Enlightenment. In the early Qing Dynasty, the Roman Catholic Church changed the course pioneered by Matteo Ricci and prohibited Chinese Catholics from worshipping heaven, the ancestors, and Confucius. This provoked the “Chinese Rites Conflicts,” as it violated the basic beliefs of the Chinese in venerating heaven, respecting Confucius, and revering the ancestors. Therefore, Emperor Kangxi issued a decree to expel the Catholic priests, stating, “From now on, all who do not follow the rules of Matteo Ricci will not be permitted to settle down in China and must return to their home countries.”72 This eventually led Catholicism banned during the Yongzheng, Qianlong, and Jiaqing reigns. 2. Influence on Islam. A number of the founding fathers of the Ming Dynasty were of Hui descent, so the policies implemented by the imperial court on Islam were generous. In fact, several generations of emperors praised and issued decrees to protect Islam, which created a relatively relaxed political environment for the integration of Confucianism and Islam. During the reign of Yongle, Zheng He, who was a Hui Muslim and was later known as the “Three-Jeweled Eunuch,” was ordered to lead the world’s most powerful fleet in a voyage across the ocean, reaching as far as Africa. By the reign of Xuande, he had led a total of seven 71

Zhu Weizheng (Ed.). Collected Chinese Works and Translations of Matteo Ricci. Fuda University Press, 20,001, p. 21. 72 [Italy] Matteo Ripa. Translated by Li Tiangang. Memoirs of Father Ripa, During Thirteen Years’ Residence at the Court of Peking in the Service of the Emperor of China. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2013, p. 148.

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naval expeditions. Based on the Confucian principle of “harmonizing the myriad states” in dealing with foreign civilizations, Emperor Yongle declared a peaceful diplomatic policy of “creating internal peace in China, and achieving harmony with the Four Barbarians by treating all with equality, and sharing in prosperity.” In his expeditions to the West, Zheng He abided by the hadiths that “The ruler who has received the mandate to govern all under Heaven must give benefaction to all people,” and “Do not bully the few nor oppress the weak, but share in the blessing of great peace.” Therefore, he was welcomed with courtesy by all the countries he visited. Behind this great undertaking of civilized diplomacy lie the elements of the integration between Confucianism and Islam. In addition, the famous thinker of the Ming Dynasty, Li Zhi, was also a scholar of Hui ethnicity. He strived the integrate Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, and proposed the “Theory of a Child-Like Mind,” which occupies an important position in the history of Yangmingism. In the Ming Dynasty, Hui Muslim teachers translated the Islamic scriptures into Han Chinese, and annotated them in Chinese as well, to meet the needs of the majority of Hui people who used the Chinese language in their daily lives. This facilitated the sinicization, especially the Confucianization of Islam, which enabled the latter to take root and blossom in China. The translation and annotation of Islamic texts into Chinese began in the late Ming Dynasty and was undertaken in earnest during the early Qing Dynasty. Among them, Wang Daiyu, Liu Zhi, Ma Qixi, and Ma Dexin were the most famous, and were known as the “Four Caliphs.” Wang Daiyu lived under the reign of Wanli in the Ming Dynasty, and his Chinese translations include Zhengjiao Zhenquan [True Explanation of the Right Teachings], Qingzhen Daxue [The Great Learning of Islam], and Xizhen Zhengda [Rare and True Answers]. The True Explanation of the Right Teachings is pervaded with the spirit of interpreting Islam based on Confucianism, advocating that “There are three main things in life: to obey God, to obey the ruler, and to obey one’s parents.”73 He uses the “Five Constant Virtues” to interpret the “Five Pillars of Islam”: reciting the prayer that “there is no god but God” is to have a heart of humaneness; giving the blessings of God to the poor is righteousness; worshiping God and honoring the ruler and one’s parents is propriety; restricting one’s own nature is wisdom; embarking on the Hajj [pilgrimage] and keeping one’s promises is trustworthiness. He also praised the Confucian way of “being true to the principles of our nature, and exercising them on the principle of reciprocity”: “The true will eliminate all evils, and the loyal will eliminate all things; this is the great foundation of humankind”; “one can only enter the right Way only by denying oneself and benefitting others.” He also affirmed the principle of “subduing oneself and returning to propriety”: “Look not at what is contrary to propriety; instead, look at what is right. Listen not to what is contrary to propriety; instead, listen to what is right. Speak not what is contrary to propriety; instead, speak about what is right.” Wang Daiyu’s The Great Learning of Islam is a 73

(Ming Dynasty) Wang Daiyu. True Explanation of the Right Teachings, The Great Learning of Islam, Rare and True Answers. Revised by Yu Zhengui. Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1987, p. 89.

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work that describes Islamic cosmology, which he combined with the Chinese-style Islamic cosmogonic model proposed by the Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming Dynasties: Real One (Real God/Allah) → Numerical One (Non-Ultimate, taiji [the Great ultimate]) → yin and yang → Heaven and Earth (Sun, Moon, Stars) → Earth, Water, Fire, Air → All Things in the World. Wang Daiyu’s Chinese translations received widespread attention from the Hui people, as well as the keen interest and appraisal of the Confucian community. Liu Zhi was a native of Shangyuan (now Nanjing), Jiangsu, and was active during the early Qing Dynasty. His representative works include Tianfang Xingli [Nature and Principle in Islam], Tianfang Dianli [Rules and Rites in Islam], Tianfang Zhisheng Shilu [True Record of the Utmost Sage in Islam], Wugong Shiyi [Expounding the Five Pillars of Islam], etc. He integrated Islamic tradition with Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism to form Chinese Islamic ideological system. The Nature and Principle in Islam combines the theory of the “Real One” in Islam with the theory of the taiji (the Great Ultimate) in Neo-Confucianism, stating, “The Real One has myriad different principles, then the Non-Ultimate has myriad different existences, the Great ultimate has myriad different natures, and Yin-Yang has myriad different forms”74 ; “the Real Ruler is without any form. It manifested itself as the Great ultimate that resolved into Yin and Yang. When Yin and Yang differentiated, heaven and earth came into existence. When heaven and earth had formed, myriad things were created. The heaven and earth are now ready, and the subtlety of the Real Ruler embraces all therein and threads itself through them.”75 The ultimate aim of investigating all things to attain complete knowledge is to understand Tawhid (i.e., the indivisible oneness of God), and to understand Tawhid, one must first understand oneself: “to see one’s own spirit and know that there is nature; to partake in the creation of heaven and earth and know the existence of God.”76 Liu Zhi’s Chinese translations directly influenced the birth of the new Xidaotang (i.e., Hall of the Western Way) Islamic school in China. The founder of Xidaotang, Ma Qixi, made extensive studies of the Four Books and Five Classics, and the Hundred Schools of Thought, while also deeply examining the works of Liu Zhi. He founded the Xidaotang school at Lintan in southern Gansu during the reign of Guangxu in the Qing Dynasty, and mainly preached about the thoughts of Liu Zhi and Wang Daiyu. Hence, Xidaotang is also known as the “Han Studies School.” He was later killed by General Ma Anliang, but the eastern “Ummah” (i.e., community) established by the Xidaotang, which combined religion, economy, and culture within one entity, continued to exist. The writings of Ma Qixi were burned, leaving behind only a few couplets that can give us a glimpse of his ideas: “Knowledge of God lies in forgetting oneself through the most 74

(Qing Dynasty) Ma Zhu. Muslim Guidance. Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1988, p. 77. (After proofreading, this quotation is not from Tianfang Dianli [Rules and Rites in Islam]). 75 (Qing Dynasty) Liu Zhi. Translated and Annotated by Na Wenbo. Translation and Annotations to Rules and Rites in Islam. Edited by Yunnan Compilation and Publication Planning Office of Ancient Books of Ethnic Minorities. Yunnan Ethnic Publishing House, 1990, p. 2. 76 (Qing Dynasty) Liu Zhi. Translated and Annotated by Na Wenbo. Translation and Annotations to Rules and Rites in Islam. Edited by Yunnan Compilation and Publication Planning Office of Ancient Books of Ethnic Minorities. Yunnan Ethnic Publishing House, 1990, p. 79.

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perfect study; the return to God is to become like him through the noblest of characters (i.e., the prophets).” “‘To open’ means to unravel the deep and subtle meaning of the holy book; this is the method by which great people achieve knowledge. ‘To fast’ means to purify the body and the heart, and to tame its desires; it is the art by which high-minded people achieve self-control.” “Loyalty and honesty will maintain a state of magnanimity. Harmony and peace will preserve the infinite secrets of heaven.”77 Thus, it can be seen that he had fused the ideas of Confucianism and Islam, while also adding a dash of Buddhism and Daoist wisdom. Ma Dexin (1794–1874), whose social name is Fuchu, was a great Hui Muslim scholar from Yunnan who lived during the late Qing Dynasty. He was proficient in the Arabic culture and language, and adhered to the core beliefs of Islam, but was also familiar with the Chinese language and Confucianism, and adopted a pragmatic, rational, and tolerant attitude in terms of national, ethnic, and religious identity. This served to resolve ethnic conflicts and to promote the Sinicization of Islam through the Confucian interpretation of Islam and the supplementation of Islam with Confucianism, which reaped fruitful academic results. Ma Dexin believed that the main difference between Confucianism and Islam is that the former emphasizes the Way of Humanity, while the latter focused on the Way of Heaven. However, the two can complement each other, which in turn will benefit society and life. He writes in his book Sidian Huiyao: Youming Shiyi [Essentials of the Four Classics: Expounding on Life and Death]: “Yao, Shun, and Duke Zhou specialized in the Way of Heaven, in which was also contained the Way of Heaven. Thus, they placed their emphasis only on ethics, and did not discuss matters of life and death.” In contrast, the sages of heaven “take the Way of Heaven as their responsibility, and talk about the Way of Interaction between Humanity and the Real God (Allah), in which is also contained the Way of Humanity.”78 He also writes in the “Preface” of Ligong Jingyi [Essential Meaning of Worship]: “The one who is worshipped by Muslims is the True God who created heaven and earth, nurtures all things, maintains the laws and principles, and governs all humans and spirits. The Confucians call it heaven, which is worshipped by all under the sky. Those who abide by it obey heaven, perform the affairs of heaven, respect heaven, and fear heaven, which is the worship that should be undertaken by all nations throughout the ages.”79 Based on Daxue (The Great Learning) and the theory of heavenly principle and human desire in Neo-Confucianism, he proposed the theory of illustrious virtue, which exhorted people to overcome selfish desires and cultivate a nature of illustrious virtue. Ma Dexin was a proponent of using Confucianism to benefit this life and using Islam for salvation in the afterlife, thus advocating the Chinese-style celebration of both worlds, and organically unifying this life and the afterlife. 77

Ma Qixi. Muslim Couplets of Ma Qixi. Complied and Printed by Xidaotang [Hall of the Western Way], 1992. 78 (Qing Dynasty) Ma Dexin. Annotated by Yang Yongchang and Ma Jizu. The Essentials of the Four Classics. Qinghai People’s Publishing House, 1988, pp. 67, 68. 79 (Qing Dynasty) Ma Dexin. Annotated by Yang Yongchang and Ma Jizu. The Essentials of the Four Classics. Qinghai People’s Publishing House, 1988, p. 19.

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Four major Menhuan (i.e., Sufi orders) were formed in Chinese Islam during the early Qing Dynasty: Khufiyya, Qadariyya, Jahriyya, and Kubrawiyyah. The late Qing Dynasty saw the emergence of new schools (e.g., the Yihewani) and derivative branches of the major Menhuan (e.g., Huasi Menhuan, Mufuti Menhuan, the Salar school, Jahriyya), all of which underwent sinicization in their own doctrines, rules, and organizational forms to varying degrees. Of these, Confucianism and patriarchal culture were most commonly incorporated. Their madrasa education had mainly absorbed the experiences of Confucian private schools and academies, thus forming a developed and effective religious education model.

7.4.2 Expansion of the Three Teachings to Literary Stories The novels of the Ming and Qing Dynasties are unrivaled in their sophistication, many of which are now regarded as literary classics that are loved by all and continue to be widely circulated to this day. All aspects of these novels were profoundly influenced by Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, from their ideas, contents, and artistic conception to their theme, plot, and linguistic expression, never straying far from the purview of the Three teachings. In fact, the general public mainly came to understand the Three teachings through these novels, as well as their operas and prosimetric forms, rather than the scriptures themselves. Through these novels, they were able to receive the value pursuits and wisdom of life from the Three teachings, while also being entertained. Therefore, these literary works played an immense role in the promotion of goodness and beauty. 1. Fantasy Fictions of Gods and Demons: Xi You Ji [Journey to the West] and Fengshen Yanyi [The Investiture of the Gods]. Journey to the West was written by Wu Cheng’en (though its authorship is controversial) based on folklore. It uses religious mythology as its artform, and the struggle of gods and demons as its main motif, to profoundly, humorously, and concretely depict the antithetical struggle between justice and evil in the world. There are three organizational systems in the Journey to the West, which represent Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, respectively. The Heavenly Palace headed by the Jade Emperor and the Imperial Court headed by Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty both represent the Confucian model of political administration. The Divine Immortals and True Men led by Taishang Laojun represent the ideal world of Daoism. The bodhisattvas and eminent monks headed by Buddha Tathagata represent the holy spiritual realm of Buddhism. These three systems were brought together in one book and depicted in a highly visualized, artistic, and emotive manner that imbued the mythologies of the Three teachings with eternal charisma. The Investiture of the Gods is based on the conquest of Shang by King Wu of Zhou, using Daoist myths and legends to portray the struggle between the Chan and Jie schools, while highlighting the transcendent divinity of Jiang Ziya, and empowering him to appoint the gods. The novel depicts vivid images of Nezha and other deities

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and endows the protagonist with a peculiar appearance and supernatural powers, which embodies man’s transcendence of his own limitation and rich imagination. The artistic achievements of this book are not on par with Journey to the West, but its stories are also widely circulated among the people and were later adapted for operas, thereby broadening the influence of Daoism. 2. Historical Novels: Sanguo Yanyi [Romance of the Three Kingdoms]. The Romance of the Three Kingdoms was written by Luo Guanzhong in the late Ming and early Ming Dynasty based on the Sanguo Zhi [Records of the Three Kingdoms] and folklore, which later generations commented upon as being “seven parts reality, and three parts imaginary.” The novel uses the image of Guan Yu to promote the Confucian spirit of loyalty and righteousness. It describes Zhuge Kongming as intelligent and resourceful, not only having a godlike ability to anticipate the enemy and a vast knowledge of astronomy and geography, but also able to predict good and bad luck and summon the winds and rains, praying to the Beidou constellation to extend his life, and making visitations to Mount Dingjun, which is rich in Daoist connotations. Its opening note states, “The turbulent waters of the Yangtze River flow eastward, and the waves carry away the heroes. Looking back, all the rights and wrongs, and successes and failures of life seem empty. The green mountains are still there, and the sun has risen and fallen many times over,” which embodies the Buddhist concept of emptiness. 3. Legendary Novels: Shui Hu Zhuan [Water Margin]. This novel was authored by Shi Nai’an, who wrote about the uprising of the outlaws at Mount Liang, and their subsequent amnesty and recruitment by the Song government. The heroes of Liangshan Marshes “enforced justice on behalf of heaven,” and discussed matters in the “hall of loyalty and righteousness,” thus embodying a rebellious outlook on the Way of Heaven, as well as loyalty and righteousness, which is completely opposite to the official stance of “governance based on the mandate of heaven” and loyalty to the ruler. However, the band of outlaws eventually received amnesty and were recruited by the imperial court, thus returning within the boundaries of the Confucian ethical code. The influence of Buddhism and Daoism is evident throughout the entire book. It starts with Celestial Master Zhang praying to cure the plague, and Marshal Hong mistakenly releasing demons, which led to the descent of the thirty-six Heavenly Spirits and seventy-two Earthly Fiends into the mortal world, thus forming the one hundred and eight outlaws. The novel also writes about Lu Zhishen established as a monk at Mount Wutai and uprooting a willow tree at the Great Minister’s Temple, which are events related to Buddhism. However, the Buddhist influences on this novel are not as significant as those of Daoism. 4. Novels of Secularism and Realism: Jinping Mei [The Plum in the Golden Vase] and Dream of the Red Chamber. The Plum in the Golden Vase was written in the Ming Dynasty between the Longqing and Wanli eras under the pseudonym Lanling Xiaoxiao Sheng (i.e., the Scoffing Scholar of Lanling). The Plum in the Golden Vase is not about gods and demons, nor is it about heroes; it is about the “real stories in the daily routine of civil society.” Further, The Plum in the Golden

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Vase is also not about the struggles of loyalty and righteousness against evil in traditional society. Instead, it describes the lives of a new urban class that emerged with the prosperity of the commodity economy in the Ming Dynasty. This class of citizens had experienced a qualitative leap in its values, beginning to emphasize profit over righteousness, and desire over reason, thus transcending the Confucian ethics and rites. However, its beliefs remain attached to traditional religion, especially to Buddhist and Daoist cultures, because religion had already infiltrated reality and formed an integral part of the citizens’ spiritual life. For example, in Chap. 29, “Immortal Wu Physiognomizes the Exalted and the Humble,” the wandering Immortal Wu says, “I am roughly familiar with all thirteen schools of Xu Ziping’s method. I am thoroughly conversant with the Mayi Xiangfa (i.e., physiognomic technique of the Hemp-Robed Master), and equally so with the divine oracles generated by the six recurrences of the ren stem in the sexagenary cycle”; his physiognomic predictions for Ximen Qing and his family all came true. In terms of Buddhist culture, Chap. 84, “Wu Yueniang Creates a Stir in the Temple of Iridescent Clouds; Master Pujing Begs Alms in the Cave of Snow-clad Valley,” says that the Daoist priest of Mount Tai Shi Bocai colluded with the evil gentry Yin Tianci to bully Wu Yueniang and that Master Pujing wanted to induct Yueniang’s infant son into the religious life. Chap. 100, “Master Pujing Rescues Souls from Perdition,” corresponds to Chap. 84, in which Wu Yueniang meets Master Pujing as she was escaping from invading Jin soldiers, and gives her son, Xiaoge’er, to him as a disciple. The book begins with the three poems by Lv Dongbin: What is a human being, and what is power? All things pass away. The flutes are sprung, the harps unstrung, The songs of old are long unsung. They had their day. What are glory and loveliness? All things pass away. The shattered lute falls to the floor, The star of love is bright no more. They had their day. Now the jade terraces are still. The autumn mists are drifting chill. Cold and casual the moonlight falls, Into the long-deserted halls. Those that loved and reveled must, Long ago have fallen to dust. A beautiful girl of sixteen with a body so soft: Your sword between her thighs will kill you, foolish man! You do not see how you are losing your head, You have no clue how imperceptibly your bones and marrow start to wither.

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These poems are intended for people to see through “drunkenness, lust, wealth, and prestige.” The book ends with a verse on the inevitable retribution of good and evil: An idle glance at this transmitted text leaves one with confused feelings; Who fully understands the extent to which the Way of Heaven is cyclical? Ximen Qing’s wealth and corruption made it hard to continue his line; Chen Jingji’s licentious cavorting ensured his eventual annihilation. The goodness of Meng Yulou and Wu Yueniang vouchsafed them long lives; The wantonness of Li Ping’er and Chunmei led to their early deaths. It is not strange that Pan Jinlian should meet with an awful fate; And her ill repute will last for a thousand years, perpetuated in fiction.

Thus, we can see that karma was the author’s ultimate spiritual sustenance. The Dream of the Red Chamber was written during the reign of Qianlong in the Qing Dynasty, a period when the imperial court revered Confucius, respected NeoConfucianism, emphasized Tibetan Buddhism, and neglected Daoism. However, the author of this novel, Cao Xueqin, was against Neo-Confucianism, supported Zen Buddhism, and favored Daoism. Thus, the Dream of the Red Chamber was intended to criticize ritual teaching that contained only rites but no humaneness as going against human nature. The author projected his views onto the deeply affectionate protagonist Jia Baoyu, who hates participating in politics and administration, reading the classics and writing essays for examinations, and socializing in officialdom. He is “stubborn” and “peculiar,” his personality often clashing with orthodoxy, and he has a rebellious spirit. In this sense, the Dream of the Red Chamber is a great literary work criticizing the ritual teaching of the late monarchy. In fact, the author’s ideas in his writing were mainly guided by Buddhism and Daoism, as well as leftwing Yangmingism. The book describes an inseparable pair: a Daoist priest and a Buddhist monk. The three dharmamudra (i.e., the seal of the dharma) are nonself, impermanence, and Nirvana, while the plot demonstrates the impermanence of wealth and shows that life is like a dream. Thus, we are told in Chap. 1: “In this chapter, often words like ‘dream’ or ‘fantasy’ are used—let readers be reminded that this is the very idea behind the conception of this book.” Or, as illustrated by a song in Chap. 5, we read, “The disillusioned to their convents fly, the still-deluded miserably die. Like birds who, having fed, to the woods repair, they leave the landscape desolate and bare.” To the author, life is but a temporary stage, a raucous cacophony where one performer is quickly succeeded by another, but in the end, all our efforts will be futile. On the whole, Daoist philosophy and religion seem to have a greater influence on the book. First, Baoyu’s image is almost a reincarnation of the Wei and Jin Neo-Daoist Metaphysical scholar Ruan Ji. He is passionate but not frivolous, likes women but stops at love, hates fame and wealth but dares not rebel directly. This is very similar to Ruan Ji’s wanton passion but not licentiousness, and his moderate contempt for the secularism. Second, Jia Baoyu and Lin Daiyu like the Yuan Dynasty play, Xi Xiang Ji [Romance of the Western Chamber], and the Ming Dynasty play,

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Mu Dan Ting [The Peony Pavilion], which both yearn for the liberation of personality and freedom of love. Moreover, the playwright for The Peony Pavilion, Tang Xianzu, was also deeply influenced by Wang Yangming, admired Li Zhi, and was closely connected with Gong’an Sanyuan, who proposed the theory of self-nature and soul. He advocated straightforward action in pure spontaneity and represented the syncretism of Yangmingism and Daoism. Third, the limping Daoist priest uses the Haoliaoge [Won-Done Song] to enlighten Zhen Shiyin, and its lyrics are as follows: All people know that salvation should be won, But with ambition, they won’t have done. Where are the famous ones of days gone by? In grassy graves, they lie now, every one. All people know that salvation should be won, But with riches, they won’t have done. Each day they grumble they’ve not made enough. When they’ve enough, it’s goodnight everyone! All people know that salvation should be won, But with their loving spouses, they won’t have done. The darlings every day profess their love: But once you’re dead, they’re off with another one. All people know that salvation should be won, But with their children, they won’t have done. Yet though of parents fond, there is no lack, Of grateful children, saw I never one.

This Haoliaoge exhorts people to see through worldly affairs, and understand that “for in all affairs of this world, what is won is done, and what is done is won.” It is only by ending worldly affairs, leaving the household, and cultivating oneself in the Way, that one can achieve eternal life. Fourth, the Dream of the Red Chamber uses the Daoist language of the immortals in its conception of the “illusory realm of ultimate emptiness.” Therefore, it seems that the author favored the simple self-cultivation of Laozi’s and Zhuangzi’s Daoist philosophy and the Daoist religion, and the pursuit of a transcendent and carefree spiritual realm, but was critical of incantations and talismans, outer alchemy, and the vulgarization of the Daoist religion. Although the Buddhism and Daoism depicted in the Dream of the Red Chamber cannot be regarded as historical materials, they were derived from, and profoundly reflect, real life, providing a greater representativeness and rational (though not factual) authenticity than certain fragmented historical materials. Therefore, it is a concretized expression of the relationship between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. 5. Vernacular Short Stories: The “Three Stories” and “Two Slaps.” The “Three Stories” refer to the Yushi Mingyan [Stories to Instruct the World], Jingshi Tongyan [Stories to Caution the World], and Xingshi Hengyan [Stories to Awaken the World], which were written by Feng Menglong. The “Two Slaps” refer to the

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Chuke Pai’an Jingqi [Slapping the Table in Amazement I] and Erke Pai’an Jingqi [Slapping the Table in Amazement II], written by Ling Mengchu. This collection of stories uses a large number of religious stories as their theme and reflects the plurality of folk beliefs at that time. Some of these short stories promote the retribution of good and evil deeds and the Six Paths of Reincarnation; others praise the transcendence of the Immortal Way, and the salvation of the world; still others use these stories to criticize the evil people and evil deeds hidden in the Buddhist and Daoist communities. Many stories promote the “Five Constant Virtues,” “Eight Virtues,” loyalty, filial piety, frugality, and the righteousness of Confucianism. Moreover, Confucianism served as the bottom line for these Buddhist and Daoist stories, thus embodying the principle of teaching through the Way of the Divine. 6. Classical Chinese Short Stories: Liaozhai Zhiyi [Strange Tales from Liaozhai]. In the early Qing Dynasty, Pu Songling amassed an extensive collection of folk myths and legends, which he then reworked into the Strange Tales from Liaozhai, thus creating a compilation of more than 400 stories, in which reality donned a layer of romantic fantasy. The stories contained the cultural elements of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, including the traditional worship of Heaven, gods, ghosts, and spirits; fox immortals, fish spirits, and other spirits and monsters; marriages between humans and ghosts, and conversions between humans and creatures (animals and plants); the ability to intoxicate a person and to make them sober. Pu Songling inherited the literary tradition of romantic fantasy from the Chu culture and agreed with the Buddhist theory of karma. He used stories of myths and legends to depict the state of worldly ethics and to articulate his cynicism. Among its famous chapters, Xi Fangping is about having a righteous character with no fear of oppression. Si Wen Lang [The Commissioner of Literary Affairs] and Yu Qu’e are about the depravities of the imperial court. Meng Lang [Dreaming of Wolves] is about corrupt officials who cause suffering among the people. Cu Zhi [Cricket] is about the persecution of ordinary folk by the rich and powerful. All these stories have a strong spirit of critical realism, which is an important characteristic of the Confucian tradition. Chapters such as Laoshan Daoshi [The Daoist Priest of Mount Lao], Hua Pi [The Painted Skin], Dian Dao Ren [The Mad Daoist], Xian Ren Dao [The Island of Immortals], etc. are related to Daoist stories, whereas Jin He Shang [The Golden Monk], Fan Seng [The Empty Monk], Qitian Dasheng [The Great Sage that is Heaven’s Equal], Seng Shu [Monk’s Magical Arts], etc., are related to Buddhist stories. These fantastical stories carry fiction in its reality, and reality in its fiction. They merge the resources of the Three teachings, and combine them with the folk beliefs in wild ghosts and miscellaneous gods, thus embodying the mixed and varied beliefs and lives of the people. Furthermore, the simplicity and vividness of its Classical Chinese and the brilliance of its literary talent have driven it to the peak of Classical Chinese short stories. It remains, even to this day, a fascinating, popular, and widely circulated masterpiece. 7. Travel novels: Laocan Youji [The Travels of Lao Can]. The Travels of Lao Can was written by Liu E in the late Qing Dynasty, which exposes the immoralities

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of officialdom and the suffering of the people, thus showing a strong spirit of critical realism. This book contains a unique depiction of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. The mountain hermit, Huang Longzi, who is a character admired by the author, is a figure who is equally Daoist, Buddhist, and Confucian. In the words of the daughter of a Daoist priest in Bixia Palace, Mount Tai, who was quoting Huang Longzi to her guests, “Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism are like three shops with three signs above them. But actually, all of them sell groceries and have firewood, rice, oil, salt, and all the daily necessities. The only difference is that the Confucian shop is slightly larger, and the Buddhist shop is slightly smaller. But they all contain everything.” “All Ways are divided into two layers: the Surface of the Way, and the Inside of the Way. The Inside is all the same, whereas the Surfaces differ from each other.” Here, we can see the author’s views on the relationship among the Three teachings, which were expressed using the language of daily life. In brief, he believes that the Three teachings are essentially blended as one, differing only in their mode of expression. 8. Novels of the Three Teachings. Three representative works below: For Confucianism, Baogong An [The Cases of Bao Zheng], from the Ming Dynasty, praises upright officials, criticizes corruption and expresses society’s demand for fairness and the rule of law. For Daoism, Lvye Xianzong [Trails of Immortals in the Green Wilds], written by Li Baichuan of the Qing Dynasty, which describes the journey of Leng Yubing in his pursuit of immortality and can be regarded as an encyclopedic style of novel of Daoism. For Buddhism, Jigong Quanzhuan [Biography of Jigong], written by Guo Xiaoting of the Qing Dynasty, which depicts the living Buddha Jigong descending to the mortal world and using his supernatural powers to save the people; this work produced a lovable character that is widely celebrated. As for the influence of the three teachings on the opera, architecture, paintings, music, and dance during the Ming and Qing Dynasties, please refer to my book Zongjiao·Wenyi·Minsu [Religion · Art · Folklore] (China Social Science Press, 2006).

Chapter 8

Marginalization of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism and Their Struggle for Revival (The Republic of China and Its Extension)

8.1 Overview of Social and Historical Background 8.1.1 Trauma of Modern China and Challenges in Social Transformation From the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 to the late twentieth century, the imperial period in China, lasting over two thousand years since Qin and Han Dynasties, ended, and so began the convoluted process of social transformation amid domestic chaos and foreign invasion. This process had started during the Opium War in 1840 when China was gradually transformed into a semi-colony. In terms of Sino-Western relations, the ancient China founded by the patriarchal hierarchy and agricultural economy was surpassed by the Western European and American powers, beginning with the Renaissance, thriving during the Industrial Revolution and flourishing in the fullfledged commodity economy booming through science and technology. However, capital is greedy by nature. Therefore, unavoidable imperial and colonial expansion occurred, leading to the two Opium Wars and the burning of Yuan Ming Yuan (the Old Summer Palace) by the Eight-Power Allied Forces. The stymied, aged and lethargic Manchu government was dramatically defeated in these fights. Separating from Asia to Europe after Meiji Ishin, Japan became the emerging imperialist country in East Asia and the ferocious neighbor of China. It defeated China in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895 and claimed indemnity and land compensation from China, then invaded the Korean peninsula. Japan waged the Russo-Japanese War on Chinese territory which directly led to the “9·18” Incident, in which all three northeastern provinces were invaded and occupied. Later it marched south and launched the “Lugouqiao Incident”, trenched upon Shanghai and Nanjing and committed the “Nanjing Massacre”. Japan was to conquer and dominate Asia and the Pacific Ocean. At the precipice of extinction, the Chinese nation began to awake from its slumber, and aligned together against Japan. She fought with the fascists for 14 years, and finally won victory against external aggression for the first © People’s Publishing House 2023 Z. Mou, A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7206-5_8

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time since the Opium Wars. Later, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Chinese people achieved independence and liberation of the country, which people those lofty ideals had dreamed of for more than a hundred years. In terms of social transformation, after the Opium Wars and especially after the Sino-Japanese War, elite people were committed to social reform. For example, Kang Youwei and his fellows launched a reformist movement, trying to learn from the West on the basis of the original system and establish an enlightened monarchy. This was known as the “Reform Movement of 1898”, which was finally suppressed by the conservatives represented by empress dowager Cixi. Thus Sun Yat-sen led the Revolution of 1911, overthrowing the Qing Dynasty, establishing the Republic of China, and implementing a democratic republic. But the obsolete forces in society were so strong that the revolution consistently suffered setbacks. Yuan Shikai failed in proclaiming himself to be a new Chinese emperor, and this was followed by fighting between warlords for many years, and democratic nation-building was interrupted by the Japanese invasion. It was not until the founding of the People’s Republic of China that the country started the union, the materialization of the economy and the construction of democratic and legal systems. Since the reform and opening-up, social development has shifted its strategic focus, with economic construction as the center, and social management has embarked on the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics, making great strides towards the goal of building a prosperous society in a well-rounded way.

8.1.2 Serious Challenge from Western Scholarship and the Decline of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism In terms of the ideological and cultural dimension, advanced personages in China sought the truth from the West since the late Qing Dynasty to save Chinese nation and her people. They believed that poverty and backwardness were caused by the old, decayed and outmoded traditional culture which must be replaced by the Western learning. The solution, “Chinese learning as the base and Western learning for application” proposed by Zhang Zhidong in Quanxuepian (Encourage Learning) received little support. Yan Fu (1854–1921) considered that “taking foreigners as teachers to learn” did not refer to the learning of the “physically superficial elements” such as science and technology and so on, rather, it referred to the Western cultural spirits, that is, “freedom as the base and democracy for application” (Yuanqiang [On the Origin of Strength]), while the malady in China is the monarchy. He translated T. H. Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics and Other Essays into Chinese and named it as Tianyanlun. In his point of view, the Sino-Western relationship is a relationship of struggle for survival from the perspective of biological evolution—a survival of the superior and the elimination of the inferior, aka the jungle law, the theory of which

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was to immediately make a great impact. On the one hand, it encouraged the Chinese to strive for the prosperity and revitalize their nation to avoid being eliminated from the global competition. On the other, it led to the cultural evolution and European centralism, which simply regarded Chinese traditional culture inferior to Western culture, thus the overall Westernization during that period of time. Actually, the inertia of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism coupled with the distortion of the decaying political system has led to its negative effect of suppressing the liberty of people’s individuality and enterprising spirit, which is bound to be criticized by the reformers. In particular, Confucianism as the mainstream ideology, was short of vitality in creativity, got stuck in a rut, and could hardly unfold its radiant connotation; instead, it had turned into an ideological obstacle to social innovation, thus it was unavoidably severely impacted by the trend of social progress. Therefore, in the May Fourth Movement and the New Cultural Movement under the banners of “science” and “democracy”, Confucianism was the main target of the ideological revolution. “Abandoning Confucianism” was the slogan of the new generation of cultural elites. They sharply criticized Neo-Confucianism and the feudal ethics lacking the spirit of humaneness. However, for the common progressive youth, it was difficult to distinguish the essence of Confucianism and outdated Confucian ideology. Thus, they generally categorized people “revering Confucius and learning Confucian classic works” as conservative reactionaries, while people criticizing Confucius and opposing Confucianism became advanced revolutionaries. Moreover, Confucianism was regarded to be against science and democracy and equal to “feudal autocracy”, which was recognized by mainstream society. Therefore, Confucianism was not only marginalized, but also demonized. On the contrary, Western culture was highly accepted and promoted. Hu Shih concluded that it is Chinese culture that leads China to fall behind in Inviting People to See Reflections in the Mirror.1 Therefore, complete Westernization is essential. Chen Duxiu declared in the Defense for the So-called Crime of “New Youth”: “If you wish to support Mr. Democracy, you have to oppose Confucianism.”2 He believed: “The fundamental issue in building a new country of Western-style and organizing a new society of this kind to gain survival in this world, is irresistible to absorb the foundation of Western-style society, namely, a new belief of equality of human rights, upon this new society, new country, new belief, there must be the thorough consciousness, brave determination; otherwise, there is no flowing without damming, and no motion without rest.3 Lu Xun commented in A Portrait of Confucius in Modern China: “Confucius once planned excellent methods of governing the country, but they were all conceived for the purpose of governors, that is, those in power, and none for the populace themselves.”4 In the Madman’s 1

See Hu Shih. Inviting People to See Reflections in the Mirror. In The Collected Works of Hu Shih, Volume 2. Flower City Publishing House, 2013, p. 421. 2 Chen Shouli (Ed). Selections of the Historical Literature of Modern Chinese Cultural Movement, Volume 1. Beijing Publishing House, 1985, p. 32. 3 Chen Duxiu. Constitution and Confucianism. In Selected Works of Chen Duxiu, Volume 1. The SDX Joint Publishing Company, 1984, p.148. 4 Lu Xun. A Portrait of Confucius in Modern China. In Collected Works of Lu Xun: Prose Poem. China Commercial Publishing House, 2016, p. 266.

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Diary, he said in the mouth of the madman: “I have searched in the history, there is no division of historical time, but jammed with the ‘humaneness and morality’ grotesquely on each page. Anyhow, I couldn’t sleep, after reading carefully for a quite long time in the midnight, I finally found between lines, ‘eating people’ is written everywhere in this history.”5 What is more, he also attacked the Confucian “doctrine of forgiveness” and “the doctrine of the mean” in his essay On that “Fair Play” Should Go Slowly, depreciating “honest and tolerant as the aliases of futility”, but advocating “relentlessly beating a drowning dog”, he claimed in Death: “Never be close to a man who propagates tolerance.”6 During the period of the Republic of China, due to the collapse of the monarchy system and the disintegration of the patriarchal society, the national fete systems on the summer and winter solstices and for ancestors of the ruling house also crumbled. The Temple of Heaven, Altar of the Earth, the Imperial Ancestor Temple, the Gods of Earth and Grain, as well as Xian Nong (the early god cultivating agriculture), the sun, the moon, the stars, Wuyue (the Five Sacred Mountains) and Sidu (the Four Main Rivers) and other national religious rituals had been abandoned, and advanced thinkers criticized concepts in monarchic politics such as “the emperor’s power is granted by Heaven”, “to govern in the name of Heaven”, which is a historical necessity. By the late Qing Dynasty, the imperial civil examination was abolished. At the beginning of the Republic of China, Cai Yuanpei was appointed as the Minister of Education, who eliminated teaching of the classics from education at all levels from the primary schools to colleges, and divided the Confucian classics into the subjects of literature, history and philosophy, which resulted in the loss of the practices of Chinese original classics amongst a new generation of Chinese youth. Although Buddhism and Daoism avoided being the main target of criticism in the New Cultural Movement, they were viewed as part of the outdated culture that would be replaced anyway in the eyes of advanced people according to the strong intellectual movement of Scientism. Represented by Hu Shih, the empirical historiography transformed the study of traditional Chinese culture into “sorting out Chinese cultural heritage”, which simply wiped out its value; in his research on Zen Buddhism, Hu Shih also paid much attention to the exegesis, verifying and collation, and judged Chan according to the standard of ‘science or not’, writing that “ninety percent or even ninety five percent of Zen Buddhism is a mass of nonsense, forgery, fraud, disguise and posturing.”7 This completely obliterated its great wisdom regarding life and the universe; how about Daoism? “Daoism has been, by today’s general academia, reduced to a mess of superstition through and through. A set of Daoist ‘Sandong Qifu (Three Heavenly Abodes and Seven Corresponding Auxiliary Parts)’—the so-called Daozang (Daoist Cannon), is a large set of books of dubious authenticity that are seriously counterfeited from cover to cover”, “within which the content is overwhelmingly concerned with 5

Lu Xun. Madman’s Diary. In Complete Novel Collection of Lu Xun. Qunyan Press, 2015, p. 8. Lu Xun. Compile of Other Essays: Death. In Collected Works of Lu Xun: Prose Poem. China Commercial Publishing House, 2016, p. 297. 7 Accounted orally by Hu Shih. Translated and annotated by Tang Degang. As-told-to Autobiography by Hu Shih. Guangxi Normal University Press, 2005, p. 244. 6

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shocking superstitions, but rarely academic values”8 As a great scholar, Hu Shih made his own historical contribution, yet he blindly worshiped Western learning, firmly believed the “omnipotence of science”, overlooking the fact that Western experimental science, an instrumental of rationality, is unable to help people settle down and get on with their lives, not understanding Buddhism and Daoism’s roots of being, regulations of development and the duality of social function, and the significance of the learning of value, of wisdom and of psychology. As a result, “science” was taken as God, and he then failed to distinguish the essences from the dregs of the Buddhist and Daoist culture, and rather was caught in the superstitious and unscientific state he opposed. This was more than he had expected. Considering the size of the momentum of the New Cultural Movement; decades of social academic atmosphere lead by Hu Shih, Chen Duxiu, Lu Xun and other youth leaders, modern concepts like science, democracy, freedom and so on in Western culture grown into the mainstream consciousness since the May Fourth Movement, ensuing scientism, the theory of linear evolution and the monotheistic fundamentalism which had swept across China, therefore, the outlook for the Chinese cultural core––the areas regions of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, was quite stark. The surge of Western culture is quite different from the spread of Indian Buddhism in history in terms of their social, historical and cultural background. Buddhism entered into China during the flourishing period of the Han and Tang dynasties, when Confucianism was revered firmly as the orthodox, and Chinese people were resoundingly confident in the national culture, and able to actively introduce, digest and successfully localize Buddhism. Furthermore, China did not transform into a Buddhist country, yet it absorbed the essences of Buddhism to renew Confucianism which enhanced the richness of Chinese culture. From the Opium Wars to the Republic of China, China was in a state of extreme decline, where politics corrupted and people were in poverty, Confucianism ossified, Buddhism and Daoism followed the old routine, the academic atmosphere was lifeless. It began to wake up in the later period, after suffering all that bullying from foreign powers. Under the attack from both the fierce national strength and the culture of the West, the mainstream elites lost their culture confidence, and were eager to import Western civilization as a means of self-preservation. They failed to discriminate between the merits and demerits of West learning, as well as to differentiate the wheat from the chaff in Chinese learning. Instead, they deployed mechanical borrowism to solve the most urgent problem, and even attempted to ensure survival through destroying the ancestral culture, without realizing in this way China could be nothing more than a cultural colony dominated by the powers, and could not stand proudly in the family of nations. As a result, the cultural crisis in China was more intensified. Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, which had long been the triple pillars of the Chinese ideological and cultural core, had been pushed out of the central stage and fell to the trough. Among them, Confucianism in particular was facing survival and destruction. He Lin pointed out in Rujia Sixiang Zhi Kaizhan (Development of Confucianism), “The 8 Accounted orally by Hu Shih. Translated and annotated by Tang Degang. As-told-to Autobiography by Hu Shih. Guangxi Normal University Press, 2005, p. 244.

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input of Western culture is an ordeal for Confucianism, an ordeal involving life and death, and a crucial moment. If Confucianism can grasp, absorb, blend, and transform Western culture to enrich and boost itself, then it will survive and revive, and there will be new developments. However, if it failed to pass this ordeal and go through this juncture, it will die out, wither away, sink down, and can never take the favorable turn.”9 This cultural test is both a crisis of Confucianism’s growth and an opportunity for its revival. It must be pointed out that even while Confucianism withdrew from the academic mainstream of the Republic of China, its guides and virtues, etiquette and rituals were still alive among the common folks, and the moral code was still evident in the Chinese people’s lives, especially the “Wuchang (Five Constant Virtues)” and “Bade (Eight Virtues)”, which have been rooted in the fertile soil of folk culture, flowing in the blood of people, and existing in the daily life of the family, clan, and rural society. Although it had weakened, it could not disappear because of the criticism of the social movement. During the Republic of China, governmental religious policies interlinked the old and the new. On the one hand, the government introduced the freedom of religions of the West and separated the church from the state. On the other hand, it adopted different attitudes towards different religions; for example, it supported the opening up of Christianity and folk religion while regulated Islam and Tibetan Buddhism and restricted Buddhism and Daoism. Moreover the specific managements were varied in terms of different periods and different areas. The government supported “Miaochan Xingxue (Transforming temples into schools)” and confiscated a large number of Buddhist and Daoist monasteries and their land properties, which glorified that: for the education, actually, it is the restriction of Buddhism’s and Daoism’s development, believing that they only occupy social resources and are not conducive to national progress. In 1928, the national government promulgated the standard of reserving and abolishing shrines to sort out traditional folk religious beliefs, according to which Fu Xi, Shen Nong, Huang Di (the Yellow Emperor), Cang Jie, Yu, Confucius, Mencius, Yue Fei, Guan Di (Guan Yu), Tu Di (Local God of the Land), Zaoshen (Kitchen God), Taishang Laojun (The Grand Supreme Elderly Lord), Yuanshi Tianzun (Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning), Sanguan (Three Officials), Tianshi (Heavenly Master), Lv Zu (Lv Dongbin), Feng Yu Lei Shen (God Blowing the Wind, God Spreading the Rain and God of Controlling Thunder) and so on were reserved; while the worship of the Sun, Moon, Fire, Wuyue, Sidu, Longwang (Dragon King), Chenghuang (Town God), Wenchang (God of Literature), Songzi Niangniang (The Maiden Who Brings Children), Caishen (God Wealth), Wenshen (God of Plague), Zhao Xuantan (Zhao Gongming), Huxian (Fox Spirit) and so on were abolished. The formulator of this standard of preservation and abolition of shrines lacked the common sense of traditional Chinese religions, which divided the shrines that originally belonged to the ancestral system and the Daoist system into the two types of “reserving” and “abolishing” and then applied the opposite approach, which reveals the chaotic policies addressing religions at that time. In 1912, the provincial government of the Jiangxi province once regarded 9

He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 4.

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Zhengyi Dao (Zhengyi School of Daoism) as a “feudal superstition”, so it attacked the seat of Tianshi (Heavenly Master) on Longhu Mountain, and canceled its title and feud, which meant that Zhang Yuanxu, the sixty-second generation of Tianshi, had to move to Shanghai and contact Quanzhen Jiao (Quanzhen School of Daoism) in the north in order to revive Daoism. Zhang En’pu, the sixty-third generation of Tianshi, was once imprisoned, and their request for the government to restore the title of Tianshi was refused in 1930s. This school was then allowed only to register as a religious group, forbidden from sorcery activities. Due to the universal contempt shared by the common elites toward religions, all sorts of “religion-replacing theory” appeared: the theory of “replacing religions with science” supported by Hu Shih and Chen Duxiu, the theory of “replacing religions with aesthetic education” proposed by Cai Yuanpei, the theory of “replacing religions with ethics” suggested by Liang Shuming, the theory of “replacing religions with philosophy” held by Feng Youlan. All believed that there was no appropriate and necessary status for various religions in the future of modern China.

8.1.3 Revival of the Three Teachings and the New Features of Their Relationship Under the shock of waves of Westernization, the branches and leaves of Confucianism withered, but the roots went into hibernation, waiting for the spring breeze to revive them. Although Daoism and Buddhism were also in decline, as religions with many folk followers they still tenaciously survived. The great inrush of Western culture was a blow, but also an inspiration or a reference to Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, transforming the bad into the good and radiating new life out of them. As He Lin indicated in the Development of Confucianism, the most significant contribution of the New Culture Movement was to destroy and sweep away the outer ossified part of the Confucianism body—the traditional part that fettered its own characteristics. Yet, the true spirit, the authentic meaning, and the legitimate academic underpinnings of Confucius, Mencius, Chengzi, and Zhuxi were revealed.10 This surpassed both the complacence and obsolescence of the conservatives and the simple-mindedness and rudeness of the radicals, showing extraordinary foresight. For instance, the attack made by Chen Duxiu on Confucianism was associated with the anti-autocratic monarchy, whose criticism pointed to the “Sangang (three cardinal guides)”, commenting: “The three cardinal guides of Confucianism are the main source of all moral politics. Ruler guides subject, father guides son and husband guides wife, according to which the people, the children and the wives are subject to their rulers, fathers and husbands respectively, who bear no independent personalities.”11 “It turns out that the moral terms of the golden rule, such as 10

He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 1. Tian Xiaoqing (Ed.). Reader of the Ideological Trend of the Republic of China, Volume 1. The Writers Publishing Press, 2013, p. 422.

11

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loyalty, filial piety, and thriftiness, are not the master morality considering others in their positions, but a slave morality subjecting oneself under others.”12 Chen Duxiu uncovered the hierarchical attachment of the “three cardinal guides” and thereby the struggle of the independent personality, which is precisely the degenerate part binding personalities in post-Confucianism, which as He Lin shows, has to be eliminated. However, Chen failed to realize that the basic connotation of Wuchang and Bade reflected the true spirit and features of Confucianism, especially the way of humaneness, loyalty and forgiveness, is what he praises as “the master morality of considering others in their positions”? It can be said that the New Culture Movement has objectively contributed to the innovation of Confucianism. In fact, the marching of Western learning not only broke the stagnant state and withering vitality of the three teachings, precipitating the comprehensive reflection on the past culture of the people, but also brought in brand new concepts of modern Western culture such as science, democracy, freedom and equality and the Western philosophical methodologies seeking truth and analyzing logic, which provided new thinking patterns and practical tools for the contemporary transformation of the three teachings, and accelerated the renovation process of the three teachings. Thus, during the Republic of China, contemporary New Confucianism emerged and formed a considerable academic and cultural movement, with Liang Qichao, Zhang Binglin, Liang Shuming, Zhang Junmai, Ma Yifu, Chen Yinke, Xiong Shili, Feng Youlan, Qian Mu, He Lin, Fang Dongmei, Rong Zhaozu, Mou Zongsan, Tang Junyi, and Xu Fuguan, etc. as its representative figures. In the 1920s, Zhang Junmai and Ding Wenjiang had a dispute over the “science and life view”: Zhang considered that the life view is different from science—the former endows subjectivity, intuition, and individuality, while the latter bears objectivity, regularity, and identity; Ding believed that science is omnipotent, and a scientific view on life should be established, and denounced Zhang as a “ghost of the metaphysics”. This is a debate between philosophical axiology and scientism. Zhang defended the realm of meaning in Chinese philosophy and disagreed with the “scientific” nature of life, which is reasonable. In 1935, ten professors in Shanghai jointly issued the Declaration on Building Chinacentered Culture, emphasizing the construction of Chinese-centered culture while selectively absorbing the European and American culture to “review the past”, “seize the present”, “create the future”: this was an awakening of the subjectivity of the national culture. In Buddhism, there was Master Taixu who pushed forward its rejuvenation movements by advocating Renjian Fojiao (the Humanistic Buddhism), which was greatly influential; later, there was Zhao Puchu, a lay Buddhist, who inherited from and imparted the former; also there was Master Hongyi who taught the precepts broadly and regulated the teachings strictly; and Masters like Xuyun, Yuanying, Yinshun and so on excelling both in morality and learning; and finally, Tang Yongtong, Chen Yuan, Lv Cheng and others have carried out contemporary Buddhist studies.

12

Tian Xiaoqing (Ed.). Reader of the Ideological Trend of the Republic of China, Volume 1. The Writers Publishing Press, 2013, p. 423.

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In Daoism, there was Master Chen Yingning who established a new Xianxue (the learning of cultivating oneself to attain divinity), Yi Xinying and Yue Chongdai who renewed Daoism, and Xu Dishan, Chen Yuan and Chen Guofu pioneering the studies of contemporary Daoist religion and philosophy. As discussed above, it is thus clear that the elites of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism did not abandoned their own fine cultural traditions, but did bravely embrace the new cultural matter imported from outside, so as to adapt the existing theories; they have kept up with the pace of the times and innovated comprehensively, promoting the revival of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. This chapter reviewed the academic activities of some representatives of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism from the Republic of China to the contemporary era. The emerging scholars in the latter half of the twentieth century are beyond the scope of this book. Relationships between Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism have manifested in a series of new features due to the profound changes of the age. First, Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism withdrew from the mainstream social culture to the periphery, with the European and American culture surpassing the past, followed by Marxism and socialism. Marxism and socialism, as the beliefs of the Communist Party of China (CPC), rose to be the guiding ideology of social development, which deployed a decisive role in the fight against foreign aggression and the realization of Chinese national independence and liberation. And thus, China’s ideology and culture have formed a new three-in-one structure: Marxism, Western philosophy and Chinese traditional culture. Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, which constitute the traditional Chinese thought and culture, survived and grew in the process of integration. Second, not only was there minimal friction among Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, but rather further mutual integration and learning from one other, which cultivated a batch of scholars following Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, among whom some can be categorized according to their religious identities, while some are difficult to classify into corresponding religions. For example, Liang Shuming studied Buddhism but appreciated Confucianism; Xiong Shili became a Confucius scholar through Buddhism; Liang Qichao was neither a scholar of pure Confucianism, nor pure Daoism, nor pure Buddhism but revered their cultures. There are many scholars of this kind, who might be called Tongru or Tongshi (erudite scholars). Third, the interaction between Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism was closely related to the interaction between Chinese and Western culture. The main driving forces and resources for the development of the triad were not generated from the internal, but from the Western culture; scholars of the triad had to respond to the severe challenges of Western learning and commit themselves to critical absorption and integration of China and the West, and commit to innovate by returning to the original, by synthesizing comprehensively, by weeding through the old to bring forth the new, whose modern consciousness had been enhanced and whose world view had been broaden. Fourth, after freeing from the distortion of the system of autocratic monarchy and the restraint of the political ideology, the culture of Confucianism, Daoism and

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Buddhism became independent from folk belief, which can develop and be content freely under the premise of advocating a patriotic attitude and abiding laws, as well as encouraging people to do good and prevent them from doing evil, as Chen Yinke praised “liberate the spirit, free the mind”. Besides, there were lessons to be drawn from the Western theories and methodologies, which thus led to the triviality and prosperity of Confucianist, Daoist and Buddhist academics, built a new academic atmosphere in contemporary China, creating a lively and vivid intellectual landscape. Fifth, Confucianist, Daoist and Buddhist culture continued to expand into other religions and folk religions with their huge potential charisma and energy, which encouraged these religions to march forward on the road of sinicizion to better adapt to Chinese society. For example, in Islam, there were Wang Kuan, Wang Jingzhai, Ha Decheng, Da Pusheng, Ma Songting, Pang Shiqian, Yang Zhongming, Ma Jian, Ma Yilin, Bai Shouyi and other great scholars, who accomplished a great deal by holding high the banner of patriotism and devotion to religions, national unity, and religious harmony, absorbing thoughts from Chinese, Western and Arab sources, and innovating Islamic scholarship and education. Catholicism and Protestantism/Christianity professed the conqueror’s position of Christianizing China, but adopted the strategy of Sinicizing Christianity. In 1919, the Pope of Rome admitted publicly that Catholicism and Confucianism “although different, share the same origin, both of them are the learning conserving the pure mind and cultivating nature.”13 Christianity, on the other hand, carried out the “Bense Jiaohui (Indigenous Church)” movement “to conjoin the Christian church and Chinese culture to fade its Western color.”14 During the War of Resistance Against Japan, the mainstream members of Islam, Catholicism and Christianity, as well as the majority of believers, were patriotic and made contributions to the cause of resistance against Japanese aggression and national salvation. As a result of challenging the suppression of the monarchical society, folk religions stepped into the open, devolving and developing further with many new religious sects. The doctrines of these continued to mix the colors of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism. The political tendencies were different; some were patriotic and antiJapanese, some circulated independently among the people, a few were controlled and used by the Japanese puppet regime, and some were spread overseas and formed Chinese communities.

13

Quoted from Zhuo Xinping. Annals of Christianity and Jewish. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1998, p.170. 14 Quoted form the Fourth Department and Judicial Department of National Religious Affairs Administration Ministry (Ed.) Regulation and Guidance of Religious Policy. China Religious Culture Publisher, 2014, p. 100.

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8.2 Representative Figures in the Revival of the Three Teachings and Their Doctrines 8.2.1 Representative Scholars Combining the Three Teachings and Western Scholarship 1. Sun Yat-sen Sun Yat-sen (1866–1925) was born in Cuiheng village, Guangdong Province. His name was Wen, social name is Deming and literary name is Yat-sen. He studied Confucianism and visited Honolulu when he was a teenager. Dr. Sun Yat-sen graduated from Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese. Due to his broad horizons, he studied both Eastern classic works and Western culture, saying, “The essence of the six classics of sages, the source of national governance and the fundamental plan of people are in my heart all the time.”15 Later, in his reply to the letter of Herbert Allen Giles,16 he said, “I was ambitious and curious to study at an early age, so I have learned cross-disciplinary knowledge but not very professional. I prefer to learn the classics of Xia, Shang, Zhou and the Two Han Dynasties for Chinese philosophy. I am keen on studying Darwinism for Western scholarship. In addition, I often consulted them in terms of political affairs.”17 Sun Yat-sen took the initiative to integrate Chinese culture and Western humanism and science in Europe and America. The revolution of 1911 and his Three Principles of the People are accomplishments of the integration of Chinese and Western cultures. There are two differences between Sun Yat-sen and the leaders of the May Fourth and New Culture Movement: first, he disapproved of the total negation of Chinese culture when learning from the West; second, he focused on constructive innovation and social practice in the integration of Chinese and Western culture, and opened up new systems and new lives. The achievements of learning from the West (mainly France and the United States) is to launch a revolution, overthrow the imperial system, establish the Republic of China, and implement a Democratic Republic. As Sun Yat-sen said, “the thought of Chinese revolution originated in Europe and the United States, and the theory of equality and freedom also came from there.”18 “The thought of civil rights of Chinese people came from Europe and the United States. So we have recently carried out revolution and improved politics by imitating Europe and the United States.”19 However, he did not simply copy, but had the nourishment of 15

Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1981, p. 16. Herbert Allen Giles (8 December 1845–13 February 1935) was a British diplomat and sinologist who was the professor of Chinese at the University of Cambridge for 35 years. Giles was educated at Charterhouse School before becoming a British diplomat in China. At that time, he compiled the Chinese Biological Dictionary in London. After hearing that Sun Yat-sen was out of danger, he wrote a letter to invite Sun Yat-sen to write a biography through Cantlie. 17 Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1981, p. 48. 18 Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 9. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 293. 19 Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 9. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 314. 16

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Chinese culture. Therefore, in his speech in Europe after the outbreak of the 1911 Revolution, he explained the principle of the founding of the people’s Republic; “It is not easy to organize the Federal Republic. I will take the democracy of Europe and the United States as a model, while still taking the traditional culture for integration.”20 In this process, he constantly adjusted and improved the theoretical principles and guidelines for action to make them more fully adapted to China’s national conditions. We will discuss the Three Principles of the People (sanmin zhuyi) as follows. First, the Principle of Nationalism (minzu zhuyi). At the beginning, the slogan was “expel the Tartars, restore China, establish the Republic of China, and average land rights.” There was an obvious component of the Han nationality, namely “discrimination between China and barbarians.” It only regarded the national revolution as an action of the Han nationality to overthrow the imperial oppression of the Manchu Dynasty, which was relatively narrow. Later, under the influence of Confucianism, it expanded to include the multi-ethnic revolution of the Chinese nation and the establishment of a multi-ethnic unified Democratic Republic. Sun Yat-sen proclaimed in the declaration of interim president, “the foundation of the country lies in the people. The unity of the five major groups, the Han, Manchus, Mongols, Muslims (i.e., Hui) and Tibetans is one nationality.”21 At the same time, it emphasizes ethnic equality, so the interim law of the people’s Republic of China clearly stipulates that “the people of the Republic of China are all equal, without distinction of race, class or religion.”22 He put forward the concept of “national consciousness” so as to unite the Chinese people. Chinese nation became the name of the Chinese civilization. In terms of foreign relations, it emphasizes independence, equality, peace, antihegemony and great harmony. The declaration of the interim president proclaimed of foreign policy, “after the establishment of the interim government, it is necessary to fulfill the obligations of civilized countries in order to guarantee the rights of civilized countries. To strengthen friendship with the friends and uphold pacifism will make China a more important and international community, and the world be united.”23 Sun Yat-sen quoted Mencius’ thoughts on advocating the king’s way and anti-hegemonism, praised Chinese culture for moralizing people, criticized Western culture for oppressing people, and said “the Eastern culture is the king’s way, the Western culture is more hegemonic; the king’s way is to advocate the morality of humaneness and righteousness, and the hegemonic way is to advocate utilitarian power. To speak of humaneness, righteousness and morality is to influence people by justice and equality; to speak of utilitarian power is to oppress people with guns and artillery.”24 Sun Yat-sen first proposed rejuvenation. His theory of nationalism is modernized with Chinese characteristics.

20

Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 1. Zhonghua Book Company, 1981, p. 560. Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1982, p. 2. 22 Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1982, p. 220. 23 Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1982, p. 2. 24 Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 11. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 407. 21

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Second, the Principle of Democracy (minquan zhuyi). Sun Yat-sen developed the Chinese model by combining Western democracy with the Great Unity of Confucianism. The Manifesto of the first National Congress of the Kuomintang said, “the Kuomintang’s civil rights doctrine is to fight unitedly for the interests of the nation and of the common people, it is not for the benefit of a special group.”25 Sun Yat-sen wants to use the idea of “the world is for the public” to promote the principle of democracy. The purpose is to “transform China into a Republic of China with ‘national politics’ and to surpass Europe and America.”26 Before the revolution of 1911, he studied the advantages and disadvantages of the separation of executive, legislative and judicial powers in the West, and expanded the theory of a three-branch government to the power of governance of wuquan xianfa (i.e., Five-Power Constitution). It provided for a central government composed of five Yuan, or branches, of government. In addition to the executive, legislative and judicial branches of the government, he added the Examination Yuan and Control Yuan. These two branches were proposed by absorbing the beneficial aspects of the traditional Chinese examination and administrative system respectively. Third, the Principle of Peoples’ Livelihoods (minsheng zhuyi). Peoples’ livelihoods were the focus of Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People, which was to solve the problem of the long-term poverty of the people and realize common prosperity. There are two ways this can be achieved: one is average land ownership, the other is to regulate capital. The idea of average land right comes from Mencius’ “production of the people”, so that “the peasant has his land” and the majority of peasants can persevere because of constant agricultural production, food and clothing, then the world will be peaceful. “If the average land ownership can be achieved, then the social revolution can be nearly successful,” as pointed out by Sun.27 He saw that the basic problems of the Chinese revolution were the problems of peasants and land. On the other hand, regulating capital is a way to learn from the Western free market economy and develop industry and control the inadequacies of unregulated capitalism, distance between the rich and the poor caused by monopoly capital. He observed that the development trend of capitalist economy is to “replace free competition with economic concentration”,28 “We have to put all the large company organizations under one of the laws of the people’s public ownership”,29 which requires the implementation of “communism” and the road of great harmony, so “people’s livelihood doctrine is socialism, also known as communism, that is, Great Unity doctrine.”30 It can be seen that Sun Yat-sen’s principle of people’s livelihood is closer to socialism. He wants to use the ideal of Great Unity to give the ownership of land and enterprises to all the people fairly, so as to achieve fair competition and common prosperity. 25

Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 9. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 120. Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 9. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 314. 27 Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 2. Zhonghua Book Company, 1982, p. 320. 28 Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 6. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 396. 29 Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 6. Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 397. 30 Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 9. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 355. 26

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Secondly, a comprehensive review of the Three Principles of the People. Sun Yat-sen comprehensively discussed his social ideal, “Three Principles of the People should be of the people, by the people, and for the people” […] “the country is owned by the people, the politics is supervised by the people, the interests are shared by the people” […] “the world of great unity that Confucius hoped for.”31 In the reconstruction of national morality, Sun Yat-sen proposed the new eight virtues (xin bade) to develop the traditional Chinese virtues. He believed that the freedom, equality and fraternity of socialist humanitarianism could promote Chinese virtues. Chinese important moral virtues are: filial piety and loyalty; humaneness and love; sincerity and righteousness; and lastly, love of peace and harmony.32 But it should be reformed in accordance with the spirit of the new age. “The old idea of loyalty was to be loyal to the emperor. The idea of personal loyalty to the emperor is overthrown, we must be loyal to the nation, to the people, and to the cause for which we work and live. Loyalty to the nation requires that the individual be willing to sacrifice for the public welfare, even to the giving up of his life.”33 […] “The virtue of filial piety is particularly highly developed in our system. In fact, there is no other moral system in the world that has emphasized the virtue of filial piety as strongly as ours.”34 […] The virtues of ren and love are well established in old Chinese ethics. Mozi’s philosophy of love is as easily comprehended as that of Jesus.35 “Sincerity is one of the greatest virtues of our people. In fact, our people are superior to the foreigners in keeping faith and in honesty…. In our moral teachings the doctrine of righteousness is emphasized.”36 “The Chinese people are great peace-lovers. Indeed our people are the only people in the world who are real peace-lovers. All other big nations are imperialistic and warlike.”37 […] Loyalty and filial piety, humaneness and love, sincerity and righteousness, and especially harmony and peace-loving are good characteristics of our people; and they have become a part of our spirit of nationalism. We should not only carefully preserve this spirit, but develop it to its highest excellence, whereby the glorious position of our people among the nations can be restored.38 Since then, the new eight virtues have been popularized in the Republic of China and have become the guiding forces of national morality.

31

Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 9. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 394. Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 9. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 243. 33 Sun Yat-sen. The Three Principles of the People (Translated by Frank W. Price). Taipei: China Publishing Company, 1981, p.46. 34 Sun Yat-sen. The Three Principles of the People (Translated by Frank W. Price). Taipei: China Publishing Company, 1981, p.46. 35 Sun Yat-sen. The Three Principles of the People (Translated by Frank W. Price). Taipei: China Publishing Company, 1981, p.47. 36 Sun Yat-sen. The Three Principles of the People (Translated by Frank W. Price). Taipei: China Publishing Company, 1981, p.47. 37 Sun Yat-sen. The Three Principles of the People (Translated by Frank W. Price). Taipei: China Publishing Company, 1981, p.47. 38 Sun Yat-sen. The Three Principles of the People (Translated by Frank W. Price). Taipei: China Publishing Company, 1981, p.47. 32

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Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People and new eight virtues opened up a new path for China’s transformation from a traditional monarchical society to a modern democratic society. They were formed by taking the benefits of Chinese and Western cultures, eliminating their shortcomings and integrating them. They were the first to realize that China’s modernization should integrate Western civilization, socialism and traditional Chinese culture, which was quite suitable for China’s national conditions. As Sun pointed out, “The revival of ancient classical learning is equal in importance to the regeneration of old moral values. Our philosophy of life and our political ideas are in many respects superior to those of the West.”39 However, soon after Chiang Kai-shek launched the “412” counter-revolutionary coup, the Kuomintang and the Communist party broke down. Chiang encircled the Soviet Area, while the Japanese imperialists launched a war of invading China, and expanded from the northeast to the mainland. Domestic and foreign troubles all added to China’s burden, so saving the country from danger became the top priority. The second cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and the establishment of the Anti-Japanese United Front at home and abroad, led after eight years of the struggle to the final defeat of the Japanese fascists. Chiang Kai-shek, the Kuomintang, abandoned Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People and the three major policies of “alliance with Soviet Union, the Communist Party and supporting agriculture and industry”, launched a civil war, lost popular support and retreated to Taiwan. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the Chinese people won the victory of the new democratic revolution, established the People’s Republic of China, and abolished all unequal treaties. Only then did China gain independence and liberation, and realize Sun Yat-sen’s ideal of national unity, national equality, the people’s economic prosperity, independence, good neighborliness and friendship, and peaceful anti-hegemony. 2. Zhang Binglin: The Termination of Old Text Confucianism Based on the Joint Study of the Hundred Schools of Thought and Western learning Zhang Binglin (1869–1936), social name Meishu and literary name Taiyan, was a native of Yuhang, Zhejiang. In his early years, he called for revolution against Manchu rule, demanded republicanism and democracy, and contributed to the National Revolution led by Sun Yat-sen. He later turned his focus to academics, studying extensively from the Six Classics and the Hundred Schools of Thought, while also exploring Western learning. He eventually became the great synthesist of Old Text Confucianism and an avid critique of Kang Youwei’s New Text Confucianism, while also using Western positivist historiography to terminate the history of traditional classical studies. Much of his writings expressed what his predecessors failed to express, so they served as both a caution and an inspiration to the world. He extended Zhang Xuecheng’s view that “the Six Classics are All History,” stating, “The teachings of Confucius were originally intended as history. Those who revere Confucius should discard the methods of seeking fortune, taking only the accomplishments of former 39

Sun Yat-sen. The Three Principles of the People (Translated by Frank W. Price). Taipei: China Publishing Company, 1981, p.48.

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rulers that can be appreciated, and preserving them forever in memory.”40 He criticized Kang Youwei’s New Text Confucianism for its theory of reform based on traditional systems, stating, “Mundane scholars of Confucianism have failed in their understanding, so they call Confucius an uncrowned king who formulated the laws for the Han people. Han law was not originally based on the Spring and Autumn Annals, and Confucius could not have drafted the ritual laws from scratch. Thus, to express current affairs using Confucius’s words, which only results in abundant guesswork, is foolishness beyond even the use of knotted cords in antiquity.”41 Instead, he advocated for the incorporation of “national studies” within the vision of nationalism: “Therefore, I believe that nationalism is like farming: it must be irrigated with historical figures, institutions, geography, customs, and so forth, for it to flourish.”42 In his view, it was shameful that the Hundred Days’ Reform led by Emperor Guangxu was modeled after the Japanese Meiji Restoration in all respects, saying, “Abandoning one’s own importance and relying on others is a shameful thing for high-minded people to do.”43 Zhang offered unique insights into history, jurisprudence, linguistic logic, religious thinking, and philosophy, which were all deeply influenced by Western rationalism. Zhang applied modern scientific methods to organize the teachings of the Hundred Schools of Thought, and incorporated them into the Western discipline system. The advantage of this approach is the insights gleaned from scientific rationality, whereas its disadvantage is the loss of the wisdom of life. Zhang held two attitudes toward Confucius: First, he acknowledged the contributions of Confucius as a historian and educator. Second, he criticized Confucius’s teachings as the ones of a conformist “national hypocrite,” and spearheaded the May Fourth Movement of anti-Confucianism. He writes in Zhuzixue Lueshuo [Brief Discussions on a Non-Canonical Philosopher], “The Confucius who appraised history compiled the Six Classics; the Confucius who engaged in education compiled the Analects and Xiaojing [The Classic of Filial Piety]…. Those who follow the doctrine of the Mean are national hypocrites, who are worse than village hypocrites. Confucius ridiculed the village hypocrites but not the national hypocrites, which reveals his indulgence in profits.”44 He obliterated Confucius’s historical achievements in humaneness, righteousness, and morality, as well as the historical facts concerning Confucius’s cultivation of high-minded people with humaneness. His radical statements could no longer be contained by Old Text Confucianism, or rather, he had overthrown the entirety of traditional classical studies using Western scientific rationality.

40

Complete Works of Zhang Taiyan, Volume 4. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1985, p. 371. Complete Works of Zhang Taiyan, Volume 3. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1984, p. 412. 42 Complete Works of Zhang Taiyan, Volume 4. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1985, p. 371. 43 Complete Works of Zhang Taiyan, Volume 4. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1985, p. 207. 44 Collected Works of Political Essays of Zhang Taiyan. Zhonghua Book Company, 1977, p. 271. 41

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Zhang also dismissed Laozi, with the critique that “Laozi transmitted his art of politics to Confucius, while the ancient canons and texts were all plagiarized by Confucius. Confucius’s art of politics surpassed those of Laozi.”45 Zhang was often arrogant and egotistical, frequently belittling the wise. He praised the rationalistic method of “analyzing terms and principles, and closely examining the humanities,” striving for the meticulous organization of ideas. Hence, his teachings could easily be integrated with modern Western humanities and social sciences, but they deviated from the Chinese spirit of perfect enlightenment in Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. The expanse of his knowledge did indeed span the past and the present, assimilating both Chinese and Western thought. As summarized by Hou Wailu, Zhang’s method of philosophical research “began with the analysis of names and appearances, and ended with the refutation of names and appearances.”46 The quintessence of his system was “to resolve conflicts using the Qiwu [Equalization of Things]; to base its strength on clarifying the natural division of things; to distinguish and regulate all things according to the Great Principle; and to put everything in its rightful place.”47 His self-proclaimed mission was to end the “dispute between Hanxue and Songxue,” and break through the deadlock, “since the Qin and Han dynasties, of the reliance on the relationship between ‘that’ and ‘this,’ and of the suffocation caused by uniformity,” thereby further unifying the “truths of Chinese and Buddhist sages, and the doctrines of Eastern and Western scholars.”48 Nevertheless, despite his great ambition, Zhang was lack of forbearance. Although he made substantial contributions, he is not considered to be one of history’s great thinkers. A crucial reason for this is the absence of the vastness and exquisiteness of Confucius and Laozi’s wisdom, causing Zhang to stagnate at the level of a great scholar with extensive and diverse knowledge, and to be known only as a classicist who overlooked spiritual value. His intention was to turn classical studies into a pure knowledge system that focused only on evidence, bearing no relationship to the meaning of life or the governance of the state, and abolishing its primary task of “teaching the Way.” For this reason, Zhang Taiyan ended the line of traditional text studies, but also failed to establish a new school of classical studies. 3. Chen Yinke: The Thinker Who Assembled the Finest of East and West, and Proposed Grand Theories of History Chen Yinke (1890–1969) was a native of Xiushui, Jiangxi. He studied abroad in Europe and America for many years, and was familiar with the cultures and languages of many countries. He made a careful study of the four Chinese canonical texts (i.e., the classics, historical works, non-canonical philosophers, and literary works) and the Buddhist scriptures, gaining a particular proficiency in historical knowledge, while also demonstrating historical insight. The greatest impact of his knowledge 45

Collected Works of Political Essays of Zhang Taiyan. Zhonghua Book Company, 1977, p. 272. Zhang Taiyan. Autobiography of Zhang Taiyan and His Academic Narration. Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 1999, p. 166. 47 Jiang Yihua. A Critical Biography of Zhang Binlin. Nanjing University Press, 2002, p. 556–557. 48 Hou Wailu. History of Chinese Enlightenment Thoughts. People’s Publishing House, 1993, p. 218. 46

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on the world was not his academic achievements, which were imbued with unique insights, but the independent personality, foresight, sagacity, and broad-mindedness he displayed in his learning and self-conduct, which is precisely the spiritual outlook that modern scholars and academics should possess. The following are a few key points illustrating the essence of this spirit. Firstly, Chen exemplified the ideal qualities of contemporary scholars: independence of spirit and freedom of thought. In 1929, Chen penned the Epitaph Commemorating Mister Wang Guantang of Tsinghua University: The writings of Mister Wang may at times be obscured, and his doctrines may be open to discussion. It is only his independence of spirit and freedom of thought that will endure for a million generations, persisting as long as heaven and earth shall prevail, and sharing in the three lights of the sun, moon, and stars to shine forth its own eternal light.49

What Chen Yinke is praising here is not necessarily Wang Guowei’s academic views, nor his act of committing suicide by drowning himself in a lake, but his noble character and his spirit of self-sacrifice for his cultural ideals, preferring death over distorting the truth to please the world. This character and spirit are a blend of the ambition and integrity of the ancient sages with the academic freedom of the contemporary world, which embodies the soul of true academics. Secondly, Chen expounded on the need for sympathetic understanding and communication between realms when studying the sages of antiquity. Chen neither agreed with the description of phenomena based on data alone, nor did he support making forced interpretations or subjective speculations. In his Shencha Baogao Yi [Review Report 1], written for Volume 1 of Feng Youlan’s Zhongguo Zhexue Shi [A History of Chinese Philosophy], Chen writes, Anyone who writes about the history of ancient Chinese philosophy must possess a sympathetic understanding of the doctrines of the ancients before writing. All in antiquity who wrote books and established doctrines had their rationale for doing so. Thus, if their environment and background are not fully understood, it will not be easy to comment on their doctrines. Several millennia have passed since the time of these ancient philosophers, and the truth about their era is extremely difficult to infer. The materials that we can rely on today form the smallest pieces of what has been left behind from those times. If one wishes to catch a glimpse of the entire structure based on these remaining fragments, one must be equipped with an artist’s vision and spirit capable of appreciating the paintings and sculptures of the ancients. Only then can one begin to truly understand the intention and object behind their doctrines. It is necessary for one who has gained true understanding to have engaged in imagination and meditation, so as to reside within the same realm as the ancients who established these doctrines, while also expressing a type of sympathy toward the extraordinary theories at which they inevitably arrived through their painstaking study. Only then can one begin to criticize the merits and demerits of their doctrines without engaging in detached and meaningless discourse.50

49

Chen Yinke. Anthology of Chen Yinke: The Second Volume of the Series of Jinming Chamber. The SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2009, p. 246. 50 Chen Yinke. Anthology of Chen Yinke: The Second Volume of the Series of Jinming Chamber. The SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2009, p. 279.

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Chen’s demand for the scholars of today to engage in imagination and meditation, so as to reside within the same realm as the ancient, is a criticism leveled against academics who adopt a condescending attitude and use the present to disparage the past. Their lack of respect for the ancient sages means they will never gain true understanding or a genuine connection, and hence will not be able to produce new high-quality work in historiography. His views remain vigorous and relevant to this day. Thirdly, Chen revealed that the construction of contemporary culture should not neglect the original status of one’s people, but should also promote a global mindset. He writes in Review Report 3 for Volume 2 of Feng Youlan’s A History of Chinese Philosophy that: Daoism did its best to learn as much as possible from imported ideas, such as Buddhism and Manichaeism. However, it did not forget the original status of its people. Once the ideas have been fused to form one school of thought, Daoism insists on distinguishing between the Chinese and non-Chinese, so as to reject foreign doctrines. This ideological attitude has remained the same since the Six Dynasties. Although it seems contradictory, it is actually complementary. Neo-Confucianism inherited this legacy and so was able to attain great accomplishments. It is my suspicion that in the future, even if China is able to faithfully import ideas from North America or Eastern Europe, these ideas are destined to follow the footsteps of Xuanzang’s doctrine of consciousness-only. That is, they will not only fail to occupy the highest position in the history of Chinese thought but also ultimately fade into non-existence. Those who are truly capable of forming a self-sufficient system of thought must, on the one hand, absorb and import foreign doctrines, while, on the other hand, never forget the original status of the people. These two opposing yet complementary attitudes capture the true spirit of Daoism and the old path taken by Neo-Confucianism. It has been demonstrated by the two-thousand-year history of ideological contact between our nation and other nations.51

This passage of Chen’s is an astute summary of the historical experiences in the development of the Chinese culture within Sino–foreign exchanges spanning over two thousand years—that is, he believes the nation must preserve itself as the subject while absorbing foreign cultures. He praised Daoism for its adherence to Chinese tradition and tolerance toward Buddhism, affirmed the great achievements of Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism through its integration of Buddhism and Daoism, and reviewed the decline of the Consciousness-Only School due to its wholesale imitation of Indian Buddhism. Based on this, he predicted that the ideas of North America and Eastern Europe must either follow the path of sinicization, or else eventually perish. Here, he presents a grand vision and conception for the construction of a new culture, which remains a shining beacon to this day. Fourthly, He expounded on the mutual complementariness of strengths among Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism in Chinese thought. In his Review Report 3 above for Volume 2 of Feng Youlan’s A History of Chinese Philosophy, Chen Yinke adopted the lofty viewpoint of the exchanges and mutual learning among multiple civilizations, and recounted the history of the convergence among the three teachings in great detail, to explain Feng Youlan’s principle of “the five colors intermingling, and complementing each other.” Chen pointed out that the three teachings 51

Complete Works of Chen Yinke. (Taipei) Liren Publishing House, 1979, p. 1365.

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were renewed through their interactions. It was only due to the heterogeneous nourishment of Buddhism and Daoism that Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism was born. Furthermore, Buddhism, and Daoism were able to make up for the deficiencies of Confucianism at the level of theoretical thinking, while the practical concerns of Confucianism with real life helped Buddhism and Daoism adapt to Chinese society. The positive attitude he adopted when commenting on the history of the relationship among the three teachings is rare among modern scholars. Finally, Chen declared that contemporary scholars must serve as the custodians safeguarding the rise and fall of the nation, and pioneering new academic spheres. Chen pointed out that the new direction of evidential scholarship involves, in terms of its research methodology, the mutual verification of underground archeological materials with ancient texts, the mutual complementariness of multiethnic historical records with traditional canonical texts, and the cross-referencing of new foreign academic concepts with Chinese cultural and historical information. Through these methods, we can overcome the limitations found in the old evidential scholarship of the Qing Dynasty, where study and inquiry were conducted amid piles of ancient texts, and can forge a new realm of comparative research in religion, language, literature, and history. In terms of theory-building, Chen had a fondness for New Song Studies, stating: In recent years, our country’s academics, including archeology, history, literature, art, and the history of thought, has undergone significant changes due to global turmoil and external influences. We cannot yet reach any conclusion about what the future will bring. Nevertheless, it can only be summed up in one line: the revival of Song academics, or the establishment of New Song Studies.52

Chen wanted to revitalize the Chinese culture with academics. Since the root of Chinese academic culture was still alive, it would eventually be revived, and when its leaders begin to construct a school of thought, Chen believed that New Song Studies would be able to assume the historical mantle of breathing new life into the old state of affairs. The rise of New Confucianism in the current era, as well as its inheritance and innovation of Song–Ming Confucianism, is a testament to Chen Yinke’s brilliant foresight. 4. Liang Qichao: The Great Thinker Who Advanced with the Times Through Assimilation and Innovation Liang Qichao (1873–1929) was a native of Xinhui, Guangdong. He studied under Kang Youwei, with whom he formed the backbone of the Hundred Days’ Reform; hence, the two are known jointly as “Kang–Liang.” He fled to Japan after the defeat of the Reform, and later returned to China after the Xinhai Revolution. When Yuan Shikai proclaimed himself emperor, Liang Qichao actively supported the antimonarchy and national protection movement. At the end of the First World War, Liang traveled across Europe for a year, after which he devoted himself to running 52

Chen Yinke. Anthology of Chen Yinke: The Second Volume of the Series of Jinming Chamber. The SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2009, p. 277.

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his newspaper, engaging in education, lecturing, writing books, and formulating theories. His political career had its ups and downs, and he was a pioneer of social trends. His politics, theories, and literary works were in perfect sync with the pace of the new era. He was brimming with creative innovation, and became the most influential thinker in the early days of the Republic of China. His distinctive features can be summarized into the following points: (1) He was both a politician and a scholar, with outstanding achievements in both areas. (2) He embraced both the Chinese and the Western, and was able to sift through the dross to extract the quintessence of both. (3) He had extensive book-knowledge, as well as field research and empirical experience, which enabled him to connect theory with reality. (4) He was able to constantly transcend the self and match the pace of the times. (5) His cultural reformism was neither the conservatism of the School of National Quintessence nor the cultural inferiority and total Westernization of cultural radicalism. Instead, he advocated for innovating within one’s inheritance, which he believed would benefit the true revival of national culture. Liang Qichao’s assimilation and innovation in academic theory can be summarized as follows. Firstly, Liang proposed repositioning the timeless values of the Chinese civilization (dominated by Confucianism) within the greater comparative perspective of Chinese and Western cultures, clearly distinguishing between the permanent and impermanent ways, and revealing the Chinese characteristics and contemporary significance within. In his early years, he adopted a more radical cultural outlook, and once proposed the idea of “destructivism” to criticize the old culture. In his later years, however, he was more inclined toward stability and robustness. In the first chapter of his Rujia Zhexue [Confucian Philosophy], published in 1927, he first compares the differences between Chinese and Western philosophy. Liang believed that world philosophy can be roughly divided into three major schools: Indian, Jewish, and other philosophies that focus on the relationship between humankind and God; Greek and modern European philosophies that focus on the relationship between humankind and things; and Chinese philosophy that focuses on the relationship between human beings. “All scholarship in China,” he wrote, “regardless of the era or the lineage, are directed toward this single point, with Confucianism embodying the greatest profundity and insight.”53 Liang then reveals the central idea of Confucianism: Confucian philosophy encompasses a vast scope. Briefly, its function can be summarized by one line in The Analects: “cultivating the self to give rest to the people.” The highest purpose of its scholarship can be summarized by one line in the Zhuangzi: “inner sageliness and outer kingliness.” Achieving the utmost in the practice of self-cultivation is to attain inner sageliness; achieving the utmost in the practice of giving rest to the people is to attain outer kingliness. As for the proper order of these practices, the Great Learning presents this most concisely. The Great Learning describes “the investigation of things, the extension of knowledge, the seeking of sincerity, the rectification of the mind, and the cultivation of the self”––this is the practice of self-cultivation and inner sageliness. It also describes

53

(Qing Dynasty) Liang Qichao. Intellectual Trends in the Qing Dynasty. Phoenix Publishing & Media Group, Jiangsu Literature and Art Publishing House, 2007, p. 104.

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“the regulation of the family, the governance of the state, and bringing peace to all under Heaven”––this is the practice of giving rest to the people and outer kingliness.54

This classic summary remains popular to this day. Liang goes on to discuss the scope of Confucian philosophy, believing, as Confucius said, “Humaneness, wisdom, and courage, these three are the universal virtues”: In Confucian terms, a person’s character is only considered complete if he possesses the three virtues. From this perspective, the so-called “philosophia” (i.e., love of wisdom) in the West merely encompasses one of the three Confucian virtues, that is, wisdom. Therefore, the scope of Confucian philosophy is far wider than that of Western philosophy.55

Liang summarized the value of Confucianism as follows: (1) It is a representative of Chinese culture: “To study Confucian philosophy is to study Chinese culture.” (2) It contains mutable and immutable aspects, for example, “the three universal virtues of humaneness, wisdom, and courage” are applicable regardless of time and place. (3) The Confucian ideal of “all shall conduct themselves as scholars and superior men” aims to establish a role model for society, and cannot be denounced as an “aristocratic” culture. (4) The emperors of past ages used Confucianism as their banner to practice autocracy. However, the most influential schools of Confucianism, from Confucius and Mencius to Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming, are all imbued with a spirit of rebellion: “Confucian philosophy can be regarded as scholarship to promote civil rights, not one to defend autocracy.” (5) “Confucianism regards people as its foundation, and its own environment as its starting point. Hence, it is closer to the scientific spirit.”56 Liang’s conclusion was that “studying the Confucian art of the Way is beneficial, and even necessary, in this age.”57 Thus, Liang’s outlook on Confucianism is one of national sentiment as well as one of academic rationality and neutrality. Secondly, Liang embraced Laozi’s Daoism and Buddhism positively and objectively. Liang was passionate about Laozi’s philosophy, saying: “Laozi’s great contribution was his creation of a systematic philosophy for China. Although his philosophy was rudimentary, it was vast in scale, and raised numerous questions for future generations to address. His outlook on life was extremely noble and applicable.”58 He did not agree with viewing Laozi’s doctrines as a world-weary philosophy, believing instead that “action” exists within “inaction,” and advancement can be found in retreat. He argues that it teaches people to treat social problems wisely and dialectically, thereby promoting harmony. The core of Laozi’s philosophy is the “Way,” which is the Way of the universe, society, and life. Its theoretical foundation lies with naturalism, and requires that people act in accordance with the laws of nature. Liang Qichao wrote a series of Buddhist works of great academic value. With regard to the history of Chinese Buddhism, he not only discusses the changes in 54

Complete Works of Liang Qichao. Beijing Publishing House, 1999, p. 4955. Complete Works of Liang Qichao. Beijing Publishing House, 1999, p. 4955. 56 Complete Works of Liang Qichao. Beijing Publishing House, 1999, p. 4957–4958. 57 Complete Works of Liang Qichao. Beijing Publishing House, 1999, p. 4958. 58 Yi Xinding (Ed.). Selected Works of Liang Qichao, Volume 2. China Federation of Literary and Art Circles Publishing House, 2006, p. 945. 55

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Chinese Buddhism, but also elaborates on the causes and patterns underlying the rise and fall of Buddhism. In terms of cultural exchange, he pointed out that the Buddhist scriptures had three major influences on Chinese literature: (1) They expanded the Han vocabulary. (2) They altered the grammar and style of the Han language. (3) They introduced Buddhist elements into literary creations: “The literary structure and style of modern masterpieces, such as Water Margin and Dream of the Red Chamber, are frequently influenced by the Avatamsaka Sutra and Nirvana Sutra.”59 He also explains the role of Buddhism in Sino–Indian cultural exchange. As for Buddhist theories, he regards Buddhism as a study of the universe and the value of life, “the aim of which is to seek freedom, liberation, and the highest purpose of life.”60 He gives a modern generalization of the Buddhist dharmas as follows: “That which Buddhism teaches is called ‘dharma.’ If someone asks me what dharma is, I will not hesitate to answer ‘It is psychology.’”61 Here, he adopts the perspective of Western psychology, and views the function of the Buddhist dharma at a psychological level. This can be regarded as a unique point of view that significantly transcends the limitations of scientism in its antithesis between religion and science. Thirdly, Liang analyzed the differences between religion and philosophy and proposed a new and modern view of religion. He respected Confucius, but disapproved of the Confucian Church movement that sought to transform Confucianism into a religion. He believed that the Westerners’ so-called religion is a “superstitious belief” that has “its basis in the soul, its rituals in the act of worship, its purpose in the detachment from the world, its ultimate realm in the heavenly kingdom of Nirvana, and its dharma-gateway, the fortune and misfortune of future lives.” Thus, among its believers, “there is none more important that the awakening of faith, and none more urgent than the exorcism of demons,” which therefore suffocates the freedom of thought, and encourages tribalism and exclusion. In contrast, “what Confucius teaches focuses on global and national affairs, and the root of ethics and morality. It does not contain superstition or acts of worship. It does not prohibit doubt or resent the outsider.” Therefore, “Confucius was a philosopher, statesman, and educator, but not a religionist.”62 “If the world does not contain politics, education, and philosophy, then the teachings of Confucius will perish. If it does contain these three, then the teachings of Confucius [referring here to education] remain glorious and undiminished.”63 He advocated for the freedom of choice in religious beliefs, but stressed the necessity of “clearly delimiting the authority of politics and religion to prevent their mutual encroachment.” Liang’s distinction between religion and philosophy, his determination that Confucius’s Confucianism is not religion but philosophy, and his assertions on the freedom of belief and the separation of politics and religion, are all products resulting from the combination of Chinese and Western thought. His 59

Complete Works of Liang Qichao. Beijing Publishing House, 1999, p. 3807. Liang Qichao. Yin-bing Chamber Compilation: Special Collection, Volume 14. Zhonghua Book Company, 2015, p. 7925. 61 Complete Works of Liang Qichao. Beijing Publishing House, 1999, p. 3898. 62 Anthology of Liang Qichao. Beijing Yanshan Press, 2009, p. 130–131. 63 Anthology of Liang Qichao. Beijing Yanshan Press, 2009, p. 136. 60

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ideas had attained the highest level among scholars of the Republic of China, which had epoch-making significance, and served as a milestone in the history of China’s religious outlook. Fourthly, he compared the merits and demerits of Chinese and Western cultures, and encouraged their mutual complementation. Liang Qichao visited Europe for one year after the First World War, during which he gained personal experience of Western society. Upon his return, he wrote Ouyou Xinying Lu [Impressions from Travels in Europe], which comprehensively examined and evaluated the pros and cons of Western culture. He believed that the disasters of war suffered by Western civilizations were rooted in the wealth gap and social antagonism caused by economic liberalism and the prevalence of social Darwinism and individualism, thus giving rise to militarism and imperialism. In addition, he proposed that the belief in the “omnipotence of science” also caused the Europeans to lose their place of “securing restfulness and establishing one’s innate existence.” This was undoubtedly an insight of laudable profundity and perceptiveness. Not only was it unmatched within the academic circle of that time, but it also remains pertinent even today. Despite these misgivings, Liang still affirmed the advantages of Western culture: (1) “Freedom of criticism,” which enables the maintenance of its self-examination ability, and hence preserves its cultural vitality. (2) Its promotion of the vigorous development of science while opposing scientism, which will encourage the advanced development of material civilization. (3) It highlights the great necessity for the liberation of individuality, as there can only be an independent country if it has independent citizens. The three points above are the merits of Western culture, which also happen to be the deficiencies of Chinese culture. However, he believed it was also necessary to recognize that the deficiencies of Western culture are also precisely the merits of Chinese culture. Therefore, he neither approved of the arrogant and self-proclaimed “theory of the Chinese origin of Western learning,” nor did he agree with the historical nihilism of “devaluing everything related to China as worthless.” Instead, he proposed the skillful use of resources from Western learning to transform and revitalize Chinese culture.

8.2.2 Representative Scholars of Contemporary New Confucianism and Their Doctrines The contemporary New Confucianism refers to the new school of Confucianism that began in the 1920s. The word “contemporary” was added to distinguish it from the Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism, while also indicating its modern-day characteristics. Its ideological direction is different from the School of National Quintessence, and even more different from the radical school of Westernization. Instead, it advocates the integration of Western learning under the premise of maintaining the dominance of Confucianism, thus returning to the root while discovering the new, and building

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a modern theoretical form of Confucianism. This has been called “cultural conservatism,” but a more accurate positioning should be “cultural reformism,” which implies adherence, reform, and, more importantly, innovation. Its focus lies not in the destruction of the old culture but in cultural construction that involves pushing out the old to make room for the new. Due to the obstinate inertia of the old culture and the intensity of anti-tradition radicals, cultural “revolution” became the most fashionable slogan of that time, whereas cultural “reform” was criticized by mainstream scholars as a manifestation of compromise with the old powers. Therefore, New Confucianism could only serve as a branch of the mainstream, and its proponents continued their efforts in the margins. It was only when the whole society had moved on from high-spirited passion to rationality that contemporary New Confucianism gradually began to be appreciated. In fact, this school of thought represented the genuinely healthy direction of China’s New Culture Movement. It is composed of a large group of scholars, who each hold fast to their own views and have gathered together the strength of academic expertise into an endless and ever-expanding stream of thought. Due to space limitations, this book will only cover Liang Shuming, Xiong Shili, Feng Youlan, Qian Mu, He Lin, and Thomé H. Fang, as well as the slightly later Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan, and Xu Fuguan. We will briefly discuss each of their theories concerning the three teachings and Sino–Western relations. 1. Liang Shuming: The Founder of New Cultural Studies, Who Assimilated Buddhism and Confucianism Liang Shuming (1893–1988) was born in Beijing, and was a social activist cum thinker. He taught at Peking University and promoted rural reconstruction in Shandong before the Sino–Japanese War. In his soul, Liang “devoted his whole life to the Buddhist dharma,” whereas in his social undertakings, he “devoted himself to Confucianism.” Liang was the first great Confucian within contemporary New Confucianism to propose New Cultural Studies. His cultural philosophy and its social practice forged a new path for the revival of Chinese culture in a difficult situation, and they remain valuable to this day. Firstly, Liang proposed the theory of multilineal evolution among different ethnic cultures, and argued in favor of the esteemed status and characteristics that traditional Chinese culture ought to have in global multiculturalism. In the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China, the theory of the unilineal evolution of culture was prevalent in China, which posits that the social status of the world’s cultures corresponds to the level of their economic development, and all cultures move in a single line from the most primitive to the most civilized. Thus, based on this theory, Western culture is advanced, and Chinese culture is backward, while the difference between the Chinese and Western cultures is the difference between a high level and low level of human cultural development. Therefore, the modernization of the Chinese culture must follow the path of Western culture. Based on this argument, it is undeniable that the Chinese culture is a “low-level” culture, so it has no merit to offer the world. In his response, Liang does not simply defend Chinese culture but instead targets the concept of unilineal evolution from the perspective of cultural

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theory, and proposes the view of multilineal evolution. He argued that the differences among Western, Chinese, and Indian cultures are, in essence, not differences in the sequence of historical development, but differences in their “fundamental spirit” and “cultural direction” caused by variations across different nations. Therefore, each culture has its own characteristics, and cannot be judged in terms of its “merits.” Culture, he wrote, is “nothing more than the lifestyle of a people,” and “the lives of all human beings generally follow one of three different paths: (1) The will to go forward; (2) changing, reconciling, and maintaining the equilibrium of one’s will; and (3) the will to turn around and go backward. These are three different directions.” Western culture “chose the first direction––the path forward,” and hence has attained “achievements in the conquest of nature,” “achievements in the scientific method,” and “achievements in democracy.” “The Chinese culture regards the selfaction, reconciliation, and equilibrium of the will as its fundamental spirit. The Indian culture regards the will to turn around and move backwards (i.e., the elimination of the will) as its fundamental spirit.”64 Therefore, Liang’s attitude is: “(1) To reject the Indian attitude and not to accommodate it in the slightest; (2) to tolerate Western culture in its entirety, and effect its fundamental transformation, which also means altering our attitude toward it; and (3) to critically restore the original Chinese attitude.”65 In short, Liang calls for the rejection of the Indian culture, the “tolerance” and transformation of Western culture, and the renewal and propagation of the Chinese culture. Secondly, Liang proposed the ethical foundation and the substitution of religion with morality. Liang pointed out that compared to the West, China is a familial society that emphasizes familial ethics: “China lacks religion, and fills this gap with familial ethical life.” However, he also states, “If one were to claim that religion exists in China, then this would refer to acts like the worship of the ancestors and of Heaven.” However, Its ultimate goal does not lie with the worship of heaven, and so it cannot be called the religion of Heaven-worship; its ultimate goal is not to worship the ancestors, and so it is not the religion of ancestor-worship, as found in the patriarchal clan system. It neither has a name, nor religious organizations consisting of its followers. As a last resort, one can only call this a “religion of ethics.” This is because its doctrine is nothing more than this ethical concept, while its followers are none other than these Chinese people.66

Religion has been an inextricable part of China since antiquity, but from the time of Duke Zhou and Confucius, “the development of this culture over three thousand years has uniformly refrained from placing religion at its center,” while “China’s customs, teachings, and culture are actually centered on Confucius.”67 The worship 64

Complete Works of Liang Shuming, Volume 1. Shangdong People’s Publishing House, 2005, p. 382, 383. 65 Liang Shuming. Culture in the East and West and their Philosophies. The Commercial Press, 2009, p. 202. 66 Complete Works of Liang Shuming, Volume 3. Shangdong People’s Publishing House, 2005, p. 90. 67 Complete Works of Liang Shuming, Volume 3. Shangdong People’s Publishing House, 2005, p. 103.

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of Heaven and the ancestors has become a part of Confucius’s teachings, while foreign religions have all shown their respect to Confucius. However, Confucius does not possess the necessary elements for a religion, as he believed that all men are rational and have a sense of right and wrong. Although Confucius did not reject or criticize religion, he “strived to avoid the superstitions and dogmatism of religion, while also occupying himself with the task of inspiring rationality…. This is morality, not religion…. To replace religion in China is actually to practice the ‘rites’ of Duke Zhou and Confucius. However, its aim is to guide people toward the path of morality, which is different from that of religion. Therefore, we say that China has replaced religion with morality.”68 Liang hailed the virtues of the Chinese nation as “clarity, tranquility, peace, and harmony.” Liang Shuming’s so-called ethical foundation of the Chinese culture is the Confucian transformation of ancient religions into rites and morality, as well as capturing the Chinese humanistic rationality using the four words: “clarity, tranquility, peace, and harmony.” These are exceptional insights that Liang have given us. However, is it true to say that Confucian ethics have completely replaced religion? This is clearly not so, or there would be no need for the supplementation of Buddhism and Daoism. China is a multiethnic, multifaith country, where numerous ethnic minorities have been influenced by the humanistic rationality of Confucianism, while also adhering to their own religions. Even the Han people, who regard the Five Constancies and Eight Virtues as their basic moral principles, also believe in celestial gods, ancestral spirits, and various other deities. Although their beliefs are mixed and varied, their lives remain inseparable from polytheistic worship. In China, morality is bolstered by religion, while Buddhism and Daoism are key players in the transmission of Confucian ethics. Thirdly, Liang maintained that Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism are all necessary to social life, and discussed the characteristics and functions of the three teachings. He believed that the study of Confucianism “is not a study of external things and knowledge, nor of specific philosophical mysteries, but a form of learning and inquiry that one strives for during one’s life. This type of inquiry and learning can be called the study of life practice.”69 He stressed that Confucianism is a life-oriented learning, and a self-awareness concerning the uplifting of civilized life. At the same time, he believes that Daoism shares the same origin as Confucianism, but takes a different path, and so they are commensurable and complementary. When applied specifically to the experiential understanding of life, “the practices of both teachings are targeted at life, but exhibit different tendencies. The study of Confucianism is rooted in the human mind, and is inclined toward the opening of this mind to achieve autonomy and freedom in life practice. The study of Daoism focuses on the human

68

Complete Works of Liang Shuming, Volume 3. Shangdong People’s Publishing House, 2005, p. 106. 69 Complete Works of Liang Shuming, Volume 7. Shangdong People’s Publishing House, 2005, p. 330.

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body, and tends toward the interpenetration of the body with the spirit, thereby creating a realm for its unhindered use.”70 In terms of Buddhism, Liang recalled that, in his early years, he venerated Buddhism while rejecting Confucianism and Daoism, then later praised Confucius and Mencius while disparaging Daoism, and finally gained a positive understanding of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. “The main purpose of Buddhism is breaking attachments…. The study of Buddhism is the study of liberating oneself from the delusions of worldly life, and the path of Buddhism is to find respite from delusional life.”71 In addition, he affirms that the Buddhist dharma is no longer a religious obsession, but retains the remnants of its religious beliefs for expediency. This is the reason for the co-existence of the Buddhist dharma as philosophy and Buddhism as religion. In Liang’s mind, the Buddhist dharma has always been a nonreligious wisdom of life, the essence of which lies in persuading people to do good. However, it can also understand and tolerate the religious beliefs of the people in worshipping Buddha. Fourthly, Liang proposed rural reconstruction as a social practice from the viewpoint of the New Culture. Liang Shuming was a New Confucian with a deep sense of humanistic concern and a devotion to practical implementation. He realized that rural civilization is the foundation of Chinese civilization. However, the strains of modern imperialism, despotism, and the warlords of the Republic of China have led to the destruction of China’s rural areas, while farmers have been plunged into desperation by the pressures of wars, banditry, and cruel politics. If this situation carried on, there can be no deliverance for the rural areas, neither for China and its culture. Therefore, he advocated and devoted himself to the rural reconstruction movement in an attempt to find a new path of effectively transforming China. In 1928, he founded the Rural Governance Training Institute in Guangzhou, and in 1929, he accepted an invitation to serve as the dean of the Henan College of Village Governance. In 1931, together with his colleagues from the Henan College of Village Governance, he founded the Rural Reconstruction Research Institute in Shandong. With “the unity of knowledge and action” as its mission, they began investigating the theories of rural reconstruction, training cadres for rural reconstruction, and undertaking large-scale experiments in rural reconstruction in Zouping and Heze. After seven years, the epoch-making rural reconstruction movement ended prematurely due to the Japanese invasion and the occupation of Shandong. Although it did not come to fruition, this movement left behind valuable experiences and insights. Liang writes in Xiangcun Jianshe Lilun [Theories of Rural Reconstruction] that the rural areas in China have been inflicted with three destructive forces: (1) political destruction from war, banditry, and excessive taxes; (2) economic destruction from foreign economic aggression and compradors; and (3) cultural destruction resulting from the changes in etiquette, institutions, academics, and thought. How then can the rural 70 Complete Works of Liang Shuming, Volume 7. Shangdong People’s Publishing House, 2005, p. 339. 71 Complete Works of Liang Shuming, Volume 7. Shangdong People’s Publishing House, 2005, p. 355–356.

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areas be saved? In the absence of external forces, salvation can only come from the rural self-help movement. From a long-term perspective, the Chinese rural reconstruction movement “came from a need to rebuild a new social structure.”72 To the students of the Village Governance College and the Rural Reconstruction Research Institute, he imparted three spiritual lessons: (1) guidance for forming a reasonable attitude to life; (2) analysis of Chinese history and culture; and (3) discussions on practical issues in life. He wanted to guide the countryside with learning, and “introduce schooling to society.” He believed that China’s rural reconstruction could not follow the path of the Japanese, neither the path of Western capitalism. Instead, it should follow a socialist path of “government by the people,” and the “socialization of production and distribution.” He believed that “China is an agricultural country, and agriculture is not compatible with capitalism, but with socialism.”73 Liang Shuming possessed both the perseverance of ceaseless self-improvement, and the sentiments of great virtue to support humankind and things that were characteristic of the Chinese culture, as well as its historical mission and foresight: “Although Western culture has barged through our doors and caused us grave injury, it is also an opportunity that inspires us to transcend our predicaments. This is a great boon to our nation! For those who cannot solve all the problems of today, it is precisely because they can see the depth and breadth of these problems, as well as their extraordinary significance, that they urge our people to work harder, to forge this new chapter of human culture. How should our people shoulder this mission?”.74 2. Xiong Shili: The Founder of the Philosophy of Respecting Life and Vigorous Movement, Who Moved from Buddhism to Confucianism Xiong Shili (1885–1968) was a native of Huanggang, Hubei. He played a part in the Xinhai Revolution and the Constitutional Protection Movement in his youth. In 1918, he entered academia, and focused on studying Chinese academic theories. In 1922, he was appointed by Cai Yuanpei as a lecturer at Peking University, where he later continued as a professor until the 1950s. Xiong was a maverick with a strong personality, but he was not arrogant. He created his unique philosophical system based on his extensive knowledge of Chinese, Indian, and Western studies. He was not restricted by the original traditions of the different schools, and freely published his discourses, displaying high cultural self-confidence, and exhibiting a superior wisdom of life. Furthermore, he constantly endeavored to surpass himself through his exchanges and debates, attempting to renew and improve on his own doctrines, and striving to stimulate the enduring value of Confucian philosophy under the guidance of the Book of Changes, thereby achieving the revival of Chinese national culture. He was lauded as a “central, pioneering figure” within the circles of contemporary New Confucianism. Not only did he exert the greatest academic impact among them 72

Complete Works of Liang Shuming, Volume 2. Shangdong People’s Publishing House, 2005, p. 161. 73 Complete Works of Liang Shuming, Volume 4. Shangdong People’s Publishing House, 2005, p. 913. 74 Complete Works of Liang Shuming, Volume 5. Shangdong People’s Publishing House, 1990, p. 116.

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but also inspired the three great masters in the second generation of contemporary New Confucianism (i.e., Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan, and Xu Fuguan), thus securing the succession and continued propagation of this school. (1) Cultural awareness within the consciousness of suffering. Xiong’s concern for the country and the people not only involved resolutely resisting the Japanese to save lives and resolve crises, but also to reinvigorate the national spirit, rescue the loss of national cultural self-esteem, and continue the life of national culture. He believed that this was the fundamental way to saving the country, whereas the psychological dependence on the approval of others and the willingness to accept an inferior position would destroy any hope the nation had. Therefore, building cultural self-confidence and self-awareness was imperative to the survival of the nation. He was deeply troubled by the radical May Fourth movement for their denial of traditional culture. Xiong was clearly cognizant of the crisis in autonomy faced by China at that time. Hence, he levelled incisive criticisms against cultural radicalism and the theory of “total Westernization,” pointing out that these groups had failed to deeply examine the treasures of their own Chinese culture, while also contenting themselves with a superficial understanding of Western learning. However, they were arrogant in their false wisdom and hasty in their desire to the lead the world, which would ultimately result in great harm. This was indeed the case. The Westernization school was fervent in their destruction, but incompetent in their creation, achieving nothing of note in both the study of Chinese culture and Western learning. Their only strength laid in creating momentum, attracting attention, and tooting their own horns, believing that they were offering the “best solution to saving the country,” but wholly ignorant of the consequences of “cultural suicide.” Xiong’s scholarship was not rooted in the obsolete or old-fashioned, but rather involved breaking down schools and sects to launch his own innovations. Although Xiong was not fluent in Western languages, he was able to gain a better understanding of Western philosophy through the Chinese translations than were students studying abroad. He endeavored to integrate the essence of Chinese and Western philosophy, and established a Chinese-style ontological philosophy, which was greatly admired by foreign academic circles. The 1968 edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica included an entry for him, praising him as an innovator who achieved the original synthesis of Buddhist, Confucian, and Western motifs. Perhaps even more commendably, Xiong, with his cultural self-confidence, had already realized at that time that the Chinese culture will not only rejuvenate China, but will also “breathe new life into global culture.” Such admirable foresight would not be possible without great wisdom. (2) Xiong also wrote Xin Weishi Lun [New Treatise on Consciousness Only], Tiyong Lun [Treatise on Substance and Function] and created the New Philosophy. In brief, Xiong’s New Philosophy is the “nonduality of substance and function,” and “contraction and expansion become transformation,”75 the foundation of 75

Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 1. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 670.

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which was laid in the New Treatise on Consciousness Only, and its substance was further enriched with the Treatise on Substance and Function. Xiong engaged in the in-depth examination of Buddhism, from which he extracted and transformed the Buddhist theory of substance and function. The New Treatise on Consciousness Only disagrees with the idea that “Original Substance [is] something external, separate from the mind,”76 but also disagrees with “those who negate the Original Substance, and speak only of epistemology.”77 What, then, is Original Substance? Xiong states, What makes the Original Substance the Original Substance can be briefly described in six attributes: (1) Original Substance embodies the myriad principles, encompasses the myriad virtues, and initiates the myriad transformations. It is suchness, purity, and spontaneity. The word “suchness” implies that it is formed while waiting for nothing. Purity implies being without contamination, that is, without so-called evil. Spontaneity implies the original is as it is. The Original Substance is not something that was previously non-existent but now exists, nor was it established through imagination, and hence it is described as original. It will never change, and so we say it is as it is. (2) Original Substance is absolute; if it must wait for something, then it will not be called the Original Substance that completes all actions [in one action]. (3) Original Substance is hidden and intangible, that is, it is without spatiality. (4) Original Substance is eternal, without a beginning or an end, that is, it is without temporality. (5) Original Substance is complete and without flaws; it is not divisible. (6) If we say that Original Substance is unchangeable, then it already implies it is changeable. If we say that Original Substance is changeable, then it already implies it is unchangeable. It is difficult to describe. Original Substance is manifested as infinite and boundless function, that is, it does all actions, and hence it is changeable. However, although Original Substance is manifested as the myriad different functions or all actions, it ultimately remains unchanged in its selfnature. Its self-nature is always pure, robust, and unobstructed, and so it can be said to be unchangeable.78

Xiong’s theory of Original Substance is a combination of Chinese and Western philosophy. He was inspired by Western philosophy, and so wanted to seek an absolute and fundamental Ultimate Being for all things in the universe. However, this Ultimate Being is neither an “Absolute Idea” that is detached from all things, nor is it the absolute and only “God” who dominates all things. Instead, he was influenced by the philosophy of Laozi and the Book of Changes, explaining the Original Substance as the Great Way, which embodies the unity of substance and function, and which is inseparable from the myriad things but is also imbued with their attributes. It “clothes and nourishes all things but makes no assumption of being their lord,” “by an evervarying adaptation it completes [the nature of] all things without exception,” where “production and reproduction is what is called the process of change,” and “Heaven, in its motion, [gives the idea of] strength. The superior person, in accordance with this, nerves himself to ceaseless self-improvement.” Therefore, Xiong emphasizes that the Original Substance does not dominate, and is inseparable from all things, that is, “the non-duality of substance and function.” He also stresses the “ceaseless production and reproduction, and vigorous motion” of the Original Substance, which 76

Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 3. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 17. Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 3. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 75. 78 Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 3. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 75. 77

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in fact is to view the Original Substance as the source of life for all movement and changes in the universe. Therefore, he describes the Original Substance as an “eternal rotation,” where “eternal means never-ending, and rotation means never-constant,” “only that which is never-constant and never-ending can have change, and become a great function of flowing movement. Therefore, Xiong’s “non-duality of substance and function” is not only a Chinese-style theory, but also embodies the philosophical spirit of the Book of Changes, that is, the spirit of respecting life and vigorous motion. Contraction and expansion become transformation” is Xiong’s view on the motion of the Original Substance, which was derived from the Book of Changes: Xici, “There is Kun. In its individual stillness, it contracts; when exerting its motive power, it expands, and thus its productive action is on a wide scale;” and “A door shut may be pronounced analogous to Kun (i.e., the inactive condition), and the opening of the door analogous to Qian (i.e., the active condition). Opening after being shut may be pronounced analogous to what we call a change; and the passing from one of these states to the other may be called the constant course of things.” Contraction is the condensation to form living things, and expansion is the differentiation to form new things: “The flowing movement of Original Substance is manifested as one expansion and one contraction, set in opposition to create transformation. This is called change, and also called function.”79 He praised “that which in the Great Commentary on the Book of Changes is commended as the motion of utmost exquisiteness and the flow of life, which may fully manifest its hidden meaning. Qian is life and spirit; Kun is matter and ability. All beings in the universe contain only these two aspects. How can it be denied?80

Xiong’s New Philosophy can be described as a life philosophy of respecting life and vigorous motion. Its essence lies in the four attributes: “respect for life, exaltation of virtue, vigorous motion, and accordance with nature.” It was inherited from the Hengqu Guan School, with its starting point in Buddhism and including the study of the Book of Changes, thereby truly demonstrating the Confucian character of benevolent love, cherishing life, self-improvement, and centrality. It stresses the subjectivity, vitality, and creativity of life, “without the superstition of religion, without the faults of isolation, reclusion, detachment, and so forth; yet also without the indulgence in material desires, leading to the loss of spiritual life.”81 He underscores the spontaneity, vivacity, and carefreeness of spiritual life. This is the true spirit and true meaning of Confucian philosophy, which was captured by Xiong in his New Philosophy, conveying a sense of magnificence, profound ideas, and moving wisdom. (3) Transforming Buddhism and Daoism Based on Confucianism. In terms of cosmological outlook and methodology, Xiong advocated drawing on the dharma-characteristic of consciousness, only to reinforce the logical spirit, and hence form a bridge with Western philosophy. “The philosophers of today must show an impartiality to Chinese, Indian, and Western philosophy.”82 “The Buddhist’s insight to the inner mind, experience of life, interpretation of the 79

Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 5. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 14. Works of Xiong Shili: The Second Volume. Zhonghua Book Company, 1994, p. 450. 81 Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 7. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 95. 82 Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 2. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 346. 80

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universe, and argumentation of the truth are all characterized by their unique features. That is, its focus on the spirit of logic is especially beneficial in compensating for the biases of China.”83 Western culture has now arrived in the East, but our science has yet to flourish, and our material life has not been developed. Thus, if we blindly follow our desires, this will only lead us to our collapse. Those who seek self-preservation and the happiness of all humankind must guide their desires to abide by principle, and ensure that their emotions remain unobstructed. If things are controlled by the Original Mind, then all functions will be beneficial. For all the unenlightened to dwell in the ocean of original nature, and for all humans to satisfy their individual wishes, this can only be attained through the harmonization of Chinese, Indian, and Western thought. Thus, when the new culture of the future world takes root, how can it discard and ignore Buddhism?84

Xiong was aware of the dangers of materialism in Western culture, and that Buddhism, with its own unique wisdom, plays a crucial role in the integration of Chinese, Indian, and Western culture to promote human civilization. In his study of Buddhism, Xiong not only had a sympathetic understanding, but could also take the stance of an outsider to comment on its merits and demerits. He clearly explicates the features of its cosmology, ontology, and epistemology, so as to connect each domain with modern Western philosophy. He was not part of the Buddhist community, and so naturally was denounced by scholars within Buddhism. However, he had a keen eye for recognizing the quintessence of Buddhism, and was also a champion for its modernization. Xiong believed that the Madhyamaka school had yet to “understand the entirety of nature and virtue.” In fact, “within silence and tranquility, there is the flowing movement of vitality…. The Madhyamaka school sees that nature and substance are silent and tranquil, but does not know that nature and substance are also engaged in flowing movement.”85 Thus, with his starting point in Madhyamaka, Xiong brings it into the philosophy of the Commentary on the Book of Changes, with its virtues of ceaseless production and reproduction, great transformation, and flowing movement. Xiong argues that the Madhyamaka school “believes the Original Substance cannot be described as a thing of ceaseless production and reproduction, and continuous transformation, but only as inaction, without creation or destruction.”86 However, the genuine Original Substance “is not a coagulated thing of unwavering abidance, but a thing of ceaseless production and reproduction, and continuous transformation.”87 Therefore, he once again transcends the School of Existence, and returns to the philosophy of the Commentary on the Book of Changes, which resulted in the Treatise on Substance and Function, and the establishment of his own philosophy. Xiong held the same attitude toward Laozi and Zhuangzi’s Daoism as he did toward Buddhism, that is, learning from its strengths while discarding its weaknesses, 83

Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 2. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 346. Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 2. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 347. 85 Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 3. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 175. 86 Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 3. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 209. 87 Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 4. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 204. 84

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and transforming it for his own use. With regard to Laozi, Xiong placed the most emphasis on Laozi’s theory of the Way. Proposing that the “Way,” “Nothingness,” and “One” all refer to the truth of the universe and the “real substance of all things.” Xiong has a full understanding of Laozi’s dao. That is, the dao is the substance of all things, but it also dwells within all things, and hence it exhibits the non-duality of substance and function. It is not related to the “Absolute Idea” in Western philosophy that transcends the phenomenal world. He states, Nothingness is the Original Substance of the universe, the so-called the Great ultimate or Supreme Oneness (The Book of Changes). Substance is quiescent and formless; thus, it is described as Nothingness, but it is not an empty nothingness. Being is the great function manifested by the great substance, the so-called Qian and Kun.88

Here, Xiong uses the non-duality of substance and function to interpret Laozi’s theory of Being and Nothingness, which he incorporates into the philosophy of ceaseless production and reproduction, great transformation, and flowing movement, thereby interconnecting Laozi’s teachings with the Book of Changes. This is precisely where Xiong’s innovative interpretation of Laozi stands out from the rest. Laozi’s discourse on Nothingness is itself in danger of vacuity, but was bolstered by Xiong’s use of the robustness in the Book of Changes. The conclusion from this is clear: the development of Chinese philosophy must be propagated through the complementariness between Confucianism and Daoism. As for Zhuangzi, Xiong was most fond of Zhuangzi’s subjective consciousness, free spirit, and eccentric air. He was deeply influenced and inspired by Zhuangzi’s self-improving, independent, free, harmonious, and carefree consciousness. With these he intended to uplift the philosophy of life, stating that philosophy must return to the self to examine one’s own basis and root, rather than look outward for the foundation. The expression ‘one’s own basis and root’ comes from Zhuangzi. His words are exquisite, profoundly capturing the essence of the Great Change.89 Daoism claims that personal life is the great cosmic life, and the great cosmic life is personal life. Zhuangzi says, “Heaven, Earth, and I were produced together, and all things and I are one.” This is a discourse on verifying the truth.90 The various models of society will certainly limit the lives of our people, but if our people can no longer bear its fixed and unreasonable restrictions, then they can improve themselves, mobilize themselves, and build up themselves to destroy society’s model and alter its restrictions. This is the creation of a new society, in which I and my kind can propagate new life.91

Evidently, Xiong’s philosophy of self-confidence, self-creation, selfestablishment, and self-understanding, as well as his arrogant, unbridled personality with its condescension of orthodoxy, can be attributed to Zhuangzi’s eccentricity and carefreeness. This gave Xiong the courage to break the old and usher in the new. 88

Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 3. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 952. Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 3. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 732. 90 Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 7. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 173. 91 Completed Works of Xiong Shili, Volume 4. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2001, p. 477–478. 89

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3. Feng Youlan: The Founder of the New School of Principle Who Integrated Chinese and Western Philosophy, and Syncretized the Three Teachings Feng Youlan (1895–1990) was a native of Tanghe County, Henan. After graduating from the Department of Philosophy at Peking University, he traveled to America, where he completed his PhD in Philosophy at Columbia University. From 1928 to 1952, he served as a professor of the Department of Philosophy at Tsinghua University, Dean of the School of Humanities at Tsinghua University, as well as a professor of the Department of Philosophy cum Dean of the School of Humanities at the National Southwest Associated University. After that, he served as a professor of the Department of Philosophy at Peking University, and was a member at the Department of Philosophy and Social Sciences of the Chinese Academy of Sciences. Feng Youlan is the most influential philosopher and historian of philosophy in contemporary China, with the most complete philosophical system, as well as the most successful scholar in disseminating Chinese philosophy in the United States and the West. His philosophy is known as the “New School of Principle.” It carries on the teachings of the Song–Ming School of Principle, while also employing Western methods of logical analysis to provide the School of Principle with a contemporary theoretical form. Therefore, the New School of Principle is a product of the integration between Chinese and Western philosophy. In A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, Feng states, “The permanent contribution of Western philosophy to Chinese philosophy is the method of logical analysis.”92 Feng Youlan possesses a strong sense of historical mission and humanistic care, as well as a profound comprehension of the spirit of Chinese philosophy. This can be seen in a couplet that he always used to display in his home: “Elucidate the old nation to realize the new mission; attain the greatest height and brilliancy, and pursue the Way of the Mean.” The first half expresses his sentiments toward his family and nation, where his study of the history of Chinese philosophy is intended to develop China’s ideological resources and provide nourishment for cultural construction in the new era. The second half conveys his own understanding of the spirit of Chinese philosophy, which encompasses both the pursuit of metaphysical substance, and the emphasis on physical function. The following presents selected aspects of the Feng School related to its integration with multiple philosophies. (1) The New School of Principle and Doctrine of Universals. Feng had absorbed the doctrine of universals and particulars from Plato’s philosophy, while also inheriting the doctrine of principle and qi from the Cheng–Zhu School of Principle; he merged them to form the metaphysics of the New School of Principle (xinlixue), that is, the doctrine of universals. He believed that “the fundamental problem of epistemology and logic is the problem of the distinction and relationship between universals and particulars”93 : 92

Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 277. 93 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 13. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 438.

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This is a fundamental problem that has pervaded the entire development process of Chinese philosophy.94 Although Chengzi and Zhuzi did not use terms such as universals and particulars, or generality and specificity, the fact remains that they were discussing this problem. The discourse concerning this problem is the main content of the Cheng–Zhu School of Principle. What the “New School of Principle” wishes to “continue talking about” is also the discourse concerning this problem. It is manifested in the Cheng–Zhu School of Principle as the problem of principle and qi. When they talk about the principle by which each category of things is as it is, they are referring to the universal of that category of things, which includes the common determinateness shared across all things in that category. With this determinateness, this category of things will be qualitatively distinct from other categories of things. However, having these universals alone cannot cause these things to exist in the concrete world. Universals are abstract, and they must have a certain material basis to become concrete. The total material basis of the concrete world is known as qi.95

Thus, what was the practical significance behind the theory of universals proposed by the New School of Principle at that time? Its aim was to resolve the problem of the relationship between China’s modernization and the preservation of Chinese cultural characteristics. Faced with the proponents of “total Westernization” and “Chinese-centered culture,” Feng had to compose his own reply. He believed that China was “a family-oriented community,” whereas the Western world at that time was a “society-oriented community.” This was because the West had undergone the Industrial Revolution and achieved industrialization, which is the “universality” of modernization. However, national cultures have their particularities, and China is unable to imitate the West. “We can only transform our own culture from one category to another category, and not transform our particular culture into another particular culture.”96 In other words, China can only take on a modern form, and not all cultures need imitate the culture of the West. For example, “in terms of basic morality, it cannot be regarded as modernized or unmodernized.”97 Feng not only insisted that China must develop a commodity-based economy and travel down the path of industrialization, but also that China must hold fast to its cultural characteristics and ensure the transmission of its own traditions, thereby avoiding biases either toward conservatism and stagnation or toward total Westernization. This is truly China’s road to freedom. Feng’s theory of “universals and particulars” was a crucial insight into how people should correctly handle relationships among multiple civilizations and multiple ethnicities. Feng’s doctrine of universals later evolved to encompass the abstract meaning of traditional culture in 1957, and he proposed the “method of abstract inheritance.” That is, he advocated that in Chinese philosophical propositions, one must distinguish between abstract and concrete meanings, inherit 94

Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 13. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 438. 95 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 1. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 211. 96 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 4. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 207. 97 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 4. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 331.

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universal and regular connotations, discard the concrete components specific to their times, and then combine universal principles with contemporary reality, in order to imbue the former with new concrete meaning. (2) Xin Yuanren [New Treatise on the Nature of Man] and the Doctrine of Spheres of Living. In Chinese, 境 (Jing, or sphere) originally meant “boundary,” which was later extended to mean a hierarchical state, and mostly applied in cultural expressions. As stated in Zhuangzi: The Equalization of Things, “Let us forget the lapse of time; let us forget the conflict of opinions. Let us make our appeal to the infinite (无竟, literally, without boundary), and take up our position there.” This line is referring to a state of unity between the thing and the self. In his commentary on the Zhuangzi, Guo Xiang proposed the “state of mystery,” which is to integrate the self with the thing. The term 境界 (Jingjie, literally, “bounded world” or “realm”) comes from the Buddhist scriptures. The Buddhist notion of “sphere” refers to the degree of attainment in the Buddhist dharma, while “heart-mentality” is often contrasted with “sphere” to indicate the subject–object relation. In modern times, the term “sphere” is often used in Chinese aesthetics and philosophy. In the New Treatise on the Nature of Man, Feng first proposed the term 觉解 (Juejie, literally, awareness and understanding), which combines the Buddhist awareness (i.e., experience) with conceptual understanding (i.e., knowledge). Feng believed that humans live in a “common world,” but have different degrees of enlightenment and understanding toward the universe and life, while the universe and life have different meanings to different people, thus constituting different spheres for different people. “We can classify the various spheres of living into four general grades. Beginning with the lowest, they are: the innocent sphere, the utilitarian sphere, the moral sphere, and the transcendent sphere.”98 Humans who live in the innocent sphere “do not understand or investigate” the meaning of life. Many people in modern society live in the innocent sphere. The affairs they engage in may be of great importance, but they often “act when they have no choice but to act, and stop when they have no choice but to stop,” and “allowing things to happen of their own accord without knowing how.”99 Man may be aware of himself, and be doing everything for himself. That does not mean that he is necessarily an immoral man. He may do something, the consequences of which are beneficial to others, but his motivation for so doing is self-benefit. Thus everything he does has the significance of utility for himself. His sphere of living is what I call the utilitarian sphere.100 Yet again a man may come to understand that a society exists, of which he is a member. This society constitutes a whole and he is a part of that whole. Having this understanding, he does everything for the benefit of society, or as the Confucianists say, he does everything “for the sake of righteousness, and not for the sake of personal profit.” He is a truly moral

98

Feng Youlan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 501. Feng Youlan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 501. 100 Feng Youlan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 501. 99

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man and what he does is moral action in the strict sense of the word. Everything he does has a moral significance. Hence his sphere of living is what I call the moral sphere.101 And finally, a man may come to understand that over and above society as a whole, there is the great whole which is the universe. He is not only a member of society, but at the same time a member of the universe. He is a citizen of the social organization, but at the same time a citizen of Heaven, as Mencius says. Having this understanding, he does everything for the benefit of the universe. He understands the significance of what he does and is self-conscious of the fact that he is doing what he does. This understanding and self-consciousness constitute for him a higher sphere of living which I call the transcendent sphere.102

The difference, as one moves from the innocent sphere to the utilitarian sphere, then to the moral sphere, and finally to the transcendent sphere, lies in the different degrees of awareness and understanding. To live in the transcendent sphere is to be a sage. Feng pointed out that “Spheres can be permanent or temporary. That is to say, an individual’s sphere can change.”103 Therefore, humans must cultivate themselves, make progress in learning, dwell in reverence, and foster sincerity. Feng had high praise for Song–Ming Neo-Confucians, stating that: The Neo-Confucians were influenced by Buddhism and Daoism, carried on the teachings of Mencius, and talked about the highest realm. However, this highest realm does not need to be pursued beyond the daily affairs of human relations, nor does it need to exist beyond the daily affairs of human relations. Each person only needs to take their place in society, and engage in daily affairs, effecting the complete development of their nature and attaining their Heaven-ordained existence in the midst of their sprinkling water to sweep the floor, and in their answering and replying. The teachings of the Neo-Confucians can be regarded as extremely plain and easy, but also as extremely subtle and exquisite. This is the greatest contribution of the Neo-Confucians.104

Feng’s doctrine of the four spheres is the quintessence of his New Philosophy. He used the Chinese experience to point out that the function of philosophy is to elevate the meaning of life: “Although these philosophical concepts cannot offer humans positive knowledge, they can give humans a new sphere.”105 This is not in conflict with the pursuit of knowledge and technology: “If humans pursue knowledge and technology for the purpose of fulfilling their duties, that which they pursue is moral behavior, and their sphere is one of morality. If humans pursue knowledge and technology for the purpose of serving Heaven and assisting the transforming powers of Heaven and Earth, that which they pursue is also contains super-moral significance, and their sphere is transcendent.”106 This is clearly a philosophy of life 101

Feng Youlan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 501. Feng Youlan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy. Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 501– 502. 103 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 4. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 500. 104 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 4. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 581. 105 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 4. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 591. 106 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 4. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 596. 102

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and not a Western epistemology-based philosophy. Western mainstream philosophy also touches on cosmology and ontology, but its goal is to improve the ability to think and better comprehend the world, rather than making life more meaningful. Christianity is given the role of addressing the issues of the latter in the West. (3) Xin Yuandao [A New Treatise on the Nature of the Way] and the Spirit of Chinese Philosophy. A New Treatise on the Nature of the Way appears to be a concise history of Chinese philosophy, but is actually a discussion of theories using history as an allegory. It puts emphasis on philosophy and discusses little about history. It is similar to Han Yu’s Yuan Dao [Nature of the Way], which regards the propagation of Confucian orthodoxy as its mission, hence the title A New Treatise on the Nature of the Way. However, it also encompasses Buddhism and Daoism in addition to the Hundred Schools of Thought in its propagation of the great orthodoxy of Chinese philosophy, hence the sub-title “The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy.” What is the basic spirit of Chinese philosophy? It is “to attain the greatest height and brilliancy, and to pursue the Way of the Mean.” In his Introduction to the A New Treatise on the Nature of the Way, he states, The highest realm pursued by Chinese philosophy is to transcend and yet remain within the daily affairs of human relations....because it is of the world, it is said to “pursue the Way of the Mean”; because it is beyond the world, it is said to “attain the greatest height and brilliancy.” [It is] the most idealistic and also the most realistic....Chinese philosophy seeks to solve the problem of uniting the two. To seek a solution to this problem is the spirit of Chinese philosophy. To solve this problem is the contribution of Chinese philosophy.107

Feng also refers to this “attainment of the greatest height and brilliancy, and the pursuit of the Way of the Mean” as the “way of inner sageliness and outer kingliness.” That is, in spiritual terms, one must pursue a realm that transcends phenomena, and reach the height of “engaging the abstract and involving the vast,” while in behavioral terms, one must live a proper daily life, and embody the attitude of “ordinary words and deeds.” This way of life can enable one to avoid the delusions of religion and the mediocrity of the secular, containing both the responsibilities of reality, as well as transcendent awareness and understanding. Thus, it can be said to be the most ideal form of life. The spirit of Chinese philosophy—that is, “to attain the greatest height and brilliancy, and to pursue the Way of the Mean,” as described by Feng in the A New Treatise on the Nature of the Way—offers insights from three different perspectives based on his explanations in this and other books: (1) The way of inner sageliness and outer kingliness, that is, the unity of humanity’s transcendence in his inner spiritual realm with the establishment of his outer social undertakings. This is the Confucian pursuit of “exhaustively investigating the principles, effecting the complete development of one’s nature, and arriving at one’s Heaven-ordained existence,” and “cultivating the self so as to give rest to all the people.” (2) The unity of idealism and realism, which is 107

Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 5. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 6.

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to pursue the “Great Unity” of society and the “emulation of the sages” in life, while also having “inheritance and innovation,” and engaging in “practical knowledge of use to society.” (3) The unity of empty learning and real learning, that is, the unity of “engaging the abstract and involving the vast” and “ordinary words and deeds.” This not only requires transcending the worldly and eliminating the separation of Heaven and Humankind but also fulfilling one’s ethics and duties and clarifying the substance to carry out its function. In sum, Chinese philosophy has a strong sense of transcendence, but also a deep concern for reality, which enables one to exhaustively investigate the root of things, while also securing personal restfulness and establishing one’s Heaven-ordained existence. In his discussion on the development process of the spirit of Chinese philosophy, Feng fully affirmed the important contributions made by Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, but also pointed out each of their shortcomings, while also incorporating the teachings of the Hundred Schools of Thought. His inheritance and propagation of the spirit of Chinese philosophy was accomplished from the standpoint of the Chinese nation as a whole, rather than that of a specific school of thought. (4) “Explaining the Past and Present through the Three Histories” and “Elucidating the Old Nation to Realize the New Mission.” Although Feng Youlan was a philosopher, he wrote three books on the history of Chinese philosophy during his lifetime. This was not simply because he had a fondness for history, but because he wanted to propose his theories based on history, to provide a solid historical foundation for his New Philosophy, thereby attaining the goal of “elucidating the old nation to realize the new mission.” His patriotism was channeled into his love, understanding and in-depth study of the Chinese culture, while also exuding a strong cultural self-confidence. He declared with great confidence that “True ‘Chinese people’ have created the great China of the past. These ‘Chinese people’ will now create a new China that will surpass all other countries in every respect. This is what we believe in without the slightest doubt.”108 The first of the “Three Histories” refers to A History of Chinese Philosophy in two volumes, which was published in the early 1930s (first volume in 1931 and second volume in 1933). It is the first complete history of Chinese philosophy with modern significance, and its basic framework has been accepted by the academia in the history of philosophy. Prior to Feng’s work, Hu Shih had written the Zhongguo Zhexueshi Dagang [Outline of the History of Chinese Philosophy] (Volume 1), half of which is actually a “critical” history of Chinese philosophy. Hu Shih uses the “experimental method” of Western philosophy, as well as scientism and Westerncentrism, to destroy the value outlook and moral theory of the Chinese orthodoxy, while also promoting a trend of “doubting antiquity” and a Westernized historiography of “systematizing the national heritage.” When Feng’s A History of Chinese Philosophy was published in two volumes, it quickly replaced Hu’s work, and was 108

Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 4. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 333.

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universally accepted by academic circles in China and abroad. This was not only due to the completeness and academic rigor of Feng’s work, but was also because of the recognition and high praise it accorded the spirit of Chinese philosophy. A Short History of Chinese Philosophy was published in English in the United States in 1948, using about 200,000 words to narrate the history of Chinese philosophy in a concise, vivid, and profound manner. In his comments on Feng’s work, Chak Chi-Shing writes, Feng recognized that Chinese philosophy is not only the quintessence of Chinese culture, but also the soul and heart of the Chinese nation.109 Feng’s writings are, in fact, a large-scale excavation and organization of the essence of Chinese culture, which he then theorizes and systematizes, to highlight the favorable side of Chinese culture. This is so that after reading his work, the Chinese people will be convinced that Chinese culture is not inferior to Western culture, but instead recognize that the orchid blooms in spring and the chrysanthemum in autumn, and each has its unique charm. In this way, it becomes possible to extricate the people from the quagmire of national cultural nihilism, enable to renew their understanding and passion for their own national culture, and hence reconstruct their historical memory and consolidate their identification with the Chinese culture.”110

Feng’s writing of A History of Chinese Philosophy is, without a doubt, an important undertaking in his elucidation of the old nation to realize the new mission. In terms of content, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy describes the history of the main schools in Chinese philosophy spanning more than two thousand years, including the three main teachings, Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, as well as the non-canonical schools, such as Mohism, the School of Names, the Yin-Yang School, and Legalism. It covers the key points in the development of philosophical thought from Confucianism to Neo-Confucianism, from Daoism to Neo-Daoism, and finally discusses Chinese philosophy after the introduction of Western philosophy. This piece encapsulates both the richness of A History of Chinese Philosophy, and the conciseness of A New Treatise on the Nature of the Way. In terms of ideology, it fully embodies and elaborates on its purpose of “elucidating the old nation to realize the new mission,” and the Chinese philosophical spirit of “attaining the greatest height and brilliancy, and pursuing the Way of the Mean,” thereby highlighting the life pursuit and thinking style of the Chinese philosophers. In terms of innovation, it exhibits the features and advantages of Chinese philosophy through its comparison between Chinese and Western philosophy. This enabled Westerners to overcome their Western-centrism, and understand Chinese philosophy in an objective and rational manner, while also facilitating an egalitarian academic exchange between Chinese and Western philosophers. Feng puts forward a series of new viewpoints in this regard to inspire his readers, and broaden their horizons. 109

Chak Chi-Shing. Unnecessary that Teachers Must Better than Students: On Two “History of Chinese Philosophy” of Hu Shih and Feng Youlan. In Approaching Feng Youlan, edited by Zong Pu. Social Sciences Academic Press, 2013. 110 Chak Chi-Shing. Unnecessary that Teachers Must Better than Students: On Two “History of Chinese Philosophy” of Hu Shih and Feng Youlan. In Approaching Feng Youlan, edited by Zong Pu. Social Sciences Academic Press, 2013.

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In the first chapter of the book, entitled “The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy,” he analyzes the misunderstanding held by Westerners of regarding Confucianism as a religion, pointing out that “in the Four Books there is no story of creation, and no mention of a heaven or hell.”111 What, then, is philosophy? “For my part, what I call philosophy is systematic, reflective thinking on life.”112 What of religion? “Every great religion is a philosophy with a certain amount of superstructure, which consists of superstitions, dogmas, rituals, and institutions.”113 If one views China from this perspective, then “Confucianism is not a religion. As to Daoism, there is a distinction between Daoism as a philosophy (the Daoist school), and the Daoist religion.”114 “As to Buddhism, there is also a distinction between Buddhism as a philosophy (the Buddhist learning), and Buddhism as a religion (the Buddhist religion).”115 In general, “it is ethics, not religion, that has provided the spiritual basis of Chinese civilization.”116 Does this, therefore, imply that the Chinese have no super-moral values, that is, pursuits beyond the present world? No, “they have not had much concern with religion because they have had so much concern with philosophy.”117 “In philosophy, they satisfy their craving for what is beyond the present actual world…. The function of philosophy “is not the increase of positive knowledge, but the elevation of the spiritual realm.”118 He predicts that because religion “is mixed with imagination and superstition,… in the world of the future, humankind will have philosophy in place of religion.”119 Feng showed unique creativity in proposing that Confucianism is not a religion but an ethical philosophy, recognizing the sophistication of Chinese humanism, and distinguishing between the Daoist philosophy and Daoist religion, as well as between the Buddhist philosophy and Buddhist religion. However, his proposition that “humankind will have philosophy in place of religion” was refuted by practice. This is because a humanistic philosophy can only take its place as an elitist outlook on life, whereas the masses cannot remove themselves from religion, which talks 111

Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 5. 112 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 6. 113 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 7. 114 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 7. 115 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 7. 116 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 7. 117 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 8. 118 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 8. 119 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 9.

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about the afterlife and the heavenly kingdom. The psychological comfort provided deities and the otherworld is a necessity for the people, but even this requires the enlightenment of philosophy. The aspects of Confucianism that allowed its popularization among the people were the ritual teachings of Heaven and ancestor worship that it inherited, and the ethical code of the “Five Constancies” and “Eight Virtues” that it constructed, rather than the philosophical systems created by Confucians in different eras. Feng regards Chinese philosophy as a philosophy of life, and pointed out that “since the subject matter of philosophy is the Way of inner sageliness and outer kingliness, the study of philosophy is not simply an attempt to acquire this kind of knowledge, but is also an attempt to develop this kind of character.”120 In the second chapter, entitled “The Background of Chinese Philosophy,” Feng compares Confucianism and Daoism: Because it “roams within the bounds of society,” Confucianism appears more this-worldly than Daoism, and because it “roams beyond the bounds of society,” Daoism appears more other-worldly than Confucianism. These two trends of thought rivaled one another, but also complemented each other. They exercised a sort of balance of power. This gave to the Chinese people a better sense of balance in regard to this-worldliness and other-worldliness.121

Feng predicts that “the philosophy of the future is likely to be both this-worldly and other-worldly. In this respect, Chinese philosophy may have something to contribute.”122 Feng points out in the final part of his book that the methodology of metaphysics in philosophy consists of the positive and the negative method; the essence of the former is to talk about the object of metaphysics, whereas the essence of the latter is not to talk about it and follow only intuition. The former is the mainstream of Western philosophy, while the latter is the mainstream of Chinese philosophy. Feng believed that “a perfect metaphysical system should start with the positive method and end with the negative one,”123 and “it is the combination of the two that will produce the philosophy of the future.”124 Feng Youlan’s A Short History of Chinese Philosophy is a philosophical dialogue with the West undertaken with an attitude of reciprocity. Feng comprehends the spirit of Western philosophy and has a clear understanding of the spirit of Chinese philosophy through comparisons between the two, as well as their strengths, weaknesses, and mutual complementation. Thus, the West was easily persuaded by his writing, and began approaching Chinese philosophy, to jointly promote the development of world philosophy. Feng hoped for the alliance and unity of East and West: “I hope 120

Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 12. 121 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 23. 122 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 303. 123 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 288. 124 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 6. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 288.

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that in the near future, we will witness the supplementation of European philosophical concepts with Chinese intuition and experience, and the clarification of Chinese philosophical concepts through European logic and clear thinking.”125 From this perspective, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy is not an elucidation of the old nation to realize the new mission for China alone but also for the whole of humanity. The Zhongguo Zhexue Shi Xinbian [A New History of Chinese Philosophy] in seven volumes was completed in 1990 and was published in the years that followed. Against the backdrop of the liberation and freedom of thought, Feng’s writing of A New History of Chinese Philosophy became increasingly unique and innovative. For example, the fifth volume discusses Neo-Confucianism, in which he reveals that its humanistic features lie with elevating the spiritual realm of the literati, and expounding on “the status and mission of humans in the universe, the relationship between humans and nature, the relationship among humans, human nature, and human happiness (and so on).”126 Feng proposes that there are three paths by which philosophers can transcend reality: Plato took the path of ontology, Kant took the path of epistemology, while Neo-Confucianism took the path of ethics. He also summarizes the attitudes of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism toward life: “Daoism talks of ‘long life,’ Buddhism of ‘no-life,’ and Confucianism of ‘enjoying life.’”.127 A major innovation in the sixth and seventh volumes is the esteem with which he regards Zhang Zai’s Taihe Pian [The Great Harmony] and his proposals for its contemporary application. The Great Harmony summarizes the dialectical method in three sentences: “As there are forms, there are their opposites. These opposites necessarily stand in opposition to what they do. Opposition leads to conflict, which will necessarily be reconciled and resolved.” Feng further expounds on this: There is only one objective dialectical method, but we may have numerous, or at least two dialectical methods: comprehension, and the understanding of it. All of us acknowledge that the two opposing sides of a unified whole together constitute a contradictory unity. However, one understanding of this can be based on contradiction, while another understanding can be based on unity. The latter believes “conflict will necessarily be reconciled and resolved,” whereas the former believes “conflict will necessarily persist to the end.” This is the fundamental difference between the two dialectical methods.128

In Chapter 71 of the seventh volume, which is the Conclusion to A New History of Chinese Philosophy, Feng once again quotes the four sentences of The Great Harmony, and further elaborates on them. He writes, All revolutions aim to destroy the unified whole in which the two opposites exist.129 125

Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 11. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 270. 126 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 13. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 485. 127 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 10. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 132. 128 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 10. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 130. 129 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 10. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, 663.

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The revolutionaries and revolutionary parties were originally rebelling against the rulers at the time, and have now become rulers themselves. As the new rulers, their task is no longer to destroy the unified whole, but to protect this new unified whole, consolidate it, and develop it further. This represents a transition from following the road of “conflict will necessarily persist to the end” to one of “conflict will necessarily be reconciled and resolved.”130

At the end of his book, he states, Modern history is advancing toward the direction of “conflict will necessarily be reconciled and resolved.”131 Humans are the most intelligent and rational of all animals, and will not always follow the path of “conflict will necessarily persist to the end.” This is the tradition of Chinese philosophy and the future of world philosophy.132

When writing A New History of Chinese Philosophy, Feng consciously employed historical materialism and dialectical method, and later strived to rid himself of Zhdanovism, to combine the former with Chinese philosophy. He also used Zhang Zai’s “conflict will necessarily be reconciled and resolved” to reinterpret the law of the unity of opposites in the dialectical method, thereby adapting it to the needs of building a harmonious Chinese society and a harmonious world. This is the shining beacon provided by his masterpiece, which offers Chinese wisdom to the creation of “a community with a shared future for humankind.” As a result, Feng Youlan became the leading figure in the contemporary advocacy for a philosophy of harmony. (5) Feng’s positions at Tsinghua University, Southwest Associated University, and Peking University, and his endeavors in education and nation-building. Feng Youlan was a philosopher and an educator. His practice as an educator included teaching philosophy and managing university affairs, in which he made outstanding contributions. This was also an important manifestation of his implementation of “integrating China and the West, and knowing the past to understand the present.” He was the Dean of the School of Humanities at Tsinghua University for 18 years, where he advocated and formed the academically unique Tsinghua School. Wang Yao summarized the characteristics of the Tsinghua School as “not adopting an invariant attitude of ‘trust’ or ‘suspicion’ toward traditional culture, but instead endeavoring to ‘elucidate the old,’ to form a reasonable explanation that fits the circumstances at that time. To this end, they had to achieve the ‘integration of East and West, and the assimilation of the past and the present,’ draw on the strengths of both the Peking School and the Shanghai School, and merge the microscopic with the macroscopic.”133 130

Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 10. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 664. 131 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 10. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 665. 132 Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 10. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 665. 133 Cai Zhongde. A Critical Biography of Feng Youlan. Guangdong People’s Publishing House, 1999, In History of Modern Chinese philosophy, “Appendix”.

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After the readjustment of university colleges and departments in 1952, the humanities were abolished at Tsinghua University, and Feng Youlan was transferred to the Department of Philosophy at Peking University, where he served as a professor until his death. Amid an atmosphere of constant criticism, Feng stubbornly adhered to his genuine and sincere academic pursuits. He endeavored to combined Marxism with Chinese philosophy, and did not compromise with the increasingly “leftist” anti-traditional trend of thought. In 1957, Feng published the essay “On the Inheritance of the Legacy of Chinese Philosophy” (Guangming Daily, January 8, 1957), in which he expressed that in recent years, “there seems to be too many denunciations of ancient Chinese philosophy.” Hence, he proposed distinguishing between the two aspects in the meaning of Chinese philosophical propositions: “One is their abstract meaning, and the other is their concrete meaning.”134 We must extract their abstract meaning, just as Marxism has extracted the rational core of Hegel’s dialectics, which will greatly increase the number of things we can inherit. This piece drew the baseless criticisms of Chen Boda and others. Feng Youlan was a professor at the Department of Philosophy in Peking University for many years. He did not revert to passivity for his self-protection despite the constant criticisms. Where possible and permitted, he continued teaching the history of Chinese philosophy to his students, supervising master’s and doctoral students, writing books and papers, actively participating in academic seminars, and cultivating generation after generation of experts and scholars in philosophy and the history of philosophy. After China’s Reform and Opening Up, many scholars who were active within the academic communities of the history of Chinese philosophy and philosophy were directly and indirectly influenced by Feng. Therefore, Feng Youlan can be considered to have founded the field of the history of Chinese philosophy. 4. Qian Mu: The Master of New National Studies Who Based Theories on History, and was Erudite on the Four Categories of Classical Texts and the Hundred Schools of Thought Qian Mu (1895–1990) was a native of Wuxi, Jiangsu. In the first year of the Republic of China, he worked as a rural primary school teacher, and then as a middle school teacher. Due to his academic achievements, he was later hired as a lecturer, and served at several universities successively, including Yenching University, Peking University, Tsinghua University, Beijing Normal University, and Southwest Associated University. In 1949, he and his friends founded New Asia College in Hong Kong, and served as its president. In 1979, he left New Asia College and relocated to Taiwan, where he lived until his death. In terms of his academic approach, Qian Mu started off as a master of history, and evolved into a master of New National Studies. His scholarship was wide-ranging, encompassing a proficiency in the four categories of classical texts (Classics, Histories, Philosophical Masters, and Anthologies), as well as contemporary philosophy,

134

Complete Works of the Hall of Three Pines, Volume 12. Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 94.

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literature, art, science, and education. He was also a prolific writer, and is known as an encyclopedic scholar. Qian’s ability to transition from a master of history to a master of New National Studies can be attributed to his conscious elimination of the scientism-oriented “systematizing of the national heritage” of Zhang Taiyan and Hu Shih from his approach. In its place, he inherited and propagated Chinese orthodoxy in historical studies of knowing the past to understand the present, and of clarifying the principles to nurture virtue, as practiced by Confucius when compiling the Spring and Autumn Annals, and by Sima Qian when writing the Records of the Grand Historian. He noted, By the Western Han Dynasty, Sima Qian had become the authority in the historical studies of China. His self-proclaimed intention behind writing this history was to “clarify the relationship between Heaven and Humankind, and to understand the changes from the past to the present.” These two lines can also be said to have encapsulated the righteous cause of Chinese historical studies and captured its essence.135

In his historical studies, Qian had chosen precisely this path of clarifying the changes and seeking an interpenetrating understanding, to establish a system of New National Studies. Firstly, Qian creates a new cultural historical outlook of national self-confidence through the comparison of Chinese and Western culture. Qian explained the presence of different culture types in the world using the effects of different natural environments and ways of life on culture. In the Preface to the Zhongguo Wenhua Shi Daolun [An Introduction to the History of Chinese Culture], he wrote, “From the perspective of origins, there are generally three types: (1) nomadic culture; (2) agrarian culture; and (3) commercial culture. Nomadic cultures originated from alpine grasslands, agrarian cultures originated from river-irrigated plains, and commercial cultures originated from coastal regions and offshore islands.” He further divides the three types of culture into two categories: nomadic and commercial cultures, and agrarian culture. The former is not self-sufficient and so seeks to expand outward: “it is thus mobile and enterprising.” The latter is self-sufficient and so has no external demands: “it is thus static and conservative.” The national psychology of the former “has a strong ‘sense of opposition’…. It upholds freedom, and yearns for independence…. This type of culture is often characterized as aggressive.” As for the latter, “its culture is often characterized as ‘peaceful.’”136 From a global perspective, “China is a unique and excellent example of a peaceful agrarian culture, and what it lacks is the outfitting and assistance of new science and new machinery. The reform and improvement of China to transform it into a brand-new, large-scale agricultural country that still retains a deep sense of security and contentment is not simply a blessing for China alone. It will undoubtedly also contribute enormously to the cultural future of all

135

Qian Mu. Disquisitions on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2001, p. 134. 136 Qian Mu. An Introduction to the History of Chinese Culture. The Commercial Press, 1994, “Preface”, p. 2–3.

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humankind in the world, and its desire for peace.”137 Qian firmly believed that the current “promotion and enrichment of the Chinese culture” will enable the Chinese people to attain the ultimate ideal of world peace and universal harmony. Secondly, Qian establishes the Great Orthodoxy and Transformation System of New National Studies through integration and innovation. The originality of Qian’s national studies can be observed in the following: (1) He broke the mold of “systematizing the national heritage,” and elucidated the contemporary value of national studies with respect. (2) He integrated the Hundred Schools of Thought with a focus on reviving Confucianism. (3) He inherited and expanded the orthodoxy of the Cheng-Zhu School of Principle. (4) He forged links with contemporary literature, history, philosophy, religion, education, art, and other disciplines to create a new form. He pointed out that the crux of the problem with the School of Westernization is that, its focus is on eliminating the old, but when it comes to laying out the new, it has yet to explore this in any great depth.138 In all academics, eliminating the old means eliminating the old China, introducing the new means introducing the West. Where there is the West, there is no China. What the Chinese people of today refer to as modernization is nothing more than this.139

Qian’s criticism here is profound and far-sighted. He rebukes those who uphold the theory of systematizing the national heritage for severing the lifeblood of Chinese culture, carting off all traditional Chinese culture to the history museums, and driving the Chinese people to follow meekly in the steps of Western culture. Qian believed that the revival of Chinese culture will necessarily be dominated by the revival of Confucianism, while Confucian culture should be represented by Confucius and Zhu Xi, and then supplemented by the Hundred Schools of Thought. In the history of China, there was Confucius in ancient times, and Zhuzi in recent times. Both have left the greatest brilliancy and deepest impact on the history of Chinese academic thought and the history of Chinese culture. Throughout the whole of history, we will not find a third person of comparable worth. Confucius was the great synthesis of ancient academic thought, who founded Confucianism and became one of the main backbones of Chinese cultural tradition. The rise of the School of Principle in the Northern Song Dynasty was the renaissance of Confucianism. Zhuzi rose to prominence during the Southern Song Dynasty. Not only did he assimilate all the achievements of the School of Principle since the Northern Song Dynasty, but he can also be said to be the great synthesis of all academic thought since Confucius.140

137 Qian Mu. An Introduction to the History of Chinese Culture. The Commercial Press, 1994, “Preface”, p. 5. 138 Han Fuzhi. An Academic Chronicle of Qian Mu, Volume 6. Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2012, p. 1843. 139 Han Fuzhi. An Academic Chronicle of Qian Mu, Volume 6. Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2012, p. 1843. 140 (Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 1612.

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Qian also points out that the interactions of Confucianism with the Hundred Schools of Thought have all been centered on Confucius and Zhu Xi: Nevertheless, Confucianism is only one of the backbones of traditional Chinese culture. In addition to Confucianism, there are still the Hundred Schools of Thought. Even if we exclude those who revere Confucius and expound on Zhuzi, we are still left with others in the Hundred Schools of Thought who all wished to forge their own paths and chose their different ways. However, Confucius and Zhuzi, who established the middle way, remain the common object of criticism and the common target of censure for all the other Hundred Schools. Therefore, these two figures are not only the center of the Confucian tradition, but also the center of the collective focus from both their supporters and opposers in the history of Chinese academic thought. Those who study Confucianism are not the only ones who must first pay attention to these two figures—even those who study the other Hundred Schools must pay attention to them. Only then can they be like a net with its grid, or a fur coat with a collar. Not only will they exhaustively investigate the positive and the negative but also gain a penetrating understanding of the whole.141

This was the concept of great national studies, which requires one to firmly grasp the essentials of Confucius’s Classic Confucianism and Zhu Xi’s School of Principle, and then to study the variations in the Hundred Schools of Thought. Qian reflected on the doctrine of Confucian orthodoxy, and believed that the orthodoxy held by Song–Ming Confucianism “is a type of subjective orthodoxy, or an orthodoxy with a single line of transmission.”142 “As for the true orthodoxy, one must speak in terms of the great tradition of historical culture, and know that the great cultural tradition as a whole is that orthodoxy.”143 Therefore, Qian’s New National Studies is also the Great National Studies, which encompasses the achievements in all aspects of Chinese historical culture. Qian lived in Hong Kong for many years, and gave lectures in Japan and the United States. Hence, he had a close contact and a deep understanding of contemporary Western academia. Using the Confucian spirit of harmony, he devoted himself to integrating the Chinese and Western culture, and endeavored to connect national studies with the various contemporary emerging disciplines while also adhering to its own tradition, thereby enabling the comparison and mutual learning between Chinese and Western academic culture. This was a meaningful undertaking and an important manifestation of Qian’s renewal of national studies. Thirdly, Qian forges a philosophical outlook of the Greater Life based on inheriting the “unity of Heaven and humankind” from past Confucian teachings on humaneness. Confucius founded the study of humaneness, advocated a nature of loving others, and linked it with the virtues of Heaven, thus giving rise to such theories as “Heaven produced the virtue that is in me,” and “The virtuous finds pleasure in hills.” Mencius inherited the study of humaneness and righteousness, and proposed 141

(Song Dynasty) Li Jingde (Ed.). Categorized Collection of Zhuzi’s Speeches. Revised by Wang Xingxian. Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 1426. 142 Qian Mu. Comprehensive Meaning of Chinese Academia. Taiwan Student Book Company, 1984, p. 94. 143 Qian Mu. Comprehensive Meaning of Chinese Academia. Taiwan Student Book Company, 1984, p. 94.

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being “affectionate to one’s parents, and lovingly disposed to people generally; to be lovingly disposed to people generally, and kind to creatures,” thereby expanding humaneness from people to all things. In Ximing [Western Inscription], Zhang Zai of the Northern Song Dynasty proposed the worldview in which “all people are my siblings, and all things my companions,” and the cosmic mission of “establishing the mind of Heaven and Earth.” In Shiren Pian [Understanding Humaneness], Cheng Hao proposed the study of Heaven and Humanity, wherein “the benevolent and all things wholly form the same body.” Zhu Xi inherited the Way of the Great Change, enriched the study of humaneness with the virtues of ceaseless production and reproduction, and established a cosmological outlook for the study of humaneness wherein Heaven and humankind are united as one. Qian condensed the essence of Zhuzi’s study of humaneness, with a special emphasis on Zhuzi’s doctrine that “the benevolent regards Heaven, Earth, and all things as one body.” In his “Outline of Zhuzi’s Teachings”, Qian quotes several passages from Zhuzi, such as, “In explicating the word ‘mind,’ one word will cover it–– ‘life–production.’ The great virtue of Heaven and Earth is production. Humans are born having received the qi of Heaven and Earth. Therefore, the mind must be benevolent, and if it is benevolent, it produces”144 ; “Heaven and Earth produce the myriad things, and thus within one thing, there is one mind of Heaven and Earth. Sages [impart their teachings] to the world, and thus within one person, there is one mind of the sages,”145 and so on. Then, Qian commented that “Zhuzi focused on the productivity of the mind and the humaneness of the mind, attaining the point where all things in the universe are connected as one. It should be known that Zhuzi is the only Confucian who has expanded the word ‘humaneness’ to encompass this realm.”146 In Wanxue Mangyan [Words by a Blind Old Man], Qian put forward the view of the cosmic Greater Life, where the whole universe is the Greater Life, and human life is the lesser life. The lesser life of humans comes from the Greater Life of the harmony of all things in the universe, while this Greater Life also exists within the lesser lives. In terms of humans, lifeforms can also be divided into great and small, where individual life is the lesser life, while family, country, and the world are the Greater Life. “The Greater Life of human life contains the lesser lives, while the lesser lives are derived from the Greater Life”147 ; “the production and non-production of the myriad things are merely phenomena; only Heaven, Earth, and Nature are the origin of its original substance.”148 In sum, inspired by Zhu Xi, Qian placed a great emphasis on the theory of the “unity of Heaven and Humankind.” He regarded the universe as the Greater Life, the ceaseless production and reproduction of which gave rise to human society and its 144

Qian Mu. Essentials of the Learning of Zhu Xi. The SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2002, p. 55. Han Fuzhi. An Academic Chronicle of Qian Mu. Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2012, p. 1590. 146 Han Fuzhi. An Academic Chronicle of Qian Mu. Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2012, p. 1590. 147 Qian Mu. Words by a Blind Old Man. Guangxi Normal University Press, 2004, p. 125–133. 148 Qian Mu. Words by a Blind Old Man. Guangxi Normal University Press, 2004, p. 9. 145

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individuals. Thus, humans, in turn, must recognize that cosmic life and human life are one and the same, and hence should expand their mind of humaneness to include nature. Only then can the humaneness of the human mind attain the realm of the unity of Heaven and Humankind, and hence truly establish the mind of Heaven and Earth. In his later years, Qian wrote Zhongguo Wenhua Dui Renlei Weilai Keyou de Gongxian [Possible Contributions of the Chinese Culture to the Future of humankind], which states, Within the Chinese culture, though I have frequently mentioned the outlook of the “unity of Heaven and Humankind,” I have only recently come to realize that this concept is truly the resting place of all traditional Chinese cultural thoughts. I am deeply convinced that this will be the primary contribution of the Chinese culture to the survival of all humankind. It is the harmony of “Heavenly Existence” with “human life.”149

Qian’s significant emphasis on the “unity of Heaven and Humankind” was mainly intended to guide humans toward establishing a holistic view of the Greater Life, where nature, society and individuals can be merged into one in emotional and cognitive terms. Thus, all will be inextricably linked, and mutually interdependent. It is only when humankind has reached this state will the creation of a harmonious world be possible, which would then ensure the continued survival of human beings. Fourthly, Qian establishes a Chinese-style religious outlook through the comparison between Chinese and Western culture. The term “religion” was introduced to China from the West via Japan between the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China. Since then, the term has gained popularity, and taken its place as an unavoidable new concept in the humanities. However, the academia began formulating a dizzying array of opinions in their understanding on this subject, without arriving at a consensus. Some claimed that China had no religion, others that Chinese and Western religions were vastly different, still others that Confucianism was a religion, whereas some believed that religion in China would be replaced by science, aesthetics, ethics, and philosophy, and so on. Very few academics, however, focused on making a generalized study of the similarities and differences between Chinese and Western religions, which significantly delayed the birth of Chinese religious studies. Qian Mu alone undertook this task, in which he examined religion directly, analyzed its concepts, contrasted the Chinese with the Western, and proposed new ideas. Qian believed that both Chinese and Western cultures emphasize faith and the spirit, believe in the existence of the soul, venerate a supreme being, and emphasize rituals and moral teachings. However, they have different characteristics and cannot be compared simply. Regarding “faith,” he claims, “Faith in Western religion is external. There is a distinction between the believer and the believed. In China, however, it is the faith of interpersonal interactions, and it emphasizes the internal”150 ; 149

Guo Qiyong and Wang Xuequn. A Critical Biography of Qian Mu. Baihuazhou Literature and Art Press, 1995, p. 86. 150 Qian Mu. Disquisitions on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2001, p. 1.

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“the believer and the believed are united as one.”151 The Chinese emphasize the spirit, “but the spirit is not exclusive to Heaven, nor to God. It is also found in humans and things.”152 “The sages are united with Heaven and the spirit. Hence, the veneration of the sages can be called the religion of China.”153 “The God of the West is a concrete being, whereas the Heaven of China is an abstract being.”154 “China places more emphasis on the believers themselves. If the believers conduct themselves with a clear conscience during their lifetime, God will not punish them even if they do not worship God.”155 Qian compared the differences and similarities of Buddhism with Christianity and Islam. The differences identified were as follows: (1) The abstraction of nirvana is different from the concreteness of God and Heaven. (2) Teaching that the deeds of our past lives can result in the four sufferings of birth, aging, sickness, and death is different from the Western belief in the soul. (3) “In Buddhism, all can practice self-cultivation with the same sutras, and all can attain Buddhahood. In Christianity and Islam, believers are only allowed to have their souls enter Heaven, but can never become Jesus or Muhammad. This is another significant point of difference.”156 Qian also touches on monotheism and polytheism: “Monotheism and polytheism is yet another yardstick used by modern Chinese to evaluate the merits of Chinese and Western religious beliefs.”157 “That to which the Chinese have an affinity and that which they respect are necessarily venerated as gods.”158 Hence, there are the gods of the ancestors, gods of Heaven and Earth, gods of agriculture, gods of the sun and moon, and so on. Qian then points out that, “The rites of China—that is, the religion of China—originated from a time far before Duke Zhou, and have been transmitted directly to modern times. Hence, it can be said the China has a religion, but no head of religion.”159 “The head of its religion is Heaven; it is the Supreme Deity; it is also the ancestors.”160 Due to the influence of Confucianism, the Chinese people have a 151

Qian Mu. Disquisitions Company, 2001, p. 1. 152 Qian Mu. Disquisitions Company, 2001, p. 2. 153 Qian Mu. Disquisitions Company, 2001, p. 2. 154 Qian Mu. Disquisitions Company, 2001, p. 4. 155 Qian Mu. Disquisitions Company, 2001, p. 4. 156 Qian Mu. Disquisitions Company, 2001, p. 5. 157 Qian Mu. Disquisitions Company, 2001, p. 9. 158 Qian Mu. Disquisitions Company, 2001, p. 9. 159 Qian Mu. Disquisitions Company, 2001, p. 12. 160 Qian Mu. Disquisitions Company, 2001, p. 12.

on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing

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“broad and assimilative” temperament, and “hence the Chinese people can believe in Buddhism, while also believing in Islam and Christianity, all of which can coexist peacefully without conflict. The followers of Laozi and Zhuangzi later also created the Daoist religion. The fact that Confucianism was not a monolithic teaching made it seem more expansive and enlightened.”161 Although Qian’s religious outlook was insufficiently rigorous and systematic, he had already contributed a series of major innovations. These include his claim that China’s ancient rituals, such as the sacrificial offerings to Heaven and Earth, the dynastic founders, the ancestors, the sun, moon, mountains, and rivers, and the host of deities, are all the traditional religion of the Chinese people. Qian also argued that the religion in China is polytheistic, which is different from the monotheistic religion of the West. Furthermore, among Chinese religions, believers can be connected and united with Heaven, the Sages, Buddha, or the Immortals, whereas among Western religion, the believers will eternally remain individual and separate from God or the Prophet. Confucianism is, in essence, not a religion, but it is expansive and interconnecting. It made the Chinese religions accommodate and coexist peacefully with various foreign religions. Buddhism is inherently pessimistic and worldweary, whereas sinicized Buddhism teaches the physical attainment of Buddhahood, the emphasis on reality, and the unity of Humankind and Buddha. In conclusion, Confucianism is neither a religion nor a philosophy. It has its own characteristics, and its wisdom should not be rectified by other national cultures. These were valuable insights that helped to guide the acquisition of research findings from Western religions, while also establishing religious studies with Chinese characteristics. 5. Thomé H. Fang: The Great Philosopher of Life Who Integrated Western Learning with the Three teachings, and Returned to the Origin to Create New Elements Thomé H. Fang (1899–1977) was a native of Tongcheng, Anhui. After graduating from Jinling University of Nanjing, he continued his studies in the United States for three years, where he studied Western philosophy and obtained his doctorate degree. Upon his return, he taught philosophy at several universities, including Wuchang Normal University, Southeast University, Central School of Party Affairs, and National Central University. After relocating to Taiwan, he began teaching at the Department of Philosophy of National Taiwan University in 1948, and remained there until he retired in 1973. The focus of his earlier lectures was mainly on Western philosophy, but later shifted to Chinese philosophy. Fang’s theoretical explorations throughout his career can be summed up in one phrase: “the philosophy of life.” Due to the difference in his academic foundation, and his reflections on contemporary Chinese academics, he took the path of “value-centered” thinking, and formed a unique philosophy of life among the theories of New Confucianism. (1) A Unique Philosophy of Life Based on Expansiveness and Inclusivity. The spirit of Chinese culture is characterized by its “life-centeredness,” wherein 161

Qian Mu. Disquisitions on Modern Chinese Academic Theories. The SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2001, p. 17.

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the universe is a fluid process of ceaseless production and reproduction, while the complete integration of humans with the universe can lead to the ideal realm. This is the Confucian “way of the three extremes,” the Daoist “way of transcendence and liberation,” and the Buddhist “way of bodhi.” Such a culture “expands the life of humans outwards to fit the universe.”162 Fang believed that among Western philosophers, the life philosophies of Bergson and Whitehead were most able to communicate with the philosophy of ceaseless production and reproduction in the Book of Changes. In addition, German Hegelian philosophy was also a key influence on Fang because Hegel stressed that the universe is a whole, and it is an unfolding process of movement that contains internal contradictions and the continuous resolution of contradictions. We can see from the above that Fang was selective in his uptake of external Western philosophy, and undertook the internal integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Furthermore, he placed a special emphasis on the philosophy of the Book of Changes in Confucianism, while also inheriting and transcending the Song– Ming School of Principle. His scholarship was centered on the philosophy of life but drew on an array of ideas. Fang believed that the modern-day focus on science in the West is concerned with “having control over and utilizing” nature. However, the Chinese have a different attitude toward nature, “our philosophical thinking is ‘the unity of Heaven and Humankind,’ and the ‘non-separation of Heaven and Humankind.’ It places all life within nature, while all thoughts and emotions are nurtured within the embrace of nature. Thus, there is no unfamiliarity with nature: I am nature, and nature is me; I am merged with nature as one.”163 He also states, “In the eyes of Chinese philosophers, the outlook of humans and the universe is filled with interconnectedness and harmony. Once the lesser lives of humans are merged with the Greater Life of the universe, the two will be merged in their sympathetic resonance, wholly constituting one body, converging within the same flow, with absolutely no hostility or contradiction.”164 In the minds of the Chinese people, “the True Human, Supreme Human, Perfect Human, and the Sage embody the most precious ideals in one’ moral character. The common goal of their pursuit is to absorb the life of the universe to enrich the life of the self, to extend the vitality of the self, and to enhance the life of the universe. It is only within this stream of cosmic life that the universe and human life can interact harmoniously, create progress in unison, and thereafter move toward infinity and rest in the utmost goodness! This is the most valuable spirit of life of the Chinese nation!”165 This is the quintessential expression of Fang’s philosophy of life. Its core is the relationship between Heaven and Humankind, its essence is the harmony between Heaven and Humankind, and its characteristic is the mutual assimilation of Heaven and Humankind. 162

Fang Dongmei. Virtue of Shengsheng. Li Ming Cultural Enterprise Co., Ltd., 1978, p. 102. Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 435. 164 Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 200. 165 Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 212. 163

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As Fang was able to combine Western rationalism and intuitionism with the Eastern and Chinese values of the unity between the virtues of Heaven and Humankind, his philosophy of life was also the pursuit of the “unity among the virtues” of “art, philosophy, and religion,” the pursuit of a transcendental realm, the pursuit of a metaphysical ontology, and the pursuit of the convergence and harmony between cosmic life and human life, with an emphasis on intuitive experience. At the same time, he was opposed to Western scientism, the methodologies of exegesis, and evidential scholarship in Chinese history, as well as the positivistic historical outlooks of Hu Shih and Feng Youlan during the Republic of China. (2) Primal Confucianism: A New Search for the Spiritual Source of Chinese Culture. According to general understanding, the Six Classics are the canonical texts that form the basis of Confucianism. Since Confucius founded Confucianism, The Analects is therefore the main classic for the study of Confucius, while the popularization of the Four Books in the later history of Confucianism further elevated the status of The Analects. However, due to the influence of the philosophical tradition of Western Platonism, Fang regarded The Analects as only a collection of moral aphorisms rather than a philosophical work. The reason he gave was that “The Analects, with regard to the classification of knowledge, does not talk about the problems of cosmogony or cosmology, neither the purely theoretical problems of ontology, and nor the final fundamental problem of trans-ontology. In terms of values, it does not talk about the theory of universal values, which encompasses moral values, artistic values, religious values, and so on.”166 Therefore, it should not be categorized as “pure philosophy.” It is only “a collection of concise expressions based on actual life experiences–– the so called ‘aphorisms’!”167 Fang believed that the primal Confucian spirit and the source of Chinese philosophy can only be found in the Book of Documents and the Book of Changes. The Book of Documents: Hongfan [The Great Plan] proposed the concepts of the “Five Phases” and the “Imperial Ultimate.” The “Five Phases” had already been imbued with philosophical significance in the pre-Qin era, and formed the bud of Chinese cosmology, natural philosophy, and historical philosophy. The “Imperial Ultimate” is an abstraction of the highest value: “The ‘Imperial Ultimate’ found in the Book of Documents: The Great Plan represents the highest truth and value of the universe.”168 Fang attached great importance to the Book of Changes, believing that the “Ten Wings” of the Commentary on the Book of Changes can best embody the spirit of the Chinese philosophy of life. He discussed the formation of Chinese philosophy from the perspective of the philosophy of life, stating, 166

Fang Dongmei. Eighteen Lectures on New Confucianism. (Taipei) Li Ming Cultural Enterprise Co., Ltd., 1993, p. 25. 167 Fang Dongmei. Eighteen Lectures on New Confucianism. (Taipei) Li Ming Cultural Enterprise Co., Ltd., 1993, p. 25. 168 Fang Dongmei. Philosophy of Original Confucianism and Daoism. (Taipei) Li Ming Cultural Enterprise Co., Ltd., 1983, p. 75.

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In terms of Chinese philosophy, it also forms a unified universe, but the basic phenomenon in this unified universe is not simply a natural thing, but a phenomenon of life. Therefore, since the Spring and Autumn Period, Chinese philosophy has consistently focused on a life-centered philosophy, and it is a set of philosophies of life. This life is not only found within animals, plants, and humans—though even in their fantasies, the Chinese people do not recognize the mechanical order of dead matter.169 China has always started from the life of human beings in its experience of the life of things, from which it then experiences the life of the universe. The Chinese ontology is a life-centered ontology. It focuses everything on life, and the activities of life are based on moral ideals, artistic ideals, and value ideals, which persist in the completion of the creative activities of life. Therefore, the Great Commentary (or Xici) on the Book of Changes not only forms an ontological system but also a value-centered ontological system. The first step is a life-centered philosophical system, and the second step is a value-centered philosophical system. Thus, based on the formation of cosmology, ontology, and the theory of value, the Book of Changes constitutes a set of value-centered philosophy.170

Fang’s emphasis on the Commentary on the Book of Changes is because it contains the cosmogonic theory that “Heaven and Earth exert their influences, and there ensues the transformation and production of all things”; the cosmic ontology of “that which is antecedent to the material form exists as the Way, and that which is subsequent to the material form exists as a definite thing”; as well as the theories of life and value of “production and reproduction is what is called the process of change,” and “the great virtue of Heaven and Earth is the giving and maintaining of life. The philosophy of the Commentary on the Book of Changes carries a metaphysical nature: “that which is unfathomable in the inactive and active operations,” and “showing us, without fault or confusion, the Way of Heaven and Earth,” as well as “sincerity even in one’s ordinary words, and earnestness in one’s ordinary conduct.” Thus, it is intimately related with the growth and normal state of life. In other words, it conforms to the metaphysical pursuit of Western philosophy, while also possessing the respect for the great transformation and flowing movement of life in Chinese philosophy. Therefore, it was able to serve as the classical basis for Fang’s philosophy of life. In terms of social and political ideals, Fang believed that Western individualism was edging toward imperialism and chauvinism, even showing signs of Fascist institutions. “As for our traditional Chinese thinking, it is the notion that the world belongs to all.”171 It requires us to. sacrifice our egocentric and self-interested mentality, complete our development as broadminded and expansive individuals, build the ideals of the country, further its expansion and enrichment, and create a world of great unity. This grand ideal is the lifeblood of our national spirit. Allow me to pose this question: what other country in the world today has a doctrine or system with such lofty ideals?172

Thus, Fang’s unity of Heaven and Humankind is seen to encompass the harmony among all humans, while the notion that “the world belongs to all” is the social 169

Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 446. Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 446. 171 Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 439. 172 Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 440. 170

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dimension of his theory on the “unity of the universe,” and the most important part of his philosophy of life. (3) Daoist Philosophy: The Way of Spiritual Transcendence and Liberation. In Fang’s philosophy of life, the Daoist philosophy occupies an important position, surpassing even that of Confucianism, thereby enabling the mutual complementariness of Confucianism and Daoism, and the guiding of Confucianism through Daoism. Fang believed that the “Daoist Way of an all-pervading unity, in simple terms, can be captured by quoting Zhuangzi’s ‘Heaven, Earth and I were produced together, and all things and I are one.’ It is the all-pervading unification of the human spirit with the spirit of the universe as a whole.”173 In his comparison between Daoism and Confucianism, Fang commented: The so-called Way of Daoism is the Way of transcendence and liberation....The spirit created by Confucianism can be called the spirit of the Six Training Skills. The world governed by the spirit of the Six Training Skills is mainly the world uncovered by the values of poetry, calligraphy, rites, music, and the like....This is the humanistic world!...With regard to the existence of Humankind in the universe, Confucianism regards humans as the center of the universe, and the subject of the universe, whereas Daoism says, “Humankind takes its law from the Earth; the Earth takes its law from Heaven; Heaven takes its law from the Way. The law of the Way is its being what it is!” Thus, there are many levels above humankind, and numerous other higher realms. In terms of Daoism, one must carry on the upward transcendence, and sometimes criticize the values of Confucianism, because these can only represent the values of humankind. However, within the scope of the universe, these are not the highest absolute value.174 In Zhuangzi’s Xiaoyao Lun [Enjoyment in Untroubled Ease] and Qiwu Lun [The Equalization of Things], he does not pull the upper realms of the universe downwards, but rather lifts the lower realms of the universe upwards, until they reach the height of the mysterious Heaven. This is to hike to the pinnacle of the spiritual universe.175

Thomé H. Fang pursued the transcendent spirit of philosophy, requiring philosophy to view all things in the mortal world from the highest point of the universe; only then can it reach the realm of the “Complete Human.” Therefore, he favored the Daoist philosophy, with a special fondness for Zhuangzi, because Zhuangzi opened a boundless spiritual space for humankind. (4) Mahayana Buddhism: the Wisdom of the Perfect Interpenetration of All Things in the Dharma Realm, and of Comprehensive Harmony. Thomé H. Fang believed that Buddhism had been influenced by mainstream Chinese thought, and had paid particular attention to absorbing the spirit of Daoism, which made it gradually get people’s attention. Furthermore, he wrote, “The main theoretical system of the [Huayan School] is extremely capable of showcasing the expansive harmony of the Chinese people as demonstrated in their 173

Fang Dongmei. Philosophy of Original Confucianism and Daoism. Li Ming Cultural Enterprise Co., Ltd., 1983, p. 28. 174 Fang Dongmei. Speeches of Fang Dongmei. Li Ming Cultural Enterprise Co., Ltd., 1984, p. 51– 52. 175 Fang Dongmei. Speeches of Fang Dongmei. Li Ming Cultural Enterprise Co., Ltd., 1984, p. 53.

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philosophical wisdom. In theoretical terms at least (but not necessarily in historical terms), the Huayan philosophy can be regarded as the great synthesis of the development of Chinese Buddhist thought.”176 He said, The essence of Huayan lies primarily with integrating all the different realms of the myriad dharmas in the universe, all noble karma in the human world, and the sum of all the merits and achievements of Buddhas in the past, present and future—all of which it seeks to consolidate within “the dharma realm of one truth,” and regards this as supreme perfection. Its intention is to demonstrate that everyone carries sagely virtue within them, which is sufficient to spontaneously awaken the Buddha-nature, attain sudden enlightenment of perfect completeness, and be free and unobstructed.177

Fang had especially high praise for the concepts of “the non-obstruction of principle and phenomena,” and the “mutual inclusion of the one with the many,” which enable the attainment of the realm without differing in the original substance and true suchness. Fang’s comprehension of the essence of Huayan was not merely a sympathetic understanding, but could almost match the enlightenment achieved by scholar–monks. In this way, Mahayana Buddhism became an intrinsic element of Fang’s philosophy of life. (5) Comprehensive Discussion on Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism: Main Constituents of the Chinese Philosophy of Life in Its Intermingling Diversity. The philosophy of life constructed by Thomé H. Fang mainly depended on Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism as the main Chinese philosophical resources. He often discussed all three teachings together, to highlight the interesting aspects of their mutual complementation. When discussing Chinese metaphysics, he stated, Confucianism advocates “establishing the ultimate standard for humankind.” It teaches that individuals should stand with excellence on their own between Heaven and Earth, while continuously and ceaselessly pursue self-realization. Daoism teaches that individuals pursue the freedom and liberation of eternity. Buddhism teaches that individuals should continuously seek purification and transcendence—until self-cultivation enables them to reach the realm of perfection for the character ideals to which each school aspires in terms of morality, goodness, and religion.178

Where Confucianism emphasizes the moral life, Daoism the artistic life, and Buddhism the religious life, all three teachings aim to transcend the secular sufferings of life. With regard to the introduction of Buddhism to China and its integration with Daoism and Confucianism, Fang states, After Buddhism came to China, we welcomed it with the high wisdom of Daoism, which enabled Mahayana Buddhism to further develop to the high wisdom of Zen Buddhism, and combined it with the Confucian spirit of the goodness of human nature. This completely transformed the originally foreign Buddhism into Chinese wisdom.179 176

Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 397. Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 398. 178 Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 378. 179 Fang Dongmei. Collection of Fang Dongmei. Wuhan University Press, 2013, p. 149–150. 177

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Among all these schools of Chinese thought, what are the inner spirits of their representatives themselves? Simply put, these different spirits are all concentrated on one focal point, which is manifested as “understanding the depths of human nature, then experiencing human nature itself and all its endeavors and achievements. Based on it, the greatness of human nature can be seen everywhere.” In particular, Confucianism began “making arrangements for human life within the world of unceasing creation, and exhibiting the greatness of human spiritual life.” Daoism, and even Buddhism, further elaborated on this point.180 The four major ideological traditions in China—Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, and New Confucianism—all share a common assumption, which is that philosophical wisdom is revealed through great spiritual character.181

(6) Establishing national self-confidence, propagating the national philosophical spirit, and contributing to the future of China and the world. Fang had a deep love for the Chinese nation and its culture. It pained him to see the national inferiority complex present among commendable Chinese youths in modern times, and believed it was the wicked result of the lack of education. He commented on the youths studying in the West, stating, “They have failed to learn from the merits of others’ education, but instead have adopted the superficial and impetuous.” He remarked incisively that world philosophy was in decline, and Chinese philosophy perished in the Qianjia Era. Thus, it has now become necessary to “quickly wake up… reenergize the spirit, and commit to creating a new philosophy for the future of China and the future of the world. If the lifeline of philosophy has not perished within our spirit, then we must assume a form of responsibility. We must layout a blueprint upon this philosophy for the world in the future and, like architects, we must build a new philosophical system.”182 Thus, what is the basis of this blueprint? In the East, the ultimate purpose of primal Confucianism (Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi), primal Daoism (Laozi and Zhuangzi), and Mahayana Buddhism (regardless of which school, whether it is the Tiantai School, Faxiang School, Huayan School, or even Zen Buddhism) is to elevate the human spirit from the natural world to the pinnacle of Spirit. It then seeks to transform human intelligence, ability, talent, and nature into utmost goodness, beauty, and sanctity.183 We should first comprehend such a blueprint through experience, and then set it up to build a three-dimensional universe. Within this three-dimensional universe, we should create the highest and most sacred life values of humankind, and place them at the top, then gradually elevate the human spirit step by step.184

He called on “every single one of our youths to stand tall. If we can display such independence and autonomy in our thinking, and exhibit a high level of philosophical wisdom, religious spirit, and artistic taste, then all these television stations will not 180

Fang Dongmei. Collection of Fang Dongmei. Wuhan University Press, 2013, p. 150. Fang Dongmei. Philosophy of Original Confucianism and Daoism. Li Ming Cultural Enterprise Co., Ltd., 1983, p. 40. 182 Fang Dongmei. Collection of Fang Dongmei. Wuhan University Press, 2013, p. 609. 183 Fang Dongmei. Collection of Fang Dongmei. Wuhan University Press, 2013, p. 629. 184 Fang Dongmei. Collection of Fang Dongmei. Wuhan University Press, 2013, p. 629. 181

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dare to broadcast such vulgar programs to trouble us!”185 As a retired scholar who had spent his whole life studying philosophy, and examining the philosophical wisdom of the West, China, and India, he said, “It is my hope that everyone will regain mastery in this respect over our nation’s wisdom, soul, culture, and elegant words that had previously been lost, and assimilate them once again into our lives—not as mere embellishments, but as an eternally immutable inner spirit!186 5. He Lin: The Master of the New School of Mind, Who Integrated China with the West and the Past with the Present. He Lin (1902–1992) was a native of Jintang County, Sichuan. In his youth, he was nurtured by the Four Books, the Five Classics, and the Hundred Schools of Thought, influenced by Liang Qichao and Liang Shuming, and became captivated with the Lu-Wang School of Mind. As a young adult, he studied in the United States for four years, and then in Germany for one year, where he was introduced to Hegelian philosophy through Neo-Hegelianism. After returning to China, he served for a long time at Peking University and Southwest Associated University, where he lectured about Hegelian philosophy and the history of Western philosophy. In the mid-1950s, he was transferred to the Institute of Philosophy of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, where he devoted himself to the translation of Western philosophical classics. He was a great scholar of admirable erudition, a great thinker who was far ahead of his time, and an outstanding translator of modern times. His writings transformed the sense of crisis in Confucianism into a sense of innovation, while also forging a path of communication between Chinese and Western classical philosophy. (1) Transforming the Blow to Confucianism by the May Fourth Movement into an Opportunity for Regeneration. An important contribution made by He Lin to the development of contemporary New Confucianism was his proposal of directly confronting and then surpassing the May Fourth Movement. He Lin was highly conscious of the characteristics and responsibilities of the Chinese nation specific to era in which it resided. He pointed out that “China’s current era is an era of national revival. National revival is not only the struggle for victory in the War of Resistance, nor simply the struggle for the freedom, independence, and equality of the Chinese nation in internal politics. National revival, in essence, ought to be the revival of national culture, and the revival of Confucian culture.”187 His act of closely linking the Confucian culture with the fate of the nation was one of profound insight. He believed that “The crisis experienced by China in the last 100 years is, fundamentally speaking, a crisis of culture.”188 He Lin regarded the May Fourth New Culture Movement as “a great opportunity to promote the new development of Confucian thought.”189 On the face of it, 185

Fang Dongmei. Collection of Fang Dongmei. Wuhan University Press, 2013, p. 630. Fang Dongmei. Anthology of Fang Dongmei. Qunyan Press, 1993, p. 425. 187 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 2. 188 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 2. 189 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 2. 186

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the New Culture Movement is considered a major movement to topple Confucianism and overthrow Confucian thought. In reality, however, it “contributed to promoting the new development of Confucian thought.” How so? The greatest contribution of the New Culture Movement was to demolish and discard the outer husk, the formalistic elements, the branches, which are the rigid parts of Confucianism, as well as its traditional, corrupt aspects, which constrains individuality. They did not destroy the true spirit, true meaning, and true academics of Confucius and Mencius. On the contrary, their efforts in cleaning and removal enabled the true faces of Confucius, Mencius, Chengzi, and Zhuzi to be revealed with even greater clarity.190

As for the large-scale import of Western learning, he states, “On the surface, the import of Western culture seems to be replacing Confucianism.” In reality, however, “The import of Western culture is a test to Confucianism, a crucial test of life and death. If Confucian thought can comprehend, absorb, and assimilate it, transforming Western culture for its own enrichment and development, then Confucian thought will survive, be rejuvenated, and produce new developments.”191 He proposed that the historical duty of the “Confucianization of Western Culture” is to promote Chinese culture, and even to rejuvenate the entire nation. “If the Chinese nation is unable to carry out the Confucianization or Sinicization of Western culture using Confucian thought or its national spirit, then China will lose its cultural autonomy, and be trapped as a cultural colony.”192 He Lin’s discourse contains a profundity and far-sightedness that was rare among his contemporaries. He pointed out that the modern Chinese crisis was fundamentally a cultural crisis, that the May Fourth New Culture Movement contributed to washing away the rigid and corrupt aspects of Confucianism, that the impact of Western culture was an opportunity to revive Confucianism, and that only the Confucianization of Western culture can prevent the tragedy of established as a cultural colony. These insights not only surpassed the radicality and superficiality of “total Westernization,” which sought to negate Confucianism and traditional culture, but also exceeded the narrowmindedness and conservatism of the “Chinese-centered cultural theory,” which attacked the New Culture Movement and rejected Western culture. In its place, He Lin was able to view the conflict between the old and new, and between China and the West in a dialectical manner, which reflects his self-confidence, introspection, and open-mindedness with respect to the Chinese culture. (2) Proposing the three approaches to promoting the new development of Confucian thought and the principle of the “Three Unifications.” The three approaches referred to undertaking the following with respect to philosophy, religion, and art. “First, Western philosophy must be used to develop the Confucian School of Principle.”193 Both China and the West must have 190

He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 3. He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 3. 192 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 4. 193 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 6. 191

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their own orthodox philosophy, that is, “the philosophy of Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Kant, and Hegel, which can be integrated with the Chinese philosophy of Confucius, Mencius, Chengzi, Zhuzi, Luzi, and Wang Yangming.”194 This will “enhance the richness of the Confucian philosophy, the rigor of its system, and the clarity of its organization, which not only can be used as a theoretical basis of moral possibilities, but can also lay the theoretical foundation of scientific possibilities.”195 “Second, the essence of Christianity must be absorbed to enrich the ritual teachings of Confucianism.”196 He believed that Confucianism is, after all, centered on human ethics and morality, whereas “religion injects a fervency into morality, and bolsters its courage. Religion carries a spirit of sincere belief and steadfastness. Religion contains a spirit of universal love, compassion, mercy, and service to humankind. Religion embraces a spirit of broad-mindedness and transcendence from reality. The Christian civilization is the backbone of the Western world, and governs the spiritual life of Westerners. It is profound and thoughtful, but is often overlooked by the ignorant.”197 “Third, the appreciation of Western art is necessary to promote the poetry teaching of Confucianism.”198 In He Lin’s mind, Confucianism is a three-dimensional composite: “Confucianism is a system of learning that combines poetry teaching, ritual teaching, and the School of Principle into one, which is also the harmonious unity of art, religion and philosophy. Therefore, the development of New Confucian thought will probably follow artistic, religious, or philosophical paths.”199 He then selectively elaborates this idea with respect to the three aspects of ideological culture, self-cultivation in life, and democratic politics. In terms of ideological culture, he selects the philosophical concepts of “humaneness” and “sincerity” for reinterpretation. He Lin had great respect for humaneness, regarding “humaneness as the central concept of Confucian thought.”200 From an artistic point of view, “humaneness is the emotion of innocence and simplicity.”201 From a religious perspective, “humaneness is the religious passion for the salvation of the world, and regarding all people as one’s siblings, and all things as one’s companions. In the Gospel of John, it is written that ‘God is Love,’ which essentially means that God is humaneness. ‘Seeking humaneness’ is not only the moral self-cultivation for dealing with people and things, but also the religious practice of knowing and serving Heaven.”202 In terms of philosophy, “Humaneness is humaneness as substance. Humaneness is the mind of Heaven and Earth. Humaneness is the 194

He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 6. He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 6. 196 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 9. 197 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 7. 198 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 7. 199 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 7. 200 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 8. 201 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 8. 202 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 8. 195

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vitality of the ceaseless production and reproduction of Heaven and Earth. Humaneness is the original nature of all things in nature. Humaneness is the mysterious realm of organic relations in which all things are united, and vitality is universal.”203 This can be considered the “cosmological outlook of humaneness,” or the “ontology of humaneness.” As for the concept of “sincerity,” In Confucian thought, sincerity primarily refers to a principle or Way that is genuine and without falsity. Sincerity refers to true principle, true substance, true existence or noumenon.204 Secondly, sincerity is also the word that is most imbued with religious meaning in Confucian thought. Sincerity is religious belief. With utmost sincerity, one can move Heaven and Earth, and wring tears from ghosts and spirits. Metal and stone will yield to the power of utmost sincerity. Utmost sincerity can open the way to the gods, and provide foresight. Sincerity not only moves people, but also animals, and can be offered to the gods. It is a religious spirit that pervades Heaven, Earth, humans, things, and the self.205

In terms of art, “The poetry teaching of ‘thinking no evil’ or ‘having no evil thoughts’ is sincerity. Sincerity also means genuine and innocent emotions. Artistic talent is none other than being able to maintain and express one’s sincerity. The artist’s loyalty to his art without distraction is also sincerity.”206 With regard to self-cultivation in life, He Lin advocates carrying oneself with “a Confucian aura and a Confucian demeanor.” Here, he uses the broad sense of “Confucian,” wherein “a Confucian is a person of excellence in both character and learning.”207 Therefore, there ought to be “Confucian generals,” “Confucian doctors,” “Confucian ministers,” “Confucian farmers,” “Confucian workers,” and “Confucian merchants.” In terms of democratic politics, he differentiates between “Confucian government by the people,” and Western democratic politics. One should not “only identify the learning of Confucian thought as a tool for the self-defense and self-interests of autocratic emperors.”208 “This not only loses the true Confucian spirit embodied by doctrines such as ‘Heaven sees what the people see; Heaven hears what the people hear,’ and ‘The people are the most important, the sovereign is the least’, it also overlooks the other Western school of thought on government by the people that is sufficient to represent Confucianism.”209 This school “affirms the principle that sovereignty lies with the people,” an example of which was Franklin Roosevelt, then president of the United States, who implemented Confucian-style democratic politics. 203

He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 8. He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 8. 205 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 9. 206 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 9. 207 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 10. 208 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 14. 209 He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 14. 204

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He Lin’s conclusion was that, As long as we understand Confucian thought with goodwill and sympathy, and acquire its true spirit and true meaning, it will not be difficult for us to find reasonable and opportune solutions to several key issues in modern life, politics, and culture. We should regard Confucian thought as a continuously growing and developing organism, rather than a collection of rigid, mechanized, and lifeless dogmas. If this is so, then we can believe that many problems in China will be resolved in accordance with the spirit of Confucianism, and only then can they be considered to have achieved the most central, most correct, most reasonable, and flawless solution. The solutions to various issues in politics, society, culture, and academics will be able to coincide with the Confucian spirit, and to represent the true meaning and true attitude of a typical Chinese person. This is the “new development of Confucian thought,” and a new opportunity for the revival of national culture.210

(3) Creating the New School of Mind through the Harmonization of Chinese and Western Elements. He Lin named his own philosophy the theory of mind-only, but endowed the word “heart-mentality” with a unique meaning. He dissected the concept of “heart-mentality” using rational analysis, stating, The mind has two meanings: the mind in a psychological sense, and the mind in a logical sense. The logical mind is principle, that is, “The mind is principle.” The psychological mind is a thing. For example, the sensations, imaginations, dreams, deliberations, exertions, as well as the emotions of happiness, anger, sorrow, joy, love, hatred, and desire found in psychological experience are all things. They are all real things that can be investigated using geometric methods as though they are points, lines, and surfaces. When it comes to that which ordinary people call “thing,” the theory of mind-only posits that its physical forms are illustrated by consciousness, while its meaning, order, and value are all derived from the subject of cognition or evaluation. This subject is the mind.211 Discussing the “thing” without the mind will render this thing into a formless, senseless, disorderly, and valueless mass of voidness—that is, a non-thing.212

Therefore, He Lin proposes, “The mind in the logical sense is an idealistic spiritual principle that transcends experience, but serves as the subject of experience, behavior, knowledge, and evaluation.”213 In discourses about the mind and the thing in a psychological sense, or scientific common sense, He Lin acknowledges that matter precedes the human mind, and the body determines the mind, but this is not the theory of philosophers. To prevent misunderstanding, he also referred to his theory of mind-only as the “theory of nature-only,” stating, “Nature represents that which makes a thing so, and the essence of what it ought to be. Nature is the basic principle or paradigm that governs all the changes and development of a thing.”214 A person’s 210

He Lin. Culture and Life. Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 2001, p. 17. He Lin. A Brief Interpretation of Modern Idealism. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 3. 212 He Lin. A Brief Interpretation of Modern Idealism. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 3. 213 He Lin. A Brief Interpretation of Modern Idealism. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 3. 214 He Lin. A Brief Interpretation of Modern Idealism. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 5. 211

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nature is his character: “‘One’s character is one’s fate’ and ‘The character is the person’––these are the two maxims on human nature proposed by the theory of nature-only.”215 He Lin’s New School of Mind or New School of Nature derived its methodology from Western learning, but the source of its ideas came from the Lu-Wang School of Mind: Xiangshan offered us the remarkable insight of “the universe is my mind, and my mind is the universe,” which laid a solid foundation for the critical method of understanding the basic principle of one’s mind in order to understand the basic principle of the universe. This also represents the most obvious and resolute subjective or idealistic view of time and space.216 The mind is principle, and there are neither principles nor things outside the mind. Thus, the myriad things in the universe, and everything in time and space, will also become the product of this mind, and not things outside the mind that happen to come by.217

He Lin’s ability to instill such a modern philosophical sense into “the mind is principle” can be attributed to his assimilation of the Western philosophical thought by Spinoza, Kant, and Hegel. Furthermore, it is also the result of a neo-Hegelian interpretation, which uses rationalism with the addition of intuitionism. For example, the neo-Hegelian Benedetto Croce attached great importance to intuition, believing it to be the basic activity of the mind, in which there is no distinction between subject and object, and believing that intellectual activity should be based on intuition. The novel parts of He Lin’s New School of Mind lies in integrating the unity of mind and thing in the Lu-Wang School of Mind with the intuitive experience and rational thinking of Western philosophy. This approach not only preserves the spiritual realm of a unified universe, wherein the mind is principle and the mind is the thing, but also uses dialectical logic to create a philosophical system based on this spiritual realm, without losing its soul of love, which is concerned with the Greater Life of the universe. (4) Proposing viewpoints on religion, rights and responsibilities, righteousness and profit, and group and self in the New School of Mind. In the Republic of China, the proponents of both Westernization and New Confucianism mostly ignored and disparaged religion, which led to the prevalence of “religious substitution theories.” Scholars of the May Fourth and New Culture Movement upheld the two banners of science and democracy that were introduced from the West, but what they lacked was an understanding of the evolution and role of Christianity, which is the moral cornerstone of Western civilization in the modernization process of the West. This gave rise to difficulties in correctly handling the status of Chinese Buddhism and Daoism among the undertakings of modern 215

He Lin. A Brief Interpretation of Modern Idealism. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 5. 216 He Lin. A Brief Interpretation of Modern Idealism. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 23. 217 He Lin. A Brief Interpretation of Modern Idealism. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 23.

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China. In fact, the Republic of China witnessed the occurrence of the “antiChristian movement,” which involved the complete rejection of Christianity. He Lin was one of the few exceptions. He adopted a positive attitude in proposing his own religious outlook, affirmed the permanent value of religion, and considered the religious spirit to be worthy of promotion. He Lin praised the three major spirits of religion: “unwavering perseverance,” “service to humankind,” and “transcending reality,” and pointed out that Christianity was the “backbone” of Western civilization. Therefore, he proposed that one of the three major paths in the new development of Confucianism, which is centered on human relations and morality, should be to learn from Christianity and achieve its religionization. In Renshi Xiyang Wenhua De Xinnuli [New Endeavors in Understanding Western Culture], He Lin systematically elaborates on his views. Firstly, he disagrees with the claims that Christianity is anti-science, believing instead that “Christianity plays a role in protecting and promoting science.”218 For example, medieval priests used to preserve ancient Greek texts on philosophy and science, and priests were learned in scientific knowledge. Secondly, after the Reformation, the civilian spirit of Christianity was further propagated, teaching that all people are brothers and sisters, and all are equal before God. Thus, Christianity provided education and healthcare services to the people, preached tolerance and loving one’s enemies, and helped to promote democratic politics. Thirdly, he adopted Weber’s point of view, and believed that “after the Reformation, the ideas in Christianity were actually the most suitable for a capitalist industrialized society, which included diligence, honesty, and credibility, which all contributed to the development of industry and commerce.”219 In addition, he had transcended the theories concerning the opposition of religion against science, and the mutual exclusion of religion and modern society. However, his intention was not to Christianize China. He advocated the Confucianization of Western culture, but hoped that Confucianism will learn from the many valuable spirits of Christianity. His true stance was to regard the Chinese national spirit as the foundation from which to digest Western culture and Christianity at a profound level, thereby enabling the quintessence of the latter to form an organic component of the Chinese spirit. He Lin affirmed the importance of the Five Cardinal Relationships in Confucianism, stating, The concept of the Five Cardinal Relationships posits that the human relationship is the constant Way, and these five types of relationships between human beings are the normal and permanent relationships in life. (The five “constancies” have two meanings. The first refers to the Five Constant Virtues of humaneness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and trustworthiness. The second refers to the Five Constant Relations of ruler and subject, parent

218 219

He Lin. Culture and Life. The Commercial Press, 2005, p. 308. He Lin. Culture and Life. The Commercial Press, 2005, p. 310.

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and child, married couples, older and younger siblings, and friends. The second meaning applies in this context).220 This is a proposition that focuses on a life of social groups, while opposing a life of dull reclusion, and that focuses on the normal relations between family members, friends, ruler and subject, while opposing secret groups and organizations that venerate doctrines or ‘giants’ other than the immutable Confucian ethics. It is also a healthy ideology for the development of human nature, and the stability of society. It is morally and politically necessary, and should not be excessively rebuked.221

However, he also cautions that “once such an ideology, which stresses the Five Constant Relations, undergoes dogmatization and institutionalization, and exerts a coercive effect, it will cause damage to individual freedom and independence.”222 “Moreover, it will be of great detriment to a wide range of non-relational, trans-social cultural values.”223 He was especially critical of the “Three Fundamental Bonds,” saying that the doctrine has “shackled the human mind, restrained individuality, and hindered progress for thousands of years…224 requiring humans to deliver one-sided love, and fulfill one-sided pure obligation is the essence of the Three Fundamental Bonds.”225 Therefore, Confucianism needs to be inspired and remedied by Western thought, and undergo further improvements with respect to enlightenment and freedom. Traditional morality distinguishes between righteousness and profit, which is also used as the boundary between universal and private. This approach is clearly not suited to the development of a modern industrial and commercial society. By placing righteousness and profit in opposition, the group against the self will inevitably give rise to moral hypocrisy and unchecked human desires. He Lin had long since recognized this, so he introduced the modern Western spirit to reinterpret the rational egoism already present in Chinese history. That is, he confirmed the rights and well-being to which individuals are entitled, to make up for the faults in Confucian morality of emphasizing righteousness but not profit, and emphasizing the group but not the self. In its place, He Lin advocated for the unification of righteousness with profit, and the group with the self. 6. Tang Junyi: The Founder of the Dialectical and Comprehensive Moral Philosophical System in New Confucianism Tang Junyi (1909–1978) was a native of Yibin, Sichuan. In his youth, he studied at Peking University and Nanjing Central University, and was taught by Liang Qichao, Liang Shuming, Thomé H. Fang, Tang Yongtong, Xiong Shili, and others. After graduation, he worked at Central University, West China University, and Jiangxi University. In 1949, he moved to Hong Kong, where he co-founded the New Asia 220 He Lin. A Brief Interpretation of Modern Idealism. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 205. 221 He Lin. Culture and Life. The Commercial Press, 2005, p. 54. 222 He Lin. Culture and Life. The Commercial Press, 2005, p. 54. 223 He Lin. Culture and Life. The Commercial Press, 2005, p. 54. 224 He Lin. Culture and Life. The Commercial Press, 2005, p. 60. 225 He Lin. Culture and Life. The Commercial Press, 2005, p. 61.

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College with Qian Mu and others, and became close friends with Mou Zongsan. In 1957, he visited the United States to lecture and carry out research. He co-drafted the Wei Zhongguo Wenhua Jinggao Shijie Renshi Xuanyan [A Manifesto on the Reappraisal of Chinese Culture], which was published on New Year’s Day in 1958. Thereafter, he frequently participated in international conferences on Eastern and Western philosophy, and became a world-renowned scholar. In 1975, he was appointed as a professor at National Taiwan University. He passed away in Taiwan in 1978. Tang had a solid foundation and profound erudition for both Chinese and Western philosophy. He strived to achieve the dialectical synthesis and innovation of the two, and devoted his entire life to writing. His works were infused with a richness and magnificence that surpassed his academic peers, through which he constructed a vast moral philosophical system. Thus, he is recognized as one of the three great representatives of New Confucianism after Xiong Shili (the other two are Mou Zongsan and Xu Fuguan). Tang’s philosophy is derived from three main ideological resources: (1) Chinese Confucian philosophy, especially Mencius’s theory on the goodness of human nature, and Wang Yangming’s School of Mind; (2) the theory of Buddha-nature and the Nirvana School from Indian Mahayana Buddhism; and (3) Western philosophy, especially the classical German philosophy of Kant, Fichte, and Hegel. By integrating the ideological approaches and achievements of Chinese, Western, and Indian philosophy, Tang was able to infuse his own philosophy with distinct Chinese characteristics, while also embracing a vast global horizon. Cai Renhou condensed Tang’s contributions to cultural academics into the following three points: “first, genuine and exquisite life experiences”; “second, profound and intense cultural awareness”; and “third, an extensive and coherent spirit of syncretism.”226 We will now discuss the key points of Tang’s theory of the substance and function of morality. (1) The Core of Moral Philosophy as the Establishment of the Moral Self. By reflecting on the experiences of his own spiritual life, Tang believed that the first problem to address in life is the ultimate purpose and meaning of survival. To him, it is not the satisfaction of desire, but the establishment of the moral self, which is the true self and the self-conscious original mind. Tang’s mind-substance is a moral mind-substance, an eternal mind-substance of truth, goodness, and joy. It is also a cognizant mind-substance, the cognitive activities, which are divided between the subjective and objective, and which unfold as a continuously evolving process that ultimately points toward the establishment of the moral self. Tang starts from the original substance of the mind, positing that the essence of humanity is his spiritual existence: “From the outside, humanity is a material existence within time and space. From the inside, humanity is a spiritual existence that transcends time and space.”227 “Thus, is humanity spiritual or material? Is one 226

Cai Renhou. Autobiography of Tang Junyi and His Personal Academic Narration. In Commentary of New Confucianism, Luo Yijun (Ed.). Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1989, p. 500. 227 Complete Works of Tang Junyi, Volume 4. Jiuzhou Press, 2016, p. 107.

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finite or infinite? Is one free or not free? If we can only choose one of the two options, then our conclusion must be that humanity is fundamentally spiritual, free, and infinite, rather than material or not free.”228 Tang had full confidence in humanity’s moral mind, and further elevates it, so as to attain Confucius’s realm of infinity, autonomy and freedom, where one could “follow what one’s heart desired, without transgressing what was right”––this is the establishment of moral character. Based on the Confucian spirit of completing oneself and completing others, he stressed that the accomplishment of moral character must be realized through the cultivation of the self to give rest to the people: Thus, we ultimately return to accomplishing all matters of human character, which entails accomplishing the human character of the self. If we start from the notion of accomplishing the human character of the self, this necessarily requires accomplishing the character of others. This means engaging in the necessary activities of culture, politics, and education, to help others accomplish their human character, thereby achieving an ideal world of human character.229

With this line of thought, Tang’s moral philosophy entered the stage of cultural concern. (2) Expanding the Moral Self into a Sociocultural Concern. Tang defined the word “culture” as follows: “Anything that humans create or add to nature is considered culture.”230 Therefore, cultural activities are the objectification of the moral self. Based on the classification of disciplines in Western rationalism, he divided culture into a total twelve types: science and philosophy (the pursuit of truth); literature and art (the pursuit of beauty); as well as religion, morality, technology, economy, politics, familial ethics, sports, military, law, and education (the pursuit of self-transcendence). Although morality is only one of the culture types, the twelve types of culture are all manifestations of moral reason. The difference is that one is self-conscious in moral activity, but not of the moral values in other cultural activities. Science and philosophy seek the truth of the universe, and some believe that these are purely rational activities devoid of moral good and evil. However, Tang disagrees, pointing out that “it is one thing to say that there is no moral concept of good and evil in the mind of this activity, but another to say whether moral values are manifested by the mind of this activity itself.”231 The mind of truth-seeking is the transcendence of egocentric desires. Thus, it is a moral mind. Art and literature are the cultures concerned with the pursuit of beauty, as well as manifestations of the moral mind. Tang agreed with the views of Kant and Schopenhauer, that aesthetics is non-utilitarian. However, he further points out that the desire of the appraiser to share their aesthetics with others is a manifestation of the moral mind. The 228

Complete Works of Tang Junyi, Volume 4. Jiuzhou Press, 2016, p. 107. Complete Works of Tang Junyi, Volume 4. Jiuzhou Press, 2016, p. 136. 230 Complete Works of Tang Junyi, Volume 12. Jiuzhou Press, 2016, p. 451. 231 Tang Junyi. Cultural Consciousness and Moral Reason. In Complete Works of Tang Junyi, Volume 12. Taiwan Student Book Company, 1986, p. 309. 229

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pursuit of truth and the pursuit of beauty are interdependent and interconnected. Both require one to forget subjective mental and physical activities, and transcend practical goals. Both are also objective and universal. They are mutually transformative and complementary, and are both supported by moral values. However, the two alone are insufficient when it comes to finding personal restfulness in life, which is why religion is needed. Tang proposed that the core of religious consciousness lies in the liberation of natural life, as well as worshiping and taking refuge in the gods. He uses the original mind of morality to explain the various other cultural activities. For example, familial ethics is the manifestation of humanity’s benevolent mind and nature, and can be expanded to form social morality. Socioeconomic activities are humanistic activities, “that is, they are directly or indirectly established on the basis of the conscious or unconscious moral reason of human beings.”232 The state is the objectification of the moral rational self, which is a continuation of Hegel’s philosophy of law and an emphasis on the individual as the root of the state. As for the political system, he advocated the use of Western rule of law and democratic politics as a basis upon which to realize governance by rites and governance by virtue. Tang bore witness to the decline of human culture, which entailed the enjoyment of cultural achievement, without partaking in its creation; the differentiation and separation of cultures, without integration and unification; and upholding their respective supremacy, while rejecting other cultures. Therefore, Tang wanted to use moral rationality to rejuvenate human culture, thereby lifting the cultural spirit toward greater heights and goodness, and ensuring the co-existence of both differentiation and interconnection within cultural activities. (3) The Perfect Interpenetration and Completion of Spiritual Life: The Nine Horizons of the Mind. Tang Junyi built a moral metaphysical system that culminated in his exposition on the “Nine Horizons of the Mind,” which is the most distinctive and valuable of the new thoughts and theories in his moral philosophy. The construction of this theory was a novel result derived from Tang’s synthesis of three resources, namely, Chinese Confucianism, Indian Buddhism, and classical German philosophy. How did the Nine Horizons come about? The key lies with the affective resonance between mind and horizon, but there are different degrees and scopes of affective resonance, which result in the three levels and nine horizons. The first level includes the three objective horizons. The first is the horizon of the scattered myriad things, where its life activities and knowledge are all individualistic. The second is the horizon of the transformation into classes, which results from the affective resonance of the mind with groups. The third is the horizon of functioning in order, which “refers to the horizon that forms when the sequential operations of the function of a thing or being are manifested in other things or beings.”233 232 233

Complete Works of Tang Junyi, Volume 12. Jiuzhou Press, 2016, p. 73. Tang Junyi. Life, Existence, and the Horizons of the Mind. Jiuzhou Press, 2016, p. 166.

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The middle level includes the three subjective horizons, which are horizons of selfconsciousness where the mind turns to contemplate itself. The first is the horizon of the fusion of sense perception, within which one examines the mind–body relationship and the spatiotemporal world. The second is the horizon of detached observation, within which one observes the world of meaning. The third is the horizon of moral practice, within which one observes moral behaviors, and accomplishes the moral character and moral life of human beings. The highest level includes the three trans-objective, trans-subjective, absolute metaphysical horizons. The first of these is the horizon of the return to one divinity, within which one observes the divine realm, and mainly refers to Western monotheistic belief. The second is the horizon of the emptiness of self and dharmas, within which one observes the world of dharmas, and mainly refers to the Buddhist emptiness in terms of dharma characteristics. The third is the horizon of the flow of heavenly virtue, also known as the horizon of completing one’s nature and attaining one’s Heaven-ordained existence, within which one observes the world of Nature and Existence. This mainly refers to the Confucian outlook of exhaustively investigating the principles and completing one’s nature, thereby achieving the integration of subject and object, Heaven and humanity, thing and self. It can therefore be considered the ultimate horizon of moral practice. Tang’s theory of the Nine Horizons of the Mind is different from traditional Confucianism. It not only employs the logical analysis and deductive methods of Western philosophy to establish a metaphysical philosophical system, but also attaches great importance to rational cognition while emphasizing the moral self of the mind– substance, thus regarding the mind–substance as the union of the moral subject and the cognitive subject. His theory uncovered the vastness and richness of the human spiritual world, as well as the hierarchical nature resulting from the different levels of self-consciousness. It encourages people to continuously elevate the spiritual life of the self and society, to create a world of perfect happiness. Therefore, it remains a rich source of inspiration. (4) The Mission and Responsibility of Reviving the National Culture. Tang Junyi spent his life running the New Asia College, and innovating the moral philosophical system of New Confucianism. His motivation for this was to continue the life of Chinese culture under the violent impact of Western culture, to prevent it from fracturing and to attempt to find a path of regeneration for Chinese culture by learning from Western culture. Through meticulous research, he gained a profound understanding on the immutable value of Chinese philosophy and culture, which gave him full confidence of that it will be disseminated throughout China and the world. Mister Huang Zhenhua of Taiwan writes in Tang Junyi Xiansheng Yu Xiandai Zhongguo [Mister Tang Junyi and Modern China], He believed that the Chinese humanistic spirit may clash with Western scientific thought. The way to resolve this conflict is to understand the development of scientific reason, and be rooted in the “benevolent” mind of human beings; it is to see that the Chinese humanistic spirit not only does not hinder the development of science, but instead can use the development of

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science to promote the expansion and propagation of the humanistic spirit. As for the conflict between the Chinese humanistic spirit and Western democratic political thought, Mister Tang believed that if we can confirm that establishing a democratic system is a manifestation of the pursuit for objectification by the human moral mind, then this conflict will be resolved. With regard to the conflict between Chinese culture and foreign religions, Mister Tang believed that Chinese humanistic thought itself contains a religious spirit. For example, the Three Sacrificial Offerings (to Heaven and Earth, to the dynastic ancestors, and to the spirits of soil and grain), which have been of great importance in Confucian teaching since ancient China, can be regarded as the religious beliefs of the Chinese people. Therefore, the Chinese culture does not reject religious thought, but is also not constrained by any particularly religious form.234

Tang’s final work, Shengming Cunzai yu Xinling Jingjie [Life, Existence, and the Horizons of the Mind], was written in response to the various questions raised by the metaphysics and epistemology of Western philosophy to Chinese philosophy. Western philosophy emphasizes the theoretical system of reflective thinking, but not moral enlightenment and practice. Tang’s work was intended to explain that the highest realm of philosophy is the moral realm of practice. Although speculative philosophy is beneficial, the attainment of the highest realm requires selfunderstanding, self-consciousness, and self-action. Hence, the Chinese cultural tradition is uniquely able to create and showcase the universe of cultural consciousness. Therefore, Tang can be regarded as one who has inherited and propagated this universe of cultural consciousness. He is a cultural giant, and a role model for posterity in his undertakings on defending and developing national culture and philosophy. 7. Mou Zongsan: A Giant of Thought Who Pioneered Moral Metaphysics in New Confucianism Mou Zongsan (1909–1995) was a native of Qixia, Shandong. During his youth, he studied philosophy and graduated from Peking University, where he attended lectures on logic given by Zhang Shenfu and Jin Yuelin, and was especially inspired by the personal charisma and cultural life of Xiong Shili. This prompted him to pursue his studies on the philosophy of life, which eventually become a lifelong career. Mou Zongsan possessed exceptional abilities in theoretical and reflective thinking. By selectively and critically applying Western philosophical theories and methods, he was able to establish a philosophical system of moral metaphysics with Chinese characteristics, featuring clear conceptual expression, systematic logical structure, rigorous academic thought, and grandness in scale. He is regarded in contemporary times as a great Chinese philosopher with the greatest international influence. (1) Establishment of Moral Metaphysics. Kant had the greatest moral and religious consciousness among the Western philosophers. Mou Zongsan said that Kant “uses the universality and inevitability of moral law to force the selfdiscipline of the will, and then uses the self-discipline of the will to force 234

Luo Yijun (Ed.). Commentary of New Confucianism. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1989, p. 512.

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the assumption of the freedom of the will”235 —the result of conceptual analysis. In Chinese philosophy, however, the real substance of morality is intuitive knowledge. Mou believed that humanity’s “intellectual intuition” allows him to directly comprehend the original substance of innate awareness, hence intuitive knowledge is a real existence rather than a logical assumption. Mou proposed that what Kant’s categorical imperative calls “free will,” “the Chinese Confucians called original mind, benevolent substance, or intuitive knowledge—that is, our human nature.”236 Thus, Mou Zongsan integrated the Lu-Wang School of Mind with Kantian philosophy to establish his moral metaphysics, which regards the School of Mind as its orthodoxy. (2) The “Self-negation of Intuitive knowledge” and “Co-construction of the Three Orthodoxies.” Mou Zongsan believed that the merits and demerits of the Chinese culture can be seen in its “presence of a Confucian orthodoxy, but the absence of an academic orthodoxy… the presence of a Way of governance, but the absence of a Way of learning.” Therefore, its inability to establish democracy, and the lack of independence in science, can be attributed to only having a “synthetic spirit of comprehending the principles,” while lacking “an analytic spirit of comprehending the principles.” The latter is precisely one of the strengths of Western culture. Thus, to achieve the modernization of Chinese culture, it is necessary to convert from the “functional form of reason” to the “constructive form of reason” and from the “intensional form of reason” to the “extensional form of reason.” In other words, the self-negation (Mou uses the term Kan-Xian here) of moral reason is needed to develop modern democracy and science. The Chinese term Kan-Xian (i.e., negation) comes the Book of Changes: Explaining the Trigrams, which states, “Kan… is precipitous and perilous.” Kan is the trigram for water, and since water tends to accumulate in low-lying places, Kan also means the abyss. Mou uses this phrase to convey the sense of entrapment, conversion, self-negation, and indirect connection. Mou believed that the response to the “intellectual intuition” of Chinese moral reason is the unity of the thing and the self, which entails the inability to objectify and hence understand the thing, so as to attain scientific knowledge, thereby necessitating self-negation. Thus, the aim of Mou’s “self-negation of innate awareness” is to establish a subject of understanding so that both democracy and science can develop. Mou proposed the co-construction of the three orthodoxies: The first is the affirmation of Confucian orthodoxy, which is to affirm the value of morality and religion, and to protect the origin of the universe of human life uncovered by Confucius and Mencius. The second is development of the academic orthodoxy, which is to produce the “subject of understanding,” to incorporate the Greek tradition and establish the independence of academics. The third is continuation of political orthodoxy, which is to understand 235

Mou Zongsan. Heart Noumenon and Natural Noumenon, Volume 1. Jilin Publishing Group Co. Ltd., 2013, p. 117. 236 Mou Zongsan. Intellectual Intuition and Chinese Philosophy. China Social Sciences Press, 2008, p. 190.

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the development of the system of government and affirm the inevitability of democratic politics.”237

In Mou’s mind, Confucian orthodoxy is the core value of the Chinese nation; academic orthodoxy is path of independence for the scientific development of the Chinese nation; and political orthodoxy is the advancement of the country’s system of government and social management toward democracy and rule of law. This is a grand blueprint for the founding of the nation that has both distinctive Chinese characteristics, and the outlook of the modern world. (3) The Learning of Life, and the Interaction and Integration among Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Mou Zongsan believed that the Chinese culture “is the direction and form of cultural life determined by Confucianism as the mainstream.”238 In terms of its origin, the Chinese culture differs from the Greek culture in that “the first thing it comprehends is ‘life,’ whereas the first thing the Greek culture comprehends is ‘nature.’”239 Life as comprehended by the Chinese culture is not life in a biological sense, but “a moral and political comprehension.”240 It reveals a spiritual world and a value-based world, hence “the cultural system of China is a cultural system of humaneness….It is a system of the unity of humaneness and wisdom but encompassed by humaneness.”241 Western culture, on the other hand, has two approaches to life: one is through literature, and the other through biology, while its philosophy is centered on knowledge: The learning of life can be discussed from two perspectives. One is the subjective perspective of the individual, and the other is the objective perspective of the group. The former is concerned with matters of personal cultivation and improvement of personal spiritual life, as preached by all religions. The latter is concerned with all matters of the humanistic world, including those of the state, politics, law, economics, and so on. It involves matters concerning the objective aspects of life. If we follow the Confucian learning and inquiry of “illustrating illustrious virtue,” then these two aspects are interconnected and united as one.242

Mou believed that Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism are all the learning of life. Confucianism has experienced its ups and downs in history, constantly diverging and converging with Buddhism and Daoism, together promoting the development of Chinese philosophy through their interactions. At the heart of Chinese philosophy lies the three teachings, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Among them, Confucianism and Daoism are the mainstream of indigenous thought, 237

Philosophy and Works of Mou Zongsan. Taiwan Student Book Company, 1978, p. 45. Bai Yuxiao (Ed.). Philosophical and Cultural Collection of Mou Zongsan. Nanjing University Press, 2010, p. 373. 239 Mou Zongsan. Historical Philosophy. Jilin Publishing Group, 2010, p. 159. 240 Mou Zongsan. Characteristics of Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2007, p. 149. 241 Mou Zongsan. Characteristics of Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2007, p. 149. 242 Mou Zongsan. Learning of Life. Taipei San Min Co., Ltd., 1970, p. 37. 238

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while Buddhism came from India. The three teachings are the “learning of life.” They are not science and technology, but morality and religion, and their focus falls on problems concerning the direction of human life.243 At the core of the Chinese “learning of life” lies mind and nature, and hence it can also be called the learning of mind and nature.244

Mou believed that “China’s first encounter with the West was during the Southern, Northern Dynasties, and the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Its encounter was with the Indian Buddhist culture [to China, India can also be considered the West]. In its second encounter, China is currently facing the Western cultures of science, democracy, and Christianity. Science and democracy, especially democracy, is the reason modernized countries are modernized. We must attain it based on the cultural life of reason, freedom, and human dignity.”245 Mou pointed out the future direction of Chinese philosophy: “(1) The revitalization of the ‘learning of life’ can be based on interactions of the traditional cultural life of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism with Christianity. (2) The absorption of Western science, philosophy, and democratic politics can help expand the intellectual realm.”246 Nevertheless, Mou also states, However, there is no time or place where science and democracy can replace morality and religion. The three teachings of Chinese tradition will always be revived and propagated. In fact, it is very likely that the stimulation of and interaction with Christianity will give rise to new developments. The three teachings are the great origins and great traditions resulting from the accumulation of Chinese wisdom over thousands of years. They have the intrinsic potential of “breaking their banks, and flowing out in an irresistible flood,” and will remain the mainstream of Chinese thought in the future.247

Mou Zongsan consistently embraced a profound respect and ample confidence toward the philosophy of life of the three teachings, which was dominated by Confucianism. He regarded the integration of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism as the internal force driving the development of the Chinese philosophy of life, while also advocating for the assimilation of Western mainstream philosophy, religion, science, and democracy, thereby forging a path toward a modern culture with Chinese characteristics. (4) The Status of Confucianism in the “Establishment of Teaching” and Its Function as A “Cultural System”. In his discourse on the key points of Chinese philosophy, Mou Zongsan stressed the special importance of Confucius’s Confucianism. “None can surpass Confucianism in opening up the source of value, 243

Mou Zongsan. 2007, p. 75. 244 Mou Zongsan. 2007, p. 75. 245 Mou Zongsan. 2007, p. 81–82. 246 Mou Zongsan. 2007, p. 83. 247 Mou Zongsan. 2007, p. 83.

Characteristics of Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, Characteristics of Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, Characteristics of Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, Characteristics of Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, Characteristics of Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Classics Publishing House,

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and erect the moral subject.”248 “Confucianism is a great teaching that determines the basic direction.”249 “In Chinese culture, Confucianism is responsible for the problem of the ‘establishment of teaching,’ so it has turned its development toward transformation through teaching, thereby instituting the status of Confucianism in the Chinese culture.”250 Mou uses the phrase “establishment of teaching” in a broad sense to indicate that the status of Confucianism is to determine the spiritual direction of the Chinese nation, to ensure that Chinese culture is centered around life, and will embark on the path of “taking people as its root.” Confucianism is unmatched by all other teachings in this regard, but each teaching can play a specific role in assisting Confucianism. To commemorate the birth of Confucius, Mou wrote an essay entitled “Sikong Yu Dujing” [“The Confucius Ceremony and Reading the Classics”], in which he raised an important question: “Does Confucian scholarship contain within it the meaning of a cultural system? Can it become a cultural system? Is a cultural system necessary in a nation, in a society, or more simply in the practical life of the people?”251 “Cultural system” refers to a cultural and education system. In Mou’s view, this is neither political nor personal, but social. It is concerned with the direction and mode of the people’s spiritual life. “Without an objective cultural system that can serve as a principle by which to examine matters or laws by which one can abide, society will find it difficult to judge between good and evil, or right and wrong, and everything will be in chaos. The lives of ordinary people, especially of intellectuals, will undoubtedly be fraught with great suffering.”252 Thus, it is evident that Mou’s problem regarding the establishment of a cultural system is concerned with rebuilding the basic moral norms of contemporary Chinese society based on excellent traditional morality. 8. Xu Fuguan: A Warrior-type of New Confucian Who Integrated Humaneness and Wisdom Xu Fuguan (1903–1982) was a native of Xishui, Hubei. He graduated from Wuchang First Normal University in his youth. In 1925, he embraced the new ideas of the Three Principles of the People and socialism, abandoned his scholarship, and joined the army. He later traveled to Japan, where he studied economics and military affairs. After the Mukden Incident, he returned to China to join the war of resistance against the Japanese. During the War of Resistance, he held key positions in the Kuomintang 248

Mou Zongsan. Nineteen Lectures on Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2007, p. 59–60. 249 Mou Zongsan. Nineteen Lectures on Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2007, p. 67. 250 Mou Zongsan. Nineteen Lectures on Chinese Philosophy. Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2007, p. 148. 251 The Preparatory Committee of International Confucius College U.S.A. (Ed.). Recordation of International Confucius Worship Movement, Volume 1. The Cultural and Educational Foundation of Confucius Institute U.S.A., 1984, P. 40. 252 The Preparatory Committee of International Confucius College U.S.A. (Ed.). Recordation of International Confucius Worship Movement, Volume 1. The Cultural and Educational Foundation of Confucius Institute U.S.A., 1984, P. 43.

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army, once serving as a senior staff officer and secretary to Chiang Kai-shek, and frequently submitted proposals for military reform to Chiang. In 1943, Xu traveled to Mianren Academy to meet with Xiong Shili, and to study under him. In 1948, Xu abandoned officialdom and engaged in scholarship, embarking on the path of New Confucianism. He had a profound understanding on Xiong Shili’s insights that “the collapse of a nation often starts with the collapse of its culture,” and “to save China, we must first save its academics,” which prompted him to devote his life instead to inheriting and propagating traditional Chinese thought. Xu Fuguan, along with Tang Junyi and Mou Zongsan, went on to become the three major disciples of Xiong Shili and the representative scholars of New Confucianism in Hong Kong and Taiwan after Xiong. However, they each had their own unique experiences, knowledge, temperament, and style. Xu once commented that Tang Junyi was a “benevolent-type” scholar, Mou Zongsan was an “intellectual-type” scholar, and he himself was a “warrior-type” scholar. Although Xu Fuguan did not undertake the construction of philosophical theories, he was able to use incisive analysis, rational comparison, remarkable insight, and forthright temperament in his monographs to ignite the spirit of society at that time and of later generations, thus exerting an immense impact. His achievements are briefly described below. (1) Consciously Inheriting the Chinese Culture and Courageously Bearing the Historical Mission of Scholarly Gentlemen. Xu was firmly opposed to “total Westernization.” In November 1961, Hu Shih spoke at an East Asian scientific conference, where he claimed that Eastern cultures had little or no spirituality. In response, Xu wrote a sharply critical essay denouncing Hu Shih for “disguising his own ignorance by slandering Chinese culture and Eastern culture.”253 Xu had confidence in the vitality and future of the Chinese culture, and firmly believed that it was the foundation for its national revival. At the same time, however, Xu was most definitely not a blind cultural conservative. He was clearly aware that Chinese thought and philosophy had its constancies and variabilities, as well as strengths and weakness, which necessitated transformation and innovation. He states that our attitude toward the Chinese culture “should no longer involve its arbitrary ousting as in the May Fourth era, nor its muddled defense. Instead, we must look behind specific historical conditions to discover a universal and eternal Constant Way that penetrates the flow of history, and to recognize the constraints to which this Constant Way had been subjected to in past historical conditions. Because of its constraints, it may have been manifested to an inadequate extent, or in a deviant form,”254 and hence will need to be evaluated and improved. Furthermore, Xu proposed that in the new era of Sino-Western exchange, Chinese thought and culture must be refined using Western learning to spark new life, but must not be entangled by Western learning and eventually losing itself. Thus, it seems that in Xu’s cultural and philosophical outlook, the 253

Luo Yijun (Ed.). Commentary of New Confucianism. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1989, p. 621. 254 Xu Fuguan. Between Academics and Politics. Taiwan Student Book Company, 1985, p. 48.

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Confucian orthodoxy of the Chinese nation occupies a fundamental position, while also embracing openness, synthesis, and innovation. Xu Fuguan explained that the relationship between Confucianism and democratic freedom is not only non-contradictory, but that “the Confucian spirit and the humanistic spirit should be the true basis for democratic freedom.”255 However, in the history of the Way of governance, there exists the contradiction of dual subjectivity, which is the contradiction between the doctrine of the people as the root and the autocratic regime, as well as the long-term tension between “the Way” and “propensity.” Thus, it is not easy for the scholarly gentleman to “serve the ruler according to the Way,” and go against “propensity” in accordance with “principle.” From an historical perspective, although principle is sometimes overshadowed by propensity, in the long run, “principle will permeate propensity and will reach the final determination with propensity.”256 Therefore, the scholar and the Confucian must uphold the spirit of universal principle, and strive for its implementation in democratic politics. (2) The Moral Humanism of Confucianism and Sino-Western Complementarity. Xu elaborated on his Confucian outlook, and on his proposition for the mutual learning between Chinese and Western philosophy. He believed that, The main object of Greek learning and inquiry is nature, that is, things external to humankind, and the basic target of its exertions is knowledge.257 ..whereas for Confucianism, it is the norms of our own behavior.258 It starts from the moral internalization of the goodness of nature, so as to separate humans from ordinary animals, and then develop humans into perfect and flawless sages or benevolent beings, who have a responsibility to the world for the objectification of internal morality into the daily affairs of human relations. This will then ensure that the relationships between humans, and between humans and things, will all become a “benevolent” relationship.259

Therefore, Confucianism “forms the basis of Chinese moral humanism,” whereas “the humanism [of the West] is mainly based on intelligence.”260 Xu had high praise for the moral humanism of Confucianism: Confucian ethical thought is derived from the objectification of internal morality, so it is able to bear responsibility for humankind. It begins with filial piety and fraternity, but ends with regarding all people as one’s siblings, and all things as one’s companions, and with “Heaven, Earth, and all things as one body.” From filial piety and fraternity, to regarding all people as one’s siblings, and all things as one’s companions, and thence to regarding Heaven, Earth, 255

Xu Fuguan. Between Academics and Politics. Taiwan Student Book Company, 1985, p. 175. Xu Fuguan. Between Academics and Politics. Taiwan Student Book Company, 1985, p. 149. 257 Li Weiwu (Ed.). Anthology of Xu Fuguan (Revised Edition), Volume 2. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 44. 258 Li Weiwu (Ed.). Anthology of Xu Fuguan (Revised Edition), Volume 2. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 45. 259 Li Weiwu (Ed.). Anthology of Xu Fuguan (Revised Edition), Volume 2. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 45. 260 Li Weiwu (Ed.). Anthology of Xu Fuguan (Revised Edition), Volume 2. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 47. 256

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and all things as one body, these are all merely the expression and function of the benevolent mind, which are all connected with one all-pervading breath. There is not the slightest gap within.261

Nevertheless, Xu then goes on to point out that, The Confucian spirit does not contain science, but it is by no means against science. In the future, Confucianism will need science, not only to make up for the deficiencies of its human nature in the development of the Chinese culture, but also to supplement the aspect of our culture that is already developed, that is, that of humaneness—humaneness and understanding, morality and science. Not only is there no reason for them to move forward hand in hand, in fact, together they form the whole of human nature, perfect in unison and detrimental in separation.262

While describing the achievements of Western culture, Xu also points out the crises that it is facing, which is its focus on things, and its failure to address the problems of humanity. The political and economic conflicts brought about by “functionbased culture” and “sensibility-based culture” are difficult to resolve by means of democracy. Furthermore, western people are confronted with the conflict between the individual and the group, which also requires the input of Confucian thought to reach a resolution. Therefore, by adopting the perspective of mutual learning between Chinese and Western culture, Xu Fuguan proposed a new path of development for human culture encompassing the “dual attainment of humaneness and wisdom.” He states, Since Western culture has accomplished and maintained its understanding, its current transformation must involve “assimilating understanding to return to humaneness,” so that humaneness can be used to balance out and utilize the achievements of understanding. The future of China’s culture will involve restoring its humaneness, while also “transforming humaneness into understanding,” so that understanding will be contained within the moral subject, but not restricted by the moral landscape. Thus, the humanities and natural sciences can be accomplished based upon the great foundation of humanity.263

By putting forward the two major propositions of “assimilating understanding to return to humaneness” and “transforming humaneness into understanding,” Xu clearly laid out the future path of development for human culture. Xu’s broadness of mind, far-sighted vision, and remarkable insights remain a great source of inspiration even to this day. (3) A Novel Approach to the History of Confucian Classical Studies and the History of Art. Unlike the proponents of “systematizing the national heritage” during the Republic of China, who viewed Confucian classical studies as outdated historical materials and transformed its research into purely historical research, Xu Fuguan examined the history of Confucian classical studies from 261

Li Weiwu (Ed.). Anthology of Xu Fuguan (Revised Edition), Volume 2. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 55. 262 Li Weiwu (Ed.). Anthology of Xu Fuguan (Revised Edition), Volume 2. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 61–62. 263 Li Weiwu (Ed.). Anthology of Xu Fuguan (Revised Edition), Volume 2. Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2009, p. 73.

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the height of the formation and transmission of spiritual value in the Chinese culture. He pointed out that “classical studies established the fundamental form of the Chinese culture, and thus became the baseline for the development of the Chinese culture. The introspection of Chinese culture should be traced back to the introspection of Chinese classical studies.”264 He believed that “the foundation of classical studies is rooted in Confucius and subsequent studies based on his teaching. Without Confucius, there are no classical studies.”265 Confucius played the following roles in classical studies: (1) by undertaking private education, he disseminated the aristocratic culture to three thousand disciples, hence achieving its propagation throughout the country; (2) he regarded the Five Classics as texts for cultivating a sagely life, which enabled them to serve an educational role in uplifting the human character; and (3) when compiling the Five Classics, he injected new content, enhanced the cultural value of the three dynasties, and gave shape to definite content and form, lacking only the name of “classical studies.” By the Han Dynasty, there were erudite students for classical studies, as well as the “abolishment and dismissal of the Hundred Schools of Thought, [thus] making known and rendering illustrious the Six Classics.” In this way, classical studies moved from the social sphere to the political sphere. The classical studies of the Han study played a dual role. On the one hand, in real life, the politics of the two Han dynasties were based on an imperial autocratic regime, while punishments formed the backbone and foundation of their political operations. Confucian teaching, which formed its ideological framework, was merely the external appearance of its autocratic politics. On the other hand, the Five Classics plus The Analects form a summary of ancient political culture. They also provided a basis for the doctrine of the people as the root of the country in Han politics, and contributed to the trend of “receiving words of remonstrance” and “accepting admonitions.” Furthermore, their ideas on morality and transformation by teaching gave rise to educational facilities within the imperial court and society, while also requiring the prioritization of virtue over penalty. All of this had a great bearing on the fate of humanity. Xu Fuguan is a rarity among contemporary New Confucian scholars due to his special emphasis on the history of Chinese art. He wrote a hefty book entitled Zhongguo Yishu Jingshen [The Spirit of Chinese Art], in which he talked about Chinese art as “discovering the root of art within the mind and nature of humanity’s concrete life, grasping the key to spiritual freedom and liberation, and hence producing many great painters and great masterpieces. The achievements of the Chinese culture in this regard are not only historically significant, but also carry significance in the present and the future.”266 However, Chinese art had been trivialized and vulgarized 264 Xu Fuguan. The Foundation of History of Chinese Confucian Classics Study. Taiwan Student Book Company, 1982, p. 1. 265 Xu Fuguan. The Foundation of History of Chinese Confucian Classics Study. Taiwan Student Book Company, 1982, p. 26. 266 Xu Fuguan. The Spirit of the Chinese Art. East China Normal University Press, 2001, “Preface”, p. 1.

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over a long period of time. “My motivation for writing this book is to use organized, modern language to reveal the true colors of this sphere, so that it can be merged with mainstream culture in a proper manner, and be made known to the world.”267 He believed there are two typical models of artistic spirit in Chinese culture. The first is “the model as presented by Confucius through the unity of humaneness and music”268 ; the other is Zhuangzi, who “wholly embodied a personality of pure artistic spirit.”269 This was mainly expressed in painting, but also extended into other artistic genres. “As for literature, it often served as a common ground for shared activities of mutual integration between Confucianism and Daoism, which were later joined by Buddhism.”270

8.2.3 Representatives in the Revival of Modern Daoism and Rationalistic Innovation Daoism was already in decline by the end of the Qing Dynasty, during which it experienced a sharp fall in national support, and the dwindling of its strength. With the founding of the Republic of China and the abolishment of the monarchy, the central government prescribed the freedom of religious belief, but no longer employed administrative means to support any religion. For Daoism, this not only meant the complete removal of the direct political and economic support it often received from the state, but also the infliction of constant attacks and restrictions by those in power at different times, all of which shook its foundation. Yuan Shikai and the later warlords Wu Peifu and Sun Chuanfang lent their support to the Zhengyi School, but these efforts failed to prevent its deterioration. In the 27th year of the Republic of China, the Jiangxi Provincial Party Headquarters of the Kuomintang burned the statues of the Tianshi Mansion in the name of eliminating superstitions, and confiscated its field tax records, as well as the seals and treasured articles bestowed by past imperial dynasties. In March of the same year, the Provisional Administrative Committee of Wu County declared that “Zhang Tianshi has been abolished. Daoism can no longer exist. Daoist priests should seek other employment. The industries of the Daoist temples should be used to coordinate occupational training.”271 Thus, the 62nd and 63rd celestial masters, Zhang Yuanxu and Zhang Enpu, had no choice but to move the center for the activities of the Zhengyi School to Shanghai. The northern 267

Xu Fuguan. The Spirit of the Chinese Art. East China Normal University Press, 2001, “Preface”, p. 1–2. 268 Xu Fuguan. The Spirit of the Chinese Art. East China Normal University Press, 2001, “Preface”, p. 4. 269 Xu Fuguan. The Spirit of the Chinese Art. East China Normal University Press, 2001, “Preface”, p. 4. 270 Xu Fuguan. The Spirit of the Chinese Art. East China Normal University Press, 2001, “Preface”, p. 4. 271 Mou Zhongjian and Zhang Jian. Comprehensive History of Chinese Religions. Social Science Literature Press, 2000, p. 1069.

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Quanzhen School fared slightly better. However, apart from larger Daoist temples, such as the Baiyun Temple of Beijing and the Taiqing Palace of Shenyang, all other normal and smaller temples fell into decline. From a cultural perspective, mainstream social consciousness was dominated by total Westernization and scientism, while Confucius’s Confucianism was regarded as “feudalistic doctrine” that needed to be overthrown. Daoism was regarded as “feudalistic superstition,” and considered by mainstream society as a hindrance to the development of modern science that needed to be eliminated. In terms of Daoism itself, there was a lack of lofty morals and great virtue, as well as a lag in meanings and principles, which prevented it from actively confronting the new cultural trends and modern science of the contemporary era, and from attaining innovations in ideas and theories. Furthermore, most Daoists did not know how to maintain the financial situation of the Daoist temples under the new circumstances, nor to continue their independent development. Instead, they clung to their old conservative ways, which meant that they had no choice but to passively accept the forceful impact of the newly emerging trends. Nevertheless, Daoism is an indigenous religion, born and bred in China, guided by the philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi, and rooted in the fertile soil of China. Thus, it still had a spark of life. In fact, many farsighted individuals inside and outside Daoism carried on with their search for a path toward the revival of Daoism and its culture, while their efforts have resulted in numerous discoveries and innovations.

8.2.3.1

The Establishment of National Daoist Organizations and the Promotion of Patriotism

To adapt to the methods of survival in the new era, as a popular religion, Daoists had to establish religious organizations on a national scale that surpassed its past temple management system. This move would enable Daoism to fight for a legitimate position, and carry out activities as an independent social and cultural organization. As a result, Daoist leaders began to promote this novel approach. In 1912, Chen Mingbin of the Beijing Baiyun Temple led the establishment of the Central Daoist Association centered around the northern Quanzhen school. It was approved by the National Government of the Republic of China, but failed to make a significant impact due to the chaos that ensued. Thereafter, the 62nd celestial master of the Zhengyi School, Zhang Yuanxu, established the General Daoist Association of the Republic of China in Shanghai, but the organization did not receive the official approval of the government. In 1936, the 63rd celestial master of the Zhengyi School, Zhang Enpu, and Li Lishan of the Hangzhou Quanzhen School, formed an alliance between the two schools and jointly established the Daoist Association of the Republic of China in Shanghai, calling on all Daoist followers to unite against the Japanese. In 1947, Zhang Enpu merged the Zhengyi School with the Quanzhen School to form the Shanghai Daoist Association. Li Lishan served as the chairperson, and Chen Yingning drafted the Fuxing Daojiao Jihuashu [Plan for the Revival of Daoism] to promote scripture preaching, research, the publication of periodicals and books, and various other undertakings. In 1949, Zhang Enpu traveled to Taiwan, where in the following year

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he founded the Daoist Association of Taiwan Province. In 1966, the association was restructured to form the General Daoist Association of the Republic of China, which continues to this day. As for Mainland China, since 1956, a total of 23 famous Daoist patriots initiated the preparations for the establishment of a national Daoist organization. They included Yue Chongdai (Taiqing Palace, Shenyang), Wang Yueqing (Mount Longhu, Jiangxi), Yi Xinying (Tianshi Cave, Chengdu), and Chen Yingning (famous Daoist thinker). In April 1957, the Chinese Daoist Association was officially established, with Yue Chongdai as the president, and Chen Yingning as the vice president and secretary. Its mission is to “unite and educate Daoist followers in loving the country and Daoism; actively participate in socialist construction; propagate the fine traditions of Daoism; and assist the government in implementing its policy on the freedom of religious belief.” The two major Daoist schools—the Quanzhen and Zhengyi schools—are composed of numerous sects, each carrying out their religious life in a scattered manner, centered around their individual Daoist temples. Thus, the absence of a national organization would have resulted in their dispersal like grains of scattered sand, making them unable to gather their inner strength or to undertake major accomplishments on a large scale. Therefore, the establishment of a national Daoist association was the organizational basis for the modern revival of Daoism. The Daoist community prospered in the War of Resistance against Japan. During the war, people in many areas of the north relied on the Daoist community to fight against the Japanese, and hence protect their family and property. In the spring of 1938, the Tiantang sect and the Gangfeng sect, both of which were folk Daoist sects, emerged in Shandong. The Tiantang sect of Boshan had several thousand followers, who worked as farmers in peacetime, but fought against Japanese invaders and Han traitors in wartime, thus forming a strong military force against the Japanese. In Hebei, the Daoist priests of the Laojun Temple in Qipantuo Hill, Mount Langya, headed by Li Yuanzhong and Shi Haizhong, actively participated in the war efforts. They gave the Eighth Route Army significant assistance by serving as sentries, undertaking terrain reconnaissance, transmitting intelligence, serving as guides, and treating the wounded. After the five heroes of Mount Langya threw themselves off the mountain (after fighting the Japanese army), the Daoist abbot Li Yuanzhong was the first to discover them and report to the intelligence station, which allowed for the timely rescue of the two surviving heroes. In the south, the Daoist priests of Mount Mao, Jurong, lent their support and assistance to the New Fourth Army in resisting the Japanese. When Japanese invaders captured Qianyuan Temple on Mount Mao, they seized the monastic prior, Hui Xinbai, and other Daoist leaders, and interrogated them on the whereabouts of the New Fourth Army. However, all of them insisted, “We know nothing!”—choosing to endure torture rather than surrender the information. This angered the Japanese invaders, who then set fire to Qianyuan Temple, and 13 Daoist priests, including Hui Xinbai, were brutally killed. In Hangzhou, Li Lishan, who was the Daoist abbot of Fuxing Temple on Mount Yushan, was a well-known figure in the Daoist community. After the outbreak of the War of Resistance, he was inspired by patriotic passion, which prompted him to halt all religious activities in the temple and lead the Daoist followers in devoting themselves to the efforts in resisting the Japanese and saving the nation. They opened the doors of the Zilai Cave

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Daoist monastery, and took in more than 1,700 refugees in the mountains, providing them with food and accommodation. They also ventured down the mountains, passed through blockades and Japanese checkpoints, traveled to Hangzhou to contact charity organizations, and brought relief rations back to the mountains for the refugees. This lasted for more than a year, and enabled the refugees to survive the worst. Such selfless deeds could be found throughout the country. The love for one’s country and one’s teaching is a deep-rooted tradition that has existed since the birth of Daoism, and is one that continues to be propagated and promoted.

8.2.3.2

Chen Yingning: The Daoist Study of Life in New Immortality Studies

In the history of modern Daoism, Chen Yingning is recognized as the most accomplished and influential Daoist scholar of his time. Chen Yingning (1880–1969), whose ancestral home was in Huaining, Anhui, was a 19th-generation lay practitioner of the Dragon Gate Sect. Although he was never officially ordained, he devoted his entire life to studying the Daoist doctrines and the theory of nourishing life. He was able to develop Daoist philosophy in accordance with the trend of the times, and attained outstanding achievements. He was a loyal patriot, passionate about the salvation of the world, and enjoyed great prestige within the Daoist community. The scope of his influence extended to several domains, including medicine, politics, literature, history, and philosophy. Since childhood, Chen was tutored in the ancient classics, and he was diligent in laying a solid foundation in Confucianism. He enjoyed reading Shibao [Eastern Times], Shengshi Weiyan [Words of Warning to a Prosperous Age] and other publications, which exposed him to the influence of new ideas. In his youth, he suffered from pediatric tuberculosis, which prompted him to switch from studying Confucianism to traditional Chinese medicine to treat his disease. He studied medicine under his great-uncle, and read about the Xianxue (i.e., Immortality Studies) for nourishing life in the medical texts. He later learned and practiced these methods, eventually recovering from his disease and restoring his health, which caused him to embark on the study and practice of life nourishment. On the eve of the Xinhai revolution, Chen suffered a relapse of his old illness, and he decided to leave his family to seek out eminent monks. However, he began suspecting that Buddhism placed a greater emphasis on cultivating the mind and nature, but neglected the physical form, and so he switched to visiting Daoist practitioners. His journeys brought him to several famous Daoist mountains, including Qionglong Mountain of Suzhou, Mount Mao of Jurong, Wudang Mountains of Junzhou, Mount Lao of Jimo, Mount Tu of Huaiyuan, and Mount Jingai of Huzhou. However, his endeavors were to no avail, so he decided to systematically study the Daoist canon himself. He spent three years meticulously reading the entire Daoist canon, and discovered a wealth of information on nourishing life. In his middle-aged years, he lived with his wife Wu Yizhu, and read many books on nourishing life, which encompassed literature, history, philosophy, as well as medical and Buddhist classics. After that, he became a practitioner of

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traditional Chinese medicine, and began producing works that provided patients with techniques for treatment and fitness. He also supported the establishment of the Yangshan Banyuekan [The Promotion of Goodness Bimonthly] and Xianxue Yuebao [Immortality Studies Monthly], for which he wrote numerous articles, and gradually formed his own unique theories on the study of immortality. After 1949, Chen continued to write, and since the founding of the Chinese Daoist Association, Chen devoted himself to guiding its research work and cultivating talents for the revival of Daoism. The tradition of Chen’s immortality studies is based on the immortality of nourishing life that originated in antiquity, and has always been a core belief in Daoism. In his early years, Chen distinguished between immortality studies and Daoism, but later advocated the unity of the two, arguing that they differed only in terms of their unique doctrines. The reason he separated immortality studies from Daoism in the early days was due to the prevalence of scientism in China, with mainstream radicals holding a negative attitude toward religion and being especially disparaging toward Daoism. Thus, Chen wanted to avoid their harsh criticism, and to create a safe space for the survival of immortality studies. He subsequently changed his views, and still used immortality studies to support the revival of Daoism. The key points of Chen’s New Immortality Studies are described below. (1) Advocating New Immortality Studies for Patriotism and Strengthening the Nation. Chen’s research on immortality studies began with his desire to cure his disease and rebuild his health. However, the great purpose of his pursuit was to invigorate the spirit of the Chinese nation and strengthen the physique of the people, so that China would no longer suffer from a cultural inferiority complex or be regarded as “the invalid of East Asia,” nor be bullied by outsiders. He witnessed the weakness of the Republic of China, along with its endless foreign troubles, and hence advocated a Chinese-centered culture, regarding Daoism as “a tool to unite the national spirit in current times.”272 Based on a comparison of Buddhism, Western learning, and Daoism, Chen concluded that as China was currently being subjected to imperialist aggression, “the compassion and mercy of Buddhism will only leave us calling for help in vain,” whereas “Europe and the United States emphasize the physical sciences,” and “a reliance on the physical sciences will lead us to kill people to stop them from killing, which is even more absurd.” It is only Daoism that both embraces the lofty purpose of saving the world, while also going further than mere empty talk, and actually begins with refining one’s weaknesses and enhancing one’s strengths. “It unites the spirit with matter, returning both to the same furnace to be refined, and so is able to achieve the goal of helping ourselves and helping others in the future.”273 (2) Establishing Life-oriented Life Ideals and Beliefs through the Comparison of the Three teachings. Chen’s immortality studies rejected numerology and the Daoist rituals, turning instead to highlight the Daoist teachings. Thus, it is 272

Chen Yingning. Daoism and Nurturing Life. Sino-Culture Press, 1989, p. 2. Hu Haiya and Wu Guozhong (Eds.). Book of Nurturing Life of Chinese Immortality Studies, Volume, 1. Huaxia Publishing House, 2006, P. 532.

273

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entrusted with the values of life, encompasses the vastness and exquisiteness of the theoretical system, and assimilates but does not rely on Confucianism, Buddhism, and other teachings. It is, therefore, able to forge its own Way of securing personal restfulness and establishing one’s Heaven-ordained existence, one that is on par with Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. In his analysis on the differences among Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, and immortality studies, he found that Confucianism believes human life to be constant, and so its purpose is to maintain the status quo and to preclude the unconventional and the strange. Hence, there is no evolution in human life. Buddhism believes human life to be illusory, so its purpose is to seek enlightenment and obliterating life in reality. Hence, its academic theories are often in conflict with the actual facts, which are difficult to resolve. Daoism believes human life to be spontaneous, and so its purpose is to encourage extreme permissiveness, and it advocates stillness and inaction. The result of this is malaise, decadence, and self-indulgence. Immortality studies believe that human life contains imperfections, and its purpose is to reform the status quo, overthrow the immutable laws, destroy the environment, and overcome nature.274 He advocated the dual cultivation of Nature and Existence: “Nature is one’s spiritual consciousness; Existence is one’s vitality. Nature and Existence are inseparable, and so both must be cultivated.”275 He firmly believed that human beings can evolve, and that “evolution is limitless.”276 Apes can evolve into humans, and humans can evolve into immortals. However, this requires the use of humankind’s subjective creativity and disregards the spontaneous. In short, New Immortality Studies is the new theoretical form of the Daoist doctrine on attaining immortality and longevity. It is characterized by its doctrine of “the Way of immortality is only life,” and by its life-centered vitalism. Its novelty lies in its use of Western science and life sciences, while also basing itself on the doctrines of Daoism to establish a Chinese-style life philosophy and beliefs. (3) Introducing Modern Western Scientific Concepts, Knowledge, and Methods to Combine Immortality Studies with Exploring the Human Body and Traditional Chinese Medicine. Chen was the first person in the modern Daoist community of China to examine Western science candidly and seriously. He was determined to make up for the obsolescence of Daoism caused by its detachment from modern science, and he strove to introduce science in immortality studies. First, he attempted to eliminate the vulgar and superstitious elements of Daoism: “Immortality studies do not lie within the scope of

274

Hu Haiya and Wu Guozhong (Eds.). Book of Nurturing Life of Chinese Immortality Studies, Volume, 1. Huaxia Publishing House, 2006, P. 1354. 275 Tian Chengyang. The Elaboration on Immortality Studies. China Religious Culture Publisher, 1999, p. 383. 276 Hu Haiya. The Guidance of Immortality Studies. Traditional Chinese Medicine Ancient Books Publishing House, 1998, p. 63.

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the three teachings. It does not involve chanting Buddha’s name, drawing talismans, reciting mantras, conducting repentance ceremonies, or reciting the scriptures.”277 Second, immortality studies emphasized experimentation and empirical evidence, and opposed mysterious and empty discourse. Chen believed that immortality studies involved using scientific methods to alter the physiology of ordinary people, which would allow them to gain the permanence of life. Finally, immortality studies must be applied in the field of medicine, where it should be used to cure diseases, save lives, and improve physical fitness. Chen conducted in-depth investigations on traditional medicine and had excellent medical skills. Thus, not only did he gain personal experience in curing diseases, improving health, and enhancing immortality, but he also offered his services to society, and was highly skilled at diagnosing and treating various intractable and serious illnesses, thereby alleviating the suffering of his patients. He was famed for his medical ethics and skills, and earned the respect of the world. This was the most valuable outcome of immortality studies. Chen merged faith, philosophy, Daoist methods, and science into one, and reconstructed the Daoist study of life using the approach of immortality studies. Although his endeavors could not be completed, he had forged a new path for the modern transformation of Daoism. His philosophy of life and his study of nourishing life captured the most valuable essence of Daoist culture that can be offered to modern society in the future. His ideological legacy deserves to be cherished by scholars within and beyond Daoism. (4) Assimilating Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, Extensively Incorporating the Results of Daoist Inner Alchemy, and Synthetically Creating Life-centered New Immortality Studies. Although Chen disapproved of conflating immortality studies with Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, he advocated the integration of the three teachings with a focus on immortality studies, without segregating the different schools of thought. 8.2.3.3

Yi Xinying: The Daoist Study of Meanings and Principles

Yi Xinying (1896–1976), a native of Suining, Sichuan, was a 22nd-generation descendant of the Dragon Gate Sect. In 1917, he studied under the Daoist Master Wei Songxia of Tianshi Cave, and left home to practice Daoism. He read extensively from Daoist texts, classics, historical texts, and the works of the Hundred Schools of Thought, while also traveling widely to seek out teachers, and frequently exchanged letters with scholars such as Chen Yingning, Chen Guofu, and Meng Wentong. For ten years, he devoted himself to Daoist academic research, and was prolific in his writing. He was an eminent Daoist who was upright, well-educated, erudite, and

277

Hu Haiya and Wu Guozhong (Eds.). Essentials of Immortality Studies of Chen Yingning, Volume 2. China Religious Culture Publisher, 2008, p. 455.

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deeply thoughtful. In 1957, he was elected as the vice president and deputy secretarygeneral of the Chinese Daoist Association at the first National Daoist Representative Conference. In 1962, he was elected as the president of the Sichuan Daoist Association. In his Daoist study of meanings and principle, Yi Xinying attached great importance to learning and absorbing from Buddhism. For example, in the Daojiao Sanzijing [Daoist Three-Character Classic], he used the Buddhist doctrines of Fashen (i.e., Dharmakaya, or body of Dharma), Baoshen (i.e., Sam . bhogak¯aya, or body of enjoyment), and Yingshen (i.e., Nirm¯an.ak¯aya, or body of transformation) to explain the Daoshen (i.e., body of the Way), the body of Dharma, the body of enjoyment, and the body of transformation in those who have attained the Way. Those who have attained the way are “equipped with perfect wisdom, and their spirits are naturally bright,” which allows them to attain the Six Powers: this is modeled on the Buddhist doctrine of the Six Transcendental Powers. Yi Xinying had immersed himself in Confucianism since his youth, and so the syncretism of Daoism and Confucianism is a key feature in his study of meanings and principles. When conducting the systematic organization of the lineages in the history of Daoism, he listed Confucianism as one of the nine schools of the Supreme Vehicle, or one of the thirteen schools of the branch lineages. Confucius’s Confucianism was classified as a branch of Daoism. He concluded that there are four tenets in the Daoist study of meanings and principles: (1) model oneself after giving supreme regard to goodness, that is, one must learn to be a good person; (2) cultivate the self and accomplish great deeds, that is, attain both outer and inner achievements, or perform deeds with virtue; (3) be firm in one’s confidence, that is, fulfill one’s ambition or achieve one’s standards; and (4) guide the thoughts of the people, that is, the salvation of all sentient beings. These tenets are clearly overflowing with the Confucian sentiments of cultivating the self to give rest to the people. Yi Xinying was the first scholar among the modern eminent Daoists to classify the lineages, schools, and sects within Daoism throughout its history, which required the systematic and extensive study of the history of Chinese Daoism and the history of thought. He writes in Daoxue Xitongbiao Xu [Preface to A Systematic Table of Daoist Learning] that he “abides by the conventions of ancient history, examines the rise and fall of the various schools in great detail, makes reference to all their affairs, traces the legacy of each lineage, searches for clues of their doctrines, and systematically combines them into one family. From remote antiquity to the present day, the number of schools that can be examined is twenty-four in total.”278 The following lineages are listed in the table: (1) the nine schools of the Supreme Vehicle—the Immortality, Southern, Northern, Xiuwei, and Youlong Schools, Daoism, Confucianism, Neo-Daoist Metaphysics, and the Zhidao School; (2) the six schools of the Greater Vehicle—the Jinye, Fangxian, Yuzhang, Juxuan, Maoshan, and Changhuai Schools; (3) the four schools of the Middle Vehicle—the Baohe, Tiaoshen, Nangong, and Taiping Schools; and (4) the five schools of the Lesser Vehicle—the Cangyi, Jianli, 278

Li Yimang. Daoist Works Outside the Daoist Canon, Volume 31. Bashu Publishing House, 1992, p. 406.

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Kejiao, Zhengyi, and Vinaya Schools. He later made adjustments in the Daojiao Fenzong Biao [Table for the Classification of Lineages in Daoism], and listed ten orthodox schools—the Immortality, Jinye, Juxuan, Changhuai, Baohe, Tiaoshen, Nangong, Cangyi, Jianli, and Kejiao Schools.279 Slightly after that, he made further adjustments in the Daoist Three-Character Classic, which shows that Yi Xinying was continuously working to improve on this incredibly challenging undertaking. In sum, although the system of Daoist lineages constructed by Yi Xinying was based on historical texts, it still carries his personal characteristics. Firstly, the lineage centered on the immortality studies of inner alchemy was ranked the highest, which reflects the fundamental status he gives to the Dragon Gate Sect of the Quanzhen School. Secondly, although he shows a tolerant attitude toward the Zhengyi, Zhaijiao, Keyi, and Fangxian Schools, these were placed in a secondary position. Thirdly, he incorporated Daoism, Confucianism, and Xuanxue as part of the system of Daoist lineages, which reflects the respect he had for Chinese culture as a whole.

8.2.3.4

Yue Chongdai: Promoting the Revival of Modern Daoism and a New Outlook on the History of Daoism

Yue Chongdai (1888–1958) was born in his ancestral home of Shouguang, Shandong. In 1912, he renounced his family and devoted himself to Daoism at Shengqing Palace on Mount Yiwulv in Liaoning. In 1920, he began residing at Taiqing Palace in Shenyang. He was a keen advocate of self-reliance within the Daoist community, prompting him to lead the Daoist followers at Taiqing Palace in cultivating the land; he engaged in farming for 14 years. During this period, he visited the Baiyun Temple in Beijing. With the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1929, Yue Chongdai was elected as the abbot of Taiqing Palace in Shenyang, and served as the 26th-generation patriarch of the Dragon Gate Sect. He promoted the normalization of religious life, while also actively carrying out labors of self-reliance. He was tireless in his meticulous research of the Daoist classics, but was also able to lead by example, showing great love for his country and religion, was highly capable at handling difficult matters, and embraced simplicity without ostentation. His honorable morality and erudition earned him the deep respect of the Daoist community throughout the country. In view of the chaos and disorder within the Chinese Daoist community, in 1956, Yue Chongdai contacted all eminent figures within Daoism, and advocated the establishment of a national Daoist organization. In 1957, the Chinese Daoist Association was officially established, and Yue Chongdai was elected as its first president. He immediately set about establishing administrative offices, hiring talented people, and designing plans for organizing conference activities. Unfortunately, however, he was wrongly identified as a right-winger in 1958, and passed away soon thereafter without clearing his name. He was later exonerated in 1978.

279

Hong Jianlin (Ed.). A Revelation of Immortality Studies: Secret Vault of Nurturing Life of Daoism. Dalian Publishing House, 1991, p. 560–562.

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On March 14, 1957, the Renmin Ribao [People’s Daily] published a speech delivered by Yue Chongdai at the Third Session of the Second Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, entitled Reverse Negative Thoughts and Participate in Social Activities. This speech encapsulates his overall views on Chinese Daoist thought and evolution that he had accumulated over several decades. It was free from the constraints of the oral teachings delivered within Daoism, and was filled instead with the brilliance of religious rationality in the new era. Yue Chongdai employed popular political discourse in his speech, which showcased his genuine passion for the new society, his expectations for social progress, and his confidence in the rejuvenation of Daoism. He cited contemporary rationalist ideas, such as materialism, when discussing the history of Chinese Daoism, which gave his speech lighter religious overtones, and greater academic significance. He pointed out that Daoism originated from ancient folk beliefs, flourished with Laozi’s Daoist thought, was founded as a religion at the end of the Han Dynasty by Zhang Ling, from which it began to spread its branches, forming the Danding, Fulu, Qingxiu, Quanzhen, and Zhengyi Schools. This was a simple and concise summary that essentially conformed to historical reality. He especially commended Qiu Chuji for his historical feat of stopping all killing with a single word, thus capturing the great virtue of the most representative Daoist master in the history of Daoism. His speech emphasized that Daoism is deeply rooted in the hearts of the people, and its continuity remains uninterrupted despite its rise and fall. Thus, as long as it can be renewed, Daoism will still be able to play an active role in the new era. His views represent a broader vision and higher theoretical standard within the teaching. Despite its somewhat rudimentary and incomplete nature, this speech can be considered a contemporary Daoist work that lays out a plan of action.

8.2.3.5

The Rise of Academic Research on Daoism by Non-Daoists in Modern Times

Japanese scholars were early adopters of academic research on Chinese Daoism. Despite their copious mistakes, they brought new methods and new life, which served as an inspiration and a reference to Chinese scholars. In 1923–1926, the Shanghai Hanfenlou Publishing House printed the Zhengtong Daozang [Daoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign] and Wanli Xudaozang [Supplementary Daoist Canon of the Wanli Era], which together consisted of 5,486 volumes in 1,120 books, and provided the basic database for academic research on Daoism. In 1934, the Commercial Press published Xu Dishan’s Daojiao Shi [A History of Daoism] (Volume 1). In the same year, it also published Fu Qinjia’s Daojiao Shi Gailun [Introduction to the History of Daoism], followed by his Zhongguo Daojiao Shi [History of Chinese Daoism] in 1937. This was the first complete history of Chinese Daoism written by a Chinese scholar. These works represented the beginnings of modern Daoism research in the Chinese academia. Although their content was overly simplistic and had many omissions, they were all rational academic works that were neither fideistic nor antireligious, and were able to objectively discuss the principles and history of Daoism.

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Fu Qinjia’s History of Chinese Daoism was the first to distinguish between the Daoist philosophy and Daoist religion, which had previously been conflated. He pointed out that the Daoist religion originated from Daoist philosophy, but is different from it: “In general, the words of the Daoist philosophy are sufficient for purifying the mind and diminishing desires, and are beneficial to self-cultivation.”280 “The Daoist religion is unique for its teachings on immortality, immortality, transformation, and taking flight.”281 “The Daoist religion is actually a religion that is native to China.”282 Chen Yuan (1880–1971) was a master of the history of Chinese religion in the modern history of China. His research was groundbreaking, and touched on Christianity, Buddhism, Islam, and Daoism. Chen Yuan produced two works on the history of Chinese Daoism, namely, the Daojia Jinshi Lve [A Collection of Daoist Epigraphy] and Nansongchu Heibei Xin Daojiao Kao [A Study of the New Daoism North of the Yellow River in the Early Southern Song Period]. A Collection of Daoist Epigraphy was an anthology of historical inscriptions concerning the various Daoist schools, which provided systematic and reliable data for research on the history of Daoism. A Study of the New Daoism North of the Yellow River in the Early Southern Song Period was published in 1940, in which he used data from documents and inscriptions to incisively discuss the emergence and evolution of the new Daoist schools (i.e., the Quanzhen, Dadao, and Taiyi Schools) in the north during the Jin and Yuan Dynasties. Among them, his discussion concerning the Quanzhen School was especially systematic and rigorous, containing evidential scholarship, ideological analysis, depictions of religious activities, and the contextual support of social conditions. Thus, he was able to make up for the omissions of old historical studies, and inject sentiments of concern about the world, which elevated this piece of writing into a classic and timeless masterpiece. Chen Guofu (1914–2000) devoted his entire life to researching the historical materials of the Daoist Canon, and wrote Daozang Yuanliu Kao [Studies on the Origins and Development of the Daoist Canon] in three volumes. This masterpiece “presents an exhaustive exploration on the origins of the Three Caverns and Four Lacunae, the catalogues of Daoist texts in past dynasties, the compilations and blockprintings of the Daoist canons in the Tang, Song, Jin, Yuan, and Ming dynasties, as well as the similarities and differences among the different Daoist canons. The diligence of the author’s skillful work and the wealth of his explorations are as yet unprecedented.”283 Wang Ming’s (1911–1992) main works include the Taiping Jing Hejiao [Collected Annotations to the Scripture of the Great Peace] and Baopuzi Neipian Jiaoshi [Annotated Edition of the Inner Chapters of the Baopuzi]. The former is widely recognized as the most authoritative text for research on the Scripture of the Great Peace, while

280

Fu Qinjia. History of Chinese Daoism. Unity Press, 2005, p. 242. Fu Qinjia. History of Chinese Daoism. Unity Press, 2005, p. 242. 282 Fu Qinjia. History of Chinese Daoism. Unity Press, 2005, p. 242. 283 Wang Jun (Ed.). Anthology of Luo Changpei, Volume 10. Shandong Education Press, 2008, p. 383. 281

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the latter is a representative work for research on the Baopuzi. Wang Ming’s evidential scholarship on the Laozi Heshanggong Zhangju [The Heshanggong Commentary on Laozi], the Scripture of the Great Peace, Zhouyi Cantongqi [The Kinship of the Three in Accordance with the Book of Changes] and Huangting Jing [Classic of the Yellow Court] have also had a substantial impact on the academia. In addition to the above, other works that have played a significant role in the academia include Meng Wentong’s Daojiao Shi Suotan [Detailed Discussion on the History of Daoism], Chen Yinke’s Tianshi Dao Yu Binhai Diyu Zhi Guanxi [Relationship between the Tianshi School and the Coastal Regions], Liu Jianquan’s Daojiao Zhenglue [An Essay on Daoism], Liu Shipei’s Du Daozang Ji [Notes on Reading the Daoist Canon], Wang Weicheng’s Laozi Huahushuo Kaozheng [An Examination of the Tradition of Laozi’s Conversion of the Barbarians], and Tang Yongtong’s Du “Taiping Jing” Shu Suojian [Views on Reading the “Scripture of the Great Peace”]. During the era of the Republic of China, more than a hundred works were produced on the study of Laozi and Zhuangzi’s teachings, including textual annotations and theories on meanings and principles. From this, we can see that the Laozi and Zhuangzi still exerted an immense academic influence in modern times.284 The rise of Daoism studies in the Republic of China began altering the state of research on the history of modern Chinese thought, which emphasized Confucianism and Buddhism but overlooked Daoism. This facilitated the growing recognition given to the importance of the Daoist philosophy and religion in the development of Chinese thought, as well as the role of Daoism within the interactions of the three teachings. The scholars who studied Daoism were mainly masters who were proficient in all three teachings or in Buddhism and Daoism. Hence, they were able to examine Daoism from the high ground of modern academics, and adopt the perspective of the relationship among the three teachings, which enabled them to achieve substantial results. For example, Meng Wentong presented a perceptive discussion on the relationship between the three theories (schools) of Daoism with the three lineages of Buddhism, that is, the interpenetrating relationship between the Daoist theory of Twofold Mystery, the theory of Sitting in Oblivion, and the Quanzhen School with the Buddhist Zhongguan, Tiantai, and Zen Buddhism. The development of modern Daoist studies is also beneficial in reinforcing the religious rationality of the Daoist community; learning from the achievements of the academia can promote the healthy development of Daoist meanings and principles.

8.2.4 The Revival of Modern Buddhism in Hardship and Advances of the Eminent Monks During the era of the Republic of China, the erosion of European and American culture meant that Buddhism, as one of the core components of traditional Chinese 284

See Xiong Tieji et al. History of the Learning of Chinese Laozi. Fujian People’s Publishing House, 1995, “Appendix”.

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culture, had no choice but to retreat to the sidelines together with Confucianism and Daoism. Buddhism was subjected to suppression and exclusion by mainstream society and radicalism, coupled with domestic and international unrest, the destitution of the people’s livelihood, the economic ruin of monasteries, the outdated system of the monastic community, the decline in the quality of monks, and doctrinal conservatism, all of which led to a severe crisis of survival. Nevertheless, Buddhism is a philosophical religion, with deep internal reserves and great wisdom. Ever since Yang Wenhui’s advocacy for lay Buddhism at the end of the Qing Dynasty, for Chinese Buddhism it had been seeking a new path forward. This became possible when a group of successors to lay Buddhism, and a number of tireless, fearless, eminent Buddhist monks, did everything they could to promote the modern transformation of Buddhism, so as to turn its crisis of survival into an opportunity for revival. Their efforts gradually enabled Buddhism to gain a new vigor. This book covers only Han Buddhism thoroughly and only briefly touches on Tibetan Buddhism and Theravada Buddhism.

8.2.4.1

The Modern Transformation of Buddhist Organizations and Activities

In the early years of the Republic of China, Ouyang Jian and other lay Buddhists established the modern Chinese Buddhist Association, Master Taixu organized the Association for the Advancement of Buddhism, and Xie Wuliang founded the Buddhist Association of Great Harmony in Yangzhou. In April 1912, the three associations merged, and Master Jing’an came forward to establish the General Buddhist Association of China in Shanghai, for which he proposed the motto “Protect temple property, and revive Buddhism.” The association was approved by the Provisional Government in Nanjing, but was later abolished by the Beiyang warlords. In 1924, the “Chinese Buddhist Federation” was established, and in 1943, during the War of Resistance against Japan, Taixu served as its chairperson. Together with Yu Bin representing Catholicism, Feng Yuxiang representing Christianity, and Bai Chongxi representing Islam, they formed the Chinese Federation of Religious Believers to reflect the patriotic unity of the Chinese religious community. In March 1947, the General Buddhist Association of China was founded in Nanjing, with Changkya Khutukhtu serving as its chairperson. These organizations were completely different from the inheritance system of patriarchal lineages, and different as well from the imperial administration of religion by ordained Buddhists. Instead, these were social religious organizations governed by the believers themselves, which encouraged Buddhism to jointly manage its own affairs under the principle of the separation between the state and religion. In addition to traditional Buddhist activities, the Buddhist community began undertaking newer enterprises. One of these was the founding of Buddhist schools, where new concepts and methods were employed to train Buddhist talents, thereby addressing the issues of poor quality among monks, and the inability of younger student-monks to pick up the slack. In 1914, Yuexia of Jinshan Temple founded

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Huayan University in Shanghai. In 1919, Dixian established the Guanzong School in Ningbo. Taixu successively founded the Wuchang Buddhist Academy, the Buddhist College of Minnan in Xiamen, the Bailin Institute in Beijing, and the Sino-Tibetan Institute in Chongqing, which led to the cultivation of a large number of monks. In 1921, Han Qingjing founded the Three-Periods Study Association in Beijing, which focused on cultivating talents in the Consciousness-Only School. In 1922, Ouyang Jian founded the Chinese Inner Studies Institute in Nanjing, which delivered its teachings by different subjects. It could train a larger number of people, and became the most influential educational and academic institution for lay Buddhists. In addition to the above, a great many other Buddhist schools were established in various places. The Buddhist community undertook the compilation and publication of Buddhist canons, the production of Buddhist publications, and the expansion of Buddhist cultural dissemination and exchange. One aspect was to promote the printing of the Da Zang Jing [Great Chinese Tripitaka] to facilitate the circulation of the Buddhist sutras. Another aspect was to produce publications, publish articles, introduce knowledge, and communicate information. Taixu founded the Foxue Yuekan [Buddhism Monthly] in 1913, which was the journal of the General Buddhist Association of China, and the Haichaoyin [The Sound of Waves] in 1920, both of which were the most influential among the many publications produced. The latter was rich in content, widely circulated, and endured for a long time. The Buddhist community was also involved in public welfare and charitable projects to embrace the ambition of saving all sentient beings. In 1918, Yuanying founded a Buddhist orphanage in Ningbo. The Three-Periods Study Association of Beiping established a Buddhist hospital. The Shanghai Lay Buddhist Society founded the China International Famine Relief Commission, Shanghai Orphanage, Shanghai Disability Care Home, and the Chinese Institution of Women and Children’s Relief. In the event of severe floods or droughts, the Buddhist community was actively involved in disaster relief and fundraising activities. In the movement to resist the Japanese and save the nation, the Chinese Buddhist community displayed noble patriotism and a fearlessness in their spirit and actions. Ouyang Jian loudly proclaimed, “Our country will soon perish, our people will soon expire, and our race will soon be extinct. The pain is unbearable, and I have no choice but to cry out in desperation, running hither and thither as I call for help.” After the “Double-Seven Incident,” Taixu issued a nationwide circular, calling on Buddhist followers to “bravely defend the country.” Relying on his international prestige, he traveled to India, Myanmar, Ceylon, Singapore, and other countries to expose the atrocities of the Japanese invaders, and enlist the support of people from different countries to resist the Japanese. Master Hongyi adopted a clear-cut attitude, advocating that practicing Buddhism and saving the nation were not mutually exclusive: “Never forget about saving the nation while reciting Buddha’s name, and never forget about reciting Buddha’s name while saving the nation.” In the War of Resistance, Yuanying organized the Buddhist National Rescue Corps, and served as its leader, training younger monks and carrying out medical rescues on the battlefield. In addition, the Shanghai Sangha Rescue Team was dispatched more than 100 times, rescuing 8273 wounded personnel, and established a Buddhist hospital run by

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nuns. During the Battle of Shanghai, the famous Shanghainese lay Buddhist Wang Yiting, the chief secretary of the Chinese Buddhist Association and others organized several refugee shelters that took in more than 500,000 refugees. In sum, the Buddhist community accomplished countless patriotic deeds in the resistance against the Japanese.285

8.2.4.2

The Evolution of Lay Buddhism from Ouyang Jian to Lv Cheng

Ouyang Jian (1870–1943) was a native of Yihuang, Jiangxi. He was a major figure in the promotion of lay Buddhism during the Republic of China after Yang Wenhui in the late Qing Dynasty. In 1910, he left Confucianism for Buddhism, studied the Buddhist dharmas under Yang Wenhui, and assisted Yang in running the Jinling Scriptural Press in Nanjing. After Yang’s death, Ouyang Jian took over the running of the scripture engraving office. In 1922, Ouyang Jian founded the Chinese Inner Studies Institute in Nanjing, and its motto was “Teachings, compassion, doctrines, and precepts.” The institute received widespread support from the academic and political communities. Ouyang Jian later became captivated with the theory of consciousness-only, and began to focus on the mind–body problem. After the “9.18” and “12.8” incidents,286 the perils faced by the nation prompted him to turn his focus toward actively engaging in efforts to save the country, and to integrate Confucianism with Buddhism. In 1936, he began “gathering his disciples to talk about the definitive ideas in his later years, in which he proposed the correspondence in meaning between nirvana without remainder with the three virtues, which not only merges Yoga with Madhyamaka (i.e., the Middle Way) into one realm, but also incorporates the investigation of things and intelligence resulting from sincerity as found in the Great Learning and Doctrine of the Mean. Thus, the insights of Buddhism can be perceptively understood, and the true face of Confucianism will be revealed.” There was another famous lay Buddhist in the north, Han Qingjing, a contemporary of Ouyang Jian, who also engaged in the in-depth study on the theory of consciousness-only. Together, they are known as “Ouyang of the South, and Han of the North.” However, Han Qingjing’s Three-Periods Study Association was far

285

See Mou Zhongjian and Zhang Jian. Comprehensive History of Chinese Religions. Social Science Literature Press, 2000, p. 1037–1038. 286 “9.18” Incident: Mukden Incident, (September 18, 1931), also called Manchurian Incident, seizure of the Manchurian city of Mukden (now Shenyang, Liaoning province, China) by Japanese troops in 1931, which was followed by Japan’s full-scale invasion of China and the rest of Asia, triggering the war against Japanese aggression. “1.28” Incident: The January 28 Incident or Shanghai Incident (January 28 – March 3, 1932) was a conflict between the Republic of China and the Empire of Japan, before official hostilities of the Second Sino-Japanese War commenced in 1937. Japan initiated the January 28th Incident in Shanghai to support and provide cover for its army’s aggression against northeast China.

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smaller in scale and influence compared to Ouyang Jian’s Chinese Inner Studies Institute. Ouyang Jian wrote an essay entitled, “The Buddha-Dharma is Not Religion and Not Philosophy,” in which he proposed, The words religion and philosophy were originally Western nouns that have been translated into Chinese, and forced upon the Buddha-dharma. However, the two have different meanings, and are extremely narrow in scope. How then can they encompass the supreme vastness of the Buddha-dharma?287 Heaven and Earth are within my grasp; how then am I willing to be bound by religion? The myriad dharmas reside within my one mind; how then am I willing to go along with the befuddlement of philosophy? All beings are sentient, but they can either follow the path of enlightenment or delusion. Where are religion and philosophy to be found in the world?288

His intention was to overcome the limitations of discourse in Western religion and philosophy, and demonstrate the breadth and characteristics of the Chinese Buddhadharma, which served as an inspiration for establishing an academic system with Chinese characteristics. Lv Cheng (1896–1989) was a native of Danyang, Jiangsu. After the death of Ouyang Jian in 1943, Lv Cheng took over as the dean of the Chinese Inner Studies Institute in Jiangjin, Sichuan until the institute was dissolved in 1952. His early research on Buddhism focused more on textual evidential scholarship. After 1949, his focus shifted to systematizing the historical origins of Buddhist thought, and imparting it with modern academic forms. In 1950, he wrote in the Summary and Plan for the Research Work of the Inner Studies Institute, “With the passage of history, the points at which old doctrines and thoughts coincide with truth will most certainly be absorbed and integrated within the practice of human life, to enrich the eternally unfolding culture. From this point of view, Buddhism is of great significance to the construction of a new culture in our country. Furthermore, the main purpose of Buddhism is derived from the discontentment with inequality and suffering in the current state of the world, and the wish to effect its fundamental transformation. Although this positive spirit is sometimes misunderstood, it will never be lost, and can serve its function of advocating for cultural improvement. However, all these can only be discussed based on true Buddhist studies.”289 Therefore, Lv was a proponent of adopting a rational and scientific attitude in the proper undertaking of Buddhist studies. To seek the truth of Buddhism, he proposed that, The following work should be completed in the future: (1) We should adopt a scientific perspective of history to re-critique the entirety of Buddhist studies and determine its universal values. (2) We should focus on the national aspects to elucidate the relationship of Buddhist studies with the Chinese culture in the past, through which we must find ways to combine it with the current needs and understanding of the people, to fulfill the role that Buddhist studies ought to play in the construction of the new culture. (3) At the same time, we should thoroughly eliminate all mistaken ideas the people may have about Buddhist studies, 287

Zhuo Xinping (Ed.). Chinese Social Science in the 20th Century: The Volume of Religion. Guangdong Education Publishing House, 2009, p. 680. 288 Zhuo Xinping (Ed.). Chinese Social Science in the 20th Century: The Volume of Religion. Guangdong Education Publishing House, 2009, p. 696. 289 Liu Chengyou. Study on the Modern Lay Buddhism. Bashu Publishing House, 2002, p. 197.

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to reduce the obstacles to the construction of the new culture. (4) We should cooperate with more advanced research on Buddhist studies abroad, to accomplish the tasks listed above.290

Thus, Lv Cheng wanted Buddhist studies to both adapt to the new era, while also preserving its value and dignity.

8.2.4.3

The Eminent Monk Xuyun as a Role Model in the Revival of Buddhism

The arduous journey of modern Buddhism from the late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China led to the honing of a group of eminent monks, who released Buddhism from its quagmire of stagnation with a spirit of fearlessness and perseverance, and set it on the path to new life. As a result, these eminent monks became respected figures in all sectors of society. They include Jing’an, Yuexia, Dixian, Yinguang, Taixu, Laiguo, Yuexi, Yuanying, Hongyi, Yinshun, Cizhou, Zhou Shujia, Juzan, Zhao Puchu, Hsing Yun, and so on. Among them, Master Xuyun was the forerunner and benchmark for this Buddhist community, serving as its exemplary role model. Xuyun (1840–1959) was a native of Xiangxiang, Hunan, and was an eminent monk of great immortality. He had a virtuous character and commanded considerable prestige, produced remarkable writings, undertook commendable enterprises, widely propagated Zen Buddhism, taught numerous disciples, and established a noble “Xuyun image.” Fang Litian summarized the four major accomplishments of Xuyun as follows: 1. Jointly inheriting the five schools of Zen Buddhism. Throughout his lifetime, Xuyun passed down the Linji School, jointly promoted the Caodong School, supported the Fayan School, carried on the Guiyang School, and revived the Yunmen School. He inherited the dharma lineages of all five schools, connecting the past with the future, and continuing the evolution of their traditions. 2. Propagating the Buddhist Dharma. Throughout his lifetime, Xuyun propagated the Dharma. His travels spanned the southeastern and southwestern regions of China, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, as well as certain countries in Southeast Asia, casting an extensive and long-lasting influence. 3. Reconstruction of ancient temples. Throughout his lifetime, he rebuilt more than 80 large and small temples and convents, and restored six famous temples: Zhusheng Temple of Mount Jizu in Yunnan, Yunqi Temple of Kunming, Yongquan Temple of Mount Gu in Fujian, Nanhua Temple of Shaoguan in Guangdong, Dajue Temple of Yunmen in Ruyuan, and Zhenru Chan Temple of Yunju in Jiangxi. While rebuilding the ancient temples, he also attached great importance to the establishment of a system of regulations. 4. Cultivation of disciples. Based on incomplete statistics, the disciples who were tonsured, received the Dharma transmission, received the precepts, and ordained

290

Liu Chengyou. Study on the Modern Lay Buddhism. Bashu Publishing House, 2002, p. 198.

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under Master Xuyun numbered in the millions. Today, he has three or four generations of Dharma heirs, which number in the hundreds. The most excellent among them include Benhuan, Yicheng, Jinghui, Chuanyin, Foyuan, and so on, all of whom are the backbone of the contemporary Chinese Buddhist community.291 The path and direction of Master Xuyun’s Buddhist practice were adapted to the Buddhism of his time in three respects, while also meeting the needs of the future development in Buddhist teaching: (1) “Integrating the various schools,” including the integration of different schools within Zen Buddhism, Zen Buddhism with other lineages, as well as among Han Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhism, and Theravada Buddhism. (2) “Fusing the traditional with the modern,” such as by promoting “equal emphasis on industry and Zen Buddhism,” and the “equal emphasis on farming and Zen Buddhism.” (3) “Taking the precepts as one’s root and one’s teacher.292

8.2.4.4

The Humanistic Buddhism of Master Taixu

In the modern revivalist movement of Chinese Buddhism, the person who had the greatest power of reform and innovation and the longest lasting impact on Buddhist beliefs in future generations was undoubtedly Master Taixu. The humanistic Buddhism he proposed subsequently evolved into the mainstream of Chinese Buddhism throughout Greater China, and received widespread recognition by Buddhists and non-Buddhists alike, exerting an immense impact on the social and spiritual life of Chinese society. Taixu (1890–1947) was a native of Ninghai, Zhejiang. He became a monk at the age of 16, and was later influenced by the likes of Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao, Zhang Taiyan and Sun Yat-Sen, which molded his determination to undertake the reformation of Buddhism. In 1913, at the memorial service for Master Jing’an, he formally proposed the three major revolutions of Buddhism: “The revolution of Buddhist doctrine, the revolution of monastic regulations, and the revolution of monastic property,” which shook the whole Buddhist community across the country. The revolution of Buddhist doctrine required the innovation and teaching of Buddhist meanings and principles; the revolution of monastic regulations required the innovation of the monastic system; the revolution of monastic property required the innovation of the monastic economy. His proposal involved the three main aspects of Buddhism: its beliefs, system, and economy, each of which was a daunting challenge that could not be undertaken by the weak-hearted. Taixu was determined to use Buddhism to save the nation, and carried an enormous energy within him. He first spent three years in Mount Putuo, immersing himself in the study of Buddhist scriptures and the works of Chinese and Western philosophy. Then he emerged to engage in social activities, which included promoting the founding of the Awakening Society in 1918, 291

Master Jinghui (Ed.). Complete Works of Buddhist Monk Huiyun, Volume 1. Zhongzhou Classics Publishing House, 2009, “Preface II”, p. 1–4. 292 Master Jinghui (Ed.). Complete Works of Buddhist Monk Huiyun, Volume 1. Zhongzhou Classics Publishing House, 2009, “Preface II”, p. 5.

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founding the magazine The Sound of Waves in 1920, and traveling widely to preach the Buddhist scriptures. In 1922, he founded the Wuchang Buddhist Academy, the Buddhist College of Minnan, the Beijing Bailin Institute, etc., and visited several countries including Japan, Britain, Germany, France, and the United States. In 1924, he established the World Buddhist Federation on Mount Lu. In 1928, he advocated for the establishment of the World Buddhist Academy while striving to create a positive role for Buddhism in the world, which earned him widespread praise. In the War of Resistance against Japan, Taixu not only gave speeches around the country, calling on Buddhists to fight for the country, he also organized the Youth National Salvation Corps and Sangha Rescue Team to rescue the wounded. In addition, he visited Myanmar, India, Ceylon, and other countries to publicize China’s just cause in resisting the Japanese and saving the nation, to secure international aid. On New Year’s Day in 1946, the National Government awarded him the “Medal of Victory.” Taixu passed away in 1947. Taixu’s revolution of Buddhist doctrine shaped the formation of the Buddhism of Human Life or humanistic Buddhism. However, the expression “humanistic Buddhism” came to be more widely recognized in society. (1) Taixu proposed the integration of the doctrines on emptiness, existence, nature, and characteristics among the various lineages of Buddhism. He claimed that “My own interest in the Buddhist dharma is not to solely inherit the legacy of one lineage.”293 His integration of the Buddhist lineage vehicles also included Buddhism in the Chinese, Tibetan, Sanskrit, and Pali languages, in an attempt to create a “world Buddhism.” (2) Buddhism should also assimilate other excellent modern cultures, so as to adapt to the new era. Thus, he states, “While abiding by the permanent truth of Buddhism, we must adapt to the ideological culture of the times, wash away the colors that are not suited to the times, and fulfill the function of the Buddhist dharma in achieving moral transformation through teaching, in accordance with the times.”294 (3) He advocated the new theory of consciousness-only, and believed it to be the true meaning of life and the root of being human. (4) He emphasized that Buddhism must deal directly with the realities of social life, and serve the cause of social progress. In 1928, he published Duiyu Zhongguo Fojiao Gemingseng De Xunci [Instructions for the Revolutionary Monks of Chinese Buddhism], which formally proposed the idea of humanistic Buddhism: A. Construct a humanistic Buddhism according to the culture of the Three Principles of the People in which Bodhisattvas and Buddhas originate from humans; B. Build a Chinese monastic system based on humanistic Buddhism; C. Incorporate the new and transform the old to form a believer system of Chinese Mahayana life; D. Use humanistic Buddhism to

293

Edited by the Editorial Board. The Complete Works of Master Taixu, Volume 1. China Religious Culture Publisher, China National Microfilming Center for Library Resources, 2005, p. 377. 294 Edited by the Editorial Board. The Complete Works of Master Taixu, Volume 1. China Religious Culture Publisher, China National Microfilming Center for Library Resources, 2005, p. 380.

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establish a national custom and humanistic world that are transformed by the Ten Good Deeds.295

In addition, he also states that Buddhist theories should not focus primarily on the problems of monkhood and the afterlife, but on the real world and the construction of a Pure Land on earth, as well as on “contributing our personal efforts to the greater good so as to benefit both the self and others.”296 Spiritually, Taixu’s humanistic Buddhism was most deeply influenced by Confucius’s Confucian sentiments of practical concern in his “cultivation of the self to give rest to the people,” and “extensively conferring benefits on the people, and be able to assist all.” Historically, Zen Buddhism had already assimilated the this-worldly spirit of Confucianism, and hence enabled the Sinicization of Buddhism. However, Taixu’s humanistic Buddhism was an even greater embodiment of this familial and national sentiment. Inspired by Taixu’s humanistic Buddhism, several leaders of the monastic community, including Dixian, Yinguang, Xuyun, Hongyi, and Yuexia, undertook the revolution of modern Buddhism from different perspectives.

8.2.4.5

A Brief Description of Eminent Monks from Different Schools in the Revival of Buddhism

Yuanying (1878–1953) was a native of Gutian, Fujian. He initially became a monk at Yongquan Temple in Mount Gu, Fujian, but later practiced asceticism at the Daxuefeng Temple in Fuzhou. In 1914, he began serving as the chairperson of the General Buddhist Association of China, traveling from north to south as he preached the scriptures, as well as visiting Japan, Korea, and several Southeast Asian countries. In 1929, he co-founded the Chinese Buddhist Association with Taixu, and served as its president consecutively for seven terms. In terms of Buddhist doctrines, he advocated the “equal treatment of the Tiantai and Huayan schools” and the “equal cultivation of the Chan and Pure Land schools,” and paid special attention to the ´ura˙ngama Sutra. In terms of activities, he devoted himself to in-depth study of the S¯ Buddhist charitable efforts, which included establishing a charitable children’s home, as well as undertakings that combined industry and agriculture with Zen Buddhism. In the War of Resistance against the Japanese, he organized the Sangha Rescue Team and Buddhist hospitals to rescue the wounded and offer aid to refugees. In addition, he also wielded his international influence, and raised funds across Southeast Asia to support the resistance. He was once captured by the Japanese military police and was tortured, but he refused to surrender, and showed a noble national spirit. He was finally released from the clutches of the Japanese after protests and rescue efforts from all sectors of society. In 1953, the Chinese Buddhist Association was

295

Master Taixu. Anthology of Master Taixu. China Social Sciences Press, 1995, p. 257. Edited by the Editorial Board. The Complete Works of Master Taixu, Volume 1. China Religious Culture Publisher, China National Microfilming Center for Library Resources, 2005, p. 160.

296

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established, and Yuanying was elected as its first president. He passed away in September of the same year. Dixian (1858–1932) was a native of Huangyan, Zhejiang. He was an important modern successor of the Tiantai School. In 1913, he founded the Guanzhong Research Society at Guanzong Temple in Ningbo, which was the first educational and research institute of the Tiantai School in modern times, and later went on to establish the Hongfa Yuekan [Dharma Propagation Monthly]. Among the monks and lay Buddhists who studied under Dixian, those with outstanding achievements include Changxing, Renshan, Xianyin, Tanxu, Jiechen, Chisong, Miaozhen, Jiang Weiqiao, and Huang Shaoxi. Yuexia (1858–1917) was a native of Huanggang, Hubei. He was an eminent monk who led the modern revival of the Huayan School. In 1914, he founded the Huayan University in Shanghai, and specialized in the promotion of the Huayan Sutra. In 1915, he was invited by Yang Du, Sun Yuyun, Yan Fu, and others to establish a Mahayana institute in Beijing. However, Yuexia was angered by the involvement of Yang Du and others in assisting Yuan Shikai to restore the monarchy, which caused him to leave Beijing and return south. In 1917, he moved to Xingfu Temple at Mount Yu in Changshu, where he served as its abbot, and continued to run Huayan University. He preached the Buddhist scriptures in Japan, Ceylon, Thailand, Myanmar, and other countries, and also visited India, which shows that he held a certain level of international influence. Yinguang (1861–1940) was a native of Heyang, Shaanxi. He became a monk in 1881. In 1886, he traveled to the Huairou Hongluo Temple Zifu Temple of Beijing to specialize in Pure Land Buddhism, and vowed to further the work of Master Huiyuan of Mount Lu. He devoted his entire life to propagating Pure Land Buddhism, and adhered to three principles in his endeavors: “to not serve as an abbot, to have no disciples, and to never hold high office.” He was indifferent to fame and fortune, was hardworking and frugal, and showed people the way of sincere self-cultivation. He was upright in his conduct, exerted a widespread influence, was extremely diligent in propagating the Pure Land School, and left an immense impact. Hongyi (1880–1942) was a native of Pinghu, Zhejiang, and his secular name was Li Shutong. He was carefree and energetic in his temperament, and was a multitalented artist who had been involved in the artistic world before established as a monk, and was famous in the artistic and literary circles of Shanghai. At the age of 26, he traveled to Japan to study art and music. He later returned to China to establish the Spring Willow Theatrical Society, and was a pioneer of new theater in China. When he was in Hangzhou, he encountered several eminent Buddhist monks, and was deeply moved by the spirit of emptiness of the Buddhist Dharma, eventually established as disillusioned by the material world. He renounced his secular life in 1918 at the Dinghui Temple in Hangzhou, and became a novice monk. He was later fully ordained at Lingyin Temple, and was given the Dharma name Hongyi, thus transitioning through sudden enlightenment from an extremely talented artist into a master of the Vinaya School. Hongyi’s main contribution to the Buddhist doctrines was in the Vinaya School. Considering the lax precepts and chaotic teaching styles in the Buddhist community,

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he strived to systematize and annotate the great works of Vinaya masters throughout the ages, explain the Dharmaguptaka-Vinaya, and revitalize Buddhism through the Nanshan Vinaya School. Furthermore, he practiced Buddhism through his actions, showing strict self-discipline, setting an example with his ascetism, and promoting the Vinaya School through his deeds, which earned him the admiration of the world. Dansi wrote in the Preface to Hongyi Dashi Zhuan [Biography of Master Hongyi], The life of Master Hongyi can be divided into two stages: His life as Li Shutong before the age of 39, who represents a life of pure artistry that is precious to humankind; and as Master Hongyi after the age of 39, who represents an even more precious life of pure solemnity. His entry into the strictest and most regulated of all Buddhist schools was precisely because he had lived a most brilliant and romantic life of artistry. Without the strict precepts of Buddhism, it would be insufficient to curb his artistic spirit. Without his past artistic career, it would also be insufficient to shape his subsequent life of solemnity.297

8.2.4.6

Yinshun: Assimilation of Confucianism and Daoism Before Returning to His Roots, and Vigorously Developing Humanistic Buddhism

Yinshun (1906–2005) was a native of Haining, Zhejiang. In 1930, he was tonsured as a novice monk by Master Qingnian at Fuquan Monastery on Mount Putuo, and was given the Dharma name Yinshun. He was later fully ordained by Master Yuanying. He studied at the Buddhist College of Minnan and the Wuchang Buddhist Academy. In 1936, he began working at the Wuchang Buddhist Academy and the Sichuan Sino-Tibetan Institute at the request of Taixu. He later moved to Hong Kong, and served as the president of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association and the Hong Kong branch of the World Fellowship of Buddhists. He moved to Taiwan not long after, and remained there until his death. Key points of Yishun’s approach: (1) Reflections on Daoism, Confucianism, and Christianity. Yinshun is widely recognized as the most fervent advocate of humanistic Buddhism after Taixu. However, he had undertaken the deliberation and comparison of multiple beliefs in his thought process before finally entering Buddhism and finding a resting place in humanistic Buddhism. In Wo Zhi Zongjiao Guan [My Views on Religion], he recalled that: The philosophical theories of Laozi and Zhuangzi are extremely profound. However, it will always remain impossible to achieve the ideal of going against the artificial by returning to the spontaneous and reverting to simplicity. The philosophy of dealing with the world that is proficient in human relationships may seem reasonable, but inevitably lacks a spirit of perseverance. The reclusive life of goodness in isolation cannot actively bring about benefits to society. Although the thoughts of Laozi and Zhuangzi facilitated my entry into the Buddhist dharma, while the Daoist philosophy and the self-cultivation methods of the Daoist religion have gained some sympathy on my part, I can no longer be a Daoist believer, and have been roused from a sweet dream of immortality.298 297 298

Chen Huijian. Biography of Master Hongyi. China Construction Press, 1989, p. 8. Shi Yinshun. My Views on Religion. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 120.

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Yinshun had absorbed the Daoist philosophy and the self-cultivation methods of the Daoist religion, but rejected the reclusive thoughts of the Daoist philosophy and the pursuit of immortality and longevity in the Daoist religion. Yinshun had a sympathetic understanding of Confucianism, but also felt that it was insufficient to meet his spiritual needs. In My Views on Religion, he expressed his views on Confucianism as well, saying that Confucianism is “common, practical, emphasizes human affairs, and respects reason. It is indeed the mainstream of the Chinese culture. Nevertheless, despite my sympathies and praises for it, it is unable to fill the emptiness and unrest of my inner heart.”299 He was also harshly critical of the pedanticism and constraints of the School of Principle. Although there are merits to the practice of vigilance in solitude and the eight virtues of the Great Learning, “They lack strength, and only represent the views of a minority.”300 Moreover, he believed that there is often a disconnect between words and action, and that “to the ordinary person, Confucianism is unable to weave a solemn and brilliant pattern of light, and lacks an inspirational attractiveness, which makes it difficult for it to give rest to the ordinary person (unchanging in gain or loss, suffering or joy, life or death), and guide them toward a brighter future.”301 In his youth, Yinshun showed a keen interest in Christianity in the hope of filling the emptiness in his soul, and took part in the more fanatical Christian fellowships. However, he gradually realized there were major flaws in Christianity, which resulted in a psychological rejection. As he explains in My Views on Religion, “The main reason was the difficulty in accepting certain ideas—for instance, the idea that believers will receive eternal life, and non-believers will receive eternal damnation; that is, not using human behavior (internal mind and external action) as the yardstick, but instead using whether a person believes in me or not as the criterion. ‘Those who follow me shall live, and those who reject me shall die.’ This carries an intense and monopolistic exclusivity, where everything else that does not belong to one’s side must be destroyed. At the bottom of this hierarchical love, a cruel hatred is revealed.”302 It is undoubtedly the case that Christianity has its own strengths, but Yinshun pointed out that as a monotheistic religion, Christianity carries the negative attribute of having a strong sense of exclusivity. It is characterized by the faith in an absolute and only God, and regarding the love for God as the highest doctrine. This, he believes, will inevitably lead to the enslavement of its believers and the persecution of non-believers, ultimately sparking hatred and violence in a multi-religious world, as demonstrated by the religious wars during the Middle Ages in the West. Therefore, enlightened Christians had to transcend its fundamentalism and advocate for tolerance and dialogue. Yinshun’s revelation carries great profundity, and self-confidence in the Chinese culture. (2) Profound interpretation of humanistic Buddhism. First, Yinshun elevated the Buddhism of Human Life into humanistic Buddhism. He believed that there 299

Shi Yinshun. My Views on Religion. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 120. Shi Yinshun. My Views on Religion. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 68. 301 Shi Yinshun. My Views on Religion. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 120. 302 Shi Yinshun. My Views on Religion. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 121. 300

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are loopholes in proposing a “Buddhism of Human Life,” whereas “humanistic Buddhism” can facilitate the thorough removal of theological overtones in Buddhism, so that Buddhism can return completely to humanism. “True Buddhism lies with humanism, and only humanistic Buddhism can reflect the true meaning of the Buddhist Dharma. Therefore, we should carry on the true meaning of the ‘Buddhism of Human Life,’ and propagate a humanistic Buddhism. We must first remember that in the boundless Buddhist Dharma, humanistic Buddhism is the most fundamental and most essential. It is most thorough in its investigations, but also most suited to modern times.”303 Humanistic Buddhism is the Buddhist Dharma in which “Buddha resides in the human world,” and “taking humans as the root.” Secondly, humanistic Buddhism “accords with the truth,” and is most consistent with the essence of the Mahayana Bodhisattva Way. He described the Bodhisattva spirit as follows: The Boddhisattva learns all dharmas, and has sublime wisdom. He saves all sentient beings, and has profound compassion. He seeks liberation, but for the sake of all sentient beings, does not hesitate to be reborn again in the cycle of death and rebirth. He has a calm and rational mind, and a passionate vow of mercy, which are reconciled to the right degree. He sacrifices everything for the Dharma and for humankind—this is his comfort and his dignity! He only knows that he should act in this way without asking in what way it benefits himself. Such an infinite and endless great diligence that overflows in the great way of wisdom and mercy, it is indeed the ideal human life.304

Thus, we can see that the true meaning of humanistic Buddhism lies not in being of the world but in saving the world, and to contribute to the people. Furthermore, humanism also “accords with the circumstances,” and can conform to the characteristics of the modern Chinese people by adopting the perspectives of the current era. (1) It accords with the “youth era,” where young people should be regarded as the core of the era, and one should mainly be involved in the cultivation of their confidence in taking vows to follow the Bodhisattva Way. (2) It accords with the “worldly era,” where one should adopt a kindred spirit to engage in thisworldly affairs. Rather than retreat into remote mountains, one should propagate the Buddhist Dharma in large metropolitan cities. (3) It accords with the “collective era,” where one should live a collective life in harmony, benefitting both the self and others. At the same time, one must also emphasize the equality between men and women, and recognize that women have their own characteristics: “When compared to men, women will naturally have their own weaknesses, but they are also superior to men in their gentleness, perseverance, and compassion, which accord with the characteristics of Mahayana.”305 Liu Chengyou’s appraisal of Master Yinshun in the Preface to Yinshun Fashi Zhuan [Biography of Master Yinshun] was as follows: 303

Liu Chengyou. Study on the Modern Lay Buddhism. People’s Publishing House, 2013, p. 42. Shi Yinshun (Ed.). Studying Buddhism by Buddhism. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 132. 305 Shi Yinshun (Ed.). Series of Buddhist Works of Master Yinshun: Radiant Rain and Dulcet Clouds. Zhonghua Book Company, 2011, p. 132. 304

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During his time as a monk, in the midst of his efforts to adapt Buddhist thought to modern society, he was eager in his pursuit, courageous and diligent, patiently polishing away the grime to discover a bright pearl, finally revealing a brilliant and smooth path to the humanization of Buddhism! From him flowed a clear stream of compassion, desiring to bring joy to the human world. In all aspects of his life, we can see reflected the Bodhisattva spirit of salvation from pain and suffering, and of great compassion and mercy!306

(3) Humanistic Buddhism had an enormous impact on Taiwan in subsequent years. It has now become the mainstream of Taiwanese Buddhism, promoting the flourishing of Buddhism through the three main pillars of culture, education, and charity. Furthermore, humanistic Buddhism has permeated a wide array of domains in Taiwanese social life, even expanding to mainland China and overseas, with many intellectual elites forming the backbone of its Buddhist undertakings. The most representative among them are Master Hsing Yun and Master Cheng Yen. Hsing Yun (1927–) was born in Yangzhou, Jiangsu. He currently promotes humanistic Buddhism from his headquarters at Fo Guang Shan, and has attained significant achievements. He advocates the “Five Harmonies”: (1) individual harmony achieved through joy; (2) familial harmony achieved through deference; (3) interpersonal harmony achieved through respect; (4) social harmony achieved through cooperation; and (5) world harmony achieved through peace. Through the establishment of Buddhist academies, primary and secondary schools, colleges, libraries, art galleries, publishing houses, and various publications, he has attempted to forge tightknit interactions between humanistic Buddhism and society, so that the Buddhist Dharma can fulfill its role of elevating the human soul, and improve the standards of social spiritual life. Hsing is known as an ambassador of charity, an ambassador of spiritual salvation, and an ambassador of peace. Cheng Yen (1937–) is a native of Taichung, and a disciple of Master Yinshun. She has undertaken the propagation of Taixu and Yinshun’s spirit of humanistic Buddhism, focusing her main efforts on public welfare and charity. Since the 1960s, her accomplishments include the founding of the Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Foundation. With its headquarters at the Jing Si Abode in Hualien, numerous Tzu Chi Foundation offices have been established throughout Taiwan, where many lay believers and people from all social classes who are passionate about charity work can volunteer to take part in daily services, so as to transform public welfare into a normal way of life in society. She has also founded hospitals and schools, provided timely assistance to refugees of sudden disasters, participated frequently in disaster relief in mainland China, and set up thousands of recycling stations to protect the environment. She has also ensured that each Tzu Chi office is also a place for practicing the Buddhist Dharma, to universalize and incorporate humanistic Buddhism into the daily affairs of human relations. Her achievements have received high praise from people on both sides of the strait. 306

Shi Yinshun (Ed.). A Probe to Modern Buddhism: Biography of Master Yinshun. Taiping Ciguang Temple, 2008, “Preface”, p. 1, 2.

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Zhao Puchu: The Lay Buddhist of Childlike Buddha-Mind, Selfless Sacrifice, and Inclusion of Confucianism and Daoism

Zhao Puchu (1907–2000) was a native of Taihu County, Anhui. From 1928, he served as the secretary United Buddhist Association of Jiangsu and Zhejiang in Shanghai, secretary of the Shanghai Buddhist Association, and president of the Buddhist Pure Karma Society. From 1938, he served as the director of the Shanghai Cultural Association for National Salvation, chief secretary of the Chinese Buddhist Association, member of the standing committee and director of the shelter unit of the Shanghai Compassion Relief and War Zone Refugee Committee, vice president of the Shanghai Pure Karma Care Home for Street Children, and village head of the Shanghai Youth Village, making numerous contributions to the movement of resistance against the Japanese and toward national salvation. In 1945, he took part in the initiation and establishment of the China Association for Promoting Democracy. From 1980, he served as the president of the Chinese Buddhist Association, dean of the Chinese Buddhist Academy, chairperson of the China Committee on Religion and Peace, and other positions. Not only was he tireless in promoting the dissemination and practice of humanistic Buddhism, he also carried out Buddhist cultural exchanges throughout Greater China, and promoted the peaceful reunification of the motherland. In addition, he strove to establish friendly exchanges between China and other countries, pointing out that Buddhism is a golden link of friendship connecting China, Japan, and South Korea. His endeavors have earned him widespread respect from people in China and abroad. Zhao Puchu is the greatest and most diligent contributor to promoting humanistic Buddhism in mainland China after Master Taixu. He upheld the dignity of Buddhism, encouraged the research and popularization of Buddhist studies, safeguarded the Sangha, protected cultural relics, and spared no effort in promoting the revival of Buddhism. Thus, he is also known as the Great Protector. He was a selfless Buddhist scholar and patriot, and an outstanding social activist, who carried a pure and childlike Buddha-mind, and whose influence far exceeded the Buddhist world, reaching even into the political and academic circles. Since stepping into the heart of the Buddhist community, he enabled the tight and seamless connection between lay Buddhism and Sangha Buddhism, working hand-in-hand with them to improve human life and serve society. He was also a great calligrapher and poet, and his Buddhist thoughts have been widely circulated through his calligraphy and poetry. Zhao Puchu’s major achievements are briefly described below: (1) Propagation of Humanistic Buddhism, and Building a Civilized Society of Harmony, Peace, and Joy. In Fojiao Changshi Wenda [Essentials of Buddhism: Questions and Answers] (1983), he writes in the section on Promoting the Excellence of Humanistic Buddhism: “The main content of humanistic Buddhism is the Five Precepts and Ten Good Deeds.”307 The Five Precepts are to refrain from taking life, refrain from taking what is not given, refrain from sexual misconduct, 307

Zhao Puchu. Essentials of Buddhism: Questions and Answers. The Buddhist Association of China, 1983, p. 125.

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refrain from wrong speech, and refrain from intoxicants. The Ten Good Deeds are to refrain from killing, refrain from stealing, refrain from sexual misconduct, refrain from lying, refrain from divisive speech, refrain from harsh language, refrain from frivolous talk, refrain from greed, refrain from hatred, and refrain from deviant views. He states, “If everyone acted in accordance with the Five Precepts and Ten Good Deeds, then the people would be peaceful and happy, society would be stable and united, and the country would flourish and prosper. This would give rise to a peaceful and joyful world, a world with a high level of spiritual civilization. This is the purpose of humanistic Buddhism.”308 At the end of 1983, Zhao delivered a report entitled Zhongguo Fojiao Shehui Sanshinian [Thirty Years of the Chinese Buddhist Association], in which he added the Four All-Embracing Virtues and the Six Perfections on top of the Five Precepts and Ten Good Deeds. The Four All-Embracing Virtues are generosity, kind words, beneficial conduct, and cooperation. The Six Perfections are generosity, morality, patience, diligence, concentration, and wisdom. He then concludes by saying, “By advocating the idea of humanistic Buddhism, we must abide by the Five Precepts and Ten Good Deeds to purify ourselves, and cultivate the Four All-Embracing Virtues and Six Perfections to benefit the people. This will allow us to consciously assume the responsibility of realizing a humanistic Pure Land as our own, and contribute our own light and passion to the noble cause of socialist modernization in order to create a Pure Land, help others, and serve society.”309 He also pointed out in the report that while promoting humanistic Buddhism, it is also necessary to propagate the three fine traditions of Chinese Buddhism: We should promote humanistic Buddhist thought to help us to tackle the humanistic mission of the new historical era. We should propagate the fine tradition of Chinese Buddhism that places equal emphasis on farming and Zen Buddhism, which will help us actively participate in the construction of the material civilization of socialism. We should propagate the fine tradition of Chinese Buddhism that stresses academic research, which will help to actively participate in the construction of the spiritual civilization of socialism. We should propagate the fine tradition of Chinese Buddhism that encourages international friendship and exchange, which will help us to actively participate in the cause of enhancing friendships with people of other countries, promote cultural exchanges between China and other countries, and safeguard world peace.310

(2) Restoration of Buddhist Temples, Protection of Cultural Relics, and Implementation of Policies on the Freedom of Religious Belief. From 1966 to 1976, religion underwent a decade of severe devastation. As far as Buddhism was concerned, many temples were demolished, images, sutras, and cultural relics were burnt, and monks were prohibited from their religious practices and had no place to live. In sum, Buddhism was under threat. Toward the end of 308

Zhao Puchu. Essentials of Buddhism: Questions and Answers. The Buddhist Association of China, 1983, p. 126. 309 Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 1. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 562. 310 Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 1. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 563.

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the 1970s, after the Reformation and Opening Up, policies on religious beliefs were restored and executed, and Buddhism was slowly revived. With his high social prestige and social statues (vice chairperson of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference), Zhao Puchu vigorously promoted the restoration, repair, and protection of famous temples, and safeguarded the legitimate rights and interests of the religious community. He traveled all over the country with his appeals, and reaped fruitful results. Under his promotion, several temples throughout China were repaired and opened to the public in succession. In addition, more than 10,000 stone-carved Buddhist scriptures are preserved in Shijing Mountain of Fanshan, and have been in existence for thousands of years, not only carrying immeasurable historical and cultural value, but also containing writings on the history of Buddhist development. Under the direct care of Zhao Puchu, these relics received proper protection, stone rubbings were made for circulation, and the relics were returned to their original cave. (3) Restoration of Buddhist Organizations, Establishment of Buddhist Educational and Research Institutes, and Cordially Inviting Eminent Monks out of Seclusion. Zhao Puchu continuously established and improved the leadership bodies of numerous Buddhist organizations, founded Buddhist schools and publications (e.g., Fayin [The Voice of Dharma] and more than 60 others), promoted Buddhist research and exchanges, and cultivated a new generation of talents within the Buddhist community. He encouraged Master Miaozhan to head the South Putuo Temple, supported Master Miaoshan in established as the abbot of the whole Putuo Mountain, participated in the appointment of Master Benhuan as the abbot of Guangxiao Temple and Hongfa Temple, and courteously invited Master Chuanyin to serve as the abbot of Donglin Temple. (4) Proposing the Theory of Religious Culture, and Fulfilling the Role of Humanistic Buddhism in Promoting Culture. In Essentials of Buddhism: Questions and Answers, Zhao Puchu illustrated the profound impact of Buddhism on Chinese ideological culture. For example, the Song–Ming School of Principle resulted largely from the stimulation and influence of Huayan Buddhism, Zen Buddhism, and other Buddhist principles. This is a historical fact recognized by the intellectual sphere.311 In the late Qing Dynasty, the study of Buddhism became a general trend across the Chinese intellectual sphere. Several thinkers of the enlightenment movement of democratic thought, such as Tan Sitong, Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao, Zhang Taiyan, and other famous academic scholars, have all adopted some part of the Buddhist doctrines as their ideological weapon. The Buddhist thoughts on compassion, equality, impermanence, and selflessness all played an inspirational and encouraging role in the intellectual sphere at that time. The thousands of volumes of Buddhist sutras that had been translated from Sanskrit are themselves great and splendid works of literature.312 311

Zhao Puchu. Essentials of Buddhism: Questions and Answers. The Buddhist Association of China, 1983, p. 120. 312 Zhao Puchu. Essentials of Buddhism: Questions and Answers. The Buddhist Association of China, 1983, p. 120.

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Buddhism introduced many things that had never previously existed and were completely new to Chinese literature––new artistic conceptions, new literary styles, and new methods of selecting subjects and choosing words.313

In the essay entitled Fojiao Yu Zhongguo Wenhua De Guanxi [The Relationship between Buddhism and Chinese Culture], he pointed out that “Buddhist culture is part of traditional Chinese culture.”314 “Since the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties, traditional Chinese culture is no longer pure Confucian culture, but a cultural form composed of the confluence of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Since the introduction of Buddhism in the early Eastern Han Dynasty, and after nearly thousand years, it has permeated through all sectors of Chinese society, and exerted a wide-ranging impact.” In addition to describing the influence of Buddhism on Chinese literature (including poetry, novels, traditional storytelling, operas, etc.), he also touches on the plastic arts (architecture and sculpture): “The world famous Dunhuang, Yungang, and Longmen Grottoes are treasure houses of Chinese sculptures. Furthermore, the art of Buddhist painting is also very well-known.”315 “The introduction of Buddhism was also accompanied by teachings on astronomy, music, medicine and so on.”316 Therefore, “the study of Chinese history, especially the history of Chinese culture, must include the study of Buddhism.”317 In October 1991, Zhao Puchu wrote in Quanguo Zhengxie Zongjiao Weiyuanhui Baogao [Report of the Committee on Religion of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference], “Religion encompasses rich cultural connotations. In this sense, it can be said that religion is culture.”318 Since then, the theory of religious culture began to flourish, which broadened the people’s view of religion and facilitated the positive role of religion in the promotion of cultural undertakings. (5) Recognizing and Repaying Kindness, Bringing Joy to All Sentient Beings. In July 1988, Zhao Puchu said at the 88th graduation ceremony of the Chinese Buddhist Academy, “The motto of our Buddhist academy is ‘Recognizing and repaying kindness.’ This is a very important phrase. We must first recognize kindness, and only then can we make a vow to repay kindness. ‘Repaying kindness’ means to repay the four types of great kindness: the kindness of parents, the kindness of sentient beings, the kindness of the country, and the kindness of the Three Treasures.”319 He vigorously advocated promoting the Way of filial piety by respecting one’s parents; devoting oneself to the public welfare and charity of the people in one’s hometown and disaster-stricken areas; serving the country and defending its dignity; as well as propagating the Buddhist Dharma and 313

Ni Qiang. Zhao Puchu––The Man with Absolute Sincerity and A Buddhist Heart. China Religious Culture Publisher, 2007, p. 208. 314 Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 801. 315 Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 806. 316 Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 806. 317 Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 807. 318 Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 1102. 319 Ni Qiang. Zhao Puchu––The Man with Absolute Sincerity and A Buddhist Heart. China Religious Culture Publisher, 2007, p. 305.

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engaging in Buddhist causes. He always earnestly practiced the Buddha’s tenet of “not seeking personal happiness, but wishing for all sentient beings to be free from suffering,” while engaging in disaster relief, poverty alleviation, funding education, and showing compassion to all sentient beings with a profound wish to show “great compassion without condition, and great mercy of the shared body.” For this, he came to be known as the “great philanthropist.” He regarded education as the hope of national revival, and hence not only strongly encouraged the work of hiring teachers and cultivating talents within the Buddhist community, but also advocated the respect for teachers and emphasis on education throughout the whole of society, because teachers practice the spirit of bringing joy to all sentient beings. (6) Conducting Exchanges across the Four Seas, and Forging International Friendships. A friendly Buddhist cultural circle used to exist in East Asia, but was destroyed in modern times. Since the 1990s, Zhao Puchu began relying on Buddhism to rebuild a bridge of cultural friendship among China, Japan, and South Korea, visiting Japan on numerous occasions, and opening the door of Sino-Japanese exchanges. By drawing on the spirit of Jianzhen, who visited Japan six times to propagate Buddhism, Zhao Puchu visited Japan a total of 19 times to forge friendships with eminent monks in the Japanese Buddhist community. He also visited South Korea several times, and received Korean monks who visited China. In 1993, he said in Kyoto, Japan, The people and Buddhist believers of our three countries, China, South Korea, and Japan, have had a long and deep-seated kinship. In terms of geographical environment, we have neighboring seas and mountains. In terms of culture and customs, we can trace them all back to the same origin. In terms of religious belief, we have inherited the same bloodline. There are numerous links that bind us closely together and cannot be separated. Among all of them there is a single link that has a long history and continues to shine brightly even today. This link is our shared faith in Buddhism.320

From then on, the proposition that Buddhism is the golden link connecting China, Japan, and South Korea has been deeply embedded within the hearts of the people in East Asia, and plays a crucial role in rebuilding the East Asian cultural circle. In addition, Zhao Puchu also cared about Buddha’s sacred tooth relic, and visited the exhibition on his second trip to Myanmar. In 1979, he led a Chinese religious delegation to participate in the Third World Conference on Religions for Peace held in the United States. In 1980, he traveled to Thailand to participate in the World Conference on Religious for Peace. Under the leadership of Zhao Puchu, Chinese Buddhism was able to present a brand-new image as an ambassador for peace to the world. (7) Approval and Application of Excellent Ideas from Confucianism and Daoism. The humanistic Buddhism advocated by Zhao Puchu already encompasses a great number of Confucian and Daoist thoughts. Furthermore, he often praised Confucius’s Confucianism and Laozi’s Daoism directly, and absorbed 320

Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 1312.

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the quintessence of their thought. Although he sometimes pointed out their differences with the Buddhist Dharma, his usual practice was to liberally employ Confucian and Daoist thoughts, and integrate the three teachings. Below are some excerpts of his relevant discourse or quotes from Confucian and Daoist classics. Concerning Confucianism: Confucius once said something similar. He said, ‘Learning virtue without proper cultivation, and not thoroughly discussing what is learned. These are things which occasion my solicitude!’ These are the words of Confucius. Virtue must be cultivated, and learning must be discussed. One who does not cultivate virtue and discuss learning is a cause of my worries. Herein lies Confucius’s worries. If all Buddhists discussed their learning and cultivated their virtue, then Buddhism will flourish. If all of us do not cultivate our virtue and discuss our learning, then this is a cause for concern; it is the concern of Buddhism. The Dharma of Buddhist teachings will eventually perish, and the circumstances of its collapse are when Buddhist disciples do not cultivate virtue or discuss their learning.321

Concerning Daoism: The principle of Tai Chi comes from the thoughts of Laozi and Zhuangzi. Laozi said, “The soft overcomes the hard, and the weak the strong....The softest thing in the world dashes against and overcomes the hardest....When one gives undivided attention to the vital breath, and brings it to the utmost degree of pliancy, he can become as a tender babe.” Newborn babies have soft limbs, but possess a strong vitality, whereas humans in their old age have hardened limbs. Those who are skillful in their practice of Tai Chi have soft muscles and bones, and do indeed reap the fruits of the “utmost degree of pliancy.”322 I named my study “The Study of Inexhaustible Awareness.” Recently, someone asked me why I chose this name for my study. I replied that as a person, I must repay the kindness of the people. “Inexhaustible Awareness” refers to the endless awareness of repaying the kindness of all beings.323

(8) Rectifying the Wrong Direction of Chinese Romanization, and Advocating the Preservation of Ancient Chinese, and “Knowing Traditional Characters and Writing Simplified Characters.” During the Republic of China, the influence of Westernization trends led a group of well-known figures in the cultural sphere to propose theories on the “backwardness of Chinese characters” and the “abolishment of Chinese characters,” advocating instead for the conversion of Chinese characters to Romanized pinyin. To promote their cause, they formed advocacy groups, issued declarations, and formulated a plan for reforming the writing system. This error in judgment continued to persist after 1949 without significant rectification. However, Chinese characters are a crucial cultural link that has ensured the long-lasting continuity of the Chinese civilized community, and to abandon it would bring about serious consequences, including the interruption of traditions, the alienation of the people, and the collapse, or even the disintegration, of the Chinese nation. Thus, several far-sighted individuals rose 321

Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 1214. Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 1018–1019. 323 Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 777. 322

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up to rectify this trend, but it was not until the end of the twentieth century that the Romanization of Chinese characters began to subside. Zhao Puchu strongly opposed the Romanization of Chinese characters, and was able to play a significant role due to his high status. He believed that the “theory of the backwardness of Chinese characters” was a cultural injustice and needed to be redressed. In a speech delivered at the Chinese Buddhist Academy graduation ceremony for the class of 1994, he put forward to Buddhist believers the task of learning ancient Chinese, stating, “The writing of our motherland is excellent. It is one of the most beautiful in the world, and as Chinese we must be proud of our writing. This is because in Chinese writing, one character has one sound and one meaning. It is the only one of its kind in the world….324 The devotees of the four Buddhist communities, including the two Sangha communities and the two lay communities, should all learn ancient Chinese, and pass down our ancient traditional culture. This is a very good thing.”325 From the humanistic Buddhism of mainland China, Master Jinghui, a disciple of the Chan Master Xuyun, emerged as a slightly later contemporary of Zhao Puchu, who advocated “Chan in daily life,” and attained remarkable achievements. Jinghui (1933–2013) formally proposed the concept of “Chan in daily life” in 1992, and began putting it in practice. In 1993, Jinghui headed the Bolin Chan Temple in Zhao County, Hebei, and organized the first “Chan in Daily Life Summer Camp,” which aimed to promote the Buddhist Dharma among lay believers and youths, and bring it closer to real life. This event produced excellent results, and has carried on until now. Jinghui pointed out that “‘Chan in Daily Life’ means to universally integrate the spirit of Chan and the wisdom of Chan into daily life, so as to realize the transcendence of Chan in daily life and embody the artistic conception, spirit, and style of Chan.”326 The purpose is to bring Chan back into daily life, purify the human mind and society, thereby transforming society into a world of happiness, peace, and purity. Jinghui’s Chan in Daily Life is an exemplary role model of bringing modern Buddhism closer to society and serving the people, which received praise and support from all sectors of society. During the era of the Republic of China, the religious academic research on Buddhism was the most active among all religions, amassing a large group of scholars, producing substantial results, and having widespread influence. Its research methodology was characterized by modern rationality, able to integrate evidential scholarship, the deriving of meanings and principles from traditional Confucian classical studies, and the logical analysis of Western rationalist philosophy, forming its own system. Its research scope included the textual research of Buddhist scriptures, Buddhist historical discourses, the interpretation of Buddhist meanings and principles, and the compilation of dictionaries. The scholars were mostly lay Buddhists, but also included scholar-monks and famous foreign literary historians. Most Buddhist 324

Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 1424. Zhao Puchu. Anthology of Zhao Puchu, Volume 2. Sino-Culture Press, 2007, p. 1424. 326 Fang Litian. Records of Fang Litian’s Speeches and Interviews. Jiuzhou Press, 2014, p. 31. 325

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scholars had a high level of humanistic literacy, while non-Buddhist scholars had a sympathetic understanding of Buddhism, which resulted in an admirable and thriving academic scene. Important works on the study of Buddhist history include Huang Chanhua’s Zhongguo Fojiao Shi [A History of Chinese Buddhism]; the lay Buddhist Zhou Shujia’s Yindu Fojiao Shi [A History of Indian Buddhism] and A History of Chinese Buddhism; Jiang Weiqiao’s A History of Chinese Buddhism; Tang Yongtong’s Hanwei Liangjin Nanbei Chao Fojiao Shi [History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Two Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties]; and Suitang Fojiao Shigao [An Abstract of the History of Buddhism in the Sui and Tang Dynasties]. Research on Buddhist meanings and principles include Xie Wuliang’s Foxue Dagang [Outline of Buddhism], Jiang Weiqiao’s Fojiao Gailun [Introduction to Buddhism], Huang Chanhua’s Foxue Gailun [Introduction to Buddhist Studies], and Yinshun’s Fofa Gailun [Introduction to Buddha-Dharma]. As mentioned previously, several scholars in the New Confucian community studied Buddhism concurrently; their works include Xiong Shili’s New Treatise on Consciousness Only, Mou Zongsan’s Foxing Yu Bore [BuddhaNature and Prajna], and Thomé H. Fang’s Huayan Zong Zhexue [The Philosophy of the Huayan School]. Buddhist dictionaries include Ding Fubao’s Foxue Dacidian [A Dictionary of Buddhist Terms], Sun Zulie Foxue Xiaocidian [A Concise Dictionary of Buddhist Terms], and Xiong Shili’s Fojia Mingxiang Tongshi [Complete Explanation of Buddhist Terms]. Among non-Buddhist scholars, the most representative are Chen Yuan and Tang Yongtong. Chen Yuan (1880–1971) was a famous historian and religious historian. He served for a long time as the president of Fu Jen Catholic University, and conducted in-depth research on Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Zoroastrianism, and Manichaeism. His major works on Buddhism include Shishi Yinian Lu [Record of Dubious Dates of Buddhist Monks], Mingji Dianqian Fojiao Kao [An Investigation of Buddhism in Yunnan and Guizhou at the End of the Ming Dynasty], Qingchu Sengzheng Ji [Records of the Controversy among Monks in the Early Qing Dynasty], Zhongguo Fojiao Shiji Gailun [An Overview of Historical Texts of Chinese Buddhism], and so on. He combined traditional Chinese evidential scholarship with Western historical methods, systematized the Buddhist historical texts, and presented the historical facts and important figures of Buddhism. His works are authoritative within and beyond the Buddhist community. Tang Yongtong (1893–1964) was a native of Huangmei, Hubei. He spent his youth studying in the United States, and received a master’s degree in philosophy from Harvard University. After returning to China, he was taught by Ouyang Jian at the Chinese Inner Studies Institute, and switched to the study of Buddhist history. Tang Yongtong was proficient in Sanskrit and Pali, well-versed in the history of Chinese thought, the history of Indian Buddhism and the history of Western philosophy. He had a profound understanding of Buddhism, but was also able to transcend the two extremes of fideism and anti-religion, adopting instead a mild and objective attitude; he also used the methods of exegesis and of meanings and principles to study the history of Chinese Buddhism. By taking an epochal perspective, he

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analyzed the historical events and figures in Buddhism from the heights of inheriting excellent Chinese culture, and providing historical experience for national rejuvenation. Therefore, his works, especially the more mature History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Two Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties, were able to capture the exemplary values of modern Buddhist studies, and are recognized as masterpieces in China and abroad. In terms of research on the early developmental history of the relationship among Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, his History of Buddhism the Han, Wei, Two Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties is one of the most valuable references among all modern scholars. His book is divided into 20 chapters, and covers the introduction of Buddhism; the spread of Buddhism across China; interactions among Confucianism, Daoism, Xuanxue, and Buddhism; eminent monks and key figures; the circulation and translation of Buddhist classics; the popularization of various Buddhist doctrines; the rejection and reverence of Buddhism; as well as the different schools and precepts. It is a complete and essential history of the early development of Chinese Buddhism, and its interactions with other existing Chinese cultures. He draws on rich and rigorous materials, presents systematic and profound discourses, adopts a smooth and rational logical sequence, shows a high degree of agreement between his materials and viewpoints, and expresses himself in clear and concise language, all of which is a showcase of his extraordinary skill. In the postface to his book, he writes, It is not a simple matter to discuss the history of Chinese Buddhism. The Buddhist Dharma is both religion and philosophy. The passions of religion are deeply rooted in the human mind, often employing unfounded historical facts as symbols to exert their divine influence. Thus, if one relies only on searching and studying the traces of the past, but without a sympathetic rapport, then one will never discover its truths. Philosophy is subtle and exquisite, seeking awareness and entry into the truth. Ancient philosophy is wise and innocent, cautious in thought and clear in discrimination. It often speaks in simple words that carry profound meaning, and uses analogies that seem close at hand, but which encapsulate a path of insight that is deep and vast. Therefore, those who attempt to seek its truth through textual research and evidential scholarship, but who lack the experiential understanding of mind and nature, will discover nothing more than its dregs.327

This insightful piece of writing on the attitudes and methods for Buddhist studies can be expanded to encompass the attitude and method one should adopt for all research on religion and philosophy. (1) It stipulates that the Buddhist Dharma includes both religious and philosophical attributes. Buddhism can be regarded as a philosophical religion, as well as a religious philosophy, and cannot be forced to fit the Western classification of disciplines. (2) It explains that religion is characterized by an intense emotional factor, and its beliefs are not based on true history, but rather on symbolic imagination. Thus, religion cannot be studied using historical evidential scholarship, and must include “a sympathetic rapport,” that is, a component of psychological communication, to acquire its true underlying meaning. In other words, one must have a sympathetic understanding to uncover the minds of the believers. (3) It reveals that philosophy, especially Chinese philosophy, is unlike 327

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general scientific knowledge. Philosophy is exquisite, subtle, profound, and vast, carrying within it great wisdom. Thus, not only does it require the pursuit of knowledge and principles, but also necessitates “an experiential understanding of mind and nature,” and its quintessence can only be acquired through enlightenment and contemplation. Thus, one must transcend textual research and evidential scholarship, and engage in a spiritual dialogue with ancient philosophy. “A sympathetic rapport” and “an experiential understanding of mind and nature” are the basic attitudes that all modern scholars of philosophy and religion should adopt. In terms of religious studies, it has transcended the research attitude of pure emotion-oriented fideism (which is inseparable from religion), as well as the research attitude of anti-religion scientism (which is in opposition to religion). In other words, the study of religion should not carry religious overtones, but should also refrain from refuting the simple denial of atheism. The researcher should maintain a close distance with religion but remain unaffected by it, and achieve an understanding of religion but not be of the same mind. Naturally, Tang Yongtong also pointed out that “the study of Buddhist history must first begin with training in the language of the Western Regions, and a proficiency in the history and geography of China and India.”328 Therefore, one must combine history with theory, cultivating both the method of meanings and principles and of exegesis. Tang Yongtong’s proposition of “sympathetic rapport” and “experiential understanding of mind and nature” is a summary of his research experiences throughout his life. It is the fundamental reason for the enduring academic value of his works on Buddhist history, and a motto of subsequent academic research that was highly regarded in academic circles. Tang Yongtong pioneered a brand-new landscape in the modern study of religion and religious history.

8.3 Spread of Folk Religions During the Republic of China and Preservation of the Confluence of the Three Teachings With the founding of the Republic of China, folk religion was released from the pressures imposed during the Qing Dynasty. Coupled with domestic and international unrest, and the relaxation of social management, the practice of folk religion increased in openness, and underwent a certain degree of development. However, due to the impact of Western scientism on mainstream society, folk religion was often regarded as a feudalistic superstition, and subjected to eradication or restriction. Furthermore, the complexities of social struggles led to its political division, which was also detrimental to its normal development. The religious schools of this period included those that were carrying on their lineage, and others that were newly established, forming a dazzling array of religious groups that populated the entire 328

Tang Yongtong. A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2015, p. 620.

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country, while also maintaining their folk overtones and fusion of the three teachings. However, certain schools were directly labeled as three teachings in one, while others only showed a tendency toward it, and each school differed in its ratio of the three teachings. Nevertheless, all of them had accumulated the ideas of the three teachings, while also establishing their independent systems. The main schools are briefly described as follows.

8.3.1 The Religion of Zaili (the Way of the Abiding Principle) This sect originates from Daoism. The universal principle it reveres refers to the “principle of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism,” that is, it “worships the Dharma of Buddhism, cultivates the Way of Daoism, and practices the rites of Confucianism.” It teaches and practices abstinence from smoking and drinking, as well as charitable acts of alleviating suffering and poverty, and is well-received by people from all walks of life. In 1913, Li Yuru founded the Chinese General Zailiism Association for the Prevention of Alcohol and Tobacco in Beijing. In 1933, the Chinese National Federation of Zailiism was established, with more than 3,000 Zailiism offices throughout the country and about 100,000 followers.329

8.3.2 Guiyi Dao (the Way of the Return to the One) This sect was founded by Zhao Wanzhi at the end of the Qing Dynasty. It was passed down to the second-generation patriarch Li Lianyuan, the third-generation patriarch Chen Xizeng, and the fourth-generation patriarch Zhang Shulin in 1941. In terms of doctrine, it teaches the unity of the three teachings, worships multiple deities, and condenses the great perfection of deities from the three teachings. Its practice mainly involves asceticism, and is the most ascetic among all the folk religions.

8.3.3 Pudu Dao (the Way of Universal Judgment) This sect is a branch of Xiantiandao (or the Way of Former Heaven), and was popular in Guangdong and Guangxi from the late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China. It worships the Unborn Venerable Mother as the supreme deity, and teaches the unity of the three teachings. The deities of all three teachings are venerated in this school, and the statues of its deities can number two or three hundred. Most of its believers are working women. It teaches that salvation for all sentient beings is 329

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only possible by entering the Way and cultivating the self, fasting, reciting Buddha’s name, willingly performing deeds of kindness and generosity, showing loyalty and filial piety, frugality, and righteousness. Pududao also teaches the Three Refuges— to take refuge in Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha; And the Five Precepts—to refrain from taking life, taking that which is not given, evil thoughts, alcohol and meat, and false speech. Its followers also practice celibacy and abstinence. To women in distress, that is, middle-aged widows, young, bereaved mothers, those in unhappy marriages, or those who were mistreated while unmarried, this school offers spiritual sanctuary and security in livelihood (as it has a certain level of financial strength).330

8.3.4 Jiugong Dao (the Way of the Nine Palaces) This sect is a branch of the Bagua (i.e., Eight Trigrams) school, and was founded at the end of the Qing Dynasty. Its leader was Li Xiangshan (religious name: Puji), who passed away in 1912. It teaches the “unity of the myriad teachings,” and the “dominant teaching of the Three Yangs.” In 1926, the Capital Puji Buddhist Association was established in Beiping. In 1928, the Puji Buddhist Association of Mount Wutai was founded, which established hospitals, kindergartens, soup kitchens, and other charitable organizations. In 1936, the Zhengzi Charitable Foundation was established. During the War of Resistance, a few leaders of the school supported the Japanese invaders, but reverted to the Kuomintang after the victory against the Japanese.331

8.3.5 Tongshan Society (the Fellowship of Goodness) This sect is a branch of the Xiantiandao. It was founded by Peng Ruzhen in the last years of the Guangxu reign, and flourished during the Republic of China. It worships the Unborn Venerable Mother, and teaches “the application of Confucian etiquette, the engagement in Daoist practices, and the demonstration of Buddhist phala (i.e., fruits of one’s actions).” It jointly venerates Confucius, Laozi, and Shakyamuni, and preaches the “final Kalpa of the Three Ages.” The sect requires its followers to perform good deeds extensively, and to abide by the Five Cardinal Relationships and the Eight Virtues, and fulfill the Three Obediences and Four Virtues. It interconnects the Three Refuges of Buddhism, the Three Pure Ones of Daoism, and the Three Fundamental Bonds of Confucianism, while also corresponding to the Five Precepts with the Five Phases and the Five Virtues, thus forming a set of religious precepts containing a mixture of the three teachings. Under the Beiyang government, 330

Mou Zhongjian and Zhang Jian. Comprehensive History of Chinese Religions, Volume 2. Social Science Literature Press, 2000, p. 1125–1126. 331 Mou Zhongjian and Zhang Jian. Comprehensive History of Chinese Religions, Volume 2. Social Science Literature Press, 2000, p. 1127–1128.

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the Tongshanshe had formed a vast organizational network that spanned urban and rural areas across the country, and boasted 30 million followers. During the War of Resistance, the Tongshanshe colluded with the Japanese invaders, and Chiang Kaishek ordered the arrest of Peng Ruzhen, seizing his finances, guns, secret documents, as well as the imperial carriage and furnishings he had prepared for his ascension as emperor.332

8.3.6 Yiguan Dao (the Way of Pervading Unity) Yiguandao was founded at the end of the Qing Dynasty, and flourished in the Republic of China, with its believers and influence spreading throughout the country. In 1936, Zhang Guangbi became the patriarch, and initiated major developments in the sect. He established a hierarchical system with the following ranks: Patriarch (Zhang Guangbi), Matriarch, Head Priest (Great Elder), Transmitter of the Way (Elder), Temple Guardian, Scribe, Planchette Medium, Guide and Guarantor, and Family Member of the Way. Its religious rituals include the transmission of the “Three Treasures” (giving the hand sign, pointing to the mysterious gate, and transmitting the pithy formula) and “planchette writing.” Planchette writing or spirit writing is undertaken by the planchette medium, who relies on being possessed by immortals or Buddhas while holding a stylus and writes characters on a tray of sand, which are then taken as divine revelation. The Yiguandao worships the Unborn Venerable Mother, but also venerates Jigong, Maitreya, Guanyin, the Old Man of the South Pole, Confucius, Laozi, Guan Yu, Yue Fei, etc., and later also Jesus and Mohammad, thus fully embodying the “unity of the myriad teachings.” The method of practice it adopts is the “completion of the self, and the completion of others.” The “completion of the self” refers to internal practice, that is, self-cultivation and meditation. The “completion of others” is social application, that is, persuading others to do good and saving the world. More than a hundred types of scriptures and classics are included in its canon. After the Double-Seven Incident, Zhang Guangbi supported the Japanese puppet state. After the victory of the War of Resistance, the Kuomintang government banned the Yiguandao. Zhang Guangbi passed away in 1947 in Chengdu. After 1949, the Yiguandao withdrew from the mainland and moved to Taiwan, but remained illegal for a long time. It was eventually legalized in the 1980s, with significant changes in its doctrines and organizational activities, but still maintaining its principle of unity among the three teachings. The sect has gradually adapted to the process of modernization, and retained a substantial level of social influence.333

332

Mou Zhongjian and Zhang Jian. Comprehensive History of Chinese Religions, Volume 2. Social Science Literature Press, 2000, p. 1128–1131. 333 Mou Zhongjian and Zhang Jian. Comprehensive History of Chinese Religions, Volume 2. Social Science Literature Press, 2000, p. 1131–1133.

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8.3.7 The Fellowship of Yixin Tiandao Holy Church This church was founded in 1913 by Ma Shiwei in Changshan County, Shandong. Its predecessor was the Yixin Tang (i.e., One-Heart Hall), which harbored the ambition of usurping the throne. In 1931, Han Fuju, the Chairman of Shandong Province, discovered Ma’s political scheme, and imposed a strict ban on the church. Ma Shiwei escaped to Dalian, and then to Tianjin. He then colluded with the Japanese invaders, changed the name of “One-Heart Hall” to the “Holy Dragon Flower Church of the Heart-Bound Heavenly Way,” and established the “General Buddhist Federation of Greater East Asia.” He appointed the Japanese Yamano as his adviser and himself as the president. He also proclaimed himself to be the emperor, appointed ministers, and set up subordinate agencies. In 1935, Ma Shiwei passed away, and his wife Jia took power. In 1940, Jia passed away, and the leadership was passed on to his children. After the victory against the Japanese, it was prohibited by the Kuomintang government. The church declared that its beliefs included the worship of Heaven, Earth, the ruler, parents, teachers, and the masters of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. It does not worship idols, and advocates stillness, inaction, purity of mind, and the absence of desire. Initiates are required to sell all their property and donate the profits to the church, so it is also known as the “Church of Cleared Land” and “Church of Lost Fortune.” Although Ma Shiwei required his followers to do good and accumulate virtue, he himself lived in a wealthy mansion and had beautiful concubines. Thus, he was both a traitor and a hypocrite. The church had established a militia with 1,500 armed men, and so can be considered a religious-cum-military group.334

8.3.8 Red Spear Society The Red Spear Society inherited the organizational system of the I Wor Kuen, and adopted the Eight Trigrams to organize its followers. Its followers are divided into eight groups, and each group was further divided into civil and military divisions, each with civil and military masters. During the Xinhai Revolution, the Red Spear Society of Lankao, Henan, served as the vanguard of the uprising. In the early years of the Republic of China, the Red Spear Society spread across northern China, with more than 800,000 members. It served to protect families and defend the villages, eventually established as an autonomous organization run by rural villages and farmers, and playing a positive role in the Northern Expedition. During the War of Resistance against the Japanese, under the assistance of the Communist Party, the Red Spear Society evolved into an armed anti-Japanese force with millions of followers, putting forward slogans such as “resist the Japanese above all else” and “defend our 334

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hometown.” They were courageous in fighting the enemy, and accomplished incredible feats. The members of this society were mostly laboring farmers, who did not abandon their farming nor leave their hometowns. Furthermore, the society did not permit the unemployed, thieves, adulterers, and drug addicts from joining. All initiates must undergo certain religious ceremonies, and receive tough training in martial arts for one hundred days. The deities they worship include Duke Zhou, Guanyin, and Taishang Laojun from Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, as well as Guan Yu, Zhang Fei, Zhao Yun, the 108 heroes of Liangshan Marsh, and Sun Wukong and Erlang Shen from Journey to the West. The Red Spear Society reveres the color red. They wear red headscarves and wield red-tasseled spears, which symbolizes auspiciousness. In summary, the superiority and roles of folk religious organizations during the Republic of China cannot be evaluated solely on the basis of their doctrines and rules. Instead, we must examine the social tendencies of their leaders and their actual performance in Chinese social life, to determine whether they are patriotic and benefitted the people and whether they promoted social progress. From this point of view, the folk religions of the Republic of China are complex and diverse, necessitating more specific analyses.335

335

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Index

A Activity, 63, 72, 82, 102, 107, 132, 154, 168, 301, 314, 315, 361–363, 427, 523, 527 Affable but not adulatory, 15, 51 All creatures that live through One, 61 All-encompassing foundation (¯alaya), 37 Allotment, 85, 170, 171, 182 All things are the results of the One, 318 All under Heaven, 16–18, 58, 63, 79–82, 87, 93, 140, 141, 259, 264, 295, 299, 313, 321, 322, 339, 362, 364, 365, 371, 386, 394, 402, 411, 428, 448, 480 An age of consummate virtue, 24 An auspicious omen of the earth’s energy, 59 Anthropology, 38, 59 Application, 9, 14, 45, 46, 52, 54, 82, 85, 93, 111, 131, 166, 244, 248, 252, 254, 258, 279, 294, 299, 313, 314, 324–326, 332, 340, 342, 350, 357, 360, 364, 365, 393, 411, 412, 460, 502, 568, 575, 576 Arts of immortality, The, 173, 378 Attaining supreme conscience, 313 Axes that hack at one’s inborn nature, 97

B Bade (Eight morals; Eight ethical principles; Eight Virtues), 335, 464 Being, 6, 16, 17, 24, 25, 27, 30, 33–35, 37–39, 41, 44, 51, 55, 58, 60, 64, 66, 72–74, 77, 78, 81–83, 86, 88, 90–92, 95, 96, 98, 101, 104, 107, 111, 113, 116, 119–121, 126, 131, 133, 135,

136, 141, 148, 150, 151, 154, 155, 162, 163, 165, 166–170, 177, 182, 190, 193–196, 198, 201, 202, 204, 207, 208, 210–213, 216, 220–224, 227–229, 231, 233, 242, 249, 256, 258, 260, 268, 269, 274, 275, 277–280, 282, 287, 290, 292, 295, 298, 300, 306, 310, 314–316, 318, 321, 328, 337, 340, 342, 350, 351, 356, 357, 359, 361–363, 369, 372, 374, 386, 387, 393, 398, 399, 407, 410–412, 415, 417–423, 428, 429, 431, 432, 435–437, 444, 448, 451–453, 461–463, 479, 484, 489, 490, 492, 508, 509, 510, 514, 515, 521, 524, 525, 528, 529, 536, 543, 544, 546, 552, 554, 557, 562, 567–569, 574, 576 Being is rooted in Nothingness, 162, 167, 168, 194 Benevolence and righteousness, 9, 11, 54, 84, 121, 205 Benevolent government, 9, 14, 17, 54, 55, 364 Benevolent person, The, 11, 121, 323, 334, 335 Bianzhi (distinguishing intention), 340 Biaoquan (positive argument), 38 Birth or death, 320 Bounded world, 495 Brilliant virtue, 48, 50 Buddha, 5, 6, 33, 34, 38–40, 113, 143–152, 183, 185, 189, 190, 198, 199, 202, 204, 211, 212, 217, 218, 221, 224, 229, 231, 232, 234, 236, 237, 239, 246, 252, 264, 265, 267, 268, 270, 277, 284–286, 288, 290, 291,

© People’s Publishing House 2023 Z. Mou, A Brief History of the Relationship Between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7206-5

595

596 293–296, 298–303, 306, 316, 345, 348, 358, 386, 396–399, 402, 405, 426–431, 433, 442–444, 446, 451, 457, 486, 511, 516, 526, 545, 552, 554, 557, 562, 564, 568, 571, 575, 576 Buddhism, 1–7, 32–41, 89, 138, 143–147, 149–153, 157, 158, 172, 173, 178, 180, 181, 183–254, 263–273, 275, 276, 278–280, 284–310, 312–314, 316, 318–320, 322, 326, 327, 329, 330, 332, 333, 336, 337, 342–345, 349–351, 355–359, 361–364, 369, 370, 373–377, 379, 381, 383–403, 405–409, 415, 416, 420, 422–438, 441–446, 448–452, 454–457, 460–468, 475, 477, 478, 480, 481, 483, 485–487, 489–491, 496–500, 502, 510–512, 515–517, 523, 526, 528, 532, 533, 539, 542–546, 550, 551–575, 577, 578 Buddhism and Daoism, 5, 138, 153, 172, 186, 189, 204, 214, 216, 220, 221, 236, 245, 246, 249, 250, 252–254, 263, 264, 266, 269, 271–273, 275, 276, 278–280, 302, 304, 305, 308, 310, 312, 314, 320, 322, 326, 327, 336, 337, 344, 345, 349, 351, 357, 358, 362, 374, 379, 386, 388, 393, 395, 399, 401–403, 406, 415, 416, 424, 425, 429, 432, 433, 436, 437, 441, 448, 449, 452, 454, 455, 457, 462–464, 467, 475, 477, 478, 485, 490, 496, 497, 523, 532, 533, 545, 550, 567, 574, 577, 578 Buddhism in the human realm, 40 Buddhist dharmas, 40, 189, 198, 210, 211, 214, 220, 221, 244, 263, 267, 268, 275, 285, 289, 291, 292, 294, 299, 329, 392, 395, 396, 398, 400, 403, 429, 481, 483, 486, 495, 553, 555, 557, 559, 560, 562, 563, 567, 569, 570, 572 Buddhist dialectics, 70 Buddhist mind-dharma, 336 Buddhist scriptures, 35, 143, 146, 148, 150–152, 184, 185, 188, 191, 193, 202, 205, 209, 213, 215, 217, 230, 233–237, 244, 247, 285–288, 292, 296, 302, 303, 316, 350, 370, 403, 425, 426, 437, 475, 481, 495, 556, 557, 559, 566, 570

Index Buddhist Studies, 35, 38–40, 192, 405, 425, 426, 466, 554, 555, 564, 571, 572

C Calming, 324, 381 Carefree school of Xuanxue, The, 163 Caution, 12, 68, 70, 80, 262, 414, 455, 473, 525 Ceaseless production and reproduction, 323, 347, 357, 489, 491, 492, 508, 512, 521 Celestial Master, 21, 115, 179–181, 377, 378, 388, 452, 539, 540 Central teaching and created the Middle Way, The, 269 Cheng School of Neo-Confucianism, 322 Chengyi Zhengxin (Seeking Sincerity to Rectify the Mind), 322 Cheng-Zhu School of Principle, 310, 313, 326, 327, 341, 344–346, 348–350, 354, 358, 364, 373, 493, 494, 506 Chenwei (Apocryphal Texts), 128 Chinese Buddhism, 37, 38, 191, 201, 267, 290, 291, 294, 297, 392, 425, 480, 481, 523, 551, 556, 557, 565, 568, 571, 572 Clarity and stillness, 27, 337 Classical studies, 153–160, 172, 250, 252–256, 258, 304, 311, 312, 313, 473–475, 537, 538, 570 Clever wit, 65 Code of feudal ethics, The, 120 Compassion, 6, 11, 24, 27, 37, 38, 143, 145, 146, 177, 181, 190, 204, 208, 213, 240, 244, 249, 250, 262, 301, 303, 328, 336, 356, 381, 384, 385, 393, 406, 419, 423, 436, 444–446, 520, 543, 553, 562–564, 566, 568 Complementarity of Confucianism and Daoism, The, 3, 7, 10, 45, 64, 85, 131 Concreteness, 336, 510 Condemnation of offensive war, 55 Confucian Apocrypha, The, 128 Confucian classical studies, The, 153–160, 252–256, 258, 304, 311–313, 537, 570 Confucian Classical Studies of the Song Dynasty, 311 Confucian ethical code, 20, 154, 156, 162–164, 167, 171, 172, 234, 350, 394, 395, 403, 420, 436, 452

Index Confucianism, 1–15, 17, 20–22, 31, 32, 41, 45, 47, 51, 52, 56–59, 64, 65, 70, 74, 76, 80, 82, 83, 85, 86, 89, 91, 99–103, 107, 110, 112, 116–119, 122–125, 128, 129, 131, 134, 136–143, 147, 150, 152–155, 157–163, 166, 167, 171–173, 175, 177, 178, 180, 181, 183–185, 187–189, 191, 192, 197, 198, 200, 201, 203–205, 207–210, 218, 219, 224, 228, 230, 232–234, 236, 239, 240, 243–254, 256, 258, 262–271, 273, 276, 285, 290, 295, 297, 301, 304, 305–316, 319, 321, 322, 324–327, 329, 334–337, 339, 341–346, 349–352, 357, 359–363, 366–370, 372–377, 379, 381, 383–385, 387, 388, 390–401, 403, 405–407, 409, 413–418, 420, 423–427, 430, 432–435, 437, 438, 445–451, 455–457, 460, 461, 463–471, 473–475, 477–483, 485–488, 490, 492, 498–502, 506, 507, 509–513, 515–526, 528–530, 532–537, 539, 540, 542, 544–547, 550, 551, 553, 558, 560, 561, 564, 567–569, 572, 574, 575, 577, 578 Confucius, 3, 5, 7–9, 11, 12, 14–19, 43, 45–49, 51–54, 56, 57, 59, 63, 64, 76, 80, 83, 84, 85, 87–89, 91, 93, 102, 119, 121, 123–127, 130, 131, 134, 136, 137, 148–152, 155, 163, 164, 172, 177, 178, 192, 199, 206–211, 217–219, 231–234, 236, 239–242, 244, 245, 252, 254, 256, 258, 262, 264, 268, 269, 289, 290, 311, 313, 315–318, 322, 323, 325–327, 334–337, 345, 346, 348, 350, 353–356, 360, 364, 365, 367, 369, 370, 372–374, 393, 396, 398, 401, 405, 406, 411, 414, 430, 432, 433, 441, 442, 447, 454, 461, 464, 465, 467, 472–475, 480, 481, 484–486, 505–507, 513, 517, 519, 520, 527, 531, 533, 534, 538–540, 546, 558, 568, 569, 575, 576 Confucius and Laozi, 45, 64, 219, 234, 316, 322, 475 Confucius and Mencius, 8, 15, 16, 56, 59, 119, 124, 127, 134, 137, 262, 264, 311, 315–318, 326, 327, 334–337, 346, 348, 350, 360, 369, 370, 372, 401, 406, 414, 480, 486, 519, 531

597 Consciousness Only Buddhism, 291 Consciousness-only among all dharma, 37 Consolidation, 116, 304, 346 Constant mean, The, 15, 16 Consummate virtue, 20, 24 Contentment in untroubled ease, 28 Contradiction and unity of opposites, The, 71 Conventional truth, The, 267, 290, 350 Correctness, 18, 315, 331, 393 Cosmic ontology, 162, 514 Cosmic reverence and ancestor worship, 5, 13 Cosmology, 61, 64, 79, 85, 93, 99, 105, 169, 194, 218, 233, 234, 246, 250, 320, 387, 401, 449, 491, 497, 513, 514 Cultivation of the self, 50, 327, 332, 388, 479, 527, 558 Culture of Chan (meditation), The, 6 Culture of humaneness and harmony, 89

D Dao (the Way), 574–576 Daoism, 1–7, 10, 18, 20–23, 27–33, 41, 45, 47, 52, 56–59, 64, 73–75, 82, 83, 85, 89, 90, 99, 101–103, 107, 110–113, 116, 119, 124, 131, 137–143, 145–147, 152–158, 161–163, 166, 167, 171–173, 177–181, 183–186, 189, 192, 197, 200, 201, 204, 208, 209, 214–223, 228, 230, 234–236, 239–242, 244–254, 263, 264, 266, 269, 271–273, 275, 276, 278–281, 283, 284–286, 290, 295, 297, 299–302, 304–310, 312–315, 318–320, 322, 326, 327, 329, 336–338, 343–345, 349, 351, 357–359, 361, 362, 364, 370, 373–377, 379–381, 383–388, 390, 392, 393, 395, 397–399, 401–403, 405–407, 409, 415, 416, 420, 422–427, 429–438, 441–443, 445, 446, 448, 449, 451, 452, 454–457, 460–465, 467, 468, 475, 477, 478, 480, 485, 486, 490–492, 496–502, 512, 513, 515–517, 523, 532, 533, 539–551, 560, 564, 567–569, 571, 572, 574, 575, 577, 578 Daoist medical practitioner, 273 Daoist philosophy and Daoist religion, 219, 246, 250, 326, 336, 500, 549

598 Daoists of the Qingxiu School (Pristine Practice), 273 Dao of Shengsheng, The, 32 Delighting in finding sufficiency in one’s nature, 170 Deluded consciousness (manas), 37 Desire, 10, 14, 15, 19, 23–26, 36, 44, 45, 47, 54, 57, 62–64, 68, 72, 74, 84–86, 94–96, 98, 101, 105–108, 120, 144–146, 163, 164, 166, 204, 207–209, 240, 247, 259, 262, 269, 273, 275, 279, 313, 315, 331–333, 338, 340, 345, 347, 348, 353, 355, 356, 361, 366–368, 373, 382, 384, 385, 389, 404, 414, 415, 447, 450, 453, 488, 490, 491, 506, 522, 525–527, 543, 549, 577 Dharmas, 33, 37, 40, 189, 195, 196, 199, 220, 267, 274, 275, 290–295, 298, 319, 329, 343, 358, 392, 394–396, 398, 399, 402, 403, 405, 429, 481, 516, 529, 553, 554, 562 Distinguishing between righteousness and profit, 340 Doctrine of benevolent righteousness, 84 Doctrine of humaneness, 51, 53, 54, 56, 84, 208, 335, 363 Doctrine of humaneness and harmony, 51 Doctrine of Humaneness and Rites, 84 Doctrine of intuitive knowledge, 354 Doctrine of Karma, 180, 445 Doctrine of Nirvana, 320 Doctrine of qi, 86 Doctrine of ritual righteousness, 84 Doctrine of the childlike mind, 369, 373, 374 Doctrine of the Great Mind, 320 Doctrine of the rewards or retributions of good and evil, 150 Doctrine of universal love, 55 Dong Zhongshu, 9, 100, 118–124, 126, 128, 130, 136, 137, 346 Do not let Human actions extinguish the Heavenly constitution, 78 Dual cultivation of Nature and Existence, 278, 283, 378, 379, 381, 388, 405, 544 Dyadic Couple, The, 93

E Egalitarian spirit, 37 Eightfold Path, 35, 36

Index Eight Schools, 34 Consciousness Only Buddhism, 34 Eightfold Path, 35 Esoteric Buddhism, 34 Huayan Buddhism, 34 Pure Land Buddhism, 35 Sanlun Buddhism, 34 Tiantai Buddhism, 34 Vinaya Buddhism, 34 Zen Buddhism, 35 Eight steps, 13, 50, 332, 333 Elixir Cauldron School, 114 Embodied transformation, 169 Emotions, 16, 33, 35, 45, 75, 76, 85, 95, 102, 111, 163, 164, 188, 197, 213, 269, 270, 279, 318, 324, 325, 330–332, 335, 347, 356, 366, 369, 373, 389, 393, 394, 398, 414, 415, 491, 512, 520–522, 573 Emptiness, 26, 27, 32, 33, 37–39, 64, 74, 75, 77, 86, 91, 93, 102, 103, 112, 141, 144, 148, 158, 182, 188, 193–196, 201, 207, 208, 209, 216, 234, 267, 275, 279, 280, 289, 290, 293, 295, 329, 336, 350, 351, 361–363, 370, 371, 387, 405, 412, 420, 428, 430, 452, 455, 529, 557, 559, 561 Emptiness and stillness, 27, 75, 77, 86, 182, 188, 361 Emptiness of all phenomena, The, 37 Emptiness of Dh¯arma, 33, 529, 559 Enlightenment, 6, 36, 37, 187, 190, 197, 199, 200, 211, 240, 242, 243, 246, 249, 267, 269, 280, 282, 283, 288–290, 297–302, 333, 351, 352, 356, 358, 359, 378, 387, 391, 395, 397, 409, 424, 428, 442, 447, 475, 495, 501, 516, 525, 530, 544, 554, 559, 566, 573 Enlightenment at Longchang, 351, 352 Epistemology, 85, 95, 99, 105, 250, 290, 339, 489, 491, 493, 497, 502, 530 Equality, 28, 77, 143, 240, 292, 294, 295, 301, 368, 375, 380, 381, 385, 407, 418, 419, 421, 448, 461, 466, 469, 470, 472, 473, 518, 562, 566 Equanimity, 74, 93 Equilibrium and harmony, 15, 16, 50, 51, 387 Erudite scholars, 255, 467 Esoteric Buddhism, 33, 34, 288, 296, 297

Index Essence, 2, 4, 9, 11, 19, 21, 22, 25, 31, 32, 36, 37, 45, 48, 51, 56, 64, 67, 80, 84, 96, 97, 101, 105, 106, 114, 115, 119, 125, 135, 141, 156, 158, 162, 163, 174, 176, 183, 188, 197, 208, 210, 218, 242, 264, 273, 276, 279, 281, 287, 291, 293, 294, 298, 300, 314–316, 320, 322–324, 327–329, 332, 333, 338, 339, 343, 346, 352, 357, 359, 377, 381, 396, 405, 423, 432, 461, 463, 469, 476, 484, 486, 488, 490, 492, 499, 501, 505, 508, 511, 512, 516, 518, 520, 522, 525, 526, 545, 562 Essential world, 323, 328 Etiquette and rituals, 464 Excessive endeavors to perpetuate life, 66 Exegetical study of the classics, 139 Exemplary person is affable but not adulatory, The, 15 Exemplary teacher for all ages, 8 Extension, 13, 56, 154, 175, 332, 333, 347, 352, 354, 355, 357, 359, 402, 459, 479 Extension of intuitive knowledge, 347, 352, 354, 355, 357, 402 F Faith, 10, 38, 48, 115, 148, 184, 187, 188, 192, 197, 211, 214, 234, 275, 280, 294, 301, 307, 354, 416, 443, 472, 481, 509, 545, 561, 568 False Way, 371 Fangshi (Masters of methods), 173 Fasting of the mind, 76, 367 Femininity and gentleness, 61 Feng and Shan, 123, 134 Feng Youlan, 8, 10, 16, 152, 161, 168, 300, 306, 312, 313, 317, 319, 321, 357, 411, 416, 422, 465, 466, 476, 477, 483, 493, 495, 496, 498, 499, 501, 503, 504, 513 Fenshu, 329 Fictions and falsehoods, 132 Filial piety, 7, 9, 11, 13, 48, 51, 55, 56, 92, 116, 123, 125–127, 137, 141, 149, 150, 152, 156, 164, 165, 176, 181, 183, 185, 202–205, 221–224, 227, 237, 238, 243, 244, 246, 263, 268, 276, 336, 381, 388–390, 403, 430, 436, 440, 447, 456, 466, 472, 474, 536, 567, 575 Firmness and strength, 26, 27, 62

599 Five Classics, 8–10, 45, 46, 50, 51, 125, 127, 129, 134, 136, 138, 148, 152, 156, 159–161, 178, 209, 231, 232, 236, 245, 253–258, 311, 312, 343, 350, 435, 447, 449, 518, 538 Five colors, 24, 42, 92, 96, 137, 403, 477 Five Constant Virtues; Five ethics; Five Conducts, 6, 13, 84, 120, 121, 123, 127, 130, 131, 136, 154, 246, 250, 334, 348, 352, 448, 456, 464, 524 Five elements; Five Phases, 89, 92, 102, 114, 119, 124, 135, 144, 145, 273, 282, 314, 315, 329, 382, 403, 513, 575 Five flavors, 24, 52, 96 Five Masters of the Northern Song, 316 Five Material Forces, 315 Five Orbs, 106, 137 Five Precepts, The, 40, 183, 244, 295, 394, 564, 575 Five sounds; Five notes, 24, 52, 96 Folk Buddhist tradition, The, 267 Foods that rot the intestines, 97 Foremost in the understanding of emptiness, 194 Four All-Embracing Virtues, 40, 565 Four Books, 8, 9, 11, 50, 270, 310–313, 325, 326, 330, 332, 333, 335, 346, 348, 350, 354, 400, 402, 403, 404, 406, 411, 413, 435, 447, 449, 500, 513, 518 Four dimensions, 53, 118 Four ends; four buds, 53, 85 Four kalpas (or eons), 318 Four Noble Truths, The, 35 Four Seasons, 73, 78, 79, 91, 92, 101, 102, 104, 105, 119, 273, 315, 320, 322, 330 Four sufferings of birth, The, 510 Fulcrum of the Way, The, 75 Fulu (i.e., incantations and talismans), 173, 273 Function, 48, 49, 51, 64, 84, 88, 109, 118, 152, 162, 167–170, 192, 194, 201, 214, 220, 225–228, 235, 242, 247, 248, 251, 267, 269, 274, 278, 279, 294, 315, 324, 327, 334, 339, 342, 344, 352, 363, 380, 393, 394, 399, 402, 403, 440, 442, 463, 479, 481, 485, 488–493, 496, 498, 500, 526, 528, 533, 537, 554, 557 Fundamental regulator, 155 Fuxi, 41, 42, 269, 317, 397

600 G Ge Hong, 6, 26, 31, 59, 116, 139, 174–179, 216, 250, 380 Gentleness, 61, 62, 110, 141, 204, 363, 392, 562 Gewu Zhizhi (Investigating Things to Extend Knowledge), 332, 334, 338 Golden Elixir, The, 176, 182, 235, 271–273, 281, 282, 379, 387 Good and evil, 127, 150, 165, 175, 180, 213, 217, 355, 356, 358, 430, 438, 456, 527, 534 Goodness of human nature, The, 53, 85, 269, 300, 331, 354, 355, 395, 404, 516, 526 Governing a great state is like cooking small fish, 68 Governing by inaction, 68 Grand One, 93 Grand purity, 107 Grand Supreme Elderly Lord, The, 6, 19, 26, 29, 116, 464 Great beauty, 76 Great enlightened one, The, 6, 33 Greater energies [or virtues], The, 330 Greater Vehicle, The, 306, 546 Great Harmony; Great Unity, 11, 17, 18, 48, 138, 140, 301, 319, 321, 322, 418, 419, 470–472, 498, 502, 514, 551 Great Ultimate, 47, 75, 314–316, 318, 319, 324, 329, 337, 387, 403, 449, 492 Great Unification, 122, 131, 392 Great Unity, 11, 17, 18, 138, 140, 301, 322, 418, 417, 471, 472, 498, 514 Great Way, The, 18, 20, 23, 25, 59, 60, 63, 64, 67, 78, 100, 103, 105, 115, 116, 119, 148, 149, 163, 179, 181, 183, 204, 211, 215, 273, 278, 279, 318, 320, 324, 336, 358, 377, 399, 400, 401, 405, 424, 562 Great wisdom regarding life and the universe, 462 Great wisdom that appears foolish, 65 Greater Self, 67, 170, 404 Guan School, 319, 490 Guan School of Neo-Confucianism, The, 319 Guiyi Dao, 574 H Han Fei, 74, 87 Han Yu, 8, 12, 127, 252, 264–270, 286, 303, 305, 320, 327, 393, 497

Index Harmony, 8, 11, 15–18, 22, 24, 32, 38, 41, 43, 45, 47, 48, 50, 51, 53, 64, 69–71, 77, 79, 80, 89, 90, 97, 102, 104, 105, 107, 116, 118, 131, 143, 200, 221, 248, 252, 257, 268, 270, 272, 285, 293, 294, 319–321, 330, 335, 348, 367, 382, 387, 403, 406, 407, 414, 419, 422, 429, 430, 435, 441, 448, 450, 468, 470–472, 480, 485, 502, 503, 506–509, 512–515, 551, 562–564 Harmony and unity, 15, 294 Harmony but not uniformity; affable but not adulatory; multi-integration and harmony, 15, 51, 89, 90 Having no depraved thoughts, 48 Heart of emptiness, 86 Heart-mentality, 13, 26, 318, 331, 337–344, 495, 522 Heaven and Earth, 10, 11, 15, 17, 21, 24, 28–30, 44, 47, 48, 51, 57, 59–61, 63, 64, 73, 75, 77, 79, 81–83, 88, 90, 93, 96, 102, 104, 105, 111, 112, 132, 134–136, 140, 141, 144, 161, 164, 168, 170, 193, 231, 273, 274, 281, 282, 317, 318, 320–323, 328, 329, 331, 334, 335, 338, 342, 343, 347, 352, 353, 356, 358, 363, 369, 390, 402, 404, 431, 440, 449, 450, 496, 508–511, 514, 516, 520, 521, 530, 554 Heavenly Principle, 15, 313, 315, 322, 323, 325, 328, 331–333, 346–348, 351, 367, 373, 401, 404, 415, 447, 450 Heavenly Way, 21, 22, 333, 337, 338, 404, 577 Highest excellence is like that of water, The, 62 Hinayana (Small Vehicle), 33, 184–186, 293, 297 Hold fast to the Mean, 331, 332 Hollowness, 71, 158 Honesty, 18, 64, 136, 166, 177, 225, 346, 385, 414, 435, 450, 472, 524 Houtian (after heaven), 317 Hua and Yi, 56, 151 Huang (Yellow Emperor) and Lao School, The, 2 Huangdi and Laozi, 100, 101, 112, 114, 252 Huang-Lao Daoism, 31, 32, 112, 113, 119, 141, 252 Huang-Lao School, The, 18, 20, 58, 59, 100, 102–104, 113, 144

Index Huang-Lao School of Thought, 18, 20, 59, 100, 103, 113 Huang-Lao School of Thought; Huang and Lao School, The, 18, 20, 58, 59, 100, 102–104, 113, 144 Huaxia, 26, 27, 30, 42, 43, 179, 276, 293, 420, 543, 544 Huayan Buddhism, 34, 293, 305 Hua-Yi distinction, 152 Human desires, 10, 15, 313, 331–333, 347, 348, 367, 373, 415, 447, 450, 525 Humaneness regarding heaven, The, 356 Human ethics, 50, 161, 333 Human mind, 275, 289, 300, 320, 324, 331–334, 336, 338, 345, 353, 355, 366, 372, 373, 389, 399, 404, 406, 485, 509, 522, 525, 572 Human mind (the egocentricity of form and qi), 331 Human nature, 11, 53, 64, 65, 80, 83, 85, 96, 107, 121, 127, 164, 235, 264, 268–270, 299, 300, 323, 325, 330, 331, 339, 342, 354–356, 367, 372, 395, 400, 403–406, 411, 419, 454, 502, 516, 517, 523, 525, 526, 531, 537 Human relations and daily use, 161 Humaneness, 4, 7–14, 16, 18, 20, 23, 25, 43, 45, 46, 48, 51, 53–57, 63, 68, 77, 83–85, 87, 89, 93, 97, 99, 101, 107, 111, 116, 117, 119–122, 127, 128, 131, 136, 141, 143, 144, 149, 150, 152, 162, 164, 166, 176–179, 185, 190, 208, 212, 224, 240, 244, 246, 249, 250, 252, 257–259, 262, 264, 269, 276, 303, 315, 317, 318, 323, 324, 326, 334–336, 338, 340, 343, 348, 350, 352, 356–359, 363, 367, 368, 381, 383–385, 394, 401, 404, 406, 411, 413, 414, 418–423, 441, 447, 448, 454, 461, 462, 466,, 470, 472, 474, 480, 507–509, 520, 521, 524, 532, 534, 537, 539 Humaneness and harmony, 45, 51, 89 Humaneness and morality, 462 Humaneness and righteousness, 11, 12, 20, 25, 54, 56, 77, 83, 99, 101, 107, 111, 117, 128, 136, 179, 185, 208, 259, 262, 269, 315, 326, 338, 348, 352, 406, 411, 470, 507 Humaneness and virtue, 14, 53, 120, 258

601 Humanistic Buddhism, 466, 556–558, 560–566, 568, 570, 556–558, 560–566, 568, 570 Hundred Schools of Thought, The, 2, 54, 58, 80, 82–85, 89, 93, 99, 101–103, 111, 122–125, 131, 138, 141, 200, 244, 247, 251, 256, 266, 273, 311, 323, 375, 394, 413, 449, 473, 474, 497, 498, 504, 506, 507, 518, 538, 545 Hypocrisy, 20, 23, 51, 151, 164, 167, 224, 316, 372, 373, 376, 420, 525 I Ideal of the middle way, The, 37, 38 Ideal of the middle way and the ultimate harmony, The, 38 Illustrate virtue and be careful in the use of punishments, 47 Immortality, 4, 6, 21, 22, 26, 28–32, 67, 96, 113, 115, 116, 124, 133, 136, 137, 173–179, 182, 183, 211, 216–218, 229, 234, 241, 247, 271, 272, 274, 276, 277, 280, 281, 283, 309, 310, 312, 320, 377, 378, 380, 384, 385, 387, 389, 390, 403, 405, 423, 439, 440, 442, 445, 457, 542–547, 549, 555, 560, 561 Immortality Studies, 542–545, 547 Imperial Ultimate, 513 Implicitly assisting in moral transformation, 269 Impurity and purity, 316 Inactive (Yin) and active (Yang) operations, The, 47 Innate ability and innate knowledge, 53 Innate evil, 84, 85 Innate goodness, 84, 269, 298 Innate goodness of human nature, The, 269 Innate qi, 330 Inner alchemy, 26, 31, 115, 174, 218, 276, 279–281, 283, 309, 376, 378, 379, 382, 387–389, 403, 405, 422, 424, 432, 444, 545, 547 Inner sageliness, 16, 352, 363, 479, 497, 501 Integration, 2–4, 32, 34, 35, 42, 43, 47, 90, 107, 111, 140, 155, 159, 160, 172, 181, 182, 184, 189, 192, 194, 200, 224, 230, 233, 239–243, 245, 248–250, 252, 263, 265, 267–270, 279, 280, 284, 294, 305, 306, 309, 312, 327, 329, 344, 346, 348, 349,

602 353, 361, 373, 376, 377, 379, 381, 385, 387, 388, 390, 392, 393, 395, 397, 398, 401, 403, 404, 407, 409, 416, 420, 424, 425, 447, 448, 467, 469, 470, 477, 482, 491, 493, 503, 506, 512, 516, 528, 529, 532, 533, 539, 545, 556, 557 Integration of the Three Teachings, 224, 233, 239, 240, 245, 248, 344, 379, 403, 409, 545 Integrity, 7, 13, 118, 167, 191, 368, 370, 371, 414, 422, 476 Intelligence resulted in sincerity, 348 Interaction between Heaven and humankind, The, 47, 124, 128, 132, 136, 436 Internal (self) and external (things), 324 Intuitive knowledge, 347, 348, 352, 354–357, 360–363, 366, 369, 402, 404, 531 Invariable Principle of Nature, 93 Investigation of things, 13, 50, 332, 333, 341, 347, 355–357, 359, 364, 404, 479, 553 Investigation of things to extend knowledge, 333, 341 Inward way of sageliness, 84 J Jiangnan Jingming School, 376 Jiangnan School of Peace, Illumination, Loyalty, and Filial Piety, The, 388 Jiugong Dao, 575 Juexue, 410 Junzi (high-minded people; superior person; superior man), 53, 166, 450, 474 Justice, 12, 23, 109, 317, 354, 373, 414, 451, 452, 470 K kalpic disasters, 432, 433 Kaoju, Qian-jia School (School of Scholarly Interpretation), 10 Karma (Cause of the suffering), 4, 6, 35–37, 39, 150, 180, 181, 188, 197, 202, 206–208, 213, 230, 275, 363, 393, 445, 446, 454, 456, 516, 564 Karmic conditions, 37 King of Medicine, 273 Kingly way, 55 Kun, 57, 63, 282, 310, 321, 490, 492

Index L Land of nothingness, 171 Lao-Zhuang, 21, 25, 32, 422 Laozi, 3, 6, 7, 12, 18–27, 29–33, 45, 47, 52, 54, 56–67, 69–75, 82, 85–87, 90, 91, 93, 100–103, 105, 109, 112–116, 131, 136, 141, 144–147, 149, 152, 154, 155, 158, 160–164, 172–175, 178, 180, 192, 194, 197–199, 204, 208, 209, 216–223, 232, 234, 235, 241, 245, 246, 252–254, 265, 266, 271–273, 275–278, 280, 289, 290, 299, 314–316, 318, 319, 322, 336, 337, 348, 355, 357, 358, 373, 380, 382, 397–399, 401, 402, 405–407, 422, 423, 455, 475, 480, 489, 491, 492, 511, 517, 540, 548, 550, 560, 568, 569, 575, 576 Laozi and Zhuangzi, 6, 22, 24, 29, 32, 33, 82, 86, 100, 102, 103, 154, 155, 158, 161, 172, 173, 192, 204, 209, 235, 246, 253, 254, 275–277, 299, 315, 336, 357, 358, 380, 382, 401, 406, 422, 491, 511, 517, 540, 550, 560, 569 Laozi Converting the Barbarians, 146, 234 Law of the Way is its being what it is, The, 52, 90, 141, 163, 515 Lay members, 39 Laying down of arms and living peacefully, 69 Legalism, 74, 85–87, 100–103, 110, 119, 124, 178, 499 Legalists, 53, 54, 86, 98, 101, 104, 111, 124 Lesser energies, The, 330 Lesser Vehicle, The, 546 Li (principle), 9, 10, 49, 91, 117, 411, 414 Liu Yi (Six Training Skills), 8, 122, 123, 125, 346, 412, 515 Lixue, 309, 412, 413 Liyi, 329 Lofty-minded monks, 39 Longevity and immortality, 28 Love, 5, 11, 12, 16, 17, 25, 38, 43, 51, 55, 56, 62, 67, 76, 81, 87, 88, 92, 94, 97, 106, 121, 130, 131, 133, 141, 144, 150, 223, 243, 269, 276, 284, 290, 303, 316, 324, 325, 328, 334, 335, 340, 363, 365, 368, 383–386, 393, 404, 421, 424, 430, 435, 436, 453–455, 472, 480, 490, 498, 517, 520, 522, 523, 525, 542, 547, 561 Love all equally, 55

Index Loyalty, 7, 11, 13, 15, 23, 51, 55, 56, 88, 89, 94, 116, 123, 131, 141, 164, 166, 176, 177, 183, 202, 203, 208, 224, 240, 243, 246, 263, 276, 335, 336, 388–390, 395, 403, 406, 415, 421, 436, 440, 450, 452, 453, 456, 466, 472, 521, 575 Loyalty and filial piety, 13, 55, 123, 183, 203, 389, 472 Loyalty and reciprocity, 11, 131, 335, 406 Loyalty and trustworthiness, 94 Luo School, 322 Luo School of Neo-Confucianism, The, 322 Lu-Wang School of Mind, 313, 333, 335, 342, 358, 364, 397, 518, 523, 531 Lv Buwei, 89–91, 97–99

M Mahayana (Great Vehicle), 33, 34, 559, 562 Mahayana Buddhism, 33, 292, 515–517, 526 Mah¯as¯am . ghika––“Great Samgha”>, 33 Maintain heavenly principles and eradicate human desires, 415 Maintain stillness and admire softness, 26 Maintaining balance, 50 Maintaining oneness, 26 Maintaining purity and stillness, and loving the people, 67 Management of the family, 13 Mandate of Heaven, 15, 44, 85, 87, 134, 136, 452 Maternal instinct, 61 Matriarchal clan culture, 59 Meanings and principles, The, 129, 153–155, 157, 158, 189, 201, 240, 273, 540, 545, 546, 550, 556, 570, 571, 573 Mechanisms that make one lame, 97 Mencius, 5, 8, 9, 11, 12, 14–17, 44, 46, 53–56, 59, 73, 74, 73, 83–85, 91, 96, 107, 119, 124, 127, 128, 130, 131, 134, 137, 252, 259, 262, 264, 268–270, 290, 292, 298, 311, 315–319, 325–327, 334–337, 342, 343, 346, 348, 350, 354–356, 360, 364, 367, 369, 370, 372, 373, 395, 401, 402, 404, 406, 414, 415, 420, 464, 465, 470, 471, 480, 486, 496, 507, 517, 519, 520, 526, 531 Metamorphosis of the universe and the Great Way into all things, The, 60

603 Metaphysicians’ Annotations of Confucian Classics, 154 Methods of attaining immortality, 133, 136, 137, 174, 175, 276, 544 Middle Vehicle, The, 546 Min School, 327 Mind, 5, 10, 22, 27, 28, 33, 34, 36–40, 47–49, 52, 54–56, 66–69, 72, 75, 76, 80, 82, 86, 90, 97, 99, 102, 107, 109, 121, 132, 141, 147, 149, 163, 169, 171, 195, 197, 199, 210, 218, 221, 222, 227, 230, 242, 250, 253, 267, 270, 274, 275, 279, 280, 282, 284, 289, 291, 292, 294, 297–300, 303, 306, 309–313, 316, 318–320, 324–326, 330–340, 342, 343, 345–349, 351–362, 364, 366–369, 371–374, 379–382, 384–391, 394–406, 414, 418, 423, 424, 430, 448, 450, 468, 479, 485, 486, 489–491, 508, 509, 512, 518, 520, 522, 523, 525–533, 537, 538, 542, 549, 554, 561, 562, 570, 572, 573, 577 Mind and nature, 270, 312, 316, 319, 324, 332, 379, 399, 400, 402–405, 528, 533, 538, 542, 572, 573 Mind of the Way, 331–333, 404 Mind-only, 522 Mind is principle, The, 351–353, 356, 358, 397, 402, 404, 522, 523 Mind of the Way (the correctness of nature and existence), The, 331, 333 Ming, 32, 48, 138, 444 Moderation, 11, 15–17, 24, 25, 27, 53, 66, 91, 96, 272, 273, 315, 423 Moderation and harmony; Equilibrium and harmony, 11, 15–17, 272 Mohism, 20, 21, 89, 91, 98, 101, 102, 119, 141, 359, 385, 499 Moral behavior, 353, 496, 529 Motion, 63, 70, 82, 109, 162, 196, 201, 322, 324, 461, 489, 490 Mouzi, 35, 143, 147–152, 178 Mozi (Mo Di), 55, 81, 84, 91, 192, 252, 365, 395, 420, 472 Mozi’s philosophy of love, 474 Multi-Complementarity, 4 Mundane application of human moral relationships, 326, 332 Mutual integration, 90, 294, 391, 467, 539 Mutually compatible and complementary, 267

604 mutually complementary, 89, 161, 170, 247, 342, 379 Myriad dharmas are only consciousness, The, 274, 291, 298, 319, 343, 398, 402, 405 Myriad differences; Myriad differentiations, 170, 324, 330 Mysterious darkness, 169 Mysterious virtue, 23, 62 Mystery, 21, 59, 60, 127, 139, 148, 161, 175, 176, 180, 181, 211, 215, 217, 277–280, 387, 495, 550 N National cultural heritage, 417 Natural and spontaneous, 6 Nature and emotions, 330–332, 347 Nature of heaven and earth, 136, 330 Nature of righteousness and principle, 330 Neng (the ability of learning), 411 Neo-Confucianism, 11, 15, 163, 264, 269, 270, 279, 284, 293, 305, 306, 309, 312–316, 319, 322, 325–327, 340, 341, 344, 345, 348, 349, 351, 359, 360, 376, 390, 395, 401–403, 413, 414, 416, 420, 423, 438, 449, 450, 454, 461, 463, 477, 478, 482, 483, 487, 488, 499, 502, 511, 513, 517, 518, 523, 525, 526, 529, 530, 535 Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming Dynasties, 284, 293, 309, 438, 449 Neo-Confucianism of the Song Dynasty, 11, 344, 416 Neo-Confucian schools; Neo-Confucianism of the Song Dynasty, 10, 327, 399 Neo-Confucian School, The, 10, 327, 399 Neo-Daoism (i.e., Xuanxue, or Neo-Daoist Metaphysics), 153 New Daoism, 383, 549 New School of Mind, 518, 522, 523 New Text School, The, 9, 10 Nid¯ana (cause and effect), 35–37 Nine genres and ten schools, 125 Nirvana, 35, 36, 186, 187, 198, 207, 208, 215, 218, 245, 276, 288, 298, 300, 316, 320, 387, 428, 430, 454, 481, 510, 526, 553 Non-Action, Inaction, 3, 52 Non-Being, 38, 60, 155, 196, 220, 275, 278–280, 290, 387 Non-Ultimate, 314, 449 Nothingness, 19, 61, 102, 112, 148, 154, 155, 158, 161, 162, 166–168, 171,

Index 193–196, 201, 208, 234, 242, 314, 320, 397, 430, 492 Nothing (non-existence), 71 Noumenon, 64, 329, 428, 521, 531 Nourish a vast, flowing passion-nature, 54 Nurturing life, 22, 25, 177, 273, 275, 283, 543, 544, 547 Nurturing techniques; the arts that nurtured life, 26 Nvwa, 42, 43, 61 O Objective matters, 352 Observe the heart-mentality to absorb the dharmas, 343 Old Text School, The, 10 Omens signifying divine approbation, 271 One, 7, 61, 90, 199, 294, 314, 492 Opium War, The, 417, 431, 460, 463 Original Buddhism, 33 Original heart-mentality, 26, 338–342 Original qi, 105 Original Substance, 168, 193, 319, 351, 353, 355, 356, 358, 361, 366, 399, 401, 421, 489–492, 508, 516, 526, 531 Orthodoxy, 6–8, 128, 159, 252, 264, 270, 288, 295, 305, 311, 327, 336, 400, 401, 428, 430, 454, 492, 497, 498, 505–507, 531, 532, 536 Outer Alchemy, 26, 115, 175, 275, 280, 281, 283, 370, 380, 455 Outward way of kingliness, 84 P Pangu, 42, 43 Patriarchal clan culture, 59 Patriarchal traditional religion; divine reverence and ancestor worship, 5 Peace and tranquility, 5, 380 Perfect interpenetration of the one and the many, 306, 342, 358 Permanence, bliss, self, and purity, 6 Phenomenal world, 195, 210, 294, 323, 328, 492 Phenomenon, 162, 166, 197, 328, 514 Philology and exegesis, 125 Philosopher-kings of antiquity, The, 258 Philosophical connotation, 416 Philosophy of life, 32, 50, 170, 279, 283, 326, 473, 492, 496, 501, 511–516, 530, 533, 545

Index Philosophy of the Mystery, 175 Phrases and articles, 416 Polytheistic worship, 433 Practical Application, 14, 45, 54, 166, 248, 279, 313, 324, 340, 357, 364 Practice of Existence, 379, 381, 386, 405 Practice of Nature, 379, 381, 386, 405 Preservation of life, 22, 67 Preserving the heavenly principles while eradicating human desires, 15 Principle, 9–18, 22, 25, 30, 33, 34, 40, 50–55, 69, 73, 89, 90, 92–95, 104, 108, 114, 118, 119, 121, 122, 126, 129–131, 138, 141, 150, 153–158, 161, 162, 166, 170, 176, 181, 185, 189, 190, 194, 198, 200–202, 204, 207, 213, 214, 221, 225, 226, 235, 240, 242–244, 246, 255, 257, 260, 268, 273, 275, 277, 278, 279, 283, 289, 290, 294, 297–299, 305, 309, 310, 313, 315–317, 321–354, 356–358, 362, 364, 366–373, 380, 382, 387, 394, 396–399, 401–404, 406, 411–415, 420, 421, 424, 428, 432, 447–450, 456, 469–473, 475, 477, 485, 489, 491, 493–495, 497, 505–507, 512, 516, 519–523, 529, 531, 534, 536, 540, 545, 546, 548, 550, 551, 556, 557, 559, 561, 566, 569–571, 573, 574, 576 Principle-based ontology, 326, 328, 329, 347 Principle of human relations, The, 51 Priori diagram, 317, 318 Profit, 18, 24, 37, 69, 85, 91, 121, 133, 134, 151, 340, 344, 373, 453, 474, 495, 523, 525, 577 Promotion of moral transformation through instruction, The, 271 Propriety, 12–15, 18, 19, 23, 47, 53, 85, 120, 127, 136, 141, 235, 262, 272, 323, 328, 394, 404, 448, 524 Public community, 410 Pudu Dao, 574 Pure conversation, 166, 167, 172, 186, 244 Pure Land Buddhism, 35, 197, 294, 295, 298, 391, 392, 398, 425, 428, 444, 559 Purity and stillness, 20, 63, 67, 100, 101, 145 Q Qian, 57, 63, 321, 490, 492

605 Qi-based ontology, 319, 320, 322, 326 Qi (Force), 411 Qingxiu (i.e., pristine practice), 273 Qin Shi Huang, 87, 89, 90, 98, 99, 110 Qi (object), 416 Qiwu (equalization of things), 28, 164, 278, 475, 515 Quanzhen (Complete Perfection) School, 21, 22 Quanzhen School, 31, 32, 345, 370, 376–384, 386–388, 401, 403, 405, 424, 425, 443, 465, 540, 547, 549, 550 Quiescent virtue, 63 Quiet Meditation and Non-Action, 21

R Realm of mysterious darkness, 169 Real learning theory, The, 410 Reborn, 150, 294, 295, 303, 398, 427, 446, 562 Reciprocity, 11, 56, 131, 141, 335, 350, 385, 406, 432, 448, 501 Rectification of the heart-mentality, 13 Red Spear Society, 577, 578 Reducing selfishness and eschewing desires, 54 Regulation of the family, 50, 332, 480 Religion of Zaili, The, 574 Religious Daoism, 6, 19 Ren, 8–10, 45, 46, 420, 421, 447, 453, 472 Renxue (The Study of Humaneness; The Learning of Humaneness), 418 Reside in benevolence and follow righteousness, 53, 54 Resilience, 65 Respecting spiritual beings and keeping aloof from them, 88 Reverence; Respect, 136, 187 Righteousness, 9–13, 20, 25, 48, 52–54, 56–58, 63, 72, 77, 83–87, 89, 91, 99, 101–103, 107, 109–111, 116–118, 120, 121, 127, 128, 130, 131, 134, 136, 141, 148, 157, 162, 167, 179, 185, 208, 215, 224, 235, 240, 246, 251, 252, 257–259, 262, 264, 269, 270, 276, 315, 318, 323, 325–327, 330, 336, 338–340, 343, 344, 348, 350–352, 359, 370, 371, 373, 394, 395, 404, 406, 411, 415, 417, 423, 440, 447, 448, 452, 453, 456, 470, 472, 474, 495, 507, 523–525, 575

606 Rites, 8, 9, 12, 15–19, 44–56, 58, 75, 80, 83–88, 92, 98, 101–103, 107, 108, 112, 118, 120, 123, 125–128, 130, 131, 133–140, 148, 149, 154, 156, 157, 159, 160, 163–167, 177–181, 198, 202, 203, 214, 219, 225, 231, 242, 245, 251, 253–258, 262, 264, 268, 270, 296, 297, 299, 311, 313, 316, 318, 335, 370, 398, 414, 423, 428, 435, 438, 440–443, 447, 449, 453, 454, 485, 510, 515, 528, 574 Rites and music, 8, 19, 46, 51–53, 56, 75, 87, 98, 107, 123, 130, 257, 262, 414 Root/branch, 162, 239 Rule in accordance with customs, 89 Rule of law, 87, 92, 111, 124, 457, 528, 532 Rule of virtue, 12, 44, 46, 47, 87, 92, 100, 111, 118, 130, 131 Ruling by means of virtue, 12 Ruling of a state by corrective measures, 68

S Sacred teachings, 5, 7, 10, 32, 40, 285, 336 S¯akyamuni Siddh¯artha Gautama, 33 Sanlun (Three Treatise) Buddhism, 34, 35, 187, 278, 288, 290 Save the world and love others, 67 School of ecological ethics, 335 School of Legalism, 100 School of Mind, 10, 309–311, 313, 333, 335, 337–340, 342, 343, 346, 348, 349, 351, 352, 357–360, 364, 369, 397, 401, 402, 404, 518, 522, 523, 526, 531 School of Names, 98, 102, 141, 499 School of Principle, The, 10, 309–311, 313, 323–327, 329, 332, 333, 335–337, 341, 344–351, 354, 357, 358, 364, 367, 373, 399, 401, 402, 404, 406, 412, 413, 415, 493, 494, 506, 507, 512, 519, 520, 561, 566 School of Principle ; The Confucian Rationalist School, 343 School of Qi, 10, 309, 319, 411 School of Scholarly Interpretation, The, 10 School of the Military, 89 School of yin–yang, 89, 92, 119, 124, 314 School of yin-yang and Five Elements, 89, 92, 119, 124 Second sage(Mencius), The, 8, 9 Self, 37, 576 Self-attainment, 164

Index Self-consciously, 327 Self-contentment, 141, 164 Self-cultivation, 32, 50, 63, 74, 76, 85, 114, 116, 121, 140, 188, 200, 258, 267, 269, 272, 274–276, 278, 279, 282, 283, 310, 315, 318, 334, 339, 340, 341, 342, 348, 365, 373, 377, 378, 382, 383, 388–390, 393, 406, 410, 413, 423, 434, 455, 479, 510, 516, 520, 521, 549, 559–561, 576 Self-cultivation, family regulation, state governance and the universal peace under heaven, 410 Selflessness, 407, 566 Sengzhao, 35, 187, 194–197, 199, 242, 248 Shakyamuni, 6, 38, 39, 207–209, 223, 240, 242, 254, 269, 271, 285, 287, 303, 430, 431, 575 Sheng (life), 30 Shengyi, 334 Shengyi (life-giving vitality), 334 Shixue (Real Learning), 413 Shiyi (The Ten Wings), 45 Siduan (four buds;four ends), 53, 85 humaneness, 53, 85 knowledge, 53, 85 propriety, 53, 85 righteousness, 53, 85 Silk Road, 143, 293 Sima Qian, 8, 18, 19, 20, 21, 43, 59, 90, 93, 99, 100–104, 111, 117, 125, 134, 140, 505 Sima Tan, 21, 101, 102 Simple views, and courses plain and true, 63 Simplicity, 7, 19, 21, 23, 24, 31, 63, 64, 66, 68, 69, 72, 107, 116, 136, 139, 148, 156, 174–179, 192, 259, 295, 297, 315, 338, 348, 358, 366, 370, 372, 373, 385, 386, 406, 444, 456, 520, 547, 560 Sincere love (loyalty) and the love of mutual respect (reciprocity), 335 Sincerity, 11, 13, 17, 18, 23, 50, 51, 75, 83, 106, 111, 141, 187, 258, 275, 280, 290, 292, 315, 316, 325, 332–334, 342, 344, 347–349, 352, 354, 356, 357, 372, 387, 389, 390, 395, 403, 406, 472, 479, 496, 514, 520, 521, 553, 567 Sincerity of thought, 50 Sincerity resulted in intelligence, 348

Index Sinicization, 3, 7, 35, 194, 242, 288, 304, 345, 402, 437, 448, 450, 451, 477, 519, 558 Sitting and forgetting, 76 Siwei (four dimensions), 118 humility, 118 integrity, 118 righteousness, 118 rites, 118 Six arts, The, 125, 151 Six Classics, 8, 10, 48, 50, 59, 81, 82, 101–103, 117, 118, 122–124, 126, 131, 152, 164, 251, 255, 339, 346, 348, 373, 414, 416, 469, 473, 474, 513, 538 Six Classics are all history, The, 10, 348, 416, 473 Six Realms (God, Human, Animal, Preta [the Hungry Ghost], Hell, Asura) of Reincarnation, 37 Small tranquility, 17, 18 Softness, 22, 26, 27, 57, 62, 63, 65, 70, 93, 110 Soft overcomes the hard, 62, 569 Solution to suffering, The, 35 Something (existence), 71 Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism, 270, 314, 322, 390, 401, 403, 478 Son of Heaven, 8, 13, 97, 120, 129, 130 Sophism, 101 Sphere, 3, 175, 398, 478, 495, 496, 538, 539, 566, 569 Spiritual naturalism of Dao, The, 5, 6 Spiritual understanding, 148, 169 Spontaneity, 19, 23, 24, 29, 161, 163, 164, 169, 171, 275, 278, 298, 322, 356, 358, 397, 455, 489, 490 Spontaneous, 6, 21, 24, 132, 164, 169, 171, 172, 180, 193, 227, 278, 279, 282, 369, 372, 446, 544, 560 State of vacancy should be brought to the utmost degree, The, 63 Sthavirav¯ada––“School of the Elders”, 33 Stillness, 63, 162, 201, 275, 361 Stillness and Non-Action, 26 Stillness should be guarded with unwearying vigor, 63 Study of Confucian Classics, 124, 129, 131, 136–139, 141, 153, 154, 156, 158–161, 248, 311, 312 Study of nature and existence, 321 Subjective consciousness, 88, 289, 352, 353, 492

607 Subjective will, 331, 352 Substance, 101, 102, 131, 162–164, 166–168, 172, 175, 193, 194, 201, 226, 228, 229, 242, 253, 267, 274, 278, 279, 289, 299, 315, 319, 320, 324, 327, 332–335, 351, 353, 355, 356, 358, 361, 363, 366, 368, 387, 395, 399, 401, 402, 404, 405, 407, 421, 423, 424, 488–493, 498, 508, 516, 520, 521, 526, 529, 531 Substance and function; Substance–function, 194, 201, 226, 242, 267, 274, 315, 324, 327, 402, 488–492, 526 Suchness, 289, 291, 293, 299, 306, 316, 373, 388, 395, 489, 516 Suffering, 6, 33, 35–39, 61, 98, 146, 171, 172, 184, 191, 197, 211, 222–224, 235, 237, 240, 246, 266, 295, 300, 326, 384, 410, 418, 419, 427, 429–431, 442–444, 456, 457, 463, 488, 510, 516, 534, 545, 554, 561, 563, 568, 574 Sui-Tang Buddhism, 288, 301, 326 Suo (the objectives being discovered), 411 Supreme, The, 6, 8, 19, 26, 29, 33, 38, 39, 43–46, 92, 94, 110, 116, 119, 135, 159, 173, 180–182, 190, 192, 215, 216, 231, 235, 249, 267, 272, 275, 284, 313, 316, 317, 319, 320, 350, 355, 362, 376–378, 397, 433, 436, 440, 442, 445, 447, 464, 492, 509, 510, 512, 516, 546, 554, 574 Supreme sage and ancestral teacher of great accomplishment, The, 8, 45, 442 Supreme sage (Confucius), The, 8 Supreme Void, The, 319, 320, 355, 362 Su Xun, 104, 310 Syncretism, 267, 271, 305, 310, 346, 381, 390, 395, 397, 406, 426, 427, 434, 455, 526, 546 Syncretism of the three teachings, The, 271, 305, 406, 426 System of ancestral temples, 13

T Taiji (the “Supreme Ultimate”), 47, 314, 346, 433, 449 Taiping Daoism (the Way of the Great Peace), 21, 116 Taiping Heavenly Kingdom movement, 433

608 Taishang Laojun (The Grand Supreme Elderly Lord), 6, 19, 26, 30, 436, 451, 464, 578 Taiyi (Supreme Unity) school, 29, 135, 377, 549 Taizhou School, The, 20, 360, 363, 368, 371, 374–376 Talismans and Registers School, 21 Talismans and rituals, 21, 377, 380, Tangible and intangible, 320 Tang Yongtong, 40, 146, 147, 186, 187, 194, 197–199, 238, 239, 242–244, 288, 403, 466, 525, 550, 571–573 Tath¯at¯a, 289, 316, 330, 342 Teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi, 22, 102, 197, 219, 276 Ten Good Deeds, 558, 565 Tension, interaction, and enrichment, 4 Ten Wings, The, 45, 513 Textual criticism, 413, 416, 417 Theory of nature/existence, The, 269 Theory of nature; Theory of Spontaneity, The, 31, 161, 163, 164, 269, 360, 395, 522, 523 Thirteen Classics, The, 9, 125, 127, 155, 156, 253, 311 Three official gods, The, 29 Three teachings, The, 1, 2, 4, 5, 147, 152, 153, 157, 158, 160, 183, 190, 200, 201, 207, 212, 219, 220, 224, 230, 233–236, 239–242, 245–254, 263–266, 271, 273, 284, 286, 291, 295, 304–307, 309, 314, 326, 343, 344, 370, 374, 376, 379–381, 383, 386–388, 393, 395–401, 403–407, 409, 424, 426–430, 432, 437, 438, 447, 451, 456, 457, 465, 466, 469, 477, 478, 483, 485, 493, 511, 516, 532, 533, 543, 545, 550, 569, 573–576 Timely one, The, 52 True Vehicle and the Seal of Buddha-Truth, The, 268 Theories of nature/emotion and self-cultivation, The, 269 Theories of substance–function, The, 327 Theory of Independent Transformation, 167–169, 171, 172, 193 Theory of Independent Transformation (Duhua Lun), 161 Theory of nourishing life, 106, 542 Theory of Spontaneity, 161

Index Theory of Spontaneity (Ziran Lun), 161, 163, 164 Theory of the mind uniting nature and emotions, 330, 332 Theory of Valuing Nothingness, 154, 161, 166–168, 194, 195 Theory of Valuing Nothingness (Guiwu Lun), 161 Theory of Venerating Being, 166 Things must be approached from the opposite direction, 72 Things will turn the opposite direction at their extremes, 72 Thirteen Classics, 9, 125, 127, 155, 156, 253, 311 Those who follow the Way within this realm, 75 Three August Ones and the Five Sovereigns, 43, 92, 102, 104, 135, 139 Three August Ones; Three Sovereigns, 41, 148, 173, 174, 318 Three Cardinal Guides, 10, 15, 285, 335, 348, 350, 420, 465 Three dynasties, 17, 45–47, 54, 81, 93, 102, 123, 126, 344, 374, 376, 538 Three Evolutionary Epochs, 418 Three Fundamental Relationships, 120, 121, 130 Three Fundamental Relationships and Five Constant Virtues, 13, 120, 121, 123, 127, 130, 131, 136, 154, 246, 250, 334, 348, 352, 448, 456, 464, 524 Three guiding principles and eight steps, 50 Three major series of Daoist scriptures, 173 Three Marks of Existence, 35, 36 Three Mysteries, 161 Three Practices and Six Perfections, 35–37, 185, 565 Three Primary Virtues, 121 Three Pure Ones and Four Sovereigns, 6, 183, 575 Three Refuges, 575 Three Sovereigns Suiren-shi, 41 Fuxi-shi, 41 Shennong-shi, 41, 42 Three spatial Buddhas, 39 Three Strategies of Heaven and Man, 119 Three Sus (Su Xun, Su Shi and Su Zhe), 310, 344 Three teachings and six schools, 5, 21, 101, 546

Index Three temporal Buddhas, 38 Three treasures, 24, 27, 237, 567, 576 Three Xuan, 161 Tibetan Buddhism, 34, 285, 297, 392, 423, 425, 426, 454, 464, 551, 556 To cultivate the self, 51, 313, 332, 546 Tong (mutuality), 10, 421 Tongshan Society, 575 To illustrate illustrious virtue, 332 To know that unchanging rule is to be intelligent, 65, 73 To subdue oneself and return to propriety, 19 Tranquility, 5, 13, 17, 18, 19, 36, 37, 50, 63, 174, 220, 241, 275, 289, 295, 299, 300, 314, 315, 324, 337, 351, 362, 363, 366, 377, 380, 381, 382, 385–387, 391, 398, 421, 485, 491 Tranquility throughout the entire world, 13 Transforming humaneness into understanding, 537 Travels beyond the world, 161 Travels within the world, 161 Tripitaka, 34, 285, 288, 391, 392, 552 Tri-temporal Existence of Dh¯armas, 33 True Man, 75, 173, 282, 378, 381, 384, 385, 388 Twelve Almanacs, 43, 90, 92 Twelve Causes, 35, 36 Twelve Causes (Nid¯anas), 35, 36 Two Chengs; Two Cheng brothers; Cheng brothers (Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi), 10, 11, 17, 310, 323, 325, 326, 331 Twofold Mystery, 21, 277–280, 550

U Ultimate goodness, 333 Unity in diversity, 42 Unity of heaven and humankind, 273, 282, 340, 401, 507–509, 512, 514 Unity of knowledge and action, 352–354, 356, 371, 411, 486 Unity of mind and body, 318 Unity of opposites, 71, 321, 503 Unity of the three teachings, 376, 381, 405, 574 Universal liberation for all beings, 38 Universal love and mutual aid, 55 Universal principle, 176, 339, 340, 342, 362, 495, 536, 574 Unopposed, 93, 94 Unreal emptiness, 194, 195

609 Unrighteousness, 58, 235 Using the doctrines of our great land to change the barbarians, 56 V Valuing the self and preventing calamities, 73 Vinaya Buddhism, 34, 295 Virtue, 6, 7, 11–20, 22–24, 26, 33, 40, 44–54, 59, 61–65, 67, 69, 71, 76, 77, 79, 84, 85, 87, 92, 98, 100, 104, 107, 109, 111, 113, 114, 118–123, 125, 127, 130, 131, 134–137, 139, 140, 149, 154, 158, 162, 164, 176–179, 181, 183, 185, 188, 190, 202, 203, 208, 209, 211, 212, 223, 227, 233, 235, 240, 244, 246, 248, 250, 257, 258, 261–263, 272–274, 276, 278–280, 285, 294, 302, 307, 316–318, 321, 323, 325, 330, 332, 334, 335, 343, 348, 352, 365, 366, 376, 377, 379, 381, 383, 386, 387, 390, 394, 397, 403, 407, 412, 424, 435–438, 448, 450, 456, 464, 472, 473, 480, 485, 487, 489–491, 501, 505, 507, 508, 512–514, 516, 524, 528, 529, 532, 538, 540, 546, 548, 553, 561, 565, 569, 575, 577 Virtue and righteousness, 109, 121 Virtue and ritual, 11, 12, 47 Virtuous officials, 328 Visualization of thoughts, 26 W Wang Bi, 9, 10, 31, 71, 112, 140, 154, 155, 157, 158, 161, 162, 166, 171, 194, 255, 363, 366, 369, 371 Wang Yangming, 10, 349, 359, 388, 401, 411, 420, 455, 480, 520, 526 Wang’s Later School, 360 Way of Great Learning, 316, 365 Way of zhong (loyalty) and shu (reciprocity), 335 Wei-Jin Neo-Daoism; The Xuanxue of the Wei and Jin Dynasties, 154, 172, 175, 194, 326 Wen and Wu, 252 What Heaven has conferred is called Nature, 50 Wisdom, 3, 4, 6, 7, 10, 13, 19, 20, 23, 26, 27, 33–37, 39, 43, 45, 48, 50, 52, 56, 58, 61, 65, 69, 72, 74, 92, 109, 111,

610 112, 114, 115, 120–122, 127, 131, 136, 142, 173, 178, 185, 187, 190, 193, 197, 201, 243, 248, 249, 258, 260, 267, 274, 284, 285, 289, 292, 301, 309, 310, 323, 325, 326, 330, 331, 336, 340, 342, 343, 357, 358, 365, 373, 381, 382, 385, 387, 394, 395, 400–402, 404–406, 444, 448, 450, 451, 462, 463, 474, 475, 480, 486–488, 490, 491, 503, 511, 515–518, 524, 532–534, 537, 546, 551, 562, 565, 570, 573 Words of truth appear paradoxical, 71 Wu (Nothing; non-existence), 155 Wudi (Five Sovereigns; five legendary emperors; Five Emperors), 43, 59 Wudoumi Daoism (the Way of the Five Pecks of Rice), 21 Wulou (untainted seeds), 37 Wuwei (Inaction), 3, 21, 26, 52

X Xiantian (before heaven), 316, 361, 574 Xiantian School, 319, 403 Xiaokang (Well-off), 418 Xiaoren (petty man; small person; inferior people; low-minded people; small-minded men), 25, 53, 77, 121, 328 Xiaoyao (carefreeness), 28, 171, 515 Xing, 32, 309, 424, 444 Xin (Mind) and Xing (Nature), 309 XinQixue, 309, 411 Xin Xue, 10, 309 Xuan (i.e.metaphysics), 152 Xuanzang, 34, 186, 285, 287, 291–293, 373 Xunzi, 5, 9, 14, 83–89, 96, 99, 107, 119, 128, 414, 517

Y Yang, 3, 7, 21, 31, 32, 45, 47, 56, 57, 60, 70, 80, 88, 93, 102, 105, 119, 120, 126, 127, 132, 223, 245, 273, 277, 281, 282, 314, 315, 317, 321, 324, 329, 343, 379, 403, 423, 424, 449 Yangmingism (also known as the Wang School), 139, 343, 349, 351, 352, 355, 357–360, 362, 375, 389, 448, 454 Yangming’s Four-Sentence Teaching, 361 Yan-Li School, 412

Index Yao and Shun, 7, 8, 17, 45, 54, 58, 59, 79, 80, 95, 139, 148, 163, 199, 325, 331, 348, 430 Yi (righteousness), 9 Yiguan Dao, 576 Yihetuan Movement or Boxer Rebellion, 433 Yin, 3, 7, 21, 45, 47, 57, 60, 70, 80, 88, 92, 93, 102, 105, 119, 120, 126, 132, 135, 223, 245, 273, 277, 281, 282, 314, 315, 317, 321, 324, 329, 379, 403, 423, 424, 436, 449 Yin-oriented philosophy that valued gentleness, 61 Yin-Yang, 89, 92, 101–105, 111, 114, 115, 119, 124, 140, 145, 274, 282, 314, 315, 321, 322, 449, 499 You (Something; existence; being), 195, 2085 Youlou (contaminated seeds), 37 Yu the Great, 81, 331

Z Zeitgeist, 309, 360, 373, 417 Zen Buddhism, 6, 7, 35, 39, 172, 187, 193, 200, 243, 267, 270, 286, 295, 297–302, 305, 309, 310, 316, 319, 330, 332, 333, 336, 342, 343, 355, 356, 358, 359, 361, 362, 369, 373, 376, 381, 390–392, 402, 405, 424–426, 428, 454, 462, 516, 517, 550, 555, 556, 558, 565, 566 Zhang Zai, 10, 17, 319–322, 324, 327, 330, 333, 401, 404, 411, 420, 502, 503, 508 Zhendadao (Perfect and Great Way) school, 377 Zhengyi Daoism (the Way of Orthodox Unity), 22 Zhequan (negative argument), 38 Zhong yong, 9, 16, 49, 125, 311 Zhuangzi, 6, 18–25, 28–33, 48, 74–82, 84–87, 91, 100, 102, 103, 113, 139–141, 154, 155, 158, 161, 163, 164, 168–173, 192–194, 197–199, 204, 208, 209, 218, 219, 235, 243, 245, 246, 253, 254, 266, 273, 275–278, 299, 310, 315, 319, 336, 337, 347, 357, 358, 380, 382, 399, 401, 406, 420, 422, 423, 455, 479, 491, 492, 495, 511, 515, 517, 519, 540, 550, 560, 569

Index Zhu Xi, 9–11, 16, 27, 49, 310, 311, 325–349, 351, 354–357, 401, 402, 404, 406, 435, 480, 506–508

611 Zhu Xi School, 326, 327 Zishu (Books of the Early Masters), 124, 125